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THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
THE 
 
 ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 OCCASIONAL ESSAYS & ADDEESSES 
 
 BY 
 
 E. RAY LANKESTER, M.A., LL.D., F.R.S. 
 
 ILontion 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK 
 1890 
 
PREFACE 
 
 1 HAVE to thank Mr. Kuowles of the Nineteenth Cen- 
 tury, Mr. Quilter of the Universal Review, and the 
 Messrs. Black of the EncyclopcEdia Britannica, for 
 permission to include in this volume articles originally 
 published by them. 
 
 The collection which Messrs. Macmillan have 
 kindly undertaken to republish deals with a variety 
 of topics, and is, perhaps, wanting in unity of design. 
 These essays and lectures have, however, all originated 
 in my desire to promote the interests of science, either 
 by explaining some of its later advances to the general 
 public, or by showing the need for increased aid to 
 scientific research from the State. Hence the somewhat 
 comprehensive title which I have ventured to give to 
 this little book. I hope that each paper in its turn 
 may find some readers who will think that it possesses 
 sufiicient interest to justify its reappearance in its 
 present form. Some of the papers now reprinted were 
 pubHshed sufiiciently long ago for changes to have 
 occurred in the position of matters of which they treat. 
 
VI PREFACE 
 
 In some cases a prediction has been verified, in others 
 an appeal has been successful ; and in regard to some 
 few matters touched on, new views have taken the 
 place of those adopted when my statement was ori- 
 ginally made. I have added notes explanatory of 
 such changes where they are actually necessary. 
 
 E. Ray Lankester. 
 
 December 1889. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. Degeneration: a Chapter in Darwinism . . 1 
 
 2. Biology and the State . . . . . .61 
 
 3. Pasteur and Hydrophobia 119 
 
 4. Examinations . . . . • • .173 
 
 5. The Scientific Eesults of the International 
 
 Fisheries Exhibition, London, 1883 . . 193 
 
 6. Centenarianism 223 
 
 7. Parthenogenesis 239 
 
 8. A Theory OF Heredity 271 
 
 9. The History and Scope of Zoology . . . 287 
 
I 
 
 DEGENERATION: 
 
 A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 Delivered as one of the Evening Lectures at the Sheffield 
 Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of 
 Science, 22d August 1879, under the Presidency of Professor 
 Allman, LL.D., F.R.S. 
 
DEGENEEATION: 
 
 A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 It is the misfortune of those who study that branch 
 of science which our President has done so much to 
 advance — I mean the science of living things— that 
 they are not able, in the midst of a vast assembly, 
 to render visible to all eyes the actual phenomena 
 to which their inquiries are directed. Whilst the 
 physicist and the chemist are able to make evident to 
 the senses of a great meeting the very things of which 
 they have to tell, the zoologist cannot hope ever to 
 share with those who form his audience the keen 
 pleasure of observing a new or beautiful organism ; 
 he cannot demonstrate by means of actual specimens 
 the delicate arrangements of structure which it is his 
 business to record, and upon which he bases his con- 
 clusions. It is for this reason that he Avho would 
 bring to the notice of laymen some matter which at 
 the moment is occupying the attention of biological 
 students, must appear to be unduly devoted to specu- 
 lation — hypothesis— to support which he cannot pro- 
 duce the facts themselves but merely the imperfect 
 substitutes afforded by pictures. It is perhaps not 
 altogether a matter for regret that there should be in 
 
 D. H. HILL LIBRARY 
 
 North C ' "nt* Coi-^^ 
 
4 DEGEXERATIOX : I 
 
 one great branch of science, as there is in biology, so 
 very marked a disproportion between the facilities for 
 demonstrating facts and the general interest attaching 
 to the theories connected with those facts. We may 
 be thankful that at the present day we are not likely, 
 in the domain of biology, to make the mistake (which 
 has been made under other circumstances) of substitut- 
 ing the mere inspection and cataloguing of natural 
 objects for that more truly scientific attitude which 
 consists in assigning the facts which come under our 
 observation to their causes, or, in other words, to their 
 places in the order of nature. Though we may rightly 
 object to the attempt which is sometimes made to 
 decry the modern teachings of biology as not being 
 " exact science," yet we may boldly admit the truth 
 of the assertion that we biologists are largely occupied 
 with speculations, hypotheses, and other products of 
 the imagination. All true science deals with specula- 
 tion and hypothesis, and acknowledges as its most 
 valued servant — its indispensable ally and helpmeet 
 — that which our German friends^ call " Phantasie " 
 and we " the Imagination." Our science, biology, 
 is not less exact — our conclusions are no less accurate 
 because they are only 2^'i'ohahly true. They are " prob- 
 ably true" with a degree of probability of which 
 we are fully aware, and which is only somewhat less 
 than the probability attaching to the conclusions 
 of other sciences which are commonly held to be 
 " exact." 
 
 These remarks are addressed to an Association for 
 
 1 See Note A. 
 
I A CHAPTER IX DARWINISM 5 
 
 the advancement of science — of science which flourishes 
 and progresses by the aid of suppositions and the 
 working of the imagination. The Association has 
 been holding its annual sitting in various parts of 
 the British Islands for more than thirty years, and 
 yet it is still a very common and widely spread notion 
 that science, that is to say, true science according to 
 those who hold the notion, does not countenance 
 hypotheses, and sternly occupies itself with the exact 
 record of fact. On the other hand, there are many 
 persons who run to an opposite extreme, and call by 
 the name of science any fanciful attempt to deal with 
 or account for a certain class of phenomena. The 
 words "science" and "scientific" are used so vaguely 
 and variously that one might almost come to the 
 conclusion that it would be well for our Association 
 to plainly state what is that thing for the advance- 
 ment of which its meetings are held. I cannot venture 
 to speak in the name of my colleagues ; and no doubt 
 a review of the work done by the Association would 
 most fitly explain what that body understands by the 
 word "science." At the same time it is permissible 
 to take this opportunity of briefly stating what science 
 is and what it is not, so far as I am able to judge of 
 the fitting use of the word. 
 
 Science is certainly not any and every kind of 
 knowledge. Knowledo;e of literature, of the beautiful 
 things which have been written or otherwise produced 
 by human ingenuity, is not science. Knowledge of 
 the various manufacturing processes in use by civilised 
 men is not science ; nor knowledge of the names of 
 
6 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 the stars, or of the joints of a beetle's leg. Science 
 cannot be identified with knowledge of any particular 
 class of objects, however detailed that knowledge may 
 be. It is a common mistake to consider all knowledge 
 of raw products, of living objects or other natural 
 objects, as necessarily "science." The truth is, that 
 a man may have great knowledge of these things as 
 so many facts, and yet be devoid of " science." And, 
 on the other hand, that which is properly called 
 science embraces not only such subject-matter as 
 that just alluded to, but also may find its scope in 
 the study of language, of human history, and of the 
 workings of the human mind. 
 
 The most frequent and objectionable misuse of the 
 word " science " is that which consists in confoundino- 
 science with invention — in applying the term which 
 should be reserved for a particular kind of knowledge 
 to the practical applications of that knowledge. Such 
 things as electric lighting and telegraphs, the steam- 
 engine, gas, and the smoky chimneys of factories, are 
 by a certain school of public teachers, foremost among 
 whom is the late Oxford Professor of Fine Art, per- 
 sistently ascribed to science, and gravely pointed out 
 as the pestilential products of a scientific spirit. They 
 are, in fact, nothing of the kind. American inventors 
 and electric lamps, together with all the factories in 
 Shefiield, might be obliterated without causing a 
 moment's concern to a single student of science. It 
 is of the utmost importance for the progress and well- 
 being of science that this should be understood ; that 
 the eager, practical spirit of the inventor who gains 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 7 
 
 large pecuniary rewards by the sale of his inventions 
 should not be confounded with what is totally different 
 and remote from it, namely, the devoted, searching 
 spirit of science, which, heedless of pecuniary rewards, 
 ever faces nature with a single purpose — to ascertain 
 the causes of things. It seems to me impossible to 
 emphasise too strongly in such a place and in such a 
 meeting as this, that Invention is widely separate 
 from, though dependent on Science. Invention is 
 worldly-wise, and despises the pursuit of knowledge 
 for its own sake. She awaits the discoveries of 
 Science, in order to sell them to civilisation, gather- 
 ing the golden fruit which she has neither planted 
 nor tended. Invention follows, it is true, the foot- 
 steps of Science, but at a distance : she is utterly 
 devoid of that thriftless yearning after knowledge, 
 that passionate desire to know the truth, which causes 
 the unceasing advance of her guide and benefactress. 
 
 We may, it seems to me, say that of all kinds and 
 varieties of knowledge that only is entitled to the 
 name " science " which can be described as Knowledge 
 of Causes, or Knowledge of the Order of Nature. It 
 is this knowledge to which the great founder of 
 European science — Aristotle the Greek — pointed as 
 
 true knowledge: rore iiriardiieOa orav rrjv alrlav eiScofjuep. 
 Science is that knowledoe which enables us to demon- 
 strate so far as our limited faculties permit, that the 
 appearances which we recognise in the world around 
 us are dependent in definite ways on certain properties 
 of matter : science is that knowledge which enables, 
 or tends to enable us, to assign its true place in the 
 
8 DEGENERATION I I 
 
 series of events constituting the universe, to any and 
 every thing which we can perceive. 
 
 The method by which scientific knowledge is 
 gained — knowledge of the causes of nature — is pre- 
 cisely the same as that by which knowledge of causes 
 in everyday life is gained. Something — an appear- 
 ance — has to be accounted for : the question in both 
 cases is, " Through what cause, in relation to what 
 antecedent is this appearance brought about?" In 
 scientific inquiry, as in everyday life, a hypothesis — 
 a provisional answer or guess — is the reply ; and the 
 truth of that guess or hypothesis is then tested. This 
 testing is an essential part of the process. " If my 
 guess be true, then so-and-so as to which I can decide 
 by inspection or experiment, must be true also," is 
 the form which the argument takes, and the inquiry is 
 thus brought to a point where observation can decide 
 the truth of the hypothesis or first guess. In every- 
 day life we have often to be content without fully 
 testing the truth of our guesses, and hurry into action 
 based on such unverified suppositions. Science, on 
 the other hand, can always wait, and demands again 
 and again the testing and verification of guesses 
 before they are admitted as established truths fit to 
 be used in the testing of new guesses and the building 
 up of scientific doctrine. 
 
 The delicately -reared imaginations of great investi- 
 gators of natural things have from time to time given 
 birth to hypotheses — guesses at truth — which have 
 suddenly transformed a whole department of know- 
 ledge, and made the causes of things quite clear 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 9 
 
 which before seemed likely to remain always concealed. 
 So great is the value of hypothesis, so essential to 
 scientific discovery, that the most skilled and highly 
 trained observer may spend his life in examining and 
 scrutinising natural objects and yet fail, if he is not 
 guided by hypothesis, to observe particular facts which 
 are of the uttermost importance for the explanation of 
 the causes of the things which he is studying. Nature, 
 it has been said, gives no reply to a general inquiry — 
 she must be interrogated by questions which already 
 contain the answer she is to give ; in other words, the 
 observer can only observe that which he is led by hypo- 
 thesis to look for : the experimenter can only obtain 
 the result which his experiment is designed to obtain. 
 For a long time the knowledge of living things, of 
 plants, and of animals could hardly be said to form 
 part of the general body of science, for the causes of 
 these things were quite unknown. They were kept 
 apart as a separate region of nature, and were sup- 
 posed to have been pitched, as it were, into the midst 
 of an orderly and cause-abiding world without cause 
 or order : they were strangers to the universal har- 
 mony prevailing around them. Fact upon fact was 
 observed and recorded by students of plants and 
 animals, but having no hypothesis as to the causes of 
 what they were studying, the naturalists of twenty 
 years ago, and before that day, though they collected 
 facts, made slow progress and some strange blunders. 
 Suddenly one of those great guesses which occasion- 
 ally appear in the history of science, was given to the 
 science of biology by the imaginative insight of that 
 
10 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 greatest of living naturalists — I would say that greatest 
 of livino^ men — Charles Darwin. 
 
 In the form in which Mr. Darwin presented his 
 view to the world it was no longer a mere guess. He 
 had already tried it and proved it in an immense 
 series of observations ; it had already been converted 
 by twenty years' labour on his part into an estab- 
 lished doctrine, and the twenty years which have 
 passed since he published the Origin of Species have 
 only served to confirm, by thousands of additional 
 tests, the truth of his original guess. 
 
 Space will not allow me to go fully into the history 
 of the Darwinian theory, but it is necessary for my 
 present purpose that I should state precisely what 
 that theory is. It involves a number of subordinate 
 hypotheses which, together with the main hypothesis, 
 furnish us with a complete " explanation," as it is 
 called, of the facts which have been ascertained as to 
 living things ; in other words, it assigns living things 
 to their causes, gives them their place in the Order of 
 Nature. 
 
 It is a very general popular belief at the present 
 day that the Darwinian theory is simply no more 
 than a capricious and anti-theological assertion that 
 mankind are the modified descendants of ape-like 
 ancestors. 
 
 Though most of my readers, I do not doubt, 
 know how imperfect and erroneous a conception this 
 is, yet I shall not, I think, be wasting time in stating 
 what the Darwinian theory really is. In fact, it is so 
 continuously misrepresented and misunderstood, that 
 
I A CHAPTER IX DARWINISM 11 
 
 no opportunity sliould be lost of calling attention to 
 its real character. Bit by bit, naturalists had suc- 
 ceeded in discovering the order of nature — so far that 
 all the great facts of the universe, the constitution 
 and movements of the heavenly bodies, the form of 
 our earth, and all the peculiarities of its crust, had 
 been successfully assigned to one set of causes — the 
 properties of matter, which are set forth in what we 
 know by the name of the "laws of physics and 
 chemistry." AYhilst geologists, led by Lyell, had 
 shown that the strata of the earth's crust and its 
 mountains, rivers, and seas were due to the long- 
 continued operation of the very same general causes 
 — the physico-chemical causes — which at this moment 
 are in operation and are continuing their work of 
 change, yet the living matter on the crust of the earth 
 had to be excluded from the grand uniformity which 
 was elsewhere complete. 
 
 The first hypothesis, then, which was present to 
 Mr. Darwin's mind, as it had been to that of other 
 earlier naturalists, was this : " Have not all the 
 varieties or species of living things (man, of course, 
 included) been produced by the continuous operation 
 of the same set of physico-chemical causes which 
 alone we can discover, and which alone have been 
 proved sufficient to produce everything else ? " "If 
 this be so," Mr. Darwin must have argued (and here 
 it was that he l^oldly stepped beyond the specula- 
 tions of Lamarck and adopted the method by which 
 Lyell had triumphantly established Geology as a 
 science), " these causes must still be able to produce 
 
12 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 new forms, and are doing so wherever they have 
 opportunity." He had accordingly to bring the 
 matter to the test of observation by seeking for 
 some case of the production of new forms of plants, 
 or of animals, by natural causes at the present day. 
 Such cases he found in the production of new forms 
 or varieties of plants and animals, by breeders. 
 Breeders (the persons who make it their business 
 to produce new varieties of flowers, of pigeons, of 
 sheep, or what not) make use of two fundamental 
 properties of living things in order to accomplish 
 their purpose. These two properties are, firstly, that 
 no two animals or plants, even when born of the 
 same parents, are exactly alike; this is known as 
 Variation: secondly, that an organism, as a rule, 
 inherits, that is to say, is born with the peculiarities 
 of its parents ; this is known as Transmission, and 
 is simply dependent on the fact that the offspring 
 of any plant or animal is only a detached portion 
 of the parent — a chip of the old block, as the saying 
 is. The breeder selects from a number of specimens 
 of a plant or animal a variety which comes nearest to 
 the form he wishes to produce. Supposing he wished 
 to produce a race of oxen with short horns, he would 
 select from his herd bulls and cows with the shortest 
 horns, and allow these only to breed ; they would 
 transmit their relatively short horns to their offspring, 
 and from these again the cattle with the shortest 
 horns would be selected by the breeder for propagation, 
 and so on throuo:h several o^enerations. In the end a 
 very short-horned generation would be obtained, differ- 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 13 
 
 ing greatly in appearance from the cattle with which 
 the breeder started. 
 
 Now we know of no facts which forbid us to sup- 
 pose that could a breeder continue his operations 
 indefinitely for any length of time — say for a few 
 million years — he could convert the short -horned 
 breed into a hornless breed ; that he could go on and 
 thicken the tail, could shorten the legs, get rid of the 
 hind limbs altogether by a series of insensible grada- 
 tions, and convert the race into forms like the Sirenia, 
 or sea-cows. But if he could do this, you have only 
 to give him a longer time still and there is no obstacle 
 remaining to the conversion, by the same kind of 
 process, of a polyp into a worm, or of a worm into a 
 fish, or even of a monkey into a man.^ 
 
 So far we have supposed the interference of a 
 breeder who selects and determines the varieties which 
 shall propagate themselves ; so far we have not got a 
 complete explanation, for we must find a substitute in 
 nature for the human selection exercised by the 
 breeder. The question arises, then, ''Is there any 
 necessary selective process in nature which could have 
 operated through untold ages, and so have represented 
 the selective action of the breeder, during an immense 
 period of time ? " Strangely enough, Mr. Darwin was 
 led to the discovery of such a cause existing necessarily 
 in the mechanical arrangements of nature, by reading 
 the celebrated book of an English clergyman, the Eev. 
 Mr. Malthus, On Population. On happening to read 
 this book, Mr. Darwin himself tells us that the idea 
 
 1 See Note B. 
 
14 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 of " natural selection " flashed upon him. That idea 
 is as follows. Not only among mankind, but far more 
 largely among other kinds of animals and among 
 plants, the number of offspring produced by every pair 
 is immensely in excess of the available amount of the 
 food appropriate to the particular species in question. 
 Accordingly, there is necessarily a struggle for exist- 
 ence — a struggle among all those born for the posses- 
 sion of the small quantum of food. The result of this 
 struggle is to pick out, or select, a few who survive 
 and propagate the species, whilst the majority perish 
 before reaching maturity. The fact that no two 
 members of a species are alike has already been 
 shown to be the starting-point which enables the 
 breeder to make his selection. So, too, wdth natural 
 selection in the struggle for existence ; the fact that 
 all the young born of one species are not exactly 
 alike — but some larger, some smaller, some lighter, 
 some darker, some short-legged, some big-eyed, some 
 loncr-tonoTied, some sharp-toothed, and so on — furnishes 
 the opportunity for a selection. Those varieties which 
 are best fitted to obtain food and to baffle their com- 
 petitors, gain the food and survive, the rest perish. 
 
 We have, then, to note that the hypothesis that 
 there must be a selection — which was framed or de- 
 duced as a " test hypothesis " from the earlier hypo- 
 thesis that species have arisen by the action of causes 
 still competent to produce new forms — led Mr. Darwin 
 to the discovery of this great cause — the "natural 
 selection," or " survival of the fittest," in the struggle 
 for existence. Just as the breeder can slowdy change 
 
I A CHAPTEE IN DARWINISM 15 
 
 the proportions of the animals or plants on which he 
 operates, so in inconceivably long periods of time 
 has this struggling of varieties, and the consequent 
 natural selection of the fittest, led to the production, 
 from shapeless primitive living matter, of all the end- 
 less varieties of complicated plants and animals which 
 now people the world. Countless varieties have died 
 out, leaving only their modified descendants to puzzle 
 the ingenuity of the biologist. 
 
 Of the tens and hundreds of thousands. of interme- 
 diate forms we know nothing by direct observation. 
 They have perished as better-fitted forms ousted them 
 in the never-ending conflict. But we feel sure that 
 they once were in existence, and can infer what was 
 their structure, and what were their peculiarities, by 
 the study of the structure and attributes of their now 
 living descendants. 
 
 If all the forms of life at present living are the 
 modified offspring of a smaller number of ancestral 
 forms which have died out, and if these again were 
 the modified descendants produced by ordinary parent- 
 age of a single original living thing — then the whole 
 series of forms that have ever lived could, if we had 
 them before us, be arranged in the form of a great 
 family-tree — the various branches presenting a perfect 
 gradation of forms arranged one after another, lead- 
 ing down from the terminal twigs (which would repre- 
 sent the latest forms produced) to larger and larger 
 branches, until the common trunk representing the 
 original ancestor would be reached. Our actual means 
 of observing the genealogical affinities of different 
 
16 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 kinds of animals and plants may be understood by a 
 further use of the metaphor of a genealogical tree in 
 shape like an elm or an oak. Suppose the genealogical 
 tree completely written out — a perfect record — to be 
 sunk in muddy water so that only its topmost branches 
 and twigs are here and there visible — then you have a 
 fair notion of the present condition of the great family 
 of organisms. Only the topmost twigs remain visible, 
 the rest of the great family-tree of living beings is 
 hidden from view, submerged beneath the muddy 
 waters of time. Naturalists have, however, undertaken 
 to reconstruct this great genealogical tree. It is a 
 main object now in the study both of zoology and of 
 botany to find out what are the cousinships, what the 
 exact genetic relationships of all the various species 
 of plants and animals, and so to show, even to the 
 minutest detail, in what particular ways physico- 
 chemical causes have brought about and modified the 
 forms of living things. 
 
 The task is not quite so difficult as the comparison 
 to a submerged forest-tree would lead one to expect ; 
 at the same time it is more difficult than those who 
 have boldly attempted it appear to believe. We have 
 one great help in the carefully worked-out systematic 
 classification of animals and plants according to their 
 structure. We are justified in assuming as a general 
 law that animals or plants of like structure have de- 
 scended from common ancestors — that is to say, that 
 the same kind of organisation (especially where a num- 
 ber of elaborate details of structure are involved) has 
 not been twice produced by natural selection. Thus 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 17 
 
 we are entitled to conclude that all the animals which 
 have a backbone and pharyngeal gill-slits combined — 
 the Vertebrates, as we call them — have descended 
 from a common parent ; that all the animals with a 
 muscular foot-like belly and lateral gill filaments, the 
 Molluscs, have also had a common parent, and so on. 
 
 A classification according to structure goes then a 
 long way towards mapping out the main lines of the 
 family-tree of organisms. We are further assisted in 
 the task by the fossil remains of extinct organisms 
 which sometimes give to us the actual ancestors of 
 forms now living. But the most remarkable aid to 
 the correct building up of the pedigree of animals at 
 least (and the remarks which follow are confined to 
 that division of the organic world) is afi'orded by the 
 changes — the phases of development — which every 
 animal exhibits in passing from the small shapeless 
 egg to the adult condition. The aid which we here 
 obtain depends on the following facts. Just as we 
 suppose any one animal — say a dog — to have developed 
 by slow change through an immense series of ancestors 
 which become simpler and simpler as we recede into 
 the past until we reach a small shapeless lump of living 
 matter devoid of structure, so do we find actually as 
 a matter of fact, which any one can see for himself, 
 that every individual animal begins its individual life 
 as a structureless particle which is thrown off from its 
 parent, and is known as the egg-cell (Fig. 1). Gradu- 
 ally passing through a series of more and more ela- 
 borated conditions of structure, that egg grows into 
 
 c 
 
18 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 the adult clog. The changes which have taken count- 
 less ages in the one case, are accomplished in a few 
 weeks in the other. 
 
 And now we have to note the 
 important fact which makes this 
 process of development so intensely 
 interesting in relation to the pedi- 
 FiG 1 — In e-c. • a siuc^ie g^ec of the animal kingdom. There 
 ^Xntif t-^ffra iB very strong reason to believe 
 ^'°'^^ "• that it is a general law of trans- 
 
 mission or inheritance, that structural characteristics 
 appear in the growth of a young organism in the order 
 in which those characteristics have been acquired by 
 its ancestors. At first the egg of a dog represents 
 (im^perfectly, it is true) in form and structure the 
 earliest ancestors of the dog ; a few days later it has 
 the form and structure of somewhat later ancestors ; 
 later still the embryo dog resembles less remote 
 ancestors ; until at last it reaches the degree of 
 elaboration proper to its immediate forefathers. 
 
 Accordingly the phases of development or growth 
 of the young are a brief recapitulation of the phases of 
 form through which the ancestors of the young creature 
 have passed. In some animals this recapitulation is 
 more, in others it is less complete. Sometimes the 
 changes are hurried through and disguised, but we 
 find here and there in these histories of growth from 
 the egg most valuable assistance in the attempt to 
 reconstruct the genealogical tree. The history of the 
 development of the common frog is a good illustration 
 of the hind of evidence in question. 
 
A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 19 
 
 The frog's egg first gives rise to a little aquatic 
 creature with external gills and a tail — the tadpole — 
 which gradually loses its gills and its tail and acquires 
 in their place lungs and four legs (Fig. 2), so as now 
 
 Fig, 2. — Tadpoles and young of the Common Frog. 1, Eeceutly hatched (twice 
 natural size) ; 2 and 2a, same enlarged to show the external gills ; 3 and 4, 
 later stages with gill-slits covered by a membrane leaving only the spiracle 
 (see Fig. 16) as an exit for the respired water ; 5, with hind legs appearing ; 
 6, with both fore and hind legs ; 7, atrophy of the tail ; 8, young frog. 
 
 to be fitted for life on dry land. From what we other- 
 wise know of the structure of the frog and the animals 
 to which it is allied, we are justified in concluding that 
 the tadpole is a recapitulative phase of development, 
 
20 
 
 DEGENERATION : 
 
 and represents to us more or less closely an ancestor 
 of the frog wHcli was provided with gills and tad m 
 the adult Lte, and possessed neither legs nor lungs. 
 
 Fig. 3. —Adult shrimp of the genus Penens. 
 
 PENEUS 
 'lernalocera ' ' "*' ' "^"^ 
 
 Fig. 4.-Nauplms larval-form of various Crustacea (Shrimps, Water-fieas, 
 Barnacles, etc.) 
 
 A less familiar case is that of a certain kind of 
 shrimp which is illustrated in the woodcuts (Fig. 3 
 and right lower corner of Fig. 4). The little creature 
 
A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 21 
 
 which issues from the egg of this shrimp is known as 
 the '' Nauplius form." Many animals very different 
 in appearance from this shrimp make their first appear- 
 ance in the world as Nauplii ; and it appears prob- 
 able that the Nauplius phase is the recapitulative re- 
 presentation of an ancestor common to all this set of 
 
 Fig. 5. — Larva of the Shrimp 
 Peueus. 
 
 Fig. 6. — More advanced larva 
 of the Shrimp Peneus. 
 
 animals, an ancestor which was not exactly like the 
 Nauplius, but not very different from it. 
 
 The Nauplius of our shrimp gradually elongates. 
 At first it has but three pair of limbs, but it soon 
 acquires additional pairs, and a jointed body, and thus 
 by gradually adding to its complexity of structure as 
 seen in Figs. 5 and 6, it approximates more and more 
 to the adult form from the egg of which it originated. 
 
 And now we are approaching the main point to 
 
22 DEGENEEATION I I 
 
 whicti I wish to draw the reader's attention. In 
 attempting to reconstruct the pedigree of the animal 
 kingdom and so to exhibit correctly the genetic 
 relationships of all existing forms of animals, natu- 
 ralists have hitherto assumed that the process of 
 natural selection and survival of the fittest has in- 
 variably acted so as either to improve and elaborate 
 the structure of all the organisms subject to it, or 
 else has left them unchanged, exactly fitted to their 
 conditions, maintained as it were in a state of balance. 
 It has been hekl that there have been some six or 
 seven great lines of descent — main branches of the 
 pedigree — such as that of the Vertebrates, that of 
 the Molluscs, that of the Insects, that of the Starfish, 
 and so on ; and that along each of these lines there 
 has been always and continuously a progress — a 
 change in the direction of greater elaboration. 
 
 Each of these great branches of the family-tree is 
 held to be independent — they all branch off nearly 
 simultaneously from the main trunk like the leading 
 branches of an oak. The animal forms constituting 
 the series in each of these branches are supposed to 
 gradually increase in elaboration of structure as we 
 pass upwards from the main trunk of origin and 
 climb farther and farther towards the youngest, 
 most recent twigs. New organs have, it is supposed, 
 been gradually developed in each series, giving their 
 possessors greater powers, enabling them to cope 
 more successfully with others in that struggle for 
 existence in virtue of which these new oroans 
 have been little by little called into being. At the 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 23 
 
 same time here and there along the line of march, 
 certain forms have been supposed to have "fallen 
 out," to have ceased to improve, and being happily 
 fitted to the conditions of life in which they were 
 long ago existing, have continued down to the 
 present day to exist in the same low, imperfect 
 condition. It is in this way that the lowest forms 
 of animal life at present existing are usually ex- 
 plained, such as the microscopic animalcules. Amoebae 
 and Infusoria. It is in this way that the lower or 
 more simj^ly-made families of higher groups have 
 been generally regarded. The simpler living Mollusca 
 or shellfish have been supposed necessarily to repre- 
 sent the original forms of the great race of Mollusca. 
 The simpler Vertebrates have been supposed neces- 
 sarily to represent the original Vertebrates. The 
 simpler Worms have been supposed necessarily to 
 be the stereotyped representatives of very ancient 
 Worms. 
 
 That this is, to a certain extent, a true explana- 
 tion of the existence at the present day of low forms 
 of animals is proved by the fact that we find in very 
 ancient strata fossil remains of animals which difier, 
 ever so little, from particular animals existing at the 
 present day; for instance, the Brachiopods (lamp- 
 shells), Lingula and Terebratula, the King-crabs, 
 and the Pearly Nautilus are found living at the 
 present day, and are also found with no appreciable 
 diff'erence in very ancient strata of the earth's crust ; 
 strata deposited so long ago that most of the forms 
 of life at present inhabiting the earth's surface had 
 
24 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 not then been brought into existence, whilst other 
 most strange and varied forms occupied their place, 
 and have now for long ages been extinct. 
 
 Whilst we are thus justified by the direct testi- 
 mony of fossil remains in accounting for some living 
 forms on the hypothesis that their peculiar conditions 
 of life have been such as to maintain them for an 
 immense period of time in statu quo unchanged, we 
 have no reason for applying this hypothesis, and this 
 only, to the explanation of all the more imperfectly 
 organised forms of animal or plant life. 
 
 It is clearly enough possible for a set of forces 
 such as we sum up under the head " natural selec- 
 tion " to so act on the structure of an organism as 
 to produce one of three results, namely, these : to 
 keep it in statu quo ; to increase the complexity of 
 its structure ; or lastly, to diminish the complexity 
 of its structure. We have as possibilities either 
 Balance, or Elaboration, or Degeneration. 
 
 Owing, as it seems, to the predisposing influence 
 of the systems of classification in ascending series 
 proceeding steadily upwards from the "lower" or 
 simplest forms to the "higher" or more complex 
 forms, — systems which were prevalent before the 
 doctrine of transformism had taken firm root in the 
 minds of naturalists, there has been up to the present 
 day an endeavour to explain every existing form of 
 life on the hypothesis that it has been maintained 
 for long ages in a state of Balance ; or else on 
 the hypothesis that it has been Elaborated, and is 
 an advance, an improvement, upon its ancestors. 
 
I A CHAPTER IX DARWINISM 25 
 
 Only one naturalist — Dr. Dolirn, of Naples — has put 
 forward the hypothesis of Degeneration as capable of 
 wide application to the explanation of existing forms 
 of life ;^ and his arguments in favour of a general 
 application of this hypothesis have not, I think, met 
 with the consideration which they merit. 
 
 The statement that the hypothesis of Degeneration 
 has not been recognised by naturalists generally as 
 an explanation of animal forms, requires to be cor- 
 rected by the exception of certain kinds of animals, 
 namely, those that are parasitic or quasi -parasitic. 
 With regard to parasites, naturalists have long re- 
 cognised what is called retrogressive metamorphosis ; 
 and parasitic animals are as a rule admitted to be 
 instances of Degeneration. It is the more remark- 
 able whilst the possibility of a degeneration — a loss 
 of organisation making the descendant far simpler or 
 lower in structure than its ancestor — has been ad- 
 mitted for a few exceptional animals, that the same 
 hypothesis should not have been applied to the ex- 
 planation of other simple forms of animals. The 
 hypothesis of Degeneration will, I believe, be found 
 to render most valuable service in pointing out the 
 true relationships of animals which are a puzzle and 
 a mystery when we use only and exclusively the 
 hypothesis of Balance, or the hypothesis of Elabora- 
 tion. It will, as a true scientific hypothesis, help us 
 to discover causes. 
 
 We may now examine a few examples of un- 
 
 1 " Der Ursprung der Wirbeltliiere und das Princip des Functions- 
 weclisels." Leipzig, 1875. 
 
26 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 deniably degenerate animals, and first, I may call to 
 mind the very remarkable series of lizard-like animals 
 which exist in the south of Europe and in other 
 countries, which exhibit in closely related genera 
 a gradual loss of the limbs — a local or limited Degene- 
 ration. We have the common Lizard {Lacerta), with 
 ^ve toes on each of its well -grown fore and hind 
 limbs ; then we have side by side with this a lizard- 
 like creature, Seps, in which both pairs of limbs have 
 become ridiculously small, and are evidently ceasing 
 to be useful in the way in which those of Lacerta 
 are useful ; and lastly, we have Bipes, in which the 
 anterior pair of limbs has altogether vanished, and 
 only a pair of stumps, representing the hinder limbs, 
 remain. 
 
 No naturalist doubts that Seps and Bipes repre- 
 sent two stages of Degeneration, or atrophy of the 
 limbs ; that they have, in fact, been derived from the 
 five-toed four-legged form, and have lost the locomotor 
 organs once possessed by their ancestors. This very 
 partial or local atrophy is not, however, that to which 
 I refer when using the word Degeneration. Let us 
 imagine this atrophy to extend to a variety of 
 important organs, so that not only the legs, but the 
 organs of sense, the nervous system, and even the 
 mouth and dio'estive oro^ans are obliterated — then we 
 shall have pictured a thorough -going instance of 
 Degeneration. 
 
 Degeneration may be defined as a gradual change 
 of the structure in which the organism becomes 
 adapted to less varied and less complex conditions 
 
I A CHAPTER IX DARWINISM 27 
 
 of life ; whilst Elaboration is a gradual change of 
 structure in which the organism becomes adapted 
 to more and more varied and complex conditions of 
 existence. In Elaboration there is a new expression 
 of form, corresponding to new perfection of work in 
 the animal machine. In Degeneration there is sup- 
 pression of form, corresponding to the cessation of 
 work. Elaboration of some one organ may be a 
 necessary accompaniment of Degeneration in all the 
 others ; in fact, this is very generally the case ; and 
 it is only when the total result of the Elaboration of 
 some organs, and the Degeneration of others, is such 
 as to leave the whole animal in a lower condition, 
 that is, fitted to less complex action and reaction in 
 regard to its surroundings, than was the ancestral 
 form with which we are comparing it (either actually 
 or in imagination) that we speak of that animal as 
 an instance of Degeneration. 
 
 Any new set of conditions occurring to an animal 
 which render its food and safety very easily attained, 
 seem to lead as a rule to Degeneration ; just as an 
 active healthy man sometimes degenerates when he 
 becomes suddenly possessed of a fortune ; or as Kome 
 degenerated when possessed of the riches of the ancient 
 world. The habit of parasitism clearly acts upon 
 animal organisation in this way. Let the parasitic 
 life once be secured, and away go legs, jaws, eyes, and 
 ears ; the active, highly-gifted crab, insect, or annelid 
 may become a mere sac, absorbing nourishment and 
 laying eggs. 
 
 Eeference was made above to the larval stage of 
 
28 
 
 DEGENERATION 
 
 a certain shrimp (Figs. 4, 5, 6). Let us now compare 
 these with the young stages of a number of shrimp- 
 like animals, viz. Sacculina, Lernseocera, Lepas, Cy- 
 clops, Limnetis (all drawn in Fig. 4), some of which 
 lead a parasitic life. All start equally with the re- 
 capitulative phase known as the Nauplius ; but whilst 
 
 Fig. 7. — Adult Sacculiua 
 (female). 
 
 Fig. 8. — Adult female 
 Lerngeocera. 
 
 the Nauplius of the free-living shrimp grows more and 
 more elaborate, observe what happens to the parasites 
 — they degenerate into comparatively simple bodies ; 
 and this is true of their internal structure as well as 
 of their external appearance. The most utterly re- 
 duced of these parasites is the curious Sacculina 
 (Fig. 7) which infests Hermit-crabs, and is a mere 
 sac filled with eggs, and absorbing nourishment from 
 the juices of its host by root-like processes. 
 
A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 29 
 
 Lernseocera again, which in the adult condition is 
 found attached to the gills of fishes, has lost the well- 
 developed legs of its Nauplius childhood and become 
 an elongated worm -like creature (Fig. 8), fitted only 
 to suck in nourishment and carry eggs. 
 
 J-ARVA BALANUS. 
 
 LARVA CHTHAMALUS 
 
 Fig. 9. — Adult Barnacle or 
 Lepas (one of the Cirrlii- 
 pedes). Natural size. 
 
 Fig. 10, — Development of Cirrhipedes (Bar- 
 nacle and Sea- acorn). After Huxley. 
 
 Amongst these Nauplii — all belonging to the great 
 group Crustacea, which includes crabs and shrimps — 
 is one which gives rise to an animal decidedly de- 
 generate, but not precisely parasitic in its habits. 
 This Nauplius is the young of the ship's Barnacle, 
 a curious stalked body, enclosed in a shell of many 
 pieces (Fig. 9). The egg of the Barnacle gives rise 
 to an actively swimming Nauplius, the history of 
 which is very astonishing. After swimming about 
 for a time the Barnacle's Nauplius fixes its head 
 
30 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 against a piece of wood, and takes to a perfectly 
 fixed, immobile state of life (Fig. 10). The upper 
 figures represent the Nauplius stage of animals closely 
 resembling the Barnacle ; the lower figures show the 
 transformation of the Nauplius into the young 
 Barnacle. Its organs of touch and of sight atrophy, 
 its leo^s lose their locomotor function, and are 
 simply used for bringing floating particles to the 
 orifice of the stomach ; so that an eminent naturalist 
 has compared one of these animals to a man standing 
 on his head and kicking his food into his mouth. 
 
 Were it not for the recapitulative phases in the 
 development of the Barnacle, we may doubt whether 
 naturalists would ever have guessed that it was a 
 degenerate Crustacean. It was, in fact, for a long- 
 time regarded as quite remote from them, and placed 
 among the snails and oysters ; its true nature was 
 only admitted when the young form was discovered. 
 
 Other parasitic organisms, which exhibit extreme 
 degeneration as compared with their free-living rela- 
 tives, might be cited and figured in profusion, did our 
 limits permit. Very noteworthy are the degenerate 
 Spiders — the mites, leading to still more degenerate 
 forms, the Linguatulse.^ 
 
 We have two of these represented in Figs. 1 1 and 
 12. The one (Fig. 11), as compared with a spider, is 
 
 1 I have, since the above was written, applied the principle of 
 degeneration to the explanation of the living representatives of the 
 group Arachnida, and shewn that the King Crab (Limulus) is the 
 nearest representative of the ancestors of scorjoions, spiders, and mites, 
 and in fact must be classed with them. Professor Claus of Vienna has, 
 some years later, adopted similar views. December 1889. 
 
A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 31 
 
 seen still to possess the eight walking legs, small, it is 
 true, whilst the palps and daggers of the spider have 
 dwindled to a beak projecting from the front of the 
 globular unjointed body. In the other the eight legs 
 have become mere stumps, and the body is elongated 
 like that of a worm. 
 
 Fig. 11. 
 
 Fig. 12. 
 
 Fig. 11. — Acarus eqiii. A degenerate Spicier or mite, parasitic on the skin of tlie 
 
 horse. 
 
 Fig. 12. — Degenerate Spider (Demodex folliculorum) found in the skin 
 
 of the human face. 
 
 The instances of degeneration which we have so 
 far examined are due to parasitism, except in the ex- 
 ample of the Barnacle, where we have an instance of 
 degeneration due to sessile and immobile habit of life. 
 We may now proceed to look at some sessile or im- 
 mobile animals which are not usually regarded as de- 
 
32 
 
 DEGENERATION : 
 
 generate, but which, I think, there is every reason to 
 
 
 ^4^ ,.^ .,c4 
 
 Fjq_ 13. Two adult Ascidians : to the left Phallusia — to the right Cynthia : the 
 
 incurrent and excurrent orifices are seen as two prominences. Half the 
 natural size. 
 
 Fig 
 
 Fig. 14. Fig. 15. 
 
 14. — A colony of compound Ascidians (Botryllus) growing on a piece of sea- 
 
 weed (Fucus). Each star corresponds to eight or more conjoined As- 
 cidians. Natural size. 
 Fig. 15. — Anatomy of an Ascidian (Phallusia). At the top is the mouth, to the 
 right the orifice of the cloaca. In the cloaca lies an egg, and above it the 
 oblong nerve-ganglion. The perforated pharynx follows the mouth and leads 
 to the bent intestine which is seen to open into the cloaca. The space around 
 the curved intestine is the body-cavity ; in it are seen oval bodies, the eggs, 
 and quite at the lower end the curved heart. The root-like processes at the 
 base serve to fix the Ascidian to stones, shells, or weed. 
 
 believe are the degenerate descendants of very much 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 33 
 
 higher and more elaborate ancestors. These are certain 
 marine animals, the Asciclians, or sea-squirts. These 
 animals are found encrusting rocks, stones, and weeds 
 on the sea-bottom. Sometimes they are solitary (Fio-. 
 13), but many of them produce buds, like plants, and 
 so form compound masses or sheets of individuals all 
 connected and continuous with one another, like the 
 buds on a creeping plant (Fig. 14). 
 
 We will examine one of the simple forms — a tough 
 mass like a leather bottle with two openings ; water is 
 continually passing in at the one and out at the other 
 of these apertures. If we remove the leathery outer 
 case (Fig. 15), we find that there is a soft creature 
 within which has the following parts : Leading from 
 the mouth a great throat, followed by an intestine. 
 The throat is perforated by innumerable slits, through 
 which the water passes into a chamber — the cloaca : 
 in passing, the water aerates the blood which circulates 
 in the framework of the slits. The intestine takes a 
 sharp bend, which causes it to open also into the 
 cloaca. Between the orifice of the mouth and of the 
 cloaca there is a nerve-ganglion. 
 
 My object in the next place is to show that the 
 structure and life -history of these Ascidians may 
 be best explained on the hypothesis that they are 
 instances of degeneration ; that they are the modi- 
 fied descendants of animals of higher, that is, more 
 elaborate structure, and in fact are degenerate Verte- 
 brata, standing in the same relation to fishes, 
 frogs, and men, as do the barnacles to shrimps, crabs, 
 and lobsters. 
 
 D 
 
34 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 The young of some, but by no means of all these 
 Ascidians, have a form totally different from that of 
 their parents. The egg of Phallusia gives rise to 
 a tadpole, a drawing of which placed side by side with 
 the somewhat larger tadpole of the common frog is 
 seen in the adjoining figure (Fig. 16). The young 
 Ascidian has the same general shape as the young frog, 
 but not only this ; the resemblance extends into 
 details, the internal organs agreeing closely in the two 
 cases. Further still, as shown by the beautiful re- 
 searches of the Eussian naturalist, Kowalewsky, the 
 
 ASCIDIAN 
 
 Fig. 16. — Tadpole of Frog and of Ascidian. Surface view. 
 
 resemblance reaches absolute identity when we examine 
 the way in which the various organs arise from the 
 primitive egg-cell. Tail, body, spiracle, eye, and 
 mouth agree in the two tadpoles, the only important 
 difference being in the position of the two mouths and 
 in the fact that the Ascidian has one eye while the frog- 
 has two. 
 
 Now let us look at the internal organs (Fig. 17). 
 There are four structures, which are all four possessed 
 at some time of their lives by all those animals which 
 we call the Vertebrata, the great branch of the pedi- 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 35 
 
 gree to which fishes, reptiles, birds, beasts, and men 
 belong. And the combination of these marks or 
 structural peculiarities is an overwhelming piece of 
 evidence in favour of the suj^position that the creatures 
 which possess this combination are derived from one 
 common ancestor. Just as one would conclude that a 
 man whom one might meet, say on Salisbury Plain, 
 must belong to the New Zealand race, if it were found 
 not only that he had the colour, and the hair, and the 
 shape of head of a New Zealander, but also that he 
 
 SPINAL CHORD 
 
 NOTOCHORD 
 
 POSITION OE SPIRACLE CILLSLITSI; 
 
 SPINAL CHORD / ,g„^,^ „o.j^„ 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 NOlOCHORO 
 
 CILL SLhS 
 
 Fig. 17.— Tadpole of Frog and of Ascidian. Diagrams representing -the chief 
 internal organs, 
 
 was tattooed like a New Zealander, carried the weapons 
 of a New Zealander, and, over and above, in addition 
 to these proofs, that he talked the Maori language and 
 none other ; so here, in the case of the vertebrate race, 
 there are certain qualities and possessions, the accumu- 
 lation of which cannot be conceived of as occurrino- 
 in any animal but one belonging to that race. These 
 four great structural features are — first, the primitive 
 backbone or notochord ; second, the throat perforated 
 by gill-slits ; third, the tubular nerve-centre or spinal 
 cord and brain placed along the back ; and lastly, and 
 
36 
 
 DEGENERATION : 
 
 perhaps most distinctive and clinching as an evidence 
 of affinity, the myelonic or cerebral eye. 
 
 Now let us convince ourselves that these four 
 features exist not only in the frog's tadpole, as they do 
 in all fishes, reptiles, birds, and beasts, but that they 
 also exist in the Ascidian tadpole, and, it may be 
 added, coexist in no other animals at all. 
 
 The corresponding parts are named in Figs. 1 6 and 
 1 7, in such a way as to render their agreement tolerably 
 clear, whilst in Fig. 18 a more detailed representation 
 of the head of an Ascidian tadpole is given. 
 
 Fig. 18. — Ascidian Tadpole with a part only of the tail C. X, nervous system 
 with the enlarged brain in front and the narrow spinal chord behind {n); N', 
 is placed in the cavity of the brain ; 0, the single cerebral eye lying in the 
 brain ; a, similarly placed auditory organ ; AT, pharynx ; d, intestine ; o, 
 rudiment of the mouth ; ch, notochord or primitive backbone. (From 
 Gegenbaur's Elements of Comparative Anatomy.) 
 
 It is clear then that the Ascidians must be admitted 
 to be Vertebrates, and must be classified in that great 
 sub-kingdom or branch of the animal pedigree. The 
 Ascidian tadpole is very unlike its parent the Ascidian, 
 and has to go through a process of degeneration in 
 order to arrive at the adult structure. The diagrams 
 which are reproduced in Figs. 19 and 20 show how 
 this degeneration proceeds. It will be observed, that 
 
A CHAPTER m DARWINISM 
 
 37 
 
 in somewhat the same manner as the young barnacle, 
 the young Ascidian fixes itself to a stone by its head ; 
 
 NOTOCHOPD 
 
 Fig. 19.— Degeneration of Ascidian Tadpole to form the adult. Tlie black pieces 
 represent the rock or stone to which the Tadpole has fixed its head. 
 
 TAIL 
 
 Fig. 20. — Very young Ascidian with only two gill-slits. Compare with Fig. 15 ; 
 which is, however, seen from the other side, so that left there corresponds to 
 right here. 
 
 then the tail with its notochord and nerve-chord 
 atrophies. The body grows and gradually changes its 
 
38 
 
 DEGENERATION : 
 
 shape, wliilst tlie cloacal chamber forms. The brain 
 remains quite small and undeveloped, and the remark- 
 able myelonic eye (the eye in the brain) disappears. 
 The number of gill- slits increases as the animal grows 
 in size and its outer skin becomes tough and leather- 
 like. 
 
 Before saying anything further on the subject of 
 degeneration, it seems desirable once more to direct 
 
 WWl 
 
 Fig. 21. Fig. 22. 
 
 Fig. 21.— Section through the eye ("surface eye") of a Water-beetleV- larva. 
 All the cells are seen to be in a row continuous with h, the cells of the outer- 
 most skin or ectoderm, ^j, pigmented cells ; r, retinal cells connected at o 
 with the optic nerve; g, transparent cells (forming a kind of "vitreous 
 body"); I, cuticular lens. (From Gegenbaur's Elements of ComxMrative 
 Anatomy, after Greuacher. ) 
 
 Fig. 22. — Section through the eye ("surface-eye") of a Marine Worm (Xeo- 
 phanta). i, integument spreading over the front of the eye c ; I, cuticular 
 lens ; h, cavity occupied by vitreous body ; xj, retinal cells ; h, pigment ; o, 
 optic nerve ; o', expansion of optic nerve. 
 
 attention to the myelonic or cerebral eye which the 
 Ascidian tadpole possesses in common with all Ver- 
 tebrates. All other animals which have eyes develop 
 the retina or sensitive part of the eye from their outer 
 skin (see Figs. 21 and 22, and explanation). It is 
 
A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 
 
 39 
 
 easy to understand that an organ which is to be 
 affected by the light should form on the surface of 
 the body where the light falls. It has long been 
 known as a very puzzling and unaccountable peculiarity 
 of Vertebrates, that the retina or sensitive part of the 
 eye grows out in the embryo as a bud or vesicle of the 
 brain, and thus forms deeply below the surface and 
 away from the light (see Fig. 23, and explanation). 
 The Ascidian tadpole helps us to understand this, for 
 
 Fig. 23. — A. Vertical section through the head of a very young fish, showing in 
 the centre the cavity of the brain c. On each side is a hollow outgrowth {a) 
 which will form the retina of the fish's eye ("cerebral eye "); b will become 
 the optic nerve connecting the brain and the retina ; d, integument. — B. 
 Later condition of the hollow outgrowth (a) of A. Its outer wall r is pressed 
 against its deeper wall j) by an ingrowth (Z) from the outer skin (ectoderm) 
 e ; r gives rise to the retinal cells, Avhilst only I, the cellular lens, is derived 
 from the surface of the skin. 
 
 it is perfectly transparent and has its eye actually 
 inside its brain. The light passes through the trans- 
 parent tissues and acts on the pigmented eye, lying- 
 deep in the brain. We are thus led to the suggestion 
 — and I believe this inference to be now for the first 
 time put into so many words — that the original Ver- 
 tebrate must have been a transparent animal, and had 
 an eye or pair of eyes inside its brain, like that of the 
 
40 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 Ascidian tadpole. As the tissues of this ancestral 
 Vertebrate grew denser and more opaque, the eye- 
 bearing part of the brain was forced by natural 
 selection to grow outwards towards the surface, in 
 order that it might still be in a position to receive the 
 influence of the sun s rays. Thus the very peculiar 
 mode of development of the Vertebrate eye from two 
 parts, a brain-vesicle (Fig. 23, A a, and B p r) and 
 a skin-vesicle (Fig. 23, B e, I), is accounted for.' 
 
 The cases of degeneration which I have up to this 
 point brought forward, are cases which admit of very 
 little dispute or doubt. They are attested by either 
 the history of the individual development of the or- 
 ganisms in question, as in Sacculina, in the Barnacle, 
 and in the Ascidian, or they are cases where the com- 
 parison of the degenerate animal with others like it 
 in structure, but not degenerate, renders the hypothesis 
 of degeneration an unassailable one. Such cases are 
 the Acarus or mite, and the skin-worm (Demodex). 
 
 We have seen that degeneration, or the simplifica- 
 tion of the general structure of an animal, may be due 
 to the ancestors of that animal having taken to one of 
 two new habits of life, either the parasitic or the im- 
 mobile. Other new habits of life appear also to be 
 such as to lead to degeneration. Let us suppose a race 
 of animals fitted and accustomed to catch their food, 
 and having a variety of organs to help them in this 
 chase — suppose such animals suddenly to acquire the 
 
 1 I do not at the present time (November 1889) attach great im- 
 portance to the above suggestion. The facts admit of other possible 
 and plausible interpretations. 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 41 
 
 power of feeding on the carbonic acid dissolved in the 
 water around them just as green plants do. This 
 would lead to a degeneration ; they would cease to 
 hunt their food, and would bask in the sunlight, taking 
 food in by the whole surface, as plants do by their 
 leaves. Certain small flat worms, by name Convoluta, 
 of a bright green colour, appear to be in this condition. 
 Their green colour is known to be the same substance 
 as leaf-green ; and Mr. Patrick Geddes has recently 
 shown that by the aid of this green substance they 
 feed on carbonic acid, making starch from it as plants 
 do. As a consequence we find that their stomachs 
 and intestines as well as their locomotive organs be- 
 come simplified, since they are but little wanted. 
 These vegetating animals, as Mr. Geddes calls them, 
 are the exact complement of the carnivorous plants, 
 and show how a degeneration of animal forms may be 
 caused by vegetative nutrition. 
 
 Another possible cause of degeneration appears to 
 be the indirect one of minute size. It cannot be 
 doubted that natural selection has frequently acted on 
 a race of animals so as to reduce the size of the indi- 
 viduals. The smallness of size has been favourable to 
 their survival in the struggle for existence, and in 
 some cases they have been reduced to even microscopic 
 proportions. But this reduction of size has, when 
 carried to an extreme, resulted in the loss or sup- 
 pression of some of the most important organs of the 
 body. The needs of a very minute creature are limited 
 as compared with those of a large one, and thus we 
 may find heart and blood-vessels, gills and kidneys, 
 
42 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 besides legs and muscles, lost by the diminutive de- 
 generate descendants of a larger race. That this is a 
 possible course of change all will, I think, admit. It 
 is actually exemplified in Appendicularia — the only 
 adult representative of the Ascidian tadpole — still 
 tadpole-like in form and structure, but curiously de- 
 generate and simplified in its internal organs. This 
 kind of degeneration is also exemplified in the Eotifers, 
 or wheel animalcules, in the minute Crustacean water- 
 fleas (Ostracoda), and in the Moss-polyps, or Polyzoa. 
 Roughly then we may sum up the immediate ante- 
 cedents of degenerative evolution as, 1, Parasitism ; 2, 
 Fixity or immobility ; 3, Vegetative nutrition ; 4, Ex- 
 cessive reduction of size. This is not a logical enu- 
 meration, for each of these causes involves, or may be 
 inseparably connected with, one or more of the others. 
 It will serve for the present as well as a more exhaus- 
 tive analysis. (See Note C.) 
 
 And now we have to note an important fact with 
 resfard to the evidence which we can obtain of the 
 occurrence of this process of degeneration. We have 
 seen that the most conclusive evidence is that of the 
 recapitulative development of the individual. The 
 Ascidian Phallusia shows itself to be a degenerate 
 Vertebrate by beginning life as a tadpole. But such 
 recapitulative development is by no means the rule. 
 Quite arbitrarily, we find, it is exhibited in one animal 
 and not in a nearly allied kind. Thus very many 
 animals belonging to the Ascidian group have no tad- 
 pole young — ^just as some tree-frogs have no tadpoles. 
 It is quite possible, and often, more often than not. 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 43 
 
 occurs that the most important 'part of the recapitula- 
 tive phases are absent from the developmental history 
 of an animal. The egg proceeds very rapidly to pro- 
 duce the adult form, and all the wonderful series of 
 changes showing the animal's ancestry are absolutely 
 and completely omitted ; that is to say, all those stages 
 which are of importance for our present purpose. Just 
 as certain bodies pass from the solid to the liquid state 
 at a bound, omitting all intermediate phases of con- 
 sistence, but giving evidence of "internal work" by 
 the suggestive phenomenon of latent heat — so do these 
 embryos skip long tracts in the historically continuous 
 phases of form, and present to us only the intangible 
 correlative " internal work " in place of the tangible 
 series of embryonic changes of shape. 
 
 Now I want to put this case — a supposition — before 
 the reader who has so far followed me in these pages. 
 Suppose, as might well have happened, that the Bar- 
 nacles, one and all, instead of recapitulating in their 
 early life, were to develop directly from the egg to the 
 adult form, as so many animals do ; should we have 
 ever made out that they were degenerate Crustaceans ? 
 Possibly we should : their adult structure still bears 
 important marks of affinities with crabs and shrimps ; 
 but as a matter of fact before their recapitulative de- 
 velopment had been discovered they were classed by 
 the great Cuvier and other naturalists with the jMolluscs, 
 the mussels and snails. 
 
 Suppose again that all the existing Ascidians, as 
 many of them actually have, had long ago lost their 
 recapitulative history in growth from the egg : suppose 
 
44 deCtENeeation : i 
 
 that no such a thing as an Ascidian tadpole existed, 
 but that the Ascidian's egg grew as directly as possible 
 into an Ascidian, in every living species of the group. 
 This might easily be the case. Then most assuredly 
 we should not have the least notion that the Ascidians 
 were degenerate Vertebrates. We should still class 
 them where they used to be classed before the Eussian 
 naturalist Kowalewsky discovered the true history and 
 structure of the Ascidian tadpole. I believe that I 
 shall have the assent of every naturalist when I say 
 that the vertebrate character of the Ascidians and the 
 history of their degeneration would never have been 
 suspected, or even dreamed of, had the Ascidian tad- 
 poles ceased to appear in the course of the Ascidian 
 development at a geological period anterior to the 
 present epoch. 
 
 This being the case, it must be admitted that it is 
 quite possible — I do not say more than possible — that 
 other groups of animals besides parasites, Barnacles, 
 and Ascidians, are degenerate. It is quite possible 
 that animals with considerable complexity of structure, 
 at least as complex as the Ascidians, may have been 
 produced by degeneration from still more highly 
 organised ancestors. Any group of animals to which 
 we can turn may possibly be the result of degeneration, 
 and yet offer no evidence of that degeneration in its 
 growth from the egg. 
 
 Accordingly, wherever we can note that a group 
 of organisms is characterised by habits likely to lead 
 to degeneration, such as I have enumerated, viz. 
 parasitism or immobility, or certain special modes of 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 45 
 
 nutrition, or again, by minute size of its representatives 
 — there we are justified in applying the hypothesis of 
 degeneration, even in the absence of any confirmatory 
 evidence from embryology. AVhen we so apply this 
 hypothesis we find in not a few cases, in working over 
 the details of the organisation of many difi'erent animals 
 by the light which it affords — that much becomes clear 
 and assignable to cause which, on the hypothesis either 
 of "balance" or of "elaboration," is quite hopelessly 
 obscure. As examples of groups of animals which can 
 thus be satisfactorily explained I may cite first of all 
 the Sponges : as only somewhat less degenerate, we 
 have all the Polyps and Coral-animals, also the Star- 
 fishes. Amongst the Mollusca — the group of head- 
 less bivalves, the oysters, mussels and clams, known 
 as the Lamellibranchs, are, when one once looks at 
 their structure in this light, clearly enough exj^lained 
 as degenerated from a higher type of head-bearing 
 active creatures like the Cuttle-fish ; whilst the Polyzoa 
 or Moss-polyps stand in precisely the same kind of 
 relation to the .higher Mollusca ^ as do the Ascidians to 
 the higher Vertebrates : they have greatly degenerated, 
 and become minute encrusting organisms which, like 
 some of the Ascidians, build up colonies by plant-like 
 budding growth. The Eotifers, or wheel animalcules, 
 I have already mentioned as best explained by the 
 supposition that they are the descendants of far larger 
 and more fully -organised animals provided with loco- 
 
 ^ Not to tlie higlier Mollusca in all probability, but to some 
 higher worm-like form. The ancestry of the Polyzoa is still a pro- 
 found mystery ! December, 1889. 
 
46 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 motive appendages or limbs : they have dwindled and 
 degenerated to their present minute size and curiously 
 suggestive structure. 
 
 Besides these there are other very numerous cases 
 of animal structure which can best be explained by 
 the hypothesis of degeneration. A discussion of these, 
 and a due exposition of the application of the hypo- 
 thesis of degeneration to the various groups just cited, 
 would involve a complete treatise on comparative 
 anatomy and embryology, and lead far beyond the 
 limitations of this little volume. 
 
 All that has been, thus far, here said on the subject 
 of Degeneration is so much zoological specialism, 
 and may appear but a narrow restriction of the dis- 
 cussion to those who are not zoologists. Though we 
 may establish the hypothesis most satisfactorily by 
 the study of animal organisation and development, it 
 is abundantly clear that degenerative evolution is by 
 no means limited in its application to the field of 
 zoology. It clearly offers an ex|)lanation of many 
 vegetable phenomena, and is already admitted by 
 botanists as the explanation of the curious facts con- 
 nected with the reproductive process in the higher 
 plants. As a further example of its application in 
 this field, the yeast-plant may be adduced, which is 
 in all probability a degenerate floating form derived 
 from a species of mould. In other fields, wherever 
 in fact the great principle of evolution has been 
 recognised, degeneration plays an important part. 
 In tracing the development of languages, philo- 
 logists have long made use of the hypothesis of 
 
I A CHAPTEE, IN DARWINISM 47 
 
 degeneration. Under certain conditions, in the 
 mouths and minds of this or that branch of a race, 
 a highly elaborate language has sometimes degener- 
 ated and become no longer fit to express complex 
 or subtle conceptions, but only such as are simpler 
 and more obvious. (See Note D.) 
 
 The traditional history of mankind furnishes us 
 with notable examples of degeneration. High states 
 of civilisation have decayed and given place to low 
 and degenerate states. At one time it was a favourite 
 doctrine that the savage races of mankind were de- 
 generate descendants of the higher and civilised races. 
 This general and sweeping application of the doctrine 
 of degeneration has been proved to be erroneous by 
 careful study of the habits, arts, and beliefs of savages ; 
 at the same time there is no doubt that many savage 
 races as we at present see them are actually degene- 
 rate and are descended from ancestors possessed 
 of a relatively elaborate civilisation. As such we 
 may cite some of the Indians of Central America, 
 the modern Egyptians, and even the heirs of the 
 great oriental monarchies of prse - Christian times. 
 Whilst the hypothesis of universal degeneration as 
 an explanation of savage races has been justly dis- 
 carded, it yet appears that degeneration has a very 
 large share in the explanation of the condition of 
 the most barbarous races, such as the Fuegians, the 
 Bushmen, and even the Australians. They exhibit 
 evidence of being descended from ancestors more 
 cultivated than themselves. 
 
 With regard to ourselves, the white races of 
 
48 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 Europe, tlie possibility of degeneration seems to 
 be worth some consideration. In accordance with 
 a tacit assumption of universal progress — an unrea- 
 soning optimism — we are accustomed to regard our- 
 selves as necessarily progressing, as necessarily having 
 arrived at a higher and more elaborated condition than 
 that which our ancestors reached, and as destined to 
 progress still further. On the other hand, it is well 
 to remember that we are subject to the general 
 laws of evolution, and are as likely to degenerate as 
 to progress. As compared with the immediate fore- 
 fathers of our civilisation — the ancient Greeks — we 
 do not appear to have improved so far as our bodily 
 structure is concerned, nor assuredly so far as some of 
 our mental capacities are concerned. Our powers of 
 perceiving and expressing beauty of form have cer- 
 tainly not increased since the days of the Parthenon 
 and Aphrodite of Melos. In matters of the reason, 
 in the development of intellect, we may seriously 
 inquire how the case stands. Does the reason of 
 the average man of civilised Europe stand out clearly 
 as an evidence of progress when compared with that 
 of the men of bygone ages ? Are all the inventions 
 and figments of human superstition and folly, the 
 self-inflicted torturing of mind, the reiterated substi- 
 tution of wrong for right, and of falsehood for truth, 
 which disfigure our modern civilisation — are these 
 evidences of progress ? In such respects we have at 
 least reason to fear that we may be degenerate. 
 Possibly we are all drifting, tending to the condition 
 of intellectual Barnacles or Ascidians. It is possible 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 49 
 
 for US — ^just as the Ascidian throws away its tail and 
 its eye and sinks into a quiescent state of inferiority 
 — to reject the good gift of reason with which every 
 child is born, and to degenerate into a contented life 
 of material enjoyment accompanied by ignorance 
 and superstition. The unprejudiced, all-questioning 
 spirit of childhood may not inaptly be compared to 
 the tadpole tail and eye of the young Ascidian ; we 
 have to fear lest the prejudices, preoccupations, 
 and dogmatism of modern civilisation should in any 
 way lead to the atrophy and loss of the valuable 
 mental qualities inherited by our young forms from 
 jDrimseval man. 
 
 There is only one means of estimating our posi- 
 tion, only one means of so shaping our conduct that 
 we may with certainty avoid degeneration and keep 
 an onward course. AVe are as a race more fortunate 
 than our ruined cousins — the degenerate Ascidians. 
 For us it is possible to ascertain what will conduce 
 to our higher development, what will favour our 
 degeneration. To us has been given the power " to 
 know the causes of things," and by the use of this 
 power it is possible for us to control our destinies. 
 It is for us by ceaseless and ever hopeful labour 
 to try to gain a knowledge of man's place in the 
 order of nature. When we have gained this fully 
 and minutely, we shall be able by the light of the 
 past to guide ourselves in the future. In propor- 
 tion as the whole of the past evolution of civilised 
 man, of which we at present perceive the outlines, is 
 assigned to its causes, we and our successors on the 
 
50 DEGENEKATION : ' 
 
 globe may expect to be able duly to estimate that 
 which makes for, and that which makes against, the 
 progress of the race. The full and earnest cultivation 
 of Science— the Knowledge of Causes— is that to 
 which we have to look for the protection of our race 
 —even of this English branch of it— from relapse and 
 degeneration. 
 
A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 51 
 
 NOTES 
 
 "Die Phantasie ist ein uiientbelniiches Glut; denn 
 sie ist es, clurch welche neue Combinationen zur 
 Veranlassung wichtiger Entdeckungen gemaclit wer- 
 den. Die Kraft der Unterscheidung des isolirenden 
 Verstandes, sowohl als die der erweiternden und zum 
 Allgemeinen strebenden Phantasie sind dem Natur- 
 forscher in einem harmonisclien Wechselwirken notli- 
 wendig. Durch Storung dieses Gleichgewichts wird 
 der Naturforscher von der Phantasie zu Traumereien 
 hingerissen, wahrend diese Gabe den talentvollen 
 Naturforscher von hinreichender Yerstandesstarke zu 
 den wichtigsten Entdeckungen fiihrt." — Johannes 
 MuLLER, Archivfiir Anatomic , 1834. 
 
 B 
 
 To many persons the conclusion that man is the 
 naturally modified descendant of ape-like ancestors 
 appears to be destructive of the belief in an immortal 
 soul, and in the teachings of Christianity ; and accord- 
 ingly they either reject Darwinism altogether, or claim 
 for man a special exemption from the mode of origin 
 admitted for other animals. 
 
52 DEGENERATION : I 
 
 It seems worth while, in order to secure a calm 
 and unprejudiced consideration for the teachings of 
 Darwinism, to point out to such persons that, as a 
 matter of fact, whatever views we may hold with 
 regard to a soul and the Christian doctrines, they 
 cannot be in the smallest degree affected by the ad- 
 mission that man has been derived from ape-like 
 ancestors by a process of natural selection, so long as 
 the demonstrable fact, not denied by any sane person, 
 is admitted, namely, that every individual man grows 
 by a process of natural modification from a homogene- 
 ous egg-cell or corpuscle. Assuredly it cannot lower 
 our conception of man's dignity if we have to regard 
 him as " the flower of all the ages," bursting from the 
 great stream of life which has flowed on through 
 countless epochs mth one increasing purpose, rather 
 than as an isolated, miraculous being, put together 
 abnormally from elemental clay, and cut off" by such 
 portentous origin from his fellow-animals, and from 
 that gracious Nature to whom he yearns with filial 
 instinct, knowing her, in spite of fables, to be his dear 
 mother. 
 
 A certain number of thoughtful persons admit the 
 development of man's body by natural processes from 
 ape -like ancestry, but believe in the non- natural 
 intervention of a Creator at a certain definite stage in 
 that development, in order to introduce into the 
 animal which was at that moment a man -like ape, 
 something termed " a conscious soul," in virtue of 
 which he became an ape-like man. It appears to me 
 perfectly legitimate and harmless for individuals to 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 63 
 
 make sucli an assumption if their particular form of 
 philosophy or of religion requires it. Such an assump- 
 tion does not in any way traverse the inferences from 
 facts to which Darwinism leads us ; at the same time 
 zoological science does not, and cannot be expected to, 
 give any support to such an assumption. The 
 gratuitous and harmless nature of the assumption so 
 far as zoological science is concerned, and accordingly 
 the baselessness of the hostility to Darwinism of those 
 who choose to make it, may be seen by the considera- 
 tion of a parallel series of facts and assumptions, 
 which puts the matter clearly enough in its true light. 
 No one ventures to deny, at the present day, that 
 every human being grows from the egg in utero, just 
 as a dog or a monkey does ; the facts are before us 
 and can be scrutinised in detail. We may ask of 
 those who refuse to admit the gradual and natural 
 development of man's consciousness in the ancestral 
 series, passing from ape-like forms into indubitable 
 man, " How do you propose to divide the series pre- 
 sented by every individual man in his growth from 
 the egg ? At what particular phase in the embryonic 
 series is the soul with its potential consciousness 
 implanted ? Is it in the egg ? in the foetus of this 
 month or of that ? in the new-born infant ? or at ^ve 
 years of age ? " This, it is notorious, is a point upon 
 which Churches have never been able to agree ; and 
 it is equally notorious that the unbroken series exists 
 — that the egg becomes the foetus, the foetus the 
 child, and the child the man. On the other hand we 
 have the historical series — the series, the existence of 
 
54 DEGENERATION f I 
 
 which is inferred by Darwin and his adherents. This 
 is a series leading from simple egg-like organisms to 
 ape -like creatures, and from these to man. Will 
 those who cannot answer our previous inquiries 
 undertake to assert dogmatically in the present case 
 at what point in the historical series there is a break 
 or division? At what step are we to be asked to 
 suppose that the order of nature was stopped, and a 
 non-natural soul introduced? The philosopher or 
 theologian of this or that school may arbitrarily draw 
 an imaginary line here or there in either series, and 
 the evolutionist will not raise a finger to stop him. 
 As long as truth in the statement of fact, and logic 
 in the inference from observed fact are respected, 
 there need be no hostility between evolutionist and 
 theologian. The theologian is content in the case of 
 individual development from the egg to admit the 
 facts of individual evolution, and to make assumptions 
 which lie altogether outside the region of scientific 
 inquiry. So, too, it would seem only reasonable that 
 he should deal with the historical series, and frankly 
 accept the natural evolution of man from lower 
 animals, declaring dogmatically, if he so please, but 
 not as an inference of the same order as are the 
 inferences of science, that something called the soul 
 arrived at any point in the series which he may think 
 suitable. At the same time, it would appear to be 
 sufiicient, even for the purposes of the theologian, to 
 hold that whatever the two above-mentioned series 
 of living things contain or imply, they do so as the 
 result of a natural and uniform process of development. 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 55 
 
 that there has been one "miracle" once and for all 
 time. It should not be a ground of offence to any 
 school of thinkers, that Darwinism, whilst leaving 
 them free scope, cannot be made actually contributory 
 to the support of their particular tenets. 
 
 The difficulties which the theologian has to meet 
 when he is called upon to give some account of the 
 origin and nature of the soul, certainly cannot be said 
 to have been increased by the establishment of the 
 Darwinian theory. For from the earliest days of the 
 Church, ingenious speculation has been lavished on 
 the subject. As to the origin of the individual soul, 
 Tertullian tells us as follows, De Anima, chap. xix. : 
 " Anima velut surculus quidam ex matrice Adami in 
 jDropaginem deducta, et genitalibus semine foveis com- 
 modata. Pullulabit tam intellectu quam et sensu." 
 
 Whilst St. Augustine says : " Harum autem sen- 
 tentiarum quatuor de anima, utrum de propagine 
 veniant, an in singulis quibusque nascentibus mox 
 fiant, an in corpora nascentium jam alicubi existentes 
 vel mittantur divinitus, vel sua sponte labantur, 
 nullam temere affirinari oporteret : aut enim nondum 
 ista qusestio a divinorum librorum catholicis tracta- 
 toribus, pro merito suae obscuritatis et perplexitatis, 
 evoluta atque illustrata est ; aut si jam factum est, 
 nondum in manus nostras hujuscemodi litterse pro- 
 venerunt." 
 
 C 
 
 A VERY important form of degeneration, not touched 
 on in the text, is that exhibited in the Mexican axo- 
 
56 DEGENERATION I I 
 
 lotl, where the larval form of a Salamander develops 
 generative organs, and is arrested in its further pro- 
 gress to the adult parental form. It is not possible 
 to class this with the other phenomena which I have 
 enumerated as Degeneration, since there is no modi- 
 fication of an adult structure, but simple arrest, and 
 retention of the larval structure in all its completeness. 
 I should call the phenomenon exhibited by the axolotl 
 "arrest" or " super-larvation " rather than degenera- 
 tion. 
 
 The result of super-larvation is in so far similar to 
 that of those changes to which it is desirable to 
 restrict the term "degeneration," that it may be 
 classed under " simplificative evolution" as opposed 
 to " elaborative evolution." That there is a very real 
 difference between super-larvation and degeneration 
 may best be seen by taking a case of each process and in- 
 stituting a comparison. The axolotl proceeds regularly 
 on its course of development from the egg, but instead 
 of passing from the aquatic gilled condition to the 
 terrestrial gill-less adult form of the Salamander, it 
 remains arrested in the earlier condition, develops its 
 reproductive organs, and propagates itself. There is 
 no loss or atrophy in this case, but simply a dead stop 
 in a progressive course. On the other hand, as we 
 have seen, the Ascidian loses, by a process of atrophy 
 and destruction, a powerful locomotive organ, a 
 highly -developed eye, a relatively large nervous 
 system. The former may be compared to a perma- 
 nent childishness, the latter to the second childhood, 
 which is really atrophy and decay. It is highly prob- 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 57 
 
 able that super-larvation has taken place at various 
 epochs and in various groups of the animal kingdom, 
 just as it does in the axolotl, and yet we cannot hope 
 for evidence fitted to establish its occurrence in any 
 one case, where it is no longer possible by exceptional 
 conditions to recover (as in the case of the axolotl, 
 which can experimentally be made to advance to the 
 Salamander phase by proper treatment), the discarded, 
 more developed adult form. By super-larvation it 
 would be possible for an embryonic form developed in 
 relation to special embryonic conditions and not re- 
 capitulative of an ancestry, to become the adult form 
 of the race, and thus to give to the subsequent evolu- 
 tion of that race a totally different and otherwise 
 improbable direction. 
 
 It seems also exceedingly probable that super-larva- 
 tion does not occur only as in the axolotl through 
 premature maturation of the reproductive organs, but 
 the phenomenon may develop itself more slowly by a 
 gradual creeping forward, as it were, of larval features. 
 Just as the adaptations acquired in, and having rela- 
 tion to, later life tend to show themselves in an early 
 period of the development of the individual and out 
 of due season ; so do characters acquired by the early 
 embryo, and having relation only to this early period 
 of life tend to remain as permanent structures, and 
 by their invasion to perturb the adult organisation. 
 Such perturbation may tend either to simplification 
 or elaboration. 
 
58 DEGEXERATION : 
 
 D 
 
 The term (degeneration of language) includes two 
 very distinct things ; the one is degeneration of gram- 
 matical form, the other degeneration of the language 
 as an instrument of thought. The former is a far 
 commoner phenomenon than the latter, and, in fact, 
 whilst actually degenerating so far as grammatical 
 complexity is concerned, a language may be at the 
 same time becoming more and more serviceable, or 
 more and more perfect as an organ having a particular 
 function. The decay of useless inflections and the 
 consequent simplification of language may be com- 
 pared to the specialisation of the one toe of the 
 primitively five-toed foot of the horse, whilst the four 
 others which existed in archaic horses are, one by 
 one, atrophied. Taken by itself, this phenomenon 
 may possibly be described as degeneration, but inas- 
 much as the whole horse is not degenerate, but, on 
 the contrary, specialised and elaborated, it is advis- 
 able to widely distinguish such local atrophy from 
 general degeneration. In the same way language 
 cannot, in relation to this question, be treated as a 
 thing by itself — it must be regarded as a possession 
 of the human organism, and the simplification of its 
 structure merely means in most cases its more com- 
 plete adaptation to the requirements of the organism. 
 True degeneration of language is therefore only 
 found as part and parcel of a more general degenera- 
 tion of mental activity. To some extent the conclu- 
 
I A CHAPTER IN DARWINISM 59 
 
 sion that this or that language, as compared with its 
 earlier condition, exhibits evidence of such degenera- 
 tion, must be matter of taste and open to discussion. 
 For instance, the English of Johnson may be regarded 
 as degenerate when compared with that of Shake- 
 speare. There is less probability of a difference of 
 opinion as to the degeneracy of modern Greek as 
 compared with " classical " Greek ; or of some of the 
 modern languages of Hindustan as compared with 
 Sanskrit, and I am informed that the same kind of 
 degeneration is exhibited by modern Irish as compared 
 with old Irish. Degeneration, in the proper sense of 
 the word, so far as it applies to language, would seem 
 to mean simply a decay or diversion of literary taste 
 and of literary production in the race to which such 
 language may be appropriate. 
 
n 
 
 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 
 
 The President's Address to the Biological Section of the British 
 Association at Southport, 
 
BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 
 
 It has become the custom for the presidents of the 
 various Sections of this Association to open the pro- 
 ceedings of the departments with the chairmanship of 
 which they are charged, by formal addresses. In re- 
 flecting on the topics which it might be desirable for 
 me to bring under your notice, as your president, on 
 the present occasion, it has occurred to me that I 
 might use this opportunity most fitly by departing 
 somewhat from the prevailing custom of reviewing the 
 progress of science in some special direction during the 
 23ast year, and that, instead of placing before you a 
 summary of the results recently obtained by the in- 
 vestigations of biologists in this or that line of inquiry, 
 I might ask your attention and that of the external 
 public (who are wont to give some kindly considera- 
 tion to the opinions expressed on these occasions) to 
 a matter which is even more directly connected with 
 the avowed object of our Association, namely, " the 
 Advancement of Science." I propose to place before 
 you a few observations upon the provision which exists 
 in this country for the advancement of that branch of 
 
64 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 science to which Section D is dedicated — namely, 
 Biology. 
 
 I am aware that it is usual for those who speak of 
 men of science and their pursuits to ignore altogether 
 such sordid topics as the one which I have chosen to 
 bring forward. A certain pride on the one hand, and 
 a willing acquiescence on the other hand, usually pre- 
 vent those who are professionally concerned with 
 scientific pursuits from exposing to the public the 
 pecuniary destitution and the consequent crippling 
 and languor of scientific research in this country. 
 Those Englishmen who take an interest in the progress 
 of science are apt to suppose that, in some way which 
 they have never clearly understood, the pursuit of 
 scientific truth is not only its own reward, but also a 
 sufiicient source of food, drink, and clothing. Whilst 
 they are interested and amused by the remarkable 
 discoveries of scientific men, they are astonished when- 
 ever a ]3roposal is mentioned to assign salaries to a 
 few such persons sufiicient to enable them to live 
 decently while devoting their time and strength to 
 investigation. The public are becoming more and 
 more anxious to have the opinion or re23ort of scientific 
 men upon matters of commercial importance, or in 
 relation to the public health ; and yet in ninety-nine 
 cases out of a hundred they expect to have that 
 opinion for the asking, although accustomed to ]3ay 
 other professional men handsomely for similar service. 
 There is, it appears, in the public mind a vague belief 
 that men who occupy their time with the endeavour 
 to add to knowledge in this or that branch of science 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 65 
 
 are mysteriously supported by the State Exchequer, 
 and are thus fair game for attacking with all sorts of 
 demands for gratuitous service ; or, on the other hand, 
 the notion at work appears sometimes to be that the 
 making of new knowledge — in fact, scientific discovery 
 — is an agreeable pastime, in which some ingenious 
 gentlemen, whose business in other directions takes 
 up their best hours, find relaxation after dinner or on 
 the spare hours of Sunday. Such mistaken views 
 ought to be dispelled with all j)ossible celerity and 
 determination. It is in part owing to the fact that 
 the real state of the case is not widely and persistently 
 made known to the public, that no attempt is made 
 in this country to raise scientific research, and especially 
 biological research, from the condition of destitution 
 and neglect under which it suffers — a condition which 
 is far below that of these same interests in France and 
 Germany, and even in Holland, Belgium, Italy, and 
 Kussia, and is discreditable to England in proportion 
 as she is richer than other States. 
 
 It appears to me that, in placing this matter before 
 you, I may remove myself from any suggestion of 
 self-interest by at once stating that the great defect 
 to which I shall draw your attention is not that the 
 few existing public positions wdiich are open in this 
 country to men who intend to devote their chief 
 energies to biological research are endowed with in- 
 sufticient salaries, but that there is not anything like 
 a sufiiciently large number of those posts, and that 
 there is in that respect, from a national point of view, 
 a pecuniary starvation of biology, a withholding of 
 
66 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 money which (to use another metaphor) is no less the 
 sinews of the war of science against ignorance than of 
 other less glorious campaigns. Surely men engaged 
 in the scientific profession may advocate the claim of 
 science to maintenance and needful pecuniary provi- 
 sion ! It seems to me that we should, if necessary, 
 stifle, rather than be controlled by, that pride which 
 tempts us to paint the scientific career as one far 
 above and independent of pecuniary considerations ; 
 whereas all the while we know that knowledge is lan- 
 guishing, that able men are drawn off" from scientific 
 research into other careers, that important discoveries 
 are approached and their final grasp relinquished, that 
 great men depart and leave no disciples or successors, 
 simply for want of that which is largely given in other 
 countries, of that which is most abundant in this 
 country, and is so lavishly expended on armies and 
 navies, on the development of commercial resources, 
 on a hundred injurious or meaningless charities — viz. 
 money. 
 
 I have no doubt that I have the sympathy of all 
 my hearers in wishing for more extensive provision 
 in this country for the prosecution of scientific research, 
 and especially of biological research. I need hardly 
 remind this audience of the almost romantic history 
 of some of the great discoveries which have been made 
 in reference to the nature and history of living things, 
 during the past century. The microscope, which was 
 a drawing-room toy a hundred years ago, has, in the 
 hands of devoted and gifted students of nature, been 
 the means of giving us knowledge which, on the one 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 67 
 
 hand, has saved thousands of surgical patients from 
 terrible pain and death, and, on the other hand, has 
 laid the foundation of that new philosophy with which 
 the name of Darwin will for ever be associated. When 
 Ehrenberg and, later, Dujardin described and figured 
 the various forms of Monas, Vibrio, Spirillum, and 
 Bacterium which their microscopes revealed to them, 
 no one could |)i'^clict that fifty years later these 
 organisms would be recognised as the cause of that 
 dangerous suppuration of wounds which so often 
 defeated the beneficent efforts of the surgeon and 
 made an operation in a hosj)ital ward as dangerous to 
 the patient as residence in a plague -stricken city. 
 Yet this is the result which the assiduous studies of 
 the biologists, provided with laboratories and mainten- 
 ance by Continental States, have in due time brought 
 to light. Theodore Schwann, professor at Liege, first 
 showed that these Bacteria are the cause of the putre- 
 faction of organic substances, and subsequently the 
 French chemist Pasteur, professor in the Ecole Normale 
 of Paris, confirmed and extended Schwann's discovery, 
 so as to establish the belief that all putrefactive 
 changes are due to such minute organisms, and that 
 if these organisms can be kept at bay no putrefaction 
 can occur in any given substance. 
 
 It was reserved for our countryman, Joseph Lister, 
 to apply this result to the treatment of wounds, and 
 by his famous antiseptic method to destroy by means 
 of special poisons the putrefactive organisms which 
 necessarily find their way into the neighbourhood of 
 a wound, or of the surgeon's knife and dressings, and 
 
68 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 to ward off by similar means the access of such 
 organisms to the wounded surface. The amount of 
 death, not to speak of the suffering short of death, 
 which the knowledge of Bacteria gained by the micro- 
 scope has thus averted is incalculable. 
 
 Yet further, the discoveries of Ehrenberg, Schwann, 
 and Pasteur are bearing fruit of a similar kind in other 
 directions. It seems in the highest degree probable 
 that the terrible scourge known as tubercular consump- 
 tion or phthisis is due to a parasitic Bacterium (Bacillus), 
 discovered two years since by Koch of Berlin, as the 
 immediate result of investigations which he was com- 
 missioned to carry on at the public expense, in the 
 specially erected Laboratory of Public Health, by the 
 German Imperial Government. The diseases known 
 as erysipelas and glanders or farcy have similarly, 
 within the past few months in German State- supported 
 laboratories, been shown to be due to the attacks of 
 special kinds of Bacteria. At present this knowledge 
 has not led to a successful method of combating those 
 diseases, but we can hardly doubt that it will ultimately 
 do so. We are warranted in this belief by the fact 
 that the disease known as " splenic fever " in cattle and 
 " malignant pustule " or anthrax in man has likewise 
 been shown to be due to the action of a special kind 
 of Bacterium, and that this knowledge has, in the 
 hands of MM. Toussaint and Pasteur, led to a treatment 
 in relation to this disease similar to that of vaccination 
 in relation to small-pox. By cultivation a modified 
 growth of the anthrax parasite is obtained, which is 
 then used in order to inoculate cattle and sheep with 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 69 
 
 a mild form of the disease, such inoculation having 
 the result of rendering the cattle and sheep free from 
 the attacks of the severe form of disease, just as 
 vaccination or inoculation with cow-pox protects man 
 from the attack of the deadly small-pox. One other 
 case I may call to mind in which knowledge of the 
 presence of Bacteria as the cause of disease has led to 
 successful curative treatment. A not uncommon 
 affliction is inflammation of the bladder accompanied 
 by ammoniacal decomposition of the urine. Micro- 
 scopical investigation has shown that this ammoniacal 
 decomposition is entirely due to the activity of a 
 Bacterium. Fortunately this Bacterium is at once 
 killed by weak solutions of quinine, which can be 
 injected into the bladder without causing any injury 
 or irritation. This example appears to have great 
 importance, because it is the fact that many kinds of 
 Bacteria are not killed by solutions of quinine, but 
 require other and much more irritant jDoisons to destroy 
 their life, which could not be injected into the bladder 
 without causino' disastrous effects. Since some 
 Bacteria are killed by one poison and some by 
 another, it becomes a matter of the keenest interest 
 to find out all such poisons ; and possibly among 
 them may be some which can be applied so as to 
 kill the Bacteria wdiich produce phthisis, erysipelas, 
 glanders, anthrax, and other scourges of humanity, 
 whilst not acting injuriously upon the body of 
 the victim in which these infinitesimal parasites 
 are doing their deadly w^ork. In such ways as 
 this biology has turned the toy " magnifying-glass '' 
 
70 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 of the last century into a saver of life and health. 
 (See Appendix A.) 
 
 No less has the same ao^ency revolutionised the 
 thoughts of men in every branch of philosophy and 
 speculation. The knowledge of the growth of the 
 chick from the ^gg and of other organisms from simi- 
 larly constituted beginnings has been slowly and con- 
 tinuously gained by prodigious labour, extending over 
 generation after generation of students who have 
 occupied the laboratories and lived on the stipends 
 provided by the Governments of European States — 
 not English, but chiefly German. It is this history 
 of the development of the individual animal and plant 
 from a simple homogeneous beginning to a complex 
 heterogeneous adult which has furnished the starting- 
 point for the wide -reaching Doctrine of Evolution. 
 It is this knowledge, coupled with the knowledge of 
 the myriad details of structure of all kinds of animals 
 and plants which the faithful occupants of laboratories 
 and the guardians of biological collections have in 
 the past hundred years laboriously searched out and 
 recorded — it is this which enabled Darwin to propound, 
 to test, and to firmly establish his theory of the origin 
 of species by natural selection, and finally to bring the 
 origin, development, and progress of man also into 
 the area of physical science. I have said enough, in 
 referring only to two very diverse examples of the 
 far-reaching consequences flowing from the discoveries 
 of single-minded investigators in biological science, 
 to remind my hearers that in the domain of biology, 
 as in other sciences, the results attained by those w^ho 
 
n BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 7-1 
 
 have laboured simply to extend our knowledge of the 
 structure and properties of living things, in the faith 
 that every increase of knowledge will ultimately brino- 
 its blessing to humanity, have in fact led with astonish- 
 ing rapidity to conclusions affecting most profoundly 
 both the bodily and the mental welfare of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 We who know the beneficent results which must 
 flow more and more from the labours of those who 
 are able to create new knowledge of livinsf things, or 
 in other words, are able to aid in the growth of bio- 
 logical science, must feel something more than re o ret 
 — even indignation — that England should do so small 
 a proportion of the laborious investigation Avhich is 
 necessary, and is being carried on for our profit by 
 other nationalities. It must not be supposed, because 
 we have had our Harvey and our Darwin, our Hunter 
 and our Lister, that therefore we have done and are 
 doing all that is needful in the increase of biological 
 science. The position of this country in relation to 
 the progress of science is not to be decided by the 
 citation of great names. 
 
 We require to look more fully into the matter 
 than this. The question is not whether England has 
 produced some great discoverers, or as many as any 
 other nationality, but whether we might not, with 
 advantage to our own community and that of the 
 civilised world generally, do far more in the field of 
 scientific investigation than we do. 
 
 It may be laid down as a general proposition, to 
 which I know of no important exception, that scientific 
 
72 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE H 
 
 discovery has only been made by one of two classes 
 of men, namely — (1) those whose time could be devoted 
 to it in virtue of their possessing inherited fortunes ; 
 (2) those whose time could be devoted to it in virtue 
 of their possessing a stipend or endowment especially 
 assigned to them for that purpose. 
 
 Now it is a very remarkable fact that in England, 
 far more than in any other country, the possessors of 
 private fortunes have devoted themselves to scientific 
 investigation. Not only have we in all parts of the 
 country numerous dilettanti ^ who, especially in various 
 branches of biology, do valuable work in continually 
 adding to knowledge, quietly pursuing their favourite 
 study without seeking to reach to any great eminence, 
 but it is the fact that many of the greatest names of 
 English discoverers in science are those of men who 
 held no professional position designed to maintain an 
 investigator, but owed their opportunity simply to the 
 fact that they enjoyed a more or less ample income 
 by inheritance. Thus, Harvey possessed a private 
 fortune, Darwin also, and Lyell. Such also is true of 
 some of the English naturalists, who more recently 
 have most successfully devoted their energies to re- 
 search.- Those who wish to defend the present neglect 
 of the Government and of public institutions to pro- 
 vide means for the carrying on of scientific research in 
 
 1 I use this word in its best and truest sense, and would refer 
 those who have been accustomed to associate with it some implication 
 of contempt, to the wise and appreciative remarks of Goethe on Dilettanti. 
 
 2 I had in mind my friend Professor Frank Balfour of Cambridge, 
 whose untimely death has been an irreparable blow to the progress of 
 science in this country. December 1889. 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 73 
 
 this country are accustomed to declare as a justifica- 
 tion for this neglect that we do very well without such 
 provision, inasmuch as the cultivation of science here 
 flourishes in the hands of those who are in a position 
 of pecuniary independence. The reply to this is obvi- 
 ous. If those few of our countrymen who by accident 
 are placed in an independent position show such ability 
 in the prosecution of scientific research, how much 
 more would be efiected in the same direction were the 
 machinery provided to enable those also who are not 
 accidentally favoured by fortune to enter upon the same 
 kind of work ? The number of wealthy men who have 
 distinguished themselves in scientific research in Eng- 
 land is simply evidence that there is a natural ability 
 and liking for such work in the English character, and 
 is a distinct encouragement to those who have it in 
 their power to do so to ofl'er the opportunity of devot- 
 ing themselves to research to a larger number of the 
 members of the community. It is impossible to doubt 
 that there are hundreds of men amons^st us who have 
 as great capacity for scientific discovery as those whom 
 fortune has favoured with leisure and opportunity. 
 It cannot be doubted that, w^ere the means 
 provided to enable even a proportion of such 
 men to give themselves up to scientific investiga- 
 tion, great discoveries, of no less importance to 
 the world than those relative to the causes of 
 disease and the development of living things 
 from the egg which I have cited, would be 
 made as a direct consequence of their activity, 
 whereas now we must wait until in due course 
 
74 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 of time these discoveries shall be made for us 
 in the laboratories of Germany, France, or Eussia. 
 
 It should further be pointed out that it is altogether 
 a mistake to suppose that the existence amongst us of 
 a few very eminent men is any evidence that we are 
 contributing largely to the hard work of careful study 
 and observation which really forms the material upon 
 which the conclusions of eminent discoverers are based. 
 You wdll find in every department of biological 
 knowledge that the hard work of investigation is 
 being carried on by the well-trained army of German 
 observers. Whether you ask the zoologist, the 
 botanist, the physiologist, or the anthropologist, you 
 will get the same answer : it is to German sources 
 that he looks for new information ; it is in German 
 workshops that discoveries, each small in itself, but 
 gradually leading up to great conclusions, are daily 
 being made. To a very large extent the business of 
 those who are occupied with teaching or applying 
 biological science in this country consists in making 
 known what has been done in German laboratories ; 
 our English students flock to Germany to learn the 
 methods of scientific research ; and to such a state of 
 weakness is English science reduced for want of proper 
 nurture and support, that even on some of the rare 
 occasions when a capable investigator of biological 
 problems has been required for the public service, it 
 has been necessary to obtain the assistance of a 
 foreigner trained in the laboratories of Germany. 
 (See Appendix B.) 
 
 Let me now briefly explain what are the arrange- 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 75 
 
 ments, in number and in kind, which exist in other 
 countries for the purpose of promoting the advance- 
 ment of biological science, and are wanting in this 
 country. 
 
 In the German Empire, with a population of 
 45,000,000, there are twenty-one universities. These 
 universities are very different from anything which 
 goes by the name in this country. Amongst its other 
 arrangements devoted to the study and teaching of 
 all branches of learning and science, each university 
 has five institutes, or establishments, devoted to the 
 prosecution of researches in biological science. These 
 are respectively the physiological, the zoological, the 
 anatomical, the pathological, and the botanical. In 
 one of these universities of average size, each of the 
 institutes named consists of a spacious building con- 
 taining many rooms fitted as workshops, provided with 
 instruments, a museum, and, in the last instance, with 
 an experimental garden. All this is provided and 
 maintained by the State. At the head of each insti- 
 tute is the university professor respectively of physio- 
 logy, of zoology, of anatomy, of pathology, or of 
 botany. He is paid a stipend by the State, which in 
 the smallest university is as low as £120, but may be 
 in others as much as £700, and averages say £400 a 
 year. Considering the relative expenditure of the 
 professional classes in the two countries, this average 
 may be taken as equal to £800 a year in England.^ 
 
 1 From the fact that the salaries of judges, civil servants, military 
 and naval officers, parsons and schoolmasters, as also the fees of physi- 
 cians and lawyers, are in Germany even less than half what is paid to 
 
76 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE H 
 
 Besides , the professor, each institute has attached to 
 it, with salaries paid by the State, two qualified assist- 
 ants, who in course of time will succeed to independ- 
 ent positions. A liberal allowance is also made to 
 each institute by the State for the purchase of instru- 
 ments, material for study, and for the pay of servants, 
 so that the total expenditure on professor, assistants, 
 laboratory service, and maintenance, averages £800 a 
 year for each institute — reaching as much as £2000 
 or £3000 a year in the larger universities. It is the 
 business of the professor, in conjunction with his as- 
 sistants and the advanced students, who are admitted 
 to work in the laboratories free of charge, to carry on 
 investigations, to create neiv knowledge in the several 
 domains of physiology, zoology, anatomy, pathology, 
 and botany. It is for this that the professor receives 
 his stipend, and it is on his success in this field of 
 labour that his promotion to a more important or 
 better paid post in another university depends. In 
 addition to and irrespectively of this part of his duties, 
 each professor is charged with the delivery of courses 
 of lectures and of elementary instruction to the general 
 students of the university, and for this he is allowed 
 to charge a certain fee to each student, which he re- 
 ceives himself ; the total of such fees may, in the case 
 of a largely attended university and a popular subject, 
 form a very important addition to the professorial 
 income ; but it is distinctly to be understood that such 
 payment by fees is only an addition to the professor's 
 
 tlieir representatives in England, I think that we are justified in 
 making this estimate. 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 77 
 
 income, quite independent of his stipend and of his 
 regular occupation in the laboratory : it is paid from 
 a separate source and for a separate object. There are 
 thus in the German Empire more than 100 such in- 
 stitutes devoted to the prosecution of biological dis- 
 covery, carried on at an annual cost to the State of 
 about £80,000, equal to about £160,000 in England, 
 providing posts of graduated value for 300 investiga- 
 tors, some of small value, sufficient to carry the young 
 student through the earlier portion of his career, 
 whilst he is being trained and acting as the assistant 
 of more experienced men — others forming the sufficient 
 but not too valuable prizes which are the rewards of 
 continuous and successful labour. 
 
 In addition to these university institutes, there 
 are in Germany such special laboratories of research, 
 with duly salaried staff of investigators, as the Im.perial 
 Sanitary Institute of Berlin, and the large museums 
 of Berlin, Bremen, and other large towns, correspond- 
 ing to our own British Museum of Natural History. 
 
 Moreover, we must be careful to note, in making 
 any comparison with the arrangements existing in 
 England, that there are, in addition to the universities 
 in Germany, a number of other educational institu- 
 tions, at least equal in number, which are known as 
 polytechnic schools, technical colleges, and agricultural 
 colleges. These furnish posts of emolument to a 
 limited number of biological students, who give 
 courses of instruction to their pupils, but they have 
 not the same arrane^ements for research as the uni- 
 versities, and are closely similar to those colleges 
 
78 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 whicli have been founded of late years in the pro- 
 vincial towns of England, such as Bristol, Nottingham, 
 and Leeds. The latter are sometimes quoted by 
 sanguine persons, who are satisfied with the neglected 
 condition of scientific training and research in this 
 country, as really sufiicient and adequate representa- 
 tives of the German universities. As a matter of 
 fact, the excellent English colleges in question do not 
 present anything at all comparable to the arrange- 
 ments of a German university, and are, in respect of 
 the amount of money which is expended upon them, 
 the number of their teaching staff, and the efficiency 
 of their laboratories, inferior not merely to the smallest 
 German university, but inferior to many of tlie techni- 
 cal schools of that country. 
 
 Passing from Germany, I would now ask your 
 attention for a moment to an institution which is 
 supported by the French Government, and which — 
 quite irrespective of the French university system, 
 which is not on the whole superior to our own — 
 constitutes one of the most effective arrangements in 
 any European State for the production of new know- 
 ledgfe. The institution to which I allude is the CoUeo^e 
 de France in Paris — coexisting there with the Sor- 
 bonne, the Ecole de Medecine, the Ecole Normale, the 
 Jardin des Plantes, and other State-supported institu- 
 tions — in which opportunity is provided for those 
 Frenchmen who have the requisite talent to pursue 
 scientific discovery in the department of biology, 
 and in other branches of science. I particularly men- 
 tion the College de France, because it appears to me 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 79 
 
 that the foundation of such a college in London would 
 be one of the simplest and most direct steps that could 
 be taken towards filling, in some degree, the void 
 from which Eno^lish science suffers. The Colleo^e de 
 France is divided into a literary and a scientific faculty. 
 Each faculty consists of some twenty professors. 
 Each professor in the scientific faculty is provided 
 with a laboratory and assistants (as many as four 
 assistants in some cases), and with a considerable 
 allowance for the expenses of the instruments and 
 materials required in research. The personal stipend 
 of each professor is £400, which has been increased 
 by an additional £100 a year in some cases from the 
 Government Department charged with the promotion 
 of higher studies. The professors in this institution, 
 as in the German universities, when a vacancy occurs, 
 have the right of nominating their future colleague, 
 their recommendation being accepted by the Govern- 
 ment. The professors are not expected to give any 
 elementary instruction, but are directed to carry on 
 original investigations, in prosecuting which they may 
 associate with themselves pupils who are sufiiciently 
 advanced to join in such work; and it is further the 
 duty of each professor to give a course of forty lectures 
 in each year upon the results of the researches in 
 which he is engaged. There are at present among 
 the professors of the College de France four of the 
 most distinguished among contemporary students of 
 biological science : Professor Brown-Sequard, Professor 
 Marey, Professor Balbiani, and Professor Eanvier. 
 Every one who is acquainted with the progress of 
 
80 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE n 
 
 discovery in physiology, minute anatomy, and embry- 
 ology, will admit that the opportunities afforded to 
 these men have not been wasted ; they have, as the 
 result of the position in which they have been placed, 
 produced abundant and most valuable work, and 
 have, in addition, trained younger men to carry on 
 the same line of activity. It was here, too, in the 
 College de France, that the great genius of Claude 
 Bernard found the necessary conditions for its de- 
 velopment. 
 
 Let us now see how many and what kind of 
 institutions there are in England devised so as to 
 promote the making of new knowledge in biological 
 science. Most persons are apt to be deceived in this 
 matter by the fact that the terms "university," 
 "professorship," and "college" are used very freely 
 in England in reference to institutions which have no 
 pecuniary resources whatever, and which, instead of 
 corresponding to the German arrangements which go 
 by these names, are empty titles, neither backed by 
 adequate subsidy of the State nor by endowment from 
 private sources. 
 
 In England, with its 25,000,000 inhabitants, there 
 are only four universities which possess endowments 
 and professoriates — viz. Oxford, Cambridge, Durham, 
 and the Victoria (Owens College). Besides these, 
 which are variously and specially organised each in its 
 own way, there are the London Colleges (University 
 and King's), the Normal School of Science at South 
 Kensington, and various provincial colleges, which 
 are to a small and varying extent in possession of 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 81 
 
 funds which could be or are used to promote scientific 
 research. Amongst all these variously arranged in- 
 stitutions there is an extraordinarily small amount of 
 provision for biological research. In London there is 
 one professorship only, that at the Normal School of 
 Science, which is maintained by a stipend paid by 
 the State, and has a laboratory and salaried assistants, 
 similarly maintained, in connection with it. The 
 only other posts in London which are provided with 
 stipends intended to enable their holders to pursue 
 researches in the domain of biological science, are the 
 two chairs of physiology and of zoology at University 
 College, which, through the munificence of a private 
 individual (Mr. Jodrell), have been endowed to the 
 extent of £250 a year each. (See Appendix C.) To 
 these should be added, in our calculation, certain posts 
 in connection with the British Museum of Natural 
 History and the Royal Gardens at Kew, maintained 
 by the State ; though it must be remembered that a 
 large part of the expenditure in those institutions is 
 necessarily taken up in the preservation of great 
 national collections, and is not applicable to the sub- 
 vention of investigators. We may, however, reckon 
 about six posts, great and small, in the British 
 Museum, and four at Kew, as coming into the category 
 which we have in view. Li London, then, we may 
 reckon approximately some fourteen or fifteen sub- 
 sidised posts for biological research. In Oxford there 
 fall under this category the professorship of anatomy 
 and his assistant, that of physiology, that of zoology, 
 that of botany. The Oxford professorships are well 
 
 G 
 
82 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 11 
 
 supported by endowment, averaging £700 or £800 a 
 year ; but they are inadequately provided with assist- 
 ance as compared with corresponding German posi- 
 tions. Whilst Oxford has thus five posts, Cambridge 
 has at present the same number, though the stipends 
 are of less average value. In regard to Durham, it 
 does not appear that the biological professorships 
 (which have their seat in the Newcastle College of 
 Science) are supported by stipends derived from 
 endowment ; they fall under another category, to 
 which allusion will be made below, of purely teaching 
 positions, supported by the fees paid for such teaching 
 by pupils. The Victoria University (Owens College, 
 Manchester), supports its professors of physiology, 
 anatomy, zoology, botany, and pathology, by means 
 partly of endowment, partly of pupils' fees. By the 
 provision of adequate laboratories and of salaries for 
 assistants to each professor, and of student -fellow- 
 ships, Owens College gives direct support to original 
 investigation. "We may reckon five major and eight 
 minor posts as dedicated to biological research in this 
 college. Altogether, then, we have 15 positions in 
 London and 23 in the provinces (taking assistantships, 
 and professorships, and curatorships together) — a total 
 of 38 in all England with its 25,000,000 inhabitants, 
 as against the 300 in Germany with its 45,000,000 
 inhabitants. In proportion to its population (leaving 
 aside the consideration of its greater wealth), England 
 has only about one-fourth of the provision for the 
 advancement of biolooical research which exists in 
 Germanv. 
 
11 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 83 
 
 It would not be fair to reckon in this comparison 
 the various biological professorships in small colleges 
 recently created, and paid to a small extent by stipends 
 derived from endowments, in the provincial towns of 
 England, for the holders of these chairs are called upon 
 to teach a variety of subjects, for instance, zoology, 
 botany, and geology combined ; and not only is the 
 devotion of the energies of their teaching staff to 
 scientific discovery not contemplated in the arrange- 
 ment of these institutions, but, as a matter of fact, the 
 large demands made on the professors in the way of 
 teaching must deprive them of the time necessary for 
 any serious investigation. Such posts, in the fact that 
 neither time, assistants, nor proper laboratories are 
 provided to enable their holders to engage in scientific 
 research, are schoolmasterships rather than professor- 
 ships, as the word is used in German universities. 
 (See Appendix C.) 
 
 One result of the exceedingly small provision of 
 positions in England similar to those furnished by the 
 German university system, and of the irregular, un- 
 certain character of many of those which do exist, is 
 that there is an insufficient supply of young men willing 
 to enter upon the career of zoologist, botanist, j^hysiolo- 
 gist, or pathologist as a profession. The number of 
 posts is too small to create a profession, i.e. an avenue 
 of success; and consequently, whereas in Germany 
 there is always a large body of new men ready to fill 
 up the vacancies as they occur in the professorial 
 organisation, in England it very naturally does not 
 appear to our university students as a reasonable thing 
 
84 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 to enter upon research as a profession, when the 
 chances of employment are so few and far between. 
 
 Before stating, as I propose to do, what appears to 
 me a reasonable and proper method of removing to 
 some extent the defect in our national life due to 
 the want of provision for scientific research, I will en- 
 deavour to meet some of the objections which are 
 usually raised to such views as those which I am ad- 
 vocating. The endowment of research by the State, 
 or from public funds of any kind, is opposed on various 
 grounds. One is that such action on the part of the 
 Government is well enough in Continental States, but 
 is contrary to the spirit of English statecraft, which 
 leaves scientific as well as other enteiyrise to the in- 
 dividual initiative of the people. This objection is 
 based on error, both as to fact and theory. It is well 
 enough to leave to individual effort the conduct of 
 such enterprises as are remunerative to the parties who 
 conduct them ; but it is a mistake to speak of scientific 
 research as an " enterprise " at all. The mistake arises 
 from the extraordinary pertinacity with which so- 
 called " invention " is confounded with the discovery 
 of scientific truth. New knowledo-e in bioloo;ical or 
 
 o o 
 
 other branches of science cannot be sold ; it has no 
 marketable value. Koch could not have sold the 
 discovery of the Bacterium of phthisis for as much as 
 sixpence, had he wished to do so. Accordingly, we 
 find that there is not, and never has been, any tendency 
 among the citizens of this country to provide for 
 themselves institutions for the manufacture of an 
 article of so little pecuniary value to the individual 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 85 
 
 who turns it out as is new knowledge. On the other 
 hand, as a matter of fact, the providing of means for 
 the manufacture of that article is not only not foreio-n 
 to English statecraft, but is largely, though not largely 
 enough, undertaken by the English State. The Royal 
 Observatories, the British Museum, the Royal Gardens 
 at Kew, the Geological Survey, the Government grant 
 of £4000 a year to the Royal Society, the £300 or 
 £400 a year (not a large sum) expended through the 
 medical officer of the Privy Council upon the experi- 
 mental investigation of disease, are ample evidence 
 that such providing of means for creating new know- 
 ledge forms part of the natural and recognised re- 
 sponsibilities of the British Government. Such a 
 responsibility clearly is recognised in this country, 
 and does fall, according to the present arrangement 
 of things, upon the central Government. AVhat we 
 have to regret is, that those who temporarily hold the 
 reins of government fail to perceive the lamentable 
 inadequacy of the mode in which this responsibility 
 is met. 
 
 A second objection which is made to the endow- 
 ment of research by public funds, or by other means, 
 such as voluntary contributions, is this : it is stated 
 that men engaged in scientific research ought to teach, 
 and thus gain their livelihood. It is argued, in fact, 
 that there is no need whatever to provide stipends or 
 laboratories for researchers, since they have only to 
 stand up and teach in order to make incomes sufticient 
 to keep them and their families, and to provide them- 
 selves with laboratories. This is a very plausible 
 
86 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 statement, because it is the fact that some investigators 
 have also been excellent lecturers, and have been able 
 to make an income by teaching whilst carrying on a 
 limited amount of scientific investigation. But neither 
 by teaching in the form of popular lectures, nor by 
 teaching university or professional students who desire 
 as a result to pass some examination test, is it possible, 
 where there is a fair field and no favour, for a man to 
 gain a reasonable income and at the same time to 
 leave himself time and energy to carry on original in- 
 vestigations in science. 
 
 In some universities, such as those of Scotland, the 
 privilege of conferring degrees of pecuniary value to 
 their possessors becomes a source of income- to the 
 professors of the university ; they are, in fact, able to 
 make considerable incomes, independently of endow- 
 ment, by compelling the candidates for degrees to pay 
 a fee to each professor in the faculty for the right of 
 attending his lectures and of presentation to the degree. 
 Consequently, teaching here appears to be producing 
 an income which may support a researcher ; in reality, 
 it is the acquisition of the university degree, and not 
 necessarily the teaching, for which the pupil pays his 
 fee. Where the teacher is unprotected by any com- 
 pulsory regulations (such as that which requires attend- 
 ance on his lectures and fee-payment on the part of 
 the pupils) it is impossible for him to obtain such an 
 income by teaching for one hour a day as will enable 
 him to devote the rest of the day to unremunerative 
 study and investigation, for the following reason. 
 Other teachers, equally satisfactory as teachers, will 
 
n BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 87 
 
 enter into competition with him, without having the 
 same intention of teaching for one hour only, and of 
 carrying on researches for the rest of the day. They 
 will contemplate teaching for six hours a day, and 
 they will accordingly offer to those who require to be 
 taught either six hours' teaching for the same fee which 
 the researcher charges for one, or one hour for a sixth 
 part of that fee. Consequently the unprotected re- 
 searcher will find his lecture-room deserted — pupils 
 will naturally go to the equally good teacher who 
 gives more teaching for the same fee, or the same 
 teaching for a less fee. And no one can say that this 
 is not as it should be. The university pupil requires 
 a certain course of instruction, wdiich he ought to be 
 able to buy at the cheapest rate. It does not seem to 
 be doing justice to the pupil to compel him to form 
 one of a class consisting of some hundreds of hearers, 
 where he can obtain but little personal supervision or 
 attention from the teacher, whereas if he had the free 
 disposal of his fee, he might obtain six times the 
 amount of attention from another teacher. This 
 arrangement does not seem to be justifiable, even for 
 the purpose of providing the university professor with 
 an income and leisure to pursue scientific research. 
 The student's fee should pay for a given amount of 
 teaching at the market value, and he has just cause 
 of complaint if, by compulsory enactments, he is taxed 
 to provide the country with scientific investigation. 
 
 Teaching must, in all fairness, ultimately be paid 
 for as teaching, and scientific research must be pro- 
 vided for, out of other funds than those extracted from 
 
88 BIOLOGY AXD THE STATE H 
 
 the pockets of needy students, who have a reasonable 
 rio-lit to demand, in return for their fees, a full modi- 
 cum of instruction and direction in study. 
 
 In the German universities, the professor receives 
 a stipend which provides for him as an investigator. 
 He also gives lectures, for which he charges a fee, but 
 no student is compelled to attend those lectures as 
 a condition of obtaining his degree. Accordingly, 
 independent teachers can, and do, compete with 
 the professor in providing for the student's require- 
 ments in the matter of instruction. As a consequence, 
 the fees charged for teaching are exceedingly small, 
 and the student can feel assured that he is obtaining 
 his money's worth for his money. He is not com- 
 pelled to pay any fee to any teacher as a condition of 
 his promotion to the university degree. In a German 
 university, if the professor in a given subject is in- 
 competent, or the class overcrowded, the student can 
 take his fee to a private teacher, and get better 
 teaching; all that is required of the candidate, as 
 a condition of his promotion to the Doctor's degree, 
 is that he shall satisfy the examination-tests imposed 
 by the faculty, and produce an original thesis. 
 
 Unless there be some such compelling influence as 
 that obtaining in the Scotch universities, enabling the 
 would-be researcher to gather to him pupils and fees 
 without fear of competition, it seems impossible that 
 he should gain an income by teaching whilst reserving 
 to himself time and energy for the pursuit of scientific 
 inquiry. It is thus seen that the necessity of endow- 
 ment, in some form or another, to make provision for 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 89 
 
 scientific researcli, is a reality, in spite of the suggestion 
 that teaching affords a means whereby the researcher 
 may readily provide for himself The simple fact 
 is that a teacher can only make a sufficient income 
 by teaching, on the condition that he devotes his 
 whole time and energy to that occupation. 
 
 Whilst I feel called upon to emphatically distinguish 
 the two functions — viz. that of creating neiv know- 
 ledge, and that of distributing existing hioiuledge — 
 and to maintain that it is only by arbitrary and 
 undesirable arrangements, not likely to be tolerated, 
 or, at any rate, extended, at the present day, that the 
 latter can be made to serve as the support of the 
 former, I must be careful to point out that I agree 
 most cordially with those who hold that it is an 
 excellent thing for a man who is engaged in the one 
 to give a certain amount of time to the other. It 
 is a matter of experience that the best teachers of 
 a subject are, cceteris parihtis, those who are actually 
 engaged in the advancement of that subject, and who 
 have shown such a thorough understanding of that 
 subject as is necessary for making new knowledge 
 in connection with it. It is also, in most cases, a 
 good thing for the man engaged in research to have a 
 certain small amount of change of occupation, and to 
 be called upon to take such a survey of the subject in 
 connection wdth which his researches are made, as 
 is involved in the delivery of a course of lectures and- 
 other details of teachins^. Though it is not a thino^ to 
 be contemplated that the researcher shall sell his 
 instruction at a price sufficiently high to enable him 
 
90 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 
 
 II 
 
 to live by teaching, yet it is a good thing to make 
 teaching an additional and subsidiary part of his life's 
 work. This end is effected in Germany by making it 
 a duty of the professor, already supported by a stipend, 
 to o-ive some five or six lectures a week during the 
 academical session, for which he is paid by the fees of 
 his hearers. The fees are low, but are sufficient to be 
 an inducement ; and, inasmuch as the attendance of 
 the students is not compulsory, the professor is 
 stimulated to produce good and effective lectures at a 
 reasonable charge, so as to attract pupils who would 
 seek instruction from some one else if the lectures 
 were not good or the fees too high. Indeed, in 
 Germany this system works so much to the advantage 
 of the students, that the private teachers of the 
 universities at one time obtained the creation of a 
 regulation forbidding the professors to reduce their 
 fees below a certain minimum, since, with so low a fee 
 as some professors were charging, it was impossible 
 for a private teacher to compete ! This state of things 
 may be compared, with much advantage, with the 
 condition of British universities. In these we hear, 
 from one direction, complaints of the high fees charged 
 and of the ineffective teaching given l^y the pro- 
 fessoriate ; and in other universities, where no 
 adequate fees are allowed to the professors as a 
 stimulus to them to offer useful and efficient teaching, 
 we find that the teaching has passed entirely out 
 of their hands into those of college tutors and 
 lecturers. The fact is that a satisfactory relation 
 between teaching and research is one which will not 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 91 
 
 naturally and spontaneously arrange itself. It can 
 hardly be said to exist in any British university or 
 college, but the method has been thought out and 
 carried into practice in Germany. It consists in giving 
 a competent researcher a stipend and a laboratory for 
 his research work, and then requiring him to do a 
 small amount of teaching, remunerated by fees pro- 
 portionate to his ability and the pains which he may 
 take in his teaching. If you pay him a fixed sum as 
 a teacher, or artificially insure the attendance of his 
 class, instead of letting this part of his income vary 
 simply and directly with the attractiveness of his 
 teaching, you will find as the result that (with rare 
 exceptions) he will not give effective and useful 
 teaching. He will naturally tend to do the minimum 
 required of him, in a perfunctory way. On the other 
 hand, if you leave him without stipend as a researcher, 
 dependent on the fees of pupils for an income, he will 
 give all his time and energies to teaching, he will 
 cease to do any research, and become, pro tanto, an 
 inferior teacher. 
 
 A third objection which is sometimes made to the 
 proposition that scientific research must be supported 
 and paid for as such, is the following : It is believed 
 by many persons that a man who occupies his best 
 energies in scientific research can always, if he choose, 
 make an income by writing popular books or news- 
 paper articles in his spare hours; and, accordingly, 
 it is gravely maintained that there is no need to 
 provide stipends and the means of carrying on their 
 work for researchers. To do so, according to this 
 
92 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 view, would be to encourage them in an exclusive 
 reticence, and to remove from them the inducement to 
 address the public on the subject of their researches, 
 by which the public would lose valuable instruction. 
 
 This view has been seriously urged, or I should 
 not here notice it. Any one who is acquainted with 
 the sale of scientific books, and the profits which either 
 author or publisher makes by them, knows that the 
 suggestion which I have quoted is ludicrous. The 
 writing of a good book is not a thing to be done 
 in leisure moments, and such as have been the result 
 of original research have cost their authors often years 
 of labour apart from the mere writing. Mr. Darwin's 
 books, no doubt, have had a large sale ; but that 
 is due to the fact, apart from the exceptional genius of 
 the man who wrote them, that they represent some 
 thirty or more years of hard work, during which he 
 was silent. There is not a sufticiently large public 
 interested in the progress of science to enable a 
 researcher to gain an income by writing books, 
 however great his literary facility. A school-book or 
 class-book may now and then add more or less to the 
 income of a scientific investigator ; but he who 
 becomes the popular exponent of scientific ideas, 
 except in a very moderate and limited degree, must 
 abandon the work of creating new knowledge. The 
 professional litterateur of science is as much removed 
 by his occupation from all opportunity of serious 
 investigation as is the professional teacher who has to 
 consume all his time in teaching. Any other pro- 
 fession — such as the Bar, Medicine, or the Church — 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 93 
 
 is more likely to leave one of its followers time and 
 means for scientific research than is that of either the 
 popular writer or the successful teacher. 
 
 We have, then, seen that there is no escape from 
 the necessity of providing stipends and laboratories 
 for the purpose of creating new knowledge, as is done 
 in Continental States, if we are agreed that more of 
 this new knowledge is needed and is among the 
 products which a civilised community is bound to 
 turn out, both for its own benefit and for that of 
 the community of States, which give to and take from 
 one another in such matters. 
 
 There are some who would finally attack our 
 contention by denying that new knowledge is a good 
 thing, and by refusing to recognise any obligation on 
 the part of England to contribute her share to that 
 common stock of increasing knowledge by which she 
 necessarily profits. Among such persons are those 
 who would prohibit altogether the pursuit of experi- 
 mental physiology in England, and yet would not and 
 do not hesitate to avail themselves of the services 
 of medical men, whose power of rendering those 
 services depends on the fact that they have learnt the 
 results obtained by the experiments of physiologists 
 in other countries or in former times. In reference to 
 this strange contempt and even hatred of science, 
 which undoubtedly has an existence among some 
 persons of consideration, even at the present day, 
 I shall have a few words to say before concluding 
 this address. I have now to ask you to listen to 
 what seems to me to be the demand which we should 
 
94 BIOLOGY X^B THE STATE II 
 
 make, as members of a Britisli Association for tlie 
 Advancement of Science, in respect of adequate 
 provision for the creation of new knowledge in the 
 field of biology in England. 
 
 Takino' England alone, as distinct from Scotland 
 and Ireland, we require, in order to be approximately 
 on a level with Germany, forty new biological insti- 
 tutes, distributed among the five branches of physi- 
 ology, zoology, anatomy, pathology, and botany — forty 
 in addition to the fifteen which we may reckon (taking 
 one place Avith another) as already existing. The 
 average cost of the buildings required would be about 
 £4000 for each, giving a total initial expenditure of 
 £160,000 ; the average cost of stipends for the director, 
 assistants, and maintenance we may calculate at £1500 
 annually for each, or £60,000 for the forty— equal to 
 a capital sum of £2,000,000. These institutes should 
 be distributed in groups of five— eight groups in ail- 
 throughout the country. One such group would be 
 placed in London (which is, at present, almost totally 
 destitute of such arrangements), one in Bristol, one m 
 Birmingham, one in Nottingham, one in Leeds, one in 
 Newcastle, one in Ipswich, one in Cardifi", one in Ply- 
 mouth — in fact, one in each of the great towns of the 
 kingdom where there is at present, or where there 
 might be with advantage, a centre of professional 
 education and higher study. The first and the most 
 liberally arranged of these biological institutes — em- 
 bracing its five branches, each with its special laboratory 
 and staff— should be in London. If we can have 
 nothing else, surely we may demand, with some hope 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 95 
 
 that our request will eventually obtain compliance, the 
 formation in London of a College of Scientific Kesearch 
 similar to that of Paris (the College cle France). It 
 is one of the misfortunes and disgraces of London that 
 — alone amongst the capitals of Europe, with the 
 exception of Constantinople — it is destitute of any 
 institution corresponding to the universities and 
 colleges of research which exist elsewhere. 
 
 Either in connection with a properly organised 
 teaching university or as an independent institution, 
 it seems to me a primary need of the day that the 
 Government should establish in London laboratories 
 for scientific research. Two hundred and fifty years 
 ao^o Sir Thomas Gresham founded an institution for 
 scientific research in the City of London. The property 
 which he left for this purpose is now estimated to be 
 worth three millions sterling. This property was 
 deliberately appropriated to other uses by the Corpor- 
 ation of the City of London and the Mercers' Company 
 about a hundred years since, with the consent of both 
 Houses of Parliament. By this outrageous act of 
 spoliation these Corporations, who were the trustees 
 of Gresham, have incurred the curse which he quaintly 
 inserted in his will in the hope of restraining them 
 from attempts to divert his property from the uses to 
 which he destined it. '^ Gresham's curse " runs as 
 follows : " And that I do require and charge the said 
 Corporations and chief governors thereof, with circum- 
 spect Diligence and without long Delay, to procure 
 and see to be done and obtained, as they will answer 
 the same before Almighty God : (for if they or any of 
 
96 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 them should ne^iect the obtainino; of such Licenses or 
 Warrants, which I trust can not be difficult, nor so 
 chargeable, but that the overplus of my Eents and 
 Profits of the Premisses hereinbefore to them disposed, 
 will soon recompense the same ; because to soe good 
 Purpose in the Commonwealth, no Prince nor Council 
 in any Age, will deny or defeat the same. And if 
 conveniently by my Will or other Convenience, I 
 might assure it, I would not leave it to be done after 
 my death, then the same shall revert to my heirs, 
 Avhereas I do mean the same to the Commonwealth, 
 and then the Default thereof shall be to the Ke- 
 proach and Condemnation of the said Cor23orations 
 afore God)/' I confess that I find it difficult to see 
 how the present representatives of the Corporations 
 who perverted Gresham's trust are to escape from 
 justly deserving the curse pronounced against those 
 Corporations, unless they conscientiously take steps to 
 restore Gresham's money to its proper uses. Let us 
 hope that Gresham's curse may be realised in no more 
 deadly form than that of an xlct of Parliament repeal- 
 ing the former one which sanctioned the perversion of 
 Gresham's money. Such a sequel to the Eeport of the 
 Commission which has recently inquired into the pro- 
 ceedings of the Corporation and Companies of the City 
 of London is not unlikely. 
 
 Whilst we should, I think, especially press upon 
 public attention the need for an institute of scientific 
 research in London, and indicate the source from which 
 its funds may be fitly derived, we must also urge the 
 foundation of other institutes in the provinces upon 
 
II BIOLOGY AXD THE STATE 97 
 
 the scale already sketched, because it is only by the 
 existence of numerous posts, and of a series of such 
 posts — some of greater and some of less value, the 
 latter more numerous than the former — that anything 
 like a professional career for scientific workers can be 
 constructed. It is especially necessary to constitute 
 what I have termed " assistantships," that is, junior 
 posts in which younger men assist and are trained by 
 more experienced men. Even in the few institutions 
 which do already exist additional provision of this 
 kind is what is wanted more than anything else, so 
 that there may be a progressive career open to the 
 young student, and a sufiicient field of trained investi- 
 gators from which to select in filling up the vacancies 
 in more valuable positions. 
 
 I am well aware that it will be said that 
 the scheme which I have proposed to you is 
 gigantic and almost alarming in respect of the 
 amount of money which it demands. One hundred 
 and sixty thousand pounds a year for biology 
 alone must seem, not to my hearers, but to those 
 who regard biology as an amusing speculation — 
 that is to say, who know little or nothing about 
 it — an extravagant suggestion. Unfortunately 
 it is also true that such persons are very numerous 
 — in fact, constitute an overwhelming majority 
 of the community ; but they are becoming less 
 numerous every day. The time will come, it 
 seems possible, when there will be more than one 
 member of the Government who will understand 
 and appreciate the value of scientific research. 
 
 H 
 
98 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 There are already a few members of the House 
 of Commons who are fully alive to its significance 
 and importance. 
 
 We may have to wait for the expenditure of such 
 a sum as I have named, and possibly it may be derived 
 ultimately from local rather than imperial sources, 
 though I do not see why it should be ; yet I think it 
 is a ofood thino* to realise now that this is what we 
 
 o o 
 
 ought to expend in order to be on a level with Germany. 
 This apparently extravagant and unheard-of appropri- 
 ation of public money is actually made every year in 
 Germany. 
 
 I think it is well to put the matter before you in 
 this definite manner, because I have reason to believe 
 that even those whom we might expect to be well 
 informed in regard to such matters, are not so, and as 
 a consequence there is not that keen sense of the in- 
 feriority and inadequacy of English arrangements in 
 these matters which one would gladly see actuating 
 the conduct of English statesmen. For instance, only 
 a few years ago, when speaking at Nottingham, the 
 present Prime Minister, who has taken an active part 
 in rearranging our universities, and has, it is well 
 known, much interest in science and learning, stated 
 that £27,000, the capital sum expended on the Notting- 
 ham College of Science, was a very important contri- 
 bution to the support of learning in this country, 
 amounting, as he said he was able to state, from the 
 perusal of oflicial documents, to as much as one-third 
 of what was spent in Germany during the past year 
 upon her numerous universities, which were so often 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 99 
 
 held up to England as an example of a well supported 
 academical system. Now, I do not think that Mr. 
 Gladstone can have ever had the opportunity of con- 
 sidering the actual facts with regard to German uni- 
 versities, for he was in this instance misled by the 
 official return of expenditure on a single university, 
 namely, that of Strasburg ; the total annual expendi- 
 ture on the twenty-one German universities being, in 
 reality, about £800,000, by the side of which a capital 
 sum of £27,000 looks very small indeed. I cannot 
 but believe that if the facts were known to public men, 
 in reference to the expenditure incurred by foreign 
 States in suj)port of scientific inquiry, they would be 
 willing to do something in this country of a sufficient 
 and statesmanlike character. As it is, the concessions 
 which have been made in this direction appear to me 
 to be in some instances not based upon a really com- 
 prehensive knowledge of the situation. Thus the 
 tentative grant of £4000 a year from the Treasury to 
 the Eoyal Society of London appears to me not to be 
 a well-devised experiment in the promotion of scientific 
 research by means of grants of money, because it is on 
 too small a scale to produce any definite effect, and 
 because the money cannot be relied upon from year to 
 year as a permanent source of support to any serious 
 undertakino\ 
 
 The Eoyal Society most laboriously and conscien- 
 tiously does its best to use this money to the satis- 
 faction of the country, but the task thus assigned to 
 it is one of almost insurmountable difficulty. In fact, 
 no such miniature experiments are needed. The 
 
100 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 11 
 
 experiment has been made on a large scale in Ger- 
 many, and satisfactory results have been obtained. 
 The reasonable course to pursue is to benefit by the 
 experience, as to details and methods of administra- 
 tion, obtained in the course of the last sixty years in 
 Germany, and to apply that experience to our own 
 case. 
 
 It is c^uite clear that " the voluntary principle " can 
 do little towards the adequate endowment of scientific 
 research. Ancient endowments belonging to the 
 country must be applied thereto, or else local or im- 
 perial taxes must be the source of the necessary sup- 
 port. Seeing that the results of research are distinctly 
 of imperial, and not of local value — it would seem 
 appropriate that a portion of the imperial revenue 
 should be devoted to their achievement. In fact, as 
 I have before mentioned, the principle of such an 
 application of public money has long been admitted, 
 and is in operation. (See Appendix C.) 
 
 Whilst voluntary donations on the part of private 
 persons can do little to constitute a fund which shall 
 provide the requisite endowment for the scheme of 
 biological institutes which I have sketched (not to 
 mention those required for other branches of science), 
 yet those who are interested in the progress of scien- 
 tific investigation may by individual effort do some- 
 thing, however little, towards placing research in a 
 more advantageous position in this country. Suppos- 
 ing it were possible, as I am sanguine enough to 
 believe that it is, to collect in the course of a year or 
 two from private sources a sum of £20,000 for the 
 
n BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 101 
 
 maintenance of a biological laboratory and staff, it 
 would be necessary, in expending so limited a sum, to 
 aim at the provision of something which would be 
 likely to produce the largest and most obvious results 
 in return for the outlay, and to benefit the largest 
 number of scientific observers in this department. 
 
 I believe that it is the general opinion among 
 biologists that there could be no more generally 
 useful institution thus set in operation than a bio- 
 logical laboratory upon the sea-coast, which, besides 
 its own permanent staff of officers, would throw open 
 its resources to such naturalists as might from time 
 to time be able to devote themselves to researches 
 within its precincts. There is no such laboratory on 
 the whole of the long line of British coast. At 
 Naples there is Dr. Dohrn's celebrated and invaluable 
 laboratory, which is frequented by naturalists from all 
 parts of the world ; at Trieste the Austrian Govern- 
 ment supports such a laboratory; at Concarneau, 
 Eoscoff, and Yillefranche, the French Government has 
 such institutions; at Beaufort, in North Carolina, 
 the Johns Hopkins University has its marine labora- 
 tory ; and at Newport, Professor Alexander Agassiz 
 has arranged a very perfect institution also for the 
 study of marine life. In spite of the great interest 
 which English naturalists have always taken in the 
 exploration of the sea and marine organisms — 
 in spite of the fact that the success and even 
 the existence of our fisheries -industries to a large 
 extent depends upon our gaining the knowledge 
 which a well -organised laboratory of marine biology 
 
102 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 would help US to- gain, there is actually no such 
 institution in existence. 
 
 This is not the occasion on which to explain pre- 
 cisely how and to what extent a laboratory of marine 
 zoology might be of national importance. I hope to 
 see that matter brought before the Section durinsr the 
 course of our meeting. But I may point out now, 
 that though it appears to me that the great need for 
 biological institutes, to which I have drawn your 
 attention, can not be met by private munificence, and 
 must in the end be arranged for by the continued 
 action of the Government in carrying out a policy to 
 which it has for many years been committed, and 
 which has been approved by Conservatives and 
 Liberals alike — yet such a special institution as a 
 laboratory of marine biology, serving as a temporary 
 workshop to any and all of our numerous students of 
 the important problems connected with the life of 
 marine plants and animals, might very well be under- 
 taken from private funds. Should it be possible, on 
 the occasion of this meetins: of the British Association 
 in Southport, to obtain some promise of assistance 
 tow^ards the realisation of this project, I think we 
 shall be able to congratulate ourselves on having done 
 something, though small perhaps in amount, towards 
 making better provision for biological research, and 
 therefore somethinof towards the advancement of 
 science.' 
 
 1 
 
 ^ The wisli here expressed was subsequently realised. By public 
 subscription and Government aid, a well -equipped laboratory has 
 been erected on the shore of Plymouth Sound. For an account of 
 
n BIOLOGY AXD THE STATE 103 
 
 In conclusion, let me say that, in advocating 
 to-day the claim of biological science to a far greater 
 measure of support than it receives at present from 
 the public funds, I have endeavoured to press that 
 claim chiefly on the ground of the obvious utility to 
 the community of that kind of knowledge which is 
 called biology. I have endeavoured to meet the 
 opposition of those who object to the interference of 
 the State wherever it may be possible to attain the 
 end in view without such interference, but who 
 profess themselves willing to see public money ex- 
 pended in promoting objects which are of real import- 
 ance to the country, and which cannot be trusted to 
 the voluntary enterprise arising from the operation of 
 the laws of self-preservation and the struggle for 
 wealth. There are, however, it seems to me, further 
 reasons for desiring a thorough and practical recogni- 
 tion by the State of the value of scientific research. 
 There are not wanting persons of some cultivation 
 who have perceived and fully realised the value of 
 that knowledge which is called science, and of its 
 methods, and yet are anxious to restrain rather than 
 to aid the growth of that knowledge. They find in 
 science something inimical to their own interests, and 
 accordingly either condemn it as dangerous and un- 
 trustworthy, or encourage themselves to treat it with 
 contempt by asserting that ''after all, science counts 
 for very little " — a statement which is unhappily true 
 in one sense, though totally untrue when it is intended 
 
 its history and organisation, the reader is referred to the appendix to 
 No. v. of the present series of papers. December 1889. 
 
104 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 to signify that the progress of science is not a matter 
 which profoundly influences every factor in the well- 
 being of the community. Amongst such people there 
 is a positive hatred of science, which finds expression 
 in their exclusion of it, even at this day, from the 
 ordinary curriculum of public school education, and 
 in the baseless though oft -repeated calumny that 
 science is hostile to art, and is responsible for all that 
 is harsh, ugly, and repulsive in modern life. To such 
 opponents of the advancement of science, it is of little 
 use to offer explanations and arguments. But we 
 may, when we reflect on their instinctive hostility 
 and the misrepresentations of science and the scientific 
 spirit which it leads them to disseminate, console 
 ourselves by bringing to mind what science really is, 
 and what truly is the nature of that calling in which a 
 man who makes new knowledge is engaged. 
 
 They mock at the botanist as a pedant, and the 
 zoologist as a monomaniac ; they execrate the physi- 
 ologist as a monster of cruelty, and brand the geolo- 
 gist as a blasphemer ; chemistry is held responsible for 
 the abomination of aniline dyes and the pollution of 
 rivers, and physics for the dirt and misery of great 
 factory towns. By these unbelievers science is 
 declared responsible for individual eccentricities of 
 character, as well as for the sins of the commercial 
 utilisers of new knowledge. The pursuit of science is 
 said to produce a dearth of imagination, incapability 
 of enjoying the beauty either of nature or of art, 
 scorn of literary culture, arrogance, irreverence, vanity, 
 and the ambition of personal glorification. 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 105 
 
 Sucli are the charges from time to time made by 
 those who dislike science, and for such reasons they 
 would withhold, and persuade others to withhold, the 
 fair measure of support for scientific research which 
 this country owes to the community of civilised 
 States. Not in reply to these misrepresentations, 
 but by way of contrast, I would here state what 
 science seems to be to those who are on the other 
 side, and how, therefore, it seems to them wrong to 
 delay in doing all that the wealth and power of the 
 State can do to promote its progress. 
 
 Science is not a name applicable to any one branch 
 of knowledge, but includes all knowledge which is of 
 a certain order or scale of completeness. All know- 
 ledge which is deep enough to touch the causes of 
 things, is Science ; all inquiry into the causes of things 
 is scientific inquiry. It is not only coextensive with 
 the area of human knowledge, but no branch of it can 
 advance far without reacting upon other branches ; 
 no department of Science can be neglected without 
 sooner or later causing a check to other departments. 
 No man can truly say this branch of Science is useful 
 and shall be cultivated, whilst this is worthless and 
 shall be let alone ; for all are necessary, and one grows 
 by the aid of another, and in turn furnishes methods 
 and results assisting in the progress of that from 
 which it lately borrowed. 
 
 We desire the increase and the support and the 
 acceptance of Science, not only because it has a certain 
 material value and enables men to battle with the 
 forces of nature and to turn them to account, so as to 
 
106 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE H 
 
 increase both the intensity and the extension of 
 healthy human life ; that is a good reason, and for 
 some persons, it may be, the only reason. But there 
 is something to be said beyond this. 
 
 The pursuit of scientific discovery, the making of 
 new knowledge, gratifies an appetite which, from 
 whatever cause it may arise, is deeply seated in man's 
 nature, and indeed is the most distinctive of his 
 properties. Man owes this intense desire to know 
 the nature of things, smothered though it often be by 
 other cravings which he shares with the brutes, to an 
 inherited race-perception stronger than the reasoning 
 faculty of the individual. When once aroused and in 
 a measure gratified, this desire becomes a guiding 
 passion. The instinctive tendency to search out the 
 causes of things, gradually strengthening as genera- 
 tion after generation of men have stumbled and 
 struo'oied in io^uorance, has at last become an active 
 and widely extending force ; it has given rise to a 
 new faith. 
 
 To obey this instinct — that is, to aid in the pro- 
 duction of new knowledo;e — is the keenest and the 
 purest pleasure of which man is capable, greater than 
 that derived from the exercise of his animal faculties, 
 in proportion as man^s mind is something greater and 
 further developed than the mind of brutes. It is in 
 itself an unmixed good, the one thing which com- 
 mends itself as still " worth while " when all other 
 employments and delights prove themselves stale and 
 unprofitable. 
 
 Arrogant and foolish as those men have appeared 
 
11 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 107 
 
 who, in times of persecution and in the midst of a con- 
 temptuous society, have, with an ardour proportioned 
 to the prevailing neglect, pursued some special line of 
 scientific inquiry, it is nevertheless true that in itself, 
 apart from special social conditions. Science must 
 develop in a community which honours and desires it 
 before all things, qualities and characteristics which 
 are the highest, the most human of human attributes. 
 These are, firstly, the fearless love and unflinching 
 acceptance of truth ; hopeful patience ; that true 
 humility which is content not to know what cannot 
 be known, yet labours and waits ; love of Nature, who 
 is not less, but more, worshipped by those who know 
 her best ; love of the human brotherhood for whom 
 and with whom the growth of Science is desired and 
 effected. 
 
 No one can trace the limits of Science, nor the 
 possibilities of happiness both of mind and body 
 which it may bring in the future to mankind. Bound- 
 less though the prospect is, yet the minutest contribu- 
 tion to the onward growth has its absolute and un- 
 assailable value ; once made it can never be lost ; its 
 effect is for ever in the history of man. 
 
 Arts perish, and the noblest works which artists 
 give to the world. Art (though the source of great 
 and noble delights) cannot create nor perpetuate ; it 
 embodies only that which already exists in human 
 experience, whilst the results of its highest flights are 
 doomed to decay and sterility. A vain regret, a 
 constant effort to emulate or to imitate the past, is 
 the fitting and laudable characteristic of Art at the 
 
108 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 present day. There is, indeed, no truth in the 
 popular partition of human aiFairs between Science 
 and Art as between two antagonistic or even compar- 
 able interests ; but the contrast which they present 
 in points such as those just mentioned is forcible. 
 Science is essentially creative ; new knowledge — the 
 experience and understanding of things which were 
 previously non-existent for man's intelligence, is its 
 constant achievement. And these creations never 
 perish ; the new is built on and incorporates the old ; 
 there is no turning back to recover what has lapsed 
 through age ; the oldest discovery is even fresher than 
 the new, yielding in ever increasing number new 
 results, in which it is itself reproduced and perpetu- 
 ated, as the parent in the child. 
 
 This, then, is the faith which has taken shape in 
 proportion as the innate desire of man for more 
 knowledge has asserted itself — namely, that there 
 is no greater good than the increase of Science ; 
 that through it all other good will follow. Good 
 as Science is in itself, the desire and search for 
 it is even better, raising men above vile things 
 and worthless competitions to a fuller life and 
 keener enjoyments. Through it we believe that 
 man will be saved from misery and degradation, 
 not merely acquiring new material powers, but 
 learning to use and to guide his life with under- 
 standinof. Throuoii Science he will be freed from 
 the fetters of superstition ; through faith in Science 
 he will acquire a new and enduring delight in 
 the exercise of his capacities ; he will gain a zest 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 109 
 
 and interest in life such as the present phase of 
 culture fails to supply. 
 
 In opposition to the view that the pursuit of 
 Science can obtain a strong hold upon human life, it 
 may be argued, that on no reasonable ground can it 
 appear a necessary or advantageous thing to the 
 individual man to concern himself with the growth 
 and progress of that which is merely likely to benefit 
 the distant posterity of the human race. Our reply 
 is : Let those who contend for the reasonableness of 
 human motives develop, if they can, any theory of 
 human conduct in which reasonable self-interest shall 
 be man's guide. We do not contend for any such 
 theory. By reasoning we may explain and trace the 
 development of human nature, but we cannot change 
 it by any such process. It is demonstrably unreason- 
 able for the individual man, guided by self-interest, 
 to share the dangers and privations of his brother- 
 man, and yet, in common with many lower animals, 
 he has an inherited quality which makes it a pleasure 
 to him to do so ; it is unreasonable for the mother to 
 protect her offspring, and yet it is the natural and 
 inherited quality of mothers to derive pleasure from 
 doing so ; it is unreasonable for the half-starved poor 
 to aid their wholly starving brethren, and yet such 
 compassion is natural and pleasurable to those who 
 show it, and is the constant rule of life. Unreason- 
 able though these things are from the j)oint of view 
 of individual self-interest, yet they are done because 
 to do them is pleasurable, to leave them undone a 
 pain. The race has, as it were, in these respects 
 
110 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 befooled the individual, and in the course of evolution 
 has planted in him, in its own interests, an irrational 
 capacity for taking pleasure in doing that which no 
 reasoning in regard to self-interest could justify. As 
 with these lower and more widely distributed in- 
 stincts, shared by man with some low^r social animals, 
 so is it with this higher and more peculiar instinct — 
 the tendency to pursue new knowledge. Whether 
 reasonable or not, it has by the laws of heredity and 
 selection become part of us and exists ; its operation is 
 beneficial to the race ; its gratification is a source of 
 keen pleasure to the individual — an end in itself. 
 We may safely count upon it as a factor in human 
 nature ; it is in our power to cultivate and develop it, 
 or, on the other hand, to starve and distort it for a 
 while, though to do so is to waste time in opposing 
 the irresistible. 
 
 As day by day the old-fashioned stimulus to the 
 higher life loses the dread control which it once exer- 
 cised over the thoughts of men, the pursuit of wealth 
 and the indulgence in fruitless gratifications of sense 
 become to an increasino: number the chief concerns of 
 their mental life. Such occupations fail to satisfy 
 the deep desires of humanity ; they become wearisome 
 and meaningless, so that we hear men questioning 
 whether life be worth living. When the dreams and 
 aspirations of the youthful world have lost their old 
 significance and their strong power to raise men's 
 lives, it will be well for that community which has 
 organised in time a following of and a reverence for 
 an ideal Good, which may serve to lift the national 
 
n BIOLOGY AND THE STATE HI 
 
 mind above the level of sensuality, and to insure a 
 belief in the hopefulness and worth of life. The faith 
 in Science can fill this place — the progress of Science 
 is an ideal Good, sufficient to exert this great 
 influence. 
 
 It is for this reason more than any other, as it 
 seems to those who hold this faith, that the prooTess 
 and diffusion of scientific research, its encouragement 
 and reverential nurture, should be a chief business of 
 the community, whether collectively or individually, 
 at the present day. 
 
112 BIOLOGY AXD THE STATE H 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 (A) 
 
 The six years which have passed since this address 
 was delivered have been remarkable for the extra- 
 ordinary advances in our knowledge of the Bacteria 
 and their relation to disease. In another paper (No. 
 III.) I have given some account of M. Pasteur's dis- 
 coveries in regard to rabies and hydrophobia. In the 
 Pasteur Institute in Paris Dr. Koux and other in- 
 vestigators have greatly advanced our knowledge of 
 the action of Bacteria in tuberculosis, in diphtheria, 
 and other diseases. It now appears that the most 
 hopeful method of combating the attacks of disease- 
 producing Bacteria is not to attempt to introduce 
 drugs into the infected patient which shall directly 
 poison the Bacteria, but rather to endeavour to assist 
 those natural processes in the body by which intrusive 
 Bacteria are normally destroyed. Elias Metschnikoff 
 has shown that the amoeboid corpuscles of the blood 
 and other tissues are special agents or scavengers for 
 the destruction of such intrusive bodies as Bacteria. 
 His theory is that by accustoming these corpuscles, 
 which he calls ''phagocytes," to tolerate a weak form 
 of the poison produced by pathogenic Bacteria, we 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 113 
 
 ''educate" them, so that they are able subsequently 
 to resist and eventually to attack and destroy the 
 same jDathogenic Bacterium when present in a stronger 
 and deadly form. This process of education is sug- 
 gested as the rationale of preventive inoculation, the 
 " vaccination " with a modified cultivated growth of 
 poisonous Bacteria acting so as to educate the phago- 
 cytes, and enabling them subsequently to swallow and 
 digest the stronger infective growth. By the training 
 afforded by inoculations with modified virus the phago- 
 cytes are, there is reason to believe, brought into a 
 condition of immunity similar to that which we know 
 the human body can attain in regard to other poisons, 
 such as laudanum, tobacco, and arsenic. It was thus, 
 according to tradition, that Mithridates, King of 
 Pontus, failed at the end of his career to kill himself 
 with poison, having previously in his researches on 
 poisonous agents so saturated himself with them, and 
 habituated himself to their action, that none were 
 deadly for him any more. We may then speak of 
 this training in tolerance of poison as " mithridatism," 
 and refer to the trained phagocytes of an inoculated 
 animal as mithridatised. On the other hand, there 
 are facts with regard to some kinds of infective virus 
 and their appropriate ''vaccins" which lead to the 
 supposition that immunity is conferred, not by the 
 action of weak doses of the "toxin" or actual poison 
 of the virus, but by the action of a distinct chemical 
 substance which exists side by side with the ''toxin." 
 The a23pendix to the paper on Pasteur and Hydro- 
 phobia, p. 166, contains a brief account of this theory. 
 
 I 
 
114 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE II 
 
 It is an interesting fact in this connection that 
 poisonous snakes are, as shown by Sir Joseph Fayrer, 
 " mithridatised " in regard to their own poison. The 
 l:)ite of a poisonous snake has no effect on another 
 poisonous snake of the same group. A similar dis- 
 covery has been made by Professor Bourne of Madras, 
 who examined scorpions in regard to this matter at 
 my request. A scorpion cannot sting itself to death, 
 nor can it sting another scorpion. The scorpion is 
 "immune" to scorpion poison. The explanation in 
 the case of both snakes and scorpions is this — that 
 small quantities of the poison elaborated by the poison- 
 glands in these animals are continually absorbed by 
 the blood, and thus the animal is mithridatised. It 
 is known that the elaborated secretion of other glands 
 passes continually in small quantities into the blood 
 in other animals examined by physiologists ; thus 
 traces of the secretion of the salivary gland and of 
 the pancreas are detected in the blood of rabbits and 
 dogs. 
 
 (B) 
 
 The statement made as to the preponderating 
 activity of German scientific laboratories remains true, 
 although France has largely increased her already 
 extensive provision for scientific research by State aid. 
 The Institut Pasteur in Paris is the most important 
 scientific institution which has been founded of late 
 years. It owes its existence partly to public subscrip- 
 tion and partly to Government support. Besides 
 
II BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 115 
 
 providing salaries and laboratories for investigators 
 who are carrying on the line of research in regard to 
 Bacteria commenced by Pasteur, the Institute pro- 
 vides the preventive inoculation against hydrophobia 
 discovered by Pasteur to all comers free of charge. 
 Two hundred and fifty persons have gone from Great 
 Britain and Ireland to be treated for dog-bite by M. 
 Pasteur in Paris. The British Government has not 
 made the smallest attempt to safeguard the public 
 health by providing for the maintenance of such a 
 laboratory as the Institut Pasteur in the United 
 Kingdom. On the contrary, it has placed vexatious 
 and ill-considered restrictions upon the conduct of 
 experimental inquiries by competent physiologists in 
 this country. These restrictions, without any doubt, 
 prevent the discovery of new remedies for deadly 
 disease and suffering. 
 
 (C) 
 
 The question of State aid to science discussed in the 
 preceding address is one w^hich, although of the very 
 greatest importance, does not make much progress. 
 
 There is at present a persistent confusion in 
 the public mind, and even in the minds of statesmen 
 and leading publicists, between the question of State 
 aid to education and that of State aid to the produc- 
 tion of new knowledge. It is no doubt true that if 
 the professorships in provincial colleges and in Uni- 
 versity and King's Colleges are endowed by the State 
 or other benefactor, the holders of those posts will 
 
116 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 11 
 
 possibly be able to, and probably will, give a larger 
 amount of time than heretofore to the making of new 
 knowledge instead of to the drudgery of journalism, 
 popular lecturing, and cram-book writing. On the 
 other hand, inadequate endowment of these colleges, 
 or the granting to them of a small annual sum for 
 general purposes not specified, will not necessarily 
 have any result of the kind. The recent grant by 
 the Government to university colleges of sums rang- 
 ing from £500 to £2000 a year cannot be regarded 
 as an endowment of research. In most cases the 
 extremely meagre sum thus provided will be absorbed 
 in general expenses of building and management con- 
 nected with teaching. In other cases it will be 
 wasted {i.e. returned to the giver — the tax-payer) by 
 applying it to the reduction of pupil's fees. It is 
 doubtful whether any college will have the courage 
 to apply it deliberately to the payment of a professor 
 or his assistant, so as to procure the production of 
 new knowledge, or what is sometimes called " original 
 research." 
 
 Since the date of my Southport address, University 
 College has received a munificent bequest from one 
 of its former professors, the late Mr. Eichard Quain. 
 Endowments of £300 a year have been assigned from 
 this fund to the professorships of Botany, Physics, 
 and English. It is doubtful whether these stipends 
 should be considered as designed to enable the pro- 
 fessor to devote his time to original researches, or as 
 part payment for his labours in teaching. It is un- 
 fortunately not customary to distinguish the two 
 
11 BIOLOGY AND THE STATE 117 
 
 occupations of making and distributing knowledge. 
 In any case it cannot be considered that the endow- 
 ment assigned to professorships in London is excessive 
 in amount, or such as to secure the whole time of a 
 professor, apart from his lectures, for original research. 
 
 A considerable expenditure made by the Govern- 
 ment in direct aid of scientific research remains un- 
 noticed in the text. I allude to the expenses of the 
 Challenger Expedition, and the publication of the 
 results obtained from the study of the collections 
 brought home. This sum may be variously estimated, 
 according to the sale of the reports and the inclusion 
 or exclusion of certain official expenses, but in any 
 case it amounts to several thousand pounds. 
 
 A very gratifying indication of the recognition on 
 the part of the Government of the propriety of sub- 
 sidising from the public funds scientic inquiries likely 
 to be of general public utility was seen in the granting 
 by Parliament in 1884-85, on the recommendation of 
 the Treasury, of a sum of £5000 and an annual sum 
 of £500 for five years towards the building and 
 maintenance of the Plymouth Laboratory of the 
 Marine Biological Association, of which some account 
 will be found in the appendix to article No. V. 
 
Ill 
 
 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 
 
 From the Nineteenth Century, July 1886 
 
PASTEUE AND HYDEOPHOBIA 
 
 The public has very naturally and very rightly shown 
 deep interest in the investigations into the nature and 
 possible cure of hydrophobia now being conducted by 
 the great French naturalist, Louis Pasteur. Those 
 investigations not only have a special value on account 
 of the terrible nature of the malady which there is 
 good reason to believe will be brought wdthin the 
 range of curative treatment as a consequence of their 
 prosecution, but also are of extreme interest to those 
 engaged in the task of ascertaining the laws of natural 
 phenomena, and to all who wish to understand the 
 methods by which a great discoverer in science arrives 
 at his results. 
 
 M. Pasteur is no ordinary man ; he is one of the 
 rare individuals who must be described by the term 
 "genius." Having commenced his scientific career 
 and attained great distinction as a chemist, M. Pasteur 
 was led by his study of the chemical process of fer- 
 mentations to give his attention to the phenomena of 
 disease in living bodies resembling fermentations. 
 Owing to a singular and fortunate mental character- 
 istic he has been able, not simply to pursue a rigid 
 path of investigation dictated by the logical or natural 
 
122 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 connection of the phenomena investigated, but de- 
 liberately to select for inquiry matters of the most 
 profound importance to the community, and to bring 
 his inquiries to a successful practical issue in a large 
 number of instances. Thus he has saved the silk- 
 worm industry of France and Italy from destruction, 
 he has taught the French wine-makers to quickly 
 mature their wine, he has effected an enormous 
 improvement and economy in the manufacture of 
 beer, he has rescued the sheep and cattle of Europe 
 from the fatal disease " anthrax," and it is probable — 
 he would not himself assert that it is at present more 
 than probable — that he has rendered hydrophobia a 
 thing of the ]Dast. The discoveries made by this 
 remarkable man would have rendered him, had he 
 patented their application and disposed of them 
 according to commercial principles, the richest man 
 in the world. They represent a gain of some millions 
 sterling annually to the community. It is right for 
 those who desire that increased support for scientific 
 investigation should be afforded by the Governments 
 of civilised States to point with emphasis to the 
 definite utility and pecuniary value of M. Pasteur's 
 work, because it is only in rare instances that the 
 discovery of new knowledge and the practical applica- 
 tion of that knowledge go hand in hand. M. Pasteur 
 has afforded several of these rare instances. They 
 should enable the public and our statesmen to believe 
 in the value of scientific investigation even when it is 
 not immediately followed by practical commercial 
 results. These discoveries should excite in the minds 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 123 
 
 of all those devoted to scientific research the pro- 
 foundest gratitude towards M. Pasteur, since, by the 
 direct practical application which his genius has 
 enabled him to give to the results of his inquiries, he 
 has done more than any living man to enable the 
 unlearned to arrive at a conception of the possible 
 value of the vast mass of scientific results — items of 
 new knowledge — which must be continually gathered 
 by less gifted individuals and stored for the future 
 use of inventors and of those doubly -gifted men 
 who, like M. Pasteur, are at once discoverers and 
 inventors — discoverers of a scientific principle and 
 inventors of its application to human require- 
 ments. 
 
 M. Pasteur's first experiment in relation to hydro- 
 phobia was made in December 1880, when he inocu- 
 lated two rabbits with the mucus from the mouth of 
 a child which had died of that disease. As his in- 
 quiries extended he found that it was necessary to 
 establish by means of experiment even the most 
 elementary facts with regard to the disease, for the 
 existing knowledge on the subject was extremely 
 small, and much of what passed for knowledge was 
 only ill-founded tradition. 
 
 So little was hydrophobia understood, and to so 
 small an extent had it been studied, previously to 
 M. Pasteur's investigations, that it was regarded by a 
 certain number of highly competent physicians and 
 physiologists (although this was not the general view) 
 as a condition of the nervous system brought about by 
 the infliction of a punctured inflammatory wound in 
 
124 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 which the action of a specific virus or poison took 
 no part ; it was, in fact, by some physicians regarded 
 as a variety of lock-jaw or tetanus. 
 
 The number of cases of hydrophobia reported in 
 England, France, Germany, and Austria has varied a 
 good deal each year since the time when statistics of 
 disease were instituted by the Governments of these 
 several countries; but its occurrence is sufiiciently 
 frequent at certain periods to excite the greatest 
 anxiety and alarm. In England as many as thirty- 
 six persons died from the disease in 1866 ; in France 
 288 persons were its victims in 1858, and in Prussia 
 and Austria it has been more frequent than in 
 England. 
 
 The general belief, both among medical men and 
 veterinary surgeons, as well as the public, has been 
 that the condition known as hydrophobia in man does 
 not follow from any ordinary bite or injury, but 
 that in order to produce it the human subject must 
 be bitten by a dog, wolf, pig, or other animal which 
 is suffering from a well-marked disease known as 
 "rabies." What it is which starts "rabies" amongst 
 dogs is not known, and has not even been guessed at, 
 but the condition so named is communicated by 
 "rabid" or "mad" dogs to other dogs, to pigs, to 
 cattle, to deer, to horses, and indeed to all warm- 
 blooded animals — even birds. Any animal so infected 
 is capable by its bite of communicating the disease to 
 other healthy animals. Kabies in a dog is recognised 
 without difficulty by the skilled veterinarian. The 
 disease has two varieties, known as " dumb madness " 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 125 
 
 and "raving madness"; and it is held by veterinarians 
 to have two modes of origin — viz. spontaneous, and as 
 the result of infection from another rabid animal. It 
 is quite permissible to doubt the spontaneous genera- 
 tion of rabies in any given case, although it must be 
 admitted that the disease had a beginning, and that it 
 is not improbable that whatever conditions favoured 
 its first origin are still in operation, and likely to 
 result in a renewed creation of the disease from time 
 to time. The disease was well known in classical 
 antiquity, and is of world-wide distribution, occurring 
 both in the tropics and in the arctic regions, though 
 much commoner in temperate regions than in either 
 of the extremes of climate. There are some striking 
 cases of certain well -peopled regions of the earth's 
 surface in which it is at present unknown ; no case 
 appears to be on record of its occurrence in Australia, 
 Tasmania, or New Zealand. It is a mistake to sup- 
 pose that the disease is commoner in very hot weather 
 than in cooler weather, or that great cold favours it. 
 Climate, in fact, appears to have nothing to do with 
 it, or rather, it should be said, is not shown to have 
 anything to do with it. 
 
 Professor Fleming, in his admirable treatise on 
 Rabies and Hydrophobia (London, 1872), says : — 
 
 It is a great and dangerous error to suppose that the disease 
 (in the dog) commences with signs of raging madness, and that 
 the earliest phase of the malady is ushered in with fury and 
 destruction. The first perceptible or initial symptoms of rabies 
 in the dog are related to its habits. A change is observed in 
 the animal's aspect, behaviour, and external characteristics. The 
 habits of the creature are anomalous and strange. It becomes 
 
126 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 dull, gloomy, and taciturn ; seeks to isolate itself, and chooses 
 solitude and obscurity — hiding in out-of-the-way places, or re- 
 tiring below chairs and other pieces of furniture ; Avhereas in 
 health it may have been lively, good-natured, and sociable. But 
 in its retirement it cannot rest; it is uneasy and fidgety, and 
 betrays an unmistakable state of malaise ; no sooner has it lain 
 down and gathered itself together in the usual fashion of a dog 
 reposing than all at once it jumps up in an agitated manner, 
 walks hither and thither several times, again lies down, and 
 assumes a sleeping attitude, but has only maintained it for a few 
 minutes when it is once more moving about, " seeking rest but 
 finding none." Then it retires to its obscure corner — to the 
 deepest recess it can find — and huddles itself up in a heap, with 
 its head concealed beneath its chest and its forepaws. This 
 state of continual agitation and inquietude is in striking contrast 
 with its ordinary habits, and should, therefore, attract the atten- 
 tion of mindful people. Not unfrequently there are a few 
 moments when the creature appears more lively than usual, 
 and displays an extraordinary amount of affection. Sometimes 
 in pet dogs there is evinced a disposition to gather up small 
 objects, such as straws, threads, bits of wood, etc., which are 
 industriously picked up and carried away. A tendency to lick 
 anything cold, as iron, stones, etc., is also observed in many 
 instances. At this period no propensity to bite is observed: 
 the animal is docile with its master, and obeys his voice, though 
 not so readily as before, nor with the same pleased countenance. 
 If it shakes its tail the act is more slowly performed than usual, 
 and there is something strange in the expression of the face ; 
 the voice of its master can scarcely change it for a few seconds 
 from a sullen gloominess to its ordinary animated aspect ; and 
 when no longer influenced by the familiar talk or presence it 
 returns to its sad thoughts, for — as has been well and truth- 
 fully said by Bouley — "the dog thinks and has its own ideas, 
 which for dogs' ideas are, from its point of view, very good 
 ideas when it is well." 
 
 The animal's movements, attitudes, and gestures now seem 
 to indicate that it is haunted by and sees phantoms ; it snaps at 
 nothing and barks as if attacked by real enemies. Its appear- 
 ance is altered ; it has a gloomy and somewhat ferocious aspect. 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 127 
 
 In this condition, however, it is not aggressive so far as 
 mankind is concerned, but is as docile and obedient to its master 
 as before. It may even appear to be more affectionate towards 
 those it knows, and this it manifests by the greater desire to 
 lick their hands and faces. 
 
 This affection, wdiich is always so marked and so enduring 
 in the dog, dominates it so strongly in rabies that it will not 
 injure those it loves, not even in a paroxysm of madness ; and 
 even when its ferocious instincts are beginning to be manifested, 
 and to gain the supremacy over it, it will yet yield obedience to 
 those to whom it has been accustomed. 
 
 The mad dog has not a dread of water, but, on the contrary, 
 will greedily swallow it. As long as it can drink it will satisfy 
 its ever-ardent thirst ; even when the spasms in its throat pre- 
 vent it swallowing, it will nevertheless plunge its face deej^ly 
 into the water and appear to gulp at it. The dog is, therefore, 
 not hydrophobic, and hydrophobia is not a sign of madness in 
 this animal. 
 
 It does not generally refuse food in the early period of the 
 disease, but sometimes eats with more voracity than usual. 
 
 When the desire to bite, which is one of the essential char- 
 acters of rabies at a certain stage, begins to manifest itself, the 
 animal at first attacks inert bodies — gnawing wood, leather, its 
 chain, carpets, straw, hair, coals, earth, the excrement of other 
 animals or even its own, and accumulates in the stomach the 
 remains of all the substances it has been tearing with its teeth. 
 
 An abundance of saliva is not a constant symptom in rabies 
 in the dog. Sometimes its mouth is humid, and sometimes it 
 is dry. Before a fit of madness the secretion of saliva is normal ; 
 during this period it may be increased, but towards the end of 
 the malady it is usually decreased. 
 
 The animal often expresses a sensation of inconvenience or 
 pain during the spasm in its throat by using its paws on the 
 side of its mouth, like a dog which has a bone lodged there. 
 
 In "dumb madness" the lower jaw is paralysed and drops, 
 leaving the mouth open and dry, and its lining membrane 
 exhibiting a reddish-brown hue ; the tongue is frequently brown 
 or blue coloured, one or both eyes squint, and the creature is 
 ordinarily helpless and not aggressive. 
 
128 PASTEUE AND HYDEOPHOBIA HI 
 
 In some instances the rabid dog vomits a chocolate or blood- 
 coloured fluid. 
 
 The voice is always changed in tone, and the animal howls or 
 barks in quite a diff'erent fashion to what it did in health. The 
 sound is husky and jerking. In "dumb madness" this very 
 important symptom is absent. 
 
 The sensibility of the rabid dog is greatly blunted when it is 
 struck, burned, or wounded; it emits no cry of pain or sign 
 as when it suff'ers or is afraid in health. It will even sometimes 
 wound itself severely with its teeth, and without attempting to 
 hurt any person it knows. 
 
 The mad dog is always very much enraged at the sight of an 
 animal of its own species. Even when the malady might be 
 considered as yet in a latent condition, as soon as it sees another 
 dog it shows this strange antipathy and appears desirous of 
 attacking it. This is a most important indication. 
 
 It often flees from home when the ferocious instincts 
 commence to gain an ascendency, and after one, or two, or three 
 days' wanderings, during which it has tried to gratify its mad 
 fancies on all the living creatures it has encountered, it often 
 returns to its master to die. At other times it escapes in the 
 night, and after doing as much damage as its violence prompts it 
 to, it will return again towards morning. The distances a mad 
 dog will travel, even in a short period, are sometimes very 
 great. 
 
 The furious period of rabies is characterised by an expression 
 of ferocity in the animal's physiognomy, and by the desire to 
 bite whenever an opportunity ofi'ers. It always prefers to attack 
 another dog, though other animals are also victims. 
 
 The paroxysms of fury are succeeded by periods of com- 
 parative calm, during which the appearance of the creature is 
 liable to mislead the uninitiated as to the nature of the malady. 
 The mad dog usually attacks other creatures rather than 
 man when at liberty. When exhausted by the paroxysms and 
 contentions it has experienced, it runs in an unsteady manner, 
 its tail pendent and head inclined towards the ground, its eyes 
 wandering and frequently squinting, and its mouth open, with 
 the bluish- coloured tongue, soiled with dust, protruding. 
 
 In this condition it has no longer the violent aggressive 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 129 
 
 tendencies of the previous stage, though it will yet bite every one 
 — man or beast — that it can reach with its teeth, especially if 
 irritated. 
 
 The mad dog that is not killed perishes from paralysis and 
 asphyxia. To the last moment the terrible desire to bite is 
 predominant, even when the poor creature is so prostrated as to 
 ai3pear to be transformed into an inert mass. 
 
 Such is the pathetic account of the features of this 
 terrible malady as seen in man's faithful companion. 
 Let us now for a moment look at the symptoms and 
 course of the disease as exhibited in man — where it 
 produces a condition so terrible and heart-rending to 
 the onlooker that it becomes a matter of astonishment 
 that mankind has ever ventured to incur the risk 
 of acquiring this disease by voluntarily associating 
 with the dog, and a matter of the most urgent desire 
 that some great deliverer should arise and show us how 
 to remove this awful thing from our midst. 
 
 In both the doo; and man the disease is traced 
 to the infliction of a bite or scratch at a more or less 
 distant period by an animal already suffering from 
 rabies. The length of time which may elapse between 
 the bite and the first symptoms of '' rabies " in the dog 
 or of " hydrophobia," as it is termed, when developed 
 in man, varies. Briefly, it may be stated that the 
 interval in the doo; varies from seven to one hundred 
 and fifty days, and is as often a longer as a shorter 
 period. In man, on the other hand, two-thirds of the 
 cases observed develop within five weeks of the 
 infliction of the infecting bite; hydrophobia may 
 show itself as early as the eighth day after the 
 infection ; it is very rare indeed, though not unknown, 
 
 K 
 
130 PASTEUP. AND HYDPOPHOBIA HI 
 
 that this period of incubation is extended to a whole 
 year. The reputed cases of an '• incubation period " of 
 two, five, or even ten years may be dismissed as 
 altogether improbable and unsupported by evidence. 
 The uncertainty which this well-known variation 
 in the incubation period produces is one of the many 
 distressing features of the disease in relation to man, 
 for often the greatest mental torture is experienced 
 during this delay by persons who after all have not 
 been actually infected. 
 
 In many respects (says Professor Fleming) there is a striking 
 similarity in the symptoms manifested in the hydrophobic patient 
 and the rabid dog, while in others there is a wide dissimilarity. 
 These resemblances and differences we will note as we proceed 
 to briefly sketch the phenomena of the disease in our own 
 species. 
 
 The period of incubation or latency has been already alluded 
 to, and it has also been mentioned that not unfrequently in man 
 and the dog the earliest indication of approaching indisposition 
 is a sense of pain in or near the seat of the wound, extending 
 towards the body, should the injury have been inflicted on the 
 limbs. If not acute pain there is some unusual sensation, such 
 as aching, tingling, burning, coldness, numbness, or stiffness in the 
 cicatrix ; which usually, in these circumstances, becomes of a red 
 or lurid colour, sometimes opens up, and if yet unhealed assumes 
 an unhealthy appearance, discharging a thin ichorous fluid instead 
 of pus. In the dog, as we have observed, the peculiar sensation 
 in the seat of the inoculation has at times caused the animal 
 to gnaw the part most severely. 
 
 With these local symptoms some general nervous disturbance 
 is o-enerally experienced. The patient becomes dejected, morose, 
 irritable, and restless ; he either does not suspect his complaint, 
 or, if he remembers having been bitten, carefully avoids mention- 
 ing the circumstance, and searches for amusement away from 
 home, or prefers solitude ; bright and sudden light is disagreeable 
 to him ; his sleep is troubled, and he often starts up ; pains are 
 
Ill PASTEUP. AND HYDROPHOBIA 131 
 
 experienced in various parts of the l^ocly ; and signs of digestive 
 disorder are not unfrequent. After the continuance of one 
 or more of these preliminary, or rather premonitory, symptoms 
 for a period varying from a few hours to five or six days, and, 
 though very rarely, without all or even many of them being 
 observed, the patient becomes sensible of a stiffness or tightness 
 about the throat, rigours supervene, and in attempting to swallow 
 he experiences some difficult}^, especially with liquids. This may 
 be considered as really the commencement of the attack in man. 
 
 The difficulty in swallowing rapidly increases, and it is 
 not long before the act becomes impossible, unless it is attempted 
 with determination ; though even then it excites the most painful 
 spasms in the back of the throat, with other indescribable 
 sensations, all of which appeal to the patient, and cause him 
 to dread the very thought of liquids. Singular nervous par- 
 oxysms or tremblings become manifest, and sensations of stricture 
 or oppression are felt about the throat and chest. The breathing 
 is painful and embarrassed, and interrupted with frequent sighs 
 or a peculiar kind of sobbing movement ; and there is a sense of 
 impending suffocation and of necessity for fresh air. Indeed, the 
 most marked symptoms consist in a horribly violent convulsion 
 or spasm of the muscles of the larynx and gullet, by which 
 swallowing is prevented, and at the same time the entrance 
 of air to the windpipe is greatly retarded. Shuddering tremors, 
 sometimes almost amounting to general convulsions, run through 
 the whole frame; and a fearful expression of anxiety, terror, 
 or despair is depicted on the countenance. 
 
 The paroxysms are brought on by the slightest causes, and 
 are frequently associated with an attempt to swallow liquids, 
 or with the recollection of the sufferings experienced in former 
 attempts. Hence anything which suggests the idea of drinking 
 to the patient will throw him into the most painful agitation and 
 convulsive spasms. . . . This is particularly observed when the 
 patient carries water to his lips ; then he is seized with the 
 terrors characteristic of the disease, and with those convulsions 
 of the face and the whole of the body which make so deep 
 an impression on the bystanders. He is perfectly rational, feels 
 thirsty, tries to drink, but the liquid has no sooner touched 
 his lips than he draws back in terror, and sometimes exclaims 
 
132 PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 that he cannot drink ; his face expresses pain, his eyes are fixed, 
 and his features contracted ; his limbs shake and body trembles. 
 The paroxysm lasts a few seconds, and then he gradually becomes 
 tranquil ; but the least touch, nay, mere vibration of the air, is 
 enough to bring on a fresh attack — so acute is the sensibility of 
 the skin in some instances. ... A special difference between 
 rabies and hydrophobia is the frequent dread of water in the 
 latter, as well as the hypersesthesia of the skin and exaltation of 
 the other senses. . . . Another characteristic feature of the 
 disease in man is a copious secretion of viscid, tenacious mucus 
 in the fauces, the " hydrophobic slaver " ; this the patient spits out 
 with a sort of vehemence and rapidity upon everything around 
 him, as if the idea of swallowing occasioned by the liquid induced 
 this eager expulsion of it, lest a drop might pass down the throat. 
 This to a bystander is sometimes one of the most striking 
 phenomena of the case. . . . The mind is sometimes calm and 
 collected in the intervals between the paroxysms, and conscious- 
 ness is generally retained ; but in most cases there is more or less 
 irregularity, incessant talking, excitement, and occasionally fits 
 approaching to insanity come on. The mental aberration is 
 often exhibited in groundless suspicion or apprehension of some- 
 thing extraneous, which is expressed on the face and in the 
 manner of the patient. In comparatively rare instances he gives 
 way to a wild fury, like that of a dog in one of its fits of rabies ; 
 he roars, howls, curses, strikes at persons near him, rends or 
 breaks everything within his reach, bites others or himself, till, 
 at length exhausted, he sinks into a gloomy, listless dejection, 
 from which another paroxysm rouses him. . . . Paralytic symp- 
 toms manifest themselves before death in a few instances, as in 
 the dog. . . . Eemissions of the symptoms sometimes occur 
 in the course of the complaint, during which the patient can 
 drink, though with some difficulty, and take food. Towards the 
 close such a remission is not uncommon, with an almost complete 
 absence of the painful symptoms ; so that the patient and the 
 physician begin to entertain some hope. But if the pulse is now 
 felt it is found to be extremely feeble, and sometimes almost, if 
 not quite, imperceptible. During this apparent relaxation of the 
 disease the. patient occasionally falls into a sleep, from which he 
 only awakes to die. 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 133 
 
 Death results from spasm of the respiratory muscles, 
 the patient dying asphyxiated. The desire to bite is 
 rare. The disease invariably, as in the dog and other 
 animals, terminates fatally, and usually between the 
 second and fifth day after the symptoms have been 
 first observed, though it sometimes runs on to the 
 ninth day. 
 
 It is held by veterinaries that " rabies " in a dog is 
 invariably fatal, and one test of the presence of the 
 disease is a fatal termination to the symptoms. Inas- 
 much as it is very usual to kill dogs suspected of rabies 
 without waiting to actually prove that they suffer from 
 this disease, and further, inasmuch as dogs not suffer- 
 ing from rabies are nevertheless frequently savage 
 or snappish and bite human beings, thus leadino- 
 to the assumption that the person bitten has incurred 
 the risk of developing hydrophobia, there is necessarily 
 a complete absence of trustworthy statistical informa- 
 tion as to (1) the actual number of dogs annually 
 affected with rabies in any given country, and (2) as 
 to the number of persons effectively bitten by really 
 rabid dogs, who acquire hydrophobia as a consequence. 
 The dogs are killed before it is proved that they suffer 
 from rabies, and the human beings bitten are treated 
 by caustics and excision of injured surfaces before it is 
 proved that they really are in danger of developing 
 hydrophobia, and it is not known in case of escape 
 whether the danger was ever really incurred. The 
 extreme anxiety to avoid the awful consequences 
 not unfrequently following the bite of a rabid dog 
 has produced a course of action which, whilst it is 
 
134 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 undoubtedly accompanied by the destruction of many 
 innocent dogs, and by the infliction of acute pain and 
 mental anguish upon human beings, who, could they 
 know the truth, have no cause for alarm, has also 
 at the same time necessarily prevented the acquisition 
 of accurate knowledge with regard to the disease 
 in important respects, especially as to the conditions 
 of its communication from dog to man. Accordingly, 
 we find great uncertainty as to the conclusions which 
 are to be drawn from statistics in regard to the effect 
 on human beings of the bites of dogs suffering from 
 rabies. According to the lowest estimate where care 
 has been taken to exclude cases in w^hich there is 
 insufiicient reason for supposing the offending dog 
 to have suffered from rabies, of every six persons 
 bitten, one dies — that is to say, one develops hydro- 
 phobia ; for recovery after the development of the 
 hitherto recognised symptoms of hydrophobia is un- 
 known. This is a mortality of 16*66 per cent ; other 
 estimates range from 15 to 25 per cent. The large 
 proportion of escapes as compared with deaths is 
 attributed to the wounds inflicted not having been 
 sufficiently deep to introduce the poison into the 
 system, also to timely surgical treatment having 
 the same effect, and to the fact that the dosf, in 
 spite of probabilities to the contrary, may in a certain 
 proportion of cases have been wrongly suspected 
 of suffering from " rabies.^' 
 
 At the same time there is no doubt that animals 
 (and hence presumably man) are sometimes endowed 
 with an immunity from rabies. This has been proved 
 
Ill PASTEUE, AND HYDROPHOBIA 135 
 
 experimentally by repeatedly inoculating a clog with 
 the saliva of rabid dogs which proved fatal to other 
 individuals which were experimented upon at the 
 same time, whilst the particular dog in question 
 always proved refractory or non- liable to the disease. 
 No estimate has been at present formed of the pro- 
 portion of dogs which are thus free from liability 
 to the disease, but it must be very small, perhaps not 
 1 per cent. On the other hand, it is undeniable that 
 there is a high probability that such immunity exists 
 among human beings, and it is possible that the 
 proportion of individuals liable to the infection as 
 compared with those "immune,^' "refractory," or ''non- 
 liable" is less amongst human beings than among 
 dogs. Such a constitutional immunity may, therefore, 
 possibly explain to a certain extent the fact that out 
 of 100 cases of dog-bite, the dog being supposed, 
 but not demonstrated, to be rabid, only 16 acquire 
 hydrophobia. 
 
 The result of M. Pasteur's exjDerimental study of 
 rabies and hydrophobia has been so far to place several 
 matters of practical importance, which were previously 
 liable to be dealt with by vague guesses and general 
 impression, in the position of facts capable of accurate 
 experimental determination ; and secondly, to intro- 
 duce a method of treating animals and men infected 
 with the poison of rabies in a way which, there is 
 strong evidence to show, will arrest or altogether pre- 
 vent the development of the disease. 
 
 Owing to the eagerness of newspaper correspond- 
 ents, and the peculiar circumstances of the investiga- 
 
136 PASTEUP. AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 tion which is still actually in progress, M. Pasteur's 
 work has been not quite fairly represented to the 
 j)ublic, and various astonishing criticisms and expres- 
 sions of individual oj^inion have been indulged in, 
 with regard to what M. Pasteur is doing, by persons 
 who, however gifted, have no adequate comprehension 
 of the task which the great experimenter has set before 
 himself. 
 
 It must be distinctly remembered, on the one hand, 
 that the results which M. Pasteur has himself published, 
 and for which he has made himself responsible, have 
 been obtained by accurate and demonstrative experi- 
 ments upon animals ; they are results which can be 
 repeated and verified. On the other hand, M. Pasteur 
 has now advanced into a much more difficult field — 
 namely, the application of his experimentally ascer- 
 tained results to the treatment of human beings. He 
 is actually in course of carrying out his inquiries in 
 regard to the efficacy of his treatment, and it is prob- 
 able that at no distant date he will himself give us a 
 
 o 
 
 detailed account of the conclusions to which these 
 inquiries lead. But he has not yet formulated any 
 such conclusion. 
 
 We cannot and have not the remotest desire to 
 experiment upon human beings, as in the more enlight- 
 ened parts of Europe we are j)ermitted, for good 
 purposes, to experiment upon dogs. It is not possible 
 to exactly arrange experimentally the conditions of a 
 human being who is to be the subject of inquiry in 
 regard to hydrophobia. You cannot make sure by 
 the inoculation in the most effective way of a dozen 
 
Ill PASTEUPv AND HYDROPHOBIA 137 
 
 liealthy men that they have started on the path 
 leading to hydrophobia, and then treat six by a 
 remedial process, and leave six without such treat- 
 ment, in order to see whether the remedial process 
 has an effect or not. *Tliis is the kind of diffi- 
 culty which is met with in all attempts to take a 
 step forward in medical treatment. Nevertheless, 
 although such definite experimental arrangement of 
 the subject of inquiry is not possible where human 
 beinpfs are concerned, there is another method — 
 extremely laborious, and less decisive in the results 
 which it affords — by which a more or less probable 
 conclusion may be arrived at in regard to the effect 
 of treatment of diseased human beings. This method 
 consists in bringing together for experimental treat- 
 ment a very large number — some thousands — of cases 
 in which the disease under investigation has, independ- 
 ently of the experimenter, been acquired, or is supposed 
 to have been acquired, and then to compare the pro- 
 portion of cases of recovery obtained under the new 
 treatment with the proportion of recoveries in cases 
 not subjected to this treatment. 
 
 Hydrophobia presents peculiar difficulties in the 
 application of this method, and the treatment which 
 M. Pasteur is now testing is also one which in its 
 essence renders the statistical method difficult of 
 application. M. Pasteur's treatment has to be applied 
 hefore the definite symptoms of hydrophobia have 
 developed in the patient. Accordingly, there is no 
 certain indication in the patient himself that he has 
 really been infected by the virus of rabies ; the infer- 
 
138 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA m 
 
 ence that he has been so infected is based on the 
 knowledge of the condition of the dog that bit the 
 patient, and on the extent of the injury inflicted ; but 
 the knowledge of the actual state of the dog which 
 inflicted the bite upon a person Avho, therefore, has 
 reason to fear an attack of hydrophobia is often want- 
 ing. It is often merely " feared " or " supposed " that 
 the dog was rabid, and has not been actually proved 
 that such was the case. In many cases the only proof 
 that the dog really was rabid would be found in the 
 development of hydrophobia in the man bitten by the 
 dog, the dog itself having been destroyed. This, too, 
 would be the only definite proof possible that the 
 patient had received a sufficiently profound wound to 
 carry the poison into the system, or, again, that the 
 patient is not naturally " immune " or " refractory " to 
 the poison. Accordingly, it has been necessary for 
 M. Pasteur to test his treatment upon a very large 
 number of cases, so as to obtain a statistical result 
 which may be compared with the general statistics of 
 the eff*ects following the bite of reputed rabid dogs. 
 Also, it is possible out of a large number of cases for 
 M. Pasteur to select, without any other determining 
 motive, those cases in which the dog which inflicted 
 the bite was actually proved to be sufl*ering from 
 rabies, either by the result of its bite on other indi- 
 viduals, or by experiments made by inoculating other 
 animals from it after its death. Such a selection of 
 his cases has, it is stated, already been made by M. 
 Pasteur. We have yet to await from M. Pasteur's 
 own hand a critical account of the results obtained in 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 139 
 
 the wholesale treatment of patients by him in Paris. 
 Until he has himself published that account, we ought 
 to be very careful about coming to an absolute con- 
 clusion either for or against the efficacy of his treat- 
 ment in regaixl to men. 
 
 On the other hand, the fundamental results of his 
 study of rabies and hydrophobia stand in no such 
 position, but are sharp, experimental demonstrations, 
 which he has publicly announced before the scientific 
 world, and has verified in the most important instance 
 before a commission ap]Dointed by the Government. 
 
 Let us note some of these results.^ They have 
 been obtained by ex]3erimentally inoculating dogs, 
 rabbits, guinea-pigs, and monkeys. The experiments 
 have been performed by M. Pasteur himself and his 
 experienced and highly - skilled assistants, MM. 
 Chamberland and Roux. Precautions which a thorough 
 knowledge of the subject suggested have been taken. 
 Thus, for instance, in his very first experiments, M. 
 Pasteur cleared the ground considerably by distinguish- 
 ing a kind of blood-poisoning, due to the presence of 
 a certain bacterium in human saliva, which is liable 
 to be introduced with the saliva of a hydrophobic 
 patient when this is made use of for the purpose of 
 setting up rabies experimentally in a rabbit, and is 
 also present in normal saliva. Not feeling sure that 
 some rabbits thus treated had really died from rabies, 
 and suspecting that they might have died from a 
 
 1 I am indebted to an excellent report by my friend Dr. Vignal, of 
 the College de France, published in the British Medical Journal, for 
 the chief facts relative to M. Pasteur's published results. 
 
140 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 blood-poisoning clue to another virus present in the 
 hydrophobic saliva, M. Pasteur tested his rabbits by 
 inoculating dogs with the saliva and blood of the 
 rabbits. The dogs did not develop rabies, and thus 
 M. Pasteur was able to establish the conclusion con- 
 firmed by other observations — that the disease pro- 
 duced in this instance by the inoculation of the rabbits 
 with saliva was not rabies. This is merely an 
 example of the careful method by which it is M. 
 Pasteur's habit to correct and solidly build up his con- 
 clusions. 
 
 The first result of great practical moment estab- 
 lished by M. Pasteur is that not only, as shown by 
 previous experimenters, can rabies be communicated 
 from animal to animal by the introduction of the 
 saliva of a rabid animal into the loose tissue beneath 
 the skin of a healthy animal, or by injection of the 
 same into the veins of a healthy animal, but that the 
 " virus," or poison, which carries the disease resides 
 in its most active form in the nervous tissue of a rabid 
 animal, and that the most certain method of communi- 
 cating rabies from one animal to another is to intro- 
 duce a piece of the spinal cord or of a large nerve of a 
 rabid animal on to the surface of the brain of a healthy 
 animal, the operation of exposing the brain being 
 performed with the most careful antiseptic -methods, 
 so as to prevent blood-poisoning. 
 
 In this way Pasteur found that he could avoid the 
 complications which sometimes result from the pres- 
 ence of undesired poisonous matters — not related to 
 i^abies — in the saliva of rabid animals. 
 
m PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 141 
 
 This discovery is the starting-point of all Pasteur's 
 further work. It enabled him to experiment with 
 sufficient certainty as to results. It has rendered it 
 possible for him to determine whether a dog is really 
 affected with rabies or not, by killing it and inoculat- 
 ing the brain of a second dog with the spinal cord of 
 the dead dog, and similarly to determine whether a 
 human being has really died of hydrophobia {ixtbies 
 hominis) or not. It has also enabled him to propa- 
 gate with certainty the disease from rabbit to rabbit 
 through ninety successive individuals — extending over 
 a period of three years — and to experiment on the 
 result of varying the quantity of virus introduced as 
 well as on the result of passing the virus from one 
 species of animal to another, and back again to the 
 first species [e.g. rabbit as the first and monkey as the 
 second species). Before Pasteur's time Eossi, con- 
 firmed by Hertwig, had used nerve-tissue for inocula- 
 tion with less definite results. Pasteur has the merit 
 of establishing this method as the really efficient one 
 in experimenting on the transmission of rabies. 
 
 Using the nerve-tissue, Pasteur has determined by 
 several experiments that when a large quantity of 
 virus (that is to say, of the medulla oblongata of a 
 rabid rabbit pounded up in a perfectly neutral or 
 sterilised broth) is injected into the veins of a dog, 
 the incubation period is seven or eight days ; by using 
 a smaller cjuantity he obtained an incubation period 
 of twenty days, and by using a yet smaller quantity 
 one of thirty-eight days. It is very important to note 
 that by using a still smaller dose Pasteur found that 
 
142 PASTEUE, AND HYDROPHOBIA in 
 
 the dog so treated escaped tlie effect of the poison 
 altogether. 
 
 A very interesting and important result is that in 
 the cases in which the largest amount of poison was 
 used, and the quickest development of the disease 
 followed, the form which the disease took was that of 
 paralytic or "dumb rabies," in which the animal 
 neither barks nor bites ; whilst with the smaller dose 
 of poison and longer incubation period '* furious rabies " 
 was developed. Moreover, by directly inoculating on 
 the surface of the brain and spinal cord, Pasteur has 
 been led to the conclusion that the nature of the attack 
 can be varied by the part of the central nervous 
 system which is selected as the seat of inocula- 
 tion. 
 
 Certain theories which have been held as to the 
 mode in which inoculation with the attenuated virus 
 of such diseases as small-pox and anthrax acts, so as 
 to protect an animal from the effect of subsequent 
 exposure to the full strength of the poison, might lead 
 us to expect that the dogs which were inoculated by 
 M. Pasteur with a quantity of rabid virus just small 
 enough to fail in producing the symptoms of rabies 
 w^ould be "protected" by that treatment from the 
 injurious effects of subsequent inoculation with a full 
 dose. This, however, Pasteur found was not the case. 
 Such dogs, wdien subsequently inoculated with a full 
 dose, developed rabies in the usual way. 
 
 When the virus of rabies is introduced from a dog 
 into a rabbit, and is cultivated through a series of 
 rabbits by inoculating the brain with a piece of the 
 
Ill PASTEUE AND HYDEOPHOBIA 143 
 
 spinal cord of a rabid animal, Pasteur has found that 
 the virulence of the poison is increased. The incuba- 
 tion period becomes shorter, being at first about fifteen 
 days. After being transmitted from rabbit to rabbit 
 through a series of twenty -five individuals, the period 
 of incubation becomes reduced to eight days, and the 
 virulence of the poison is proportionately increased. 
 After a further transmission through twenty-five 
 individuals, the incubation period is reduced to seven 
 days, and after forty more transmissions Pasteur finds 
 an indication of a further shortening of the incubation 
 period, and a proportionate increase of virulence in the 
 spinal cord of the rabbit extracted after death and 
 used for inoculating other animals. Thus Pasteur 
 found it possible to have at his disposal simultaneously 
 rabid virus of difierent degrees of activity. 
 
 It is curious that Pasteur found, on the other hand, 
 that the virus from a rabid dog, when transmitted 
 from individual to individual through a series of 
 monkeys, gradually lost its activity, so that after pass- 
 ing through twenty (?) monkeys it became incapable 
 of producing rabies in dogs. Thus a portion of the 
 spinal cord of such a monkey, itself dead of rabies, 
 when pounded in broth and injected beneath the skin 
 of a dog, failed to produce rabies, and even when ap- 
 plied to the dog's brain after trephining failed to pro- 
 duce rabies. 
 
 Pasteur makes the very important statement that 
 the dogs thus treated with the virus which had been 
 weakened by cultivation in monkeys, although they 
 did not develop any symptoms of rabies, icere ren- 
 
lU PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 dered refractory to subsequent inoculations with 
 strong virus — that is, were " protected." 
 
 Thus we note a contrast between the effect obtained 
 by inoculating an animal with a virus weakened by 
 cultivation, and those resultino: from usino; a minute 
 quantity of the virus. The latter proceeding does not 
 result in protection, but the former does. 
 
 The fresh spinal cord of an animal that has died 
 of rabies is apparently full of the rabid virus, and it 
 will, if kept so as to prohibit putrefaction, retain for 
 some days its rabies-producing property. Neverthe- 
 less it gradually, without any putrefactive change, 
 loses, according to Pasteur's observations, its virulence, 
 which finally disappears altogether. So that it is 
 possible to obtain cord of a very low degree of viru- 
 lence, and all intermediate stages leading up to the 
 most active, by the simple process of suspending a 
 series of cords at definite intervals of time in glass 
 jars containing dry air. 
 
 There are thus two w^ays of bringing the virus of 
 rabies taken from a dog into a condition of diminished 
 activity — the one by cultivation in monkeys or some 
 other animal, the other by exposing the spinal cord to 
 dry air whilst preventing it from putrefying. 
 
 It was found by Pasteur that dogs inoculated with 
 the virus weakened by cultivation in monkeys were 
 protected from the effects of subsequent inoculation 
 with strong virus. Hence he proceeded to experiment 
 in the direction so indicated. He inoculated dogs 
 with a very weak virus taken from a rabbit — that is, 
 a virus having a long incubation period — and at the 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 145 
 
 same time lie inoculated also a rabbit. When the 
 second rabbit went mad and died, the dogs were again 
 inoculated from it, and a third rabbit was also inocu- 
 lated from it. When this rabbit died the process was 
 repeated with the dogs and with a fourth rabbit, and 
 so on until the virus had become (as above stated to 
 be the case) greatly increased in activity, its incuba- 
 tion period being reduced to eight days. The dogs 
 were not rendered rabid by the first inoculations ; they 
 certainly would have been by the last, had they not 
 undergone the earlier. The harmless virus rendered 
 the dogs insusceptible to the rabies-producing quality 
 of the second dose introduced, the second did the same 
 for the third, the third for the fourth, and so on until 
 the dogs were able to withstand the strono-est virus. 
 
 It would seem that this method of using a gradu- 
 ated series of poisons was not intentional on Pasteur's 
 part at first, but merely arose from the convenience of 
 the arrangement, since the effect of the previous in- 
 oculation could be tested and a new inoculation to act 
 as a preventive could be made at one and the same 
 time. Nevertheless, Pasteur has retained for reasons^ 
 which it is possible to imagine but have not been given 
 as yet by him, this method of repeated doses of gradu- 
 ally increasing strength in his subsequent treatment. 
 
 In 1884 a Commission was appointed at M. 
 Pasteur's request by the Minister of Public Instruction 
 to examine the results so far obtained by him in regard 
 to a treatment by which dogs could be rendered re- 
 fractory to rabies. The Commission comprised some 
 of the ablest physiologists in France ; it consisted of 
 
 L 
 
146 PASTEUR A^'D HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 MM. Beclard, Paul Bert, Bouley (the celebrated 
 veterinarian), Tisserand, Villemin, and Vulpian. Their 
 report contained the following statement : — 
 
 The results observed by the Commission may be thus sum- 
 marised. Nineteen control dogs {i.e. ordinary dogs not treated 
 by Pasteur) were experimented on. Among six of these bitten 
 by mad dogs, three were seized with rabies. There were six 
 cases of rabies among eight of them subjected to venous inocula- 
 tions, and five cases of rabies among five which were inoculated 
 hj trephining on the brain. The twenty-three dogs treated (by 
 Pasteur) and then tested all escaped rabies.^ 
 
 Subsequently to the experiments witnessed by the 
 Commission M. Pasteur carried out experiments in 
 which, instead of using virus of increasing strength 
 taken from living rabbits, he made use of the fact 
 discovered by him that the spinal cord of a rabid 
 animal when preserved in dry air retains its virulent 
 property for several days, whilst the intensity of the 
 virulence gradually diminishes. Pasteur used for this 
 purpose cords of rabbits affected with rabies of great 
 virulence, determined by a long series of transmissions, 
 and having only an eight days' incubation period. 
 He injected a dog on the first day with a cord which, 
 when fresh, was highly virulent, but had been kept 
 for ten days, and hence was incapable of starting rabies 
 in the dog ; on the second day he used a cord kept 
 for nine days, on the third day a cord kept for eight 
 
 1 I have ascertained that of these twenty-three dogs some had been 
 already treated by Pasteur before the appointment of the Commission, 
 and a minority were treated by him for the first time in the presence 
 of the Commission. Ten of these dogs are still in M. Pasteur's hands, 
 and have been inoculated three times on the surface of the brain with 
 rabid virus ; not one has developed rabies. — July 1887. 
 
Ill PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA 147 
 
 days, and so on until on the tenth day a cord kept 
 for only one day was used. This was found to cause 
 rabies in a dog not previously treated, and yet had 
 no such effect on the dog subjected to the previous 
 series of inoculations. The dog had been rendered 
 refractory to rabies. In this way M. Pasteur states 
 that he rendered fifty dogs of all ages and races re- 
 fractory to (or " protected against ") rabies without one 
 failure. Virus was inoculated under the skin and 
 even on the surface of the brain after trephining, and 
 rabies was not contracted in a single case. 
 
 Why M. Pasteur makes use of a gradually increas- 
 ing strength of virus, or how he supposes this treat- 
 ment to act so as to give the remarkable result of 
 protection, he has not explained. The experimenter 
 very probably has his own theory on the subject, 
 which guides him in his work ; but whilst he is still 
 experimenting and observing he does not commit him- 
 self to an explanation of the results obtained. AVe 
 may look in the future for a full consideration of the 
 subject and a definite statement of the evidence at his 
 hands. Meanwhile, it must be remembered that the 
 notes published by M. Pasteur are, as it were, bulle- 
 tins from the field of battle, briefly announcing failures 
 and successes, and are not to be regarded as a history 
 of the campaign or a statement of its scheme and final 
 result. 
 
 Having arrived at this point in his experimental 
 results, M. Pasteur was prepared to venture on to the 
 far more delicate ground of treatment of human beings 
 who had incurred the risk of hydrophobia. 
 
148 PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA m 
 
 The period of incubation of hydrophobia being 
 usually four or five weeks, it seemed to M. Pasteur 
 not impossible that he might succeed by the method 
 which he had carried out in dogs in rapidly producing 
 in human subjects a state of refractoriness to the 
 poison of rabies by using a virus of rapid activity, 
 and so, as it were, overtake the more slowly acting- 
 virus injected into the system by the bite of a mad 
 dog. 
 
 Whatever may have been his theoretical concep- 
 tions, M. Pasteur determined to have recourse to the 
 one oTcat and fertile source of new knowledo'e — ex- 
 periment. 
 
 It is known that inoculation with vaccine virus 
 during the latent period of small-pox has an efiect in 
 modifying the disease in a favourable direction, and 
 so in any case it was to be expected that the inocula- 
 tion of individuals during the latent period of hydro- 
 phobia might produce favourable results. M. Pasteur 
 had every reason to believe that, at any rate, the 
 inoculation which he proposed would not have injuri- 
 ous results. He could proceed to the trial with a 
 clear conscience, feeling sure that he was in any case 
 giving the bitten person a better chance of recovery 
 than he would have if left untreated. 
 
 The first human being treated by Pasteur was the 
 child Joseph Meister, who was sent from Alsace by 
 Dr. Weber and arrived in M. Pasteur's laboratory on 
 the 6th of July 1885. This child had been bitten a 
 few days previously, in fourteen different places, by a 
 mad dog, on the hands, legs, and thighs. MM. Vul- 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 149 
 
 plan and Granclier, two eminent physicians, considered 
 Meister to be almost certain to die of hydrophobia. 
 M. Pasteur determined to treat the child by the method 
 of daily injection of the virus of a series of rabbits' 
 spinal cords, beginning with one kept so long as to be 
 ineffective in the production of rabies even in rabbits 
 and ending with one so virulent as to produce rabies 
 in a large dog in eight days. 
 
 On the 6th of July 1885, M. Pasteur inoculated 
 Joseph Meister, under the skin, with a Pravaz's syringe 
 half full of sterilised broth (this is used merely as a 
 diluent), mixed with a fragment of rabid spinal cord 
 taken from a rabbit which had died on the 21st of 
 June. The cord had since that date been kept in a 
 jar containing dry air — that is, fifteen days. On the 
 following days, Meister was inoculated with spinal 
 cord from rabid rabbits kept for a less period. On 
 the 7th of July, in the morning with cord of fourteen 
 days ; in the evening with cord of twelve days ; on 
 the 8 th of July, in the morning with cord of eleven 
 days, in the evening with cord of nine days ; on the 
 9th of July, with cord of eight days ; on the 10th of 
 July, with cord of seven days; on the lltli of July, 
 with cord of six days ; on the 12th of July, with cord 
 of five days; on the 13th of July, with cord of four 
 days; on the 14th of July, with cord of three days; 
 on the 15th of July, with cord of two days; on the 
 16th of July, with cord of one day. The fluid used 
 for the last inoculation was of a very virulent char- 
 acter. It was tested and found to produce rabies in 
 rabbits with an incubation period of seven days ; and 
 
150 PASTEUH AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 in a normal healthy clog it produced rabies with an 
 incubation period of ten days. 
 
 It is now twelve months since Joseph Meister was 
 bitten by the mad dog, and he is in perfect health. 
 Even if we set aside the original infection from the 
 mad dog, we have the immensely important fact that 
 he has been subjected to the inoculation of strong 
 rabid virus by M. Pasteur and has proved entirely 
 insusceptible to any injurious effects, such as it could 
 and did produce in a pow^erful dog. 
 
 M. Pasteur now^ proceeded, immediately after 
 Meister s case, to apply his method to as many persons 
 as possible wdio had reason to believe that they had 
 been infected by the virus of a mad dog or other rabid 
 animal. It must be remembered that Pasteur does 
 not attempt to treat a case in which hydrophobia has 
 actually made its appearance, and that he w^ould desire 
 to begin his treatment as soon after the infection or 
 bite as possible ; the later the date to which the treat- 
 ment is deferred, the less is the chance — naturally 
 enough — of its proving effective. He now omits the 
 first three inoculations of weakest quality used in the 
 case of Joseph Meister, and makes only ten inoculations 
 (beneath the skin on the abdomen), one every day for 
 ten days, the strength of the virus being increased as 
 above explained. Probably Pasteur is varying and 
 improving his method in regard to certain details. 
 He himself has made no statement of a conclusive 
 nature during the year. He is observing and collect- 
 ing his facts. But Dr. Grancher, who is at present 
 Pasteur's chief assistant in carrying on the inoculations 
 
Ill PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA 151 
 
 of human patients, lias recently published a rough 
 analysis of the cases treated. 
 
 It appears that between the 6th of July 1885 and 
 the 10th of June 1886 the number of patients treated 
 by Pasteur's method was 1335. In order to eliminate 
 cases of which the final issue is uncertain, Dr. Grancher 
 omits those treated subsequently to the 22d of April 
 1886. Of the cases treated within the period thus 
 defined, there were ninety-six in which the patients 
 had been bitten by dogs which were absolutely de- 
 monstrated to be suffering from rabies. This demon- 
 stration was afforded either by the fact that other 
 animals bitten by them became rabid or by an experi- 
 ment in which a portion of the dog's brain being placed 
 in contact with the brain of a living rabbit was found 
 to cause the death of that rabbit with indisputable 
 symptoms of rabies. A second class of cases were 
 those of persons who were bitten by dogs certified to 
 be rabid by the veterinary practitioners of the locality 
 in which the bite took place. Of these there were 
 644. Lastly, there were 232 cases in which the dog 
 which had inflicted the bite had run off and not been 
 seen again, leaving it entirely doubtful as to whether 
 the dog had really been rabid or not. 
 
 For the purpose of judging of the efficacy of 
 Pasteur's method the last group of cases should be put 
 aside altogether. In the first two classes there are 
 740 cases. These we can compare with the most care- 
 fully formed conclusions as to the result of bites of 
 rabid dogs when Pasteur's treatment has not been 
 adopted. In the first part of this article it was stated 
 
152 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 that the inquiries of the most experienced veterinarians 
 lead to the conclusion that 16 per cent of human 
 beings who are bitten by dogs which are certified to 
 be rabid by veterinary surgeons skilled in that disease, 
 develop hydrophobia and die. This estimate is a low 
 one ; by some authorities 25 per cent has been re- 
 garded as nearer the true average. Taking the lower 
 estimate, there should have died amonofst Pasteur's 
 740 patients no less than 118. 
 
 What, then, is the difference resulting (so far as 
 we can judge at jDresent) from the application to these 
 persons of Pasteur's method of treatment ? 
 
 Instead of 118 deaths, there have been only 4, or 
 a death-rate of one-half per cent instead of 16 per 
 cent. In less than one year, it seems, Pasteur has 
 directly saved 114 lives. When w^e remember what 
 a death it is from which apparently he has saved those 
 hundred and more men, women, and children, who can 
 measure the gratitude which is due to him or the 
 value of the studies which have led him to this 
 result ? 
 
 Nevertheless, let us be cautious. It is very natural 
 that we should hasten to estimate the benefit wdiich 
 has been conferred on mankind by this discovery ; on 
 the other hand, the method of testing its value by 
 comparative statistics is admittedly liable to error. 
 AVhilst the figures so far before us justify us in enter- 
 taining the most sanguine view, a longer series of cases 
 will be needful, and mi7iute examination of each case, 
 before a final judgment can be pronounced. We have 
 not before us at present the data for a more minute 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 153 
 
 consideration of the separate cases. But one of the 
 most hopeful features in M. Grancher's statement is 
 that he records only one death out of the ninety-six 
 persons who were bitten by dogs experimentally proved 
 to be rabid — proved, that is, by the communication of 
 rabies by the dogs to other animals. 
 
 Another extremely important series of cases is 
 afforded by the forty-eight cases of wolf-bites treated 
 by Pasteur's method. Owing to the fact that the 
 rabid wolf attacks the throat and face of the man upon 
 whom it rushes, the virus is not cleared from its teeth 
 by their passage through clothing, as undoubtedly 
 occurs in many cases of rabid dogs' bite. It is probable 
 that this, together with the greater depth and extent 
 of the wounds inflicted by wolves, accounts for the 
 fact that whilst only 16 per cent of the persons bitten 
 by rabid dogs die, as many as 66 '5 per cent of the 
 persons bitten by rabid wolves have hitherto suc- 
 cumbed. Pasteur has reduced this percentage in the 
 forty-eight cases of wolf-bites treated by him to 14 ; 
 seven of his cases died. But it is important to remem- 
 ber that some of these cases were treated a long while 
 (three weeks or more) after the bite ; and also that the 
 bites themselves, apart from the virus introduced into 
 them, w^ere of a very dangerous nature in some cases. 
 On the other hand, it is equally true that we do not 
 know, until some very much more complete record is 
 placed before us than we have at j)resent, how many 
 cases of very slight injury, mere nips or scratches, 
 may have been included among the forty-eight cases of 
 wolf-bite. 
 
154 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 Pasteur is still observing : he himself has not pro- 
 nounced his method to be final, nor that its efficacy is 
 actually so great as the figures above given would seem 
 to indicate. Time will show ; meanwhile it is clear 
 that the treatment is in itself harmless, and gives 
 such reasonable ho^DC of benefit that the great experi- 
 menter is abundantly justified in allowing its fame to 
 be spread through all lands, in order that it may be 
 tried on as large a number of unfortunate victims of 
 clog-bite as possible. It is also clear that there is not 
 the slightest warrant for those who would pronounce 
 an adverse judgment on Pasteur's treatment and com- 
 pare him to the quacks who deal in "faith-healing " and 
 such like methods. 
 
 What is above all things desii'able at the present 
 moment is, that thorough and extended researches 
 should be made by independent scientific experts in 
 this country on the lines travelled over by M. Pasteur. 
 This, alas ! is impossible. Our laws place such im- 
 pediments in the way of experiments upon animals, 
 that even a rich man, were he capable, could not obtain 
 the licenses necessary for the inquiry ; and secondly, 
 the men Avho are most likely to be capable of inquiring 
 into the matter are not in a position to give up the 
 whole of their time to it, and to pay competent assist- 
 ants. No one in this country is given a salary by 
 the State, and provided with laboratory and assistants, 
 for the purpose of making such new knowledge as that 
 by which Pasteur has brought the highest honour to 
 France and inestimable blessing to mankind at large. 
 On the other hand, it is in consequence and as the 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 155 
 
 direct result of such a position that Pasteur has been 
 able to develop his genius. 
 
 Pasteur himself has not explained what theory he 
 has formed as to the actual nature of the virus of rabies, 
 and as to the way in which his inoculations act, so as 
 to protect an animal from the effects of the virus, even 
 after the virus has been introduced into the system. 
 Possibly he has no precise theory on the subject, but 
 has arrived at his results by an unreasoned exploring 
 method of experimentation. Such a method is not 
 permissible to the ordinary man ; but in the hands of 
 a great thinker and experimentalist it sometimes leads 
 to great results. Charles Darwin once spoke to the 
 present writer of experiments, not dictated by any 
 precise anticipation of a special result, but merely 
 undertaken "to see in a general way what will happen" 
 — as " fool's experiments," and added that he was very 
 fond of such " fool's experiments," and often made 
 them. When the individual who occupies the place 
 of the '' fool " is a man saturated wdth minute know- 
 ledge of the subject on which the experiment is to be 
 tried, it is likely enough that, unconsciously, he frames 
 hypotheses here and there without taking note of what 
 is going on in his own mind, and so is unable to state 
 clearly how he came to make trial of this or that ex- 
 perimental condition. 
 
 Whether Pasteur has worked in this way, trusting 
 to the instinct due to his vast experience, or whether 
 he has reasoned step by step, we do not know. It is 
 nevertheless possible for the bystander to consider the 
 various theories which may be regarded as tending to 
 
156 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 explain the results obtained by Pasteur in the cure of 
 hydrophobia. 
 
 The general fact that the ill effects of some diseases 
 due to specific virus or poisons can be averted by in- 
 oculating a patient with the virus in a modified con- 
 dition — as, for instance, when vaccination is used as a 
 preventive of small-pox in man — may be explained 
 more or less satisfactorily by three different supposi- 
 tions. The first supposition is that the virus is a living 
 matter which grows and feeds when introduced into 
 the body of the inoculated animal, and that it exhausts 
 the 50^7^that is to say, uses up something in the blood 
 necessary for the growth of the virus ; accordingly, 
 when the soil has been exhausted by a modified and 
 mild variety of the virus, there is no opportunity for 
 the more deadly virus, when it gains access, to feed and 
 multiply. A second supposition is that the virus does 
 not exhaust the soil, but as it grows in the animal 
 body produces substances which are poisonous to itself, 
 and these substances, remaining in the body after they 
 have been formed there by a modified virus, act poison- 
 ously upon the more deadly virus when that gains 
 access, and either stop its development altogether or 
 greatly hinder it. An analogy in favour of this suppo- 
 sition is seen in the yeast plant, which produces alcohol 
 in saccharine solutions until a limited percentage of 
 alcohol is present, then the alcohol acts as a poison to 
 the yeast plant, and neither it nor any other yeast 
 plant of the kind can grow further in that solution. 
 A third supposition is that, whether the virus be a 
 living thing or not, the protective result obtained by 
 
Ill 
 
 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 157 
 
 introducing the modified virus into the body of an 
 animal is due to the education of the living proto- 
 plasmic cells of which the animal consists. If you 
 plunge a mussel from the sea into fresh water, making 
 sure that its shell is kept a little open, the animal will 
 be killed by the fresh water. But if you treat the 
 mussel first with ''modified" fresh water — that is, 
 with brackish water — and then after a bit introduce 
 it to fresh water, the fresh water will have no injurious 
 efi'ect, and the mussel may be made to permanently 
 tolerate fresh water. So too by commencing with 
 small doses, gradually increased, the human body may 
 be made to tolerate an amount of arsenic and of other 
 poisons which are deadly to the uneducated. 
 
 Any one of these three suppositions would at first 
 sight seem to ofi"er a possible explanation of the pro- 
 tective inoculation against rabies and hydrophobia. 
 It is not known that the virus of rabies is a separate 
 parasitic organism ; at the same time it is possible that 
 it is. If it is not, the last of the three above-named 
 hypotheses would seem to meet the case, and, whether 
 the virus is a living thing or not, has an appearance 
 of plausibility. 
 
 But how are we to suppose that the inoculation 
 of modified rabbit's virus acts upon a man so as 
 to cut short the career of a dog's virus which has 
 already been implanted in the man's system by a 
 bite? 
 
 To form any plausible conception on this matter 
 we ought to have some idea as to the real significance 
 of "the incubation period," and this we are not yet 
 
158 PASTEUR AND HYDEOPHOBIA III 
 
 able to form satisfactorily. Most diseases which are 
 propagated by a virus — as, for instance, small-pox, 
 scarlet fever, typhoid, syphilis — have a fixed and 
 definite ''incubation period." What is going on in 
 the victimised animal or man durino^ that incubation 
 period ? On the supposition that the virus is a living 
 thing, we may imagine that the virus is slowly multi- 
 plying during this period, until it is sufiiciently abun- 
 dant to cause poisonous effects in the animal attacked. 
 It is difficult to suggest an explanation of the incuba- 
 tion period if we do not assume that the virus is a 
 living thing which can grow. 
 
 The poisonous effects are, at any rate, deferred 
 during this incubation period. If you could introduce 
 a modified and mild form of the same virus with a 
 shorter incubation period into the animal which has 
 been infected with a stronger virus with a long incuba- 
 tion period, you might get the protoplasm of the 
 infected animal accustomed first to mild and then 
 gradually to stronger doses of the poison before the 
 critical period of the long and strong virus arrived ; 
 and so, when the assumed hour of deadly maturity of 
 the latter was reached, the animal tissues would 
 exhibit complete indifference, having in the meantime 
 learnt to tolerate without the slightest tremor of dis- 
 organisation the poison (or it may be the vibration !) 
 which, previous to their education, would have been 
 rapidly fatal. Almost equally well we may figure to 
 ourselves the state of preparation brought about if we 
 choose to employ the terms of the first or of the second 
 supposition above given. The point of importance to 
 
Ill PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA 159 
 
 ascertain, if such a conception is to be applied to 
 Pasteur's treatment of hydrophobia, is whether the 
 dog's and wolf's virus is longer in incubation and 
 stronger in poisonous quality than that of the rabbit's 
 cords as modified by hanging up in dry air. A general 
 principle appears to be — according to M. Pasteur — 
 that, in regard to rabies, the longer the incubation 
 period the less the virulence of the virus, and the 
 shorter the incubation period the greater the virulence. 
 The virus in the cord of the rabbits used by M. Pasteur 
 for preventive inoculation is stated by him to be, 
 when fresh, much more intense than that taken from 
 a mad dog ; it produces rabies in a dog, when injected 
 into its veins, in eight or ten days. By hanging in 
 dry air for a fortnight this cord loses its virulence. 
 But it has not yet been stated by Pasteur what are 
 the indications that this virulence is lost, and whether 
 the loss of '' virulence " is in this case measured by 
 an increase of incubation period. We have no infor- 
 mation from Pasteur on this point. It would certainly 
 seem that the virus of the dried rabbits' cords ought 
 not to lose its short incubation period if it is to get 
 beforehand with the dog-bite virus, which has a period 
 of five or six weeks. ^ And presumably, therefore, 
 there must be two distinct qualities in which the 
 
 1 Tlie incubation period of five weeks ordinarily observed in tlie 
 case of men bitten by rabid dogs may be due to the smcdlness of the 
 dose, since Pasteur has shown that small doses of rabid virus give 
 longer incubation periods than large doses. How far a dose of 
 weakened virus can be made to attain the rapid action of strong virus, 
 by increasing the quantity of the weaker virus injected, has not been 
 stated by Pasteur. 
 
160 PASTEUR AND HYDEOPHOBIA HI 
 
 virus can vary : one, its incubation period, and the 
 other its intensity of action, apart from time, but 
 in reference to its actual capability or incapa- 
 bility of causing disease in this or that species of 
 animal. 
 
 It is useless to speculate further on the subject at 
 present. The secret is for the moment locked in 
 Pasteur's brain. Had we in this country a State 
 Laboratory or any public institution whatsoever in 
 which research of the kind was provided for, the 
 fundamental statements of Pasteur as to his results 
 with dogs would ere this have been strictly tested 
 with absolute independence and impartiality by 
 English physiologists retained by the State to carry 
 on continuously such inquiries. Similarly, Ave should 
 have independent knowledge on the points above 
 raised as to the modification of the virus in rabbits, 
 and the public anxiety on the whole matter would be 
 in a fair way towards being allayed. At the same 
 time, in all probability similar treatment in regard to 
 other diseases would ere this have been devised by 
 " practical " English experimenters. As it is, owing 
 to our repressive laws and the State neglect of scientific 
 research, we have to remain entirely at the mercy of 
 the distinguished men who are nurtured and equipped 
 by the State agencies of our Continental neighbours. 
 All that we are in a position to say with regard to 
 Pasteur's treatment of hydrophobia is, that unless the 
 accounts which have been published in his name and 
 by his assistants are not merely erroneous, but wilful 
 frauds of incredible wickedness, that treatment is 
 
Ill PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 161 
 
 likely to prove a success so extraordinary and so 
 beneficent as to place its author in the first rank of 
 men of genius of all ages. That is the position, and 
 there is no reason why the former alternative should 
 even for a moment be entertained. 
 
 M 
 
162 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA m 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 The period of two years and a half whicli has elapsed 
 since the preceding article was written has extended 
 our knowledge of the results of Pasteur's system of 
 inoculation, and has also given more definite shape to 
 the theories as to the modus oj^erandi of the protect- 
 ive virus. Up to the commencement of last summer 
 7000 persons had been inoculated at the Institut 
 Pasteur in Paris. The average mortality of these in- 
 dividuals was 1 per cent, or, in other words, there 
 were 70 deaths. If the mortality had been 15 per 
 cent — the percentage of deaths of persons bitten by 
 rabid dogs, as nearly as can be estimated, before 
 Pasteur's treatment was known — then there would 
 have been as nearly as possible 1000 deaths ; so that 
 we are justified in saying that Pasteur has already 
 saved in this one institute alone 900 lives. Even if 
 we make a reduction in the number of cases treated 
 by considering those only in which the dog which bit 
 was certified to be rabid by a veterinary surgeon, 
 or experimentally proved to be so by inoculations 
 made after its death with its spinal cord, .we have 
 still 4500 cases, with a mortality of 70 instead of a 
 mortality of 675. In various places in Eussia and 
 Italy, and in Turkey and Havana, Pasteur's system 
 has been introduced with the same satisfactory re- 
 
Ill PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA 163 
 
 suits, viz. a reduction of the mortality of persons 
 bitten by rabid dogs from 15 per cent to 1 or 2 
 per cent. 
 
 The number of inoculations with the preventive 
 virus and the strength of the virus used has been 
 gradually modified during the past two years, in 
 such a way as to render the later results better than 
 those at first obtained. In fact, the latest returns 
 show a reduction of the mortality to less than 
 1 per cent, and in some series to zero — as, for 
 instance, at Warsaw, where Dr. Bujarid inoculated 
 in 1887-88 no less than 370 persons, all bitten 
 by animals proved to be rabid ; of these persons 
 not one died. A similar result w^as obtained at 
 Palermo by Dr. A. Celli, who in 1887-88 inoculated 
 609 persons. 
 
 The following fact is perhaps the most convincing 
 in regard to the efficacy of Pasteur's treatment. In 
 the year 1887 the official medical report shows that 
 350 people were bitten in Paris by animals suffering 
 from rabies. 306 of these persons were inoculated at 
 the Institut Pasteur ; of these 3 died. 44 of the 350 
 declined to be inoculated, and of these 7 died. We 
 have here the two groups — the inoculated and the 
 non-inoculated — drawn indifferently from the same 
 population, living under the same average conditions, 
 and subjected to treatment at the same time. The 
 results are precisely confirmatory of the conclusions 
 arrived at from the study of the larger series of figures 
 derived from less rigidly established data. The per- 
 centage of the deaths of those who refused to be in- 
 
164 PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA HI 
 
 oculated is 16 ; the percentage of the deaths of those 
 treated by Pasteur is 1. 
 
 It is a matter of great satisfaction to me to be 
 able to record here the recognition of the convincing 
 character of these results by a large and influential 
 body of representative Englishmen. The Lord Mayor, 
 Sir James Whitehead, kindly undertook, at my urgent 
 request, to visit the Pasteur Institute when he was 
 in Paris in May 1889. What he saw made so favour- 
 able an impression that he readily undertook, on 
 his return, to do something to show the gratitude of 
 the people of this country towards M. Pasteur, by 
 whom 250 British subjects had already been treated, 
 and he consented to call a meeting at the Mansion 
 House if I would endeavour to secure the co-operation 
 of the leading members of the medical profession, of 
 the President and Council of the Eoyal Society, and 
 other representative men. The meeting, which was 
 held on 1st July, has been declared to be the most 
 influential w^hich ever assembled in the Mansion 
 House. iVmong those who were present were the 
 Duke of Northumberland, the Duke of Westminster, 
 Sir John Lubbock, M.P., Sir James Paget, Sir William 
 Bowman, Sir Spencer Wells, Sir Henry Eoscoe, Sir 
 Joseph Lister, Sir Trevor LawTcnce, M.P., Colonel Sir 
 Edmund Henderson, General Strachey, the Dean of 
 Manchester, Prebendary Harry Jones, the Vicar of 
 St. Pancras, the President and Council of the Eoyal 
 Society, and deputations from various medical societies 
 and from dog-fanciers' associations. The Prince of 
 Wales, Professor Huxley, Professor Tyndall, and the 
 
ni PASTEUE, AND HYDROPHOBIA 165 
 
 French Ambassador wrote letters warmly supportino- 
 the objects of the meeting. The following are the 
 resolutions which were passed : — 
 
 (1) That this meeting records its conviction that 
 the efficacy of the anti-rabic treatment discovered by 
 M. Pasteur is fully demonstrated. 
 
 (2) That this meeting desires to express the in- 
 debtedness of the people of Great Britain and Ireland 
 to M. Pasteur and the staff of the Institut Pasteur for 
 the generous aid afforded by them to over 200 of our 
 fellow-countrymen suffering from the bite of rabid 
 dogs. 
 
 (3) That this meeting requests the Lord Mayor 
 to start a fund for the double purpose of making a 
 suitable donation to the Institut Pasteur, and of pro- 
 viding for the expenses of British subjects bitten by 
 rabid animals, who are unable to pay the cost of a 
 journey to Paris. 
 
 (4) That this meeting, whilst recognising the 
 value of M. Pasteur's treatment, and taking steps to 
 provide for the treatment of persons who may here- 
 after be bitten by rabid animals in this country, is of 
 opinion that rabies might be stamped out in these 
 islands, and invites the Government to introduce with- 
 out delay a bill for the simultaneous muzzling of all 
 dogs throughout the British islands, and for the estab- 
 lishment of quarantine for a reasonable period of all 
 dogs imported. 
 
 The fund which was there and then started has 
 enabled the Lord Mayor to assist many poor British 
 subjects to visit Paris for the purj)ose of undergoing 
 
166 PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 M. Pasteur's treatment, and has further enabled the 
 committee to make a donation of 30,000 francs to the 
 Pasteur Institute. 
 
 With reference to the theory of preventive inocu- 
 lation for hydrophobia, it must be remembered that 
 the whole subject is one of the most recent develop- 
 ments of biological doctrine. The fact was long ago 
 established that inoculation of a disease may be suc- 
 cessfully practised for the purpose of producing a local 
 development of the disease, which acts so as to protect 
 the organism against a more general attack supervening 
 by the ordinary channels of infection. Such inoculation 
 was practised as a protection against small-pox before 
 the discovery of Jenner, and has also been used in 
 relation to some other infective diseases. It may be 
 spoken of as " Montaguism," in reference to Lady Mon- 
 tagu, who introduced the practice into this country. 
 The use of the disease in a modified form for the pur- 
 pose of inoculation (or of a distinct but allied disease 
 for this purpose) is w^hat is known as Jennerism, and 
 is seen in the use of the cow-pox as a protective against 
 small-pox. The further step of taking the infective 
 material, which is nothing more nor less than living 
 Bacteria, or microbes, of a special kind, and cultivating 
 it artificially in solutions with increased oxygenation 
 or temperature, or whatever it may be, so as to 
 diminish its poisonous quality, and then using this 
 cultivated material for preventive inoculation, is 
 Pasteurism. It has been most extensively applied in 
 the case of the sj)lenic fever, or anthrax, of cattle and 
 sheep, but also in many other diseases experimentally. 
 
HI PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 167 
 
 It is now demonstrated that the protection afforded, 
 whether by Montaguism, Jennerism, or Pasteurism, is 
 due to the production of a chemical soluble substance 
 by the microbes of the disease, which may be termed 
 generically " vaccin." The vaccinated animal or man 
 becomes impregnated with this vaccin, and is no 
 longer liable to suffer when the microbes of the related 
 disease enter the blood or tissues by chance infection. 
 The protection cannot, however, be due to the ac- 
 cumulation and retention of the vaccin in the animal's 
 body, for it has been shown by Bouchard that vaccin 
 substances are excreted in the urine, which thus ac- 
 quires vaccinating qualities. It must therefore be 
 due to an action on the protoplasm of the living cells 
 of the organism, by which the molecular condition of 
 the protoplasm is slightly but permanently, or at any 
 rate for a considerable time, changed. The condition 
 of the chemical activity of the protoplasm — summed 
 up as "nutrition" — is affected, and it is no longer 
 liable to suffer from the poisonous activity of the 
 microbes related to this particular vaccin. 
 
 An extremely important question is whether the 
 vaccin produced by a microbe is the same substance 
 as the poison by which it acts so as to produce deadly 
 effects. The poisonous product may be called the 
 " toxin." It is undoubtedly, like the vaccin, a 
 soluble, diffusible, chemical body produced or secreted 
 by the microbe. It is quite possible that in some 
 cases the toxin and the vaccin may be one and the 
 same substance, in which case the protective action 
 would be simple mithridatism, as explained in the 
 
168 PASTEUR AND HYDEOPHOBIA HI 
 
 note at j). 113. But in other cases the toxin and 
 the vaccin seem almost certainly to be distinct. From 
 what we know of the complexity of the chemical 
 changes and the variety of substances produced 
 by Bacteria and other schizophyta in fermentations 
 set up by them elsewhere than in a living animal's 
 body, it would not be surprising if eventually we 
 should be able to discover and isolate in the case of 
 each kind of pathogenic microbe several toxins and 
 several vaccins. The great object of this line of 
 research in the future will be to obtain by artificial 
 culture of the microbe, and subsequent treatment of 
 the products of its life, the vaccin of each infective 
 disease in its chemically pure condition, free from 
 admixture with any of the toxin, and free from the 
 microbe itself AVe have to subdue and utilise these 
 ultra -minute organisms, and to make them render 
 service to man, as we have done with larger and even 
 more deadly enemies. Already we employ a microbe 
 to prepare our drink and to lighten our bread, and 
 another to produce our vinegar, and a third to flavour 
 our cheese. We shall hereafter be able to breed these 
 dainty cattle and select strains suitable for our uses, 
 making the domesticated protect us from the un- 
 trained kinds, even as the dog guards us from the 
 
 wolf 
 
 We now know from M. Pasteur himself what he 
 had not explained in 1886, viz. that he has been 
 guided in his work on preventive inoculations, and 
 especially in that on hydrophobia, by the theory that 
 the toxin and the vaccin are two distinct soluble 
 
Ill PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA 169 
 
 chemical substances produced by the microbe. In 
 the spinal cord of a rabic animal removed and hung- 
 up in a glass jar to dry, the vaccin substance appears 
 to remain intact, whilst the toxin diminishes, and 
 finally is all destroyed. 
 
 As stated in the essay to which this note is an 
 appendix, M. Pasteur does not use in his treatment 
 of persons bitten by rabid animals an attenuated virus, 
 that is, a virus containing a weakened toxin, but, on 
 the contrary, a virus of increased strength. The rabic 
 virus as found in the doe: is of medium stren2:th and 
 rapidity of action ; by cultivation from monkey to 
 monkey it can be attenuated, rendered slower and less 
 deadly in its action. But by cultivation from rabbit 
 to rabbit M. Pasteur obtains a virus of maximum 
 intensity, Avhich kills in seven days, and it is this 
 which he makes use of in treating persons who have 
 been already infected by the virus of medium strength 
 from the tooth of a dog. The explanation of this is, 
 of course, related to the fact that M. Pasteur has not 
 in his treatment to prepare his patients to withstand 
 a future inoculation by dog- bite, but has to treat 
 persons already bitten, already harbouring in their 
 bodies the slowly- acting form of the virus derived 
 from the doo^. 
 
 "It is," Dr. Bouchard observes, "necessary to 
 overtake this latter virus, to act more quickly than it 
 does, in fact to make use of a vaccinating virus of 
 briefer incubation, to employ in consequence an in- 
 tensified virus. Inoculated beneath the skin, a rabic 
 virus of any kind will often give vaccinal protection ; 
 
170 PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 a virus of short incubation — the virus of the rabbit — 
 will vaccinate, if it does not kill, before the virus from 
 the dog will have produced hydrophobia. If the 
 object had been a prophylaxis against possible future 
 bites, the source of the virus used would have mattered 
 little ; but the purpose was to obtain therapeutic in- 
 oculation. It is for this reason, I think, that M. 
 Pasteur chose the medulla of the rabbit as his source 
 of vaccinal virus. He submitted this medulla (spinal 
 cord) to desiccation, because he had established ex- 
 perimentally that, whilst the fresh medulla inserted 
 beneath the skin kills often, the desiccated medulla 
 does not kill, or kills very rarely. Further, he made 
 out experimentally that the more of the medulla he 
 inserted, the less chance there Avas of killing and the 
 greater chance of conferring immunity. In conse- 
 quence, M. Pasteur found it necessary to multiply his 
 inoculations, to make several every day and for several 
 days. Guided, no doubt, by prudential reasons of a 
 purely theoretical character, he chose for the first 
 inoculations the oldest medullas, which are no longer 
 virulent, or are very nearly ceasing to be so, and he 
 then passed on to medullas of a little more dangerous 
 character, thinking thus to establish step by step 
 partial immunities, so as to render each subsequent 
 inoculation with a less desiccated medulla quite in- 
 offensive. I imagine that the method of anti-rabic 
 vaccination was thus built up little by little under 
 the influence of theoretical views and experimental 
 conclusions. The practice having been demonstrated 
 good by experience, its formula has remained, and 
 
ni PASTEUE AND HYDROPHOBIA 171 
 
 has not varied, even although the theory has been 
 modified profoundly. 
 
 " At the present moment M. Pasteur believes that 
 his desiccated medullas contain a virus, not attenuated 
 or altered in character, but diminished in quantity, 
 and that it is less abundant in proportion as the 
 medullas have been long kept. He considers that 
 this virus will require a longer time to produce hydro- 
 phobia than would a fresh medulla, because the dura- 
 tion of incubation is ceteris paribus proportional to 
 the quantity of the virus. He supposes that during 
 this long incubation there is an advantage in that the 
 vaccinal effect — immunity — has time to produce itself, 
 but he explicitly states that this immunity is not due 
 to the virus. It is, he says, produced by a vaccinat- 
 ing substance which exists in the medulla side by side 
 with the virus, and that desiccation, whilst destroying 
 the virus (toxin), leaves the vaccinating matter (vaccin) 
 intact. 
 
 '* Consequently the virus has nothing to do with 
 the result ; in the anti-rabic vaccination there is only 
 one thing of any service, and that is the vaccinal 
 matter. That being so, why choose an intensified 
 virus, a virus of short incubation ? Why make suc- 
 cessive inoculations with medullas of increasing viru- 
 lence ? Why not limit oneself to a medulla of fourteen 
 days' desiccation — a medulla which has ceased to be 
 virulent, and is still vaccinal, which contains what is 
 useful and nothing which is risky or dangerous ? " 
 
 To these questions M. Bouchard replies that, prob- 
 ably because the present system has been found 
 
172 PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA III 
 
 efficacious, there is a natural reluctance to change 
 any of its empirical details, but that further experi- 
 ment with animals may lead to modification in the 
 direction indicated by his queries. On the other 
 hand, it is admitted by all who have occupied them- 
 selves with the subject that there is still a vast deal 
 to be ascertained experimentally in regard to the 
 whole question of vaccins and immunity. A curious 
 commentary ou M. Bouchard's anticipations is found 
 in the fact that the Eussian physicians have modified 
 Pasteur's system in the opposite direction. They 
 carry on the series of inoculations till medullas of 
 only tw^o days, and in some cases fresh medullas not 
 twenty-four hours old, are reached. The results of 
 this intensive treatment are said to be extremely 
 satisfactory, giving less than 1 per cent of deaths. 
 The Therapeutique des Maladies Infectieuses, Anti- 
 sepsie of Professor Bouchard, published in Paris in 
 1889, contains the most luminous exposition of the 
 whole subject of vaccination and immunity in refer- 
 ence to Bacteria with which I am acquainted. Those 
 who may have been stimulated by the foregoing 
 remarks to a desire for further information on these 
 topics cannot do better than peruse M. Bouchard's 
 admirable work. 
 
IV 
 
 EXAMINATIONS 
 
 From the Universal Review, November 1888 
 
EXAMINATIONS 
 
 I DO not feel much diffidence in complying with the 
 request of the Editor of this Review, that I should 
 write a brief statement of my opinion on the recent 
 attack upon examinations, because I believe that there 
 are very few persons who have had so wide and con- 
 tinuous an experience in examinations as I have had. 
 In early days I was subjected to innumerable exam- 
 inations for scholarships, degrees, and fellowships, 
 both at Oxford and at Cambridge, and during the 
 past twenty years I have been almost constantly 
 employed in examining for scholarships, or degrees, 
 or fellowships, or other appointments on behalf of the 
 University of Oxford or of that of Cambridge, or for 
 my own or another college, or for the University of 
 London, or for the Civil Service Commissioners, or 
 the Public Schools Examination Board. 
 
 A mere experience of a vast number of examina- 
 tions would not, I think, in itself enable any one to 
 form an opinion as to the good or evil results flowing 
 from the present examination system were that ex- 
 perience not accompanied, as it has been in my own 
 case, by constant occupation as a teacher : I have 
 been thus occupied both at Exeter College, Oxford, 
 
176 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 and at University College, London. It is only by 
 close contact as a teacher with the actual class of 
 students who are submitted to any particular examina- 
 tion, that it is possible to form a really well-based 
 judgment as to the influence which the examination 
 system is exerting upon education, and it is only 
 by actual experience as an examiner that a correct 
 apprehension of the limitations and possibilities of the 
 examination system can be gained. 
 
 Though I agree with the general statement of the 
 recently published protest that the examination system 
 is at the present moment exerting a most injurious 
 influence upon the youth of this country, I did not 
 feel able to join in signing the published paper on 
 account of the indiscriminate character of the attack 
 therein made. 
 
 I have often thought that in these days of con- 
 gresses a conference of examiners might with advan- 
 tage be brought together in order to discuss the Art 
 of Examining, and if possible to frame some general 
 conclusions as to the best methods of examining in 
 various cases and for various ends, as well as to con- 
 sider the utility or inutility of examinations as at 
 present applied to a variety of purposes. 
 
 It appears to me that it may very well be con- 
 ceded without discussion that it is likely that examina- 
 tion is useful and in every way satisfactory in regard 
 to some of the purposes to which it is at present 
 applied, whilst it may be productive of harm when 
 applied in relation to other purposes. 
 
 No statement or discussion concerning examina- 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 177 
 
 tions can therefore be admitted which does not re- 
 cognise this distinction ; the question, for instance, of 
 the utility of qualifying examinations must be kept 
 apart from that of the utility of competitive examina- 
 tions. 
 
 Moreover, it hardly admits of dispute that, whilst 
 some subjects of study or accomplishment can readily 
 be made the matter of examination, and will yield the 
 most conclusive evidence as to the acquirements of 
 an examinee when they are thus used, other subjects 
 are extremely difficult to examine in. Thus elemen- 
 tary mathematics form perliaps the ideal subject of 
 examination, whilst philosophy and other speculative 
 matter are troublesome and illusive from an examiner's 
 point of view. More than this, whilst it is possible 
 to test by examination the memory of the examinee 
 as to the contents of a book, and even his real know- 
 ledge of a subject, it is very much more difficult to 
 test by examination his possession of a variety of 
 mental qualities, such as administrative capacity, tact, 
 intellectual honesty, and other moral attributes ; at 
 any rate no such testing, even could it be devised, has 
 hitherto been practised. 
 
 Hence it seems that the whole question of exam- 
 ination must be limited by a consideration of the 
 subject-matter to which examination can be applied. 
 
 A third element of very great importance in any 
 estimate of the influence of examinations is that of 
 the persons who examine and the persons who are 
 examined. It is maintained by many thoughtful 
 observers that there is no harm in examinations so 
 
 N 
 
178 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 long as they are limited to the examination by a 
 teacher of his own pupils. It is maintained on 
 the other hand— or perhaps I should say was main- 
 tained some years ago— by distinguished educational 
 reformers, that the examination of his pupils by a 
 teacher is harmful and absurd, and that the only 
 good that can be done by examinations is done 
 when the examiner is a stranger alike to the ex- 
 aminees and their teachers. Under this head also 
 arises the consideration whether examinations are 
 at all times in all places good for all men. It may be 
 that examinations of one kind and another can be 
 advantageously applied to schoolboys, but are not 
 useful to the same extent or for the same purposes 
 when applied to university students or to professional 
 men. Some persons think examinations bad for 
 infants, whilst admitting their harmlessness when 
 applied to children above ten years of age; some 
 think that women as a rule are injured by the ex- 
 amination rack, wdiich only permanently injures a 
 small percentage of their brothers. Accordingly, we 
 must note as a variable feature, which must be limited 
 and defined in all statements as to the influence of 
 examinations, the personal element sought by the 
 questions : Who are the examiners ? Who are the 
 examinees ? AVhat are the relations of the one group 
 to the other ? 
 
 It is impossible in the space at my disposal to go 
 over from the three points of view above stated the 
 whole series of examinations held under one or other 
 authority in this country. I will confine myself to a 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 179 
 
 statement derived from such special experience as 
 I have had, which includes examinations of four 
 distinct kinds, viz. : — 
 
 I. Examinations applied as part of the educational 
 system in schools and universities. 
 
 II. Examinations cpalifying for admission to a 
 profession, in which special knowledge is a necessary 
 equipment for the honest practice of the profession. 
 
 III. Examinations for the purpose of selecting by 
 strict competition the one or more successful candi- 
 dates from among a number of applicants for a post in 
 the Home or Indian Civil Service. 
 
 IV. Examinations for the purpose of selecting by 
 strict competition — the award going to the examinee 
 who has scored most marks — the recipient of a 
 scholarship or of a university fellowship. 
 
 I. Firstly, with regard to the use of examinations 
 in schools and universities. I cannot admit that there 
 is any well-founded objection to the use of examina- 
 tions as a means of testing and determining the 
 progress of a student in an educational curriculum ; 
 on the contrary, it seems to me that pass examinations 
 at definite intervals are necessary both to enable 
 the teacher to ascertain whether the student has 
 gained sufficient knowledge in order to proceed to 
 a further grade or branch of instruction, and to enable 
 the teacher to correct his own methods if found 
 defective. To the student also such examinations are 
 a most valuable exercise, since l)y passing them he 
 gains confidence in his own progress, and in the 
 attempt to pass them, surveys and brings into practi- 
 
180 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 cal form the results of study. Such exammations, 
 however, assume a different aspect when they are 
 conducted, as is too frequently the case, by an 
 examiner appointed ad hoc, who is a stranger both to 
 the examinee and to his teacher. A further modifica- 
 tion which is as a rule injurious — though not, perhaps, 
 under all circumstances — is introduced when the 
 examination is made competitive, and the results 
 are published to the world with the examinees' names 
 arranged in order of merit. There is, I think, a 
 distinction to be drawn here between the examination 
 of schoolboys and that of university students. My 
 strong impression is that competition by examination 
 for pre-eminence in class among schoolboys is not 
 injurious, but, acting upon healthy young natures, 
 serves as an unobjectionable stimulus to exertion. It 
 also seems to me that, whilst frequent or even 
 annual inspection and examination by external ex- 
 aminers is open to the same objections in the case 
 of schools as in that of universities (to be mentioned 
 below), there is not the same objection to a "leaving 
 examination" or ''university matriculation examina- 
 tion" being conducted by examiners who have not 
 been the teachers of the candidates. Such an ex- 
 amination as that last named may be regarded as 
 a means of criticising and testing the performance 
 not merely of the schoolboys but of the schoolmasters. 
 And it is right that they should be so tested and 
 directed by those charged with the later steps of 
 education, namely, the authorities of the university. 
 The university must necessarily be regarded as the 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 181 
 
 highest authority in the educational system, and it is 
 desirable that it should give direction to school educa- 
 tion, and maintain by its criticism a certain standard 
 of efficiency in the work of masters and scholars alike. 
 On the other hand, there is no authority beyond that 
 of the university, and accordingly there is not the 
 same reason for subjecting university students to 
 examination by persons who have not been their 
 teachers as there is in the case of schools. 
 
 The plan of setting "impartial" examiners who 
 have had nothing to do with the teaching of 
 the examinees to test them by written papers and 
 vivd voce questioning is the primary evil from which 
 all the abuse of examination in the English universities 
 springs. The system has grown to such dimensions 
 and acquired such collateral developments in Oxford 
 and Cambridge that in my opinion the condemnation 
 expressed by Professor Freeman and Mr. Frederic 
 Harrison is fully justified. The system administered 
 by the examining board in Burlington Gardens, known 
 as the University of London, is even more injurious in 
 its results. I venture to express this opinion as 
 having acted for some years in the capacity of ex- 
 aminer for the University of London and at intervals 
 for the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. It 
 is desirable to state a little more fully what the 
 system objected to is, and the nature of the evil 
 which it produces. The special examiner — if I may 
 use that term to signify an examiner who is not 
 the teacher of the examinee — is employed both to 
 carry on pass examinations, which in themselves are 
 
182 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 free from objection, and indeed necessary parts of a 
 university curriculum, and also to conduct competitive 
 examinations for '' honours " and university prizes. 
 He examines pupils taught in a number of different 
 colleges, who compete with one another like the 
 race-horses from rival stables. The teachers act the 
 part of trainers, and university teaching assumes the 
 form of a keen and restless competition for success in 
 the examination. The result in regard to the teach- 
 ing is most disastrous. It has been deliberately 
 maintained by the advocates of the system (to carry 
 out which the present University of London exists) 
 that its chief advantage is that by employing first-rate 
 examiners you can dispense with any provision for first- 
 rate teachers, or indeed any teaching at all, since the 
 examining body lays down in detail the subjects of tlie 
 university curriculum, and by a free competition those 
 teachers will come to the front who succeed in passing 
 most candidates or gaining most honours. The direct 
 result of this plan is that in London there are a large 
 number of teachers who take very low fees, and who 
 teach their subjects solely with the view of securing a 
 pass for their pupils with the minimum expenditure 
 of time. Competition leads to the underselling of 
 capable men by inferiors, and a consequent diffusion 
 of the students among a number of small private 
 or semi-public institutions where, as the results of 
 the examination-room show only too clearly, they are 
 not well taught. At Oxford and Cambridge the 
 result of the system of special examiners is modified 
 by the " peculiar institution " of those universities — 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 183 
 
 the colleges. The competition is not amongst in- 
 dividuals or small impoverished schools, but amongst 
 wealthy colleges. Accordingly the teaching never 
 sinks to so low an ebb as in London ; college endow- 
 ments and the college monopoly of fees enable the 
 Oxford and Cambridge colleges to employ men of 
 ability and culture as " trainers " for the examination 
 stakes, and each college competes with its neighbours. 
 But a curious result of the combined system of college 
 monopoly and special examiners is that the univer- 
 sity professors are, in regard to most subjects taught 
 in colleges, left without occupation, having, as a 
 rule, very few pupils and no voice in the examina- 
 tions. 
 
 The result of these arrangements, whether in 
 Oxford and Cambridge or in London, is that the 
 examinations acquire an undesirable importance. A 
 man refers throughout his life to the fact that he 
 obtained a "first-class" as a sort of perpetual testi- 
 monial, and as the complement of this attitude the 
 examination is insensibly, and without deliberate 
 intention, made more difficult every year. The men 
 who have been themselves examined in this way, and 
 who have taught in connection with this system, in 
 due course become examiners or assist in preparing 
 schedules of the examination, and each gives a turn to 
 the screw until the condition is arrived at when a 
 candidate for honours has no time to read or to think, 
 but must rush, note-book in hand, from one skilful 
 lecturer or coach to another, who undertake to put 
 him through "all that is necessary for the examina- 
 
184 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 tion," in so many hours a week, in twenty different 
 branches of study. 
 
 Perhaps the most injurious result of the system is 
 the degradation of the teacher. There is no nobler 
 vocation among men than that of the teacher ; there 
 is no more enviable position in the world than that of 
 the university professor as realised in Germany — 
 honoured by the State, chosen from among his com- 
 peers to pursue his studies as a pubhc servant and to 
 associate with himself in the making of new knowledge 
 the best youth of the Fatherland. For him there is no 
 intrusive board of examiners — drawing away from him 
 the attention and respect of his pupils, or urging him 
 to put aside his own thought and experience, and to 
 teach the conventional and commonplace. The system 
 invented by Fichte maintains that perfect relation of 
 teacher and pupil which he sketched in his description 
 of the University to be founded at Berlin in the 
 beo-inning of this century.^ The essence of that 
 relation is the absence of examiners — the professor 
 himself is examiner and teacher in one. Another 
 important feature is that the professor is neither 
 dependent on fees, nor entirely independent of them. 
 He has a stipend which ensures him a certain freedom 
 of action, and his pupils pay him a small fee which 
 
 1 Ficlite says in so many words that a university is not a place 
 wliere instruction is given but an institution for the training of 
 experts in the art of making knowledge, and that this end is attained 
 by the association of the pupil with his professor in the inquiries 
 which the latter initiates and pursues. Such a university is what very 
 many Englishmen who have studied in Germany desire to see in 
 London, in Oxford, and in Cambridge. 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 185 
 
 ensures his attention to their requirements as well 
 as their respect for what is not merely given for 
 nothing. Compare this with the position of the 
 professor who teaches under the auspices of the 
 University of London, or even with that of the college 
 lecturer of Oxford or Cambridge. The university, in 
 order to carry out its system of examinations, is 
 obliged to produce a detailed schedule of every subject 
 in each examination, and it is only in accordance with 
 this schedule that the professor or lecturer can open 
 his mouth. Such schedules necessarily become anti- 
 quated ; they are often futile and objectionable even 
 when freshly prepared by the "boards" of examination; 
 but the most gifted teacher is tied down to these 
 schedules, drawn up often by those who have passed 
 from a former period of "activity" to a later and 
 mischievous period of mere " authority." The pupil 
 necessarily under this system looks upon his teacher 
 as an inferior person, who like himself is subject to the 
 dictation of examiners ; he resents the introduction of 
 any matter in the course of the teaching offered to 
 him which is not in the schedule, or will not pay 
 in the examination ; he pays his fee not to study 
 a subject, but to be " put through the examination," 
 and, under the system of open competition among 
 teachers which exists in London, he tends to seek 
 that teacher who most frankly accepts the odious 
 position of the examination hack. 
 
 In my own opinion, as having had experience of 
 it at University College, the attitude thus forced on 
 pupil and teacher by the examination system actually 
 
186 EXAMINATIOXS IV 
 
 at work is most pernicious to the intellectual develop- 
 ment of tlie student, and to tlie teacher almost un- 
 bearable. Fortunately for me my experience has been 
 largely mitigated by the fact that I have independ- 
 ently held the post of examiner at Burlington House 
 during the greater part of the time in which I have 
 been teaching at University College. And this 
 brino's me to a curious and important consideration. 
 The advocates of the examinations of the University 
 of London claim, and from the first have claimed, 
 that their great recommendation — as contrasted with 
 the examinations of a German or a Scotch university, 
 in which there is no schedule and the professor is 
 examiner — is that in the London system the schedules 
 are laid down by an independent board of learned and 
 impartial authorities, who are not teachers, and that 
 the examinations are conducted by highly -paid 
 examiners who have no interest in or knowledge of 
 any of the candidates ; therefore (it is said) the results 
 deserve the very greatest confidence — they are abso- 
 lutely impartial. Now as a matter of fact the world 
 is so constructed that this pretence of impartiality is 
 sheer nonsense. A superior class of beings who can 
 draw up schedules and examine without teaching does 
 not exist. The examiners of the University of London 
 are, as a matter of fact, teachers ; and often, as in my 
 own case, a fourth of the candidates in an examination 
 have been taught by the examiner, whilst the remain- 
 ing three-fourths suffer the disadvantage of not having 
 been so taught. 
 
 A final objection to the " special examiner " system, 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 187 
 
 which is perhaps of more practical value than any 
 other objection, is this, viz. that one of the real 
 advantages of examination in connection with educa- 
 tion is lost when a stranger examines instead of the 
 teacher. That advantage is the observation on the 
 part of the teacher of the failure or success of his 
 methods of teaching. The importance of this experi- 
 ence to the teacher cannot be exaorcrerated. Where 
 external examiners act they necessarily give most 
 meagre reports as to the performance of the examinees ; 
 " reject," "pass," "honours," are the actual words which 
 convey all the information vouchsafed to the teacher. 
 At the University of London no proper reports on 
 the performances of unsuccessful candidates are ever 
 given, and no use is made of the examination for the 
 23urpose of correcting the teaching in the different 
 places of study which supply candidates. The reason 
 for not giving such reports is adequate and is condem- 
 natory of the whole system. It is this : There are so 
 many candidates that it w^ould be impossible to furnish 
 a full report of each candidate's work to his teacher.-^ 
 The opinion then which I hold in regard to ex- 
 aminations in the universities is that they are excellent 
 and useful only on the condition that they are con- 
 
 1 The defenders of tlie examination system of the University of 
 London are in the habit of quoting the extremely large numbers of 
 its candidates as evidence of the success of the university. On the 
 other hand, it seems that really these large numbers are one of the 
 strongest objections to the system pursued — since it is impossible to 
 maintain uniformity of judgment with more than one hundred 
 examinees, or to give j^roper time and attention to the preparation of 
 reports on the work of each examinee which may serve as guides to 
 the teacher in each case for the future. 
 
188 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 ducted by the teacher, and that they are not competi- 
 tive and have no honour or distinction assigned to 
 them, but are used simply as pass-tests for admission 
 to the degree. The teachers in every university 
 ought, I venture to think, to be professor-examiners, 
 and the student should be admitted to his degree 
 whenever he has obtained the certificate of having 
 passed the class examination of three of such professors. 
 It is not impossible that at some future time the 
 colleo^e-lecturers of Oxford and Cambrido^e will be 
 grouped with the university professors, each repre- 
 senting a special subject or branch of a subject, and 
 such an organisation as that required to make the 
 teaching and examining in these universities profes- 
 sorial may be brought about. That time, however, is 
 undoubtedly remote. In London there is perhaps a 
 better chance of the establishment of a professorial 
 university : it is a chance depending on the report of 
 a Eoyal Commission now sitting. There is no reason 
 why there should not be more than one University in 
 London, it is big enough to occupy several. 
 
 II. With reference to examinations qualifying for 
 admission to a profession, there can, it seems to me, 
 be no question as to their necessity and their harm- 
 lessness, if conducted with certain restrictions. Such 
 examinations ought to be administered by some high 
 authority representing either the profession or the 
 State. The examination should be a single qualify- 
 ing examination in that knowledge necessary for 
 the practice of the profession. There should be 
 no attempt to control the steps of the education of 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 189 
 
 the candidates ; the examination should be in the 
 minimum of necessary subjects, and the standard of 
 passing should be the lowest compatible with the 
 safe guarding of the public. No competition for 
 honours or distinction of any kind should be associated 
 with such examination. The education of candidates 
 for the professions — the church, the law, medicine, the 
 army — is and should be undertaken by bodies inde- 
 pendent of the profession. The university degree, or 
 the Fellowship of a College of Surgeons or Physicians 
 should be altogether independent of and an addition 
 to the possession of the State or professional diploma. 
 III. The question in regard to examinations, 
 which undoubtedly has the greatest interest for the 
 general public, is that as to the desirability of con- 
 tinuing to employ them for the ]Dnrpose of selecting 
 appointees in the Home and Indian Civil Service. I 
 must admit that, strongly opposed as I am to com- 
 petitive examination in the universities, I do not see 
 how to avoid it in this matter. I believe that a great 
 boon was conferred on the people of this country when 
 Government appointments were thrown open to them 
 in this way, and I should rather see further progress 
 in this direction, so as to include more valuable 
 offices, than a retrograde movement. The whole 
 question here seems to me to limit itself to this : 
 " How to improve the Civil Service Commissioners' 
 examinations so that ability and qualities of the kind 
 desired for any given post may be selected as the 
 result of those examinations." I have no doubt that 
 a great deal might be done in the way of improving 
 
190 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 these examinations. In some cases it is easy to adapt 
 the examination to the work required of the future 
 Civil servant, and then if the examination be long 
 and thorougli I do not see what better system of 
 selection can be invented. Thus, for instance, in 
 selecting from among the gentlemen who apply to be 
 appointed to vacancies on the staff of the British 
 Museum, it is easy to apply an examination which is 
 directed to the subject with which the future curator 
 will be occupied. This method has been adopted not 
 so long since, and its results seem to be satisfactory. 
 It would be possible to adopt a similar style of ex- 
 amination in regard to other offices, and even the 
 candidates for Treasury clerkships might be examined 
 in such a way as to test, not their preparation, but 
 their general intelligence and mental agility. Prob- 
 ably the effort which has been made to throw the 
 Indian and other Civil Service appointments into the 
 hands of the upper classes by favouring in the exam- 
 ination the subjects taught at the public schools, is 
 chiefly to blame for the apparent absurdity of the 
 examination system as a test of a man's fitness to act 
 as an Indian magistrate or an inspector of primary 
 schools. The examinations might be adapted — no 
 doubt at the expense of some trouble and ingenuity — 
 to the special requirements of each kind of appoint- 
 ment. 
 
 IV. Space does not remain for me to discuss, as I 
 should like to do, the subject of competitive examina- 
 tion for scholarships and for fellowships. Here the 
 competition falls within the school and university 
 
IV EXAMINATIONS 191 
 
 curriculum, and is accordingly objectionable. The 
 competition for university entrance scholarshijDs 
 amongst the large schools, and the glorification of the 
 school with the longest list of successes of this kind, 
 are bad. School education becomes, in consequence, 
 more and more confined to those subjects which lend 
 themselves readily to examination competition. Boys 
 are specialised in their studies too soon, and the 
 clever boys who have a chance of scholarships are 
 over-taught, whilst the stupid boys, who need more 
 teaching, are neglected. Besides this, the awarding 
 of these scholarships to rich and poor alike by open 
 competition simply increases the average expenditure 
 of the university undergraduate by £80 a year. 
 Those whose parents can pay for the best coaching, 
 that is to say, are richest, carry off these j^rizes from 
 the poorer competitors, and what should be (and in 
 some cases is) the means of supporting a youth at 
 college, becomes simply so much extra pocket-money. 
 I would award these scholarshij)s, after careful inquiry, 
 to those who were really unable to exist at the uni- 
 versity without them. A special organisation would 
 be required for their administration, designed so as to 
 avoid jobbery and nepotism. The college which 
 awards the scholarship might require a legally certi- 
 fied statement of poverty from each candidate, and a 
 limited competition by examination, not in special 
 subjects, but in a wider range than is at present 
 usual, might then be applied. The stigma of poverty 
 thus attaching to the "scholar" would do no harm, 
 but good. There is too little poverty and too much 
 
192 EXAMINATIONS IV 
 
 luxury among Oxford and Cambridge undergraduates 
 at present. 
 
 With regard to fellowships — the plan which has 
 been adopted within the last ten years both by 
 Oxford and Cambridge colleges with reference to the 
 award of fellowships for distinction in natural science 
 mio-ht well, I think, be adopted in regard to fellow- 
 ships in all subjects of study. Candidates for the 
 fellowships are requested to send, in support of their 
 application, copies of any original works which they 
 may have published. There is no general examina- 
 tion, but a few questions may be set to each candi- 
 date with special reference to the matter of his 
 orioinal work. The work done by a candidate at his 
 leisure, and not the gymnastic performance in an 
 examination room, thus decides the competition. 
 Fellowships have been awarded in this way at Trinity, 
 St. John's, Christ's, and Clare Colleges at Cambridge, 
 and at Lincoln, University, and New Colleges at 
 Oxford. 
 
THE SCIENTIFIC EESULTS OF THE 
 
 INTERNATIONAL FISHEEIES EXHIBITION, 
 
 LONDON, 1883 
 
 A Lectuee delivered at the Exhibition in June 1883 
 
THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF THE 
 
 INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION, 
 
 LONDON, 1883 
 
 The text which has been selected for the Paper which 
 I have the honour to submit on the present occasion 
 has caused me no little perplexity on account of its 
 ambiguity. 
 
 It has been pointed out to me that it is unwise to 
 prophesy unless you know, and that no one at present 
 can know what may be the results, scientific or other- 
 wise, of the great Exhibition, which has still some 
 months of its career to run. 
 
 Again, it is apparent that the word " scientific " 
 has a very wide scope, including statistical, mechani- 
 cal, hydrographical, biological and sociological results, 
 all of which are in some way or other to be observed 
 and studied in the great International Fisheries Exhi- 
 bition. 
 
 The comprehensive vagueness of the title of my 
 discourse has, on the other hand, the advantage that 
 it permits me to choose from a very wide range of 
 subjects, and I have accordingly to submit to you the 
 following as a more exact definition of the matter to 
 which I desire to call your attention. I propose, not 
 
196 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 to speak so mucli of scientific results whicli may flow 
 from tlie Exhibition, as of scientific results which are 
 illustrated in the Exhibition, and in particular of those 
 results of the science of Zoology which are of import- 
 ance to the Fish Industry, and are more or less com- 
 pletely set forth for our instruction and edification in 
 the collections which have been brought together in 
 the London International Fisheries Exhibition. 
 
 It would have been a cono;enial task to me to 
 describe here some of the rare specimens of great 
 interest to the zoologist, which have been sent by 
 foreign countries to this exhibition. Such specimens as 
 Nordenskj old's Rhytina and the magnificent skeletons 
 of Xiphioid Whales shown in the Swedish Court are of 
 surpassing interest and importance from the zoological 
 point of view. At the same time it must be admitted 
 that they do not have any special imj)ortance in rela- 
 tion to Fisheries, and accordingly I must leave un- 
 noticed such rarities and delights of the zoologist, in 
 order to address myself more especially to the ques- 
 tion of the relationship of the science of zoology to 
 the fish industry. 
 
 The value of zoological science in relation to 
 fisheries is not, I think, so fully appreciated in this 
 country as is desirable in the interests of the 23ublic, 
 and of those who make profit by enterprise in 
 fisheries. 
 
 There is a very general tendency among men 
 whose occupations are of a commercial character to 
 undervalue the work of scientific inquiry, not only in 
 regard to such matters as fisheries and fish- culture, 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 197 
 
 but also in relation to manufacturinsf industries, afrri- 
 culture, mining, and even in relation to medicine. 
 To a large extent this arises from a misconception as 
 to tlie real nature and character of what is called 
 "science." Science is the knowledge of causes; its 
 method and purpose when strictly pursued lead to 
 the accumulation and arrangement of thorouoli and 
 accurate knowledge of any given subject to which it 
 may be applied, with a certainty and an abundance 
 which no other method and no other purpose can give. 
 Undoubtedly the latest scientific knowledge of a sub- 
 ject is very usually not immediately useful to those 
 who are engaged in applying commercial enterprise 
 to the same subject. It is however to be noted, over 
 and over again, that the scientific discovery of one 
 generation becomes the necessary foundation of some 
 valuable commercial enterprise in the next : what was 
 at one time a curiosity and of little interest, save to 
 men of science, becomes after fifty years the pivot of 
 some great industrial manufacture. 
 
 Accordingly commercial men, and those who place 
 the material well-being of this country beyond all 
 things as an object to be continually striven for, 
 should have patience in the presence of what seem 
 to be the useless accumulations of knowledge ; they 
 should have faith in the ultimate utility of science, 
 for already throughout the length and breadth of the 
 land this cause-reaching knowledge, which we call 
 " science," has proved its enormous power of aiding 
 commerce, and has amply established its claim not 
 to mere toleration but to eager and generous support 
 
198 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 from those wlio are reaping golden liarvests through 
 the science of a past generation. 
 
 When we remember that science is really no more 
 nor less than such accurate and full knowledge of this 
 or that class of natural things as enables us actually 
 to understand " the causes of things," then it becomes 
 obvious that the distinction which is sometimes drawn 
 between the '^scientific" man and the "practical" 
 man is founded upon some kind of error. If there is 
 the antithesis which fashion causes many persons to 
 assert as existing, let us see what becomes of it when 
 we say, as we are justified in saying, that the scientific 
 man is the man who knows thoroughly and accurately. 
 The contrast insisted on between the scientific and 
 practical man becomes, then, simply the contrast 
 between the man who knows and the man who does 
 not know, but acts in ignorance. 
 
 As a matter of fact there is no such antithesis. 
 Your man of science is, or should be from the nature 
 of his pursuits, more thoroughly practical than any 
 one who afi'ects to despise scientific knowledge, for he 
 is accustomed to ensure success in his experiments 
 and investigations by taking every means in his 
 power to that end ; above all, and chiefly, by guiding 
 himself by reasonings based on the most accurate 
 and extensive knowledge. So too, indeed, every 
 so-called practical man who is not a mere adventurer 
 — a happy-go-lucky tempter of Fortune — makes 
 use of accurate knowledge to aid him in his com- 
 mercial ventures and speculations ; so far as he can 
 get it, he makes use of science, though he often calls 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 199 
 
 it by some other name as soon as it becomes useful 
 knowledge. 
 
 The fact is, that a large part of the indifference to 
 science in this country, and the notion that science is 
 dreamy, vague, untrustworthy and useless to practical 
 men, has arisen from the fact that these worthy 
 practical men have very often allowed themselves to 
 be imposed upon by mere quacks and pretenders, who 
 assume the language and authority of science without 
 any credentials whatever, and lead the practical men 
 astray. Such quackery in science has been by no 
 means unusual in this country, owing to the almost 
 complete destitution of the wealthy classes in respect 
 of scientific education. Practical men have, as a rule, 
 not even a smattering of scientific training, and cannot 
 distinguish true from false science, cannot tell which 
 is the quack and wdiich the man of real knowledge. 
 Equally unfortunate in this respect, in former times, 
 have been the members of the executive and delibera- 
 tive branches of our successive governments, so that — 
 in days which we may hope are past — ignorant pre- 
 tenders to scientific knowledge have been, in good 
 faith, placed in responsible positions, and have helped 
 to justify the notion that modern science is a wind- 
 bag of theories, and of little use to the practical man. 
 
 Such causes — namely, a general mistrust of so-called 
 science, and to a small extent a painful experience in 
 especial connection with fisheries, of the results of 
 placing confidence in quacks who have falsely pretended 
 to scientific knowlede^e — seem to me to be accountable 
 for the fact that in the British Islands, neither publicly 
 
200 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 nor privately, has there been any attempt to make 
 use of the services of scientific men in relation to our 
 fisheries. The recent appointment of the distinguished 
 naturalist who is at present Inspector of Salmon 
 Fisheries/ is evidence of a new disposition to seek the 
 aid of the highest authorities in science in connection 
 with this subject ; but it must be remembered that 
 salmon fisheries form but a very small part of British 
 fisheries in their entirety, and that a large stafi" of ex- 
 perienced naturalists would be required to deal satis- 
 factorily, within a reasonable time, with the many 
 important problems presented by the British Sea 
 Fisheries. 
 
 The Governments of some foreign States, notably 
 of France, but also on a smaller scale of Norway and 
 Sweden, Holland, Prussia, Saxony, and in a special, 
 and in many respects very noteworthy, manner, that 
 of the United States of America, have concerned them- 
 selves to obtain the aid of zoologists in developing and 
 manaoing the resources of the fish industries of their 
 
 o o 
 
 respective territories. The results of the application 
 of accurate knowledge concerning fishes, and such 
 shell-fish as oysters, mussels, pearl-mussels, lobsters 
 and cray-fishes, have been in some cases strikingly 
 successful ; in other cases time has yet to show what 
 advantages may result from the attempts which have 
 been made. In all these countries, however, one very 
 distinct result of the appreciation of the possible value 
 of scientific knowledge of fishes and shell-fish by the 
 
 1 Professor Huxley who, however, was not succeeded on his retire- 
 ment by a scientific man. 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 201 
 
 State authorities lias been this, namely, that zoologists 
 are occupying themselves independently, and with 
 increasing earnestness, with the investigation of all 
 that relates to the life and growth, the food and the 
 enemies, of the marine and freshwater organisms which 
 form the material basis of fisheries. 
 
 In the present Exhibition, accordingly, w^e see not 
 a few of these scientific results exhibited in the courts 
 assigned to foreign exhibitors ; whilst, on the other 
 hand, in the British department there is very little 
 which comes under the head of zoological science at 
 all, that is to say, which illustrates the results of exact 
 inquiry into the natural history of the fishes and other 
 animals which are such an immense source of wealth 
 and industry to our seafaring population. 
 
 Before proceeding to enumerate and describe these 
 scientific collections, I should wish briefly to explain 
 in what ways it seems probable that the accurate 
 knowledge with regard to fishes which is now being 
 accumulated by zoologists may hereafter be useful in 
 the regulation and management of fisheries. 
 
 In any given area of land or water, under natural 
 conditions, where animals can obtain nourishment, 
 there is found living (taking one year with another) 
 fully as much animal life as can there nourish and 
 reproduce itself. Practically the whole of the earth's 
 surface and of the sea is fully taken up by plants and 
 animals. Many thousands more of most kinds are 
 annually born than can possibly survive to maturity. 
 The number of each kind of animal in natural condi- 
 tions does not increase ; but there is a strict balance 
 
202 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 maintained, so that, with local exceptions here and 
 there, those that survive to maturity in the struggle 
 for existence merely replace those which have gone 
 before. Many thousands of young perish, serving as 
 nourishment for other lower and higher organisms, 
 whilst the total number of mature organisms remains 
 the same. 
 
 Take as an example the microcosm constituted by 
 a pond in which carp are cultivated, as in Germany, 
 where these fish are valued as food.^ Such a pond is 
 allowed to remain dry every fourth year, when it is 
 cleansed and puddled. Water is then allowed to run 
 in, and a given number of one-year-old carp are placed 
 in it. After three years these are taken out and sold 
 as food. In one such pond 30,000 young carp have 
 been observed constantly to yield at the end of three 
 years 20,000 kilogrammes of marketable carp ; when 
 more than 30,000 young carp have been placed in the 
 pond, no greater yield has resulted, 20,000 kilos, 
 weight of carp-flesh is the result of that pond's activity 
 after three years. The food of the carp consists of 
 delicate vegetable growths, of insects, and other minute 
 aquatic animals. These hatch from eggs and spores 
 introduced with the water into the pond, and the pond 
 will only carry such an amount of this food as will in 
 three seasons produce 20,000 kilos, of carp-flesh. It 
 is further found necessary to keep with these carp in 
 the same pond a few pike, which prey upon the carp 
 to a certain extent. The carp-culturists know how 
 many pike to introduce. A few act beneficially in 
 
 1 I borrow this illustration from Professor Mobius of Kiel, 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 203 
 
 destroying the smaller and more sickly individuals of 
 the carp-stock, and so prevent valuable vegetable and 
 insect-food from being consumed by individuals who 
 would either not survive for the three years, or would 
 show no growth proportionate to their consumption of 
 food. On the other hand, too large a number of pike 
 would reduce the total weight of carj^, and leave much 
 of the minute food in the pond unconsumed, whilst a 
 large portion of it would have been converted into 
 pike-flesh instead of remaining as carp. 
 
 In the limited area of the carp-pond there are a 
 great number of processes going on, which contribute 
 to the ultimate production of the 20,000 kilos, of carp- 
 flesh. The minute vegetable organisms are continually 
 feeding on the carbonic acid absorbed by the water 
 from the atmosphere, and on the nitrogen partly ex- 
 isting originally as nitrates and ammonia therein, 
 partly returned to the water by the excretion and 
 decay of its animal inhabitants. Minute worms and 
 Crustacea are feeding on these plants, and other larger 
 insects are feeding on these ; finally, the carp nourish 
 themselves on all these living things, and are to some 
 extent preyed upon by the pike. Definite physical 
 conditions, such as the presence or absence of a stream 
 in the pond, the extreme heat and cold of summer and 
 winter, and the presence of saline constituents in the 
 water, determine the excess or the absence of one or 
 another of the lower forms. If only one of these con- 
 ditions be varied, the whole balance may be upset. 
 An excessive growth of some minute plant, such as 
 an Oscillatoria, favoured by heat or by the destruction 
 
204 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 of some other organism, may lead to tlie destruction 
 of the proper food of the carp, and the yield of the 
 pond may be endangered. The whole of these circum- 
 stances can, in the case of the carp-pond, be studied 
 and controlled. 
 
 If we now pass to the consideration of any given 
 area of the sea-bottom, we find that, though the area 
 is not definitely limited, the same interaction of the 
 various organisms inhabiting it holds good. One 
 form is preying upon another, and determining by its 
 presence the numbers and the interaction of all the 
 others. Physical conditions which aff'ect one form, 
 may in the same way, as in the carp-pond, afi'ect the 
 prosperity and abundance of another form. Currents, 
 varying seasons, and such-like conditions, must obvi- 
 ously produce their efi"ect. But still more influential 
 must be the operations of man in removing a large 
 number of edible fish from such an area. It is a mis- 
 take to suppose that the whole ocean is practically 
 one vast storehouse, and that the place of the fish 
 removed on a particular fishing-ground is immediately 
 taken by some of the grand total of fish, which are so 
 numerous in comparison with man's depredations as 
 to make his operations in this respect insignificant. 
 Even were it proved that there is this sort of cosmo- 
 politan solidarity about such fish as the Cod, which 
 live in deep water, there is, on the contrary, evidence 
 that shoal fish, like Herrings, Mackerel, and Pilchard, 
 and ground-fish, such as Soles and other flat-fishes, 
 are really localised. If man removes a large propor- 
 tion of these fish from the areas which they inhabit 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 205 
 
 the natural balance is upset, and chiefly in so far as 
 the j)roduction of young fish is concerned. It is true 
 that several thousand young are produced by each 
 pair of fish left in the breeding area, and it might be 
 argued that since, in the absence of man, only two 
 out of the many thousand born of each pair of fish 
 come to maturity and breed again in their turn, the 
 only result of man's depredations (in addition to the 
 depredations of other enemies) is to make way for 
 more of the young, and to enable more than two of 
 the many thousands born of each pair in a preceding 
 generation to survive and breed in their turn. This 
 argument is at once seen to be fallacious when we 
 remember that the thousands of apparently superflu- 
 ous young produced by fishes are not really superfluous, 
 but have a perfectly definite place in the complex 
 interaction of the living beings within their area. 
 These very young fish serve as food to other forms, 
 which in their turn are fed upon by others, and are so 
 interwoven with the necessities and conditions of life 
 of other inhabitants of the area, that to remove, say 
 something like a fifth or even a tenth of them by 
 removing the parent fish, must cause a serious dis- 
 turbance in the vital balance of that area. When 
 the fisherman removes a large proportion of soles 
 from a given area, and so reduces the number of 
 young soles born in the same season in that area, he 
 does not simultaneously destroy the natural enemies 
 of the young soles : consequently very nearly the 
 same number of young soles are destroyed by such 
 natural enemies as were so destroyed before man inter- 
 
206 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 fered, althougli very many less young soles are pro- 
 duced. It is thus quite clear that there is in reality 
 no reserve stock of young to take the place of the 
 adults removed by the special interference of man. 
 The increasing scarcity of the sole is a serious fact, 
 and is thus to he explained. 
 
 From this point of view it is clearly important, if 
 we wish to keep up the number of food-fishes in an 
 area which is fished by man, or to increase that 
 number, that we should (1) either know v.diat are the 
 natural enemies of the food-fish in question at various 
 stages of its growth, and seek to destroy those enemies 
 in proportion as we remove the adult fish ; (2) or, 
 ao-ain, that we should isolate and protect the young 
 fish from these natural enemies for a part of their 
 lives ; (3) or, lastly, that we should, in proportion as 
 we remove breeding fish from the area, artificially 
 introduce into that area eggs, or young fish hatched 
 under supervision, so as to supply the deficit created 
 by the fishery of egg-producing adults. 
 
 Any of these operations requires very considerable 
 and most accurate zoological knowledge, and it would 
 be madness to attempt to carry any of them out by 
 proceeding upon hasty guesses or suppositions as to 
 the habits and life-history of the animals concerned. 
 
 There is also no doubt that certain modes of fish- 
 ing and seasons of fishing may be more destructive, 
 more disturbing to the balance of life in a given area, 
 than other modes and other seasons of fishing. The 
 food of the fish which are valued may be destroyed 
 by some of man's operations, their enemies may be 
 
V THE INTEENATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 207 
 
 unwittingly encouraged by others. Legislation is 
 continually demanded, and has been from time to 
 time carried out, in reference to such matters as modes 
 and seasons of fishing and pollution of waters. But 
 it is undeniably true that, in most cases, the accurate 
 knowledge as to the life-history and circumstances of 
 fishes is too small to justify legislative interference. 
 No doubt zoologists have suggested some valuable 
 restrictions which have been adopted by the Legisla- 
 ture in regard to some fisheries, and it is to Linnaeus, 
 the great Swedish zoologist of the last century, that 
 Sweden owes important fishery laws. But if we are 
 to have effective legislation at the present day in 
 regard to our sea fisheries — we must, before proceed- 
 ing any farther, have more hnoivledge. Those (and 
 there are many) who earnestly desire additional restric- 
 tive Fishery Laws should do their utmost to enable 
 zoologists to carry on researches which will provide 
 that accurate knowledge of fishes and shell-fish, their 
 food-reproduction and conditions of life— which must be 
 obtained before legislation can reasonably be proposed. 
 The only mode of deciding between the conflict- 
 ing opinions which have so often been expressed 
 during this Congress, as to the necessity of this or 
 that legislative enactment, is by bringing new know- 
 ledge to bear upon the questions at issue. That new 
 knowledge is nothing more nor less than a part of 
 Zoological Science, and can only be obtained through 
 the exertions of those who are already acquainted 
 with the actual condition of that science, and with its 
 methods of minute and thorough investigation. 
 
208 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 It is apparent, tlien, that tlie results of zoological 
 science, as they may possibly affect fisheries, must 
 even at the j^resent moment be very considerable. 
 We may classify them as follows: — 
 
 I. The discrimination and classification of the 
 diff'erent kinds of plants and animals, including the 
 fishes themselves which inhabit the various fresh and 
 sea waters where fisheries are carried on. This is 
 what is known as the study of Systematic Zoology, 
 and of the fauna and flora of districts. 
 
 II. The knowledge of the successive phases of 
 development or growth from the egg, and of the 
 internal anatomy and mechanism of life of the chief 
 forms of such animals and plants. This constitutes 
 what is known as General Morphology and Physi- 
 ology. 
 
 III. A specially detailed knowledge of the life- 
 history of those species of fishes, molluscs, and Crust- 
 acea, which are valuable to man and are the subject 
 of fisheries ; a knowledge of their migrations, suscepti- 
 bility to external influences, of their food and its 
 history in detail ; of their enemies, in the shape of 
 other fishes, birds, whales, seals, and insects, etc., 
 which prey upon them and their young ; a knowledge 
 of their parasites, injurious or harmless, and of their 
 diseases. Such knowledge may be termed the Special 
 Biology of Economic Fishes. 
 
 IV. A knowledge of those particular features in 
 the life-history of an economic fish or mollusc, which 
 directly concern the work of the fisherman or the fish 
 culturist; a knowledge of the efi'ects produced by 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 209 
 
 particular fishing operations, as shown by statistics, 
 or of the effects produced by particular methods of 
 preservation and culture : further, a special know- 
 ledge of those parts or qualities in economic fishes or 
 molluscs which are of commercial value, and a know- 
 ledge of methods of improving or securing those parts 
 or qualities. This group of topics constitutes what 
 may be called Pisciculture. 
 
 Coming under the first head — of Systematic 
 Zoology — there are some valuable collections in the 
 present Exhibition, but on account of the large space 
 which they would occupy were they complete, such 
 collections are, on the whole, rather samples of larger 
 collections than attempts at complete illustration of 
 the marine or fresh- water inhabitants of a district. 
 Thus, Dr. Dohrn of Naples has sent a series of about 
 400 bottles containing specimens in a marvellous 
 state of preservation, accurately named, of the fishes, 
 Crustacea, molluscs, annelids, star-fishes, corals and 
 jelly-fish of the Bay of Naples. Mr. Oscar Dickson 
 sends also a very beautiful collection of named speci- 
 mens from the Gothenburg Museum, illustrating the 
 fauna of the neighbouring sea. Professor Lilljeborg 
 exhibits in the Swedish department a very large 
 scientifically named collection of the Crustacea which 
 form the food of many fishes in the great fresh-water 
 lakes of Northern Europe. He has especially occu- 
 pied himself with the study of these organisms, and 
 has discovered many new species ; it is worthy of 
 remark that English naturalists only two years ago 
 became alive to the fact that the same fresh-water 
 
210 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 Crustacea exist in the English and Scotch lakes. It 
 is quite possible that a proper knowledge of these 
 Crustacea may at some future day be of value in 
 attempts to cultivate fish in British lakes. Marine 
 birds and mammals are exhibited in various parts of 
 the Exhibition. Dr. Francis Day exhibits his great 
 collection of Indian Fishes^preserved in spirits, and 
 accompanied by the coloured plates of his great book 
 on Indian Ichthyology : he also exhibits a collection 
 of British fishes carefully preserved and named. The 
 American department is remarkable for the carefully 
 coloured series of casts, representing different species 
 of the American food-fishes, and for samples of the 
 animals of lower classes obtained from considerable 
 depths off the American coast. Complete collections 
 of the edible Crustacea and mollusca of the United 
 States, and of the commercial sponges of the coast of 
 Florida, are also exhibited. 
 
 Under the second head — viz. General Morphology 
 and Physiology — there is very little to be noted in 
 the Exhibition. In fact, when we have mentioned 
 the series exhibiting the growth of the salmon from 
 the egg onwards, exhibited by Professor M'Intosh of 
 St. Andrews, and the series of flat fishes of various 
 ages in Mr. Oscar Dickson's collection — there is nothing 
 except the valuable drawings of the anatomy of the 
 oyster, and of its development from the egg, ex- 
 hibited by the Netherlands Society of Zoologists. 
 Under the auspices of this Society, which possesses a 
 movable house fitted as a zoological laboratory, which 
 can be erected for temporary use on any part of the 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 211 
 
 Dutch coast — two Dutch naturalists, Dr. Hoek and 
 Dr. Horst, have within the past tw^o years made some 
 careful studies of the oyster which have very greatly 
 added to our knowledge of that important mollusc, 
 and may eventually be of service to the oyster- 
 culturist. The results obtained by these observers 
 are shown by large coloured drawings exhibited in the 
 Netherlands department. 
 
 Some results of zoological science coming under 
 the third head, viz. Special Biology of Economic 
 Fishes, are to be found scattered here and there in the 
 Exhibition. Collections of insects injurious to fresh- 
 water fish or to their eggs and young, are exhibited 
 in the Swedish Court, also, in a small way, in the 
 American Court. A few parasites of fishes are ex- 
 hibited by Dr. Cobbold, in the Eastern Arcade, and a 
 remarkable series of the crustacean parasites, or fish- 
 lice, of the fishes of Trieste is shown by Dr. Antonio 
 Valli in the Austro-Hungarian section. Fish diseases 
 are represented by stuffed specimens of salmon, with 
 cotton wool attached, indicating the position of the 
 growths of Saprolegnia which cause the malady 
 known as the ' salmon-disease.' 
 
 The fourth section into which we have divided 
 the results of zoological science, as seen in the Exhi- 
 bition — namely, that of the various developments of 
 Pisciculture — is richly represented by the exhibits of 
 English oyster -culturists and salmon farmers ; but 
 in the most interesting way in the American depart- . 
 ment, where the devices made use of for hatching 
 the eggs of sea-fish are shown. I need hardly say 
 
212 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 that tlie artificial hatching of the eggs of sea- fish is a 
 novelty, and distinctly a result of the application of 
 scientific knowledge. Since the culture of marine and 
 of fresh- water fishes has formed the subjects of special 
 papers at this Congress, I will not venture to say 
 anything further about it here beyond claiming it as a 
 scientific result. 
 
 There appears to be no exhibit in the building 
 relating to the Pearl fisheries, either marine or fresh- 
 water ; in relation to these we should anticipate that 
 the application of scientific knowledge might yield 
 some very definite results (in the way of pearl- 
 production). 
 
 Sponge fisheries are represented by collections of 
 sponges from Florida, from the Bahamas, and from the 
 Greek Islands. In the collection from Florida is a 
 specimen having a considerable scientific interest. 
 It represents an attempt at sponge -culture. Some 
 years since in the Adriatic — under the Austrian 
 Government — Professor Oscar Schmidt made some 
 experiments on the propagation of sponges by cut- 
 tings. It was found possible to cut a live sponge 
 into pieces, and affix these pieces each to a separate 
 slate by thread, when each piece would attach itself 
 to its slate and continue to grow. In this w^ay 
 ;sponges can be transported from one area to another 
 — but the total weight of sponge is not increased, for 
 the pieces of the divided sponge only produce the 
 same amount of new sponge as they would have done 
 had they never been separated from one another. 
 
 It appears that sponge-cutting is being attempted 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 213 
 
 on the Florida coast, and in the American Court are 
 two sticks with sponge-cuttings growing upon them, 
 which have been artificially placed there. I am not 
 aware as to whether any valuable result has been 
 obtained by thus cutting the sponges ; but it is 
 certain that they might be thus introduced into 
 artificial basins, and grown there, were the general 
 conditions in such basins favourable. 
 
 Coral fishery is represented by an exhibit from 
 Naples, and by three pieces of valuable red coral 
 from Japan which have been purchased for com- 
 mercial purposes at a high price. The eminent 
 French zoologist, Lacaze Duthiers, under the direc- 
 tion of the French Grovernment, made a very thorough 
 study of red coral, and obtained scientific results of 
 great importance, fitted to assist the coral fishermen 
 in the regulation of their fisheries and the culture of 
 coral ; but these results are not in any way illus- 
 trated in the present Exhibition. 
 
 On the whole, it appears when one attempts to 
 enumerate the results of zoolosfical science in relation 
 to fisheries — illustrated in the present Exhibition — 
 that there are but few results which are so illustrated 
 — in fact not nearly so many as one might have ex- 
 pected. But, on reflection, it will appear that it is 
 diflicult to show, in the form of a tangible exhibit, 
 many of these results. They are for the most part to 
 be found in books, and in the memoirs and illustrative 
 drawings published by scientific societies. Microscopic 
 preparations, showing every detail of the growth from 
 the egg — of the oyster, the mussel, the lobster, the 
 
214 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 sole, the cod, and salmon, are hardly to be looked for. 
 Really complete zoological collections would be too 
 cumbrous for transport and exposure in such an Ex- 
 hibition. But above all it is true that many of the 
 most important scientific conclusions affecting the 
 interests of fisheries are not capable of exhibition. 
 The instruments with which the investigations are 
 made, and in some cases the animals which have been 
 the subject of investigation, may be exhibited, but 
 the scientific result can often only be " exhibited " in 
 so far as it affects the procedure of fish-catchers, fish- 
 breeders, or fish-culturists. 
 
 I think that it has been made very apparent, not 
 only by the class of objects exhibited by foreign con- 
 tributors to this Exhibition, but also by the original 
 papers and the discussions which the Conferences con- 
 nected with the Exhibition have |)roduced, that there 
 is nothing which is so much needed in connection 
 with all kinds of fisheries, river or sea, shell-fish, true 
 fish, coral or sponge — as more knowledge, more 
 science — in fact, more zoology ; and not only that, 
 but that there is nothing which is more desired and 
 recognised as needful by all those who are best in- 
 formed in their own particular branches of fishery. 
 
 Improved machines for catching fish, new legisla- 
 tive restrictions. State aid to fisher-folk — all such 
 desiderata are, I believe, admitted to be less urgently 
 needed, less likely to prevent our various fisheries 
 from deteriorating or disappearing altogether, than 
 the one desideratum — more accurate knowledo^e. 
 
 It is admitted on all sides that many British 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 215 
 
 fisheries are suffering, or are in a precarious state — 
 others are actually destroyed. It is also admitted 
 that our only chance of bettering this state of things 
 is an increase of scientific or accurate knowledge. 
 
 If this is the case, there will be one grand scientific 
 result of the International Fisheries Exhibition, and 
 that will be an increased attention to, and adequate 
 provision for, the carrying on of zoological studies in 
 relation to fishery-animals. 
 
 I can picture to myself the shape which this 
 scientific result might take, and I should be very glad 
 were it to commend itself to the many influential men 
 connected with fisheries who have organised this 
 Exhibition, and wdll have the direction of its final 
 outcome. 
 
 If it is demanded that more accurate knowledo-e 
 of fishery-animals shall be provided for the public use, 
 then arrangements must be made to enable skilled 
 zoologists to carry on the investigations required. 
 To make such investigations, continuous residence for 
 weeks or months at a time, by the sea-shore, is neces- 
 sary. In France, Holland, Italy and the United 
 States, sea-side laboratories have been constructed, 
 which are provided with working-tables, glass appar- 
 atus, aquariums, etc., and a staff of attendants and 
 fishermen — to which naturalists can resort who desire 
 to carry on investigations upon the life -history of 
 marine organisms. Very valuable researches have 
 been made through the agency of these institutions, 
 and there can be no question as to the facilities which 
 they afford, and the inducement which their existence 
 
216 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 offers, to naturalists for occupying themselves with 
 these particular studies. 
 
 By offering free accommodation in such a labora- 
 tory to competent investigators you may obtain a 
 large amount of valuable results at a minimum of 
 expenditure. In any such laboratory there would 
 probably be one or two permanent ofhcials who would 
 be competent zoologists, charged with special subjects 
 of investiofation and receivino^ salaries — but in addition 
 to these, the laboratory would throw open its resources 
 to voluntary workers (as do the foreign laboratories of 
 which I have spoken), and thus the working power and 
 the general interest of the scientific world in these 
 institutions and their work would be enormously 
 increased. 
 
 I can imagine a National Fisheries Society or 
 Association, such as may come into existence in con- 
 nection with this Exhibition, building such a laboratory 
 for the study of marine zoology in relation to fisheries, 
 somewhere on the coast not too distant from London. 
 Such a laboratory would stand near the shore, jDOSsess 
 its own jetty and small harbour, with steam-launch 
 for dredging and trawling, and other boats. Adjacent 
 to it would be marine ponds for experiments in the 
 culture of oysters, mussels, and whelks, and of various 
 fish. The director of the laboratory and his assistant 
 would be provided with houses forming part of the 
 laboratory building. The basement of the laboratory 
 would consist of large well-paved rooms fitted with 
 tanks, and an apparatus for the circulation of sea- 
 water. Here animals w^ould be kept for observation, 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 217 
 
 and the produce of a day's dredging or trawling would 
 liere be sifted and sorted. On the ground-floor and 
 first-floor would be s^^acious rooms, with large window^s 
 giving both north and south lights, and fitted with 
 tables suited to the requirements of the microscopist. 
 Small aquariums and pumping apparatus would also 
 be provided in these rooms. Accommodation for ten 
 workers, in addition to the director and his assistant, 
 would thus be provided. In another room a complete 
 zoological and piscicultural library would be estab- 
 lished, and the means for writing and making drawings 
 would be provided. 
 
 The naturalists permanently and temporarily 
 working here would in the course of a few years pro- 
 vide us with much-needed knowledge. For instance, 
 some would study the reproduction of the sole, and 
 devise means for increasing its numbers in the market ; 
 others would ascertain how best to deal with oysters ; 
 others would find out the whole history of the mussel. 
 Bit by bit a new and thorough knowledge of fishery- 
 animals would be built up, and come into use as the 
 basis of new legislative enactments, and of new 
 methods of capture and culture. 
 
 Such an institution would no doubt be costly. A 
 valuable laboratory of the kind might be set going 
 and carried on for a smaller sum ; but a really credit- 
 able and efficient laboratory of the kind, with a first- 
 rate man of science for its director, would cost £15,000 
 or £20,000 to establish, and some £3000 a year to 
 maintain. 
 
 These figures and the whole suggestion may 
 
218 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 appear extravagant to some persons who are not 
 aware of what has been done elsewhere. 
 
 The "Zoological Station" of Naples, founded and 
 directed by Dr. Anton Dohrn, is no less costly and 
 efficient an institution than that which I have briefly 
 sketched. Elsewhere, at Trieste, at Concarneau, at 
 Koscofi", at Beaufort in North Carolina, less costly in- 
 stitutions have been set going, which are doing most 
 valuable work. 
 
 The British coast is entirely destitute of any such 
 home of research. No zoologists are employed by the 
 Government or other authorities in this country to 
 investigate our fishery-animals : those zoologists who 
 do carry on such work on the coasts of this country, 
 do so at their own expense. There is not even a 
 laboratory, a boat or a dredging apparatus, provided 
 by any public body to assist them. Naturally enough 
 their work has not been hitherto specially directed to 
 problems connected with fisheries; but it is only 
 needful to ofl'er to the many isolated investigators the 
 use of a good laboratory and a well-considered organi- 
 sation, in order to obtain through their co-operation 
 the new knowledge which is so urgently needed. 
 
 I cannot but think that it will be a matter for 
 profound congratulation to those wdio have brought 
 this Exhibition into existence, to the Legislature, to 
 men of science and to those concerned in fisheries, 
 should we be able in future to point to a " National 
 Laboratory of Marine Zoology" as the Scientific 
 Eesult of the London Liternational Fisheries Exhibi- 
 tion. 
 
THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 219 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 The liopecl-for '' scientific result of the Fisheries Ex- 
 hibition " sketched at the end of the lecture given by 
 me in 1883 has become a reality. At the close of 
 the Exhibition I obtained the signatures of a number 
 of leading naturalists and others interested in fishery 
 questions to a memorial to the Executive Council of 
 the Exhibition, asking that a portion of the surplus 
 receipts of the Exhibition might be devoted to the 
 foundation of a laboratory for the production of new 
 knowledge with regard to food-fishes. The surplus 
 was, however, applied to other pur230ses, and the 
 chances of starting such a laboratory seemed small, 
 when Dr. Gtinther of the British Museum sugg-ested 
 to me the formation of an association having for its 
 object the foundation and maintenance of one or 
 more such laboratories. Some of the ofiicers and 
 Council of the Koyal Society w^armly supported this 
 suggestion, and kindly gave the use of the rooms of 
 the Society in March 1884 for a meeting at which 
 Professor Huxley presided. This meeting was at- 
 tended not only by scientific biologists, but by repre- 
 sentatives of the Fishmongers' Company, and by all the 
 members of the Eoyal Commission on Trawling, at 
 that time engaged in inquiries into the fishing in- 
 dustry. It was agreed to establish the Marine 
 
220 THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF V 
 
 Biological Association of the United Kingdom, of 
 which Professor Huxley became president, and H.K.H. 
 the Prince of Wales patron. About 300 members 
 joined the Association, and subscriptions were invited 
 for the purpose of erecting a laboratory. After due 
 inquiry Plymouth Sound was agreed upon as the 
 locality for the first laboratory, and a site was placed 
 at the disposal of the Association by the authorities 
 of the War Office. Donations of £500 and upwards 
 were received from the Fishmongers' Company 
 (£2000), the Clothworkers' Company, the University 
 of Oxford, the University of Cambridge, the British 
 Association for the Advancement of Science, Mr. 
 Eobert Bayly, and Mr. John Bayly of Plymouth. 
 Sums varying from £100 to £300 w^ere subscribed 
 by the Drapers, Mercers, Goldsmiths, and Grocers' 
 Companies, by the Corporation of London, and by the 
 Eoyal, the Zoological, and the Eoyal Microscopical 
 Societies, as well as by a number of gentlemen 
 interested in the enterprise, either as naturalists or as 
 philanthropists. Finally Parliament, on the recom- 
 mendation of the Treasury, voted a sum of £5000 
 in aid of the building and fitting of the laboratory, 
 and a sum of £500 a year for five years towards 
 defraying the annual cost of management and re- 
 search. The laboratory, which is represented in the 
 vignette, stands in front of King Charles's Curtain on 
 the Citadel Hill, overlooking Plymouth Sound. It 
 was completed and opened for work in June 1888. 
 The building and fittings, including aquariums, 
 pumps, and steam-engines, have cost about £12,000. 
 
V THE INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES EXHIBITION 221 
 
 It is at present carried on at an annual expenditure 
 of about £1250. Its staff includes Mr. Gilbert 
 Bourne, M.A. Oxon., director ; Mr. Garstang, B.A. 
 Oxon., assistant; and Mr. Cunningham, M.A. Oxon., 
 naturalist. It possesses a fine library, a steam launch, 
 a yawl, and a row-boat, and employs a fisherman, 
 engineer, laboratory servant, and other hands. A 
 large number of naturalists have availed themselves 
 
 PLYMOUTH LABORATORY 
 
 of the facilities afforded by the laboratory, which 
 contains ample accommodation for fourteen workers, 
 each occupying a private work-table, screened off from 
 neidibourino; tables, and fitted with fresh and salt 
 water, gas, chemical reagents, etc. The Association 
 has published four numbers of a journal containing 
 reports of the work done at Plymouth, as well as the 
 official reports of the Council. The Council meets in 
 London once a month to superintend the finances of 
 the Association, and direct in a general way the work 
 
222 SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF EXHIBITION V 
 
 carried on at Plymouth. From the foundation of the 
 Association I have had the pleasure of acting as its 
 honorary secretary, in co-operation with a Council 
 consisting chiefly of scientific naturalists, who have 
 given time and trouble freely for the purpose of 
 establishing the Plymouth Laboratory as a national 
 institution. Already the Association has been the 
 means of adding important facts to our knowledge of 
 that most valuable food-fish the common sole — a large 
 and richly-illustrated volume by the naturalist speci- 
 ally employed for these researches — Mr. Cunningham 
 — being at this moment in the press. The anchovy, 
 the pilchard, the lobster, and the oyster are each 
 receiving special attention, which will in due time lead 
 to practical results. Besides these, a large number of 
 researches on purely scientific questions, such as the 
 electric organs of skates, the anatomy of Crustacea, the 
 structure of new and rare minute organisms taken in 
 the tow-net or in the pools at low tide, have been 
 carried on by naturalists who have come to Plymouth 
 for the purpose of profiting during a month or 
 two by the facilities ofiered in the laboratory of the 
 Association. 
 
 The task which now lies before those who have 
 founded this institution is by no means a light one. 
 It has to be carried on from year to year, and funds 
 have to be obtained for this purpose. Those Avho 
 may be interested in the publications of the Associa- 
 tion, or desire further information concerning it, should 
 apply by letter to the Director of the Laboratory, 
 Citadel Hill, Plymouth. 
 
VI 
 
 CENTENAEIANISM 
 
 Feom Macmillans Magazine, October 1871 
 
CENTENARIANISM 
 
 The somewhat unwieldy word standing at the head 
 of this page is coined in order to take the place of 
 that much-abused term " longevity," which is often 
 made to do duty in a restricted sense, to its detri- 
 ment. Longevity simply means " length of life " ; 
 and it can serve no good purpose to limit its applica- 
 tion to those cases of length of life which are beyond 
 the normal period among men : it is required for 
 more general use ; and hence we may, with advantage, 
 speak of old people who reach or exceed one hundred 
 years of age as examples of centenarianism, instead of 
 calling them examples of longevity. Every now and 
 then, with more frequency and regularity than is pre- 
 sented by perhaps any other periodic topic, centen- 
 arianism excites the public interest. Another case is 
 announced of an individual having exceeded one 
 hundred years of age : paragraphs go the round of 
 the newspapers, the medical journals report on the 
 case. Sir George Cornewall Lewis is declared to be 
 refuted, and the subject drops. It is a little strange 
 at first sight, this interest which is manifested in 
 monstrosities of life-duration. The men and women 
 who have so far distinguished themselves among their 
 
226 CENTENARIANISM VI 
 
 fellow-creatures as to exceed greatly the average 
 height, have never attracted so much attention as have 
 the long-livers ; and yet it is probably as rare for a 
 man to exceed eight feet in height as to live beyond 
 the hundredth year, — indeed, we believe much rarer. 
 No one asks the details of the life of an eight-foot 
 giant — how much pudding he took as a boy in order 
 to attain his astounding dimensions — apparently 
 because nobody believes that any administration of 
 pudding or its correlatives would make a boy, who 
 was going to he five foot four, into a man of larger 
 size. Possibly, moreover, not very many persons are 
 greatly anxious to attain large dimensions. It is not 
 so, however, with long-livers : even to-day all classes 
 of society take an interest, which is sometimes pro- 
 found, in the details of life of a long-liver; they 
 w^ould fain imitate the centenarian, and by copying 
 his mode of living inherit his years. Even where 
 there is no intention of pursuing a system of diet and 
 manner of life, people seem to like to know how they 
 could, if they chose, lengthen their years. There is 
 a relic of the old times, of the search for the elixir 
 vitcB, in this kind of thing : that great enthusiasm of 
 past days, which served an important part in opening 
 for us the door of science, is still alive. Clearly the 
 people who take more interest in the lesson to be 
 learned from the diary of a centenarian than from 
 the report of a Eegistrar-General or a medical officer 
 of health, are yet mediaeval in their views of life and 
 death. The real fact seems to be that the man who 
 exceeds one hundred years of life has no more to 
 
VI CENTENAKIANISM 227 
 
 teach us than the man who exceeds eight feet in 
 height : both are monstrosities, and attain their 
 special distinction by no particular behaviour on their 
 part. A certain amount of care will produce its due 
 effect on the longevity of any individual ; but there 
 is a set limit beyond which it cannot be extended. 
 In some individuals this limit is at a greater distance 
 than it is in the most of mankind, and if they escape 
 the accidents of disease and violence they live longer 
 than other men : the cases of these men must be 
 looked upon as distinctly abnormal ; they are to be 
 held as freaks of nature, monsters — giants of age ; 
 just as we have converse cases recorded of dwarfs of 
 age — human beings who became old after twelve 
 years of life, and began to exhibit senile decay at a 
 time when ordinary m^en are still growing children. 
 
 Longevity, as we have elsewhere pointed out,^ is of 
 several kinds, which need to be distinguished. There 
 is the longevity characteristic of species of plants and 
 animals, men included, — that is to say, the age which 
 each individual of the species born may be expected 
 to reach ; this is average specific longevity, and is a 
 very low figure indeed as compared with other kinds 
 of longevity. For Europeans it does not appear to 
 be above forty years. This average longevity is 
 brought to so low a figure by the great amount of 
 death in the first years of life. By an excess of 
 deaths in early life the average longevity of a species 
 or of any given group of individuals might be brought 
 down to a year or two, though the individuals which 
 
 1 Comparative Longevity in Man and Animals. Macinillaii, 1870. 
 
228 CENTENARIANISM VI 
 
 did survive might, some of them, enjoy a centmy of 
 life. This brings us to a second kind of longevity 
 also characterising species — that which agrees with 
 what has been called "the lease of life," and which 
 we call potential specific longevity. The age to 
 which a creature would attain, supposing it to escape 
 all the dangers of youth, the diseases and accidents 
 which are lurking about the life -way, and to die 
 simply of old age, would represent the " potential 
 longevity" of that kind of plant or animal. Very 
 few beings ever manage to exhibit this — certainly 
 very few men ; but men are sufficiently anxious about 
 the matter, and many have taken so much pains to 
 live long, by avoiding all dangers, that we have good 
 ground to suppose that the lease of life of the present 
 race of men is normally something between seventy 
 and one hundred years. Care may enable a man to 
 expend very nearly his full lease ; but nothing w^hich 
 he can do, no power under heaven, can enable him to 
 add a day to that term, any more than by taking 
 thought a cubit may be added to his stature. And 
 now we see the relations which centenarians hold to 
 other men in this matter. They are not persons who 
 have taken more care than the less rare but equally 
 admirable octogenarians ; they have simply been 
 horn ivith a greater potential longevity — a longer 
 lease of life — and they have had the good or bad luck 
 to remain tenants for very nearly as long as the lease 
 was good. It is impossible to guess how many, but 
 doubtless thousands of possible centenarians die 
 before they are a year old, and thousands more at all 
 
^^ CENTENAPJANISM 229 
 
 ages : had they managed to pass the one fatal corner 
 Avhere they fell, the whole road would have been clear 
 for a hundred years. 
 
 Eegarding then, as we do, centenarians as in- 
 stances of extreme or "abnormal longevity," of which 
 it is worth remarking we have two forms, the abnor- 
 mally small 1 and the abnormally great, we can see no 
 reason for fixing the limit of the abnormally great at 
 one hundred years, as Sir George Cornewall Lewis 
 was at one time inclined to do, nor even at one 
 hundred and three or four, to which limit he was 
 afterwards induced to advance. Our a priori impres- 
 sions are distinctly in favour of a much wider limit, 
 reaching perhaps, in the very rarest cases, to the one 
 hundred and fifty years attributed to some celebrities, 
 such as Old Parr, Henry Jenkins, and the Countesses 
 of Desmond and Eccleston. Indeed, the OTcat 
 German, Haller, has uttered what is probably the 
 truest dictum yet put forward in the matter : " The 
 ultimate limit of human life does not exceed two 
 centuries : to fix the exact number of years is exceed- 
 ingly difiicult." 
 
 When an unusually well-attested case of centen- 
 arianism turns up — as, for instance, the recent one of 
 Mr. Luning, at Morden College, Blackheath, — the 
 newspapers and journals always bring in the late Sir 
 George Cornewall Lewis, attribute certain opinions to 
 him, and demolish them by aid of the new case. 
 
 1 All instance was not long since recorded in one of the medical 
 journals of a child which ceased to grow and commenced to exhibit 
 signs of senile decay at the age of ten years. 
 
230 CENTENARIANISM VI 
 
 This is one way of keeping up the interest in the 
 specimens of abnormal longevity; but inasmuch as 
 several well -attested cases of persons exceeding a 
 hundred years of age were adduced at the time when 
 Sir George was interested in this matter, and were 
 actually admitted by him not long before he died 
 as sufficiently conclusive to make him modify the 
 opinion he had held, viz. that there was no proof of 
 the existence of centenarians, we are fully warranted 
 in concluding that the importance attached to such 
 cases from this point of view is as delusive as is the 
 interest they gain from the supposition that we can 
 learn by them how to live long ourselves. What Sir 
 George Lewis at one time stated (it was during the 
 last few months of his life that he brought his valu- 
 able sceptical criticism to bear on the matter) was, 
 that he could find no sufficient proof of any man or 
 woman having exceeded, or even completed a century 
 of life ; and having found so many cases advanced on 
 the slenderest and most worthless evidence, he was 
 inclined to regard all centenarianism as either delu- 
 sion or imposture. In this he reminds us of a remark 
 made by Professor Huxley : '' No mistake is so com- 
 monly made by clever people as that of assuming a 
 cause to be bad because the arguments of its sup- 
 porters are to a great extent nonsensical." Sir 
 George fell into this error, as he afterwards had to 
 acknowledge ; for upon the evidence which the publi- 
 cation of his incredulity brought down upon him in 
 abundance, he was compelled to admit that persons 
 do reach one hundred years of age, and that some 
 
VI CENTENARIANISM 231 
 
 have attained even one hundred and three or four, 
 though this he considered exceedingly rare and as the 
 ultimate term of life. 
 
 By far the larger number of cases of centenarianism 
 which are reported are not backed up as they should 
 be by evidence. The appetite for the marvellous is 
 so keen, that people would rather take the centenarian 
 on his own assertion than risk losing him by investi- 
 gation. This is the case with a certain Thomas 
 Geeran, now receiving parish relief at Brighton, who 
 is declared to be one hundred and four years old, and 
 states that he entered the British army at thirty years 
 of age, and served for more than thirty years. A 
 pamphlet has been published concerning this case, in 
 which there is not a shred of evidence given in support 
 of the man's statement. No inquiries appear to have 
 been made at his reputed birthplace, viz. Scariff, county 
 Clare, Ireland, and an application to the War Office, 
 with a view to getting him a pension, has entirely 
 failed, in consequence of his name not being discover- 
 able in the books. This is the kind of case which we 
 must guard against, and others like it, testified only 
 by epitaphs or village gossips. The next generation 
 will not be troubled with this question as we are to- 
 day, for the registration of births will, in the course 
 of time, furnish all the required evidence on one 
 point, whilst the only remaining difficulty, that of 
 establishing identity, is daily decreasing with the 
 growth of intelligence and the spread of education 
 among our peasantry. 
 
 It is to be hoped, however, that we shall not have 
 
232 CENTENARTANISM VI 
 
 to wait SO long for jourDalists and enthusiasts to cease 
 their triumphant paragraphs, announcing cases in 
 which the age of one hundred or one hundred and 
 four years has been attained. Anything over one 
 hundred and nine, in the way of age, would be per- 
 haps worth mention if accompanied by documentary 
 evidence ; but of the mere passing the century limit 
 there is enough proof already.^ 
 
 We shall here briefly mention five cases of centen- 
 arianism, of the thorough trustworthiness of which 
 we feel no doubt ; and were it worth while, we fully 
 believe that a great many others could be placed on 
 an equally sure basis. The trouble and worry of 
 doing this kind of thing is, however, not at all invit- 
 ing ; and where so little is to be gained either in the 
 way of knowledge or amusement, we do not wonder 
 that published well-attested cases are few^er than they 
 might be. 
 
 1. William Shuldham was baptized at Beccles, in 
 Sufi'olk, in July 1743. He died in May 1845. His 
 baptism is witnessed by the register in the parish 
 church of Beccles. On 22d July 1843 he gave a 
 dinner at Marlesford Hall, near Wickham Market, to 
 his friends, to celebrate the completion of his hun- 
 dredth year. 
 
 2. A Quaker gentleman, well known in the mer- 
 cantile world at the beginning of this century, died 
 not long since in his hundred and second year. Dr. 
 
 1 A great number of cases of centenarianism — good and bad — are 
 given by Mr. Tollemaclie in an excellent article in the Fortnightly 
 Review, April 1869. 
 
VI CENTENARIANISM 233 
 
 Dickinson, of Mayfair, who has been kind enough to 
 inform me of this case, has copies of the register both 
 of his birth and death, establishing this fact. As Dr. 
 Dickinson observes, the Quakers are very precise in 
 these matters. y 
 
 3. James Hastings, for upwards of sixty years 
 rector and impropriator of the living of Martley in 
 Worcestershire, father of Admiral Sir Thomas Hast- 
 ings, Sir Charles Hastings, Admiral Hastings, and 
 the Eev. Henry Hastings, died in his hundred-and- 
 first year. His grandson, Mr. Gr. W. Hastings, of 
 Barnard's Green, Malvern, has obliged me with the 
 following details. He was born in London, in Soho 
 Square, 2d January 1756; and his birth register, of 
 which Mr. Hastings has a copy, is at St. Martin's, 
 Trafalgar Square. He was entered as a gentleman 
 commoner of Wadham College, Oxford, in 1776. At 
 the request of Sir Thomas and Mr. Hastings, the 
 warden of Wadham last year looked up the entries in 
 the college and university books, and sent a copy of 
 an entry, giving the age of James Hastings as twenty 
 at matriculation. He was admitted to holy orders by 
 the Bishop of Oxford, at St. Mary's, in November 
 1779. As no one can be admitted to the orders of 
 the Church of England till the age of twenty-three, 
 this again carries him back to 1756 as his birth-year. 
 Mr. Hastings has the letters of orders in his posses- 
 sion ; they have never left the family, and prove in- 
 contestably that James Hastings was twenty-three in 
 1779. He was married at the parish church of 
 Chipping Norton in February 1781, and his age is 
 
234 CENTENARIANISM VI 
 
 given in the register as twenty-five. He died in July 
 1856, and was buried in the family vault in Martley 
 Church. The Rev. James Hastings stood six feet four 
 inches in his stockings, was a strikingly handsome 
 man, and had fifteen children. He had but one 
 sister, and no brother, whilst his wife had one brother 
 and no sister. His father did not much exceed sixty 
 years in age ; and Mr. Hastings informs me from his 
 family records, which extend to the time of Henry H, 
 that there are no remarkable cases of great age among 
 his earlier progenitors. 
 
 4. Captain Lahrbush in March 1870 celebrated in 
 New York city his hundred and fourth birthday anni- 
 versary. He was born in London, on the 9th of 
 March 1766. He entered the British army on the 
 17th of October 1789, and documents connected with 
 this entry prove his age at that time to have been 
 twenty-three years. 
 
 5. Jacob William Luning died recently, at Morden 
 College, Blackheath, in his hundred and fourth year. 
 Documentary evidence sufiicient to satisfy Dr. Farr, 
 of the Registrar-Generars Office, has been adduced, 
 proving that he was born at Hamelvorden in 1767, 
 and similar evidence of the date and the age he gave 
 when he was naturalised as a British subject, also 
 when he was married, and, what is still more impor- 
 tant, when he insured his life — an occasion on which 
 men are not likely to add anything to their age. 
 
 As to the means by which to live long, and to 
 give ourselves the chance of enduring to our hundred 
 and tenth year, if we have it in us, or to our eightieth 
 
VI CENTENARIANISM 235 
 
 only, if that be the limit of our " matter of life," we 
 must consult the statistics which are available, and 
 not try to draw any conclusions from these extreme 
 cases. What will lengthen and what shorten life, 
 however, becomes a question of general longevity, and 
 this we did not propose to ourselves to discuss on the 
 present occasion. AVe may, nevertheless, notice that 
 everything seems to show that the appliances of 
 civilised life, and quiet and regular habits, are the 
 chief conditions of long life. Europeans are, it seems, 
 longer lived than other men ; and Englishmen than 
 French, Germans, Swedes, or Belgians, as far as sta- 
 tistics tell us. In Lord Bacon's time there was a pre- 
 judice in favour of the wild Irishmen — " Hiberni 
 sylvestres," as he calls them, who were in the habit 
 of smelling the fresh earth and drinking infusions of 
 saffron. Statistics and Saxon domination have 
 deprived Ireland of this pre-eminence in longevity. 
 We also find from statistics, comparing the expecta- 
 tion of life at the age of sixty, given by various 
 authorities, that in Eno^land acrricultural labourers of 
 that age, belonging to friendly societies, and hence 
 sober, well-to-do men, stand first, and may expect to 
 live nearly eighteen years longer, whilst confirmed 
 drunkards stand last, with only half that chance of 
 life. The females of the aristocracy come next to the 
 labourers, with sixteen years and a half; the male 
 members of the aristocracy next, with only fourteen 
 and a half; clerks follow, with twelve and a half; 
 men in Liverpool, with twelve ; miners, with eleven 
 and three-quarters ; whilst sovereigns of all countries 
 
236 CENTENARIANISM VI 
 
 at sixty years of age have an expectation of a little 
 less than eleven years of life. Distinguished men 
 live a shorter time than less distinguished, on account 
 of their harder work ; married live longer than un- 
 married persons, on account, perhaps, of the measured 
 tranquillity of connubial life; women longer than 
 men, because they lead an easier life ; and the clergy 
 longer than other professional men, for the same 
 reason. 
 
 From these facts it is not difficult to draw the 
 lesson of longevity. After all, the prolonging of their 
 own lives is not a thing about which men should 
 take much thought ; as long as they are careful not 
 directly to shorten life, and careful to preserve health, 
 longevity and centenarianism may well be left to 
 take their own way. The celebrated Italian, Louis 
 Cornaro, carefully weighing his egg, and measuring his 
 wine for his daily meals, refusing to allow matters of 
 a disturbing nature to come under his attention, and 
 taking a thousand precautions, all to enable his pitiful 
 old frame to vegetate a few years the longer on the 
 earth's face, is not a pleasing figure to contemplate. 
 True it is, that he who would save his life shall lose 
 it ; for the existence of such a being as Cornaro is not 
 comparable day for day with that of an active man. 
 When the element of intensity is taken into considera- 
 tion, there is perhaps very much less difference be- 
 tween the quantities lived by various men than would 
 appear from the simple record of time. But whilst it 
 is not for the men of to-day to cherish the search for 
 elixirs of life, nor to desire nor endeavour to become 
 
VI CENTENARIANISM 237 
 
 centenarians, there is yet a longevity which they can 
 most materially influence — which they can check or 
 extend by deliberate acts most directly, having it in 
 their power to add years, hundreds of years, of life 
 to the community — of active, vigorous life, too, not 
 such as the common seeker of longevity would gain ; 
 and this longevity it is no less our interest than our 
 duty to work for. Men can diminish the mortality 
 of populations by attention to simple laws of health, 
 and, by increasing the average longevity, give that 
 increased happiness and prosj)erity which security of 
 life and health brings. It is in sanitary action that 
 the elixir vitce has been discovered in these days, 
 which, though it perhaps has not as yet increased the 
 roll of centenarians, has no limit to its operations, 
 until the time shall have come when man will no 
 longer, as Bufibn said, " die of disappointment," but 
 " attain everywhere a hundred years." 
 
VII 
 PAETHENOGENESIS 
 
 A Review of Von Siebold's Beitrage zur Parthenogenesis der 
 Arthropoden, from Nature, lOtli October 1872 
 
PAKTHENOGENESIS 
 
 Amidst the all-absorbing discussion of the problems 
 which have arisen out of the general acceptance among 
 biologists of the law of evolution, the phenomenon of 
 Parthenogenesis which, previously to Mr. Darwin's 
 work on the Origin of Species, excited the interest 
 and called forth the investigations of observers in 
 much the same manner as his theory has done of late 
 years, has met with a reverse of fortune and fallen 
 into a subordinate rank of popularity. The dis- 
 tinguished naturalist, however, who fifteen years ago 
 gave so stunning a blow to current theories of the 
 reproductive process, by demonstrating the occurrence 
 in moths and bees of what he designated as ''true 
 parthenogenesis" — that is to say, the development, 
 without impregnation, of an ovum capable of being 
 impregnated — has not let the subject drop. Professor 
 Siebold has made further experimental researches, 
 establishing again, and on a larger basis, his former 
 conclusion, and adding at least one new fact of great 
 general importance for the understanding of the 
 process of sexual reproduction. Although upon its 
 first appearance in 1856, the conclusion arrived at in 
 his Wahre Parthenogenesis was admitted by almost 
 
 R 
 
242 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 all competent naturalists to be tliorouglily demon- 
 strated, and beyond tlie reach of criticism, yet some 
 more and some less eminent biologists have not been 
 wanting to deny tlie Lucina sine concuhitu, and have 
 raised objections, such as that there is a possibility 
 of error in the experiments in reference to the ex- 
 clusion of males from the supposed parthenogenetic 
 female ; and again, that these so-called females were 
 not demonstrated ''not to be hermaphrodites." In- 
 deed so deeply rooted is the conviction that eggs are 
 made to be impregnated by spermatozoa, and that 
 they then, and then only, can proceed to develop, 
 that Siebold felt it necessary to add to his proofs, 
 in order to establish his position that not only do 
 unimpregnated eggs develop into perfect animals, but 
 that such an event is by no means an exceptional 
 occurrence among certain groups, and has a definitely 
 fixed and orderly recurrence amongst them. He 
 naturally was also anxious to extend the class-limits 
 within which a true parthenogenesis can be said to 
 occur, and he desired to inquire into the sex of the 
 parthenogenetically-produced off'spring in such cases 
 as could be critically and decisively studied. Hence 
 the renewed researches which have extended over 
 several years, the results of which are given in the 
 present brochure. 
 
 Yon Siebold's merit in this and his former work 
 (but more especially in this) is not the enunciation of 
 a new^ theory, or hypothesis, but the great care, 
 ingenuity, and persistence which he has displayed in 
 investigating cases in which for many years collectors, 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 243 
 
 bee-keej)ers, and such naturalists of the limited, or 
 " gardener " type, had asserted reproduction by means 
 of unfertilised eggs to take place. It must be re- 
 membered that he was himself a strong opponent 
 in 1850 of the supposition which he has now shown to 
 be justified in fact, and that Leuckart in his article 
 " Zeugniss," in Wagner's Handiudrterhiich, and in 
 other publications, preceded him as an advocate for 
 the existence of true parthenogenesis, endeavouring, 
 by microscopical researches, to give a solid observa- 
 tional basis to Dzierzon s hypothesis. It was not 
 until 1857 that Siebold published his observations 
 on bees, demonstrating what had been previously 
 supposed, viz. that the queen-bee exhausts her store 
 of received sperm in fertilising eggs which give rise to 
 females only, and that then she lays unfertilised eggs, 
 which become drones only, whilst the unfertilised 
 worker-females also lay eggs which give rise to drones : 
 and again that in certain moths {Psyche and Solenohia) 
 unfertilised ova develojD and j)roduce females only. 
 Leuckart followed (1858) with his Zur Kenntniss des 
 Generations -icechsels und der Parthenogenesis hei den 
 Insekten. In this work, whilst asserting his claims to 
 the merit of first espousing the cause of true par- 
 thenogenesis, Leuckart gives an excellent view of the 
 general signification of the ^^henomena, and insists on 
 the importance of extended histological observation 
 in the examination of alleged cases of parthenogenesis. 
 In his present work Siebold cannot be charged with in 
 any way neglecting this part of his subject, for he has 
 given most important and minute descriptions of the 
 
244 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 generative organs of tlie two principal cases studied 
 (Polistes and Apus), containing new facts. His 
 method is however eminently experimental, and 
 appears to us a striking contradiction of a very 
 superficial classification of the sciences, which is 
 favoured sometimes by men of science unacquainted 
 with the methods or problems of biology : we mean 
 the division into the exact or mathematical, the 
 experimental, and the classificatory sciences, in which 
 last division the so-called natural history sciences are 
 said to find their place. 
 
 The experiments w^hich Siebold made on bees and 
 wasps, though performed by a naturalist, are as nicely 
 controlled, and as clear in the conclusions Avhich they 
 give, as any performed by exact physicists on the 
 times or quantities concerned in this or that physical 
 process. The style in wdiicli details of these investiga- 
 tions are communicated is one rare at the j)resent day 
 in biological works, where minute description of 
 structure, or of the apparatus devised for a physiologi- 
 cal research, form the staple. Here w^e are treated to 
 a leisurely narrative of some years of patient w^ork ; 
 we share the keen enjoyment of the author as he 
 becomes acquainted wdth the marvellous intelligence 
 of his w^asps and their various proceedings — we feel 
 his satisfaction in overcoming the difiiculties of pro- 
 curing and observing the necessary material, and 
 admire the candour and thoroughness with which 
 he handles the question before him. 
 
 Before proceeding to a short notice of the contents 
 of Von Siebold's book, it will be well to give a brief 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 245 
 
 statement of the signification whieli sucli inquiries as 
 his have in the present state of knowledge. Harvey's 
 dictum, " Omne vivum ex ovo," expressed a great law, 
 which had to be qualified when the researches of 
 Trembley and others made know^u, among Polyps, and 
 Worms, and Protozoa, reproduction by fission. To 
 this rapidly succeeded the recognition of a modified 
 fission, in which the animal did not divide into equal 
 parts, nor exhibit the powder of reproduction of the 
 whole animal in artificially detached portions of its 
 body ; but in which special sprouts or buds were found 
 to be prepared and detached spontaneously, becoming 
 then developed into perfect animals. This process 
 received the name of gemmation, and was stated to 
 occur in polyps and also in the plant-lice. Parallels 
 for these methods of reproduction in animals were 
 readily recognised in plants, in the multiplication 
 by seed, by cuttings or shoots, and by separable 
 buds. A broad line w\as drawn between "buds" and 
 " eggs," however egg-like the former might appear, in 
 the assumption that eggs were special bodies of a 
 peculiar structure, destined to be "fertilised" by the 
 spermatozoa of the male — after which process only 
 could they develop. These distinctions, some twenty 
 years ago, were the more firmly impressed in the minds 
 of biologists by the then recently acquired knowledge 
 of the process of fertilisation or impregnation. Then 
 came the demonstration by Siebold of the capacity for 
 development of true eggs, even when not impregnated. 
 The sharpness of the limit between buds and eggs was 
 by this at once destroyed ; and the closely following 
 
246 PAETHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 researches of Leydig (antecedent to Siebold's work in 
 some cases), Huxley, Lubbock, and Leuckart, on the 
 structure of the supposed buds of Aphis and allied 
 insects, and of lower crustaceans, proved that these 
 bodies were morphologically ova — originating in 
 ovaries, and having the essential structure of fertilisable 
 ova. For them the term " pseudova " w^as introduced 
 by Professor Huxley, since they differ in this respect 
 from other ova — that whereas the latter can be, and 
 are in most cases (though with constant exceptions), 
 fertilised, the latter cannot be.^ Whilst, then, up to 
 this period such a thing as parthenogenesis appeared 
 to be a strange exception, the question has now shifted, 
 and, since the essential identity in reproductive power 
 of cuttings, buds, pseudova, and eggs is proved, the 
 problem before naturalists is rather " Why are eggs 
 ever fertilised ? " in short, " What is the use of the 
 male sex at all ? " We have animals and plants mul- 
 tiplying by fission, breaking up into two or more parts, 
 each of which becomes a new individual ; we have 
 them giving rise by growth to masses of cells, which 
 become detached or remain attached, and develop each 
 into a new individual ; and finally, we have them ela- 
 borating single large cells, which become detached and 
 
 ^ Leuckart lias more recently proposed, in describing tlie reproduc- 
 tion of tlie Cecidomyia larvpe discovered by Wagner, to limit tlie term 
 ' ' pseudovum " to sucli ova as those produced by larvae, or imperfect 
 forms ; and not to apply it at all to the eggs of bees, wasps, etc. (which 
 can develop without fertilisation), as was done by Huxley. The falsity 
 implied in the prefix seems to make a rather stronger distinction than 
 is desirable between any of these bodies ; for they are all truly ova, 
 though ova of various special properties. 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 247 
 
 develop each into a new individual. Why should 
 it be that in certain cases these last require fusion 
 with another peculiar kind of cell elements before 
 they will develop) ? Some light seemed to be thrown 
 on this matter at first, by the observation that the 
 unfertilised ova of the bee always produce drones, and 
 that only the fertilised produce females ; but this indi- 
 cation of a possibly clearer insight into the matter is 
 entirely upset by the fact, now fully established in the 
 present work, that in some species of insects and crusta- 
 ceans the unfertilised ova always, or in an enormously 
 large proportion, produce females only ; whilst in the 
 Aphides we know that they ultimately produce both 
 males and females. Mr. Darwin has suggested the 
 most satisfactory theory of fertilisation, in assigning to 
 it the object of fusing two life-experiences in the pro- 
 geny, which thus gains tendencies and acquires im- 
 pulses from a wider area than does an unfertilised 
 ovum, and is in so far strengthened. Conjugation of 
 two cells, similarly formed but belonging to different 
 individuals (as seen in Confervse and Gregarinae) is 
 the simplest arrangement for obtaining this end ; the 
 only difference between this and sexual reproduction 
 is that in the latter process one cell seeks, the other is 
 sought; and this differentiation into active and passive, 
 the wooer and the wooed, commencing in the simplest 
 vegetable and animal cells, persists to the highest rank 
 of development. Self-impregnation (if it have a real 
 physiological existence) and parthenogenesis, have, 
 then, to yield, as chief modes of reproduction, to gamo- 
 genesis, or the concurrence of two individuals ; and 
 
248 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 this for one and the same reason. Perhaps the appar- 
 ently anomalous facts that an animal — or plant, as the 
 case may be — develops elaborate motile zoosperms and 
 copulatory organs, merely to fertilise its own egg ; and 
 that other animals and plants develop peculiarly con- 
 structed large cells, of a kind apparently especially 
 elaborated in the j)rogress of the general evolution of 
 life to provide for fertilisation, yet which never are 
 fertilised — are only to be explained as cases of persist- 
 ent structures with modified function. In the former 
 case, Agamogenesis, being sufficient to or necessitated 
 by the conditions of life, yet avails itself of the ap- 
 paratus inherited from gamogenetic ancestors ; whilst 
 similarly, in the second case (pseudova), Agamogenesis, 
 having advantages for the 23articular case (and not 
 being a common phenomenon in the group), instead of 
 making its appearance through new organs, avails itself 
 of the ovary inherited from gamogenetic progenitors. 
 Thus the unsignificant form of an ovum (unsignificant, 
 that is, so far as Agamogenesis is concerned) takes 
 the place of the more obviously appropriate bud or 
 fission-product. The phenomenon of iVlternation of 
 Generations, usually treated of in connection with 
 parthenogenesis, should by experiment on the physical 
 conditions accompanying its variations enable us to 
 ascertain a great deal more than is at present known 
 of what is the simification of the differentiation of 
 male and female sexual elements ; and it is from further 
 study of this and of true Parthenogenesis that progress 
 in this part of physiology may be expected. 
 
 To return to Siebold's researches. The greater 
 
VII PAETHENOGENESIS 249 
 
 part of the book is devoted to an account of the 
 parthenogenesis observable in the wasp Polistes. 
 Leuckart first recorded, in his work already mentioned, 
 that the workers of wasps, ants, hornets, and humble 
 bees lay eggs, which in one case he followed to the 
 development of a larva, of which he was not able 
 to determine the sex. Siebold determined to study 
 a species of Polistes common in and around Munich, 
 which he identifies with much care, and after reference 
 to specimens and authorities from many lands, as 
 Polistes gallica var. diadema Latreille. He gives a 
 minute description of the characters of the females and 
 males ; the two kinds of the former (queens and 
 workers) being only distinguishable by size — the 
 workers in all external characters as well as in their 
 generative organs being merely smaller queens, and 
 fully capable of copulation and impregnation. In the 
 beginning of May, in Munich, the Polistes queens 
 which were born in the previous summer and impreg- 
 nated then, commence each to build a nest. No queen 
 who built in the former year survives to build a second 
 time, and the young queens never make use of the old 
 nests. The Polistes are very particular in choosing a 
 warm sunshiny spot, sheltered from wind and rain, 
 and as such spots are not too common, a new nest is 
 often begun near the weathered remains of an old one. 
 Walls and trunks of trees, often at such a height as 
 not to be easily reached, are the sites chosen. A\ hen 
 the queen has constructed fifteen or twenty cells, she 
 lays eggs in them, and is very hard-worked in guard- 
 ing her nest and in providing food for the larvae as 
 
250 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 they hatch. She feeds them on caterpillars and other 
 soft insects, first removing the alimentary canal (as 
 cooks take out the entrails of a fish), and carefully 
 applying the morsel to the lips of each larva. This 
 process takes some time for one "hand," and hence 
 the first brood is longer in coming to perfection than 
 later broods, in the rearing of which the elder progeny 
 assist. In the middle of June the first lot make their 
 appearance, all small females ready to assist their parent 
 in the advancement of her enterprise. The later broods 
 develop more rapidly and acquire larger size from 
 being; better nourished, and towards the end of June 
 (no drones being as yet born) the females which come 
 forth are as large as the old queen ; they may, however, 
 be easily distinguished from her by their comparative 
 freshness of colour and wing. Great care is displayed 
 in guarding the nest. At night the queen goes to 
 sleep after having carefully inspected each cell, taking 
 up her position at the hinder side of the nest. If she 
 is disturbed in the night, she takes another survey of 
 her house before again going to sleep. In the day- 
 time if disturbed she makes an immediate attack on 
 the enemy with her sting, and then flies back to her 
 nest. She can sting several times, since the barbs on 
 her weapon are not too long to allow of its being with- 
 drawn. Ants are amone^st the most common of the 
 many insect enemies of these wasps, and when one 
 ventures into the nest, the whole colony sting it to 
 death, and immediately throw the body out. Birds 
 are, however, not thus to be got rid of, and destroy im- 
 mense numbers of the nests, so that Siebold was 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 251 
 
 obliged to protect those he wished to study with 
 nets. The members of one nest are not allowed to 
 remain in another, if by chance a stranger comes in 
 she is hustled out at once by the wasps near the en- 
 trance. Siebold convinced himself of this by painting 
 the thorax of a number of Polistes belonging to different 
 nests with different colours. Only late in the year, 
 when the wasps seem to be getting careless or tired of 
 their incessant work did he find that one or two had 
 got mixed in certain colonies, to which they did not 
 rightly belong. Although there is this sharp discrimi- 
 nation of individuals, yet it was found that by sub- 
 stituting one nest for another whilst the queen was 
 away, she could often be deceived, so as to make her 
 enter upon the possession of the substituted nest as 
 though it were her own. Siebold found this a very 
 useful plan when he wanted to change the position or 
 locality of a nest so as to bring it into a safer or more 
 accessible spot, or when a nest which he had been ob- 
 serving was by some accident deserted, or when a 
 nest in a favourable position was less forward in the 
 development of its larvse than one less favourably 
 situated. By making the nests movable, and sub- 
 stitutincv the one for the other in the absence of the 
 queen, he was able to save himself much trouble and 
 loss. The nests were made movable by removing 
 them from their original support and firmly fixing 
 them to boards which were then hung up in the original 
 position. The queens were very anxious after this 
 operation had been performed, investigating with 
 great care the strength of the support and the cord by 
 
252 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 which the board was hung, and sometimes adding to 
 it themselves additional strength. By degrees such 
 movable nests could be lowered a little bit each day 
 from an inconveniently high position, or taking the 
 nest in the night under a cover whilst all the wasps 
 were in it, it could be removed from a distant locality 
 to the Professor's garden. In such cases a certain pro- 
 portion always came to grief by the desertion of the 
 colony ; and the queen was then sometimes found at 
 work on the old site constructing a new nest. Al- 
 though strangers are not admitted in a well-regulated 
 Polistes nest, yet by carelessness or desertion the brood 
 of one colony will sometimes be exposed to the attacks 
 of the workers of another, who then make use of the 
 unfortunate larvae to feed their own young. It fre- 
 quently happens that workers who have once indulged 
 in this kind of thing, become what are called " robber 
 wasps," utterly demoralised, and actually undo the 
 whole labour of a colony by dragging out the grubs 
 which they w^ere lately so carefully tending in common 
 with their fellows, to feed the still younger larvae. 
 When this condition of things has once begun in a 
 colony it soon goes to ruin, and hence it is necessary 
 to destroy any deserted Polistes nests in the neighbour- 
 hood of those under observation, lest by entering the 
 former the members of the latter should get the bad 
 habit of pulling grubs out of their cells, and proceed 
 to do the same in their own nests. 
 
 The rain is a very constant source of destruction to 
 Polistes colonies, drowning the young by saturating 
 the cells with moisture. Lioht rain will not, however. 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 253 
 
 do much harm. Whilst Siebolcl was endeavouring to 
 remove some of the water from a nest which had been 
 drenched in a shower, he w^as astonished to find the 
 wasps themselves already busy at the work, putting 
 their heads into the cells, sucking up the water, then 
 passing to the edge of the nest and spitting out the 
 fluid. In this way they are able to get rid of the 
 efi"ects of a wetting if it is not very severe. Though 
 the Polistes feed their young exclusively with animal 
 food, they yet appear to collect a sweet fluid which 
 Siebold found in some cells, and which he thinks the 
 workers take for their own enjoyment, since they were 
 seen entering such cells and apparently sucking at the 
 contents — in fact, taking a little refreshment in the 
 intervals of their labour. 
 
 The development of the grub is carefully described 
 by the author, and a ''pseudo-nymph" stage is recog- 
 nised intervening between the nymph and the pupa. 
 The perfect insect bites off" the lid of its cell, and 
 comes out with perfect wings, deposits first of all a 
 drop of urinary excretion, and makes a trial flight, 
 then returns to take part in the labours of the colony. 
 The cell is often used again for another egg. The 
 first drones make their appearance with the beginning 
 of July, an important fact for Siebold's experiments, 
 for if the nest is to be used at all now is the latest 
 moment ; they have to be killed off", and all the remain- 
 ing larvae and pupae destroyed — in order to secure a 
 colony consisting solely of virgins. The drones play 
 a pitiable part in the nest — sneaking about in the 
 empty cells and behind the comb. Not till the month 
 
254 PAETHEXOGENESIS VII 
 
 of August are their generative organs fully developed, 
 and tlien tliey make their first approaches to the 
 females. Their proceedings are minutely described, 
 and it appears that they meet with many rebuffs from 
 the busily-occupied workers of the hive, and that it is 
 outside at a distance from the nest that their addresses 
 are at length accepted by those of the larger females 
 destined to become queens. Not all the large females 
 appear to have this destiny, and none appear to leave 
 the nest until all the brood has been brought through, 
 when (about the beginning of October) the nests 
 become deserted. Only a few flattened old virgin 
 wasps remain, who are killed off by the frosts, whilst 
 the young queens have married and sought out for 
 themselves winter quarters. Siebold distinguished 
 black-eyed and green-eyed drones, and speculates upon 
 the siofnification of this difference. 
 
 Haviner ascertained these and other matters relat- 
 ing to the Polistes in far greater detail than we have 
 been able here to indicate them, Siebold was prepared 
 to make his experiment. In the nest from which he 
 wanted an answer to these questions, " Can unfertilised 
 Polistes females lay eggs which will develop ? " and if 
 so, " Of what sex will the parthenogenetically-produced 
 progeny be ? " he proceeded to destroy the queen and 
 all the eggs, larvae, and pupse in the cells with the 
 greatest care as late as possible in the season, so as to 
 have as large a colony as possible left, the limit of the 
 time being given by the date of the appearance of the 
 first drone. The queens thus taken were used for 
 careful histological study of the generative organs, and 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 255 
 
 since in all cases Siebold found the receptaculum 
 seminis filled with, moving spermatozoa, he was able 
 to feel assured that he had really removed the queen 
 in each case. We will merely direct the attention of 
 those interested in histology to the minute description 
 here given of the ovary, which in the main agrees 
 with Leydig's, and of the receptaculinn seminis, which 
 in 023position to Ley dig, on account of its nerve supply, 
 Siebold holds to be contractile. After waiting some 
 days Siebold had the gratification of finding the first 
 eofors laid in the cells of several of the nests from 
 which he had removed queen, eggs, and larv^, and 
 he felt convinced that they could only have been laid 
 by the small virgin workers who alone tenanted the 
 combs. The whole business of the colonies proceeded 
 just as well as when the queens were there, and the 
 virgins watched and worked with the same assiduity 
 as had done their queen -mother. In some cases 
 Siebold actually saw a worker deposit an egg, and 
 such egg -laying workers, when anatomically tested, 
 showed, firstly, in the presence of corpora lutea (the 
 precise signification of which the investigator had 
 ascertained by his histological studies of the ovary) 
 that eggs had been extruded, and, secondly, in the 
 complete absence of spermatozoa from the recepta- 
 culum seminis, that the insect was a virgin. Out of a 
 hundred nests which he had begun to observe in one 
 season, and out of one hundred and fifty in another, 
 only some twenty or so in each case came through all 
 the long series of accidents from weather, insects, 
 birds, etc., to which they were necessarily exposed, 
 
256 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 and some of those which promised the best results and 
 had cost the most pains came to a bad end in the 
 very last days of the research. In order to determine 
 the sex of the wasps born from the eggs laid by the 
 parthenogenetic females, Siebold in most cases only 
 allowed the develo23ment to proceed sufficiently far to 
 enable him to recognise the sex by anatomical investi- 
 gation. The dried skin, however, of such grubs as 
 were found dead in their cells afforded sufficient evi- 
 dence of the sex. In all cases the parthenogenetic 
 offspring was without exception male. The queen- 
 wasps, as Ave have mentioned, also late in the season 
 lay eggs which produce drones, which are easily dis- 
 tinguished from the drones parthenogenetically pro- 
 duced by their larger size. It occurred to Siebold 
 when he first ascertained that the queens produce 
 drones that such drones might visit his virgin colonies, 
 and thus his whole experiment be invalidated. He 
 was, however, reassured on this point by a nearer 
 acquaintance with the Polistes ; for such drones are 
 not born till later than the period at which his small 
 females laid their eggs, the former event taking place 
 at the end of July, the latter at the beginning ; and, 
 furthermore, as w^e have noticed above, it is not till 
 still later (August), when the experimental cells were 
 long since all occupied with eggs, that the power and 
 desire of sexual activity comes to these drones. 
 
 Siebold's experiments extended over four years, 
 and although some hundreds of nests were more or 
 less observed, only thirty -seven — but these amply 
 sufficient — gave the answer to his questions, passing 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 257 
 
 successfully through all the stages above noted. 
 Firstly, they furnished a virgin colony in a nest ab- 
 solutely free from eggs and larvoe — except a few 
 advanced larvae purposely left in some nests and noted 
 down — which colony laid eggs ; secondly, these eggs 
 produced without exception (some few eggs not 
 developing) males. 
 
 The method of recording which was used must be 
 mentioned to give a notion of the accuracy of the 
 observations. A series of plans of each nest was kept, 
 each cell being represented and its contents at differ- 
 ent dates. Successive plans were used for recording 
 the successive changes in the number of cells of the 
 nest, and in their contents at diiSerent periods of the 
 observations. Signs jotted down in the plan cells 
 indicate such facts as these — e.g. the cell contains a 
 '^parthenogenetic Qgg'' or ''a second parthenogenetic 
 Qgg which was laid after a first one had disappeared," 
 or "a larva sprung from the queen," or " a partheno- 
 genetic male larva," etc. etc. A second record was 
 kept, and is given for twenty-two cases, in which the 
 following facts were noted : Number of the nest, 
 date it was made movable, number of cells at that 
 time, day of emergence of first worker-female, date of 
 destruction of queen, eggs, and grubs, number of larvae 
 and pupae left undestroyed at this date, date of first 
 laying of parthenogenetic eggs, date of first emer- 
 gence of parthenogenetic larvae, date of first emergence 
 of drones born from queens' eggs (these were null in 
 most cases, and were always so late as not to afiect 
 the experiments by possi])ly impregnating the worker- 
 
258 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 females) , number of the same, number of cells observed 
 when the experimental conditions were established, 
 date and duration of the experiment, maximum number 
 of female workers employed in the affairs of the nest, 
 number of larvae, pupae, and wasps of the partheno- 
 genetic brood found at the conclusion of the experi- 
 ment. After the account of the artificially obtained 
 results, two cases are recorded in which Siebold found 
 a parthenogenetic colony naturally established by an 
 accident which had destroyed their queen and comb. 
 
 Before concluding this chapter of his book, Siebold 
 makes the very important observation that the facts 
 observed in the parthenogenesis of Polistes are in 
 opposition to the view maintained by Ley dig, viz. 
 that the sexual difi"erentiation of the egg is independent 
 of its fertilisation, and that the evolution of the male 
 sex is due to diminution of nutrition and warmth. 
 Bessels has already, in opposition to Landois, shown 
 that this is not the case in the bee. If it were true 
 for Polistes, the eggs laid in the early year, when it 
 is cold, and when there is only the queen to attend 
 to the larvae, should produce drones. On the contrary, 
 they produce females, and the drones appear precisely 
 at the time when warmth and nourishment are most 
 abundant. 
 
 Siebold concludes, therefore, that (l) the eggs 
 bring with them from the ovary the capacity of 
 difi'erentiating themselves as males, and (2) of de- 
 veloping themselves, independently of male influence 
 into male individuals ; (3) but the same eggs can be 
 changed in these properties by the influence of the 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 259 
 
 male sperm elements, and proceed to develop as female 
 individuals. 
 
 The second chapter, very short, is on Partheno- 
 genesis in Vespa Jiolsatica, which was inferred to 
 occur from the observation of a naturally -produced 
 queenless colony, the larvce in the cells of which were 
 all male. 
 
 The third chapter is on Parthenogenesis in Nematus 
 ventricosus, the larva of which is known as the Goose- 
 berry-caterpillar. Since three or more generations of 
 these leaf-wasps occur in the season, they furnished 
 abundant material, and the old supposition of partheno- 
 genesis first put out as regards them by Robert Thorn, 
 in the Gardeners Magazine, 1820, is shown by 
 Siebold to be justified by carefully conditioned experi- 
 ment. Some valuable observations on the anatomy 
 of the generative organs, and on the curious increase 
 in the size of the egg after it is laid, are given. The 
 parthenogenetically produced progeny are in this case 
 also male. The results of the Nematus experiments 
 were not ready for publication until after the issue of 
 the present work, and we have received, through the 
 kindness of Dr. Dohrn, a copy of the Sitzungsberichte 
 of the Munich Academy of 4th November 1871, in 
 which they are fully given. It appears that though 
 an occasional female appeared among the male broods 
 produced by unfertilised females, this was, in every 
 case where it happened, fully accounted for by the 
 accidental access of a fertilised female, or some such 
 misadventure, duly noted in the records kept of the 
 observations. 
 
260 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 Of the fourth and fifth chapters, treating of 
 Parthenogenesis in the Lepidoptera, Psyche helix, 
 Solenohia triquetrella and S. lichenella, we have not 
 space to speak in detail. The same intimate inquiry, 
 and the same very necessary prodigality in the amount 
 of material subjected to experiment, which we noted 
 above as to Polistes, characterise Professor Siebold's 
 treatment of these cases. The parthenogenesis in these 
 cases produces female broods, and though the male 
 of Psyche helix has been discovered since Siebold's 
 former researches on this moth, his conclusion is by 
 no means invalidated, for the males are excessively 
 rare. They were first discovered by Glaus, of Mar- 
 burg, who has indicated characters by which future 
 observers may distinguish the sex of the caterpillars. 
 Out of many hundreds of broods reared by Siebold, 
 taken in various places, ranging from the Baltic to 
 the plains of Lombardy, only once did he obtain 
 males. There appear to be thus broods which are 
 entirely female, and broods which are of mixed sexes. 
 The conditions under which the male sex makes its 
 appearance are not yet ascertained. It is exceedingly 
 desirable that those who may be fortunate enough to 
 come across a mixed brood, should make experiments 
 to ascertain if all the eggs which are fertilised produce 
 males. The females of the purely female broods are 
 completely developed in every respect, having perfect 
 copulatory organs, and the Qgg is furnished with a 
 micropyle ; therefore, as Siebold maintains, they must 
 not be called pseudova. It should be mentioned 
 that the inquiries necessary to establish the identity 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 261 
 
 of the species, and the distinctive characters with 
 regard to these little moths, have occupied a great 
 deal of our author's time and attention, and are here 
 recorded. In regard both to Psyche and Solenobia 
 examination with the microscope was employed to 
 determine the absence of male elements from the 
 receptaculum seminis ; and we have moreover an 
 account of the structure of the ovaries. In relation 
 to this matter. Professor Siebold takes the opportunity 
 of replying to some criticisms of his former work by 
 M. Plateau, who appears to have made little of the 
 arguments based on the proof thus obtained of virgin- 
 ity, without knowing the real extent and nature of 
 Siebold's studies, having, in fact, only read of them 
 in an imperfect abstract. It appears also that M. 
 Plateau took " ein einziger Fundort" to mean "un 
 naturaliste collecteur," an amusing mistake to wdiicli 
 our attention is drawn in a note, p. 155. We may 
 briefly mention here with regard to Solenobia, that it 
 appears that S. lichenella is only the female brood 
 of S. pineti, of which males and females regularly 
 occur. No structural difl'erence appears to exist 
 between the two kinds of females, but the former, 
 on escaping from the chrysalis - sac, at once proceed 
 to lay eggs, which produce invariably females ; whilst 
 the latter wait for copulation, and if that be with- 
 held, die, and dry up without laying their eggs. 
 These insects ofl'er most promising material for further 
 researches on the conditions attending the difierentia- 
 tion of sex. 
 
 AYe now come to the sixth and last chapter, on 
 
262 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 "the Parthenogenetic Eeproduction in Apus and 
 allied Crustacea." illready, in 1856, Siebold had 
 stated his supposition that Ajyiis cancriformis, Lim- 
 nadia gigas, and Polyphemus ocidus, in which species 
 no males had been observed, presented examples of 
 true parthenogenesis, and were not to be regarded as 
 bud-producing " nurses," in a so-called alternation of 
 generations. Leuckart subsequently expressed the 
 same opinion with regard to the reproduction, inde- 
 pendent of males, observed in Daphnia, Apus, and 
 Limnadia. Ever since that period Siebold has con- 
 tinually kept an eye upon Apus. In 1858 the males 
 of Apus were discovered by Kozubowski, and Siebold 
 received specimens from various localities. He thus 
 learned to distinguish with perfect facility the two 
 sexes, and w^as enabled now to convince himself that, 
 as with the Lepidoptera above spoken of, so with 
 Apus, broods occur which are entirely destitute of 
 males, and go on reproducing parthenogenetically, 
 whilst other broods occur in which both sexes are 
 present. The number of Apus of two species — Apus 
 cancriformis and Apus j^^^oductus — examined by 
 Siebold, amounts actually to some thousands. He 
 received quantities taken from various ponds in middle 
 Europe (Apus occurs in shallow pools which dry up 
 during parts of the year, and it can be taken in 
 immense quantity), and had the opportunity of study- 
 ing one pond — that at Gossberg, near Munich, with 
 minuteness, from the year 1864 to the year 1869 
 inclusive, besides casual examinations of the same 
 pond in 1857 and 1858. Time after time, taking 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 263 
 
 several hundreds of the Apus from the pond, he never 
 found a single male amongst them. On one occasion 
 he had the whole contents of the little pond removed 
 with the o'reatest care, so as to feel sure that he had 
 obtained every Apus present. He received on this 
 occasion 5796 specimens of Apus, every one of which 
 being carefully examined proved to be female. At 
 the same time 2576 specimens of Branchipus were 
 obtained from the pond, which were, as usual, of both 
 sexes. In those cases where ponds afforded both 
 males and females of Apus, it is remarkable that the 
 proportion of the sexes was very variable. The 
 highest proportion of males appears to be in a case 
 recorded by Sir John Lubbock, who found thirty-three 
 male and thirty-nine female Apus productics in a 
 pond near Rouen, whilst among 193 specimens of 
 Apus cancriformis, from a locality near Krakow, 
 only one male occurred. What is most important 
 about this variation in the proportion of males to 
 females is that in two or three localities, furnishing 
 mixed generations of Apus, from which he has received, 
 year after year, numbers of specimens, Siebold has 
 observed an apparent constantly-augmenting dispro- 
 portion of males to females, and he is led to the 
 supposition that in these cases the males will at last 
 cease altogether, and thus a female generation be pro- 
 duced which will continue to reproduce itself partheno- 
 genetically, as in the Gossberg and a great number of 
 other ponds. This is, however, by no means proved ; 
 and we have no idea at present as to how the males 
 may make their appearance again, or what are the 
 
264 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 conditions affecting tlieir development and extinction. 
 It occurred to Siebold that an objection might be 
 urged against parthenogenesis in Apus, in that, 
 although he examined consecutive generations and 
 found them always female, he could not be sure that 
 males had not been present before he took his speci- 
 mens, and had not died and decomposed after having 
 fertilised the females. To meet such an objection, he 
 firstly made himself thoroughly acquainted with the 
 male generative organs and the spermatozoa, and 
 secondly with the ovaries and their development. He 
 found the spermatozoa to be motionless like those of 
 other Crustacea, and he never succeeded in detecting 
 any of them in the female genitalia amongst the 
 specimens belonging to supposed female generations. 
 But he equally failed to find spermatozoa or a recep- 
 tacle for them in the female genitalia of the specimens 
 of mixed generations, and therefore no conclusion 
 could be drawn from the observation. The structure 
 and development of the ovum, however, made this 
 observation decisive, since it was found that an egg- 
 shell forms round the ovum in the uterus, and, in the 
 absence of a micropyle, fertilisation, if it takes place 
 at all, must be accomplished before this shell is hard- 
 ened. A further proof of another kind was obtained 
 by experiment. Having removed eggs from females, 
 which certainly at the time contained no spermatozoa, 
 Siebold placed them in a small tank, and from these 
 obtained Apus-embryos. Others were reared to matur- 
 ity from eggs taken in the pond. 
 
 The relative size of male and female is a question 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 265 
 
 about wliich there is some interest ; differences whicli 
 have been observed seem to depend on this, that 
 Apus continues growing as long as the pond in which 
 it lives does not dry up, and hence the eggs which 
 hatch soonest give the largest-sized progeny. In his 
 tabular statements Siebold gives measurements of the 
 specimens examined by him at different times from 
 various localities. 
 
 A few words must be said here upon the very 
 extraordinary history of the ovum of Apus made out 
 by Siebold, the structures being identical, whether 
 the female examined belonged to a parthenogenetic 
 or digenetic brood. The essential female organs of 
 reproduction in Apus may be roughly described as 
 two large tubes placed on either side of the alimentary 
 canal, opening externally at the posterior end, and 
 giving off towards the other end primary and second- 
 ary branches. On the ends of these short secondary 
 branches are situated the egg follicles. Four cells 
 appear in each egg follicle in a very early stage of its 
 development, and one of these takes on more rapid 
 growth — becoming the egg- cell — whilst the others 
 disappear as deutoplasmogen or vitellogenous cells ; 
 the egg then acquires some size and a red colour, and 
 has a visible germinal vesicle. But such eggs are 
 much smaller than the ep-gs observable in the main 
 stem of the ovarian tube, and this appears to be the 
 very startling explanation. The eggs escape from 
 their follicles as a matter of course, and pass along 
 the canal leading from it to a primary branch of the 
 ovarian tube, and there two and sometimes three of 
 
266 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 these eoo^s fuse into one mass, around which a shell is 
 secreted, and which thus forms the actual egg — really 
 a threefold egg ; and from such a wonderfully formed 
 egg only one embryo develops. Unfortunately we 
 are not told what becomes of the germinal vesicles ; 
 according to the drawings they seem to disappear at 
 this stage. Siebold appears to have convinced him- 
 self that the fusion is a normal thing, and not due 
 to any pressure or osmotic action taking place during 
 the microscopical examination. The structure of the 
 ovary of Apus is figured in a plate. 
 
 As to the other crustaceans named, which are 
 Artemia salina and Limnadia Hermanni, the occur- 
 rence of parthenogenetic broods is inferred from the 
 descriptions of other writers whose works are criti- 
 cised at some length, and also from examination of 
 specimens. It seems not impossible from an observa- 
 tion of Zenker that in Artemia salina parthenogenetic 
 alternate with digenetic broods. In the beginning of 
 the year 1851 this observer found three males among 
 one hundred females, later in July the same pond 
 furnished thousands of females, but not one male. 
 
 In conclusion, Professor Siebold, whilst adopting 
 Leuckart's term " Arrenotoky," to designate the 
 phenomenon of the parthenogenetic production of 
 male offspring, as seen in the Hymenoptera, proposes 
 the parallel term, " Thelytoky," for the parthenogenetic 
 production of female offspring as demonstrated now 
 conclusively in some Lepidoptera and Crustacea. 
 It seems to us that a third term should also be avail- 
 able for the case of mixed offspring (that is, of two 
 
VII PARTHENOGENESIS 267 
 
 sexes) such as " Ampliotokj " ; and the terms need 
 not be limited to parthenogenetic cases. In his con- 
 cluding remarks, whilst repeating the expression of 
 his conviction that parthenogenesis will be found 
 more and more to be of frequent and fixed occurrence 
 in various classes of animals, Siebold alludes with 
 caution to the list of cases in which parthenogenesis 
 is stated to occur, given by Gerstaecker in Bronn's 
 Classen und Ordnungen des Thierreichs. Ger- 
 staecker rightly enough distinguishes cases in wdiich 
 jDarthenogenesis has been observed as an accidental 
 and rare exception, and those in which it has a 
 definitely recurring place. Siebold considers (and 
 after the great pains he has himself expended on the 
 cases recorded in this book, he is fully warranted in 
 so doing) that many of the examples put forward by 
 Gerstaecker require a more careful testing, and he 
 ofi"ers some remarks on parthenogenesis in the gall- 
 flies, and in the silkworm moth. Finally, he alludes 
 to cases among Vertebrates in which indications of a 
 power of development in the egg, independent of the 
 male element, have been observed. The most remark- 
 able of these is that quoted by Leuckart in his work 
 already cited, which Siebold omits here, but has done 
 justice to in the short supplementary paper read at 
 the Munich Academy since the publication of this book. 
 In 1844 Professor Bischofi" found ova in the uterus 
 of an unimpregnated sow, which exhibited segmenta- 
 tion of the yelk, some into two and four, and others 
 into sixteen and twenty divisions. Other cases here 
 given are as follows : In the oviduct of a three-year-old 
 
268 PARTHENOGENESIS VII 
 
 rabbit, thoroughly separated pathologically from the 
 uterus, Professor v. Hensen of Kiel found ova in various 
 stages of yelk-division, and some of their cells had 
 even advanced into a branched condition. Dr. 
 Oellacher of Innsbruck has observed stages of yelk- 
 division in unfertilised hen's eg;as. In fishes, in 
 1859, Agassiz observed yelk-division occurring in the 
 eggs of Gadidse, whilst yet in the ovary, and con- 
 sidered it to be due to impregnation, even stating 
 that he had seen certain fishes place themselves in 
 such a position as to favour this supposed intra- 
 ovarian fertilisation. Burnett has since investis'ated 
 the case, and concludes that the yelk -division is 
 independent of fertilisation, a supposition which is 
 rendered in every way probable from other researches 
 on the fish egg ; but, curiously enough. Dr. Burnett 
 thinks these eggs should be regarded as "germs," and 
 not as " true eggs," an opinion to which Siebold, of 
 course, is completely opposed, and one which, in in- 
 vertebrate cases, has been shown to be untenable. 
 
 Siebold does not allude to those cases of ovarian 
 cysts found occasionally in the unfertilised human 
 female, and containing hair and teeth — a phenomenon 
 which we should be glad to see further discussed and 
 investigated, since, as far as we can remember, the 
 origin of the contents of such cysts from irregularly 
 developing ova is probable. The eel is suggested as 
 a possible parthenogenetic vertebrate. It is a very 
 strange fact that we are still ignorant of the ripe eggs 
 and embryos as well as of the males of the eel, even 
 as in the time of Aristotle. With the foUowinof words 
 
vn PARTHENOGENESIS 269 
 
 of that great naturalist, addressing them to those 
 who still refuse to accept the existence of Partheno- 
 genesis, Siebold ends his book : '' More belief must 
 be given to observation than to theory, and this last 
 is only worthy of belief when leading to the same 
 result as experience." 
 
VIII 
 A THEORY OF HEREDITY 
 
 A Review of Haeckel's Pamphlet entitled Perigexests der 
 Plastidule, From Nature, 15th July 1876. 
 
A THEORY OF HEREDITY 
 
 Under the title '' Perio^enesis der Plastidule oder 
 die Wellenzeugung der Lebenstheilchen," Professor 
 Haeckel has published quite recently a pamphlet con- 
 taining an attempt to furnish a mechanical explanation 
 of the elementary phenomena of reproduction which 
 shall be more satisfactory than Mr. Darwin's ingenious 
 and well-known theory of Pangenesis. I shall en- 
 deavour to show that Professor Haeckel's theory is 
 essentially that with which both English and German 
 students of Mr. Herbert Spencer's works have long been 
 familiar ; and that it does not furnish a clearer explana- 
 tion than does Mr. Darwin's Pangenesis, of the special 
 facts of heredity which Mr. Darwin had in view. 
 
 Haeckel commences with a very concise statement 
 of what is at present known as to the visible compo- 
 sition of " plastids," those corpuscles of life- stuff called 
 "cells" by Schleiden and Schwann, "elementary 
 organisms " by Briicke, " life-units " by Darwin. Most 
 plastids possess a differentiated central kernel or 
 nucleus, which again possesses one or more nucleoli. 
 The substance of which the body of such a nucleated 
 plastid or true cell is mainly composed is generally 
 known by von Mohl's term, " protoplasma. " Haeckel 
 proposes to distinguish the substance of the nucleus 
 
 T 
 
274 A THEORY OF HEREDITY VIII 
 
 by the name " coccoplasma." In the simplest form 
 of plastid, the "cytod," which is devoid of nucleus, 
 and is exhibited by those lowly organisms known as 
 Monera, by the young Gregarina (Ed. van Beneden), 
 by the hyphse of some Fungi, and by the ripe egg of 
 all organisms (if we may judge from the results of the 
 most recent researches), coccoplasm and protoj)lasm 
 are not differentiated, but exist as one substance, 
 which Haeckel, following Ed. van Beneden, distin- 
 guishes as ''plasson." Whether these distinctions 
 have a real value or not, is of no moment for the 
 question in hand. It is a widely-accepted doctrine — 
 in fact, the fundamental generalisation on which 
 Biology as a science rests — that the excessively com- 
 plex chemical compound which forms the substance 
 of plastids or life-units is the ultimate seat of those 
 phenomena or manifestations of energy which distin- 
 guish living from lifeless things — to wit, growth by 
 intus-susception, reproduction, adaptation, and con- 
 tinuity or hereditary transmission. Leaving Professor 
 Haeckel's pamphlet for a time, let us go back thirteen 
 years. 
 
 As long ago as July 1863, Mr. Herbert Spencer, 
 in his Principles of Biology, pointed out at consider- 
 able length (vol. i. p. 181) that the assumption of 
 definite forms, and the power of repair exhibited by 
 organisms, is only to be brought into relation with 
 other facts (that is to say, so far explained) by the 
 assumption that certain units composing the living 
 substance or protoplasm of cells possess " polarity " 
 similar to, but not identical with, that of the units 
 
VIII A THEORY OF HEREDITY 275 
 
 which build up crystals. Mr. Spencer is careful to 
 explain that by the term ^' polarity " we mean simply 
 to avoid a circuitous expression, namely, the still 
 unexplained power which these units have of arrang- 
 ing themselves into a special form. He then points 
 out that the units in question cannot be the molecules 
 of the proximate chemical compounds which we obtain 
 from protoplasm — such as albumen, or fibrin, or gela- 
 tin, or even protein. Further he shows that they 
 cannot be the cells or morphological units, since such 
 organisms as the Khizopods are not built up of cells, 
 and since, moreover, "the formation of a cell is to 
 some extent a manifestation of the peculiar power" 
 under consideration. " If then," he continues, "this 
 organic polarity can be possessed neither by the chemi- 
 cal units, nor the morphological units, we must con- 
 ceive it as possessed by certain intermediate units, 
 which we may term j^^^y biological. There seems no 
 alternative but to suppose that the chemical units 
 combine into units immensely more complex than 
 themselves, complex as they are ; and that in each 
 organism, the physiological units produced by this 
 further compounding of highly compound atoms, have 
 a more or less distinctive character. We must con- 
 clude that in each case, some slight difference of 
 composition in these units, leading to some slight 
 difference in their mutual play of forces, produces a 
 difference in the form which the aggregate of them 
 assumes." 
 
 Further on Mr. Spencer applies the hypothesis of 
 physiological units to the explanation of the phenomena 
 
276 A THEORY OF HEREDITY VIII 
 
 of heredity, introducing the subject by the following 
 admirable remarks, which appear to me to assign in 
 the most judicious manner their true value to such 
 hypotheses and to be as strictly applicable to later 
 speculations as to his own. " A positive explanation 
 of heredity is not to be expected in the present state 
 of bioloo-y. We can look for nothing beyond a simpli- 
 fication of the problem, and a reduction of it to the 
 same category with certain other problems wdiich also 
 admit of hypothetical solution only. If an hypothesis 
 which certain other widespread phenomena have 
 already thrust upon us, can be shown to render the 
 phenomena of heredity more intelligible than they at 
 present seem, we shall have reason to entertain it. 
 The applicability of any method of interpretation to 
 two different but allied classes of facts is evidence of 
 its truth. The power which organisms display of 
 reproducing lost parts, we saw to be inexplicable 
 except on the assumption that the units of which any 
 oro-anism is built have an innate tendency to arrange 
 themselves into the shape of that organism. We 
 inferred that these units must be the possessors of 
 special polarities, resulting from their special struc- 
 tures ; and that by the mutual play of their polarities 
 they are compelled to take the form of the species to 
 which they belong. And the instance of the Begonia 
 phyllomaniaca left us no escape from the admission 
 that the ability thus to arrange themselves is latent 
 in the units in every undifferentiated cell. . . . The 
 assumption to which we seem driven by the ensemble 
 of the evidence, is that sperm -cells and germ -cells 
 
VIII A THEORY OF HEREDITY 277 
 
 are essentially nothing more than vehicles, in which 
 are contained small groups of the physiological units 
 in a fit state for obeying their proclivity towards the 
 structural arrangement of the species they belong to. 
 ... If the likeness of offspring to parents is thus 
 determined, it becomes manifest, a jpriori, that besides 
 the transmission of generic and specific peculiarities, 
 there will be a transmission of those individual peculi- 
 arities which, arising without assignable causes, are 
 classed as ' spontaneous.' . . . 
 
 " That changes of structure caused by changes of 
 action must also be transmitted, however obscurely, 
 from one generation to another, appears to be a de- 
 duction from first principles — or if not a specific 
 deduction, still, a general implication. . . . Bringing 
 the question to its ultimate and simplest form, we may 
 say that as on the one hand physiological units will, 
 because of their special polarities, build themselves 
 into an organism of a special structure, so on the other 
 hand, if the structure of this organism is modified by 
 modified function, it will impress some corresponding 
 modification on the structures and polarities of its 
 units. The units and the aggregate must act and 
 react on each other. The forces exercised by each 
 unit on the aggregate, and by the aggregate on each 
 unit, must ever tend towards a balance. If nothing 
 prevents, the units will mould the aggregate into a 
 form in equilibrium with their pre-existing polarities. 
 If contrariwise, the aggregate is made by incident 
 actions to take a new form, its forces must tend to 
 re-mould the units into harmony with this new form ; 
 
278 A THEORY OF HEREDITY VIII 
 
 and to say that the physiological units are in any 
 degree so re-moulded as to bring their polar forces 
 towards equilibrium with the forces of the modified 
 aggregate, is to say that when separated in the shape 
 of reproductive centres, these units will tend to build 
 themselves up into an aggregate modified in the same 
 direction." (P. 256.) 
 
 Thus, then, Mr. Herbert Spencer definitely assumes 
 an order of molecules or units of protoplasm — lower 
 in degree than the visible cell-units or plastids — to 
 the '' polar forces " of which and their modification by 
 external agencies and interaction, he ascribes the ulti- 
 mate responsibility in reproduction, heredity, and 
 adaptation. 
 
 I am unable to say whether Mr. Darwin was ac- 
 quainted with or had considered Mr. Herbert Spencer's 
 hypothesis of physiological units, when in 1868 he 
 published his own provisional hypothesis of Pangenesis. 
 But an examination of the bearings of the two hypo- 
 theses shows that the former does not render the latter 
 superfluous, nor is the one inconsistent with the other. 
 Mr. Darwin wished to picture to himself and to enable 
 others to picture to themselves a process which would 
 account for (that is, hold together and explain) not 
 merely the simpler facts of hereditary transmission, 
 but those very curious though abundant cases in which 
 a character is transmitted in a latent form and at last 
 reappears after many generations, such cases being 
 known as " atavism " or " reversion " ; and again those 
 cases of latent transmission in which characteristics 
 special to the male are transmitted to the male off- 
 
VIII A THEORY OF HEREDITY 279 
 
 spring through the female parent without being mani- 
 fest in her ; and yet again the appearance at a particu- 
 lar period of life of characters inherited and remaining 
 latent in the young organism. According to the 
 hypothesis of pangenesis, " every unit or cell of the 
 body throws off gemmules or undeveloped atoms, 
 which are transmitted to the offspring of both sexes 
 and are multiplied by self-division. They may remain 
 undeveloped during the early years of life or during 
 successive generations ; their development into units 
 or cells, like those from which they were derived, 
 depending on their affinity for, and union with, other 
 units or cells previously developed in the due order of 
 growth.^' 
 
 In an essay ("Comparative Longevity," Macmillan, 
 1870, p. 32) published six years ago, I briefly sug- 
 gested the possibility of combining Mr. Herbert 
 Spencer's and Mr. Darwin's hypotheses thus : " The 
 persistence of the same material gemmule and the 
 vast increase in the number of gemmules, and conse- 
 quently of material bulk,^ make a material theory 
 difficult. Modified force -centres, becoming further 
 modified in each generation, such as Mr. Spencer's 
 physiological units, might be made to fit in with Mr. 
 Darwin's hypothesis in other respects." In fact, in 
 place of the theory of emission from the constituent 
 cells of an organism of material gemmules which cir- 
 culate through the system and affect every living cell, 
 
 1 On tills subject see Mr. Sorby's recent Presidential Address to the 
 Royal Microscopical Society, in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical 
 
 Science, April 1876. 
 
280 A THEORY OF HEREDITY . VIII 
 
 and accumulate in sperm-cells and germ-cells, we may 
 substitute tlie theory of transmission of force, the two 
 theories standing to one another in the same relation 
 as the emission and undulatory theories of light. 
 
 It may, however, be very fairly questioned whether 
 our conceptions of the vibrations of complex molecules, 
 or in other words, their force-affections, are sufficiently 
 advanced to render it desirable to substitute the 
 vaguer though possibly truer undulatory theory of 
 heredity for the more manageable molecular theory 
 (Pangenesis). How are we to conceive of the propa- 
 gation of such states of force-affection or vibration 
 (as they are vaguely termed) through the organism 
 from unit to unit ? In what manner, again, are we 
 to express the dormancy of the pangenetic gemmules 
 in terms of molecular vibration ? It is true that 
 molecular physics furnishes us with some analogies in 
 the matter of the propagation of particular states of 
 force-affection from molecule to molecule, as, for 
 example, in the various modes of decomposition ex- 
 hibited by gun-cotton, in contact actions and the 
 like ; but it will require a very extended analysis of 
 both the phenomena of heredity and of molecular 
 phenomena similar to those just cited, to enable us 
 to supersede the admittedly provisional hypothesis of 
 Pangenesis by a hypothesis of vibrations. And it is 
 necessary here to remark that in the fundamental 
 conception of Pangenesis, namely, the detachment 
 from the living cells of the organism of gemmules 
 which then circulate in the organism, there is nothing 
 contrary to analogy, but rather in accordance with it. 
 
VIII A THEORY OF HEREDITY 281 
 
 It is quite certain that in some infective diseases the 
 contagion is spread by specific material particles. 
 This seems to be established, although it is far from 
 settled as to whether these particles are parasitic 
 organisms or portions of the diseased organism itself. 
 Mr. Darwin's pangenetic gemmules may, even if not 
 accumulated and transmitted from generation to 
 generation, be called upon to explain the solidarity of 
 the constituent cells of one organism ; they may be 
 assumed as agents of a peculiar kind of infection,^ by 
 means of which the molecular condition or force- 
 affection of one cell is communicated to others at a 
 distance in the same organism. It is difficult without 
 some such hypothesis of an active material exchange 
 of living molecules between the various cells of the 
 body, to conceive of the way in which " change is 
 propagated throughout the parental system," or a 
 modified part is to " impress some corresponding 
 modification on the structures and polarities " of dis- 
 tant units, such, for example, as those contained in 
 the mammalian ovum. 
 
 In the human ovary no egg-cells are produced 
 after the age of two and a half years. Each of the 
 many hundred eggs there contained reposes quietly 
 in its follicle, whilst the growth and development of 
 other organs is proceeding. Then a renewed period 
 of activity for the ovary commences, but the majority 
 
 1 It is a striking exemplification of the unity of biological science 
 that we should have to look to the pathologist for the next step in 
 this region of speculation, and that fermentations, phosphorescence, 
 fevers, and heredity, should be simultaneously studied from a common 
 point of view with psychology. 
 
282 A THEORY OF HEREDITY VIII 
 
 of the originally-formed egg- cells retain their vitality 
 and form-individuality for more than forty years. 
 How, we may ask, during that time are they subjected 
 to the influence of new polar forces acquired by the 
 other units of the body ? We know that they are so 
 impressed, or have such influences propagated to them/ 
 Is it by " action at a distance," or by the contact action 
 of circulating infective gemmules ? 
 
 Such being the state of speculation, in England at 
 any rate, with regard to the mechanical explanation 
 of heredity, we return to Professor Haeckel's recently 
 enunciated theory of the Perigenesis of plastidules. 
 
 It is clear, to begin with, that Professor Haeckel 
 has either never studied or has forgotten Mr. Herbert 
 Spencer's writings. His attempt to substitute some- 
 thing better for Mr. Darwin's provisional hypothesis 
 of Pangenesis, as he tells us, has its origin, to a great 
 extent, in the admirable popular lecture of Professor 
 Ewald Herino' of Prag^ue, " Uber das Gedilchtniss als 
 eine allgemeine Function der organisirten Materie" 
 [On Memory as a General Function of Organised 
 Matter], published in 1870, and to some extent, 
 including terminology, is based on an essay by Elsberg, 
 of New York, published in the Proceedings of the 
 American Association, Hartford, 1874. With the latter 
 of these publications I am only acquainted through 
 Professor Haeckel's citations, but with the former at 
 first hand. Professor Hering gives a brief outline, in 
 the lecture in question, of the fundamental doctrine 
 of physiological psychology, which had been previously 
 
 1 See note on page 286. 
 
VIII A THEORY OF HEREDITY 283 
 
 worked out to its consequences on an extensive scale by 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer. Professor Hering has tlie merit 
 of introducing some striking phraseology into his 
 treatment of the subject, which serves to emphasise 
 the leading idea. He points out that since all trans- 
 mission of " qualities " from cell to cell in the growth 
 and repair of one and the same organ, or from parent 
 to offspring, is a transmission of vibrations or affections 
 of material particles, whether these qualities manifest 
 themselves as form, or as a facility for entering upon 
 a given series of vibrations, we may speak of all such 
 phenomena as " memory," whether it be the conscious 
 memory exhibited by the nerve-cells of the brain or 
 the unconscious memory we call habit, or the inherited 
 memory we call instinct ; or whether again it be the 
 reproduction of parental form and minute structure. 
 All equally may be called "the memory of living 
 matter." From the earliest existence of protoplasm 
 to the present day, the memory of living matter is 
 continuous. Though individuals die, the universal 
 memory of living matter is still carried on. 
 
 Professor Hering, in short, helps us to a comprehen- 
 sive conception of the nature of heredity and adaptation 
 by giving us the term " memory," conscious or uncon- 
 scious, for the continuity of Mr. Herbert Spencer's 
 polar forces or polarities of physiological units. 
 
 Elsberg appears (though this is only an inference 
 on my part) to be acquainted with ]\Ir. Herbert 
 Spencer's hypothesis of physiological units. Adopt- 
 ing Haeckels useful term " plastid" for a corpuscle of 
 protoplasm (cell or cytod), he designates the physio- 
 
284 A THEORY OF HEREDITY VIII 
 
 logical units " plastidules," a name which Haeckel has 
 accepted, and which may very possibly be found per- 
 manently useful. But Elsberg does not appear to 
 have helped on the discussion of the subject to a great 
 extent, since he proceeds no further than is implied 
 in adoj)ting Mr. Darwin's theory of Pangenesis, whilst 
 substituting the "plastidules" for Mr. Darwin s 
 "gemmules." It appears tome that Elsberg in his 
 combination of the Spencerian and Darwinian hypo- 
 theses, has omitted the sound element in the latter, 
 and retained the more questionable. He should have 
 conjoined Mr. Herbert Spencer's conception of '' plasti- 
 dules " — possessing special polarities or force affections 
 which they are capable of propagating as changes of 
 state (i.e. force-waves) to associated plastidules, and 
 so to offspring — with Mr. Darwin's conception of a 
 universal and continuous emission of such changes 
 from all the cells of an organism, and the frequent 
 occurrence of a persistently latent condition of those 
 changes — a condition which Hering's happy use of 
 the term " memory " enables us to illustrate by the 
 analogous (or we should rather say identical) " latent " 
 or '^ dormant condition " of mental impressions. 
 
 This is, in fact, the position which Professor Haeckel 
 takes up — though independently of what Mr. Spencer 
 has written on the subject, excepting so far as the 
 influence of the latter is to be traced in Elsberg's 
 essay. For Haeckel, living matter, protoplasm, or 
 plasson consists of definite molecules — the plastidules 
 — which cannot be divided into smaller plastidules, 
 but can only be split into lower chemical compounds. 
 
VIII A THEORY OF HEREDITY 285 
 
 What Mr. Spencer calls polarities or polar forces 
 Haeckel speaks of as "unclulatory movements" — a 
 symbol which has the advantages and disadvantages 
 of analogy, but which, like "polarity," is only a 
 symbol, and covers our incapability of conceiving- 
 more definitely the character of the phenomenon it 
 designates. The undulatory movement of the plasti- 
 dules is the key to the mechanical explanation of all 
 the essential phenomena of life. The plastidules are 
 liable to have their undulations affected by every 
 external force, and once modified the movement does 
 not return to its pristine condition. By assimilation 
 they continually increase to a certain point in size, 
 and then divide, and thus perpetuate in the undulatory 
 movement of successive generations the impressions 
 or resultants due to the action of external agencies on 
 individual plastidules. This is Memory. All plasti- 
 dules possess memory — and Memory, which we see in 
 its ultimate analysis is identical with reproduction, is 
 the distinguishing feature of the plastidule ; is that 
 which it alone of all molecules possesses in addition 
 to the ordinary properties of the physicist's molecule ; 
 is in fact that which distinguishes it as vital. To the 
 sensitiveness of the movement of plastidules is due 
 Variability — to their unconscious Memory the power 
 of Hereditary Transmission. As we know them to-day, 
 they may '' have learnt little and forgotten nothing " 
 in one organism, " have learnt much and forgotten 
 much " in another, but in all, their Memory, if some- 
 times fragmentary, yet reaches back to the dawn of 
 life on the earth. 
 
NOTE 
 
 The two preceding essays give an account of researches 
 and speculations whicli have a historical value for the 
 philosophic biologist. In both of these articles the 
 reader will find evidence of a belief on my part in 
 " the transmission by heredity of acquired characters." 
 This belief is one which I now think is not justifiable. 
 Some of the questions connected both with Partheno- 
 genesis and Heredity have been elucidated in a masterly 
 manner by August Weismann of Freiburg, whose 
 essays recently published by the Oxford University 
 Press cannot be too carefully studied by naturalists. 
 
 15th March 1890. 
 
IX 
 
 THE HISTOKY AND SCOPE 
 OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 From the Ninth Edition of the Encyclopaedia Britaxnica 
 
THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 The branch of science to which the name Zoology is 
 strictly applicable may be defined as that portion of 
 Biology which relates to animals, as distinguished from 
 that portion which is concerned with plants. 
 
 The science of Biology itself has been placed by 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer in the group of concrete sciences, 
 the other groups recognised by that writer being the 
 " abstract- concrete " and the "abstract." The ab- 
 stract sciences are Logic and Mathematics, and treat of 
 the blank forms in which phenomena occur in relation 
 to time, space, and number. The abstract-concrete 
 sciences are Mechanics, Physics, and Chemistry. The 
 title assigned to them is justified by the fact that, 
 whilst their subject-matter is found in a consideration 
 of varied concrete phenomena, they do not aim at the 
 explanation of complex concrete phenomena as such, 
 but at the determination of certain " abstract " quanti- 
 tative relations and sequences known as the " laws " 
 of mechanics, physics, and chemistry, which never are 
 manifested in a pure form, but always are inferred by 
 observation and experiment upon complex phenomena 
 in which the abstract laws are disguised by their 
 simultaneous interaction. The group of concrete 
 
 u 
 
290 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 sciences includes Astronomy, Geology, Biology, and 
 Sociology. These sciences have for their aim to " ex- 
 plain" the concrete complex phenomena of (a) the 
 sidereal system, (h) the earth as a whole, (c) the living 
 matter on the earth's surface, (d) human society, by 
 reference to the jDroperties of matter set forth in 
 the generalisations or laws of the abstract -concrete 
 sciences, i.e. of mechanics, physics, and chemistry. 
 
 The classification thus sketched exhibits, whatever 
 its practical demerits, the most important fact with 
 regard to Biology, namely, that it is the aim or busi- 
 ness of those occupied with that branch of science to 
 assign living things, in all their variety of form and 
 activity, to the one set of forces recognised by the 
 physicist and chemist. Just as the astronomer ac- 
 counts for the heavenly bodies and their movements 
 by the laws of motion and the property of attraction, 
 as the geologist explains the present state of the earth's 
 crust by the long-continued action of the same forces 
 which at this moment are studied and treated in the 
 form of "laws" by physicists and chemists, so the 
 biologist seeks to explain in all its details the long 
 process of the evolution of the innumerable forms of 
 life now existing, or which have existed in the past, 
 as a necessary outcome, an automatic product, of these 
 same forces. 
 
 Science may be defined as the knowledge of causes ; 
 and, so long as Biology was not a conscious attempt 
 to ascertain the causes of living things, it could not 
 be rightly grouped with other branches of science. 
 For a very long period the two parallel divisions of 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 291 
 
 Biology, — Botany and Zoology, — were actually limited 
 to the accumulation of observations, which were noted, 
 tabulated, and contemplated by the students of these 
 subjects with wonder and delight, but only to a limited 
 extent and in restricted classes of facts with any hope 
 or intention of connecting the phenomena observed 
 with the great nexus of physical sequence or causa- 
 tion. A vague desire to assign the forms and the 
 activities of living things in all their variety to general 
 causes has always been present to thoughtful men 
 from the earliest times of which we have record, but 
 the earlier attempts in this direction were fantastic in 
 the extreme ; and it is the mere truth that, at the 
 time when the phenomena of inorganic nature had 
 been recognised as the outcome of uniform and con- 
 stant properties capable of analysis and measurement, 
 living things were still left hopelessly out of the 
 domain of explanation, the earlier theories having been 
 rejected and nothing as yet suggested in their place. 
 
 The history of Zoology as a science is therefore the 
 history of the great biological doctrine of the evolution 
 of living things by the natural selection of varieties 
 in the struggle for existence, — since that doctrine is 
 the one medium whereby all the phenomena of life, 
 whether of form or function, are rendered capable of 
 explanation by the laws of physics and chemistry, 
 and so made the subject-matter of a true science or 
 study of causes. A history of Zoology must take 
 account of the growth of those various kinds of infor- 
 mation with regard to animal life which have been 
 arrived at in past ages through the labours of a long 
 
292 THE HISTORY AXD SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 series of ardent lovers of nature, who in each succeed- 
 ing period have more and more carefully and accurately 
 tested, proved, arranged, and tabulated their know- 
 ledge, until at last the accumulated lore of centuries 
 — without the conscious act of its latest heirs and 
 cultivators — took the form of the doctrine of descent 
 and the filiation of the animal series. 
 
 General Historical Sketch 
 
 There is something almost pathetic in the childish 
 wonder and delight with which mankind in its earlier 
 phases of civilisation gathered wp and treasured stories 
 of strange animals from distant lands or deep seas, 
 such as are recorded in the Physiologus, in Albertus 
 Magnus, and even at the present day in the popular 
 treatises of Japan and China. That omnivorous uni- 
 versally credulous stage, which may be called the 
 "legendary," was succeeded by the age of collectors 
 and travellers, when many of the strange stories be- 
 lieved in were actually demonstrated as true by the 
 living or preserved trophies brought to Europe by 
 adventurous navigators. The possibility of verifica- 
 tion established verification as a habit ; and the 
 collecting of things, instead of the accumulating of 
 reports, developed a new faculty of minute observa- 
 tion. The early collectors of natural curiosities were 
 the founders of zoological science, and to this day the 
 naturalist-traveller and his correlative, the museum 
 curator and systematist, play a most important part 
 in the progress of Zoology. Indeed, the historical and 
 present importance of this aspect or branch of zoolo- 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 293 
 
 gical science is so great that the name " Zoology" has 
 until recently been associated entirely with it, to the 
 exclusion of the study of minute anatomical structure 
 and function which have been distinguished as Ana- 
 tomy and Physiology. It is a curious result of the 
 steps of the historical progress of the two divisions of 
 biological science that, whilst the word '' Botany " has 
 always been understood, and is at the present day 
 understood, as embracing the study, not only of the 
 external forms of plants, their systematic nomenclature 
 and classification, and their geographical distribution, 
 but also the study of their minute structure, their 
 organs of nutrition and reproduction, and the mode 
 of action of the mechanism furnished by those organs, 
 the word " Zoology " has been limited to such a know- 
 ledge of animals as the travelling sportsman could 
 acquire in making his collections of skins of beasts 
 and birds, of dried insects and molluscs' shells, and 
 such a knowledge as the museum curator could acquire 
 by the examination and classification of these portable 
 obj ects. Anatomy and the study of animal mechanism, 
 animal physics, and animal chemistry, all of which 
 form part of a true Zoology, have been excluded from 
 the usual definition of the word by the mere accident 
 that the zooloo;ist of the last three centuries has had 
 his museum but has not had his garden of living 
 specimens as the botanist has had ; ^ and, whilst the 
 
 1 Tlie mediajval attitude towards both plants and animals liad no 
 relation to real knowledge, but was part of a peculiar and in itself 
 higlily interesting mysticism. A fantastic and elaborate doctrine of 
 symbolism existed wbicli comprised all nature ; witchcraft, alchemy, 
 and medicine were its practical expressions. Animals as well as plants 
 
294 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 zoologist has thus for a long time been deprived of 
 the means of anatomical and physiological study — 
 only supplied within the past century by the method 
 of preserving animal bodies in alcohol — the demands 
 of medicine for a knowledge of the structure of the 
 human animal have in the meantime brought into 
 existence a separate and special study of human 
 Anatomy and Physiology. 
 
 From these special studies of human structure the 
 knowledge of the anatomy of animals has proceeded, 
 the same investigator who had made himself acquainted 
 with the structure of the human body desiring to 
 compare with the standard given by human anatomy 
 the structures of other animals. Thus Comparative 
 Anatomy came into existence as a branch of inquiry 
 apart from Zoology, and it is only now, in the latter 
 part of the nineteenth century, that the limitation of 
 the word " Zoology " to a knowledge of animals which 
 expressly excludes the consideration of their internal 
 structure has been rejected by the general consent of 
 those concerned in the progress of science ; it is now 
 generally recognised that it is mere tautology to speak 
 of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy, and that our 
 museum naturalists must give attention as well to the 
 inside as to the outside of animals. 
 
 The Anatomy and Physiology of plants have never 
 been excluded from the attention of botanists, because 
 
 were regarded as " simples " and used in medicine, and a knowledge 
 of them was valued from this point of view. Plants were collected 
 and cultivated for medicinal use ; hence the physic gardens and the 
 botanist's advantacje. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 295 
 
 in contrast to the earlier zoologists they always were 
 in possession of the whole living plant, raised from 
 seed if need be in a hothouse, instead of having only 
 a dried skin, skeleton, or shell. Consequently the 
 study of vegetable Anatomy and Physiology has grown 
 up naturally and in a healthy way in strict relation 
 to the rest of botanical knowledge, whilst animal Ana- 
 tomy and Pliysiology have been external to Zoology 
 in origin, the product of the medical profession and, 
 as a consequence, subjected to a misleading anthropo- 
 centric method. 
 
 Whilst we may consider the day as gone by in 
 which Zoology could be regarded as connoting solely 
 a special museum knowledge of animals (as twenty- 
 five years ago was still the case), it is interesting to 
 observe by the way the curious usurpation of the 
 word '' Physiology," which, from having a wide conno- 
 tation, indicated by its etymology, — the physiologus 
 of the Middle Ages being nothing more nor less than 
 the naturalist or student of nature — has in these later 
 days acquired a limitation w^hich it is difficult to 
 justify or explain. Physiology to-day means the 
 study of the physical and chemical properties of the 
 animal or vegetable body, and is even distinguished 
 from the study of structure and strictly confined to 
 the study of function. It would hardly be in place 
 here to discuss at length the steps by which Physio- 
 logy became thus limited, any more than to trace 
 those by which the words "physician" and ''physicist" 
 (which both mean one who occupies himself with 
 nature) have come to signify respectively a medical 
 
296 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 practitioner and a student of the laws of meclianics, 
 heat, light, and electricity (but not of chemistry), 
 whilst the word " naturalist " is very usually limited to 
 a lover and student of living things, to the exclusion 
 of the so-called physicist, the chemist, and the astro- 
 nomer. It is probable that Physiology acquired its 
 present significance, viz. the study of the properties 
 and functions of the tissues and organs of living things, 
 by a process of external attraction and spoliation 
 which gradually removed from the oiiginsil physiologus 
 all his belongings and assigned them to newly-named 
 and independently -constituted sciences, leaving at 
 last, as a residuum to which the word might still be 
 applied, that medical aspect of life which is concerned 
 with the workinojs of the living oroanism ree^arded as 
 a piece of physico-chemical apparatus. 
 
 Whatever may be the history of the word " Physi- 
 ology," we find Zoology, which really started in the 
 sixteenth century with the awakening of the new 
 spirit of observation and exploration, for a long time 
 running a separate course uninfluenced by the progress 
 of the medical studies of Anatomy and Physiology. 
 The history of every branch of science involves a 
 recognition of the history, not only of other branches of 
 science, but of the progress of human society in every 
 other relation. The century which destroyed the 
 authority of the Church, witnessed the discovery of 
 the New World, and in England produced the writings 
 of Francis Bacon is rightly regarded as the starting- 
 point of the modern knowledge of natural causes or 
 science. The true history of Zoology as a science lies 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 297 
 
 within the three last centuries; and, whilst the 
 theories and fables which were current in earlier times 
 in regard to animal life and the various kinds of 
 animals form an important subject of study from the 
 point of view of the history of the development of the 
 human mind, they really have no bearing upon the 
 history of scientific Zoology. The great awakening 
 of western Europe in the sixteenth century led to an 
 active search for knowledge by means of observation 
 and experiment, which found its natural home in the 
 universities. Owing to the connection of medicine 
 with these seats of learning, it was natural that the 
 study of the structure and functions of the human 
 body and of the animals nearest to man should take 
 root there ; the spirit of inquiry which now for the 
 first time became general showed itself in the ana- 
 tomical schools of the Italian universities of the six- 
 teenth century, and spread fifty years later to Oxford. 
 In the seventeenth century the lovers of the new 
 philosophy, the investigators of nature by means of ob- 
 servation and experiment, banded themselves into aca- 
 demies or societies for mutual support and intercourse. 
 It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of the influ- 
 ence which has been exercised by these associations 
 upon the progress of all branches of science and of Zoo- 
 logy especially. The essential importance of academies 
 is to be found, as Laplace, the great French astronomer, 
 has said, "in the philosophic spirit which develops 
 itself in them and spreads itself from them as centres 
 over an entire nation and all relations. The isolated 
 man of science can give himself up to dogmatism 
 
298 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 without restraint ; he hears contradictions only from 
 afar. But in a learned society the enunciation of 
 dogmatic views leads rapidly to their destruction, and 
 the desire of each member to convince the others 
 necessarily leads to the agreement to admit nothing 
 excepting what is the result of observation or of 
 mathematical calculation." 
 
 The first founded of surviving European academies, 
 the Academia Naturse Curiosorum (1651),^ especially 
 confined itself to the description and illustration of 
 the structure of plants and animals ; eleven years later 
 (1662) the Eoyal Society of London was incorporated 
 by royal charter, having existed without a name or 
 fixed organisation for seventeen years previously (from 
 1645). A little later the Academy of Sciences of Paris 
 was established by Louis XIY. The influence of these 
 great academies of the seventeenth century on the 
 progress of Zoology was precisely to efi'ect that bring- 
 ing together of the museum -men and the physicians 
 or anatomists which was needed for further develop- 
 ment. Whilst the race of collectors and systematisers 
 culminated in the latter part of the eighteenth century 
 in Linnaeus, a new type of student made its appearance 
 in such men as John Hunter and other anatomists, 
 who, not satisfied with the superficial observations of 
 the popular " zoologists," set themselves to work to 
 examine anatomically the whole animal kingdom, and 
 to classify its members by aid of the results of such 
 profound study. From them we pass to the compara- 
 
 1 The Academia Secretorum Naturse was founded at Naples in 
 1560, but was suppressed by the ecclesiastical authorities. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 299 
 
 tive anatomists of the nineteenth century and the 
 introduction of the microscope as a serious instrument 
 of accurate observation. 
 
 The influence of the scientific academies and the 
 spirit in ^Yhich they worked in the seventeenth century 
 cannot be better illustrated than by an examination of 
 the early records of the Eoyal Society of London. The 
 spirit which animated the founders and leaders of that 
 society is clearly indicated in its motto '^ Nullius in 
 verba." Marvellous narrations were not permitted at 
 the meetings of the society, but solely demonstrative 
 experiments or the exhibition of actual specimens. 
 Definite rules were laid down by the society for its 
 guidance, designed to ensure the collection of solid 
 facts and the testing of statements embodying novel 
 or remarkable observations. Under the influence of 
 the touchstone of strict inquiry set on foot by the 
 Eoyal Society, the marvels of witchcraft, sympathetic 
 powders, and other relics of mediaeval superstition 
 disappeared like a mist before the sun, whilst accurate 
 observations and demonstrations of a host of new 
 wonders accumulated, amongst which were numerous 
 contributions to the anatomy of animals, and none per- 
 haps more noteworthy than the observations, made by 
 the aid of microscopes constructed by himself, of Leeu- 
 wenhoek, the Dutch naturalist (1683), some of whose 
 instruments were presented by him to the society. 
 
 It was not until the nineteenth century that the 
 microscope, thus early applied by Leeuwenhoek, Mal- 
 pighi. Hook, and Swammerdam to the study of animal 
 structure, was perfected as an instrument, and accom- 
 
300 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 plisliecl for Zoology its final and most important 
 service. The earlier half of the nineteenth century is 
 remarkable for the rise, growth, and full development 
 of a new current of thought in relation to living 
 things, expressed in the various doctrines of develop- 
 ment which were promulgated, whether in relation to 
 the origin of individual animals and plants or in rela- 
 tion to their origin from predecessors in past ages. 
 The perfecting of the microscope led to a full compre- 
 hension of the great doctrine of cell-structure and the 
 establishment of the facts — (1) that all organisms are 
 either single corpuscles (so-called cells) of living 
 material (microscopic animalcules, etc.) or are built up 
 of an immense number of such units ; (2) that all 
 organisms begin their individual existence as a single 
 unit or corpuscle of living substance, which multiplies 
 by binary fission, the products growing in size and 
 multiplying similarly by binary fission ; and (3) that 
 the life of a multicellular organism is the sum of the 
 activities of the corpuscular units of which it consists, 
 and that the processes of life must be studied in and 
 their explanation obtained from an understanding of 
 the chemical and physical changes which go on in each 
 individual corpuscle or unit of living material or pro- 
 toplasm (cell-theory of Schwann). 
 
 On the other hand, the astronomical theories of 
 development of the solar system from a gaseous con- 
 dition to its present form, put forward by Kant and 
 by Laplace, had impressed men's minds with the con- 
 ception of a general movement of spontaneous progress 
 or development in all nature ; and, though such ideas 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 301 
 
 were not new but are to be found in some of the 
 ancient Greek pliilosopliers, yet now for the first time 
 they could be considered with a sufiicient knowledge 
 and certainty as to the facts, due to the careful observa- 
 tion of the two preceding centuries. The science of 
 Geology came into existence, and the whole panorama 
 of successive stages of the earth's history, each with 
 its distinct population of strange animals and plants, 
 unlike those of the present day and simpler in propor- 
 tion as they recede into the past, was revealed by Cuvier, 
 Agassiz, and others. The history of the crust of the 
 earth was explained by Lyell as due to a process of 
 slow development, in order to efi"ect which he called 
 in no cataclysmic agencies, no mysterious forces differ- 
 ing from those operating at the present day. Thus 
 he carried on the narrative of orderly development 
 from the point at which it was left by Kant and 
 Laplace, — explaining by reference to the ascertained 
 laws of physics and chemistry the configuration of the 
 earth, its mountains and seas, its igneous and its 
 stratified rocks, just as the astronomers had explained 
 by those same laws the evolution of the sun and planets 
 from difiused gaseous matter of high temperature. 
 
 The suggestion that living things must also be 
 included in this great development was obvious. 
 They had been so included by poet-philosophers in 
 past ages ; they were so included by many a simple- 
 minded student of nature who, watching the growth 
 of the tree from the seed, formed a true but unverified 
 inference in favour of a general process of growth and 
 development of all things from simpler beginnings. 
 
302 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 The delay in the establishment of the doctrine of 
 organic evolution was due, not to the ignorant and 
 unobservant, but to the leaders of zooloo^ical and 
 botanical science. Knowing as they did the almost 
 endless complexity of organic structures, realising as 
 they did that man himself with all the mystery of his 
 life and consciousness must be included in any explana- 
 tion of the origin of living things, they preferred to 
 regard living things as something apart from the rest 
 of nature, specially cared for, specially created by a 
 Divine Being, rather than to indulge in hypotheses 
 which seemed to be beyond all possibility of proof, 
 and were rather of the nature of poets' dreams than 
 in accordance with the principles of that new philo- 
 sophy of rigid adherence to fact and demonstration 
 which had hitherto served as the mainsprings of scien- 
 tific progress. Thus it was that the so-called " Natur- 
 philosophen" of the last decade of the eighteenth 
 century, and their successors in the first quarter of 
 the nineteenth, found few adherents among the working 
 zoologists and botanists. Lamarck, Treviranus, Eras- 
 mus Darwin, Goethe, and Saint-Hilaire j^reached to 
 deaf ears, for they advanced the theory that living- 
 beings had developed by a slow process of transmuta- 
 tion in successive generations from simpler ancestors, 
 and in the beginning from simplest formless matter, 
 without being able to demonstrate any existing 
 mechanical causes by which such development must 
 necessarily be brought about. They were met in fact 
 by the criticism that possibly such a development had 
 taken place ; but, as no one could show as a simple 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 303 
 
 fact of observation that it liad taken place, nor as a 
 result of legitimate inference that it must have taken 
 place, it was quite as likely that the past and present 
 species of animals and plants had been separately 
 created or individually brought into existence by 
 unknown and inscrutable causes, and (it was held) 
 the truly scientific man would refuse to occupy 
 himself with such fancies, whilst ever continuing to 
 concern himself with the observation and record 
 of indisputable facts. The critics did well ; for the 
 " Natur-philosophen," though right in their main 
 conception, were premature. 
 
 It was reserved for Charles Darwin, in the year 
 1859, to place the whole theory of organic evolution 
 on a new footing, and by his discovery of a mechani- 
 cal cause actually existing and demonstrable, by which 
 organic evolution must be brought about, to entirely 
 change the attitude in regard to it of even the most 
 rigid exponents of the scientific method. Since its 
 first publication in 1859 the history of Darwin's theory 
 has been one of continuous and decisive conquest, so 
 that at the present day it is universally accepted as 
 the central, all-embracing doctrine of zoological and 
 botanical science. 
 
 Darwin succeeded in establishing the doctrine of 
 organic evolution by the introduction into the web of 
 the. zoological and botanical sciences of a new science. 
 The subject-matter of this new science, or branch of 
 biological science, had been neglected : it did not 
 form part of the studies of the collector and system- 
 atist, nor was it a branch of anatomy, nor of the 
 
304 THE HISTORY A^B SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 pliysiology pursued by medical men, nor again was it 
 included in the field of microscopy and the cell-theory. 
 The area of biological knowledge which Darwin was 
 the first to subject to scientific method and to render, 
 as it were, contributory to the great stream formed 
 by the union of the various branches, the outlines of 
 which we have already traced, is that which relates to 
 the breeding of animals and plants, their congenital 
 variations, and the transmission and perpetuation of 
 those variations. This branch of biological science 
 may be called Thremmatology {epe/x/xa, '^a thing 
 bred"). Outside the scientific world an immense 
 mass of observation and experiment had grown up in 
 relation to this subject. From the earliest times the 
 shepherd, the farmer, the horticulturist, and the 
 "fancier" had for practical purposes made themselves 
 acquainted with a number of biological laws, and 
 successfully applied them without exciting more than 
 an occasional notice from the academic students of 
 Biology. It is one of Darwin's great merits to have 
 made use of these observations and to have formu- 
 lated their results to a large extent as the laws of 
 variation and heredity. As the breeder selects a con- 
 genital variation which suits his requirements, and by 
 breeding from the animals (or plants) exhibiting that 
 variation obtains a new breed specially characterised 
 by that variation, so in nature is there a selection 
 amongst all the congenital variations of each genera- 
 tion of a species. This selection depends on the fact 
 that more young are born than the natural provision 
 of food will support. In consequence of this excess 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 305 
 
 of births there is a struggle for existence and a sur- 
 vival of the fittest, and consequently an ever-present 
 necessarily -acting selection, which either maintains 
 accurately the form of the species from generation to 
 generation, or leads to its modification in correspond- 
 ence with changes in the surrounding circumstances 
 which have relation to its fitness for success in the 
 struggle for life. 
 
 Darwin's introduction of Thremmatology into the 
 domain of scientific Biology was accompanied by a 
 new and special development of a branch of study 
 which had previously been known as Teleology, the 
 study of the adaptation of organic structures to the 
 service of the organisms in which they occur. It 
 cannot be said that previously to Darwin there had 
 been any very profound study of Teleology, but it had 
 been the delight of a certain type of mind — that of 
 the lovers of nature or naturalists par excellence, as 
 they were sometimes termed — to watch the habits of 
 living animals and plants, and to point out the re- 
 markable ways in which the structure of each variety 
 of organic life was adapted to the special circum- 
 stances of life of the variety or species. The astonish- 
 ing colours and grotesque forms of some animals and 
 plants which the museum zoologists gravely described 
 without comment were shown by these observers of 
 living nature to have their significance in the eco- 
 nomy of the organism possessing them ; and a general 
 doctrine was recognised, to the effect that no part or 
 structure of an organism is without definite use and 
 adaptation, being designed by the Creator for the 
 
 X 
 
306 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 benefit of the creature to which it belongs, or else for 
 the benefit, amusement, or instruction of his highest 
 creature — man. Teleology in this form of the 
 doctrine of design was never very deeply rooted 
 amongst scientific anatomists and systematists. It 
 was considered permissible to speculate somewhat 
 vaguely on the subject of the utility of this or that 
 startling variety of structure ; but few attempts, 
 though some of great importance, were made to 
 systematically explain by observation and experiment 
 the adaptation of organic structures to particular pur- 
 poses in the case of the lower animals and plants. 
 Teleology had, however, an important part in the 
 evelopment of what is called Physiology, viz. the 
 knowledge of the mechanism, the physical and 
 chemical properties, of the j^arts of the body of man 
 and the higher animals allied to him. The doctrine 
 of organs and functions — the organ designed so as to 
 execute the function, and the whole system of organs 
 and functions building up a complex mechanism, the 
 complete animal or plant — was teleological in origin, 
 and led to brilliant discoveries in the hands of the 
 physiologists of the last and the preceding century. 
 As applied to lower and more obscure forms of life, 
 Teleology presented almost insurmountable difiiculties ; 
 and consequently, in place of exact experiment and 
 demonstration, the most reckless though ingenious 
 assumptions were made as to the utility of the parts 
 and organs of lower animals, which tended to bring 
 so-called Comparative Physiology and Teleology gener- 
 ally into disrepute. Darwin's theory had as one of 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 307 
 
 its results the reformation and rehabilitation of Tele- 
 ology. According to that theory, every organ, every 
 part, colour, and peculiarity of an organism, must 
 either be of benefit to that organism itself, or have 
 been so to its ancestors : ^ no peculiarity of structure 
 or general conformation, no habit or instinct in any 
 organism, can be supposed to exist for the benefit or 
 amusement of another organism, not even for the 
 delectation of man himself. Necessarily, according to 
 the theory of natural selection, structures either are 
 present because they are selected as useful, or because 
 they are still inherited from ancestors to whom they 
 were useful, though no longer useful to the existing 
 representatives of those ancestors. 
 
 The conception thus put forward entirely re- 
 founded Teleology. Structures previously inexplic- 
 able were explained as survivals from a past age, no 
 longer useful though once of value. Every variety of 
 form and colour was urgently and absolutely called 
 upon to produce its title to existence either as an 
 active useful agent or as a survival. Darwin himself 
 spent a large part of the later years of his life in thus 
 extending the new Teleology. A beginning only has 
 as yet been made in the new life of that branch of 
 zoological and botanical study. 
 
 1 At the same time the fact that a useless variation of one part or 
 organ may be a necessary accompaniment of a useful variation of 
 another part or organ, was pointed out by Darwin, who applied the 
 terms " correlation of variation," and " correlation of growth " to this 
 phenomenon. The importance of the " solidarity " of the constituent 
 parts of the organism can scarcely be over-estimated : it was recognised 
 in other terms by Cuvier and the earlier morphologists. 
 
308. THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 The old doctrine of types, wliicli was used by tlie 
 philosopliically-minded zoologists (and botanists) of 
 the first half of the century as a ready means of 
 explaining the failures and difficulties of the doctrine 
 of design, fell into its proper place under the new 
 dispensation. The adherence to type, the favourite 
 conception of the transcendental morphologist, was seen 
 to be nothing more than the expression of one of the 
 laws of Thremmatology, viz. the persistence of heredi- 
 tary transmission of ancestral characters, even when 
 they have ceased to be significant or valuable in the 
 struggle for existence : whilst the so-called evidences 
 of design wdiich was supposed to modify the limita- 
 tions of types assigned to himself by the Creator 
 were seen to be adaptations due to the selection and 
 intensification by selective breeding of fortuitous 
 congenital variations, which happened to prove more 
 useful than the many thousand other variations 
 which did not survive in the struggle for existence. 
 
 Thus not only did Darwin's theory give a new 
 basis to the study of organic structure, but, whilst 
 rendering the general theory of organic evolution 
 equally acceptable and necessary, it explained the 
 existence of low and simple forms of life as survivals 
 of the earliest ancestry of more highly complex forms, 
 and revealed the classifications of the systematist as 
 unconscious attempts to construct the genealogical 
 tree or pedigree of plants and animals. Finally, it 
 brought the simplest living matter or formless proto- 
 plasm before the mental vision as the starting-point 
 whence, by the operation of necessary mechanical 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 309 
 
 causes, the highest forms have been evolved, and it 
 rendered unavoidable the conclusion that this earliest 
 living material was itself evolved by gradual processes, 
 the result also of the known and recognised laws of 
 physics and chemistry, from material which we should 
 call not living. It abolished the conception of life as 
 an entity above and beyond the common properties 
 of matter, and led to the conviction that the marvel- 
 lous and exceptional qualities of that which we call 
 ^* living " matter are nothing more nor less than an 
 exceptionally complicated development of those chemi- 
 cal and physical properties which we recognise in a 
 gradually ascending scale of evolution in the carbon 
 compounds, containing nitrogen as well as oxygen, 
 sulphur, and hydrogen as constituent atoms of their 
 enormous molecules. Thus mysticism was finally 
 banished from the domain of Biology, and Zoology 
 became one of the physical sciences, — the science 
 which seeks to arrange and discuss the phenomena of 
 animal life and form as the outcome of the operation 
 of the laws of physics and chemistry. 
 
 Nature and Scope of Zoology 
 
 The brief historical outline above given is sufficient 
 to justify us in rejecting, for the purposes of an ade- 
 quate appreciation of the history and scope of Zoology, 
 that simple division of the science into Morphology 
 and Physiology which is a favourite one at the present 
 day. No doubt the division is a logical one, based as 
 it is upon the distinction of the study of form and 
 
310 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 structure in themselves (Morphology) from the study 
 of what are the activities and functions of the forms 
 and structures (Physiology). Such logical divisions 
 are possible upon a variety of bases, but are not neces- 
 sarily conducive to the ascertainment and remem- 
 brance of the historical progress and present signifi- 
 cance of the science to which they are applied. As a 
 matter of convenience and as the outcome of historical 
 events it happens that in the universities of Europe, 
 whilst Botany in its entirety is usually represented by 
 one chair, the animal side of Biology is represented by 
 a chair of so-called Zoology, which is understood as the 
 old-fashioned systematic Zoology, a chair of human and 
 comparative Anatomy, and a chair of Physiology 
 (signifying the mechanics, physics, and chemistry of 
 animals especially in relation to man). Fifty years 
 ago the chairs of Anatomy and Physiology were united 
 in one. No such distinction of mental activities as 
 that involved in the division of the study of animal 
 life into Morphology and Physiology has ever really 
 existed : the investigator of animal forms has never 
 entirely ignored the functions of the forms studied by 
 him, and the experimental inquirer into the functions 
 and properties of animal tissues and organs has always 
 taken very careful account of the forms of those tissues 
 and organs. 
 
 A more instructive subdivision of the science of 
 animal Biology or Zoology is one which shall corre- 
 spond to the separate currents of thought and mental 
 preoccupation which have been historically manifested 
 in western Europe in the gradual evolution of what is 
 
IX THE HISTORY AXD SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 311 
 
 to-day the great river of zoological doctrine to which 
 they have all been rendered contributory. Such a 
 subdivision of Zoology, whilst it enables us to trace the 
 history of thought, corresponds very closely with the 
 actual varieties of mental attitude exhibited at the 
 present day by the devotees of zoological study, 
 though it must be remembered that the gathering 
 together of all the separate currents by Darwin is 
 certain sooner or later to entail new developments and 
 branchings of the stream. 
 
 We accordingly recognise the following five 
 branches of zoological study : — 
 
 1. Morpliography. — The work of the collector 
 
 and systematist : exemplified by Linnaeus and 
 his predecessors, by Cuvier, Agassiz, Haeckel. 
 
 2. Bionomics. — The lore of the farmer, gardener. 
 
 sportsman, fancier, and field-naturalist, in- 
 cluding Thremmatology, or the science of 
 breeding, and the allied Teleology, or science 
 of organic adaptations : exemplified by the 
 patriarch Jacob, the poet Virgil, Sprengel, 
 Kirby and Spence, Wallace and Darwin. 
 
 3. Zoo-Dynamics, Zoo- Physics, Zoo- Chemistry, 
 
 — The pursuit of the learned physician, — 
 Anatomy and Physiology : exemplified by 
 Harvey, Haller, Hunter, Johann Miiller and 
 the modern school of experimental physio- 
 logists. 
 
 4. Plasmology. — The study of the ultimate cor- 
 
 puscles of living matter, their structure, de- 
 velopment, and properties, by the aid of the 
 
312 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 microscope ; exemplified by Malpiglii, Hook, 
 Schwann, Kowalewsky, and Metschnikofi". 
 5. Philosophical Zoology. — General conceptions 
 with regard to the relations of living things 
 (especially animals) to the universe, to man, 
 and to the Creator, their origin and signifi- 
 cance : exemplified in the writings of the 
 philosophers of classical antiquity, and of 
 Linnaeus, Goethe, Lamarck, Cuvier, Lyell, 
 H. Spencer, and Darwin. 
 It is true that it is impossible to assign the great 
 names of the present century to a single one of the 
 subdivisions of the science thus recognised. With 
 men of an earlier date such special assignment is pos- 
 sible, and there would be no difiiculty about thus 
 separating the minor specialists of modern times. 
 But the fact is that as we approach Darwin's epoch 
 we find the separate streams more and more freely 
 connected with one another by anastomosing branches. 
 The men who have left their mark on the progress of 
 science have been precisely those who have been in- 
 strumental in bringing about such confluence, and 
 have distinguished themselves by the influence of 
 their discoveries or generalisations upon several lines 
 of work. At last, in Darwin we find a name which 
 might appear in each of our subdivisions, — a zoologist 
 to whose doctrine all are contributory, and by whose 
 labours all are united and reformed. 
 
 We shall now briefly sketch the history of these 
 streams of thought, premising that one has (so far as 
 the last three centuries are concerned) but little start 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 313 
 
 of another, and that sooner or later the influence of 
 the progress of one branch makes itself felt in the 
 progress of another. 
 
 MOEPHOGRAPHY 
 
 Under this head we include the systematic ex- 
 ploration and tabulation of the facts, involved in the 
 recoojnition of all the recent and extinct kinds of 
 animals and their distribution in space and time. 
 The chief varieties of zoological workers coming under 
 this head are (l) the museum-makers of old days and 
 their modern representatives the curators and de- 
 scribers of zoological collections, (2) early explorers 
 and modern naturalist-travellers and writers on zoo- 
 geography, and (3) collectors of fossils and palaeonto- 
 logists. Gradually since the time of Hunter and 
 Cuvier anatomical study has associated itself with the 
 more superficial morphography until to-day no one 
 considers a study of animal form of any value which 
 does not include internal structure, Histology, and 
 Embryology in its scope. 
 
 The real dawn of Zoology after the legendary 
 period of the Middle Ages is connected with the name 
 of an Englishman, Wotton, born at Oxford in 1492, 
 who practised as a physician in London and died in 
 1555. He published a treatise De Differentiis Ani- 
 malium at Paris in 1552. In many respects Wotton 
 was simply an exponent of Aristotle, whose teaching, 
 with various fanciful additions, constituted the real 
 basis of zooloo;ical knowledo^e throuojhout the Middle 
 Ages. It was Wotton's merit that he rejected the 
 
314 THE HISTORY AXD SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 legendary and fantastic accretions, and returned to 
 Aristotle and the observation of nature. The most 
 ready means of noting the j^rogress of Zoology during 
 the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries is 
 to compare the classificatory conceptions of successive 
 naturalists with those which are to be found in the works 
 of Aristotle himself. Aristotle did not definitely and 
 in tabular form propound a classification of animals, 
 but from a study of his treatises Historia Animalium, 
 De Generatione Animalium, and De Partihus Anima- 
 lium the followino; classification can be arrived at : — 
 
 A. "Evai|j.a, blood-holding animals ( = Vertebrata). 
 
 1. ZiooTOKovvra kv avrots, viviparous E'tuema ( = Mammals, in- 
 cluding the Whale). 
 
 2. "0/)vt6'es( = Birds). 
 
 3. TerpaTToSa 7) airoSa ojoroKovvra, four-footed or legless Enceina 
 which lay eggs ( = Keptiles and Amphibia). 
 
 4. 'Ix^^'es ( = Fishes). 
 
 B. "Avaifia, bloodless animals ( = Invertebrata). 
 
 1. MaActKta, soft-bodied Ancema (^ = CephaloiMcla). 
 
 2. MaXaKocTTpaKa, soft-shelled Ancema ( = Crustacea). 
 
 3. "EvTo/xa, insected Ancema or Insects [ = Arthrojyjda, ex- 
 clusive of Crustacea). 
 
 4. ""OcrrpaKoSe/i/xaTa, ■ shell-bearing Ancema (^ = Echini, Gastro- 
 poda, and Lamellibranchia). 
 
 Wotton follows Aristotle in the division of animals 
 into the Encema and the Ancema, and in fact in the 
 recognition of all the groups above given, adding only 
 one large group to those recognised by Aristotle under 
 the Ancema, namely, the group of Zoophyta, in which 
 Wotton includes the Holothuriae, Star-Fishes, Medusae, 
 Sea-Anemones, and Sponges. Wotton divides the 
 viviparous quadrupeds into the many-toed, double- 
 hoofed, and single-hoofed. By the introduction of a 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 315 
 
 method of classification which was due to the super- 
 ficial Pliny, — viz. one depending, not on structure, 
 but on the medium inhabited by an animal, whether 
 earth, air, or water, — Wotton is led to associate Fishes 
 and Whales as aquatic animals. But this is only a 
 momentary lapse, for he broadly distinguishes the two 
 kinds. 
 
 Conrad Gesner (1516-1565), who was a physician 
 and held professorial chairs in various Swiss cities, is 
 the most voluminous and instructive of these earliest 
 writers on systematic Zoology, and was so highly 
 esteemed that his Historia Animalium was repub- 
 lished a hundred years after his death. His great 
 work appeared in successive parts, — e.g. Vivipara, 
 Ovipara, Aves, Pisces, Serpentes et Scorpio, — and con- 
 tains descriptions and illustrations of a large number 
 of animal forms with reference to the lands inhabited 
 by them. Gesner's work, like that of John Johnstone 
 {h. 1603), who was of Scottish descent and studied at 
 St. Andrews, and like that of Ulysses Aldrovandi of 
 Bologna (6. 1522), was essentially a compilation, more 
 or less critical, of all such records, pictures, and 
 relations concerning beasts, birds, reptiles, fishes, and 
 monsters as could be gathered together by one reading 
 in the great libraries of Europe, travelling from city 
 to city, and frequenting the company of those who 
 either had themselves passed into distant lands or 
 possessed the letters written and sometimes the speci- 
 mens brought home by adventurous persons. 
 
 The exploration of parts of the New World next 
 brought to hand descriptions and specimens of many 
 
316 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 novel forms of animal life, and in the latter part of 
 the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seven- 
 teenth that careful study by " specialists " of the struc- 
 ture and life-history of particular groups of animals was 
 commenced which, directed at first to common and 
 familiar kinds, was gradually extended until it formed 
 a sufiicient body of knowledge to serve as an anatomical 
 basis for classification. This minuter study had two 
 origins, one in the researches of the medical anatomists, 
 such as Fabricius (1537-1619), Severinus (1580-1656), 
 Harvey (1578-1657), and Tyson (1649-1708), the 
 other in the careful work of the entomolog;ists and 
 first microscopists, such as Malpighi (1628-1694), 
 Swammerdam (1637-1680), and Hook (1635-1702). 
 The commencement of anatomical investigations de- 
 serves notice here as influencing the general accuracy 
 and minuteness with which zoological work was 
 prosecuted, but it was not until a late date that their 
 full influence was brought to bear upon systematic 
 Zoology by Georges Cuvier (1769-1832). 
 
 The most prominent name between that of Gesner 
 and Linnseus in the history of systematic Zoology is 
 that of John Kay. Though not so extensive as that 
 of Linnseus, his work is of the highest importance, 
 and rendered the subsequent labours of the Swedish 
 naturalist far easier than they would otherwise have 
 been. A chief merit of Eay is to have limited the 
 term " species " and to have assigned to it the signifi- 
 cance which it has until the Darwinian era borne, 
 whereas previously it was loosely and vaguely applied. 
 He also made considerable use of anatomical characters 
 
IX THE HISTOHY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 317 
 
 in his definitions of larger groups, and may thus be 
 considered as the father of modern Zoology. Associ- 
 ated with Ray in his work, and more especially 
 occupied with the study of the AYorms and MoUusca, 
 was Martin Lister (1638-1712), who is celebrated also 
 as the author of the first geological map. 
 
 After Eay's death in London in 1705 the progress 
 of anatomical knowledge, and of the discovery and 
 illustration of new forms of animal life from distant 
 lands, continued with increasing vigour. We note 
 the names of Vallisnieri (1661-1730) and Alexander 
 Monro (1697-1767) ; the travellers Tournefort (1656- 
 1708) and Shaw (1692-1751); the collectors Eumphius 
 (1637-1706) and Hans Sloane (1660-1753); the 
 entomologist Eeaumur (1683-1757); Lhwyd (1703) 
 and Linck (1674-1734), the students of Star-Fishes; 
 Peyssonel (b. 1694) the investigator of Polyps and 
 the opponent of Marsigli and Reaumur, who held them 
 to be plants; Woodward, the palaeontologist (1665- 
 1722), — not to speak of others of less importance. 
 
 Two years after Ray's death Carl Linnaeus was 
 born. Unlike Jacob Theodore Klein, the town-clerk 
 of Dantzig (1685-1759), whose careful treatises on 
 various groups of plants and animals were published 
 during the period between Ray and Linnaeus, the 
 latter had his career marked out for him in a univer- 
 sity, that of Upsala, where he was first professor of 
 medicine and subsequently of natural history. His 
 lectures formed a new departure in the academic 
 treatment of Zoology and Botany, which, in direct 
 continuity from the Middle Ages, had hitherto been 
 
318 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 subjected to tlie traditions of tlie medical profession 
 and regarded as mere branches of "materia medica." 
 Linngeus taught Zoology and Botany as branches of 
 knowledo^e to be studied for their own intrinsic 
 interest, and not for the sake of the " simples " yielded 
 by animals and plants to the pharmacopeia. His 
 great work, the Systema Naturw, ran through twelve 
 editions during his lifetime (1st ed. 1735, 12th 1768). 
 Apart from his special discoveries in the anatomy of 
 plants and animals, and his descriptions of new species, 
 the great merit of Linnseus was his introduction of a 
 method of enumeration and classification which may 
 be said to have created systematic Zoology and Botany 
 in their present form, and established his name for 
 ever as the great organiser, the man who recognised 
 a great practical want in the use of language and 
 supplied it. Linnaeus adopted Kay's conception of 
 species, but he made species a practical reality by 
 insisting that every species shall have a double Latin 
 name, — the first half to be the name of the genus 
 common to several species, and the second half to be 
 the specific name. Previously to Linnaeus long many- 
 worded names had been used, sometimes with one 
 additional adjective, sometimes with another, so that 
 no true names were fixed and accepted. Linnaeus by 
 his binomial system made it possible to write and 
 speak with accuracy of any given species of plant or 
 animal. He was, in fact, the Adam of zoological 
 science. He proceeded further to introduce into his 
 enumeration of animals and plants a series of groujDS, 
 viz. o'enus, order, class, which he compared to the 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 319 
 
 subdivisions of an army or the subdivisions of a 
 territory, tlie greater containing several of the less, as 
 follows : — 
 
 Class. Order. Genus. Species. Variety. 
 
 Genus sum- Genus inter- Genus proxi- Species. Individuum. 
 
 mum. medium. mum. 
 
 Provincia. Territorium. Parcecia. Pagus. Domicilium. 
 
 Legio. Coliors. Manipulus. Contubernium. Miles. 
 
 Linnaeus himself recognised the purely subjective 
 character of his larger groups ; for him species were, 
 however, objective: "There 'are," he said, ''just so 
 many species as in the beginning the Infinite Being 
 created." It was reserved for a philosophic zoologist 
 of the nineteenth century (Agassiz, Essay on Classifica- 
 tion, 1859) to maintain dogmatically that genus, order, 
 and class were also objective facts capable of precise 
 estimation and valuation. This climax was reached at 
 the very moment when Darwin was publishing the 
 Origin of Species (1859), by which universal opinion 
 has been brought to the position that species, as well 
 as genera, orders, and classes, are the subjective ex- 
 pressions of a vast ramifying pedigree in which the 
 only objective existences are individuals, the ap- 
 parent species as well as higher groups being marked 
 out, not by any distributive law, but by the purely 
 non-significant operation of human experience, which 
 cannot transcend the results of death and decay. 
 
 The classification of Linnaeus (from Syst. Nat. 
 12th ed. 1766) should be compared with that of Aris- 
 totle. It is as follows, — the complete list of Linnaean 
 genera being here reproduced : — 
 
320 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Class I. Mammalia. 
 
 Order 1. Primates. 
 
 Genera : Homo, Simia, Lemur, Vespertilio. 
 „ 2. Bruta. 
 
 Genera: Elephas, Trichecus, Bradypus, Myrme- 
 cophaga, Manis, Dasypus. 
 „ 3. Ferce. 
 
 Genera: Phoca, Canis, Felis, Viverra, Mustela, 
 Ursus, Diclel2:)hys, Taljya, Sorex, Erinaceus. 
 ,, 4. Glires. 
 
 Genera: Hystrix, Lepus, Castor, Mus, Sciurus, 
 Noctilio. 
 ,, 5. Pecora. 
 
 Genera : Camelus, Moschus, Cervus, Cap)ra, Ovis, 
 Bos. 
 ,, G. Belluce. 
 
 Genera : Equus, Hippopotamus, Sus, Rhinoceros. 
 „ 7. Cete. 
 
 Genera : Monodon, Balcena, Physeter, Delplmius. 
 
 Class II. AvES. 
 
 Order 1. Accipitres. 
 
 Genera : Vidtur, Falco, Strix, Lanius. 
 „ 2. Piece. 
 
 Genera : (a) TrocJiilus, Certhia, Ujm}^, Buphaga, 
 Sitta, Oriolus, Coracias, Gracula, Corvus, Para- 
 disea ; (b) Ramj^hastos, Trogon, Psittacus, Cro- 
 topkaga, Picus, Yunx, Cticulus, Bucco ; (c) 
 Buceros, Alcedo, Merops, Todos. 
 ,, 3. Anseres. 
 
 Genera : (a) Anas, Mergus, Pluethon, Plotus ; (b) 
 Rhyncops, Diomedea, Alca, Procellaria, Pele- 
 canus, Larus, Sterna, Colymhus. 
 „ 4. Grallce. 
 
 Genera : (a) Phoenicopterus, Platalea, Palamedea, 
 Mycteria, Tantalus, Ardea, Recurvirostra, Scolo- 
 pax, Tringa, Fulica, Parra, Rallus, Psophia, 
 Cancroma; (b) Hematopus, Charadrius, Otis, 
 Struthio. 
 „ 5.' Gcdlince. 
 
 Genera: Didus, Pavo, Meleagris, Crax, Phasi- 
 anus, Tetrao, Numicla. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 321 
 
 Order 6. Passeres. 
 
 Genera : {a) Loxia, Fringilla, Emheriza; (b) Cap- 
 rimuigus, Ilirundo, Pipra ; (c) Turdus, Am- 
 pelis, Tanagra, Muscicapa ; (d) Parus, Mota- 
 cilla, Akcuda, Sturnus, Columha. 
 Class III. Amphibia. 
 Order 1. Reptilia. 
 
 Genera : Testudo, Draco, Lacerta, Rana. 
 „ 2. Serpentes. 
 
 Genera : Crotalus, Boa, Coluber, Anguis, Amphis- 
 bcena, Coecilia. 
 „ 3. Nantes. 
 
 Genera: Petromyzon, Raja, Squalus, Chimcera, 
 Lophius, Acipenser, Cyclopterus, Batistes, Os- 
 tracion, Tetrodon, Diodon, Centriscus, Syngna- 
 tlius, Pegasus. 
 Class IV. Pisces. 
 
 Order 1. Apodes. 
 
 Genera: Muroina, Gymnotus, Trichiurus, Anar- 
 rhichas, Ammodytes, Ophidium, Stromateus, 
 Xiphias. 
 „ 2. Jugular es. 
 
 Genera : Callionymus, Uranoscopus, Trachinus, 
 Gadus, Blennius. 
 „ 3. Thoracici. 
 
 Genera: Cepola, Echeyieis, Coryphoina, Gobius, 
 Cottus, Scorpcena, Zeus, Pleuronectes, Clwetodon, 
 Sparus, Labrus, Scimna, Perca, Gasterosteus, 
 Scomber, Mullus, Trigla. 
 „ 4. Abdominales. 
 
 Genera : Cobitis, Amia, Silurus, Zeuthis, Lori- 
 caria, Salmo, Fistularia, Esox, Elops, Argen- 
 tina, Atherina, Mugil, Mormyrus, Exocoetus, 
 Polynemus, Clupea, Cyprinus. 
 Class V. Insecta. 
 
 Order 1. Coleoptera. 
 
 Genera : {a) Scarabmus, Lucanus, Dermestes, His- 
 ter, Byrrhus, Gyrinus, Attelabus, Curculio, 
 Silpha, Coccinella ; (b) Bruchus, Cassida, 
 Ptinus, Ckrysomela, Hispa, Meloe, Tenebrio, 
 Lampyris, Mordella, Staphylinus ; (c) Ceram- 
 Y 
 
322 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 hyx, Leptura^ Cantharis, Elater, Cicindela, Bu- 
 prestis, Di/tiscus, Carabus, Necydalis, Forjicula. 
 Order 2. Hemiptera. 
 
 Genera : Blatta, Mantis, Gryllus, Fulgora, Ci- 
 cada, Notonecta, Nepa, Cimex, Aphis, Chermes, 
 Coccus, Thrips. 
 „ 3. Lepidoptera. 
 
 Genera : Papilio, Sphinx, Phcdcena. 
 „ 4. Neuroptera. 
 
 Genera : Lihellula, Ephemera, Myrmeleon, Phry- 
 ganea, Hemerobius, Panorpa, Raphidia. ' 
 „ 5. Hymenoptera. 
 
 Genera : Cynips, Tenthredo, Sirex, Ichneumon, 
 Sphex, Chrysis, Vesp)a, Apis, Formica, Mutilla. 
 „ 6. Diptera. 
 
 Genera : (Estrus, Tipida, Musca, Tcdxinus, Cidex, 
 Empis, Conops, Asilus, Bombylius, Hippohosca. 
 ,, 7. Aptera. 
 
 Genera : {a) Pedibus sex ; capite a tliorace dis- 
 crete : Lepisma, Podura, Termes, Pedicu- 
 lus, Pulex. 
 (6) Pedibus 8-14; capite thoraceque unitis : 
 Acarus, Phalangium, Aranea, Scorpio, 
 Cancer, Monoculus, Oniscus. 
 (c) Pedibus pluribus ; capite a thorace discrete : 
 Scolopendra, Julus. 
 
 Class VI. Vermes. 
 
 Order 1. Intestina. 
 
 Genera : («) Pertusa laterali poro : Lumbricus, 
 Sipunculus, Fasciola. 
 
 (b) Imperforata : poro laterali nullo : Gordius, 
 
 Ascaris, Hirudo, Myxine. 
 „ 2. Mollusca. 
 
 Genera : {a) Ore supero ; basi se affigens : Ac- 
 tinia, Ascidia. 
 (6) Ore antico ; corpore pertuso laterali fora- 
 minulo : Limax, Aplysia, Doris, Tethis. 
 
 (c) Ore antico; corpore tentaculis antice cincto: 
 
 Holothuria, TerebeUa. 
 
 (d) Ore antico ; corpore brachiato : Triton, 
 
 Sepia, Clio, Lerncea, Scyllcea. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 323 
 
 (e) Ore antico ; corpore pedato : Aphrodita^ 
 
 Nereis. 
 (/) Ore infero central! : Medusa^ Asteria, 
 
 Echinus. 
 
 Order 3. Testacea. 
 
 Genera : (a) Multivalvia : Chiton, Lepas, Pholas, 
 
 (h) Bivalvia ( = Conchce) : 2Iya, Solen, Tellina, 
 
 Cardium, Macfra, Donax, Venus, Spon- 
 
 dylus, Chama, Arxa, street, Anomia, 
 
 Mytilus, Pinna. 
 
 (c) Univalvia spira regular! ( = Cochlece) : Argo- 
 
 nauta. Nautilus, Conus, Cyprcea, Bulla, 
 Voluta, Buccinum, Strombus, Murex, Tro- 
 chtcs, Turbo, Helix, Nerita, Haliotis. 
 
 (d) Un!valv!a absque sp!ra regular! : Patella, 
 
 Dentalium, Serpula, Teredo, Sabella. 
 „ 4. Lithophyta. 
 
 Genera : Tuhipora, Madrepora, Millepora, Celle- 
 2Mra. 
 „ 5. Zoophyta. 
 
 Genera : («) Flxata : Isis, Gorgonia, Alcyonium, 
 Spongia, Flustra, Tubular ia, Corallina, 
 Sertularia, Vorticella. 
 (b) Loeomotiva : Hydra, Pennatula, Tcenia, 
 Volvox, Furia, Chaos. 
 
 The characters of the six classes are thus given by 
 Linnaeus : — 
 
 Cor biloculare, blauritum ; ) viviparls, Mammalibus ; 
 
 Sangu!ne calldo, rubro : j oviparis, Avibus. 
 Cor umlocularej umauritum ; ^ ) pulmone arbltrario, Amphibiis ; 
 
 Sanguine fr!g!do, rubro : / branches externls, Piscibus. 
 Cor unlloculare, !nauritum ; ) antennatis, Insectis ; 
 
 Sanie frlgida, alb!da : J tentaculat!s, Vermibus. 
 
 1 The anatomical error in reference to the auricles of Reptiles and 
 Batrachians on the part of Linnaeus is extremely interesting, since it 
 shows to what an extent the most patent facts may escape the observa- 
 tion of even the greatest observers, and what an amount of repeated 
 dissection and unprejudiced attention has been necessary before the 
 structure of the commonest animals has become kno^vn. 
 
324 THE HLSTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Between Linnseus and Cuvier there are no very 
 great names ; but under ttie stimulus given by the 
 admirable method and system of Linnaeus observation 
 and description of new forms from all parts of the 
 world, both recent and fossil, accumulated. We can 
 only cite the names of Charles Bonnet (1720-1793), 
 the entomologist, who described the reproduction of 
 Aphis; Banks and Solander, who accompanied Cap- 
 tain Cook on his first voyage (1768-1771); Thomas 
 Pennant (1726-1798), the describer of the English 
 fauna ; Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811), who specially 
 extended the knowledge of the Linnsean Vermes, and 
 under the patronage of the empress Catherine explored 
 Eussia and Siberia; De Geer (1720-1778), the ento- 
 mologist ; Lyonnet (1707-1789), the author of the 
 monograph of the anatomy of the caterpillar of Cossus 
 ligniperdus; Cavolini (1756-1810), the Neapolitan 
 marine zoologist and forerunner of Delia Chiaje (fl. 
 1828) ; 0. F. Miiller (1730-1784), the describer of 
 freshwater Oligochceta ; Abraham Trembley (1700- 
 1784), the student of Hydra ; and Ledermuller (1719- 
 1769), the inventor of the term Infusoria. The effect 
 of the Linnsean system upon the general conceptions 
 of zoologists was no less marked than were its results 
 in the way of stimulating the accumulation of accu- 
 rately observed details. The notion of a scala naturw, 
 which had since the days of classical antiquity been a 
 part of the general philosophy of nature amongst those 
 who occupied themselves with such conceptions, now 
 took a more definite form in the minds of skilled 
 zoologists. The species of Linnaeus were supposed to 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 325 
 
 represent a series of steps in a scale of ascending com- 
 plexity, and it was thought possible thus to arrange 
 the animal kingdom in a single series, — the orders 
 within the classes succeedino; one another in regular 
 gradation, and the classes succeeding one another in a 
 similar rectilinear progression. Lamarck represents 
 most completely, both by his development theory (to 
 be further mentioned below) and by his scheme of 
 classification, the high-water mark of the popular but 
 fallacious conception of a scala natures. His classi- 
 fication (1801-1812) is as follows :— 
 Invertebrata. 
 
 1. Apathetic Animals. 
 
 Class I. Infusoria. 
 
 Orders : Nuda^ Appendiculata. 
 Class 11. Polypi. 
 
 Orders : Ciliati {Rotifer a), Bemidati (Hydroids), Ya- 
 ffinati {Anthozoa and Polyzoa), Natantes (Crinoids). 
 Class III. Radiaeia. 
 
 Orders : Mollia {Acalephce), EcJmioderma (including 
 Actinice). 
 
 Class IV. TUNICATA. 
 
 Orders : Bothryllaria, Ascidia. 
 Class V. Vermes. 
 
 Orders : Molles (Tape- Worms and Flukes), Rigididi 
 
 (Nematoids), Hispididi (Nais, etc.), Epizoarim 
 
 (Lernagans, etc.) 
 
 2. Sensitive Animals. 
 
 Class VI. Insect A {llexapoda). 
 
 Orders : Aptera, Diptera^ Hemiptera^ Lepidoptera^ 
 Hymenojytera, Neuroptera, Orthoptera, Coleoptera. 
 Class VII. Arachnida. 
 
 Orders: Antennato-Trachealia { = Thysanura and 
 Myriapoda), Exantennato-Trachealia,Exant€7inato- 
 Branchialia. 
 Class VIII. Crustacea. 
 
 Orders : Heterohranchia {Branchiopoda^ Isopoda, Am- 
 phipoda, Stomapoda), Hoynohranchia {Decapoda). 
 
326 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Class IX. Annelida. 
 
 Orders : Apoda, Antennata, Sedentaria. 
 Class X. CmRiPEDiA. 
 
 Orders : Sessilia, Pedunculata. 
 
 Class XI. CONCHIFEEA. 
 
 Orders : Dimyaria, Monomyaria. 
 Class XII. MoLLUSCA. 
 
 Orders : Pteropoda, Gasteropoda^ Trachelipoda, Ce- 
 2)halop)oda^ Heteropoda. 
 
 Vertebrata. 
 
 3. Intelligent Animals. 
 
 Class XIII. Fishes. Class XV. Birds. 
 
 „ XIV. Reptiles. „ XVI. Mammals. 
 
 The enumeration of orders above given will enable 
 the reader to form some conception of the progress of 
 knowledge relating to the lower forms of life during 
 the fifty years which intervened between Linnaeus and 
 Lamarck. The number of genera recognised by 
 Lamarck is more than ten times as great as that 
 recorded by Linnaeus. 
 
 We have mentioned Lamarck before his great con- 
 temporary Cuvier because, in spite of his valuable philo- 
 sophical doctrine of development, he was, as compared 
 with Cuvier and estimated as a systematic zoologist, 
 a mere enlargement and logical outcome of Linnaeus. 
 
 The distinctive merit of Cuvier is that he started 
 a new view as to the relationships of animals, which 
 he may be said in a large measure to have demon- 
 strated as true by his own anatomical researches. He 
 opposed the scala naturw theory, and recognised four 
 distinct and divergent branches or emhrancliemens, as 
 he called them, in each of which he arranged a certain 
 number of the Linnaean classes, or similar classes. 
 The emhranchemens were characterised each by a dif- 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 327 
 
 ferent type of anatomical structure. Cuvier thus laid 
 the foundation of that branching tree-like arrangement 
 of the classes and orders of animals which we now 
 recognise as being the necessary result of attempts to 
 represent what is practically a genealogical tree or 
 pedigree. Apart from this, Cuvier was a keen-sighted 
 and enthusiastic anatomist of great skill and industry. 
 It is astonishing how many good observers it requires 
 to dissect and draw and record over and over again 
 the structure of an animal before an approximately 
 correct account of it is obtained. Cuvier dissected 
 many Molluscs and other animals which had not pre- 
 viously been anatomised; of others he gave more 
 correct accounts than had been given by earlier 
 writers. Skilful as he was, his observations are very 
 frequently erroneous. Great accuracy in work as well 
 as great abundance of production has only distin- 
 guished one amongst all the great names of Zoology 
 — that of Johann Miiller. It certainly did not dis- 
 tinguish Cuvier. Another special distinction of Cuvier 
 is his remarkable work in comparing extinct with 
 recent organisms, his descriptions of the fossil Mam- 
 malia of the Paris basin, and his general application 
 of the knowledge of recent animals to the reconstruc- 
 tion of extinct ones, as indicated by fragments only 
 of their skeletons. 
 
 It was in 1812 that Cuvier communicated to the 
 Academy of Sciences of Paris his views on the classi- 
 fication of animals. He says — 
 
 " Si Ton considere le regne animal d'apres les principes que nous 
 venons de poser, en se debarrassant des prejuges etablis sur les 
 
328 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 divisions anciennement admises, en n'ayant egard qu'a Forganisa- 
 tion et a la nature des animaux, et non pas a leur grandeur, a leur 
 utilite, au plus ou moins de connaissance que nous en avons, ni a 
 toutes les autres circonstances accessoires, on trouvera qu'il existe 
 quatre formes principales, quatre plans generaux, si Ton pent s'ex- 
 primer ainsi, d'apres lesquels tons les animaux semblent avoir ete 
 modeles et dont les divisions ulterieures, de quelque titre que les 
 naturalistes les aient decorees, ne sont que des modifications assez 
 legeres, fondees sur le developpement, ou I'addition de quelques 
 parties qui ne changent rien a I'essence du plan." 
 
 His classification as finally elaborated in Le Regne 
 Animal (Paris, 1829) is as follows : — 
 
 First Branch. Animalia Vertebrata. 
 Class I. Mammalia. 
 
 Orders : Bimana, Quadrumana, Carnivora^ Marsupialia, 
 Rodentia, Edentata^ Pachydermata, Ruminantia, Cetacea. 
 Class II. Birds. 
 
 Orders : Accipitres, Passer es, Scajisores, Gallince, Grcdlce, 
 Palmipedes. 
 Class III. Reptilia. 
 
 Orders : Ckelonia, Satiria, 02)h{dia, Batrachia. 
 Class IV. Fishes. 
 
 Orders : («) Acanthoj^terygii, Ahdominales, Suhhrachii, 
 Apodes, Lophohranchii, Plectognathi ; (h) Sttiriones, Sel- 
 achii, Cyclostomi. 
 
 Second Branch. Animalia Mollusca. 
 Class I. Cephalopoda. 
 Class II. Pteropoda. 
 Class III. Gastropoda. 
 
 Orders : Pidmonata, Nudihranchia, Infe^'ohranchia, Tecti- 
 hranchia, Heterojioda, Pectinihranchia^ Tuhidihranchia, 
 Scutihranchia, Cydohranchia. 
 
 Class IV. ACEPHALA. 
 
 Orders : Testacea, Tunicata. 
 Class V. Brachiopoda. 
 
 Class VI. CiRRHOPODA. 
 
 Third Branch. Animalia Articulata. 
 Class I. Annelides. 
 
 Orders : Tuhicolce, Dorsihranchice^ Ahranchke. 
 
IX THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 329 
 
 Class II. Crttstacea. 
 
 Orders : (a) Malacostraca : Decrq^oda, Stomapoda, Am- 
 phipoda., LcEinodipoda, Isopoda ; (b) Entomostraca : 
 Branchiopoda, Pcecilojjoda, Trilohitce. 
 Class III. Arachnides. 
 
 Orders : Pulmonarice, Trachearice. 
 
 Class lY. Insects. 
 
 Orders : Myriapoda, Thysanura, Parasita, Suctoria, Coleo- 
 ptera, Orihoptera, Hemiptera, Neiiroptera^ Hymenoptera, 
 LepidojDtera, Rhijnptera, Diptera. 
 
 Fourth Branch. Animalia Radiata. 
 
 Class I, ECHINODERMS. 
 
 Orders : Pedicellata, Apoda. 
 Class II. Intestinal Worms. 
 
 Orders : Nematoidea^ Parencliymatosa. 
 Class III. Acaleph^. 
 
 Orders : Simplices, Hydrostatiae. 
 Class IV. Polypi (including the Coelentera of later authorities 
 and the Polyzoa). 
 
 Orders : Carnosi, Gelatinosi, Polypiarii. 
 Class V. Infusoria. 
 
 Orders : Rotifera, Homogenea (this includes the Protozoa 
 of recent writers and some ProtophyUi). 
 
 The leading idea of Cuvier, his four emhranche- 
 mens, was confirmed by the Russo-German naturalist 
 Von Baer (1792-1 8 76), who adopted Cuvier's divisions, 
 speaking of them as the peripheric, the longitudinal, 
 the massive, and the vertebrate types of structure. 
 A^on Baer, however, has another place in the history 
 of Zoology, being the first and most striking figure in 
 the introduction of Embryology into the consideration 
 of the relations of animals to one another. 
 
 Cuvier may be regarded as the zoologist by whom 
 anatomy was made the one important guide to the 
 understanding of the relations of animals. But it 
 should be noted that the belief, dating from Malpighi 
 
330 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 (1670), that there is a relationship to be discovered, 
 and not merely a haphazard congregation of varieties 
 of structure to be classified, had previously gained 
 ground. Cuvier was familiar with the speculations 
 of the " Natur-philosophen," and with the doctrine of 
 transmutation and filiation by which they endeav- 
 oured to account for existing animal forms. The 
 noble aim of F. W. J. Schelling, " das ganze System 
 der Naturlehre von dem Gesetze cler Schwere bis zu 
 den Bildungstrieben der Organismus als ein organ- 
 isches Ganze darzustellen," which has ultimately been 
 realised through Darwin, was a general one among the 
 scientific men of the year 1800. Lamarck accepted 
 the development theory fully, and pushed his specula- 
 tions far beyond the realm of fact. The more cautious 
 Cuvier adopted a view of the relationships of animals 
 which, whilst denying genetic connection as the ex- 
 planation, recognised an essential identity of struc- 
 ture throughout whole groups of animals. This 
 identity was held to be due to an ultimate law of 
 nature or the Creator's plan. The tracing out of this 
 identity in diversity, whether regarded as evidence of 
 blood-relationship or as a remarkable display of skill 
 on the part of the Creator in varying the details 
 whilst retaining the essential, became at this period a 
 special pursuit, to which Goethe, the poet, who him- 
 self contributed importantly to it, gave the name 
 " Morphology." C. F. Wolff, Goethe, and Oken share 
 the credit of having initiated these views, in regard 
 especially to the structure of flowering plants and the 
 Vertebrate skull. Cuvier's doctrine of four plans of 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 331 
 
 structure was essentially a morphological one, and so 
 was the single-scale doctrine of Buflfon and Lamarck, 
 to which it was opposed. Cuvier's morphological 
 doctrine received its fullest development in the 
 principle of the ^' correlation of parts," which he ap- 
 plied to palseontological investigation, namely, that 
 every animal is a definite whole, and that no part can 
 be varied without entailing correlated and law-abiding 
 variations in other parts, so that from a fragment it 
 should be possible, had we a full knowledge of the 
 laws of animal structure or Morphology, to reconstruct 
 the whole. Here Cuvier was imperfectly formulating, 
 without recognising the real physical basis of the 
 phenomena, the results of the laws of heredity and 
 variation, which were subsequently investigated and 
 brought to bear on the problems of animal structure 
 by Darwin. 
 
 Eichard Owen ^ may be regarded as the foremost 
 of Cuvier's disciples. Owen not only occupied him- 
 self with the dissection of rare animals, such as the 
 Pearly Nautilus, Lingula, Limulus, Protopterus, 
 Apteryx, etc., and with the description and recon- 
 struction of extinct Eeptiles, Birds, and Mammals, — 
 following the Cuvierian tradition, — but gave precision 
 and currency to the morphological doctrines which 
 had taken their rise in the beginning of the century 
 by the introduction of two terms, "Homology" and 
 "Analogy," which were defined so as to express two 
 
 1 Born in 1804 in Lancaster; conservator of the Hunterian 
 Museum, London, 1830-1856 ; superintendent Nat. Hist. Brit. Mus. 
 1856-1884. 
 
332 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 different kinds of as^reement in animal structures, 
 which, owinof to the want of such " counters of 
 thought," had been hitherto continually confused. 
 Analogous structures in any two animals compared 
 were by Owen defined as structures performing similar 
 functions, but not necessarily derived from the modi- 
 fication of one and the same part in the "plan" or 
 " archetype " according to which the two animals 
 compared were supposed to be constructed. Homo- 
 logous structures were such as, though greatly differ- 
 ing in appearance and detail from one another, and 
 though performing widely different functions, yet 
 were capable of being shown by adequate study of a 
 series of intermediate forms to be derived from one 
 and the same part or organ of the " plan-form " or 
 " archetype." It is not easy to exaggerate the service 
 rendered by Owen to the study of Zoology by the 
 introduction of this apparently small piece of verbal 
 mechanism ; it takes place with the classificatory 
 terms of Linnseus. And, though the conceptions of 
 *' archetypal Morphology," to which it had reference, 
 are now abandoned in favour of a genetic Morphology, 
 yet we should remember, in estimating the value of 
 this and of other speculations which have given place 
 to new views in the history of science, the words of 
 the great reformer himself. " Erroneous observations 
 are in the highest degree injurious to the progress of 
 science, since they often persist for a long time. But 
 erroneous theories, when they are supported by facts, 
 do little harm, since every one takes a healthy pleasure 
 in proving their falsity " (Darwin). Owen's definition 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 333 
 
 of analogous structures holds good at the present day. 
 His homologous structures are now spoken of as 
 " homogenetic " structures, the idea of community of 
 representation in an archetype giving place to com- 
 munity of derivation from a single representative 
 structure present in a common ancestor. Darwinian 
 Morphology has further rendered necessary the intro- 
 duction of the terms "homoplasy" and "homo- 
 plastic"^ to express that close agreement in form 
 which may be attained in the course of evolutional 
 changes by organs or parts in two animals which 
 have been subjected to similar moulding conditions of 
 the environment, but have no genetic community of 
 origin, to account for their close similarity in form and 
 structure. 
 
 The classification adopted by Owen in his lectures 
 (1855) does not adequately illustrate the progress of 
 zooloo-ical knowledfije between Cuvier's death and that 
 date, but, such as it is, it is worth citing here. 
 
 Provi7ice : Vertebrata {Myelemephala, Owen). 
 
 Classes : Mammalia, Aves, Reptilia, Pisces. 
 Province : Artlculata. 
 
 Classes : Arachnid a, Insecta (including Sub-Classes Myria- 
 jMcla, Hexapoda), Crustacea (including Sub-Classes Ento- 
 mostraca, Malacostraca), Epizoa (Epizootic Crustacea), An- 
 nellata (Chastopods and Leeches), Cirripedia. 
 Province : MoUuSCa. 
 
 Classes : Cephalopoda, Gasteropoda, Pteropoda, Lamelli- 
 
 BRANCHIATA, BrACHIOPODA, TuNICATA. 
 
 1 See Lankester, " On the Use of the Term Homology in Modem 
 Zoology and the Distinction between Homogenetic and Homoplastic 
 Agreements," Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist. 1870. 
 
334 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Province: Radiata. 
 
 ^Sub-Province : Radiaria. 
 
 Classes : Echinodermata, Bryozoa, Anthozoa, Aca- 
 
 LEPH^, HyDROZOA. 
 
 Sub-Province : Entozoa. 
 
 Classes : Ccelelmixtha, Sterelmixtha. 
 Sub-Province : InfuSOria. 
 
 Classes : Rotifera, Polygastria (the Protozoa of recent 
 authors). 
 
 The real centre of progress of systematic Zoology 
 was no longer in France nor with the disciples of 
 Cuvier in England, but after his death moved to 
 Germany. The wave of morphological speculation, 
 with its outcome of new systems and new theories of 
 classification, which were as numerous as the pro- 
 fessors of zoological science,^ was necessarily succeeded 
 in the true progress of the science by a period of 
 minuter study in which the microscope, the discovery 
 of embryological histories, and the all-important cell- 
 theory came to swell the stream of exact knowledge. 
 
 We have already mentioned Yon Baer in this 
 connection, and given a passing reference to Johann 
 Mliller, the greatest of all investigators of animal 
 structure in the present century. Miiller (1801-1858) 
 was in Germany the successor of Rathke (1793-1860) 
 and of Meckel (1781-1833) as the leader of anatom- 
 ical investigation ; but his true greatness can only be 
 estimated by a consideration of the fact that he was a 
 fertile teacher not only of human and comparative 
 Anatomy and Zoology but also of Physiology, and 
 that nearly all the most distinguished German 
 zoologists and physiologists of the period 1850 to 
 
 1 See Agassiz, Essay on Classification, 1859, for an account of them. 
 
IX THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 335 
 
 1870 were his pupils and acknowledged his leadership. 
 The most striking feature about Johann MiiUer's 
 work, apart from the comprehensiveness of his point 
 of view, in which he added to the anatomical and 
 morphological ideas of Cuvier a consideration of 
 Physiology, Embryology, and microscopic structure, 
 was the extraordinary accuracy, facility, and complete- 
 ness of his recorded observations. He could do more 
 with a single specimen of a rare animal {e.g. in his 
 memoir on Amphioxus, Berlin, 1844) in the way of 
 making out its complete structure than the ablest of 
 his contemporaries or successors could do with a 
 plethora. His power of rapid and exhaustive obser- 
 vation and of accurate pictorial reproduction was 
 phenomenal. His most important memoirs, besides 
 that just mentioned, are those on the anatomy and 
 classification of Fishes, on the Coecilians, and on the 
 developmental history of the Echinoderms. 
 
 A name which is apt to be forgotten in the period 
 between Cuvier and Darwin, because its possessor 
 occupied an isolated position in England and was not 
 borne up by any great school or university, is that of 
 John Vaughan Thompson, who was an army surgeon, 
 and when past the age of forty, being district medical 
 inspector at Cork (1830), took to the study of marine 
 Invertebrata by the aid of the microscope. Thompson 
 made three great discoveries, which seejii to have 
 fallen in his way in the most natural and simple 
 manner, but must be regarded really as the outcome 
 of extraordinary genius. He showed that the organ- 
 isms like Flustra are not hydroid Polyps, but of a 
 
336 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 more complex structure resembling Molluscs, and lie 
 gave them the name " Polyzoa." He discovered the 
 Pentacrinus eurojjceus, and showed that it was the 
 larval form of the Feather-Star Antedon (Comatula). 
 He upset Cuvier's retention of the Cirripedes among 
 Mollusca, and his subsequent treatment of them as 
 an isolated class, by showing that they begin life as 
 free-swimming Crustacea identical with the young 
 forms of other Crustacea. Vaughan Thompson is a 
 type of the marine zoologists, such as Dalyell, Michael 
 Sars, P. J. Van Beneden, Claparede, and Allman, 
 who during the present century have approached the 
 study of the lower marine organisms in the same 
 spirit as that in which Trembley and Schaffer in the 
 last century, and Swammerdam in the seventeenth, 
 gave themselves up to the study of the minute fresh- 
 water forms of animal life. 
 
 It is impossible to enumerate or to give due con- 
 sideration to all the names in the army of anatomical 
 and embryological students of the middle third of 
 this century whose labours bore fruit in the modifica- 
 tion of zoological theories and in the building up of a 
 true classification of animals. Their results are best 
 summed up in the three schemes of classification 
 which follow below — those of Eudolph Leuckart {h. 
 1823), Henri Milne-Edwards (1800-1884), and T. H. 
 Huxley (6. 1825), all of whom individually contri- 
 buted very greatly by their special discoveries and 
 researches to the increase of exact knowledge. 
 
 Contemporaneous with these were various schemes 
 of classification which were based, not on a considera- 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 337 
 
 tion of the entire structure of each animal, but on the 
 variations of a single organ, or on the really non- 
 significant fact of the structure of the egg. All such 
 single-fact systems have proved to be useless, and in 
 fact departures from the true line of growth of the 
 zoological system which w^as shaping itself year by 
 year — unknown to those who so shaped it — as a 
 genealogical tree. They were attempts to arrive at a 
 true knowledge of the relationships of animals by 
 "royal roads" ; their followers were landed in barren 
 wastes. 
 
 E. Leuckart's -^ classification is as follows : — 
 
 Type 1. Coelenterata. 
 
 Class I. Polypi. 
 
 Orders : Anthozoa and Cylicozoa. 
 
 „ II. ACALEPH^. 
 
 Orders : Discophorce and Cteno2)horce. 
 
 Type 2. Echinodermata. 
 Class I. Pelmatozoa. 
 
 Orders : Cystidea and Crinoiclea. 
 
 „ 11. ACTINOZOA. 
 
 Orders : Echinida and Asterida. 
 
 „ III. SCYTODERMATA. 
 
 Orders : HolotJmrice and Sipimcidida. 
 
 Type 3. Vermes. 
 
 Class I. Anenter^ti. 
 
 Orders : Cestodes and Acanthocephali. 
 
 1 Die Morpliologie unci die Verivandtschaftsverhaltnisse der wirhellosen 
 Thiere, Brunswick, 1848. The Protozoa, recognised as a primary group 
 by Siebold and Stannius {Lehrhuch d. vergleich. Anatomie, Berlin, 1845), 
 are not included at all by Leuckart in his scheme. The name Protozoa 
 was first used by Goldfuss (1809) to include microscopic animals and 
 also the Polyps and Medusce, whilst Siebold and Stannius first used it in 
 its modern signification as comprising and limited to the Infusoria and 
 Ehizopoda. 
 
 Z 
 
338 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Class II. Apodes. 
 
 Orders : Femertmi, Turhellarii, Trematodes, and 
 Hirudi7iei. 
 
 „ III. ClLIATI. 
 
 Orders : Bryozoa and Rotifera. 
 „ IV. Annelides. 
 
 Orders : Nematodes^ Lumbricini, and Branchiati. 
 
 Type 4. Arthropoda. 
 
 Class I. Ceustacea. 
 
 Orders : Entomostraca and Malacostraca. 
 „ II. Insecta. 
 
 Orders : Myricq^oda, Arachnida {Acera, Latr.), and 
 Rexajyoda. 
 Type 5. Mollusca. 
 
 Class I. TUNICATA. 
 
 Orders : Ascidice and Salpce. 
 
 „ II. ACEPHALA. 
 
 Orders : Lamellihranchiata and Brachioj)oda. 
 „ III. Gasteropoda. 
 
 Orders : Heterobrancliia^ Dermatohrcmchia^ Hetero- 
 poda, Ctenohranchia, Pulmonata, and Cydo- 
 hrancJiia. 
 „ IV. Cephalopoda. 
 Type 6. Vertebrata. (Not specially dealt with.) 
 
 The classification given by Henri Milne-Edwards ^ 
 is as follows : — 
 Branch I. Osteozoarla or Vertebrata. 
 
 Sub-Branch 1. Allantoidlans. 
 Class I. Mammalia. 
 
 Orders : (a) Monodelphia : Bimana, Quadrii- 
 mana, Cheiroptera, Insectivora, Bodentia, 
 Edentata, Carnivora, Amphibia, Pachyder- 
 mata, Ruminantia, Cetacea ; (b) Didelphia : 
 Marsupialia, Monotremata. 
 „ 11. Birds. 
 
 Orders : Rajxices, Passeres, Scansores, Gallince, 
 Grallce, Palmipedes. 
 „ III. Reptiles. 
 
 Orders : Chelonia, Sauria, Ophidia. 
 
 1 Corns Elementaire d'Histoire Naturelle, Paris, 1855. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 339 
 
 Sub-Branch 2. Anallantoidians. 
 Class I. Batrachians. 
 
 Orders : Anura, Urodela, Perennibranchia, 
 Coecilice. 
 „ II. Fishes. 
 
 Section 1. Ossei. 
 
 Orders : Aca7itko2?ter7/(/n, Ahdominales, Suh- 
 hrachii^ Ajiodes, Lopliohranchii^ Plecto- 
 gnathi. 
 Section 2. Cliondropteryciii. 
 
 Orders : Sturiones, Selachii, Cydostomi. 
 
 Branch II. Entomozoa or Annelata. 
 Sub-Branch 1. Arthropoda. 
 Class I. Insecta. 
 
 Orders : Coleoptera, Orthoptera, Neuroptera, 
 Hymenoptera, Lepidoptera^ Hemip>tera, Di- 
 ptera, EhipipUra^ Anopleura, Thysanura. 
 „ II. Myriapoda. 
 
 Orders : Chilognatha and Chilopoda. 
 „ III. Arachnids. 
 
 Orders : Pulmonaria and Trachearia. 
 „ IV. Crustacea. 
 
 Section 1. Podophthalmia. 
 
 Orders : Decapoda and 8tomop>oda. 
 Section 2. Edriophthabnia. 
 
 Orders : Amphipoda^ Loemodipoda^ and 
 Isopoda. 
 Section 3. Brancliiopoda. 
 
 Orders : Ostracoda, Phyllopoda, and Tri- 
 lohitce. 
 Section 4. Entomostraca. 
 
 Orders : Coj^epoda, Cladocera, Sip)liono8toma, 
 Lernoiida, Cirripedia. 
 Section 5. Xiphomra. 
 
 (The orders of the classes which follow are not given in the 
 work quoted.) 
 
 Sub-Branch 2. Vermes. 
 
 Class I. Annelids. Class IV. Cestoidea. 
 
 „ II. Helminths. „ V. Rotatoria. 
 
 „ III. Turbellaria. 
 
340 THE HISTORY A^SD SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Branch III. Malacozoaria or MoUusca. 
 
 Sub-Branch 1. MoUusca proper. 
 
 Class I. Cephalopoda. Class III. Gasteeopoda. 
 
 „ II. PtEEOPODA. „ IV. ACEPHALA. 
 
 Sub-Branch 2. MolluSCOidea. 
 
 Class I. TuxicATA. Class II. Bryozoa. 
 
 Branch IV. Zoophytes. 
 
 Sub-Branch I. Radiaria. 
 
 Class I. ECHINODEEMS. ClaSS III. COEALLAEIA Or 
 
 „ II. AcALEPHS. Polypi. 
 
 Sub-Branch 2. Sarcodaria. 
 
 Class I. Infusoeia. Class II. Spongiaeia. 
 
 In England T. H. Huxley adopted in his lectures 
 (1869) a classification wHcli was in many respects 
 similar to both of the foregoing, but embodied im- 
 provements of his own. It is as follows : — 
 
 Sub-Kingdom I. ProtOZOa. 
 
 Classes : Rhizopoda, Geegarinida, Radiolaeia, Spongida. 
 Sub-Kingdom II. Infusoria. 
 Sub-Kingdom III. Coelenterata. 
 
 Classes : Hydeozoa, Actinozoa. 
 Sub-Kingdom IV. Annulolda. 
 
 Classes : Scolecida, Echixodeemata. 
 Sub-Kingdom V. Annulosa. 
 
 Classes : Ceustacea, Aeachxida, Myeiapoda, Ixsecta, Ch.e- 
 tognatha, Anxelida. 
 Sub-Kingdom VI. MoUuSCOida. 
 
 Classes : Polyzoa, Beachiopoda, Tuxicata. 
 Sub-Kingdom VII. Mollusca. 
 
 Classes : Lamellibeaxchiata, Beaxchiogasteopoda, Pulmo- 
 
 GASTEOPODA, PtEEOPODA, CEPHALOPODA. 
 
 Sub-Kingdom VIII. Vertebrata. 
 
 Classes : Pisces, Amphibia, Reptilia, Aves, Mammalia. 
 
 We now arrive at the period when the doctrine of 
 organic evolution was established by Darwin, and 
 when naturalists, being convinced by him as they 
 had not been by the transmutationists of fifty years' 
 earlier date, were compelled to take an entirely new 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 341 
 
 view of the significance of all attempts at framing a 
 *' natural " classification. 
 
 Many zoologists — prominent among them in Great 
 Britain being Huxley — had been repelled by the airy 
 fancies and assumptions of the ''philosophical" mor- 
 phologists. The efforts of the best minds in Zoology 
 had been directed for thirty years or more to ascer- 
 taining with increased accuracy and minuteness the 
 structure, microscopic and gross, of all accessible forms 
 of animals, and not only of the adult structure but of 
 the steps of development of that structure in the 
 growth of each kind of organism from the egg to 
 maturity. Putting aside fantastic theories, these ob- 
 servers endeavoured to give in their classifications a 
 strictly objective representation of the facts of animal 
 structure and of the structural relationships of animals 
 to one another capable of demonstration. The groups 
 within groups adopted for this purpose were neces- 
 sarily wanting in symmetry : the whole system pre- 
 sented a strangely irregular character. From time to 
 time efforts were made by those who believed that the 
 Creator must have followed a symmetrical system in 
 his production of animals to force one or other arti- 
 ficial, neatly balanced scheme of classification upon the 
 zoological world. The last of these was that of Louis 
 Agassiz (Essay on Classification, 1859), who, whilst 
 surveying all previous classifications, propounded a 
 scheme of his own, in which, as well as in the criticisms 
 he applies to other systems, the leading notion is that 
 sub-kingdoms, classes, orders, and families have a real 
 existence. He held that it is possible to ascertain and 
 
342 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 distinguish characters which are of class value, others 
 which are only of ordinal value, and so on, so that the 
 classes of one sub-kingdom should on paper, and in 
 nature actually do, correspond in relative value to 
 those of another sub-kingdom, and the orders of any 
 one class similarly should be so taken as to be of equal 
 value with those of another class, and have been 
 actually so created. 
 
 The whole position was changed by the acquies- 
 cence, which became universal, in the doctrine of 
 Darwin. That doctrine took some few years to pro- 
 duce its effect, but it became evident at once to those 
 who accepted Darwinism that the natural classification 
 of animals, after which collectors and anatomists, mor- 
 phologists, philosophers, and embryologists had been 
 so long striving, was nothing more nor less than a 
 genealogical tree, with breaks and gaps of various ex- 
 tent in its record. The facts of the relationships of 
 animals to one another, which had been treated as the 
 outcome of an inscrutable law by most zoologists and 
 glibly explained by the transcendental morphologists, 
 were amongst the most powerful arguments in support 
 of Darwin's theory, since they, together with all other 
 vital phenomena, received a sufficient explanation 
 through it. It is to be noted that, whilst the zoolo- 
 gical system took the form of a genealogical tree, with 
 main stem and numerous diverging branches, the 
 actual form of that tree, its limitation to a certain 
 number of branches corresponding to a limited number 
 of divergences in structure, came to be regarded as the 
 necessary consequence of the operation of the physico- 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 343 
 
 chemical laws of the universe, and it was recognised 
 that the ultimate explanation of that limitation is to 
 be found only in the constitution of matter itself. 
 
 The first naturalist to put into practical form the 
 consequences of the new theory, in so far as it affected 
 zoological classification, was Ernst Haeckel of Jena 
 (6. 1834) who in 1866, seven years after the publica- 
 tion of Darwin's Origin of Species, published his sug- 
 gestive Generelle Morphologic. Haeckel introduced 
 into classification a number of terms intended to indi- 
 cate the branchings of a genealogical tree. The whole 
 '^ system " or scheme of classification was termed a 
 genealogical tree [Stammbaum) ; the main branches 
 were termed '' phyla," their branchings " sub-phyla" ; 
 the great branches of the sub-phyla were termed 
 " cladi," and the " cladi " divided into '' classes," these 
 into sub-classes, these into legions, legions into orders, 
 orders into sub-orders, sub-orders into tribes, tribes 
 into families, families into genera, genera into species. 
 Additional branchings could be indicated by similar 
 terms where necessary. There was no attempt in 
 Haeckel's use of these terms to make them exactly or 
 more than approximately equal in significance ; such 
 attempts were clearly futile and unimportant where 
 the purpose was the exhibition of lines of descent, and 
 where no natural equality of groups was to be expected 
 ex hypothesi. Haeckel's classification of 1866 was 
 only a first attempt. In the edition of the NaturUche 
 Schopfungsgeschichtc published in 1868, he made a 
 great advance in his genealogical classification, since 
 he now introduced the results of the extraordinary 
 
344 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 activity in the study of Embryology which followed on 
 the publication of the Origin of Species. 
 
 The pre-Darwinian systematists since the time of 
 Yon Baer had attached very great importance to 
 embryological facts, holding that the stages in an 
 animal's development were often more significant of 
 its true affinities than its adult structure. Von Baer 
 had gained unanimous support for his dictum, "Die 
 Entwickeluno-sD'eschichte ist der wahre Lichttrao^er ftir 
 Untersuchungen liber organische Korper." Thus J. 
 Miiller s studies on the larval forms of Echinoderms 
 and the discoveries of Vaughan Thompson were appre- 
 ciated. But it was only after Darwin that the cell- 
 theory of Schwann was extended to the Embryology 
 of the animal kingdom generally, and that the know- 
 ledge of the development of an animal became a 
 knowledge of the way in which the millions of cells of 
 which its body is composed take their origin by fission 
 from a smaller number of cells, and these ultimately 
 from the single egg-cell. KoUiker [Development of 
 Cephaloj^ods, 1844), Eemak {Development of the Frog, 
 1850), and others had laid the foundations of this 
 knowledge in isolated examples ; but it was Kowalew- 
 sky, by his accounts of the development of Ascidians 
 and of AmjMoxus (1866), who really made zoologists 
 see that a strict and complete cellular embryology of 
 animals was as necessary and feasible a factor in the 
 comprehension of their relationships as at the begin- 
 ning of the century the coarse anatomy had been 
 shown to be by Cuvier. Kowalewsky's work ap- 
 peared between the dates of the Generelle Morpho- 
 
IX 
 
 THE HISTOllY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 345 
 
 logie and the Schd2)fungsgesch{chte. Haeckel himself, 
 with his pupil Miklucho-Maclay, had in the meantime 
 made studies on the growth from the egg of Sponges, 
 — studies which resulted in the complete separation of 
 the unicellular or equicellular Protozoa from the 
 Sponges, hitherto confounded with them. It is this 
 introduction of the consideration of cell- structure and 
 cell-development which, subsequently to the estab- 
 lishment of Darwinism, has most profoundly modified 
 the views of systematists, and has led in conjunction 
 with the genealogical doctrine to the greatest activity 
 in research, — an activity which culminated in the 
 work (1873-1882) of F. M. Balfour, and produced the 
 profoundest modifications in classification. 
 
 Haeckel's earlier pedigree is worth comparing with 
 his second effort, as showing the beginning of the influ- 
 ence just noted. The second pedigree is as follows : — 
 
 Phyla. 
 
 Cladi. 
 
 Classes. 
 
 
 • 
 
 ' Archezoa. 
 
 
 OVULARIA. < 
 
 GregarincE. 
 
 Protozoa. 
 
 
 . Infusoria. 
 
 
 Blastularia. 
 
 Planceada. 
 
 
 Gastrceada. 
 
 
 / Spongi^e. 
 
 Porifera. 
 
 Zoophyta. <^ 
 
 1 
 
 1 ACALEPH^E. < 
 
 ■ Coralla. 
 Hydromedusce. 
 , Ctenopliora. 
 
 
 ' ACCELOMI. 
 
 Platyhelmmthes. 
 Neinathelminthes. 
 Bryozoa. 
 Tunicata. 
 
 Vermes. 
 
 CCELOMATI. 
 
 Rhynchocoela. 
 Gephyrcea. 
 
 
 L 
 
 Rotatoria. 
 Annelida. 
 
346 
 
 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 IX 
 
 Mollusca. 
 
 Echinoderma. 
 
 Arthropoda. 
 
 Vertebrata. 
 
 IACEPHALA. 
 EUCEPHALA. 
 ( COLOBRACHIA. 
 (^ LiPOBRACHIA. 
 
 Carides. 
 Tracheata. 
 
 ACRANIA. 
 
 moxorrhina. 
 Anamnia. 
 
 Amniota. 
 
 Spirohyxinchia. 
 
 Lamellibranchia. 
 ( Cochlides. 
 \ Cephalopoda, 
 j Asterida. 
 \ Crinoida. 
 { Echinida. 
 I. Holothurioi. 
 
 Crustacea. 
 I Arachnida. 
 -'. Myriapoda. 
 \ Insecta. 
 
 Leptocardia. 
 
 Cydostoma. 
 
 {Pisces. 
 Dipneusta. 
 Halisauria. 
 Amphibia. 
 ( Reptilia. 
 < Aves. 
 \ Mammalia. 
 
 In representing pictorially the groups of the animal 
 kingdom as the branches of a tree, it becomes obvious 
 that a distinction may be drawn, not merely between 
 the individual main branches, but further as to the 
 level at which they are given off from the main stem, 
 so that one branch or set of branches may be marked 
 off as belonging to an earlier or lower level than 
 another set of branches ; and the same plan may be 
 adopted with regard to the cladi, classes, and smaller 
 branches. The term "grade" was introduced by 
 myself 1 to indicate this giving off of branches at a 
 higher or lower, i.e. a later or earlier, level of a main 
 stem. The mechanism for the statement of the o-enea- 
 
 ^ " Notes on Embryology and ClassificatioD," in Quart. Journ. Micr. 
 
 Sci. 1877. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 347 
 
 logical relationsliips of the groups of the animal king- 
 dom was thus completed. Renewed study of every 
 group was the result of the acceptance of the genea- 
 logical idea and of the recognition of the importance 
 of cellular Embryology. On the one hand, the true 
 method of arriving at a knowledge of the genealogical 
 tree was recognised as lying chiefly in attacking the 
 problem of the genealogical relationships of the smallest 
 twigs of the tree, and proceeding from them to the 
 larger branches. Special studies of small families or 
 orders of animals with this object in view were taken 
 in hand by many zoologists. On the other hand, a 
 survey of the facts of cellular Embryology which were 
 accumulated in regard to a variety of classes within a 
 few years of Kowalewsky's work led to a generalisa- 
 tion, independently arrived at by Haeckel and myself, 
 to the effect that a lower grade of animals may be 
 distinguished, the Protozoa or Plastidozoa, which ^ 
 consist either of single cells or colonies of equiformal 
 cells, and a higher grade, the Metazoa or Enterozoa, 
 in which the egg-cell by " cell division" gives rise to 
 two layers of cells, the endoderm and the ectoderm, 
 surrounding a primitive digestive chamber, the archen- 
 teron. Of these latter I proposed to distinguish two 
 grades, — those which remain possessed of a single 
 archenteric cavity and of two primary cell-layers (the 
 Ccelentera or Diplohlastica) , and those which by 
 nipping off the archenteron give rise to two cavities, 
 the coelom or body-cavity and the metenteron or gut 
 [Ccelomata or TriploUastica). To the primitive two- 
 cell-layered form, the hypothetical ancestor of all 
 
348 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Metazoa or Entei^ozoa, Haeckel gave the name GastrcBci; 
 the embryonic form Avhich represents in the individual 
 growth from the egg this ancestral condition he called 
 a "gastrula." The term "diblastula" has more recently 
 been adopted in England for the "gastrula" of Haeckel. 
 The tracing of the exact mode of development, cell by 
 cell, of the diblastula, the coelom, and the various 
 tissues of examples of all classes of animals has been 
 pursued during the last twenty years with immense 
 activity and increasing instrumental facilities, and is 
 still in progress. 
 
 Two names in connection with post -Darwinian 
 taxonomy and the ideas connected with it require 
 brief mention here. Fritz Muller, by his studies on 
 Crustacea {Filr Darwin, 1864), showed the way in 
 which genealogical theory may be applied to the 
 minute study of a limited group. He is also respon- 
 sible for the formulation of an important principle, 
 called by Haeckel " the biogenetic fundamental law,'" 
 viz. that an animal in its growth from the egg to the 
 adult condition tends to pass through a series of stages 
 which are recapitulative of the stages through w^hich 
 its ancestry has passed in the historical development 
 of the species from a primitive form ; or, more shortly, 
 that the development of the individual (ontogeny) is 
 an epitome of the development of the race (phylogeny). 
 Pre-Darwinian zoologists had been aware of the class 
 of facts thus interpreted by Fritz Muller, but the 
 authoritative view on the subject had been that there 
 is a parallelism between (a) the series of forms which 
 occur in individual development, {h) the series of 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 349 
 
 existing forms from lower to higher, and (c) the series 
 of forms which succeed one another in the strata of 
 the earth's crust; whilst an explanation of this parallel- 
 ism was either not attempted, or was illusively offered 
 in the shape of a doctrine of harmony of plan in crea- 
 tion. It was the application of Fritz Midler's law of 
 recapitulation which gave the chief stimulus to recent 
 embryological investigations ; and, though it is now 
 recognised that ''recapitulation" is vastly and be- 
 wilderingly modified by special adaptations in every 
 case, yet the principle has served, and still serves, as 
 a guide of great value. 
 
 Another important factor in the present condition 
 of zoological knowledge as represented by classification 
 is the doctrine of degeneration propounded by Anton 
 Dohrn. Lamarck believed in a single progressive 
 series of forms, whilst Cuvier introduced the conception 
 of branches. The first post-Darwinian systematists 
 naturally and without reflection accepted the idea 
 that existing simpler forms represent stages in the 
 gradual progress of development, — are in fact survivors 
 from past ages which have retained the exact grade 
 of development which their ancestors had reached in 
 past ages. The assumption made w^as that (with the 
 rare exception of parasites) all the change of structure 
 through which the successive generations of animals 
 have passed has been one of progressive elaboration. 
 It is Dohrn's merit to have pointed out^ that this 
 assumption is not warranted, and that degeneration or 
 
 1 Ursprung der JVirbelthiere, Leipsic, 1875 ; and Lankester, De- 
 generation, London, 1880 (reprinted in the present volume). 
 
350 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 progressive simplification of structure may have, and 
 in many lines certainly has, taken place, as well as pro- 
 gressive elaboration and continuous maintenance of the 
 status quo. The introduction of this conception neces- 
 sarily has had a most important effect in the attempt 
 to unravel the genealogical affinities of animals. It 
 renders the' task a more complicated one ; at the same 
 time it removes some serious difficulties and throws a 
 flood of light on every group of the animal kingdom. 
 
 One result of the introduction of the new concep- 
 tions dating from Darwin has been a healthy reaction 
 from that attitude of mind which led to the regarding 
 of the classes and orders recognised by authoritative 
 zoologists as sacred institutions which were beyond 
 the criticism of ordinary men. That attitude was 
 due to the fact that the groupings so recognised did 
 not profess to be simply the result of scientific reason- 
 ing, but were necessarily regarded as the expressions 
 of the "insight" of some more or less gifted persons 
 into a plan or system which had been arbitrarily 
 chosen by the Creator. Consequently there was a 
 tinge of theological dogmatism about the w^hole matter. 
 To deny the Linnaean, or later the Cuvierian, classes 
 was very much like denying the Mosaic cosmogony. 
 At the present time systematic Zoology is entirely 
 free from any such prejudices, and the Linnasan taint 
 which is apparent even in Haeckel and Gegenbaur 
 may be considered as finally expunged. 
 
 A classification which expresses the probabilities 
 of genealogical relationships as indicated by the latest 
 results of investigation, is that at which every teacher 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 351 
 
 of Zoology now aims. That which at the present 
 moment commends itself to me is represented by the 
 genealogical tree and the tabular statements which 
 are printed at the end of this essay/ The chief points 
 in this classification are the inclusion of Balanoglossiis 
 and the Tunicata in the phylum Vertehrata, the 
 association of the Rotifera and the Chcetopoda with 
 the Arthroj^^oda in the phylum Appendictdata, the 
 inclusion of Limidus and the Eiirypterina in the 
 class AracJmida, and the total abandoning of the 
 indefinite and indefensible group of " Vermes.'' 
 
 "We have now traced the history of the morplio- 
 graphy of animals so as to show that increasingly in 
 successive epochs independent branches of knowledge 
 have been brought to bear on the consideration of the 
 main problem, namely, the discrimination of the kinds 
 and the relations to one another of animal forms. 
 Before glancing at the history of the remaining 
 branches of zoological science, which have had an 
 independent history whilst ultimately contributory to 
 Taxonomy and Morphography, it may be briefly 
 pointed out that the accumulation of knowledge with 
 regard to the distribution of animal forms on the 
 earth's surface and in the seas has progressed simul- 
 taneously with the discrimination of the mere forms 
 of the species themselves, as has also the knowledge 
 derived from fossilised remains as to the characters 
 of former inhabitants of the globe. Both these sub- 
 divisions of Morphography have contributed to the 
 
 ^ Tlie classification here given is not qnite the same as that puli- 
 lished in the EncydoiKedia Britannica in 1888. 
 
352 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 establishment of Darwinism, — tlie one (palaeontology) 
 by direct evidence of organic evolution in time, the 
 other (zoo-geography) in a more indirect way. 
 
 Alfred Russell Wallace stands prominently forward 
 as a naturalist -traveller who by his observations, 
 chiefly on Lepidopterous Insects, in both South 
 America and the Malay Archipelago, was led to the 
 conclusion that a production of new species is actually 
 going on, and that, too, by means of a process of 
 natural selection of favourable variations. AVallace 
 and Darwin, who each recognised cordially and fully 
 the other's work, laid their views before the Linnean 
 Society on the same day — 1st July 1858. 
 
 The facts of the geographical distribution of ani- 
 mals were systematised, and great zoo-geographical 
 provinces first clearly recognised, by P. L. Sclater ^ in 
 1858. The application of the Darwinian theory to 
 the facts tabulated by Sclater, combined with a 
 knowledge of the distribution of animals in past geo- 
 logical periods, has led to a full explanation of the 
 migrations of terrestrial animals, and has furnished a 
 striking corroboration of the sufficiency of the doctrine 
 of organic evolution, as reformed by Darwin, to 
 account for all the phenomena of Zoology. 
 
 The study of the marine fauna by means of the 
 dredge and trawl had been enthusiastically prosecuted 
 by British, French, and Scandinavian naturalists in 
 the two decades before Darwin's book ; the collection 
 of forms, the discovery of new species, and the record- 
 ing of their bathymetrical and local distribution had 
 
 1 Journal of the Proc. Linncmn Soc. Zool. vol. ii. p. 130. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 353 
 
 produced a great mass of knowledge through the 
 labours of E. Forbes, Gwyn-Jeffreys, Sars, Quatre- 
 fages, Norman, and others. The post-Darwinian 
 developments of this line of inquiry have been two. 
 In the first place, dredging and trawling have been 
 extended by the aid of steamships of the Norwegian, 
 British, American, French, and Italian navies into 
 greater depths than were previously supposed to con- 
 tain living things. New species and genera, and a 
 vast extension of knowledge as to distribution, have 
 been the outcome of these expeditions, connected with 
 the names of G. 0. Sars and Daniellsen in Norway, of 
 Alex. Agassiz in America, and of Carpenter and 
 Wyville Thomson in Great Britain. It is worthy of 
 note that the practical demand for sounding the 
 Atlantic in connection with the laying of the first 
 deep-sea telegraph-cable is what led to these explora- 
 tions, the first recognition of life at these great depths 
 in the ocean being due to Dr. Wallich, who accom- 
 panied a sounding expedition in 1860 to the North 
 Atlantic, and to Professor Fleeming Jenkin, who in the 
 same year acted as engineer in raising the submarine 
 cable between Sardinia and Africa, upon which living 
 corals were found. In the second place, the study of 
 marine Zoology has, since the publication of the Origin 
 of Species, been found to require more complete 
 arrangements in the form of laboratories and aquaria 
 than the isolated vacation student could bring with 
 him to the seaside. Seaside laboratories have come 
 into existence : the first was founded in France by 
 Coste (1859) at Concarneau (Brittany), again with a 
 
 2 A 
 
354 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 practical end in view, viz. the study of food-fishes 
 with an aim to pisciculture. The demand for a 
 knowledge of the embryology of all classes of animals, 
 and for further facts as to the structure and life-history 
 of the minuter microscopic or very delicate forms of 
 marine life, is what has determined the multiplication 
 of these marine " stations." The largest and best sup- 
 ported pecuniarily is that founded at Naples by Anton 
 Dohrn in 1872; others exist at Trieste, Yillefranche, 
 Cette, and at New Haven and Beaufort in the United 
 States, whilst a large laboratory, on a scale to compare 
 with that at Naples, has this year (1888) been opened 
 at Plymouth by the Marine Biological Association of 
 the United Kingdom. 
 
 Another result of the stimulus given to zoological 
 research by Darwin's work is the undertaking of 
 voyages to distant lands by skilled anatomists for the 
 purpose of studying on the spot, and with all the 
 advantages of abundant and living material, the 
 structure, and especially the embryology, of rare and 
 exceptionally interesting forms of animal life. In the 
 pre-Darwinian period of this century zoologists who 
 were convinced of the importance of anatomical and 
 embryological study were still content to study speci- 
 mens immersed in spirit and brought home, often 
 imperfectly preserved, by unskilled collectors, or to 
 confine their attention to such species as could be 
 procured in Europe. Before Cuvier, as we have 
 already pointed out, attention was, with rare excep- 
 tions, limited to the dried skeletons and external 
 forms of animals. Now, however, the enterprising 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 355 
 
 zoologist goes to the native land of an interesting 
 animal, there to study it as fully as possible. The 
 most important of these voyages has been that of W. 
 H. Caldwell of Cambridge to Australia (1885-1886) for 
 the purpose of studying the embryology of the Mono- 
 trema and of Ceratodus, the fish-like Dipnoon, which 
 has resulted in the discovery that the Monotrema are 
 oviparous. Similarly Adam Sedgwick proceeded to 
 the Cape in order to study Peripatus, Bateson to the 
 coast of Maryland to study Balanoglossus, and the 
 brothers Sarassin to Ceylon to investigate the em- 
 bryology of the Ccecilia. 
 
 The task of the zoologist has changed and devel- 
 oped in every succeeding period. Pure morphography 
 has lonof ceased to be a chief line of research ; and 
 now even the preoccupation produced by the addition 
 to it of the study of cellular Embryology is about to 
 undergo a modification by the demand for knowledge 
 of the facts of heredity and adaptation in greatly 
 extended detail. 
 
 Zoo-Mechanics, Zoo-Physics, Zoo-Chemistry 
 
 The development of that knowledge of the struc- 
 ture of the human body, and of the chemical and 
 physical processes going on in it, which is necessary 
 for the purposes of the medical art, forms a distinct 
 history, which has both infiuenced and been influenced 
 by that of other branches of Zoology. The study of 
 the structure and composition of the body of man and 
 of the animals nearest to him was until fifty years ago 
 
356 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 one with the inquiry into the activities of those parts, 
 and indeed the separation of Anatomy and Physiology 
 has never been really carried out. For convenience 
 of teaching, the description of the coarser anatomy of 
 the human body has been in modern universities 
 placed in the hands of a special professor, theoretically 
 condemned to occupy himself with the mere formal 
 details of structure, whilst the professor of Physiology 
 has usually retained what is called " microscopic ana- 
 tomy," and necessarily occupies himself with as much 
 structural Anatomy as is required for a due description 
 of the functions of organs and the properties of tissues. 
 It would seem that in our medical schools and uni- 
 versities these arrangements should be reconsidered. 
 Anatomy and Physiology should be re-united and 
 subdivided as follows, — (1) Physiology with Anatomy 
 in relation to Physiology, (2) Anatomy in relation to 
 surgery and medical diagnosis, — the former being a 
 science, the latter a piece of technical training in rule 
 of thumb. 
 
 Physiological Anatomy or anatomical Physiology 
 has its beginnings in Aristotle and other observers of 
 antiquity. The later Grseco-Eoman and the Arabian 
 physicians carried on the traditional knowledge and 
 added to it. Galen dominated the Middle Ages. 
 The modern development begins with Harvey and 
 with the Italian school in which he studied. Its great 
 names are Fabricius of Acquapendente (1537-1619), 
 Yesalius (1514-1564), Eustachius (c. 1500-1574), 
 Eiolan (1577-1657), Severino (1580-1656). The 
 history of the discovery of the circulation of the blood 
 
IX THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 357 
 
 and of the controyersies connected with it gives 
 an interesting and sufficient presentation of the 
 anatomico - physiological knowledge of the period. 
 The foundation of the scientific academies and the 
 records of their publications furnish thenceforward 
 a picture of the progress in this study. As an 
 early anatomist Willis (1621-1675), professor of 
 physic in Oxford, deserves notice for his work on the 
 anatomy of the human brain, the plates for which 
 were drawn by young Christopher Wren, the prodigy 
 of Oxford common-rooms, who later built St. Paul's 
 Cathedral. The Eoyal Society, in its early days when 
 Wren was a fellow, met at Gresham College whenever 
 the professor of physic there could obtain a human 
 body for dissection, and amongst its earliest records 
 are the memoirs of Tyson on the anatomy of the 
 Chimpanzee and the experiments on transfusion of 
 blood, extirpation of the spleen, and such like inquiries. 
 Marcello Malpighi (1628-1694) and Anton van 
 Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723) were the first to introduce 
 the microscope into anatomical research. Malpighi 
 first used the injection of blood-vessels on a large scale, 
 and moreover is to be credited with having first con- 
 ceived that there is a definite relation of the structure 
 of lower kinds of animals to that of higher and more 
 elaborate kinds, and that this relation is one of gradual 
 transition, so that lower animals are not to be regarded 
 as isolated and arbitrary existences, but are really 
 simpler exhibitions of the same kind of structure and 
 mechanism which occurs in higher animals. It is this 
 conception which later developed into the theory of 
 
358 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 an actual transmutative development of lower into 
 higher organisms. LeeuAvenhoek discovered the red 
 blood corpuscles of Vertebrates, saw the circulation in 
 the capillaries of the Frog's foot, described the fibrillar 
 structure and cross -striping of muscular fibre, the 
 tubular structure of dentine, the scales of the epi- 
 dermis, the fibres of the lens, and the spermatozoa, 
 these last having been independently discovered at 
 Leyden in 1677 by Ludwig Ham of Stettin. The 
 spermatozoa were regarded by the " animalculists " as 
 the fully formed but minute young which had to be 
 received in the egg, in order to be nourished and 
 increase in size, and were hailed as a decisive blow to 
 Harvey's doctrine of epigenesis and his dictum " omne 
 vivum ex ovo." Albrecht von Haller was the champion 
 of the so-called " evolutionists " in the eiofhteenth cen- 
 tury, better called " praeformationists." Haller wrote, 
 " There is no such thing as develojDment ! No part 
 of the animal body is made before another ; all are 
 simultaneously created." A corollary of this doctrine 
 was that the germ contains the germs of the next 
 generation, and these of the next, and so ad infinitum. 
 It was calculated that Eve at her creation thus con- 
 tained within her 200,000 millions of human germs. 
 This was the view of the " ovists," who regarded the 
 egg as the true germ, whilst the '' animalculists," who 
 regarded the spermatozoon as the essential germ, would 
 have substituted Adam for Eve in the above calcula- 
 tion. These fanciful conceptions — containing as they 
 do a share of important truth — w^ere opposed by 
 Caspar Friedrich Wolff, who in his doctorate disserta- 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 359 
 
 tion (1 759) maintained that the germ is a structureless 
 particle, and acquires its structure by " epigenesis " 
 or gradual development. AVolff has proved to be 
 nearer the truth than Haller ; but modern conceptions 
 as to the molecular structure of the egg-protoplasm 
 point to a complexity as great as that imagined by 
 the evolutionists. Later it was maintained that the 
 spermatozoa are parasitic animalcules, and this view 
 prevailed for 150 years, so that in the Physiology of 
 Johann Miiller (1842) we read, " Whether the sperma- 
 tozoa are parasitic animalcules or living parts of the 
 animal in which they occur cannot at present be 
 stated with certainty." 
 
 Physiology in the eighteenth century could only 
 proceed by means of inferences from purely anatomical 
 observation, aided by imaginative conceptions which 
 had no real basis. The explanation of the processes of 
 life in the animal body was waiting for that progress 
 in the knowledge of physics and chemistry which at 
 last arrived, and gave a new impulse to investigation. 
 Albrecht von Haller (1708-1777) was the first to 
 apply experimental methods to the determination of 
 the functions of the various organs made known by 
 anatomists, and from him we may trace a bifurcation 
 in the tendencies of medical men who occupied them- 
 selves with the study of the structure and functions 
 of the animal organism. The one class proceeded more 
 and more in the direction of comparative anatomy, the 
 other in the direction of exact analysis and measure- 
 ment of both the structure and properties of the organs 
 of Vertebrate animals allied to man and of man himself. 
 
360 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 John Hunter (1728-1793) is the most striking 
 figure of this epoch in the relation of medicine to 
 general zoological progress ; his museum, preserved 
 in Lincoln's Inn Fields, London, by the combined 
 action of the state and the Eoyal College of Sur- 
 geons, is an abiding record of the historical progress 
 of biological science. Hunter collected, dissected, 
 and described not only higher but lower animals, with 
 the view of arriving at a knowledge of the function 
 of organs by the most extensive and systematic survey 
 of their modifications in all kinds of animals. His 
 purpose was that of the physiologist and medical man, 
 but he made great contributions to the general know- 
 ledge of animal structure. The same class of investi- 
 gations, when taken up by Cuvier from the point of 
 view of systematic Zoology and Morphology, led to a 
 reconstruction of classification and laid the foundation 
 of anatomical Zoology. Hunter was the younger 
 brother of William Hunter, who also formed an im- 
 portant museum, still preserved in Grlasgow. Hunter 
 classified the organs of animals into those which sub- 
 serve the preservation of the individual, those which 
 subserve the preservation of the species, and those 
 which are the means of relation with the outer world, 
 and he arranged his museum of dissections and pre- 
 parations on this plan. 
 
 The great progress of chemistry at the end of the 
 eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century 
 was followed by an application of chemical laws and 
 chemical methods to the study of animal life. Curi- 
 ously enough, as showing how deeply interwoven are 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 361 
 
 the various lines of scientific progress, Priestley in 
 liis discovery of oxygen was as much concerned 
 in the study of a chlorophyll -bearing Protozoon, 
 Euglena viridis, as in that of the red oxide of 
 mercury ; and the interest in " vital S23irits " as a 
 physiological factor was an important stimulus to 
 those researches which produced modern chemical 
 knowledge. 
 
 The purely anatomical side of physiological pro- 
 gress is marked in the beginning of the nineteenth 
 century by the work of Bichat (1771-1802), who distin- 
 guished by naked-eye characters the different struc- 
 tural materials of which the organs of man and the 
 hiofher animals are built, and thus founded in first out- 
 line the science of Histology. By the end of the first 
 quarter of this century it had become clear to the 
 minds of the anatomico- physiological students of 
 animal life that the animal body was subject to the 
 same physical laws as other matter, although it was 
 still held that some additional and mysterious agent 
 — so-called '* vitality " — was at work in living bodies. 
 It had become clear, that animal material could be 
 investigated chemically, and that the processes of 
 digestion, assimilation, respiration, and secretion were 
 chemical processes. 
 
 To a considerable extent the chemical composition 
 and properties of the tissues, and the chemical nature 
 of the various changes of life and of putrefaction after 
 death, had been investigated, but one step was yet to 
 be taken which brings the study of ultimate structure, 
 chemical activity, form, and the development of form 
 
362 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 to a single focus. This was taken by Theodore Schwann 
 (1810-1881), who in 1839 published his epoch-making 
 cell-theory. Schwann was a pupil of Johann MUller, 
 and there can be little doubt that the ideas of the 
 pupil are to be credited in some measure to the master. 
 Schwann took up the thread of microscopic investiga- 
 tion which had been sedulously pursued by a distinct 
 line of students since the days of Hook and Leeuwen- 
 hoek, and had resulted in a general doctrine among 
 botanists of the cellular structure of all the parts of 
 plants. Schwann showed not only that plants are 
 uniformly built up by these corpuscular units (of 
 which Eobert Browne in 1833 had described the 
 peculiar nucleated structure), but that all animal 
 tissues are also so built up. That, however, was not 
 Schwann's chief point. The cell-theory for which he 
 is famous is this, that the substance of the individual 
 cell is the seat of those chemical processes which seen 
 en masse we call life, and that the diflferences in the 
 properties of the different tissues and organs of animals 
 and plants depend on a difference in the chemical and 
 physical activity of the constituent cells, resulting in 
 a difference in the form of the cells and in a concomi- 
 tant difference of function. Schwann thus pointed to 
 the microscopic cell-unit as the thing to be studied in 
 order to arrive at a true knowledge of the processes 
 of life and the sio;nificance of form. In foundino: the 
 study of cell-substance (or protoplasm, as it was sub- 
 sequently called by Max Schultze in 1861, adopting 
 the name used by botanists for vegetable cell-contents) 
 Schwann united two lines of inquiry, viz. that of 
 
IX THE HISTOKY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 3G3 
 
 minute investigation of structure and development 
 and that of zoo-chemistry and zoo-physics. He spent 
 a large part of the next forty years in an attempt to 
 penetrate further into the structure of cell -substance ; 
 he hoped to be able to find in cell-substance ultimate 
 visible molecules, a knowledge of the arrangement 
 and characters of which would explain the varying 
 properties of protoplasm. 
 
 It is not a little remarkable that Scliwann, who 
 thus brought about the union of physiological and 
 morphological study l^y his conception of cell-sub- 
 stance, should also have been the initiator of that 
 special kind of experimental investigation of the 
 physical properties of tissues by the exact methods 
 used by physicists which, by the aid of the kymo- 
 graphion^ the thermo-electric pile, and the galvano- 
 meter, has been so largely pursued during the last 
 thirty years in our physiological laboratories. It is 
 perhaps less surprising that Schwann, who had so 
 vivid a conception of the activity and potentialities 
 of the cell-unit, should have been the discoverer of 
 the immensely important fact that putrefaction and 
 fermentation are not the consequences of death but 
 of life, and that without the presence of living Bacteria 
 putrefaction does not occur, whilst he also is the dis- 
 coverer of the fact that the yeast which causes alcoholic 
 fermentation is a mass of unicellular living organisms. 
 
 From Schwann's time onward the cell became 
 more and more the point of observation and experi- 
 ment in the progress of both Morphography and Physi- 
 ology. It was soon shown, chiefly through Kolliker 
 
364 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 and Eemak, that all cells originate by fission from 
 pre-existing cells, — a fact unknown to Schwann, — 
 and the doctrine " omnis cellula e cellula " was estab- 
 lished. It Y\\as also demonstrated that the Mammalian 
 egg discovered by Yon Baer was a typical nucleated 
 cell, and that all animals, and plants also (this general- 
 isation took thirty years to establish), take their 
 origin from an egg, which is in essence and in fact a 
 single nucleated cell. The doctrine of Harvey, " omne 
 vivum ex ovo," thus received its most ample justifica- 
 tion. The study of '^ growth from the egg " became 
 necessarily a study of the multiplication by fission of 
 the egg-cell and its fission-products, their arrangement 
 in layers, and the chemical metamorphosis of their 
 substance and exudations. This study, as well as 
 the allied investio'ation of the cell-structure of the 
 adult tissues, was immensely facilitated by methods 
 of hardening, staining, section-cutting, and clarifying 
 which grew up after Schwann's time, and have their 
 present highest development in the automatic micro- 
 tome of Caldwell, which can be worked by a motor, 
 and delivers consecutive sections of animal tissues or 
 embryos ^Q^j^th of an inch thick, arranged in the 
 form of ribbons, ready for examination with the micro- 
 scope, at the rate of one hundred or more per minute. 
 Strieker of Vienna was the first to embed embryos in 
 waxy material for the purpose of cutting thin sections 
 of them, about twenty-five years ago, and E. Leuckart 
 of Leipsic was subsequently the first to employ this 
 method in the study of the structure of small In- 
 vertebrata. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 365 
 
 The knowledo;e of the anatomical facts of cellular 
 development and cellular structure necessarily gave 
 immensely increased precision to the notion of grada- 
 tion of structure in the animal series from simple to 
 complex, and rendered Darwin's doctrine the more 
 readily accepted. It was not, however, until after 
 Darwin's date (1859) that the existence of unicellular 
 animals was fully admitted, and the general facts of 
 cellular Embryology established throughout the animal 
 kingdom. 
 
 Similarly cellular Physiology, by establishing the 
 conception of a simple optically homogeneous cell- 
 substance as the seat of the activities which we call 
 " life," rendered it possible to accept the suggestion 
 of a simple "substance of life" which might have 
 been evolved from simpler non-living matter by 
 natural processes depending on physical and chemical 
 laws. It is noteworthy that Darwin himself appears 
 not to have been influenced directly by any such 
 physiological or chemico-physical doctrine as to "proto- 
 plasm " or cell-substance. Nevertheless the way was 
 prepared for the reception of Darwin's theory by this 
 state of physiological knowledge. 
 
 The word "protoplasm" requires a little further 
 notice. Protoplasm was applied by Yon Mohl and 
 by Max Schultze to the slimy substance of the cell, 
 including therein both the general thinner material 
 and the nucleus. It is, as Eoscoe remarked at 
 Manchester {Brit. Ass. Address, 1887), a structure 
 and not a cliemical body. Nevertheless gradually 
 physiologists have come to use the word " protoplasm " 
 
366 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 for one of the chemical substances of which Schultze's 
 protoplasm is a structural mixture — namely, that 
 highest point in the chemical elaboration of the mole- 
 cule which is attained within the protoplasm, and up 
 to which some of the chemical bodies present are 
 tending, whilst others are degradation products result- 
 ing from a downward metamorphosis of portions of it. 
 This intangible, unstable, all-pervading element of 
 the protoplasm cannot at present be identified with 
 any visibly separable part of the cell-substance, which 
 consists of a hyaline denser network of excessive 
 tenuity, of a less dense hyaline liquid, and of finest 
 and less fine granules of varying chemical nature. 
 This "critical" substance, sometimes called "true 
 protoplasm," should assuredly be recognised by a dis- 
 tinct name "plasmogen," Avhilst protoplasm retains 
 its structural connotation. 
 
 The study of the process of fertilisation and of the 
 significance in that process of the distinct parts of 
 the sperm-cell and egg-cell — the separate fibrillae and 
 granules of the nuclei of those cells — at the present 
 moment forms one of the engrossing subjects of zoo- 
 logical investigation.^ Not less important is the 
 descent, as it were, of physiological investigation in 
 relation to every organ into the arena of the cell : 
 digestion, secretion, muscular contraction, nerve action, 
 all are now questions of Plasmology, or the study of 
 cell-substance founded by Schwann. 
 
 ^ See tlie memoirs of Weismann on Heredity and F. M. Balfour's 
 Embryolorjij. 
 
ix the history and scope of zoology 367 
 
 General Tendency of Zoology since Darwin 
 
 The serious and broadly-based study of bionomics 
 which was introduced by Darwin, and in his hands 
 gave rise to the doctrine of natural selection, by which 
 the hypothesis of the origin of species by gradual 
 transmutation in the natural process of descent from 
 ancestral forms was established as a scientific doctrine, 
 can hardly be said to have had any history. Buffon 
 (1707-1788) alone among the greater writers of the 
 three past centuries emphasised that view of living 
 things which we call "bionomics." Buffon deliber- 
 ately opposed himself to the mere exposition of the 
 structural resemblances and differences of animals, 
 and, disregarding classification, devoted his treatise 
 on natural history to a consideration of the habits of 
 animals and their adaptations to their surroundings, 
 whilst a special volume was devoted by him to the 
 subject of reproduction. In special memoirs on this 
 or that animal, and in a subordinate way in system- 
 atic works, material is to be found helping to build 
 up a knowledge of bionomics, but Buffon is the only 
 prominent writer who can be accorded historic rank in 
 this study. ^ The special study of man in these 
 relations — such as is concerned with the statistics of 
 population — must be considered as having contributed 
 very importantly to Darwin's wider study of bio- 
 nomics in general. The work of Malthus On Fopula- 
 
 1 The main literary sources made use of by Darwin are the 
 magazines and treatises of horticulturists, farmers, pigeon-fanciers, and 
 the like, in fact what is comprised in the Field newsj)aper. 
 
368 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 tion (1798) exercised the most important influence on 
 Darwin's tliouglit, as he -himself tells us, and led him 
 to give attention to the facts of animal population, 
 and so to discover the great moving cause of natural 
 selection — the struggle for existence. Darwin may 
 be said to have founded the science of bionomics, and 
 at the same time to have given new stimulus and new 
 direction to Morphography, Physiology, and Plas- 
 mology, by uniting them as contributories to one 
 common biological doctrine — the doctrine of organic 
 evolution — itself but a part of the wider doctrine of 
 universal evolution based on the laws of physics and 
 chemistry. 
 
 The full influence of Darwin's work upon the 
 progress and direction of zoological study has not yet 
 been seen. The immediate result has been, as pointed 
 out above, a reconstruction of the classification of 
 animals upon a genealogical basis, and an investiga- 
 tion of the individual development of animals in rela- 
 tion to the steps of their gradual building up by cell- 
 division, with a view to obtaining evidence of their 
 genetic relationships. On the other hand, the studies 
 which occupied Darwin himself so largely subsequently 
 to the publication of the Origin of Sjjecies, viz. the 
 explanation of animal (and vegetable) mechanism, 
 colouring, habits etc., as advantageous to the species 
 or to its ancestors — in fact, the new Teleology, — has 
 not yet been so vigorously pursued as it must be 
 hereafter. The most important work in this direction 
 has been done by Fritz Miiller (Fu7^ Darwin)^ by 
 Herman Miiller (Fertilisation of Plants hy Insects), 
 
IX THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 3G9 
 
 and by August Weismann (memoirs translated by 
 Meldola). Here and there observations are from time 
 to time published, but no large progress has yet been 
 made, probably on account of the fact that animals 
 are exceedingly difficult to keep under observation, 
 and that there is no provision in universities and like 
 institutions for the pursuit of these inquiries, or even 
 for their academic representation. More has been 
 done with plants than with animals in this way since 
 Darwin, probably owing to the same cause which has, 
 ever since the revival of learning, given Botany a real 
 advantage over Zoology, namely, the existence of 
 " physick " gardens, now become " botanical " gardens, 
 and the greater ease of management, experiment, and 
 observation in the case of plants than in that of 
 animals. It is true that zoological gardens have 
 existed for the last fifty years in all large European 
 cities, but these have always been conducted with a 
 view to popular exhibition ; and, even whe^ scientific 
 influences have been brought to bear on their manage- 
 ment, they have been those of the morphographer and 
 systematist rather than of the bionomist. Moreover, 
 zoological gardens have never been part of the equip- 
 ment of the university professor of Zoology, as it may 
 be hoped in future will be the case. The foundation 
 of marine biological laboratories under the control of 
 scientific zoologists offers a prospect of true bionomic 
 observation and experiment on an increased scale in 
 the near future, and, were such laboratories founded 
 in our universities and provided with the necessary 
 appliances for keeping terrestrial and freshwater 
 
 2 B 
 
370 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 animals, as well as marine forms, alive and under 
 observation in conditions resembling as nearly as 
 possible those of nature, a step would have been taken 
 towards carrying on the study of Bionomics which 
 cannot long be delayed. It seems to be even more 
 important that the academic curriculum of Zoology 
 should not, by mere mechanical adhesion to the old 
 lines of Morphography, and experimental research on 
 the chemical and physical properties of tissues and 
 organs, confine the attention and training of young 
 students to what are now, comparatively speaking, 
 the less productive lines of research. 
 
 If we turn to the other branch of Bionomics, that 
 concerned with the laws of variation and heredity 
 (Thremmatology), we find that since Darwin, and 
 independently of his own work, there has been a more 
 obvious progress than in Teleology. In the first place, 
 the continued study of human population has thrown 
 additional light on some of the questions involved, 
 whilst the progress of microscopical research in the 
 hands of Biitschli, Hertwig, Balfour, and August 
 Weismann promises to give us a clear foundation as 
 to the structural facts connected with the oriofin of 
 the egg-cell and sperm-cell and the process of fertilisa- 
 tion. This is not the fitting place in which to give a 
 sketch of the doctrines and hypotheses of Thremmat- 
 ology. They may be gathered from Darwin's writings, 
 more especially the Origin of Species and Animals 
 and Plants under Domestication} They relate to 
 
 1 The reader is also referred to Ribot's L'Here'dite, and the writings 
 of Charles Darwin's cousin, Francis Galton. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 371 
 
 the causes of variation in animals and plants, the 
 laws of the transmission of parental characters, the 
 share of each parent in the production of the char- 
 acters of the offspring, atavism, and the relations of 
 young to parents as to number, sex, nourishment, and 
 protection. 
 
 An important development of Darwin's conclu- 
 sions is actually in progress and deserves special 
 notice here, as it is the most distinct advance in the 
 department of Bionomics since Darwin's own writings, 
 and at the same time touches questions of funda- 
 mental interest. The matter strictly relates to the 
 consideration of the " causes of variation," and is as 
 follows. 
 
 The fact of variation is a familiar one. No two 
 animals, even of the same brood, are alike : whilst 
 exhibiting a close similarity to their parents, they yet 
 present differences, sometimes very marked differences, 
 from their parents and from one another. Lamarck 
 had put forward the hypothesis that structural altera- 
 tions acquired by a parent in the course of its life are 
 transmitted to the offspring, and that, as these struc- 
 tural alterations are acquired by an animal or plant 
 in consequence of the direct action of the environ- 
 ment, the offspring inheriting them would as a con- 
 sequence not unfrequently start with a greater fitness 
 for those conditions than its parents started with. In 
 its turn, being operated upon by the conditions of 
 life, it would acquire a greater development of the 
 same modification, which it would in turn transmit to 
 its offspring. In the course of several generations, 
 
372 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 Lamarck argued, a structural alteration amounting to 
 such difference as we call " specific " might be thus 
 acquired. The familiar illustration of Lamarck's 
 hypothesis is that of the giraffe, whose long neck 
 might, he suggested, have been acquired by the efforts 
 of a primitively short-necked race of herbivores, who 
 stretched their necks to reach the foliage of trees in 
 a land where grass was deficient, the effort producing 
 a distinct elongation in the neck of each generation, 
 which was then transmitted to the next. This process 
 is known as "direct adaptation"; and there is no 
 doubt that such structural adaptations are acquired 
 by an animal in the course of its life. Whether such 
 acquired characters can be transmitted to the next 
 generation is a separate cjuestion. It was not proved 
 by Lamarck that they can be, and, indeed, never has 
 been proved by actual observation. Nevertheless it 
 has been assumed, and also indirectly argued, that 
 such acquired characters must be transmitted. Dar- 
 win's o;reat merit was that he excluded from his 
 theory of development any necessciTy assumption of 
 the transmission of acquired characters. He pointed 
 to the admitted fact of congenital variation, and he 
 showed that these variations to all intents and pur- 
 poses have nothing to do with any characters acquired 
 by the parents, but are arbitrary and, so to speak, 
 non-significant. Their causes are extremely difficult 
 to trace in detail, but it appears that they are largely 
 due to a " shaking up " of the living matter which 
 constitutes the fertilised germ or embryo-cell, by the 
 process of mixture in it of the substance of two cells, — 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 373 
 
 the germ-cell and the sperm-cell, — derived from two 
 different individuals. Other mechanical disturbances 
 may assist in this production of congenital variation. 
 Whatever its causes, Darwin showed that it is all- 
 important. In some cases a pair of animals produce 
 ten million offspring, and in such a number a large 
 range of congenital variation is possible. Since on 
 the average only two of the young survive in the 
 struggle for existence to take the place of their two 
 parents, there is a selection out of the ten million 
 young, none of which are exactly alike, and the selec- 
 tion is determined in nature by the survival of the 
 congenital variety which is fittest to the conditions of 
 life. Hence there is no necessitij for an assumption 
 of the perpetuation of direct adaptations. The selec- 
 tion of the fortuitously (fortuitously, that is to say, 
 so far as the conditions of survival are concerned) pro- 
 duced varieties is sufficient, since it is ascertained that 
 they will tend to transmit those characters with which 
 they themselves were born, although it is not ascer- 
 tained that they could transmit characters acquired 
 on the way through life. A simple illustration of the 
 difference is this : a man born with four fingers only 
 on his right hand is ascertained to be likely to trans- 
 mit this peculiarity to some at least of his offspring ; 
 on the other hand, there is not the slightest ground for 
 supposing that a man who has had one finger chopped 
 off, or has even lost his arm at any period of his life, 
 will produce offspring who are defective in the slightest 
 degree in regard to fingers, hand, or arm. Darwin 
 himself, apparently influenced not merely by the 
 
374 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 consideration of certain classes of facts which seem 
 to favour the Lamarckian hypothesis, but also by a 
 respect for the general prejudice in its favour and for 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer's authority, was of the opinion 
 that acquired characters are in some cases transmitted. 
 It should be observed, however, that Darwin did not 
 attribute an essential part to this Lamarckian hypo- 
 thesis of the transmission of acquired characters, 
 but expressly assigned to it an entirely subordinate 
 importance. 
 
 The new attitude which has been taken since 
 Darwin on this question is to ask for evidence of this 
 asserted transmission of acquired characters. It is 
 held^ that the Darwinian doctrine of selection of 
 fortuitous couQ-enital variations is sufficient to account 
 for all cases, that the Lamarckian hypothesis of trans- 
 mission of acquired characters is not supported by 
 experimental evidence, and that the latter should 
 therefore be dismissed. Weismann has also ingeni- 
 ously argued from the structure of the egg-cell and 
 sperm-cell, and from the way in which, and the period 
 at which, they are derived in the course of the growth 
 of the embryo from the egg — from the fertilisad 
 egg-cell — that it is impossible (it would be better 
 to say highly improbable) that an alteration in 
 parental structure could produce any exactly repre- 
 sentative change in the substance of the germ or 
 sperm-cells. 
 
 It does not seem improbable that the doctrine of 
 organic evolution will thus become pure Darwinism 
 
 ^ Weismann, Vererhung, etc. 1886. 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 375 
 
 and be entirely dissociated from the Lamarckian 
 heresy. 
 
 The one fact which the Lamarckians can produce 
 in their favour is the account of experiments by 
 Brown-Sequard, in which he produced epilepsy in 
 guinea-pigs by section of the large nerves or spinal 
 cord, and in the course of which he was led to believe 
 that in a few rare instances the artificially produced 
 epilepsy was transmitted. This instance does not 
 stand the test of criticism. It is not clear whether 
 the guinea-pigs operated upon had or had not already 
 a constitutional tendency to epilepsy, and it is not 
 clear in what proportion of cases the supposed trans- 
 mission took place, and whether any other disease 
 accompanied it. On the other hand, the vast number 
 of experiments in the cropping of the tails and ears of 
 domestic animals, as well as of similar operations on 
 man, are attended with negative results. No case 
 of the transmission of the results of an injury can be 
 produced. Stories of tailless kittens, puppies, and 
 calves, born from parents one of whom had been thus 
 injured, are abundant, but they have hitherto entirely 
 failed to stand before examination. 
 
 Experimental researches on this question are most 
 urgently needed, but they are not provided for either 
 in the morphographical or physiological laboratories 
 of our universities. 
 
 Whilst simple evidence of the fact of the trans- 
 mission of an acquired character is wanting, the a 
 'priori arguments in its favour break down one after 
 another when discussed. The very cases which are 
 
376 THE HISTOKY AXD SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 advanced as only to be explained on the Lamarckian 
 assumption are found on examination and experiment 
 to be better explained, or only to be explained, by the 
 Darwinian principle. Thus the occurrence of blind 
 animals in caves and in the deep sea was a fact which 
 Darwin himself regarded as best explained by the 
 atrophy of the organ of vision in successive genera- 
 tions through the absence of light and consequent 
 disuse, and the transmission (as Lamarck w^ould have 
 supposed) of a more and more weakened and structu- 
 rally impaired eye to the offspring in successive 
 generations, until the eye finally disappeared. But 
 this instance can, I think, be fully explained by the 
 theory of natural selection acting on congenital for- 
 tuitous variations. Many animals are thus born with 
 distorted or defective eyes whose parents have not 
 had their eyes submitted to any peculiar conditions. 
 Supposing a number of some species of Arthropod or 
 Fish to be swept into a cavern or to l^e carried from 
 less to greater depths in the sea, — those individuals 
 with perfect eyes w^ould follow the glimmer of light 
 and eventually escape to the outer air or the shallower 
 depths, leaving behind those with imperfect eyes to 
 breed in the dark place. A natural selection would 
 thus be effected. In every succeeding generation this 
 would be the case, and even those with weak but still 
 seeing eyes would in the course of time escape, until 
 only a pure race of eyeless or blind animals would be 
 left in the cavern or deep sea. Experiments and 
 inquiries with regard to transmission of acquired 
 characters are in progress ; amongst those who have 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 377 
 
 occupied themselves with this subject are August 
 AVeismann of Freiburg and E. B. Poulton of Oxford. 
 
 It has been argued that the elaborate structural 
 adaptations of the nervous system which are the 
 corporeal correlatives of complicated instincts must 
 have been slowly built up by the transmission to 
 offspring of acquired experience, that is to say, of 
 acquired brain structure. At first sight it appears 
 difficult to understand how the complicated series of 
 actions which are definitely exhibited as so-called 
 " instincts" by a variety of animals can have been due 
 to the selection of congenital variations, or can be 
 otherwise explained than by the transmission of habits 
 acquired by the parent as the result of experience, 
 and continuously elaborated and added to in succes- 
 sive generations. It is, however, to be noted, in the 
 first place, that the imitation of the parent by the 
 young possibly accounts for some part of these com- 
 plicated actions, and, secondly, that there are cases in 
 which curiously elaborate actions are performed by 
 animals as a characteristic of the species, and as sub- 
 serving the general advantage of the race or species, 
 Avhich, nevertheless, can not be explained as resulting 
 from the transmission of acquired experience, and 
 must be supposed to be due to the natural selection of 
 a fortuitously developed habit which, like fortuitous 
 colour or form variation, happens to prove beneficia]. 
 Mr. Poulton has insisted upon the habits of " sham- 
 ming dead " and the combined posturing and colour 
 peculiarities of certain caterpillars (Lepidopterous 
 larvae) which cause them to resemble dead twigs or 
 
378 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 similar surrounding objects. The advantage to the 
 animal of this imitation of surrounding objects is that 
 it escapes the pursuit of (say) a bird which would, 
 were it not deceived by the resemblance, attack and 
 eat the caterpillar. Now it is clear that preceding 
 generations of caterpillars cannot have acquired this 
 habit of posturing by experience. Either the cater- 
 pillar postures and escapes, or it does not posture and 
 is eaten ; it is not half eaten and allowed to profit by 
 experience. AVe seem to be justified in assuming that 
 there are many movements of stretching and posturing 
 possible to caterpillars, and that some caterpillars had 
 a congenital fortuitous tendency to one position, some 
 to another, and, finally, that among all the variety of 
 habitual movements thus exhibited one has been 
 selected and perpetuated because it coincided with the 
 necessary conditions of safety, since it happened to 
 give the caterpillar an increased resemblance to a twig. 
 
 The view that instinct is the hereditarily fixed 
 result of habit derived from experience has hitherto 
 dominated all inquiry into the subject, but we may 
 now expect to see a renewed and careful study of 
 animal instincts carried out with the view of testing 
 the applicability to each instance of the pure Darwin- 
 ian theory without the aid of Lamar ckism. 
 
 The whole of this inquiry has special importance 
 in regard to mankind, since the great questions of 
 influence of race and family as opposed to the influ- 
 ence of education are at issue. If pure Darwinism is 
 to be accepted, then education has no value in directly 
 aff'ecting the mental or physical features of the race, 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 379 
 
 but only in affecting those of the individual. Were 
 acquired characters really and fully transmitted, then 
 every child born would inherit the knowledge of both 
 its parents more or less completely, and from birth 
 onwards would be able to add to its inherited stock, 
 so that the progress of the race in mental acquirements 
 would be prodigiously more rapid than it is. On the 
 other hand, if we exclude the Lamarckian hypothesis, 
 peculiarities of mind and body congenitally established 
 in a race or a family acquire increased significance, 
 for they cannot be got rid of by training, but are 
 bound to reappear if the stock which exhibits them is 
 allowed to breed. It seems that the laws of Threm- 
 matology may eventually give to mankind the most 
 precise directions, not only as to how to improve the 
 breeds of plants and animals, but as to how to im- 
 prove the human stock. It is not a little remarkable 
 that the latest development of zoological science should 
 favour that respect to breeding which is becoming less 
 general than it was, and should tend to modify the 
 current estimate of the results of popular education. 
 
 The relation of Darwinism to general philosophy 
 and of the history of Zoology to philosophical doctrines 
 would form one of the most interesting chapters which 
 might be written on the subject of this article. It 
 belongs, however, rather to the history of philosophy 
 than to that of Zoology. Undoubtedly the concep- 
 tions of mankind at different periods of history Avith 
 regard to cosmogony, and the relations of God, Nature, 
 and Man, have had a very marked influence upon the 
 
380 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 study of Zoology, just as in its turn the study of 
 Zoology has reacted upon those conceptions. 
 
 In this, as in other phases of mental development, 
 the ancient Greeks stand out in the most striking- 
 manner as possessing what is sometimes called the 
 modern spirit. The doctrine of evolution is formu- 
 lated in unmistakable terms by Heraclitus and other 
 philosophers of antiquity. Not only so, but the direct 
 examination of nature, including the various forms of 
 animal life, was practised by Aristotle and his dis- 
 ciples in a spirit which, though not altogether free 
 from prejudice, was yet far more like that which 
 actuated the founders of the Eoyal Society less than 
 three hundred years ago than anything which was 
 manifested in the two thousand years intervening 
 between that date and the time of Alexander the 
 Great. The study of Zoology in the Middle Ages 
 was simply a fantastic commentary on Aristotle and 
 the records of animals in the various books of the 
 Bible, elaborated as part of a peculiar system of 
 mystic philosophy, which has more analogy with the 
 fetichism and totem worship of savage races than with 
 any Greek or modern conceptions. So far as philo- 
 sophy affected the study of Zoology in the beginning 
 of the modern period, its influence was felt in the 
 general acceptance of what has been called the 
 Miltonic cosmogony, — namely, that interpretation of 
 the Mosaic writings which is set forth by the poet 
 Milton, and of which the characteristic is the concep- 
 tion of the creation of existing things, including living 
 things, nearly or just as they are, by a rapid succession 
 
IX THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 381 
 
 of " fiats " cleliverecl by an anthropomorphic Creator. 
 It was not until the end of the eighteenth century 
 that Schelling (as quoted above) conceived that unity 
 of nature and general law of development which is 
 now called the doctrine of evolution. 
 
 In England Erasmus Darwin (Zoonomia, published 
 in 1794-1796), in France Lamarck {Philosophie Zoo- 
 logique, 1809) and Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire {Principes 
 de Philosophie Zoologique, 1830), and in Germany 
 Oken {Lehrhuch der Natur- Philosophie, 1809-1811), 
 Goethe {Zu7^ Natur Wissensch. Stuttgart, 1817), and 
 Treviranus {Biologie, 1802-1805) were the authors of 
 more or less complete systems of a philosophy of 
 nature in which living things were regarded as the 
 outcome of natural law, that is, of the same general 
 processes which had produced the inanimate universe. 
 The " Natur-philosophen," as they were called in Ger- 
 many, demand the fullest recognition and esteem. 
 But, just in proportion as the "Natur-philosophen" 
 failed to produce an immediate effect on the study of 
 Zoology by their theory of natural development, so 
 was the doctrine of evolution itself deprived of com- 
 pleteness and of the most important demonstration of 
 its laws by the long-continued delay in the final intro- 
 duction of Biology into the area of that doctrine. 
 
 Darwin by his discovery of the mechanical prin- 
 ciple of organic evolution, namely, the survival of the 
 fittest in the struggle for existence, completed the 
 doctrine of evolution, and gave it that unity and 
 authority which was necessary in order that it should 
 reform the whole range of philosophy. The detailed 
 
382 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY IX 
 
 consequences of that new departure in philosophy 
 have yet to be worked out. Its most important initial 
 conception is the derivation of man by natural pro- 
 cesses from ape-like ancestors, and the consecjuent 
 derivation of his mental and moral qualities by the 
 operation of the struggle for existence and natural 
 selection from the mental and moral qualities of 
 animals. Not the least important of the studies thus 
 initiated is that of the evolution of philosophy itself. 
 Zoology thus finally arrives through Darwin at its 
 crowning development : it touches and may even be 
 said to comprise the history of man, Sociology, and 
 Psychology.^ 
 
 1 The cliief sources of information on the subject of the foregoing 
 article are the following : Engelmann, Bihliotheca Historico-Naturalis, 
 voL i. 1846 (being a list of the separate works and academical 
 memoirs relating to Zoology published betw^een 1700 and 1846) ; 
 Carus and Engelmann, Bihl. Zoologica, Leipsic, 1861 (a similar list of 
 memoirs in periodicals published between 1846 and 1861) ; J. V, Carus, 
 Gesch. d. Zoologie, j\lunich, 1872 ; and L. Agassiz, An Essay on Classifica- 
 tion, London, 1859. 
 
Subgmde.b. COELOMA TA ^ 
 
 Siibgrade.a. CdLENTERA 
 
 Grade. b. EHTEROZO A (I^ETAZOA) 
 
 eov^' 
 
 )RPVA^ 
 
 Subgmde.a.GYMNOMYXA 
 Grade.A. PLASTIDOZOA (PROTOZOA) 
 
384 
 
 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 IX 
 
 Phyla and Classes of the PLASTIDOZOA 
 (syn. PROTOZOA), 
 
 Sub-Grade a. — Gymnomyxa 
 Phylum PROTEOMORPHA. 
 
 Class. 
 
 Phylum MYCETOZOA 
 
 Phylum LOBOSA 
 
 Phylum RETICULARIA . 
 Phylum LABYRINTHULARIA 
 
 (Genera — Vampyrella^ Archerina, 
 Protomyxa, etc.) 
 
 ( 1. SOEOPHOIIA. 
 \ 2. ENDOSPOREA. 
 ( 3. EXOSPOREA. 
 
 f 1. NUDA. 
 
 \ 2. TESTACEA. 
 
 \i 
 
 IMPERFORATA. 
 PERFORATA. 
 
 (Genera — Lahyrinthula, 
 Chlamydomyxa). 
 
 Phylum HELIOZOA . . 
 
 1": 
 
 13. 
 
 APHROTHORACA. 
 
 CHLAMYDOPHORA. 
 
 CHALAROTHORACA. 
 
 / Branch a. 
 
 Phylum ) PoRULOSA 
 
 RADIOLARIA 1 Branch h. 
 
 V OsCULOSA 
 
 
 PERIPYLARIA. 
 ACANTHARIA. 
 MONOPYLARIA. 
 PHGEODARIA. 
 
 Sub-Grade h. — Corticata. 
 
 Phylum MASTIGOPHORA 
 
 Phylum SPOROZOA 
 
 i; 
 
 1. FLAGELLATA. 
 
 CHOANOFLAGELLATA. 
 3. DINOFLAGELLATA. 
 
 CYSTOFLAGELLATA. 
 
 1. GREGARINIDEA. 
 
 2. COCCIDIIDEA. 
 
 3. MYXOSPORIDIA. 
 
 4. SARCOCYSTIDIA. 
 
IX 
 
 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 385 
 
 Phylum INFUSORIA 
 
 Class. 
 Grade a. Ciliata. 
 Branch a. Gymnostoma. 
 1. HOLOTRICHA. 
 
 Branch h. Trichosioma. 
 
 1. ASPIROTRICHA. 
 
 2. SPIROTRICHA. 
 
 Grade 6. Suctoria. 
 1. ACINETARIA. 
 
 Phyla and Classes of the ENTEROZOA 
 (syn. METAZOA). 
 Sub-Grade a. — Coelentera. 
 
 1. Phylum PORIFERA 
 
 2. Phylum NEMATOPHORA. 
 
 
 Class. 
 1. CALCISPONGIiE. 
 SILICOSPONGI^. 
 
 1. HYDROMEDUS-ffi. 
 
 2. SCYPHOMEDUS.^. 
 ANTHOZOA. 
 CTENOPHORA. 
 
 Sub-Grade h. — Coelomata. 
 
 Phylum 
 PLATYHELMIA 
 
 Phylum 
 ECHINODERMA 
 
 Branch a. 
 Ciliata 
 
 Branch h. 
 
 COTYLOPHORA 
 
 Branch a. 
 Ambulacrata 
 
 Branch h. 
 Tentaculata 
 
 p. RHABDOCCELA. 
 I 2. DENDROC(ELA. 
 - 3. NEMERTINA. 
 
 4. ORTHONECTIDA. 
 
 5. RHOMBOZOA. 
 
 I 1. TREMATOIDEA. 
 J 2. CESTOIDEA. 
 ( 3. HIRUDINEA. 
 
 1. ECHINOIDEA. 
 
 J 2. HOLOTHURIIDEA. 
 { 3. ASTEROIDEA. 
 (4. OPHIUROIDEA. 
 / 1. CRINOIDEA. 
 
 2. OYSTOIDEA. 
 
 ( 3. BLASTOIDEA. 
 
 2 c 
 
386 
 
 THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 IX 
 
 Phylum 
 APPENDICULATA 
 
 Branch a. 
 
 ROTIFERA 
 
 Branch h. 
 
 CH.ETOPODA 
 
 Branch c. 
 Arthropoda 
 
 Class. 
 I 1. PARAPODIATA. 
 1 2. LIPOPODA. 
 / 1. POLYCH^TA. 
 J 2. OLIGOCH^TA. 
 ) 3. MYZOSTOMARIA. 
 
 4. HAPLODRILI. 
 Grade a. Ceratophora. 
 
 1. PERIPATOIDEA. 
 
 2. MYRIAPODA. 
 
 3. HEXAPODA. 
 Grade h. Acerata. 
 
 1. CRUSTACEA. 
 
 2. ARACHNIDA. 
 
 3. PANTOPODA. 
 
 4. TARDIGRADA. 
 
 Phylum 
 MOLLUSCA 
 
 Branch a. 
 Glossophora 
 
 Branch h 
 
 LiPOCEPHALA 
 
 LA ( 
 
 1. GASTROPODA. 
 
 2. SCAPHOPODA. 
 
 3. CEPHALOPODA. 
 
 1. LAMELLIBRANCHIA. 
 
 Phylum GEPHYBiEA 
 
 1. STERN ASPIDOMORPHA. 
 
 2. ECHIUROMORPHA. 
 
 3. SIPUNCULOMORPHA. 
 \ 4. PHORONIDOMORPHA. 
 I 5. POLYZOA. 
 
 ! 6. PTEROBRANCHIA. 
 L 7. BRACHIOPODA. 
 
 Phylum NEMATOIDEA 
 
 1. EUNEMATOIDEA. 
 
 2. CHiSiTOSOMARIA. 
 
 3. CHiETOGNATHA. 
 
 Phylum GASTEOTRICHA . Genera- 
 Phylum ACANTHOCEPHALA Genus- 
 
 -Choitonotus, IcJitliydium. 
 -EchinorhyncJms. 
 
IX 
 
 THE HISTOEY AND SCOPE OF ZOOLOGY 
 
 387 
 
 Phylum 
 VERTEBRATA 
 
 Branch a. 
 Hemichorda 
 
 Branch h. 
 Ueochorda 
 
 Branch c. 
 Cephalochorda 
 
 Branch d. 
 Craniata 
 
 Class. 
 
 \ Sole Genus — Balanogkmuii. 
 
 [" Grade a. Larvalia. 
 I 1. APPENDICULAR!^. 
 \ Grade h. Saccata. 
 
 1. ASCIDIACEA. 
 
 2. THALIACEA. 
 
 Sole Genus — Amphioxus. 
 
 Grade a. Cyclostoma. 
 
 1. MYXINOIDEA. 
 
 2. PETROMYZONTIA. 
 Grade h. Gxathostoma. 
 
 Sub-Grade 1. Branchiata 
 Heterodactyla. 
 
 1. PISCES. 
 
 2. DIPNOI. 
 Sub-Grade 2. Branchiata 
 
 Pentadactyla. 
 1. AMPHIBIA. 
 Sub-Grade 3. Pentad actyla 
 
 LiPOBRANCHIA. 
 
 Branch a. Monocondyla. 
 
 1. REPTILIA. 
 
 2. AVES. 
 
 , Branch h. Amphicondyla. 
 Ll. MAMMALIA. 
 
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34 
 
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36 
 
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