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Indian Wars in North Carolina 
 
 1663^1763 
 
 By 
 E. Lawrence Lee 
 
 Associate Professor of History 
 The Citadel 
 
 A Publication of 
 
 The Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission 
 
 Box 1881, Raleigh, North Carolina 
 
 1963 
 
Indian Wars in 
 North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
Indian Wars in 
 North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 By 
 
 E. Lawrence Lee 
 
 Associate Professor of History 
 The Citadel 
 
 A Publication of 
 
 The Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission 
 
 Box 1881, Raleigh, North Carolina 
 
 1963 
 
TO 
 LARRY AND JAMES 
 
THE CAROLINA CHARTER TERCENTENARY 
 COMMISSION 
 
 Hon. Francis E. Winslow, Chairman 
 
 Henry Belk 
 
 Mrs. Doris Betts 
 
 Dr. Chalmers G. Davidson 
 
 Mrs. Everett L. Durham 
 
 William C. Fields 
 
 William Carrington Gretter, Jr. 
 
 Grayson Harding 
 
 Mrs. James M. Harper, Jr. 
 
 Mrs. Ernest L. Ives 
 
 Dr. Henry W. Jordan 
 
 Mrs. Kauno A. Lehto 
 
 James G. W. MacLamroc 
 
 Mrs. Harry McMullan 
 
 Dr. Paul Murray 
 
 Dan M. Paul 
 
 Dr. Robert H. Spiro, Jr. 
 
 David Stick 
 
 J. P. Strother 
 
 Mrs. J. O. Tally, Jr. 
 
 Rt. Rev. Thomas H. Wright 
 
 Ex-Officio 
 
 Dr. Charles F. Carroll, 
 Superintendent of 
 Public Instruction 
 
 Robert L. Stallings, 
 Director, Department of 
 Conservation and Development 
 
 Dr. Christopher Crittenden 
 Director, Department of 
 Archives and History, 
 Secretary 
 
 The Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission was established by 
 the North Carolina General Assembly to "make plans and develop 
 a program for celebration of the tercentenary of the granting of the 
 Carolina Charter of 1663 . . ." As part of this program the Com- 
 mission arranged for the publication of a number of historical 
 pamphlets for use in stimulating interest in the study of North 
 Carolina history during the period 1663-1763. This publication is 
 part of that project. 
 
 Raleigh, North Carolina, 1963 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter Page 
 
 I The Land of the Indians 1 
 
 II The Indians of North Carolina 3 
 
 III Early Indian Wars 1663-1711 14 
 
 IV The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell 
 
 Expedition 1711-1712 21 
 
 V The Tuscarora War; The Moore 
 
 Expedition 1712-1715 32 
 
 VI The Yamassee and Cheraw Wars 1715-1718 39 
 
 VII The Decline of the Coastal Plain 
 
 Indians 1718-1750 46 
 
 VIII The Catawba Indians of the Piedmont Plateau 51 
 
 IX The Cherokee Indians of the 
 
 Western Mountains 57 
 
 X The French and Indian War 64 
 
 XI The Cherokee War; the Beginning 72 
 
 XII The Cherokee War; the End 81 
 
 XIII The End of a Century 91 
 
The Cherokee Chief Cunne shote, in 1762. 
 (After Parsons. Courtesy of D. I. Bushnell, Jr.) 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 The Land of the Indians 
 
 Many years ago North Carolina was a battlefield on which 
 its native people fought to survive. The greater portion of 
 this struggle took place in the century between 1663 and 
 1763. At the beginning of this period North Carolina be- 
 came an English colony when King Charles II granted it to 
 eight of his loyal followers, the Lords Proprietors. It was 
 then an almost unbroken forest that stretched westward from 
 the sea coast over the low and flat Coastal Plain; across the 
 rolling hills of the Piedmont Plateau and up and over the 
 lofty mountains of the west. At the time of the grant to the 
 Lords Proprietors, a few white settlers had already begun to 
 come into the area. To them, and to others who followed 
 for many years thereafter, this forest was both a friend and 
 a foe. On one hand, it provided timber and fuel, food and 
 medicine, and many other things necessary to life. When 
 cleared, it also provided land for cultivation. But endless 
 toil was the price of a share of this treasure of nature. 
 Courage, too, was needed, because the forest also sheltered 
 the native Indians, to whom it had long been a home and 
 who were not willing to have it taken from them. 
 
 Within the forest the Indians lived a primitive life in 
 which they depended on nature to supply their simple needs. 
 Suddenly, they were confronted with a more complicated 
 way of life known as Western Civilization which the whites 
 brought with them from Europe and which they sought to 
 transplant on American soil. The ways of life of the two 
 races were too different for one race to accept that of the 
 other. As a result, a struggle over possession of the land 
 followed. In this struggle, it was the good fortune of the 
 
2 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 whites that their advanced civilization was the more power- 
 ful. It was the misfortune of the Indians that the more ad- 
 vanced civilization was also the more destructive. Before the 
 relentless white tide, the Indians were eventually crushed, 
 but not before they had shed their own blood and the blood 
 of countless whites. To the very end, the Indian fought to 
 save his home and his people. 
 
 In his struggle for survival, the Indian has emerged as a 
 savage villain. In part, this is because certain of his prac- 
 tices were cruel and barbarous when measured by the stand- 
 ards of Western Civilization. In part, it is because the story 
 of the conflict between the two races has been told by white 
 men who alone possessed a written language to record it. 
 The story has become distorted because those who recorded 
 it were generally too close to the horrors of the conflict to 
 view the enemy with sympathy and understanding. Never- 
 theless, it is a story that can be seen in its true proportions 
 only with some knowledge of the Indians as human beings. 
 Fortunately, from the pens of certain writers of the time we 
 are able to learn something of these people and of their way 
 of life. Among the earliest of these writers was John Lawson, 
 naturalist and historian, who lived and travelled among 
 them. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Indians of North Carolina 
 
 When Europeans first arrived in North Carolina there 
 were only three important tribes, or nations, in the region. 
 In the order of their size they were ^th£_Cherokee of the 
 western mountains, the largest; the Cata wba N ation of the 
 Piedmont Plateau and the Tuscarora of the Coastal Plain. 
 The Cherokee and Tuscarora were members of the Iroquoian 
 language group while the Catawba were Siouan. As settlers 
 moved westward from the coast they came into contact with 
 these tribes at different times and, because of their location, 
 the Coastal Plain Indians were the first to attract attention. 
 In addition to the Tuscarora, the natives of this region in- 
 cluded several small tribes that were important only because 
 they existed at a time when the white settlers were also few. 
 
 About 1660, the Coastal Plain Indians numbered approxi- 
 mately 30,000. About a half century later, rum, small-pox 
 and intertribal warfare had reduced them to no more than 
 5,000, which was about the same as the white population 
 of the time. From John Lawson and other sources we learn 
 something of the distribution of the Indian population about 
 1710. The largest tribe, the Tuscarora, numbered about 
 4,000 persons, including between 1,200 and 1,400 warriors. At 
 some unknown time in the past, they had separated from 
 their kinsmen, the Iroquoian Five Nations Confederation 
 in the north, and at Lawson's time they occupied an extensive 
 inland area stretching from the upper Neuse northward to 
 the Roanoke River. They also hunted as far south as Cape 
 Fear. A few miles to the south of the Tuscarora the Woccon, 
 a Siouan tribe of about 350 persons, lived, and to the north- 
 ward there were about 150 Meherrin Indians, an Iroquoian 
 
4 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 tribe living along the Meherrin River. Eastward, and ex- 
 tending southward from the Virginia border to the Neuse 
 River there were several Algonquian tribes, members of a 
 separate language group with a total population of perhaps 
 500 persons. The Chowanoc, Pasquotank, Poteskeet and 
 Yeopim, about 200 in all, lived above the Albemarle Sound. 
 The remaining 300, members of the Pamlico, Hatteras, 
 Matchapunga and Bay, or Bear, River tribes were located 
 below the Sound. The Neusioc and Coree, Iroquoian tribes 
 located on the Neuse River and Core Sound, had a com- 
 bined population of about 125 people. Farther to the south- 
 ward the Cape Fears, a Siouan tribe of about 200 members, 
 lived along the lower Cape Fear, but were considered South 
 Carolina Indians. 
 
 In addition to the Indians who lived on the Coastal Plain 
 there were also outside tribes which came in from time to 
 time to make war on the local natives. Of these invaders, 
 the most feared were warriors of the Five Nations Confedera- 
 tion of New York, usually identified as the Seneca, the name 
 of a member tribe. The Shawnee of the north and west 
 were also frequent and destructive visitors. 
 
 In the beginning, the Indians usually welcomed the 
 Europeans as friends with whom they could share the land. 
 Too late to save themselves, they realized the whites did not 
 wish to share but to possess alone. The Lords Proprietors 
 repeatedly urged the colonists to cultivate friendly relations 
 with the natives, but the colonists refused to follow the ad- 
 vice. Strange to say, they came to look upon the natives as 
 intruders even though, as John Lawson wrote, "We have 
 abandoned our own Native Soil, to drive them out, and 
 possess theirs." The whites also looked upon the Indians 
 "with Scorn and Disdain, and think them little better than 
 Beasts in Human Shape." Far from being "Beasts in Human 
 
The Indians of North Carolina 
 
6 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 Shape," the natives were fine specimens of humanity who 
 were described by their friend, Lawson, in the following 
 words: 
 
 The Indians of North-Carolina are a well shaped 
 clean-made People, of different Statures, as the Euro- 
 peans are, yet chiefly inclined to be tall. They are a 
 very straight People, and never bend forwards or stoop 
 in the Shoulders, unless much overpowered by old Age. 
 Their limbs are exceeding well shaped. Their Bodies 
 are a little flat, which is occasioned by being laced 
 down to a Board in their Infancy . . . Their Eyes are 
 black, or of a dark Hazel; The White is marbled with 
 red Streaks, which is ever common to these People . . . 
 Their [skin] Colour is of a tawny, which would not be 
 so dark did they not dawb themselves with Bear's Oil, 
 and a Colour like burnt Cork. This is begun in their 
 Infancy and continued for a long time, which fills the 
 Pores and enables them better to endure the Extremity 
 of the Weather. They are never bald on their Heads, 
 although never so old, which I believe, proceeds from 
 their Heads being always uncovered, and the greasing 
 their Hair, so often as they do, with Bear's Fat, which 
 is a great Nourisher of the Hair, and causes it to grow 
 very fast. Amongst the Bear's Oil (when they intend to 
 be fine) they mix a certain red Powder, that comes from 
 a Scarlet Root . . . With this and Bear's Grease they 
 anoint their Heads and Temples, which is esteemed as 
 ornamental . . . Their Eyes are commonly full and 
 manly, and their Gate sedate and majestic . . . They are 
 dexterous and steady, both as to their Hands and Feet, 
 to Admiration. They will walk over deep Brooks and 
 Creeks on the smallest Poles, and without any Fear or 
 Concern ... In Running, Leaping or any such other 
 Exercise, their Legs seldom miscarry and give them a 
 Fall; and as for letting anything fall out of their Hands, 
 I never yet knew one Example. I never saw a Dwarf 
 amongst them, nor but one that was Hump-backed. Their 
 teeth are yellow with Smoaking Tobacco, which both 
 
The Indians of North Carolina 7 
 
 Men and Women are much addicted to . . . They have 
 no Hairs on their Faces, (except some few) and those 
 but little . . . They are continually plucking it away 
 from their Faces by the Roots ... As there are found 
 very few, or scarce any, Deformed or Cripples amongst 
 them, so neither did I ever see but one blind Man; 
 and then they would give me no Account how his Blind- 
 ness came . . . No People have better Eyes, or see better 
 in the Night or Day than the Indians. Some alledge 
 that the Smoke of the Pitch-Pine which they chiefly 
 burn, does both preserve and strengthen the Eyes . . . 
 They let their Nails grow very long, which they reckon, 
 is the Use Nails are designed for, and laugh at the 
 Europeans for paring theirs, which, they say disarms 
 them of that which Nature designed them for. They 
 are not of so robust and strong Bodies as to lift great 
 Burdens, and endure Labour and Slavish Work, as the 
 Europeans are; yet some that are Slaves, prove very 
 good and laborious; But of themselves, they never work 
 as the English do, taking care for no farther than what 
 is absolutely necessary to support Life. In Traveling 
 and Hunting, they are very indefatigable, because that 
 carries a Pleasure along with the Profit. I have known 
 some of them very strong; and as for Running and Leap- 
 ing, they are extraordinary Fellows, and will dance for 
 several Nights together with the greatest Briskness imag- 
 inable, their Wind never failing them. 
 Other writers generally agreed with Lawson as to the 
 physical characteristics of the Indians though some described 
 their skin as reddish-brown or copper. The description of 
 the Cherokee complexion as olive might have been due to 
 an illusion created by their practice of pricking gunpowder 
 into their skins to produce decorative patterns. The Chero- 
 kee, like certain other tribes, also had a distinctive hair style 
 to identify their tribal connection. The Cherokee men 
 plucked or shaved all the hair from their heads except for 
 a tuft on the back which was decorated with beads and 
 
8 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 feathers and such. These variations, however, were differ- 
 ences in detail only, and one early writer who was familiar 
 with the various tribes said of them, "there is but little 
 diversity with respect to complexion, manners, or customs." 
 
 The Indians of North Carolina were agricultural people 
 who also depended on hunting and fishing. To follow these 
 pursuits, each tribe occupied as much land as it needed or 
 could hold. The tribal land, or "nation," was the common 
 property of all the members with specific areas allocated to 
 the various towns in which the people lived. They were 
 located on the banks of streams which were useful for travel, 
 fishing and other purposes. These towns varied in size from 
 a few to 200 or more houses and each had a state, or town 
 house for religious and other ceremonial uses. The larger 
 towns sometimes extended over an area of several miles with 
 the buildings scattered among fields and orchards. The cul- 
 tivation of the fields was the responsibility of the tribe, and 
 the work and the harvest was shared. Corn was the principal 
 crop but various types of vegetables were also grown. In 
 addition to the common fields, each family had its own small 
 plot, or garden, upon which its dwelling stood. Among the 
 eastern Indians the dwellings were frames of poles covered 
 with bark. Those of the Cherokee in the more rigorous 
 climate of the western mountains were covered with clay. 
 
 While the cultivation of the fields was the main occupation 
 during the warm months, hunting was the principal activity 
 during the winter months. Hunting was sometimes done 
 individually or in small parties, but it was often carried on 
 in the nature of a large expedition. The most expert young 
 men were chosen for the actual hunting while the less capable 
 young men and the young women went along to serve the 
 hunters. The old people were left behind to care for the 
 town. In the autumn of the year, as soon as the leaves had 
 
The Indians of North Carolina 9 
 
 fallen and the woods were dry, the hunting parties went 
 out and sometimes stayed for many days. At a chosen place 
 the woods were set afire and the deer and other game were 
 driven into a restricted area and killed with ease. The use 
 of fire in this manner was destructive to the woods and en- 
 dangered property when carried on near the settlements. 
 Consequently, it was a source of friction between the Indians 
 and the whites. Nevertheless, hunting provided additional 
 food for the people and the surplus meat, along with grain, 
 vegetables and fruits were dried and placed in the town 
 storehouses for future use. Clearly, these Indian towns were 
 not temporary camps of a people wandering about in a 
 wilderness world. They were small farm communities in 
 which the people in times of peace lived a reasonably stable 
 existence. 
 
 The degree of orderliness that the Indians achieved in 
 their life was due largely to their government. Each town 
 had its own headman, or chief, who the English usually 
 called "king." In some cases this title was hereditary but 
 usually, and particularly in later years, the position was elec- 
 tive. The king was assisted by lesser war captains and coun- 
 cillors, who were also elected on the basis of ability, and all 
 important decisions were made by the leaders meeting in 
 council. Each town was independent of the other and while 
 they ordinarily acted in unison, they did not always do so. 
 The degree of conformity differed among various groups. 
 The government of the Iroquoian tribes seems to have been 
 less forceful than that among the Siouan and Algonquian 
 tribes. 
 
 The life of the Indians before the coming of the whites 
 was a simple one in which they supplied their own needs 
 through nature, and with their own hands and crude instru- 
 ments. After the coming of the whites, their existence became 
 
10 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 complicated by the use of European products. Machine-made 
 textiles came to be used for clothing in place of skins and 
 furs which were traded to the whites for their goods. Ancient 
 crafts were abandoned and often forgotten in favor of the 
 use of manufactured tools. The bow and arrow was put aside 
 in favor of the more destructive gun. In becoming dependent 
 upon things they could not produce themselves, the Indians 
 became dependent on the whites who could and did produce 
 them. This dependence increased the longer the association 
 continued. By the time the natives realized they had lost 
 their self-reliance, it was too late to turn back. At any point 
 they might have resumed the old ways of peacetime, but their 
 life was not always one of peace. And in war, they had no 
 choice. Faced with enemies, both white and red, who used 
 guns, self-preservation required the use of the same destruc- 
 i/tive weapons. Guns, in turn, required a constant supply of 
 ammunition and this became the most vital need of the In- 
 dians and their greatest weakness. Without it they were help- 
 less, even in peace. Furs and skins were the price of ammuni- 
 tion, and ammunition was used to provide the furs and skins. 
 Forced to trade with the whites for guns and ammunition, 
 the natives continued to accept their dependence for other 
 
 pv/heeds. As a consequence, the Indians were in bondage to the 
 whites long before they were defeated on the field of battle. 
 In their struggle to survive in the wilderness world in 
 which they lived, the Indians were faced with many enemies 
 and warfare had become a tradition with them. The coming 
 of the whites only increased its intensity. Until they de- 
 veloped a desire for European goods, the Indians seldom 
 iought for material gain. Instead, war was usually a means 
 , of gaining glory or vengeance. The natives were a very re- 
 
 J vengeful people and seldom forgot a wrong until they had 
 obtained satisfaction. This desire was perhaps the weakest 
 
The Indians of North Carolina 11 
 
 aspect of their character. Regardless of the causes, though, 
 war to them was a serious matter and was entered into only 
 after solemn deliberation. Once a decision for war was 
 made, a stick painted red was sent around to the other towns 
 of the tribe, and even to other friendly tribes as an invitation 
 to join in the coming struggle. Some tribes used pipes for 
 this purpose. Other used tomahawks, or hatchets, and would 
 "bury the hatchet" with the coming of peace. 
 
 Military duty was not required, but desire for glory and the 
 fear of disapproval were enough to encourage most men to 
 serve. Even women went to war and sometimes achieved 
 distinction. In preparing for battle the Indians discarded 
 all unnecessary clothing and equipment and ordinarily car- 
 ried with them only their weapons and food in the form of 
 parched corn and dried meat. Some went on the warpath 
 afoot. Others, like the Cherokee, used horses. Either way they 
 were fearsome sights as a result of painting their faces and 
 other parts of their bodies with red and black colors which 
 made them resemble "devils coming out of Hell." These 
 colors had symbolic meanings; red for the blood of war and ^ 
 black for death which the enemy might expect. The colors 
 not only served to create terror but also to disguise the in- 
 dividual warrior. On the other hand, some mark or other 
 evidence was usually left behind after every attack to identify 
 the tribe that had struck the blow. 
 
 Indians usually fought only in small groups. Even when . w - 
 large numbers went out to war, they generally divided into 
 small parties and their scalping knives and tomahawks, which 
 were also manufactured in Europe, were almost as important 
 as their guns. They also rarely fought in open battle and 
 looked upon the English practice of doing so as foolish. 
 Instead, they struck from behind cover and faded back into 
 the forest, if necessary, so they might strike again. This 
 
12 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 practice was not due to lack of courage. It was simply the 
 most sensible method of forest fighting. Too, the Indian 
 custom of attacking at dawn was not because of superstitious 
 fear of spirits that might wander in the dark. Dawn was or- 
 dinarily the best time to surprise the enemy. These and 
 other fighting tactics had been developed over a period of 
 many years. They were used against native enemies and they 
 were also used against the whites. 
 
 In warfare nothing influenced the Indians more than re- 
 ligion. All groups did not agree in every detail, but there 
 was much similarity in their beliefs. Some believed in one 
 supreme God, the maker of all things, who rewarded the good 
 and punished the bad. Others believed that all good came 
 from the Good Spirit and all bad from the Evil Spirit. The 
 Cherokee, it was said, "adored the sun and the moon, but 
 really worshipped the God who made all." 
 
 It was also a Cherokee chief who said that the Indians 
 had "as good an idea of a future state as any white man." 
 This was a belief that was shared by the Indians of the coastal 
 area. The Hell of these people was a land of cold and hunger 
 and ugly women. Their Heaven was a land of abundance and 
 contentment; of eternal youth and good hunting where 
 "every Month is May" and "the women are bright as Stars, 
 and never scold." With the prospect of such a future life, the 
 Indians usually faced death with resignation. This was es- 
 pecially true when it was inflicted by the enemy. In fact, 
 this idea of the life hereafter explains, at least in part, the 
 treatment of their victims in time of war. 
 
 In battle the enemy was usually killed but captives were 
 sometimes taken. Some were kept as slaves and some were 
 sold as such. Some were held for vengeance. Punishment 
 could not be inflicted by the European practice of imprison- 
 ment. Even if the Indians had been inclined to follow the 
 
The Indians of North Carolina 13 
 
 practice, their buildings were not suitable for it. Conse- 
 quently, the fate of the victims was death. But to the Indians 
 a quick death was less punishment than it was a painless 
 passage to the happy life after death. Vengeance demanded 
 pain before death. To gain this revenge, the Indians usually 
 tortured their captives and sometimes in indescribable fash- 
 ion. The methods were left to the women of the tribe to 
 satisfy their grief for the loss of their men. Regardless of 
 how just the natives might have thought it, this practice, 
 more than any other, caused the whites to look upon the 
 Indians as a brutal and savage race. 
 
 l/ 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Early Indian Wars 1663-1711 
 
 The first permanent English inhabitants of North Caro- 
 lina came down from Virginia about 1660 and occupied the 
 area to the north of Albemarle Sound, which was then called 
 Albemarle County. For some years they were few in number, 
 and fortunately for them so were the Indians. Only the 
 Chowanoc were strong enough at the time to have turned 
 them back, but by a treaty made in 1663, that tribe agreed 
 to peace. The settlers who came to the Cape Fear region 
 shortly thereafter were not so fortunate. 
 
 The earliest recorded visit of the English to Cape Fear oc- 
 curred in the fall of 1662 when William Hilton, representing 
 a group of New Englanders interested in settling in the 
 south, explored the river and its northeast branch. During 
 the course of his visit Hilton came into contact with less 
 than 100 Indians and these he considered to be weak and 
 timid people. Hilton was impressed with the Cape Fear 
 country and, according to the custom of the time, he pur- 
 chased the land from the natives in the name of those he 
 represented. Soon thereafter a number of New Englanders 
 came down to Cape Fear to settle but returned north after 
 only a short stay. Why they left is not known definitely, but 
 some seventy years later a writer explained that they had been 
 driven away by the local Indians. A hasty departure is in- 
 dicated by the fact that they left behind their cattle and 
 swine. They also left a note on a post advising others not to 
 settle there. 
 
 In the summer of 1663, Hilton returned to the Cape Fear 
 River to explore it again for a group on the far-away island 
 of Barbados. This time he also went up the northwest branch, 
 
Early Indian Wars 1663-1711 15 
 
 as well as the northeast, and found the Indians to be more 
 numerous and more spirited than on his previous visit. He 
 again purchased the land from the natives, this time in the 
 name of the Barbadians, and sailed away to make another 
 glowing report of the region. 
 
 In May, 1664, settlers again arrived in the Cape Fear 
 country which had been named Clarendon County. Within 
 a year or two the scattered homestead of colonists from Bar- 
 bados, and of others from New England and elsewhere, 
 stretched along the river for a distance of sixty miles. For 
 awhile it appeared that this attempt at settlement would 
 succeed, but it did not. For various reasons the colony was 
 neglected by the Lords Proprietors and by those on the 
 island of Barbados who had been expected to support it. 
 Before the end of 1666, the inhabitants of Clarendon County 
 found themselves in serious difficulties for want of supplies. 
 And they added to their troubles by abusing the Indians. It 
 was said, a half-century later, the settlers had seized and sent 
 away Indian children "under Pretense of instructing them in 
 Learning and the Principles of the Christian Religion." More 
 / likely, they were sent away as slaves. But whatever the reason, 
 the natives resented the taking of their children and showed 
 their resentment by turning in violence on the whites. 
 
 In the Clarendon County War that followed, the colonists 
 had the advantage of firearms to use against the primitive 
 bows and arrows of the natives. The Indians, however, found 
 a strong ally in their determination to rid themselves of the 
 white intruders. They relentlessly continued to attack the 
 colonists and their property until the colonists finally gave 
 up in desperation and abandoned the settlement in 1667. 
 The region once again became Indian country and remained 
 so for many years. 
 
 Along with their homes and fields, the Clarendon colonists 
 
16 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 left behind natives with bitter memories. For many years, 
 they showed this bitterness by abusing whites unfortunate 
 enough to be shipwrecked on the shores of Cape Fear. By 
 the 1690's, though, the Cape Fear Indians had become so 
 troubled by attacks from other tribes that they appealed to 
 the government of Carolina for protection. This protection 
 was granted on the condition that the Indians treat ship- 
 wrecked refugees with better care in the future. This agree- 
 ment marked the renewal of friendly relations between the 
 Cape Fear Indians and the whites which lasted for many 
 years. 
 
 Except for a possible minor outbreak in 1666, the people 
 of Albemarle County were spared the horror of Indian war- 
 fare until about 1675. At that time certain of the Indians of 
 Virginia were in conflict with the settlers there and persuaded 
 the Chowanoc that they should drive the whites from Albe- 
 marle County. Ignoring the treaty of friendship of 1663, the 
 Chowanoc turned on the settlers and in the war that followed, 
 both sides suffered heavy losses. The Indians were faced 
 with the awesome guns of the whites while the settlers, in 
 their isolated homesteads, lived in constant fear of attack. 
 Too, Indians "haunting" the forests made travel a danger- 
 ous venture. The Chowanoc War had dragged on for about 
 two years when the tide of victory turned in favor of the 
 colonists with the arrival of a ship laden with arms and 
 ammunition. The complete defeat of the Chowanoc followed 
 in the summer of 1677. They were then moved from their 
 ancestral home on the Meherrin River to a reservation on 
 Bennett's Creek. 
 
 For many years the colonists did not venture far from the 
 •coast, but they did gradually expand their area of occupation 
 southward. Because roads were few, or non-existent, the 
 settlers sometimes by-passed extensive areas to establish their 
 
Early Indian Wars 1663-1711 17 
 
 homes on the banks of the next navigable stream that would 
 provide them with a convenient means of transportation. 
 
 Because of this system of settlement, many miles of lonely 
 wilderness often separated one group of colonists from the 
 nearest European neighbors. As a result, the various areas of 
 settlement, particularly those on the outer edge of white oc- 
 cuption, were more exposed to Indian attack than they would 
 have been had the settlers remained close together. The loss 
 of this strength of unity was especially dangerous in view 
 of the fact the Indians usually occupied the land along the 
 streams desired by the whites, and for the same reason. This 
 competition over small areas of the most desirable land 
 brought the two races into open conflict sooner than might 
 have been the case had one or both been satisfied with any 
 kind of land. 
 
 The creation of separate and isolated areas of settlement 
 can be traced in the actual movement of the Europeans 
 southward. By 1675, colonists had already crossed over and 
 occupied the south shore of Albemarle Sound. By 1691, others 
 had settled along the Pamlico River, leaving between them 
 and Albemarle Sound "about fifty miles desert to pass 
 through, without any human creature inhabiting it." This 
 "desert" remained unoccupied for many years. By 1703, or 
 soon thereafter, other colonists had crossed over the Pamlico 
 River and were settled on the Neuse. This was the southern 
 limit of settlement at the time and the area above Cape 
 Fear had become known as North Carolina to distinguish it 
 from the Lords Proprietors' land below Cape Fear known 
 as South Carolina. 
 
 South Carolina was begun in 1670 when a few colonists 
 founded Charles Town, later Charleston, on the Ashley 
 River, in the midst of a number of small Indian tribes. Those 
 to the north were Siouan and those to the south were Musk- 
 
 \S^ 
 
18 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 hogean, a separate language group. As it grew, South Caro- 
 lina became the southern frontier of the English continental 
 colonies. As such, it protected North Carolina against the 
 Spaniards of Florida, and the French of Louisiana, and also 
 against the powerful Creek, Choctaw and Chickasaw In- 
 dians who occupied a vast inland area reaching to the Mis- 
 sissippi River. For many years the people of South Carolina 
 remained close to the coast, but from the great port of 
 Charles Town its Indian traders carried on their business 
 far into the interior. By means of this trade, many tribes 
 came under the control or influence of the South Carolina 
 government long before white settlement reached them. 
 Among these tribes were the Catawba and the Cherokee who 
 lived partly in North Carolina. North Carolina, long without 
 j/an adequate seaport, never developed an Indian trade beyond 
 the Coastal Plain and never made any real effort to extend 
 its authority over the Catawba and Cherokee. 
 
 Land was an important cause of trouble between the In- 
 dians and the whites, but it was not the only cause. Ill-feeling 
 also resulted from trading activities between the two races 
 because, according to John Lawson, the white traders "daily 
 cheat them in everything we sell, and esteem, it a Gift of 
 Christianity not to sell them so cheap as we do to the Chris- 
 tians, as we call ourselves." The whites also enslaved the 
 \J natives, and this practice was possibly the greatest of all the 
 causes of Indian resentment. Many of these Indian slaves 
 were sold outside the colony and were probably sent to the 
 port of Charles Town, in South Carolina, for shipment to 
 more distant places. To hear the name "Ashley River" was 
 enough to fill a North Carolina Indian with fear that he 
 would be taken there. 
 
 The Indians, on the other hand, were not always without 
 blame. Unfortunately, they acquired the vices of the white 
 
Early Indian Wars 1663-1711 19 
 
 people more readily than the virtues. In fact, each race 
 brought out the worst in the other. The Indians rarely stole 
 from each other, but they saw no evil in taking the property 
 of the colonists. By burning the woods on hunting expedi- 
 tions near settled areas, the natives destroyed desirable tim- 
 ber and, sometimes, the homes of the whites. Indians along 
 the coast often abused fishermen and shipwreck survivors. 
 The wrongs of the natives were not so great as the wrongs 
 they suffered, but they did add to the growing antagonism 
 between the two races. The natives were expected to follow 
 the English ideas of right and wrong, but nothing was done 
 to teach those ideas to them. The— settlers of early North \ 
 Carolina made no real effort to Christianize the Indians. If 
 they had, they might have created understanding that could 
 have spared both races much tragedy and grief. 
 
 By 1703, bad relations between the white and red races 
 had become serious, especially in the Pamlico River area. 
 The Bay River and Matchapunga Indians were becoming 
 more and more aggressive and insolent in taking the property 
 of the colonists. The Coree Indians had become so abusive in 
 their conduct that the North Carolina government declared 
 war on them. This was not an important war, but there 
 seemed to be a danger that a far more serious one would 
 follow. The Indians suspected the refusal of the whites to 
 sell them guns and ammunition was because the whites in- 
 tended to make general war on them. In the winter of 1704 
 there were widespread reports that the powerful Tuscarora 
 were plotting with other nearby tribes to destroy the col- 
 onists. The people of the Pamlico River area became so 
 frightened they appealed to the government for immediate 
 protection. As a result, Robert Daniel, the deputy-governor, 
 called the various Indian leaders in for a meeting. At the 
 meeting it was agreed that both races would keep the peace. 
 
20 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 This agreement probably prevented a serious war at the 
 time, but it did not settle the real differences between the 
 Indians and the colonists. In the next few years relations 
 became even worse, and the Tuscarora decided they would 
 rather leave North Carolina than to continue to live under 
 the conditions that existed. In 1710, they sent messengers to 
 the officials of Pennsylvania asking permission to settle in 
 that colony. They gave as the principal reason for the request 
 their desire to be able to move about freely and to hunt in 
 the forest without the constant fear of murder or enslave- 
 ment. The Pennsylvania officials agreed to permit the move 
 provided the Indians obtain a certificate of their good be- 
 havior in the past from the North Carolina government. 
 Their failure to obtain the certificate resulted in one of the 
 great tragedies of North Carolina history. Unable to escape 
 from oppression, the Tuscarora turned in violence on their 
 oppressors. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell 
 Expedition 1711-1712 ) 
 
 The Tuscarora War was the most terrible Indian war that 
 ever took place in North Carolina. The Indians struck in 
 the autumn of 1711, and they could hardly have chosen a 
 more advantageous time. The colonists were divided by 
 political disagreement. Edward Hyde had come over from 
 England the previous year to administer the colony as deputy 
 governor. His right to the post was disputed by Thomas 
 Cary who had previously held the office. In the dispute that 
 followed, known as Cary's Rebellion, Hyde and Cary both 
 attracted supporters who actually took up arms against each 
 other. The colony was in the midst of civil war. 
 
 The Rebellion ended in the summer of 1711, but there 
 was already evidence of serious unrest among the Indians. 
 At the beginning of the year, the Meherrin had been re- 
 ported as becoming more and more insolent. By mid-summer 
 this attitude had spread to other tribes. At the same time, it 
 was said that Cary supporters had offered rich rewards to 
 the Tuscarora to attack the followers of Hyde. It was also 
 said that the young men of the tribe had agreed to the offer 
 but had been overruled by the old men. This latter report 
 seems to have lulled the settlers into a false sense of security. 
 
 According to one prominent colonist, the increasing hostile 
 ^attitude of the natives was because the whites "cheated these 
 Indians in trading, and would not allow them to hunt near 
 their plantations, and under that pretense took away from 
 them their game, arms and ammunition." A more immediate 
 cause might have been the founding of the town of New 
 
 /*• 
 
22 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 v/ Bern in 1710 by Baron Christoph von Graff enried, the 
 leader of a group of Swiss and Germans settling the area. 
 
 New Bern was established on the site of a Neusioc Indian 
 town called Chattooka, or Cartouca. The natives who oc- 
 cupied the land were paid for it and they moved away, but 
 apparently they were not satisfied. As Surveyor-General of 
 the colony, John Lawson surveyed the site. According to 
 von Graffenried, the site had also been chosen for him by 
 Lawson who claimed it to be uninhabited. When it was 
 found to be occupied by Indians, he charged the Surveyor- 
 General with recommending they be driven off without pay- 
 ment. These accusations were not in keeping with Lawson's 
 otherwise sympathetic attitude towards the natives, but, if 
 true, they might explain the terrible fate he met soon there- 
 after. 
 
 In mid-September, 1711, Lawson invited von Graffenried 
 to go with him on a trip up the Neuse. The purpose of the 
 trip was to examine the river and to seek a better route to 
 Virginia. Lawson assured the Baron there would be no 
 danger from the Indians, but the prospect of such a route 
 through, or near, their hunting grounds could have been a 
 matter of great concern to the Indians. In any event, several 
 days after their departure, both men were seized by the na- 
 tives and taken to Catechna, the Tuscarora town of King 
 Hancock, on Contentea Creek. After questioning the pris- 
 oners, the Indians decided to set them free. Before they were 
 to leave the following day, the captives were questioned again. 
 
 y The King of Cartouca, the New Bern site, reproached Lawson 
 who answered in anger. A general quarrel followed in which 
 von Graffenried did not take part, but both he and Lawson 
 were again confined. At another council meeting, the Indians 
 decided to execute Lawson and to free the Baron who had 
 promised presents for his freedom. Von Graffenried did not 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell Expedition 23 
 
 see it and the natives were very secretive about the manner 
 of Lawson's death. Some said he was hanged and others said 
 his throat was slit with a razor he carried with him. It was 
 generally believed the Indians "stuck him full of fine small 
 splinters of touchwood, like hogs' bristles, and so set him 
 gradually on fire." 
 
 The day after Lawson's execution, the Indians told von v/ 
 Graffenried that he would not be released for some time, 
 because they had decided to make war on the people of 
 North Carolina and especially those on the Pamlico, Neuse 
 and Trent Rivers, and on Core Sound. He would have to re- 
 main with them until their work had been completed. King 
 Hancock was the leader of the conspiracy and he had per- 
 suaded the lower Tuscarora towns to join him. The north- 
 ern, or upper Tuscarora towns, about equal in number to 
 the lower towns, refused to take part in the conflict. King 
 Tom Blount, the chief of one of the upper towns, was w^ 
 friendly with the colonists and exercised some influence over 
 the chiefs of the other nearby towns. King Hancock, how- 
 ever, was supported by the several small tribes in the Neuse- 
 Pamlico area. These included the Coree, Matchapunga, 
 Pamlico, Bear River and Neusioc Indians. The Coree and 
 Neusioc had recently moved inland from their old towns to 
 be nearer the Tuscarora, and the other tribes had probably 
 done the same. Five hundred warriors of these various tribes 
 gathered at Catechna, or Hancock's Town, for the attack. 
 
 At sunrise on the morning of September 22, 1711, the 
 blow fell. Divided into small war parties, the Indians swept 
 down the Neuse and along the south shore of the Pamlico. 
 Two hours later, 130_colpnists lay dead, about the same num- 
 bexorjLeach stream. Some were tortured horribly; others were 
 desecrated after death. Many were left wounded. The less 
 fortunate were taken captive. The rest of the people fled for 
 
24 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 their lives, leaving the bodies of their loved ones to be 
 eaten by wolves and vultures. In their violence, the Indians 
 had no regard for age or sex. After several days of slaughter 
 and destruction, the enemy drew back into Hancock's Town 
 to rest for further violence. With them, they took plunder 
 and captives, including women and children. 
 
 On that tragic September morning, the people of North 
 Carolina found themselves in the midst of a war they were 
 not prepared to fight. In spite of past danger signals, they 
 had made no preparations for possible hostilities. Nowhere 
 in the whole colony was there a fortified place to which the 
 people might flee to safety. There were few men with military 
 training. Neither war supplies nor food had been stored for 
 emergency use. The Indians seemed better supplied with 
 ammunition than the colonists, and a bad drought combined 
 with neglect of the fields during Cary's Rebellion had re- 
 sulted in a serious shortage of food. The trade of the colony 
 had almost ceased and there was little money or credit with 
 which to import clothing and other necessities which were 
 scarce and badly needed. Worst of all, political differences 
 still divided the people, making it impossible for the govern- 
 ment to act with necessary speed and responsibility. 
 
 With the first attack of the enemy, the colonists gathered 
 together in certain plantation homes to gain strength from 
 unity. A number of these dwellings were fortified as were 
 the towns of Bath and New Bern. Within a month there 
 were eleven such fortified garrisons in the colony. They were 
 manned by untrained civilians. With the majority of the 
 whites confined in their shelters, Indian warriors ravaged 
 the countryside. Homes were plundered and burned. Live- 
 stock was slaughtered. Fences and the fields they enclosed 
 were destroyed. And wherever they could be found, whites 
 were killed. Destruction was widespread and sometimes came 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell Expedition 25 
 
 within sight of the garrisons. On occasions, even the garrisons 
 were attacked. 
 
 To the terrified colonists, the cause seemed hopeless. The 
 men, however courageous, were untrained and inexperienced 
 in Indian fighting. Trapped as they were in scattered gar- 
 risons, a body large enough to strike back at the enemy with 
 effectiveness could not be raised. And it was not wise for 
 the few men in the individual garrisons to venture out 
 among several hundred hostile Indians. The men of one 
 detachment did go out and attempted to fight the enemy in 
 open battle. The result was one dead and the majority 
 wounded before the surviving whites could flee to safety. On 
 another occasion, a detachment went out from Brice's gar- 
 rison on the Trent River to engage a nearby group of hostiles. 
 While it was out, other Indians attacked the weakened gar- 
 rison. Fortunately, they were repelled without serious loss. 
 Because they knew the peculiar techniques of native warfare, 
 Indians were better qualified than whites to fight Indians. 
 The great need of the people of North Carolina was native x y 
 allies to help them in their struggle. But there were none. 
 
 Of the various North Carolina tribes, only the upper 
 Tuscarora were numerous enough to be helpful and they 
 were not to be trusted. Though they had taken no active part 
 in the conflict, they were suspected of knowing of the con- 
 spiracy and consenting to it. They might eventually serve 
 as useful allies, but, first, they would have to prove them- 
 selves trustworthy. In the meantime, it was feared the suc- 
 cess of the hostiles might encourage them to join in the war 
 against the whites. Equally disturbing was the news that 
 numerous warriors of the Five Nations were coming south 
 to live with the hostile Tuscarora and aid them in their war. 
 As owners of the colony, the Lords Proprietors were respon- 
 sible for its defense, but they did nothing. Unable to defend 
 
26 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 itself, North Carolina turned to its neighbors, Virginia and 
 South Carolina, for help. 
 
 Upon hearing of the calamity that had befallen North 
 Carolina, Governor Alexander Spotswood of Virginia stopped 
 all trade from that colony with the Indians and sent members 
 of the militia to the Virginia frontier to prevent the Virginia 
 Indians from joining the enemy. He then persuaded the 
 Virginia legislature to appropriate funds for aid to North 
 Carolina. Spotswood also used the prestige of his colony and 
 the Indian hope for the resumption of its trade in an effort 
 to persuade the upper Tuscarora to fight the enemy, or to 
 remain neutral. 
 
 The plea that went to the government of South Carolina 
 was for Indian allies. In making this request, North Caro- 
 lina's Governor Hyde was following an established policy of 
 all European nations in America: the use of Indians against 
 Indians. There were several advantages to this policy. Not 
 only were Indians more effective than whites in fighting 
 Indians, but, in doing so, they relieved the whites of the 
 hazardous task. At times, too, the practice served to divert 
 native hostility that otherwise might have been directed 
 against the whites. To gain the cooperation of the Indians, 
 the colonists played on the strong spirit of rivalry among 
 ^the natives. Divided into numerous groups, the great weak- 
 ness of the Indians was their inability to unite and remain 
 united. 
 
 The whites also played on the increasing desire of the 
 natives for English trade goods. They purchased captured 
 Indian enemies as slaves and also paid for scalps in order to 
 encourage their allies to kill as well as capture. In this way, 
 scalps became a form of money as well as marks of glory. 
 The prospect of Tuscarora slaves and scalps was the lure that 
 the Governor of North Carolina held out to the Indians of 
 South Carolina. 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell Expedition 27 
 
 Within a month of the first attack, an agent from North 
 Carolina, Major Christopher Gale, was in Charles Town with 
 the appeal for aid. The South Carolina legislature responded 
 by appropriating a substantial sum of money. It also agreed 
 to raise an army of friendly Indians, with white officers, to 
 send to North Carolina. Major Gale promised to meet the 
 expedition on the Neuse River with an army of white North 
 Carolinians. He also promised that food would be supplied. 
 
 Soon afterwards, the South Carolina army moved north- 
 ward under the command of Colonel John Barnwell. On the 
 long overland march through the interior, many of Barn- 
 well's Indians deserted, but others joined him. Some had no 
 weapons other than bows and arrows. When he reached the 
 Neuse in late January, 1712, his force consisted of 30 white 
 men and nearly 500 Indians. His own Yamassee Company 
 of more than 150 men contained 87 Yamassee from the Savan- 
 nah River as well as warriors of several other small Musk- 
 hogean tribes to the south of Charles Town. The other com- 
 panies, containing almost 350 men, were made up of war- 
 riors of the various Siouan tribes to the north of Charles 
 Town. Among the tribes represented were the Catawba, 
 Saraw (or Cheraw), Wateree, Wynyaw and Cape Fear. 
 
 When Barnwell arrived at the agreed meeting place, the 
 men promised by Gale were not there to meet him. Only a 
 short time before, the colony's legislature, divided by con- 
 tinued political differences, had refused to provide either 
 men or supplies for the expedition. In fact, it had failed to 
 take any steps to defend the colony. Disappointed and with- 
 out guides familiar with the country, Barnwell pushed on 
 towards the Tuscarora town of Narhantes, hoping to take it 
 by surprise. Described by him as the most warlike town of 
 the Tuscarora, Narhantes was an open village with farms 
 scattered over an area of several miles. About the town were 
 
 
28 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 nine small palisaded forts. Some newly built and others 
 under construction, these forts stood about a mile apart. He 
 attacked the strongest of the enclosures and after breaking 
 through the outer walls found two houses therein that were 
 stronger than the walls. Among the most desperate of the 
 defenders were a number of native women who fought with 
 bows and arrows. Within half an hour the fort had fallen. 
 Of the fifty-two enemy killed, at least ten were women. 
 Thirty were taken captive and the remainder abandoned the 
 town and its forts, leaving behind much plunder that had 
 been taken from the colonists. Barnwell's casualties were 
 seven killed and thirty-two wounded. A more serious loss 
 was the desertion of many of his Indians who took the cap- 
 tives and plunder and slipped away. Before leaving Nar- 
 hantes several days later, Barnwell destroyed it along with 
 its forts and five nearby towns as well. 
 
 From Narhantes, Barnwell marched through the Tuscarora 
 country to Bath Town on the Pamlico River where he arrived 
 on February 10th. On the way, he passed through a number 
 of enemy towns and did considerable damage. He also took 
 a number of enemy scalps. Property seized along the line of 
 march proved to be a costly prize. Loaded with plunder, 
 many more of his Indians slipped away. 
 
 Late in February, Barnwell was joined by sixty-seven North 
 Carolinians. Their arrival increased his strength to 94 whites 
 and 148 Indians. Most of the Indians were of Barnwell's own 
 Yamassee Company. The new arrivals also created a problem, 
 because they came without food and the scarcity of food was 
 already a matter of grave concern to Barnwell. The following 
 day, Barnwell set out for Hancock's Town, hoping to take it 
 along with any food that might be there. His horses and heavy 
 baggage were left behind near Bath Town. On March 1st, 
 he arrived at Hancock's Town only to find it deserted. On 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell Expedition 29 
 
 the opposite bank of Contentea Creek, however, the enemy 
 had constructed a strong, palisaded fort. Within the en- 
 closure were 130 warriors and a call had gone out for other 
 hostiles to join them. Their families and white captives 
 were hidden in a nearby swamp. 
 
 On March 5th, Barnwell attacked Hancock's Fort, con- 
 fident of taking it. Instead, he found himself forced to agree 
 to a truce. Prior to the attack, the Indians had brought at 
 least some of their white captives into the fort. During the 
 attack these prisoners were subjected to torture. To the at- 
 tackers, only a few yards away, the "Cryes and lamentations" 
 of the victims were heart-rending sounds. To Barn- 
 well's shouted demands for the release of the captives, the 
 Indians sent an answer by an English mother with five chil- 
 dren in the fort. The attack must be abandoned or the de- 
 fenders would die fighting and take their prisoners with 
 them. After consultation with his officers, Barnwell accepted 
 this demand on certain conditions. Twelve prisoners were 
 to be delivered to him immediately, and twenty-two more 
 were to be delivered twelve days later at Bachelours Creek, 
 near New Bern. The headmen of the enemy were also to 
 come to Bachelours Creek at the same time to discuss peace. 
 
 The day after the truce, Barnwell left Hancock's Fort and 
 four days later arrived in New Bern. On March 19th, the 
 day appointed for the meeting with the enemy, he was sick 
 and sent another in his stead. The enemy did not appear. 
 Angered, Barnwell prepared to strike again. On the Neuse 
 River, near the mouth of Contentea Creek, he built Fort 
 Barnwell on the site of the abandoned Indian village of Core 
 Town. This was the base from which he planned to march 
 once more against Hancock's Fort, only a few miles away. 
 Orders were sent out to the South Carolina Indians who were 
 roaming through the countryside in search of food to come 
 
30 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 into the fort. Similar orders went to the men of the various 
 garrisons along the Neuse. 
 
 On April 1st a message was received from Governor 
 Hyde that men and food were on the way. Hyde added that 
 "a new Turn was given to affairs," and that Barnwell would 
 have no cause to complain in the future. Sometime pre- 
 viously, Barnwell had protested to the North Carolina legis- 
 lature for its failure to support him. Perhaps stung by this 
 criticism, the legislature took action to defend the colony. 
 A law was passed imposing a fine of five pounds on every 
 man between sixteen and sixty years of age who refused 
 military service. In addition, 4,000 pounds was appropriated 
 for war purposes. A request had also gone to Virginia for 
 200 men. Hyde's message to Barnwell followed. 
 
 Without waiting for the arrival of the relief then being 
 raised by the North Carolina and Virginia governments, 
 Barnwell, in the dark of night of April 7th, moved his troops 
 against Hancock's Fort. His Indians were reduced to 128 
 warriors, but his whites had increased to 154 by the various 
 garrison detachments. By daylight, his men had surrounded 
 the fort and the second seige had begun. For ten days it con- 
 tinued, and Barnwell was only a few feet from apparent 
 success when, on April 17th, he unaccountably agreed to a 
 conditional surrender of the enemy. 
 
 In the more important terms of the peace treaty, the 
 iiostiles agreed to give up all captives in the fort immediately 
 and all others within ten days. The same promise was made 
 as to horses, skins and plunder. In the future, they agreed to 
 confine themselves to the area near the fort, and not to hunt 
 or fish in the region between Neuse and the Cape Fear which 
 was to be left to the South Carolina Indians. They also 
 , agreed to surrender King Hancock and three other enemy 
 leaders to be named later, but since Hancock had already 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Barnwell Expedition 31 
 
 fled to Virginia, he could not be delivered. In addition, the 
 enemy Indians promised to come in each year in March and 
 pay tribute to the governor of North Carolina. By the pay- 
 ment of this tribute they would acknowledge their continued 
 submission to the government and would become tributary 
 Indians as distinguished from free, or unconquered, Indians. 
 
 Barnwell's peace was made without the knowledge or 
 approval of Governor Hyde. His casualties were light and 
 "extreme famine" was the only excuse he gave for not fight- 
 ing on to complete victory. He said at the time if North 
 Carolina had furnished him with provisions for only four 
 more days he would have "made a glorious end of the war." 
 Governor Hyde, however, felt that hunger hardly justified 
 the failure to pursue a victory that was only a few hours 
 away. Hyde was particularly critical of Barnwell for not 
 waiting for the relief North Carolina had on the way. How- 
 ever justified he might have been, Barnwell was the subject 
 of bitter and widespread criticism in the colony he had done 
 so much to help earlier, and the honors he expected were 
 denied him. \ 
 
 The unpopular peace of Barnwell was not long lasting. 
 Hungry, and disappointed at the few scalps and slaves they 
 had taken, the South Carolina Indians were soon ravaging 
 through the enemy country. According to von Graffenried, 
 Barnwell and his Indians enticed a number of the local 
 natives into Fort Barnwell under pretense of peace. They 
 w r ere then seized and taken to South Carolina to be sold 
 as slaves. This so embittered the rest of the hostiles they "no 
 longer trusted the Christians." Their later behavior seems to 
 bear out the truth of this observation. 
 
 ■S 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 The Tuscarora War; The Moore 
 Expedition 1712-1715 
 
 \ Soon after Barnwell and his men returned to South Caro- 
 lina the horror of Indian war once again swept through the 
 Neuse and Pamlico regions. The hostiles, hungry and seek- 
 ing food, roamed the country taking what they wanted and 
 destroying all else. Many of the inhabitants who ventured 
 back to their plantations were killed. Others went to bed 
 each night with little confidence they would live to see the 
 dawn. The wiser people returned to the security and con- 
 finement of fortified garrisons, but even they were not free 
 from attack. Only the generosity of the people of Albemarle 
 County relieved a serious shortage of food in the stricken 
 areas. Under these conditions, inhabitants began to leave 
 the colony. Efforts were made to protect those that remained, 
 but the efforts were not enough. 
 
 Barnwell left behind twenty of his Yamassee warriors to 
 patrol the area of recent conflict, and a small armed company 
 was stationed on both the Pamlico and Neuse. A marine 
 company was organized to watch over the waters of Pamlico 
 and Core Sounds. These, however, were only defensive mea- 
 sures that did nothing to end the war. The attempt of the 
 North Carolina officials to encourage military enlistment by 
 imposing a fine was a failure as few men offered their services. 
 The government was not able to raise enough men to rid the 
 colony of the enemy. The troops requested from Virginia 
 .,/ never came. With its own frontier also endangered by the 
 same enemy, Virginia was willing to send the men provided 
 North Carolina furnished them with food. North Carolina 
 was too distressed to do so. Later, Virginia sent badly needed 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Moore Expedition 33 
 
 clothing for North Carolinians in service, and again offered 
 to send troops provided they were fed. Again, the offer was 
 declined. In the meantime, North Carolina had once more 
 turned to South Carolina for help and received it. 
 
 In June, 1712, an agent left North Carolina for Charles 
 Town to request South Carolina to send 1,000 Indians with 
 a few whites and a commander other than Barnwell. In early 
 October, the agent returned with news that the troops were 
 on the way, under the command of Colonel James Moore. 
 Anticipating his aid, North Carolina had already gathered 
 a company of some 140 men on the Neuse River to join the 
 South Carolina troops when they should arrive. This action 
 proved unwise. Moore did not arrive for many weeks and 
 the North Carolinians, too few to attack alone, waited in 
 idleness. Finally, in November, they disbanded and returned 
 to their homes. Their only contribution had been to eat 
 the food that had been sent to the Neuse for the coming 
 expedition. As a result, when the South Carolina army 
 arrived in December, North Carolina was again unprepared. 
 In addition to 33 white men, Moore's army consisted of some 
 850 Indians. Among these were over 300 Cherokee and 50 
 Yamassee. The balance included warriors of the various 
 Siouan tribes of the Carolinas. Among the officers was 
 Colonel Moore's brother, Captain Maurice Moore, with the 
 Yamassee Company. To feed such a large body of men was 
 no small problem. Because food was more plentiful in Albe- 
 marle County, the men marched there until adequate sup- 
 plies could be shipped around to the Neuse. 
 
 There was also another reason for diverting Moore's forces 
 to Albemarle County. Fear persisted that the Five Nations 
 and the upper Tuscarora would join the enemy. Enemy 
 captives had told Barnwell that the beginning of the war 
 had resulted from the prodding of visiting warriors of the 
 
*s 
 
 34 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 Five Nations. They had taunted the Tuscarora over their 
 failure to avenge the mistreatment of a drunken Indian by 
 the whites. In the summer of 1712, information was received 
 from the governor of New York that the French in Canada 
 had persuaded the Five Nations to send warriors south to 
 aid the hostile Tuscarora in their war against the English. 
 This concern subsided the following autumn with receipt of 
 information that the New York government had persuaded 
 the Five Nations not to go south. They went to war against 
 the French Indians instead. 
 
 The status of the upper Tuscarora, however, remained 
 uncertain. They had not joined the hostiles but neither had 
 they come to the aid of the whites. The government had 
 attempted to persuade them to end the conflict by going to 
 war against the enemy Indians, but they had not done so. 
 King Blount came into the settlements from time to time 
 to declare his continued friendship for the whites, and he 
 alone of the chiefs of the upper towns was trusted. But he 
 could speak for his town only. The government, nevertheless, 
 sought to use his influence with the chiefs of the other towns 
 to persuade them to cooperate with the whites. It was hoped 
 that their desire for the resumption of trade would be 
 sufficient to win them over. The government, however, 
 hesitated to force the issue for fear of driving them to join 
 the hostiles while the colony was in such a weakened condi- 
 tion. The coming of Moore and his army to North Carolina 
 gave its officials the confidence they needed. On a visit to 
 Thomas Pollock, acting governor of North Carolina after the 
 death of Hyde in early September, 1712, Chief Blount ex- 
 pressed his desire for the resumption of trade with his 
 people. He was told that this would be done if they would 
 bring in King Hancock and the scalps of the other hostiles. 
 The offer was accepted after consultation with the headmen 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Moore Expedition 35 
 
 of the other neutral towns and King Hancock was delivered 
 and executed. Blount and his people were given until Janu- 
 ary 1st to bring in the enemy scalps. This allotment of time 
 for the fulfillment of Blount's agreement was permitted by 
 the diversion of Moore's troops to Albemarle County. If 
 Blount succeeded, peace would have been won for the whites. 
 If he failed, Moore could then move out to accomplish the 
 same goal. 
 
 If the stay of Moore's forces in Albemarle County solved 
 one problem, it created another. At first his Indians were 
 confined to a designated area where they consumed what 
 food they could find. Then the hungry horde began to spread 
 out over the surrounding country, killing cattle and taking 
 corn. The people of Albemarle County became so disturbed 
 that many of them seemed "more ready to Fall upon the 
 South Carolina Indians, than march against the enemy." 
 They were not only angry but worried also. The danger of 
 using Indians for purposes of war was clearly apparent. The 
 little control that could be exercised over the Indians came 
 from the authority of a single individual, their leader. Some 
 of the more thoughtful people began to consider the possible 
 consequences of the death of this single individual, Colonel 
 Moore. Without a leader, and made up of various tribes and 
 language groups, his Indians would be unrestrained. Such a 
 disorderly band could be as destructive as the enemy it came 
 to fight. January 1st came and Blount had not brought in 
 the scalps of the enemy. Moore then made ready to march 
 against the hostiles. By the middle of the month food had 
 been shipped around to Fort Barnwell, the supply base on 
 the Neuse. On January 17th, Moore's army, enlarged by the 
 addition of some eighty-five North Carolinians, left Albe- 
 marle County to the great relief of its inhabitants. 
 
J 
 
 36 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 After crossing over Albemarle Sound, Moore headed into 
 the country of the lower Tuscarora where the hostile Indians 
 had already fled to the protection of their forts. Reports in- 
 dicated the largest concentration of warriors was gathered in 
 / Fort Neoheroka, located on a branch of Contentea Creek, a 
 few miles above Hancock's Fort. Accordingly, Neoheroka 
 was the destination of Moore's expedition as it pushed for- 
 ward through the harsh cold of winter. Progress was slow 
 because of supply difficulties combined with bad weather 
 and deep snow. 
 
 Fort Neoheroka was an irregularly shaped enclosure of one 
 and one-half acres contained within a palisaded wall. Along 
 this wall, at strategically located points, were bastions and 
 blockhouses. Within the enclosure were houses and caves. 
 An enclosed passageway, or "waterway," led to the nearby 
 branch of Contentea Creek. When Colonel Moore arrived 
 before this impressive fortification, he began careful prepara- 
 tions to destroy it. Three batteries were constructed nearby 
 and from the Yamassee Battery facing the fort, a zig-zag 
 trench was dug to within a few yards of the front wall. This 
 trench provided protective cover for men to approach and 
 build a blockhouse and battery near the fort. Both of these 
 structures were higher than the walls of the fort so that the 
 enemy within might be subjected to direct fire. A tunnel 
 also extended from the trench to the front wall so that it 
 might be undermined with explosives. On the morning of 
 March 20th, every man was at his post when a trumpet 
 sounded the signal for the attack. Three days later Fort 
 Neoheroka lay a smouldering ruin and the enemy acknowl- 
 edged defeat. The enemy loss was 950, about half killed and 
 the balance taken into slavery. Moore's loss was fifty-seven 
 ^killed and eighty-two wounded. With this one crushing blow, 
 the power of the Tuscarora nation was broken. 
 
 \ 
 
The Tuscarora War; The Moore Expedition 37 
 
 Following their defeat, most of the enemy Tuscarora who 
 s/ escaped fled north to live among the Five Nations Confedera- 
 tion which afterwards became the Six Nations. Some thought 
 was given to ridding the colony of all members of the tribe 
 but was abandoned. For one thing, there was not sufficient 
 food available to maintain the troops in service. Too, it was 
 felt that some friendly natives on the frontier would protect 
 the settlements against hostiles. For these reasons, a treaty 
 of peace was finally concluded with King Blount and the 
 upper Tuscarora. By the terms of this treaty, Blount was 
 acknowledged chief of all the Tuscarora and of all other 
 Indians south of the Pamlico River. All who accepted 
 Blount's leadership became tributary Indians under the pro- 
 tection of the government of North Carolina and were 
 assigned a reservation on the Pamlico River. All who re- 
 jected him were considered enemies of the government. 
 These included only a small number of the hostile Tuscarora 
 who remained in the colony and a few Coree and Matcha- 
 punga, or Mattamuskeet. 
 
 At first there were only about fifty of the hostiles, but they 
 proved to be an elusive enemy. A few lurked about Core 
 Sound, but the balance hid out in the Great Alligator 
 Swamp, a vast and almost impenetrable region of lakes and 
 cane swamps lying between the Matchapunga River and 
 Roanoke Island. From this hiding place, they raided the 
 outlying settlements. In the spring of 1713, twenty settlers 
 on the Alligator River were killed. A short while later, 
 twenty-five more met the same fate on Roanoke Island. 
 Many others were killed in frequent and less dramatic raids 
 involving no more than two or three families. After their 
 attacks, the Indians retreated back into their swamp world 
 where it was almost impossible to follow them. Colonel 
 Moore, with more than a hundred of his Indians, remained in 
 
38 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 North Carolina for some time in a futile effort to seize them. 
 Blount and his Tuscarora finally came to the aid of the 
 colonists and were more successful. By the autumn of 1713, 
 they had brought in about thirty hostile scalps. However, 
 other warriors joined the enemy from time to time. This 
 nagging problem had dragged on for almost two years when 
 the government finally turned from a policy of extermina- 
 tion of the hostiles to one of peaceful agreement. On 
 February 11, 1715, a treaty of peace was made with the 
 surviving hostiles and they were assigned a reservation on 
 Lake Mattamuskeet in Hyde County. This was the final act 
 of the Tuscarora War. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Yamassee and Cheraw Wars 
 1715-1718 
 
 The feeling of relief that came to the North Carolinians 
 with the final ending of the Tuscarora War did not last long. 
 Only a few weeks later the peace of the colony was again 
 threatened by the outbreak of the Yamassee War in South 
 Carolina. 
 
 The Yamassee War conspiracy apparently originated with 
 the powerful Creek, or Muskogee, Confederation of what is 
 now Georgia and Alabama. It also involved the Choctaw 
 Indians, farther to the west, and all of the tribes of South 
 Carolina. Below Charles Town, the most important hostiles 
 were the Yamassee who had done such great service for North 
 Carolina in its recent troubles. Above Charles Town the 
 Catawba, Cheraw, Cape Fear and Waccamaw were among 
 the Siouan tribes that also turned on the whites. The 
 Cherokee of the west were involved to a lesser extent. 
 
 Concern over land motivated some of the tribes nearest 
 the white settlements, but the primary cause of the Yamassee 
 War was unfair trading practices and abuse of the Indians 
 by the traders. The first blow was struck on Good Friday, 
 April 15, 1715, when the Yamassee killed a number of white 
 traders in one of their towns. Traders also were killed 
 among the Creek and other tribes. The Yamassee and their 
 allies swept across the southern frontier of South Carolina, 
 leaving death and destruction in their path. The danger 
 drew closer and closer to Charles Town. An expedition of 
 colonists marched into the Indian country and dealt a serious 
 blow to the Yamassee by killing a number of their leaders 
 in battle. This blow calmed the Yamassee for awhile and the 
 
40 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 colony hurriedly turned to preparations for its defense. 
 Three regiments were raised under James Moore, now a lieu- 
 tenant-general, and a chain of fortified garrisons were built 
 around the plantation country surrounding Charles Town. 
 In the meantime appeals for help had gone out to North 
 Carolina and other English colonies. 
 
 By early June, the southern frontier was quiet when 
 violence shook the northern frontier along the Santee River. 
 An Indian war party attacked plantations and captured 
 the protecting garrison, the northernmost of the defensive 
 posts. Many whites were killed and the others fled to Charles 
 Town. The Santee frontier was deserted. Except for about 
 seventy Cherokee, the Indian party was made up of various 
 Siouan tribes of east Carolina. The most hostile and destruc- 
 tive of these were the Cheraw of the Pee Dee River. 
 
 A few days later a detachment of troops went out from 
 Charles Town against the raiders and a number of the 
 Indians were killed and others captured. Those that escaped, 
 particularly the Cheraw, continued to be a menace. As a con- 
 sequence, Charles Craven, Governor of South Carolina, made 
 plans for South Carolina troops to join others from North 
 Carolina in an expedition against the Cheraw. 
 
 North Carolina had already organized two volunteer com- 
 panies to aid South Carolina. One company under Colonel 
 Theophelus Hastings was to go by water and the other, 
 under Colonel Maurice Moore, was to march overland to 
 join Governor Craven. Both Moore and Hastings were former 
 South Carolinians who had gone to North Carolina to aid 
 in the fight against the Tuscarora and who had remained 
 to make their homes. 
 
 By mid-July, 1715, Craven, feeling that Charles Town 
 was secure, moved out of the city with 700 men to meet 
 Maurice Moore and his company which included whites 
 
The Yamassee and Cheraw Wars 41 
 
 along with a number of Tuscarora and Coree warriors. 
 Moore's line of march took him by Cape Fear but before 
 arriving there he learned the Cape Fear Indians and the 
 nearby Waccamaw tribe of the Waccamaw River, planned 
 to ambush him. Because of his advance information, he was 
 able not only to avoid the ambush but also to strike a 
 devastating blow against the two tribes. 'He marched into 
 their towns and seized arms and ammunition which they 
 apparently were receiving from the Cheraw. He also took a 
 number of prisoners but was unable to take more than 
 eighty or so along with him. 
 
 Moore continued his march southward but, in the mean- 
 time, the expedition against the Cheraw had been aban- 
 doned. Craven had reached the Santee when he learned that 
 Charles Town was again endangered by Indians from the 
 south, and he turned back to aid in its defense. Moore con- 
 tinued on to St. Julien's Plantation at the head of the Cooper 
 River, to await further orders. 
 
 In the autumn of 1715, after the harvests were in and food 
 was plentiful, offensive operations against the Indians were 
 resumed. News came in that the Yamassee had moved below 
 the Savannah River. Troops sent against them found they had 
 moved on southward into Spanish Florida. An expedition 
 was planned against the Creek also. They had confined their 
 activity in the war to killing English traders, but they re- 
 mained the greatest danger. It was hoped the conflict could 
 be ended with a decisive victory over them. The Cherokee, 
 even though some of their warriors had taken part in thei/~ 
 Santee raids, promised to join in the attack against the 
 Creek, their ancient enemies. In November, 1715, the South 
 Carolina troops gathered at the agreed meeting place but 
 the Cherokee did not appear. Their failure to do so caused 
 grave concern. It also raised a question. Would the Cherokee 
 
42 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 join the Creek, or could they be persuaded to help the 
 whites? The salvation of the colony depended upon the 
 answer to this question. Maurice Moore was sent to the 
 Cherokee to learn the answer. 
 
 Near the end of 1715, Maurice Moore marched westward 
 into the Cherokee country at the head of 300 men. With 
 him were Colonel Theophelus Hastings and his North 
 Carolina company. The size of Moore's force no doubt im- 
 pressed the Cherokee, but his skill at Indian diplomacy was 
 his strongest weapon and was the reason for the success of 
 his mission. Creek agents were already among the Cherokee, 
 attempting to persuade them to join in the war against the 
 whites. The answer of the Cherokee was to kill the Creek 
 visitors and to pledge support to South Carolina. 
 /" - Maurice Moore's mission to the Cherokee was the most im- 
 portant single accomplishment of the Yamassee War. He won 
 v"the Cherokee to the English at a time they might have turn- 
 ed against them. The union of the Cherokee and the Creek 
 could have been disastrous. The salvation of South Carolina, 
 -'"and perhaps much of English America, was due to Maurice 
 Moore's powers of persuasion. 
 
 Leaving Hastings and his company among the Cherokee, 
 Moore returned to Charles Town in the spring of 1716 and 
 later continued on to North Carolina. The end of the 
 Yamassee War soon followed, though occasional raids took 
 place for some time. The Yamassee were already in Florida 
 and the easternmost Creek moved farther west away from the 
 white settlements. A treaty with them was completed the 
 following year. The Catawba and lesser Siouan tribes follow- 
 ed the example of the Cherokee and made peace. Only the 
 Cheraw remained hostile and they became a problem of 
 North Carolina. 
 
The Yamassee and Cheraw Wars 43 
 
 While the potential danger to North Carolina had been y 
 great, the Yamassee War had little direct effect in that area. 
 At the outbreak, a patrol was established between the Neuse 
 and Pamlico Rivers. In addition, efforts were made to pre- 
 vent inhabitants from fleeing the colony and weakening it 
 as had been done in the Tuscarora War. In June, 1715, 
 "strange" Indians were reported on the upper Neuse, oc- 
 cupying the fortifications abandoned by the enemy 
 Tuscarora after their defeat. Unwisely, the colonists had not 
 destroyed the structures. These Indians were probably the 
 Cheraw and their allies who fled northward after their defeat 
 on the Santee River. A military company of colonists and 
 friendly Indians was sent out to investigate, but the danger 
 was not ended. Raids were made against the local natives and 
 a number of Cape Fear Indians were killed before they 
 joined in the war against the whites. A wave of fear swept 
 over the settlers that they too would be attacked. A small 
 white settlement on the Cape Fear River was destroyed. The 
 destruction might have been the work of the "strange" 
 Indians, or it might have been done by the same Cape Fear 
 and Waccamaw warriors who planned to ambush Maurice 
 Moore and his company. In either case, another attempt of . / 
 the whites to occupy the Cape Fear country was ended by 
 Indian violence. In the autumn of 1715, the Coree, and 
 probably the Matchapunga also, took up arms but were again 
 at peace by the following spring. The principal threat to>^ 
 the colony continued to be the Cheraw. ~- 
 
 Soon after their defeat at the Santee River, the Cheraw 
 sought to make peace with the South Carolina government 
 through Governor Spotswood of Virginia. Because South 
 Carolina officials resented Spotswood's interference, the 
 peace offer was refused. Soon afterwards, the Cheraw escaped 
 
44 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 a possible crushing defeat when, as we have seen, Craven's 
 expedition against them was abandoned. 
 
 Spotswood's interest in the Cheraw and in their trade con- 
 tinued, and in August, 1716, he requested the North Caro- 
 lina government to allow them to settle, along with two other 
 small bodies of Indians, at Eno Town, on the upper Neuse 
 River. There were about 500 of the Indians. Because of the 
 nearness to the white settlements and because of their hostile 
 nature, the request was refused. North Carolina, instead, de- 
 clared war on the Cheraw. Part, or all, of that tribe were al- 
 ready on the North Carolina frontier and a military unit of 
 whites and friendly Indians was sent out to attack them. The 
 Cheraw were found to be well armed, and it was suspected 
 they were receiving the guns and ammunition from Virginia 
 traders. The Virginia government was asked to end such 
 trade until the tribe had made peace with both North and 
 South Carolina. An appeal was also made to Virginia for aid 
 in the Cheraw War, but the appeal was denied. 
 
 In the spring of 1717, the Cheraw once more requested 
 peace with South Carolina, but their peace offering was 
 considered insufficient and was refused. As a result, they 
 continued on the upper Neuse. Living in constant fear of 
 attack by these Indians, the Tuscarora asked that they be 
 moved from their land on the Pamlico to a more secure 
 reservation on the Roanoke River. The request was made 
 to the North Carolina government and was granted. 
 
 In the summer of 1718, the Cheraw were still on the 
 frontier and appeared to have been joined by northern 
 Indians as well as a few local natives. The government finally 
 took more decisive action to protect the colonists and to 
 destroy the enemy. Four companies were organized, each 
 containing ten white men and ten Indians. One company 
 was stationed at the forks of the Neuse above Fort Barnwell 
 
The Yamassee and Cheraw Wars 45 
 
 and the other at Core Sound. A company was also assigned 
 to patrol each side of the Neuse. The continued service of 
 these companies was considered necessary as late as Novem- 
 ber, 1718, but the Indian danger passed soon after that. The 
 North Carolina government had already turned its attention 
 to the more pressing problem of pirates such as Blackbeard. 
 jThe Cheraw soon moved westward and settled near the 
 Catawba. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Decline of the Coastal Plain 
 Indians; 1718-1750 
 
 The long years oi Indian warfare left North Carolina in 
 a depressed condition. Property had been destroyed and 
 trade had almost ceased. Poverty was widespread. Many of 
 its inhabitants had been killed and others had left to seek 
 homes elsewhere. There was little to encourage new settlers 
 to come in. As time passed, though, the colony slowly re- 
 covered. In 1726, with the Indian danger past, the whites 
 finally succeeded in establishing a permanent settlement on 
 the Cape Fear River. With this settlement, North Carolina 
 gained its first deep-water seaport and the trade of the colony 
 was stimulated. Better administration came in 1729 when 
 the British Crown took over the direct operation of the 
 government from the Lords Proprietors and North Caro- 
 lina became a royal colony. 
 
 At the time, white settlement was still confined to the 
 Coastal Plain and within that area only six Indian tribes 
 remained, or had retained their tribal identity: the Hatteras, 
 Matchapunga, Poteskeet, Chowanoc, Meherrin and Tus- 
 carora. Each group occupied an assigned reservation 
 within the area of white settlement. Of the six, only one, 
 the Tuscarora with 200 warriors and about 600 people, had 
 as many as twenty families. Members of some of the smaller 
 tribes had combined with the existing groups. The Cape 
 Fears, already tributary Indians of South Carolina, were 
 moved to that colony following the Yamassee War, or within 
 a few years thereafter. Their power already broken by 
 Colonel Maurice Moore in 1715, they were soon facing ex- 
 
The Decline of the Coastal Plain Indians 47 
 
 tinction by Seneca warriors. In January, 1727, the remnants 
 of the tribe were on "Mr. Nicholl's Plantation" in South 
 Carolina, awaiting removal to a more secure home farther 
 south. 
 
 The Woccon Indians, the Siouan tribe which Lawson 
 placed a few miles to the south of the lower, or hostile, 
 Tuscarora, ceased to exist by the name. During the 
 Tuscarora War, two Woccon warriors were arrested in 
 Virginia, charged only with leaving North Carolina without 
 permission. No mention was made of others being there. 
 Since the tribe numbered about 350 people, it is unlikely 
 all could have gone there without attracting more notice. 
 More probably, they moved as a group southward and be- 
 came the Waccamaw Indians. Tribal names were often 
 changed or altered, especially by the whites in their spelling, 
 and the Waccamaw appear first in historical records at 
 about the same time the Woccon disappeared. The first such 
 mention of the Waccamaw, by that name, was in 1712 when 
 a special effort was made to persuade them, along with the 
 Cape Fears, to join James Moore's expedition against the 
 Tuscarora. 
 
 The Tuscarora under Blount continued to live in peace 
 with the people of North Carolina, but Blount was not 
 always able to control his people. Incited by northern 
 Indians who came into the colony, young Tuscarora warriors 
 sometimes ventured into Virginia or South Carolina and 
 abused the small tribes in those colonies. Protests were made 
 by both governments, but the raids continued. 
 
 One particularly provoking raid into South Carolina in 
 1731 almost led to a major Indian war. Angered over the 
 theft of property and the mistreatment of white settlers as 
 well as local Indians, the governor of South Carolina sent 
 an agent to the Tuscarora to demand payment for the pro- 
 
48 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 perty and a promise that the Tuscarora would never again 
 enter South Carolina. The Indians admitted that several 
 of their men had been with the raiding party but claimed 
 that all the damage had been done by Seneca warriors. They 
 agreed to remain out of South Carolina but refused to make 
 payment even though George Burrington, then governor 
 of North Carolina, urged them to do so. The South Carolina 
 agent then threatened the Tuscarora with attack by the 
 Cherokee and Catawba and, if necessary, by the people of 
 South Carolina also. Burrington warned the Indians if 
 war came, the people of North Carolina would support those 
 of South Carolina. The Indians still refused to pay. 
 
 In the tense weeks that followed, the Tuscarora informed 
 Burrington that the northern Iroquois had promised to 
 send 1,000 warriors to their aid if war came, and that some 
 of them had already arrived. The Tuscarora added that a 
 major war against the English in general would be the re- 
 sult. Alarmed at the possibility of such a war, Burrington 
 notified the government in England of the danger. The 
 answer came in orders to both Burrington and the governor 
 of South Carolina to do everything possible to avoid the 
 conflict. Instructions also went to the governor of New York 
 to use his influence to prevent the northern Iroquois from 
 becoming involved. By the end of 1731, the danger had 
 passed, but from it the Tuscarora had learned a lesson. 
 Afterwards, they were content to live in peace, with only 
 occasional and minor clashes with Catawba hunting parties. 
 These conflicts were welcomed by the whites as a means of 
 draining off aggressive tendencies that otherwise might be 
 directed against them. In 1731, Governor Burrington re- 
 ported, "Our affairs are in as good condition as can be de- 
 sired in respect to the Indians in this and the neighboring 
 governments." The Coastal Plain Indians of North Carolina 
 never again threatened the peace. 
 
The Decline of the Coastal Plain Indians 49 
 
 With the fear of the Indians gone, the government of 
 North Carolina turned to a more benevolent treatment of 
 them, though the colonists were not always so friendly. The 
 government's attitude was in keeping with instructions from 
 the Crown to regain the friendship of the Indians for reasons 
 of safety and to increase trade with them. In 1732, a Com- 
 mission for Indian Trade was established to assure fair trad- 
 ing practices. Efforts were also made by the government to 
 prevent settlers from taking the land of the Indians. 
 
 Perhaps the most serious remaining problem with the Indi- 
 ans was over hunting. Because of the damage to timber and 
 the danger to other property involved in their practice of 
 burning the woods, the natives were forbidden to hunt with- 
 in the area of white settlements. The Indians resented this 
 restriction, and the problem reached a climax in 1740 when 
 many of them were threatening to leave North Carolina be- 
 cause of it. Their departure would have been a serious loss. 
 Too weak to be a danger themselves, they still were a safe- 
 guard against invasion by outside Indians. This value was 
 emphasized in 1740 when rumors reached North Carolina 
 that the French in Canada and Louisiana, and the Spaniards 
 in Florida, were making unusual efforts to turn the Indians 
 against the English colonies. The loss of its friendly Indians 
 would have exposed North Carolina to hostiles sent by 
 these rival nations. A critical danger would result should 
 the local natives, with their intimate knowledge of the 
 country, join the hostiles. To encourage the North Carolina 
 Indians to remain in peace, therefore, they were given greater 
 freedom in hunting. The problem did not cease altogether, 
 but the crisis passed. 
 
 In spite of the friendly attitude of the government, the 
 people of the colony continued to look upon the Indians with 
 contempt and to abuse them. Broken in strength and spirit, 
 

 50 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 the natives gradually decreased in numbers. In 1755, the 
 Indian population of eastern North Carolina was reported 
 as two men and three women of the Chowanoc tribe, in 
 Chowan County; seven or eight Meherrin warriors in 
 Northampton County; 301 Tuscarora, including 100 
 warriors, in Bertie County and 28 Saponi farther to the 
 west, in Granville County where they had recently moved 
 from Virginia. There were also eight or ten Mattamuskeet 
 Indians and the same number of unidentified natives on the 
 coastal islands and sand banks. The total population report- 
 ed was 365 people, or less. The pathetic condition to which 
 several of these tribes had declined was expressed in the 
 words of a visitor, the Moravian bishop, August Spangenberg. 
 "The Chowanoc," he said, "are reduced to a few families. 
 Their land has been taken away from them." Noting that 
 the Meherrin had also decreased to "a mere handful," he 
 added," It would seem that a curse were resting upon them 
 and oppressing them." Of the Tuscarora, he said, "Those 
 that have remained here are treated with great contempt, 
 and will probably soon be entirely exterminated." 
 
 By the time of Bishop Spangenberg's visit) the focus of 
 interest on North Carolina Indians had already shifted to 
 the west with the movement of white settlers. - 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The Catawba Indians of the 
 Piedmont Plateau 
 
 The lure of cheap, fertile land eventually drew settlers 
 onto the Piedmont Plateau of North Carolina. The extent 
 of this movement was indicated in 1750, when Anson County 
 was created for the convenience of those already there. In 
 the beginning, Anson County covered roughly the western 
 half of present-day North Carolina. In 1753, the continued 
 increase in population resulted in the upper part of Anson 
 being made a separate county, called Rowan. At the time, 
 the two counties had a combined population of about 3,000 
 persons. In the same year, Moravians under Bishop Spangen- 
 berg began moving down from Pennsylvania into North 
 Carolina. Their village of Bethabara (near present-day 
 Winston-Salem) and Salisbury, the county seat of Rowan, 
 were at this time the westernmost towns in the colony. Most 
 of the people were settled to the eastward. There were, how- 
 ever, a few scattered and more adventurous pioneers to be 
 found farther to the westward along the Yadkin, Catawba 
 and Broad Rivers. Among these outlying pioneers were 
 farmers with their families carving homesteads out of the 
 forest. There were also hunters and trappers who lived as 
 primitively as the Indians. 
 
 Some of the Piedmont settlers came westward from the 
 coast. Others came down through the interior from the 
 north. Among them were persons from Virginia, Maryland, 
 Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New England. Many were 
 Scotch-Irish and Germans, hardy and courageous people who 
 were well suited to the taming of a wild frontier. For these 
 
52 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 pioneers of the Piedmont, like the earlier settlers of the 
 Coastal Plain, moved into a strange and endless forest. They 
 also moved into a land of native Indians. 
 
 Each settler who came to the western frontier faced the 
 problem of dealing with these Indians. In a way, Bishop 
 Spangenberg spoke the concern of all as he considered the 
 wisdom of founding the Moravian settlement on land he 
 first selected and later abandoned at the foot of the Blue 
 Ridge. It was a chill November day in 1752 and the Bishop 
 was at this camp in the wilderness far up the South Catawba. 
 In the dim light of his tent he bent over his diary and en- 
 tered his thoughts: 
 
 Our lands lie in a region much frequented by the 
 Catawbas and Cherokees, especially for hunting. The 
 Senecas, too, come here almost every year, especially 
 when they are at war with the Catawbas. The Indians 
 in North Carolina behave quite differently from those 
 in Pennsylvania. There no one fears an Indian, unless 
 indeed he is drunk. Here the whites must needs fear 
 them . . . 
 
 Every man living alone is in this danger, here in the 
 forest. North Carolina has been at war with the Indians, 
 and they have been defeated and have lost their lands. 
 So not only the tribes that were directly concerned, but 
 all the Indians are resentful and take every opportunity 
 to show it. Indeed they have not only killed the cattle of 
 the whites, but have murdered the settlers themselves 
 when they had a chance. 
 
 It was the misfortune of the Piedmont pioneer thus to 
 bear a burden of hate developed in the Indian during a cen- 
 tury of abuse. It was their good fortune, however, that the 
 Catawba Nation, the only important tribe on the Piedmont 
 Plateau, welcomed them in peace if not with affection. 
 
 The Catawba Indians came into what is now North Caro- 
 lina at some unknown time in the past and occupied land on 
 
The Catawba Indians of the Piedmont Plateau 53 
 
 the Catawba River, near its forks. The tribe was the largest 
 eastern Siouan group. Soon after the settlement of North 
 Carolina it was said to have included about 1,500 warriors 
 and a total population of almost 5,000 persons. John Lawson 
 visited their country in 1701 and reported several thousands 
 of them living in many towns. In 1738, a smallpox epidemic 
 killed many of the tribe and by the time the tide of white 
 settlement reached them they had decreased to about 250-300 
 warriors. The total population at the time was probably no 
 more than 1,000 persons, including the remnants of the 
 Cheraw and other small Siouan tribes of eastern Carolina. 
 They then lived in six towns, all located within an area of 
 a few miles. 
 
 The Catawba Indians were ruled by an elected "king" 
 and under him were lesser chiefs, including the headman of 
 the various towns. In making decisions these lesser leaders 
 had a voice in the councils, but the power of the king was 
 almost absolute. This made possible more immediate de- 
 cisions and action in time of danger. An added source of 
 strength was the nearness of the towns to one another. The 
 entire fighting force of the tribe could be brought together 
 within two hours. 
 
 The Catawba needed all the power they could muster 
 because they had many enemies. Among these enemies were 
 the Tuscarora and the Cherokee. After their war with the 
 colonists, the North Carolina Tuscarora were too weak to 
 be a major problem and the Cherokee were too strong for 
 the Catawba to challenge in open war. The most persistent 
 and destructive enemies were the Shawnee and warriors of 
 the Six Nations. The Catawba were reputed to be among 
 the finest of Indian fighters and their scalps were regarded 
 as exceptional prizes among foes who came from as far away 
 as the Great Lakes to collect them. As a result, they were 
 
V 
 
 54 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 frequently forced to defend themselves from invasion. They 
 retaliated, though, by raiding the enemy country. The re- 
 sult was almost constant warfare. 
 
 Except for the brief period of hostility during the 
 Yamassee War, the Catawba had always been friendly with 
 the English and had traded with them long before the white 
 settlers reached their country. However, North Carolina 
 carried on little or no trade with the Catawba and made no 
 effort to govern them; hence they became "South Carolina 
 Indians" by becoming dependent on the trade of that colony. 
 In time, however, the administration of the tribe did become 
 a matter of dispute between the two colonies. 
 
 The dispute over the Catawba arose from the lack of an 
 actual boundary line between the two Carolinas. For many 
 years, while settlers were still confined to the coastal area, 
 the Cape Fear River had been accepted as an unofficial 
 boundary. In 1735, officials of both colonies agreed on a line 
 that would include the Cape Fear in North Carolina and 
 then extend westward along thirty-five degrees northern 
 parallel, except that the line would bend northward, if 
 necessary, to include the Catawba and the Cherokee in 
 South Carolina. 
 
 This agreement, however, failed to settle the question. As 
 white colonists moved into the west before the line had 
 actually been marked, North Carolina officials became un- 
 willing for the Catawba to be included in South Carolina. 
 The continuing lack of a boundary led to disputes between 
 the colonies over land grants to settlers. It also led to con- 
 fusion on the part of the Catawba who tried to please both 
 governments. In 1754, Governor James Glen of South Caro- 
 lina instructed the Catawba not to allow whites to occupy 
 land within thirty miles of their towns. This would have 
 excluded almost 2,000,000 acres from European settlement, 
 
The Catawba Indians of the Piedmont Plateau 55 
 
 and North Carolina officials felt a smaller area would satisfy 
 the needs of the tribe which they now sought to have in- 
 cluded in North Carolina. They called in Haigler, King of 
 the Catawba, and advised him to ignore Glen's order because 
 the land belonged to North Carolina and not South Carolina. 
 Haigler replied the land belonged to neither; it belonged 
 to the Catawba and they would not give it up. The result was 
 land disputes between the Indians and the whites of North 
 Carolina who had already received grants within the area. 
 
 There were troubles other than land disputes that some- 
 times disturbed the relations of the Catawba and the whites. 
 On occasions, the Indians robbed the settlers of food and 
 other property. King Haigler excused the taking of food as 
 a necessity of war when his warriors, engaged in frequent 
 clashes with their enemies, had no time to hunt. The whites 
 would not give, he said, so the warriors had to take. The 
 King condemned the theft of things other than food and 
 blamed such offenses on young men of the tribe who would 
 not always listen to the advice of their elders. But even this 
 guilt he placed, in part, on the whites who sold alcohol to 
 the natives. The evil of intoxicating drink had become a 
 serious problem to the Catawba tribe. In pleading with the 
 whites to stop the sale of it to his people, Haigler explained 
 that his young men "get very drunk with it. This is the Very 
 Cause that they oftentimes Commit those Crimes that is 
 offensive to You and us." 
 
 Fortunately, most of the troubles with the Catawba were 
 minor ones. Members of the tribe guilty of occasional 
 serious crimes were usually punished quickly and severely by 
 their own people. Lesser crimes were not enough to break 
 the peace that existed between the Indians and the settlers. 
 This peace was important to both. The Catawba protected 
 
56 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 the whites against greater dangers on the frontier. The pre- 
 sence of the whites, on the other hand, provided some com- 
 fort to the Indians as long as the raids of the Northern 
 Indians continued and the unfriendly Cherokee were not far 
 away. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 The Cherokee Indians of the 
 Western Mountains 
 
 The Cherokee Nation was located far to the west of the 
 Catawba, in and near the Great Smokies. They were 
 Iroquoian people who had moved down from the north long 
 before the coming of the Europeans. The largest tribe in 
 what is now the southeastern United States, the Cherokee 
 population in 1729 has been estimated as 20,000 persons, 
 including 6,000 warriors. Thereafter they decreased. In 1738, 
 they suffered heavy losses from smallpox as did the Catawba. 
 In 1755, the tribe was reported to contain about 2,600 
 warriors and a total population of about 8,500 persons. 
 
 The Cherokee Nation was divided into three sections, or 
 Settlements. The Lower Cherokee lived in the eastern foot- 
 hills of the mountains on the headwaters of the Savannah 
 River. The Upper, or Overhills people lived to the west of 
 the mountains on the headwaters of the Tennessee River. 
 In between, in the valleys and the hills, lived the Middle 
 Cherokee. Except for a few in Georgia, the Lower Cherokee 
 were in South Carolina and the Middle and Overhills people 
 were in North Carolina, including those in territory that has 
 since become Tennessee. 
 
 \ The towns of the Cherokee were located on the banks of 
 rivers and creeks, and amid flat, fertile land that was suit- 
 able for farming. Because of the rugged nature of the country 
 such land was scattered and seldom occurred in large tracts. 
 For this reason, the towns were limited in size, were numer- 
 ous and were sometimes widely separated. In mid-Eighteenth 
 Century, there were about forty towns with an average 
 population of 200 or so persons stretching out over an area 
 

 58 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 of about 150 miles. To the south of the Cherokee were the 
 Creek Indians and far to the west, along the Mississippi, 
 were the Chickasaw Indians. The Choctaw were located 
 below the Chickasaw and to the west of the Creeks. In South 
 Carolina, Long Canes Creek, about fifty miles to the south- 
 west of the Lower towns, was regarded by the Cherokee as 
 the boundary between them and the English settlements. In 
 1747, the natives had sold all their land claims to the east 
 of that stream to the South Carolina government for the 
 use of the whites. The unoccupied area between the Lower 
 towns and Long Canes was part of the tribal hunting grounds 
 and was considered not open to settlement. Because the 
 whites were still far removed in North Carolina, no similar 
 boundary existed in that colony. 
 
 The government of the Cherokee was somewhat com- 
 plicated but was perhaps the loosest of all the Carolina tribes. 
 Each town had its headman, but there were also numerous 
 other lesser war and peace leaders. All were elected on the 
 basis of ability and past achievements. The highest war rank 
 was Great Warrior; followed in order by Mankiller, Raven 
 and Slave Catcher. The principal peace titles were Head 
 Beloved Man, Beloved Man and Conjurer. War women 
 sometimes achieved rank as Beloved Woman. Rank, however, 
 carried little real power and the authority of the leaders was 
 no greater than their popularity and influence. This was 
 true even of the principal chief of the Nation, usually 
 identified by the English as Emperor. Under this system it 
 was possible for persons of lesser rank to exercise more real 
 power than did their superiors. The wisdom and respect of 
 the elder chiefs were usually sufficient to result in orderly 
 government, but this was not always so. Hotheaded and im- 
 pulsive young warriors sometimes ignored the advice of 
 their elders and took actions that endangered the whole 
 
The Cherokee Indians of the Western Mountains 59 
 
 group. The same lack of control also extended to the various 
 towns and Settlements. 
 
 Each Settlement was independent of the others and so 
 was each town. Councils were held to discuss problems but 
 the decisions were not binding and did not control the con- 
 duct of individual towns and Settlements. This lack of co- 
 ordination deprived the tribe of the strength that it might 
 have had otherwise. At times, some unity was achieved 
 through leaders whose influence reached beyond their own 
 towns. The degree of this unity depended on the individual. 
 A more forceful encouragement to co-operation came from 
 common danger that occasionally threatened the people. 
 
 As with the Catawba Nation, and for the same reasons, 
 North Carolina made no effort to exercise authority over the 
 Cherokee even though most of them lived within her bounds. 
 As a result, the Cherokee also became "South Carolina 
 Indians," tied to that colony by trade. The trade was con- 
 ducted by private individuals who transported English goods 
 to the Cherokee and returned with furs and deer skins re- 
 ceived in exchange. This was a profitable business, but, un- 
 fortunately, many of the traders were rough, uncouth per- 
 sons who abused and cheated the natives in spite of South 
 Carolina laws intended to prevent such treatment. The 
 Cherokee had been on peaceful terms with the English since 
 Maurice Moore's visit of 1716, but because of the conduct 
 of the traders the friendship was not as strong as it might 
 have been. To the South Carolina government, good rela- 
 tions with the Cherokee were more than a source of profits. 
 An unfriendly Cherokee Nation could be a difficult, if not 
 impossible, barrier to settlement in the land beyond the 
 mountains which the English some day hoped to occupy. 
 
 This hope of expansion was opposed by the French and 
 
60 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 the Cherokee were caught between the conflicting ambitions 
 of the two European rivals. 
 
 Between the English settlements and the Mississippi, and 
 extending from French Canada in the north to French 
 Louisiana on the Gulf of Mexico, was a vast area that was 
 desired by both the English and the French but settled by 
 neither. To the English this area offered the possibility of 
 future expansion westward. To the French it offered the pos- 
 sibility of connecting Canada and Louisiana. To both it 
 promised rich profits in the fur trade. Except for the Choctaw 
 land along the Mississippi, that part of the area which lay 
 to the west of present-day South Carolina and Georgia was 
 occupied by the Creek Indians who refused to ally with 
 either the English or the French so that they might benefit 
 from trade with both. As a result, competition between the 
 two European rivals was most active in the upper part of 
 the area that lay to the west of the Appa'achian Mountains. 
 Through this region the Ohio and the Tennessee Rivers 
 flowed like two great water highways and were the natural 
 routes over which settlers would some day pass. The Ohio 
 originates at modern Pittsburgh and flows southwestward to 
 the Mississippi. At the time, the area was claimed by Virginia 
 and was dominated by the Shawnee Indians. The Tennessee 
 originates in the mountains of present-day western North 
 Carolina, in land then occupied by the Cherokee. It flows 
 west and north to join the Ohio near the Mississippi. The 
 nation that controlled their headwaters also controlled the 
 streams and the land through which they flowed. Both 
 nations sought this control through support of the natives. 
 The English already held this support because they were 
 nearer and could furnish more and cheaper trade goods. 
 The French, however, worked hard to turn the loyalty of 
 the natives to themselves. 
 
The Cherokee Indians of the Western Mountains €1 
 
 In their efforts to win the Cherokee the French some- 
 times used gifts and promises of better trade. At other times, 
 they were more forceful with threats and even attacks by 
 their native allies. Their best chance in overcoming the 
 English advantage of proximity, however, was in building a 
 fort among the Cherokee. The use of such structures in ex- 
 tending influence among distant Indians was not new, and 
 forts built for this purpose served a dual purpose. To the 
 Indians they provided protection from their enemies, especial- 
 ly to the women and children when the men were away at 
 war. To the Europeans they were more important as trading 
 posts through which the Indians would become dependents 
 and, consequently, allies. For obvious reasons, such posts 
 could serve their purpose only among friendly natives. 
 
 In the past, the French and English both had used such 
 forts with varying degrees of success. The French had built 
 Fort Toulouse at the head of the Alabama River, among 
 the Creek Indians in the hope of winning their loyalty. The 
 Creeks remained neutral but doubtless the presence of the 
 fort influenced that neutrality. Too, the French had won a 
 minority following within the tribe. More important, it 
 provided them with a base nearer than Mobile or New 
 Orleans from which to work among the Cherokee. 
 
 Of the numerous French forts in the north, two, Frontenac 
 and Niagara on Lake Ontario, made possible control of all 
 the Great Lakes to the west and also provided access to the 
 Ohio Valley and the South. The success of these two forts 
 alone was reason enough for the French to hope that similar 
 posts at the heads of the Ohio and Tennessee would assure 
 them possession of the land to the west. 
 
 Among the English forts in the north, Oswego, also on 
 Lake Ontario, was an important trading post that controlled 
 much of the Indian trade of western New York. It also stood 
 
62 
 
 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
The Cherokee Indians of the Western Mountains 63 
 
 as a threat to the French forts, Frontenac and Niagara, and 
 jeopardized French access to the west and south. 
 
 In 1753, South Carolina had built Fort Prince George 
 among the Lower Cherokee to improve trade with them 
 and to protect them against attacks by the Creeks. A similar 
 fort had been promised to the Overhills people but had 
 never been built. Neither had one been built by the French 
 in spite of occasional rumors that they would do so. At the 
 head of the Ohio, though, Virginia had been more aggressive. 
 They had begun the construction of a fort there to assure 
 their continued control of the river. In early 1754, it was 
 seized by the French and completed as Fort Duquesne. This 
 act was the beginning of the French and Indian War. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 The French and Indian War 
 
 The French and Indian War began at the head of the 
 Ohio, but it was a struggle between English and French 
 colonists for possession of the vast area to the west of the 
 mountains. By the spring of 1756, it had developed into a 
 formal war between England and France in Europe, and 
 other parts of the world, to determine which would remain 
 a dominant colonial power. The colonies of the loser, includ- 
 ing those in America, were to be the rewards of the victor. 
 
 In the beginning, the primary objective of the English 
 in North America was to drive the French from Fort 
 Duquesne. Since the area was claimed by Virginia the ac- 
 complishment of this objective was primarily the problem 
 of that colony. Help came from England and from other 
 colonies but even so, four years of poor leadership and 
 failures passed before success came with the capture of Fort 
 Duquesne in November, 1758. Two more years of fighting 
 passed before the English won complete victory and took over 
 all French possessions east of the Mississippi. 
 
 During the first four frustrating years of French successes, 
 the Virginia frontier suffered the horrors of Indian warfare. 
 North Carolina, however, was spared all but fleeting touches 
 of this terror. This was fortunate, because she was ill-pre- 
 pared to defend herself. The only military force in the colony 
 was the militia, with a regiment in each county. By law every 
 man, except slaves, between sixteen and sixty years of age 
 was required to serve in time of emergency and without pay. 
 The militia, however, was of little use, because it was poorly 
 organized and was not adequately supplied with arms and 
 ammunition. As a result, it was necessary from time to time 
 
The French and Indian War 65 
 
 during the war to raise companies of paid troops, known as 
 "provincials." Such units were authorized by special laws 
 for specific purposes and for stated periods of time. They 
 were composed of North Carolina men and were led by 
 North Carolina officers. 
 
 At the outbreak of the war, several coastal installations 
 were manned to defend against an invasion that never came, 
 but the western frontier was left exposed. The best defense 
 there, it was believed, was to prevent the war from reaching 
 the colony by defeating the enemy beyond its bounds. For 
 this reason, North Carolina troops were sent to Virginia and 
 even to New York to join in the fight against the French. 
 Within the colony, guns and ammunition were sent to the 
 frontier counties for the use of the needy there, but other- 
 wise action was taken only when occasional threats to the 
 peace demanded it. The first violence came in the autumn of 
 1754, when a band of Indians, believed to have been French 
 allies, raided along the Broad River and killed sixteen 
 settlers, and took ten others as captives. Because of the lack 
 of other defenses, Arthur Dobbs, Governor of North Caro- 
 lina, rushed a company under Captain Hugh Waddell to 
 patrol the frontier as far west as the mountains. 
 
 Perhaps the greatest source of security to the North Caro- 
 lina frontier was the presence of friendly Indians. The 
 Catawba were the nearest to the white settlements and were 
 the most helpful. On several occasions they proved the value 
 of their nearness. For example, Catawba warriors went out 
 after the hostiles guilty of the Broad River killings. They 
 failed to catch the enemy but no doubt they prevented great- 
 er harm being done. The Cherokee were farther removed 
 from the white settlements, but they were nevertheless a 
 protection against invasion from the west. 
 
66 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 As important as the Catawba and Cherokee were to North 
 Carolina, their help was needed much more in Virginia 
 where the Indian allies of the French, especially the 
 Shawnee who had shifted their loyalty to the enemy, were 
 ravaging the frontier almost at will. Virginia's governor, 
 Robert Dinwiddie, had sought the aid of both tribes but 
 without success. As "South Carolina Indians," the Catawba 
 and the Cherokee were under the influence, if not the actual 
 control, of Governor James Glen of South Carolina. Glen 
 was not on friendly terms with Dinwiddie and did not ap- 
 prove of his conduct of the war in Virginia. In addition, 
 Glen believed the safety of his own colony required the pre- 
 sence of the Indians, especially the Cherokee, in their own 
 country as a safeguard against invasion from the west. The 
 failure of an expedition under General James Braddock to 
 take Fort Duquesne in July, 1755, was blamed by Dinwiddie 
 on the absence of the Catawba and Cherokee who, as scouts, 
 might have prevented the fatal ambush suffered by Brad- 
 dock. The Virginia governor, in turn, held Glen responsible 
 for the absence of the Indians. 
 
 At the time they might have been with Braddock in Vir- 
 ginia, many headmen and warriors of both tribes were meet- 
 ing with Glen on the South Carolina frontier. To the 
 Catawba, Glen reaffirmed their right to the land within thirty 
 miles of their towns. To the Cherokee he promised arms and 
 ammunition to protect themselves against the French, in 
 return for their promise of continued loyalty to the English. 
 He also renewed the promise of a South Carolina fort in 
 the Overhills country. At the same time, the Cherokee sur- 
 rendered to the English king sovereignty over all their land. 
 Unlike the earlier conveyance of the land to the east of 
 Long Canes Creek for "the use" of the whites, the convey- 
 ance of sovereignty transferred only the right to govern the 
 
The French and Indian War 67 
 
 area. Glen's purpose in acquiring this right was to strengthen 
 the claim of the English to the disputed area beyond the 
 mountains. 
 
 After Braddock's defeat, the Virginia frontier was even 
 more exposed to the violence of the Indians. Terror seized 
 the people and as one traveller observed, "A cold shudder- 
 ing possessed every breast, and paleness covered nearly every 
 face." The chill of this fear reached down into North Caro- 
 lina but, fortunately, the violence did not. In Virginia, how- 
 ever, the help of the Cherokee and Catawba was needed 
 more desperately than ever. Dinwiddie had reason to believe 
 the continued failure of South Carolina to build a fort in the 
 Overhills country was causing the Indians there to lose faith 
 in the South Carolinians. He also feared that this loss of con- 
 fidence might drive the Cherokee into the arms of the 
 French. To hold the Cherokee to the English cause and also 
 to obtain their help, Dinwiddie ignored Glen and arranged a 
 meeting between his agents and headmen of the Cherokee 
 on the Broad River in North Carolina in March, 1756. At 
 this meeting the Cherokee promised to send a large number 
 of warriors to help protect the Virginia frontier but only 
 after the completion of an English fort to protect their 
 women and children while the warriors were away at war. 
 The Virginians agreed to help South Carolina build the fort 
 already promised. 
 
 The assurance of continued Cherokee loyality that seemed 
 to come from this meeting was soon a matter of doubt. Even 
 before the meeting, a large number of Cherokee warriors 
 had gone to Virginia to take part in an attack on the 
 Shawnee on the Ohio. The expedition ended in disaster 
 when the food supply was lost while crossing a river and 
 the men were reduced to eating their horses. Hungry and 
 disappointed Cherokee warriors returned home across the 
 
68 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 North Carolina frontier and wherever they passed they took 
 food, clothing and horses from the white settlers. As they 
 had at the time of the Broad River raid of 1754, many people 
 gathered together in fortified houses or fled to the Moravian 
 settlement. Angered, some of the men prepared to go out 
 after the Indians but were restrained from doing so by 
 Arthur Dobbs, Governor of North Carolina. Dobbs feared 
 that private vengeance might result in a disastrous war with 
 the Cherokee, and he believed the French had encouraged the 
 Indians to act as they did with that purpose in mind. This 
 suspicion was confirmed by King Haigler of the Catawba 
 who revealed that the Cherokee had confided in him that 
 they were considering an alliance with the French. By sum- 
 mer there was a rumor that the alliance had already been 
 made. 
 
 Because of the danger of a French-Cherokee alliance and 
 also because of the fear that the French Indians would ex- 
 tend their destructive raids southward from Virginia, steps 
 were taken to protect the North Carolina frontier even 
 though the Catawba again proved their loyalty by helping 
 to recover much of the stolen property from the Cherokee. 
 The North Carolina government promised to build a fort in 
 the Catawba Nation to protect their women and children in 
 order to encourage the warriors to continue their active 
 support. The Moravians were forbidden to fight because of 
 religious principles, but they did build a log palisade around 
 their town of Bethabara for protection. As it had from the 
 beginning of the war, the town continued to serve as a refuge 
 for neighboring settlers. Many left their homes and went to 
 Bethabara, and also to Salisbury, for safety. Others sought 
 even greater security by leaving the frontier altogether. 
 
 The North Carolina government also contributed to the 
 defense of the frontier by building a fort in the wilderness 
 
The French and Indian War 69 
 
 between the Third and Fourth Creeks. of the South Yadkin, 
 a short distance from where Statesville now stands and 
 about forty miles southwest of Bethabara. The structure, 
 named Fort Dobbs, was fifty-three feet by forty feet and 
 was built of oak logs. As small as it was, it served as a garrison 
 for the troops patrolling the frontier and also provided a 
 refuge for the widely scattered settlers of the outer frontier 
 in times of danger. 
 
 In the same summer of 1756, a group of Virginians arrived 
 in the Overhills country to join South Carolinians in build- 
 ing the fort that had been promised for so long. When the 
 South Carolinians did not arrive, the Virginians were per- 
 suaded to erect a separate fort on the Little Tennessee River 
 about a mile above the Town of Chote. The fort, a log 
 palisade sightly more than 100 feet square, was completed 
 in early August. The Cherokee headmen were then asked to 
 furnish the 400 warriors they had promised at the Broad 
 River meeting. They were evasive, however, and only seven 
 men and three women returned to Virginia with Major 
 Andrew Lewis who had supervised the construction of the 
 fort. Even more disturbing than the unkept promise was the 
 growing anti-English feeling that was apparent among the 
 Cherokee. Because of this feeling Virginia troops were not 
 sent to occupy the fort and it was never active. 
 
 The hostility towards the English reflected, of course, an 
 increasing friendliness for the French and no doubt this 
 shift in sentiment resulted from the successes of the French 
 in the early years of the war. It became most apparent soon 
 after they captured Fort Oswego from the English and there- 
 by gained undisputed access to the Ohio Valley. All the 
 southern colonies, including North Carolina, now seemed in 
 danger of enemy invasion, and the Cherokee wanted to 
 avoid ties with the losing side. The pro-French feeling was 
 
70 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 strongest in the Overhills Settlement which was most ex- 
 posed to French influence and pressure. For a while it ap- 
 peared that all the Overhills towns were united against the 
 English, but as time went by, it became clear that pro-French 
 sympathy was centered in only a few of the towns. Accord- 
 ingly, in the fall of 1756, the South Carolinians finally began 
 the construction of a fort in the Overhills country, on the 
 Little Tennessee River near the town of Tomatley. Named 
 Fort Loudon, the structure was much larger and stronger than 
 the Virginia fort and was to play an important part in later 
 English-Cherokee relations. The fact that many of the na- 
 tives welcomed the fort while some opposed it revealed the 
 disunity of the Indians. By the spring of 1757, however, it 
 appeared that the English supporters had won out and that 
 the danger of an alliance between the Cherokee and the 
 French had passed. In any event, Cherokee warriors went 
 to Virginia in the spring of 1757 and again the following 
 year. 
 
 In their willingness to fight for the defense of Virginia, 
 the Cherokee were not motivated by an affection for the 
 cause. George Washington, then colonel of the First Virginia 
 Regiment, reported that they "are mercenary; every service 
 of theirs must be purchased; and they are easily offended, 
 being thoroughly sensible of their importance." The 
 Cherokee did indeed understand the importance of their 
 services and they expected to be adequately paid for them, 
 as well as for the fact that they were required to neglect their 
 farming and hunting while away at war. When they failed 
 to receive what they thought was just, they returned home 
 in 1757 and again in 1758 without having contributed a great 
 deal in the struggle against the French. 
 
 The fact that the friendship of the Cherokee still could 
 not be taken for granted was shown in 1758 when the war- 
 
The French and Indian War 71 
 
 riors who had gone to Virginia returned home. While passing 
 through the Virginia frontier they took horses from the 
 settlers. When the settlers used forceful means to recover 
 their property, the result was the killing of both whites and 
 Indians. North Carolina was spared this trouble, and much 
 of the credit for this good fortune must be given to the 
 Moravians. Hundreds of the natives going to and from 
 Virginia in 1758 were fed as friendly allies at Bethabara and 
 they responded to this hospitality by peaceful conduct. To 
 the grateful Indians, Bethabara became known as "the Dutch 
 fort where there are good People and much bread." 
 
 The feeling of the Cherokee, especially the young warriors, 
 for the people of Virginia, however, was one of bitterness 
 and a desire for revenge. They were restricted from seeking 
 such revenge only by their elder leaders and by Governor 
 Glen of South Carolina. Glen warned them that war against 
 the people of Virginia would mean the destruction of the 
 Cherokee. On the other hand, for peaceful acceptance of 
 their loss he promised "presents to the Relations of your 
 People who have been slain sufficient to hide the bones of 
 the dead Men and wipe away the tears from the eyes of their 
 friends." In November, 1758, representatives of the tribe 
 travelled to Charles Town and received the presents. A few 
 days later the French abandoned Fort Duquesne as a large 
 army of English and colonial troops approached. Peace it 
 seemed had once more come to the southern frontier. For 
 the people of the Carolinas, however, the worst was yet 
 to come. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 The Cherokee War; The Beginning 
 
 Many persons hopefully believed the French abandonment 
 of Fort Duquesne meant the end of violence of the southern 
 frontier. They soon found they were wrong. Having lost 
 control of the Ohio Valley the French increased their efforts 
 to win the Tennessee Valley. They hoped to achieve this 
 objective by turning the Cherokee against the English and 
 finally succeeded in convincing the Indians the English 
 planned to conquer them and take their land. The result was 
 the Cherokee War. To the Indians this was a struggle for 
 survival. According to the French, English forts in the 
 Cherokee country would be followed by settlers who would 
 deprive the Indians of ammunition. Rendered helpless, the 
 Cherokee men would then be killed and che women and 
 children enslaved. 
 
 At first, few of the tribe seemed alarmed at this warning, 
 but as time passed more and more of them came to realize 
 the danger of the continuing westward movement of the 
 whites. In 1753, when Fort Prince George was built, the 
 settlers still remained to the east of Long Canes Creek and 
 there seemed little reason to fear the fort. But soon there- 
 after, whites were moving across Long Canes Creek onto 
 Cherokee land. Probably some of the settlers were encourag- 
 ed by the existence of the fort. Some no doubt chose to 
 regard the Cherokee surrender of sovereignty over their 
 land in 1755 as surrender of title to it. Whatever the reason, 
 however, game became scarce with the occupation of the 
 hunting grounds. The Indians found it more and more 
 difficult to feed their families and to obtain the furs and skins 
 they needed for trade. 
 
The Cherokee War; The Beginning 73 
 
 This intrusion of the English, combined with the early 
 war successes of the French, was the cause of the anti-English 
 feeling that was so apparent among the Cherokee in late 
 1756. The Virginia and South Carolina forts were per- 
 mitted to be built but the Cherokee, or at least part of them, 
 were also considering an alliance with the French. This 
 feeling was strongest in the Overhills Settlement and especial- 
 ly in the Town of Great Tellico. If the French had been 
 able to provide the Cherokee with trade at the time, they 
 doubtless could have won them over from the English. Repre- 
 sentatives of Great Tellico were sent to the French in 
 Louisiana and Canada to offer their support in return for 
 trade, but because of the war Louisiana was practically with- 
 out trade goods, and the Governor of Canada promised to 
 supply the Cherokee only if they moved their people to the 
 Ohio River. Unwilling to leave their ancestral land and 
 realizing they were still dependent on the English, the 
 Cherokee turned once more to a friendlier relationship with 
 them. Resentment and fear of the intrusion onto their land 
 did not end though, and many of the tribe continued to 
 favor the French. 
 
 The unrest resulting from the Virginia killings in 1758 
 provided the French with another opportunity to turn the 
 Cherokee against the English. In spite of Governor Glen's 
 attempt to satisfy the tribe with gifts, many of the young 
 warriors, especially among the Overhills towns, remained in 
 a warlike mood. Easily aroused, they were incited to violence 
 that eventually drew the whole tribe into a disastrous war. 
 The French carried on their intrigue from Fort Toulouse and 
 also from Fort Massac which had been built on the lower 
 Ohio, near the mouth of the Tennessee River, even before 
 Fort Duquesne was abandoned. As agents to work among the 
 
74 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 Cherokee, they used friendly Creek Indians led by the Great 
 Mortar. 
 
 Soon after the Virginia trouble, Creek warriors appeared 
 among the Cherokee with taunts of cowardice for not seeking 
 revenge against the English. They also brought promises of 
 ammunition from the French at Fort Toulouse. The young- 
 er Cherokee became more restless and more difficult to con- 
 trol. In March, 1759, the Great Mortar arrived in the Over- 
 hills Settlement and violence soon followed. Late in April, 
 about twenty-five warriors and several headmen of Settico 
 went out from the town on a "hunting" expedition. After 
 their departure, they divided into three separate parties 
 and a few days later the real nature of their mission became 
 known when they killed fifteen helpless settlers on the 
 Catawba and Yadkin Rivers. 
 
 At the time, the North Carolina frontier was defenseless 
 and this doubtless explains why it was chosen for the raid. 
 The troops stationed at Fort Dobbs for patrol service had 
 been transferred to Virginia the previous year to aid in the 
 attack on Fort Duquesne. They were not returned and Fort 
 Dobbs had, therefore, been abandoned ever since. The fort 
 promised the Catawba Nation had been started but never 
 completed. Under these conditions fear swept across the 
 frontier. Many settlers fled to the Moravians at Bethabara "as 
 though the enemy was at their heels." Others took refuge in 
 Salisbury. Some barricaded themselves in their homes. None 
 ventured out except at the risk of death. Catawba warriors 
 went out after the hostile Cherokee but failed to overtake 
 them. The Settico "hunters" returned home with the scalps 
 of their victims. 
 
 To prevent further violence, Governor Dobbs transferred 
 the only two companies of provincials then in service from 
 the coastal forts to the frontier for patrol duty. Major Hugh 
 
The Cherokee War; The Beginning 75 
 
 Waddell, the commander, was also authorized to call out the 
 militia of Rowan, Anson and Orange Counties, but he did 
 not consider this action necessary. The Lower and Middle 
 Cherokee quickly denied any part in the raid and William 
 Lyttleton, then Governor of South Carolina, calmed the 
 warlike spirit of the Overhills people by demanding the 
 surrender of the guilty tribesmen. The demand was made 
 through Attakullakulla, the best friend among the Cherokee 
 the English had, and to whom he was known as the Little 
 Carpenter because of his talent for building houses. The 
 fact that he could not meet this demand indicated the ineffec- 
 tive control of the Cherokee headmen. The people of Settico 
 did apologize for their wrongdoing and also turned over the 
 scalps of their victims to the commander of Fort Loudon. 
 These were buried out of respect for the dead. Governor 
 Lyttleton stopped all trade with Settico but otherwise seemed 
 willing to let the matter rest for the sake of continued peace. 
 The French, however, were determined to keep the 
 Cherokee aroused. Near the end of July, just as the crisis 
 over the Catawba- Yadkin killings eased, pro-French Creeks 
 appeared among the Lower Cherokee who were nearest to 
 the white settlements and who suffered most from the occupa- 
 tion of their hunting grounds. The Creek proposed a joint 
 war against the English and to encourage agreement they 
 brought assurances from the French at Fort Toulouse that 
 plentiful ammunition and other trade goods were then 
 available there for the Cherokee. On the basis of this 
 assurance, the Cherokee agreed to war. The commander of 
 Fort Prince George learned of this secret pact and reported 
 it to Governor Lyttleton. The commander of Fort Loudon 
 also reported secret meetings in the Overhills towns of Great 
 Tellico and Settico, probably held for the same purpose. 
 Wohatchee, a headman of the Lower Cherokee, claiming to 
 
76 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 speak for the whole Nation, denied the plot and informed 
 the Governor that the principal grievance of the Cherokee 
 was the movement of whites into their land. If the settlers 
 moved back across Long Canes Creek, he added, the grievance 
 would end. Wohatchee asked Lyttleton to receive representa- 
 tives of his people in Charles Town to discuss the complaint. 
 Lyttleton agreed to a meeting but he also took certain pre- 
 cautionary steps, ordering the sale of ammunition to all 
 Cherokee stopped. 
 
 News that their ammunition supply had been cut off 
 reached the Cherokee in early September, 1759, and it came 
 to them like the sound of doom. This, according to the 
 French warning, was the final step in the English plan of 
 conquest. The reaction of the Indians, as might be expected, 
 centered around Fort Loudon and Fort Prince George. The 
 Overhills people crowded to Fort Loudon and demanded 
 ammunition. When their request was denied, the majority 
 appeared uncertain as to what course to follow. A few were 
 more forceful in their thinking and acted accordingly. 
 
 In the beginning, violence was confined to the people of 
 Great Tellico and Settico, the centers of French sympathy. 
 Their anger had been stirred to fury by a messenger just 
 arrived from the French at Fort Toulouse. He reminded 
 them of the death and slavery that the Cherokee could avert 
 only by war against the English. To encourage them to 
 begin the war, the French promised ammunition in return 
 for three English scalps. Within a few days, a soldier at Fort 
 Loudon, the trader at Chillowee and a pack horse man 
 on the trail paid the price demanded. The fort was also 
 cut off from the outside world and no one dared venture 
 outside its walls. There was more French ammunition to 
 be had for more English scalps. As time passed, other Over- 
 hills towns turned against the English. Among the Lower 
 
The Cherokee War; The Beginning 77 
 
 Cherokee conditions were no better. Traders from all over 
 the Nation fled to Fort Prince George for safety and, with 
 angry Indians lurking about, anyone who left the post did 
 so at the risk of his life. The Middle Cherokee were divided 
 in their sympathy between the English and French, and 
 since there was no fort in their Settlement there was less 
 evidence of unrest among them. 
 
 In late September, Governor Lyttleton learned of the 
 explosive conduct of the Cherokee and immediately began 
 preparations to march against them. He also sent out calls 
 for help to North Carolina and Virginia. While these pre- 
 parations were underway a large number of representatives 
 of the Lower Cherokee arrived in Charles Town for the 
 meeting which Wohatchee had arranged. With them were 
 several headmen of the Overhills people who came seeking 
 ammunition. The Indians found the Governor no longer 
 willing to meet with them in Charles Town. Instead, he was 
 determined to march into the heart of the Indian country 
 and restore order by peaceful means if possible, or by force 
 if necessary. 
 
 Shortly thereafter, Lyttleton left Charles Town bound for 
 Fort Prince George. With him was an army of more than 
 1,000 men, later enlarged to approximately 1,500. Also with 
 him were the Cherokee headmen to whom he had pledged 
 safety on their journey to and from Charles Town. However, 
 on the march west he violated this pledge by placing the 
 Indians under guard and imprisoning twenty-four of them 
 upon arrival at Fort Prince George. According to Lyttleton, 
 this was the number of English subjects who had been killed 
 by the Cherokee since they had been given satisfaction for 
 their people killed in Virginia. The prisoners were charged 
 with no crime and their freedom was offered in return for 
 the surrender of a like number of tribesmen responsible for 
 
78 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 the killings. The Little Carpenter tried to arrange the ex- 
 change but was able to deliver only three. By fleeing or other- 
 wise, the balance of the guilty simply would not permit 
 themselves to be taken. Unwilling to return to Charles Town 
 without some show of success, Lyttleton, in late December, 
 entered into a treaty with several of the Cherokee headmen, 
 including the Little Carpenter. Under the terms of this 
 treaty the twenty-one headmen still confined were to be 
 held as hostages until the guilty parties were surrendered. 
 The Cherokee pledged continued friendship and the English 
 promised to resume full trade with the tribe. 
 
 Assuming that he had restored peaceful relations with the 
 Cherokee Nation, Governor Lyttleton returned to Charles 
 Town early in 1760 and disbanded his army. It was soon 
 clear, though, that the tribe as a whole was not willing to 
 accept the treaty. They neither understood nor accepted the 
 imprisonment of their leaders. To them, the word "hostage" 
 had no meaning. Confinement meant nothing more than 
 slavery and in this case it was the result of the Governor's 
 deceit and dishonor. They attempted to gain the release of 
 the prisoners, first by request and then by force. When they 
 failed they turned on the settlers and dozens were killed. 
 Perhaps the most murderous raid of all was suffered by the 
 people of Long Canes Creek. The situation became even 
 more explosive with the killing of the commander of Fort 
 Prince George. He foolishly allowed himself to be lured 
 out of the fort, supposedly for a conference with an Over- 
 hills chief. Once outside the gate he was mortally wounded 
 by concealed Indians. The enraged soldiers inside the fort 
 retaliated by killing the hostages. With the death of the 
 latter, the Cherokee had neither reason nor desire to restrain 
 themselves. The whole Nation united in war against the 
 English. 
 
The Cherokee War; The Beginning 79 
 
 Since her military force had been disbanded after Lyttle- 
 ton's expedition, South Carolina was no longer able to face 
 the Cherokee alone. A renewed call for help went out to 
 North Carolina and Virginia. More important, British regu- 
 lar troops, then concentrated in the north for the campaign 
 against the French in Canada, were requested. While he 
 waited for aid, Lyttleton did what he could to protect the 
 South Carolina frontier, but it was not enough to defend the 
 people against the vengence of the outraged Indians. At the 
 same time, the horror of Indian warfare once more reached 
 the North Carolina frontier. 
 
 The killing of the hostages at Fort Prince George took 
 place in mid-February, 1760, and at the time the North Caro- 
 lina frontier was again all but defenseless. The previous 
 autumn, Governor Dobbs had raised a company of militia to 
 join Lyttleton against the Cherokee. The men were from the 
 militia units of the frontier counties of Anson, Rowan and 
 Orange. By law they were not required to serve outside the 
 province and, faced with the prospect of leaving their families 
 exposed to danger, they refused to do so. The law was re- 
 vised and a new company of volunteers was raised but too 
 late to join the South Carolinians. Because peace was ex- 
 pected to follow Lyttleton's treaty, the men were released 
 except for a small number who remained with Hugh Wad- 
 dell to garrison Fort Dobbs. These few men were all that 
 stood between the frontier people and the hostile Indians. 
 Even the Catawba Nation could no longer be looked to for 
 protection. The previous year, smallpox had hit the tribe and 
 by the spring of 1760, less than a hundred warriors survived. 
 These, with the balance of their people, lived on Pine Tree 
 Creek in South Carolina and such services as they could give 
 were offered to that colony. 
 
80 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 On the night of February 27th, Fort Dobbs was attacked 
 by a large number of Cherokee who fortunately were driven 
 off without having done much damage. This was the begin- 
 ning of a time of terror. In the weeks that followed, Indians 
 roamed the countryside, especially the outlying settlements 
 along the Yadkin, Catawba and Broad Rivers. Once more 
 refugees fled to the nearest town. Others gathered in barri- 
 caded homes. The only real safety, though, was found by 
 those who deserted the frontier, and within a few weeks at 
 least half the people of Rowan County were said to have 
 gone. Scalping parties came to the borders of Salisbury and 
 Bethabara and from the latter village the smoke of their 
 campfires could be seen as a constant reminder of danger. At 
 night Indian spies crept up to the walls of Bethabara and 
 only the frequent tolling of the church bell saved the town 
 from attack. Several companies of militia were called into 
 service to patrol the frontier. No doubt they prevented 
 greater damage, but they did nothing to end the trouble. 
 That could come only with the defeat of the Cherokee 
 Nation. 
 
 Governor Lyttleton was determined to conquer the Chero- 
 kee and he devised a plan to accomplish this goal. According 
 to the plan, the British regulars requested were to join with 
 South Carolina troops and attack the Lower Cherokee. At 
 the same time, North Carolina and Virginia troops were to 
 join in an attack on the Overhills people and relieve Fort 
 Loudon. Between the two forces the Cherokee were to be 
 crushed. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 The Cherokee War; The End 
 
 On April 1, 1760, 1,200 British regulars arrived in Charles 
 Town under the command of Colonel Archibald Montgom- 
 ery. The addition of South Carolina troops and Indian 
 scouts, including forty Catawba, increased the size of the 
 force to about 1,700 men. At the head of this army Mont- 
 gomery arrived among the Lower Cherokee towns on June 
 1st. His men marched the last sixty miles without sleep, 
 caught the Indians by surprise and destroyed all their towns, 
 including their granaries, orchards and cornfields. Between 
 sixty and eighty natives were killed and forty captured. The 
 balance fled for their lives to the woods and to the other 
 Settlements. Montgomery lost only three or four killed and 
 a few wounded. After his work of destruction he led his vic- 
 torious but exhausted men on to Fort Prince George to rest. 
 
 Before continuing his campaign, Montgomery decided to 
 offer the Cherokee an opportunity to end the war. An In- 
 dian messenger was sent to the Middle and Overhills Settle- 
 ments and another to the Lower people to invite repre- 
 sentatives to meet with him to discuss the terms of peace. 
 The Overhills people were short of corn and those of the 
 Middle Settlements were almost without ammunition. Both 
 groups appeared to want peace but remembering the fate of 
 the murdered hostages, they were afraid to place themselves 
 at the mercy of the English. When none came to him, Mont- 
 gomery made preparations to march against the Middle 
 towns. He left Fort Prince George on June 24th, passed 
 through Rabun Gap and continued on down the Little Ten- 
 nessee River. He travelled through a wild country of dismal 
 forests, rugged paths and narrow passes where the danger of 
 
82 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 ambush was always present. It was terrain over which wagons 
 could not pass and so tents and all other equipment not ab- 
 solutely essential was left behind. Food and other bulky 
 baggage was carried by pack horses. 
 
 Montgomery's objective was Echoe, the nearest of the Mid- 
 dle Settlement towns. When he came within about five miles 
 of his goal (and about eight miles of the present town of 
 Franklin, North Carolina) , he entered a valley covered with 
 heavy undergrowth through which his men had to march. 
 It was an ideal location for Indian style fighting and sensing 
 the hidden danger that might lurk ahead, Montgomery sent 
 a scouting party forward to investigate. As soon as the men 
 entered the thicket, shots rang out from unseen foes and 
 several of the scouts fell dead. Other troops quickly moved 
 up and the battle had begun. The firing was heavy on both 
 sides, but the English could only guess at the location of 
 the enemy by the sounds of their guns and their war cries. 
 These sounds, however, were sufficient to indicate that they 
 were numerous and were determined. 
 
 Montgomery maneuvered his men in an effort to surround 
 the enemy, but natives fell back and took possession of a 
 nearby hill. The shooting continued, but each time the whites 
 advanced the Indians faded back. When Montgomery real- 
 ized that the natives had no intention of engaging him in 
 pitched battle, he halted his advance and ordered his men 
 to march into the Town of Echoe. The battle had lasted only 
 an hour, and the English lost twenty men killed and seventy- 
 six wounded. The Indians lost an estimated fifty men. 
 
 From the field of battle the whites went into the Town of 
 Echoe and burned it. There, too, Montgomery determined 
 his future course of action. Virginia and North Carolina had 
 not executed their part of the campaign plan by simultane- 
 ously attacking the Overhills Settlement and relieving Fort 
 
The Cherokee War; The End 83 
 
 Loudon. His own army, Montgomery felt, could not reach 
 the Overhills country, and he was not equipped to carry on 
 the style of mobile fighting the Indians chose. His wounded 
 was his biggest problem. They could not be carried forward 
 in a continuing campaign, and he had no fortified place to 
 shelter them. Neither could he spare a sufficient number of 
 men to remain behind and protect them. The destruction of 
 a few Indian villages seemed little compensation for the 
 losses he could expect to suffer if he continued. His only 
 choice was to return to Fort Prince George and this he did, 
 arriving there in early July. 
 
 Montgomery remained at Fort Prince George for several 
 weeks and then returned to Charles Town, leaving behind 
 200 men of the Royal Scots Battalion to help defend the 
 frontier. His orders had been to strike an offensive blow 
 against the Cherokee and then return to Canada where his 
 services were needed. Believing that he had fulfilled his duty 
 he soon sailed north amid protests and criticism. Some, in- 
 cluding the Little Carpenter, thought he could have con- 
 tinued on into the Overhills Settlement and ended English 
 opposition among the Cherokee. William Bull, who had suc- 
 ceeded Lyttleton as Governor of South Carolina, believed 
 that Montgomery's inconclusive campaign and withdrawal 
 left the colony in greater danger than ever. The confidence 
 gained in standing up to the English would, he feared, lead 
 the Cherokee to even greater violence than before. 
 
 Fear of renewed fighting spread across the Carolina fron- 
 tier. There were alarms and reports of scattered killings, but 
 the Indians were less active than had been expected. The 
 Lower Cherokee had been rendered destitute. Within a few 
 months they had rebuilt their towns, but they were lacking 
 in food. The Middle Cherokee were still without adequate 
 ammunition. In mid-August, Governor Bull learned that 
 
84 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 the two Settlements had held a joint meeting and had agreed 
 on a desire for peace on the basis of mutual exchange of 
 prisoners and the abandonment of Fort Prince George and 
 Fort Loudon by the English. Whatever hope this report 
 might have aroused in Bull faded a few days later when he 
 received news that Fort Loudon had been surrendered to 
 the Cherokee on August 8th. 
 
 After Montgomery's withdrawal, the Overhills Cherokee, 
 with few exceptions, had shown less interest in peace than 
 in seeking revenge against the English by the capture of 
 Fort Loudon. Since the beginning of the war, the fort had 
 been cut off from the outside world and without adequate 
 food its garrison of almost 200 men had reached the point 
 of starvation and despair. For this reason Captain Paul De- 
 mere agreed to surrender the fort on condition that its occu- 
 pants be escorted in safety to Virginia or to Fort Prince 
 George. The day following the surrender, while enroute to 
 Fort Prince George, the Indians turned on the whites, and 
 when the shooting ended, had killed or mortally wounded 
 thirty of them, including Captain Demere. The survivors 
 were held as captives. Captain Demere and his companions 
 were killed to provide satisfaction for the Cherokee hostages 
 slaughtered at Fort Prince George. The deaths in excess of 
 the number of hostages were not intended. After this act 
 of vengeance and tribal honor, even the Overhills people 
 showed little inclination to continued violence. In fact, it 
 became increasingly clear that more and more members of 
 the tribe desired peace. 
 
 The French had encouraged the Cherokee to go to war 
 against the English by promises of plentiful trade goods, but 
 they had not been able to keep the promise. For them, the 
 intrigue was an act of desperation that came too late for 
 more than a slight hope of success. Even this hope faded in 
 
The Cherokee War; The End 85 
 
 September, 1760, when Canada was surrendered to the Eng- 
 lish at Montreal. By that time, or soon thereafter, the Lower 
 and Middle Cherokee were in great need of clothing and 
 food. Near the end of the year, representatives of several 
 towns in the two Settlements came to Fort Prince George 
 and pleaded for their people: 
 
 That they are tired of war; that they love the English, 
 and want peace; that they cannot do without the Eng- 
 lish, and want traders with goods as usual to come among 
 them; that the French are too far off, and cannot supply 
 them; that therefore they have now none. 
 The following spring, the headmen of numerous towns 
 came to Fort Prince George and requested peace, explaining 
 that "they should be totally ruined were they prevented from 
 planting this season." The Overhills people, because of their 
 location beyond the mountains, had fared somewhat better 
 in French trade, but even they became disillusioned with 
 their new white allies. By the spring of 1761, they were 
 receiving little more than ammunition and not enough of 
 that. Most of them were reported as favoring peace and 
 Oconostota, the Great Warrior of Chote who had been the 
 principal leader in the war, expressed his willingness to 
 leave the choice of war or peace up to the Little Carpenter, 
 who had remained a friend to the English. 
 
 From the beginning of 1761, the South Carolina govern- 
 ment took advantage of the need of the Cherokee and sent 
 a large quantity of non-military goods to Fort Prince George 
 to be exchanged for the many white captives held by the 
 Indians. By the end of May, the freedom of 115 prisoners 
 had been gained in this manner. At the same time, though, 
 the South Carolinians prepared to strike a decisive blow 
 against the Cherokee and dictate the terms of peace in the 
 heart of their own country. Again the plan was for the 
 British regulars to join the South Carolinians in attacking 
 
86 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 the Middle and Lower people while Virginia and North 
 Carolina troops attacked the Overhills Settlement. 
 
 In early January, 1761, 1,200 British regulars arrived in 
 Charles Town under Lieutenant Colonel James Grant who 
 had served under Montgomery the previous year. He was 
 joined by about the same number of South Carolinians and 
 assorted Indian scouts, including twenty Catawba under 
 King Haigler. After careful preparations, Grant and his army 
 of more than 2,500 men arrived at Fort Prince George near 
 the end of May. There, he was met by the Little Carpenter 
 who pleaded for time to go to the Overhills towns and 
 attempt to arrange for peace before the whites struck. Grant 
 gave him little encouragement and continued with his plans 
 to march against the Middle Settlement. 
 
 On June 7, 1761, Grant led his army out of Fort Prince 
 George and proceeded along the same route followed by 
 Montgomery the year before. Also like Montgomery, his 
 army carried only the most essential equipment and supplies, 
 and by forced marches he led it safely through two narrow 
 and dangerous mountain passes. On the fourth day, June 
 10th, he finally met the enemy as the army moved down the 
 Little Tennessee, with the river on one side and hill on the 
 other. The location was only two miles from Montgomery's 
 field of battle. Caught in a sharp though irregular crossfire 
 from the hill and the opposite bank of the river, the whites 
 were in a dangerous position. Not the least problem was 
 an enemy that appeared, disappeared and reappeared 
 at unexpected places. The battle began at eight in the 
 morning and continued until eleven when the Indians 
 broke and retreated. They were pursued but by early after- 
 noon had disappeared for the last time and the battle was 
 over. Fortunately for the English, the Indians were short of 
 ammunition which explains the irregular nature of their fire 
 
The Cherokee War; The End 87 
 
 during the battle as well as their retreat. Had they possessed 
 a more adequate supply along with their strategic position 
 the outcome might have been far bloodier, or even reversed. 
 Grant's casualties included about ten killed and fifty wound- 
 ed. The Cherokee losses were no more, and were probably 
 less. 
 
 After the fighting ended, Grant led his army into the 
 Town of Echoe which had been rebuilt and where he estab- 
 lished a base of operations. Leaving his wounded there along 
 with his supplies under the protection of a guard of 1,000 
 men, he proceeded through each of the fifteen Middle towns 
 which he destroyed along with more than 1,400 acres of corn 
 and other crops. The Indians sought safety in the recesses 
 of the mountains and offered no further resistance. This 
 work of destruction required almost a month and it was not 
 until July 9th that Grant and his men arrived back at Fort 
 Prince George. 
 
 North Carolina and Virginia disappointed Grant as they 
 had Montgomery the year before by not attacking the Over- 
 hills Settlement. In 1760, several militia companies patrolled 
 the North Carolina frontier which suffered some Indian vio- 
 lence, but the colony raised no troops to go against the 
 Cherokee until after the Montgomery battle. They were 
 raised then only because of fear that Creeks would join in 
 the war against the English. The fear never became a reality, 
 and the troops were disbanded in December. 
 
 Virginia's military activity in 1760 was also confined to 
 defense. In 1761, a large body of Virginians was raised to 
 march against the Overhills people, but Grant's campaign 
 against the Middle Settlement had been completed before 
 they arrived at Stalnaker's Plantation, a short distance from 
 the Long Island of the Holston River (present-day Kings- 
 port, Tennessee). There they remained and Colonel William 
 
88 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 Byrd, their commanding officer, made no effort to lead them 
 against the Cherokee. In October, about 400 North Caro- 
 linians and a few Tuscarora warriors joined the Virginians, 
 by that time under the command of Lieutenant Colonel 
 Adam Stephen who had succeeded Byrd. The combined 
 forces moved on to the Long Island where, on November 
 17th, information was received that South Carolina had ne- 
 gotiated a preliminary treaty of peace with the Cherokee. 
 The North Carolinians then returned home and were dis- 
 banded. The Virginians remained until the final treaty was 
 signed and peace was assured. By their proximity, the forces 
 of North Carolina and Virginia may have encouraged the 
 Overhills leaders to enter into the peace agreement but other- 
 wise both colonies played only a defensive role in the Chero- 
 kee War. 
 
 After returning from his destruction of the Middle towns. 
 Grant waited at Fort Prince George for the Cherokee to 
 come in to plead for peace. The Lower Cherokee were still 
 in need and the Middle Cherokee were in even greater dis- 
 tress. There was little reason to fear that either group would 
 continue the conflict. The Overhills people had not suffered 
 invasion, but they had become disillusioned with the French 
 who had failed to come to their aid, and they were tired of 
 the war they knew they could not win. When they received 
 an invitation from Grant to send representatives to discuss 
 peace, they were receptive but the principal war leaders were 
 afraid to go to the English. As a result, the Little Carpenter 
 was authorized to negotiate peace for the entire Nation. 
 Grant presented the Little Carpenter with a set of demands 
 that had been furnished him by Governor Bull before he 
 left Charles Town. With some revisions, a preliminary 
 treaty was signed on September 23rd and the final and bind- 
 ing treaty was signed on December 17th. Though negotiated 
 
The Cherokee War; The End 89 
 
 by the South Carolina government, the treaty was also made 
 in the name of all the other English colonies, especially 
 North Carolina and Virginia. 
 
 By the more important terms of the treaty, the Cherokee 
 recognized the superiority of English arms; prisoners were 
 to be exchanged; trade was to be restored and 40-Mile River 
 (the distance from the Lower towns) was designated as the 
 dividing line between the Cherokee and the English. No 
 white was to settle or even hunt to the west of that stream 
 and no Cherokee was to cross east of it for any purpose unless 
 in the company of a white or with permission of the South 
 Carolina government. The most important provision of all 
 was the one that restored peace and ended the Cherokee 
 War. 
 
 By the end of the war, England had already won the 
 French and Indian War. However, the formal treaty closing 
 the conflict (along with the Seven Years War, fought simul- 
 taneously in Europe and elsewhere) was not signed until 
 February 10, 1763. Except for two small islands in the Gulf 
 of St. Lawrence and the city and island of New Orleans, all 
 North American French possessions east of the Mississippi 
 were surrendered to the English. New Orleans and French 
 territory west of the Mississippi were surrendered to Spain, 
 her ally in the late months of the war. Spain, in turn, sur- 
 rendered Florida to the English. 
 
 The English government realized that encroachment of 
 English settlers on Indian hunting grounds had been the 
 principal reason why the former native allies had turned 
 against them in the recent war. It also realized that England's 
 undisputed control of the area east of the Mississippi would 
 create fear among the natives that such encroachment would 
 continue. This belief was confirmed in May, 1763, when 
 Indian warfare again broke out with Pontiac's Conspiracy. 
 
90 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 Pontiac was an Ottawa chieftain who resented unfair treat- 
 ment by English traders and who was convinced that the 
 Indians could continue to hold their land only by war. The 
 result was his plan for all the Indian tribes from the Great 
 Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico to turn against the English. 
 Pontiac was encouraged to begin his uprising by French 
 traders who deceived him with false promises that a large 
 French army would come to his aid. The help never arrived 
 and the conflict collapsed the following year with the defeat 
 of the Indians. 
 
 Fortunately, the southern Indians failed to join in the 
 plot and the war was confined to the north of the Ohio River. 
 In October, 1763, to assure the Indians they need not fear 
 the loss of their land, the English government issued a procla- 
 mation forbidding grants west of the headwaters of all streams 
 flowing into the Atlantic. This Proclamation Line, in effect, 
 guaranteed to the Indians the continued possession of their 
 lands to the west of the Appalachian Mountains. 
 
 The following month at Augusta, Georgia, representatives 
 of the principal southern tribes, the Catawba, Cherokee, 
 Creek, Choctaw and Chickasaw, met with the governors of 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. 
 The purpose of the meeting was to discuss various problems, 
 especially those concerning land and trade. The result was 
 a more substantial basis for understanding and continued 
 peace. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 The End of a Century 
 
 The year 1763 marked the end of the first century of perm- 
 anent white settlement in North Carolina. At the beginning 
 of the period, the area had been a wilderness occupied by na- 
 tive Indians who lived a simple way of life. By the end of the 
 period, the area had become a land of white men with a 
 more complicated civilization. During the course of the 
 century, the Indians were ensnared by this civilization and 
 had become a subjugated race, reduced in numbers to a 
 fraction of their former population. 
 
 The dismal state of the Coastal Plain Indians at the begin- 
 ning of the French and Indian War has already been related. 
 At the end of the conflict, neither their numbers nor their 
 condition had changed to any appreciable extent. One hun- 
 dred Tuscarora warriors and twenty each of the Meherrin 
 and Saponi tribes lived on or near the Roanoke River. Ap- 
 parently all three tribes occupied the 10,000 acre reservation 
 allotted to the Tuscarora and their combined population 
 probably did not exceed 300 persons. Otherwise, there were 
 only a few survivors of the smaller eastern tribes living among 
 the white people on the coast of Hyde County. 
 
 The Catawba Indians fared little better than those of the 
 Coastal Plain. The Catawba had been of great service in the 
 defense of the North Carolina frontier but even so, possession 
 of the land continued to be a source of friction between them 
 and the people and government of North Carolina. The 
 South Carolina government had guaranteed them possession 
 of all land within thirty miles of their towns. The govern- 
 ment of North Carolina refused to recognize this guarantee 
 and granted land within the area. Resentment of this en- 
 
92 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 croachment led the Indians to threaten the white settlers 
 and even to drive some out. It also led them to refuse to 
 allow the North Carolina government to complete the fort 
 it had promised to them in 1756 and which was under con- 
 struction in the Nation. 
 
 During the smallpox epidemic of 1759-1760, the surviving 
 Catawba deserted their towns and moved farther down the 
 Catawba River to make their temporary home. As the epi- 
 demic subsided, they desired to return to their own country 
 but with their tribal strength reduced to no more than 100 
 warriors in a total population of about 250 persons, they 
 also considered moving westward to live among the Creek 
 Indians. The South Carolina government still considered the 
 Catawba a source of protection for the frontier settlers and, 
 in 1760, sought to assure their continued presence and 
 friendship by promising to build a fort for their protection 
 within their Nation. The Catawba accepted the offer and in 
 turn agreed to limit their claim to their old tribal lands 
 to an area fifteen miles square. Their right to this reserva- 
 tion was confirmed by the Augusta Conference and it was 
 also accepted by the North Carolina government. 
 
 The Catawba Indians continued to be bound to South 
 Carolina by trade and to be recognized as "South Carolina 
 Indians," but several years passed before a boundary line 
 was run that definitely placed the reservation within that 
 colony. Already an impotent fragment of a once powerful 
 tribe, the Catawba Nation received a crippling blow in 
 August, 1763, when King Haigler was ambushed and killed 
 by invading Shawnee warriors. Haigler had been a great 
 and influential leader and after his death the importance of 
 the Catawba declined further. 
 
 In 1763, the Cherokee Nation was the only powerful In- 
 dian group remaining in North Carolina. After many years 
 
The End of A Century 93 
 
 of peace, the Cherokee had fought the English and had 
 bowed to them but had not been defeated by them in any 
 real sense of the word. They emerged from the Cherokee War 
 with little loss of strength. At the end of the conflict the total 
 population was about 7,500. The 2,300 warriors included in 
 this number were only 300 less than in 1755 and even this 
 small decrease was due in part to smallpox and other causes. 
 Even after the French were removed, it was rumored that 
 the Cherokee would resume war. They were numerous 
 enough to do so, but it was unlikely they would turn against 
 the English, their only source of guns and ammunition. 
 
 The 40-Mile River was confirmed as the boundary be- 
 tween South Carolina and the Cherokee Nation at the 
 Augusta Conference. Virginia also assured the tribe that no 
 land grants would be made in that colony to the west of New 
 River. There was no similar boundary established in North 
 Carolina because the settlers were still too far removed to 
 be a matter of concern to the Indians. With the coming of 
 peace, though, North Carolinians resumed the march west- 
 ward that had been halted at the beginning of hostilities. 
 This movement was to add to the grief of the Cherokee in 
 later years. 
 
 The decline of the North Carolina Indians from a free 
 and proud people to one dependent on an alien race was a 
 tragic episode in the advance of modern civilization. In 
 the beginning, the Indians welcomed the whites as friends 
 with whom they could share the land and from whom they 
 could acquire marvelous new weapons and tools and such in 
 exchange for furs and skins. To the whites, however, the 
 Indians seemed little more than subhuman savages to be 
 treated with contempt and abuse. While behavior was judged 
 on the basis of the whites' own code of right and wrong, 
 little effort was made to teach them that code. Their rights 
 
94 Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763 
 
 were recognized when they provided a profit in trade or 
 otherwise served the interest of the Europeans. When they 
 ceased to serve a useful purpose, their rights were ignored. 
 
 On occasions, when they realized the danger that faced 
 them, the Indians fought to escape their awful fate. They lost 
 the struggle because they waited too late and failed to com- 
 bine their strength effectively against the common threat. It 
 was not warfare with the whites, however, that brought about 
 their downfall. Their decline in numbers was due less to 
 European soldiers than to European disease and excessive use 
 of European drink. Their subjugation was due less to mili- 
 tary conquest than to dependence on an alien civilization 
 over which they had no control. It was also a civilization of 
 which, except for trade, they were not really a part— nor did 
 they want to become a part. Their determination to main- 
 tain their native culture had already led them into conflict 
 with the forces that threatened to destroy it. This same deter- 
 mination was to lead to further conflict and suffering in the 
 future. 
 
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