Uni O n i fe I at a iW 5 x } ! . f ®tje Itbtatp UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA 3 C e 3 e e s 3 5 * 3 & s a 8 3 s iai"' 8 I * 8 I 3 I * 3 L t 3 3 BOOK CARD Pitase keep this card in book, pocket ri H ÜÜÜÍI.1 THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL ENDOWED BY THE DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETIES PQ6329 «A2 1896 UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 00015287495 This book is due at the LOUIS R. WILSON LIBRARY on the last date stamped under “Date Due.” If not on hold it may be renewed by bringing it to the library. DATE DUE RET. DATE DUE RET. — JAM £ 198 yy LIAN i 5 ’81 TUN 3 01981 " EB 1 5 mi W i WUh i O f9g| i * ! - SjFjD g fi T • ■pplpllllll.il — SEP 11 . ? /-S 1 S DEC 3 Wft? JIT , V 32 . ;'T7T ¡sitó ■ JAN 17 ms ¿51 m . ■ m , ^ t jKSK^(Ka«ia3liH8BJ5' K .D £,;& fon 1 Mm w .. Mar i '•, aui 1 1 OAnA . I ( inn n u »/-< «pwww i mtit 7 Alin a 7 im 1 ¡APR y 1198; I * Al R 2 § ’87 jin ... .. 1 TRAY 2 8 191 M a' -■ 4 7 y,i ■ * M lY 3 0 ’87 — (JÁYc W \ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2020 with funding from University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill https://archive.org/details/historyofdonquix03cerv T H E T U 1) O R TRANSLATIONS EDITED BY W. E. HENLEY XV THE HISTORY OF DON QUIXOTE OF THE MANCHA TRANSLATED FROM THE SPANISH OF MIGUEL DE CERVANTES BY THOMAS SHELTON ANNIS 1612 , 1620 With Introductions by JAMES FITZMAURICE-KELLY VOLUME III L O N D O N Published by DAVID NUTT IN THE STRAND 1896 Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty )q o49i TO GILBERT PARKER THIS GREETING FROM THE BEYOND INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND PART HE publication of Don Quixote gave Cervantes rank among the foremost European figures. From the outset he was accepted as a cosmopolitan. While Shakespeare was still unknown without London and Stratford, while Lope de Vega’s fame was yet Peninsular, the new masterpiece was printing in Italy and in the Low Countries. And the author took frank pleasure in his popularity. By the mouth of that credible witness, Sanson Carrasco—‘a 4 notable Wag-halter, leane-faced, but of a good understand- 4 ing ’—he vaunts his vogue. 4 Upon my knowledge,’ quoth the Salamantine graduate, 4 at this day, there bee printed 4 above twelve thousand copies of your History: if not, let 4 Portugal, Barcelona, and Valencia speak, where they have 4 beene printed, and the report goes, that they are now 4 printing at Antwerp, and I have a kinde of ghesse, that 4 there is no Nation or Language where they will not bee 4 translated.’ Nor do the numbers alleged in the Sixteenth Chapter lose in Shelton’s ungrudging hands: — 4 1 have 4 merited to be in the Presse, in all or most nations of the Cervantes in Europe IX THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- 4 world: thirty thousand volumes of my History have been DUCTION 4 printed, and thirty thousand millions more are like to bee if 4 Heaven permit.’ Since but a month is supposed to pass between the close of the First Part and the opening of the Second, the literal commentator labours greatly to account for the distribution of twelve-—not to say thirty—thousand copies in so brief a time. And, at first blush, it seems that Cervantes must certainly err in detail. Assuredly no edition of his book appeared at Antwerp in the writer’s life¬ time : but read Brussels for Antwerp—a confusion not in¬ conceivable, as far away as Madrid is—and the boast is justified. A Barcelona reprint of 1605 were a rarity in¬ deed ; yet time may vindicate this first announcement. Gayangos and Vedia, the Spanish translators of Ticknor, 1 had rumour of a copy dated 1605—printed at Barcelona or Pamplona—in the library of a Hague collector. If the bruit be true, Cervantes approves his exactitude. Yet with all his self-glory he returned not hastily to his theme. 4 Though 4 in shew a Father, yet in truth but a step-father to Don 4 Quixote ’: thus he proclaims himself when the piece opens, and so in effect he remains till the drop falls. 4 Forse altro cantera con miglior plettro ’—in such phrase, borrowed from Orlando , does he challenge rivalry; and, by his dalliance, Ambitions he tempts fate. He was enamoured of other emprises ; Don Quixote was to be the stepping-stone to success in every kind : the pastoral, the short story, 4 scene individable or poem unlimited.’ The Prince of Courtesy and the Flower of Esquires must wait. 1 Historia de la literatura española (Madrid, 1851-56), iv. p. 410. X HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE j INTRO¬ DUCTION So far as concerns authentic, published work, Cervantes remains silent for eight whole years, save for the punctual harvest of sonnets. Yet one cannot suppose him idle, and Achievements his name arrives by side-winds. The christening of the future Philip the Fourth and the mission of Lord Notting¬ ham—better known as Howard of Effingham, Lord High Admiral against the Invincible Armada—are celebrated in an anonymous pamphlet published at Valladolid in 1605 under the style of Relación de lo sucedido en la Ciudad de Valladolid. Himself a singer of these glories, Góngora pens a brilliant and venomous sonnet, gibbeting Cervantes as the writer of this trifle; and other testimony upholds the ascrip¬ tion. A graver matter is the arrest of our author in the summer of this year on suspicion of being concerned in the doing to death of one Gaspar de Ezpeleta. The legend that Experiences makes of Ezpeleta the lover of Cervantes 1 bastard daughter, Isabel de Saavedra, is the theme of more than one play and of more than one story; 1 and the incidents are so dramatic that it irks one to find Cervantes released on bail without more said or done. Hereto succeeds a rumour of his ruffling 1 There is no foundation for the statement that Cervantes, ‘upon his return from Algiers, in 1580, assumed the additional surname of Saavedra.’ The Dedication to the Galatea (1585) is signed Miguel de Cervantes; the Saavedra is first found in business documents during his stay in Seville. Equally baseless is the assertion that his daughter was ‘ his constant com¬ panion till his death.’ Cervantes died in 1616. The Marqués de Molins, in La Sepultura de Miguel de Cervantes (Madrid, 1870), brings evidence to show that Isabel became a Trinitarian nun in 1613 under the name of Sor Antonia de San José ; her mother, Sor Mariana de San José, apparently joined at the same time. Félix Lope de Vega Carpio’s natural daughter, Sor Marcela de San Félix, entered the order in 1621. XI THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- it in gaming-houses, his doxy (married) beside him ; and the DUCTION Memorias de Valladolid 1 reveal him in the act. To the years 1605-8 must be assigned such exploits as the sonnets Á un Ermitaño , to the Conde de Saldaña, Á un Valentón metido á pordiosero , this last being published (without the writer’s name) in the Poesías varias de grandes Ingenios , by Josef Ascriptions Alfay, at Zaragoza, as late as 1654. Doubtful pieces abound : as the Third Part of the Relación de lo que pasa en la Cárcel de Sevilla , a continuation of a spirited sketch of prison-life conceived by Cristobal de Chaves twenty years before the publication of Don Quixote. To this should be added the Carta á Don Diego de Astudillo Carrillo , en que se le da Cuenta de la Fiesta de San Juan de Alfar ache, el Dia de Sant Laureano , a letter not unworthy of the Master. Not less characteristic are the two anonymous romances , the one dedicated to Cortes and the other to the Great Captain, first printed in Engrava’s collection in 1653. The Entremés de Doña Justina y Calahorra , and that better one entitled De los Mirones , are almost certainly apocryphal, as is also the Entremés de los Ref ranes : all three ascribed to Cer¬ vantes by that solemn wag Adolfo de Castro, who further guarantees the authenticity of the pastoral Diálogo entre Sillenia y Selanio. A discreeter opinion holds the four for the pranks of an imitator, seduced by a famous model. That the author of Don Quixote corrected the Madrid reprint of 1608 is a wanton fable and a dangerous deceit; that he Madrid dwelt in the capital from 1609 till his death is certain. On April 17 of this year he and Antonio Robles y Guzmán are the first recruits of the Congregación de Esclavos del 1 British Museum Add. MSS. , 20,812. xii HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Santísimo Sacramento, founded five months earlier by Fray Alonso de la Purificación ; and in 1610 appears the ever- ready sonnet to Hurtado de Mendoza (already sung as Meliso among the shepherds of the Galatea) in the Obras del insigne Caballero Don Diego de Mendoza. In 1611 he joins the new christened Academia Selvaje (once El Parnaso), so called after its founder, the Francisco de Silva celebrated in the Viaje. Meanwhile he is busied with his twelve Novelas Ejemplares, officially approved on August 8, 1612. The most of them masterpieces in little, they alone had sufficed for fame: their influence is widespread, and their descend¬ ants multiply in every literature. The adventures of Rinconete y Cortadillo and the whimsies of El Coloquio de los Perros have travelled the world over as the most finished expressions of the picaresque genius. With them journey El Casamiento engañoso and La Tia fingida , this last first published at Berlin by Franceson and Wolf in 1818. Its absence from the printed collection of 1613 leaves its authenticity in question: but—who else could have written it ? No suggestion is forthcoming, and, per¬ force, the story ranks among Cervantes’ best. In our own day El Licenciado Vidriera , a marvel of ingenious fantasy, has had the notable distinction of translation at the hands of that accomplished Spanish scholar, M. Foulché-Delbosc ; an odder chance moved Caspar Ens to transform the tale into Latin, 1 and, disguised as Phantasio-Cratumenos sive 1 Epidorpidum , Lib. v. Pausilipus sive tristium cogitationum & molesti- arum Spongia variis incredibilibus ac iucundis historiis, narrationibus, factis, dictis tam seriis quam iocosis refería et tam recreandis quam erudiendis animis accommodata . Colonise, Apud Michaelem Demenium, sub signo Nominis Iesu. Anno mdclix. Pp. 56-76. c xiii INTRO¬ DUCTION The Exemplary Novels Foulché- Delbosc Caspar Eus INTRO¬ DUCTION Middleton Weber Hugo Fletcher m* 1 irso Sir Walter THE SECOND PART OF THE Homo Vitreus, it was issued at Koln in 1659. It has been said that El Licenciado Vidriera may be taken for the first sketch of Don Quixote : the idea is untenable, for internal evidence shows it to have been written after the novelist’s return from Valladolid—that is to say, at least a year after the Knight’s appearance in print. The germ of Don Quixote is to be sought, if anywhere, in the Entremés de los Romances (first played, it is said, with Lope’s Noche toledana in 1604), and especially in the verses which tell the craze of Bartolo :— ‘ De leer el Romancero Ha dado en ser caballero Por imitar los romances, Y entiendo que á pocos lances Será loco verdadero. ’ Middleton finds his account in La Fuerza de la Sangre and La Git anilla (this last the heroine of Weber’s opera, and the mother of Hugo’s Esmeralda). Fletcher rifles the Spaniard with assurance and address. From Las dos Doncellas he lifts Love's Pilgrimage ; from La Señora Cornelia , his Chances ; from El Casamiento , his Rule a Wife and Have a Wife. And thus, in every land, freebooters of genius exploit the Cas¬ tilian originals: so that a contemporary, Tirso de Molina, in his Cigarrales de Toledo , glories in the fame of 4 nuestro español Bocado’; and Scott, as betrayed by Lockhart, 4 said 4 that the Novelas of that author had first inspired him 4 with the ambition of excelling in fiction.’ To readers in 1616 not the least interesting section of the Novelas was the preface, with its promise of a sequel to the Knight’s adventures and to the Esquire his frolics :— 4 Verás, HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE 4 y con brevedad, dilatadas las hazañas de Don Quixote y INTRO- 4 donaires de Sancho Panza. 1 But there were other tasks DUCTION more pressing. Before 1613 closes, a sonnet to Diego Rosel y Fuenllana must be despatched to Naples, where Juan Domingo Roncal lolo will produce it in his Parte primera ele varias Aplicaciones ; and not less urgent are the futile quatrains to Gabriel Pérez del Barrio Ángulo. This while, Don Quixote tarries; nay, is superseded in 1614 by the Viaje del Parnaso , an imitation from the Italian of Cesare The Journey Caporali. Neither in the Dedication to Rodrigo de Tapia 1 t0 ParntlS6US (then a boy of fifteen) nor in the Prologue to the Curious Reader is there mention of the two Manchegans. They could wait. Of more concern was it to polish the seven stanzas in Saint Teresa’s praise: these and other pieces, of the like inspiration, to be recited in presence of Lope de Vega at the Church of Carmen Descalzo in October 1614. The Curious Reader draws his own inferences from in¬ disputable facts. In July 1613 the Second Part had been promised 4 shortly 1 — 4 con brevedad. 1 It interests to observe that the Governor her Husband dates his famous Letter to his wife Teresa Panza 4 from this Castle the twentieth of July 1614. 1 A twelvemonth later than the formal pledge given, Cervantes reaches his Thirty-Sixth Chapter: and his book contains a Seventy-Fourth! It seems that Knight and Squire hung heavy on their creator’s hands. More : there were fame and money for the winning on the boards. Hence that sorry volume entitled Ocho Comedias , y ocho Playwright Entremeses nuevos (1615), 4 sold for a tolerable price. 1 That 1 Seven years later, Lope de Vega dedicated El Ingrato arrepentido to this same Rodrigo de Tapiq. xy INTRO¬ DUCTION Dreams The Second Galatea THE SECOND PART OF THE the Licensers dallied with Don Quixote gives our author no pang: to the last his part of stepfather is played with per¬ fection. And so he passes onward to fresh adventures, with the brief announcement that Don Quixote, booted and spurred, is on the road to kiss the feet of his Excellency, the Conde de Lemos. The First Part, appearing in 1605, had succeeded as no classic but Childe Harold has succeeded since; and the public looked for a sequel. As Shelton delivers the report:— 4 Some more Ioviall than Saturn ists, cry out; Let’s have 4 more Quixotismes : Let Don Quixote assault, and Sancho 4 speake, let the rest bee what they will, this is enough. 1 But we have seen Cervantes absorbed in other work to which Don Quixote must give place. Add that his posthumous romance— 4 a book that dares to vie with Heliodorus 1 — los Trabajos de P ensiles y Sigismundo, occupied him. Both the Novelas and the Comedias promise a new masterpiece to be called Las Semanas del Jardín ; and in the Comedias there is mention of a play, El Engaño á los Ojos, a certain triumph (if the author mistake not): so he declares himself, punning on the title :— 4 que (si no me engaño) le ha de dar contento. 1 In Pensiles — with the death-rattle in his throat—he announces the appearance of Las Semanas, and El famoso Bernardo, and La Segunda Parte de la Galatea. That shepherdess was long a-coming. Promised in 1585 at the end of her First Part, she is pledged to reappear in the Sixth Chapter of the First Don Quixote (1605) ; the covenant is ratified in the Prologue to the Second Part (1615); and in the Dedication of Pensiles y Sigismundo she is promised for the fourth and last time. Of these four conceptions—the Semanas, the Engaño, the xvi HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Bernardo , the second Galatea —not one was to take life. Cervantes died as he had lived, brave, confident, and blithe, prodigal of promises and invincible in hope. It delights us to forget that our own calendar was unreformed, and to assert that he died on the same day with Shakespeare : April 23, 1616. Like Saul and Jonathan, they ‘were lovely and 4 pleasant in their lives, and in their death they were not 4 divided : they were swifter than eagles, they were stronger 4 than lions.’ Cervantes sleeps at Madrid in the Trinitarian Convent of the Calle de Cantarranas. 1 A year after his death appeared the Persiles, with its incomparable Dedication and Prologue. 2 4 One foot already in the stirrup,’ he mounts for the last ride. So, the instinct undimmed by pain, he quotes with glee from an old romance : — 4 Puesto ya el pié en el estribo, Con las ansias de la muerte, Gran señor ésta te escribo.’ Some hundred years later, the same note of immitigable 1 The story of Cervantes’ remains being hawked to and fro between the Calle de Cantarranas and the Calle del Humilladero is another idle invention. The convent in the Calle de Cantarranas was founded by Francisca Romero in 1612 ; the nuns moved to the Calle del Humilladero in 1639, but returned within two years to the Calle de Cantarranas. The facts are accurately given by Pascual Mádoz, Diccionario geográfico - estadístico - histórico de España (Madrid, 1846-50), and completely refute the current legend, which is due to a rare slip of Navarrete’s (1819), mechanically reproduced by other biographers. 2 The epitaph on Cervantes, which prefaces the Persiles , is by Francisco de Urbina, brother-in-law of Lope de Vega. This fact lends colour to the notion that Cervantes’ mother, Lenor de Cortinas (of Barajas), and Lope’s first mother-in-law, Magdalena de Cortinas (also of Barajas), were cousins in some degree. INTRO¬ DUCTION Cervantes and Shakespeare Persiles XVII INTRO¬ DUCTION Henry Fielding Avellaneda As He Seemed to Salvá Le Sage THE SECOND PART OF THE gaiety and the same courteous air of dignity and valour recur in the Journal of a Voyage to Lisbon. Like Cervantes, Fielding too died of dropsy, and his reproduction of the great Cervantesque manner places Captain Richard Veal nigh on a level with that student met on the road between Esquivias and Madrid. With the completion of the Pensiles, the writer’s work ends: his sonnets to Juan Yagiie and to the nun Alfonsa González de Salazar are of little moment. His Bernardo and the rest are lost. Henceforth, the dust of immortality settles on him. II He had lived long enough to learn that no writer, how¬ ever great, can afford to palter with his pledges and to trifle with his fame. In the summer of 1614 Felipe Roberto of Tarragona issued a small quarto entitled Segundo Tomo del Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha que contiene su tercera Salida: y es la quinta Parte de sus A venturas. Its avowed author was the Licentiate Alonso Fernández de Avellaneda, 4 natural de la villa de Tordesillas.’ The name is assumed, nor can the puzzle of authorship be solved. It is lightly said that the publication of this sham sequel was purely malicious. But this is doubtful. If imitation be the sincerest form of flattery, then was Avellaneda no enemy but a devotee. His 4 fecundity of invention ’ is unwarily admitted by a difficult critic like Salvá. His book was hailed a triumph by Le Sage, who found the second Sancho 4 plus original méme que celui de Cervantes ’: and he mani¬ fests his good faith by producing a sleek Gallic version that inspired six lines in Pope’s Essay on Criticism :— Pope XVlll HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE f Once on a time La Mancha’s knight, they say, A certain bard encount’ring on the way. Discoursed in terms as just, with looks as sage, As e’er could Dennis, of the Grecian stage ; Concluding all were desperate sots and fools, Who durst depart from Aristotle’s rules.’ INTRO¬ DUCTION Germond de Lavigne has likewise paid his tribute to the Germond de imitation in a new French rendering. The judgment of these ^ av ^ ue three experts is not to be dismissed curtly ; and, in truth— considered as a mere continuation—Avellaneda’s exploit is far from contemptible. That it should lack initiative is a thing of course; and even the fervid Lavigne confesses his hero an ‘ imitateur servile.’ Nor may it be gainsaid that, de¬ spite his many merits, he shames his model by making of As He Is Don Quixote a commonplace lunatic and of Sancho a plain buffoon. Yet the plagiary is persuaded that he carries out Cervantes’ ideas with conspicuous success. Accepting the theory of malice, Rosell and Braunfels plead that Avellaneda sought to avenge the insult conveyed in the very name of Sancho Panza. But, in that case, why should he wait nine years to take the field ? The facts yield an explanation His Motive simpler, and therefore preferable. Cervantes had left his intention in doubt, and his last words are almost an invita¬ tion to another writer to continue the chronicle of the Knight Adventurous. Avellaneda took him at his word. Near upon nine years had gone, and still Cervantes lay coy, though, as he tells us, his Second Part was hoped for, and though there had been nine editions of his First. Was not it natural to infer that he had abandoned the chivalrous Alonso, even as he deserted the chaste Galatea ? Here was an opportunity neglected ! That it would, sooner or later, xix THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- be used was a thing most certain. Then why not by DUCTION Avellaneda ? Like enough, Avellaneda had his book already written when, in the preface to the Novelas , the promise of the genuine sequel, 4 shortly,’ met his eye. A magnanimous man had laid his work aside, regretting his lost time. At least he had been civil to him whose ideas he had pilfered. But Avellaneda’s character was beneath his talent. One of those footpads, as Viardot says, 4 qui inj urient les gens qu’ils détroussent,’ he grew furious at seeing the bread taken out His Preface of his mouth. His preface is the outburst of a balked schemer, the attempt of a man in the wrong to put himself right by robustious invective. His profession, borne out by internal evidence, that his aim and Cervantes’ are one, is em¬ phatic :— 4 Tenemos ambos un fin, que es desterrar la perniciosa lición de los vanos libros de Cavallerías.’ But he candidly avows that his immediate object is money :— 4 Quéxese de mi trabajo la ganancia que le quito.’ His reference to Lope de Vega is a blind, or at least an afterthought, of no more pertinence than his taunts that Cervantes is now 4 as old as the Castle of San Cervantes,’ that he is a surly, maimed jail-bird, for ever in a heat with all and everything, so friendless that he must needs write his own eulogistic Sonnets Prefatory under cover of Prester John or the Emperor of Trebizond. The shafts The Reply went home. Cervantes, refusing to 4 be-Asse him, be-madman him, and be-foole him,’ bitterly resents the sneer at his age and his wounds. With his infallible insight, he seizes upon his enemy’s admission, and returns an angry defiance :— 4 Tell 4 him too, that for his menacing, that with his booke he 4 will take away all my gain, I care not a straw for him.’ Mayhap there was a real basis for the grievance that xx HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Avellaneda states:— ‘El ofender á mí.’ The rational pro- INTRO- bability is that he was a petty playwright, hit by a flying DUCTION shot in the First Part, who imagined in his self-importance that the attack on the dramatists was directed at him. But, as he was buoyed by the hope of booty, there had been no abusive prologue, had not Cervantes published that he was about to claim his own. Clearly it had been impolitic to attack the true author of Don Quixote. The less said oí him, the greater the chance of passing the spurious continuation as the true. Ill Critics, commentators, and mare’s-nesters at large, have Who was He? vainly sought for Avellaneda among the important figures of the time. More probable is it that he was a needy scribbler writing to fill his purse, not to gratify his spite; and the mystery that enshrouds him is the consequence of his rank obscurity. Suspicion has fastened on the names of Aliaga, the King’s confessor, and of Lope de Vega. Cervantes says of his rival that ‘ his language is Arragonian : for sometimes he writes without Articles.’ Now, Aliaga was an 4 Arragonian.’ The difficulty is to find him a grievance in the First Part. Acquainted with Lope, he was not himself a dramatist: so the plea is invented that he was aggrieved by the character of Sancho Panza —his own nickname—which brought upon him ridicule and contempt. This explanation explains nothing. Cervantes’ offence, if it were ever real, must Not Aliaga have been unwitting. When he was writing Don Quixote , he could never have heard of Aliaga, then a simple monk unknown outside his convent at Zaragoza. Further: for one who felt outraged by the creation of Sancho, it was surely d xxi INTRO¬ DUCTION Villamediana Pellicer Quevedo Rosell THE SECOND PART OF THE a mad revenge to make Sancho grosser, more disreputable, more offensive! 4 The very same Sancho of whom you 4 speake,’ writes Cervantes as interpreted by Shelton, 4 must 4 be some notorious rogue, some greedy-gut, and notable 4 theefe. 1 Again, the evidence for the nickname is bad. Aliaga is once called Sancho Panza in a satire by Juan de Tassis y Peralta Muñatones, Conde de Villamediana, under the date of 1621. But it is not alleged that he was ever so called before or after; and it is obvious that, in this instance, the name was about sixteen years older than its appropria¬ tion. Resourceful as ever, Pellicer comes pat with certain verses which, if they prove anything, prove that Aliaga was not Avellaneda. For if, as the ingenious critic assumes, Avellaneda be here referred to as Sancho Panza, it follows that he competed in a poetic tourney at Zaragoza in 1614. Now, it happens that the list of the competitors survives, and Aliaga’s name is not contained in it. It may be worth while to refute another argument, most con¬ fidently used by supporters of the Aliaga theory. There is alleged to exist a striking identity of style (not apparent to the profane) between Avellaneda’s book and the Venganza de la Lengua española, a scurrilous reply to Quevedo’s Cuento de Cuentos. And the syllogism is eked out with courage. It is positively known, asserts Rosell— 4 se sabe de positivo ’ —that Aliaga wrote the Venganza. It is not so. 4 Se sabe de positivo’ nothing of the kind : for the solid reason that Aliaga had been more than a twelvemonth in his grave when Quevedo issued the Cuento de Cuentos. Aliaga died on December 3, 1626: the Cuento first appeared at Barcelona in 1629. Again, the Venganza quotes that 4 infernal libro,’ XXII HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Quevedo’s Sueños , which was not published till 1627. So much for the connexion between Avellaneda and Aliaba on O the one hand and Aliaga and Cervantes on the other. It remains to consider the case of Lope de Vega. Of all con¬ temporary writers, he was the least ojien to the temptation which overcame Avellaneda. The idol of his nation, he could coin money as he chose: for all his writings sold. But the essential condition was that they should bear his name. Thus, he was careful to avow the works of Tomé de Burguillos. That he wrote the spurious continuation of Don Quixote for greed of gain is an absurdity. Had he wished to chasten Cervantes, he had gone to work very differently. Connected, it may be, by marriage, the two had been friends till the publication of the Dragontea sonnet in 1602. A breach occurred in 1603, and it is sought to saddle Lope with the responsibility. Facts cannot be adjusted to this theory. In the famous letter de¬ claring that nobody is 4 so foolish as to praise Don Quixote , 1 Lope proceeds to say that satire is to him 4 as odious as are my little books to Almendárez or my plays to Cervantes.’ It is to be noted that in the Viaje Cervantes stoops to flatter Almendárez — 4 su ilustre musa. 1 The sonnet— 4 Lope dicen que vino 1 — in the Colombina Library at Seville is adjudged by Señor Asensio to Cervantes; and, despite the thing’s vulgarity, this ascription is probable. Barrera proffers a likely theory : that the sonnet was an impromptu, and was handed about, and that Lope got wind of it; hence his letter to the Duque de Sessa (or, some hold, to an anonymous doctor). Howbeit, the earliest public attack is delivered by Cervantes. In the Prologue to his First Part he says, with a sneer which Shelton conveys :— 4 So likewise shall my Book xxiii INTRO¬ DUCTION Still less Lope Cervantes* Pursuit of Lope INTRO¬ DUCTION Parodies and Jibes THE SECOND PART OF THE 4 want sonnets at the beginning, at least such sonnets whose 4 Authors bee Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Bishops, Ladies, 4 or famous Poets.’ The jape is directed at Lope’s Rimas with its prefatory pieces by the Príncipe de Fez, the Duque de Osuna, the Marques de la Adrada, the Conde de Villamor, and more nobles : the 4 Ladies ’ being none other than that Marcela Trillo de Armenia and that Isabel de Figueroa who wrote preliminary verses for El Isidro. Cervantes pro¬ claims his ‘invective against Bookes of Knighthood,a subject 4 whereof Aristotle never dreamed, Saint Basil said nothing, 4 Cicero never heard any word.’ By an unlucky coincidence these three—Aristotle, Saint Basil, Cicero—are quoted by Lope de Vega in El Isidro. 4 Neither have I any thing to 4 cite on the margent, or note in the end,’ scoffs Cervantes, 4 and much lesse doe I know what Authors I follow, to put 4 them at the beginning as the custome is, by one letter 4 of the ABC beginning with Aristotle, and ending in 4 Xenophon, or in Zoylus or Zeuxis.’ A palpable hit! Lope’s El Isidro is seamed with ostentatious marginal notes, and El Peregrino en su Patria displays a catalogue of authors cited in alphabetical array. Nor docs Cervantes stop here. He provides 4 an other notable notation, saying 4 the river Tagus was so called of a king of Spaine, it 4 takes its beginning from such a place, and dies in the 4 Ocean Seas, kissing first the Walles of the famous Citie 4 of Lisborne: And some are of opinion that the sands 4 thereof are of gold, etc.’ This is a precise transcript of a passage in Lope’s Arcadia. Cervantes continues:— 4 If of 4 the instability of friends, thou hast at hand Cato freely 4 offering his distichon :— xxiv HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE 4 44 Donee eris failioo multos numerabis amicos. INTRO- Tempora si fuerint nubila, solus eris.” 5 DUCTION The pedant triumphs in his recognition of a passage from the Tristia; but the writer thinks not of Ovid nor of Dionysius Cato. His point is made when he reminds his reader that Félix is Lope’s name. Once more in the clipped décimas of Urganda the admonition intrudes :— 4 No indiscretos hierogli— Estampes en el escu—.’ These 4 emblems vain 1 are incontestably the nineteen castles on Lope’s Anns Lope’s shield, as given in the Angélica and the Dragontea of 1602, in the Arcadia of 1603, and in the Peregrino of 1604. It smacks of blasphemy to think that Lope’s mistress, the Manchegan Lucinda, is hidden beneath the obvious anagram His Mistress of Dulcinea : she with 4 a little unsavorie sent, somewhat rammish and manlike.’ But the transformation of the 4 Unicus aut peregrinus’ of the Peregrinóos title-page into * the 4 Unico y solo ’ of Amadis’ burlesque sonnet is patent. In the Twenty-First Chapter of the Fourth Book, Lope’s worst play, La Ingratitud vengada , is excepted from the general censure. Yet, writes Cervantes, 4 strangers, which 4 doe with much punctuality observe the method of Comedies, 4 hold us to be rude and ignorant.’ Thus, with fine adroit- His Plays ness, he uses against Lope the very words of the Arte nuevo de hacer Comedias :— 4 Mas ninguno de todos llamar puedo Más bárbaro que yo, pues contra el arte. Me atrevo á dar preceptos, y me dejo Llevar de la vulgar corriente adonde Me llamen ignorante Italia y Francia.’ XXV INTRO¬ DUCTION His Retort Contemptu¬ ous THE SECOND PART OF THE This persistence in attack shows Cervantes’ disposition towards his popular rival. Vainly, in his Second Part, does he profess that 4 1 adore his wit, admire his workes, and’—with a knavish glance at the private life of Lope who, like himself, was neither saint nor Joseph— 4 his con¬ tinuad vertuous imployment.’ Good taste apart, there is no more reason to object to these assaults on Lope than to condemn Lope’s sole ripost. Yet to Cervantes belongs the credit of publishing the quarrel to the world ; and the world is flattered by the confidence. Contemptuous of brawls, Lope’s resentment is shown mainly by disdainful coldness. A hundred methods of reply were ready to his hand, for Cervantes was far from invulnerable; yet we know that in 1612 he speaks kindly of his assailant. But that he wrote Avellaneda’s text (which delivers no assault against Cervantes) or his preface (which does) is a theory unsupported by a tittle of evidence. It were as reasonable to charge Cer¬ vantes with treachery in the matter of the Conde de Lemos, to whom Lope had once been private secretary. A stroke of easy sophistry, and Cervantes is indicted an intriguer: the fact being that, in each instance, the accusation is ridiculous. On Cervantes’ own showing, his foe was an 4 Arragonian ’: Lope was a Madrileño. And his accusers refute themselves. Their first contention is that Avellaneda published with a deliberate purpose of fraud; their second, that his aim was to ruin the characters out of spite to their original author. The two arguments are incompatible: if one be true, the other must be false. Again, they lay it down that Avel¬ laneda’s is the worst book in the world; and, in the next breath, aver that the most likely man to have written xxvi HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE it was Lope de Vega—save Cervantes himself, the greatest figure in Spanish literature. In truth, the charge against Lope has nothing to sustain it but the fact that — once, and once only, in a private letter — that spoiled child of the Spanish public fretted under Cervantes , satire, and pouted at the vogue of Don Quixote. It is most unlikely that, watched by many toadies and more enemies, he could have escaped identification for twenty years. Not less unlikely is a conspiracy of silence among the publishers, the licensers, the transcribers, printers, and compositors who were in the secret. Still more incredible is it that Pedro de Torres Ránula in his Spongia and the host of lampooners should fail to find the skeleton with their muck-rakes. Lastly, it is inconceivable that an old soldier of the Armada should jeer the wounds of an old soldier of Lepanto. That Lope expressed no displeasure at the attacks on Cervantes is true : but why should he ? Cervantes never rebuked Lope’s ruffianly libellers. Meanwhile the theory-mongers ask you to reject to-day the nostrum of yesterday. Thus Benjumea in 1861 proves (with much erudition) Avellaneda to be a Dominican monk, Blanco de Paz; and in 1875 (with yet more erudition) reveals him as another Dominican, Andres Pérez. Adolfo de Castro—the forger of El Buscapié , modestly fathered by him on Cervantes—first demonstrates that Avellaneda must be Aliaga and no other ; and, later, holds—(‘with equal confidence and enthusiasm,’says Señor Máinez drily)—that the culprit is Juan Ruiz de Alarcon. Señor Máinez himself thought it certain— ‘nosotros tenemos por cierto’— that Lope de Vega was the offender; but that was in 1876. It remains to say plainly that, if Cervantes INTRO¬ DUCTION His Innocence The Madness of them that Theorise against Reason XXVll INTRO¬ DUCTION The Result The Second Part THE SECOND PART OF THE did well to be angry, he had done better to exclude his irritation from his text. Dignity apart, he has conferred a factitious importance upon Avellaneda and Avellaneda’s book. The false sequel is still reprinted, and is read by many who take it for a vehicle of grave ridicule, like Joseph Andrews ; and Cervantes’ critics and commentators waste themselves in a jack-o’-lanthorn chase after a writer of no great brilliancy, whose sole title to importance is that he unwittingly obliged Cervantes to complete his masterpiece and utterly establish his right to immortality. IV For assuredly the effect of Avellaneda’s appearance was to hasten his hand. But for the intrusion of the 4 Arragonian,’ Don Quixote might have been discarded in favour of Las Semanas del Jardín ; or, at best, had remained unfinished while Cervantes was inventing a final burlesque in the pas¬ toral sort. A trace of this fatuous intention survives in the Sixty-Seventh Chapter:— 4 He buy sheepe, and all things fit 4 for our pastorall vocation, and calling my selfe by the name 4 of the Shepheard Quixotiz, and thou the Shepheard Pansino, ‘ we will walke up and down the Hills, thorow Woods 4 and Meadowes, singing and versifying. ... I beleeve the 4 Bachelor Samson, and Master Nicholas the Barber will no 4 sooner have seene it, but they will turn shepheards with 4 us: and pray God the Vicar have not a minde to enter 4 into the sheep-coat too, for hee is a merry Lad and jolly.’ To such pale designs Avellaneda’s impertinence put an end, and the true Don Quixote was issued in the winter of XXVlll HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE 1615. The close is hurried, confused, unworthy of the rest. INTRO- Here Cervantes shows at his worst, overcome by temper, DUCTION mismanaging his characters, neglecting them solely that 4 the 4 world shall see what a lyar this moderne Historiographer 4 is.’ The screed of abuse is tedious. Cervantes so far loses his self-respect as to credit his enemy with a Second Edition, a slip that misled Ebert. He denounces the ‘filthy and obscene Defects things ’ in his rival’s work. 4 Let it,’ he clamours, 4 let it be cast into the very lowest pit of Hell.’ And the very Devil himself declares that 4 it is so vile 'a Book that, had I my 4 self expressly composed it, I could never have encountred 4 worse.’ But the essential part of the story is unaffected. To the Fifty-Ninth Chapter no book was ever more suc¬ cessful in disproving the truth of Sanson Carrasco’s report Merits that 4 Second Parts are never good.’ The enchantments of the Trifaldi are plainly modelled after Esplandián and Lisuarte, the Fifth and Seventh of the Amadis series; but, on the whole, the burlesque of Amadis is less close, the plan is ampler, the variety of incident is richer, and the development shows a finer sense of finish. Considered as an exercise in style, the Second Part outshines the First Style at all points. The episode of Marcela, with its reasonings borrowed from Castiglione’s II Cortigiano , is spotted with cultismo , as also are many of the speeches of Cardenio and Dorotea. Save in copies of verses or in speeches like the Trifaldi’s, intended to bring contempt upon Góngora and his horde of verbal contortionists, the mincing affectations of the culto sect are mostly absent from the Second. As the burlesque of the Knight-Errantries is let drop, so the verbose parodies of Feliciano de Silva and his brethren vanish with e xxix THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- them. Again, the construction is incomparably more solid, DUCTION anc l the improvement reacts upon the writing. The author Construction admits that his interminable insertions are a fault in art, and henceforth he prepares his episodes and incidents with a vigilant eye for probability, conviction, and dramatic effect. That is a sound judgment which holds the First Part wealthier in broad farce, the Second in the higher comedy. But, in a letter to Southey (August 19, 1825), Lamb blasphemes Charles Lamb contrariwise:— 4 Marry, when somebody persuaded Cervantes 4 that he meant only fun, and put him upon writing that 4 unfortunate Second Part with the confederacies of that 4 unworthy duke and most contemptible duchess, Cervantes 4 sacrificed his instinct to his understanding.’ Apart from metaphysical differences between instinct and understand- Characters ing, the portrait of the Duchess—the Master’s sole great lady—ranks among the Master’s triumphs. Ginés de Pasa- monte reappears, more brilliant, more witty in intention, 4 his left eye, and halfe his cheeke covered with a patch of 4 green Taffata,’ his 4 prophesying Ape and the Motion of 4 Melisendra ’ both at hand. The loss of Palomeque is more than repaid by the discovery of the great Carrasco, Bachelor, 4 Knight of the Looking-glasses ’ and of the White Moon. To him succeeds the not less sapient Graduate of Osuna, Doctor Pedro Recio de Agüero, rich in precedents and aphorisms from 4 Hypocrates our master, North-starre and light of Physick.’ The Knight A notable development is offered in Don Quixote’s case. Cervantes has lived with his hero so long that he has learned to honour and to love him, and to spare him the ignominious buffetings and discomfitures of the First XXX HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Part. The Knight is still the matchless madman, crazed INTRO- on the single point of chivalry, intimate with the heroic DUCTION warriors of historic repute, and prompt to describe them as he knew those paladins in the flesh. Thus, of the master of them all:— ‘I may say, that with these very eyes I 4 have beheld Amadis de Gaul, who was a goodly tall man, His Amadis 4 well complectioned, had a broad beard, and blacke, an 4 equall countenance betwixt milde and sterne, a man of 4 small discourse, slow to anger, and soone appeased. 5 Or, take Reinaldos de Montalbán, as he knew him : — 4 Broad- His Reinaldos 4 faced, his complexion high, quick and full eyed, very 4 exceptious and extremely cholericke, a lover of theeves and 4 debaucht company.’ And the reminiscence of Roland is precise, minute as intimacy warrants :— 4 Of a meane stature, His Roland 4 broad-shouldered, somewhat bow-legged, Abourne Bearded, 4 his body hayrie, and his lookes threatning. 5 Save for his one slight foible, the Ingenious Gentleman is the happiest wit of all La Mancha. None meeter than he for acute dis¬ course with Don Diego, the 4 Knight of the Green Cassock ’; none apter and readier for criticism on the Laws of Gloss¬ ing, wherein his subtlety drives the young poet Lorenzo to declare :— 4 1 desire to catch you in an absurdity, but cannot: for still you slip from mee like an Eele.’ Even in his maddest moments, the second Don Quixote shows himself a thought more critical, more exigent of proof, more sensible to sight. In the First Part, the slashed wine-bag was ques¬ tionless a decapitated Giant; in the Second, the Dulcinea fabled by Sancho remains—what she was— 4 a Countrey - 4 wench, and not very well-favoured, for shee was blub-fac’d, 4 and flat-nosed.' 1 The Knight develops a genuine human xxxi INTRO¬ DUCTION The Squire Mendelssohn THE SECOND PART OF THE weakness in his bedizenment of what had passed in Monte¬ sinos 1 Cave. Much frequenting of Sancho Panza’s company has led him to this pass; and his own remark on Sancho’s great recital proves him of uneasy conscience :— 4 Sancho, 4 since you will have us beleeve all that you have seen in 4 Heaven, I pray beleeve all that I saw in Montesino’s Cave, 4 and I say no more. 1 But the final triumph of Cervantes 1 art is the admirable, deathless, Sancho Panza. And that this personage was a peculiar favourite with his creator is shown by the violent contempt which Cervantes pours on Avellaneda’s caricature. 4 Pray God, 1 says the true man on hearing of his counterfeit, 4 pray God, as he calls mee Glutton, he say not that I am a Drunkard too. 1 His noble mendacity is never at fault: in fact, it furnishes the principal motive of the Second Part. From chapter to chapter he develops to the perfection of maturity, less clownish, more convincing, always preparing himself for his high destiny in Barataría. And his belief in the mirage of the Island and its Governorship is fed by cunning fore¬ tastes of joy. There is that blissful abode of four days at the Castle of the Knight of the Green Cassock, where Sancho 4 liked wondrous well of Don Diego’s plentifull provision. 1 There is, again, the Wedding Feast of the rich Camacho, the invention which was to link the name of Cervantes with that of Mendelssohn: — 4 Six halfe 4 Olive-buts, and every one was a very Shambles of 4 meat, they had so many whole sheepe soking in them 4 which were not seen, as if they had beene Pigeons, the 4 flayed Hares, and pulled Hens that were hung upon the 4 trees, to bee buried in the pots, were numberlesse; birds XXXll HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE { and fowle of divers sorts infinite. 1 And both Man and INTRO- Master take their honourable entertainment by the Duke DUCTION and Duchess as confirmation strong of their inimitable vocation. Done on a higher level of art, the development of the Second Part proceeds logically from the First; and the increased urbanity of treatment, tone, and episode justifies —were justification needed—the change of Don Quixote’s title from Hidalgo to Caballero. The humour remains Humour simple and direct as ever, self-contained, unmoved, and grave. Cervantes is little skilled in the humour which blends pathos and laughter by means of minute touches and subtle innuendo. His great effects are broad and ample; they spring from the contrasts of incongruous circumstance viewed in the dry light of satiric observa¬ tion. A master of unwinking irony, he lives by virtue of Qualities his general truthfulness, his brilliant colour, his inexhaust¬ ible invention of situation, his transfiguring vision, his achievement in portraiture, and his noble simplicity. Ideas he has none; or if he have, they are mostly wrong. He remains what he was at the outset: a man of genius, a rare contriver of incident, a Spaniard penetrated with the average sentiment and opinion of his age. A con¬ summate artist in humorous transcription, he presents a living picture of manners, untinctured by sham philosophy and sham poetry. To the ineffectual critic there remains the task of solving imaginary mysteries. It cannot be too strongly emphasised that Cervantes offers an image of life, not a fatuous conundrum. In the First Part he approves himself the brilliant student of nature with a turn for xxxiii INTRO¬ DUCTION Failings Melancholy Dignity and Gentleness Reward THE SECOND PART OF THE eloquent commonplace, as in the excellent tirade on the exercises of Arms and Letters. And in the Second Part he shows no intellectual—as opposed to artistic—progress. It is in perfect keeping with his character and his view of life that he should hate the Moors, and should applaud their expulsion. That is Cervantes the citizen, as we know him, and should wish him to be. His appreciation of their picturesque value is always present to Cervantes the writer, the observer of whim, custom, and social ritual. A certain undertone of melancholy has been perceived in his Second Part, and the ingenious would explain it by assuming that he foresaw his country’s decline. Nothing in the world is less likely. Like most humorists of the first order, he was a Tory to the marrow, and by consequence his country was to him invincible and impregnable. Such dejection as he displays is rather due to increasing age and failing health than to political discouragement. The farcical spirit was an essential in his genius; but, even so, it dwindled with his strength. But, though at whiles he moralise with that touch of sadness natural to a man of many years and trials, for whom life is only retrospect, the absence of bitterness from his general estimate is, as Señor Valera notes, con¬ spicuous. No single character of his brain is wholty mean or odious; and, as his heroes flaunt their foibles, so do his villains blunder into virtue unawares. He has found life a good estate and a gallant show: and so he has the courage to present it. In so much, posterity is his debtor everlast¬ ingly. And he has his reward: as universal, generic types, Don Quixote and Sancho Panza rank with Shakespeare’s men, and Homer’s. xxxiv HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE V INTRO- mirTTON His reputation was no more to make. The Aprobación of Márquez Torres to the Second Part is evidence of fame. On February 25, 1615, the members of the French Embassy fell in with Sandoval’s chaplain:— 4 Scarce did they hear 4 Miguel de Cervantes’ name when they rehearsed the esteem 4 in which his works were held both in France and in border- 4 ing realms—the Galatea (which one of them had almost 4 by heart), the First Part of this, and the Novelas .’ Oudin’s French version of 1614 had made Don Quixote a Parisian, and a translation of the Second Part was in demand. Accordingly in 1618, 4 traduicte fidelement ennostre Langue par F. de Rosset,’ at Paris, in the Rue Saint-Jacques, there Rosset was published by Jacques de Clou and Denis Moreau the Seconds Partie de Thistoire de Vingenieux et redovtable Cheualier, Dom-Qvichot de la Manche. Nor was the Knight of Knights forgotten in England. An entry in the Register of the Stationers’ Company indicates a false alarm. Edward 4 5° Decembris, 1615. Master Blount. Entred for his ^ ouut 4 Copie vnder the hande of Master Sanford and Master 4 Swinhoe warden. The second part of Don Quixote vj d .’ This cannot, however, be a rendering of the true Second Part, since—finally licensed by Doctor Gutierre de Cetina on November 5, 1615—it was not given to the public till, at earliest, the very close of the year. In any case, it is a sheer impossibility that the book could have been printed off, sent from Madrid to London, and translated between November 5 and December 5 of the same year. Even the brilliant Shelton needed 4 the space of forty daies ’ for his rendering of the First Part; and the Second is of XXXV THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- equal length. The copy delivered to Master Sanford DUCTION and Master Swinhoe in December, 1615, was unquestion¬ ably Avellaneda’s counterfeit (published the year before), which had imposed on Master Thomas Shelton as on Master Edward Blount. That no such translation is known is to be explained by the abandonment of the enter¬ prise on the appearance of the authentic work. But the 4 vj d ’ paid for the counterfeit is made to serve by the frugal Shelton Blount. The Second Part—with a Reprint of the First— was published in 1620. 1 Its Epistle Dedicatory to Bucking¬ ham declares it for 4 a bashfull stranger, newly arrived in 4 English, having originally had the fortune to be borne 4 commended to a Grande of Spain ’—the Conde de Lemos— 4 and, by the way of translation, the grace to kisse the hands 4 of a great Ladie of France.’ The great Ladie of France is manifestly none other than the Duchesse de Luynes to whom Ilosset dedicated his rendering with this compliment:— 4 1’ay 4 de volontez de faire paroistre que vous estes toute la gloire 4 de notre siecle, de mesme que toute la honte du passe, et 4 la plus grande enuie du futur.’ The absence from the title-page of Shelton’s name has led some to declare that the first English translation of the 1 The princeps of 1612 and the reprint of 1620 are easily distinguished. The first contains twelve unnumbered leaves of prefatory matter, 549 pages of text, and two final leaves unnumbered ; the second has thirteen preliminary unnumbered leaves, 572 pages of text, and two final leaves unnumbered. The princeps is divided into parts—first, second, third, and fourth; the 1620 edition substitutes ‘booke’ for ‘part,’ to avoid confusion between the First and Second Parts on one side, and the parts of the First Part on the other. That useful distinction is maintained in the present reprint. Further, in the princeps each page is enclosed in black lines, which in the first reprint are confined to the headlines. XXXVI HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Second Part came from another hand than his; and the contention is supported by the assertion that the later effort shows some diminution of dash and spirit. The original Spanish has the same charge to answer, and the translation perforce reflects its qualities. No contemporary ever doubted that the Englishing was Shelton’s work, and the reprints of 1652-72 and 1731 (as well as Stevens’s botch of 1700-6) bear Shelton’s name. But more convincing proof of his responsi¬ bility exists in the absolute identity of mannerism and in the fact that the same errors of rendering appear in both parts. Trance is a case in point: the translator never chances upon the right word, which is ‘emergency.’ As in the First Part ‘este tan impensado trance’ = ‘this unex¬ pected trance,’ so in the Second ‘ este ultimo y forzoso trance ’ = ‘ this last and forcible trance ’; and ‘ el rigoroso trance nunca visto ’ is naturally given as ‘ the rigorous trance never seen,’ for was not ‘ all the trances of warfare ’ the foregoing equivalent of ‘ todos los trances de la guerra’ ? So the same blunder recurs in one chapter upon another. And as with trance and ‘ trance,’ so with sucesos and ‘ suc¬ cesses.’ Where ‘ otros sucesos ’ was accepted as ‘ other successes,’ ‘ deste suceso ’ inevitably finds favour as ‘ out of this successe.’ Again, take desmayarse. The translator of the First Part was fain to be content with his ‘ mutable and dismaied traytresse,’ and the Second follows with an exact servility: so that ‘ dio muestras de desmayarse ’ is delivered as ‘ shee made shew of dismaying,’ and ‘ la des¬ mayada Altisidora ’ takes place as ‘ the dismayed Altisidora.’ In both Parts discreto figures as ‘ discreet,’ honestad as ‘ honesty,’ suspensos as ‘ suspended,’ and admirados as f xxxvii INTRO¬ DUCTION Mannerisms and Blunders INTRO¬ DUCTION Shelton and Froude THE SECOND PART OF THE 4 admired 1 ; and in no case does the translator vary from his self-imposed convention. Who but Shelton could so 4 fig you like the bragging Spaniard ’ ? That the two Parts come from two hands is manifestly incredible. As with the First Part, it is possible to identify the text upon which Shelton worked. Writing in The Quarterly Review (January 1886), Froude selects a passage in the First Chapter which he scorns as typical of the Sheltonian method. He quotes the rendering of £ que por sólo este pecado que hoy comete Sevilla ’ (in Shelton = 4 that for this dayes offence I will eat up all Sevill ’); and he forthwith resolves that 4 Shelton, working with extreme haste, mis¬ took comete for comeré .’ Now, this is the kind of desperate guesswork to which the raw amateur is given. Belied as 4 acute ’ and 4 ingenious, , it passes for sound doctrine with the vulgar, and takes place as a Fortieth Article. The example chosen in derision of Shelton proves a happy illustration of Froude’s own methods. To none but a ferocious partisan— as Froude was ever—would it have seemed a heinous crime had Shelton been convicted of misreading a single letter in a single word; but in truth he did nothing of the kind, and the instance serves but to show—not the translator’s but—• the commentator’s ineptitude. Comparative textual criticism was not for Froude; and he had probably been staggered by the rendering in Rosset:— 4 Ie deuoreray Seuille, pour le peché qu’elle commet.’ It becomes clear, not that Shelton translated from Rosset (as some have feigned) but, that both Shelton and Rosset translated from a common text, and reproduced its error. And so it was. For his First Part Shelton had worked from the Edition given out at Brussels XXXVlll HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE in 1607 by Roger Velpius. The English market derived its INTRO- Castilian books by way of the Low Countries—not straight DUCTION from Spain. The practice endured, and for his Second Part Shelton used the reprint—the first ever issued—published, with a Permiso dated February 4, 4 En Bruselas Por Pluberto Antonio, impresor jurado cerca del Palacio, 1616/ And there (p. 8) the clause denounced by Froude stands a monu¬ ment to Shelton’s integrity and to his critic’s uninquiring ignorance:— 4 Que por solo este pecado que oy comeré Seuilla.’ In one respect a change is to be noted in Shelton’s attitude to his original. Grown older, more critical, and more in- Commentary dependent, in his shoulder-notes he reveals himself a man of reading, and even of difficult taste; but his annotations are not always final. Cervantes writes :— 4 Y sé, como dice el gran Poeta castellano nuestro,’ and quotes three lines from Garcilaso de la Vega’s elegy on Alva’s brother, Bernar¬ dino de Toledo. Not content with transcribing the phrase as 4 And I know what our great Castilian Poet said,’ Shelton Garcilaso volunteers the tidings that the verses are Boscán’s, ignoring the fact that Boscán, though he wrote in Castilian, was a Catalan. A like mishap befalls the obliging Scholiast in the Eighteenth Chapter. Entering Don Diego de Miranda’s house, Don Quixote notes the Tobosan wine-jars in the cellar, and exclaims :— not Boscán 4 ¡ O dulces prendas, por mi mal halladas ! Dulces y alegres cuando Dios quería.' The verses are quoted from Garcilaso de la Vega’s tenth Garcilaso and sonnet, in imitation of Virgil’s 4 Dulces exuviae, dum fata Montemayor deusque sinebant.’ Shelton, never at a loss, declares them XXXIX THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- 4 A beginning of a sonnet in Diana de Monte Mayor , which DUCTION D. Q. heere raps out upon a sodaine. 1 One has a suspicion that 4 Monte Mayor 1 has been transformed from a man to the title of a pastoral; but curious inquiry were rash ! The commentary grows in force and liberality. Don Quixote enlarges on the honourable treatment due to soldiers Patriotism grown grey under arms :— 4 Neither are they dealt with- 4 all like those mens Negars, that when they are olde 4 and can doe their Masters no service, they (under colour of 4 making them free) turne them out of doores, and make them 4 slaves to hunger, from which nothing can free them but 4 death. 1 The translator’s patriotic gorge rises at the recorded infamy, and forthwith appears the peremptory note:— 4 He describes the right subtill and cruell nature of his damned Country-men. 1 In the margin of the Forty- Fourth Chapter the idea recurs with a variant:— 4 He 4 describes the right custome of his hungry countrey men in 4 generall. 1 And a shoulder-note to the Fifty-Ninth Chapter applauds 4 a good Character, of a lying, beggarly, vaine- glorious Spanish Oast. 1 The spirit of nationalism glows at the simple statement that 4 encogió Sancho los hombros, 1 or 4 Sancho shrunk his shoulders 1 (as who should say shrugged them); and there arrives a spirited comment on ‘the Spaniards lowsie humility. 1 These are instances out of many. Idiosyncrasies There are other tokens of a fearless mind. In Montesinos 1 Cave the companion of the spell-bound Dulcinea seeks to borrow six reales (or, as the large-handed Shelton renders the account, 4 three shillings ’) 4 upon this new Cotton Petti- cote 1 ; and Don Quixote, who had but four reales —say ten xl HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE pence at par—upon him, vows to disenchant his fair, and 4 not to be quiet, till I have travelled all the seven partitions 4 of the world, more punctually then Prince Don Manuel 4 of Portugall.’ Dom Pedro seems the likelier man : he whose travels in Europe and the East, recounted by his companion Gomez de Sancto Estevan, were published, more than a century later (1554) at Lisbon. The book was as popular in Spanish as in Portuguese, and undoubtedly it had its place in Don Quixote’s library. The rover, Dom Pedro,— brother of Prince Henry the Navigator and of Ferdinand, the Príncipe Constante of Calderon’s play,—was grandson of John of Gaunt; and you love to think that Cervantes, foresee¬ ing an English translator, introduced the name with intent to conciliate a national prejudice. The wile failed. Shelton bites his thumb at Portugal, deposes Dom Pedro, and pro¬ claims his own creature, Manuel, instead. At sight of the words 4 lelilíes al uso de moros,’ the patriot is not content with rendering 4 Moorish cries ’; he drives the point home with a marginal parallel:— 4 Like the cries of the Wild Irish.’ His fastidious taste rejects more than one petty quip. In the Forty-first Chapter the Knight tells his Esquire that 4 aunque tonto, eres hombre verídico ’— 4 though thou beest a fool, yet I think thou art honest’—or, more exactly, 4 true blue.’ The reply shows that verídico is taken for a diminutive of verde :— 4 No soy verde, sino moreno, dijo Sancho; pero aunque fuera de mezcla, cumpliera mi palabra.’ Preserving the point of the jest, the answer should read:— 4 1 am not blue, but brown ; yet, were I piebald, I’d keep my word.’ Shelton examines the passage frowningly, rejects it with disgrace, and passes xli INTRO¬ DUCTION A Hero of Calderon INTRO¬ DUCTION Taste in Verse Misunder¬ standings THE SECOND PART OF THE sentence:— 4 Heere I left out a line or two of a dull 4 conceit; so it was no great matter; for in English it could 4 not bee expressed.’ Familiar with Italian models only, he boggles at Spanish assonants; and, being engaged on Don Quixote’s song — Suelen las Fuerzas del Amor —he is forced to annotate that 4 These verses and the 4 former of Altisidora are made to bee scurvy on purpose 4 by the Author, fitting the occasions and the subjects, so 4 he observes neyther verse nor rime.’ In the Sixty-ninth Chapter are introduced two octaves sung by the 4 Carkeise of a goodly Youth clad like a Romane’: the first written by Cervantes himself, the second lifted from Garcilaso de la Vega’s Third Eclogue. That Shelton can have ignored the provenance is well-nigh impossible since, in the next Chapter, Don Quixote pointedly questions the owner of the ‘Carkeise’: — 4 What have the Stanza’s of Garcilasse to doe with the death of this Damozell ? ’ But, with the testimony that the youth 4 sung these two Stanza’s following,’ honour is satisfied, and judgment follows in these terms:— 4 Which I likewise 4 omit as being basely made on purpose, and so not worth 4 the translation.’ Of an idiom Shelton will sometimes show a brutal disdain, as in the Tenth Chapter. Sancho bungles the proverb:— 4 Do pensáis que hay tocinos no hay estacas ’; or 4 where you 4 think there are flitches, there are no pegs.’ The English version puts the point aside with 4 Sweet meat must have sowre sauce.’ A few lines later, Sancho uses the saying, 4 Oxte, puto, allá darás rayo,’ abbreviating the general form : 4 — allá daras rayo en casa de Tamayo.’ Góngora employs the catch as a refrain and Lope (it is said) as the title of a play ; xlii HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE but Shelton is satisfied to write ‘ Ware Hawk, ware Hawk, 1 without more exertion. Again, the translator trips when con¬ fronted with:—‘¡Xo! que te estregó, burra de mi suegro. 1 A variant of the same occurs in the First Act of the Celestina : —‘ ¡ Xo ! que te estriego, asna coja. 1 Mabbe gives it precisely as ‘ I will curry you for this geare, you lame Asse. 1 But Shelton fares ill. A glance at Rosset’s ‘ Fais que ie t’estrille, asnesse de mon beau pere 1 had perhaps enabled him to anticipate Mabbe. The precaution omitted, he frankly surrenders, and the proverb remains a puzzle to all English translators of Don Quixote till Ormsby solves it. The daughter of Diego de la Liana, discovered wander¬ ing at midnight ‘clad in a man’s habit, 1 explains to the Governor Sancho Panza that she and her brother sallied forth ‘guiados de nuestro mozo y desbaratado discurso. 1 The obvious meaning is ‘ urged by our young and reckless impulse 1 ; but the trap is baited with the word mozo , which is used indifferently as adjective or noun. Jervas, succeeding Shelton, stumbles into the ditch, and doggedly avows that ‘ guided by our footboy and our own unruly fancies, we traversed the whole town. 1 His warier predecessor scents the difficulty, and ignores the phrase. To point to his shortcomings is an easy task, for his fine carelessness is always constant. What though ‘justa literaria 1 appear as a ‘ true study 1 in one place if it be rightly given in another ? What though ‘ Buen corazón quebranta mala ventura 1 be cut down to ‘ Faint heart never, etc. 1 ? What though ‘un conejo albar 1 be presented as ‘ a perboyled Coney, 1 comida as a ‘ Comedy, 1 mostrenco as ‘ a Setting-dogg, 1 par Diez as ‘ by ten 1 ? The pedant may enlarge the list at will, INTRO¬ DUCTION Mabbe Rosset Ormsby Jervas Intrepidity xliii THE SECOND PART OF THE INTRO- and rectify with his podenco or comedia. For those c not in DUCTION the humour to play at Boyes play" 1 —so Shelton reads it— it is a more grateful task to note his many successes, his feats of daring, his flights of invention, his bursts of Excellences humour. ‘Yo os lo vestiré como un palmito,’ says Teresa Panza; and, with a visible twinkle, comes the sentence 4 He clad him like a Date-leafe. 1 4 Que me matan si nos ha de suceder cosa buena esta noche,’ declares the Knight ; and the peevishness remains in the familiar :— 4 Hang me, if we have any good fortune this night.’ 4 Mi oíslo me aguarda ’ is Sancho’s excuse to the Bachelor Carrasco when first he learns that his exploits are in print. And Shelton bubbles with merriment as he transcribes 4 my Pigs-nie staies for me.’ Oíslo fascinates him, and in the Seventieth Chapter he offers a variant of the earlier achievement. 4 Mientras estoy cavando, no me acuerdo de mi oíslo ’ is Sancho’s unromantic admission. The interpretation runs :— 4 Whilest I am digging or delving, I never thinke on my Pinkaney at all.’ If oíslo soar to 4 Pigs-nie’ and to ‘Pinkaney,’ plática is ennobled as 4 enterparlie.’ Nor is the store of gifts exhausted. 4 Esotros badulaques, y enredos, y revoltillos,’ writes Cervantes; 4 Your other slabber-sawces, your tricks and quillets,’ echoes Shelton. And he overtops himself in his inspired announce¬ ment of 4 the fearefull Low-Bell-Cally horrour that Don Quixote received in Processe of his Love,’ as in his conver¬ sion of 4 aquella canalla gatesca encantadora y cencerruna ’ to 4 that Cattish-Low-Belly Enchanting crue.’ The Mirror of Honour recites the qualities that denote the Perfect Knight and Happy Warrior, leaving his listener to decide :— 4 Si es ciencia mocosa la que aprende el caballero que la xliv HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE 4 estudia y profesa. 1 Mocosa , a word of dread, has no INTRO- terrors for the Northerner who bluffly inquires ‘Whether DUCTION 4 it be a sniveling Science that the Knight that learnes it 4 professeth ? 1 And he remains undaunted when 4 Discre- 4 tion it selfe was a Snotty-nose to her 1 is substituted for 4 Digamos ahora que la discreción era mocosa. 1 Upon other the like victories of bright and faithful audacity our modern prudery draws a veil. Turn we to the statelier Shelton, who sang the Age of Gold in the First Part, and he awaits us, a thought more restrained. The Second Part has no such locus classicus to In the Noble boast, for it excels rather in pointed dialogue than in formal soliloquy; but even here occasions offer to the artist’s hand. Judge him, then, when to the Priest, who called him 4 Don Coxcombe 1 and 4 good-man Dull-pate, 1 the copesmate of Amadis makes his Great Remonstrance :— 4 Is it happily 4 a vaine plot, or time ill spent, to range thorow the 4 world, not seeking it’s dainties, but the bitternesse of 4 it, whereby good men aspire to the seat of immor- 4 tality ? If your Knights, your Gallants, or Gentlemen 4 should have called me Cox-comb, I should have held it 4 for an affront irreparable; but that your poore Schollers 4 account mee a madde-man, that never trod the paths of 4 Knight Errantry, I care not a chip ; a Knight I am, a 4 Knight I ’le die, if it please the most Highest. Some goe 4 by the spacious field of proud ambition, others by the 4 way of servill and base flattery, a third sort by deceitfull 4 hypocrisie, and few by that of true Religion : But I by 4 my starres inclination goe in the narrow path of Knight- 4 Errantry ; for whose exercise I despise wealth, but not xr xlv INTRO¬ DUCTION In the Familiar THE SECOND PART OF THE 4 honor. I have satisfied grievances, rectified wrongs, 4 chastised insolencies, overcome Gyants, trampled over 4 Sprites ; I am enamoured, onely because there is a 4 necessity Knights Errant should bee so, and though I 4 be so, yet I am not of those vicious Amorists, but of 4 your chaste Platonicks. My intentions alwaies aime at a 4 good end, as, to doe good to all men, and hurt to none: 4 If he that understands this, if he that performes it, that 4 practiseth it, deserve to be called foole, let your Greatnesses 4 judge, excellent Duke and Duchesse.’ Thus Shelton acquits himself in presence of the madman’s debonair phrase; nor falls he a whit behind in his entreat- ment of Sancho’s pithier tags and curter periods. 4 Know 4 now, Teresa, that I am determined thou goe in thy Coach, 4 for all other kinde of going, is to goe upon all foure. Thou 4 art now a Governour’s wife, let’s see if any body will gnaw 4 thy stumps. I have sent thee a greene hunter’s sute, that 4 my Lady the Duchesse gave me, fit it so, that it may serve 4 our daughter for a Coate and Bodies. My master Don 4 Quixote, as I have heard say in this Country, is a mad wise 4 man, and a conceited Coxcombe, and I am ne’re a whit 4 behinde him. Wee have beene in Montesinos Cave, and 4 the sage Merlin hath laid hands on me for the disenchanting 4 my Lady Dulcinea del Toboso, whom you there call Aldonsa 4 Lorenzo, with three thousand and three hundred lashes 4 lacking five, that I give my selfe, she shall be dis-enchanted 4 as the Mother that brought her forth : but let no body 4 know this ; for put it thou to descant on, some will cry 4 white, others blacke. . . . God Almighty hath not yet 4 beene pleased to blesse mee with a Cloke-bag, and another xlvi HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE 4 hundred Pistolets as those you wot of: but be not grieved, 4 my Teresa, there’s no hurt done, all shall be recompenced 4 when we lay the Government a bucking.’ So Shelton manifests himself an exquisite in the noble style, an expert in the familiar; and with such effect as no man has matched in English. VI Cervantes himself was a severe critic—not to say a good hater—of translations. In his First Part he spares not Jimenez de Urrea and his fellows, but informs them roundly that 4 they can never arrive to the height of 4 that Primitive conceit, which they [the originals] bring 4 with them in their first birth . 1 And, in the Second, he maintains his thesis with a more caustic deliberation:— 4 The translating out of easie languages, argues neither wit 4 nor elocution, no more then doth the copying from out of 4 one Paper into another; yet I inferre not from this, that 4 translating is not a laudable exercise: for a man may be 4 far worse employed, and in things lesse profitable . 1 So the matter presents itself—and naturally—to the mind of an original genius; yet to the reviled translator belongs an honourable esteem. Consider a moment the diminution of Cervantes 1 fame were his gay, melancholy book to be read solely in Spanish! To Shelton, Oudin, Rosset, and their followers is due the universal acceptance of his perennial renown. As no writer has tempted more interpreters, so none owes them more. And most he owes to Shelton, lord of the golden Elizabethan speech, accomplished artificer in style, first of foreigners to hail him for the Master that he xlvii INTRO¬ DUCTION Cervantes on Translations His Debt to his Trans¬ lators Shelton above All INTRO¬ DUCTION Don Quixote Abroad German Italian Dutch Danish THE SECOND PART OF THE was, first to present him—and that with the grand air—to the company of the universal world. His Second Part lagged not behind his First. That Don Quixote greatly throve in England is history. Ben Jon son’s Execration upon Vulcan cites it as in vogue, and in Drayton’s Nymphidia :— f Men talk of the adventures strange Of Don Quixoit, and of their change Through which he armed oft did range Of Sancho Panza’s travel. ’ Nor was the fashion less abroad. A fragmentary German version by Pahsch Basteln von der Sohle appeared at Cothen in 1621 Lorenzo Franciosini’s First Part in Italian was published at Venice in 1622, the Second in 1625; Lambert van den Bos gave the story in Dutch at Dordrecht in 1657. Then for a hundred years, though Spanish, English, and French presses are busy with reprints or new renderings, there is a pause elsewhere till Charlotte Dorothea Biehl does the book into Danish. Then the tide flows again, and collectors now boast a shelf of translations (more or less complete) in some twenty European languages: Bohemian, Catalan, Croatian, Finnish, Greek, Hungarian, Polish, Portu¬ guese, Roumanian, Serbian, Swedish, and what not. A list of editions would fill a large volume : all attempts in this kind, as yet revealed, are simply puerile, and those that purport 1 But there is earlier proof of German vogue. At a Dessau baptismal festival, held on October 27-28, 1613, six or seven characters taken from Don Quixote figured in the procession ; and a series of illustrations (signed by Andreas Bretschneider) was published in 1613-14 at Leipzig ‘durch Justum Jansonium Danum .’—An Iconography of Don Quixote , 1605-1895, by H. S. Ashbee, F.S.A. (privately printed, 1895), p. 132. xlviii HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE to be complete are the very worst. A final Bibliography INTRO- is preparing by Señor D. Leopoldo Ruis y Llosellas, who DUCTION has dedicated a lifetime of labour to the task. Not,till it appears can the extent of the immortal book’s diffusion be accurately judged. Versions are reported to exist in Oriental tongues; and, sixteen years since, Adolfo Riva- deneyra in his Viaje al interior de Persia , mentioned a transfiguration of Cervantes in the speech of Hafiz and Persian Sa 4 dl done expressly through the Russian by order of the Russian Shah. A fragment in Provencal is found among the (Euvres Provencal of André- Jean-Victor Gelu, and in Basque there is another. 1 Basque Fernández de Navarrete mentions an ancient Latinising by a German; and indubitably there is a Latin verse rendering Latin of 4 the marriage of the rich Camacho and the successe of poor Basilius’ included in the Parva Poemata latina , sen Ludiera literaria of Raymundo del Busto Valdes, dedicated ‘amplissimo viro, Marchioni de Pidal,’ under the style of Nuptiae Camachii. In England Cervantes has been translated times out of English counting by men like Jervas, Smollett, Ormsby—the soundest scholar of them all; while his critics and commentators— 4 by one letter of the ABC ’—run from Bowie to Watts and Webster. Shelton’s secular fame ensured him the attention of that impudent buccaneer, Captain John Stevens, who mangled and despoiled him in the reprint of 1700-6. 4 For- 4 merly made English by Thomas Shelton ; now Revis’d, 1 Julien Vinson, Bibliographic de la Languc Basque (Paris, 1891), No. 557 ; Don Quichoite Manchako aitoren-seme izpiritutsua Michel de Cervantes Saavedra deitzen denaz, xlii capitulua (Bi-garren partea) —(s.t.l.ni.d. : 1882) in-8, 4 pp. tiré á un tres petit nombre d’exemplaires. Traduction d’aprés le francais, de la fin du chapitre. depuis les mots : ‘ Primeramente, oh hijo ! ’ xlix INTRO¬ DUCTION HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE 4 Corrected and partly new Translated from the Original,’ the artificial monster perished at birth. But Shelton lives. His successors have merits to which he makes no pretence ; yet he may well survive them. For his work is literature, sane and strong and beautiful. A great poet once wrote of a fervent admirer of Cervantes that he knew ‘ no version done In English more divinely well ’ than Fitzgerald’s of ‘Umar Khaiyam. And, with small abatement, as much may be said for our first and best interpretation of Cervantes. JAMES FITZMAURICE-KELLY. 1 NOTE The text of the Second Part is reprinted from the Editio Princeps of 1620 THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE VALOROUS AND WITTY KNIGHT-ERRANT DON QUIXOTE OF THE MANCHA WRITTEN IN SPANISH BY MICHAEL CERVANTES AND NOW TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH 1620 TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE MARQUESSE BUCKINGHAM Viscount Villiers, Baron of Whaddon, Lord High Admirall of England ; Iustice in Eyre of all his Majesties Forrests, Parkes, and Chases beyond Trent, Master of the Horse to his Majestie, and one of the Gentlemen of his Majesties Bed-chamber, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, and one of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Counsell of England and Scotland. Right Noble Lord, OUR humble servant hath observ’d in the multitude of books that have past his hands, no small varietie of Dedications ; and those severally sorted to their Presenters ends: Some, for the meere ambition of Great names; Others, for the desire, or need of Protection; Many, to win Friends, and so favour, and opinion ; but Most, for the more sordid respect, Game. THE EPISTLE DEDICA- TORIE THE SECOND PART OF THE This humbly offers into your Lo: presence, with none of these deformities: But as a bashfull stranger, newly arrived in English, having origin¬ ally had the fortune to be borne commended to a Grande of Spaine; and, by the way of transla¬ tion, the grace to kisse the hands of a great Ladie of France, could not despaire of lesse courtesie in the Court of Great Brittaine, then to bee received of your Lo: delight; his study being to sweeten those short starts of your retirement from pub¬ lique affaires, which so many, so unseasonably, even to molestation trouble. By him who most truely honours, and humbly professes all duties to your Lordship. ED. BLOUNT. 4 HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE THE AUTHORS PROLOGUE TO THE READER O W God defend! Reader, Noble or Pleb- eyan, what ere thou art: how earnestly must thou needs by this time expect this Prologue, supposing' that thou must find in it nothing bid revenge, brawling, and rayling upon the Authour of the second 4 Don Quixoteof whom I onely say as others say, that he teas begot in Tordesillas, and borne in Tarragona ? the truth is, herein I meane not to give thee content. Let it be never so generall a rule, that injuries awaken and rouze up choiler in humble brests, yet in mine must this ride admit an exception: Thou, it may be, wouldst have mee be-Asse him, be-madman him, and befoole him, bid no such matter can enter into my thought ; no, let his owne rod whip him; as hee hath brewed, so let him bake; else where he shall have it: and yet there is somewhat which I cannot but resent, and that is, that he exprobrates unto me my age, and my * may me, as if it had been in my power, to hold Time backe, that so it should not passe upon mee , or if my mayme had befalne me in a Taverne, and not upon the most famous * occasion which either the ages past or present have seene, nor may the times to come looke for the like: If my wounds shine not in the eyes of such as behold them; yet shall they be esteemed at least in the judgement of such as know how they were gotten. A Soiddiour had rather be dead in the battell, then free by running away: and so is it ivith me, that should men set before me and facilitate an impossibility, 5 *TIe lost one of his hands. *At the Battell of Lepanto. TO THE READER THE SECOND PART OF THE I should rather have desired to have heene in that prodigious action; then now to hee in a whole skinne, free from my skarres, for not having been in it. The skarres which a Souldiour shelves in his face and brest, are starres which leade others to the Heaven of Honor, and to the desire of just praise: and besides it may be noted, that it is not so much mens pens which write, as their judgements; and these use to be better'd with yeeres. Nor am I insensible of his calling me Envious, and describing me as an ignorant. What Envy may be, / vow seriously, that of those two sorts, that are; I skill not but of that Holy, Noble, and ingenuous Envy, which being so, as it is, I have no meaning to abuse any Priest; especially, if he hath annexed unto him the Title of FAMILIAR of the Inquisition: and if he said so, as it seemes by this second Author, that he did, he is utterly deceived: For I adore his wit, admire his zgorkes, and his continuall vertuous imploy- ment; and yet in effect I cannot but thanke this sweet Senior Author, for say mg that my Novelles are more Satyrick, then Exemplar; and that yet they are good, which they could not be, were they not so quite thorow. It seemes, thou tellest me, that I write somewhat limited, and obscurely, and containe my sefe within the bounds of my modestie, as knowing, that a man ought not adde misery to him that is afflicted, which doubtlesse must needs be very great in this Senior, since he dares not appeare in open feld, in the light, bid conceales his Name, faines his Countrey, as if hee had committed some Treason against his King. Well, if thou chance to light upon him, and know him, tell him from mee, that I hold my sefe no whit aggrieved at him: for I well know what the temptations of the Divell are; and one of the greatest is, when hee puts into a mans head, that he is able to compose and print a booke, whereby he shall gaine as much Fame as money, and as much money as Fame. For confirmation hereof, I intreat thee, when thou art disposed to be merry and pleasant, to tell him this Tale. There was a Mad-man in Sevill, which hit upon one of the prettiest absurd tricks that ever mad-man in this world lighted on, which was: Hee made him a Cane sharpe at one end, and 6 HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE then catching a Dogge in the street, or elsewhere, hee held fast one of the Dogges legges under his foot, and the other hee held up with his hand. Then fitting his Cane as well as he could, behinde, he fell a blowing till hee made the Dogge as round as a Ball: and then, holding him still in the same manner, hee gave him two clappes with his hand on the belly, and so let him goe, Saying to those which stood by (which alwayes were many) how thinke you, my Masters, Is it a small matter to blow up a Dogge like a Bladder ? and hozo thinke you, Is it a small labour to make a Booke ? If this Tale should not fit him: then, good Reader, tell him this other; for this also is of a Mad-man and a Dog. In Cordova zoos another Mad-man, which zeas zvont to carry on the top of his head, a huge piece of Marble, not of the lightest, who meeting a masterlesse Dogge, woidd stalke up close to him: and on a sudden, downe with his burden upon him: the Dogge would presently yearne, and barking and yelling run away, three streets could not hold him. It fell out afterwards among other Dogges {upon whom hee let fall his load) there was a Cappers Dogge, which his Master made great account of, upon whom hee let dozmie his great stone, and tooke him full on the head: the poore batter’d Curre cryes pitifully. His Master spies it, and affected with it, gets a meat-yard, assaults the mad-man, and leaves him not a zohole bone in liis skinne; ami at every blow that he gave him, he cryes out, Thou Dogge, Thou Thiefe, my Spaniell! Sazd'st thou not, thou cruell Villaine, that my Dogge was a Spaniell? And ever and anon repeating still his Spaniell, he sent away the Mad-man all blacke and blue. The Mad-man zeas terribly skarred here¬ with, but got away, and for more then a rnoneth cfter never came abroad: At last out hee comes with his invention againe, and a bigger load then before: and comming where the Dogge stood, viewing him over and over againe very heedily; he had no minde, he durst not let goe the stone, but onely said. Take heed, this is a Spaniell. In fine, whatsoever Dogges he met, though they were Mastifs or Fysting-Hounds, hee still said they were Spaniels. So that cfter that, he never durst throw his great Stone any more. And who knowes but the same may TO THE READER TO THE READER THE SECOND PART OF THE / befall this our Historian, that hee will no more let Jail the prize of his wit in Bookes ? for in being naught, they are harder then Roches: tell him too, that for his menacing, that with his booke he zoill take away all my gaine; I care not a straw for him: but betaking my seje to the famous Interlude of Perendenga: I answere him, Let the Old man my Master live, and Christ bee with us all. Long live the great Conde de Lemos {whose Christianity and well-knowne Liberalitie against all the blowes of my short fortune, keepes me on foote) and long live that eminent Cliaritie of the Cardinall of Toledo, Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas. Were there no printing in the world, or were there as many Bookes printed against mee , as there are letters in the Rimes of Mingo Revulgo ; these tzoo Princes, without any sollicitation of Jlatterie, or any other kinde of applause, of their sole bounty have taken upon them to doe me good, and to favour me; wherein I account my sefe more happy and rich, then if fortune, by some other ordinary way, had raised me to her highest: Honour, a Poore man may have it, but a Vicious man cannot: Poverty may cast a mist upon Noblenes, but cannot altogether obscure it: but as the glimmering of any light of it selfe, though but thorow narrow chinkes and Cranyes, comes to be esteemed by high and Noble spirits, and consequently favoured. Say no more to him; nor will I say any more to thee: but onely advertise that thou consider, that this Second part of 4 Don Quixotewhich I offer thee, is framed by the same Art, and cut out of the same cloth that the first was: in it I present thee with Don Quixote enlarged, and at last dead and buried, that so no man presume to raise any farther reports of him; those that are past are enow: arid let it suffice that an honest man may have given notice of these discreet Jollies, with pur¬ pose not to enter into them any more. For plenty of‘ any thing, though never so good, makes it lesse esteemed: and scarsitie {though of evill things) makes them somwhat accounted of. I forgot to tell thee that thou mayst expect 4 Per siles,' which I am now about to finish; as also the Second part of 4 Galatea 8 * HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE A SUMMARY TABLE of that, which this second part of the famous History of the valourous Don Quixote de la Mancha doth containe. CHAPTER I page How the Vicar and the Barber passed their time with Don Quixote, touching his infirmitie . . . .15 CHAPTER II Of the notable fray that Sancho Pansa had with the Neece and the old Woman, and other delightful passages . . 26 CHAPTER III The ridiculous discourse that passed betwixt Don Quixote, Sancho, and the Bachelor Samson Carrasco . . . .31 CHAPTER IV How Sancho Pansa satisfies the Bachelor Samson Carrasco’s doubts and demands ; with other accidents worthy to be knowne and related . . . . . . .39 CHAPTER V Of the wise and pleasant discourse, that passed betwixt Sancho Pansa and his wife Teresa Pansa, and other accidents worthy of happy remembrance . . . . .44 CHAPTER VI What passed betwixt Don Quixote, his Neece, and the old Woman : and it is one of the most materiall Chapters in all the History . . . . . . .50 3: B 9 THE SECOND PART OF THE CHAPTER VII p AGE What passed betwixt Don Quixote and his Squire, with other famous accidents . . . . . .56 CHAPTER VIII What befell Don Quixote, going to see his Mistris Dulcinea del Toboso . . . . . . .63 CHAPTER IX Where is set downe as followeth . . . . .70 CHAPTER X How Sancho cunningly inchanted the Lady Dulcinea, and other successes, as ridiculous as true . . . .74 CHAPTER XI Of the strange Adventure that befell Don Quixote, with the Cart or Waggon of the Parliament of Death . . .83 CHAPTER XII Of the rare Adventure that befell Don Quixote, with the Knight of the Looking-Glasses . . . . .89 CHAPTER XIII Where the Adventure of the Knight of the Wood is prosecuted, with the discreet, rare and sweet Coloquy, that passed be¬ twixt the two Squires . . . . . .95 CHAPTER XIV How the Adventure of the Knight of the Wood is prosecuted . 101 CHAPTER XV Who the Knight of the Looking-glasses and his Squire were . 112 CHAPTER XVI What befell Don Quixote with a discreet Gentleman of Mancha 114 CHAPTER XVII Where is shewed the last and extremest hazzard, to which the unheard of courage of Don Quixote did or could arrive, with the prosperous accomplishment of the Adventure of the Lyons ........ 124 10 HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE CHAPTER XVIII , ACE What happened to Don Quixote in the Castle, or Knight of the Greene Cassocke his house, with other extravagant matters 134 CHAPTER XIX Of the Adventure of the enamoured Shepheard, with other, indeed, pleasant Accidents ...... 142 CHAPTER XX Of the Marriage of the rich Camacho, and the successe of poore Basilius ....... 149 CHAPTER XXI Of the prosecution of Camacho’s marriage, with other delightfull accidents ....... 158 CHAPTER XXII Of the famous Adventure of Montesino’s Cave, which is in the heart of Mancha, which the valourous Don Quixote happily accomplished ....... 1G4 CHAPTER XXIII Of the admirable things, that the unparalel’d Don Quixote re¬ counted, which hee had seene in Montesino’s profound Cave, whose strangenesse and impossibility makes this Chapter to be held for Apocrypha ..... 172 CHAPTER XXIV Where are recounted a thousand flim-flams, as impertinent, as necessary to the understanding of this famous History . 182 CHAPTER XXV Of the Adventure of the Braying, and the merry one of the Puppet-man, with the memorable southsaying of the pro¬ phesying Ape ....... 188 CHAPTER XXVI Of the delightfull passage of the Puppet-play, and other pleasant matters ....... 197 11 HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE CHAPTER XXVII P Who Master Peter and his Ape were, with the ill successe that Don Quixote had in the Adventure of the Braying, which ended not so well, as he would, or thought for . . 205 CHAPTER XXVIII Of the things that Benengeli relates, which hee that reades shall know, if he reade them with attention . . . 212 CHAPTER XXIX Of the famous Adventure of the Enchanted Barke . . 217 CHAPTER XXX What hapned to Don Quixote with the faire Huntresse . . 224 CHAPTER XXXI That treats of many and great affaires .... 229 CHAPTER XXXII Of Don Quixotes answere to his Reprehender, with other suc¬ cesses as wise as witty ..... 237 CHAPTER XXXIII Of the wholesome discourse that passed betwixt the Duchesse and her Damozels with Sancho Pansa, worthy to be read and noted ........ 250 CHAPTER XXXIV How notice is given for the dis-enchanting of the peere-lesse Dulcinea del Toboso, which is one of the most famous Adventures in all this booke ..... 257 CHAPTER XXXV Where is prosecuted the notice that Don Quixote had, of dis¬ enchanting Dulcinea, with other admirable accidents . 264 THE SECOND PART OF DON QUIXOTE CHAPTER I How the Vicar and the Barber passed their time with Don Quixote, touching his infirmity. ID HAMET BENENGELI tels us in the second part of this History, and Don Quixote his third sally, that the Vicar and Barber were almost a whole moneth without seeing him, because they would not renew and bring to his remembrance things done and past. Notwithstanding, they forbore not to visit his Neece and the olde woman, charging them they should bee carefull to cherish him, and to give him comforting meats to eat, good for his heart and braine, from whence in likeli-hood all his ill proceeded. They answered, that they did so, and would doe it with all possible love and care: Eor they perceived that their Master continually gave signes of being in his entire judgement; at which the two received great joy, and thought they tooke the right course, when they brought him inchaunted in the Oxe-Waine (as hath beene declared in the first part of this so famous, as punctual History.) So they determined to visit him, and make some triall of his amendment, which they thought was impossible; and agreed not to touch upon any point of Knight Errantry; because they would not endanger the ripping up of a sore, whose stitches made it yet tender. At length they visited him, whom they found set up in his bed, clad in a Waste-coat of greene bayes, on his head a red Toledo bonet, so dried and withered up, as if his flesh 15 CHAPTER I How the Vicar and the Barber passed their time with Don Quixote, touching his infirmity. THE SECOND PART OF THE had beene mommied. He welcommed them, and they asked him touching his health: of it and himselfe he gave them good account, with much judgement and elegant phrase, and in processe of discourse, they fell into State-matters, and manner of Government, correcting this abuse, and condemning that; reforming one custome, and rejecting another; each of the three making himselfe a new Law¬ maker, a moderne Lycurgus, and a spicke and span new Solon; and they so refined the Common-wealth, as if they had clapped it into a forge, and drawne it out in another fashion then they had put it in. Don Quixote in all was so discreet, that the two Examiners undoubtedly beleeved, he was quite well, and in his right minde. The Neece and the old woman were present at this discourse, and could never give God thankes enough, when they saw their Master with so good understanding: But the Vicar changing his first intent, which was, not to meddle in matters of Cavallery, would now make a thorow triall of Don Quixotes perfect recovery; and so now and then tels him newes from Court, and amongst others, that it was given out for certaine, that the Turke was come downe with a powerfull Army, that his designe was not knowne, nor where such a clowd would dis¬ charge it selfe: and that all Christendome was affrighted with this terrour he puts us in with his yeerely Alarme : Likewise, that his Majesty had made strong the coasts of Naples, Sicilie, and Malta. To this (sayd Don Quixote) his Majesty hath done like a most politique Warrior, in looking to his Dominions in time, lest the enemy might take him at unawares: but if my counsaile might prevaile, I would advise him to use a prevention, which he is farre from thinking on at present. The Vicar scarse heard this, when hee thought with himselfe; God defend thee, poore Don Quixote: for mee thinkes thou fallest headlong from the high top of thy madnesse, into the profound bottome of thy simplicity. But the Barber presently being of the Vicars minde, askes Don Quixote what advice it was he would give ? for peradventure (sayd he) it is such an one as may bee put in the roll of those many idle ones that are usually given to 16 HISTORIE OF DON QUIXOTE Princes. Mine, Good-man Shaver (quoth Don Quixote) is CHAPTER no such. I spoke not to that intent (replyed the Barber) I but that it is commonly seene, that all or the most of your How the projects that are given to his Majesty, are either impossible, V icar an