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 4 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 —_—___=@ e-~<> 0 @—. .-- 
 
 AN ADDRESS 
 
 f DELIVERED BEFORE THE LITERARY SOCIETIES OF 
 
 TRINITY COLLEGE, N. C..,. 
 
 JUNE 7TH, 1893, 
 
 
 
 BY 
 
 
 
 Hon. A. M. WADDELL. 
 
 
 
 
 

 
‘ease 
 
 SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 AN ADDRESS 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE LITERARY SOCIETIES OF 
 
 HRINITY SOLLEGE, N. @,, 
 
 JUNE 7TH, 1893, 
 
 
 
 BY 
 
 
 
 Hon oa, WADDELL. 
 
P 300 ®O 
 
 SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 GENTLEMEN OF THE SOCIETIES: 
 
 The offering which I bring you to day is nota literary one in 
 the strict sense, and, therefore, may not be what, under the terms 
 of the invitation extended to me, you have a right to expect. 
 
 But, in view of the practical experiences which will soon con- 
 front you, and of the problems which, as American citizens you 
 will ere long have to aid in solving, directly or indirectly, it 
 seemed to me to be a wise and proper thing to speak to you- 
 upon a subject which is more and more attracting the attention 
 of thoughtful people in our country. Both as a matter of phil- 
 osophic speculation, and of practical statesmanship, it is becom- 
 ing profoundly interesting and important. No discussion of it 
 on an occasion like this can be other than superficial and frag- 
 mentary, but it may serve a good purpose to merely direct your 
 attention to it for a little while. 
 
 I invite you to a brief consideration of the subject of Socialism 
 in the United States in its relation to matters of public interest 
 generally. 
 
 The older and more reflecting persons in this audience who 
 have any knowledge of the socialistic movemen’s in Europe 
 during the last half century, and have observed the results o1 
 them as now developing in this country, will not need to be told 
 that gradually, socialistic ideas, under various names, have spread 
 not only among the mixed and foreign-born populations of the 
 
4 
 
 Northern and Western States, but all over this land. And such 
 persons are alive to the fact thay these ideas—which in some 
 parts of the country have taken a permanent hold and every- 
 where are being diligently cultivated—unless directed, as they 
 can be, towards the attainment ofa high civilization will ultimately 
 accomplish the destruction of all that we hold most dear. 
 
 If guided and controlled by the enlightened statesmanship and 
 christian conscience of the country they will be the means of 
 incalculable good, but if directed by the unchastened spirit of 
 discontent and revolution they will inevitably bring disaster and 
 ruin upon us. That this spirit of discontent exists and is 
 growing, is true, and it is equally true as in all such cases: 
 that the causes of it and the remedy for it are not clearly under- 
 stood by the mass of those who feel it. 
 
 It is not at all my purpose to discuss the philosophy of Social- 
 ism as advoc ited by the different schools which have existed and 
 now exist. They hive differed widely in their theories, but they 
 a'l agree upon one general principle, which is at war with the 
 fundamental ideas of government cherished by a large majority 
 of the American people. That principle may be defined by the 
 word paternalism. | 
 
 It is true that a large school of socialists advocate the aboli 
 tion of all existing institutions, but, even they would substitute 
 for them a system which would subordinate in all things the 
 individual to the community, and this is in direct conflict with 
 the American ‘doctrine of the largest liberty of the individual 
 consistent with the welfare of the State. 
 
 Nor is it my purpose to go into the economic question between 
 the wage earner and the capitalist, which is claimed by some to 
 be the central principle of all Socialism—except so far as to say 
 that, according to my view, the tendency of Socialism in this 
 country is to produce one at least of the very worst evils that it 
 charges to existing social and political systems, namely: the 
 separation of society into two classes—the millionaires and the 
 great mass of the poor. 
 
5 
 
 I shall content myself with pointing out soine of the manifes- 
 
 tations of Socialism in the recent political and legislative history 
 of the country which indicate the growth of that spirit among us, 
 
 and which furnish a field for the work of the true reformer. 
 
 It has been the happy fortune of the Southern States, through 
 out their history, to be exempt from internal disturbances arising 
 from social and economic questions—a State of things which was, 
 of course, attributable to the fact that until the last thirty years 
 negro slavery existed and that until very recently the population 
 was engaged almost exclusively in agriculture, and had, com. 
 paratively, but little communication with the rest of the world. 
 Without doubt the judgment of the world is that the exemption 
 from the evils incident to society elsewhere which such a com- 
 munity enjoyed was more than counterbalanced by the actual 
 conditions of their existence; and with this judgment most of us 
 will readily agree, although there are many good men who, rea- 
 soning from a philosophic standpoint, do not admit it. 
 
 With the radical changes that have taken place in our environ- 
 ment, and under the influence of the spirit pervading the new 
 era in which we live, we are now beginning to confront the prac-’ 
 tical results of ideas and theories of which we previously had no 
 knowledge, except, through books. 
 
 As industrialism increases in the South to the point already 
 reached at the North, these ideas and theories will grow until 
 they become ‘burning questions” which must be settled. 
 
 Now, in order to show that the time when these burning ques- 
 tions will be presented is not so ‘ar distant as many optimists 
 suppose, let me give you a condensed statement of the progress 
 of the South in the past few years in two or three industries only, 
 which is marvellous beyond comparison. The figures, which’ 
 are taken from the last census, show this state of things, viz: 
 
 That although the population of the North and West has been 
 increased since 1880 by 5,000,000 immigrants while the South 
 received few or none, and although the one section was at that 
 time enormously rich, with vast manufacturing and other indus- 
 
6 
 
 tries, while the other was poor and undeveloped, still the relative 
 progress of the South has in every direction been equal and in 
 some greatly superior to that of the North and West. 
 
 There has been an actual gain in the assessed value of property 
 in the Southern States between the years 1880 and 1891 of one 
 billion, nine hundred million dollars, and an increase in the average 
 assessed value per capita of nearly 100 per cent 
 
 At the end of the year 1881 there were only 20,000 miles of 
 poor railroads in the South; now there are 44,000 miles, many of 
 the trunk lines giving a service unsurpassed in the world. This 
 shows an increase of 120 per cent. in ten years, while the total 
 increase in the whole United States for the same time was less 
 than 90 per cent. There are as many miles of railroad in four 
 Southern States to-day as there were in all the Southern States in 
 1880, and the number of men employed on Southern railroads 
 has increased from 40,000 to 120,000, while the business on them 
 has increased in the same or greater proportion. 
 
 In 1881 the South only made about 450,000 tons of pig-iron, 
 but in 1891 she made nearly 2,000,000 tons which is nearly as 
 much as was made in the whole United States in 1876. Ten 
 years ago the North and West made more than nine times as 
 much iron as the South; now they make less than four times as 
 much. 
 
 In 1881 the South only produced about 6,000,000 tons of coal; 
 in 1891 she produced more than 23,000,000 tons. 
 
 Up to a very few years ago the South made no coke; now she 
 makes about all that is made in the country, excepting Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 Cotton manufacturing, of course, exhibits the highest develop- 
 ment. The Southern States now consume about as much raw 
 cotton in their manufactures, as was consumed by the whole 
 country as late as 1866, and they produce “more manufactured 
 cotton goods than were produced in the great German Empire 
 and France together in 1870, and more than the combined 
 product in the same year of the great industrial countries of Hol- 
 land, Belgium, Spain, Italy, Austria and Switzerland.” 
 
4 
 
 There were only 40 cotton-seed oil mills in the South in 1881 
 with a capital of $3,500,000; now there are over 200 witha capi- 
 tal of $30,000, 000. 
 
 I might continue to give similar statistics in regard to a great 
 many, if not all, the industries of the Southern States, tending to 
 show a development that is almost, if not absolutely, without a 
 parallel; but these will serve to justify my assertion that the time 
 is not so far distant when we will have to meet and settle social 
 and economic questions which have never before presented them- 
 selves to our consideration as practical matters. 
 
 Now, notwithstanding the screams of the American Eagle, and 
 the cheerful optimism of some recent writers, and the general 
 sense of security which prevails——and justly prevails—among our 
 countrymen as to the future, an intelligent observer of the events 
 of the past few years cannot fail to apprehend that communism 
 or socialism —for the terms seem to be regarded as synonymous 
 by those who advocate the principles involved—is here, and here 
 to stay for good or evil. ; 
 
 I do not refer to the Anarchists of the North-west—the disci- 
 ples of Banukin— or to any immoral school of socialists, or even 
 to the few really learned Utopian philosophers who, with a spirit 
 of true philanthropy, would offer their economic theories as a 
 remedy for the evils which afflict society. Each and all of these 
 are, and I believe will be, practically harmless. Therefore I am 
 as little apprehensive of the nightmare depicted in that remarka- 
 ble book Caesar’s Column, as I am of realizing the dream of Mr. 
 Bellamy in Looking Backward. 
 
 The socialism of which I speak is the degenerate offspring of 
 respectable parentage, which masquerades under various aliases, 
 and does’nt know its own name. 
 
 Its chief field of operation in this country has been in the trans- 
 Mississippi territory, and notably in Kansas and some adjoining 
 States. 
 
 Recently when there was actual fighting between two political 
 parties for possession of the capitol building in Kansas, thinking 
 
 S 
 
8 
 
 people all over the country began to realize what the propagation 
 of socialistic ideas here was tending to, and they are now fully 
 alive to it. They understand that there is something more than 
 “hard times,” and a tight money market behind the movement 
 While many would never concede it as long as they could find 
 any other source to which they might credit it, the truth is that 
 the origin of this socialistic movement is to be found in the war, 
 and the legislation and political education of the people which 
 followed it, all of which has tended towards an enlargement of 
 the sphere of Federal jurisdiction, the centralization of power at 
 Washington and the corresponding diminution of State and indi- 
 vidual rights. In a word paternalism. I say this truth’ will not 
 be admitted by many because it looks uncomfortably like a vin- 
 dication of the principles advocated by Southern statesmen from 
 the foundation of the Government. 
 But it is a truth notwithstanding, and, pleasant or unpleasant, 
 it ought to be recognized and acted upon, and must be if the 
 integrity of our institutions is to be preserved In the West the 
 leaders of the Socialists, including many Church of England 
 people who have formed a branch of what is called “The Chris- 
 tian Social Union of England,” according to printed statements 
 which I have seen, do not hesitate to declare their belief in a 
 paternal government. Among other declarations made by some 
 of them, as published, is that of a clergyman who said: ‘‘Pater- 
 nalism is the only relief for the present terrible social and moral 
 conditions. This government will become paternalism unless it 
 goes to the devil first.” This is the thought of the educated 
 among them in the cities, and of course in the rural districts and 
 among the less educated the sentiment, without the reasoning on 
 which it is based, is even more pronounced. Now these doc- 
 trines cannot be traced back to the old differences between Fed- 
 eralists and Republicans in the early days of the republic ; they 
 are of comparatively recent origin. They are,as I have just said 
 the fruit of the war and the legislation, which, however necessary 
 for the successful waging of the war while pending, ought to have 
 ceased with its termination, if the government was not to be 
 
y 
 
 transformed into a system never contemplated by its founders. 
 It is true that a remote basis might be found for some of this 
 paternalism in a fact which was first called to public attention by 
 the late Senator Lamar in speaking of another matter, viz: That 
 whereas in 1789 the General Government was the creature of the 
 States, in 1861 a large majority of the States were the creatures 
 of the General Government, having been carved out of the public 
 _domain, and that thus the ideas relative to them respectively had 
 undergone a radical change. 
 
 But the real and direct orf&in of paternalism is that which I 
 have given. During the war all eyes were turned to the General 
 Government, all hopes centred in it, all power was entrusted to 
 it. It was the one great overshadowing and protecting force—— 
 a thing which it had never been before. 
 
 With great armies in the field, great navies on the water, a 
 host of civil officers everywhere, and gathering from the people 
 by direct and indirect taxation revenues which seem fabulous, it 
 came to be regarded as at once the source of all authority, the 
 guardian ofall interests, and the dispenser of all bounty. 
 
 Its triumphant success in the great conflict served to emphasize 
 these sentiments, and magnify its power, and the result was that 
 when the war ended and the armies were disbanded thousands o1 
 “patriots out of a job” were added to the civil list, the war taxes 
 were kept up, and an era of shameless extravagance in every 
 direction began—the government being general almoner. Inge- 
 nuity was exhausted in contriving schemes for the expenditure 
 of the enormous public revenues, and the habit of looking to the 
 government for everything was becoming fixed in the public 
 mind. The liberal pension laws, intended for those who had 
 become disabled by wounds or disease contracted in the military _ 
 service, began to be amended so as to embrace cases never origi- 
 nally contemplated, and have continued to be enlarged in their 
 scope until the amount now expended for pensions alone is nearly 
 three times as great as the entire expenses of the government in 
 the year before the war. A vast empire had been given away to 
 railroad corporations in the West, and to one of them, in addi. 
 
10 
 
 tion to its appalling land grant, fifty millions of dollars had beeti 
 loaned by the government. 
 
 Thus the people, of the West particularly, were diligently 
 educated in the principles of paternalism, and it became a custom 
 whenevera locality was visited by calamity, to rush to the govern- 
 ment as an earthly providence for comfort and relief. The idea 
 that the government was one of limited powers, ard that it could 
 not lawfully transcend these limits as defined in the constitution, 
 was scouted as an echo of secession and rebellion; and if the 
 suggestioa was made that the plethoric coffers of the Treasury 
 could not stand further drain the answer was that the govern- 
 ment made all the money it needed during the war, and ought to 
 make enough to satisfy the wants of the people whenever neces- 
 sary. Thus the spectre of “fiat”? money which, in the agony of 
 the war had been evoked and had served asa minister of relief, 
 re-appeared to serve the purposes of socialism. 
 
 States caught the infection and sumptuary laws began to be 
 enacted, which have at last culminated in the noble effort of the 
 Minnesota legislature to abolish crinoline and regulate the dress 
 of Chinamen. Socialistic legislation of all kinds is constantly 
 being proposed in many States of the Union, and, in some of the 
 cities and large industrial centres, trades-unions exercise a des- 
 potic control over all branches of business. 
 
 Socialistic ideas have cropped out in the decisions of the 
 Courts, and even that great tribunal which is the crowning glory 
 of the constitution, and the last refuge of endangered rights—the 
 Supreme Court of the United States—has appeared in several 
 recent decisions to countenance them by its very liberal con- 
 struction of the police powers of the States, as distinguished from 
 their taxing p wer. 
 
 Of course it was to be expected that the mere demagogue, who’ 
 panders to what he believes to be the dominant sentiment of those 
 among whom he plies his vocation, would promptly seize upon 
 these socialistic and communistic tendencies where they prevail 
 and utilize them for his own selfish ends ; or that the smart poli- 
 tician with a reverent care for his own political health would 
 
16 
 
 coquette with them or maintain a prudent silence—but the man 
 whose fortune it is to occupy a position involving a duty to the 
 public, and who has, as every one holding such a position ought 
 to have, the courage of his convictions, must realize that there is 
 now resting upon him no higher obligation than that of doing all 
 in his power to arrest these tendencies, and, if possible, to direct 
 them to beneficent ends, 
 
 In the history of socialism the last element to be reached has 
 always been the agriculturist class, and for reasons which need 
 no elaborate explanation. 
 
 The owners and tillers of the soil in every land have been the 
 conservators of good government, but in this country we have 
 lived to see almost the entire farming population of the Western 
 States, and a large proportion of them in the South, under the 
 misleadership of wild theorists and ill-informed but fluent orators, 
 driven into the advocacy of socialism and paternalism of a kind 
 so extravagant that only the earnestness with which it is sup- 
 ported, and the danger to the public welfare which it involves 
 could save it from ridicule. It is the most remarkable move- 
 ment of our time, and is the result of what was originally a legi- , 
 timate and intelligent co-operative movement for the welfare of 
 the agricultural interests of the country, after the failure of sev- 
 eral succeSsive crops, and the pressure of exactions by railroad 
 corporations and money lenders. Beginning with a protest 
 against these exactions and a discussion of measures of relief it 
 degenerated, under the influences already referred to, into a 
 political organization with a “platform” of principles which are 
 at war with all recognized social and economic laws, and which, 
 if they could be enforced, would generate chaos. Although this 
 is still the situation in some of the Western States, it can be said 
 to the honor and credit of thousands of the Farmers of the 
 South, that while they abate no jot or tittle of their complaint 
 against, and denunciation of, the unjust legislation from which 
 they have suffered, they will not permit themselves to be used 
 for the purposes aimed at in this new crusade, for to do so would 
 be to sacrifice upon the altar of fanaticism their patriotism and 
 
12 
 
 common sense. They have never embraced the paternalism in- 
 volved ina high protective tariff, because many understand that 
 it operates to their hurt and all are under the influence of the 
 traditional hostility to it which has always prevailed in the 
 South. It is to be earnestly hoped that many thousands more of 
 them will abandon the other paternal arid socialist heresies, to 
 which they have committed themselves in the hope of redress- 
 ing grievances, which unquestionably exist, but which cannot be 
 redressed by such means. 
 
 But whether they shall hereafter abandon these heresies or 
 not, the fact is that socialism in various forms is widespread in 
 the United States, and it behooves the young men who like 
 yourselves, are about to assume the rights and duties of citizen- 
 ship to equip themselves with knowledge of the complex govern- 
 ment under which they live, in order that those rights may be 
 more clearly understood and those duties may be faithfully per- 
 formed. It behooves you to fully know that the safeguards of 
 individual liberty which you inherited from your English ances- 
 tors, and which your fore-fathers were careful to preserve in writ- 
 ten constitutions, will inevitably be imperilled if paternalism is 
 encouraged, and that the sort of socialism prevalent in this coun- 
 try, if carried to its logical consequences, means, eventually, 
 anarchy. 
 
 Some of the doctrines advocated by these Socialists are so 
 utterly subversive of the first principles of English liberty not to 
 say of American law, that it would seem impossible to escape the 
 conclusion that they originated and are advocated either from 
 pure ignorance or else a blind recklessness of consequences, or 
 from the two combined ; but there are others that have an appar- 
 ent basis of justice in the unwise laws that have sometimes been 
 enacted, although if adopted as a remedy for them incalculable 
 wrong would be done. | 
 
 I do not by any means intend to intimate that all the advocates 
 of socialism in this county are either ignorant or vicious. 
 
 I might almost say I wish they were, for then their capacity 
 for harm would be limited. There is a socialism of an opposite 
 
13 
 
 type to that which I have been discussing—the socialism of greed 
 and cunning, which has not the virtue justly attaching to those, 
 who, believing themselves oppressed, would seek redress by 
 such crude and wild schemes as have been projected by them: 
 Associated capital is quite as capable of perpetrating injustice, and 
 more so, than associated labor is of resisting it, and the limits 
 within which the one may lawfully operate ought to be no more 
 - difficult to define than those of the other. What the American 
 people think on that subject has received one illustration, at 
 least, in the Anti-Trust law. 
 
 There is, as I have already said, an optimistic view of this mat- 
 ter of socialism in this country. Many persons regard it as only 
 one of the passing phenomena of our national life, which will have 
 its day, and soon, in the rapid rush of events, pass away and be 
 forgotten. I wish I could take that view of it, but I cannot; and 
 it is because I regard it as one of the serious problems which have 
 been developed in the civilization of our country and which will 
 remain ta try the statesmanship of your generation at least, that 
 I thought it a fit subject for discussion on this occasion. I do 
 not think that the extent to which socialistic ideas have been dis- 
 seminated, and the strong hold they have taken upon the minds 
 of millions of our people are fully appreciated by most of us. 
 We are slow to believe the prophets of evil, and are apt to delude 
 ourselves with false hopes as to the future of the Republic. 
 Scarcely anybody believed that there was really going to be war 
 between the States until the guns opened on Fort Sumter—and 
 some not even then—although they had been gradually approach- 
 ing it for many years. Peaceful revolutions have not been frequen, 
 in human history, and the millenium is not here yet. Do not 
 assume from this remark that I am an alarmist or that I appre- 
 hend any violent revolution in the country in the early future, for 
 such is not the case. I am only pointing out what seems to be a 
 source of danger which ought to be and must be guarded against 
 and, if possible, turned to good uses. 
 
 If the ideal of the loftier school of Socialists, as known in 
 England and Germany, could be attained the result would be 
 
14 
 
 something very near akin to the Christian Commonwealth, a pure 
 Democracy; but that is a dream, which, if ever realized among 
 men, is ages ahead of us. Our business is with the present, and 
 the socialism of the present in our country is inimical to religion, 
 and tends to the subversion of free institutions. 
 
 How is it to be met? By the cultivation of a spirit of justice, 
 and moderation, and forbearance, and obedience to law—by 
 keeping government within the limits which our wise forefathers 
 prescribed for it, and by preserving, with unfaltering devotion, 
 that individualism which is the corner-stone of Anglo Saxon 
 liberty. To accomplish this, cowardice must be banished from 
 pulpit, and press, and legislatures and courts. Men must have 
 the courage of their convictions and allow no unworthy motive 
 of expediency to come between them and their duty. That is 
 the curse of our public life to-day and the cause of many of the 
 ills of the body politic. In politics, as in trade, there are those 
 who will “crook the pregnant hinges of the knee that thrift may 
 follow fawning,” and, knowing the right, will still the wrong pur- 
 sue in dealing with the interests of the people. May their tribe 
 decrease, and disappear; but it will not until there is universal 
 assent to and a practical enforcement of the maxim that “public 
 office is a public trust to be administered for the benefit of the 
 people.” 
 
 Among the early Greeks the word ‘‘idiotes’”—an idiot— meant 
 only a private person, as contradistinguished from one holding 
 a public position and participating in the management of public 
 affairs. Public office was regarded by them not only as essen- 
 tial to a man’s dignity and importance in the community, but 
 necessary as the means of acquiring knowledge. 
 
 Hence being out of public position and a mere private citizen, 
 or “idiotes,” became synonymous with being an ignorant and 
 uneducated person; and this secondary meaning of the word 
 finally degenerated, when transfered into English, into the mean- 
 ing now attached to it—namely, a person without any intelligence 
 at all and incapable of learning anything. Judging by the con 
 duct and utterances of some modern. public functionaries we are 
 
15 
 
 justified in believing that they have adopted the early Greek 
 view of public office, and would apply to all mere private citizens 
 the original word—according to its present meaning. 
 
 I think it is a matter worth considering whether this view will 
 not be strengthened by the establishment of an official class in 
 this country under the operation of the Civil Service Law; but 
 I do not intend to discuss it. 
 
 Now, young gentlemen, I have presented to you (in a very super- 
 ficial and fragmentary way as I said at the beginning of my 
 remarks) one of the interesting subjects with which you will 
 have to deal when you become fuil fledged citizens and voters, 
 and in closing the discussion of it 1] would commend to you the 
 importance of studying the constitutional history of your coun- 
 try, and the great modern writers upon economic science, whence 
 you may gather the knowledge that will be needful to you when 
 confronted by it, and other problems that await you. 
 
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