CB Zi}c llibrarp of ti)t ®[nibcr£fitp of i^tortfj Carolina ColUction of ilortfi Caroliniana €>i tl)c Class of IS80 UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL 0003 708894 This book must not be taken from the Library building. Form No. 471 5t^ ^ ^ ^ AN ADDRESS iy.>,v S Jf-^fx- XO THE CITIZENS OF CONNECTICDT; BY THE FRIENDS OF ANDREW JACKSON, IN NORWICH AND VICINITY* NORWICH: i. H, YOUNG, PRINTER, 1828* % ^ AT a rasaal meetiog of tho friends of Gen. Jacksow, held at the liouse of H. Doivninp. inn-holder, in iSorwicli, May 1, IH-Jb: Major SiMF.oN Hubbard was called to the chair, and Epaphras Porter, Esq. chosen Secretary. r'oUd, That (he Chairman be requested to prepare nn Address to the people of this State, and to present the same to this meeting at some future day. for con'-ideration. 'roted. That David Tracy, Burrel Woodworth, Epaphras Porter, and Stephen L'Hummedieu, F2squires, be a committee to draft resolutions, also to be i)rrsented to thi^ meeting for approbation. I'oted, That this mf etinpf be adjourned to the 13th inst. then to meet a^ CoDgdon'B tarero, at the Falls. SIMEON IJUDCARD. ChairmaD E. PORTER, Secretary. ADDRESS, Ciiizens of Connecticut : YOUR fellows in Norwich and its vicinity, who favor the election of General Andrew Jackson to the Presidency, relying on the exigencies of the times and custom of the day for their apology, presume to address you at a crisis when the high state of public excitement which has grown out of the events of the last election, has imparted to the one approaching, a character por- tending that its decision will also embrace that of the highly interesting question, Whether to man, in a state of freedom, with prosperity, and ease resulting from the absence of external pressure, it is given to duly es- timate his privileges, and to preserve them by the ex- ercise of reason alone, or that a frequent resort to rev- olution is indispensable for the perpetuation of his lib- erties ? That with us you will, on reflection, deem the sub- ject to be one of vast importance, is not to be doubted ; nor is it that our reasonings thereon will be respected, if judged to be correct; and should this, our Address, however otherwise deficient, appear to be clad with the mantle of sincerity, its claim to kindness will pro- bably meet with favor. As a voice in the weighty concern of President making has been secured to us by the Constitution, it is to us of the greatest importance that it should be uttered with understanding, and made to accord with the dictates of wisdom. To which end, while open to conviction, and willing ourselves to profit by others, we would respectfully invite your attention to the fol- lowing facts and circumstances, and the inferences that we have drawn therefrom. By sacred history it is made known to us, that the peculiar people from whom has been derived our holy religion, were, by factions repeatedly generated by the iiitrigucv^ of the ambitious, ^wsi shaken, and often ; iheii rent in twain, and made into two nations, and with feelinj]:> so hostile a^ to favor their successive suhjui^a- tion and dispersion, which fnially took phiC(» : when from their rcspeciive cities the one was taken into end- less captivitv — merged and lost anions: distant nations — and the other (hiven to ro.im and to wander, like pilgrims ami palmer^, wrticlied and forlorn, as we see to this day. We also learn from profane iii^tory, ancient and modern, that the subversion of the Tree States in Asia, Africa, and Europe, has in every instance been effected by similar means: !)einiT !)rought by intrigue, first to tactions, then anarchy, and in some instances, to des- potism, and then factions aii^ain ; the rei|[i;n of which cno have seen, and now see, (he unimportant circumstance, (the otT^piin;:; of a foolish pride,) w heth- cr the master of the hou^e lodges in the north, east, iioulh, or west chamber, made a subject of grave con- cern to many, in all parts of the union. Alas ! and has it so soon come to this, that many of the framers of our present constitution live to see the day when con>iderations, in themselves so trifling, (but which hud to strife and disunion when indulged in,) should be made by intriguers, in every section, an object of prime interest to the people? And, also, has the ♦ \il day so soon arrived, in w hich a candidate lor the Presidency, to insure success, nmst intrigue, anfl fawn, and flatter, and promise, " and become all things to all men,'' that he may gain some voic^; and wheti the quealion is, by iiitrigue, brought to the House, nuisl descend to barter for office, and be obliged to say wdio lie w ill and who he will not appoint his prime minis- ter and heir ? Yes, it may be truly said, ire hare seen all these things. Then, what obligations arc we under to posterity, (if reckless of ourselves,) to pause and ponder upon these evidences of dej)raved morals, of which it may be said in truth, that each one stands in the political fn'tnament as a sign of fearful omen I and liow clearly, when collectively taken, do they evince that misis, which have been created by the designing for iliai purpose, have arisen, to intercept the views of men, and to make dark thovc^ |)aths. by the following of which only, can oiu* liberties be perpetuated I And in these n)ists can we not discern embryo clouds of the most portentous character ? clouds, angry, hostile, and increasing, which, unless now dispersed and dissipated by an immediate and general effort, will, on being driven into rude contact by our adverse winds, pour out upon us their devastating contents, and make des- olate the abodes of a now happy, but too credulous^ and careless people ? To our minds, fellow-citizens, these dangers are pre- sented as real ; and not as the effects of a disordered imagination. And as they are not merely dangers of the moment, confined to the present time and present <:ontest, but are subjects of general interest and last- ing importance, we entreat you to give them a careful and candid examination ; but with a particular view to the coming election, to a fortunate issue of \\ hich, such examination will, in our opinion, prove to be emi- nently conducive. That to the one approaching, a vast weight of inte- rest is derived, from the circumstances attending the last election, is a truth that will not be denied ; while in regard to the character of those circumstances, a diversity of opinion is known to exist. To arrive at just conclusions in this respect, and also in the investi- gation of the grounds on which the adverse parties now present their several claims to the public, for favor in this canvass, it is necessary to trace the progress of the last, from the beginning to its end. Mr. Adams, from an usage, (but which had from the first been considered dangerous,) was placed in the situation of a candidate with a preponderating claim ; and Mr. Crawford, also, being the favorite of the prominent leaders in the republican ranks, was by them first spoken of, and then nominated by the re- publican members of both Houses of Congress, in strict accordance with another usage. These two for- ward candidates being pitted against each other, were by their opponents, each assailed in what was deemed to be their vulnerable point, although it in each case constituted the principal item in their respective claims; viz. the grounds on \\ hich they were severally present- ed to the nation : — the one from being principal secre- tary, and the other from being named by what was called a central power. In this state of things, the 8 friends of Mr. Calhoun (then in the cabinet, as was Mr. Crawlbrd also,) nominated him, as did the friends of Mr. Clay (who was then Speaker of the House) tiieir favorite. With neither of these candidates were the people satisfied, as it appears; for after sundry nominations, direct and indirect, made in dilTerent (juarters of the I'nion, by individuals, and while the partiz.ms of the other candidates u ere geitinti; up parties for their res- pective faNorites, and before they were all nanjed, the people came out in their streni;ih in behalf of one to w horn they had long before yiehieil their confidence, and on whom, from the first development of his high ability, they had rested the greatest hopes. And thus the political campaign, \n hich was to eventuate in the election of a sixth candidate, w as commenced on the one part by the peo|)!e, arrayed in the panoply of a riglui'ous cause, and supported by t'^eir honesty and gratitude ; and l)y the partizans of the other candi- dates on the other j)art, each for their leader, and armed with the strenath of the press, divided and meted out amongst themselves, and supported by in- triiiuers, mercenary chapmen, and rnana-j^rrs. This, although it may not be alt«>iieilier chronologi- cally strict, is nevertheless a fair representation, and otherwise historically correct, and offers ns ample mat- ter for just conclusions ; to arrive at which, is pre- sumtii to be the desire of all. To facilitate the object, it may be necessary, preliminarily, to obser\e: that where men are frec^ it is, in matters of u eighty con- cern to them, of th(^ first necessity to consider lluir per- ceptions — to consult their wills ; for in such cases, they caiUiOt be he(Mllessly passed, as automatons, by their leaders, or unnoticed with irnpiniity. Nur i^ it either just or desirable that they bh'juld or could be ; lor by establishing the fact, we should prove that free uoveru- nien: was at an end. T.iat Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Calhoun have ability, and woidd, either, have m. k a good JVesident, [fOtirlij drrttdy admits of no donln ; for each, at the time, was so imcxceptionable, that ilie e'rHJon of eitlier would iiave caused no more than a uiiiin^ op- position, which would have been confined to the im- mediate friends of the others, and the disappointed seekers after the " loaves and fishes." Nor could more have been effected, had a combination been entered into for that purpose. The reasons for this opinion derive their weight from the circumstance of a want of excitement on the part of the people, who had no choice, and consequently were enveloped in careless indifference. They discovered no animated perceptions ; exhibited no zeal; manifested no determined will: for, in truth, they had no more grounds for choice and preference, than they would have had for the selection of one from a dozen of similar wine-glasses, or as many cents, pre- sented them for that purpose. But were a silver gob- let added to the one, and a golden eagle to the other parcel, and the offer still continued, an interest, pro- ceeding from clear perceptions, would have enkindled B.n electrifying zeal, and produced a determined ivill ; as was manifested by them, when to the number of candidates was added one, to whom they owed a debt of gratitude for the most signal services — services, which they had from the first been desirous for an op- portunity to compensate, by the bestowment of their richest gift ; one, to whom they had yielded all con- fidence, and on whose arm they had the firmest reli- ance for protection. Then, on a just calculation, how faint were the prospects of the other candidates, with the people ! How ineffectual their strife against both wind and tide, with such feeble means! and what chance of success? Why just the same as would the glasses, in a feeble struggle, or cents, have had, in the case supposed, and no more. Nor would the chances have varied, had scores of the most perfect manufacture been added to the glasses, and hundreds to the cents, bright and fresh from the mint; nor the result been otherwise, had there been as many added to the hst of candid- ates, from those, how otherwise worthy, whose deeds had failed to quicken the public mind. But without the addition of the goblet, or eagle, the question might have been quickly settled by those who, by using glasses. 10 wrre eiiahkd to discover sonic tnflum: excellence. So. without the addition of Jackson to the list, die politi- cians nii^ht \\\\\v determined tht^ (jiiotion anioni:; tiieni- se]\e'-, uiilioiit ilisiurhinii; ilie nation. Hut not (juielly could they have settled ihc (juestion, when to the list of minor nanics a major one u as added. cNin if they had, hy art, {\v^{ uhetdled \\\r people into a momenta- ry wilderness of mind, and (hereby pained their ohject ofpromotiFiLi: a ievser. I'iien how prc^posterons to ima- iline themselves able to secure such ohject, and slide tunndfuous feeling, after hrinjiing the question to them- sejves. |)v intriirues reported to for that purpose! That intiim'cvs were resorted to, for the purpose of briuiiin^ the election to the House, is made apparent to us from the following circumstances: The lea(?ers of the parties attached to the other can- didates, it will be recollected, had at lirst labored with niiiiht and main, to encircle the brows of their respect- ive favorites with an halo of lii2,ht that would be per- ceptible to the peopl(\ But in this they failed; for the glories of Jackson, like those of the sini at the meridian, whose effulixence \\as not to be \\ ilhstood, had diffused their beniLin in- lluenccs (conlidcMice, rej)Ose. and comfort) throughout the land. Lesser lights, if orbs, were of course unno- ticed. Heuee the necessitv on the part of the less poj)- idar, to bring it uiliiin a narrower compass. To the House, then, they resolved it nuist come; being each ()\er sangiiine in their strength within that fortress wJH re intriiiue •lathers conlid( nee from example — the Adams and Clay men, in unnatural league, eonliding in *' safe precedents,'' and the Crawford men in caucus strength — while the friends of Mr. C'alhoun, either more patriotic and just, or more wise, u ithdreu his pretensions, and gave precedence to the favorite of the ])e(tp|e. liut not so did i\Ir Clay and his friends; for, after JjoldinLi a nnetinii in Washiniiton, they resolved still to hold him up before the peo|)le. Accordingly he was contimied, and untpiestionably for the sole purpose ot lessenintr the otherwise certain major vote of Jackson ; from whom he hud the pou cr, throuj^h favoritism, tu • II divert some few votes to himself, and probably to have given them to Mr. Crawford ; but not to transfer them to Mr. Adams. The consequence of this ruse de po- litique was the bringing the question to the House, by reducing the Jackson vote. And also, to it we may \, ascribe the otherwise unaccountable vote of the State ^ of New York, which was taken from the prominent / candidate, Mr. Crawford, and given to Mr. Adams, j| for the purpose of securing to him an accession of strength, at the expense of the former ; that the House might with less reluctance be brought to consummate a series of intrigues, resorted to by the leaguers, to se- cure the objects of their ambition. As it is to the actions only of diplomatists and public men, that we should look while in search of motive ; we would ask if, in the conduct of the parties in that transaction, who now sue our favor, we do not discov- er just grounds for such inferences ? and whether the same should not be deemed correct, and sufficient to govern our conduct towards them, at least so far as to withdraw our confidence, if hitherto placed, and to withhold our vote, at the coming election, if already prepared ? Although in the House, to which it was brought by dexterous management, it still required a bold address and consummate art, to surmount the obstacles which Jackson's popularity had placed in the way. The people, generally, ignorant of the extent of the intrigues, entertained no suspicion of fraud, nor doubt that their choice would be approved, their voice respect- ed, and their nomination confirmed. And Mr. Clay's own State, (Kentucky,) aware of the designs of this ambitious citizen, enjoined it upon her representatives, by a legislative resolve, to respect the popular voice, and vote for Jackson, This, which certainly was thought sufficient to insure the vote of that State, by arresting the will of the most refractory, (as it doubt- less would, had he not in his imagination previously secured an Empire, by which he could well affi)rd to lose a State,) seemed to cause Mr. Clay himself to hes- itate for a moment. And hence it is probable, that eut-of-door tools, with which intriguers within ever 12 4 take care to be sup|)licd, were employed to sound the opposite coast ; (this appears to liave been the case from Afr. Buchanan's kttcr.) But on the receipt of an unfavorabh^ n^port, ihi' original (lL'sii;n was prose- cut< (I. What that design was, the making a President of Mr. Adams bv Mr. (lay, (uho bore him all hate,) and an Hi ir of Mr. Clay, bv .Mr. Adams, (nnIio bore him no love,) renders suflicieiuly palpable ; and in it we have a true chart, bv which we may avoid the numerous shoals (intriiiue<) amonu:; u Inch we arc now end an leered, and breakers (factions) to which we are onward pressing; and to shape our course to that haven, in u liich only can the ship ol State be moored wiih safety, or anchored in security. The 2:rand objects u hich Messrs. Adams and Clay had in view, respc ctively, were made manifest by the i>sucs of the election and apjiointmcnt being in Ci^)n- formity with what had before been stated by Mr. Kremer to have been their intentions ; and from the event, he nnist certainly be supposed to liave had evi- dence of the facts he annoimced. The original design, as it appears to us, was to gain by intrifrue^ harssain, and inanai^emnit, objects which they knew could not be obtained by honorable means. This conclusion ue liave drawn from circumst^inces that impose more con^iclion upon the imderstanding, than do those u hich simply rest on Ui^al evidence ; it being similar to those impressions of guiltiness tliat oftentiuK s rest on the minds of judge, jury, and spec- tator, when a felon escapes justice, merely from the lack of legcd proof ; and it comes to us with irresisti- l)le A)rce, notwithstanding the opinion of his Honor Judge Marshall to the contrary. Here, it seems pertinent to observe, that we deem the time to have come, when it should be considered the bounden duty of every man to im|)in his faith from the sleeve or sleeves of any and every man, to A\ hich they are fastened, be the pin never so rusty from long dormanry and ("\j)osiu'e to the vapors ol other bodies ; and especially (in political (piestions ot this sort) il' they are the bodies of high judicial lunc- tionarics. For it should be recollected that {\\{:^i: guinta 15 in the laiv^ are sometimes monsters in politics ; or at least a monstrous hindrance to political justice : wit- ness the Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, to whose pro- fundity Parliament was obliged to oppose special le- gislation, to protect the subject ; also a predecessor of his honor, (whose name we hope not to take in vain) who, being a permanent^ as is his honor, (who of course stands as " an anomaly in free government,") was im- peached : that measure being the only means left to protect and ensure impartial justice to the citizen. To us it appears evident, that if the citizens of these now free states, permit themselves to be duped and wheedled out of the use of their senses, by those who would make them believe that nothing short of legal proof should induce them to withdraw, or withhold their confidence from public men, they will soon have left of hberty, that only which is not worth contend- ing for : as it is net to be imagined, that arch dema- gogues, apostates, and factionists. will lack in cunning so much as to ca^' witnesses, sign, seal and deliver, when they are trading for the Presidency, and office of prime minister, with an heirship attached to it : and especially when payment is to be made in the liberties of the people. Therefore this urging the necessity of what is called legal evidence, to produce conviction in these cases, should be considered as libellous upon our understandings, and these arrogant dictators be spurn- ed from our confidence, and denounced as unfit for of- fice, or to lead in free government. As jealousy is one of the life-sustaining principles in popular government, it necessarily follows that it should be kept in continual exercise ; for when the principle of fife ceases to act, decomposition, and the falUng asunder of the component parts, is inevitable. Hence the necessity of an unremitting watchfulness over our liberties, and the necessity for the people to scrutinize the conduct of their rulers, who should be required to appear always with a clean outside ^ and informed that when lacking therein, no protestations of purity within, will be listened to, but that an un- clean exterior will always be considered an unerring index of a foul interior, and proceeded against ac- 14 cordinglj ; and in line, tliat in dealing witli their ser- vants, (rulers,) these maxims which we have adopted, and consider as fnnrhimcnial in free iiovernment, will be rigidly adhered to, as they cannot be disregarded Avith impunity, viz. : the appearancf. of intrigue m ST IJE PUMSHED AS l.NTKKiLi: OF SIN, AS SIN DI> bKHVKS. 'J'liesc maxims having their foundation in the great law of s(^ir pn^servation, when applied to free goNcrn- mcnt, now impose upon u^ duties that are clothed with the utmost solemnity ; duties, the importance attached to the faithful prrforinancc* or criminal neglect of which, is derived iVom the weight of interests devolved upon us to defend ; being no less than all of tliosc blessings that depend on the preservation and p(M'pet- uation of our happy institutions, wiiieh can in no oth- er way be secured, than by the banishment of intrigue from our councils, and purging them from corruption. And shall we, felk)\\ -citizens, hesitate to j)erforni this, our solemn obligation? JShall we crimiually neg- lect this, our sacred duty? Let every one put these interrogatories to himself, and resolve to give the important subjects the most thorough examination. That appearances of corruption existed at the time, and that stroma suspicions of their reality now exist, no one will deny: for although iMr. Clay, u ho held the balance, was confined, in liis choice, to one of three, yet Mr. Adams, laboring under no such difficulty, had the ample field of the union spread before him, to se- lect his heir. Therefore, as he was pleased, when so circumstanced, to |)refer his enemy to all others; and as by the selection, he seemed to establish the charge of a corrupt bargain, as made by Mr. Kremcr, we arc constrained to say that it is enough to bring comiction to our minds. 'I'hen, ^/.9 the appearance of intritj^iie should be punished as intriLnte, and of sin as sin de- serves ; with wliat propriety can Messrs. Adams and Clay, or their friends, insist on his re-election .^ And how light is theirs, in the balance, to the interests of a great people; which, if tlu^ foregoing reasons have their foundation in truth, as is claimed, would, by a 15 re-election, under existing circumstances, be put tm extreme jeopard. Therelore tlie claim, from being repugnant to justice, and hostile to liberty, should be considered as abhorrent to common sense, and re- jected. To Mr. Adams or Mr. Clay, it will not boot, nor should it, to plead innocence ; for they have voluntari- ly assumed the habihments of guilt : nor to them will it avail, to plead the acts of their administration ; for these can have no further bearing on the subject now before the people, than as an apology to rescue them from deeper disgrace ; as the question, in our opinion, is, with the greatest reason, resolved into the simple one of, how came you here ? or (if they would prefer it) hoiv appears it to be, that you came into office ? And still less will it profit them to plead that they have done no more than would others, had opportunity of- fered ; unless they can prove that all the other candi- dates were prosecuting intrigues, and each for himself. Then, it would be just that it should avail them to some degree. But, as it is known, that among those who were on the list, there was at least one who would not give up his integrity, though tempted thereto by the richest offer, it is presumed that such plea will not be entered. As repubhcans, the most of us regretted that Mr. Adams was supported on the presumptive ground of his democracy, in the last canvass ; when essays, writ- ten to prove die fact by inference, were made to flood the land. And we all now abandon the ground as untenable ; for he has since informed us, through the medium of his organ, the National Journal, that he has not changed his opinions since 1798, (the reign of terror,) and further, that he icas pained to labor under the imputalion of such change ! ! ! Although this decla- ration (if late) may be thought by some to favor him as a man, yet it has failed to convince us that he is, in any point of view, so necessary to the public welfare^ or desirable a chief magistrate, as to make it necessary for us (since he has not turned democrat and come over to us, as was hoped and claimed) to turn aristo- crats, and go over and vote for him ; for we believe thai ihc conJlicung crccci^of democracy and aristocra- cy are necessarily so Ironi the structure of society, (uoi nature of tliinirs.) and nuist of necessity continue their ^vartare, till one or the other is vanquislied, and brought, to subjugation by arij^ument or experience, as no ben- efit can arise to eitlier, from examples of apostasy, vain boastings, and em|)ty dcchnaiions. But, laying aside party questions; as the re-election of Mr. Adams would in\ite intriirue, by ^iviim pub- lie sanction to that which so appears to be, it shoukl be considered as an evil of the first magnitude, and prevented if possible. To which end, were General Jackson to be removed by death, or othrrwise inca- pacitated or rendered obnoxious, it would then be- come our duty, if no other alternative was left, to go out into the " highwa} s and by-ways,'' to look up a siibsiitutc. But as the General is yet alive, (so may it please God ; also to preserve his invaluable lile, for the benefit of his country, and high endowments, so eminently ada})ted to its present wants ; as was the life of Wash- ington, and his peculiar faculties, which so befitted the times in which he lived.) we happily are not as yet so straitened in our circumstances; nor arc likely to })C, unless his wicked calumniators should succeed in their nefarious attempt to present as an object of ab- liorrence to the people, on(^ to whom they are indebt- ed for the most signal services. To oppose the wicked desiirn of disaflecting the public through a series of frauds and misrepresenta- tions, systematically pursued, we invite your serious consideration of tlie facts on which the charges rest, nm\ the circumstances then existing, which to them impart a true character. It should be borne in mind that, being called into public fde at an early age by Gen. WasliMglon, and continued th(?rein, in various stations and capacities, legislative and /pidicial, witii little inierruouon, by the people and government of his own Stale: Andrew Jackson, from that high order of mind which gives to his inllcxible patriotism and uncompromising integrity, 17 a much greater value, had won the confidence of men to a degree that has seldom been witnessed. From these conjoined circumstances, he was sohcit- ed by the government to undertake the defence of our southern frontier, at a period of imminent danger dur- ing the late war. To give tliis circumstance due weight, it is necessary to be known, that it was a ser- vice" in which the knowledge of military tactics alone, could avail but little, the possessitjn of prudence alone, still less, and if united, not much more ; for it was a service in which every thing depended on the genius of the general — on the resources of his own mind. It was a field where nothing short of those high qualilica- tions which constitute greatness both in the ueld and cabinet, and every where else where needed, could have enabled the general to command successi — to ex- ecute the high trust, and accomplish the important ob- jects of the campaign. Therefore, in the ability exhibited in the perform- ance of these important services by the victor of New Orleans, and in his integrity, since made manifest, we have in our opinion the fullest assurance of a wise, just, and happy administration of government under his auspices. To a general who has a separate command, there is ever confided, to a degree, the execution of other than mere military objects, to which the public interests may require his attention. In proportion to the dis- tance or other circumstances that render communica- tion with the government difficult, tardy, or precari- ous, the necessity for such powers is increased. From the difficulties attending that distant command, arose the necessity for the general to exercise sovereign pow- er within his limits. This power, if not coiiferred by the letter of his in- structions, was to be found, as it ever is in such cases, in the principle of self preservation, that paramount law of nature, under which the citizen-general, who valiantly fights for the liberties of the citizens his fel- lows, and especially in such manner as to evince his eagerness to finish his work and return to mingle with them again, should ever find shelter. And may a na- 3 18 tion's hatred fall upon those, be they who thev may, demagogues or giants in the law, (|)i«iniies are beneath a nation's notice,) who would deny it him. And well placed would be a nation*> hate; Ibr when the auiiior- ity ot' that lau is questioned, and the ciii/en-soldier ^vho has fought under its inspiriting influence, is ticnied protection, refused shelter, and cast without the pale of preferment, then it nuiy in truth be said, that the i/cars of the j'f jniblic are mimbend^ and her days to come but few; which is a saying, that, if well-founded, there is too nnich reason to believe would make glad many of our nominal republicans of the day. By this law, the general was commanded to preserve the common- wealth, at all hazards, and if it became necessary, at the expense of all other objects and interests; as were the consuls of Home anciently. But as he could not oth- erwise accomplish tiris important object of his trust, it became necessary to pursue the course he did ; and happy for his country was it, and still it is, that by I i- vinc goodness, Andrew Jackson \\ as, and is, a ready- prepared instrument in the hands of Pro^id('nce, to rescue the republic from past and present peril As it "was vrecsfianj, \\ became ///s/, to proclaim martial law; take care of Louallier ; remove Judge Hall; to con- vert bags of cotton to public use ; and compel the cit- izens of New Orleans to defend their own property, rather than to shamefully negociate to gi\ e it uj), as by the ignoble deed they would have surrendered the pub- lic's riu^ht in private property. And who dares contend that right r Then, by thus doing, he became entitled to the thanks and everlasting gratitude of the nation. But if, through ind)ecility of mind, he had been de- terred from executing his |)ur|>ose, by the arrogant pretensions to power assuuKMl by' these traitors in the civil ranks, then he would have been a fit object for pub/ie eensure — for national distrust. And here, as we presume, a second victory may be safely announced, by which the batth^ ground of New Orleans is freed, and for ever, from thase internal foes to freedom, who, through false interpretation of public law, and tyrannic decrees of court, would assail and battttr to the ground, freedom's fair temple ; and who. 19 as enemies, should be considered fiar more dangerous, than were the sacrilefi;ious invaders of this his fair do- main, who composed Britain's proud host, that with its leaders, was offered up by the immortal Jackson, as a sacrifice to an offended god of liberty. For when his sanctuary is invaded by traitors within, who partake, in common with their fellows, of his numerous bless- ings, there will be still more offence taken, and more of sacrifice required, to propitiate that God, the author of our liberties, in whose goodness we have a guaran- ty for their continuance, only on the condition of an unremitting watchfulness over them, which, from the nature of things, is indispensable, as by the least re- laxation in our vigilance, we hazard their loss. And are they not put to extreme jeopardy, by suffering his enemies to make the most conspicuous of their defend- ers a subject of slander, an object of disgust — nay, of dread? And do we not as a people, deserve, and should we not expect, to be punished therefor, and with additional stripes, for permitting such gross in- justice to be done by those, who, with every charac- teristic of the demagogue, seek to effect their diabolical objects, for purposes sinister, and so palpable as not to be mistaken by those who will but look while they run ? For what man of mighty arm, with this instance of national injustice and ingratitude staring him in the face, will hereafter step forth, as Jackson did, in the defence of his country, to interpose his broad shield, which, from its inscription of valor, patriotism, and in- tegrity, intertwined, makes invincible all who fight un- der its protection ? That Gen. Jackson, in his approach to the chair of state, should be considered an object of dread, we de- ny ; and for these reasons ; — first, he has not exhibited the least lust for rule ; and secondly, if he has such lust, the term of office is too lijnited to perfect any plan of lawless ambition ; for, within three years and six months, he would again hear from the people, as did the elder Adams. Hence, his being held up as an object of dread, should be considered as a tale of the nursery, to frighten rather than convince. The charge of miirtlcr, al>o, in the cases of Arhuthnot (indAmhrister, and the Six Mih'tiamoK has hern made against him who *' lias filled the measure of his conn- try's ^lory ;" and been spread tiirouiihout our union, and over the world, by tlieir grand organ, t/ic press — that engine, so multipotent in spreading lies, over wiiieli, to tlie shame of the press-mm, the administra- tion have ac(|uired so great control. On an examination of the facts, the tables will })ro- bahly be turned against tiiosc, for whose benefit the calumnies are so industriously circulated. Arbuthnot and And)rister were two British subjects, who, in })ursuit of gain, (which is the Englishman's god,) had located themselves among savages, whom they instigated to murders, by establisliing a trade in scalj)s ; yes, lunnan sculps!!! Their object A\as to extend their trade in pelts, by driving in our frontier settlements ; and when, to aceomj^lish that end, the massacre of men, women, and chiklrcn became neces- sary, the measure was resorted to as coolly as would have been any other that a prospect of gain might re- commend ; for th(^ prineij)les of humanity interj)ose no obstacle to the calls of avarice with such miscreants, and it is to the diabolic influence of such renegadoes that we must impute the most of Indian massacre. Upon these men (now the subject of hy|)ocritical la- ment) were found nearly tiro hundred scalps ; for \\ hich they had paid the Jndiansin beads, blankets, rum, fire arms, annnimition, and e\ery thing else adapted to the foul trade: including the still more ap|)ropriatc lomahawk and scalpiim-knij^. They were doomed to death, for an example of ter- ror ; and \\\\\\ as much justice and reason, (as ap|)ears to us mortals,) as was the Amalekite whom Samuel hewed doirn ; for, by a single glance into futurity, General Jackson foresaw the consc(|uences of an es- cape from punishment, after such iiorrid evidence of guilt as the scalps presented, lie foresaw that lenity in this case would encourag(' such ruthless worshippers of mammon, to extend the ravages of the desolating tomahawk and scalping-knife. Therefore the iufVic- tion of death became a duty of the mo-it im])erious ^1 nature; and had the general liesitatcd to perform it, he would then have justly merited censure. Look at these circumstances which so characterize that transaction, you that have wives and children, and also you who have but the lesser dehght of icjoldng upon the innocents who make more happy your neigh- bor's lot ; and then ask yourselves if the general is not to be applauded rather than censured, for that act ; and also, if those who now labor so hard to make him a subject of abhorrence therefor, are not with justice to be suspected of sinister motives and base designs, that render them unworthy of confidence ? And now, fellow-citizens, let us look with an impar- tial eye to the case of the six militiamen ; those ''-poor imiocents,^^ who, enshrouded and encased in their res- pective coffins, are now going the rounds from house to house, uttering the most d: lorous lament, (especial- ly the priest,) while soliciting votes and favor for Messrs. Adams k. Clay ; which appears to be their only object. They were in the service of the United States, and were of course liable, if they transgressed, to such punishments as the laws imposed. In the solemn sea- son of war, the duties of the citizens generally, become the more imperative — of the citizen-soldier, the most so ; for to him is confided the public defence. Therefore, as we so much on them rely, it cannot be admitted, nor should it be, that our militia, when in the service of government, are entitled to the immunities of mere partizan corps, as are the cossacks of the Don, when attached to, but not incorporated with, the Russian armies. For were it the case, we might say of our militia, ''it is loorse than worthless,'^'' These men, being the ringleaders of about two hun- dred, wdio were guilty of both mutiny and desertion, were condemned, and sentenced to die, by a court martial. This sentence, when approved by the gen- eral, who was at a distance, was carried into effect by a public execution. (We notice the fact of the gener- al's absence, merely as a fact, but with no view to im- press the belief that, if present, it would have been etherwise.) The trial, condemnation, and execution, 07 ^vcrt' in conformity to the laws; ot' the existence of which the mutineers were not ignorant. For deser- tion ah)nr, they would have been coii(h nuKMl : and when to liiai the far greater crime of. sedition was ad- ded, to nothing but a culpable neglect of duty could a pardon have been attributed. 'I'hcrefore we imagine it to be ini|)ossib!(% notu iihstanding the dejiendenec that has been j)la(ed upon them, for this sable corps of tleetioneering j)oliticans (although disinterred for that purpose) to obtain for Messrs. Adams k. Clay, from men of underManding, a solitary vote, or the least of favor, by their habiliments of ivoc — their isricvous dole, — or tears of blood. We will not insult your understandings, fellow-citi- zens, by speaking of Mrs. Jackson ; whom we believe to be an amiable lady and a sincere Christian. For as the constitution has devolved no power upon the peo- j)le to nrakc a Lady-Presidentia, and as the laws of the land give to every man. (even including the President of the United States) the right to select a companion for hiniiclf; the intruding upon you the subject, would, in our opinion, be a libel upon the faculty of common bcnse ; which, although a \\ rong daily committed upon you by those who arrogate tlic right to teach you what to believe and how to vote, we deem to be as unjust in politics, as it is confessed to be in morals, notwithstan- ding that the highest official example is set us to the contrary. Of the irritable temper of which his opponents speak, t\e know nothing, believe nothing, nor eai-e any thing ; for it is known that he has associated with his fellow- men in imj)ortant civil coneerns, but not known that lie has exhibited an iiraseibility, unbrookable by his associates. And we also know that he has consorted with men in military affair>, and from the astonishing results produced, w (? must believe that a eordialitv ex- isted. These are circumstances which forbid the idea, ;ind })ro\(,' the charge to be a calumny. His being a ^' military chieftain,'' although not yet imputed to him as a crime, that we have lieard, is nev- ertheless insisted on as a rimimstaiicc, that in itself oj)poscs a suflicicnt barrier : j his election, if no other 25 objection existed. That this idea is held up as a fright- ful image, and only to terrify the weak, we believe ; yet vye would oppose to the chimera a true picture. That Gen. Jackson is a military man, all will agree ; that he also is one of high renown, is a truth that his enemies (though somtthing loath) are obliged to admit. But that he should therefore be incapacitated for civil rule, we deny : for the Lord God himself is said to be A MAN OF WAR, and Joshua, Gideon, Jcptha, and Da- vid, in the early, and the Maccabees, in the later days of Jewish history, were all eminent men in the field ; yet they administered just rule, as in later times did Alfred of England, and Henri Quatre of France. These were all mighty men of valor, and were chosen, each in his turn, to be the armor-lDearer of God ; as was Washington in our fathers, and as, in our time, has Jackson been ; who, as had the others, each in his day, has of late wielded the sword of the Lord, which is ever the sword of mercy ; while the sword, when pla- ced in the hands of lesser men, infuriated by their de- feats in intrigue, ever becomes the desolating sword ofivrath. Such it was in the hands of Absalom — of those factionists who gave up Samaria and Jerusalem, each in their turn, to the invader — of those who brought Rome to convulsions, and the necessity of re- sorting to the powerful arm of Caesar, for protection and repose ; and of those who afterwards brought up- on her that " scourge of God," who, beneath the ever- lasting floods, now finds that rest, which otherwise would have been denied his mouldering bones — of those who drenched England in blood, spilled in de- fence of the white rose and red — of those who brought France to the necessity of calling Bonaparte from Egypt, to rescue her from annihilation, and erasure from the map of Europe. All of these evils may be ascribed to the ambition of those who, from lack of qualification to win the empire of hearts, by deeds of patriotic valor, sought to obtain rule over the bodies and minds of men, by cunnitig and force. They were evils, brought upon their respective nations by such shallow, yet obtrusive and presumptuous politicians, as free governments particularly abound in, and of 24 siich ns wc ourselves have* no great lack ; beinir, as props, too feeble to sustain ; but as sappers, powerful to undermine, and bring eni])ire to ruin witii n\jghty crash. This, fellow-citizens, is no clnmero conjured up to intimidaie ; but it is a true image, and nrade palpably so from history, which teaches us that it is the domi- neering demagogue that shoidd be held up as an object of dread to the people, ratlur than a *' military chief- tain." It also teaches us that its warninirs are not to be neglected with impunity. Having examined the charges which have been made against Andrew Jackson, to j)rove him disquali- fied for tlie Presidency, and proved their falsity, as is trusted, to yom* satisfaction ; and also, as we hope, obviated the objection to his high military character, and shown the distinguishing marks by which the sirord may be know n to be either an object of terror or th'sirt ; we would now call }om' attention to some circumstances which, in om* o|)inion, tend to show that he is not only eminently cjualiiied to execute the high triLst, but also that, at this time, he is the only man in the nation, (of whom we have any know- ledge,) who can with reason be imagined to be capa- ble of giving security to oiu' in^aluabIe institutions. On bringing to recollection the fact that we have no special promise for protection against the conse- quences of oin* own errors and sins ; it must come with force to the minds of a moral and religious people, given to habits of reflection, (as we claim to bt%) that if we indidge in what has been the bane of other na- tions, it will prove to be our own. And when we fur- ther tax our memory, and call to mind that we in scri|)ture read that tlie errors of rulers are sins for which (iod punishes nations; we shall find ourselves under the greatest of obligations to look to and cor- rect the errors of ours. Nor can we neglect this duty without calling into question our pretensions to rejec- tion ; or absolve ourselves from its discharge on the plea of interest, symj)atliv, or antipathy, without for- feiting our claim to both religion and morals. ■25 It has not escaped an intelligent community, that the prosperous ease which we have so long enjoyed, has produced a listlessness as regards the morality or immorality of measures, pursued in the management of public affairs f or that it is a circumstance that, by favoring, has given confidence to the workers, and extent to the works of corruption, and has of course brought upon us the necessity of an Augean labor. But where, except to Tennessee, can we look for an Hercules ? That General Jackson's popularity (as was that of Washington) is the necessary consequence of that confidence which only those who protect us in the hour of peril can obtain, will not be denied. The ex- tent to which he lives in hearts, (for he has not lost one,) will appear from recollections of the last canvass. Then there were but three or four papers in the Union (and not one in Washington) that supported his cause ; while there were (as was the difference at a certain period, between the prophets of the Lord and Baal) as many hundreds arrayed against him. Yet he had a far surpassing vote, and would have had a major one, were it not that a master stroke of policy (before no- ticed) was resorted to for the purpose of preventing it. This shows him to be a strong man indeed ; for it is only those who the people will so to be, that are real- ly strong : which in our apprehension, is an important circumstance, and one that is not sufficiently attended to, though it appears to have arrested Mr Adams's at- tention ; for he once, while impressed with its weight, expressed regret that there was no constitutional pro- vision, by which he could refer the question of the elec- tion back to the people. That these impressions were so soon effaced, that he forgot to invite, by message, an amendment to that effect, militates not against the belief in their existence at the time ; nor is the circum- stance further important than to urge upon us the conviction, that Mr. Adams labors under a malign influence, by which he is hindered from acting as his conscience dictates. As it is apparent to all, that intrigue pervades tl||e * whole body politic, ay(( as ^\ i| .t^)|^c:)^i|g;lglmQl^i^^ \ '^ • , , 26 alnnc that a nation can be exalted, and as this is a text ^\liioli is made |)eeuliarly ajiplicahle to us, Ironi tlic ex- treme delicacy of our system, before alluded to ; it now behooves us to purifv our council, (those corrufU foun- tains,) that \\v may drink pure waters, and live. To which end, it has also become necessary for us to em- ploy some man of mii^ht, and of intefi;rity, to stop those currents of corruption, (uliich, setting from \\'a>hing- ton, extend to every limit,) and rescue us from the breakers to wliich they are onsetting us. But where shall we look for that man, \\ Iio, steadfast himself amidst political gamblers, traders, and brokers, will, like Job, maintain his integrity ? To this question, the answer is readily made, by the simultaneous turn of every eye to the Hcrmitasfc ; where, in that illustri- ous personage, the Fitrmrr of Tcjinessrc, who so with- stood temptation in Washington, we behold one, and he a solitanj, who with strength of arm and heart of integrity combined, stands our only ho|)e for protec- tion against the torrents of corruption, by which the temple of liberty is alreadi/ pullidcd, and the assaults of faction, by which the Ibrtress of freedom is threat- ened with demolition. To the del'ence of the high trusts committed to our charge, tor the benefit of hitest posterity, by our ances- tors, who sealed the deed with their blood, we, fellow- citizens, are bound bv the most sacred of duties; and to the perlbrmance of w iiich, as the oidy means of averting the most fatal consequences of neglect to om- selves, we are urged by the warniuiis of iiistory and revelation, which unite to proclaim from the (lod of .Justice, who is the God of Nature, this, his high com- mand : Arise, ye hitherto favored people ! arise, and pm-ge ye yourselves from the great sin of 1825! For why sliould you, by sanctioning the same, partake thereof, and die? SIMEON HUBBARD, Chairman. Epaphras Porter, Secrctarj/. Congdon's Tavern, 13tb May, 1828. THE foregoing Addres«?, being read and approved, was ordered to be printed, accompanied by the following resolutions; which were unanimously pa)*sed : Resolved, That the Presidency of these United States should be held as the most sacred interest ; and as such, not to be contamina- ted by the usages of barter .md trade, nor scandalized by intrigue, or debased by bringing it down to the jarring interests of man^ inci- dent to a people whose extensive em[>ire embraces every climate. Resolved, That the President of liiese States should be the man of the people, and of the whole people, and not the chieftain of a section, or the partizan of a particular interest. Resolved, That a candidate for the Presidency, if worthy of the trust, will not make it known whom he intends to appoint to office, if elected ; nor suffer himself to be interrogated on that subject. Resolved, That Andrew Jackson, of Tennes*?ee, is entitled to the first office in the Republic, for important services performed in the time of her greatest need ; and that his integrity and singleness of heart still further recommend him, as an object of national trust, and worthy to be supported for the Presidency, by a reasoning as well as a grateful people. Resolved, That John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, is worthy of the people's support for the Vice Presidency, at the ensuing election, from havir)g, in the last canvass for President, when a pro- minent candidate himself, given place to one more favored, oa the first manifestation of the people's voice ; thereby evincing a due submission to the will of the people, without which no man, howev- er otherwise qualified, is worthy of rule in free States. Resolved, That we admire the consistency of John Quincy Ad- ams ; we believe his political sentiments to be the same now, that they were in 1800 — decidedly opposed to republican government. Resolved, That we had, previous to the last Presidential elec- tion, full confidence in the political integrity of Henry Clay. Resolved, as the unanimous sense of this meeting. That the charge of bargain and intrigue between Clay and Adams, at the last Presidential election, has been clearly estabWshed by the recent in- vestigation, had before the Senate of Kentucky. Resolved, That Henry Clay, as a dangerous man, and destitute of integrity, is unworthy the confidence of republicans. Resolved, That J. Q. Adams, although not to be condemned, as was Absalom, for stealing the hearts of the people, yet he is to be censured for appointing foreign missions, during a recess of Con- gress, and of course without the consent of the Senate ; whose voice therein, being of constitutional right, was necessary to sanction the measure. Therefore, we deem him to be unworthy of the people's support. SIMEON HUBBARD, Chairman. Epaphius PorteR; Secretary. V \^ ^