HARD-CORE UNEMPLOYMENT AND POVERTY 
 
 IN LOS ANGELES 
 
 Pennsylvania State University Library 
 
 Documents Section 
 University Park, Pennsylvania 16802 
 
 Prepared by the staff of the Institute of 
 Industrial Relations at the University of 
 California, Los Angeles, under a contract 
 with the Area Redevelopment Administration. 
 
 U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 
 Area Redevelopment Administration 
 
HARD-CORE UNEMPLOYMENT AND POVERTY IN LOS ANGELES 
 
 Prepared by the staff of the Institute of 
 Industrial Relations at the University of 
 California, Los Angeles, under a contract 
 with the Area Redevelopment Administration, 
 
 U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 
 
 John T. Connor, Secretary 
 
 Area Redevelopment Administration 
 
 William L. Batt, Jr., Administrator 
 
 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
 Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price $2.75 
 
This technical assistance study was accomplished by 
 professional consultants under contract with the Area 
 Redevelopment Administration. The statements, findings 
 conclusions, recommendations, and other data in this 
 report are solely those of the contractor and do not 
 necessarily reflect the views of the Area Redevelopment 
 Administration . 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 The study, "Hard-Core Unemployment and Poverty in Los Angeles," was 
 prepared by the University of California at Los Angeles at the request 
 of the Area Redevelopment Administration as a background evaluation 
 for the Los Angeles Area Economic Development Agency. This Agency was 
 created as a result of the interest of members of Congress from the 
 districts included in the area. 
 
 The ARA investigations were projected to help businessmen in the 
 area develop new businesses and new job opportunities for the unemployed 
 and underemployed people who live there. The UCLA study, completed in 
 December 1964, provides the basis for an understanding of the area and 
 its people, a prerequisite to an effective redevelopment program. It 
 is reproduced in facsimile from the Contractor's original report. 
 
 William L. Batt, Jr., Administrator 
 Area Redevelopment Administration 
 
 August 1965 
 
DABLE CF CONTENTS 
 
 Hard - Core Unemployment and Poverty in Los Angeles : A Report by the 
 Institute of Industrial Relatione 
 
 Introduction 
 
 I. The Study Area: Its People and Problems 1 
 
 II. Area Redevelopment in Perspective Ik 
 
 III. Poverty in the Study Area: A General View 26 
 
 IV. Some Social Problems in the Study Area 31 
 
 V. "Depressed Areas:" Alternative Approaches and Programs 60 
 
 VI. Industrial Location and Land Use 73 
 
 VII. Jobs for the Unemployed 87 
 
 VIII. A Profile of the Underprivileged 105 
 
 IX. An Overview 23 
 
 X. Summary and Recommendations 2^0 
 
 Appendices 
 
 Tables 
 
Special Reports 
 
 Projected Sources of Data on Social and Economic Problems in the 
 Los Angeles Area, by Dr. Herman P. Miller 
 
 An Anatomy of Urban Blight, by Dr. Fred E. Case 
 
 Watts: Its Problems and Possible Solutions, by William Armstead and 
 Richard Townsend 
 
 Unemployment and Public Transportation in Los Angeles, by Robert Singleton 
 
 Factors in Industrial Location, by Joel D. Leidner 
 
 A Survey of Chicago's Redevelopment Programs, by Paul Bullock 
 
 A Survey of Philadelphia and New York Redevelopment Agencies, by 
 Robert Singleton 
 
 Wrigley Field: Problems and Potentials, by Steve tfeiner 
 Retail Food Trade in the ARA Study Area, by Kay Gannon 
 
 An Inventory of Agency Services in East and South Central Los Angeles, 
 by Stan A. Lehman 
 
Introduction 
 
 This report represents the findings of more than one year of intensive 
 research conducted by the staff of the Institute of Industrial Relations at 
 the University of California, Los Angeles, under a technical assistance 
 contract with the Area Redevelopment Administration of the Department of 
 Commerce. The contract focuses particularly upon problems of industrial 
 or commercial redevelopment and business financing, but a preliminary 
 investigation of the characteristics of the study area made it evident 
 that those problems could be properly understood and evaluated only in 
 a broader context. Therefore, this study has ranged widely to encompass 
 a variety of social and economic factors which ultimately may determine 
 whether redevelopment in the narrower sense is feasible. 
 
 The nature of the study area and the basis for defining its bounda- 
 ries are described in the opening chapter of this report. Because the 
 area of investigation is located in the heart of an otherwise prosperous 
 and expanding urban region, this research represents in some respects 
 a pioneering effort. One major purpose is to ascertain whether a program 
 of economic redevelopment, either through existing private and public 
 channels cr through new instrumentalities, could effectively reduce 
 unemployment in the central section of Los Angeles. All parts of this 
 report are directed in some degree to that overriding problem. 
 
 In addition to undertaking the comprehensive research reflected in 
 subsequent chapters, the Institute has commissioned an extensive field 
 survey of unemployed or underemployed persons in the study area. This 
 survey, administered by the Survey Research Center at UCLA, provides an 
 
invaluable source of current information on the backgrounds, characteristics, 
 problems, and attitudes of the area's residents. Major findings are 
 summarized in the text of the report. It is anticipated that further 
 evaluation of the survey results will produce additional findings which 
 will be described in the future. 
 
 The report is divided basically into two parts: (l) the text of 
 the official report submitted to the Area Redevelopment Administration by 
 the Institute staff, arid (2) a series of special reports, appended thereto, 
 by staff members or consultants. Each of the latter reports, focused 
 upon a specific subject, reflects the individual views and recommendations 
 of the author, and therefore need not necessarily represent the opinions 
 of the Institute cr of the project supervisors. 
 
 The final report is intended initially for use by the Area Redevelop- 
 ment Administration, the Los Angeles Area Economic Development Agency 
 (which functions under a separate but related ARA contract), and other 
 agencies as a source of factual information relative to social and economic 
 problems in the central section of Los Angeles. For this reason, dis- 
 tribution is now restricted and no reference to or quotation from this 
 report is to be made without the express written permission of the staff 
 of the Institute of Industrial Relations. 
 
 Institute staff members mainly responsible for preparation of the 
 text of this report are Paul Bullock > project supervisor; Fred H. Schmidt, 
 associate project supervisor; and Robert Singleton, chief researcher. 
 Benjamin Aaron, Professor of Law and Director of the Institute of Industrial 
 Relations, is general director of the project. A full list of researchers, 
 consultants, and other staff members is appended. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation 
 
 http://archive.org/details/hardcoreunemployOOuniv 
 
I 
 
 THE STUDY AREA: ITS PEOPLE AND PROBLEMS 
 
 In I781, a tired and demoralized "band of twenty- two adults and their families 
 settled near a river in the southern part of California and founded El Pueblo 
 de Nuestra Senora La Reina de Los Angeles de Porciuncula. By present definitions, 
 twenty of these original twenty- two were nonwhite, among whom ten were Negro. 
 In i960 the cite of this settlement, whose founding is commemorated at the Plaza 
 of central Los Angeles, was located within Census Tract 2072 in the heart of the 
 ARA study area. Appropriately, this tract reflects the ethnic diversity of the 
 Los Angeles area: about 28 percent of its residents are Negro and 22 percent 
 are Mexican American. The surrounding area, unfortunately, also exhibits the 
 demoralization which plagued the initial settlers. Poverty and unemployment 
 characterize much of the central, south central, and east Los Angeles areas which 
 constitute the core of the broad area under study. 
 
 The boundaries of the study area (see accompanying map) were drawn on the 
 basis of three criteria: rate of male unemployment, family income, and years 
 of school completed, all as of the i960 census. The "neighborhood study" pre- 
 pared by the Bureau of Labor Statistics for the city of Los Angeles was used 
 as a basis for identifying those tracts which fell within the first quartile 
 (the worst 25 percent) for any or all of these criteria and were reasonably 
 contiguous. Tracts falling in the first quartile for both rate of unemployment 
 and family income were automatically included within the study area, but in 
 marginal cases the criterion of years of school completed was added. Tracts 
 in unincorporated county areas adjacent to the city tracts were included if they 
 
2. 
 
 met the above criteria. Only about 11 percent of the tracts are located outside 
 the Los Angeles city limits. 
 
 As a retv.lt, a total of lUl tracts (excluding certain tracts in the USC 
 and south central areas which will he discussed later) are encompassed within 
 the boundaries of the area, of which 92 tracts, or two- thirds of the total, fall 
 in the first quartile for all three variables. Another IT tracts fell in that 
 quartile for both rate of unemployment and family income, and 28 others were in 
 the quartiles for education and unemployment or education and income, respec- 
 tively. Two tracts were included in the first quartile for rate of unemployment 
 only, and two others barely missed inclusion in one or more of the three variables, 
 
 For the overwhelming majority of tracts, male unemployment rates vary from 
 9 percent to almost 30 percent, median family income from $2,3^1 to $5,370 (1959 
 figures), and years of school ccmpleted from a median of 5-6 years to 10.6 years. 
 The severity of poverty and deprivation in the ARA study area is reflected in 
 the fact that 28.0 percent of all families with income fall below the $3,000 
 family income per year level, contrasted with only 11-3 percent of the families 
 in the remainder of the Los Angeles metropolitan area. The President's Council 
 
 of Economic Advis.rs has defined this as a "poverty" income bracket for a 
 
 2 
 four-member family. Another 13.2 percent of the families in the ARA area make 
 
 between $3,000 and $3,999 a year, again more than twice the corresponding pro- 
 portion for the rest of the metropolitan area. In short, ever ^1 percent of the 
 
 Unless otherwise indicated, all figures in this section are drawn from, or 
 derived from calculations based upon, Census Tracts: Los Angeles- lonp; Beach 
 Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area , PHC(l)-82, i960 Census, a publication 
 of the Eureau of the Census, United States Department of Commerce. 
 
 2 
 Annual Report of the Council of Economic Advisors, January 196k, p. 58- 
 
A'*'. 
 i/,//vy//.\/-.7,<w 
 
 POMiWA 
 
 MAJCR STUDY ARM BOUNDARIES 
 AED SUBAREA BOUNDARIES 
 
 M 4 P J 
 
 JAf # 1 
 
families in this area fail to earn enough income in a year to lift them above 
 the "deprivation'' level. No other areas in the entire county of Los Angeles 
 suffer as much concentrated poverty and unemployment as docs the area which we 
 are now studying (see maps 2-4). 
 
 An examination of the ethnic composition of the ARA area reveals another 
 characteristic which is often associated with areas of poverty and high unemploy- 
 ment. About 70 percent of the present residents are either Negroes or Mexican 
 Americans, with the proportion steadily growing . The remaining "Anglo" concen- 
 trations are to be found in the downtown and northwestern sections of the area, 
 which are characterised by a high incidence of problems related most closely to 
 age or personal maladjustment. Thus the central part of Los Angeles has become, 
 in effect, a convenient ''dumping ground" for the problems which the community 
 has failed to solve and which, the comfortable suburbanites would rather ignore. 
 
 The study area, however, retains some vestiges of former affluence. Many 
 of the distinguished old mansions along Adams Boulevard remain as monuments to 
 past splendor, now occupied mainly by Negro families or by institutions of 
 various kinds. A few blocks to the south lies the campus of the University of 
 Southern California, in the midst of an area now slated for "urban renewal." 
 MacArthur Park (for years named West lake Park), a landmark of the Los Angeles 
 area, is a few miles to the north, its benches and lawns occupied largely by 
 the elderly residents of hotels, apartment houses, and rooming houses surround- 
 ing it. Across town, the Boyle Height:'', community remains in perpetual transition: 
 from a high-income "Anglo" area at the turn of the century, it has been trans- 
 formed in sequence to a Jewish ghetto in the twenties and thirties and a Mexican 
 American ghetto in the forties and fifties, T .-;itli a steady upward climb in the 
 Negro percentage of population. Thu Central Avenue and 3anta Barbara sections, 
 
now almost entirely Negro in population, had significant Jewish concentrations 
 earlier in this century.-* 
 
 The study area, then, is a region of diverse population with a growing per- 
 centage of Negro and Mexican American representation, characterized by extensive 
 movement in and out with a net decline in the total population figure during the 
 1950" s, and burdened with socio-economic problems related to the exclusion of partic- 
 ular groups from full participation in the economy. The nature of these problems 
 may be seen in a more intensive description of selected census tracts in different 
 parts of the area. 
 
 About 30 percent of the population of the area is neither Negro nor Mexican 
 American. Included in this total is a small Oriental population in the down- 
 town section, but mainly this represents "Anglo" concentrations in the northern 
 and western parts of the study area. All of these predominantly "Anglo" areas 
 lost population during the fifties, and have continued to decline since i960 
 though at a somewhat slower pace. Representative of these areas are Tract 2089 
 in the "Westlake" area and Tract 2062 in the "Wholesale Industry" area. 
 
 The "Westlake" area surrounds MacArthur Pari:, and its residents are older 
 and better- educated than most other persons within the study area. The median 
 family income of $1+,621 in Tract 2089 is almost identical with the median income 
 for the whole study area, but the typical "family" is quite small. Average 
 population per household is only 1.5 persons , compared with an average of 2.7 
 for the study area. Relatively few children are to be found here: only 358 
 persons under age 18 are included within its population of U,859« The median 
 age of kQ years for males contrasts with the median of 30.7 for the whole area, 
 and about two-thirds of its inhabitants are either single, separated, divorced, 
 
 3Mueh of "the information in this paragraph is drawn from a special study con- 
 ducted by Professor Fred Massarik of the UCLA School of Business Administration. 
 
5- 
 
 or widowed. The male unemployment rate of 12 percent is precisely the same as 
 the average for the larger area, but it is likely that a high proportion of the 
 unemployed are pensioners who are seeking jobs in order to supplement an income 
 from other sources. Many of the difficulties experienced by the residents of 
 this tract are undoubtedly connected with age. 
 
 Many of these conditions are to be found in Tract 2062, but the character- 
 istics of the residents differ in certain fundamental ways. This tract is 
 situated in the heart of ! Skid Row/' the site of the Midnight Mission and other 
 institutions which offer meals and lodging to the thousands of derelicts wander- 
 ing aimlessly and unsteadily through the area. Negroes and Mexican Americans 
 are included in their rank,'.;, but three- '.quarters are "Anglo." The i960 census 
 figures on "Population in Group Quarters (excluding inmates of public institu- 
 tions) give some hint of the nature of this area: 55^ of its 2,199 residents 
 were in "group quarters/ 1 I.e., in the cennitories of the missions and flop- 
 houses. The stated unemployment rate of ±k.j percent is high, but there is 
 serious question as to the proportion of the unemployed who are, in fact, 
 "employable." In a survey of 500 men conducted in September of 19^3, the Mid- 
 night Mission found that alcoholism i/as responsible for unemployment in at least 
 
 k 
 
 two-thirds of the ca^es. Clearly the residents of this area need intensive 
 
 counseling and therapy in addition to an opportunity for employment. 
 
 The Mexican American population is c one ent rated in the far northern and 
 eastern parts of the study area, mainJy in the "Lincoln Heights, " "Boy le Heights/' 
 and "East Los Angeles" areas but with smeller settlements in the "Mount Wash- 
 ington" and "Klysian Park" sections. Here again we find certain characteristics 
 
 Curvey made of 5^0 men, September l6 to 30; 19^3> by the Midnight Mission, 
 Los Angeles. 
 
which distinguish these tracts from others in the study area. In contrast with 
 the "Anglo" tracts described previously, the Mexican American areas have high 
 proportions of children; relatively large house-holds, and very low levels of 
 educational attainment. The tracts in the Boyle Heights and East Los Angeles 
 areas receive substantial numbers of immigrants from Mexico and from other South- 
 western states, notably Texas. Problems of low educational levels and functional 
 illiteracy are especially acute in these centers of greatest Mexican American 
 concentration, but it must be added that the ghettoization of Mexican Americans 
 in the Los Angeles area is not as complete as it is in the case of the Negroes. 
 Almost half of the Negro population and a little less than a quarter of the 
 "Spanish Surname" population within the metropolitan area lived in the study 
 area in i960. Thus, the greater part of the "Spanish Surname" population 
 resides outside the ARA study area and, despite a lower average of years of 
 school completed, enjoys a somewhat higher economic status than does the Negro 
 population as a whole . 
 
 Tract 20^9 in the Boyle Heights community is reasonably representative of 
 conditions in the Mexican American section of the study area. Its population 
 of 3*289 is a little over three-quarters Mexican American, with persons under 
 18 constituting about 37 percent of the total. Population per household of 3*5 
 persons is above the average for the study area. The median family income of 
 $5? l8l is also above the average, but the families are larger too. The labor 
 market adaptability of its residents is restricted by a low level of educational 
 attainment: the median of school years completed for those over age 2? is 8.3. 
 Despite the Inadequacy of education, the employed men in this tract do con- 
 siderably better than do Negro men elsewhere in the study area in penetrating 
 the skilled and semiskilled occupations. Almost 60 percent of all the employed 
 
7- 
 
 men are to be found in the skilled and semiskilled categories (predominantly 
 in the latter) , a much higher percentage than is usually the case in Negro 
 areas. The male unemployment rate of 9.2 percent is he low average Tor the whole 
 area, but substantially higher than the corresponding rate of 5«6 percent for 
 the Los Angeles metropolitan area. Again we must look behind the raw figures 
 on unemployment: an unemployment rate of 9 percent in an area of relatively 
 large families may affect more persons and cause more suffering than does a rate 
 of, say, lk percent in an area of smaller families or considerable numbers of 
 single men. 
 
 Moving south from the predominantly Mexican American or Anglo sections of 
 the ARA area, we enter the Negro community, starting just beyond the downtown 
 area and extending southward into the city of Compton. All of the oldest Negro 
 settlements in Los Angeles are encompassed within the ARA area, while many of 
 the newer, more recently developed sections lie outside its perimeter. 
 
 The record of California on the role of the Negro is considerably mixed. 
 In its early days of statehood (California was admitted to the Union in 1851), 
 the Southerners exerted a potent influence in state affairs, and California 
 refused to ratify the 15th Amendment to the Constitution (guaranteeing the right 
 to vote) following the Civil War. Somewhat later, especially in Los Angeles, 
 the climate changed to the extent that opportunities for Negroes were reputed 
 to be relatively good here. The migration of Negroes to Los Angeles was small 
 in total, but substantial numbers of railroad employees from the midwest, an 
 "elite" among Negro workers in this time of severely restricted opportunity, 
 moved into this area. The early settlements along Central Avenue and along 
 Jefferson Boulevard, particularly the latter, were favorably situated when con- 
 trasted with most other ghettos in the country. In the post- Civil War period, 
 
 785-893 0-65-2 
 
one of the shrewdest and wealthiest property developers in central Los Angeles, 
 Mrs. Biddy Mason, was a former slave. Of course, racio.l covenants and other 
 devices have been frequently used, into the post-World War II period, to restrict 
 Negroes to designated areas. Even war veterans have been denied the right to 
 live in "restricted" all-white areas if they were of nonwhite (including 
 Oriental) ancestry.- 3 
 
 One of the early Negro concentrations in the Los Angeles area contrasted 
 sharply with the thoroughly urbanized settlements mentioned above. Located on 
 the edge of a small suburb named Watts (Watts was later annexed t^,the city of 
 Los Angeles in 1926) was a rural community known as "Mudtown." A novelist has 
 described Mudtown as it existed just prior to World War I and prouably for many 
 years after: "The streets of Mudtown were three or four dusty wagon paths. In 
 the moist grass along the edges cows were stalled. . . Ducks were sleeping in the 
 weeds, and there was on the air a suggestion of pigs and slime holes. Tiny 
 hoot-owls were sitting bravely on fence posts while bats wavered overhead like 
 shadows. . . Mudtown was like a tiny section of the deep south literally 
 transplanted. . . 
 
 In 1961+, several large public housing projects occupy much of the land 
 that was once Mudtoim and the rustic setting has vanished completely, but little 
 else has changed basically. It remains a Negro ghetto with a steady immigration 
 from the Deep South, populated by people who are seeking escape from a system which 
 denies them and their children even the barest of opportunity, people who 
 
 5 
 
 ^Historical background has been drawn largely from three books: The Negro 
 
 Ghetto , by Robert C. Weaver; Southern California Country , by Carey McWilliams; 
 
 and Forty Years , by Carlotta Bass. As .an example of discrimination in this area 
 
 after World War II, Mrs, Bass cites the activities of the late Charles B. Shattuck, 
 
 prominent realtor and a leading spokesman for the California Real Estate Association. 
 
 who in 19^6 sponsored organizations to enforce racial covenants against both Negroes 
 
 and Orientals, including decorated war veterans , with the statement that "we can't 
 
 let the bars down to anyone." Bass, op. cit . , p. 112. 
 
 -Am a Bontemps, God Sen ds Sun day, New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1531 j 
 
 pp. 117 ana 119. 
 
are often unfamiliar with the complexities of living in a large and impersonal 
 metropolitan area. Tract 2<i26 is the poorest in the entire south central area, 
 though ironically its median of 10.1 years of school completed is markedly 
 higher than the median for the surrounding area. Its i960 male unemployment 
 rate of 29.8 percent was the highest, and its median family income of $2,370 in 
 1959 the second lowest, of any tract in the study area. This is particularly 
 tragic in view of the heavy concentration of small children in the tract: the 
 median age for all males was 9«5 years. 
 
 This is admittedly an extreme example, but the experience in many other 
 tracts throughout the south central area is not too dissimilar. Perhaps a 
 more representative tract is #21+23, also in the T ., T atts area, in which the Negro 
 population is 85 percent and the Mexican American 10 percent of the total. Here 
 the median of school years completed is 9»3 years, the median age for males is 
 22.8 years, the male unemployment rate is 13A percent, and the median family 
 income is $H,26o. As is the case in most of the south central tracts, there is 
 a heavy continuing migration from the South into this tract. Of the U02 persons 
 who had moved into the tract between 1955 a^d IS'60, 70 percent had previously 
 lived in the South. But another and contrasting fact must be noted: of the 
 total 2,771 persons age 5 and over, almost 50 percent had not moved at all in 
 that five-year period. Clearly this is an area of reasonably long-term residence 
 for substantial numbers of people. 
 
 The degree of deprivation varies from one tract to another, and the families 
 living in the "Santa Barabara" area, for example ; tend to have higher living 
 standards even though their rates of unemployment and incomes are enough to 
 qualify them for inclusion in our study area. The one characteristic which 
 most obviously distinguishes these families from others in the study area is 
 
10. 
 
 the median of school years completed. In Tract 2222, for instance, the median 
 is 11.1 years, almost two full ;years above the median for the whole study area. 
 Despite this advantage in education, however, the rate of male unemployment in 
 this tract is 13-5 percent, above the average for the study area. Median 
 family income, on the other hand, is $5,1°7 (1959) > about $500 above the study 
 area median. In this area, which is on the western edge of the study area, 
 housing conditions are reasonably good. It should be added that incomes, unem- 
 ployment rates, and ethnic composition vary markedly among tracts in this area, 
 though usually within a range more favorable than the averages for the south 
 central area. 
 
 It is clear that the study area has great diversity and potential which 
 is currently untapped for reasons which are varied and sometimes complex. Dis- 
 crimination in employment, housing, and education, both in the Los Angeles area 
 and in the regions from which large numbers are migrating, is an obvious factor 
 which we shall have occasion to discuss in some detail in this report. Another 
 problem of concern is that the decentralization of both population and industry, 
 set in motion particularly during World War II, has caused the central area to 
 decline in recent years. While changes in census tract boundaries make it im- 
 possible to compare 1950 and i960 population figures for the entire study area, 
 the downward trend is apparent from comparisons of selected tracts and subareas 
 in that period (see appendix Tables I, II, and III). 
 
 For example, the "Central," "Avalon," "Boyle Heights," "Downtown," "Uni- 
 versity," "Exposition Park," "Lincoln Heights," "Santa Barbara," "South Vermont," 
 "Westlake," and "Wholesale Industry" areas, each encompassed in whole or in 
 major part within the study area, declined in population by a total of 08,465 
 between 1950 and i960. From April, i960 to October, I963, these same areas 
 
11. 
 
 experienced a net decline of only 1,266. Indeed, four of the areas — Exposition 
 Park, Santa Barbara, South Vermont, and Westlake--had modest increases in popu- 
 lation, according to estimates by the Los Angeles City Planning Commission. 
 
 Total population in all ARA Los Angeles City tracts dropped by 1,057 in this 
 
 7 
 period. ' 
 
 It is significant that the rate of decline within the study area has 
 slowed considerably in the past few years, indicating the possibility that 
 population might start upward again in a short time. In a three and one-half 
 year period since the i960 census, total population dropped only 1,671 in 
 113 Los Angeles City tracts within the area. This compares with a net decline 
 of 69,909 in the 1950-60 period for these same tract areas. Clearly the forces 
 which induced decline in the 1950 's have been controlled, at least in sub- 
 stantial degree, in the 1960's. The prospect, therefore, is for renewed 
 population advance in the near future if present trends continue. 
 
 It would appear that certain special factors, operating during the 1950 's, 
 have been responsible for past declines. Freeway construction and an urban 
 renewal project in the "Bunker Hill" area of downtown have displaced some resi- 
 dents, a certain proportion of whom undoubtedly moved outside the area. Of 
 prime importance, perhaps, is the change in the nature of population in several 
 of the areas. Downward trends in the 1950' s reflect the movement of Anglos out 
 of the study area and toward the suburbs, in response partly to imminent expan- 
 sion of the minority-group ghettos and partly to the attractiveness of suburban 
 living. The areas of most recent Negro settlement or expansion, particularly 
 those on the edges of the ARA study area, have uniformly experienced modest 
 
 *7 
 
 All figures for the post-1960 period are derived from reports of the 
 Los Angeles City Planning Commission. 
 
12. 
 
 increases in population since i960. Seven ARA tracts in the Santa Barbara area 
 (2211, 2214, 2210, 2221, 2222, 2225, a nd 2226), which had had a net decline of 
 1,465 persons between 1950 and i960, increased population by a net of 527 in 
 the three and one-half year period after i960. Fifteen ARA tracts in the 
 Green Meadows area, which bucked the general trend in the central Los Angeles 
 area by increasing 5,0Ql in the 1950's, continue to increase but at a markedly 
 slower rate. This is an area in which both the number and proportion of Negro 
 population are sharply rising, and the slower pace of expansion is almost cer- 
 tainly due to an accelerating outmigration of whites as Negroes enter the area. 
 Nevertheless, the growth of this and other ' fringe ' areas, associated with a 
 generally high level of inmigration of Negroes and persons of Spanish surname 
 into the Los Angeles area, makes it virtua!3.y certain that population in the 
 ARA area will soon start to rise again. 
 
 Of course, certain of the subareas within the study area continue to decline, 
 notably the downtown areas, and the actual or immediately anticipated growth in 
 other subareas is very modest compared to the phenomenal population explosion 
 in other sections of Los Angeles County. In the post-1060 period, when the 
 entire Central Lor. Angeles region (of which the ARA study area is but one part) 
 
 rose in population by about 17,000, the San Fernando Valley jumped by over 
 
 o 
 110,000, and the much smaller Western Los Angeles area by about 26,000. 
 
 In summary, the ARA study area is characterized by a diverse population 
 
 in which the Negro and Mexican American percentage is rising rapidly and by an 
 
 economy which has suffered the adverse impact of population and industrial 
 
 Ibid ., October 1, I963 
 
13 
 
 decentralization within the Los Ange3.es area and the denial, or disappearance 
 of job opportunities for many of its residents. Ko single approach, however, 
 is sufficient to meet the variety of problems confronted "by segments of the 
 population. In some areas, notably in the Weatlake, Wilshire, and Downtown- 
 Wholesale Industry section:;, the problems appear to be associated with personal 
 characteristics of the unemployed or underemployed- -age, physical or mental 
 disability, alcoholism, and so forth. In the Mexican American areas of the 
 north and east, inadequate education, language difficulties, and problems of 
 cultural adjustment, plus discrimination, are sources of poverty and unemploy- 
 ment. In the predominantly Negro south central area, with a heavy inmigration 
 from the 3outh, past and present discrimination in employment, education, and 
 housing is the fundamental cause. It is clear that the problem of economic 
 decline and area redevelopment must be attacked from several different directions, 
 
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Ik 
 
 II 
 
 AREA REDEVELOPMENT IN PERSPECTIVE 
 
 The obvious focus of the ARA study and program is upon unemployment, 
 and there can be little doubt that unemployment is a major source of the 
 present difficulties which characterize the area. But unemployment itself 
 is a symptom of a more profound malady: the poverty, social and family 
 disorganization, poor health, inadequate education, and excessive dependency 
 which are the marks of any "depressed" area. Generations of frustration 
 and disillusion can breed a despair which feeds upon itself, entrapping 
 whole communities. A meaningful program must attack the roots, not merely 
 the symptoms, of the problem. 
 
 Area redevelopment, in a broad and innovative sense, is a prime 
 necessity. The multiplicity and complexity of the problems require a massive 
 effort which is limited neither in scope nor in imagination, an effort which 
 strikes boldly at the sources of unemployment. "Urban renewal," as it has 
 developed in practice, provides no answer. By concentrating on large-scale 
 commercial or higher-income residential projects, from which property 
 developers and building contractors are the major immediate beneficiaries, 
 it has only aggravated the problems of the displaced poor families. At best 
 it "renews" a very few neighborhoods, without touching the deficiencies in 
 the larger area. 
 
 In the following sections of this report, we will describe some of the 
 major problems afflicting the ARA study area and offer some recommendations for 
 action. The overall question which we confront and to which we seek a feasible 
 answer is substantially this: What can be done, through either existing or 
 new programs, to meet the problem of concentrated pockets of poverty within a 
 
15. 
 
 large and otherwise prosperous metropolitan area? Current programs which use a 
 county-wide (or even a city-wide) unemployment rate as the basis for designating 
 "redevelopment" areas fail to meet this problem , but there are obvious diffi- 
 culties involved in delineating subareas. 
 
 A fundamental defect in the existing approach is that artificial or irrelevant 
 designations of a "labor market" are used as a basis for policy. Most programs 
 proceed from the premise that the "labor market" is coterminous with a county or 
 metropolitan area, mainly because the unemployment estimates and other statistical 
 data are gathered and published on this basis. Much of this information; however, 
 does not presume to relate to a realistic and explicitly defined labor market, 
 but, rather, to a geographic unit -which is traditional, administratively convenient, 
 and commonly accepted. The need to maintain continuity and consistency of statis- 
 tics sometimes influences the choice of a statistical unit. Many agencies do not 
 now have the staff or the resources to gather detailed and regular data on local 
 areas within a county. 1 
 
 The size and heterogeneity of Los Angeles County have compelled virtually 
 every public and private agency of importance, particularly in the broad fields 
 with which we are concerned in this report, to establish administrative subunits 
 within the county. Both the Department of Employment and the Bureau of Public 
 Assistance, for example, have divided the county into smaller areas each of which 
 is served by a specified office. The city and county health departments have 
 carved their respective juiic; lotions into administrative subunits for which 
 health statistics are published regularly. Some of these districts correspond 
 with census tract areas, and others do not. The problem of accumulating current 
 
 See the attached report by Dr. Herman P. Hi Her for a description of a pro- 
 jected data-gathering process which may meet part of this need for data on subareas. 
 
16. 
 
 data on any given area within the count j is rendered more difficult by the lack 
 of consistency among agencies in defining their subareas and reporting statistics 
 thereon. 
 
 The difficulties are compounded by the ten-year gap between censuses. The 
 ARA study area is characterized by extreme mobility and fluidity, and statistics 
 derived from a prior decennial census soon lose their relevance. Indeed, the 
 entire metropolitan area changes with such rapidity that much of the census infor- 
 mation is obsolete even before it can be published. In an age of advanced computer 
 technology and new data- processing techniques, it is almost incredible that the 
 ten-year lag is retained. 
 
 Assuming that these technical problems can be overcome and the necessary 
 data made available, what then are the possibilities and problems of defining 
 more realistic areas for purposes of redevelopment and policy planning? The 
 answer to this question depends in turn upon a number of policy decisions 
 involving political, economic, and administrative factors: 
 
 (1) Is unemployment rate per se a sufficient basis for identifying areas 
 of greatest need? The remainder of this report demonstrates that a variety of 
 problems afflict the study area, not all of which will be resolved through 
 employment- generating or job retraining measures as presently conceived. Further, 
 consideration must be given to upgrading the skills and raising the incomes of 
 the employed, as well as the unemployed, in depressed areas. 
 
 (2) What weight should be given to contiguity and jurisdictional factors 
 
 in determining boundary lines? If, for example, census tracts were to become the 
 basis for designation, a problem arises when certain tracts meet the given 
 criteria while contiguous ones do not. In a particular section of the community 
 three-quarters of the tracts, perhaps scattered through the region, may qualify 
 for assistance and the others may not. If these others are included, the basis 
 
17. 
 
 for drawing boundaries becomes indefinite and obscure. If, on the other hand, 
 they are excluded,, a question arises as to the viability of this bifurcated area. 
 Any decision on boundaries will inevitably generate strong protests from business- 
 men, public officials, unions, and others in surrounding areas, who fear that 
 their constituencies will be placed at a competitive disadvantage. 
 
 (3) In the light of these and other considerations, is it realistic to fix 
 specific area boundaries for purposes of industrial and commercial development? 
 In a county such as Los Angeles, a firm may locate outside the boundaries of a 
 given area and yet recruit within that area. Would such a firm be eligible for 
 low-interest loans and technical assistance though it is located outside the area? 
 If not, will this then exclude potential sources of employment for residents of 
 the area? 
 
 The dilemma posed is that the existing county-wide unit for designation is 
 too broad, because it obscures the severity of poverty in several areas by lumping 
 them together with more affluent sections, and the designation of areas smaller 
 than the county is too restrictive and complex. As a possible answer to this 
 dilemma, the authors of this report suggest for consideration a broadening of the 
 formula for determining eligibility under area redevelopment and similar programs. 
 Existing legislation sets up the following criteria for area designation: unem- 
 ployment must average at least C percent during the qualifying period; and (a) 
 50 percent above the national average for three of the preceding four calendar 
 years, or (b) 75 percent above the national average for two of the three preceding 
 calendar years, or (c) 100 percent above the national average for one of the 
 preceding two calendar years (public Lav; 07-27, Section 5 (a)). However, judging 
 from the phrasing of the Area Redevelopment Act, its legislative history, and the 
 conference committee report, it appears clear that these criteria are intended for 
 application only to urban industrial areas. Quite different standards are set 
 
18. 
 
 forth in Section 5(b) o£ the Act, designed to determine the eligibility of rural 
 areas for designation as "redevelopment areas . " 
 
 In the case of rural areas, the Secretary of Commerce is not restricted 
 to consideration of the rate of unemployment as determined by the Secretary of 
 Labor. He may designate an area as eligible if he determines it is among the 
 highest in numbers and percentages of low- income families, and that there exists 
 within it a condition of substantial and persistent unemployment and underemployment 
 (underscoring lias been added to emphasize that no per centum rates are defined). 
 The Secretary is required to prescribe detailed standards on which designations 
 under Section 5 (b) are made, but he may consider a variety of relevant factors 
 in doing this, such as low incomes as related both to the area and the national 
 levels, the extent of previous rural development projects in the area, the 
 prospective employment opportunities, the availability of manpower, the extent of 
 migration, and the proportion of the population receiving some form of public 
 assistance. In making such designations, the Secretary is instructed to distribute 
 projects widely among the several states. Finally, the law pointedly provides 
 that he is to be guided, "but not conclusively governed," by the information and 
 data gathered by other departments and agencies, whether public or private. 
 
 A comparison of these two approaches to area designation, one intended 
 for urban and the other for rural areas , points up how unduly restrictive the 
 administration of the Act is in the case of a highly disadvantaged urban area 
 that is, in effect, encapsulated within the larger, more advantaged urban area 
 that surrounds it. The existing formula thus is inadequate, when applied to 
 urban areas, for two reasons: (l) it is limited to unemployment, which is but 
 one indicator of poverty and need, and (2) the basis for determination is the 
 unemployment rate for a county or metropolitan area, which is misleading because 
 of the coexistence of highly depressed and highly affluent sub areas within that 
 larger area. 
 
19. 
 
 Rate of unemployment is an inadequate indicator of poverty and area deter- 
 ioration for several reasons . In many areas , particularly urban regions where 
 minority groups are concentrated, under employment rather than unemployment is a 
 more critical problem. Many workers are trapped in low- skill "dead end" jobs 
 which pay them a net income little above the current rate of unemployment compen- 
 sation or public assistance. Employment is casual and intermittent for large 
 numbers of persons, and even at relatively high union wages the average annual 
 income may not be sufficient to meet the basic needs of a family. Some are 
 compelled to take jobs at a level far below their real capacity and potential. 
 Unemployment , therefore, is not the sole or even the primary cause of poverty. 
 
 Indeed, only one- sixteenth of the poor families are headed by an unemployed 
 
 2 
 
 person. 
 
 The Office of Manpower, Automation, and Training has recognized this in a 
 recent bulletin, Family Breadwinners: Their Special Training Heeds , which 
 states in part that: "The full economic implications of unemployment for bread- 
 winners have been masked in recent years by their relatively low overall unemploy- 
 ment rate .... The low unemployment rate for these workers obscures serious 
 problems of underemployment and underutilization which occur when, in order to 
 meet pressing family responsibilities, they are forced to take jobs at levels of 
 skill which do not fully utilize their training and experience. "3 
 
 The adequacy and significance of the unemployment criterion can be questioned 
 also on the basis of observation of hard, demeaning poverty in many areas of the 
 
 o 
 
 '•Edmund K. Faltermayer, "Who Are the American Poor?", Fortune , LXIX 
 (March 1964), pp. 118-9. 
 
 o 
 
 -^ Family Breadwinners : Their Special. Training Needs, Manpower Research Bulletin 
 Number 5, January 1964 (Office of Manpower 3 Automation" and Training, U.S. Depart- 
 ment of Labor), p. 3. 
 
 785-893 0-65-3 
 
20. 
 
 South, a poverty that has persisted even when there has been no unemployment and 
 labor has "been in short supply. None of these areas would qualify for the various 
 redevelopment programs , because of our myopic concentration on the unemployment 
 index. In other words, areas most acutely in need of the kind of assistance 
 available in some of these programs could be those with extremely low unemployment 
 rates. It is unrealistic to assume that work on a job releases a person from the 
 deprivation . and disadvantages of his position in life. As early as 193Q 5 when the 
 National Emergency Council issued a 6H-page Special Report on Economic Conditions 
 of the South, unemployment was not emphasized as a major cause of poverty: no 
 attention was devoted to unemployment in that report, the case for emergency 
 programs being made on entirely different grounds relating to income, education, 
 health, housing, credit, and so forth. The situation is essentially the same 
 today. 
 
 As an alternative to the single unemployment criterion, we suggest the 
 necessity and merit of applying more flexible and qualitative standards, such as 
 contained in Section 5 (b) , to the determination of area designations within urban 
 complexes. The rigid quantitative standards Section 5 (a) applies to urban areas 
 result in walling off a large part of the nation's unemployed from the public 
 redevelopment program envisioned in the Act. Although the program is defined as 
 one addressed to geographic areas, we believe that this is the case only because 
 of the needs of the people within those areas. Hence, if the declaration of 
 purpose set forth in the Act is to be realized, the program must define its areas 
 in terms of the needs of people wherever they are, rather than evaluating the 
 needs of people by measurements of whole areas that were previously and often 
 artificially defined. Furthermore, there is every reason for arguing that the 
 program must be directed to much more than the commercial and industrial development 
 
21. 
 
 within an area. In view ox the fact that perhaps the biggest job- generating 
 "industries" of the future will be those of education, health services, and 
 recreation, more emphasis must be given to utilizing sections 7 and 8 of the Act, 
 providing for loans and grants for public facilities. 
 
 Any area meeting the criteria would be eligible to receive large-scale 
 assistance in public programs which relate to problems of unemployment, health, 
 housing, education and training, delinquency, and community facilities, all such 
 programs to be focused upon subareas of greatest need without the delineation of 
 fixed boundaries. In addition, firms located, or to be located, anywhere within 
 the metropolitan area would be eligible for low- interest government loans (where 
 local financing is unavailable) if a showing can be made in each instance that 
 new jobs will be generated in which unemployed persons can be employed and that 
 the firm has recruited or intends to recruit in areas of high unemployment. 
 Similar evidences of recruitment policy might also be required as a precondition 
 for award of government contracts, with additional enforcement staff authorized 
 for federal agencies operating in the designated area. 
 
 The views expressed in this report appear to differ from those of Professor 
 Sar A. Levi tan in his recent book, Federal Aid to Depressed Areas . In evaluating 
 the effectiveness of the ARA program, Professor Levitan has argued that the cri- 
 teria for area designation have been too loosely applied, with the result that 
 far too many areas have been designated and the limited resources of the agency 
 
 k 
 
 We recognize that there are legal questions as to the scope of the public- 
 facilities sections of the Act, centering on whether the facilities to be financed 
 must have a direct relationship to given commercial or industrial enterprises 
 which are to be developed. The authors of this report are not competent to eval- 
 uate such legal issues, but merely advocate a broad interpretation and application 
 of those sections as a matter of policy. 
 
22. 
 
 have been spread too thinly. In his words: 
 
 The federal area redevelopment program was conceived as a 
 modest proposal to aid a few score depressed communities. As it 
 went through the legislative mill, the resources allocated to help 
 stagnating areas remained virtually unchanged, but more areas 
 qualified for assistance. It is reported that when President 
 Kennedy signed the bill he thought that assistance under the program 
 should be limited to some two hundred areas. But Secretary of Commerce 
 Luther Hodges and others convinced the President that, in light of the 
 legislative history of the Area Redevelopment Act, more areas than 
 the President suggested must be designated. During the first two 
 years, the AM designated even more areas than Congress apparently 
 expected. Under the circumstances, the meager resources of the agency 
 are being spread ever more thinly. And still the clamor for 
 designation continues... 
 
 . . .A realistic and effective depressed- area program must also 
 recognize that not all depressed communities can be "saved." The 
 solution for most of the unemployment in depressed areas whose resource 
 base has been depleted may lie in equipping the unemployed with skills 
 which would be marketable elsewhere. Many resource-based depressed 
 communities are located in isolated areas where new economic activity 
 can be introduced only at prohibitive costs. Other depressed areas, 
 particularly rural ones, have never developed an adequate economic 
 base, and the social capital invested in such areas is normally 
 insignificant. 
 
 This overextension of ARA designation places a burden upon the 
 potential accompli shment of the modest program to aid depressed areas. 
 The test of the program's success will be the extent to which it will 
 bring jobs to declining communities in order to prevent the waste of 
 social capital in these areas and obviate the need of people to migrate 
 in search of a job. It can hardly be claimed that social facilities 
 in communities are wasted when the population is increasing. 
 
 ...A depressed-area program can be effective only when the number 
 of depressed areas is reduced to manageable proportions and only when 
 areas with a potential for development at a reasonable economic cost 
 are made eligible to participate in the program. In short, the program 
 must recognize that some areas are more equal than others. If such a 
 selection were to be made, it would then be desirable to consider 
 additional programs to aid depressed areas. It would make little 
 economic sense to strengthen the ARA's tools if the program remains 
 so thinly spread. ' 
 
 Professor Levitan does not deal directly or specifically with the problem 
 
 considered in this section of the report: the desirability and feasibility of 
 
 5 
 
 Sar A. Levitan, Federal Aid to Depressed Areas , Baltimore, Johns 
 
 Hopkins Press, 196U. pp. 79-00, 251, 253- 
 
23. 
 
 designating urban subareas of poverty in the midst of an otherwise properous 
 metropolitan area. However, the clear implication of his reasoning is that any 
 broadening of designation criteria would be a mistake, and that the Area Redevelop- 
 ment Administration should concentrate instead on a reduction in the number of 
 areas eligible for assistance. 
 
 Even if Professor Levitan's reasoning is accepted at face value, it is not 
 clear that it necessarily precludes the designation of a number of urban areas 
 in place of the large number of sparsely populated rural areas which have been 
 made eligible. Our previous discussion of the Area Redevelopment Act and its 
 administration makes it obvious that the criteria for designating urban areas 
 are considerably more rigid and inflexible than the corresponding criteria for 
 rural areas. Much of the excess in area designations, to which Professor Levitan 
 refers, is unquestionably the result of the greater consideration given in the 
 legislation to the needs and demands of the less populated counties, and the 
 concomitant political pressure which rural legislators, business groups , and 
 others inevitably exert. In short, the adoption of more flexible standards 
 suggested in this report need not result in the designation of many more areas, 
 but perhaps only in the designation of different types of areas with no increase 
 (or possibly even a reduction) in number. 
 
 It is true, however, that the possible inclusion of urban subareas within 
 
 the scope of the legislation will necessarily generate pressures from various 
 
 6 
 sources for further designations. No program of this nature could conceivably 
 
 avoid such pressures, which are, after all, an inescapable fact of political life. 
 
 The question is not whether such influences will operate and in many cases prevail, 
 
 but, rather, whether the existing limitations of ARA legislation make it possible 
 
 °The pressures, incidentally, are sometimes in the opposite direction. Gome 
 community groups and leaders deeply resent and oppose any designation of their area 
 as a "depressed area. " 
 
2k. 
 
 to extend the program to urban "pockets of poverty" in a technically and econom- 
 ically effective way. 
 
 This latter point , of course, relates very directly to the objections raised 
 by Professor Levitan to the designation of an excessive number of areas. He 
 argues with much persuasiveness that the funds provided to ARA are insufficient 
 to sustain programs in all the areas which have been and will be designated. 
 However, the appropriations to the agency are not fixed for all time, and 
 a, record of solid achievement in urban as well as rural areas might well provide 
 the justification for increases in its funding. Certainly the urban legislators 
 would have greater incentive to support additional appropriations if the heavily 
 populated districts they represent were eligible for possible designation. 
 
 Again we must push the argument one step further. Assuming that added 
 appropriations were made, there is no certainty that a program initially 
 designed for a relatively few areas of lesser population (as Professor Levitan 
 asserts) is suitable for a densely populated area in the middle of a complex 
 Megalopolis. This question particularly relates to the industrial development 
 aspect of this legislation, which is based on a premise that low-interest 
 government loans can generate new jobs through the creation of technically 
 feasible and economically sound business enterprises. 
 
 It should first be noted that every proposal for a loan under this program 
 must stand on its own merits . No loan is to be approved in a designated area 
 unless there is a prior determination that the project to be financed is sound 
 and that local financing is not available. Only .a minority of designated areas 
 actually receive ARA- approved loans; according to Levitan, as of May 1, 1963 » 
 "...about one of every eight designated areas was the beneficiary of an ARA- 
 approved loan — forty-nine areas had a labor force of about 15,000 or more (5(a) 
 areas) and seventy-nine were smaller areas (5(h))."' 
 
 'Levitan, op. cit ., pp. 108-9. 
 
25. 
 
 The designation of an urban sutarea, therefore, does not mean that loans 
 for commercial and industrial development would automatically become available. 
 Each loan proposal, whether in a rural or urban area, must meet the test of fea- 
 sibility. If a sound and otherwise acceptable proposal is advanced in an urban 
 region such as Los Angeles, there does not appear to be any valid reason for 
 rejecting it simply because of the accident of location. On the other hand, area 
 designation per se is not, and should never become, a reason for approving loans 
 which fail to meet the established standards. 
 
 The most relevant question is whether the whole process of industrial and 
 commercial development, financed in part by government, can significantly reduce 
 unemployment among unskilled and semiskilled workers in the midst of a large and 
 growing urban labor market. As yet, there is no adequate precedent on which to 
 base even a tentative answer to this question. The preliminary results of research 
 conducted by the Institute would suggest that a multifaceted approach, encompassing 
 but not limited to business redevelopment, is required in an urban subregion such 
 as the ARA study area. 
 
 A flexible approach of this type would make possible a concentrated attack on 
 poverty and unemployment in metropolitan areas which are now ineligible for a number 
 of assistance programs because of failure to meet technical requirements. Programs 
 of industrial and commercial development and retraining could be linked with new 
 anti- poverty measures which strike at the sources of unemployment: community and 
 housing deterioration, inadequate education, poor health, family disorganization, 
 youth problems, and discrimination. The importance of these factors in a meaningful 
 plan for "area redevelopment" is demonstrated in subsequent sections of this report. 
 
 Professor Levitan also suggests additional measures: "Two additional tools 
 which might be added are preferential treatment in securing government contracts 
 and the offering of rapid tax- amortization or other tax incentives to induce business 
 to locate or expand in these areas. In addition, special consideration might be 
 given to depressed areas under federal grants-in-aid programs." Ibid. , p. 253' 
 
26. 
 
 Ill 
 
 POVERTY IN THE STUDY AREA: A GENERAL VIEW 
 
 In his 196H Economic Report, the President has emphasized the magnitude 
 and severity of poverty in this country: "Americans today enjoy the highest 
 standard of living in the history of mankind. But for nearly a fifth of our 
 fellow citizens, this is a hollow achievement. They often live without hope, 
 below minimum standards of decency. The per capita money income of these 
 35 million men, women, and children was only $590 in 1962— against $1,900 
 per capita for the Nation as a whole. We cannot and need not wait for the 
 gradual growth of the economy to lift this forgotten fifth of our Nation above 
 the poverty line. We know what must be done, and this Nation of abundance can 
 surely afford to do it. 
 
 The extent of poverty in the study area is illustrated by a comparison of 
 median family incomes in that area and in the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area 
 as it was defined in i960. Median family income (in 1959) in the study area 
 was $U,6l3, compared with $7,066 for the metropolitan area as a whole. Income 
 was thus 53 percent higher in the whole metropolitan area than it was in the 
 study area alone. Nonwhite families in the study area had an even lower median 
 ($*+>378), though their family size is above average. As noted previously, about 
 Ul percent of all families in the area had incomes below the "deprivation" level 
 of $U,000 a year (see Tables V and Vl) . 
 
 These figures, of course, understate the case, because the lower incomes 
 within our study area are included in the metropolitan area totals . A few 
 specific comparisons will dramatize the disparity even more clearly. Just six 
 
 Economic Report of the Fresident, January, 196^, pp. 1^-15. 
 
27. 
 
 tracts within the study area, with an aggregate population of 30,G4U, contained 
 more families with below-$j,000 incomes than did the entire 29 tracts in the 
 populous Van Nuys area of Los Angeles, with a population of 112,118. About 28 
 percent of all families in the ARA area were in this "poverty" bracket, compared 
 with about 11 percent of all families in the remainder of the metropolitan area. 
 
 Unemployment figures show the same basic trend. The male unemployment rate 
 of 12.05 percent in i960 was more than double the corresponding rate for the Los 
 Angeles Metropolitan Area, and the female unemployment rate of 9-55 percent was 
 about 50 percent higher. It is interesting to note that the unemployment rates 
 for male nonwhites and Anglos were roughly the same, 12.6 and 12.3 percent re- 
 spectively, while males with Spanish surnames recorded a lower rate of 10.6 
 percent. This reverses the usual pattern for Anglos and Mexican Americans, and 
 undoubtedly reflects the extraordinarily high unemployment reported for Anglos 
 in the Downtown and YJLolesale Industry sections of Los Angeles, 
 
 Two factors must be considered in relation to unemployment rates, one 
 of which tends to understate and the other to overstate the volume of unemployment. 
 Since the unemployment rate is a percentage of the civilian labor force , it is 
 influenced by variations in the number of persons who are identified as being 
 available for work at any given time. The rate of labor force participation 
 among males in the study area is 72.5 percent, much below the rate of 31.2 percent 
 for the rest of the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area. This reflects the relatively 
 large numbers of elderly persons and of transients in the area and, to some 
 extent, the lower- than- average labor force participation of nonwhite and Spanish 
 surname males. Nonwhite and Spanish surname males each average about a 77 percent 
 participation rate, somewhat lower than the metropolitan area average but above 
 that of the study area. Some of the lowest participation rates are in the 
 Downtown area, reflecting the factors of age and physical or mental disability . In 
 
28. 
 
 addition, several areas contain public institutions —notably, jails and hos- 
 pitals—whose inmates would not be counted in the labor force. 
 
 Some persons unquestionably are included in the labor force when technically 
 they should be excluded, and the converse is also true. Two questions arise in 
 this regard: (l) Do many nonwhites, older people, and persons with minor physical 
 handicaps leave the labor market because they become convinced that they are 
 unemployable, and (2) do many persons with serious physical, mental, or emotional 
 difficulties j which may tend to make them unemployable in fact, remain in the 
 labor market? The findings of our study thus far do not permit quantitative esti- 
 mates of the size of these two groups, but it is certain that they are of some 
 significance and that their problems demand a very specialized approach. All the 
 available evidence indicates that unemployment figures tend to be under stated 
 for these reasons. 
 
 The problems of personal maladjustment and family disorganization, both 
 sources of poverty, are not effectively met through economic development and 
 retraining. Many of the "Skid Row" residents would not be employable under 
 existing conditions and would require extensive rehabilitation before entering 
 the labor market as regular workers. The female heads of households in the 
 study area, who represent a measurable proportion of the total, obviously find 
 it difficult to raise many small children while at the same time holding full- 
 time jobs. Indeed, the problem of broken homes is an important source of poverty 
 throughout this country: about kQ percent of all homes headed by women fall in 
 
 2 
 
 Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz, in an address at UCLA on June h, I96U, 
 declared that present unemployment figures are inadequate because they fail to 
 reflect the large numbers of persons who have no attachment to the labor force 
 but are potentially employable. "I end up with this conclusion. . .that we are 
 presently accumulating a scrap heap of humanity at the rate of between 250 
 thousand and 500 thousand a year— most of them youngsters." 
 
3 
 the "poverty" bracket. In the ARA study area, this problem is reflected in the 
 
 high proportion of youngsters under 18 who -do not live with both parents. About 
 
 30 percent of the young people live in homes from which at least one parent 
 
 is missing, compared with a figure of 12 percent for the remainder of the whole 
 
 metropolitan area. The proportion of nonwhite younsters is about 37 percent. 
 
 The significance of this problem is also revealed in the relatively high 
 proportions of persons who are separated, widowed, or divorced. Approximately 
 25 percent of all persons over Ik in the study area fall in one of these cate- 
 gories, in contrast with about lU percent in the remainder of the area. Some 
 of the past "desertion" rate, however, may have been attributable to welfare 
 policies which conditioned family assistance on the absence of the male head of 
 household. This defect in policy has been remedied as of February 1,. l$6h, 
 at which time a new Aid to Families with Dependent Children program took effect. 
 Under this program, families are entitled to public assistance in cases where 
 destitution is caused by unemployment of head of household. 
 
 It goes without saying that the study area receives an extremely high 
 proportion of public assistance payments under the various welfare programs of 
 the federal, state, and county governments. Some of these programs are related 
 directly to unemployment, while others are focused upon problems of health, 
 family disorganization, and related factors. Here we shall consider the tra- 
 ditional Aid to Families with Dependent Children (formerly Aid to Needy Children), 
 the new Aid to Families with Dependent Children- Unemployed, Old Age Security, 
 and General Relief. Programs related to physical disability are discussed in the 
 section of this report on "Health." 
 
 The Aid to Families with Dependent Children-Unemployed program is so new 
 
 ^Faltermayer, op. cit. , p. 220. 
 
30. 
 
 that little information is now available on its scope, but it is certain that 
 this will be one of the major programs administered by the Bureau of Public 
 Assistance. The Bureau has transferred many families from other programs to 
 AFDC-U, and employable men have been assigned to work projects in connection with 
 the program. Information available on the other, long- established programs makes 
 it apparent that the study area residents account for a major proportion of 
 welfare assistance recipients. 
 
 The BPA district lines do not correspond at all with the study area boundaries, 
 and there is presently no way by which the payments to study area residents can 
 be segregated from payments to those outside that area. However, significant 
 parts of the study area are included within the "Metro North," "Metro South," 
 "Belvedere," and "Southeast" districts of BPA, mainly the first two. In , 
 January, 196U, these four districts together accounted for almost 68 percent of 
 all cases aided, and nearly 8H percent of total expenditures, under the AFDC 
 program. The corresponding percentages under the General Relief program were 
 6k percent and 63 percent. In addition, about 2+5 percent of the approved Old 
 Age Security case load was centered in the four districts . 
 
 In terms of dollars, almost $U.7 million in Aid to Families with De-Pendent 
 
 Children, and about $675,000 in General Relief, were distributed in these four 
 
 BPA districts in the month of January alone. Again, it must be noted that not 
 
 all of these expenditures were made in the ARA study area, but it is reasonable 
 
 to presume that an extremely high proportion of the total goes into that area. 
 
 The magnitude of public assistance expenditures, plus the excessive rate of 
 on 
 
 spending /protective, punitive, or ameliorative measures related to poor health, 
 crime and delinquency, housing deterioration, and social disorganization within the 
 area, suggests that a meaningful long-run program of area redevelopment and re- 
 habilitation may ultimately save tax dollars. 
 
 4 See accompanying map of BPA districts in relation to the ARA study area. 
 
-o 
 
 u 
 
 GLiNDALE 
 
 INGLEWOOD 
 
 METRO 
 NORTH 
 
 r 
 
 W/Y/Th 
 
 WW 
 
 mmYmm. 
 
 i 
 
 rfl 
 
 w/mm/A Wi/m 
 
 /'■W/k A AAA 
 
 1 /////// k\ 
 
 *^//////////k 
 
 I A ////// V// M \ 
 
 J///////777 
 // * ////// ///I 
 
 /V ' '///// Or 
 
 B£LVLPjiRE 
 
 SOUTHEAST 
 
 //''/ 
 
 >://///// 
 
 v///////// / //u 
 
 \///A//jim 
 
 Yi-'JJ '-<-- 
 
 RELATION OP BPA DISTRICT TO ARA STUDY AREA 
 
 Map #5 
 
 
31. 
 
 IV 
 SOME SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN THE STUDY AREA 
 
 ". . .But man is in question! So when will it be a question 
 of man himself — Will someone in the world raise his voice? 
 . . .Make haste I make haste I testimony for man!" 
 
 — St. John Perse 
 
 The President has raised his voice for man. In his I96U Economic Report to 
 
 Congress, the Fresident called for a two- pronged attack on poverty: first, 
 
 to enable every individual to build his earning power to full capacity and, second 
 
 to assure all citizens of decent living standards regardless of economic reverses 
 
 or the vicissitudes of human life and health. 
 
 This section of the report is largely an audit of these two accounts within 
 
 the study area. Reflecting the ledger forms suggested in the President's Economic 
 
 Report, these data are grouped according to the objectives shown there. 
 
 Health 
 
 The Economic Report repeatedly focused attention on the relationship of 
 
 poor health to the problem of poverty in this country: 
 
 The poor, and the children of the poor, are handicapped by 
 illness and disability that could be avoided. Largely as a result 
 of ill health that grows out of poverty, we rank below many other 
 countries in the conquest of infant and maternal mortality, in 
 average life expectancy and nutrition! 
 
 Later in this message to the Congress, President Johnson sharpened the focus to 
 
 show how matters of health narrow the exits from poverty for the children of the 
 
 poor. Specifically, he listed deficiencies of health as one of the factors 
 
 Economic Report , op. cit. t p. 16. 
 
32. 
 
 depressing the earnings of Hegroes and other nonwhites, adding: "Infant mortality 
 is nearly twice as high, maternal mortality four times as high, for nonwhites." 
 
 There exists no single measure of the general health of the people in an 
 area. To make a judgment on this for the study area, several yardsticks have 
 been applied. Some of them simply indicate how the people in the area fare in 
 their contest with one disease, such as tuberculosis; others stand in final 
 judgment of all else — the death rates, which are the final and binding arbiters 
 of any disputes over the significance of the data that follow. 
 
 Most of the data currently published in the city and the county do not fit 
 the exact dimensions of the study area. The area falls largely within the 
 jurisdiction of the Los Angeles City Health Department, but portions, being outside 
 the city limits, come under the jurisdiction of the Los Angeles County Health 
 Department (the two departments have recently merged, but the statistical data 
 available at this writing remain separated) . Both agencies have had statistical 
 divisions which report detailed analyses bearing on the question of health of 
 people within all sections of their jurisdiction. Unfortunately for the present 
 purposes, these reports are made on the basis of statistical areas matching those 
 administrative boundaries, or health districts, utilized by the agencies. None 
 of these conforms exactly with the boundaries of the study area. 
 
 For comparative purposes, the statistics of the City Health Department 
 are preferable. The county figures would result in a comparison of the densely 
 populated urban study area with one that also embraced areas of much lesser urban 
 density. There are only 16 census tracts in the study area that lie outside the 
 city. One hundred twenty-five of the area's tracts are within the city. Unless 
 otherwise stated, the latter group of tracts will be used in making comparisons 
 with the city figures. They contained i+51,997 persons in i960, or 18. U8 percent 
 
 ^Loc. Cit. 
 
33. 
 
 of the city's population. They were visited wi th a considerably higher per- 
 centage of the city's diseases. 
 
 The Los Angeles City Health Department was asked to run its coded cards on 
 the incidence of disease within the city and to provide a print- out of this by 
 census tract. Through the helpful cooperation of that Department, a careful 
 examination of the prevalence of disease in the area is available. 
 
 This area, with 17.0 percent of the population, had a higher percentage of 
 the incidence of every major disease reported as occurring in i960. It had 
 W3.5 percent of the cases of amebiasis, an infection with amoebae, ^2.2 percent 
 of the food poisoning, kk.Q percent of pertussis (whooping cough), and 25. 
 percent of coccoidomycosis, a parasitic infection by fungi. In addition, 22.2 
 percent of the cases of encephalitis were found there, 39' 2 percent of epilepsy, 
 25.2 percent of all hepatitis infections, 25.8 percent of measles, 26.1 percent 
 of mumps, U2.8 percent of rheumatic fever, 22.8 percent of meningitis, 26.9 
 percent of streptococcal infections, and 28. k percent of all forms of tubercu- 
 losis. It had 26.3 percent of all salmonella infections and kk.S percent of 
 kindred dysentery-producing shegalla infections. It recorded 100 percent of the 
 few cases of poliomyelitis, brucellosis, and diphtheria, and 50 percent of the 
 cases of acute conjunctivitis and typhoid fever carrier. For the entire group 
 of venereal diseases, the area showed k-6.1 percent of the reported cases; it 
 had 36.3 percent of the reports on meningitis viral or aseptic and 65.7 percent 
 of reported tuberculin reactors and convertors. 
 
 All these percentage figures on particular diseases do not fully measure 
 the debilitating effect they have on the area's population. When the total 
 number of cases for each disease as reported to the City Health Department is 
 added up, it is easier to see the scope of this problem. There were a total of 
 
 785-893 0-65-4 
 
25,727 cases of disease reported in 1963, and 11,191 of these were known to have 
 occurred within the tracts in the study area. Only lJ+,536 occurred in the bal- 
 ance of the city, or were indeterminate in origin. 
 
 Stated in a more meaningful manner, these figures indicate that almost two 
 and a half percent (2.^7 percent) of the people in the study area suffered frcm 
 illness caused by one of the reported diseases in 1963, whereas in the balance 
 of the city only two- thirds of one percent (0.66 percent) were so discommoded. 
 Thus, to the extent that these diseases debilitate the health and energies of a 
 people, those in the study area suffered such debilitation at a rate almost four 
 times as high as the remainder of the city. 
 
 Unknown here is the extent to which the area's population might have suffered 
 from the more common, though unreported, diseases such as pneumonia, arthritis, 
 influenza, arteriosclerosis, vascular lesions, cirrhosis of the liver, malignant 
 neoplasms, and the like. Many of these are major causes of death, and they are 
 reported in the case of mortality figures, as will be shown, but their incidence 
 among the population in the study is not discernible. Perhaps it is a reasonable 
 assumption that a population that shows a high susceptibility to the reported 
 diseases will also succumb more frequently to many of the other disabilities 
 that can plague the human body. In any event, it is known that, with refer- 
 ence to morbidity rejiorts analyzed here, aLmost 2.\ percent of the population 
 suffered from one of the reported diseases in 1963 . This is not an insignifi- 
 cant factor in a situation where a percentage point gain in something like 
 unemployment rates is a matter of public concern. Its possible bearing on 
 matters such as unemployment should be self-evident. 
 
 An examination of this situation may induce objections that the importance 
 of these figures on the incidence of disease is being overstressed, that they 
 

 35. 
 
 cannot support the weight of the conclusions drawn. Two possible objections 
 might be interposed. First, it might be argued that the figures are weighted 
 heavily with a lcirge number of so-called "social diseases," such as gonorrhea 
 and syphilis. It is not uncommon to dismiss the plight of a person C r a pocplc 
 as of lesser concern when it is thought that their ailments stem frcm their own 
 misconduct, but this is a judgment on their "sins" rather than the medical 
 evidence of their disability. Syphilis is a deadly, wasting disease, whatever 
 the circumstances of its contraction. Where it is present, it becomes a part 
 of the problems of an area and must be dealt with as such. 
 
 Second, the figures might be subject to discount on other grounds, having 
 to do with the imperfect nature of the means used by the Health Department to 
 gather them. The Department must depend on the submission of reports by physicians 
 and others, and it could be argued that these might not fully reflect the inci- 
 dence of certain diseases, that, for instance, in some quarters of the city 
 where people of more affluence are involved, no report on epi- syphilis might 
 be made when a husband submits himself for private treatment and, hopefully, 
 private handling of his case. This may be true. It may also be true that many 
 persons without adequate means suffer their illnesses in silence, and thus these go 
 unreported. It is not possible to evaluate these factors, nor can the City 
 Health Department assess their effect on its statistics. This much can be said 
 of the Department's figures: they are the best and the only ones available. 
 Even so, the case need not rest with them. There is other evidence to consider. 
 
 Inasmuch as virtually all of these diseases are overwhelmingly contagious 
 in their nature, it is clear that a disproportionate amount of the total public 
 health efforts must be expended in this area. These efforts, and their costs, 
 have implications for the entire Los Angeles area. The problem of the study 
 area in this regard becomes a problem and a threat to the larger community 
 
 
surrounding it. It is a contagion that cannot be contained, very probably 
 encouraged by the environment and the standards of living available to the per- 
 sons in the area. As such, it is a very proper part of any efforts toward 
 further development or redevelopment of the area. 
 
 The most graphic demonstration of the interrelatedness of environment, 
 income, and disease is seen in a study of the incidence of tuberculosis within 
 the study area. This area, selected in part because of its lower income levels, 
 displays a fantastic incidence rate of tuberculosis, the White Death which 
 throughout history has been associated with poverty. The Tuberculosis and 
 Health Association of Los Angeles County has compiled data for the years 1959 > 
 
 i960, and 1961 showing the reported incidence and mortality from tuberculosis in 
 
 k 
 Los Angeles County by resident census tract. This compilation has been used 
 
 to compare all of the census tracts in the study area with the entire county. 
 
 There were 7,308 cases of reported incidence of tuberculosis in the county 
 
 in the three-year period, 1959-61, The Association listed the population for 
 
 the county in this period as 6,0^1,920. The census tracts in the study area 
 
 were shown to have had 2,201 cases of reported incidence in this same period 
 
 and are known to have had a population of 5^-5,206 in i960. Thus, the study 
 
 area contained only 9*02 percent of the county's population. Yet, it accounted 
 
 for 31 • ^3 percent of the cases of tuberculosis reported in the three-year period. 
 
 J. S. Whitney, cited by Esmond Ray Long, M.D., Encyclopedia Britannica, 
 Chicago, 1961, Vol. 22, p. 532. 
 
 1+ 
 Duane 0. Crummett and Margery St. John, Report ed Tuberculosis Incidenc e and 
 
 Mortality_Accor_ding to.Jle^.ideni„Censu£. Tract and Health.Dlstrict .. L^A t. .County, 
 
 1959, I9.6I, Tuberculosis and Health Association of L.A. County. 
 
37. 
 
 The study area had a mean rate of incidence (number of cases — 1959-6l--per 
 100,000 population) of 13U.U whereas the county, with the study area excluded, 
 showed a mean rate of only 30. 9. The incidence rate for active tuberculosis 
 was over four times as high in the study area as in the balance of the county. 
 This figure is consistent with the incidence rate of the other diseases cited 
 previously. The fact is important, for surely it cannot be alleged that tuber- 
 culosis stems from any "social misconduct" or is stigmatized in the public mind. 
 More important for present purposes is the fact that in Los Angeles County over 
 one-third of those persons who die from tuberculosis were not known to have had 
 the disease prior to their death. In an area where there are undoubtedly large 
 numbers of families not committed to a program of regular medical check-ups and 
 examinations, it is likely that the figures on incidence of tuberculosis in the 
 area understate the case, that there are large numbers of persons in this area 
 in whom the disease has not been detected and who will continue to spread the 
 infection until relieved of it by death. 
 
 It has been suggested that any indecision about the significance of the 
 health statistics can be quickly resolved by examining the finality of the death 
 rate statistics in the area. Certainly the quality of life within the area is 
 reflected in part by statistics on the general health of the people there, but 
 longevity itself has long been taken as one meaningful measure of the advance- 
 ment of the people. What do the figures show for the study area? 
 
 Reference is made to the vital statistics of the Los Angeles City Health 
 Department, and, again, the comparison will be made between the study area's 
 125 city tracts and the balance of the city. The Department includes in its 
 death rate computations those deaths caused by accident and suicide. Obvi- 
 ously these do not necessarily result from factors of ill health. It is 
 
 5 Ibid. 
 
38. 
 
 necessary, therefore, to consider the extent to which these might distort the 
 data "being compared. 
 
 The deaths in the entire city from accidents and suicides constitute 6.3 
 
 percent of the deaths from all causes, h.k percent for accidents and 1.9 percent 
 
 6 
 for suicides. Although the number of these cases originating in the study 
 
 area is not known, it can be demonstrated that there is a proportionately lesser 
 
 number than in the balance of the city. Almost all of the study area being used 
 
 in this comparison is contained within the bounds of three of the city's health 
 
 districts, the South, Southeast, and Southwest Health Districts. In these three 
 
 districts the deaths from accidents and suicides constitute a smaller percentage 
 
 of the total deaths there than in any of the city's other seven districts. The 
 
 percentages of deaths from accidents and suicides combined in the three districts 
 
 are k.h, 5.0, and 5.1, respectively. None of the other seven districts is below 
 
 7 
 5.9 percent, and one reaches as high as 0.2 percent. 
 
 Accordingly, no effort has been made to extract the number of accidents 
 and suicides from the total death figures, since it is apparent that they could 
 not cause any upward bias in the count of deaths attributable to factors of 
 health. Accidents and suicides increase the number of deaths in the study area 
 less than in the remainder of the city. It is most likely that they tend to 
 produce downward bias on the figures for total deaths in the study area, thus, 
 through their relative absence, tending to shrink the otherwise high death rate 
 figures for the area. 
 
 The other principal causes of death in districts throughout the city are 
 unquestionably related to health factors. These are: diseases of the heart, 
 
 Los Angeles City Health Department, Vital Statistics , Statistics and Analysis 
 Division, Los Angeles City, 1961, Statistical Reports, Section 1^, p. 16. 
 
 7 
 
 Ibid., pp. 16-19. 
 
39- 
 
 malignant neoplasms, vascular lesions affecting central nervous system, certain 
 diseases of early infancy, influenza and pneumonia, cirrhosis of the liver, 
 general arteriosclerosis, diabetes mellitus, congenital malformations, and 
 
 tuberculosis. The rate of their appearance as a factor where death results is 
 
 8 
 in the order listed. It is assumed that as a plain fact of experience an envi- 
 ronment has an effect on the length of life of any organism. Involved here is 
 not only the degree of resistance to these failures of health, but also the 
 quantity and quality of health education and health services. 
 
 Taking the census tracts in the study area, the number of deaths in each 
 will indicate a death rate of 13.2 per 1,000 persons, based on July 196l popu- 
 lation estimates. Although this figure represents a rate that is kl.$ percent 
 higher than that in the balance of the city, it is not of great significance as 
 it stands. Further analysis must be made to determine if the age distributions of 
 the population within the area are the cause of the excessive figure. 
 
 Since data on the age distribution of the population in the study area are 
 available from the i960 census, it is possible to group the population into 
 age units against which the mortality rates prevailing for such groupings in 
 the entire city can then be applied. In this way, the number of deaths can be 
 calculated that would have resulted had the same level of health existed in the 
 study area as existed in the entire city. This calculation corrects for the 
 effect a disproportionate number of very young and very old persons would have 
 in raising the overall death rate for the area. 
 
 In 196l, 6,233 persons died within the study area's city tracts. Using 
 the above described calculation, it is found that had this area enjoyed, in the 
 same measure as did the whole city, whatever factors go to promote the general 
 health and longevity of a people, only 5,09^ should have died. A total of 1,139 
 
 8 
 
 Ibid., pp. 16-25. 
 
ko. 
 
 are presumed to have died because this was not so. Thus, with this adjustment 
 for age distribution, it is indicated that the death rate for the study area 
 lying within the city is 22.3 percent higher than that for the remainder of 
 the city. 
 
 This disproportionate rate of deaths is reflected and confirmed by some 
 of the more specific vital statistics kept by the Los Angeles City Health 
 Department. Statistics for infant deaths, fetal deaths, and neo-natal deaths 
 are computed on the basis of incidence of mortality per 1,000 births or concep- 
 tions and, hence, do not require adjustment for age distributions existing with- 
 in the study area. A comparison of death rates shows that the deaths classed 
 as infant deaths are HO.O percent higher, fetal deaths ^9.2 percent higher, 
 and neo-natal deaths 36.6 percent higher in the city's study area than in the 
 remainder of the city. These figures suggest that much of the tendency for an 
 overall excessive death rate in the study area stems from deficiencies in pre- 
 natal care, medical attention given at birth, and the generally prevailing 
 conditions of infant care following birth. 
 
 With respect to live births within the city , it is known that less than 
 1.0 percent of those occur without an attendant physician in a hospital, but, 
 significant because of the racial composition of the study area, the chance 
 
 of a nonwhite child being included in this minimal figure is almost twice as 
 
 o 
 great as that of a white child. ' 
 
 The birth rate in the study area appears to present an interesting 
 phenomenon. The vital statistics report of the Los Angeles City Health Depart- 
 ment for 19ol records the rate of live births for the entire city that year 
 
 U.S. Department o'C Health., Education end Welfare, Public Health Service., 
 National Vital Statistics Division, Vital Statistics of the U.S. , 1961, 
 Vol. 1, Sec. 3, Natality-Local Area Statistics. 
 
in. 
 
 as 21.9 per 1,000 population. This is based on a July, 196l population estimate 
 of the City Planning Department. The report recorded the number of live births 
 and estimated population in each census tract, making it possible to compute the 
 number of live births in those city census tracts within the study area. The 
 rate for these tracts is found to be 29.2, or over one- third higher than that 
 for the total city. Another significant reflection on this situation is found 
 in the fact that in i960 the birth rate for Negroes in the city of Los Angeles 
 was 33.5, compared to a rate of 20.0 for the white population and 22.2 for all 
 races combined. Thus, it is clear that the birth rate in the Negro population 
 is over two-thirds higher than that in the white population. Although Negroes 
 constitute only 13.5 percent of the city's population, over 20.0 percent of 
 the babies born there are Negro. 
 
 While, as we have seen, there is no exact correspondence between the 
 administrative areas served by the Bureau of Public Assistance throughout Los 
 Angeles County and the ARA study area, figures on public assistance costs in 
 the Metro North, Metro South, Southeast, and Belvedere districts, related to 
 total figures for the county, will give some indication of the extent to which 
 substandard health conditions in the central part of the county are reflected 
 in high social costs. Of the various county assistance programs which we are 
 able to analyze by district , the two most relevant to the current study of 
 health problems are Medical Aid to the Aged and Aid to Totally Disabled. In 
 January, 196U, the approved MAA case load for Los Angeles County was 9,048, to 
 which the combined Metro North and South districts contributed 2,152 or 23.8 
 percent, and the combined Southeast and Belvedere districts 1,357 or 15.0 percent, 
 In total, then, these four central districts included about 39 percent of the 
 aggregate case load in the county. The statistics on the ATD program are even 
 more startling: Metro North and South contained about 31 percent, and Southeast 
 
U2. 
 
 and Belvedere 25 percent, of the total lU,76U cases. This central area, thus, 
 had 56 percent of all ATD cases. 
 
 Education 
 
 10 
 "Poverty and ignorance go hand in hand." 
 
 — President's Economic Report 
 
 The median education for the population over 25 in the study area has been 
 shown to be 9.26 years of schooling completed (see Table IV). This is 2.8U 
 years of schooling less than the 12.1 median years of school completed by those 
 over 25 in the county and the city, which have the same median. On the basis 
 of this statistic, lack of education would not seem to be a factor of decisive 
 weight in affecting either the earning capacity of the population or its ability 
 to secure employment. Can it be a cause of excessively high rates of unemployment? 
 
 In this instance, the core of the educational problem in the area lies 
 largely hidden in the shadows of this statistical device, the median. The 
 median as a measure of central tendency fails to illuminate the number of persons 
 clustered at the bottom of the educational array. It fails to tell how many are 
 completely unschooled in the rudiments of education, reading and writing, which 
 more and more have become essential if one is to have access to and a claim on 
 income in our society. The 9.26 median school years completed tells nothing of 
 the number of functional illiterates in this community who are lacking in these 
 rudimentary educational skills. 
 
 The Bureau Of the Census defines a functional illiterate as a person who 
 has completed less than five years of school. This number can be determined 
 for the area from Census data (see Table VII ) . There are 3^1,33^ persons over 
 
 10 
 
 Economic Report , op. cit. , p. 15. 
 
k3. 
 
 25 in the study area. Of this number ; lk,k77, or k.2k percent, have had no 
 schooling whatsoever; 32,180 persons, or 9.U3 percent of the population, have 
 completed only one to four grades of schooling. Thus, there are at least 1+6,657 
 persons, or 13-67 percent of the population, who are functional illiterates, 
 having completed less than five years of school. Even these numbers are very 
 likely to understate the scope of this educational deficiency. There is -ocd reason 
 to question the use of the highest grade completed as a reliable predictor of 
 the educational achievement level. The Cook County Department of Public Aid 
 (Chicago) conducted an extensive study to test the adequacy of this when it 
 applied actual achievement tests to a grcup of welfare recipients. - It found 
 a significant difference between the highest grade completed and the actual func- 
 tioning level of the recipients, determining that there was no grade level at 
 which the average achievement score equaled the highest grade completed. Although 
 there was only a 6.6 percent proportion of its study group classed as functional 
 illiterates on a grade- completed basis, this 6.6 percent jumped to 50.7 percent 
 who, on the basis of tested achievement, actually functioned on a level of less 
 than five years of school completed. This disparity was even more extreme in 
 the case of persons who received their education in seven southern states. 
 
 Should these observations and conclusions from the Chicago study hold, 
 even to a lesser degree, for the population in the Los Angeles study area, they 
 would indicate that there is an educational deficit accumulated in this area 
 that exceeds anything previously estimated. The accumulation may well be a 
 continuing problem rather than one on the way toward solution. Of the people 
 
 TT 
 
 Deton J. Brooks, Jr., The Blackboard . Curtain: A Study to Determine the 
 Literacy- Level of Able- Bodied Persons Receiving >Ji: lie Assistance , Science 
 Research Associates, Inc., published by the Coo!: County Department of Public 
 Aid, Chicago, 1962, p. 167. 
 
 
kk. 
 
 over five in the study area who immigrated there from 1955 to i960, U2.5 percent 
 came from points in the South (see Table IV). Again on the basis of the Chicago 
 study, it is apparent that through this area Los Angeles is inheriting from 
 elsewhere in the United States very large numbers of persons who cannot function 
 as literate persons in this industrialized city. Even the most far-reaching and 
 comprehensive expansion of the local school program would not fully relieve the 
 community of the problems inherent in this situation, for it is clear that the 
 study area serves as a "staging area" for those of very limited resources who 
 leave other points in the United States and seek to establish themselves in the 
 larger and, hopefully, more promising economic community represented by greater 
 Los Angeles. 
 
 The education of study area residents is deficient for two basic reasons: 
 (l) A large proportion of the immigrants come from regions in which both the 
 quantity and quality of the schooling offered them are inferior, and (2) even 
 those who attend school in the Los Angeles area drop out at a rate significantly 
 above the rate for the community as a whole. An analysis of high school records 
 in three schools located within or close to the study area, undertaken by the 
 Institute staff in 1J62, shows that about two- thirds of all pupils not born in 
 California were born in the following southern or border states, ranked in 
 order of frequency: Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, Alabama, Oklahoma, 
 Tennessee, Missouri, and Florida. These results are confirmed by the findings 
 of a survey conducted by Institute staff at a meeting of unemployed persons on 
 May 7, 196^4, in which 67. k percent of 3^7 respondents reported their birthplace 
 as being in those states. Perhaps more significantly, exactly 60 percent of 
 329 respondents reported that they had moved directly from one of these states 
 to California. 
 
k5. 
 
 The quality of education in these states, therefore, has a considerable 
 impact upon conditions in California and particularly within our study area. 
 We can judge the educational standards of such states by reference to the 
 research report of the National Education As so ci at ion- - Rankings of the States , 
 1963 — in which the various states are ranked in accordance with several 
 criteria of quality. Taking three indices of educational quality- -average 
 salaries of classroom teachers in public schools (1962-63), per-capita ex- 
 penditures of state and local governments for all public education (1961), and 
 number of pupils per classroom teacher in public elementary and secondary 
 schools (Fall, 196l)--we find that four of the above-listed states (Mississippi, 
 Arkansas, Alabama, and Tennessee) are ranked among the worst ten states in the 
 Union in every one of these categories. All of the listed states rank 25th or 
 below for every category. It should be noted that these rankings relate to all 
 schools within each state, and that the nonwhite or Mexican American schools 
 are traditionally inferior to other schools. (See tables VIII, IX, and X.) 
 
 The relative dropout rates in the Los Angeles area can be determined by 
 identifying those senior high schools which serve significant portions of the 
 study area and comparing their rates of dropout and transiency with those for 
 all other 3-year schools in the Los Angeles system. Attendance zone maps 
 indicate that the following senior high schools have large numbers of pupils 
 who reside within our area: Jefferson, Jordan, Fremont, Manual Arts, Roosevelt, 
 Garfield, and Belmont. In addition, a combination junior and senior high 
 school — Lincoln- -serves the northernmost part of the ARA area. Most recent 
 figures, for the school year 1962-63, are published in Research Report No. 258 
 of the Los Angeles City Schools, January 196^. Rates for the "special" schools 
 for delinquent or poorly adjusted children, most of which are located within 
 the study area, are not included in the following tabulations. 
 
A dropout is defined as "any pupil who leaves high school before graduation 
 and is not known to have enrolled in any other school." The dropout rate is 
 computed as the percentage of total dropouts during the given school year to 
 the mean of the enrollment of the second school month of each semester. On 
 this basis, the dropout rate for the three-year schools in the study area 
 averaged 17.7 percent, compared with an average of 7.5 percent for all other 
 comparable schools in the system. The disparity can be dramatized by noting 
 that the combined number of dropouts for just two schools in our area (Fremont 
 and Roosevelt) exceeds the combined totals for all ten schools at the bottom 
 of the list. The aggregate of 2,897 dropouts in the seven schools listed above 
 exceeds the total for 21 schools out of the UO operating in the 1962-63 term. 
 
 The severity of this problem is further illustrated by the excessive 
 transiency rates in the listed schools. When figures for pupils transferring 
 to or entering from other schools during the school year are added to the dropout 
 totals, the result is a percentage of mean enrollment which reflects the total 
 movement into and out of the various schools. Again the seven schools average 
 far in excess of the corresponding percentages for all other Los Angeles 
 three-year schools: their average transiency rate is 73.7 percent, compared 
 with U5.5 percent for the other schools. In one school (Fremont), over 1000 
 pupils were transferred out during the 1962-63 school year, many of them on 
 "social adjustment" transfers initiated by school officials and unrelated to 
 residence. 
 
 While it is true that some of these dropouts will ultimately earn their 
 diplomas in continuation or adult school > there is no reason to believe that 
 this represents a significant proportion of the dropouts in our area. Indeed, 
 it seems likely that the proportion would be much higher in the more affluent 
 areas of the city, because financial and motivational barriers to resumption 
 
hi. 
 
 of schooling would "be weaker in such areas. To this extent, the gap between 
 the areas is probably even wider than the foregoing figures indicate. 
 
 It is also true that a certain amount of "double counting" is involved 
 in the figures on transfers and entrants, since the sane pupil will be counted 
 once when he transfers from one school and once when he enters a second school. 
 Our previous studies have shown that some pupils are transferred several times 
 during a year, moving from one school to another until a high proportion of them 
 finally drop out. None of this, however, mitigates that fact that the transiency 
 rate in the listed schools is markedly above the corresponding and comparably 
 defined rate for other schools. Furthermore, the higher incidence of multiple 
 transfers in our area is itself a reflection of serious maladjustments in the 
 educational process to which Negro and Mexican American youngsters are exposed. 
 
 The dropout figures are especially significant in the light of recent 
 Census Bureau-BLS findings that the unemployment rate for dropouts is much 
 higher than the corresponding rate for high school graduates. The Bureau of 
 Labor Statistics reports that in October 1963 , within the 1U-2U age brackets, 
 the unemployment rate for dropouts was 15 percent and for graduates 9 percent. 
 Unemployment is extremely serious in the group 16 to 21 years of age and most 
 
 critical among nonwhites. The unemployment rate for nonwhites in this age 
 
 12 
 group was 25 percent in October, double the rate for white youngsters. 
 
 Any analysis of education problems and their relation to unemployment 
 
 in the study area must inevitably conclude that a solution requires a massive 
 
 national effort, since the heavy inmigration from the South means in effect 
 
 that the Los Angeles area is importing many of the problems resulting from 
 
 continuing Southern failure to provide adequate and nondiscriminatory educational 
 
 12 
 
 Employment of School Age Youth ? October, 19.63, Advance Summary, Special 
 
 Labor Force Report, Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor, 
 
 April, 196U. 
 
1*8. 
 
 opportunities. This failure sets in motion a series of vicious circles, in 
 
 which dropping out of school becomes an accepted pattern from one generation 
 to the next. 
 
 Federal aid to school districts which have long records of discrimination 
 and low educational standards is not likely to be effective in meeting the 
 basic problem. The problem is of such critical nature that school boards and 
 administrators subject to local political control and committed to unequal 
 
 education are unlikely to move rapidly enough, if indeed they move at all, in 
 the direction of an adequate program. Clearly the continuing denial of educa- 
 tional opportunity in the Deep South, in defiance of national policy and with 
 disastrous effects upon the economy of every state, cannot longer be tolerated. 
 No more meaningful demonstration could be made of the fact that education 
 is not a local problem, in the sense that each locality determines for itself 
 what its educational needs are to be and what proportion of its resources is 
 
 to be allocated to meet that need. With the mobility of Americans that is 
 
 readily observed, no state, and certainly no county or locality, is any longer 
 addressing itself solely to its own educational needs; it is also determining 
 
 in part the level of achievement of the growing populations in Chicago, Los 
 Angeles, and elsewhere. The problems created in this study area by the educational 
 deficiencies of other areas, and also of the Los Angeles area itself, are unlikely 
 to be resolved by the Balkanized patchwork of our present national approach to 
 educational needs. The necessity for further federal assistance and encouragement 
 
 in meeting these known needs is clear. 
 
 We believe that the educational deficit in the study area is both a problem 
 
 and a promise. It may hold a promise of one significant way in which a more mean- 
 ingful approach can be taken toward the development and redevelopment potential of 
 an area. Development of an area cannot be conceived in the absence of the further 
 
 development and training of the people in the area to their highest potential. 
 Job retraining that may succeed in imparting skills for employment, but leaves the 
 
U9. 
 
 trainee still unequipped to read the language of his country or to communicate 
 through the written word, may also leave him unable to acquire the knowledge 
 necessary to his assuming the role that our society seeks to give and must give, 
 under present institutions, to every citizen. 
 
 There is every reason to explore the feasibility of some form of compre- 
 hensive remedial educational program for those over 25 and an overall improvement 
 of educational facilities for those under 25. This consideration must not stop 
 with the conception of a program relying solely on the inducements to the student 
 of the present educational systems. These inducements may be inadequate. If 
 education of a people is to be considered as a social gain and as something which 
 adds to our national substance, rather than subtracts from it, there is reason 
 to consider ways and means by which income can be provided to those who seek to 
 acquire it. A society that has developed no abiding qualms about paying one 
 person to stop growing cotton may find it possible to pay another to learn 
 algebra. It is a suggestion worth exploring in an area troubled by the presence 
 of large numbers of persons unused and, from appearances, unwanted by the larger 
 society about them. 
 
 Housing 
 
 "The fight. . .requires constructive action by all governments 
 and citizens to make sure--in practice as well as in principle — 
 that all Americans have equal opportunities for education, for good 
 health, for jobs, and for decent housing." ^ 
 
 --President's Economic Report 
 
 If it can be said that home ownership represents a desirable factor in a 
 
 community, one which promotes stronger family relationships and community 
 
 stability, there is a need for measures, beyond those presently existing, to 
 
 13 
 
 Cp. cit. , p. lb 
 
 785-893 0-65-5 
 
50. 
 
 encourage this ownership. The degree of hone ownership in the long- established 
 residential neighborhoods within the study area is i<jss than one -half that for 
 the remainder of the city and that for the remainder of the county (Table XII ) . 
 
 Over half the hones in Los Angeles County are ovmer occupied. In the study 
 area only 23.1 percent of the 213,718 hones are found to he so; for nonwhite 
 families, this percentage drops to 10.7 percent. Whereas U2.6 percent of the 
 homes in the county are renter occupied, 63.1 percent of those in the study 
 area are so occupied. Of all the rental property occupied by nonwhite families 
 in the city, 6l.7 percent of this is found in the study area. Thus, the area 
 appears to be characterized by a high degree of absentee ownership. These owners 
 are apparently not disposed to part with their property. Although the rate of 
 available and vacant homes at the time of the last census was higher than that 
 for the county, 6.9 percent and U.5 percent respectively, their owners were not 
 listing them for sale. Only 3.3 percent of the lJ+,865 available and vacant homes 
 in the area were listed for sale, compared to 16.9 percent for the county. 
 Restated, this means that a mere 0.2i+ percent of all the homes in the area were 
 listed for sale at the time of the census; 7'+. 8 percent of the homes in the 
 area were either rented or listed as available for renting. 
 
 There is evidence that all the absentee owners of housing within the study 
 area are not motivated solely by the desire to realize rental income on their 
 holdings. Some other factor of economic persuasion appears to be influencing 
 their desires. At the time of the census, 22.8 percent of the area's housing 
 was shown to be either deteriorating or dilapidated. This, of course, can be 
 regarded as a consequence of the age of the housing units, but it is also sugges- 
 tive of a tendency on the part of owners to avoid new e:cpenditures on property 
 from which they are satisfied to receive some income while waiting for gains 
 
51. 
 which, hopefully, can he realized at a later date from general appreciation of 
 land values. Whatever the case, one of the most immediate and likely prospects 
 for expending redevelopment efforts is found in the housing in the area. 
 
 Over half of all the dilapidated housing and deteriorating housing within 
 the city of Los Angeles is found within the 125 census tracts of the study area 
 that lie within the city boundaries. This represents in excess of 48,000 homes 
 that are in need of considerable maintenance, major repair, or removal. Truly, 
 this is a sizable target for any program in search of projects designed to 
 employ unemployed persons. 
 
 One purpose of this study is to explore various ways in which such a pro- 
 gram could be developed. The development of any such program requires making 
 some value judgments at the outset. Quite obviously, it is possible to plead 
 the usual case that is made for any urban renewal project, when the goal is to 
 remove substandard housing and replace it with new, modern housing. The authors 
 of this study take a dim view of this approach. Starting, as we do, with the 
 view that any redevelopment, renewal, or restoration program should be under- 
 taken with the people of the area foremost in mind, rather than the physical 
 properties, there is a strong predilection to reject any approach that would 
 make redevelopment properties unavailable to the former residents. The war on 
 poverty is not to be won by keeping its victims on the run and giving them no 
 place to live. 
 
 There is poverty in the study area, and it must be dealt with there. Much 
 of the housing is cheap and second-rate, but there are people who can afford 
 only this kind of housing. The area has been called a "staging area" for persons 
 entering the urban complex searching for something better, but perhaps every 
 city requires such an area, and perhaps keeping it for that purpose offers an 
 opportunity to provide more effectively for the education, retraining, and 
 reorientation that many urban newcomers so obviously need. 
 
52. 
 
 These are considerations which require further attention in this study. 
 There are alternatives to customary urban renewal projects that start with a 
 bulldozer. Consideration can be given to starting with a paint brush and hammer 
 and nails. But this approach would require creation of new sets of incentives, 
 not now available to property owners and renters. 
 
 One such approach, which may be mentioned if for no other reason than that 
 it has not been previously proposed or investigated, is to effect a revision of 
 the tax laws on real property in areas that are designated as restoration areas. 
 The real estate taxes in California are in two parts , part on the land and part 
 on the improvements on the land. Our focus here is on an area where the value 
 of land is increasing while the value of the improvements on the land is 
 literally being eroded by time, weather, and hard usage. Taxing jurisdictions 
 have a stake in this situation, for as the value of improvements on the land is 
 diminished, the revenue from existing taxes is correspondingly diminished. It is 
 to their interest that values be maintained or increased. Hence, it can be 
 proposed that they yield something to help accomplish this end. 
 
 A specific area in which taxing authorities could yield, for their own 
 eventual gain, is in the area of taxes on improvements. This could be done in 
 the form of a tax forgiveness, or a carrying forward of the tax due in a particular 
 year, in exchange for actual physical improvements to residential property. For 
 instance, if a landlord or property owner in an area that has been declared a 
 restoration area agrees to upgrade his property (a new roof, a paint job, new 
 plumbing, new wiring, etc.) in the amount of $1,000, the taxing authority might 
 exempt him from paying half that amount by voiding that part of the taxes levied 
 on improvements on the land for sufficient years to equal the amount of exemption. 
 This would give the owner the opportunity to make improvements at half cost and 
 
53. 
 
 ■would help to maintain the value of the tax base itself. Of course, it would 
 be necessary to have advance certification of the need for the improvements by- 
 some authority, such as the city's building inspector or similar agency. Also, 
 there would be need for firm understandings and limitations on the conditions 
 under which rents could be raised as a consequence of the property improvements. 
 What is initially lost to the city or county in the form of tax revenues can well 
 be made up in maintenance of present assessments on these improvements, or by 
 lessening the growing liabilities and social costs which have been so directly 
 linked to inferior housing. 
 
 In accordance with the need to propose comprehensive approaches to the main 
 social and economic ills that beset the area, and to fulfill the purposes for 
 which the present study was designed, it is this type of new approach to ancient 
 problems that must be explored to the fullest extent possible. There are others 
 to consider, among which the problem of mortgage foreclosures is prominent. 
 
 A recent Housing and Home Finance Agency study sheds fresh light on some of 
 
 the obstacles that hinder realization of our national housing policy objective of 
 
 Ik 
 
 a decent home in a decent neighborhood for every American family. The ability 
 
 of families to have and to hold their homes was searchingly examined in this study. 
 Mortgage foreclosures under FHA, VA, and conventional loans were studied. Both 
 the borrowers and the lending institutions were questioned on the reasons sur- 
 rounding foreclosures that occurred in Chicago, Dallas, Detroit, New York, 
 Philadelphia, and Los Angeles. The portion of the study devoted to Los Angeles 
 seems to have particular pertinence to the present study project. 
 
 11+ 
 
 Morton J. Schussheim, Assistant Administrator, HHFA, Mortgage Foreclosures 
 
 in Six Metropolitan Areas , Cffice of Program Policy, Housing and Home Finance 
 Agency, June IS'63, p. IgT 
 
 
5fc. 
 
 The HHFA study clearly shoved a positive relationship in all six cities 
 between the unemployment rate and the rate of increases in the annual number of 
 nonfarm real estate foreclosures. The unexpected curtailment of income was 
 found to be the primary reason for foreclosures given by borrowers under each 
 type of loan: FHA, VA, and conventional. This curtailment of income was 
 caused in most cases by layoffs or a cut in the work week or the wages of the 
 borrower. Between one-half and two-thirds of the FHA and VA loan borrowers, 
 and one- quarter to one-half of the conventional loan borrowers, in each of 
 the cities were in the manual occupations of laborers, operatives, and crafts- 
 men, occupations frequently beset by high unemployment rates. 
 
 In Los Angeles 60.0 percent of borrowers with foreclosed FHA mortgages 
 cited curtailment of income as a reason for their loss of home. For VA and 
 conventional mortgages this figure stood at 59»6 percent and 58*2 percent 
 respectively. The persons questioned in the interviews in the HHFA study were 
 permitted to state more than one reason for their financial distress, and, quite 
 significantly, 55.0 percent of the FHA borroirers cited illness or injury and the 
 consequent medical or dental expenses as a reason for the foreclosure of their 
 
 home mortgage. This same reason was given by 46.2 percent of those who had had 
 
 16 
 VA mortgages and 3^.5 percent of those with conventional mortgages. This 
 
 fact further suggests the need for establishing additional means by which the 
 
 costs of medical care can be met without destructive effects on other things of 
 
 value within the community. 
 
 Another aspect of the HHFA study, which reflects on a problem within the 
 
 study area, is the finding that the color of the occupant was related to the 
 
 15 Ibid ., pp. 2-3, 12-13. 
 Ibid ., pp. 23-27. 
 
55. 
 
 down payment as a percentage of the purchase price of the houses foreclosed in 
 the six cities. In the purchase of homes financed both with FHA- insured and with 
 VA-guaranteed loans that went to foreclosure, there was found a tendency for non- 
 whites to have had a relatively higher down payment than whites. This could be 
 a reflection of higher down payments being demanded to help offset generally 
 lower income, or it could mean that there was less availability of low down 
 payment home-purchase financing for nonwhites than for whites at the time the 
 foreclosed homes were acquired. 
 
 It is clear that most of the foreclosures in the Los Angeles area during the 
 period of the HHFA study, April 196I— March 1962, were due to a combination of 
 
 economic factors, such as occupation, unemployment, and loss of income, and 
 
 10 
 other factors such as death, illness, and marital difficulties. 
 
 Consideration should be given to the feasibility of revising present housing 
 programs to the end that an orderly means of forbearance of home mortgage pay- 
 ments can be instituted in those cases where the income of a worker has been 
 disrupted. It is conceivable that such programs could be devised within the 
 framework of present public policies on these matters. The federal government 
 is already deeply involved in the programs of FHA- insured and VA- guaranteed home 
 financing, and has assumed certain obligations and liabilities under them. In 
 the case of conventionally financed home purchases, it has various obligations 
 with respect to the operations of federally- chartered banks and savings and 
 loan associations. It would seem proper to consider, and the American people 
 might very well support, a program which would help to define and delimit the 
 liabilities and the responsibilities that the federal government has assumed 
 
 17 
 
 Ibid . , p. 60. 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 108. 
 
56. 
 
 in this regard. In other words, a procedure for forbearance of monthly mortgage 
 payments during periods of lost or severely reduced income on the part of the 
 borrower could have the salutary effect of reducing home mortgage foreclosures, 
 and the resulting social problems often associated with them. At the same time 
 it would erect an additional buttress against possible future governmental 
 liabilities should the displacement rate of workers accelerate hereafter. 
 
 A program of deferred mortgage payments could be accomplished by having 
 the deferred amounts added to the end of the schedule of payments with a corres- 
 ponding extension, or "ballooning," of the time and terms of the mortgage with 
 appropriate extended or additional governmental guarantees or insurance to the 
 mortgagee. There are costs attached to any such program, but there are also 
 savings to be realized from the multiple social costs that are avoided. Much of 
 this study is devoted to assessing the social costs of past failures to provide 
 for similar exigencies in our growing urban society. Under this proposal, several 
 needs can be more easily met : a meaningful form of unemployment compensation 
 supplement for family needs, which cannot be diverted to other purposes , a possible 
 reduction in the down payments required of low- income persons, an added stability 
 to home- finance institutions, a reduction of family movements under the most 
 unfavorable circumstances , and a further inducement to home ownership and community 
 stability. Indeed, there is already provision in the law governing FHA- insured 
 homes whereby the Federal Housing Administration Commissioner may now give relief 
 to hard-pressed mortgagors in the form of mortgage reassignment or forbearance 
 of payments, where he feels that the default is beyond the control of the 
 mortgagor and that the mortgage will be restored to good standing within a reason- 
 able period. In an area of high unemployment there is need for a public policy 
 based on the premise that a situation will be restored in which a person can 
 
57. 
 
 acquire income and meet the obligations of home ownership. A single individual 
 residing in an area of unemployment can scarcely reassure the FHA Commissioner 
 on this, especially when he is surrounded by evidences of failure of others who 
 are similarly situated. 
 
 Dependency and Delinquency 
 
 The President's Economic Report spotlighted the dismal and vicious cycle 
 
 of poverty found in many areas : 
 
 "The cycle of poverty: inadequate schools, drop-outs, poor health, 
 unemployment — creating delinquency, slums, crime, disease, and broken 
 families—thereby breeding more poverty. M ^- 
 
 One aspect of this cycle came under intensive study in Los Angeles County, 
 and a preliminary report, Delinquency-Dependency Patterns and Related Socio- 
 Economic Characteristics of Population 196O-I96I , has been published by the Los 
 Angeles County Department of Community Services. The following references to 
 delinquency-dependency patterns are drawn from that report. 
 
 The report establishes a process by which delinquency and dependency data 
 can be related to selected socio-economic characteristics. Both delinquency 
 and dependency are defined on the basis of petitions filed under the Juvenile 
 Court Law, Sections 600, 601, and 602. These represent requests for petitions 
 to the court in behalf of individual children and youth (up to 17 years) which, 
 respectively, allege dependency situations (parental neglect, unfit home, desti- 
 tution, etc.), pre-delinquency (truancy, incorrigibility, etc.), or delinquent 
 behavior (car theft, narcotics, theft, rape, etc.). The petitions are filed 
 with the Los Angeles County Probation Department and the data for the study 
 were taken from the Department's IBM intake cards and field book sheets relating 
 these factors to the resident address of the youth. They show some correlations 
 
 19 
 
 Op. cit . , p. lo. 
 
between dependency-delinquency and social and economic characteristics that are 
 pertinent to the present study. 
 
 All areas of the county were included in the study, and in 96 percent of the 
 geographic areas having a high degree of dependency or delinquency, there was 
 present a serious degree of one or more social problems. Thus, coefficients of 
 correlation establish that in Los Angeles County the factors most substantially 
 linked with the dependency or delinquency of a youth are, in order, low income,, 
 low education, marital disintegration, undeveloped skills, and crowded housing in 
 the area from which the youth comes. This is not to assert that all of these 
 have a causal connection, but it is clear that none exists in isolation. The 
 report does assert that the variables appear related not only in pattern but in 
 magnitude and degree as well, adding that "it appears that when a particular 
 variable in the social situation is 'unhealthy,' the general social situation 
 will tend to be 'unhealthy.'" 
 
 Can the study area under consideration be identified in this context as 
 including the "unhealthy" areas mentioned in the Department's report? The 
 Department was asked, and agreed, to provide a breakdown by census tract of all 
 the 600, 601, and 602 petitions examined in its study. This information was used 
 to discover what portion of the overall dependency-delinquency problem in the 
 county had its origin in the study area. 
 
 Tables XIII and XIV present figures on youth delinquency and dependency in 
 the study area and in the county as a whole. The study area is seen to have had 
 171,905 of the county's youth population up to 17 years of age in 1962, or 7.95 
 percent. It had 57,863 of the county's youth from 10 to 17 years of age, or 
 7.13 percent. Although the area thus contained only a minor fraction of these 
 two populations within the county, it accounted for a considerably higher proportion 
 of the cases of delinquent and dependent youth. In 1962 the area was the locus 
 
59- 
 
 of 20. U8 percent of the Section 600 petitions in the entire county alleging the 
 dependency and neglect of chiidren from birth to age 17; it gave rise to 16.02 
 percent of the Section 601 petitions alleging pre- delinquency incorrigibility of 
 youth from 10 to 17 years of age; its youth accounted for 20.3^ percent of the 
 county's total Section 602 petitions claiming actual delinquent behavior following 
 police arrest. In other words, in all of these categories the study area accounted 
 for two to three times the rate of dependency situations and delinquent behavior 
 for the whole county. 
 
 We believe that these dependency- delinquency petitions are a more acceptable 
 and meaningful measure of anti-social situations and acts than would be the 
 actual police arrest records. An arrest of a youth may or may not result in a 
 petition to the court alleging delinquent behavior, and the petitions may be 
 freer from charges of discrimination on the part of law enforcement officers 
 against members of one or another racial or ethnic grouping. At any rate, there 
 is no agency in Los Angeles County which tabulates all of the police arrest 
 records for the entire county. The records of the County Department of Community 
 Services contain only about two-thirds of the arrests made in the various police 
 jurisdictions within the county. Use of those records would not make possible 
 a count„-_wi&o comparison. 
 
75/6 - 100 
 
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 NEGROES A Q A PERCENTAGE OP POPULATION 
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 ; 75#- 100.0.:.' j 
 
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 X 
 
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 61 
 
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 B* 
 
 IsEXJCAN - AMERICANS 
 AS A PLRCMTASb OF POPULATION 
 
 Map #7 
 
 
6o. 
 
 v 
 
 "DEPRESSED AREAS": ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES AND 
 PROGRAMS 
 
 The problem of the urban "depressed, area," often nestled in the center 
 of an otherwise prosperous community, has not been effectively met by any of 
 the existing governmental programs. Unrealistic technical requirements, 
 discussed earlier in this report, are responsible for much of this failure 
 to alleviate hard-core poverty in the central city- Other factors, however, 
 have been perhaps even more decisive. The residents of the most disadvantaged 
 areas are difficult to reach through the traditional channels of communication 
 and leadership. Few possess a sophisticated knowledge of the workings of 
 government, and many come from regions where "government" is an enemy. 
 Mobility is high, with the result that there is little identification with a 
 particular community. Rigid segregation in housing, and consequently in 
 education, removes the minority-group community from contact with the ethnic 
 majority and the dominant power structure. 
 
 Major problems also emerge from the inability of many "Anglos," parti- 
 cularly those who are college-educated, to establish rapport with persons who 
 are poorly educated and inarticulate. Some programs now seem to be adminis- 
 tered by those who, consciously or unconsciously, regard the poorest members 
 of our society as being beyond salvation or rehabilitation, at least in terms 
 of their own program, and who therefore concentrate their primary efforts 
 upon the somewhat less disadvantaged persons with apparently greater motiva- 
 tion. Whatever their personal attitudes, almost all administrators are under 
 constant pressure to produce "results," mainly in the form of impressive 
 statistics. With limited resources, the administrator is not inclined to 
 take chances with the ill-prepared and the seemingly unmotivated members of 
 
61. 
 
 the most poverty-stricken group. Largely for this reason, existing programs 
 tend to enroll disproportionate numbers of those whose educational and skill 
 levels are above tht levels predominating in the urban "depressed areas." 
 
 The net result of these forces is a further isolation of the disadvantaged 
 area. At the present time, even an intensive effort to identify and assist 
 the very poor is likely to encounter perplexing obstacles. For example, 
 Dr. William F. Brazziel of Virginia State College reported, in June of 1$€k , 
 that the interviewers in a study of persons who had rejected MDTA training 
 "experienced great difficulty in making contact with the men in the sample of 
 rejecters, especially those who lived in low income and low education neighbor- 
 hoods. Many of the men did not have telephones, and many had moved since 
 their last contact with the Employment Commission, leaving no forwarding 
 address. Others were at home only occasionally or at irregular hours. The 
 interviewers resorted to leaving word with neighbors and former neighbors that 
 the prospective interviewee was being sought for a beneficial purpose (this 
 qualification seemed quite important); contact was often established by this 
 method. The interviewers often encountered distrust in the low income dis- 
 tricts, and in the early stages of the study, rapport was not established 
 quickly. As the interviewer became a familiar figure in the neighborhood, 
 however, this distrust seemed to fade." 
 
 This experience has been repeated in our own efforts to conduct surveys 
 among the hard-core unemployed in Los Angeles . Using recent or current lists 
 compiled by public agencies, the survey staff has found that one-half to 
 
 1. William F. Brazziel, Factors in Workers' Decisions t# Forego Retraining 
 under the Manpower Development and Training Act , a report submitted to 
 the Office of Manpower, Automation, and Training of the U.S. Department 
 of Labor, June I96U, p. 6. 
 
62. 
 
 two-thirds of the persons were unreachable or unavailable. Many «f these 
 unemployed persons undoubtedly assume, with much apparent justification from 
 their viewpoint, that the interviewers must represent some agency or organiza- 
 tion which is seeking them for ulterior motives. The fact is that few "out- 
 siders" evince any interest in the residents »f this area except for political, 
 mercenary, punitive, or similar reasons. 
 
 Because »f these and related problems, nearly all renewal or redevelop- 
 ment programs are prepared by "outsiders" without significant consultation 
 with the residents of the area or systematic ascertainment of their wishes 
 (an exception is the Woodlawn community project in Chicago, which is discussed 
 in an attached report). There is reason to believe that a high proportion of 
 "urban renewal" projects are not intended to serve the needs of the area's 
 residents, but rather the interests of s»me institution or agency which 
 regards the area as an eyesore. 
 
 There is, of course, a not inconsiderable group which denies that govern- 
 ment as such has a responsibility to renovate or redevelop depressed areas. 
 The "orthodox" school of economics regards government action relative to 
 phenomena like area depression as dangerous to the delicate balance of supply 
 and demand. Area depression is, by definition, a net outflow of factors of 
 production from the area and, in a free enterprise economy, represents an 
 important signal of changed consumer valuation »f the final products produced 
 by (or in association with the output of) that area. In the absence of govern- 
 ment impediments, entrepreneurs responding to these signals, or dollar votes 
 of consumers, will tend to choose from am«ng alternative investment prospects 
 those which yield the greatest net return, irrespective of location. Area 
 depression in this view occurs when consumers bid away factors from lower- 
 valued uses coming from the industrial mix of that area to higher -valued uses 
 
63- 
 
 associated with the industrial mix of other areas. 
 
 The role of government in this situation, according to orthodox economists, 
 is not to attempt to counter this net outflow «f resources with area redevelop- 
 ment schemes (which at best suspend the delicate mechanism of interdependent 
 price determination — the only valid signals of a free enterprise economy), hut 
 rather to roll with the trend by facilitating the mobility of all resources 
 out of the area and toward the boom centers. Even here qualification is made 
 that the cost of resource transfer itself has a role in the natural scheme of 
 things. Government intervention to make the transfer "painless" may succeed 
 only in inducing families and business to uproot prematurely, inviting 
 depression earlier. 
 
 To say that government spending for redevelopment bids away resources 
 from investments desired more by consumers (the presumed beneficiaries in a 
 free enterprise economy) does not deny that there may be s«me commodities or 
 industries for which government involvement in varying degrees may be 
 desirable. It is the wholesale involvement in the economy, and its threat to 
 the efficient working of the price mechanism, which orthodox economists find 
 intolerable. 
 
 The principles emphasized so far comprise the "efficiency" argument of 
 the orthodox school, as distinguished from "distributional" considerations. 
 Orthodox economists are emphatic in the explicit separation of the two. A 
 relatively complete set of criteria exists for efficiency maximization, 
 whereas distributive justice is at best arbitrary, based upon one or another 
 set wf value judgments. The orthodox motto, in effect, is "bake the largest 
 possible pie, and then argue about the size of the slices." 
 
 Ironically, despite its general hostility to government intervention, 
 the orthodox theory seems to lend weight to the position (mentioned earlier) 
 
 785-893 0-65-6 
 
6k. 
 
 of administrators who concentrate on producing "results" in the form of impres- 
 sive statistics of successes. Since the poor are generally not the most 
 "efficient" investment in terms of the rate of return over the cost of their 
 rehabilitation, programs are most often focused on more productive groups 
 than the poverty-stricken. 
 
 The solution to the poverty problem most preferred (reluctantly) by 
 orthodox economists is an "income floor," if a level can be agreed upon, 
 
 below which no family shall be allowed to fall, enforced if necessary by a 
 
 2 
 negative income tax on all those who would otherwise fall below it. The 
 
 reluctance comes from acknowledgment of the "incentive problem, " the sus- 
 picion that persons aware of the chance to get something for no effort may 
 prefer that position to a great deal more for some effort. In any event, the 
 solution to the problem of income distribution is dependent upon what the 
 policymaker is prepared to do, more than upon economic theory. 
 
 Those who reject the laissez-faire approach to problems of area redevelop, 
 ment propose a number of alternatives, not all of them consistent with one 
 another. The alternatives being considered in this current study may be 
 grouped roughly as follows: 
 
 (l) Area redevelopment through governmental stimulation of investment 
 in private business facilities, by means of the creation of development com- 
 panies, provision of low-interest loans, management training, tax and depre- 
 ciation incentives, and similar measures. The focus of this approach is upon 
 the generation of more jobs through the location of new firms, or the expan- 
 sion of existing facilities, within an area of high unemployment. It rests 
 
 2 
 
 See, for example, Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom , Chicago, Univer- 
 sity of Chicago Press, 1962, p. 1§2 and passim. 
 
65. 
 
 on the assumption that a potential market exists for new or expanded firms 
 which require financing on terms which local lending institutions are unwill- 
 ing or unable to provide. The Area Redevelopment Administration and the 
 Small Business Administration are the major sources of funds and technical 
 aids for this purpose, hut under present requirements the Los Angeles area 
 does not qualify for that type of assistance which is available only to 
 "designated" areas. Title IV of the Economic Opportunity Act also authorizes 
 financial assistance to small business. In addition, the following 
 agencies offer various types of services to small business: 
 
 The Business Service Center of the General Services Administration 
 Office of Field Services, US Department of Commerce 
 Bureau of International Commerce, US Department of Commerce 
 National Bureau of Standards, US Department of Commerce 
 Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training, US Department of Labor 
 Bureau of Employment Security, US Department of Labor 
 Bureau of Labor Standards, US Department of Labor 
 District Director of Internal Revenue 
 Export-Import Bank, Washington, D.C 
 US Department of Defense 
 (2) Redevelopment through programs which relate primarily to betterment 
 of housing and other physical conditions in the area, with a view to improving 
 the residential quality of neighborhoods. Apart from the construction jobs 
 created, this approach has no direct relation to employment but nevertheless 
 implies that a renovation of the community as a whole will improve its 
 economic prospects as well. The Urban Renewal Administration and the Federal 
 Housing Administration of the Housing and Home Finance Agency and the 
 Veterans Administration are the chief sources of loans or loan guarantees 
 
66. 
 
 and/or grants in connection with such programs. The Urban Renewal Administra- 
 tion, of course, makes provision for commercial and public facility development, 
 as well as residential, in those areas designated for renewal. 
 
 (3) Redevelopment through concentrated efforts to improve public and 
 quasi-public facilities, in the form of new public buildings, conservation pro- 
 jects, parks and playgrounds, roads and highways, hospitals and health clinics, 
 community centers, auditoriums, schools, and similar improvements. This pro- 
 gram would have a threefold aim: (a) to provide direct employment through the 
 construction and maintenance of facilities and the continuing provision of ser- 
 vices; (b) to remove some of the important causes of unemployment or under- 
 employment, such as poor health, inadequate education and training, lack of 
 personal or vocational guidance, delinquency, deficient transportation facili- 
 ties, and so forth; and (c) to raise the level of living in the total commu- 
 nity. Titles I and II of the Economic Opportunity Act (poverty program) and 
 Sections 7 and 8 of the Area Redevelopment Act make provision for financial 
 assistance to certain projects of this nature, and the urban renewal program 
 also encompasses public facilities. The accelerated public works program 
 (Public Law 87-658) authorizes the initiation or acceleration of public works 
 projects sponsored by the federal government, or by state and local govern- 
 ments with federal assistance, in all designated redevelopment areas under 
 Sections 5(a) and 5(b) of the Area Redevelopment Act. All such projects must 
 be of a type which can be initiated or accelerated within a reasonably short 
 period of time, and can be substantially completed within 12 months after 
 initiation. The Community Facilities Administration of the Housing and Home 
 Finance Agency provides loans for development costs and offers other assistance, 
 in cooperation with ARA and other agencies, in the acceleration of public 
 works. The US Department of Health, Education and Welfare and its 
 
67. 
 
 constituent agencies offer a number of services related to health, surplus 
 property disposal, and education. In some cases, funds are available for 
 planning and development of new facilities or for pilot projects of various 
 kinds. Prominent among the agencies furnishing such aid are the Public Health 
 Service and the Division of Surplus Property Utilization (cooperating with 
 the State of California Agency for Surplus Property) . The Office of Economic 
 Adjustment in the US Department of Defense, under the Assistant Secretary of 
 Defense, theoretically performs a variety of functions in communities affected 
 adversely by contract cancellation or shifts in military programs, but the 
 precise role played by this agency seems somewhat nebulous at the present time . 
 
 (4) Retraining of persons within the area for the purpose of qualifying 
 them for available jobs, either through the conventional adult education 
 classes offered in the public schools or through special training programs 
 organized and financed under the Manpower Development and Training Act (MDTA) 
 or the Area Redevelopment Act. Most existing apprenticeship programs are 
 registered with and regulated by the Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training of 
 the US Department of Labor and the Division of Apprenticeship Standards of the 
 State of California. The premise of retraining is that jobs requiring given 
 skills are available and can be identified, and that appropriate training of 
 unemployed persons will again make them employable. Certain critical diffi- 
 culties have been encountered in the training and apprenticeship programs now 
 operating: the short-term MDTA and ARA training programs do not benefit 
 sufficient numbers of the unskilled and poorly educated, and the longer-term 
 apprenticeships are in scarce supply and, in many cases, effectively closed to 
 minority-group members. The Institute is currently studying adult education 
 programs in the area to ascertain why many residents fail to take advantage 
 of available courses and whether the employment experience of those having 
 
68. 
 
 completed courses successfully indicates a tangible dollar return to the parti- 
 cipants. Preliminary results of this research will be available shortly. 
 
 (5) Measures to increase the mobility of study area residents, which 
 might have the effect of inducing some to move closer to potential sources of 
 employment. Obviously this presumes that jobs are available elsewhere in the 
 state or country, but that area residents are unreasonably prevented from 
 obtaining them by factors of color discrimination, inadequate transportation, 
 housing segregation, and lack; of communication about job opportunities. No 
 specific measures (such as relocation allowances) are presently directed 
 toward the end of increased mobility, but it is clear that antidiscrimination 
 measures, both in employment and in housing, improvements in transportation, 
 and better methods of job referral all contribute to this objective. This 
 approach might be preferred by the "orthodox" economists, but certain aspects 
 of proposals for movement of workers arouse heated controversy and it is 
 unlikely that, in view of the slow progress in housing desegregation and in 
 transportation improvement, any significant dividends can be anticipated from 
 this policy in the near future. In this report, however, the Institute 
 suggests specific measures to reduce discrimination and improve systems of 
 transportation and of job referral. 
 
 One factor, which we have reason to believe is an important barrier to 
 mobility of study area residents within the larger Los Angeles community, is 
 the significantly smaller proportion of car owners in the area, with a conse- 
 quently greater dependence upon public transportation. Almost 27 percent of 
 the area's workers commute to and from work by bus or streetcar, compared with 
 only 7. 5 percent of all those in the metropolitan area as a whole (see Table 
 IV) . A recent Institute survey of 355 unemployed persons in Los Angeles 
 showed that 57-^ percent of them owned no car. This fact obviously restricts 
 
69. 
 
 the area of job search for study area residents, whereas residents of other 
 sections are willing and able to travel longer distances. This, plus 
 deficiencies in communication and knowledge of job opportunities, further 
 limits the ability of minority-group members to find and hold available jobs. 
 
 (6) Measures to relieve poverty through public assistance and social 
 insurance, with costs shared by the federal, state, and county governments. 
 The major dispenser of funds under such programs is the county's Bureau of 
 Public Assistance, which administers Aid to Families with Dependent Children, 
 Old Age Security, Aid to the Blind, Aid to Disabled, State Medical Care Pro- 
 grams, and General Relief. The food stamp, national school lunch, special 
 milk, and direct surplus food distribution programs are administered by the 
 Agricultural Marketing Service of the Department of Agriculture. The Los Ange- 
 les Public Schools do not participate in the national school lunch program 
 under which free lunches are made available to children without adequate funds 
 to pay for them, having dropped out of this program about five years ago and 
 not having re-entered it at this writing. Contributory old-age pensions are 
 administered by the Social Security Administration, and the California Depart- 
 ment of Employment administers unemployment compensation and the employment 
 service for the benefit of unemployed persons. Various other agencies—federal, 
 state, and local- -are involved in proportionately minor aspects of assistance 
 or welfare programs. 
 
 All such measures, obviously, are ameliorative and do not properly fall 
 within the category of area redevelopment. They deal with effects, Kbt 
 causes- -the symptoms of the disease rather than the disease itself. 
 
 3see the attached report by Robert Singleton on the relationship of trans- 
 portation deficiencies to unemployment, and the findings of the Institute's 
 household survey on transportation problems in the study area, described in 
 Chapter VIII of this report. 
 
TO. 
 
 Nevertheless, they now represent the prime weapon in the fight on poverty, 
 more costly and more extensive than all the previously-mentioned programs 
 combined. In the absence of a comprehensive redevelopment program, their 
 major economic effect is to maintain minimum income levels and purchasing 
 power in the disadvantaged areas. 
 
 The Economic Opportunity Act of 19bk ( anti -poverty bill), of course, 
 encompasses a wide range of measures to combat social and economic depriva- 
 tion in this country. The proposals for programs of youth assistance in 
 Title I, rural anti-poverty measures in Title III, work experience programs 
 in Title V, and creation of a "domestic Peace Corps" in Title VI are each of 
 importance in reducing the magnitude of poverty and unemployment, but probably 
 the measures most closely related to "area redevelopment" are the urban and 
 rural community action programs in Title II and the employment and investment 
 incentives in Title IV. Both of these titles, particularly the latter, re- 
 late so directly to problems of redevelopment that continuing coordination 
 between the Area Redevelopment Administration and the Office of Economic 
 Opportunity would seem to be essential in all areas where ARA programs are 
 in effect or contemplated. 
 
 Our studies of poverty and unemployment in the central, south central, 
 and east Los Angeles areas suggest that successful community action programs, 
 of a type outlined in Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act, may be an 
 indispensable prerequisite to the commercial and industrial redevelopment 
 of those areas. Under that provision, experiments with new methods of job 
 creation, for example through the sheltered workshop, might well be under- 
 taken by community agencies. All such programs, whether directed to job 
 development or to some other aspect of the anti -poverty effort, should 
 
71- 
 
 mobilize local sources of leadership (such as the Student Committee for 
 Improvement in Watts, described in the attached special report by William 
 Armstead and Richard Tovnsend) . A meaningful community action program cannot 
 long remain under the control of those outside the community. 
 
 The alternative approaches described above range from relatively long- 
 term (area redevelopment) to short-term (public assistance and limited 
 retraining), from "orthodox" (increased mobility) to "unorthodox" (deliberate 
 governmental action to create new industry and public services), from amelio- 
 rative (public assistance) to regenerative (urban renewal). Certain priori- 
 ties are suggested by the findings summarized in this report: 
 
 (1) Excessive emphasis has been placed, in the past, upon ameliorative 
 programs which offer only a minimum and highly inadequate income to the 
 disadvantaged residents of the study area. Since these measures provide very 
 limited opportunities for employment and for retraining, the circumstances 
 which initially led to unemployment and/or poverty remain essentially 
 unchanged. Legislative bodies which claim to be economy-minded dole out 
 millions of dollars each year for palliatives while refusing to support far- 
 reaching reforms which could ultimately reduce the problem of unemployment 
 and underemployment to reasonable dimensions. 
 
 (2) There is an overwhelming need for new and improved public facili- 
 ties in the study area: administrative and community centers, clinics, 
 schools, recreational centers, and so forth. Such improvements, however, 
 should not take the form of mere expansions or duplications of existing faci- 
 lities. Imaginative and even daring programs are needed to improve housing, 
 establish continuing communication with recent immi grant s , and mobilize 
 
72. 
 
 resources of local leadership. 
 
 (3) The provision of jobs rates a high priority. The generally low 
 level of skill among the hard-core unemployed creates a dilemma for policy- 
 makers: should efforts he focused upon the creation of unskilled jobs, 
 which are low paid and vulnerable to automation, or upon retraining to 
 qualify unemployed persons for higher-skill jobs? Any extensive program of 
 area redevelopment must also encounter another disturbing question: will 
 newly established firms and industries recruit significant numbers of study 
 area residents, or, for one reason or another, will they bring workers from 
 other areas? The fact that the study area is already adjacent to industrial 
 centers like Vernon and Huntington Park makes this question especially perti- 
 nent. 
 
 In examining the feasibility of industrial or commercial redevelopment, 
 we seek to test the premises upon which that approach is based: (l) lack 
 of adequate, low-interest financing is a major obstacle to the development 
 of new job-creating enterprises which have a sound economic potential; 
 (2) those enterprises, when developed, will recruit their workers from the 
 ranks of the unemployed in the area, or, at least, will indirectly help to 
 generate jobs for the unemployed or underemployed; (3) market conditions are 
 such that these firms will be willing and able to remain in the area for a 
 substantial period of time; and (k) the competitive situation is such that 
 there will be a net reduction in unemployment rather than merely a redistri- 
 bution (as there might be if the establishment of new firms caused competi- 
 tive firms to reduce employment or liquidate entirely) . 
 
 Without providing a definitive answer, preliminary studies by 
 Institute staff suggest some of the factors, both positive and negative, 
 which must be considered in relation to the problem of industrial location. 
 These factors are summarized in the next section of this report. 
 
73- 
 
 VI 
 
 INDUSTRIAL LOCATION AND LAND USE 
 
 The ARA study area and its environs, particularly the Vernon and Hunting- 
 ton Park communities, are not the primary centers of industrial activity for 
 which they were noted in the pre -World War II period, but there remain notice- 
 able concentrations of certain types of manufacturing enterprises. In earlier 
 years of this century, when Los Angeles was generally regarded as a residential 
 paradise rather than as an industrial center, industry tended to be concentrated 
 in a few locations within the county. The onset of World War II caused or 
 accelerated the growth of major industry in several new areas, with the result 
 that important centers of industrial employment sprang up in communities 
 distant from the central part of Los Angeles. The rise of the aircraft indus- 
 try, for example, spawned the residential communities of Lakewood and Westchester 
 in the southern part of the county. Both population and industry shifted toward 
 the Santa Monica area and San Fernando Valley to the west and north and to the 
 Orange County - Long Beach areas to the south and east. 
 
 Our studies of industrial patterns in Los Angeles show that the newer 
 industries have tended to locate outside the central area. Using the 1963-64 
 Business Directory of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce as a guide, the 
 Institute staff has tabulated the distribution of firms by major industry group 
 and by location. Comparisons have been made between numbers and types of 
 firms located within or close to the study area and those located in the remain- 
 der of the county (see Table XV for tabulated results by certain selected 
 industries and definition of the areas involved) . The low incidence of aero- 
 space and aircraft, research and development, and electronics firms within our 
 defined area is immediately apparent from the tabulations. On the other hand, 
 
Ik. 
 
 industries such as apparel, aluminum, and steel, which have long been located 
 within the area, still tend to be concentrated there (though perhaps to a 
 lesser degree than formerly) . 
 
 Information has also been gathered and tabulated on the comparative sizes 
 of firms, according to a code provided by the Chamber's Business Directory. 
 A glance at Table XV will show that the firms in our defined area tend to be 
 relatively small, though some large firms are to be found in categories such 
 as petroleum and steel. It must be added that several large employers are 
 located within a reasonable distance of the area: Worth American Aviation in 
 Downey and Northrop Aviation in Hawthorne, among others. 
 
 It is extremely difficult to obtain accurate and reliable data on the 
 location or relocation of industries within Southern California and the precise 
 reasons which govern business decisions in this regard. The Business Directory 
 published under the auspices of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce is incom- 
 plete to the extent that it includes only those firms which are Chamber members, 
 or have come to the attention of the Directory staff in some other way. The 
 listings of new or expanded firms published by the Chamber monthly are deficient 
 for the same reason. Through the cooperation of the Business Extension Bureau 
 in Los Angeles, an organization which specializes in information on business 
 location, the Institute has acquired access to the names and addresses of 
 several hundred firms which have recently located or relocated within the 
 various Southern California counties, either inside or outside the ABA study 
 area. In collaboration with the Los Angeles Area Economic Development Agency, 
 
 many of these employers have been interviewed to ascertain the major factors 
 
 1 
 which have induced them to locate where they have. 
 
 1 
 See the attached report by Joel Leidner, which summarizes the results of 
 these interviews. 
 
75. 
 
 Certain observations can now be offered relative to the factors which 
 influence employers to locate, or not to locate, within the study area. Most 
 of those interviewed, including businessmen and others with knowledge of the 
 area, emphasize land cost and availability as major determinants of business 
 location. At the present time, an important deterrent to new plant location 
 within the study area is the relative scarcity of large parcels of undeveloped 
 land, along with the fact that the value of land used for nonindustrial pur- 
 poses is even higher than the value of land for manufacturing or commercial 
 uses. Of course, the building deterioration characteristic of many parts of 
 the area increases the reluctance of businessmen to locate there. The major 
 problems to be solved in any program of industrial redevelopment are the 
 following: 
 
 (l) Land availability: Nearly all the land in the area has already been 
 
 developed for residential, commercial, or industrial uses. One of the few large 
 
 parcels of land, in the Willowbrook area adjoining the ARA study area on the 
 
 south, was recently zoned for development by the Ardmore Corporation for a 
 
 cooperative apartment complex of more than 2,000 units, under a zone variance 
 
 granted by the Regional Planning Commission and sustained by the Board of 
 
 Supervisors despite opposition from many residents of the surrounding community. 
 
 It now appears, however, that this project has been abandoned. Wrigley Field, 
 
 in the center of the study area, is currently unused and might be converted to 
 
 non-athletic uses, but the size of the site is quite small (only ten acres) and 
 
 2 
 it appears to be suitable primarily for various public purposes. Businessmen 
 
 2 
 See attached report by Steve Weiner on alternative uses for Wrigley Field. 
 
76. 
 
 seeking large sites for manufacturing or commercial purposes, with adequate 
 parking facilities, would normally be compelled to purchase several smaller 
 parcels of developed land and demolish the existing structures. 
 
 (2) Comparative land values: Related to the above is the relatively- 
 high cost of land zoned for manufacturing or commercial use. According to 
 estimates by real estate brokers, land cost is $1.25 per square foot in south 
 central Los Angeles and $1.50 per square foot in the manufacturing district of 
 East Los Angeles, compared with hOcfi to k5$ per square foot in the City of 
 Industry and 700 to 750 in La Mirada (near Orange County) . The value of land foi 
 residential purposes in the south central area is much higher: about $2.50 
 
 per square foot for land zoned R-l (single-family residences) in the vicinity 
 of the Willowbrook area mentioned previously. For this reason, businessmen 
 may be tempted to realize a profit on their land in the study area by selling 
 it to a developer for residential uses and relocating in an area of lower-cost 
 manufacturing or commercial land (see Table XVI for comparative M-l land 
 costs) . 
 
 (3) Relative smallness of building size in the study area: Firms con- 
 sidering an expansion of facilities find that existing structures on adjacent 
 land are usually too small for their purposes. As it is one of the older 
 industrial-commercial sections, facilities of 7,500 square feet or more are 
 not typical. Land costs referred to above make it unfeasible, under normal 
 circumstances, to expand by buying adjoining parcels and redeveloping them. 
 Many of the existing buildings, of course, are old and tend to be in substandard 
 condition. 
 
 (2-0 Title clearance: In these older sections of Los Angeles, diffi- 
 culties are sometimes encountered with respect to title clearance on land and 
 property. In cases where title may be clouded, businessmen are reluctant to 
 
77. 
 
 become involved in pjssible litigation. Experts on real estate have often 
 referred to this problem as a deterrent to property develrpment in the area. 
 
 (5) Zoning: This does not appear to be a formidable barrier to indus- 
 trial redevelopment, since much of the area is already zoned for manufacturing 
 and/or commercial uses and the projected trend, as indicated by our study of 
 applications for zone changes, seems to be in the direction of increased CM 
 (Commercial and Manufacturing) and M-l (Limited Industrial) zoning. Neverthe- 
 less, the development of new industrial or commercial enterprises in areas 
 adjacent to residential communities continues to pose problems. The opposition 
 to the Ardmore proposal, which involved the construction of a multi-unit resi- 
 dential property, is a similar case in point, and it seems possible that the 
 opposition would have been at least as intense if an effort had been made to 
 develop the land entirely for industrial or commercial purposes. 
 
 (6) Population movement and transportation facilities: The movement of 
 population has been away from the central area and toward the other parts of 
 the metropolitan region, a movement accompanied and probably accelerated by the 
 construction of new freeway complexes throughout Southern California. Many of 
 the large, newly constructed shopping centers are located close to freeways 
 which serve an extensive and rapidly growing population. As population 
 spreads further into the "fringe" areas, firms move closer to their potential 
 markets and sources of labor supply. Employers interviewed thus far have 
 anticipated no difficulties in recruiting a work force when they relocate to 
 the more distant areas. 
 
 These negative factors, reflected in the completed employer interviews, 
 must be weighed against the emerging positive attractions of the study area 
 for industrial and commercial redevelopment. While it is not yet possible to 
 evaluate these attractions in precise quantitative terms, their substance may 
 
78. 
 
 be summarized as follows: 
 
 (1) The minority-group population of the study area is growing rapidly, 
 
 and new businesses which intelligently serve the needs of this population are 
 
 3 
 likely to meet a favorable response. Further, various ongoing or projected 
 
 public programs are intended to raise income levels in this area, which will 
 
 generate expanding markets for business products. 
 
 (2) As new industry has dispersed throughout Southern California, 
 available undeveloped sites have diminished in the outlying areas. Land 
 costs in some of the recently developed communities, such as the City of 
 Commerce, are now considerably higher than in the ARA study area (see Table 
 XVI). The remaining acreages zoned for manufacturing purposes are often 
 located far from the major population centers . 
 
 (3) The ARA study area encompasses downtown Los Angeles, and certain 
 types of firms find it desirable or necessary to locate close to the downtown 
 section. 
 
 {h) There is a plentiful supply of unemployed or underemployed labor in 
 the study area. While the existing work force is relatively unskilled, 
 various retraining and educational programs will progressively raise the level 
 of skill. 
 
 (5) Existing and proposed freeways make this area reasonably accessible 
 for large numbers of people. Improvements in public transportation could con- 
 ceivably increase the attractiveness of the area fjr new business development. 
 
 It is still too early to make any final assessment of these factors. 
 At this stage, however, it would appear that industrial redevelopment must be 
 
 3 
 See the attached report by Kay Gannon on retail food trade in the study 
 area. 
 
79- 
 
 considered primarily in the context of a broader area development program 
 which encompasses education and training, improved housing and health, 
 delinquency prevention, transportation, and new community facilities. 
 
 The accompanying reports by Mr. Joel Leidner and Mr. Robert Singleton, 
 on factors in industrial location and transportation problems respectively, 
 illustrate the complexity of area redevelopment in the midst of a heavily 
 populated central city. Indeed, the problems in Los Angeles are perhaps 
 more acute than in other communities because of the size and decentraliza- 
 tion of the area and the relative absence of an efficient system of public 
 transportation. These barriers impede any public policy designed to provide 
 work for the unemployed or underemployed: unavailability and high cost of 
 land in the central area make it difficult to bring industry closer to the 
 centers of unemployment, and a combination of low skills, discrimination, 
 and poor transportation makes it equally hard to bring unemployed workers to 
 the distant areas where jobs may be available. 
 
 As a test of the findings reflected in Mr. Leidner' s extensive inter- 
 views with employers throughout the Los Angeles area, the Institute staff has 
 investigated the relative prices asked by owners of industrial properties, 
 or land zoned for industrial use, in the central area and in the newer 
 industrial areas located in the eastern part of the county. Staff members 
 first checked the "industrial Property - For Sale" columns of the Los 
 Angeles Times ' weekend classified section for several successive weeks in 
 June and July of 1964, selecting a broad sampling of properties offered for 
 sale during that period. Telephone and personal contacts were then initiated 
 with brokers for the purpose of obtaining additional information on prices 
 per square foot, total acreage, and similar data. 
 
 The results of these inquiries are summarized in the two accompanying 
 maps. Information was gathered on eleven properties located within or 
 
 789-89} 0-65-7 
 
80. 
 
 adjacent to the ARA study area in central Los Angeles, seven of which included 
 buildings. One broker stated that the property "must be cleared" and offered 
 the land at a minimum price of $1-39 per square foot; other properties with 
 buildings ranged in price from $3-75 to $10.00 per square foot. Open land, 
 zoned for manufacturing use, ranged from $1-35 "to $3-75 per square foot in 
 the same general area. On the other hand, five industrial properties in the 
 City of Industry, all open land in the eastern half of the county, ranged 
 from 26^ to k6<£ per square foot. While these properties are located far 
 from the downtown area, a number of references were made to existing or pro- 
 jected freeway improvements as an inducement to the location of new industry 
 there. It is also significant that the acreages available in the City of 
 Industry are ordinarily much larger than the industrial plots in the central 
 city. 
 
 Cities such as Industry and Commerce follow a precedent established by 
 the incorporation in 1905 of the city of Vernon which adjoins the ARA study 
 area on the east. Vernon has long been one of the major industrial centers 
 of the Los Angeles area, but contains only a few residents (208 in I96U). 
 Its incorporation, obviously, is intended primarily to benefit the business 
 firms which are located, or intend to locate, within its boundaries. Both 
 Industry and Commerce are recently incorporated cities, the former in 1957 
 and the latter in i960. Though it covers an extensive area, the City of 
 Industry has a 196^ residential population of Jk6. The City of Commerce has 
 a more respectable population total: 10,538- Interestingly, while relatively 
 few businessmen in the Institute survey emphasized taxes as a major determi- 
 nant of their plant's location, low taxes were mentioned prominently by 
 industrial realtors offering propertv for sale in the City of Commerce. 
 
 The differential effects of tax and assessment policies appear to 
 aggravate the problems of substandard housing and socially undesirable land 
 
81. 
 
 usage. If it can be assumed that property improvements should he encouraged 
 and deterioration penalized by the tax system, clearly the existing proce- 
 dures have precisely the opposite result. Owners of vacant land or poorly 
 improved and undermaintained property in the central city find it profitable 
 to retain such properties for considerable periods of time in anticipation 
 of speculative gains from a general rise in values. No statistical proof of 
 this fact can be as impressive as the direct empirical evidence of visual 
 observation as one drives through the minority-group sections of the city 
 and notes the startling number of deserted stores and dilapidated buildings, 
 many of them decorated with graying campaign posters and other signs of age . 
 Paradoxically, these properties often rest on some of the most expensive 
 land in the county. 
 
 The evidence at hand, fragmentary and inconclusive as it may be, 
 suggests that vacant land and "slum" properties tend to be underassessed 
 in relation to normally maintained residential and commercial properties. 
 While there are legitimate doubts about the validity of several of the 
 procedures used and the accuracy of absolute figures contained in the various 
 studies, there appears to be little reason to question the correctness of 
 the general pattern of relationships which emerges. The available findings 
 indicate that the ratio of assessed to market valuation is lowest in the 
 
 case of vacant land, intermediate in the case of ''slum" properties, and 
 
 k 
 highest in the case of commercial and standard residential properties. 
 
 k 
 
 One such study was conducted in 1963 by a private research firm for the 
 Statewide Homeowners Association of California, encompassing a survey of the 
 assessed and market valuations of a sampling of properties drawn from list- 
 ings of realtors and similar sources. This study concluded, in part, that 
 in Los Angeles County commercial properties were assessed at an average 
 
 (footnote k continued on next page) 
 
82. 
 
 The complexity of tax lavs, not only those which relate directly to 
 property taxation but also those which relate to the depreciation cr improve- 
 ment of property for federal income tax purposes, admittedly makes it diffi- 
 cult to move effectively and expeditiously against this problem. The legis- 
 lature of the State of Hawaii, in its 1963 session, enacted a law establishing 
 differential property tax rates designed to "encourage development of vacant 
 or underdeveloped lands." This law, patterned after similar legislation 
 already in effect in the city of Pittsburgh, will become effective on January 
 1, 1965. Its essence is that properties are classified according to their 
 best use, and tax rates are adjusted over time to place a relatively heavier 
 tax burden on properties that are vacant. The experience under this legisla- 
 tion should be examined carefully over the coming year and thereafter to 
 
 (footnote k continued from previous page 
 
 ratio of 20.0 percent of current market value, non-slum residential properties 
 at I8.9 percent, slum properties at 10.1 percent, and vacant lots and acreage 
 at 6.0 percent. A general objection to this survey is that the organization 
 which commissioned it — the Statewide Homeowners Association -- is already 
 committed to the principle that homeowners are overtaxed relative to owners 
 of vacant land and "slumlords," and therefore it might not have been conducted 
 objectively. The survey group admits that a purely random sampling of cases 
 was impractical, and thus an "availability" sample was used which necessarily 
 involves a number of subjective judgments. Even at best, the market valua- 
 tions placed on properties by sellers and brokers are subject to some discount, 
 and the survey administrators did indeed discount such prices by percentages 
 ranging from about 5 to 10 percent. In addition, approximately 120 cases were 
 rejected from the sample because "the data appeared inconsistent with known 
 information." Manifestly a high degree of subjective judgment was involved in 
 these determinations, and it is difficult to evaluate what effect these exclu- 
 sions might have had on the ultimate results. With the possible exception of 
 this last-mentioned case, it is presumed that these various factors affected 
 the market values of different properties in a roughly similar way, leaving 
 the relationships essentially the same although the absolute figures may 
 change. Unfortunately, a completely objective and scientific survey of assess- 
 ments and market values by type of property is not available, and may perhaps 
 be impossible. 
 
83- 
 
 ascertain if it offers a possible precedent for like revision in the California 
 
 5 
 tax laws. 
 
 The relationship of land use in the study area to federal income tax lavs 
 relating to property depreciation, capital gains, and other factors is a com- 
 plex subject beyond the scope of this report, but it would appear from various 
 comments made to the authors that the tax laws do little to discourage the 
 ownership of unimproved or poorly maintained properties. The process of 
 property exchanging is apparently one way by which the depreciation provisions 
 may work to the advantage of such property owners. Vacant or fully depreciated 
 properties may be exchanged for depreciable improved properties with substan- 
 tial advantages to the exchangers. The net result, in the study area, is 
 
 that "slum" properties remain valuable to a succession of owners, few of whom 
 
 6 
 are motivated to improve housing for the tenants. 
 
 One startling consequence of the many problems described in this section 
 
 of the report is that the actual land use pattern of much of the study area 
 
 bears little relationship to the zoning. Professor Fred Case of the UCLA 
 
 Graduate School of Business Administration has found that residential 
 
 5 
 The law described here is titled Act 142 " Graded Property Tax Law " of the 
 1963 General Legislative Session , State of Hawaii^ This description of the law 
 is based upon a Tax Information Release of the Department of Taxation, State of 
 Hawaii, October 1, 1963. An example of the operation of this legislation is 
 given in the appendix to this report. 
 
 6 
 
 Descriptions of property exchanges in relation to tax advantages may be found 
 in Richard R. Reno, Profitable Real Estate Exchanging , Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 
 Prentice-Hall, 1956, Chapter 20, pp. 207-221; Real Estate Exchanges , published 
 by National Institute of Real Estate Brokers of the National Association of 
 Real Estate Boards, October 1951, Section 3, pp. 27-31; and, especially, 
 William J. Casey, et al. , Real Estate Exchanges and How to Make Them , New York, 
 Institute for Business Planning, 1964, pp. 8-22, 45-51. 
 
84. 
 
 properties are frequently located in areas zoned for manufacturing or commerce 
 
 only, and vice versa (see attached report by Dr. Case). 
 
 The problems of the central city, each of which is intensified in the 
 
 ARA study area, were well described recently by Professor Roger Revelle of 
 
 Harvard University: 
 
 The new problems of the giant future cities are frightening to con- 
 template, but the most severe urban problem of today is not new. It is 
 an old problem that has disgraced American cities for a hundred years: 
 the problem of the slums. Blight, poverty, over-crowding, maintenance 
 and renewal are all aspects of this old problem. It has been deepened 
 in urgency by the great Negro migrations from the rural South to the rings 
 of misery around our central cities. Weapons of many kinds are needed to 
 attack this problem, but among them are some possible legal devices re- 
 lated to land use: changes in income tax laws to compel use of deprecia- 
 tion allowances for building maintenance; changes in property assessment 
 procedures so as not to reward landlords who let their property decay; 
 requirements of compliance with building codes as a condition of sale; 
 refusal to base prices for public acquisition on incomes from illegal 
 use; municipal use of rents to remedy building violations.' 
 
 7 
 Roger Revelle, "Environment: Land, Air, Water," in America Tomorrow : 
 Creati ng the Great Society , a special issue of New Republic magazine, November 
 T, 19657 p. 2o\ 
 
Mt . 
 Washington 
 
 5- 9th £ 5 Wall 
 2- story bldg. 
 16,800 sq. ft. 
 $6.25 sq. ft. 
 
 E. 4th St. near Fre 
 34,000 sq. ft. 
 3 story bldg. 
 $4.12 sq. fV** s, S Sto / 
 '" *+ West lab 
 
 4010 Whiteside : 
 106,700 sq ft. 
 $2.00 sq. ft. 
 
 ^3oyle> 
 y> Ile^Lghi^ 
 
 1600 E. 25 St- 
 72,000 sq. ft. 
 
 $1.39 minimum 
 must he cleared 
 
 .a. 
 
 San Pedro & Jeff. 
 2 story bldg. 
 
 12,000 sq. ft. 
 $3.75 sq. ft. 
 
 11. 7006 Stanford Ave. 
 1 story bldg. 
 23,400 sq. ft. 
 $S.34 sq. ft. 
 
 92nd & Alameda 
 15,000 sq. ft. 
 building 
 $4.00 sq. ft. 
 
 \6. lllth PI. & Avalon 
 152,000 sq. ft. 
 $1-35 sq. ft. 
 
 COMPARATIVE LAND COSTS 
 Central Los Angeles 
 

 
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87. 
 
 VII 
 JOBS FOR THE UNEMPLOYED 
 
 There are, of course, alternatives to a program of industrial or commer- 
 cial redevelopment as a means of providing employment for the unemployed or 
 underemployed. In an economy characterized by labor surpluses in some areas 
 and labor shortages in others, job openings in one occupation and job seekers 
 in another, it is possible that better methods of job referral and redefini- 
 tions of job requirements would be effective in reducing the volume and sever- 
 ity of unemployment. Even the "orthodox" economists will admit that frictions 
 and rigidities in the labor market prevent the attainment of full employment, 
 which, in their view, would otherwise be assured through the natural long-run 
 processes of competition. 
 
 The fundamental problem which we confront is that job opportunities for 
 the unskilled and semiskilled workers, who constitute the bulk of the hard-core 
 unemployed, appear to be diminishing under the impact of automation and other 
 changes. Retraining, thus far, has been of limited immediate benefit to these 
 workers. Even on the assumption that the educational and training process can 
 be remolded to fit the changing needs of the economy, it is uncertain whether 
 the presently unemployed will reap significant gains from such improvements. 
 
 The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 proposes a variety of approaches to 
 this immediate problem. There are, in addition, certain proposals which could 
 be implemented within a reasonable period, though it is problematical whether 
 the large organizations involved are prepared to move expeditiously. Such 
 proposals fall roughly into the following categories: (l) Those relating to 
 improved methods of communication of and referral to existing job openings; 
 (2) those relating to the creation of new jobs; and (3) those relating to the 
 
88. 
 
 greater utilization of domestic unemployed persons in jobs, such as farm work, 
 which are currently performed "by Mexican nationals. 
 
 Methods of Job Referral 
 
 There is little disagreement in principle with the assertion that systems 
 of job referral and placement should be improved to the end that information 
 about existing or potential job openings is relayed quickly to the unemployed. 
 For the poor, the State Employment Service, affiliated with the United States 
 Employment Service, represents virtually the only available source from which 
 such information can be obtained systematically. Yet the size of the Los 
 Angeles area adds to the already complex burdens which the Service must carry 
 and further widens the gulf between jobs and job seekers. 
 
 In Los Angeles County, the operations of the Employment Service are 
 decentralized in approximately two dozen offices scattered throughout the 
 4,000 square miles. Six of these offices --Apparel, Casual Labor, Commercial, 
 Industrial, Service, and Professional — serve special industrial groups, and 
 an additional one is designated as a Youth Office, while the others are "full- 
 functioning" offices serving all groups within specified administrative areas. 
 Locations of the latter range from San Fernando in the north to Long Beach 
 in the south, from Santa Monica in the west to Whittier in the east (offices 
 in the far eastern and far northern parts of the county are in another dis- 
 trict) . 
 
 In addition to its "mainstream" operation, through which most of its 
 registrants are processed, each office administers a number of special pro- 
 grams designed to assist those groups which encounter particular difficulties 
 in the labor market: minority-group workers, older workers, physically 
 handicapped, youth, and parolees (veterans are also served by a specialist, in 
 
89- 
 
 accordance with a venerable policy of government) . Because the Service is 
 
 under continuous pressure to maintain a record of interviews, counseling 
 
 sessions, and placements, and because its personnel are concerned about the 
 
 image of the Service in the eyes of employers, the establishment of special 
 
 services for diffi cult-to-place workers, without a corresponding expansion of 
 
 staff and hours allotted to counseling and placement activities, arouses 
 
 mixed feelings. Department personnel assert, with much justification, that 
 
 it is impossible to perform both the mainstream and the special functions with 
 
 1 
 equal effectiveness within current budgetary limitations . 
 
 The difficulties encountered in serving the residents of the ARA study 
 area are particularly intense. Since a high proportion of them are Negroes 
 and Mexican Americans with low levels of education and skill, discrimination 
 in the labor market adds to the already complex problems of placement. Many 
 employers — the precise number is impossible to estimate — undoubtedly re- 
 frain from listing jobs with the Employment Service because of its nondiscrim- 
 ination policies, or, at least, list only those jobs in which Negroes and 
 Mexican Americans are commonly employed. The degree of enforcement of the 
 official nondiscrimination policy appears to vary somewhat from one office to 
 another and from one staff member to another; while overtly discriminatory 
 job orders are not accepted in any office, many employers have found ways of 
 defeating the intent of this policy and, in all probability, some service per- 
 sonnel discreetly observe the restrictions which they know are in effect at 
 particular firms. Again, the pressure on each office to maintain an 
 
 1 
 This and the following paragraphs are based in part on a study of the "older 
 worker" program of the California State Employment Service, conducted by 
 Mr. Paul Bullock of the Institute staff in I962. 
 
90. 
 
 impressive placement record is largely responsible for this divergence 
 between policy and practice. 
 
 Overt discrimination on the job is, of course, only a part of the overall 
 problem. The residence patterns within the larger Los Angeles community, 
 which restrict Negroes and some Mexican Americans to ghettos in or close to 
 the central city, make it difficult to bring together the job listings in the 
 suburban offices and the job applicants in the south central and East Los 
 Angeles offices. Thus, unskilled or semiskilled Negro workers will cluster 
 around one of the local offices in central or south central Los Angeles 
 awaiting a referral, while another local office, say in Van Nuys in the San 
 Fernando Valley, may have requests from an employer for several such workers. 
 The unemployed Negro, however, does not have equal opportunity for referral 
 to these openings. The standard operating procedure is first to make 
 referrals from qualified registrants at the branch office. Therefore, the 
 Negro worker, who for all practical purposes is barred from living in Van 
 Nuys, is not shown as a registrant at that office and will not have an oppor- 
 tunity for equal consideration. His only chance is the last chance. If the 
 Van Nuys office is unable to find a registrant, it may then advise the other 
 branches of the vacancy. 
 
 Manifestly there are powerful barriers to the referral of Negroes to 
 available jobs in the distant parts of the county. If job vacancies exist, 
 Negroes may not be referred because of housing patterns and the mechanics of 
 referrals from local Employment Service offices. If a referral is made, the 
 worker must make a long and expensive journey for an interview, which may 
 easily be abortive when discrimination is prevalent. Even if he is hired, 
 he faces the prospect of traveling the long distance every working day, 
 
91. 
 
 either by car on clogged freeways or by inadequate and time-consuming public 
 transportation. No solution to the problem of housing segregation is immi- 
 nent, and the creation of a workable rapid transit system involves technical, 
 political, and economic difficulties of great magnitude. However, it would 
 appear that in this age of computerized registration, recall, and referral 
 procedures, the mechanics of referring workers to jobs among the various 
 administrative areas of the Employment Service might well lend itself to 
 quick improvement. 
 
 The general effectiveness of the Employment Service, at least as a 
 source of valuable information on the labor market, would be enhanced by the 
 enactment of legislation encouraging greater employer use of the Service. 
 The Subcommittee on Employment and Manpower of the U.S. Senate Committee on 
 Labor and Public Welfare recommended in April, 196h, that: 
 
 Unemployment insurance regulations should be amended to extend 
 added experience rating advantages to employers agreeing to list all 
 job vacancies with the public employment service. Employers engaged 
 on government contracts should also be required to list all job open- 
 ings with the Employment Service. The employer would not be required 
 to place job orders with nor accept referrals from the Service. The 
 complete listing would allow more intelligent occupational decisions 
 and job search and furnish important labor market information not now 
 available. 
 
 The subcommittee also recommended the provision of funds which would 
 enable the Employment Service "to employ an adequate number of well-trained 
 employment counselors who can concentrate on individual problems as a 
 means of helping the individual resolve those employment problems, motivat- 
 ing him, and of following through with him until he is in useful employment. 
 In order to do so, means must be sought, if necessary through Federal 
 legislation, to enable payment of adequate salaries to attract 
 
92. 
 
 „2 
 
 professionally trained counselors for State employment services. 
 
 The subcommittee's report correctly points out that the functions and 
 responsibilities of the Service have expanded enormously in recent years, 
 and that existing and projected programs will increase its role even more. 
 An adequately funded, smoothly functioning Employment Service can be a 
 major asset in any program to facilitate labor mobility, both among geogra- 
 phic areas and among occupations. In the Los Angeles area, with its distances 
 and its decentralization, such a program is indispensable. 
 
 Further efforts should be made to rescue the Employment Service from 
 the dilemma in which the conflicting demands of public policy have placed 
 it. The staff of the Service still faces the difficult task of carrying on 
 programs for the "marginal" workers of the economy, while at the same time 
 meeting the stipulations of employers who seek employees of high quality. 
 Since it is difficult to reconcile these respective demands within a single 
 operation, it might be desirable to explore the possibility of separating 
 the mainstream from the special functions, administratively and perhaps 
 even physically, in order that the specialists and other personnel serving 
 disadvantaged workers might be able to perform their responsibilities without 
 the necessity of meeting artificially established standards of placement 
 and counseling. The mainstream functions could then be administered more 
 efficiently and with close observance of employer specifications, and the 
 
 2 
 
 The report cited in these paragraphs is Toward Full Employment : Proposals 
 for a Comprehensive Employment and Manpower Policy in the United States , 
 Subcommittee on Employment and Manpower, Committee on Labor and Public Wel- 
 fare, U.S. Senate, 88th Congress, 2nd Session, l$6k f pp. 96-97. 
 
93- 
 
 erstwhile "marginal" workers could be transferred to mainstream for routine 
 placement after their completion of such counseling, testing, and retrain- 
 ing as is deemed necessary by the specialists. This change, plus the physi- 
 cal separation of the Employment Service and Unemployment Insurance offices 
 which has already been accomplished in many areas, might improve the Ser- 
 vice's image in the eyes of those employers who have traditionally regarded 
 it as the "unemployment office" serving the least qualified members of the 
 labor force. 
 
 Creation of New Jobs 
 
 An item appearing in the Los Angeles Times for November 20, 1964, 
 
 emphasizes one area in which new jobs for the unemployed might well be 
 
 created : 
 
 An official of the Los Angeles Teachers Association called 
 Thursday for employment of security personnel on school grounds to 
 "help maintain order." 
 
 Citing the beating of a Washington High School teacher Tuesday 
 by teen-age hoodlums, Joseph M. Brooks, executive secretary of the 
 association, told the board: 
 
 "I am personally convinced that the time has come when the major 
 school systems of our nation must employ adequate well-trained numbers 
 of security personnel to help maintain order in and about our public 
 school grounds . " 
 
 It is rather evident that those persons most effective in dealing 
 
 with situations of this type might well be the youngsters in the age group 
 
 and with backgrounds similar to those of the perpetrators of such incidents. 
 
 The new security positions, for which there is an admitted need, could 
 
 either provide part-time employment for pupils in school (many of whom 
 
 might otherwise drop out) or full-time employment for out-of-school youth. 
 
 The selection and training process would screen out those who are 
 
9*. 
 
 emotionally or otherwise unqualified for such work. 
 
 The process of creating new jobs, frequently by reorganizing or redefining 
 already existing jobs, has a long history. In every period of extreme labor 
 shortage, such as during World War II, tasks have been evaluated and simplified 
 so that certain parts can be performed by workers with lower levels of skill, 
 training, and experience. This process, sometimes called (perhaps unfortu- 
 nately) "job dilution," can again be revived to lessen unemployment in critical 
 areas of the economy, notably in the public sector. 
 
 Experimentation in the area of job creation, particularly for the benefit 
 of disadvantaged lower-class youth, has recently been conducted by the Center 
 for Youth and Community Studies at Howard University, Washington, D.C 
 Dr. Arthur Pearl, Associate Director in charge of Research at the Center, has 
 noted in a review of demonstration programs throughout the country that "... 
 persons from economically disadvantaged backgrounds with limited formal educa- 
 tion can, with a brief training experience, be of value in a variety of techni- 
 
 3 
 cal roles." He cites successful programs in Flint, Michigan; New York State; 
 
 New York City; and the State of California. 
 
 For a number of reasons, Pearl believes that the creation of such jobs is 
 
 primarily a duty of government, and that the new positions should become a 
 
 permanent part of the fabric of civil service. The educational system, in 
 
 particular, is a potential source of job opportunities for relatively untrained 
 
 persons. Beginning with the position of Education Aide, which would involve 
 
 3 
 Forging New Careers : A New Approach to the Problems of Poverty , an unpublished 
 paper by Dr. Arthur Pearl. 
 
95. 
 
 generally routine functions such as supervision of recess and lunchtime activi- 
 ties, the newly employed youngBter could (with added education and experience) 
 progress up a scale of jobs with increasing responsibility and pay, perhaps 
 even assuming certain defined teaching and tutorial functions. In addition to 
 carrying out some of the routine but time-consuming tasks which currently 
 
 burden teachers, the aides could provide assistance in many ways to children 
 
 k 
 at home, where little educational support is otherwise given. 
 
 With appropriate planning, such new positions can be created with little, 
 if any, increase in the expenditures which would otherwise be required. Since 
 the performance of these auxiliary functions by aides would permit teachers to 
 expand their classroom time and utilize it more efficiently, the future demand 
 for additional teachers would be reduced below the level which would be other- 
 wise necessary. At the same time, the creation of new positions would both 
 provide employment opportunities for disadvantaged youngsters and improve their 
 morale and motivation, because the work would serve a genuine and universally 
 recognized social need. 
 
 One project which demonstrates the feasibility of this approach is the 
 tutorial program of the Western Student Movement, under which college and even 
 high school students are recruited to tutor youngsters from disadvantaged 
 areas who need additional help with their studies. The success of this private 
 voluntary effort indicates that there is a widespread need for the kind of 
 supplemental educational assistance which it provides. A large-scale program, 
 financed publicly, could recruit many thousands of indigenous youngsters resid- 
 ing in the areas of greatest social and economic deprivation, each of whom 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 785-893 0-65-8 
 
96. 
 
 would establish immediate rapport with youngsters of similar "backgrounds and 
 would themselves benefit academically and otherwise from the experience. 
 
 The principle reflected in the preceding suggestions could well be applied 
 to other sectors of the economy: social work, health services, recreational 
 programs, and so forth. In the field of social welfare, for example, it is 
 recognized that case workers administering the various public assistance pro- 
 grams now have time and opportunity only for the most routine and standardized 
 contacts with their clients. Counseling directed to individual problems is 
 virtually impossible under this system. Reports and paper work require an 
 inordinate amount of time and effort on the part of the underpaid social 
 workers. The utilization of indigenous personnel drawn from areas of greatest 
 need could ease the burden on the case worker and provide additional job 
 opportunities in a field of immense social importance. 
 
 Public health is still another field in which new and meaningful oppor- 
 tunities could be created for the disadvantaged members of society. In addi- 
 tion to the performance of the more routine medical functions, community 
 health workers could counsel newly arrived immigrants on various problems 
 related to personal hygiene, sanitation, diet, and so forth. Newcomers could 
 be briefed on the health services available to them and their families. 
 Local mental health clinics could also utilize indigenous personnel in identi- 
 fying emotional and psychological problems in the area and providing personal 
 counseling where necessary and feasible. 
 
 Disadvantaged youngsters or adults could serve usefully as assistants to 
 playground directors, swimming pool supervisors, coaches, and other recre- 
 ational workers, especially in those areas where gang activities and other 
 delinquency problems are now common. Experimental projects undertaken by the 
 Center for Youth and Community Studies at Howard University have demonstrated 
 
97. 
 
 that, in some cases, former delinquents succeed in these capacities to a 
 
 significantly greater degree than do the trained professionals from nondelin- 
 
 5 
 quent middle-class backgrounds. 
 
 Additional useful services could well "be developed in connection with 
 public libraries in or near the disadvantaged areas. Since the members of 
 low-income families often have little contact with written materials and little 
 familiarity with library resources and their proper use, part-time or full- 
 time positions of Library Aide could be created in such areas. Incumbents in 
 these positions would assist library users in locating books and periodicals, 
 doing research for school papers, and other tasks. Library Aides, particularly 
 those recruited from the local community, could also perform a needed service 
 in identifying gaps in the library collections and in promoting further utili- 
 zation of the library among area residents . 
 
 It is important, of course, that these programs retain their indigenous 
 nature and avoid a transformation to middle-class orientation and control. 
 "A major criterion by which such demonstration must be gauged is the extent 
 to which the poor are employed by demonstration funds. If the aim of a pro- 
 gram is to aid the poor and resources are provided for such purposes, the pro- 
 gram is undermined when the majority of the persons employed in the program 
 
 are from 'the middle class.' Unless great care is taken, such perversion of 
 
 6 
 program is bound to occur." 
 
 In an effort to secure some estimate of the possible employment effects 
 
 of such a program, the Institute staff circulated a questionnaire to various 
 
 5 
 
 Private conversation with Dr. Arthur Pearl. 
 6 
 
 Unpublished paper by Dr. Pearl, op. cit. 
 
98. 
 
 public agencies which perform the type of functions most likely to provide a 
 "basis for job creation: the Los Angeles City Schools, the County Bureau of 
 Public Assistance, the health departments, departments of parks and recrea- 
 tion, etc. The questionnaire asked for estimates of the increase in personnel 
 required for given job categories, for the period 1964-1970. At this writing, 
 usable replies have been received from the City Schools and the Bureau of 
 Public Assistance, certainly the most probable sources of new employment in a 
 program of job creation. 
 
 The replies indicate that significant increases in the demand for 
 teachers and other school personnel and for social workers are anticipated in 
 the Los Angeles area. The City Schools estimate that the number of full-time 
 certificated elementary school teachers will rise from 10,539 i n 1963-64 to 
 13,079 in 1970-71, and the number of secondary school teachers will rise from 
 9,8^3 to 13,190 in the same period. The number of social workers, with 
 degrees, employed by the Bureau of Public Assistance will increase from 1,716 
 in mid-1964 to approximately 2,324 in 1970. If one additional low-skill job 
 were created for each of the above positions which existed in 1963-64, the 
 
 resulting total of new jobs would equal about 90 percent of the i960 unemploy- 
 
 7 
 ment figure in the ARA study area. (See Tables XVII and XVIII for more complete 
 
 breakdowns on school and BPA employment figures.) 
 
 Although there is widespread agreement as to the social need for 
 
 auxiliary positions in the field of education and social welfare, resistance 
 
 to the proposal will undoubtedly be strong in several quarters. Taxpayers' 
 
 groups may protest on the grounds that this will further increase the cost of 
 
 education and social welfare, but detailed explanations of the savings which 
 
 7 
 
 This is intended only as an illustration of the possible magnitude of jobs 
 which might be created, not as a specific proposal. 
 
99- 
 
 could be made elsewhere might soften such criticism. Perhaps the most potent 
 opposition would come from professional associations which anticipate either 
 an attack on "professional standards" or a reduction in job opportunities 
 and/or salaries for their members. Opposition of this nature can be met by- 
 assurances that the process of job creation will strengthen, rather than 
 weaken, the ability of certificated professionals to perform their duties, 
 and that the sellers' market for such professional services is likely to re- 
 main even after these supplemental positions have been instituted. Under any 
 circumstances, demonstration projects might well be launched in the Los 
 Angeles area to determine whether it is possible to create types of positions 
 which would serve a genuine need, provide employment for relatively unskilled 
 persons, and preserve professional standards at the same time. 
 
 Existing Sources of Employment 
 
 In an era of declining demand for workers with little education and skill, 
 it is ironical that a severe labor shortage is alleged to exist in the agri- 
 cultural fields of California. With the termination: :of '.the;-' 
 "bracero" program on January 1, I965, under which Mexican nationals have 
 entered this country for specified periods to perform unskilled work in agri- 
 culture, a bitter debate rages over the question of whether it is possible to 
 recruit a sufficient number of domestic workers to replace those braceros. 
 Growers and their spokesmen assert that the domestic unemployed are unsuited 
 for this onerous work and are unwilling to accept it at wages and working con- 
 ditions which the industry can afford to grant. Labor unions and other groups 
 counter that the available supply of American labor is more than adequate to 
 meet the need if agricultural employers will offer a decent standard of 
 living to their employees. 
 
100. 
 
 Since agriculture appears to "be the only major industry in the Southern 
 California area which provides a considerable volume of unskilled jobs which 
 could be filled immediately by unemployed persons in the ARA study area, the 
 authors of this report have undertaken to explore the conditions under which 
 the unemployed or underemployed might be recruited for farm work. The study 
 has been intended to throw light on the paradox of labor surpluses in the cen- 
 tral Los Angeles area and apparent labor shortages on the farms a relatively 
 few miles away, at a time when various agencies are investigating new ways by 
 which unskilled jobs can be developed. 
 
 For this purpose, a series of questions was inserted in the interview 
 
 schedule used in an extensive survey administered by the Institute of Indus- 
 
 8 
 trial Relations and the UCLA Survey Research Center in the study area. The 
 
 questions were designed primarily to elicit information on the number and pro- 
 portion of unemployed or underemployed persons who have had past experience in 
 farm work, their willingness to accept farm employment in California if it is 
 offered, and the conditions of their acceptance. Results are now available for 
 a random sample of 1,000 persons in the study area. A complete summary and 
 evaluation of survey findings, together with an analysis of farm labor problems 
 in general and recommendations for their solution, are contained in a special 
 
 report, After the Bracero , prepared by Fred H. Schmidt of the Institute staff. 
 
 9 
 
 Much of the following discussion is drawn from or based upon that report. 
 
 The first question to be raised and answered was whether domestic workers, 
 even those who have been farm workers sometime in the past, would be willing 
 
 8 
 
 The nature of this survey and its major findings are analyzed at some length 
 in the following chapter of this report. 
 9 
 
 That report has been published separately by the Institute of Industrial 
 Relations . 
 
101. 
 
 to accept such work in California under any circumstances. It has "been fre- 
 quently argued that native Americans are physically and culturally unfitted 
 for "stoop" labor (or other kinds of unusually hard work) and are resistant to 
 it by temperament. Consequently, the following question was posed to each 
 person interviewed: "Would you work out of Los Angeles as a farm laborer for 
 fixed periods if housing were free and free transportation was provided so 
 you could return regularly for a couple of days at a time?" It should be 
 noted that the arrangement suggested would allow the worker's family to re- 
 main at home in Los Angeles while he worked in the fields during periods of 
 peak labor demand. About 29 percent of all those in the total sample, which 
 includes "both men and women, responded affirmatively to that question. The 
 survey also determined that a substantial proportion of the study area's resi- 
 dents have performed farm work in the past. Exactly 3^ percent of the respon- 
 dents indicated that they were in this category. 
 
 A clearer picture of possible farm labor recruitment is obtained when the 
 analysis is limited only to the currently unemployed males in the sample, the 
 group best fitted for the available jobs and most acceptable to the growers. 
 Of the 3^2 unemployed men, exactly k^ percent indicated a willingness to accept 
 farm jobs under the specified conditions, and almost k-2 percent had done such 
 work in the past. Clearly there are no automatic cultural or psychological 
 barriers to the acceptance of farm employment by domestic workers. A substan- 
 tial percentage of men already have experience in it, and two-thirds of those 
 with experience will return to it if the circumstances and rewards are appro- 
 priate, Indeed, even the long hours sometimes required in agriculture consti- 
 tute no obstacle to recruitment, since almost 92 percent of unemployed men 
 willing to do farm labor would work ten hours a day if necessary. 
 
102. 
 
 It is not clear, however, whether the prevailing economic inducements 
 offered by the growers are sufficient to attract the unemployed men in the ARA 
 study area. Farm workers are not presently covered by unemployment insurance, 
 social security, private health insurance, or collective bargaining legisla- 
 tion (in California, workers in agriculture are protected by disability insur- 
 ance and workmen's compensation only), and wages, while highly variable, 
 appear to range mainly from $1.00 to $1.25 an hour. A little over one-quarter 
 of unemployed men willing to do farm work would expect an income of $65 a week 
 or less ($1.62 an hour or less for a regular ^0-hour week, and $1-30 an hour 
 or less for a 50-hour week) . Another 20 percent approximately would demand 
 between $65 and $79 a week, and another 29 percent from $80 to $100 weekly. 
 The relatively low wages in agriculture and its failure to provide fringe 
 benefits and normal social insurance coverage mean in effect that the economic 
 conditions are frequently inferior to the minimum standards established in 
 unemployment compensation and public assistance for the urban unemployed. 
 
 The evidence suggests that the absence of unemployment compensation bene- 
 fits is a serious deterrent to recruitment in any industry characterized by 
 seasonality and irregular production, as is agriculture to an intensified 
 degree. Workers in seasonal industries rely on such benefits to round out 
 their annual earnings. Some industries preserve a readily available work 
 force, even though production is irregular, by providing a meaningful annual 
 wage supplement in the form of unemployment insurance. Coverage of farm 
 workers in California would boost annual earnings and assist in the decasuali- 
 zation of the labor force. 
 
 It is also possible that the Manpower Development and Training Act might 
 be utilized as a vehicle for the provision both of additional benefits to 
 farm workers and of remedial education and training. Data from the surveys 
 
103- 
 
 made in Los Angeles reveal a low level of educational achievement among those 
 unemployed persons most likely to he attracted or reattracted to farm work. 
 This fact poses a special problem in the construction of manpower retraining 
 programs for these individuals. Whether the training program is directed 
 toward higher -ski lied farm jobs or jobs in industry, there often is much 
 basic education that must be provided before other job training can be 
 successfully offered to the trainee. 
 
 MDTA programs now in operation have shown a capacity to reach those 
 persons. Such programs can offer, under some circumstances, a training allow- 
 ance that provides income to the trainee while taking a training course, 
 offering a powerful incentive to the trainee to remain with the course set 
 for him. Recent amendments to the Act have increased allowances and permitted 
 part-time employment without reduction in pay during the period of training, 
 in addition to lengthening the maximum allowable training period to enable 
 trainees to undertake remedial educational courses. These new provisions 
 make it possible to organize programs for farm workers which could provide 
 both remedial and occupational training, permit them to obtain income by 
 working in the fields up to 20 hours per week, and pay them substantial 
 allowances. The inducement to the trainee to apply himself to the instruction 
 being given, and to accept his turn at work offerings in the fields, comes 
 from the assured income this arrangement promises over a rather extensive 
 period. 
 
 The training under this type of program must necessarily be flexible and 
 mobile, so that it would be adaptable to changes in time and location required 
 by the seasonality of agriculture. Surplus military housing could be made 
 available to serve as training centers in various parts of the state and for 
 
20k. 
 
 other purposes. Some steps have already been taken in this direction, and it 
 is likely that others will be equally feasible if a concentrated effort is 
 made to develop new approaches to the education of migratory workers. 
 
 If unemployed men in the study area are to be attracted to agricultural 
 employment on a week-haul basis, which would be least disruptive to family 
 and home life, farm employers obviously must be prepared to provide transpor- 
 tation (or transportation allowances), suitable housing for workers while 
 they are in the fields, and other benefits. Better and more reasonable 
 methods of supervision are also essential in agriculture, where the presence 
 of a guaranteed labor supply through the bracero program has heretofore not 
 encouraged the development of progressive supervisory techniques designed to 
 motivate workers and meet their personal needs. 
 
 Implicit in these and the other proposals advanced in the foregoing text 
 is an acceptance of the fact that the bracero program (Public Law 78) will be 
 discontinued. It is not possible to conceive wf any meaningful change being 
 made in the direction of a necessary restructuring of" the farm- labor market 
 unless and until there is a general acceptance of the fact that California 
 agriculture no longer need depend on a ready supply of foreign laborers, as 
 it has throughout its history. This is basic to any improvement in the 
 present situation. So long as there is any assurance that a reservoir of 
 foreign labor can readily be tapped to meet what appear to be shortages of 
 labor supply, there will be continuing postponements in reckoning with the 
 basic problems associated with farm labor. 
 
105 
 
 VIII 
 A PROFILE OF THE UNDERPRIVILEGED 
 
 One of the major "barriers to meaningful research in the subject matter of 
 this report is the absence of current data on the characteristics, problems, 
 and attitudes of the unemployed and underemployed. Most studies must rely on 
 whatever statistical information can be gleaned from the previous decennial 
 census, but any project undertaken in mid-decade, as ours has been, carries the 
 considerable burden of dependence upon statistics which are already obsolete 
 to a high degree. Further, many of the questions asked and responses published 
 by the Census Bureau are not specifically directed to the problems of a 
 "pocket of poverty" in a generally prosperous metropolitan area. It is diffi- 
 cult, for example, to derive useful data on the geographical and occupational 
 patterns of job-seeking among the unemployed, their social and economic aspira- 
 tions, their mobility within the area, their awareness of job or retraining 
 opportunities, and their overall perceptions of the labor market. 
 
 Reliance upon census data is especially hazardous for any project focused 
 upon an area as variable and unpredictable as the ARA study area. Freeway 
 construction, an urban renewal project (a rarity in Los Angeles, but most 
 likely to be located in our area), a rapid shift in ethnic composition, new 
 welfare legislation, and a myriad of other factors can lead to major changes 
 within a relatively short time. Indeed, each one of the factors specified 
 here has had a substantial impact on some part of the study area in the past 
 few years or months. 
 
 In the light of these problems, a comprehensive survey of study area 
 residents has been undertaken by the Institute of Industrial Relations and the 
 Survey Research Center at UCLA, for the purpose of obtaining current and 
 
106. 
 
 reasonably reliable information on a variety of questions: the labor force 
 status of each respondent, past employment history, methods and areas of job 
 search if unemployed, willingness to move, relationship with State Employment 
 Service, attitudes toward retraining, union status, education and training, 
 migration patterns, aspirations, economic status, sources of income or 
 assistance during periods of unemployment or underemployment, household compo- 
 sition, and personal background. The interview schedule was jointly formu- 
 lated by the Institute and the Survey Research Center. 
 
 The Survey Research Center has administered the survey and edited and 
 coded the completed interview forms. The initial interviewers were selected 
 and the interview schedules pretested in the early spring of 1964, and 
 several training sessions were held to familiarize each interviewer with 
 proper survey techniques and the nature of the information to be elicited. 
 Since the major part of the survey would be conducted in minority-group areas, 
 a particular effort was made to select interviewers who would represent the 
 predominant ethnic group in a given area and could, therefore, establish 
 rapport more readily. All interviewers in Mexican American areas, of course, 
 were Spanish-speaking. Interviewing proceeded without. interruption, from 
 
 March to early December of 1964. 
 
 The sampling problems presented by this survey have been especially 
 difficult. Originally the plan had been to select the sample of interviewees 
 from lists of unemployment compensation exhaustees, provided by the California 
 Department of Employment, and unemployed parents under the revised Aid to 
 Families with Dependent Children program, provided by the County Bureau of 
 Public Assistance. It was anticipated that the use of these lists would make 
 possible an intensive study of the long-term unemployed (defined as those 
 
10 7 
 
 unemployed for at least six months at the time of interview) within the brief 
 period of time available for completion of the survey. The Institute staff 
 was well aware that a sampling of this nature would introduce certain biases 
 into the survey, but it was felt that, even after discounting the results for 
 this reason, the interviews would provide invaluable and otherwise unobtain- 
 able data on a group of persons who are particularly difficult to reach 
 through any other channels. Limitations of time and cost naturally must be 
 considered in the selection of a sample. 
 
 Full and efficient cooperation was offered by both of the agencies in 
 providing such lists. Names of persons to be interviewed were selected at 
 random from those lists, and interviewers were asked to visit the homes of the 
 respondents to obtain the necessary interviews. After interviewing had been 
 under way for approximately a month, an evaluation of results indicated that 
 an excessively high proportion of those listed were unreachable. It is 
 interesting that those finally contacted were usually willing to be inter- 
 viewed, but most of those on the lists were "unavailable" to the interviewer 
 when he called at the address given. At first, letters were sent to the 
 potential interviewees, explaining the purpose of the interview and assuring 
 each one that the results would be held confidential and used only for the 
 eventual benefit of unemployed persons in the area, but these apparently had 
 the opposite effect from what was intended. The letters were abandoned and 
 efforts were made to contact interviewees without prior notice, but this too 
 proved largely unavailing. Many of the "addresses" contained on the lists 
 seemed to be only locations where mail occasionally was picked up, or the 
 homes of relatives and friends. Mobility was so great that the name on the 
 list often was unknown to the current resident at that address, or, at least, 
 so the interviewer was informed. 
 
106 
 
 There are, of course, understandable reasons why some of these reactions 
 were encountered, though the survey staff consistently sought to anticipate 
 and overcome them. As suggested earlier in this report, the residents are 
 seldom contacted in this way for purposes which are beneficial to them, and 
 many must immediately become suspicious when there is any hint that someone is 
 looking for them. Answers to certain of the questions posed in the inter- 
 view could technically disqualify the respondents from further receipt of 
 unemployment compensation or public assistance benefits, under a particular 
 set of circumstances. Our own experience in this respect should be compared 
 with the similar experience of the research group at the Norfolk division of 
 Virginia State College, described elsewhere in this report. 
 
 These difficulties made necessary a change in the sampling. The percen- 
 tage of "no contacts" or "no responses" had ranged from about half to about 
 two-thirds of the persons listed, and the time and cost required for the 
 accumulation of successful interviews would have precluded the survey's com- 
 pletion within a reasonable period. Hence, it was decided that the survey 
 staff would abandon the lists and adopt a random household sampling in those 
 census tracts which reflected extremely high unemployment in i960, the last 
 year for which unemployment data by tract are available. The switch in 
 sampling obviously made it impossible, within the limits of time and budget, 
 to restrict the survey to long-term unemployed persons, and thus the decision 
 was made to focus upon two groups: all those currently unemployed and locking 
 for w»rk at the time of interview, irrespective of the length *f time unemployed, 
 
 and all those with a history of unemployment over the previous three years, 
 
 1 
 though they might be employed at the time »f interview. It was determined 
 
 1 
 
 See Appendix III for an estimate of the random sample total which would have 
 been required to produce the necessary number of interviews with long-term 
 unemployed persons only. 
 
109 
 
 that a sampling of at least 800 persons in these categories would provide 
 statistically valid and useful results . 
 
 With the cooperation of Professor Raymond Jessen, a leading specialist 
 in statistical sampling problems, the Survey Research Center prepared a sam- 
 pling design which involved the random selection of households and the use of 
 
 2 
 two alternative questionnaires "by each interviewer. Upon contacting a re- 
 spondent, the interviewer was instructed to ask a series of questions designed 
 in part to determine the labor force status of the individual. If the respon- 
 dent was not a member of the labor force, for any reason, or had been continu- 
 ously employed for the previous three years, he was interviewed with a "short 
 form" which elicited only a few answers to basic questions such as the specific 
 reason for his nonparticipation in the labor force. This interview required 
 about five minutes of his time. If the respondent was currently unemployed, 
 •r indicated that he had experienced at least one spell of unemployment within 
 the previous three -year period, he was interviewed with a "long form" which 
 
 contained a maximum of approximately 150 questions and required an average of 
 
 3 
 an hour to complete. 
 
 The survey, of course, has been limited to the ARA study area. Certain 
 
 subareas were excluded from it for various reasons : a limited area close to 
 
 2 
 
 See Appendix III of this report, "A Technical Note on Survey Sampling Tech- 
 niques." Interviewers were instructed to interview persons in the age 20 to 
 60 brackets only. 
 
 3 
 
 Few respondents, of course, would ever be required to answer all questions; 
 since a high proportion of questions were actually subcategories of other 
 questions, a "No" response at one point would mean that the interviewer would 
 skip several further questions which assumed a "yes" answer to the major 
 question, and vice versa. 
 
110 
 
 the campus of the University of Southern California and a part of the south 
 central community had been previously determined to fall outside the economic 
 limits established for the study area by i960 census data, and the so-called 
 "downtown" section was also excluded on several grounds. Our previous studies 
 have shown that a significant proportion of its residents are alcoholics or 
 suffer from other personal difficulties which may render them unemployable, 
 and the transiency and unstable living conditions of the population (plus their 
 physical or emotional deficiencies) would make effective interviewing difficult, 
 if not impossible. 
 
 With the single exception noted above, an effort has been made to 
 achieve a broad and representative sampling of all groups in those areas 
 characterized by high unemployment and depressed conditions. Because of the 
 economic criteria used in determining the boundaries of the survey area, and 
 the exclusion of the downtown area, the sample is predominantly Negro and 
 Mexican American in composition. However, over 7 percent of the "long- form" 
 interviews and 13 percent of the "short-form" were with Anglos. The great 
 majority of Anglos surveyed were located in the less disadvantaged northwestern 
 and northeastern parts of the ARA study area. 
 
 As of December 7, I96U, a total of 998 "long- form" interviews had been 
 completed, edited, coded, and processed at the Western Data Processing Center 
 at UCLA, including 126 successful interviews previously completed with persons 
 on the lists obtained from the Department of Employment and the Bureau of 
 Public Assistance. Thus, a total of 872 interviews were secured from the 
 random household sampling, covering 5^2 persons who were currently unemployed 
 and 330 who had a history of unemployment in the prior three-year period. In 
 addition, the massive total of 2,557 "short-form" interviews had been completed, 
 containing some valuable information which is also analyzed in this report. 
 
Ill 
 
 In summary, the Survey Research Center has gathered 3,555 interviews, all of 
 them with residents of the ARA study area. 
 
 Personal Characteristics of the Respondents 
 
 In the total long-form" sample, which indludes both the persons in the 
 random household sampling and those from the lists provided by the Department 
 of Employment and the Bureau of Public Assistance, about 50 percent of the 
 respondents were Negro, about U2.5 percent were Mexican America,, 7 percent were 
 Anglo, and a small fraction were Oriental. Negroes exceeded Mexican Americans 
 in every category of the household sampling (currently unemployed men, 
 currently unemployed women, employed men with a history of unemployment, and 
 employed women with a history of unemployment), with the disparity most striking 
 in the case of unemployed women. Here the respective proportions were 60.2 per- 
 cent, and 33 «2 percent, indicating that negro women suffer unemployment at- a 
 particularly severe rate- in comparison with other ethnic groups. On the other 
 hand, the "short- form' sampling of persons who have been continuously employed 
 for at least three years (or, in the case of young persons, since entering 
 the labor market) reveals that Mexican Americans far outnumber Negroes, by 
 almost a two-to-one margin. Clearly the Mexican Americans residing in the ARA 
 study area are much more successful in obtaining long-term employment than are 
 the Negroes. 
 
 Of the 872 respondents in the random household sampling ( long-form"), 
 about 59 percent were men and kl percent women. The proportion of female 
 respondents was highest in the currently unemployed category: ^7.2 percent of 
 the total. About one -third of the employed persons with a history of unemploy- 
 ment were women. The proportion of women among the unemployed was consistently 
 highest in the Negro areas, south of downtown Los Angeles. 
 
 785-893 0-65-9 
 
lis 
 
 Relatively few of those interviewed in the "long-form" sampling were 
 natives of California. Only 11 percent of the total had been born in the 
 Los Angeles area, and another 3.2 percent elsewhere in California. Mexico and 
 Texas were prominent as birthplaces (17.6 percent and 17.3 percent of the total 
 sample, respectively), and the Southern part of the United States, including 
 Texas, accounted for close to one- half of the areas of birth. More than 
 four- fifths of all Negroes in the sample originated in the South, while the 
 Mexican Americans came almost entirely from Mexico, California, Texas, and the 
 other Southwestern states, in that order. 
 
 Most of the Negroes were born in Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, 
 or Alabama, and the majority of Mexican American inmigrants were either from 
 Mexico or Texas. The percentage of native Calif ornians was lowest among males 
 on the lists supplied by the Department of Employment and the Bureau of Public 
 Assistance, and highest among currently unemployed males in the household 
 sampling, but the inmigrants far exceeded the natives in both cases. A much 
 higher proportion of the respondents had attended school in California: among 
 currently unemployed persons who had attended high school, for example, about 
 35 percent had been enrolled in Los Angeles area schools and another 5 percent 
 in schools elsewhere in the state. The percentages, however, vary considerably 
 between Negroes and Mexican Americans. About 55 percent of the Mexican 
 American sampling had attended a high school in the Los Angeles metropolitan 
 area, compared to about 28 percent of the Negroes. The proportion of those 
 having attended Los Angeles area schools is consistently lower among the 
 employed persons with a history of unemployment, for both of the ethnic groups 
 and both sexes. 
 
 4 
 The area identified as the "South" is identical with the corresponding 
 
 area defined by the U.S. Bureau of the Census in i960. 
 
113 
 
 It should be added that the proportion of total Negroes who had attended 
 high school at all is considerably greater than the corresponding proportion 
 of Mexican Americans. Two-thirds of Negro men and four-fifths of Negro women 
 were in this category, while the corresponding percentages for Mexican 
 American men and women were 51 percent and k5 percent. Indeed, the median of 
 school years completed for Negro men in this sampling is close to the 10th 
 grade, and the median for Negro women is about half a grade higher. The 
 medians for Mexican American respondents range about two grades lower. 
 
 Functional illiteracy (defined as less than a fifth grade education) 
 is a particularly severe problem among Mexican Americans, and is intensified 
 among the women. About 22 percent of all Mexican American women in the house- 
 hold sampling were functional illiterates. By contrast, the percentage for 
 Mexican American men was 17.9 percent, for Negro men 8.6 percent, and for 
 Negro women only U.O percent. According to the i960 census, 13.7 percent of 
 the population over age 25 in the ARA study area and 3.8 percent of the total 
 population over age 25 in the remainder of Los Angeles County were functional 
 illiterates. The results of the Institute survey therefore suggest a paradox: 
 Negro women, who suffer a heavy burden of unemployment, are among the best 
 educated (at least in quantitative terras) of the various groups studied in the 
 survey . 
 
 At the other end of the scale, the same pattern emerges. About two- 
 fifths of Negro women and one-third of Negro men were high school graduates, 
 more than twice the corresponding percentages for Mexican American women and 
 men. Over one-quarter of the currently unemployed persons had completed the 
 12th grade; the percentages of graduates range somewhat higher among the 
 employed persons with a history of unemployment, but, ironically, the pro- 
 portions of functional illiterates are also higher in this latter group, 
 
114 
 
 especially among the women. The percentage of high school graduates in the 
 total household sampling falls far short of the corresponding 53. H percent 
 for all those over age 25 in Los Angeles County, but the gap, especially for 
 Negro women, is not as wide as one might have anticipated. The problem of 
 educational deficiency, again in a quantitative sense, is most aggravated 
 among Mexican Americans. 
 
 More than 60 percent of the non- natives had lived either in Texas, 
 Mexico, Louisiana, Arkansas, or Mississippi (in that order) just before coming 
 to California. The average respondent had most likely been raised in a small 
 town or a city; only about l4 percent of the total had been raised on a farm. 
 A surprisingly high proportion of the migrants to California had been in the 
 state for 10 years or over. Exactly 5^ percent of the currently unemployed 
 men and 53 percent of the currently unemployed women had moved to California 
 at least 10 years prior to the time of interview, and the overwhelming 
 majority of them had come directly to the Los Angeles metropolitan area. The 
 percentage of long-term residents is higher among currently unemployed persons 
 than among employed persons with a history of unemployment, by about 9 percent- 
 age points in both the male and female categories. Negro respondents indicate 
 the longest terms of residence in the state and in the metropolitan area. The 
 percentage of 10- years-plus residents among all of the currently unemployed is 
 virtually identical with the corresponding figure for the long-term employed 
 persons in the "short-form" sampling, which may suggest that there is little 
 correlation between length of residence in the state and the ability of study 
 area residents to secure and hold employment in the current labor market. 
 
 A rather high percentage of the respondents, especially the currently 
 unemployed, had lived in the same neighborhood for 5 years or more. Over 
 two-fifths of unemployed men and women in the household sampling had remained 
 
115 
 
 in their present neighborhood for that period, of time, a remarkably long time 
 in a state and in an area noted for its restless mobility. Again the percent- 
 ages tend to be somewhat lower for the employed persons with a history of unem- 
 ployment. A majority of the migrants to the Los Angeles area had located ini- 
 tially in the south central or east Los Angeles areas and had remained there 
 until the time of interview, but approximately one-third had first lived in 
 some other part of the city of Los Angeles. As might be expected, the Negroes 
 appear to be more restricted in this respect than do the Mexican Americans: a 
 much higher proportion of unemployed Negroes, especially the women, had remained 
 within the confines of the defined ghetto. 
 
 Exactly 85 percent of the unemployed men and 62 percent of the unemployed 
 women in the household sampling were heads of households at the time of inter- 
 view. The high percentage of female heads of households, most notably among 
 the Negro respondents, is characteristic of the ARA study area and a major 
 source of the difficulties experienced. The median number of dependents age 
 16 and under is somewhat over 2 for the unemployed men and somewhat under 2 for 
 the unemployed women. The median is higher for Mexican American men but much 
 lower for Mexican American women, and a little over 52 percent of Negro men and 
 Negro women each have no more than 2 dependents in this age group. The vast 
 majority of respondents in all categories had only one dependent age 17 and 
 over, presumably a spouse in most cases, but about 30 percent of unemployed 
 Negro women had 2 or more such dependents. 
 
 The figures on marital status reveal the high incidence of family disor- 
 ganization in the study area, most severely within Negro households headed by 
 a woman. Exactly Gk percent of all unemployed males and 32 percent of all 
 unemployed females in the household sampling were married, with spouse present, 
 at the time of interview. Somewhat over three-fifths of the Negro women in 
 
116 
 
 this sampling were either separated, divorced, single, or widowed, in that 
 order. Perhaps most surprising, about 30 percent of the unemployed Mexican 
 American women were either separated or divorced, a high percentage in a culture 
 noted for its emphasis on family solidarity. 
 
 Age patterns in the various groups surveyed suggest no important diver- 
 gences. The median age for all unemployed persons was about 35 years, with 
 Negro women slightly younger than the men and Mexican American women somewhat 
 older than the men. Employed women with a history of unemployment also had a 
 median age of about 35 , and employed men were about 2 years younger. The 
 median ages of all long-term employed persons in the "short-form" sampling and 
 of all persons on the BPA-DE lists were about 38.5 years in each case, somewhat 
 higher than the previous medians but hardly a significant difference. 
 
 A considerable proportion of the persons contacted, of course, were out 
 of the labor market for one reason or another. Of 978 such respondents reached 
 in the "short-form" sampling, about kl percent were retired, about 23 per- 
 cent were housewives not seeking work, about 12 percent had a long-term illness, 
 about 10 percent were permanently disabled, about k percent had a temporary 
 illness, and the remainder were scattered in various categories. Thus, somewhat 
 over one-quarter of these respondents had left the labor force, either tempo- 
 rarily or permanently, for health reasons. 
 
 Employment History 
 
 The respondents were, by training and background, overwhelmingly concen- 
 trated in unskilled and semiskilled work. The vast majority of inmi grants had 
 performed semiskilled or unskilled jobs before coming to California; almost 
 70 percent of the unemployed men and 66 percent of the unemployed women had 
 worked in those categories. Negroes tended to concentrate in unskilled work, 
 
117 
 
 to a greater degree than did the Mexican Americans. The latter had succeeded 
 in obtaining semiskilled and skilled jobs in greater proportions, though it 
 should be added that 10.3 percent of the unemployed Mexican American men (and 
 6.7 percent of the Negro men) had previously worked in agriculture. About 
 Ik percent of all Negroes and 8.5 percent of all Mexican Americans had been 
 employed in service occupations. Employed persons with a history of unemploy- 
 ment had been concentrated in semiskilled work to a much greater degree than 
 had the currently unemployed. Negro women, however, remained heavily 
 clustered in the unskilled and service categories. 
 
 Both the currently unemployed and the employed with history of unemploy- 
 ment indicate a considerable intermittency or irregularity of employment over 
 the previous 3-year period. Roughly 66 percent of the unemployed men and 
 86 percent of the employed men had had two or more jobs in that time, and the 
 corresponding percentages for three or more jobs were 36 percent and 38 percent, 
 The women had higher proportions with only one job in that period, though job- 
 changing, particularly among Negroes, remains common. Variations in the 
 pattern of jobs held in this period are apparent among and within the various 
 groups. The first job mentioned by about kk percent of the unemployed men and 
 about 50 percent of the unemployed women was in the semiskilled category, but 
 Negro men were relatively more concentrated in unskilled and Mexican American 
 men in semiskilled work. Negro women had been comparatively more successful 
 than the men in finding semiskilled employment, though the Mexican American 
 women had had even greater success. 
 
 The employed persons with history of unemployment were to be found in 
 relatively greater numbers in the semiskilled categories, even among the Negro 
 males. Over 50 percent of the Negro men identified their first job in the 
 defined period as semiskilled, in contrast with 37.5 percent in the case of 
 
118 
 
 the currently unemployed. The proportion in the unskilled category, however, 
 rises when the second and third jobs are mentioned. The pattern among the 
 women is somewhat mixed: the jobs identified fall predominantly in the 
 unskilled, semiskilled, service, and skilled groups, with the order of the 
 first two varying. 
 
 The jobs currently held by the employed persons with a history of 
 unemployment tend to be in the semiskilled, unskilled, service, and skilled 
 categories, in that order. In this case, even the Negroes mentioned semiskilled 
 employment with greatest frequency, though the proportion of the Mexican 
 Americans still remains higher. Among all the men surveyed, semiskilled work 
 accounted for one- half and unskilled for one- third of the total; the correspond- 
 ing proportions for all women were U6 percent and 30 percent. The proportions 
 of Mexican Americans in semiskilled occupations invariably exceed the Negro 
 proportions by a rather wide margin. Somewhat over one-fifth of the employed 
 Negro women were in the service category, and about 15 percent had skilled 
 jobs. Over three-fifths of the Mexican American women were concentrated in the 
 semiskilled area. 
 
 The intermittency of employment is reflected in the fact that about half 
 of the employed men and of the employed women had been on the job for kO weeks 
 or less at the time of interview. Only a little more than a third of the 
 currently employed group had been at work for over a year. In the "short-form" 
 sampling of longer-term employed persons in the study area, about half of the 
 respondents had had their present job for more than 5 years, and about one- 
 third had been employed for more than 10 years. Further, the majority of the 
 long-term employed persons indicate that they had been employed at another 
 job just before tailing their present one. Significantly, of course, they tend 
 to be more concentrated in the higher- skill occupations, though still 
 
119 
 
 predominantly blue- collar in nature. 
 
 A little under half of all unemployed persons in the household sampling 
 had "been out of work 26 weeks or more at the time of interview. Women 
 suffered long-term unemployment at a much higher rate than did the men: 
 6l.9 percent of the unemployed women and 3^.5 percent of the unemployed men 
 fell in this category. Long-term unemployment is more serious among Negroes 
 than among Mexican Americans, and most severe among Negro women. These 
 figures contrast sharply with the national figures on long-term unemployment, 
 which show that only about 13 percent of all unemployed persons have been out 
 of work for more than 6 months. Thus, it would appear that the census tracts 
 selected for study reflect hard-core unemployment to an aggravated degree. 
 
 The reasons perceived by the unemployed for their current unemployment 
 vary considerably, but nearly half of the men stated that they had been laid 
 off for one or another economic reason. About 28 percent of all the men 
 ascribed it to a business slump. Aside from layoffs, other major reasons 
 given were: accident or illness (11.7 percent), temporary job (10.0), and 
 voluntary quit (8.2). Among the women, voluntary quits (usually for pregnancy) 
 accident or illness, and reasons not identified are given with greater 
 frequency, though about 29 percent of them had been laid off. A particularly 
 high proportion of the Negro women- -c bout two-fifths- -had been forced- to 
 quit their previous employment for reasons of health, pregnancy, and similar 
 factors. Relatively few persons in any category perceived automation as the 
 major cause of their unemployment, but it is obvious that this represents only 
 their perception and not necessarily the reality in the background. 
 
 Manpower Report of the President , March, I96U, p. 28, 
 
120 
 
 The Search for Work 
 
 All of the survey findings, subject as they are to the usual doubts and 
 qualifications, would seem to indicate that the unemployed are genuinely seek- 
 ing out jobs. Most of the respondents specified a variety of firms or agencies 
 at which they have applied for work. The largest single group of unemployed 
 persons- -roughly 29 percent of the men and 25 percent of the women- -mentioned 
 both government agencies and private firms in their identification of places 
 visited. A significant proportion, particularly among the Negro respondents, 
 mentioned government agencies only , indicating a more optimistic appraisal of 
 employment chances in government than in private industry within this group. 
 About 11 percent of the unemployed men in the household sampling relied largely 
 or in part upon the union hiring hall, but equal or somewhat higher percentages 
 mentioned private retail or service firms only, manufacturing firms only, or a 
 mixture of private firms of several kinds. Women concentrated heavily on a 
 mixture of government agencies and private firms, private retail or service 
 firms only, government agencies only, manufacturing firms only, and a mixture 
 of private firms, in that order. About 1+5 percent of the Negro women referred 
 to government agencies, at least in part, in describing their quest for employ- 
 ment. Almost none of the men relied on newspaper job listings and/or telephone 
 inquiries, but k.k percent of the women mentioned this technique. 
 
 Exactly 51 percent of the unemployed men and 31 percent of the unemployed 
 women visit places of employment either daily or two or three times a week. 
 The women are obviously much less mobile than the men, for the reason that 
 relatively fewer of them own cars. About 70 percent of the men and *+5 percent 
 of the women travel distances in excess of 10 miles from their home in search- 
 ing for work. In answer to a separate question, a little under one-third of 
 the unemployed men and k8 percent of the unemployed women replied that they 
 
121 
 
 usually stayed in their respective areas (south central Los Angeles in the case 
 of Negroes, east Los Angeles in the case of Mexican Americans) in looking for 
 work. In the light of the distances characteristic of the Los Angeles region, 
 the answers to these various questions are quite consistent with one another. 
 
 The vast distances required in this job search unquestionably pose a 
 critical problem for those large numbers of respondents who do not own a car 
 and must depend largely upon public transportation. Over Uj? percent of the 
 unemployed men and 73 percent of the unemployed women had no car at the time 
 of interview. The percentage of car owners is somewhat higher among Negro men 
 than among Mexican American men, but the proportions are reversed for Mexican 
 American and Negro women. Indeed, almost four- fifths of Negro women in this 
 sampling are without a car. It is significant that the proportions of car 
 ownership are markedly higher among those persons who were currently employed 
 (though with a history of unemployment) : About 65 percent of the employed 
 men and 31 percent of the employed women owned a vehicle. The proportions of 
 ownership were therefore about 10 percentage points higher for the men and h 
 percentage points for the women. It is obvious that the women are placed at a 
 particular disadvantage by the absence of adequate transportation. 
 
 Further, the cars owned by study area residents tend to be of a rather 
 old vintage : about MS percent of the unemployed men and 30 percent of the 
 unemployed women, with cars, drive models of the year 1955 and older. The cars 
 owned by the employed men tend to be of a more recent vintage: only 30.5 per- 
 cent of these persons own cars as old as those in the above category. The 
 percentage for the small number of female car owners remains about the same in 
 both the employed and unemployed categories. 
 
 When they work, U8.6 percent of the unemployed men and 9.6 percent of 
 the unemployed women normally travel to the job in their own cars, and another 
 
122 
 
 5.2 percent of the men and 5.6 percent of the women rely on car pools. About 
 kO percent of the men and 70 percent of the women must depend on public trans- 
 portation, and the magnitude of sacrifice required of a domestic worker travel- 
 ing each day by bus from south central Los Angeles to Brentwood, for instance, 
 will be readily apparent to all those familiar with the Los Angeles transit 
 system. By contrast, only 20 percent of the employed men and 59 percent of the 
 employed women use public transportation in traveling to and from work, a high 
 proportion when compared to overall figures for all county residents but con- 
 siderably lower than the percentages for unemployed persons in our study area. 
 The i960 census shows that about 71 percent of all employed persons in 
 Los Angeles County travel to work by private car or car pool, and only 13 per- 
 cent use public transportation (the remainder either work at home, walk, or 
 use other means). The county figures, of course, include the study area resi- 
 dents, and the divergence would be even more striking if the study area totals 
 were separated out . 
 
 For most unemployed men, weekly transportation costs just in getting 
 back and forth to work, when they are employed, range from about $3 to about 
 $5 j but about 30 percent of them report costs in excess of $5 per week. The 
 women pay much less, on the average, probably because most of them live closer 
 to their place of employment. The figures are very similar for the employed 
 persons in the household sampling, as might be expected. 
 
 Both men and women concentrate in the semiskilled, unskilled, and ser- 
 vice categories, in that order, in their search for employment. Negro men 
 focus somewhat more (U6.6 percent) on unskilled jobs, while Mexican American 
 men (52.1 percent) emphasize the semiskilled. About kO percent of Negro women 
 seek semiskilled, 3^ percent unskilled, and 20 percent service occupations, 
 while Mexican American women concentrate on semiskilled (60.2 percent) and 
 
123 
 
 unskilled (31.3 percent). The approximately UO percent of Negro men and women 
 who are seeking semiskilled jobs may include many who had performed primarily 
 unskilled work in the past but are now aware that jobs in the latter category 
 are scarce. About three-quarters of the total of male respondents, and three- 
 fifths of the female, reported that they had worked at a job for which they 
 were best trained, when they were last working, and a majority of all those 
 who replied negatively gave the reason as "no work in that field." 
 
 About three-quarters of the unemployed men and three-fifths of the 
 unemployed women were registered at an office of the State Employment Service 
 at the time of interview, but roughly the same percentages reported that they 
 had not had referrals from that office during the current spell of unemployment, 
 These figures are particularly interesting because the overwhelming majority 
 of the respondents — 38.1 percent in the case of men and 83.5 percent in the 
 case of women — stated that they had found jobs through the Employment Service 
 sometimes in the previous 3-year period. Apparently the Employment Service had 
 been of some value to them in the past, but has not materially assisted them 
 in their present predicament. Again this may well reflect a basic change in 
 the nature of the labor market . 
 
 Obviously, the search for employment takes place primarily through 
 informal and unofficial channels. This fact is clearly reflected in the 
 replies of employed persons, with history of unemployment, to the question: 
 "How did you hear of this job?" About ^7 percent of the men and 38 percent of 
 the women stressed "family, friends, or relatives," and another 23 percent of 
 the men and 19 percent of the women answered that they had secured employment 
 simply by walking into the employer's office. The State Employment Service 
 appears to be of somewhat greater (though hardly significant) value to the 
 women than to the men : about 9 percent of the employed women and 6 percent of 
 the employed men had obtained their current work through SES referral. 
 
22k 
 
 The informality of the job-hunting process is further confirmed by an 
 examination of the ways in which long-term employed persons in the "short- 
 form" sampling had originally secured their jobs. About 36 percent of them 
 had been referred to the job by "family, friends, or relatives," and another 
 27 percent had made direct application to the employer ("walk- in"). Approxi- 
 mately 6 percent each of the total had used "want ads" and "union referral," 
 respectively, and only a little over 5 percent had been referred by the 
 State Employment Service. ALmost half of these long-term employed, of course, 
 were semi-skilled, and another third were either in skilled or service occupa- 
 tions or were self-employed. In sharp contrast with the unemployed persons, 
 only 18 percent of all the longer-term employed were in the unskilled category. 
 
 A high proportion of the currently unemployed expressed a willingness 
 to move to a new location, if jobs were available there. About 79 percent of 
 the men and 56 percent of the women were so willing, and of that number about 
 kO percent of the men and 17 percent of the women would move out of the state 
 if necessary. In general, men are much more willing to move than are women, 
 and Negroes somewhat more willing than Mexican Americans. This is an interest- 
 ing result, in view of the fact that housing discrimination impedes the ability 
 of Negroes to move in much greater degree than it does in the case of Mexican 
 Americans. 
 
 Both the currently unemployed and the employed with history of unemploy- 
 ment evinced a strong interest in retraining, for the purpose of learning how 
 to do another job. About four- fifths of the unemployed men and of the unem- 
 ployed women would consider returning to school, and the overwhelming majority 
 of them would be interested mainly in vocational courses. Negroes, especially 
 the women, are significantly more willing to retrain than are the Mexican 
 Americans in the household sampling. A high percentage of the respondents 
 
125 
 
 (about kO percent of the men and 25 percent of the women) indicated no aware- 
 ness that such vocational training was offered in any of the local public 
 schools, though Negroes tended to be much more knowledgeable in this area than 
 did the Mexican Americans. The interest in retraining was almost as strong 
 among the employed persons with history of unemployment, and awareness of 
 local availability of such training is markedly higher in this group. 
 
 It is obvious that the currently unemployed persons in this study area 
 are predominantly unorganized, though an extremely high percentage of the men 
 had once held union membership and had since dropped it . About 73 percent of 
 the men and 93 percent of the women belonged to no union at the time of inter- 
 view. The unemployed men who were union members, particularly the Negroes, 
 were largely concentrated in the building trades unions (notably Local //300 
 of the Laborers' and Hodcarriers 1 Union). The Mexican American men were to 
 be found more often in an AFL-CIO craft union outside the building trades, but 
 fairly large percentages of both groups belonged to an AFL-CIO industrial 
 union or to the Teamsters Union. Among the 20 percent of the men who simply 
 replied "AFL-CIO union" without specifying the precise international, it is 
 likely that a high proportion belonged to Local #300. The sampling of female 
 union members is quite small (only 19 in total) . 
 
 Roughly kl percent of the unemployed men and 26 percent of the unem- 
 ployed women had belonged to a union in the past, but had dropped membership. 
 The highest percentage of the men (about 30 percent) had once belonged to an 
 AFL-CIO industrial union, but substantial numbers had also dropped out of the 
 building trades unions (21.5 percent), AFL-CIO unspecified (17.U), Teamsters 
 (11.6), and AFL-CIO craft unions outside the building trades (9.9). Most of 
 the women had belonged to an AFL-CIO industrial union (38.2 percent), AFL-CIO 
 unspecified (27.9), and an AFL-CIO craft union outside the building trades 
 
 (Ut.7). 
 
126- 
 
 The responses to an inquiry about union referrals to jobs demonstrate 
 that 73 percent of the men and 78 percent of the women had not been referred 
 by a union. The overwhelming majority of both men and women indicated that 
 they had received no assistance from any union in their search for employment. 
 
 The employed persons with history of unemployment had a higher percent- 
 age of union members : about 39 percent of the men and Ik percent of the 
 women in this case. The men usually belonged to an AFL-CIO industrial union 
 (30.0 percent), an AFL-CIO building trades union (2U.U), AFL-CIO unspecified 
 (15.6), AFL-CIO other craft (15.6), and Teamsters (10.0). About 36 percent 
 of the employed men and 21 percent of the employed women had once belonged to 
 a union but had dropped membership. The unions to which the men had formerly 
 belonged were, predominantly, the industrial unions, AFL-CIO unspecified, 
 other crafts, building trades, and Teamsters, in that order. 
 
 In responding to questions about their major problems in finding work, 
 a majority of both the men and the women in the currently unemployed category 
 (almost 57 percent in each case) felt that they had difficulty in getting 
 jobs, though relatively few believed that there was any difficulty in retaining 
 jobs once they became employed. When asked for their own perceptions of the 
 causes of their difficulty, their answers ranged widely, but both men and 
 women gave substantial emphasis to the unavailability of jobs for which they 
 could qualify, lack of skill, lack of education, and age. A rather small pro- 
 portion of the total (somewhat higher among the women than among the men) 
 emphasized racial discrimination as a factor; age is perceived as a greater 
 barrier to employment than race. Mexican Americans almost never mentioned 
 discrimination, but about 16 percent of Negro women and 10 percent of Negro 
 men considered it to be important. About 6 percent of the total sampling of 
 unemployed persons stressed poor health, and another 7 percent suggested 
 
127 
 
 personal attitudes or emotional problems, on their own part, as the reason for 
 their difficulty. 
 
 The reason for these perceptions probably lies, in large part, in the 
 nature of the work which the respondents are seeking. Most of them are search- 
 ing for unskilled, semiskilled, or service jobs, though the response to certain 
 questions indicated that perhaps one-third would prefer jobs of higher skill. 
 The lesser- skilled occupations, of course, are precisely those in which Negroes 
 and Mexican Americans have already made the greatest penetration, and, indeed, 
 some of those jobs seem to be "earmarked" by industry for members of these 
 ethnic groups. Hence, it is not likely that Negroes and Mexican Americans 
 would sense adverse discrimination in these areas. Ironically, there is evi- 
 dence that "discrimination" is perceived by at least a few Mexican Americans 
 mainly in terms of Negro advancement into jobs which might otherwise go to the 
 Mexican American group. 
 
 How the Unemployed Live 
 
 Despite the extravagant claims of relief "chiseling" and burdensome wel- 
 fare expenditures which sometimes fill the daily press, there is no evidence 
 that a substantial proportion of the male unemployed are "on welfare" during 
 the period of unemployment. Indeed, the vast majority of respondents, both 
 men and women, were not even receiving unemployment compensation at the time 
 of interview (about 6k percent of the men and 8k percent of the women) . Less 
 than one-third of those men receiving compensation were getting the maximum 
 payment allowable, and the percentage drops to about 5 percent in the case of 
 the women. 
 
 If the survey results can be interpreted literally, somewhat over one- 
 third of the men and about three-fifths of the women were ineligible to 
 
 785-893 O-65-10 
 
•128 
 
 receive benefits. This may have been partly the result of confusion on the 
 part of some respondents as to the intent of the question, which was to 
 establish whether they were covered by unemployment insurance. While the 
 question indicated several alternative reasons for their failure to receive 
 compensation, such as the waiting period required or the inadequacy of the 
 employee's earnings credits during the qualifying period, it is possible that 
 a few respondents used the "ineligible" category as a catch-all, perhaps 
 categorizing themselves as ineligible because of rulings that they had actually 
 been discharged from or had voluntarily quit prior employment. Despite these 
 qualifications, it is clear that about k6 percent of the men and about 73 
 of the women not getting compensation were in that category for reasons that 
 are unrelated to the exhaustion of benefits or the usual waiting period. 
 
 Unemployment compensation, of course, is a right established by the 
 Social Security Act of 1935 and financed on social insurance principles, and 
 is in no way identical with "relief" or "charity." Even when we focus upon 
 public assistance, however, the results would suggest that jobless persons, 
 especially the men, obtain proportionately minor help from government. At 
 the time of the survey, about l 1 ! percent of the unemployed men and 23 percent 
 of the unemployed women, not receiving unemployment compensation, were getting 
 some form of public assistance. The group receiving the highest proportion of 
 assistance consisted of unemployed Hegro women, but even here only 28.8 per- 
 cent of the total were actually on the relief rolls. Most of the respondents, 
 in all categories, emphasized help received from relatives or friends, a 
 spouse, or "other" sources; in fact, over three-quarters of the men and only 
 a slightly lower percentage of the women mentioned one or another of these 
 sources of income. Only a small proportion of the unemployed were receiving 
 pensions, and the percentages getting insurance payments or help from private 
 
129 
 
 agencies were negligible. Since these figures relate to those persons not 
 currently receiving unemployment compensation, and our previous analysis 
 shows that only a minority of the unemployed were getting such compensation 
 at the time of interview, it is clear that governmental financial assistance 
 does not go to a majority of the unemployed persons interviewed in the house- 
 hold sampling. It is possible, of course, that a certain proportion of the 
 respondents were not frank in answering these questions, but there is no 
 apparent reason to question the essential accuracy of these results, as the 
 reports of the Bureau of Public Assistance themselves show that its aid goes 
 to but a small proportion of able-bodied employable men (about one and one- 
 quarter percent of persons receiving aid in Los Angeles County in July, 
 196U). ~ 
 
 The answers to a question relative to earnings on the job, when last 
 employed, would seem to indicate that a high proportion of currently unem- 
 ployed men — almost 37 percent — received an income of $100 a week or more. The 
 women had been extremely low-paid by comparison: three- fifths of them had 
 made less than $60 a week, and only 2.U percent had earned $100 a week or 
 more. The men had averaged about $80, and the women about $55 , each week. 
 The figures on present weekly earnings of the employed persons, with a history 
 of unemployment, run almost the same; about 3^- percent of the men in this 
 category earn $100 a week or more. 
 
 The findings of the survey on earnings are consistent with previous 
 indications that a considerable percentage of the male residents find employ- 
 ment normally in the construction industry. Construction jobs are both 
 intermittent and relatively high- paid, thereby providing good incomes for 
 
 6 
 
 Perhaps it is again necessary to enter the caveat that this proportion 
 may rise in the coming months. 
 
130 
 
 some periods and no income at all for other periods. Recent technological 
 developments and a decline in construction activity in Southern California 
 have unquestionably had a major impact on the study area. If the diminution 
 of unskilled jobs in that industry is permanent, as it now appears to be, it 
 could have disastrous long-run effects on the area unless other sources of 
 employment are uncovered. 
 
 About 90 percent of the currently unemployed persons in the household 
 sampling were renters. Approximately two- fifths of both the men and the 
 women paid rent of less than $60 a month, and the average rent was in the 
 $60-69 range. Almost half of the 58 homeowners in the sampling were making 
 mortgage payments of $90 per month or more. 
 
 The median payment per month for all utilities (gas, electricity, and 
 phone) was around $li+.50 for unemployed men and somewhat more for unemployed 
 women. Food expenditures per week for unemployed persons ran about $20 or $21 
 on the average. The median for medical and dental expenses per month was 
 roughly $lU for unemployed men and a dollar or so more for unemployed women. 
 
 Only a small proportion of the respondents were covered by any kind of 
 health insurance. Only Ik percent of the men and 18 percent of the women were 
 protected by a prepaid medical plan, and of this group one- quarter of the men 
 and almost half of the women paid monthly premiums of more than $9. About 
 k2 percent of the men and 53 percent of the women indicated that they used 
 the city or county health services at one time or another, with the percentage 
 of use highest by far (62.1 percent) among Negro women. About two- thirds of 
 the users, male and female, mentioned the Los Angeles County Hospital only in 
 identifying the facilities used; another 13 percent of the men and lU percent 
 of the women referred to public health centers, and 10 percent of the men and 
 8 percent of the women mentioned a combination of various types of facilities. 
 
131 
 
 Roughly one- quarter of the men and a slightly higher percentage of the women 
 use such facilities for "both regular care and emergencies, and the others 
 use them only for emergencies or for a variety of special services or care. 
 Over three- fifths of both men and women go exclusively to the County Hospital 
 for care if an accident or emergency illness occurs, or if one of their 
 children becomes ill, hut about 12 percent would visit a private hospital or 
 clinic and another 10 percent or so would see a private doctor. 
 
 As indicated previously in this report, only slightly more than one- 
 half of the men and one- quarter of the women in the household sampling owned 
 a car, and the overwhelming majority of all unemployed women must depend on 
 public transportation to get to work when employed. Lack of adequate transpor- 
 tation clearly limits the ability of women, in particular, to seek or secure 
 jobs distant from their residence. 
 
 Only a minute proportion of total respondents mentioned any help re- 
 ceived from public or private agencies, other than money, during the period 
 of unemployment. However, it is obvious from other responses that a great 
 many of them receive important indirect benefits from government: a consider- 
 able number, for example, live in low-rent public housing, and a majority make 
 use of the County Hospital and public health facilities. While relatively few 
 are now placed in jobs by the State Employment Service, most of the respondents 
 are registered at an SES office. 
 
132 
 
 Perceptions and Attitudes 
 
 A number of questions in the survey were designed to elicit the reactions 
 of study area residents to problems such as discrimination, area redevelopment 
 (in the broad sense), and so forth, and to gain insight into the aspirations 
 and goals they have set for themselves and for their families. The patterns 
 of responses suggest a deep concern with the question of unemployment and a 
 serious gap in communication between those agencies empowered to combat economic 
 problems and the persons in the most disadvantaged group of the central city. 
 
 One purpose of the survey was to probe the possible impact of existing 
 governmental programs, antidiscrimination legislation, and civil-rights activ- 
 ity upon the educational and economic status of study area residents, a majority 
 of whom are Negro and Mexican American. It is clear from the results that 
 most respondents fail to perceive any concrete employment benefits from the 
 increased civil- rights action of recent years. About four- fifths of both the 
 men and the women had noticed no results from civil-rights activity or FEPC 
 legislation, "either at work or elsewhere." Awareness of results was higher 
 among the Negroes than among the Mexican Americans, as would be expected, but 
 even three-quarters of the Negroes were without knowledge of visible improve- 
 ments. Among all those who had noted any changes whatsoever, about k2 percent 
 of the men and 56 percent of the women had noticed some betterment either in 
 the quality or the quantity of jobs available, or both, but 'yk percent of the 
 men and 38 percent of the women mentioned factors unrelated to any improvement 
 in employment. An analysis of this result, and of other responses in the sur- 
 vey, would suggest two reasons for this distribution of answers: (l) both 
 Negroes and Mexican Americans tend to regard the major effects of civil-rights 
 activity and legislation as being outside their place of employment (for 
 example, in political appointments, public accommodations, schools), and 
 
133 
 
 (2) a noticeable percentage of Mexican Americans feel that recent events have 
 resulted partly in the acquisition of jobs by Negroes which might otherwise go 
 to the Mexican American group. 
 
 It is equally clear from other results that the various retraining pro- 
 grams now in effect have had little impact upon the unemployed persons in 
 these "hard-core" areas. About 55 percent of the men and 51 percent of the 
 women had heard of "the Government retraining programs, night courses, or other 
 programs to give more training to people." This does not mean, of course, that 
 they had actually been enrolled in such programs; indeed, there is no indica- 
 tion that MDTA training had reached any of the respondents. The significance 
 of the above response is that almost half of the unemployed persons in the 
 household sampling had never heard of the major training effort undertaken by 
 the federal government in cooperation with the various states. Yet, in 
 response to an earlier question, about four- fifths of this same sampling had 
 indicated an interest in retraining. 
 
 It is undeniable that a certain percentage of rationalization and eva- 
 sion must be anticipated in the answers to questions of this nature. A "Yes" 
 answer to a question about the respondent's interest in retraining may well be 
 more "acceptable" and "respectable" than a "No" response, and some persons may 
 not wish to acknowledge an awareness of programs for which they have never 
 applied. Despite these reservations, it seems likely that the basic pattern 
 of replies is correct. The currently employed persons, incidentally, indicated 
 even less awareness of these programs than did the unemployed. 
 
 The questions on job aspirations reveal a bimodal distribution of 
 attitudes: a substantial proportion of the men (kk.l percent) and of the 
 women (Ul.l) were interested in doing only the same general kind of work that 
 they had performed in the past, but another proportionately large group 
 
1& 
 
 of the men (37.1 percent) and of the women (3^.8) aspired to a job in a higher 
 skill range and unrelated to their previous work. Unemployed Negro women 
 evinced the strongest interest in upward job mobility, and Mexican American 
 women demonstrated the least interest. Among employed persons with a history 
 of unemployment, Negroes (both male and female) exhibited higher skill aspira- 
 tions in a somewhat greater degree than did the Mexican Americans. 
 
 Questions on hopes and aspirations for one's family and the major life- 
 time aims of the respondents elicited replies that seemed to emphasize economic 
 factors. About 71 percent of the unemployed men and about 5& percent of the 
 unemployed women gave answers that related in some way to the provision of a 
 better home or the attainment of economic security; a substantial percentage 
 of replies (much higher among women than men) also stressed better education 
 for the family members. Indeed, Mexican American women gave education first 
 priority. In like measure, about half of the men and about k2 percent of the 
 women emphasized success at work or a better home as their main aim in life. 
 A large group also framed their answers in terms of greater economic security, 
 in a somewhat more general sense, and quite a few sought a combination of all 
 the various factors mentioned. Education per se did not have quite the high 
 standing in these responses that it seemed to have previously, but many 
 referred to it in combination with one or another of the other goals. 
 
 Asked to identify what they perceived as the major barriers to achieve- 
 ment of their goals, most of the respondents stressed lack of job skill, lack 
 of education, and, simply, "lack of money," or some combination of these and 
 related factors. Age, racial discrimination, and health problems were not 
 given particular emphasis, and only among the women were "problems in the 
 home" given much weight (12.9 percent of the women so indicated). However, 
 the respondents from the BPA-DE lists, who perhaps may be regarded as the 
 
135 
 
 hardest of the hard-core unemployed, tended to emphasize the barriers created 
 by age. Fully 30 percent of all those indicating difficulty in getting jobs 
 gave "age" as the reason. 
 
 The perceptions of discrimination, both on the basis of age and of 
 race, reveal some interesting patterns. Respondents were asked to indicate 
 whether they thought that a 20-year-old person would have a better chance to 
 get a job than would a 30-year-old, other things being equal, and were also 
 asked for similar reactions to a situation involving a 30-year-old versus a 
 ^0-year-old and a l|0-year-old versus a 50-year-old. A majority of the 
 sampling of unemployed persons felt that the younger applicant would always 
 have an advantage (women felt more strongly about this than men, and Negroes 
 much more so than Mexican Americans), but a significant, though lower, propor- 
 tion believed that the younger would be preferred except in the case of the 
 20-year-old competing against the 30-year-old. Here they felt that the older 
 applicant would have preference. In short, almost everyone in the sampling 
 believed that age is a barrier to employment for all persons who are Uo or 
 50 years old, but there was some disagreement as to the relative advantages 
 held by two persons in a younger bracket (ages 20 and 30) . 
 
 The responses to a parallel question on racial discrimination are 
 similarly mixed. Asked whether they felt that a Negro would be preferred over 
 a Mexican American, an Anglo over a Mexican American, or an Anglo over a Negro, 
 under the same circumstances, a majority responded that an Anglo would always 
 have an advantage in such competition and that a Mexican American would have 
 preference over a Negro if the choice were limited only to those two. However, 
 a second group, smaller but still sizable , believed that the Anglo would 
 always be preferred but that a Negro would have priority over a Mexican Ameri- 
 can. The Mexican Americans, especially the women, felt this proportionately 
 
136 
 
 most strongly, but it is interesting that almost one-quarter of the Negroes 
 took this latter viewpoint too. It is not possible to determine, at this 
 stage, how much of this response results from a belief that civil-rights 
 activity is helping the Negro at the expense of the Mexican American, and how 
 much from a recognition of the fact that language and cultural problems may 
 frequently place the Mexican American at a disadvantage in competition with 
 the Negro. 
 
 The study area residents were also polled on their perceptions of the 
 major needs of the area in which they live. All respondents in the "long- 
 form" sampling were asked to assign priorities to the following measures, on 
 the assumption that they had the power to make the decision: 
 
 (a) Leave this area pretty much as it is; 
 
 (b) Build some new homes; 
 
 (c) Build some new or improved apartment houses; 
 
 (d) Put up more schools or community centers; 
 
 (e) Bring in more factories and stores to provide jobs; 
 
 (f) Build more parks and playgrounds; 
 
 (g) Build more hospitals and clinics; 
 (h) Anything else (specify). 
 
 The answers given by unemployed persons make it quite clear that jobs 
 (point (e)) were their first concern, with education and housing also rated 
 high. Education and housing were rated somewhat higher by the women than by 
 the men, but all groups gave first priority to the improvement of job oppor- 
 tunities in their area. Given a choice between building new homes or building 
 new or improved apartment houses, the men split about evenly and the women 
 showed a preference for single- family homes. Jobs were regarded as being 
 
137 
 
 of either first or second importance by 59 percent of the men and ^k percent 
 of the women. Some form of new or improved housing was given first or second 
 place by 1+7 percent of the men and 5*+ percent of the women, and more schools 
 or community centers were similarly rated by 1+3 percent of the men and 1+6 
 percent of the women. Less than 7 percent of the total were satisfied with 
 the area as it is. About the same percentage gave priority to new health 
 facilities, but a higher percentage (13«1 percent) rated this as being of 
 second importance. Parks and playgrounds were usually given a low rating by 
 the respondents. 
 
 Employed persons with a history of unemployment also gave high priority 
 to job creation, almost to the same degree as did the currently unemployed, 
 but gave somewhat less emphasis to education. Mexican American women, in 
 particular, expressed much greater satisfaction with the area Just as it is, 
 while Negro women indicated substantial concern with matters of education. 
 All subgroups evinced an interest in better housing of some kind, and the 
 employed gave a higher rating to health facilities than had the unemployed. 
 Parks and playgrounds again rated extremely low in the scale. 
 
138 
 
 An Evaluation 
 
 The results of the survey suggest that the characteristics of the 
 unemployed and the underemployed vary considerably from one group to another, 
 though certain common problems can be identified. Of all the groups surveyed, 
 Negro women who are heads of households obviously bear the heaviest burdens. 
 Despite their higher median of school years completed, these women endure 
 the longest periods of unemployment, the lowest pay when and if employed, 
 the greatest average number of dependents, the least access to adequate 
 transportation, and the most severe incidence of health problems. They share 
 with other groups an excessive concentration in the unskilled occupations, 
 where the market demand for workers appears to be declining precipitously. 
 In those cases where the mother must care for several small children, or 
 where problems related to age and/or health exist, additional employment 
 opportunities per se may not even be a sufficient or meaningful solution. 
 Much depends on the availability of free day-care facilities for children 
 and the suitability of existing jobs for women. Birth-control measures may 
 also be necessary to ease both the economic and emotional burdens on families, 
 particularly those characterized by disorganization. 
 
 It is clear from the findings that the unemployed and underemployed 
 men in the study area suffer a considerable intermittency or irregularity of 
 employment. The men characteristically experience less long-term unemploy- 
 ment than do the women (unless special problems such as physical disability 
 are present), but the employment they secure tends to be of brief duration. 
 About a third of the males in the currently unemployed category had been 
 jobless for 26 weeks or more, a much lower percentage of long-term unem- 
 ployment than exists in the female group, but their jobs over the recent 
 
139 
 
 past have typically lasted only a few months, or even weeks, at a time. Much 
 of their employment is casual by its nature, e.g., construction activity. In 
 other cases, it would appear that the men in this sampling have been concen- 
 trated in occupations which have experienced cyclical or secular declines. 
 
 Ironically, many of the employed persons in the study area have 
 retained their jobs over a long period of time, often longer than the average 
 in Southern California. Their greater success in job retention is apparently 
 related, in significant degree, to higher skill levels, since the long-term 
 employed are concentrated in occupations other than unskilled. The level 
 of skill attained seems to be a more critical determinant of success in 
 employment than other factors such as length of residence in California, 
 years of school completed, or race. However, the last two variables un- 
 doubtedly become more important as workers seek jobs above the semiskilled 
 level. 
 
 The available data would indicate that the labor force members surveyed 
 in the ARA study area fall roughly into three major and distinct groups: 
 
 (1) A hard core of unemployed persons, largely women, who suffer 
 particular disabilities related to physical condition and health, age, 
 family status, education or skill, or race; 
 
 (2) A substantial group who are intermittently employed and unemployed, 
 often earning a reasonably high hourly rate when employed but still failing 
 to earn enough over the year to raise their families above the "poverty" 
 
 or "deprivation" levels; and 
 
 (3) A large number of more or less permanently employed persons who 
 experience relatively infrequent unemployment. While the vast majority of 
 them possess sufficient skill to make possible an adequate annual income, 
 
some are in occupations or industries which are characterized by low pay- 
 scales. Adequacy of income, of course, sometimes depends on size of family: 
 some families in the study area suffer deprivation not because their incomes 
 are abnormally low, but, rather, because the number of dependents is 
 unusually high. It must be added, however, that the average number of 
 dependents per household in this sampling does not appear to be as high as 
 might have been anticipated. 
 
 A closer examination of the occupations mentioned by the unemployed 
 and underemployed men confirms that a high percentage of the total seek 
 work in some phase of the building construction industry. A little under 
 one-fifth of the unemployed Negro men and about Ik percent of the unemployed 
 Mexican American men were searching for either unskilled, semiskilled, or 
 skilled employment in construction at the time of interview, with the vast 
 majority concentrated in the unskilled area. In addition, about Ik percent 
 of the currently employed Uegro men and about 9 percent of the Mexican 
 Americans in that category had found employment in building construction, 
 and, contrary to the generally prevailing pattern, the Negroes were concen- 
 trated proportionately more than were the Mexican Americans in the semi- 
 skilled and skilled occupations and were better paid on the average. A 
 majority of all groups received more than $100 per week in income whenever 
 employed, and the average age in every case tended to be above the average 
 for the total household sampling. The employed men in both ethnic groupings 
 had resided in California a longer period of time, on the average, than had 
 the unemployed. 
 
 The pattern as it emerges from the data seems to be along these lines : 
 both the unemployed and the employed with history of unemployment suffer a 
 
Xit-1 
 
 considerable irregularity of employment, due in large part to the nature of 
 the construction industry, and the majority make good wages (averaging over 
 $130 per week for full-time employment under a union contract) whenever 
 employed. It would appear that many of the employed Negro men have 
 acquired skills over time which improve their competitive position in the 
 construction labor market. The intermittency of their employment, therefore, 
 is due to the casual nature of construction activity and, probably, a recent 
 cyclical decline in the industry in Southern California. In addition to 
 those problems (which are faced by everyone attached to the industry) , the 
 unskilled workers confront a general diminution in the demand for their 
 services, resulting from new technology and changes in work processes. 
 
 Outside the construction industry, both Negro and Mexican American men 
 seek work in a variety of unskilled, semiskilled, and service occupations, 
 usually related in some way to past emplo^ouent. The relative competitive 
 positions of the two ethnic groups are now reversed, with the Mexican 
 Americans obviously more successful in finding semiskilled (and, sometimes, 
 even skilled) production work. The comparative employment advantage is 
 held by Mexican American women, as well as men, who also succeed in obtain- 
 ing a higher proportion of semiskilled and a lower proportion of service 
 jobs. Yet the figures on median earnings indicate that only in the case 
 of the women does the difference in occupational distribution result in 
 higher earnings for Mexican Americans; the Negro men actually have a 
 higher median of weekly earnings when employed than do the Mexican American 
 men, despite the relatively greater concentration of the latter in semi- 
 skilled work. In large part, this results from the reverse pattern in 
 building construction, already described, where pay rates are particularly 
 high. 
 
The long - term unemployed men (those jobless for at least six months) 
 tend to be concentrated in the older age brackets, but with a second concentra- 
 tion of some size in the youngest bracket surveyed. Ages vary according to 
 length of residence in California: most of the long-term unemployed who have 
 resided in the state for 10 years or more are age Uo or older, with a parti- 
 cularly heavy concentration of Negro men in the age 50-59 bracket, while those 
 who have been here for less than 10 years tend to be clustered in the below-^0 
 bracket. Differences between the two major ethnic groups are also evident 
 from the survey data: while the median ages of Negroes and Mexican Americans 
 in the long-term unemployed category do not appear to differ significantly 
 (both are close to age ko), the Negroes were particularly numerous at the 
 extremes, below age 40 (with a high representation in the 20-29 group) and 
 above age 50, whereas the Mexican Americans were somewhat more evenly distri- 
 buted among the various age brackets (with a large number in the k0-k9 class). 
 The more recent arrivals in California (those having resided here less than 
 10 years) were markedly younger, on the average, than the long-time residents . 
 Among Negro men, where the sampling is larger, approximately 35 percent of the 
 long-time residents were age 50 and older, compared to only 13 percent of the 
 under-10-year respondents. On the other hand, over three-quarters of the rela- 
 tive newcomers were under age ^0, in contrast with only ^3 percent of the 
 longer-term residents. 
 
 Cross-tabulations between years of school completed and length of 
 unemployment reveal divergent and somewhat unexpected patterns. Long-term 
 unemployed Negro men were educated at a level below the median level for the 
 short-term unemployed (about half a grade lower), while the Mexican American 
 men in this category were considerably better educated than their counterparts 
 
1*3 
 
 in the short-term unemployment group, roughly a grade and a half higher in 
 years of school completed. Indeed, about 2k percent of the Mexican American 
 men had completed high school, only about 5 percentage points below the 
 corresponding percentage for Negro men in the same category. 
 
 In the total sampling of long-term unemployed men, the more recent 
 arrivals in the state tend to be better educated than the longer-term residents. 
 Almost 37 percent of the former had completed high school, compared to about 
 one- quarter of the latter. A word of caution, however, should be added at 
 this point: the overwhelming majority of all respondents had received their 
 educations in the Southern states, where educational standards (particularly 
 for minority groups) are generally much lower than in other parts of the 
 country. As this report has argued previously, the quality of education 
 differs so significantly from one area to another that the highest grade 
 completed does not necessarily reflect a corresponding level of mental aptitude 
 where the schooling has been provided in the South or in comparable regions. 
 
 The figures on earnings received by long-term unemployed men from their 
 previous employment show a mixed pattern: for example, Negroes proportion- 
 ately outnumber Mexican Americans in the highest earnings brackets (about 32 
 percent of Negro men had been paid $100 a week or more, compared to about 
 17 percent of the Mexican Americans), but proportionately more Negroes are 
 also to be found in the lowest brackets (about V7 percent of the Negroes had 
 earned less than $80 a week, compared to about 27 percent of the Mexican 
 Americans). Most Mexican American men (about 55 percent of the total) were 
 in the $80 - $99 a week bracket. 
 
 785-893 O-65-ll 
 
iMk 
 
 The more recent arrivals in California had previously earned signifi- 
 cantly less, on the whole, than had the long-time residents. Median earnings 
 for the former were close to $70 a week, and the median for the latter was 
 roughly $20 a week higher. Precisely one- quarter of the Negro men in the 
 former category had earned under $60 weekly (less than $1.50 an hour). It 
 should again be noted that the sampling of relative newcomers among the 
 long-term unemployed is quite small, notably among the Mexican Americans. 
 About 77 percent of all long-term unemployed males had lived in California 
 10 years or more. 
 
 Patterns of job search among the long-term unemployed do not appear 
 to differ importantly from the patterns among the shorter-term unemployed. 
 Mexican American men search mainly for various types of semiskilled or 
 lower-paid clerical work (such as factory production work, truck driving, 
 and positions as shipping clerks) , with a secondary emphasis on the unskilled 
 occupations. Negro men concentrate on unskilled, semiskilled and service 
 jobs in roughly that order. Perhaps the most distinguishing characteristic 
 of the long-term unemployed males is their status within the household. The 
 majority of them have no dependents other than a spouse or occasionally a 
 parent or adult relative. Indeed, about three- fifths of all respondents 
 indicated that they had no dependents age 16 or younger. This pattern un- 
 doubtedly results from the relative concentrations of unemployed men in the 
 very young or older age brackets. The youngsters are usually unmarried or 
 separated, while the others are primarily older married persons whose 
 children have left the household. Mexican American men tend to have a 
 higher average number of dependents age 16 or under than do the Negroes, but 
 even in their case the majority are without such dependents. 
 
The fact that a disproportionate number of long-time California resi- 
 dents are represented among the "hard-core" unemployed men, together with 
 the fact that the educational level (in quantitative terms) is at least as 
 high as it is in less disadvantaged groups within the area, may suggest a 
 paradox which requires explanation. Two possibilities immediately come to 
 mind. 
 
 The first is the explanation implied in conventional economic theory, 
 which might argue that the relatively greater success of the recent inmigrant 
 in finding work (or, at least, in avoiding long-term unemployment) is related 
 to his more realistic and more reasonable wage expectations. Having migrated 
 from low-wage regions, where perhaps he also experienced unemployment, he 
 offers himself for employment in the lesser- skill jobs of Los Angeles at a 
 wage which corresponds more closely to his productivity. The "reservation 
 price" established by the long-time local resident for the sale of his labor 
 is so unrealistically high that he cannot compete for the available work, 
 sometimes irregular or casual, which employers are prepared to offer. In 
 the terminology of the economist, his unemployment is "voluntary," in the 
 sense that he could obtain employment if he were willing to lower his wage 
 demands sufficiently. 
 
 The second e:cplanation is more "institutional" in nature. This alter- 
 native would suggest that the more recent inmigrants are typically younger 
 than the long-time residents, less handicapped by physical or mental infirmi- 
 ties, and therefore more qualified for the unskilled, Semiskilled, and 
 service jobs requiring strength and dexterity but little or no education. 
 If this supposition is well founded, factors of age and health must be given 
 substantial weight in any explanation of hard-core unemployment. 
 
1U6 
 
 The survey results appear to be consistent with both of these explana- 
 tions. The previous earnings reported by the inmigrants are considerably 
 lower, on the average, than those reported by the long-time residents, which 
 may well indicate that the latter are reluctant to reduce their wage demands 
 much below the level to which they have become accustomed in the past. 
 Sufficient jobs, however, may not now be available at those rates, and the 
 remaining openings may normally be filled with those men who are adjusted 
 to a lower standard of living. On the other hand the data fully confirm 
 that the inmigrants are substantially younger, and the frequency with which 
 respondents mention poor health or other special problems may imply that 
 many of the hard-core unemployed would have difficulty in obtaining stable 
 employment even if they were willing to lower their wage expectations 
 drastically. It is reasonable to presume, for example, that employer discri- 
 mination against older persons, Negroes, applicants with police arrest and/or 
 jail records, backgrounds of illness or injury, and spotty employment 
 histories is a major barrier to employment of study area residents in a 
 generally "loose" labor market. While it would seem that both the "economic" 
 and "institutional" explanations are correct in some degree, a close analysis 
 of the survey results suggests to the authors of this report that the latter 
 explanation is somewhat more meaningful. 
 
 The burden of long-term unemployment falls heavily upon Negro women, 
 who suffer from both a lack of available jobs and a necessity, in many cases, 
 to support excessively large households. Again, problems related to age and 
 health are severe. While two- thirds of all long-term unemployed women in 
 the survey were below age ko, the pattern varies on the basis of ethnic 
 group and length of residence in California. The long-time residents are 
 
older on the average than the more recent inmigrants, with the age barrier 
 particularly formidable for Negro women who have lived in the state for ten 
 years or more. About k5 percent of women in the latter category were age kO 
 or older, and three-quarters of them were heads of households at the time of 
 interview. A high proportion were separated, divorced, or widowed. 
 
 On the whole, Negro women who have migrated to California since 1953 
 are younger than are the long-time residents, and many of them are in the 
 labor force to supplement the relatively low earnings of their husbands. 
 This is equally true of Mexican American women, whether long-term residents 
 or more recent inmigrants. Indeed, in their case the long-time residents 
 represented among the "hard-core" unemployed tend to be younger than the 
 recent inmigrants, though the vast majority of both subgroups were below age 
 ^0. In contrast with Negro women, most of the Mexican American women were 
 not heads of households, and their presence in the work force reflects a 
 frequent necessity to help the spouse in supporting a large number of 
 dependents. It should be added, however, that a considerable percentage of 
 separated or divorced women are to be found among the h5 percent of Mexican 
 American women who are heads of households. Again, as in the case of the 
 men, the sampling of long-term unemployed Mexican American women is small. 
 Long-term unemployment consistently appears to be more of a problem among 
 Negroes than among Mexican Americans. 
 
 The figures on household status and numbers of dependents age 16 or 
 younger suggest that family disorganization is a major problem for unemployed 
 Negro women who are long-time residents of California. Approximately two- 
 fifths of Negro women in this category had two or more dependents age 16 or 
 under at the time of interview, and almost one- quarter of them had four or 
 
ike 
 
 more dependents in that age group. Since 75 percent were heads of households, 
 clearly the responsibility of providing for a household containing young 
 children is a burdensome one. The problem is relatively not as serious 
 among the more recent inmigrants, but even here a majority of Negro women 
 (5*+ percent) were heads of households and more than one-third had two or more 
 dependents age 16 or under. As indicated, a somewhat greater proportion of 
 the recent inmigrants were young wives. More than 70 percent of the Mexican 
 American women had no dependents at all in the age- 16- and- under category. 
 In large measure, this reflects the fact that many of them were wives or 
 children of the heads of household, seeking either to supplement the latter' s 
 earnings or achieve a status of total or partial self-support. 
 
 Educational patterns among long-term unemployed women again show 
 interesting results. Almost one-third of the total had completed high school, 
 and several of these had attended college. As in the case of the men, the 
 level of schooling is higher than it is within the study area as a whole: 
 the median of school years completed is over the 10th grade for all long-term 
 unemployed women, somewhat higher for Negro women and lower for Mexican 
 Americans, compared to a median of 9«26 for all persons over age 25 in the 
 area. Negro women who had entered the state in the previous 10-year period 
 were the best educated of the various groups, with approximately 1+3 percent 
 having completed high school. Most of them had attended Southern schools, 
 and it is again necessary to add that the quality of that education is 
 questionable. 
 
 The data on weekly earnings in previous employment demonstrate that 
 female workers, whether Negro or Mexican American, are extremely low paid. 
 Over one- third of the total had earned less than $50 a week, and another 
 
149 
 
 one- quarter between $50 and $59- Worst paid, proportionately, were the Negro 
 women who had been in California less than ten years; exactly two-thirds of 
 that group had earned less than $60 a week. Paradoxically, however, the rela- 
 tive newcomers in this group also outnumbered the long-time residents in the 
 higher earnings brackets; almost 19 percent of the former had made $80 or 
 more, compared to 12.5 percent of the latter. The long-time residents tend 
 to concentrate in proportionately greater numbers in the middle categories. 
 A slight majority of Mexican American women had earned less than $60 weekly, 
 but about 28 percent of them had been in the $80-plus bracket. 
 
 Negro women search primarily for various types of low-paid service, 
 clerical, or semiskilled jobs, while Mexican American women concentrate more 
 in the semiskilled area, many of them seeking light factory work. The Negroes 
 conduct their job search mainly without access to a car, whereas a higher 
 percentage of the Mexican Americans have their own transportation. Excessive 
 reliance upon public transportation inhibits the search for work among 
 unemployed women in all categories, but most obviously among Negro women. 
 
 It would appear that long-term unemployed women in the study area 
 fall into three major groups: (l) those who are in a household without a 
 male head and must support themselves and their children; (2) those whose 
 spouse is present in the household but who seek employment to raise the 
 family's standard of living (which may be below the "poverty" line); and 
 (3) single persons, usually young, who are sometimes searching for jobs for 
 the first time. The severity of the problem obviously varies among these 
 groups: lack of personal income is likely to be disastrous for the first 
 group, but may or may not be a serious matter for the other two. It is also 
 obvious that the problems of the first group, which is especially numerous 
 in the Negro community, are not automatically solved by measures to raise 
 the level of aggregate demand in the total economy. 
 
The complexity of the problem of hard-core unemployment is emphasized 
 by the cross- tabulations performed on survey data. Better education per se 
 is obviously no guarantee of employment, when the figures clearly show that 
 the best educated among the unemployed suffer longer spells of unemployment 
 on the average than do the poorer educated. Among Negro men, median weekly 
 earnings in previous employment held by high school graduates were somewhat 
 less than those earned by men who had only completed the 8th grade or less. 
 The data make it clear that the common explanation of unemployment in terms 
 of an inadequate quantity of education and training on the part of the 
 unemployed is a vast oversimplification. The Negro in particular is faced 
 by a peculiar paradox: he may not need a high- school diploma to qualify for 
 the relatively unskilled jobs which are open to him without discrimination but 
 are rapidly diminishing in magnitude, and he needs more than a high-school 
 education to qualify for the highly skilled occupations for which he must 
 compete with college graduates and even many with advanced degrees. 
 
 The burden of hard-core unemployment among Negroes falls heavily upon 
 the older age group and upon those who have lived in California for 10 years 
 or more. There is, for example, more long-term unemployment among the long- 
 time residents of Los Angeles than in any other group. The problem among 
 Mexican Americans is of a somewhat different nature: unemployment tends to 
 be of shorter duration and less related to the handicaps of age. Mexican 
 Americans are particularly burdened by a lack of education (in both the 
 quantitative and qualitative sense) , but again we encounter a strange paradox. 
 The long-term unemployed among them are better educated, by a wide margin, 
 than are the short-term unemployed, which may reflect in part the proportion- 
 ately greater presence of younger persons who have received their educations 
 
151 
 
 in the United States. Though their median schooling still falls far short 
 of the 12th grade, their expectations are understandably higher than are 
 those of their olde- and less educated compatriots. Presumably they are 
 less prepared to accept the intermittency, low pay, and inferior status of 
 the jobs which are typically sought by the poorly educated. 
 
 The unemployed in the ARA study area can be categorized into two 
 broad groups: those who are predominantly in the semiskilled category and 
 came to the Los Angeles area many years ago, and those who are primarily 
 unskilled and have arrived here within the past decade. Many in the former 
 group came to Los Angeles during or just after World War II, succeeded in 
 obtaining production work or reasonably well-paid jobs in the construction 
 industry, and now face problems because they must compete with younger and 
 better educated persons for employment at skill levels which have been 
 affected adversely by technological change. The other group is composed 
 largely of those who arrive here with very little skill and an education 
 which is deficient in qualitative as well as quantitative terms. Members 
 of the first group find it difficult to obtain employment at all under 
 existing conditions; members of the second have somewhat greater success 
 in finding some kind of employment, but it is characteristically irregular, 
 ill-paid, and with an uncertain future. 
 
 Among Negroes, the pattern of migration shows only a few variations 
 since the beginning of World War II. Today, as then, most of the inmigrants 
 come from the South, principally from Texas and Louisiana, but now a higher 
 proportion seem to arrive from Mississippi and Alabama and relatively fewer 
 from Georgia. Most of them have at least attended a high school, but it is 
 usually located in a Southern state. Fewer Mexican Americans have attended 
 
152 
 
 high school, but those who are in that category are more likely to have 
 been enrolled in a school vithin the Los Angeles area. When they arrive 
 here, Negroes will search proportionately more for unskilled and service 
 jobs and Mexican Americans for semiskilled work. However, there are varia- 
 tions in the pattern: inmigrants from Arkansas will concentrate on unskilled 
 occupations, while those from Texas often raise their occupational sights 
 to the semiskilled and even skilled levels. 
 
 Unemployment is manifestly only one segment of the economic difficul- 
 ties which burden the residents of the study area. Many female heads of 
 household, in particular, fail to earn enough when employed to raise their 
 incomes above the $3000-a-year "poverty" mark. Nor can they obtain a 
 sufficient income when their educational levels are relatively high: there 
 is no significant correlation, for instance, between the years of school 
 completed by unemployed Negro women and their earnings in previous employment. 
 Mexican American women who are unemployed are little better off, but as 
 a whole they are less often in the labor market and, even when they are 
 unemployed, they can rely more frequently upon the earnings of a spouse or 
 some other relative. The majority of Negro women in the ranks of the un- 
 employed are single, separated, divorced, or widowed, and therefore must 
 serve as the head of household. 
 
 Dissatisfaction with their status in the current labor market is 
 reflected in the high proportions of workers whose past experience has been 
 primarily in one type of work but who now aspire to a different category. 
 Changed job objectives are most evident among Negro men, but the directions 
 of change are mixed. About 31 percent of those who mention unskilled work 
 as their previous occupation are now looking for semiskilled, skilled, or 
 
153 
 
 service jobs, but about 23 percent of those mentioning semiskilled employment 
 have apparently lowered their sights to unskilled vork and another 13 percent 
 presently search for skilled or service jobs. Many of those who have worked 
 in service jobs, on the other hand, now concentrate on unskilled or semi- 
 skilled employment. Generally, the long-time residents of Los Angeles are 
 proportionately most satisfied with their usual type of work, as would be 
 expected from persons who are in a somewhat higher skill category, while the 
 predominantly unskilled inmigrants demonstrate a greater ambition to develop 
 a new skill. Resistance to retraining is strongest among the older residents. 
 
 The relative newcomers to California, among both Negroes and Mexican 
 Americans, obtain their occasional and irregular employment at wages which 
 are below the corresponding averages for the longer-term residents. The 
 median earnings in previous employment received by Negro rren who have been 
 in Los Angeles less than five years are about $26 a week under the comparable 
 figure for those who have been here ten years or more. At weekly earnings 
 of $57^ "the recent inmigrants could not earn enough over a full year of 
 steady empl oyment to raise their family income over the poverty level. Their 
 households would require a second source of income to bring the total annual 
 earnings above $3,000. 
 
 Unless they seek employment in the construction trades, which are 
 heavily organized, migrants to Los Angeles who are currently unemployed (or 
 are only intermittently employed) normally do not retain union membership. 
 Percentage of membership is highest among the unskilled, lowest among the 
 skilled and service workers. Most workers at all skill levels will register 
 with the State Employment Service, but will now rely relatively little upon 
 the Service as a source of job leads. The older persons, and those who have 
 
15^ 
 
 attended a high school in Los Angeles, are proportionately most aware of the 
 various governmental programs of retraining, but, ironically, many in this 
 group are also least receptive to training proposals. As the period of 
 unemployment lengthens, the workers surveyed "become more willing to move 
 elsewhere in search of employment, but most of them would prefer to stay in 
 California if possible. The women are more resistant to moving than are the 
 men, and Mexican American women, in particular, tend to oppose any drastic 
 changes in residence, occupational level, and so forth. 
 
155 
 
 One interesting aspect of the search for work is the general absence 
 of effective help from the usual sources: the Employment Service, want ads, 
 private employment agencies, and unions. While union referrals are of some 
 significance to Negro men (probably in the building trades mainly), and 
 Employment Service and private agency referrals are offered to about a fifth 
 of Ifegro women (probably in domestic service and clerical jobs), all groups 
 rely primarily upon referrals from "family, friends, or relatives''' or simply 
 upon direct applications to employers (''walk-ins :: ) . This is true not only 
 of the currently employed persons with a history of unemployment, but also of 
 the long-term employed persons in the "short-form'' sampling. Thus it is clear 
 that the existing public and private agencies offer little meaningful assis- 
 tance to job- seekers in the lesser skilled categories. 
 
 Some of the responses may indicate that changes in the labor market 
 are largely responsible for this current gap. High proportions of the 
 unemployed men had once been union members and had formerly obtained jobs 
 through the Employment Service. Hence their disaffiliation from unions and 
 the failure of the Employment Service to place- them in jobs under present 
 circumstances undoubtedly reflect a narrowing of opportunities for men at 
 these skill levels. However, it is equally obvious that this is only a 
 part of the story. Even those with long records of employment, and those 
 with intermittent employment, declare overwhelmingly that their jobs were 
 secured through "unofficial" and highly personal channels. The evidence 
 would suggest that residents of the census tracts studied find (and seek) 
 employment primarily in unorganized firms and industries, except for building 
 construction, and that their success in obtaining work in such fields may 
 be conditioned somewhat on a willingness or ability to accept low pay. 
 
156 
 
 Apparently the AFL-CIO industrial unions have suffered most severely 
 from this tendency of study area residents to abandon or avoid union member- 
 ship, though the AFL-CIO "building trades unions andthe Teamsters Union have 
 also experienced noticeable losses. The percentage (^3>7 percent) of those 
 who have dropped union membership is highest among Mexican American men. 
 One possible reason for the present lack of interest in unionism among the 
 persons surveyed is that a considerable proportion of them- -about one- quarter 
 of all the unemployed and roughly the same percent of the employed with a 
 history of unemployment—normally limit their job search to government agencies 
 only or to private retail or service firms only, most of \/hich are presently 
 unorganized. Their past records might suggest that they are readily receptive 
 to unionization if and when its concrete economic benefits become apparent. 
 
 The figures make it evident that the Employment Service is of relatively 
 greater value to the women than to the men, perhaps for the reason that there 
 are more job openings in occupations (such as domestic service and clerical 
 employment) which are dominated by women. Over one -third of the Negro women, 
 for example, have had ES referrals during the current spell of unemployment, 
 compared to less than one-fifth of the Ifegro men. Referrals, of course, are 
 not at all synonymous with placements, and less than 10 percent of the 
 currently employed Ifegro women, with a history of unemployment, had actually 
 obtained their present jobs through an Employment Service referral. The 
 number of long-term employed women in this category is unknown, but the 
 overall results would imply that it is relatively small. 
 
 Data on transportation, distances covered in the job search, and frequency 
 of visits to places of employment suggest that many women probably are unable 
 to take advantage of job openings because they do not occur in areas close 
 
157 
 
 to home. The demand for domestic servants, for instance, is centered in the 
 wealthier areas of Los Angeles far distant from the south central area, and 
 clerical or sales positions are also likely to be located at some distance. 
 Declining business in the south central area severely reduces the number of 
 nonmanual jobs readily available to vomen. 
 
 The unemployed manage to support themselves and their families by a 
 variety of means, legal or illegal, during the period of unemployment. Only 
 about h-0 percent receive either unemployment compensation or public assistance; 
 the majority depend most heavily upon the earnings of a spouse, assistance 
 from relatives or friends, and a number of "other sources which range from 
 accumulated savings to winnings at a race track. A considerable number of 
 unemployed persons report occasional income from odd jobs or part-time work, 
 and, technically, may not actually be unemployed for the full period of their 
 presumed unemployment. In many cases, undoubtedly, they are in technical 
 violation of unemployment insurance regulations by not reporting such 
 short-term employment during periods when they are still receiving compensation. 
 
 On the other hand, a number of Mexican American respondents reported 
 that they had not made application for unemployment compensation benefits, 
 though presumably they were entitled to receive them. In some cases, it was 
 clear that a simple lack of understanding and information, perhaps due to 
 the language barrier, was responsible for this failure, but at other times 
 the interviewee merely stated that he expected to get a job fairly soon and 
 therefore did not plan on applying for benefits. The unemployed Mexican 
 Americans rely particularly on assistance from family members or other 
 relatives; relatively few reported income from "other' sources, in contrast 
 with the Negro respondents. The size of households is large in the Mexican 
 
158 
 
 American community, even though only a few household members may be dependent 
 on the respondent. "Relief during spells of unemployment is provided within 
 the family or household structure, with the employed accepting responsibility 
 for help to or care of the unemployed. 
 
 In the Negro community, this personal and informal system of "relief" is 
 also widespread, but is supplemented more often "by sources (in this order) 
 such as odd jobs, past savings, child- support payments to divorced women, 
 disability benefits of various types, occasional income from property 
 owned, and gambling. Negro women are relatively most dependent on public 
 assistance, but even here the income from this source is dwarfed by the help 
 received in other ways, principally from a spouse, a relative, a friend, or 
 the usual variety of "other" sources. Negro females are especially burdened 
 by ineligibility to receive unemployment compensation (or, at least, failure 
 to qualify for benefits for one reason or another) . 
 
 The obvious consequence of the intermittency of employment and the 
 irregularity (or unpredictability) of income, in addition to the occasional 
 necessity to contribute support to other household members, is that most of 
 the unemployed and underemployed persons in the area have little opportunity 
 to accumulate resources for the future (and, of course, psychologically they 
 may not be oriented in that direction anyway).' A prolonged spell of unem- 
 ployment which strains the informal family system of aid, an illness or 
 accident, the loss of a breadwinner, or any similar circumstance is tragic 
 for the poor family. The protections of insurance, usually taken for granted 
 by the middle class, are available only as they may be provided on a mass and 
 
 7 See Ben II . Bagdikian, In the Midst of Plenty; A New Report on the 
 Poor in America (New York; Signet Books, 1964, pp. 1+9-50) for a discussion 
 of the psychology of the poor. 
 
*59 
 
 impersonal scale "by government, and, even, then, many of the poorest members 
 of society are ineligible for these minimal benefits. 
 
 Nowhere is the dependence on government more obvious than in the field 
 of medical care, where the residents rely overwhelmingly upon the facilities 
 of the County Hospital and the public health centers for both regular and 
 emergency treatment. The indirect benefits received from government by poor 
 people-housing, medical care, education and training, child care centers, and 
 so forth— may be proportionately of much greater importance than the direct 
 cash benefits through unemployment insurance and public assistance. Without 
 those supplemental benefits, it is obvious that the poor could not survive 
 frequent periods of unemployment unless there were a very significant increase 
 in cash payments. As it is, the unemployed maintain themselves by a rather 
 unstable combination of compensation, public assistance, free (or inexpensive) 
 governmental services, purely private help from family or friends, and a 
 variety of devices ranging widely among the groups and individuals involved. 
 
 The unemployed are quite definite (and, apparently, quite objective) in 
 their perceptions of the reasons for their difficulty in obtaining reasonably 
 stable employment. Most attribute it to deficiencies in their education and 
 skill, or to the disappearance of those jobs for which they are qualified 
 (this, of course, is merely a restatement of the previous point). A substan- 
 tial proportion consider their difficulties to be linked with age, but 
 relatively few would give much weight to either race or religion.. As indicated 
 previously, this result is to be expected when the respondents primarily are 
 seeking unskilled, semiskilled, or service jobs, but would undoubtedly 
 change if the search were pushed into the "nontraditional occupational areas. 
 
 Some persons in the study area are encumbered by special disadvantages 
 in their search for employment, aside from the usual burdens imposed by 
 
 785-893 0-65-12 
 
160 
 
 discrimination on the "basis of race, sex, or age. Several respondents 
 mentioned their prison records as a major handicap, and a great many more are 
 similarly handicapped even though the fact may not be articulated to the 
 interviewer. There is every reason to believe that this represents an import- 
 ant barrier to employment in this area, one which may veil require legislative 
 or executive action in the near future. 
 
 The unemployed and underemployed persons both express dissatisfaction 
 with the community environment in which they live. Only a small percentage 
 indicated that they wished the area to remain as it is, and while most of 
 the respondents understandably placed great emphasis upon job creation, a 
 not insignificant number evidenced concern with the need for better housing, 
 more schools and community centers, and improved health facilities. These 
 responses seem to reflect a genuine awareness of long-run problems and gaps 
 in services, even among those persons who are subject to urgent and critical 
 economic pressures in the short run. 
 
 On the whole, Negroes tend to be more discontented, and more willing to 
 innovate, than Mexican Americans. Mexican Americans, notably the women, are 
 proportionately less willing to move, less interested in retraining, and less 
 concerned with discrimination. The relatively significant interest of Negroes 
 in retraining, and in moving to other locations where jobs might be available, 
 may be interpreted in some quarters to mean that area redevelopment is 
 unnecessary in the predominantly Negro section of Los Angeles. The irony, 
 of course, is that Negroes are effectively barred from moving out of the 
 
 For instance, employers might be prohibited from requiring applicants 
 for employment to disclose their police records, except in those cases where 
 the applicant has been convicted of a crime which related to the nature of the 
 job sought (e.g., a convicted embezzler applying for an accountant's position). 
 Action must also be taken to prevent discriminatory police practices, which 
 are harmful economically as well as physically and emotionally. 
 
l6l 
 
 ghetto, by reason of rigid housing segregation which is nov further "bolstered 
 by a provision in the State Constitution, and inadequacy of transportation 
 severely limits the area in which they can reasonably search for and hold 
 Jobs. On the other hand, Mexican Americans are much freer to move and much 
 less inhibited by overt discrimination, but it vould appear that cultural 
 factors make many of them relatively immobile. 
 
Birthplace 
 
 Currently Unemployed Males 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 162 
 
 Area 
 
 Total 
 ITo . " " % 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. 
 
 No. 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 Alabama 
 
 
 5 
 
 1.75 
 
 5 
 
 3.79 
 
 
 
 Arizona 
 
 
 7 
 
 2.^5 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 5.60 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 
 I -*-> 
 
 5.24 
 
 1 14 
 
 10.61 
 
 1 1 
 
 .50 
 
 California (0 
 
 utside L.A. area) 
 
 7 
 
 2A5 
 
 1 
 
 .76 
 
 
 
 4.60 
 
 Colorado 
 
 
 1 & 
 
 2.10 
 
 T_ 
 
 .76 
 
 3 
 
 2.40 
 
 Georgia 
 
 
 i 
 
 2.IC 
 
 b 
 
 4.55 
 
 
 
 Idaho 
 
 
 j 
 
 .35 
 
 
 
 
 
 Illinois 
 
 
 5 
 
 1.75 
 
 1 3 
 
 2.27 
 
 i 1 
 
 .50 
 
 Indiana 
 
 
 1 
 
 • 35 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 leva 
 
 
 j. — 
 
 • 35 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kansas 
 
 
 \ 1 
 
 1 -j 
 
 1.05 
 
 2 
 
 1.52 
 
 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 
 1 2 
 
 .70 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 
 i 2a 
 
 9.79 
 
 2c 
 
 21.21 
 
 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 
 1 
 
 • 35 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 Michigan 
 
 
 2 
 
 .70 
 
 i 
 
 .76 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 
 
 .35 
 
 ..... ... 
 
 
 1 
 
 .50 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 
 ■*v 
 
 5.24 
 
 15 
 
 11 . 36 
 
 
 
 Missouri 
 
 
 5 
 
 1.75 
 
 
 2.27 
 
 1 
 
 
 Montana 
 
 
 l 
 
 • 35 
 
 
 
 ! 1 
 
 .50 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 
 1 
 
 .35 
 
 "j 
 
 . 70 
 
 
 
 Hew Mexico 
 
 
 _ 
 
 1.75 
 
 
 
 1 c 
 
 4. CO 
 
 New York 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ho. Carolina 
 
 
 2 
 
 .70 
 
 2 
 
 1.52 
 
 1 
 
 
 Ohio 
 
 
 _ 
 
 
 T_ 
 
 .76 
 
 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 " " 7 
 
 2.k 5 
 
 7 
 
 -5.30 
 
 ! 
 
 
 Oregon 
 
 3 
 
 1.05 
 
 
 
 ! 1 
 
 .60 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 
 3 
 
 1.05 ; 
 
 3 
 
 2.27 
 
 • 
 
 
 Texas 
 
 
 ** 1' 
 
 16 . k-3 
 
 2ti 
 
 21.21 
 
 19 
 
 15.20 
 
 Utah 
 
 
 2 
 
 .70 
 
 
 
 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 i 
 
 o5 | 
 
 1 
 
 .76 
 
 
 
 Washington 
 
 
 2 
 
 .70 i 
 
 I 
 
 .76 
 
 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 
 1 
 
 .55 j 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .60 
 
 Mexico 
 
 
 Lc< 
 
 17.13 ' 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 36.40 
 
 Other Latin A. 
 
 -erica 
 
 c 
 
 2. 10 
 
 i 
 
 . fO 
 
 1. 
 
 3.20 
 
 Rest of World 
 
 
 7 
 
 2.45 j 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .60 
 
 Los Angeles M 
 
 etropolitan Area 
 
 3o 
 
 12.59 ' ! 
 
 J 
 
 6.06 
 
 . 26 
 
 20.60 
 
 No Response 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 i 266 10O.0 
 
 132 100.0 
 
 125 100. 
 
 Note: Areas not listed are in the "zero" category. 
 
Birthplace 
 
 Currently Unemployed Females 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 163 
 
 Area 
 Alabama 
 
 ! 
 
 Total 
 
 No. ' io 
 
 14 5.47 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. "% 
 
 14 9-15 
 
 i Mexican 
 , American 
 No. % 
 
 Arizona 
 
 4 
 
 1.56 
 
 
 4 
 
 4.65 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 14 
 
 5.47 
 
 13 
 
 8.50 
 
 
 California (outside L. A. Area) 
 
 10 
 
 3.91 
 
 4 
 
 2.61 
 
 5 
 
 5.61 
 
 Florida 
 
 l 
 
 .39 
 
 1 
 
 .65 
 
 
 Georgia 
 
 7 
 
 2.73 
 
 7 
 
 4.5« 
 
 
 Idaho 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.16 
 
 Illinois 
 
 4 
 
 1.56 
 
 2 
 
 1.31 
 
 1 
 
 1.16 
 
 Kansas 
 
 2 
 
 .7b 
 
 2 
 
 1.31 
 
 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 3 
 
 1.17 
 
 2 
 
 1.31 
 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 32 
 
 12.50 
 
 32 
 
 20.92 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 Michigan 
 
 4 
 
 1.56 
 
 4 
 
 276*1 
 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 11 
 
 4.30 
 
 11 
 
 7.19 
 
 
 
 Missouri 
 
 6 
 
 2.34 
 
 4 
 
 2.61 
 
 1 
 
 1.16 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 1 
 
 .65 
 
 
 
 Nevada 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 1 
 
 .65 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 1 
 
 .65 
 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 a 
 
 3.13 
 
 
 a 
 
 9.30 
 
 New York 
 
 2 
 
 .78 
 
 
 i 
 
 1.16 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 4 
 
 1.56 
 
 4 
 
 2.61 
 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 4 
 
 1.56 
 
 3 
 
 1.96 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 l 
 
 .39 
 
 j_ 
 
 .65 
 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 5 
 
 1.95 
 
 4 
 
 2.61 
 
 
 Texas 
 
 1*3 
 
 16.30 
 
 32 
 
 20.92 
 
 9 
 
 10.47 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 l 
 
 .39 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 l 
 
 .39 
 
 1 
 
 .65 
 
 
 
 Mexico 
 
 37 
 
 14.45 
 
 
 l 
 
 37 
 
 43.02 
 
 Other Latin America 
 
 3 
 
 1.17 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3.49 
 
 Rest of World 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 
 . — -j 
 
 
 
 Los Angeles Metropolitan Area 
 
 2o 
 
 10. 94 
 
 8 
 
 5.23 ' 
 
 16 
 
 lb. 60 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 .39 
 
 l 
 
 .65 
 
 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 256 100.0 
 
 153 100.0 
 
 86 100.0 
 
 Note: Areas not listed are in the "zero" category. 
 
Birthplace 
 
 Currently Employed Males with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 164 
 
 Area 
 
 Total 
 
 No. i 
 
 Negro 
 No. " % 
 
 ^Mexican 
 American 
 
 no". i 
 
 Alabama 
 
 5 
 
 2.20 
 
 1 5 
 
 4.1+2 
 
 ! 
 
 
 Alaska 
 
 1 
 
 .44 
 
 i 1 
 
 .88 
 
 
 
 Arizona 
 
 7 
 
 3.08 
 
 1 
 
 .88 
 
 ; 5 
 
 4.81 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 12 
 
 5.29 
 
 12 
 
 10.62 
 
 j 
 
 
 California! out side L.A. area) j 
 
 6 
 
 2.6U 
 
 1 * 
 
 3.54 
 
 2 
 
 1.92 
 
 Colorado 
 
 2 
 
 .88 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1.92 
 
 Georgia 
 
 3 
 
 1.32 
 
 3 
 
 2.65 
 
 ( 
 
 
 Illinois 
 
 2 
 
 .88 
 
 1 
 
 M3 
 
 I 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 2a 
 
 12.33 
 
 v-? 6 
 
 24.78 
 
 
 
 Michigan 
 
 2 
 
 .88 
 
 I 2 
 
 1.77 
 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 15 
 
 6.61 
 
 14 
 
 12.39 
 
 
 
 Missouri 
 
 2 
 
 .88 
 
 2 
 
 1.77 
 
 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 1 
 
 .44 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .96 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 1 
 
 .44 
 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 3 
 
 1.32 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 2.88 
 
 Ohio 
 
 2 
 
 .88 
 
 1 
 
 .88 
 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 4 
 
 1.76 
 
 4 
 
 3.54 
 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 1 
 
 .44 
 
 i 
 
 .88 
 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 2 
 
 .88 
 
 2 
 
 1.77 
 
 
 
 Texas 
 
 k6 
 
 20.26 
 
 27 
 
 23.89 
 
 19 
 
 18.27 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 l 
 
 .44 
 
 1 
 
 .88 
 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 l 
 
 .44 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mexico 
 
 45 
 
 IS 1 . 82 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 43.27 
 
 Other Latin America 
 
 5 
 
 2.20 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 4.81 
 
 Rest of World 
 
 4 
 
 1.76 
 
 
 
 
 
 Los Angeles Metropolitan Area 
 
 26 
 
 11.45 
 
 4 
 
 3.54 
 
 22 
 
 21.15 
 
 No Response 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 227 100.0 
 
 113 100.0 
 
 104 100.0 
 
 Note: Areas not listed are in the "zero" category. 
 
Birthplace 
 
 Currently Employed Females with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 165 
 
 Total 
 
 Area 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arizona [ 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California (outside L.A. Areaj 
 
 Florida_ 
 
 Loui s i ana 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Mont ana 
 
 Nebr as ka 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Ho, 
 
 2 
 
 i 
 
 1.91+ 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. $ 
 
 Mexican 
 Am erican 
 No. % 
 
 3-51 
 
 k.m 
 
 8.7H. 
 
 6.30 
 
 1.94 
 
 l 
 
 . if 7 .5 
 
 9 15.79 
 
 3.51 
 
 11 10.68 
 
 11 19.30 
 
 2.91 
 
 5.26 
 
 £L 
 
 •SH 
 
 1.75 
 
 .97 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 .97 
 
 North Carolina_ 
 
 0hio___ ~ 
 
 0klahoma__ 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Mexico 
 
 2.91 ! 
 ■■ ■ < 1 — 
 
 .26 
 
 :/J 
 
 Other Latin America 
 Rest of World 
 
 1.9k 
 
 3.51 
 
 1G 
 
 1 .9U 
 17. UQ 
 
 16 
 
 3,51 
 
 28.07 
 
 SlL 
 
 1.75 
 
 21 
 
 20.39 
 
 21 
 
 2.91 
 
 1.75 
 
 Los Angeles Metropolitan Area_ 
 No Response 
 
 j 
 
 6.80 
 
 5.26 
 
 Q.76 
 
 n~&T 
 
 2.*A 
 
 2.1^ 
 
 UJ 
 
 51.22 
 
 U.88 
 ~2TW 
 
 7.32 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 103 100.0 
 
 57 100.0 
 
 hi 100.0 
 
 Note: Areas not listed are in the "zero" category. 
 
Location of High School 
 Currently Unemployed Males 
 Household Sampling 
 
 166 
 
 
 Total 
 No. * '% 
 
 4 2.29 
 
 Negri 
 No". 
 
 4.55 
 
 | Mexican 
 American 
 
 Area 
 Alabama 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 « 
 
 4.57 
 
 7 
 
 7.95 
 
 ! i 
 
 1.56 
 
 California (outside L.A. Area) 
 
 9 
 
 5.14 
 
 6 
 
 6.52 
 
 2 
 
 3.13 
 
 Colorado 
 
 1 
 
 .57 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.56 
 
 Georgia 
 
 l 
 
 .57 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 Illinois 
 
 2 
 
 1.14 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 Indiana 
 
 1 
 
 .57 
 
 
 
 
 
 Iowa 
 
 2 
 
 1.14 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 ! 
 
 
 Kansas 
 
 1 
 
 .57 
 
 
 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 9 
 
 5.14 
 
 9 
 
 10.23 
 
 
 
 Michigan 
 
 2 
 
 1.14 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 ' " " 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 7 
 
 4.00 
 
 7 
 
 7.95 
 
 
 
 Missouri 
 
 1 
 
 .57 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 1 
 
 .35 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 2 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 3.13 
 
 New York 
 
 1 
 
 .57 
 
 
 
 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 1 
 
 •5.7 1 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 Ohio 
 
 1 
 
 .57^ 
 
 1 
 
 134" 
 
 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 4 
 
 2.29 
 
 4 
 
 4.55 
 
 
 Oregon 
 
 4 
 
 2.29 j 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.56 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 2 
 
 1.14 ; 
 
 2 
 
 2.27 
 
 
 Texas 
 
 23 
 
 13.14 ! 
 
 15 
 
 17.05 
 
 7 
 
 10.94 
 
 Utah 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 .57 ! 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 ...... - 
 
 
 Virginia 
 
 .57 , 
 
 1 
 
 1.14 
 
 
 
 Washington 
 
 1 
 
 .57 | 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 1 
 
 .57 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.56 
 
 Mexico 
 
 10 
 
 5.71 j 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 15.63 
 
 Other Latin America 
 
 4 
 
 2.29 ; 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 4.69 
 
 Rest of World 
 
 7 
 
 4.00 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.56 
 
 Los Angeles Metropolitan Area ' 
 
 62 
 
 35.43 t 
 
 24 
 
 27.27 
 
 35 
 
 54.69 
 
 No Response 
 
 Nevada 
 
 1 
 
 .57 ; 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 175 100.0 
 
 100.0 
 
 64 100.0 
 
 Note: Areas not listed are in the "zero" category. 
 
Location of High School 
 Currently Unemployed Females 
 Household Sampling 
 
 167 
 
 Area 
 
 Alabama 
 Arizona 
 
 Total 
 No".*~ 
 
 12 
 
 Negro 
 No. "% 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. 
 
 6.82 
 
 12 
 
 >.76 
 
 .57 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia _ 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Kansas 
 
 (outside L.A. Area) 
 
 2.2' 
 
 2.44 
 
 5.11 
 
 TjFT 
 
 T.U 
 
 5.69 
 
 .81 
 
 FT 
 
 2.56 
 
 2.56 
 
 2.56 
 
 1.63 
 
 .57 
 
 1.70 
 
 1.70 
 
 .81 
 
 Kentuck y 
 Louisiana_ 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 .57 
 
 .81 
 
 1.70 
 
 l 
 
 .81 
 
 15 
 
 U752 
 
 15 12.20 
 
 1.14 
 
 1.63 
 
 .57 
 
 I 6 3.^1 j 
 
 4.88 
 
 2.27 
 
 3 2.44 
 
 New Jersey 
 New Mexico" 
 New York 
 Oklahoma 
 
 
 .57 T 
 
 H- 
 
 .81 
 
 TTUT 
 
 .81 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 South Carolina 
 
 Tennessee " 
 
 Texas 
 
 Mexico 
 
 "TIT 
 i.To" 
 
 "04~ 
 
 .57 
 
 .81 
 
 '2.44 
 
 — i- 
 
 TM 
 
 .81 
 
 4- 
 
 Other Latin America 
 
 Rest of World j 
 
 Los Angeles Metropolitan Area! 
 No Response \ 
 
 3 
 
 2.44 
 
 20 16.26 
 
 H 
 
 35 28.46 
 
 22 
 
 2.56 
 
 5.13 
 
 2.56 
 
 5.13 
 
 17.95 
 
 2.56 
 
 56.41 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 176 1C0.0 
 
 123 100.0 
 
 39 100.0 
 
 Note: Areas not listed are in the "zero" category. 
 
Household Status 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 78: "Are you the head of this household? 1 ') 
 
 168 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 Total 
 
 No. 
 
 MALES 
 
 1 Negro 
 ! No. « 
 
 i i 
 
 t ; 
 
 I ; 
 
 i ! 
 
 Mexican ; ! 
 
 { American j j Total 
 I Ho. fo ! I No . 
 
 p 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 2^3 85.O j 116 87.9 j 
 
 79.2}; I58 62.0 
 
 j k2 1^.7 | 15 11. h j 26 20.81 j 96 37-7 
 
 Negro 
 No. 
 
 Mexican 
 : American 
 j No. «5 
 
 103 67.3 j ^0 '+7.1 
 
 , j 
 
 ^9 32.0 J+5 52.9 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 3 1 
 
 0; I 
 
 7 
 
 286 
 
 1 132 
 
 125 
 
 !I255 
 
 153 
 
Sex 
 Long-term Employed Persons 
 "Short Form" Sampling 
 
 No. 
 
 Percent 
 
 I69 
 
 Male 
 
 1C75 
 
 70.2 
 
 Female 
 
 too 
 
 26.1 
 
 No response 
 
 56 
 
 3-7 
 
 Total 1531 
 
 Household Status 
 (QUESTION: "Are you the head of this household':") 
 
 No. 
 
 Percent 
 
 Yes 
 
 1099 
 
 71.9 
 
 No 
 
 im 
 
 26.9 
 
 No response 
 
 18 
 
 1.2 
 
 Total 1528 
 
 (QUESTION: "If not the head, can you tell me please how you are 
 related to the head of household?") 
 
 Wife 
 
 No, 
 360 
 
 Percent 
 
 83-1 
 
 Son 
 
 
 13 
 
 3-0 
 
 Daughter 
 
 
 12 
 
 2.8 
 
 Roomer 
 
 
 6 
 
 l.k 
 
 Brother or 
 
 Sister 
 
 10 
 
 2.3 
 
 Niece or Nephew 
 
 2 
 
 • 5 
 
 Mother 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Father 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 No response 
 
 
 30 
 
 6.9 
 
 Total 
 
 w 
 
Educational Attainment 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 170 
 
 Highest 
 
 Grade 
 
 Completed 
 
 Total 
 
 No . i 
 3 1.0 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. i 
 
 1 .8 
 
 j 
 
 Mexican !i 
 American j 
 No . $ i 
 
 2 1.6) 
 
 • 
 
 Total 
 No. i 
 
 ; 2 .8 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 • Negro 
 ■ No. i 
 
 i 
 
 j 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2.3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .3 
 
 
 
 1 .8) 
 
 
 
 
 
 : 1 
 
 jo j 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1.0 
 
 
 
 1 
 3 2.4! 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .4 
 
 ! ! 
 ! 1 .6 j 
 
 t 
 
 
 3 
 
 Ik 
 
 it. 9 
 
 5 3.8 
 
 8 6.4J 
 
 1 
 10 
 
 3.9 
 
 • 1 .6 | 8 
 
 9.3 
 
 1+ 
 
 12 
 
 4.2 
 
 5 3-8 
 
 7 5.6J 
 
 7 
 
 2.7 
 
 i 
 j 3 1.8 1 4 
 
 4.7 
 
 5 
 
 Ik 
 
 k.9 
 
 3 2.3 
 
 11 8.8! 
 
 8 
 
 3.1 
 
 t 
 
 : 2 1.2 i 6 
 I 
 
 6.9 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 4.2 
 
 4 3-0 
 
 8 6.4; 
 
 15 
 
 5.8 
 
 1 3 1.8 
 
 12 
 
 13.9 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 5-2 
 
 8 6.0 
 
 6 4.8J 
 
 ■ 15 
 
 5.8 
 
 : 8 4.7 | 6 
 
 6.9 
 
 4.7 
 
 12.7 
 
 8 
 
 41 
 
 14.3 
 
 ..... — 
 
 17 12.9 
 
 19 15.2. 
 
 17 
 
 6.6 
 
 1 
 
 10 5.9 
 
 4 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 8.7 
 
 10 7.6 
 
 14 11.21 
 
 ! 34 
 
 13.1 
 
 ! 
 
 ; 20 11.8 
 
 10 
 
 32 
 
 11.2 
 
 16 12.1 
 
 ! 
 13 10. 4 r 
 
 1 
 
 ! 33 
 
 12.8 
 
 j 
 
 1 18 10.6 I 11 
 
 12.7 
 
 11 
 
 > 
 
 14.3 
 
 ■■■ -■■■■■ - '. 
 23 17.4 
 
 16 12. 8; 
 
 ! 
 
 ; 43 
 
 16.7 
 
 33 19.4 
 
 9 
 
 10.5 
 
 12 
 
 73 
 
 25.5 
 
 40 30 . 3 
 
 17 13.6' 
 
 • : 73 
 
 28.3 
 
 : 71 41.8 
 
 13 
 
 15.1 
 
 Total 
 
 286 
 
 
 132 
 
 125 
 
 {258 
 
 
 ! 
 
 I 170 j 
 
 86 
 
 
Educational Attainment 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 171 
 
 Highest 
 
 Grade 
 
 Completed 
 
 
 
 j Total 
 
 I No . ' 
 
 •9 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No . j 
 
 
 
 Mexcian 
 
 American 
 
 No. & 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 1 
 
 1-9 
 
 Total 
 
 No. c . 
 
 Negro 
 No. 
 
 4, 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No . 4> 
 
 1-9 
 
 4-9 
 
 1-3 
 
 •9 ! 
 
 1.91 
 
 
 
 -H 
 
 1-3 
 
 10 4.4 
 
 13 5-7 
 
 3 2.7 
 
 1.9 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 L 
 
 1.8 ! 
 
 7 6.7 
 
 5.6 
 
 4 3-5 
 
 8.6! 
 
 7.7 
 
 3 5-3 
 
 2.4 
 lk.6 
 
 12.2 
 9.8 
 
 14 6.2 j 3 2/jM 11 10.6 
 
 4 3.8 
 
 15 6.6 
 
 4.4 
 
 10 9.0 
 
 5.8 
 
 1.8 i 5 12.2 
 
 10 4.4 
 
 4 3.5 
 
 1.0 
 
 2. if 
 
 15 6.6 
 
 9 8.0 
 
 7 6.3 i l* 7-0 
 
 4.9 
 
 12.2 
 
 24 10.6 I 9 8.0 
 
 15 14.4 
 
 12 11.7 
 
 7 12.3 
 
 f" 
 
 10 
 
 i 24 10.6 ! 12 10.6 10 9.6 
 
 10 9-7 
 
 8 14. ! 
 
 2.4 
 
 4.9 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 i 31 13.7 I 22 19.5 
 -i _j 
 
 9 8.6 
 
 10 9-7 
 
 8 14.0 
 
 1 r 
 
 63 27-8 ! 39 34.5 j 17 16.3'; 35 34.0 
 ■ 1 1 i i ■ — 
 
 25 43.8 
 
 7 17.0 
 
 Total |227 
 
 113 
 
 104 
 
 !i03 
 
 57 
 
 41 
 
Number of Dependents 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 172 
 
 (QUESTION 75: 
 Number of dependents 
 16 years and und er) . 
 
 1 depend e nt 
 
 (QUESTION 2.3: 
 "How old were you on 
 your last birthday? " ' 
 
 Age 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 Total 
 No." 1 < 
 
 MALES 
 
 I 
 
 ! Negro 
 
 No.TJt. 
 
 Mexican 
 
 American 
 
 No." 
 
 £ 
 
 Total 
 No ."";'$ 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negr o 
 Ho.; 4" 
 
 j Mexican 
 American 
 
 No.!% 
 
 ~23j2hA 
 
 20-29 
 
 94! 32.8! 44 ; 33oJ 43 ' 34.4 
 
 90 i 31.5! 42 { 31. » ! 39 :31. 
 
 333 
 
 58,37.9 
 
 43-28.1 24 
 
 30-39 
 40-49 
 
 53 ! 18.5J 22 ' 16.71 23 :18.4 
 
 73 ^28.5 
 
 65 J25.4-; 36|23T5~T27 
 
 27.9 
 31.4 
 
 T2 ! 14.0 
 
 50-59 
 
 46 j 16.1 22 ; 16.7 1 " 20 ,16.0 
 
 60+ 
 
 No Response 
 
 31 ,12.1' 15; 9.8 
 
 .8} 
 
 .8; 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 0! 
 
 Total 
 
 Average 
 
 1 Tjn a. 
 
 2B5 i 132 
 
 "HT 
 
 
 
 36.3 
 
 36.2 
 
 125 
 35.8 
 
 
 
 256 
 35.7 
 
 153 
 34.5 
 
 i 
 
 ; 
 "BS~~ 
 
 37.7 
 
173 
 
 Below 20* 
 
 Age 
 Long-term Employed Persons 
 "Short Form" Sampling 
 
 No. 
 18 
 
 Percent 
 
 1.2 
 
 20-29* 
 
 241 
 
 15.7 
 
 30-39 
 
 3^1 
 
 22.3 
 
 40-49 
 
 272 
 
 17-8 
 
 50-59 
 
 I89 
 
 12.3 
 
 60-69 
 
 88 
 
 5-7 
 
 ?0+ 
 
 22 
 
 1.4 
 
 No response 
 
 360 
 
 24.0 
 
 Total 1531 
 
 Median age of respondents = 38.5 years 
 
 *This category includes those who have been employed continuously 
 since leaving school, though the period may be less than three years 
 
 Race 
 No, 
 
 Percent 
 
 Negro 
 
 413 
 
 27.0 
 
 Mexican American 
 
 809 
 
 52.9 
 
 Oriental 
 
 67 
 
 4.4 
 
 Anglo 
 
 183 
 
 12.0 
 
 American Indian 
 
 5 
 
 • 3 
 
 Latin American 
 
 9 
 
 .6 
 
 No response 
 
 43 
 
 2.8 
 
 Total 
 
 1529 
 
17^ 
 
 Number of Dependents 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 75: Number of Dependents lo years and under). 
 
 
 No. of Responses 
 
 Per Cent 
 
 1 Dependent 
 
 16 
 
 23.88 
 
 2 Dependents 
 
 10 
 
 11*. 93 
 
 3 Dependents 
 
 11+ 
 
 20.90 
 
 k Dependents 
 
 6 
 
 8.96 
 
 5 Dependents 
 
 6 
 
 8.96 
 
 6 Dependents 
 
 6 
 
 8.96 
 
 7 Dependents 
 
 3 
 
 k.kQ 
 
 8 Dependents 
 
 2 
 
 2.99 
 
 No Response 1 
 Total oT 
 
 1.U9 
 
 (Question 76: Number of dependents 17 years and over). 
 
 
 No. 
 
 of Responses 
 
 Per Cent 
 
 1 Dependent 
 
 
 53 
 
 76.81 
 
 2 Dependents 
 
 
 13 
 
 18.81+ 
 
 3 Dependents 
 
 
 1 
 
 iM 
 
 h- Dependents 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 Dependents 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 Dependents 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 Dependents 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 + 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 
 67 
 
 
 
Marital Status 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 175 
 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. $ 
 
 Mexican j 
 American 
 No. i 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No . % 
 
 M ■ 1 
 
 Mexican j 
 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 Married 
 
 183 
 
 6U.0 
 
 83 
 
 62.9 
 
 86 68.8 1 
 
 82 
 
 32.0 
 
 1+3 28.1 
 
 38 kk.2 
 
 Single 
 
 56 
 
 19.6 
 
 27 
 
 20.5 
 
 21 16.8 ' 
 
 : kk 
 
 17.2 
 
 28 18.3 
 
 lU 16. 3 
 
 Separated 
 
 21 
 
 7.3 
 
 11 
 
 8.3 
 
 9 7.2 
 
 1 59 
 
 23.1 
 
 1+0 26.1 
 
 11+ 16.3 
 
 Divorced 
 
 19 
 
 6.6 
 
 8 
 
 6.1 
 
 7 5.6 
 
 I 1+6 
 
 18.0 
 
 29 18.9 
 
 12 13.9 
 
 Widowed 
 
 6 
 
 2.1 
 
 2 
 
 1.5 
 
 2 1.6 
 
 1 
 
 i 20 
 
 7.8 
 
 11 7.2 
 
 1 
 
 1 5 5.8 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 .h 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 
 
 i ■ ' " 
 5 
 
 1.9 
 
 2 1.3 
 
 ' 3 3.5 
 
 Total 
 
 286 
 
 
 132 
 
 
 125 
 
 256 
 
 
 153 
 
 |86 
 
 1 
 
 785-893 0-JS5-1} 
 
Union Membership and Related Factors 
 Employed Per cone vith History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 176 
 
 (Question 16: "Are you a union member at the present time?") 
 
 MALES ! 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Yes 
 
 No " 
 
 No" Response 
 ' "Total 
 
 (Question 16.1: 
 "If yes, to 
 which union do 
 you belong?") 
 
 AFL-CIO 
 
 unspecified 
 
 AFL-CIO -build-" 
 
 ing trades 
 "AFL-CIO" 
 
 other craft __ 
 'AFL-CIO - Indus- 
 trial union 
 
 Teamsters 
 
 I "jt U" U J"' ~~ 
 
 Other 
 
 No Response 
 "Total "~ 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 Mexican 
 Negro American 
 No. % 1 No. % 
 
 . Total ' 
 No. % i 
 
 Negro 
 No. i 
 
 Mexican : 
 American 
 
 No. % : 
 
 88 38.8; 
 
 47 41.6 \ 37 35-6 
 
 i j 
 
 | 14 13.6 ! 
 i 89 86.4 ; 
 
 !~ '0 6 ! 
 
 6 lO.^ 
 51 89'."5" 
 
 8 19.5 
 
 138 60.8 , 
 
 " r ""* .4 ' 
 
 66 58.4; 66 63. 5 : 
 "0 6'" " 1 l.O! 
 
 "113" T164"" T 
 
 33 8O.5 
 ' "0" 
 
 227 
 
 i 103 
 
 57 
 
 41 
 
 ! ! 
 
 i4__ 15.6 . _io 21. 3_. 4 10^! 3 20.0 j p, _.o 
 
 22 24.4 ■ 14 29.8 '. _ 7_ 17-9 ! ; __P 1...JL. .0 
 
 i j 
 
 11 12.2 1 4_ 8.5 i; _7_17.i; ' 2.13.3.' __0 
 
 -r -* 
 
 27 30.0 
 
 " 9_J.0."0' 
 2 "2.2 
 
 " i""i.i 
 
 90 
 
 14 29.8 n_28.2 i 
 
 '" 1 2. 1: "6" 20.5" 
 _2_"4.3 : _o 
 
 i_ 2-jC 6 _b- 
 "i,7 2.1 „ 2*_'5.1 
 
 47 ; 39 
 
 .._X„46.J._ .J.jB3v3 
 
 2 13.3i C_ 
 
 _ 1 * S.7 ; 1 161 7 
 
 "°_ ° _ °_ ° 
 
 ' b _""_ d'i "0 " 0" 
 
 15 " 6 
 
 J} 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 - 2 
 
 "0 
 
 
 9" 
 
 _33 r 3 { 
 
 0| 
 
 22. 2 ; 
 
 22.2 
 
 i^2j 
 
 _0' 
 
 II 0: 
 " 0. 
 
 (Question 17: "Have you belonged to any union in the past, but have since 
 dropped your membership?") 
 
 Yes„ __ 
 
 .No I. „" . '. 
 
 No Response_ 
 " Total 
 
 Total 
 
 ; No. fo 
 
 : 81 36.2 
 
 _139 62". 1 
 __ 4 _1.7 
 
 224~ 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. 
 
 , Mexican 
 i American ' 
 
 No. c /o 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 ; Total 
 
 : No. % 
 
 32 28.8: 45 43.7 j 22 21.4 ! 
 77_69.4' C'W 5kX ' " "Hi 78.6" 1 " 
 2 lT F 1 " 2" 1 & v "" 0_~„ ~qT 
 111 : 103~ i ' 163" 
 
 Mexican 
 ' American ! 
 fo L]?°'_.JiL.- I 
 
 ! j 
 
 jo 22.8 j 8 19.5' 
 ^..77-2T J3/80.? 
 
 Negro 
 
 No . _ ; 
 
 13 
 
 _ 
 57 
 
 
 4X 
 
 
 
 CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE 
 
177 
 
 Union Membership and Related Factors 
 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 CONTINUED FROM PRECEDING PAGE 
 
 (Question 17. 1: "If Yes, to which union did you belong?") 
 
 1 
 
 Tota 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 MALES 
 
 i 
 Negro 
 No. jo 
 
 9 25.7 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. f 
 
 Total 
 
 No. <fo 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. fo 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 
 No. 
 
 AFL-CIO 
 unspecified 
 
 21 
 
 2k.k 
 
 12 25.5 
 
 2 9.1 
 
 1 7-7 
 
 1 
 
 12.5 
 
 
 
 12.5 
 
 AFL-CIO -build- 
 ing trades 
 AFL-CIO 
 other craft 
 
 11 
 Ik 
 
 12.8 
 16.3 
 
 8 22. 9 
 k ll.k 
 
 __j j. A. 
 
 9 19.2 
 
 0_ 0_ 
 
 k 18.2 
 
 _0 
 3 23.1 
 
 
 1 
 
 APL-CIO - Indus- 
 trial union 26 
 
 30.2 
 
 9 25.7 
 
 Ik 29.8 
 
 10 45.5 
 
 7 53-8 
 
 3 
 
 37.5 
 
 Teamsters k 
 
 k.6 
 
 2 5.7 
 
 2 k.3 
 
 1 k.6 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 12.5 
 
 I L W U 1 
 
 1.2 
 
 1 2.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 "C^ 
 
 1 7.7 
 
 
 
 
 
 Other 
 
 4- 
 
 3-5 
 
 1 2.9 
 
 2 k.3 
 
 2 9-1 
 
 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 6 7.0 
 
 1 2.9 
 
 5 10.6 
 
 3 13.6 
 
 1 7.7 
 
 2 
 
 25.0 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 19: 
 "Has the union re 
 ferred you to a 
 job (at any time 
 in past)?") 
 
 Yes 
 
 86 
 
 - 
 
 h3 
 
 29-5_ 
 69.2 
 "l.T 
 
 35 
 
 . JO ^5 
 
 kl 
 
 13 18.3 
 
 22 
 8 23.5 
 
 13 
 
 5 26.3 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 ir 
 
 21.1+ 
 7BT6 
 
 No jlOl 
 
 39 5^75 
 
 
 56 78.9 
 2 2.8* 
 
 2k 70.6" 
 2 5.9 
 
 12 63.2 
 2 10.5 
 19 
 
 2 10.5 
 
 No Response 2 
 
 
 11+ 
 
 2 
 
 
 1^.3 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 20: 
 "Has the union 
 tried to help you 
 get vork in any 
 other way?") 
 
 Yes 
 
 11*6 
 
 20 
 
 13-7 
 
 69 
 
 8 11.6 
 
 71 
 
 \ 
 11 15.5 
 
 3^ 
 k 11.8 
 
 No 125 
 
 85.6 
 
 61 88. k 
 
 59 83.I 
 
 27 19. k 
 
 15 79-0 
 
 11 
 
 78.6 
 
 No Response j 1 
 
 .7 
 
 
 
 1 l.k 
 
 3 8.8 
 
 2 10.5 
 
 1 
 
 7.1 
 
 Total 
 
 \ik6 
 
 
 "69 " i 
 
 71 ~ t " 
 
 3k 
 
 19 
 
 ik 
 
 
178 
 
 Union Membership and Related Factors 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 16: "Are you a union member at the present time? /Either paying dues or 
 exempt from dues payment because of unemployment .7") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 Total 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 No". Ti 
 
 No. \j \ No. \A 
 
 — ' r ' i 
 
 76 I 26.6 i 32 1 2^.2 1 39 . 31 .2 
 
 210 [73^ 100 ' 75.8 86 J68.3 
 , J J , 
 
 286 
 
 132 
 
 125 
 
 Total 
 N o. "j 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 Negro 
 I No7>"% No. j 
 
 1 ! • 
 
 19 j 7.U 
 
 237 192.6 
 
 256 
 
 7^ U. 6j 12 j 13.9 
 
 1U6 I 95.^| 7^ 86. 1 
 
 153 
 
 ; 0_ 
 
 ?86 
 
 ****** 
 
 (Question 16.1: "If Yes, to -which union do you belong?") 
 
 Answer 
 
179 
 
 Union Membership and Related Factors 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 17: "Have you belonged to any union in the past, but have since dropped 
 your membership?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 MALES 
 
 I To "tal 
 No. "% 
 
 118 [kl.k 
 
 No. ,% 
 
 165 57.9 
 
 55 fte.o 
 
 75 157.3 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. \t" 
 
 UO j 38.U 
 
 77_j 61.6 
 
 Total 
 No. 
 
 65 
 
 A 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 Mexican , 
 American' 
 
 j No. j No..% 
 
 I 
 
 25.6 j 35 .2 5.0 J2 3 :27.l| 
 
 188 : Jk.0 113 .7^.3 
 
 62 -;72.9 
 
 No Response 
 
 .7 
 
 1 ' .7 
 
 .U 
 
 .7 i 
 
 Total 
 
 285 
 
 131 
 
 125 
 
 25^ 
 
 i 152 
 
 85 
 
 •a*******- 
 
 (Question 17. 1: 
 
 "If Yes on 
 
 17, to whicl 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. li 
 
 1 union did 
 
 you belong?" 
 
 Total 
 No." , % 
 
 ) 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. 7% 
 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 
 No. "i 
 
 1 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No". ; i 
 
 1 
 
 Mexican 1 
 American 
 No. \i ~ 
 
 AFL-CIO - 
 unspecified 
 
 i 
 
 21 ; 17. k 
 
 1 
 11 !l9.3 
 
 1 
 t 
 j 
 
 7 j 1U.6 
 
 19! 27.9 
 
 10 
 
 125.6 
 
 8 
 
 32.0 
 
 AFL-CIO - build- 
 ing trades 
 
 26 ; 21.5 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 13 22.8 
 
 1 
 8 ! 16.7 
 
 1 
 l| 1.5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ' 2.6 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 AFL-CIO - 
 other craft 
 
 12 \ 9.9 
 
 h 
 
 7.0 
 
 7- lU.6 
 
 • 
 10 i ik.J 
 
 * 
 
 1 
 
 10.3 
 
 6 l 
 
 | 
 »2^.o; 
 
 AFL-CIO - Indus- 
 trial union 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 36 i 29.8 
 
 1 
 
 20 135.1 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 13 27.I 
 
 | 
 1 
 
 26; 38.2 
 
 18 
 
 |U6.2 
 
 I 
 i 
 
 5 20.0; 
 
 Teamsters 
 
 ik \ 11.6 
 
 5 ! 8.8 
 
 7.' 1^.6 
 
 1 
 lj 1.5 
 
 1 
 
 ! 2.6 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 ILHU 
 
 2 i 1.7 
 
 2 ! 3.5 
 
 1 
 0; 
 
 1 
 lj 1.5 
 
 1 
 
 2.6 
 
 : 
 
 Other 
 
 hi 3.3 
 
 i 
 
 1 ! 1.8 
 
 j 2' U.2 
 
 3- h.k 
 
 1 
 
 : 2.6 
 
 1 
 
 2 ! 8.0 
 
 No Response 
 
 6 ■ 5.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.8 
 
 i ! 
 
 : h { 8.3 
 
 7* 10.3 
 
 3 
 
 1 2__ 
 
 ! 
 
 7.7 
 
 h 16.0! 
 
 Total 121 
 
 57 
 
 1+8 
 
 68 
 
 39 
 
 25 
 
Union Membership and Related Factors 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 19: "Has the union referred you to a job?") 
 
 180 
 
 Answer 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 Total 
 No .Tit 
 
 MALES 
 
 NegrjD 
 No. If* 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. "~%~ 
 
 I Total 
 1 No. ; 'i 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 ! Negro 
 
 : No. "% 
 
 1 Mexican 
 i American 
 1 No". % 
 
 42 
 
 133 
 
 23.1 
 
 73.1 
 
 3.8 
 
 182 
 
 23 ! 26. 4 j 16 '21.1 'i 13 
 
 61 I 70.1 
 
 3.5 
 
 5b 
 
 73.7 -165 
 
 )15.7 ; 8 
 78.3 \W 
 
 1 18.2 i 5 ; 14.3 
 
 5.3 
 
 87 
 
 76 
 
 „i 
 
 5 
 
 w 
 
 6.0 
 
 2 
 
 35 
 
 ##***■•» 
 
 (Question 20: "Has the union tried to help you get work in any other way?") 
 
 MALES ', FEMALES 
 
 Answer 
 
 Yes 
 
 Mexican 
 
 Total j Negro 
 
 %• l3 1 N°*' i "% i No > il 
 
 191 10.4 pLO ■ 11.5 7 ! 9.2 
 
 ! American 1! Total 
 No. "% 
 
 _ 1 9 i 10-4 j 1 ■ 11.5 } 7 j 9.2 1| 2 ; 2 .k , 
 j gg] 84 .6 j 74 85.1 j 63*82 797 7 6 ; 9 ~~jT". 
 
 ! 9! 5V0 ; 3 3.4 i 6 ■■. 7.9 :•) 5 ! 6.0 1 
 
 Negro 
 No . T% 
 
 i 
 
 Mexican 
 i American ' 
 
 i HoTTfr*" I 
 
 IT 
 
 2.3 
 
 2.9 i 
 
 No 
 
 No Response 
 
 LU-ii. 
 
 93.2 I 31 ;88 .6 j 
 U.5- 3 831 
 
 Total ! 182 ^87 76 [j 83 |44 | 35 
 NOTE: The above two questions refer both to present and past union members. 
 
 * * -x- # * * * 
 
 Length of Time in Neighborhood 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 28.1: "How long have you lived in this neighborhood?") 
 
 MALES 
 
 Period 
 
 Total 
 
 No." % 
 
 i 
 
 0-5 months 
 6-11 months 
 
 12-23 m onths 
 24-35 months" 
 36-4 7 months' 
 4b- 59 months" 
 
 51 18.0 
 
 "24" 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 _8_.5 
 9.1 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. 
 
 $ 
 
 25 I 19.1 
 
 12 4_ 9i2 
 14 j" 10.7' 
 
 12 I 9.2 
 
 10 j 7.0 
 9 1 6.9* 
 
 Mexican 
 
 American 
 
 No. 
 
 'i 
 
 18 !l4.5J]_ 38 
 ' ~47TJ'*~T6" 
 
 ,9.1 
 
 23"j 8.1 
 
 3.0 
 
 60-119 m onths" p 35 i 12.3 1 15T 11. f ' "l~ 7~p3.7 j 
 
 120-239 mo nths j "44~"~15 ; 5 Q. I 1 "' l6 -° | i? H5»3 ' 
 
 240 + " j 38 i 1374~; 13"T 9.9 j 21 1 1 6. SM 
 
 No Respo nse OJ"'^ Q_ J |_ I " "d'1 * ] 
 
 13 i'10.5 H 23; 2si. 
 
 12 i 9/fII 22 T 8.7 
 
 Total 
 
 No'.' 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No . " 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 15.0 ' 23 
 
 6 1 4 . 8__ ' 16[ 6.3 ; 9 
 
 11 j 8,9 j 32 { 12.6 j 20 
 
 13 !10.5 i 23: 9.1! _ 17 
 
 1 ! 5.7 7( 14 ; 5 .5 
 
 52j 20.5 
 
 To: 15/7 
 
 jj r"6T 
 
 ■: 
 
 3E 
 
 7 
 
 22 
 
 i 
 
 No. % 
 
 0/. 
 
 t 
 
 15. Oj 9 '10.7 ! 
 
 5.9 
 
 5.9 
 
 13.1 j 11 {13.1 
 
 n.i : _5_'_j_.j_i 
 
 9.1; 7 ; 8.3 j 
 "47F^"7 : 8.3 ! 
 
 22. 2 ; 15 17.9 ; 
 
 IF. 4; 17 720.2 ; 
 
 "476 
 
 9.5; 
 
 Total' 284 
 
 131 
 
 i 124 
 
 ] \ 254 
 
 l 153 
 
 84 
 
 Note: This table includes those born in the neighborhood. 
 
Length of Time in Los Angeles Area 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 181 
 
 (Question 31: 
 
 Period 
 0-5 months 
 
 "When did you 
 
 . Total 
 
 , No.', f 
 
 13 : ~'5~.2"T 
 
 6-11 months 
 12-23 months" 
 24^35 "months " 
 36-4f "months 
 48-59 months '" 
 60-119 months" 
 120-239 months 
 240 + 
 No Response 
 
 9i 3.6" * 
 
 10; %jA>J\ 
 
 54 21,6 ; 
 
 '• ~68' 27-2"' 
 
 5Y22-B i" 
 
 "00" 
 
 "When did you first move into the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area?") 
 
 Total 
 
 250 
 
 MALES 
 Negro 
 
 No. : <?0 
 
 B\ 6^7 
 5T4.0 !" 
 '" 2\ "1.6"" 1 
 
 -J' \& : 
 25 20.2 [ 
 
 39,31.5 
 2'8 4 22.6 !■ 
 
 ..7.9Z.9 - -3. 
 124 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 J; _3.0 
 "22' 22.2 
 24' 24.2 
 
 " 
 99 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No.? $ 
 
 5;"¥.T 
 
 "218 
 
 5.5 
 
 1.4 
 
 "_4.'l 
 
 ^J r £ 
 3^:23.5 
 4'3 29". 7 
 34:23.5 
 
 "5 "*" 
 
 Mexican j 
 American j 
 No. <fo I 
 -X"4".3j 
 ' 6 "6 j 
 
 3 "4.3i 
 
 . 5; 7.1; 
 7 10.0 
 
 14" 20.0 1 
 "rf"24".'3 
 
 ~l6"22.9: 
 
 ; 
 
 I 70 
 
 Note: Responses were accepted, in this and the following categories, only from 
 those not born in the areas identified. 
 
 * * # % * * # 
 
 Length of Time in California 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 32: 
 
 "When did you 
 
 first com< 
 
 MALES 
 
 
 Total 
 
 Negro 
 
 Period 
 
 No., fo 
 
 No. ,'% 
 
 0- 5 "Months '""'' 
 
 7j 279" ' 
 
 ™i .— -;s 
 
 6-11 Months ' 
 
 • 9f' 3 - >7 • 
 
 ~~E" "-6~."5 
 
 12~- 23 Month's" 
 
 '" "BT~3.~3 *" 
 
 "5J 4.1 
 
 24-35 Months 
 
 W 3.3 
 
 " ~l] .8 
 
 36-47' Months" 
 
 15! "5- 2 
 
 5T 4.1 
 
 48-52 Months 
 
 ii'i ; '4.5 ! 
 
 ~"S\"T>9 
 
 60-119 Months 
 
 54, 22.2 
 
 23; IB".'? 
 
 120-239 Months 
 
 65! '26.8 
 
 41 i 33.3 
 
 246+ 
 
 66 1' 27.2* 
 
 " "*33'"26.B 
 
 No Response 
 
 0*0 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 243 
 
 123 
 
 Mexican 
 American : 
 No". , # 
 
 T] l.T 
 - 2 v~2,i; 
 
 6f 6.4' 
 9 1 9.7" 
 4N.3 
 
 24 i 25 .B; 
 
 20 j'21.5 
 "24*' 25. 8' 
 
 ::_oi.i:., 
 
 93 ; 
 
 Total 
 No. 
 
 ~ "7 
 ~"4 
 "li" 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 1- 
 
 3-2 
 
 t.b~; 
 
 5.1": 
 5 i 2.3 ■' 
 11' "5.1" 
 '"i4"2"~6.4"" : 
 56^23:6"' 
 64 "! 29.5 
 51 \ 23.5 
 _ t _o 
 
 217 
 
 Negro 
 No. ' $ 
 5! 3 
 
 ■fftl 
 
 "2l_"l 
 
 ST 4 
 
 321 22 
 
 44 ; 31 
 " 33": 23 
 
 140 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No'.'; $ 
 
 \ 
 
 1.51 
 0~ 
 
 3.1 
 
 4.6 
 -4 
 
 -J.-Tl 
 
 ! 7-7; 
 
 "l6'!'24'.6 : 
 
 19 I 29.2' 
 
 14" !"21.'5 : 
 
 _0 " : ' 
 
 65 
 
Length of Time in California and L.A. Area 
 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 182 
 
 (Question 32: "When did you first come to California (migrants)?") 
 
 Tim e in _State 
 
 0- 5 months 
 
 6^11 months 
 12-23 month's" 
 
 , Total 
 
 I No. j, 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 iZ 1 2 1.9T _i 
 
 4.1 I 7 677. 1 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. ft 
 
 2 4- 35 months 
 36-UjJmbnthV/ 
 4B-.59 "months"' 
 £0^119 months ~ 
 120-239 months 
 
 240 + * __ 
 
 M b R esponse 
 Total" 
 
 (Question 31: 
 "When did you 
 first move into the 
 L.A. Metropolitan 
 Area?" ) 
 
 0-5 mo nths 
 6-11 months 
 
 l6~~F.3 10 9.5 
 
 hi 
 
 1.3 
 
 i 
 
 Total 
 
 No. 9 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 j Mexican 
 1 American 
 
 No. _ jo no . 
 
 ~" old 
 
 15 7,7 ,_ 
 20 lCf.T, " 
 
 ~8~~xi T 
 36 18.6 1 " 
 
 55 28 XT 
 
 7 "0T7T 
 V 3:8 ! 
 
 17 15.2' 
 33 31 XT 
 
 6 7.6 U 
 
 .2^_ 
 
 .31 
 
 19 187. IT 12 
 Oj 
 
 '105 
 
 11 13.9 ■ & 
 
 x g.nr 6 
 
 187 22.jP'_ 23. 
 
 1 9 2K .6T 25 
 
 15 -si jLo: 
 
 ■; 
 
 6.8 
 
 4.6 
 
 26.1 
 
 32.9 
 
 11 x 
 
 
 XL. 
 
 _ 01 
 
 i 2 6.3 j 
 
 -3 5_,7 7__3 ^9 .^ j 
 
 5_ 9.5 \Z 3_ 9-X 
 4 J7.6 ; Oj 
 
 Z31.£l4l3lI33 
 
 JO 18. 9 j 12 3.7.5 
 
 _20 37.7 ■ 7 21.9 
 
 "8~ 15.1 "j 2 6.3 
 
 *0 
 
 12-23 months 
 
 _ months 
 So'-frT months 
 
 48-59 mon ths 
 oO-ll g "mont hs 
 120-239 months 
 
 2?t°JL._._ .1L 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 28.1: 
 "How long have yotii 
 lived in this j 
 neighborhood?") j 
 
 0-5 months 
 
 6-11 months 
 "1 2-23 months" 
 
 24- 35 mont hs 
 
 36-^7 months *" 
 W-59 months __" 
 "65-119 months 
 
 120-239 month s 
 l£d_+ ' 
 
 No Respons e 
 Total 
 
183 
 
 Length of Time in Los Angeles Area 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 31: "When did you first move into the Los Angeles Metropolitan 
 Area?" ) 
 
 Period 
 
 0-5 Months 
 
 6-11 Months 
 
 12-23 Months 
 
 24-35 Months 
 
 36-47 Months 
 
 48-59 Months 
 
 60-119 Months 
 
 120-239 Months 
 
 240+ Months 
 
 Total 
 
 Kb. of Responses 
 
 £ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1-77 
 
 2 
 
 1.77 
 
 9 
 
 7.96 
 
 8 
 
 7.08 
 
 28 
 
 24.78 
 
 39 
 
 34.51 
 
 25 
 113 
 
 22.12 
 
 Length of Time in California 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 32: "When did you first come to California?") 
 
 Period 
 0-5 Months 
 6-11 Months 
 12-23 Months 
 24-35 Months 
 36-47 Months 
 48-59 Months 
 60-119 Months 
 120-239 Months 
 240+ Months 
 
 Mo. of Responses 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 Total 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 29 
 
 42 
 
 25 
 111 
 
 
 
 
 
 .90 
 .90 
 
 5.41 
 
 6.31 
 
 26.13 
 
 37.84 
 22.52 
 
I8if 
 
 Employment History 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 3: "How many different jobs have you had in the past three years?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 1 .job 
 2 jobs 
 
 8+ 
 
 
 Total 
 No. , j 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. \i 
 
 Mexican \\ 
 \ American : Total 
 
 No. ff 
 
 • ( 
 
 91 1 32. U _ ^ 6 35.9 33 I 26.6 
 
 85 j 3 0.3 
 
 5 5 1 19,6 | 27 
 
 35 127.3 j 39 
 
 16 
 
 | 5.7 I 
 
 100 
 
 21.1 
 
 7.0 
 
 2.1 
 
 .8 
 
 2.5 1 I .8 
 
 2 .7 1 21 1.6 
 
 1 i i 
 
 15 5.3 5 ! 3.9 
 
 25 
 
 31.1*. j ! 71 
 
 20.2 : 
 
 k.Q 
 
 32 
 
 Ik 
 
 No Response 
 
 1.1* I 2 i 1.6 
 
 5 | h.O 
 A13.2 
 
 ,- 0j it-. 
 
 10 i 8.1 
 
 1.6 il 
 
 Total i 28l 
 
 128 
 
 1 121* 
 
 A 
 _ i_ 
 
 227 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 ! 
 
 ( Negro 
 
 i No. \i 
 
 ■ Mexican 
 'American 
 ;No. i% 
 
 1 
 
 -r 
 
 1*1*. 1 I 61 j 1*5.9 1 36 1*6.2; 
 
 — - — ■" 4 — ■ ■■■■■■ ■ * — ■ — ■ **-- . — ■— - -4 
 
 31.3 
 
 H*.l 
 
 6.2 
 
 39 {29.3 1 28 35.9 ' 
 
 18 J13.5 } 7 
 
 9^ 
 
 8 i 6.0 j 5 
 
 a 1 
 
 ^ — *- 
 
 j_ ! 1 
 
 "T — r 
 
 2 1.5 ' 
 
 6,Ui 
 
 1.3 
 
 .1* 1 1 : 
 
 .8 j 
 
 1.1 
 
 2.3 
 
 .1* I 
 
 1.3- 
 
 ! 133 
 
 78 
 
 (Question 3.1: "Can you tell me what kind of work you did on these jobs?") 
 I MALES .; FEMALES 
 
 Job #1 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 Skilled 
 
 Service 
 
 Other 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 Tota l 
 No. ■ % 
 
 Negro 
 No. • 4, 
 
 Mexican 
 1 American 
 j No. % 
 
 107 
 123 
 
 15 
 
 25 
 
 2.2 
 
 38.5 
 
 2.3 
 
 3 j 2.5 
 
 Total ; Negro 
 
 No. t% [No. \$ 
 
 ; Mexican 
 1 America n j 
 1N0. | % 
 
 1 
 
 ~U£ 
 
 1 litU_ j 37 .30.6 j] 
 
 1*1*. 2 
 
 1*8 
 
 5.J+ 
 
 37.5 65 
 
 
 2.3 
 
 9.0 
 
 12 ! 9.h 
 — 1 
 
 
 
 53.7 
 
 .5.0 j. 7 
 
 75 
 
 111* 
 
 9 , 7.1* 
 
 .7 
 
 .8 
 
 27I 
 
 128 
 
 .8 
 
 32.6 
 
 1*9.6 1 60 \kk.Q 
 
 3.0 
 
 121 
 
 A 1 . 1 13...5. 
 
 
 .1* 
 
 230 
 
 2 j 1.5 
 
 1 
 t 
 
 50 I 37.3 
 
 1.5 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 ll*.2 
 
 ! 
 
 .8 ' 
 
 -1 
 
 1 
 27.5 1 
 
 57.5 
 
 U 8 j 
 
 11.2 
 
 -i 
 
 13^ 
 
 i8o 
 
 CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE 
 
185 
 
 Employment History 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 CONTINUED FROM PRECEDING PAGE 
 
 Job #2 
 
 Total 
 No. j j 
 
 T 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 NoT, % 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No.- % 
 
 2 | 2 .7 j 2 | 2.5 { 
 
 Total 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. ; % 
 
 : Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. \% No..% 
 
 "Tj ~T8~ l j 1 .5 
 42 j 34.7 26 38.2 
 
 65 I 53.7~H' ir 'i5o.o 
 
 2 1.6 ' ! 
 
 No.,% 
 
 Agriculture 
 Unskilled 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 Skilled 
 
 Service 
 
 Other 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 Job #3 
 
 2A 
 
 i 
 
 79 
 
 4615 
 
 71 
 
 ~4l3 
 
 ^3 
 
 22 
 
 XT 
 
 T.T 
 
 3 
 
 57.3 
 
 29-3 
 
 31 
 "4j 
 
 39.2 
 
 54X 
 
 12 128.6 
 
 1.3 
 
 5.3 
 
 i 
 
 1.2 
 
 170 
 
 1 
 
 75" 
 
 1.3 
 
 1.3 
 
 79 
 
 1.3 
 
 [26161.9 
 
 4.8 
 
 10 j 8.3 
 
 "O" 
 
 W 
 
 
 
 
 
 1_] .8 i 
 
 J_ 
 
 i 
 
 T 
 
 .3 1 j 2T 6~T "2 | 4.3 t 
 
 121 
 
 1 I 1. 5 
 
 T2 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 50 j 54.4 
 29! 31.5 
 
 6 ; 66.7 j 23 |48.9 ) 20 41.7 j 
 9 23.1 I 17 36.2 j 21 43.7 
 14. 2.6 j 1 [ 2.1' , 1 2 .1j 
 
 4- 
 
 41.7 i 15 '53.6 1 4 ,3~oT8 
 
 "FJ28.6 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 Skilled 
 
 8 ;61.5 
 
 3.3 
 
 7.7 
 
 (Question 34: "What type of work were you doing on your last job before you moved 
 to California (migrants only)?") 
 
 MALES 
 
 Total I Negro 
 No'7T# i No.r% 
 
 Mexican 
 A meri can 
 No. j 
 
 Agriculture i 14 j 7.7 6_ [ 6.7 7 j 10.3 
 
 ! 59 ' 32.6] 35 . 38.9 ' 20 i 29.4 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 i Total 
 
 1 woTHfe No. r% i Nory% 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 6 i 4.4 { 5 j 5.8 j 1 i 2.6 
 
 r"43~TTl79~! 35 j ^0.2 1 8 J20.5 
 
 I 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 Semi ski lied j 66 j 36.5 | 
 
 34.4 ' 25 i 36.8 
 
 46j"34. 1 j 22 i 25.3 j 20 J51 .3. 
 
 6 I 4JT. 1 j 1.2 2 5.1 
 
 T^nr wnJTi 12 13.8 1 4 iio.3 
 
 121 13. 6" , 4" 
 
 fkilled 
 
 12 i 6.61 
 
 Service 
 
 22 12.1 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 8|~4T 4j 
 
 isr — I 
 
 .3 1 7 '10.3 
 13 ! 14.4 ! 5 
 
 JL 
 
 2 ) 2.2 
 
 11.9 
 
 90 
 
 "BT 
 
 10.3 
 
 i39 
 
 (Note: In all cases where job categories are identified as "skilled," etc., the 
 classification was made by survey coders on the basis of actual job descriptions 
 and titles supplied by the interviewee.) 
 
186 
 
 Employment History 
 Employed Persona with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 3: "How many different jobs have you had in the past three years?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 MALES 
 
 Total . Negro 
 No. % j No. $ 
 
 i 
 
 Mexican j 
 American 
 No. % i 
 
 Total i 
 Ho . £ | 
 
 Females 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. $ 
 
 1 
 j Mexican 
 
 ! American 
 ! No. % 
 
 1 job 
 
 2 jobs 
 
 i 
 31 13.7 1 22 19.6 
 
 110 kQ. 7 1 46 lj-1.1 
 
 _56__2>.8 I 30_26.8 
 
 .. I?.. . 5.3^ 5 U.5. 
 
 4 1.8 i 2 1.8 
 
 9... §-7|, 
 
 1 
 
 57 5^.8! 
 
 22 21.4 j 
 51 1+9.5 j 
 
 12 21.1 
 29 50.9 
 
 9 21.9 
 
 
 
 22 53.7 
 
 3 " 
 
 r - " ' ■ t i 1 
 
 _ 2 i _ 2 ?- l|_L_ -.19 J-8'5 ' 
 
 .. J-^dL 3^.2.9J 
 1? i 
 
 2 1.9J t 5 ^.9 ; 
 
 10 17.5 
 
 7 17.1 
 
 k " 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 1 2.4 
 
 5 " 
 
 2 3.5 
 
 2 4.9 
 
 6 " 
 
 
 
 7 " 
 
 7 3.1 j 3 2.7 
 
 '1 i 
 3 2.9; : 1 1.0 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 
 
 j 
 6 2.7 ; 4 3.6 
 
 o| ; 1 . 1.0 j 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 
 
 8+ " 
 
 2 1.9' 1 1 1.0 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 0^0 
 
 Oh | 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 1 
 226 112 
 
 104 '103 i 
 
 57 
 
 41 
 
 i 
 
 (Question 3«lt "Can you tell me what kind of work you did on these johs?") 
 t MALES ! . FEMALES 
 
 Job #1 
 
 Agriculture 
 Unskilled 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 Skilled 
 
 Service 
 
 _Qther_ 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 Total 
 
 Negro 
 
 j No. <f, No. £ I No 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 ~K 
 
 -i 
 
 1° 
 
 3-1 
 
 71 31^ 
 
 120 53-1 
 
 7 6.8 
 
 38 3 3.6 ; 3 1 30-lj 
 
 Total 
 No. io 
 
 I Negro 
 
 I No. ^ 
 
 1.0 
 
 4 
 
 11 4.9 
 
 17 7.5 
 
 39 38.2 
 
 5 7 50 .^ 57 55.3! ; ^3 te.2 
 4.4 4 3.91 l 7 6.9 
 
 13 11.5 
 
 _ 
 
 226 
 
 3.9! ; 12 11.8 
 
 -h 
 
 113 
 
 ! 103 
 
 102 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 _23 31.1 
 
 22 39.3 
 
 5 
 
 8.9 
 
 8.9 
 
 56 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 > 
 
 oi 
 
 15 36.6' 
 
 ~ j 
 
 21 51.2' 
 
 2.4 
 
 4 10.0 
 
 0; 
 
 i 
 
 0- 
 
 41 
 
 CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE 
 
Employment History 
 Employed Per cone vith History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 CONTINUED FROM PREVIOUS PAGE 
 
 187 
 
 Job #2 
 
 
 Total 
 No. $ 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. io 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. $ 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 Mexican ] 
 
 American 
 
 No. fo | 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 4 2.5 
 
 1 
 
 * 5-3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o, 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 
 64 39.3 
 
 31 39.7 31 40.8 
 
 
 25 
 
 40.3 
 
 14 41.2 
 
 11 
 
 44.0, 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 
 73 ^.8 
 
 34 43. 6 ! 31+ kk.-J 
 
 30 
 
 48.4 
 
 16 47.1 
 
 13 
 
 52.01 
 
 Skilled 
 
 
 11 6.8 
 
 ' 4 5.1 i 5 6.51* 
 
 4 
 
 6.5 
 
 3 8.8 
 
 1 
 
 4.0! 
 
 Service 
 
 
 11 6.8 
 
 9 11.5 2 2.6 
 
 3 
 
 4.8 
 
 1 2.9 
 
 
 
 ol 
 
 Other 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 01 "6 6 
 
 _ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0; 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 0" 
 
 
 
 Oi 
 
 Total 
 Job #3 
 
 ~ 
 
 -153— 
 
 78 
 
 76 
 
 1 1 
 
 "62 
 
 
 34 
 
 25 
 
 t 
 
 f 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 "Unskilled' 
 
 3 kj5~* 
 
 29 44.6 
 
 21 32.3" 
 
 OO3 11.1 
 
 19 55ȤJ 6 29.6 
 
 __J 26.5 ! 12 45.4 
 
 
 1 
 9 
 
 4.2 
 
 37.5 
 
 . Q.. . _0.. 
 6 5^.5 
 
 1. 
 
 2 
 
 ..10,0! 
 20. 4 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 ^ 11 
 
 ~4'5.8 
 
 5 45.5 
 
 5 
 
 50.01 
 
 Skilled 
 
 ...... 
 
 6 _^.2 
 
 6~ 9.2" 
 
 2 5.91 2 7TP 
 4 11.7 2 7.5 
 
 r^ 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0: 
 
 Service 
 
 
 3 
 
 12.5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 20.0J 
 
 Other 
 
 
 ; 
 
 oj 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 '""0 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 °! 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 . 
 
 ol 
 
 
 27 
 
 ... . 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 ° 
 
 Total 
 
 
 65 1 
 
 ~~3h 
 
 fi 2ir 
 
 11 1 
 
 10 
 
 t 
 1 
 
 (Question 1.5: "What kind of vork are you doing nov?") 
 
 Agri cultu re 
 Unskilled^ 
 Semiskilled 
 Skilled .'. _' 
 
 Service 
 
 jQther 
 
 Nq Respon se 
 
188 
 
 Employment History 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 4: "Do you consider your present work to he your regular occupation?") 
 
 Yes 
 
 "No 
 
 _No Response 
 "Total" 
 
 Total 
 
 MALES 
 
 Nep;ro 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 JNo L _% _;No. J&_ ! No 
 
 Tota l 
 
 | no. 
 
 4, 
 
 161 70.9 J 84 74.3 j 70 67.3 1 79 76/7 
 
 29.1 ', 29" 25.7 : & 32V7_[! 2k 23.3 
 
 0_ J , 
 
 "(227 "t~113~" • 104 J ; 103 
 
 FEMALES 
 t 
 
 ; Negro 
 
 ■No. c /o 
 
 I Mexican 
 
 1 
 
 I American 
 
 
 "57 
 
 w. % 
 
 42 73.7 , 33 80.5I 
 
 _15_ IC-l 
 
 0£S 
 
 O.i 
 
 41 
 
 (Question 4.1: "If not, what do you consider your regular occupation to he?") 
 
 MALES 
 
 1 
 
 Agric ulture 
 
 Tota l 
 •No. 
 2 
 
 a 
 
 Unslcilled 
 
 Negro 
 No._ ' 
 
 6.7 3 10.3 
 
 ( Mexican 
 ! America n 
 
 j No. % 
 
 Total 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 30 50.0 13 44.8 
 
 19 31.7 ; 10 34. 5 
 
 No. & 
 
 
 _0_ 
 
 J 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. £ 
 
 16 55.2 ; i 13 
 
 o_ 1 
 
 61.9 6 
 
 23.1 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. 
 
 46.2 
 
 9 31.0 1 3 14 -3 I 2 15.4 
 
 7 87.5 
 
 Skilled 
 
 "2 15.4 
 
 1 12.5 
 
 Ser vice 
 
 Other ] 
 
 No Response 
 
 JUL-'- 
 
 
 
 3*5. 
 
 3^L 
 
 M. 
 
 iaSL 
 
 -0 044 
 
 2 2il 
 
 -Oj 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 34: 
 "What type of 
 work were you 
 doing on your lasl 
 joh he fore you 
 moved to Calif.?" 
 
 60 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 Unskilled 
 Semi s killed 
 Skille d 
 
 Service 
 
 O ther 
 
 No Response 
 Total 
 
 18 11.5 j- 5 6.3; 12 
 
 39_ _25.0 
 67 42.9 
 
 7 "4.5 
 
 J,9_23_.2 J 18 
 
 36 45.0, 28" 
 
 17.4 
 26.1 
 46:6 
 
 20 12.8 16 20.0. 
 
 5.8; 
 
 [ 25... .36, a 
 13 19.1 
 
 5.8] 
 
 .1__._5_ 
 
 10 
 
 7.3 
 
 14.7 
 
 
 
 19 
 11 
 
 
 23.9 
 
 1 2 ._2 
 
 7 15.2 
 
 .6 
 
 
 
 1.51 
 
 
 
 ! 4 
 
 il5£~ 
 
 2.6 
 
 80 
 
 2i£L 
 
 69 
 
 2.9 ! 
 
 13 
 "58" 
 
 19.1 
 
 ~~46"~ 
 
 _0_ 
 
 "17.4 
 
 
 
 5 
 20 
 
 10.0 
 
 3Q.0 
 
 2 10.0 
 
 3 15.0= 
 
 2 10.0 
 
 _0 
 
 25.0. 
 
Length of Unemployment 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 1.1: "How long have you been out of work?") 
 
 Under 4 weeks 
 
 4-25 weeks 
 
 ; Total 
 No. io 
 
 70 
 
 MALES 
 
 I Negro 
 I No. % 
 
 25.1 
 
 W.9 
 
 26"; 20.0 
 56T35TT 
 
 Mexican 
 j American 
 [No . i 
 
 "i 37 ! 30.3~7 31 ' 12.3 
 
 Total 
 No . T$ 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 I Negro 
 I No. \% 
 
 b\6 
 
 189 
 
 Mexican 
 
 American 
 
 No.'.T* 
 
 15U7.9 
 
 26-51 
 
 52-77 
 
 78-103 
 
 1 04-129""" 
 
 130-155 " 
 
 15b+ 
 
 Ho Response 
 
 103 
 
 W 15. 8 i 23IT7.7 
 
 22 
 
 7.9 
 
 11 
 
 k\ iX 
 
 ^T 
 
 3.1 
 
 " oTT 
 7.7 
 
 49' 40.2 
 "1TH75" 
 
 j 60 ; 23. g 
 49 1 19.4 
 
 26]17.2 
 
 
 
 33.21.13 
 
 35 13.9 
 
 7| 2.1 
 
 21 113. 9 
 
 6 1 to 
 
 26 130.9 
 
 15 '17.9 
 
 11 13.1 
 
 1 
 
 k ' 4.6 : 
 
 10 
 
 376^ 
 
 2T 1.6 
 
 25 
 
 21 i 13. 9 
 
 15 i 5.4 
 
 II 
 
 .0 
 
 3 ! 1.2 
 
 10 
 
 3' 2.5 
 
 37 I 14.7 
 
 10! 3.6 
 
 2' 1.5 
 
 7 5.7 
 
 Total 
 
 279 
 
 130 
 
 122 
 
 2.0 
 
 252 
 
 3 2.0 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 17.9 
 
 10.7 
 
 .7 
 
 151 
 
 •"BIT 
 
 4^8 
 
 Perceived Reasons for Unemployment 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 2.1: "Can you tell me why you became unemployed the last time you were 
 out of work?") 
 
 Total 
 
 NoT'% 
 
 Laid off. No 
 reason given. 
 
 24 I 3.5 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No.;%' 
 
 I 
 
 l6i 12.5 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No.,$ 
 
 ! i 
 
 Total 
 No. 'A 
 
 4.8 ! 16 
 
 — =+ 
 4l ; 32.0 
 
 •H- 
 
 6.5 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negrw 
 No. "$' 
 
 10 
 
 ! Mexican j 
 • Amer ican ; 
 ;NoTT~" 
 
 6.9 
 
 4.8 
 
 Laid off. Busi- 
 ness slump. < 79 
 
 28.1 
 
 32' 25.0 
 
 37 U5.1 
 
 16 
 
 n.o iiB 21.7J 
 
 Laid off. Auto- 
 mation, etc. 
 
 1.1 
 
 .8 
 
 li .8 
 
 2 , - S 
 
 .7 
 
 1.2 j 
 
 etc. 
 
 Laid off. 
 
 Merg er , 
 Laid off. Closing 
 
 of plant. 
 
 1.8 
 
 4 j 3.1 
 
 .8 1 1 3 ! 1.2 
 
 Laid off. 
 reasons. 
 
 Discharged 
 
 Other 
 
 13 4.6 
 
 10 1 3.6 
 14 i 5.0 
 
 9i 7.0 
 
 ~1 
 
 h\ 3.1 
 
 ! 2i 1.6 
 
 1! i 
 
 I 11 i 4.5 
 
 VTTT 
 
 6 k.l 
 
 Voluntary quit-- 
 pregnancy, etc 
 
 Retirement - ) 
 involuntary ' 
 
 23 i 8.2 
 
 1 5^674" 
 
 .-)■ 
 
 li: 8.6 
 
 7. 5.6 
 
 3.7 
 
 j 52 1 21.2 33| 22. 6 ; 17 J20.5 
 
 .7 I 1 I 1.2 
 
 7 4.8 
 
 3.6! 
 
 1.4 
 
 6' 4.1' 
 
 3.6 
 
 Other reasons not 
 listed above 
 
 29 j 10.3 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 12.5 
 
 11 
 
 8.8 
 
 1 ! .4 
 
 is .7 
 
 4l I16.7 
 
 I 1 
 
 23 ! 15.8 1 14 j 16.9 '. 
 
 8.9 6 ' 7T2I 
 
 Temporar y .job 
 Accid ent /illn ess 
 
 23 J_ 10.0 
 
 14 
 
 11.2 
 
 1 19 S 7.7 
 
 33 11.7 
 
 Personality con- 
 flict 
 
 7 2.5 
 
 3.1 
 
 J-l 
 2 
 
 13_.6_ 
 1.6 
 
 No Response 
 
 13* 4.3 
 
 Total 
 
 ~28T 
 
 4 ' 2.3 
 125 
 
 9 7.2 
 
 37 .15.1 
 4 ; 1.6 
 
 L * 
 
 11 i 4.1 
 
 125 
 
 "24T 
 
 2 5 17.1 
 2( 1.4 
 
 *6i 4.1 
 US 
 
 10 12. 
 
 ol 
 
 v 1.2 j 
 
 5l 6.0: 
 
 W 
 
Nature of Job Search 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 190 
 
 r 
 
 (QUESTION l.U: 
 "What kind of 
 job are you 
 looking for?") 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 Total 
 
 No. : j 
 
 MALES 
 
 I Negro 
 I No " % 
 
 Unskilled 
 Semiskilled 
 
 Skilled 
 
 113 
 TJ7 
 
 .7 
 
 
 
 "Uo.5 
 WTsT 
 
 TJ 
 
 3*. 
 
 50 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 i! 
 
 ■+■ 
 
 30" 
 
 TT6~ 
 
 T? 
 
 Total 
 
 NO. ; % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 ; No7; % 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 t 
 
 .8 
 
 38.3 
 
 81 
 
 ZT52X"\'\uE 
 
 Service 
 
 19 , 6.8 l lM 1CV7 
 
 7f |»0_ 
 
 •H— 
 
 15 
 
 of 
 
 2.5 
 
 37 
 
 32.5 
 
 TJo76~ 
 
 _0 
 
 50 
 
 6._0_ 
 IT. 9 
 
 
 
 33.6 
 
 60)^0.3" 
 "576" 
 
 M 
 
 _o_ 
 31.3 
 
 150 60.2 ! 
 
 3.6. 
 
 ! 3o!2oli ? if I TTTH 
 
 Other 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 131 
 
 
 
 0' 
 
 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 71: 
 When you were 
 last working, 
 were you doing 
 the job for 
 which you were 
 best trained?") 
 
 Yes 
 
 279 
 
 121 
 
 w 
 
 i 210J 7^.5 
 
 70 I 2^.8 32- 24.8 
 "Tr.Ttj 1. 6 
 282 ^129 
 
 i! 
 
 95 : 73.6 i 9317M i! 197 [79*4 
 
 111,74.5 i 70 ,85.1+ 
 
 25". 6 H 48*19.4 ! 37J24.8 : 10 i 12.2 
 
 No 
 
 No Response 
 
 32 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 71.1: 
 "If not, why 
 not?") 
 
 No work in 
 field 
 
 
 
 125 
 
 t 3 
 TT25B" 
 
 1.2 1 
 
 msr 
 
 .7 
 
 TT 
 
 : 82 
 
 4l 1 56.9 
 
 Don't like the 
 field 
 
 Other 
 
 ! 21 
 
 9.7 
 
 29.2 
 
 17( 51.5 ! 2Q',62.5 li 26 J 52.0 ! 20.1 52.6 
 
 6.1 : 5,15.6 
 
 1 9 J18 . ! 7\lQ.h I 1 
 j j 1 , . 
 
 50.0 
 
 10.0 
 
 ll! 33.3 ' 7 1 2 1.9 !'! 11 22.0 7 ' 18.4 IjtUp . 
 
 ■+■■■■ ' ■ ! ■ ■■■<*■• ■ 4 ■ — ■' -4- — ■ ■ ■ - ■■ ' ■-.... — I ■ ■■- 
 
 No Response 
 
 4.2 
 
 y 9.1 
 
 Total 
 
 72 
 
 33 
 
 0! 
 
 32 
 
 |i _ 4 8.0 < 4 : io.5 
 
 50 
 
 38 
 
 10 
 
191 
 
 Length of Unemployment 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 1.1: "How long have you been out of work?") 
 
 No. of Response 
 
 Under 4 weeks 
 
 8 
 
 8.99 
 
 4-25 weeks 
 
 12 
 
 13.^8 
 
 26-51 weeks 
 
 31 
 
 34.83 
 
 52-77 weeks 
 
 25 
 
 28.09 
 
 78-103. weeks 
 
 1 
 
 1.12 
 
 104-129 weeks 
 
 3 
 
 3-37 
 
 130-155 weeks 
 
 1 
 
 1.12 
 
 I56+ weeks 
 
 7 
 
 7.87 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 1.12 
 
 Total 
 
 Nature of Job Search 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 1.4: "What kind of job are you looking for?") 
 
 
 No. of Response 
 
 £ 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 
 
 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 36 
 
 42.35 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 40 
 
 47.06 
 
 Skilled 
 
 
 
 
 
 Service 
 
 9 
 
 10.59 
 
 Other 
 
 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 Total 55 
 
 
 
 785-893 0-65-14 
 
Nature of Job Search 
 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 192 
 
 
 Tots 
 No. 
 
 il 
 
 MALES 
 Negro 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. $ 
 
 1 — 
 
 Total 
 
 FEMALES 
 Negro 
 
 Mexican 
 
 American 
 
 No..% 
 
 
 No. 
 
 $ 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 
 (QUESTION 1.8: 
 "How did you hear 
 of this job?") 
 
 State Employment 
 Service referred 
 
 13 
 
 5.9 
 
 7 
 
 6.5 
 
 5 
 
 k.9 
 
 9 
 
 9.2 
 
 5 
 
 9.1+ 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7.3 
 
 Want ads, etc. 
 
 15 
 
 6.8 
 
 7 
 
 6.5 
 
 6 
 
 5.8 
 
 9 
 
 9.2 
 
 1+ 
 
 7.6 
 
 5 
 
 12.2 j 
 
 Private employment 
 agency 
 
 7 
 
 3.2 
 
 1 
 
 .9 
 
 1+ 
 
 3.9 
 
 9 
 
 9.2 
 
 6 
 
 11.3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 1+.9I 
 
 School referred 
 
 1 
 
 .5 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 2 
 
 2.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.9 
 
 1 
 
 2.1+ | 
 
 Family, friends or 
 relations 
 
 10*+ 
 
 1+7. 1 
 
 51 
 
 U7.2 
 
 52 
 
 ^OjlL 
 
 .35 
 
 35.7 
 
 21 
 
 J9.6 
 
 13 
 
 31.7 | 
 
 Union referred 
 
 19 
 
 8.6 
 
 15 
 
 13.9 
 
 k 
 
 3.9 
 
 1 j 1.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.? 
 
 
 
 
 
 Walk- in 
 
 52 
 
 23.5 
 
 23 
 
 21.3 
 
 27 
 
 26.2 
 
 19 jl9.^ 
 
 7 
 
 13.2 
 
 12 
 
 29.3 | 
 
 Previous employer 
 
 5 
 
 2.3 
 
 2 
 
 1.9 
 
 3 
 
 2.9 
 
 5 ! 5.1 
 
 k 
 
 7.6 | 
 
 
 
 Other 
 
 5 
 
 ! 2.3 
 
 2! 1.9 
 
 1 1 1.0 
 
 9 • 9.2 
 
 k 7.6 j 5 
 
 12.2! 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 : 
 
 • 
 
 1 0)0 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION. 1.9 
 "How long have you 
 had this job?") 
 
 1-10 weeks 
 
 221 
 
 1+8 
 
 21.6 
 
 108 
 21 
 
 19. k 
 
 103 
 25 12I+.0 
 
 98 
 20 
 
 20.2 
 
 53 
 
 10 i 18.5 
 
 1+1 
 8 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 ! 
 
 ! 
 19.5 
 
 11-20 weeks 
 
 23 
 
 10. k 
 
 10 
 
 9.3 
 
 12 
 
 11.5 
 
 9 
 
 9.1 
 
 5 i 9.3 
 
 3 
 
 7.3! 
 
 21-30 weeks 
 
 28 
 
 12.6 
 
 10 
 
 9.3 
 
 16 
 
 15. k 
 
 13 
 
 13.1 
 
 7 
 
 13.0 
 
 6 
 
 11+.6 
 
 31-1+0 weeks 
 
 15 
 
 6.8 
 
 9 
 
 8.3 
 
 6 
 
 5.8 
 
 7 
 
 7.1 
 
 1+ 
 
 7.1+ 
 
 3 
 
 7.3 
 
 1+1-50 weeks 
 
 2k 
 
 10.8 
 
 11 
 
 10.2 
 
 13 
 
 12.5 
 
 10 
 
 10.1 
 
 6 
 
 ll.l 
 
 1+ 
 
 9.8 j 
 
 51-60 weeks 
 
 7 
 
 3.2 
 
 3 
 
 2.8 
 
 3 
 
 2.9 
 
 2 
 
 2.0 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 k.9\ 
 
 61-70 weeks 
 
 5 
 
 2.3 
 
 1+ 
 
 3.7 
 
 1 i l.o 
 
 2 
 
 2.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.9 
 
 1 
 
 2.1+J 
 
 71-80 
 
 13 
 
 5.9 
 
 5 
 
 1+.6 
 
 6 
 
 5.8 
 
 9 
 
 9.1 
 
 5 
 
 9.3 
 
 1+ 
 
 10.0 | 
 
 81-90 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 l.k 
 
 3 
 
 2.8 
 
 J 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.9 
 
 
 
 °l 
 
 91-100 
 
 Ik 
 
 6.3 
 
 9' 8.3 
 
 5 ' U.8 
 
 3 | 3.0 
 
 2 I 3.7 i 1 
 
 2.1+1 
 
 100+ 
 
 39 
 
 17.6 | 
 
 20 ' 18.6 
 
 17 I16.3 
 
 18 118.2 
 
 11 
 
 20.1+ ! 6 
 
 11+.6 
 
 No Response 
 
 3 
 
 l.l* 
 
 3 ; 2.8 
 
 ; 
 
 5 i 5.0 
 
 1 
 2 ' 3.7 1 3 
 
 7.3 
 
 Total 
 
 222 
 
 
 108 
 
 
 10lf 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 99 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 5k 
 
 1 
 j 
 
 1 
 
 1+1 
 
 
Nature of Previous Job Search 
 Long-term Employed Persons 
 "Short Form" Sampling 
 
 (QUESTION 1.8: 
 "How did you hear 
 of this job?"). 
 
 193 
 
 Answer 
 
 No. 
 
 Percent 
 
 State Employment 
 Service referral 
 
 U6 
 
 5.U 
 
 Want ads, etc. 
 
 55 
 
 6.k 
 
 Private Employment 
 Agency 
 
 28 
 
 3-3 
 
 School referral 
 
 15 
 
 1.8 
 
 Family, friends, etc. 
 
 306 
 
 35-6 
 
 Union referral 
 
 51 
 
 5-9 
 
 Walk- in 
 
 23h 
 
 27-2 
 
 Previous employer 
 
 31 
 
 3^6 
 
 Other 
 
 93 
 
 10.8 
 
 Total 
 
 839" 
 
194 
 
 Nature of Job Search 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 5: "In looking for a job, what kind of places of business or government 
 have you visited?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 No. i i 
 
 MALES 
 
 ; Negro 
 iNo.j i 
 
 ^Mexican 
 .American 
 iHo.'T °h ' 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 ! Total 
 iNo.; i 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 i 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. ~i 
 
 'Mexican 
 j American , 
 !No." Y 
 
 All kinds 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 h 
 
 L J 
 
 
 ! j 
 
 
 ! i ■ 
 
 No specification 
 
 9 
 
 \ 
 
 3.2 
 
 5 
 
 3.8 
 
 i k 
 
 3.2 
 
 , 1 
 7j 2.8 
 
 k 
 
 2.6 
 
 I j 
 
 ! 3' 3.7 
 
 Mentions both govern- 
 ment agencies and 
 private firms 
 
 83 
 
 29.1 
 
 29 
 
 22.0 
 
 i 
 
 ; 4l 
 
 33.1 
 
 i 62j 24.7 
 
 ' 3^i22.U 
 
 ! 
 
 j 18J22.0 : 
 
 Mentions government 
 agencies only 
 
 29 
 .. . , 
 
 10.2 
 
 16 
 
 12.1 
 
 1 I 
 
 I 1 ! 
 
 1 11 8.9 !! 43(17.1 
 
 ; ! 
 
 35.23.0 
 
 i * 
 
 J 7! 8.5 • 
 
 Mentions private 
 retail or service 
 firms only 
 
 37 
 
 13.0 
 
 17 
 
 12.9 
 
 lk 
 
 | 
 
 11.3 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 U6 
 
 18.3 
 
 1 
 29 19.1 
 
 14; 17.1 j 
 
 Mentions building 
 construction only 
 
 5 
 
 1.8 
 
 2 
 
 w 
 
 3 
 
 2.4 
 
 I 
 
 ! 0} 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 i 
 
 o| 
 
 ! 1 ! 
 
 i : ! 
 i ol o ! 
 
 Mentions manufactur- 
 ing firms only 
 
 32 
 
 11.2 
 
 Ik 
 
 10.6 
 
 I 
 
 13114.5 ! 
 
 J 
 
 28J 11.2 
 
 I 
 
 10 i 6.6 
 
 1 ! ! 
 
 ! 17i20.7 | 
 
 Mentions agriculture 
 only 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 °! 
 
 ! 1 
 
 | J 
 
 i" 
 
 i 
 Oj 
 
 ; i ! 
 1 o^ o : 
 
 Mentions a mixture of 
 above private firms j 
 
 29 
 
 j 
 10.2 j 
 
 17 
 
 12.9 
 
 9 
 
 7.3 j 
 
 ! ! 
 
 17; 6.8 
 
 r ■ ' 
 
 i 
 
 10 ! 6.6 
 
 j j ! 
 
 i 7 ! 8 - 5 i 
 
 Mentions agriculture 
 and other industries j 
 and/or government 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 j 
 
 .4 ; 
 
 1 
 
 oj 
 
 I ! 
 
 li .8; 
 
 1 ! 
 ol o | 
 
 i 
 0| 
 
 i- - -) - — i 
 
 ! ! ' 
 | 0; o : 
 
 i 
 
 Newspapers and/or tele- 
 phone book 
 
 1 i 
 
 li .4 ! 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 i 
 
 0i 
 
 i ; 
 
 1 ; 
 
 li .3 ; 
 
 i — \ ( 
 
 i ! ! 
 
 n k.k i 
 
 1 
 
 8i 5.3 
 
 " ■ — t 
 
 i ; ' 
 j 2| 2.4 : 
 
 Waits for old boss 
 to recall 
 
 J i 
 
 ' 
 
 J 
 
 o' 
 
 ! ! 
 
 ; j 
 
 ol ; 
 
 2 .3 ' 
 
 i 
 i 
 
 ' 
 
 4 , , _ ( 
 
 | : 
 
 2 : 2.4 ! 
 
 CONTINUED ON FOLLOWING PAGE 
 
195 
 
 (Continued from preceding page.) 
 
 Nature of Job Search 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 5: "In looking for a job, what kind of places of business or government 
 have you visited?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 
 ! Ho'.' °lo 
 
 MALES 
 Negro 
 
 No." "i 
 
 Mexican j 
 A meri can 
 Ho. j %" 
 
 Total 
 Ho. I % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Hegro 
 No. i % 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 Ho. ,T" 
 
 Waits for union to 
 
 recall (union hall) ■ 21 
 
 7.h 
 
 12 
 
 9.1 
 
 k.Q 
 
 .8 
 
 i 
 
 2' 1.3 ; o 
 
 Private employment t 
 agencies j 
 
 Private and government j 
 employment agencies : 
 
 l.k 
 
 ,k 
 
 AilL 
 
 1.6 
 
 1.2 j 3L 2.0 
 
 Other 
 
 Goes most often to 
 union hall and one 
 of above 
 
 
 1.1 
 
 .3 ! 5 
 
 2.0" 5! 3.3 
 
 j - 
 
 .8 
 
 Oil k 
 
 H 
 
 11 13. 
 
 f 
 
 1.6 
 
 ih3+ 
 
 5 3.8 
 
 6 j k.Q 
 
 No Respo nse 
 
 [ 19 • 6. 7 ; 12 j 9.1J 7 ' 5.6JI 19' 7. 6 : 10 | 6 .6) 
 
 Total 
 
 285 
 
 132 
 
 ! 121+ 
 
 I 251 
 
 0! 
 
 — 1 
 
 152 
 
 2! 2.k 
 
 t : 2 ; 2.k 
 
 8 9.8 
 82 
 
196 
 
 Nature of Job Search 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (QUESTION 5.1: "How often do you go to each? /e.g., once only, once a week, once 
 a month/") . 
 
 
 Tota 
 
 1 
 
 1o 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. % 
 
 Mexican i 
 American ! 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. % 
 
 Mexican j 
 American i 
 
 
 No. 
 
 No. % 
 
 Daily 
 
 77 
 
 27.1 
 
 26 
 
 19.7 
 
 39 
 
 31.71 
 
 29 
 
 11.6 
 
 13 
 
 8.6 
 
 1 
 13 16.1 
 
 2-3 times a week 
 
 68 
 
 23.9 
 
 36 
 
 27.3 
 
 27 
 
 1 
 
 21.9 j 
 
 1+8 
 
 19.3 
 
 27 
 
 17.9 
 
 16 19.7 
 
 Once a week 
 
 1+1 
 
 ik.k 
 
 19 
 
 Ik.k 
 
 . 19 
 
 15.5i 
 
 k2 
 
 16.9 
 
 21 
 
 13.9 
 
 19 23.5 
 
 Once a month 
 
 10 
 
 3.5 
 
 k 
 
 3.0 
 
 3 
 
 J 
 
 20 
 
 8.0 
 
 15 
 
 9.9 
 
 1+ 1+.9 
 
 Several times a yr. 
 
 3 
 
 1.1 
 
 l 
 
 .8 
 
 2 
 
 1.61 
 
 3 
 
 1.2 
 
 2 
 
 1.3 
 
 ! 
 1 1.2 | 
 
 Irregular 
 
 3*+ 
 
 12.0 
 
 22 
 
 16.7 
 
 11 
 
 i 
 8.? 
 
 1+6 
 
 18.5 
 
 35 
 
 23.2 
 
 8 lo.o ! 
 
 Once only 
 
 19 
 
 6.7 
 
 8 
 
 6.1 
 
 8 
 
 J 
 
 32 
 
 12.8 
 
 21+ 
 
 15.9 
 
 7 8.6 
 
 Other 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o: 
 
 ! 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 No Kesponse 
 
 32 
 
 11.3 
 
 16 
 
 12.1 
 
 Ik 
 
 11.1+ J 
 
 ! 29 
 
 11.7 
 
 11+ 
 
 9.3 
 
 13 16.0 
 
 Total 
 
 281+ 
 
 
 132 
 
 
 123 
 
 j 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 :2i+9 
 
 
 1 
 151 
 
 
 |8l 
 i 
 
197 
 
 Nature of Job Search 
 
 Currently Unemployed Fcrccnc 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 7". "How far away from home (in miles) do you look for work?") 
 
 Total 
 
 No. 1o 
 
 MALES 
 
 . Negro 
 I No. & 
 
 i ! 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 Total 
 
 1-5 miles 
 6-10 miles 
 
 J 36 12 .7 i 12 9-2 
 
 I No. % 
 
 fi 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. & | No. 
 
 Mexican 
 Ameri can 
 7L 
 
 .£._._ j-_- 
 
 J ..^1„_16,£ 
 
 ll-i5.jniles j £3__ 18-7 I 28 21 A 
 
 l6-20_ miles _ [_53 18.7 
 
 21-25_miles J_ 29__10.2 
 26-30 miles I _ 23 _8.1 
 
 .12...... 9. : 2 
 
 20 16.3: ; 56 22.6 j 23 15 A; 29 35 Aj 
 
 25 19-1,, 22 .17.9 Ll 33 13-3 j 26 17A; J+_ _J+_._9; 
 
 18_13.7_ 
 15 11.5 
 
 Over 30 miles | 3^ 12.0 j 17 13- 0_ 
 
 ._2§ -22J.8 1 l__21__ 28.6 1 39 26.2 t 26 31.7; 
 .19 15^5 j ! hi I8.9 j __32 .21 Aj . 1^ lJi.1' 
 
 9 7.3J 8 3-2 j 6 U.Oj 
 
 8 „ 6 -5Ji J: _^*° ! 7 h.l I 
 
 _2_ _2 L 5 
 1 1-3 
 
 15 12.2 
 
 11 UA 
 
 No Response 
 
 8 
 
 Total 
 
 *LL 
 
 3.0 
 
 : 283 
 
 i 131 
 
 2 1.6 1 ; 12 ^.8_ _9 6,0 
 
 | 123 j ! 2U8 ' 1^9 
 
 U _J **.7 j 3 3 .7 
 
 3 3.7 
 
 82 
 
198 
 
 Nature of Job Search 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 5 J "In looking for a job, what kind of places of business or government 
 have you visited?") 
 
 Item_ 
 
 All kinds - no 
 specification^ j 12 5.U 
 
 MALES 
 
 I 
 
 ; Total . Negro 
 
 ,No. % i No. jo | No. $T~ 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 5.3! h 3-9 
 
 Mentions govt, 
 agencies & pri- 
 vate _firmc kl 18.3 J 23 20. V 17 16.7 
 
 Mentions govt. 
 
 agencies only 2k _10.7 
 
 Mentions "private 
 
 retail or service 
 
 firms only ; 23 10. 3 
 
 15 13.3 
 
 Total 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 'No. $ 
 
 k k.o 
 
 ! Negro 
 No. i 
 
 19 18.8 
 
 1 
 
 5-9 
 
 3.1 
 
 8 7.1! 1 5 l**-7 
 
 2.0 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mentions blcTg. 
 construction only.' 7 
 Mentions " mf g". [" 
 
 firms only i_31_ 13_.8 11 9 .7J 20 19.6 
 
 Mentions agri- " t_ "| ! 
 
 culture only _ 1 .5 j 1 _.^| _0 
 
 Mentions mixture • " 
 
 of private firms j 21 _9.U_ 12 10.6! _§_ __8.8_ 5 5.0 
 
 Mentions agricul- \' \ ' 
 
 ture & other indus- ' 
 
 tries j_ 1 __ ___ .£ J J3 _ _0J 1 1.0 j 
 
 Newspapers or \~ 
 
 3 1.3 I 1 .9' 2 2.0 
 
 I 
 
 T 
 
 1.0 
 
 phone book 
 Warts" for old 
 - boss. to recall 
 Waits for union 
 
 to recall • 2 8.9 j 15 13.3 5 ^9_ 
 
 Private employ^* 
 
 ment agencies _J 5 2.2 \ 2 1^8! 3 2. 9 
 
 Private and govt . i ! 
 
 agencies k 1.8 3 2.9 
 
 _0ther_ 
 Goes "to" "union 
 
 0* 
 
 hall & 1 of above '' 6 2.7 6 5. 31 
 
 10 .. 2-9. 
 
 i Mexican 
 American 
 NoT %~~ 
 
 .JjS 
 
 1.8 
 
 11 20.0 
 
 20 19.8 j 11 20.0 
 
 i 
 
 T 
 
 
 
 Ji2 
 
 .„.L__17vl 
 
 .8 .lit. 6 i_ .2..H 
 
 8 19.5 
 
 
 lfe 13 -2_ j 5 2ii. . 9 21.9 
 
 1.0 
 
 
 
 1.0 
 
 9 8.9 
 
 2.0 
 
 .Q._. _.0 
 1 1.8 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1.8 
 
 
 
 1.8 
 
 k 9.8 
 
 JD 
 
 
 
 0_ _0 
 
 
 
 6 10. 9 
 
 1.8 
 
 7.3 
 
 2.k 
 
 2.0 
 
 3.6 
 
 -t 
 
 Jfo_ Respo nse 
 
 2U 10.7 ! 8 7.1J lh 13.7 
 
 1U 13.9 I 7, 12.7 
 
 Total 
 
 • 2 2lf 
 
 113 
 
 102 
 
 101 
 
 55 
 
 5 12.2 ; 
 
 U ! 
 
Nature of Job Search 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 199 
 
 (Question 5«1". "How often do you go to each? 
 once a month]") . 
 
 (e.g., once only, once a week, 
 
 Total 
 
 No. <f 
 
 MALES 
 
 ' Negro 
 
 ! No. 9 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 Total 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Daily _____ 
 
 _2-^3imes a week 
 
 Once a week 
 
 Once a 
 
 Seye ral time s 
 
 Ir reg ular 
 
 Once only 
 .Other '" 
 
 No Response 
 
 (Question 7 
 "How far away from 
 home (in miles) do 
 you usually look 
 for work?") 
 
 1-5 milep_ 
 6-10 miles 
 il-15 mile 
 Ka-20 miles 
 21-25jniles_ 
 26-30 m iles 
 Over 30 miles 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 66 29.6 
 
 W 21 3 
 "23 10.3 
 
 No. 
 
 T 
 
 j Negro 
 
 U»iJL..-.i5?i...i 
 
 jaji&SLlOEIt 
 
 1 7 17 .0 
 
 1 Mexican 
 1 American 
 HP. f> 
 
 13_32.5J 
 "JLJL5 
 
Nature of Jobs 
 long-term Employed Persons 
 "Short Form" Sampling 
 
 200 
 
 Occupation 
 
 No. 
 
 Percent 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 
 
 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 170 
 
 16.0 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 454 
 
 48.0 
 
 Skilled 
 
 152 
 
 19.3 
 
 Service 
 
 100 
 
 10.6 
 
 Self-employed 
 
 25 
 
 2.7 
 
 Army 
 
 2 
 
 .2 
 
 Other 
 
 
 
 
 
 No response 
 
 12 
 
 1-3 
 
 Total 
 
 W 
 
 Hours Worked Per Week 
 Long-term Employed Persons 
 "Short Form" Sampling 
 
 Hour:: 
 
 No. 
 
 Percent 
 
 Below 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 •9 
 
 10-19 
 
 
 17 
 
 1.6 
 
 20-29 
 
 
 22 
 
 2.4 
 
 30-39 
 
 
 57 
 
 6.1 
 
 40 
 
 
 637 
 
 66.4 
 
 41-49 
 
 
 76 
 
 8.1 
 
 50-59 
 
 
 24 
 
 2.6 
 
 60-69 
 
 
 12 
 
 1-3 
 
 70+ 
 
 
 9 
 
 1.0 
 
 No res 
 
 ponse 
 
 70 
 
 7-5 
 
 Total 
 
 932 
 
Previous Employment 
 Long-term Employed Persons 
 "Short Form" Sampling 
 
 201 
 
 (QUESTION 1.10: "What did you do before you had this job?") 
 
 No. Percent 
 
 Employed at 
 
 another 
 
 job 
 
 699 
 
 77-6 
 
 Unemployed 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 8.k 
 
 Student 
 
 
 
 2k 
 
 2.7 
 
 No response 
 
 
 
 102 
 
 11.3 
 
 Total 
 
 901 
 
 Subsample 
 Nature of Jobs Held Previously 
 
 No. 
 
 Total 
 
 223 
 
 Percent 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 10 
 
 h.5 
 
 Unskilled 
 
 k6 
 
 20.6 
 
 Semiskilled 
 
 108 
 
 k8.k 
 
 Skilled 
 
 37 
 
 16.6 
 
 Service 
 
 22 
 
 10.0 
 
202 
 
 Use of State Employment Service 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question $: "Are you now registered at the State Employment Service? 1 
 
 f~ MALES , i) 
 
 Answer 
 
 j Total 
 I No. ) jo 
 
 \ Negro 
 > No. j °/o 
 
 Mexican 
 Aiiierican 
 
 No. 
 
 i 
 
 Total 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. j j 1 No. \j 
 
 Mexican i 
 American ; 
 No.^ J 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 216 
 
 75.5 102 
 
 77.3 
 
 92 
 
 73.6 | 
 
 160 j 62.5 
 
 96 j 62.7 | 52 i 60.5 
 
 70 
 
 24.5 30 
 
 22.7 
 
 33 
 
 26. k 
 
 -t- 
 
 95 j 37.1 
 
 57 37.3 i 33 j 38Jj 
 
 No Response 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 .U 
 
 l ; l.l 
 
 Total! 286 
 
 132 
 
 125 
 
 256 
 
 : 153 
 
 1 36 
 
 #**#■#■■* 
 
 (Question 9.1: "Have you had any referrals from the State Employment Service 
 /during current spell of unemployment/?") 
 
 MALES 
 
 Mexican 
 
 Answer 
 
 I Total 
 
 No. ! % 
 
 Yes 
 
 kk\ 20.1 
 — -— i 
 
 Negro American 
 
 NO. ; j 
 
 No. 
 
 20i 19.2 ! 20 21.7 i 
 
 No 
 
 168 
 
 76.7 79 76.0 
 
 71 
 
 i 
 
 77.2, 
 
 Total 
 No. ! i 
 
 57 
 
 IOG 
 
 FEMALES 
 Negro 
 
 33.5 
 
 63.5 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. | % 
 
 37 j 35-6 I 16 
 
 1 
 
 63 S 60.6 
 
 29.6J 
 
 37 68.5 
 
 No Response 
 
 4- 
 
 7 3.2 
 
 k.8 
 
 1.1 
 
 Total 219 
 
 104 
 
 5J 2.9 j U! 3.8 lj L i 
 
 92 
 
 170 
 
 10k 
 
 ^ 
 
 *- •* * ■x- ■* * 
 
 (Question 10: "In the past three years, have you found any jobs through the State 
 Employment Service?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Yes 
 
 -i 
 
 Total 
 
 No. ' % 
 
 252 
 
 1.1 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. I i 
 
 119 90.1 
 
 Total 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. % j No. j i 
 
 1 
 
 1 i 
 107 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 i Negro 
 No. ; % 
 
 85.6 j j 212 83.5 I 130 
 
 j Mexican 
 i American 
 I No.;$ 
 
 84.9 70 83.3; 
 
 No 
 
 No Respon se 
 
 1 33 11.5 
 
 i i\\k 
 
 H 1 
 
 13 
 
 9.9 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 13.6 
 
 .8 
 
 Total 
 
 286 
 
 132 
 
 i 125 
 
 42 ; 16.5 I 23 j 15.1 
 ! 
 
 14 16.7 
 
 254 
 
 ! 153 
 
 i 84 
 
 1L 
 
203 
 
 Willingness to Move 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 8: "Suppose you were able to get the type of work that you want, but 
 that this would involve moving yourself and your family to a new location. Would 
 you consider moving?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 No Response 
 
 MALES 
 
 Total 
 No."';'$ 
 
 225 j 78.7 
 
 Negro 
 
 of 
 
 10 
 
 No. ■ cf - 
 
 60 i 21.0 
 
 Tctal 
 
 286 
 
 .3 
 
 108 ) 81.8 
 
 23 1 17.4 
 
 132 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. j V 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 | ; Mexican 
 
 Total i Negro j American 
 1 No.", j j NoV ~'j j No3 ' . i 
 
 96 I 76.8 ! 
 
 142 , 55.5 j 91 j 59.5 | ko ;46.5 
 
 29 ' 23.2 | 113 44.1 j 61 
 
 4-^ 
 
 125 
 
 |j2 5 6 
 
 .4 
 
 39.9 j 46 53.5 
 
 .6 
 
 153 
 
 86 
 
 •* # * * # ■» * 
 
 \ 
 
 (Question 8.1: "If yes, how far would you move?"} 
 
 I ~-~ MALES 
 
 Answer 
 
 Los Angeles 
 County only 
 
 Southern Cali- 
 fornia 
 
 Total 
 No .T '% 
 
 65 28.5 
 
 Anywhere in 
 
 California 45 
 
 21 9.2 
 1 
 
 Anywhere in i 
 United Statejs Q2 
 
 19.7 
 
 Mexican 
 Negro ! American 
 
 No.' % 
 
 28 ' 25. 4 
 
 No. "i 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 ; Total 
 
 j No. ""% 
 
 ! Mexican 
 
 Negro I American I 
 No. "". "^ I No'3~"~ I 
 
 i i 
 
 32 < 33-31= 72 ; 49.7 I 4l I 44.1 
 
 5\ 4.5 
 
 i i 
 
 13 j 13 .5 | 19; 13.1 
 
 26; 23.6 i lg { 3)g.6 
 
 40.3 i 48; 43.6 j 35 ! 36.5 
 
 Other or 
 
 « i 
 
 t » 
 
 No Respon se ! 5 ' 2.2 
 
 Total ! 228 
 
 13 j 14.0 
 
 — I — 
 
 I 28 j 19. 3 j 24 | 25.8 
 
 25 j 17.2 1 14 J15.0 
 
 ._3i 2.7 1 ' 1.0 
 
 j 
 
 i 110 1 96 
 
 .7 
 
 1 1.1 
 
 145 
 
 3d 73.2 i 
 
 6114.6 
 
 Oi i 
 
 5; 12.2 
 
 
 
 kl 
 
204 
 
 Interest in Retraining 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 13: "Would you consider going back to school to learn how to do another 
 job?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 No." ~'% 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. ~'i 
 
 Mexican 
 
 American 
 No. % ' 
 
 Total 
 No, fi 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. \'j 
 
 i Mexican 
 I American 
 
 \jfo.rfo 
 
 Yes 
 
 227 79.4 
 
 LL4 ! 86. 4 . 95 '76.0 
 
 201 ; 78.5 j 131 J85.6 j 57 j 66.3 
 
 54 21.1 I 22 14.4 i 28 |32.6 
 
 No 
 
 58 20.3 
 
 18 ,13.6 j 30 J24.0 
 
 i 1 I 1.2 
 
 N.R.* or other 
 
 74 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 • 
 
 74 
 
 Totai 286 
 N.R. means 
 No Response 
 
 132 
 
 125 
 
 256 
 
 153 
 
 86 
 
 ****** 
 
 (Question 13. 1: "If yes, for what kind of training would you go back to school?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 No. ' '% 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No".' 7% 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. ,""$ 
 
 Total 
 No. : ' 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 NoT ; '% 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 jno.;T' 
 
 Academic 
 (diploma) 
 
 14! 6.4 
 
 5.3 
 
 6.7 
 
 Ind. Arts' 
 
 11 ! 5.0 
 
 — -f 
 
 19 ; 9.5 
 
 13 
 
 164; 74.6 80 I 70.2 74 '82T 2 
 
 3.0 
 
 9.9 ! 
 
 8.8 
 
 3.1 
 
 3.5 
 
 Vocational 
 
 Business 
 
 "9l 471 
 
 4741 
 
 ITT 
 
 147 73.1 
 
 21 ; 10.5 
 
 9J_ 
 
 13 
 
 74,1 39! 68.4 
 
 12.3 
 
 Other 
 
 Don't Know 
 
 "22 10.0 : I4~ r l2.3 
 
 6 I 6.7 
 
 ' 8 ' 4.0 
 
 
 
 
 
 30! 
 
 1 
 
 7.0 
 
 -t- 
 ! 57 
 
 Total! 220 
 
 114 
 
 90 
 
 201 
 
 131 
 
 Industrial Arts — Photography, drafting 
 clothing design, etc. 
 
 ****** 
 
 (Question 13.2: "To your knowledge, is this training offered in any of the local 
 schools?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 i No. i 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. 7$ 
 
 ■ ' ■ j 
 i 
 
 Mexican j 
 American | 
 
 no. "r% 
 
 p 
 
 1 
 
 i Total 
 
 No. \ i 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 j Mexican 
 Negro j American 
 No"." ii !Nd,-"i 
 
 Yes 
 
 • ! 
 87 : 40.9 | 
 
 57 ; 54.3 
 
 26 , 28.6 
 
 114 I 57.9 
 
 1 i 1 
 87 68.0 ! 20 35.7 
 
 No 
 
 84. 39.4 i 
 
 30 1 28.6 
 
 46 ; 50.6 
 
 49 ! 24.9 
 
 18 14.1 { 28 50.0 
 
 Other 
 
 16 7.5 
 
 9 8.6 
 
 7. 7.7j 
 
 15! 7.6 
 
 9 7.0 3 
 
 5.4 
 
 No Response 
 
 26 12.2 1 
 
 9 3.6 
 
 12 : 13. 2i 
 
 j 19 9.6 
 
 14 10.9 j 5 
 
 8.9 
 
 Total 
 
 1 213 i 
 
 105 
 
 91 i 
 
 i 197 
 
 128 j 56 
 
 
Interest in Retraining 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 205 
 
 (Question 13 
 job?") 
 
 "Would you consider going back to school to learn how to do another 
 
 i Total 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. £ 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No . fo 
 
 
 Total 
 
 No. # 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. <fo 
 
 1 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 iNo. % 
 
 Yes Il60 71.1 
 
 88 
 
 78.6 
 
 66 
 37 
 
 6k.l 
 35.9 
 
 
 71 
 
 68. 9 
 
 kl 71.9 
 
 27 65^ 
 
 No i 6k 28.4 
 
 23 
 
 20.5 
 
 
 32 
 
 31.1 
 
 16 28.1 
 
 14 30 
 
 No Response 1 .4 
 
 1 
 
 •9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 225 
 
 (Question 13.1: 
 "If yes, for what 
 kind of training j 
 would you go back! 
 to school?") j 
 
 Academic 17 10. 5 
 
 112 
 7 
 
 7-9 
 
 103 
 9 
 
 13.4 
 
 
 103 
 12 
 
 17.1 
 
 57 
 9 21.9 
 
 41 
 3 11-5 
 
 Industrial arts 10 6.2 
 
 66 
 
 10.1 
 
 74.2 
 
 1 
 50 
 
 . 1.5. 
 
 74.6 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.4 
 
 1 2.4 
 
 P o_. 
 
 .19 734. 
 
 2 7.7 
 
 Vocational '120 Jk.l 
 
 49 
 
 70.0 
 
 28 68.3 
 
 Business j 7 4.3 
 
 6 
 
 6.7 
 
 1 
 
 1.5 
 
 
 5 
 
 7-1 j 
 
 2 4.9 
 
 Other 6 3-7 
 
 l 
 
 1.1 
 
 5 
 
 7.5 
 
 
 3 
 
 4.3 
 
 1 2.4 
 
 2 7.7 
 
 Don't Know 2 1.2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1-5 
 
 
 
 
 70 
 
 41 
 
 
 60.3 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 162 
 
 (Question 13*2: 
 "To your knowledge, 
 is this training 
 offered in any of 
 the local schools?") 
 
 Yes jlOO 64.9 
 
 89 
 63 
 
 71.6 
 
 67 
 3^ 
 
 55-7 
 
 41 
 
 25 62.5 
 
 26 
 8 32.0 
 
 No i 30 19.5 
 
 13 
 
 14.8 j 
 
 16 
 
 26 .2 1 
 
 
 17 
 
 25.0 
 
 9 22.5 
 
 14 56.O 
 
 Other ; -.7 4.6 
 
 5 
 
 5.7) 
 
 1 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 5 
 
 7.4 
 
 1 2.5 
 
 3 12.0 
 
 No Response j 17 11.0 ' 
 
 7 
 
 7-9J 
 
 10 
 
 l6.4 
 
 
 5 
 
 7.4 
 
 5 12.5 
 
 
 
 Total I 154 j 
 
 ~BcT 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 61 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 
 "68 
 
 1 
 
 40 | 
 
 25 
 
206 
 
 Perceptions of Labor Market 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 Lack of ski Id - 
 Other (mainly no 
 jobs available ) 
 
 Total 149 
 
 First response; 
 
 (QUESTION 12.2: "Do! 
 you think you have j 
 difficulty in j 
 
 keeping jobs?") 
 
 Yes 
 
 27 j lb.l i 15 ; 21/7. 
 h5 ' 30.2 j 22 !31.9 
 
 12 [17.9 
 
 — ±5: 
 
 j 19 J26.U;j 
 
 rsr*" 
 
 16.3 17 -19.3 6 | 13.6 
 38 ' 26.9 | 29 32.9 j 9 ?20.U 
 
 rw 
 
 To 
 
 Ua 
 
 T ~^J 
 
 No 
 
 l-g6 u _9 ? 2 j 7 » 5.3 
 
 18 , ilf.6 ? 16 ■ 6.3 | 8 ; 5.2 \ k j U.7 i 
 
 Other 
 
 25gj 90/5 \22h 93.9 |105 }85.^j;2UO j 93.7 j lgj 9^.8 82 |95.3 
 
 T1 T 
 
 4 
 
 No Response 
 
 .8 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 T5o" 
 1 
 
 Total |283 
 
 i 132 
 
 123 
 
 256" 
 
 153 
 
Perceptions of Labor Market 
 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 12: "Do you think you have difficulty in getting jobs?") 
 
 207 
 
 MALES 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 1 
 
 i Total 
 
 No. i 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. io 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. ^ 
 
 
 Total 
 
 No. io 
 
 f 
 
 • Negro 
 No. i 
 
 j Mexican 
 J Ameri can ] 
 iNo. f, 
 
 Yes i 99 
 
 43.8 
 
 h5 39-8 
 
 1 
 50 48.5 30 
 
 29.1 
 
 j 16 28.1 
 
 V" i 
 13 31.7 ; 
 
 No : 126 
 
 55.8 
 
 68 60.2 
 
 52 50.5 
 
 
 72 
 
 T9.9 
 
 41 71.9 
 
 "27 65.9! 
 
 No Response 1 
 
 .k 
 
 
 
 1 1.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 6.9 
 
 , 
 
 , 57 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 ! 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 1 6.7 
 
 1 2.4: 
 
 Total j 226 
 
 (Question 12.1: 
 "If yes, vhy do 
 you think that 
 is?") ; 
 
 Personal attitudes 
 or emotional prob- 
 lems 6 
 
 e.k 
 
 113 
 
 . 3 7.9 
 
 103 
 3 5.8 
 
 [103 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ! 2 
 
 -Si - -j 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 ; 
 
 1 7.7 1 
 
 Racial discrimin-' 
 ation lU 
 
 1U.9 [ 12 31.6 
 1 
 
 _2_ ^2 
 
 ! 3 
 
 10.3 
 
 
 3 20.0 
 
 ""■■■■ ■ ■ ■ 1 
 0! 
 
 Sex discrimination 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 oj 
 
 Religious discrim- 
 ination 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 
 
 • i 
 
 
 
 
 
 oj 
 
 Age 11 
 
 11.7 , : 3 7.9 
 
 7 13.5 ! j 3 
 
 10.3 
 
 J~ 1 6.7 
 
 2 15. fcj 
 
 Poor health i 3 
 
 3.2 ! 2 5.3 
 
 1 1.9! 1 1 
 
 3.5 
 
 i 1 6.7 
 
 0| 
 
 Lack of education 1 16 
 
 17.0 j 5 13.2 
 
 11 21.21 6 
 11 21.2! 6 
 
 20.7 1 3 20.0 
 20.7 4 26". 7 
 
 3 23.1, 
 2 1575- 
 
 Lack of skill 19 
 
 20.2 , 7 18.4 
 26.6 6 I5.8 
 
 Other (mainly no 
 jobs available) ; 25 
 
 17 32.7 1 8 
 
 27.6 
 
 2 13.3 
 
 5 38.5 
 
 Total $h 
 
 (Question 12.2: ' 
 "Do you think you 
 have difficulty in 
 keeping jobs?") 
 
 Yes : 18 
 
 8.0 
 
 38 
 8 7.1 
 
 52 j 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 10 2-1 _ 
 ""93 9013*^ 
 
 29 
 6 
 
 5.8 
 
 !5 
 
 L k 7-0 
 53 93.6 
 
 13 
 2 4.9 
 
 No , 208 
 
 92.0 : 105 92.9 
 
 97 
 
 94.2 
 
 39- 95 .1| 
 
 No Response 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' " 
 
 "' 1 
 
 Total . 226 
 
 
 113 
 
 103 
 
 
 103 
 
 
 57 
 
 ki j 
 
 785-893 0-65-15 
 
208 
 
 Perceptions of Labor Market 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 12: "Do you think you have difficulty in getting, jobs?") 
 
 No. of Responses $ 
 
 Yes 
 
 
 66 
 
 52.38 
 
 Wo 
 
 
 59 
 
 46.83 
 
 Other 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 125 
 
 
 (Question 12.1: "If yes, why do you think that is?") 
 
 No . of 
 
 Responses 
 
 % 
 
 Personal attitudes 
 or emotional problems 
 
 1 
 
 1.67 
 
 Racial discrimination 
 
 2 
 
 3.33 
 
 Sex discrimination 
 
 
 
 
 
 Religious discrimination 
 
 
 
 
 
 Age 
 
 18 
 
 30.00 
 
 Poor Health 
 
 6 
 
 10.00 
 
 Lack of Education 
 
 3 
 
 5.00 
 
 Lack of Skill 
 
 5 
 
 8.33 
 
 Other (mainly no jobs 
 available) 
 
 Total 
 
 25 
 
 60 
 
 ia. 67 
 
 (Question 12.2: "Do you think you have difficulty in keeping jobs?") 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 Other 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 No. 
 
 of Responses 
 
 4, 
 
 
 10 
 
 G.70 
 
 
 105 
 
 91-30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 il 
 
 115 
 
 
Sources of Income 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 209 
 
 FEMALES 
 Negro 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 (QUESTION 67: 
 "Are you getting 
 unemployment 
 insurance bene- 
 fits at the 
 present time?") 
 
 No Response 
 
 (QUESTION 67. 
 "If yes, how much 
 do you get?") 
 
 Under $20 week 
 
 $20-29 a week 
 $30- 39""" 
 
 §ko-k9_ 
 $50-59 
 
 (QUESTION 67.3 
 "If not, why 
 not?") ' 
 
Sources mf Income 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 Household Sampling 
 
 210 
 
 Total 
 
 NO. ; j 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No.Y$ 
 
 (QUESTION 63: "Dof 
 you have any other ; 
 source of income? "1 
 
 Major Source 
 
 Pension 
 
 10 
 
 5.7 
 
 i Mexican j 
 ! American ! 
 
 \ TStoTTV 
 
 Total 
 
 No".' j 
 
 6.3 
 
 2.6: ! 6; 2.8 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 N». &_ 
 
 2 I 1.6 
 
 ; Mexican ; 
 j A meri can 
 JNoTT" 
 
 1 4i 5.2 
 
 Private insurance 
 
 lb: 
 
 1 j 1.3| I 4j 1.3 j 2 j 1.6 | 1: 1.3 
 
 36 ;28.8 llo!l3.0 j 
 2 ! 1.6 ; 2: 2.6 ! 
 
 Public assistance 
 
 25 
 
 14.3 ! 11 
 
 13.8 
 
 15.8; ' 49>22.6 
 
 Private agencies 
 Relatives or 
 
 friends 
 
 Spouse 
 
 1 
 50 
 
 76i 6~T o 
 
 I it i.i 
 
 28.6 j 18 [ 22.5 
 
 Other 
 
 46 j 26.3 ' 20 i 25.0 
 
 55 
 
 40 22.9 25 i 31.2 
 
 72 
 
 13.2 ! 27 
 
 25.4 ! =8 J22.4 !22j28.6 
 
 33.2 1 37 I 29.6 ! 33)42. 9 
 
 12.4 ! 18 ■■14.4 ; 5 6.5 
 
 No Response 
 
 1.1 
 
 1.2 
 
 0> 
 
 Total 
 
 175 
 
 "80" 
 
 76" 
 
 217 
 
 125 
 
 ;77 
 
 Only 13 of the trtal men and 21 of the total women mentioned a second 
 source of income, and only 4 and 5 respectively, referred to a third 
 source. Obviously, the respondents to this question had previously 
 indicated that they were not receiving unemployment compensation. 
 
 Previous Earnings 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (QUESTION 69: "When you were last working, how much did you make?") 
 
 Total 
 No . ' % 
 
 Under $50 a week " 21 ' 7.4 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. i % 
 
 i Mexican j 
 ! American j 
 ' No".' 7% 
 
 Total 
 No. i % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negr* 
 No. )j 
 54 1 35.5 
 
 j Mexican \ 
 jAmericani 
 
 NO.: 
 
 10 
 
 7.6 8i 6.5 91J36.1! 
 
 6.9' 12 I 9.7! ! 61 I 24. a 43J2873 
 
 131 ;37.4? 
 ; 16 |19.3 ; 
 
 ?50-59 a week 
 560-69 " " 
 
 "21 7~4T 
 
 $70-79 
 
 37, 13.0 1 16HL2 
 
 14 1 U.3 I 
 
 41 16. 
 
 ,20.5' 
 
 16; 12.9 
 l4ili.? ' 
 
 29; 10.2 j 14; 10, 
 104. 36.6 51 ' 38, 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 Average $80.42 
 
211 
 
 Contract rent per 
 
 Cu 
 month - ren 
 
 Expenditures 
 rrently Unemployed Per: 
 Household Sampling 
 
 ters (Question 48.2). 
 
 MALES j ! 
 
 . Mexican 1 
 Negro American j 
 No. % j No. % j 
 
 30ns 
 
 
 1 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No . fo 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 | Total 
 
 •No. <?o 
 
 Total 
 No. $ 
 
 Mexican j 
 | American j 
 
 ' No . % 
 
 Under $20 
 
 1 .4 
 
 1 j 
 0! 1 .9| 
 
 JL 
 
 1 
 
 .4 i 
 
 2 
 
 1.5 
 
 1 "1 
 , 1 1.5| 
 
 $20-29 
 
 5 2.0 
 
 2 1.8! 3 2.6! 
 
 ir 
 
 1 
 
 .8 : 
 
 2 
 
 I'l 
 
 • 2 3.0j 
 
 $30-39 
 
 9 3-6 ; 1 .9j 3 2.6! 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 .0 
 
 9 
 
 6.6 
 
 fc 5-9i 
 
 $4o^4~9 
 
 34 13.6 ' 16 14.5 ! 15 13-0; 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 •5 ! 
 
 8 
 
 5.9 
 
 ! 8 11.8; 
 
 $50-59 
 
 k9 19.7 ; 23 20.9! 22 19. 1| 
 
 hi 
 
 21 
 
 .6 ! 
 
 32 
 
 23.5 
 
 ! 10 14. 7| 
 
 $60-69 
 
 65 26.1 24 26. k\ 37 32.2. 
 
 58 
 
 26.6 : 
 
 38 
 
 27.9 
 
 16 23.5 
 
 $70-79 
 
 36 14.5 
 
 17 15.4 ! 16 13.9! 
 
 kk 
 
 20 
 
 • 2 ! 
 
 27 
 
 19. 8 
 
 15 22.11 
 
 $80^89 
 
 26 10. lv 16 14.5 j 9 7-8; 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 -0 ! 
 
 5 
 
 3.7 
 
 p W 6.8! 
 
 $90-99 
 
 •3 1.2 1 .?1 -9 ; 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 .3 | 
 
 2 
 
 1-5 
 
 ! 2 3.0, 
 
 $100 + 
 
 11 4.4 1 6 5X 1 3 2.6, 
 
 10 
 
 4.6"! 
 
 7 
 
 5-2 
 
 3 4.4: 
 
 No Response 
 
 10 4.0 i 4 3-6 i 5 k.3\ 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 '3 | 
 
 4 
 
 2.9 
 
 1 1.5| 
 
 Total 
 Mart gage payments 
 
 I ; 
 249 ! 110 i 115 ; 218 
 
 per month - owners (Question 48.1). 
 
 MALES 
 , Mexican 
 Total i Negro American j ; Total 
 No. % , No. % No. % j . No. i> 
 
 1 
 j 
 
 1 
 
 136 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. $ 
 
 '68 ! 
 
 
 1 
 
 Mexican j 
 American 
 No. fo 
 
 Under $50 
 
 ! 1 
 1 3.1 | 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 ,8! 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 $50-69 
 
 6 18.7 | 
 
 1 
 Insufficient 
 Sample 
 
 0_ 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 o 1 
 
 - — 
 
 Insuff 
 
 Sam 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 $70-89 
 
 6 18.7 J 
 
 icient > 
 pie | 
 
 $90 ..+ 
 
 1 ik 43.8 j_ i 
 
 Ik 
 
 53 
 
 1 
 ,8j 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 No Response 
 
 ! 
 
 5 15.6 | 
 
 8 
 
 30 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 Total 
 
 : 
 32 ! 
 
 i 
 
 : 26 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
Expenditures 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 Total Utilities (gas, electricity, phone) per month (Question h$) . 
 
 212 
 
 'W5 
 
 $6^10' 
 $11-15 
 £16-20 
 $21-25 
 
 $26-30 
 
 $31-351 
 Over $35 
 No Response 
 "Total 
 
 Total food ex- 
 penditures per 
 week (Question 52) . 
 
 Under $10 
 $10-11)-" 
 
 $15-19 
 $20-25 
 $25-29 
 
 Total 
 
Transportation 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 213 
 
 (Question 50: "Do you 
 own a car?") 
 
 Answer 
 Yes 
 
 ' Total 
 No.'jYj 
 
 MALES 
 
 ! Negro 
 No. \i 
 
 156j 5U.7 
 
 129.T5.3 
 
 Mexican 'j 
 (American : i Total 
 JNo.~# ! ] No .". ^ 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 i 
 Negro 
 
 )No.3 
 
 i Mexican 
 American 
 No] "%' 
 
 111 58.3 63150.8 
 
 691 26 .9 i 32j 20.9 ! 32 1 37 . 2 
 
 55^1.7 j 61U9.2 • U'7-73.1 ! 121 : 79.1 [W 62.7T" 
 
 No 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 50.1: "If car 
 owner, what is the year 
 of the car?") 
 
 Answer 
 1950 or earlier 
 
 
 20 
 
 I 
 
 ! 
 
 13; 
 
 12^-1 
 
 i jo; 
 
 A — rrsor 
 
 18; 11.5 
 
 8 10.il 
 
 81 12.7 
 
 3^)^.2 j f9 T30.2.| 15; 21.8 
 
 6; 8.7 
 
 1951-55 
 
 55! 34.5 
 
 ff 
 
 24i38.2i| W 58.0 
 
 1956-60 
 
 1961-65 
 
 581383 1 25132.5 
 2"5 ! 15.5 10! 13.0 
 
 Total 
 
 155' 
 
 (Question 51: "How do 
 you usually get to 
 work?") 
 
 Answer 
 Walk 
 
 77 1 
 
 12119.0'i 8jll.5 
 4 -63j [h55l 
 
 12! U.2 
 
 Drive own car 
 
 Car p ool 
 
 Public tran sporta tion 
 
 Other 
 
 13 9J ^8. ' 71 53.8 
 
 _5-2 
 
 liffi 39.9 
 
 15; 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 2.3 
 
 Total 
 
 286i 
 
 50J37.9 
 l.j±] 2 ] 1.5 
 .7 »~ II "-8_ 
 I32I 
 
 (Question 51.1: "Approx- 
 imately how much does it 
 cost you each vreek to 
 get to work?") 
 Answer 
 
 Under $3~ 
 
 Hi U.l 
 
 25H9.5 
 
 5I ^.0! n : U.4 
 
 9.6 
 
 ~5.6 
 
 57;^5.6'i 24' 
 
 9' 7.2;j ~J+" 
 " ^H3 . 2jfT92 ; 77 . 1 
 
 51 o_; _3 1.2 
 ' 0] ;j~ 5"j' 2.0 
 125I 
 
 2597 
 
 3 2.3 
 
 5i 1+.2' 17: 7.1 
 
 39; 33. lTT"9"9 ;*H.6 j Ua 29.87 _5_1 i 62 i 2_ i 
 
 •8.1 l2]_JkLL 18 : 15T3T~%: 10.1 j Ik 9. 9 j 7 . 8 . 5 _ 
 
 .7? 21+1 18 .71 23 !" 19_. 5 \T 36 ; 15 a 1 27 19.1; 8; 9 . 8_ 
 
 ioTiTI ¥■ 3."frr~i2 ; 5.o ' 10 7.1; i- 1.2 , 
 
 3.1" 01 o]T~ 1 Tf' 1 .7 ~o] c 
 
 101 6.5. 
 
 2.5 
 
 H- 
 
 5! 2.1 
 
 1 
 
 "5 2.8 
 
 l! 1.2 
 
 8] 0.8 
 
 1; .4 
 37115.6 
 ~23~8~! 
 
 M 
 
 .71 0: 
 
 27' 19.H 7! 8.5 
 
 1^ 
 
Transportation 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 214 
 
 (QUESTION 50: "Do 
 
 Total 
 No. i 
 
 MALE 
 
 j Negro 
 Ho. % 
 
 ■ Mexi 
 lAmer 
 No. 
 
 can 
 ican 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 Total 
 1 No . % 
 
 FEMALE 
 
 ' Negro 
 No. % 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. $ 
 
 you own a car?") 
 
 146 
 
 64.6 
 
 72 
 
 64.3 
 
 | 66 
 
 63.5 
 
 32 
 
 31.1 
 
 19 
 
 
 29.3 
 
 Yes 
 
 33.3 
 
 12 
 
 No 
 
 80 
 
 35.4 
 
 40 
 
 35.7 
 
 ! 38 
 
 36.5 
 
 71 
 
 68.9 
 
 38 
 
 66.7 
 
 29 
 
 70.7 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 50.1: "if 
 car owner, what is 
 the year of the car? 
 
 226 
 
 ") 
 
 6 
 
 4.1 
 
 112 
 4 
 
 5.6 
 
 io4 
 2 
 
 2.9 
 
 103 
 
 
 
 57 
 
 
 
 4l 
 
 
 
 ' 1 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 1950 or earlier 
 
 
 
 
 
 1951-55 
 
 39 
 
 26. 4 
 
 28 
 
 38.9 
 
 10 
 
 14.7 
 
 10 
 
 31.3! 
 
 42.1 
 
 1 
 
 8.3 
 
 195b- 60 
 
 78 
 
 52.7 
 
 30 
 
 41.7 
 
 44 
 
 64.7 
 
 14 
 
 ^3.7 
 
 7 
 
 36.8 j 7 
 
 53.3 
 
 1961-65 
 
 21+ 
 
 16.2 
 
 9 
 
 12.5 
 
 12 
 
 17.6 
 
 7 
 
 21.9 
 
 4 
 
 21.1 
 
 3 
 
 25.0 ; 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 .7 
 
 1 
 
 1.4 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3.1 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 8.3 1 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 51: "How 
 do you usually get 
 to work?") 
 
 148 
 
 17 
 
 7.6 
 
 72 
 
 6 
 
 5.U 
 
 68 
 11 
 
 10.6 
 
 32 
 
 8 
 
 7.8 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 1.8 
 
 12 
 6 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Walk 
 
 14.6 
 
 Drive own car 
 
 125 
 
 55. fa 
 
 60 
 
 54.0 
 
 57 
 
 54.8 
 
 20 
 
 19.4 
 
 11 
 
 19.3 
 
 8 
 
 19.5 
 
 Car pool 
 
 31 
 
 13.81 
 
 18 
 
 16.2 
 
 13 
 
 12.5 
 
 11 
 
 10.7 
 
 7 
 
 12.3 
 
 4 
 
 9.8 
 
 Public transportatic 
 
 n 45 
 
 20.0 
 
 23 
 
 20.7 
 
 20 
 
 19.2 
 
 61 
 
 59.2 1 37 
 
 64.9 
 
 21 
 
 51.2 
 
 Other 
 
 6 
 
 2.7 
 
 3 
 
 2.7 
 
 3 
 
 2.9 
 
 3 
 
 2.9! 1 
 
 1.8 
 
 2 
 
 4.9 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 .4 
 
 1 
 
 • 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 51. 1: 
 "Approximately how 
 much does it cost 
 you each weel; to get 
 to work?") 
 
 225 
 
 9 
 
 4.4 
 
 111 
 4 
 
 3.8 
 
 104 
 5 
 
 5.5 
 
 1 103 
 
 9 
 
 9.7 
 
 57 
 6 
 
 11.1 
 
 4i 
 3 
 
 8.6 
 
 Under $3 
 
 $3 
 
 53 
 
 25.6 
 
 25 
 
 23.6 
 
 28 
 
 30.8 
 
 38 
 
 4o.9 
 
 17 
 
 31.5 
 
 18 
 
 51.4 
 
 lh 
 
 25 
 
 12.1 
 
 9 
 
 8.5 
 
 14 
 
 15.4 
 
 11 
 
 11.8! 7 
 
 13.0 
 
 4 
 
 11.4 
 
 $5 
 
 47 
 
 22.7 
 
 22 
 
 20.8 
 
 21 
 
 23.1 
 
 18 
 
 19.4 
 
 12 
 
 22.2 
 
 6 
 
 17.1 
 
 le 
 
 18 
 
 8.7 
 
 11 
 
 10.4 
 
 6 
 
 6.6 
 
 3 
 
 3.2 
 
 2 
 
 3.7 
 
 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 $7 
 
 16 
 
 7.7 
 
 9 
 
 8.5 
 
 5 
 
 5.5 
 
 5 
 
 5.4 4 
 
 7.4 
 
 1 
 
 2.9 ' 
 
 $3 
 
 13 
 
 6.3 
 
 7 
 
 6.6 
 
 6 
 
 6.6 
 
 1 
 
 1.1! 1 
 
 1.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 $9 
 
 1 
 
 .5 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.1 
 
 1 
 
 1.1: 1 
 
 1.9 j 
 
 
 
 $10 
 
 11 
 
 5.3 
 
 10 
 
 9M 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.1 
 
 0! 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 Over !>10 
 
 10 
 
 if.8 
 
 6 
 
 5.7 • 
 
 4 
 
 4.4 
 
 3 
 
 3.2 3 
 
 5.6 i 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 4 
 
 1-9 
 
 3 
 
 2.8 ! 
 
 1 
 
 1.1 
 
 3 
 
 3.2 1 
 
 1.9 j 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 Total 
 
 207 
 
 1 
 
 106~ 
 
 
 91 
 
 
 93 
 
 l 
 
 1 
 
 5h 
 
 1 
 
 35 
 
 
Medical Care 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 215 
 
 
 Total 
 No. "% 
 
 MALES 
 
 , Negro 
 
 No. \i 
 
 •Mexican 
 American 
 
 jNo.' Yi ~ 
 
 i 
 
 jTotal 
 INo". % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 1 Negro 
 |No. "'% 
 
 • Mexican 
 1 American 
 !No.i<f " 
 
 (Question $k: "Do 
 you have a prepaid 
 Medical plan?") 
 Yes 
 
 ko 
 
 li+.o 
 
 21 
 
 15.9 
 
 1 
 
 ! 15 
 
 12.0 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 j 
 
 1+6 
 
 18.0 
 
 ! 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 26 
 
 ! ! 
 
 j ! 
 
 17.0 j 17 '19.8 
 
 No 
 
 236 
 
 82.5 
 
 107 
 
 81.1 
 
 104 
 
 83.2 
 
 205 
 
 80.1 
 
 126 1 82. it |65 -75.6 
 
 Paid by Union 
 
 9 
 
 3.1 
 
 U 
 
 3.0 
 
 5 
 
 k.O 
 
 k 
 
 1.6 
 
 1 i .7 
 
 h ! U.6 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 .k 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 1 
 
 .h 
 
 0. 
 
 1 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 5U.I: "If 
 yes, how much do the 
 premiums cost you eacl 
 
 286 
 
 1 
 
 132 
 2 
 
 11.1 
 
 125 
 
 
 
 256 
 i 
 
 
 
 153 
 
 86 
 
 
 month?") 
 
 $1 
 
 2 
 
 5.6 
 
 o!| 
 
 
 
 
 
 $2 
 
 1 
 
 2.8 
 
 1 
 
 5.6 
 
 
 
 01 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 6.7 
 
 $3 
 
 1 
 
 2.8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 oh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 lit 
 
 2 
 
 5.6! 
 
 1 
 
 5.6 
 
 1 
 
 7.1! 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 3 
 
 8.3; 
 
 1 
 
 5.6 
 
 1 
 
 7.1! 
 
 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 1 
 
 5.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 $6 
 
 5 
 
 13.9 i 
 
 1 
 
 5.6 
 
 k 
 
 28.6! 3 
 
 8.8 
 
 2 
 
 11.8 
 
 1 
 
 6.7 
 
 $7 
 
 2 
 
 5.6 i 
 
 2 
 
 11.1 
 
 
 
 Oil 2 
 
 5.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 13.3 
 
 W 
 
 1 
 
 2.8 j 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 7.1 ! 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 6.7 
 
 49 
 
 2 
 
 5.6 
 
 1 
 
 5.6 
 
 1 
 
 7.1 
 
 1 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 6.7 
 
 Over $9 
 
 9 
 
 25.0 
 
 6 
 
 33.6 
 
 2 
 
 1U.2 
 
 16 
 
 1+7.1 
 
 9 
 
 52.9 
 
 6 1 1+0.0 
 
 No Response 
 
 8 22.2 
 
 3 
 
 16.7 1 
 
 h 
 
 28.6j 
 
 9i 
 
 26.5 
 
 5 ' 29.1+ 
 
 3 ! 20.0 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 5^.2: "If 
 yes, does it cover 
 your dependents too? 
 
 36 
 ') 
 
 ! 
 i 
 
 i 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 18 
 Ik 
 
 — .. ^ 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 70.0 
 
 Ik 
 Ik 
 
 
 3^ 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 85.UJ 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 Yes 
 
 32 
 
 78.1 
 
 82.U 
 
 35 
 
 !7 
 
 89.5 15 178.9 
 
 No 
 
 7 
 
 17.0 
 
 h 
 
 20.0 j 
 
 3 
 
 17.6 j 2 1 
 
 M| 
 
 1 
 
 5.3 1 ! 5.3 
 
 No Response 
 
 2 
 
 lt.9 
 
 2 
 
 10.0 j 
 
 
 
 0! i it 1 
 
 9.8, 
 
 1 
 
 5.3 
 
 3 115.8 
 
 Total 
 
 (Question 56: "Do 
 you use the city or 
 county health ser- 
 vices?") 
 
 kl 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 i 
 I 
 i 
 
 121 1 1+2.3 i 
 
 20 
 53 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 ! 
 
 ! 
 i 
 
 1+0.1 ! 
 
 17 
 
 59 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 ! 41 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 ! 
 53.ll 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 Yes 
 
 1+7.2! j 136 
 
 95 | 62.11 36 1+1.9 
 
 No 
 
 163 1 57.0! 
 
 78 
 
 59.1 ; 
 
 6 -^h 
 
 52.0 1 119 
 
 i+6.5 
 
 5C | 37.9; k9 j 57.0 
 
 No Response 
 
 2 ! .7i 
 
 1 
 
 .8 : 
 
 T 1 
 
 .8| ' 1 
 
 -**i 
 
 01 1 ! 1.2 
 
 Total 
 
 286' 
 
 i 
 
 j 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 132 
 
 i 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 125 
 
 | 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 |256 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 153 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 l 
 t 
 
 86 
 
 
CONTINUED FROM 
 PRECEDING PAGE 
 
 Medical Care 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 216 
 
 (QUESTION 56. 1: 
 
 Total 
 No. \i 
 
 MALE 
 
 Negr 
 No . 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 I Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. <i 
 
 Total 
 No. , % 
 
 FEMALE 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 Negro 
 No . $ 
 
 . Mexican 
 American ! 
 No.</ 
 
 "If yes, which 
 ones?") 
 
 Mentions County 
 Hospital only 
 
 01 
 
 i 
 
 66.9 
 
 39 
 
 73.6 
 
 1 
 37 I63.O 
 
 09 
 
 65.4 
 
 60 
 
 171.6 
 
 1 
 ( 
 
 10 ; 50.0 
 
 Mentions more than 
 1 public hospital 
 
 2 
 
 1.7 
 
 1 
 
 1.9 
 
 1 ! 1.7 
 
 2 
 
 1.5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 t 
 1 i 2.8 
 
 Mentions public 
 health centers 
 
 16 
 
 13.2 
 
 7 
 
 13.2 
 
 1 
 7 12.1 
 
 19 
 
 i4.o 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 10.5 | 9 25.0 
 
 Mentions private hos 
 pitals & clinics 
 
 k 
 
 3.3 
 
 3 
 
 5.7 
 
 1 j 1.7 
 
 Q 
 
 6.6 
 
 5 
 
 ! ! ! 1 
 
 j 5.3! 3 i 0.3 j 
 
 Mentions combination 
 
 12 
 
 9.9 
 
 2 
 
 3.0 
 
 9 15.5 
 
 ll 
 
 0.1 
 
 7 
 
 j 7.^! 3 | 8.3 ! 
 
 Other 
 
 2 
 
 1.7 
 
 1 
 
 1.9 
 
 1 
 
 2 | 1.5 
 
 2 
 
 2.1 | 1 ! 
 
 Private doctor 
 
 4 
 
 3.3 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
 | ! 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 5.2 
 
 4 ' 2.9 
 
 2 
 
 •' 2.1 1 2 5.6 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 56.2: "If 
 yes, for what pur- 
 poses generally?") 
 
 121 
 23 
 
 19.5 
 
 53 
 7 
 
 13.5 
 
 50 
 
 12 ■ 21.1+ 
 
 136 
 21 ! 15.6 
 
 95 
 13 
 
 13.7 
 
 36 
 7 1 20.0 
 
 Emergencies 
 
 Maternity 
 
 
 
 6.0 
 
 2 
 
 3.9 
 
 6 
 
 10.7' 
 
 1 5.9 
 
 7 
 
 7.4 
 
 1 ! 2.9 
 
 Checkup — children 
 
 10 
 
 15.3 
 
 7 
 
 13.5 
 
 10 
 
 17.91 
 
 20 ! 14.8 
 
 10 
 
 10.5 
 
 
 
 22. 9 
 
 Shots (allergy) 
 
 3 
 
 2.5 
 
 1 
 
 1 9 
 
 p i 3 6' 
 
 10 
 
 7.4 
 
 5 
 
 5.3 
 
 5 
 
 14.3 
 
 X-rays 
 
 2 
 
 1.7 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 0' 
 
 4 
 
 3.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 3 
 
 0.6 
 
 Other regular care 
 
 22 
 
 10.6 
 
 11 
 
 21.2 
 
 11 -1 Q .6, 
 
 22 
 
 16.3 
 
 10 
 
 10.9 
 
 4 
 
 11.4 
 
 Mentions regular 
 care & emergency 
 
 29 
 
 24.6 
 
 15 
 
 20. 9 
 
 1 
 12 '21.1+ 
 
 30 
 
 20.2 
 
 35 
 
 36.8 
 
 2 
 
 5-7 
 
 Other 
 
 1 
 
 .9 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 i 1.0 
 
 : 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 No Response 
 
 12 
 
 10.2 
 
 9 
 
 17.3 
 
 2 3.6 
 
 12 : 0.9 
 
 6 
 
 6.3 
 
 5 i 14.3 
 
 Total 
 
 (QUESTION 57: "If yc 
 ■■ or had an accident, 
 or one of your child- 
 ren were ill, where 
 would you go for 
 care?") 
 
 118 
 ! 
 
 u wei 
 176 
 
 e ill 
 61.5 
 
 52 
 
 78 
 
 ■ 
 
 j 59.1 
 
 56 j 
 01 j 6*1.8 
 
 135 
 
 161 ^62.9 
 
 95 
 100 
 
 35 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 70.6, 44 j 51.2 
 
 County hospital onlj 
 
 More than one 
 county hospital 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 j ! 
 
 1 0, 
 
 1 
 2 ! .8 
 
 2 
 
 t 
 1.3; 
 
 
 
 Public health cen- 
 ters 
 
 5 
 
 1.0 
 
 3 
 
 i 3.3 
 
 2 1.6; 
 
 ! 
 
 5 i 1.9 
 
 3 
 
 2.0 
 
 2 
 
 2.3 
 
 Private hospitals 
 & clinics 
 
 3 
 
 11.9 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 ;12.9 
 
 1 ; 
 12 j 9.6 
 
 31 !l2.1j 
 
 12 
 
 7.8 
 
 15 
 
 17.4 
 
 Combination 
 
 10! 
 
 6.3 
 
 
 
 ! 6.1 
 
 6 ! 4.8| 
 
 10 7.0 
 
 11 
 
 7.2, 
 
 7 
 
 8.1 
 
 Other 
 
 !7 ; 
 
 5.9 
 
 ill 
 
 110.6 
 
 2 j 1.6 
 
 4 : 1.6 
 
 3 
 
 2.0; 
 
 
 
 Private doctor 
 
 27 « 
 
 9.4 
 
 9 
 
 i 6.0 
 
 10 \ikM 
 
 20 110.9 
 
 12 
 
 7.8* 15 1 17.4 
 
 No Response 
 
 0! 
 
 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 . 0; 
 
 ' 0! 
 
 
 
 o| 0: 
 
 Other 
 
 9 • 
 
 3.2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 4 i 3.2ji 
 
 7 ' 2.7| 
 
 2 
 
 1.3; 3 3.5 
 
 Total 
 
 ! 
 
 t 
 
 286 
 
 1 
 
 ) 
 
 1 
 
 132 
 
 
 125 
 
 : f 
 t 
 
 256 
 
 j 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 | 
 
 153 
 
 ! 
 
 86 
 
 
Knowledge of Government Programs 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 217 
 
 (Question lk: "Have you heard of the Government retraining programs, night 
 courses, or other programs to give more training to people?") 
 
 Answer 
 
 Total 
 No. ~ i 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. " lV - 
 
 Yes 
 
 : 156 '■ 5k. (T[ 8T? 51.5 
 
 Mexican 
 
 Ajierican 
 
 ho. y, a ' 
 
 No 
 
 FEMALES 
 Total ! Negro 
 
 No. j i i No." % 
 
 Ho Response 
 
 55 | gl.2 !) 130 ; 50. o 
 
 2^ ;F7 
 
 Mexican 
 . American - 
 
 __ j EI % ", i 
 ^ r 50. J, 75 jgTq "^7 5**. 6 j 
 12k~ r WTh' ! 76 'U9.7 39 ^5~T^ 
 
 
 
 Tot a. 
 
 -i- 
 
 
 
 
 
 1.3 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 236 
 
 132 
 
 ; 125 
 #■ •;;- *■ * * * 
 
 256 
 
 I 153 
 
 86 
 
 (Question 15: "Have you noticed, either at work or elsewhere, any results from 
 recent civil rights activity or FEPC legislation?") 
 
 j Total 
 
 Answer ; Ho. . % 
 Yes ' ^2ilE".2" 
 
 Ho 
 
 No Response 
 
 233T3IT5 " 
 
 1 i .3 
 
 Total i 2C6 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No.Tfl 
 
 33 i 25.0 j__12 
 
 Mexican j 
 American | Total 
 No"."" • i i No. ; i 
 
 -_ _ . a f. _- — .«-— 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. 
 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. | '4~ 
 
 'JJL 
 
 99 
 
 'S3j r 52 j 20.1m U0"T26T1~~11 j 12.9 ! 
 
 75.0 J 112 : ^7o\':201~7^r? J I 113 73.9 72 £BjjT7 i 
 
 6 ; i " ~ .dtp 2 * .S - ! cP o 2 27^ : 
 
 132 
 
 : 125 
 
 1i 
 11255 
 
 153 
 
 _2 
 85 
 
 # ■* # ■£ # tt 
 
 (Question 15.1: "If yes, can you tell me what results you've noticed?") 
 
 j * MALES 
 
 Total 
 
 p 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. ! "4, 
 
 Answ er [ N< 
 
 Can get more j 
 
 jobs j 12 I 23.1 j 8 | 2U.2 
 
 I 
 
 . Mexican ! 
 
 .' American 
 
 1 No 
 
 ii 
 
 Can get 
 
 "bett er jobs! k 
 Combination 6~ 
 
 Union member-; 
 
 ship easier* 
 Better work 
 
 condi tions ! _2_! 3»9 
 Other 
 
 7.7 
 
 11.5 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 _ 0_ 
 52 
 
 
 
 9.1 
 
 15.2 
 
 2 J 6.1 
 
 Total 
 No.T$ 
 
 }---— K— -j 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 i Negro 
 No. \ i 
 
 • Mexican 
 ! American 
 
 "i 
 
 No . ; * 
 
 16-11 23 j U U.2 j 19 j U7.5 I h _ 
 
 i 28 ; 53.9 15 ; ii5j_5_ j_ 10 j 83.3] 20 j 38.5 } 13 _. 
 
 1.9 > 
 
 2.5 
 
 5 12.5 
 
 
 
 1.9 J 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 It 
 
 
 
 
 
 36.U 
 
 o 
 
 ~T 
 
 12 
 
 52 
 
 ' 1+0 
 
 o ; l 9.1 j 
 
 32.5 | 6 i 5"5T6~ 1 
 5.0; ~^ 
 
 ■ 11 i 
 
218 
 
 Knowledge of Government Programs 
 
 Employed Per cone with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question Ik: "Have you heard of the Government retraining programs, night courses, 
 or other programs to give more training to people?") 
 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. $ 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 No. # 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. <fo 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 Yes 
 
 117 
 
 51.5 
 
 62 5^-9 
 
 hs 1+7-1 
 
 h-7 
 
 k5.6 
 
 31 5^ 
 
 13 31.7 
 
 No 
 
 109 
 
 48.0 
 
 50 kk.3 
 
 55 52.9 
 
 55 
 
 53A 
 
 26 U5.6 
 
 27 65.9 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 •* 
 
 1 .9 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 
 
 1 2.4 
 
 Total 
 
 227 
 
 
 113 
 
 104 
 
 103 
 
 
 57 
 
 kl 
 
 (Question 15: "Have you noticed, either at work or elsewhere, any results from 
 recent civil rights activity or FEPC legislation?") 
 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. <fo 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. fa 
 
 Total 
 No. fo 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. $> 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 Yes 
 
 46 20.4 
 
 32 28.3 
 
 12 11.8 
 
 14 13.6 
 
 12 21.0 
 
 2 k.9 
 
 No 
 
 179 79.6 
 
 81 71.7 
 
 90 88.2 
 
 88 85.4 
 
 45 79-0 
 
 38 92.7 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 1.0 
 
 
 
 1 2.4 
 
 Total 
 
 225 
 
 113 
 
 102 
 
 103 
 
 57 
 
 kl 
 
219 
 
 Perceptions of Discrimination 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 39: "Some people believe that certain types of people have a better 
 chance to get a job. If there were two men, just the same except that (l) one 
 is 20 years old and (2) one is 30 years old, who do you think would have the 
 better chance for a job? How about (l) a 30 year old or (2) a 40 year old? 
 How about (l) a 40 year old or (2) a 50 year old? (Circle appropriate numbers)"). 
 
 Total 
 No . jo 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. °, 
 
 i Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. 
 
 Total 
 
 No . °i 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. j 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 No. <jo 
 
 1-1-1 
 
 
 130 
 
 48.5 ' 
 
 65 
 
 53.3 ' 
 
 50 
 
 42.4 
 
 135 
 
 56.7 
 
 91 
 
 65-0 
 
 37 45-7' 
 
 1-2-1 
 
 
 4 
 
 1.5 . 
 
 2 
 
 1.6 , 
 
 2 
 
 1.7 
 
 3 
 
 1.3 
 
 1 
 
 •7 
 
 2 2.5 
 
 1-1-2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 2 
 
 .8 
 
 1 
 
 •7 
 
 1 1.2 ■ 
 
 1-2-2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2-1-1 
 
 
 ! 105 
 
 39.2 
 
 1+6 
 
 37-7 ' 
 
 53 
 
 44.9 
 
 77 
 
 32.4 ; 
 
 35 
 
 25.0 
 
 34 42.0 
 
 2-1-2 
 
 
 i 1 
 
 .4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0' 
 
 3 
 
 1.3 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 1.2 ! 
 
 2-2-1 
 
 
 . 12 
 
 4.5 
 
 5 
 
 4.1 . 
 
 5 
 
 4.2 
 
 13 
 
 5-5 ■• 
 
 9 
 
 6.4, 
 
 4 4.9 
 
 2-2-2 
 
 
 9 
 
 3.4 
 
 2 
 
 1.6 
 
 4 
 
 3-4; 
 
 3 
 
 1.3 i 
 
 2 
 
 1.4 : 
 
 1 1.2' 
 
 No Res 
 
 ponse 
 
 7 
 
 2.6 
 
 2 
 
 1.6 • 
 
 4 
 
 3.4 
 
 2 
 
 .8 ■ 
 
 1 
 
 • 7 
 
 1 1.2 
 
 
 Total 
 
 268 
 
 
 122 
 
 
 118 
 
 
 233 
 
 j 
 
 140 
 
 1 
 
 81 
 
 (Question 39, Part 2: "How about a (l) Negro or a (2) Mexican- American? 
 (l) Mexican-American or an (2) Anglo? A (l) Negro or an (2) Anglo?") 
 
 A 
 
 Total 
 No. 
 
 i 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. « 
 
 Mexican 
 American ! 
 NoT W~ 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 : Negro 
 No. % 
 
 Mexican 
 
 American 
 
 No. 
 
 J 
 
 1-1-1 
 
 
 5 
 
 2.0 
 
 2 
 
 1.8 
 
 1 
 
 •9 
 
 4 
 
 1.8: 
 
 1 
 
 .81 
 
 3 3-9 
 
 1-2-1 
 
 
 8 
 
 3.3 
 
 1 
 
 • 9 
 
 6 
 
 5-6 
 
 6 
 
 2.7 
 
 2 
 
 1.5! 
 
 4 5-11 
 
 1-1-2 
 
 
 6 
 
 2.4 
 
 1 
 
 .9 
 
 5 
 
 4.6 
 
 3 
 
 1-3 ; 
 
 1 
 
 •§! 
 
 1 1.3 
 
 1-2-2 
 
 
 56 
 
 22.9 
 
 25 
 
 22.5 
 
 30 
 
 27. 8 
 
 65 
 
 28.8 ! 
 
 34 
 
 25.8. 
 
 25 32.o! 
 
 2-1-1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 2.2 
 
 2 
 
 1.5 
 
 2 2.6 ' 
 
 2-1-2 
 
 
 12 
 
 4.9 
 
 4 
 
 3.6. 
 
 8 
 
 7.4 ■ 
 
 12 
 
 5.3, 
 
 6 
 
 4.6 
 
 6 7.7. 
 
 2-2-1 
 
 
 2 
 
 .8 ; 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1.8 , 
 
 2 
 
 • 9, 
 
 1 
 
 .8' 
 
 1 1.3 j 
 
 2-2-2 
 
 
 i 127 
 
 51.8 ! 
 
 67 
 
 6o.4 
 
 45 
 
 41.7 ' 
 
 116 
 
 51.3 
 
 79 
 
 59-9' 
 
 31 39-7' 
 
 No Rec 
 
 ponse 
 
 29 
 
 11.8 ; 
 
 11 
 
 9-9 
 
 11 
 
 10.2 
 
 13 
 
 5.8 
 
 6 
 
 4.6' 
 
 5 6.4 
 
 
 Total 
 
 245 
 
 
 111 
 
 
 108 
 
 
 226 
 
 
 132 
 
 1 
 
 78 ! 
 
220 
 
 Perceptions of Discrimination 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 Age 
 
 (Question 39: "Some people believe that certain types of people have a better chance 
 to get a job. If there were two men, just the same except that (l) one is 20 years 
 old and (2) one is 30 years old, who do you think would have the better chance for 
 a job? How about a (l) 30 year old or a (2) kO year old? How about a (l) UO yeai 
 old or a, (2) 50 year old? Circle appropriate numbers; "). 
 
 r~ 
 
 Total 
 
 MALES 
 Negro 
 
 No. ^ No. 
 
 1-1- 1_ 
 
 1-2-i 
 
 1-1-2 
 
 1-J^2_ 
 
 2-1-1 
 
 J15. 
 
 _3 
 
 
 
 5^.8 
 "' i.k 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. % 
 
 66 
 1 
 
 i2-3 
 
 2 
 
 45.8 
 
 "2".l 
 
 6h 65.3 
 
 3 3.1 
 
 37 68.5 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0; 
 
 1.0 
 
 Mx 
 
 .5 
 
 
 
 
 
 1.0; 
 
 Jd2.5 1 
 
 01 
 
 66 31.U 27 2$.5 38 39»"£- 26 26.5 I l*i 25T91 10 25 . 
 
 2-1-2 
 
 
 
 6.2 ; 8 ~T6~ 
 
 2-2-1 
 
 13 
 ~6~ 
 
 .2 
 
 2.0 
 
 1.9 
 
 2.5 
 
 2-2-2 
 
 2.9 
 
 -.2 
 
 1.0 
 
 1-9 
 
 _2l5j. 
 
 No Response 
 
 6 2.9 
 
 Total 
 
 210 
 
 106 
 
 2 
 "96" 
 
 2.1 
 
 1 
 "9B" 
 
 1.0 
 
 
 
 5cT 
 
 Ethnic Background 
 
 (Question 39: "How about a (l) Negro or a (2) Mexican- Ameri can? 
 
 American or an (2) Anglo? A (l) Negro or an (2) Anglo?") 
 
 A (l) Mexican- 
 
 
 1 
 
 ■ Total 
 No. io 
 
 MALES 
 
 j Negro 
 j No. i 
 
 
 1 
 
 Mexican 
 ; Ameri can 
 i No. io i 
 
 1 
 
 i Total 
 
 | No. io 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 • Negro 
 
 j No. % 
 
 1 
 Mexi can 
 American 
 No. ft 
 
 1-1-1 
 
 1 .5 
 
 j 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 1 1.2 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 i 1 
 
 1.1 
 
 
 
 1 2.5 
 
 1-2.-1 
 
 1 .5 
 
 1 ° 
 
 
 
 1 1.2' 
 
 1 
 
 1.1 
 
 1 2.1 
 
 
 
 1-1-2 
 
 1 .5 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 1.2 
 
 ; 2 
 
 2.2 
 
 
 
 2 5.0] 
 
 1-2-2 
 
 56 28.6 
 
 ■ 29 28 
 
 • 7 
 
 26 30.2 
 
 i 23 
 
 25.3 
 
 11 23.^ 
 
 10 25.0! 
 
 2-1-1 
 
 1 -5 
 
 10 3-i 
 
 ■ 2 1.0 
 
 101 51.5 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 j 3 
 
 3-3 
 1.1 
 
 0" 
 56.0 
 
 
 
 ] '"'"" 6" 
 
 0" " 0i 
 
 3 7.5 ! 
 
 2-1-2 
 2-2-1 
 
 : .3. . 3 
 1 1 
 
 \'6k 63 
 
 .0 
 .0 
 
 7 8.1. 
 1 1.2 
 3h' "39.5" 
 
 - J. 
 T 
 
 j' "51 
 
 i 2.5] 
 
 0| 
 
 2-2-2 
 
 33 7072J 
 
 17 ^2.5 i 
 
 No Response 
 
 i 23 11.7 
 
 j k h 
 
 .0 
 
 15 17 A 
 
 i 9 
 
 9-9 
 
 i 2 „^3j 
 
 6 15.0, 
 
 Total 
 
 196~ 
 
 1 101 
 
 
 8E" 
 
 91 
 
 
 1 T7 
 
 To 1 
 
221 
 
 Main Aim in Life 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question k-2: "What would you say is your main aim in life? That is, what would 
 you most like to do in your life-time?") 
 
 MALES 
 
 | Mexican 
 I Total 1 Negro ; American 
 JNo. % 
 
 No. 
 
 P 
 
 t 
 
 Total 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 , Mexican 
 Negro • American 
 No. # ' No^ °T~ 
 
 No. Jo 
 
 I 
 
 kl 19-1 J 3^ 22.7 
 
 8 10.1 
 
 Success at work -• 
 more income, j 
 better job (spec- 
 ified) j J6_ 26^ 3 j 3?_30._9l_27 22^7, 
 
 Better home for \ 
 
 self & family . 59 21. 9 ' 29 23-0: 29 2k. k\ j 57 23-2 j 3^ 22.7 j 20 25_-3! 
 
 r i ! • j I 
 
 } 9__ J . h_ 1 6 _^.8 j 2 _ _ i_. 7 1 ; 8_ 3 • _3_ J_ _5_ 3-3 | _ 3__ 3j 8| 
 
 More leisure 
 time 
 
 
 Security against j 
 
 poverty and 
 
 unemployment : k2 15.6 16 12,7 ! 21 17«7 
 
 I i 1 
 
 Opportunity to j 
 
 live Ss work with-^ j 
 
 out discrimination k 1.5 j 1 .8 1 2 1.7] j 1 
 
 I 49 I9.9 I 30 20.0 j 16 20.3! 
 
 .k 
 
 Acquire more edu-t 
 cation (inc. for 
 children) 
 
 . lh 5-2_j 3_ 2.A 
 
 1 .7; 
 
 9 7.6 i 18 7,3 ' 9 6 .0; 9 1 1. ^j 
 
 Better health 
 & medical care 
 
 Combination of 
 above 
 
 . . ». *•? j 2 J-' 6 j 2 .„iiLL 
 
 .8 
 
 0! 2 2.5 1 
 
 1? 21.6 28 22.2 ! 26 21.9] 39 2'4.0 35 23*3 i 20 25.3 
 
 Other 
 
 3 1.1 _2_ 1.6 j JL 
 
 _.8ji 5 2^0_ i 2 I.34 1. 1.3| 
 
 Total j 269 | 126 
 
 119 
 
 246 
 
 1 150 
 
 79 
 
Main Aim in Life 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question k-2: "What would you say is your main aim in life? That is, what would 
 you most like to do in your life-time?") 
 
 
 Total 
 No. $ 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No . <p 
 
 1 Mexican 
 American 
 No. f, 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. % 
 
 1 
 
 Mexican i 
 American 1 
 No. % 
 
 Success at work - 
 more income, bette 
 job (specified) 
 
 jr 
 6k 
 
 29-9 
 
 3h 
 
 30.9 
 
 29 
 
 30.2 
 
 22 
 
 23.^ 
 
 Ik 
 
 25.5 
 
 7 
 
 19. h 
 
 36.1 
 
 Better home for 
 self and family 
 
 k6 
 
 21.5 
 
 27 
 
 2k. 6 
 
 18 
 
 18.7 
 
 31 
 
 33.0 
 
 16 
 
 29.I 
 
 13 
 
 More Leisure 
 time 
 
 17 
 
 7.9 
 
 9 
 
 8.2 
 
 5 
 
 5-2 
 
 7 
 
 7-5 
 
 5 
 
 9.1 
 
 2 
 
 5.6 
 
 Security against 
 poverty & unem- 
 ployment 
 
 3^ 
 
 15.9 
 
 19 
 
 17.3 
 
 15 
 
 15.6 
 
 12 
 
 12.8 
 
 5 
 
 9-1 
 
 7 
 
 19. i* 
 
 Opportunity to 
 live & work with- 
 out discriminatior 
 
 l 2 
 
 •9 
 
 2 
 
 1.8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Acquire more edu- 
 cation (including 
 for children) 
 
 10 
 
 k.J 
 
 2 
 
 1.8! 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 8.3 
 
 7 
 
 7.5 
 
 k 
 
 7.3 
 
 3 
 
 6.3 
 
 Better health & 
 medical care 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 0' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Combination 
 of above 
 
 ko 
 
 18.7 
 
 16 
 
 ik.6\ 
 
 21 
 
 1 
 
 21.9 
 
 13 
 
 13.8 
 
 9 
 
 l6.k 
 
 k 
 
 11.1 
 
 
 Other 
 
 1 
 
 .5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .9! 
 
 
 
 o| 
 
 2 
 
 2.1 
 
 2 
 
 3.6J 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 214 
 
 1 
 
 110 
 
 1 
 
 96 
 
 1 
 
 9 k 
 
 i 
 
 55 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 36 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
223 
 
 Job Aspirations 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question hk: "What kind of work would you most like to do? What type of 
 would you most like to have?") 
 
 job 
 
 MALES 
 
 Answer 
 
 Related to past job, 
 same skill range 
 
 Total Jllegro 
 
 No. % \ifo.\j' 
 
 126 
 
 kk.l 60 
 
 Related to past job, 
 higher skill range 
 
 11 3.8 1 k 3.0 
 
 *+5.5 
 
 I; FEMALES 
 
 Mexican !j ! 
 
 American j Total | Negro 
 
 N bTTf" 'HbTjjfe Mb' " % 
 
 1 i ; 
 
 j>2 
 5 
 
 Mexican • 
 American; 
 
 Ho. I " : 
 
 ito.o ; 10U 
 
 U.o 
 
 I23 
 
 1 1 
 
 Ul.l i 60J39.2 
 
 J37 M+.6 
 
 9.1 ! lU 1 9.1 : 9 10.9 j 
 
 Unrelated to past job, 
 same skill range 
 
 21 
 
 7. 3 ' 7! 5.3 i lU.11.2;j 22; 3.7 i 9: $.9 9 10. 9 
 ^ j 1 j p 1 i 
 
 1 till 1 
 
 Unrelated to past job, 
 higher skill range 
 
 106 
 
 37.1 : kQ\36.h j US '3G.UJ; 8SJ 3U.8 j 6l : 39>9 22 26.5 
 
 ■ . ■ — ■ - .4,- .,. -,.1 — .-- — J — ,,■!■■■■- J, ■ -■ .1 -...— — ■ .+ I ' ■ 1 ■ 
 
 Other 
 
 1QJ 6.3 I 12! 9.1 j 5 : ^.o; 1 lUJ 5.5 I 8 j 5.2 
 
 No Respons e 
 
 W 1.1+ ! 1 .8 
 
 ; 5\ 6 .oj 
 
 — h 
 
 2.U'i 
 
 .8 
 
 l! .6 ' 1! 1.2 ; 
 
 Total 
 
 286 
 
 |132 
 
 125 
 
 253 
 
 ; 153 
 
 !83 
 
 Family Aspirations 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 1+5: "What would you like to be able to do for your family? What would 
 make your family life more satisfying? What would you like to have for your 
 family?") 
 
 } , 
 
 MALES ]'. FEMALES 
 
 Answer 
 
 Education 
 
 Total 
 
 No~3 
 
 j Negro 
 
 iNo.'* 
 
 , Mexican j 
 
 ' American •• Total j Negro 
 No.'il~ ']jNo.|^ 'No . j .. 
 
 10.9 : 11 
 
 Security 
 
 87 33.^ I 37 
 
 Home 
 
 95!37.Q_j_5A 
 
 Health 
 Job 
 
 13 
 
 Other 
 
 No Response 
 
 Total 
 
 785-893 0-65-16 
 
 22 
 
 11 
 
 .k 
 
 i I !| I ! 
 
 llj 9.0 15 12 .8' 56) 23.1+ j 2s J.7. 
 
 
 
 Mexican 
 America.) v 
 
 No_j_%"" j 
 27l3^.2 
 
 5.1 i 3 
 
 8.6 j 13 
 
 30.3 * ..^l. 1 35.0;; 70|29.3 i *+5 30.6 |21j26.6 
 kk.3 I 38 32.5 ■: 65; 27.2 j It? 29.2 2 ',25.3 
 
 - \, 2.0 j 3- 3.8 ; 
 
 0! j. 61 2.5 L 
 
 « j 
 
 2.5 : 10 
 
 10.7 I 8 
 
 3.6'; 7: 2.9 
 
 6.0 j; 32S13.U 
 
 5 3.^ ! 2: 2.5 
 
 26 117.7 
 
 257 
 
 U.3 3j 2.5 j 5j h.3 j 3i 1.3 -0 ___. 
 
 1122 [TI7 j:239 1^7 
 
 3' 3.8 
 
 3 ; 3.8 
 
 79 
 
224 
 
 Perceptions of Barriers 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 46: "What do you think really stands in your way and prevents you from 
 doing and getting what you want?") 
 
 Racial discrim- 
 ination 
 
 Total 
 
 MALE!! 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. % I No. $ 
 
 Age_ 
 
 Lack of money 
 
 Jealth 
 
 Lack of edu- 
 cation 
 
 Lack of job 
 skill 
 
 Problems in 
 home 
 
 Combination of 
 above 
 
 Other 
 
 Total 
 
 12 
 
 h.7 9 7»5 
 
 i 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Mexican ; ; ] Mexican 
 
 American I ' Total Negro ' American 
 
 ito! T~~_ I no. j> i No. c fi : No" $T~ 
 
 35 13-7 17 14.2 
 
 11+ 5-5 
 
 44 17.2 
 
 83 32.4 
 
 15 12.5 
 44 36.7 
 
 3.1 i 5 4.2 
 
 30 11-7 
 17 6.6 
 256 
 
 15 12.5 
 
 5.0 
 
 120 
 
 J 1.J 
 
 17 15 .31 
 
 6 2.7 I 6 4.4 i 
 
 _8 3-6 J 2 1.5 5 6.9 
 
 ! 1 
 
 35 15.6 i 22 16.2 11 15.1 
 
 5 4.5i 6 2.7 2 1.5 i 3 4.1 
 
 27 24.3' 48 21.3 I 25 18.4 ! 19 26.0 
 
 31 27.9 
 
 3 2.7 
 
 13 11.7 
 
 4l 18.2 
 
 29 21.3 
 
 11 15.1 
 
 29 12.9 I 15 11.0 i 11 15.1 
 
 40 17.8 27 19-9 10 13.7 
 
 .6 5A_ 
 
 12 5-3 
 
 8 5.9 
 
 3 4.1 
 
 " 1 
 
 ill 
 
 ! ! 225 
 
 136 
 
 73 
 
225 
 
 Job Aspirations 
 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question 1+1+ : "What kind of work would you most like to do? What type of job 
 would you most like to have?") 
 
 
 Tota 
 
 1 
 
 d 
 P 
 
 MALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. % 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. <f> 
 
 
 Total 
 No. $ 
 
 FEMALES 
 
 Negro 
 No. <?o 
 
 Mexi 
 Amer 
 No. 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 can 
 ican 1 
 
 
 No. 
 
 1o 
 
 Related to past 
 job, same skill 
 range 
 
 77 
 
 3^.2 
 
 36 31-9 
 
 36 
 
 35-3 
 
 
 38 
 
 36.9 
 
 20 35-1 
 
 17 
 
 1+1.5 
 
 Related to past 
 job, higher skill 
 range 
 
 22 
 
 9.8 
 
 12 10.6 
 
 10 
 
 9.8 
 
 
 10 
 
 9-7 
 
 k 7.0 
 
 k 
 
 9.8 
 
 Unrelated to past 
 job, same skill 
 range 
 
 17 
 
 7-6 
 
 10 8.9 
 
 7 
 
 6.9 
 
 
 7 
 
 6.8 
 
 3 5-3 
 
 k 
 
 9.8 
 
 Unrelated to past 
 job, higher skill 
 range 
 
 81+ 
 
 37.3 
 
 k6 !+o.7 
 
 36 
 
 35-3 
 
 
 1+1 
 
 39.8 
 
 26 I+5.6 
 
 Ik 
 
 3>k.2 
 
 Other 
 
 2k 
 
 10.7 
 
 8 7.1 
 
 13 
 
 12.8 
 
 
 6 
 
 5.8 
 
 k 7-0 
 
 1 
 
 2.1+ 
 
 No Response 
 
 1 
 
 .1+ 
 
 1 -9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2.1+ 
 
 Total 
 
 225 
 
 
 113 
 
 102 
 
 
 
 103 
 
 
 57 
 
 1+1 
 
 
Family Aspirations 
 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 226 
 
 (QUESTION k$: "What would you like to be able to do for your family? What would 
 make your family life more satisfying? What vrould you like to have for your family?") 
 
 
 | Total 
 f No. % 
 
 MALE 
 
 | Negro 
 '• No . % 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 No. % 
 
 j 
 
 i 
 
 I Total 
 
 ! no. i 
 
 FEMALE 
 
 Negro 
 No. i 
 
 Mexican 
 American 
 Ho. i 
 
 Education 
 
 21 
 
 9.9 
 
 9 
 
 8.7 
 
 11 11.2 
 
 1 
 
 i i4 
 
 l4.4 
 
 5 9.1 
 
 9 23.7 
 
 Security 
 
 « 73 
 
 34. U 
 
 39 
 
 37.5 
 
 31 31.61 33 
 
 34.0 
 
 18 32.7 
 
 13 34.2 
 
 Home 
 
 ! 87 
 
 41.0 
 
 kk 
 
 42.3 
 
 4o Uo . 8j j 25 
 
 25.8 
 
 16 29.1 
 
 9 23.7 
 
 Health 
 
 • 2 
 
 • 9 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 1 1.0: 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 
 
 Job 
 
 1 2 
 
 .9 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 2.0i; 3 
 
 3.1 
 
 2 3.6 
 
 
 
 Other 
 
 22 
 
 10.it 
 
 • 11 
 
 10.6 
 
 9 9.2 
 
 1 
 !l8 
 
 18.6 
 
 12 21.8 
 
 5 13.2 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 2.4 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 4 k.l\\ 3 
 
 3.1 
 
 1 1.8 
 
 2 5.3 
 
 Total 1 212 
 
 
 ;io4 
 
 
 98 
 
 197 
 
 
 55 
 
 38 
 
 Perceptions of Barriers 
 Employed Persons with History of Unemployment 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (QUESTION MS: "What do you think really stands in your way and prevents you from 
 doing and getting what you want?") 
 
 Racial discrimination 
 
 ! 7 
 
 3.8 
 
 6 
 
 6.1 
 
 1 
 
 "1.3; 
 
 1* 
 
 "k.6 
 
 i k 8.3 
 
 
 
 6" 
 
 
 Age 
 
 1 7 
 
 3.8 
 
 2 
 
 2.0 
 
 3 
 
 3.8 
 
 2 
 
 2.3 
 
 ' 
 
 1 
 
 2.9 
 
 
 Lack of money 
 
 i 60 
 
 32.4 
 
 37 
 
 37.4 
 
 22 
 
 27.5. 
 
 2k 
 
 27.6 
 
 \lk 29.2 
 
 9 
 
 26.5 
 
 
 Health 
 
 1 * 
 
 3.3 
 
 2 
 
 2.0 
 
 4 
 
 5.0 ( 
 
 2 
 
 2.3 
 
 , 
 
 2 
 
 5.9 
 
 
 Lack of education 
 
 I 37 
 
 20.0 
 
 17 
 
 17.2 
 
 19 
 
 23.8, 
 
 l4 
 
 16.1 
 
 5 10.4 
 
 9 
 
 26.5 
 
 
 Lack of job skill 
 
 : 30 
 
 16.2 
 
 19 
 
 19.2 1 
 
 11 
 
 13.8! 
 
 12 
 
 13.8 
 
 ! 7 14.6 
 
 4 
 
 11.8 
 
 
 Problems in home 
 
 1 ** 
 
 2.2 
 
 3 
 
 3.0 
 
 1 
 
 1.3 
 
 10 
 
 11.5 
 
 ' 4 8.3 
 
 4 
 
 11.8 
 
 
 Combination 
 
 1 28 
 
 15.1 
 
 12 
 
 12.1 
 
 16 
 
 20.0: 
 
 Ik 
 
 16.1 
 
 1 11 22.9 
 
 3 
 
 8.6 
 
 
 Other 
 
 1 6 
 
 3.2 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 ' 
 
 3 
 
 3.8; 
 
 5 
 
 5.8 
 
 ! 3 6.3 
 
 2 
 
 5.9 
 
 
 Total 
 
 :• 185 
 
 
 99 
 
 
 80 
 
 1 
 
 87 
 
 
 ;4« 
 
 34 
 
 
 
Perceptions of Area 
 
 Currently Unemployed Persons 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 227 
 
 (Question ^7: "If you had the power to make the decision, which of the following 
 things would you consider most important to do and which ones least important: 
 
 (a 
 (b 
 (c 
 
 (a 
 
 (? 
 
 (6 
 (h 
 
 MOST 
 IMPORTANT 
 
 Leave this area pretty much as it is; 
 
 Build some new homes; 
 
 Build some new or improved apartment houses; 
 
 Put up more schools or community centers; 
 
 Bring in more factories and stores to provide jobs; 
 
 Build more parks and playgrounds; 
 
 Build more hospitals and clinics; 
 
 Anything else (specify)." 
 
228 
 
 Perceptions of Area 
 
 Employed Persons with. History of Unemployment 
 
 Household Sampling 
 
 (Question h'J: "If you had the power to make the decision, which of the following 
 things would you consider most important to do and which ones least important: 
 
 (a 
 
 0> 
 
 (c 
 
 (a 
 
 (e 
 
 (f 
 
 (g 
 
 (h 
 
 Leave this area pretty much as it is; 
 
 Build some new homes; 
 
 Build some new or improved apartment houses; 
 
 Put up more schools or community centers; 
 
 Bring in more factories and stores to provide jobs; 
 
 Build more parks and playgrounds; 
 
 Build more hospitals and clinics; 
 
 Anything else (specify).") 
 
229 
 
 Perceptions of Area 
 All Persons 
 List Sampling 
 
 (Question 47: "If you had the power to make the decision, which of the 
 following things would you consider most important to do and which ones 
 least important: 
 
 a. Leave this area pretty much as it is; 
 
 h. Build some new homes; 
 
 c. Build some new or improved apartment houses; 
 
 d. Put up more schools or community centers; 
 
 e.. Bring in more factories and stores to provide jobs; 
 
 f. Build more parks and playgrounds; 
 
 g. Build more hospitals and clinics; 
 h. Anything else (specify)." 
 
 Most Important 
 
 No. of Responses 
 
 a. 
 
 
 2 
 
 b. 
 
 
 20 
 
 c. 
 
 
 11 
 
 d. 
 
 
 22 
 
 e. 
 
 
 46 
 
 f. 
 
 
 3 
 
 g- 
 
 
 10 
 
 h. 
 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 Total 
 
 125 
 
 Second Most 
 
 
 
 Important 
 
 
 
 a. 
 
 
 1 
 
 b. 
 
 
 16 
 
 c. 
 
 
 14 
 
 d. 
 
 
 28 
 
 e. 
 
 
 17 
 
 f. 
 
 
 13 
 
 g- 
 
 
 18 
 
 h. 
 
 
 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 Total 
 
 125 
 
 Least Important 
 
 
 
 a. 
 
 
 l 
 
 b. 
 
 
 
 
 c. 
 
 
 
 
 d. 
 
 
 
 
 e. 
 
 
 
 
 f. 
 
 
 
 
 g- 
 
 
 
 
 h. 
 
 
 5 
 
 No Response 
 
 
 119 
 
 
 Total 
 
 125 
 
 1.60 
 16.00 
 
 8.80 
 17-60 
 36.80 
 
 2.40 
 
 8.00 
 
 
 
 8.80 
 
 .80 
 
 12.80 
 
 11.20 
 22.40 
 13.60 
 10.40 
 
 14. 40 
 
 
 14.40 
 
 .80 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4.00 
 
 95.20 
 
230 
 
 IX 
 AH OVERVIEW 
 
 This report, the orthodox economists to the contrary, accepts the premise 
 
 that area redevelopment is desirable both in principle and in practice. We 
 
 do not share the view, held by many, that the decline of a region necessarily 
 
 reflects the operation of long-run and essentially salutary economic forces, 
 
 or that the admitted barriers to large-scale movement of workers out of a 
 
 depressed area are evanescent. The history of the "trap ghetto," in the apt 
 
 phrase of Earl Raab and Hugh Folk, demonstrates that the area has a permanence 
 
 which defies the easy generalizations and symmetrical models of economic 
 
 1 
 theory. 
 
 It is true, of course, that the ghetto does not trap everyone. Some 
 depart for more appealing work and residence in more attractive areas, but a 
 great many remain and, especially in the urban "ports of entry, " many others 
 arrive to replenish the ranks of the poverty-stricken. Whether area redevelop, 
 ment should seek to transform the community from one of high transiency to one 
 of residential stability remains debatable, but it is certain that positive 
 action for social and economic improvement is needed in either case. 
 
 Some scholars regard the urban "ports of entry, " such as the ARA study 
 area, as the natural continuation of an historical process through which 
 minority groups are assimilated into the fabric of American society. 
 Professor Oscar Handlin of Harvard University, for example, has argued that: 
 
 1 
 
 Earl Raab and Hugh Folk, The Pattern of Dependent Poverty in California , 
 Welfare Study Commission, California Department of Social Welfare, reissued 
 January 196U, pp. 371-375- 
 
231 
 
 In historical perspective, the Negroes and the Puerto Ricans in the 
 New York Metropolitan Region do not present the radically new problem 
 they seem to pose in the columns of the daily newspaper. Rather, their 
 adjustment, difficult as it is, is "but the most recent of a long series. 
 The hardships such people have created and suffered have been concomi- 
 tants of the necessity for accommodating in the city a large, unskilled, 
 and poorly paid labor force needed for urban growth. These newest 
 arrivals have thus but assumed the role formerly played by European 
 immigrants . . . 
 
 The Negroes and the Puerto Ricans have followed the general outline 
 of the experience of earlier immigrants. These latest arrivals diverged 
 from that earlier experience because color prejudice and the social and 
 economic conditions they encountered impeded their freedom of movement, 
 both in space and in social and economic status. That divergence in 
 experience need not be more than temporary, however. 
 
 This, of course, is an optimistic and hopeful viewpoint, which implies 
 that the barriers confronting Negroes and other disadvantaged groups in 
 modern America are essentially little greater than those which confronted 
 European (and, perhaps, Oriental) immigrants earlier in this century. The 
 barriers, presumably, will erode, though the time span may be longer. The 
 denizens of the urban ghetto will eventually become middle-class Americans, 
 and their places in the "port of entry" will then be taken by others who are 
 pursuing the same path to acceptance. 
 
 This viewpoint is hardly accepted universally. Raab and Folk share 
 
 Professor Handlin's view that the immigrant ghetto has served an important 
 
 and useful function in American life, but distinguish this from the "trap 
 
 ghetto" which contains many of the modern-day poor: 
 
 There was a typical spiral out of the ghettos for immigrants and 
 their children: a foothold in the growing American economy, leading to 
 a move up in the economic scale, leading to heightened contact and accul- 
 turation, leading to higher educational aspirations and achievement, 
 leading in turn to an even higher rung on the economic ladder and so 
 forth. In this way, most of the immigrant ghettos have spiraled out 
 
 2 
 Oscar Handlin, The Newcomers , New York, Anchor Books, 1959, P- 120. 
 
232 
 
 of existence. Insofar as they lingered, they lingered as cultural rather 
 than economic ghettos. 
 
 Less dramatic have been the ghettos made up of native immigrants: 
 those who have migrated from the rural areas, and especially from the rural 
 areas of the south, seeking- -like the immigrant from abroad — new economic 
 opportunity, and in some cases new freedom, in the industrial cities of the 
 north and west. To some extent the same fringe pathologies and delinquen- 
 cies were created as had been created in the foreign immigrant ghettos; and 
 the same rich human wealth was provided for the economy. The same spiral 
 up and out of the ghetto often occurred more swiftly because of the absence 
 of language problems. 
 
 However, two deterrent factors- -one old and one new- -must now modify 
 the comfortable image of the ghetto-dweller spiraling out of the ghettos, 
 and out of poverty. The first and oldest deterrent factor lies in the arti- 
 ficial restraints which have been imposed on the historic spiral out of the 
 ghetto . . . 
 
 At the same time, however, the second deterrent factor has been gather- 
 ing impact: apart from any considerations of color, apart from any appli- 
 cation of artificial restraints, the spiral out of the ghetto and out of 
 poverty is becoming more and more difficult. In the past there have been 
 natural breaks in the enclosing ghetto circle. There has been, for example, 
 more room in the economy for those immigrant groups with low educational 
 status. In today's automated economy, as has already been demonstrated in 
 cold statistical language, there are for the under-educated fewer and fewer 
 jobs with a future— indeed fewer and fewer jobs of any kind. 
 
 The Trap Ghetto is thus distinguished from the traditional ghettos by 
 its "closed circle" character. It might be defined as: growing concentra- 
 tion of depressed immigrants to the city who are caught in a closed circle 
 formed by low economic status, low educational status, low levels of employ- 
 ment opportunity and limited social contact. The spiral upward and outward 
 necessarily becomes a trickling affair. . . The Trap Ghetto, being a trap, 
 is encircled by an extra retaining wall that the old immigrant ghettos never 
 had; a circle of hopelessness, which becomes part of the vicious circle, 
 futher affecting academic achievement and even school attendance. 3 
 
 The debate over the alleged parallels between the immigrant ghettos of the 
 past and the urban ghettos of the present is a counterpart of the raging contro- 
 versy over the effects of automation, which is focused on the question of 
 
 3 
 Raab and Folk, ojp. cit., pp. 372-37'+. 
 
• 233 
 
 whether the nature of ongoing technological change is qualitatively the same as 
 or different from the nature of change that has occurred in decades past. 
 Again, in policy terms , the associated question is whether traditional or inno- 
 vative measures are required to meet the problem. With respect to the specific 
 problem of hard-core unemployment and poverty in an urban ghetto like the ARA 
 study area, the specialists appear to be divided roughly into three schools of 
 thought: (l) those who believe that competitive free-market processes can be 
 relied upon, with a minimum of governmental intervention; (2) those who would 
 place primary emphasis upon governmental fiscal and monetary measures to boost 
 aggregate demand; and (3) those who regard the present problems as sufficiently 
 unique to justify major structural changes in the economy, through a variety of 
 devices ranging- from retraining to comprehensive area redevelopment. Obviously, 
 rigid lines of demarcation should not be drawn between these respective schools : 
 some classicists will accept varying degrees of fiscal or monetary intervention, 
 and a substantial body of economists will argue that a combination of demand- 
 boosters and structural revisions is needed. 
 
 Whatever their differences in emphasis and approach, the "aggregate 
 demand" and "structural" schools agree substantially that poverty and unemploy- 
 ment are serious problems, that their solution should not be left to the unhin- 
 dered long-run processes of evolution, and that their impact falls in intoler- 
 able degree upon a number of important groups in our society: the aged, the 
 racial minorities, the unskilled and uneducated, the female heads of households, 
 the dispossessed farmers or farm workers, and the physically or mentally handi- 
 capped. The Council of Economic Advisers, regarded as an exponent of the 
 "demand" viewpoint, has eloquently described the problem of the poor: 
 
 The poor inhabit a world scarcely recognizable, and rarely recognized, 
 by the majority of their fellow Americans. It is a world apart, whose 
 inhabitants are isolated from the mainstream of American life and 
 
23^ 
 
 alienated from its values. It is a world where Americans are literally 
 concerned with day-to-day survival — a roof over their heads, where the 
 next meal is coming from. It is a world where a minor illness is a 
 major tragedy, where pride and privacy must be sacrificed to get help, 
 where honesty can "become a luxury and ambition a myth. Worst of all, 
 the poverty of the fathers is visited upon the children. 
 
 . . .Poverty breeds poverty. A poor individual or family has a high 
 probability of staying poor. Low incomes carry with them high risks of 
 illness; limitations on mobility; limited access to education, informa- 
 tion, and training. Poor parents cannot give their children the oppor- 
 tunities for better health and education needed to improve their lot. 
 Lack of motivation, hope, and incentive is a more subtle but no less 
 powerful barrier than lack of financial means. Thus the cruel legacy of 
 poverty is passed from parents to children.^ 
 
 The Council's report thus spotlights the critical factor which differen- 
 tiates the urban ghetto of today from the immigrant ghetto of yesterday: the 
 transmission of poverty and hopelessness from one generation to the next. 
 Whatever the initial handicaps and disabilities suffered by the recent immi- 
 grant in his ghetto, it was always anticipated that his children, and certainly 
 his grandchildren, would find life much easier. There was a visible route 
 out of the poverty of the ghetto. No such generalization is possible today; 
 indeed, the Council points to a recent study of AFBC (Aid to Families with 
 Dependent Children) recipients which showed that over kO percent of those 
 
 parents "were themselves raised in homes where public assistance had been 
 
 5 
 received. " 
 
 The poverty of today has a personal and sociological quality which makes 
 it particularly difficult to combat. If its origins were entirely economic, 
 the general provision of more jobs would contribute decisively to its solu- 
 tion. But the poverty of a depressed area resident, as Messrs. Armstead and 
 
 Annual R eport of the Council of Economic Advisers , January 196k, pp. 55 > 
 69-TO. 
 
 5 
 Ibid., p. TO. 
 
235 
 
 Townsend argue so effectively in the attached special report, is connected 
 
 inseparably with his own image of himself, of the community in which he lives, 
 
 and of the larger society which engulfs it. There is no reason to "believe 
 
 that the creation of new economic opportunities throughout this vast country 
 
 or region would automatically ease his difficulties, though it may be a 
 
 necessary precondition to their easement. 
 
 So eminent (if unorthodox) an economist as Professor J. Kenneth Galbraith 
 
 has recognized the importance of those non-economic elements in the behavior 
 
 of those who reside in what we choose to call a "depressed area": 
 
 Insular poverty has something to do with the desire of a compara- 
 tively large number of people to spend their lives at or near the place 
 of their birth. This homing instinct causes them to bar the solution, 
 always open as an individual remedy in a country without barriers to 
 emigration, to escape the island of poverty in which they were born. . . . 
 In some circumstances escape may not be possible. Especially in the 
 urban slum, race or poverty may confine individuals to an area of intrin- 
 sically limited opportunity. And once again the environment perpetuates 
 its handicaps through poor schools, evil neighborhood influences, and 
 bad preparation for life .... The most certain thing about modern poverty 
 is that it is not efficiently remedied by a general and tolerably well- 
 distributed advance in income. Case poverty is not remedied because the 
 specific individual inadequacy precludes employment and participation 
 in the general advance. Insular poverty is not directly alleviated be- 
 cause the advance does not necessarily remove the specific frustrations 
 of environment to which the people of these islands are subject. This 
 is not to say that it has no effect.... But it remains that advance 
 cannot improve the position of those who, by virtue of self or environ- 
 ment, cannot participate or are not reached. 
 
 The ARA study area illustrates the complexity of the human factors in 
 those problems associated with poverty. One of the few defensible generaliza- 
 tions that emerge from this study is that not many generalizations are possible 
 in any evaluation of the nature of poverty and of the poverty-stricken. While 
 it is true that the study area contains a disproportionate number of those 
 with inadequate education, and that there is a relationship between lack of 
 
 6 
 
 J. Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society , New York, Mentor Books, I963, 
 pp. 253-25*+. 
 
236 
 
 education and unemployment, only 9-7 percent of the unemployed persons in our 
 survey would be classified as "functional illiterates'' (those having completed 
 less than the fifth grade in school) and over one-quarter of the sample had 
 completed high school. While it is true that migration from the rural areas 
 and small towns of the South creates problems of great magnitude in the 
 study area, over one-half of the unemployed persons surveyed had lived in 
 California ten years or more. While it is true that welfare dependency is 
 proportionately much higher in the study area than in other areas of the county, 
 
 only a minority of the currently unemployed were receiving either unemployment 
 
 7 
 compensation or public assistance at the time of the survey. 
 
 The startling fact about the hard- core unemployed in the central city 
 
 is that so many of them vanish from sight so quickly and so completely. 
 
 While the press and other media reflect a continuing concern with the "excessive" 
 
 expenditures for relief and other assistance to the poor and the unemployed, 
 
 the reality appears to be quite different. Public and private agencies 
 
 reach only a proportion of the long-term unemployed men (many of the public 
 
 assistance benefits are directed to the female heads of households, who 
 
 constitute by far the largest number of those receiving Aid to Families with 
 
 Dependent Children) . Of those unemployed persons in our study area who 
 
 were not receiving unemployment compensation at the time of interview, about 
 
 three-quarters report that they support themselves primarily with payments 
 
 Q 
 
 received from friends or relatives, a spouse > or 'other sources." 
 
 While it might be argued that the responses may not always be frank in 
 these areas, a danger which is inherent in any survey, there appears to be no 
 reason to challenge the essential accuracy of these answers. 
 
 o 
 
 It is possible that the proportion of those receiving public assistance 
 will rise as the new Aid to Families with Dependent Children-Unemployed Parents 
 program becomes older, but it should be noted that all of the interviewing in 
 this survey took place after that program became effective on February 1 of 
 this year. 
 
237 
 Though unfortunately it is not possible to determine all the categories 
 of aid suggested by the term "other sources, general observation of the 
 area (and some of the co(nme,:ts made by Messrs. Armstead and Townsend in their 
 special report) will provide a basis for reasonable speculation. As indicated 
 before, many of the unemployed receive occasional income from odd jobs in 
 the neighborhood, have accumulated savings, and other accepted sources of 
 support. Also of probable significance is the income obtained, in varying 
 amounts, from activities classified as illegal or illicit by society: gambling, 
 
 numbers,'' dope pushing, prostitution, theft, and so forth. The extent of 
 such practices in the area is unknown, but it is inevitable that crime and 
 "immorality" will flourish in the interstices of our society, where many of the 
 'respectable individuals and institutions seldom venture. One observer 
 
 noted recently that "stealing" is one of the few jobs readily available to 
 
 9 
 young people in the slum areas. The poor cannot afford middle-class morality. 
 
 The culture of poverty has a quality which is unique. As each generation 
 passes its heritage along to the next, the younger members of poverty- 
 stricken families soon learn to adjust to the condition in which they find 
 themselves. Life becomes a matter of surviving as best one can, and the 
 'great issues which excite the nation have little meaning. The satisfactions 
 of the moment take precedence over the uncertain rewards of the future . 
 Newspapers and books are not read, conversations are not held, school is not 
 attended, and families are not raised in any conventional sense. The laws 
 passed in Washington and Sacramento rarely change the way life is lived in 
 the heart of the ghetto. 
 
 -^See the excellent article by Dr. Robert Coles, Youth: Opportunity to 
 Be Uhat? ' New Republic , November 7, V}6k, pp. 59-6K. 
 
238 
 
 For these reasons, it is futile to anticipate that broad monetary or 
 fiscal measures or devices to enhance worker mobility through the traditional 
 channels will obviate the need for programs directed to the structural pro- 
 blems of a given area. The hard-core unemployed are so completely isolated 
 from the mainstream of American life that a concentrated effort becomes 
 necessary to break into the vicious circle which governs their lives. Even 
 the retraining programs which have received vast publicity are without signi- 
 ficance to many of the unemployed: the evidence of this fact in Virginia 
 has previously been cited in this report, and the survey conducted in the ARA 
 study area demonstrates that about 50 percent of the residents interviewed 
 had never heard of the government's training opportunities (though 75 percent 
 expressed an interest in retraining) . Good jobs available 10 or 15 miles 
 from home rarely come to their attention, and even if they are made aware, it 
 is improbable that very many would be optimistic about their chances in com- 
 petition with the workers from "better" areas. 
 
 This is why area redevelopment makes sense in both economic and social 
 terms, despite the immense difficulties inherent in it. The problems of the 
 most disadvantaged groups — the minorities, the elderly, the handicapped, 
 the poorly educated of all races and ages — must initially be -met -in- - the 
 community where they live. The insular poverty of which Professor Galbraith 
 speaks, whether it is associated with the "homing instinct" or some other 
 phenomenon, traps these outcasts almost as effectively as a concentration 
 camp. Any program which fails to break through the walls of the ghetto, or 
 remains outside their immediate daily experience, is doomed to frustration. 
 
 This does not mean, of course, that an area redevelopment program in a 
 narrow and limited sense will necessarily be effective. Redevelopment which 
 
239 
 
 does not mobilize local community resources or engage the active participation 
 of the residents affected can become as sterile and self-defeating as "urban 
 renewal" has become in many parts of the country. Perhaps the most valuable 
 contribution to be made by redevelopment does not arise from the establishment 
 of new firms in the area, but, rather, from the possibilities of constructive 
 and unified community action in the planning process itself. 
 
 785-89} 0-65-17 
 
2^0 
 X 
 
 SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 
 
 I. The Study Area: Its People and Problems 
 
 The ARA study area, located in the central, south central, and east Los 
 Angeles sections, is characterized by a diversity of ethnic groups, with a 
 predominance of Negro and Mexican American population. Approximately 28 per- 
 cent of all families with income fall below the $3,000 a year "poverty" 
 level. Causes of poverty and unemployment vary somewhat from one part of the 
 area to another; discrimination, inadequate education, and related social 
 problems are critical factors in the minority-group areas, whereas problems 
 associated with age and personal maladjustment are important in the downtown 
 and northwest sections of the study area. Total population in the study area 
 has declined since the end of World War II, but our analysis of recent trends 
 indicates a prospective reversal of this pattern. Even an optimistic 
 appraisal, however, suggests that population increase within the area will 
 be modest in the foreseeable future, in comparison with the startling 
 increases in other parts of the Los Angeles metropolitan area. 
 
 II. Area Redevelopment in Perspective 
 
 Existing programs of assistance to "depressed" areas have not effectively 
 met the problem of hard-core unemployment in urban subareas, partly because 
 of technical requirements which disqualify most populous metropolitan 
 regions containing packets of grinding poverty in the midst of an otherwise 
 prosperous community. A major problem is the unrealism of currently defined 
 labor market areas and the inadequacy «f the single criterion of unemployment 
 rate. Absence of regular unemployment figures by subarea within the city and 
 county and of other necessary data hinders the formulation of meaningful 
 anti -poverty programs. 
 
2kl 
 
 Recommendations : 
 
 (1) In view of the urgent need for more current data, the feasibility of 
 reducing the gap between censuses from ten to five years should be explored. 
 Meanwhile, Congress should appropriate funds for special censuses in areas 
 where unemployment and poverty appear to be especially acute. In addition, the 
 staff of the Department of Employment and other data-gathering agencies should 
 be expanded to make possible a continuing flow of information on unemployment 
 in local areas, j»b vacancies, and similar factors. Statistical data gathered 
 by public agencies should reflect more information on how minority- group mem- 
 bers fare in areas where equal opportunities are a matter of concern to such 
 groups. Corrective actions in some areas are hindered by the color-blindness 
 in some of these records. 
 
 (2) The existing technical requirements in area redevelopment and similar 
 programs should be revised to allow greater flexibility in the provision of 
 assistance to all areas, urban and rural, in which significant numbers of 
 people are poverty-stricken and unemployed. Such assistance should increasingly 
 take the form of grants and loans for development of new or improved public 
 facilities, as well as the stimulation of job-creating enterprises and retrain- 
 ing programs. 
 
 (3) In all areas designated under this expanded program, federal and 
 state antidiscrimination agencies should be granted sufficient funds to make 
 possible a more effective enforcement of contract provisions requiring equal 
 opportunity in employment. In particular, specific evidence of recruitment in 
 minority- group areas with high unemployment should be a precondition for award 
 of government contracts . 
 
2U2 
 
 III. Poverty in the Study Area: A General View 
 
 Available statistics, mainly those from the i960 Census, demonstrate 
 that the study area contains more concentrated poverty and unemployment than 
 does any other area in the metropolitan region. Further, there is considerable 
 evidence to suggest that unemployment figures are understated because of 
 excessively low labor force participation rates in many parts of the area. 
 
 Problems of poverty are accentuated by the pervasiveness of family disor- 
 ganization and resulting dependency on public assistance in the central and 
 south central areas. In consequence, the study area accounts for about two- 
 thirds of all expenditures under the Aid to Families with Dependent Children 
 program. 
 
 IV. Some Social Problems in the Study Area 
 
 Cur research has shown that all those social problems spotlighted in the 
 President's 1964 Economic Report— poor health, inadequate education, sub- 
 standard housing, and crime and delinquency- -are particularly critical in 
 the ARA study area. The area experiences a much greater incidence cf major 
 diseases, of deaths attributable to health deficiencies, of functional illit- 
 eracy and school dropouts, of dilapidated and deteriorating housing, and of 
 delinquency and dependency petitions filed under the Juvenile Court law, than 
 does the remainder of the Los Angeles metropolitan area. 
 
 Recommendations : 
 
 (l) Regular physical examinations, including chest X-rays, should be 
 made available without charge to all school children and their parents once 
 every semester, to the recipients of public assistance, and to registrants at 
 employment service offices. Information on all matters affecting health and 
 family welfare should be transmitted in all such centers . 
 
2^3 
 
 (2) Since many qualified youngsters drop out of school for financial 
 reasons, consideration should he given to establishment of a revised version 
 of the "GI Bill," under which all t>ersons would he eligible to receive assis- 
 tance from the federal government toward completion of their education. 
 Grants or family allowances under this program would not he limited to a few 
 exceptionally bright youngsters, but would be available to all who meet the 
 minimum academic and personal requirements- The program, of course, would 
 apply to all school grades from elementary through college. 
 
 (3) Existing and proposed tutorial projects for disadvantaged youngsters 
 should be expanded and strengthened, with federal assistance where necessary 
 but without loss of the flexibility and local control which they now enjoy. 
 
 {k) A direct attack should be launched against existing educational 
 deficiencies in regions of the country from which the disadvantaged members 
 of minority groups are migrating in large numbers . The need for educational 
 improvement is of such critical nature that we cannot await the slow and often 
 imperceptible advancement of standards in areas which have traditionally main- 
 tained discriminatory and inferior facilities. All federal funds for school 
 aid in such regions should carry an enforceable proviso that they are to be 
 used on a totally nondiscriminatory basis for the immediate improvement of 
 educational standards and facilities. If this proves insufficient or ineffec- 
 tive, a "crash" program should be initiated, involving where necessary the 
 establishment of federally financed and controlled schools which would admit 
 all pupils without discrimination. Local school systems would remain intact, 
 but each family would have the option of sending children either to the 
 federal or to the local school, Federal schools could be shifted to local 
 control at such time as the regular school district can guarantee the continu- 
 ing provision of adequate and nondiscriminatory education. 
 
2kk 
 
 (5) Community centers should be attached to each and every public school 
 in disadvantaged areas, at which a variety of services in the fields of health, 
 personal and vocational counseling, orientation on the use of public facilities, 
 and training would be available to every resident of the community. 
 
 (6) Responsible authorities should immediately explore the feasibility 
 of a tax forgiveness, or a carry- forward of the tax due in a particular year, 
 in exchange for actual physical improvements made by the owner of residential 
 property in any area designated for restoration- Such tax exemption would be 
 conditioned on an advance certification by a public agency of the need for 
 improvement and a limitation of the circumstances uzider which rents could be 
 raised as a consequence of such improvements. 
 
 (7) Consideration should also be given to a procedure for forbearance of 
 monthly mortgage payments during periods of lost cr severely reduced income 
 
 on the part of the borrower. The federal government is already deeply involved 
 in the home financing area through FHA-insured and VA-guaranteed loans and in 
 other ways, and a program of mortgage payment forbearance would reduce foreclo- 
 sures, encourage home ownership and community stability, and thereby control 
 government liabilities. 
 
 V. "Depressed Areas": Alternative Approaches and Programs 
 
 A number of problems afflict "depressed areas" having large proportions of 
 poorly educated persons who have suffered many decades of persistent discrimina- 
 tion and maltreatment. Such persons are difficult to reach through traditional 
 channels of communication and leadership. Many administrators regard the most 
 disadvantaged members of our society as being beyond the reach of their partic- 
 ular programs, and the pressures for statistical records further accentuate a 
 tendency to exclude the extremely depressed from existing programs. The usual 
 
21+5 
 
 "urban renewal" policies have tended to worsen, rather than improve, the plight 
 of those living within the areas involved. 
 
 Policymakers must choose among a number of alternatives, in the light of 
 currently limited finances and uncertain public support. Certain priorities are 
 suggested by our studies : 
 
 (1) Greater emphasis should be placed by legislative bodies upon far- 
 reaching reforms, rather than upon ameliorative measures which are costly with- 
 out eliminating the underlying causes of poverty. 
 
 (2) Thpre is an overwhelming need for new public facilities which reflect 
 imaginative planning and mobilize the latent resources of local leadership which 
 exist in all disadvantaged areas. 
 
 (3) Provision of jobs rates a high priority, but further consideration 
 must be given to the recruitment policies of newly established firms, skill 
 levels, and transportation factors which can either promote or hinder the 
 employment of study area residents. 
 
 VI. Industrial Location and Land Use 
 
 Available information suggests that the newer "growth" industries have 
 usually located outside the study area and its immediate environs and that there 
 has been some tendency for existing firms to relocate in parts of the county 
 (or in Orange County) distant from central Los Angeles. Land availability and 
 cost and the size of needed facilities, often reflecting technological change, 
 appear to be the major factors influencing these decisions, but problems of 
 title clearance, zoning, population movement, and transportation also have been 
 mentioned. Factors mentioned as favorable to location in the study area have 
 been proximity to downtown Los Angeles and ready accessibility to potential 
 customers. In addition, it seems likely that the rapidly growing minority 
 
2U6 
 
 population, the gradual rise in land costs in outlying areas, the availability 
 of a large work force with improved skills, and transportation improvement will 
 eventually enhance the attractiveness of the study area for many businessmen. 
 Recommendations : 
 
 (1) The Small Business Administration, ARA, and the business and/or 
 economics faculties of UCLA, USC, California State College at Los Angeles, and 
 other institutions of higher learning should initiate a cooperative program 
 designed to provide counseling and technical assistance to businessmen now 
 located, or considering locating, in the ARA study area. 
 
 (2) The Treasury Department, in consultation with ARA, SEA, and «ther 
 agencies, should consider possible ways by which property depreciation allow- 
 ances for tax purposes might be revised to encourage better development of 
 areas which are presently undeveloped or poorly maintained. 
 
 (3) Review by state and local governments of property assessments and 
 taxes, with a view to promoting a better utilization of available land in 
 urban areas, would be helpful to any contemplated program of industrial and 
 commercial redevelopment. 
 
 (h) Professor Sar Levitan's proposals for preferential treatment to 
 depressed areas in the granting of government contracts and the offering of 
 rapid tax-amortization or other tax incentives to new business location in 
 such areas should be implemented. 
 
 (5) An expanded and liberalized policy of government loans or loan 
 guarantees for construction of high-rise commercial and industrial buildings 
 in designated areas with high land costs, such as the ARA study area, should 
 receive consideration. 
 
 (6) As a prelude to a more extensive redevelopment program, the Small 
 Business Administration might consider the granting of special technical and 
 
2kj 
 
 financial assistance, including working capital loans, to small "businessmen 
 now located in the study area, who might otherwise find it necessary to cease 
 operations or relocate. Such loans should he conditioned upon the recipient's 
 participation in continuing programs to improve marketing, inventory, and 
 financial policies. 
 
 VTI. Johs for the Unemployed 
 
 Attention should be directed to ways by which the referral of unemployed 
 persons to existing jobs can be improved, new jobs can be created, and recruit- 
 ment expedited for those unskilled jobs not now held by domestic workers. The 
 first problem could be partially met, in the Los Angeles area, by a further 
 strengthening of the counseling and placement functions of the State Employment 
 Service and by certain modifications of the transportation barriers to worker 
 mobility. Precedents for the creation of new jobs are already available, and 
 further experiments in the public sector of the economy will undoubtedly spot- 
 light many tasks in education and elsewhere which could be performed by resi- 
 dents of depressed areas. Extensive surveys by the Institute of Industrial 
 Relations in the ARA study area indicate that significant numbers of unemployed 
 or underemployed males could be attracted into agricultural work under certain 
 conditions . \ 
 
 Recommendations : 
 
 (1) Recommendations of the Subcommittee on Employment and Manpower of 
 the U.S. Senate Committee »n Labor and Public Welfare for action to promote 
 greater employer use of the Employment Service and expansion of its counseling 
 facilities should be implemented. 
 
 (2) In the greater Los Angeles area, the State Employment Service should 
 examine its referral policies so as to give higher priority to the placement 
 
248 
 
 of the hard-core unemployed, especially those in groups which have traditionally 
 suffered special disabilities such as discrimination and housing segregation. 
 
 (3) Particular efforts should he made, at both the federal and the state 
 levels, to increase the effectiveness of the Employment Service as a source 
 of data on the labor market and as a communicator of such information to 
 present and prospective workers and employers. Wherever necessary, the Service 
 should be granted additional staff to perform these functions. 
 
 (k) In view of the severe problems created by the absence of an adequate 
 transit system and the long distances in greater Los Angeles, unemployed per- 
 sons seeking work and registered at the Employment Service should be granted 
 passes so that they may travel on public transportation at a reduced rate 
 during the period of unemployment and job-seeking. Federal grants to local 
 transit systems could offset losses that might result from this policy. 
 
 (5) Federal, state, and local governments should evaluate present and 
 prospective job requirements, and the anticipated demand for employees in 
 particular occupations, for the purpose of determining those occupational 
 areas in which new and socially useful jobs could be created for unemployed 
 persons of low education and skill. A conscious effort should be made to 
 establish auxiliary positions, to be filled primarily by persons residing in 
 low-income areas, in occupations such as teaching, social work, recreational 
 supervision, medical care, and vocational or personal counseling. 
 
 (6) Public policy should make every effort to curtail and prevent use 
 of foreign labor import programs either through any revived form of P.L. 78 
 •r through P.L. klk. These serve to depress incomes of hired farm workers, 
 accentuate poverty in rural areas, and increase the number of unskilled 
 refugees from the farm economy who move to the metropolis seeking opportunities 
 which are often lacking for them. (See the companion report After the Bracero, 
 
2k9 
 
 prepared by the Institute as an outgrowth of the present study , for a detailed 
 discussion of this and the following recommendations.) 
 
 (T) Further efforts should he made to recruit domestic unemployed or 
 underemployed persons for unskilled work now performed predominantly by Mexican 
 nationals (braceros) under special contract. Since it is generally recognized 
 that wages and other conditions are not sufficient to attract large numbers 
 of domestic workers at the present time, the Institute of Industrial Relations 
 proposes the following minimum improvements in the economic status of farm 
 laborers : 
 
 (a) Farm laborers should be covered under the state's unemployment 
 insurance system at the earliest possible date, so that they have access 
 to the same form of supplemental wage income available to other seasonal 
 workers in California. 
 
 (b) The Manpower Development and Training Act, with its training 
 allowances and other inducements, can provide the means to insure an 
 adequate farm labor supply during the next two years, at least, and will 
 at the same time provide much needed remedial education and skill train- 
 ing for agricultural workers, with flexible training programs at mobile 
 centers which will also serve as sources of a labor supply at time of 
 peak demand. 
 
 (c) "Week-haul" programs should be initiated, under which workers 
 residing in urban areas can be transported regularly to farm regions to 
 work in the fields over short periods of time and then return to their 
 families . 
 
 (d) Surplus military housing should be utilized to provide housing 
 for workers and appropriate accommodations for the training centers 
 proposed above. 
 
250 
 
 (e) Human-relations training for farm supervisors and other per- 
 sonnel, along the lines of the existing Blythe demonstration project 
 in California, should "be encouraged and expanded. 
 
Appendix I 
 
 Personnel of ARA Project on Unemployment and Poverty- 
 
 General Director: 
 
 Benjamin Aaron, Professor of Lav 
 
 and Director of Institute of Industrial 
 Relations 
 
 Project Supervisor: 
 
 Paul Bullock, Research Specialist 
 
 Associate Project Supervisor: 
 
 Fred H. Schmidt, Research Specialist 
 
 Chief Researcher: 
 
 Robert Singleton, Research Assistant III 
 
 Research Assistants: 
 
 Judith Chanin 
 Robert Farrell 
 Gloria Kaufman 
 Joel Leidner 
 B. P. Pai 
 Frank Sifuentes 
 Richard Spiller 
 
 Coro Foundation Interns; 
 
 Kay Gannon 
 Stan A. Lehman 
 Patricia McFeely 
 Steve Weiner 
 
 Consultants 
 
 William Armstead, Student Committee for 
 
 Improvement in Watts 
 Dr. Fred E. Case, Professor of Real Estate 
 
 and Urban Land Economics 
 Dr. Herman P. Miller, Research Economist, 
 
 Institute of Government and Public Affairs 
 Dr. Leo Reeder, Director, Survey Research 
 
 Center, and Professor of Public Health 
 Richard Townsend, Student Committee for 
 
 Improvement in Watts 
 
 Project Secretary: 
 
 Mrs. Cheryl Karacsony 
 
 Secretary to Project 
 Supervisor: 
 
 Miss Deborah Frisch 
 
Appendix II 
 
 An Illustration of Differential Property Tax Rates Under 
 Act lk2, State of Hawaii 
 
 The Hawaiian legislation, with a differential tax factor which "becomes 
 effective on January 1, I965, provides for the classification of land into 
 its highest and test uses and the progressive shift of the tax burden, every 
 two years, until the tax rate on buildings is eventually only kO percent of 
 the corresponding rate on vacant land. 
 
 The land classes subject to the differential tax feature are as follows: 
 
 1) Residential 
 
 2) Hotel/Apartment 
 
 3) Industrial 
 k) Commercial 
 
 Each county will assess the net taxable real property by class and allo- 
 cate the total tax revenues accordingly. Thus, if the assessment of all 
 residential class properties amounts to $600,000,000, and total assessed 
 valuation in the county is $2,000,000,000, those properties must produce 30 
 percent of all tax revenues. If 60 percent of the residential valuation is 
 on land, and the remaining kO percent on buildings, the tax base for land 
 would be $360,000,000 and for buildings $2^0,000,000. The tax rate in each 
 case would be determined by dividing the amount of revenue to be raised by 
 the net taxable valuation of the property. However, when a building tax 
 factor of 90 percent goes into effect on January 1, 1965, the share of build- 
 ings will be reduced (in the above case) to $216,000,000 and the total value 
 of net taxable property to $576,000,000. Since the valuation of land remains 
 the same and residential properties must produce 30 percent of revenues 
 (or $9,000,000), the resulting tax rate on buildings is $1^.06 per $1,000 of 
 
net taxable real property and on land $15.63 per $1,000. 
 
 The residential building factor will eventually be reduced to Uo percent, 
 where it will remain. On the same basic assumptions as are contained in the 
 previous illustration, the revised valuation of buildings would be only 
 $96,000,000 for the purpose of computing the tax revenue and rate, and the 
 resulting rates would be $7-89 per $1,000 of taxable property on buildings 
 and $19.71+ per $1,000 on land. 
 
 Two land classes -- agricultural and conservation -- will be exempt 
 from the differential tax system. In classifying lands into the various 
 use classifications, the Director of Taxation is to consider land use plans, 
 zoning, and any other relevant factors. 
 
 Source: Tax Information Release , Department of Taxation, 
 State of Hawaii, October 1, I963. 
 
Appendix 121 
 
 Technical Note on Survey Sampling Procedure 
 (Prepared by UCLA Survey Research Center) 
 
 I . Introduction : 
 
 The individuals interviewed in the study were selected by a proba- 
 bility sample of clusters of housing units in Los Angeles County. The hous- 
 ing unit was utilized as the elementary unit in the study because it was 
 felt that an area sample with houses defined as the elementary units would 
 best adapt to probability sampling. Furthermore, since available data from 
 other sources are generally provided on a housing unit basis, comparison 
 with the population of the whole area would be facilitated. 
 
 The sampling procedure actually was multistage. The Census Tracts to 
 be sampled were arbitrarily selected inside of the study area for practical 
 reasons : 
 
 The i960 Census counted 2k, 966 unemployed (male and female, Ik years 
 
 and over) in the study area. Of these, an estimate of 21,000 unemployed 
 
 were 20 years and over. The number of households in the study area was 
 
 about 200,000. These figures show that in order to get 1,000 interviews 
 
 from unemployed people, we would have to contact approximately 10,000 house - 
 
 1 
 holds. This is why the Census Tracts chosen were those with the highest 
 
 The unemployment figure is for all unemployed. An estimate of "hard-core" 
 unemployment (over 6 months) can be derived from national figures. The Man- 
 power Report of the President, March 196^, shows that the number of persons 
 unemployed 27 weeks and over varies between 11. 5 and 16.7$ of the total 
 unemployed (Table A-12) between i960 and 1963* Using an even more generous 
 estimate of the percentage of hard-core unemployed — namely, 25$ — we would 
 have a total of 5>000 hard-core unemployed in the study area. In order to 
 contact 1,000 of this group of 5,000, we would be required to contact a 
 fifth of the households in the area — in other words, 40,000 contacts. 
 
unemployment rate, thereby reducing costs and time spent. 
 
 A second practical consideration arose from the fact that we would mainly 
 be interviewing Negroes and Mexican-Americans, utilizing Negro interviewers for 
 the Negro areas and Spanish- speaking interviewers for the Mexican-American areas. 
 In order to keep down costs and amount of time spent, it was therefore decided 
 to select Census Tracts with the heaviest concentrations of either Negroes or 
 Spanish- speaking minorities. 
 
 II. Selection of Census Tracts: 
 
 Two criteria were thus concurrently used in the selection of census 
 tracts : 
 
 1. High unemployment rate. 
 
 2. High minority group population. 
 
 Using the i960 data, 10 Census Tracts for each minority group were 
 selected. These tracts, in order to "be selected, had to rank highest in unem- 
 ployment rate and have the heaviest rate of minority group population. The 
 downtown areas (tracts 2071 to 2079) > as well as Census Tract 22^2, were 
 excluded at Mr. Bullock's request. On the other hand, in each of the subdivisione 
 of the study area where no tracts were selected according to the procedure de- 
 scribed above, one census tract was chosen applying the same criteria to the 
 subdivision. This increased the number of census tracts selected from 20 to 26. 
 
 III. Selection of Blocks: 
 
 It had been originally decided that 10 blocks would be selected from each 
 census tract so that we would have a total of 200 blocks. In each of these 
 blocks 5 households would then be obtained which would result in 1,000 house- 
 holds. However, it can be seen that this would result in too many households 
 
 785-893 0-65-18 
 
since 120 interviews vere previously obtained through the use of the original 
 lists. Furthermore, the addition of 6 census tracts provided us with 300 more 
 household units. It was then decided to decrease the number of blocks in each 
 Census Tract and to keep the number of blocks proportional to the number of 
 household units in the Census Tract: One block per 100 household units in the 
 Census Tract as indicated in the i960 Census. Some departure from this rule 
 was forced by changes in the household unit number which toek place since i960, 
 especially along the freeways. 
 
 The method of selection originated with the enumeration of the blocks. 
 The respective number of housing units in each block was then included in a 
 listing of the blocks. By the method of systematic sampling, a random number 
 table was used to select block one of a given tract and then every Ni/lOOth 
 number was added to the starting number to designate the proper blocks to 
 include in the sample (Ni was the number of housing units in tract i). 
 
 IV. Selection of Housing Units: 
 
 Having selected the blocks included in the sample, phase two of the 
 sampling procedure involved the selection of the elementary units of households 
 within the blocks . 
 
 The second phase of the study consisted of the selection of a cluster 
 sample of five housing units from each of the blocks in the sample. No infor- 
 mation was available on the location of the housing units on the respective 
 blocks. In order to select the cluster sample of housing units on the blocks 
 in a probabilistic manner, it was necessary to cruise each block and take a 
 visual census of the location of units. Cruising merely consisted of driving 
 around each block and enumerating the units on each side of the block. Having 
 made the listing, the cluster of units could be selected. A random number 
 
table was used to obtain a number corresponding to one of the enumerated 
 housing units. This unit and the four succeeding units served as the cluster. 
 If any of the units did not contain individuals eligible for inclusion in the 
 study , they were omitted; the interviewer proceeded to the adjoining housing 
 unit on the block moving in a clockwise manner around the block. If five 
 interviews were unattainable from the block selected, the interviewer pro- 
 ceeded to the next block on the original block-enumeration list and continued 
 interviewing . 
 
 V. Summary: 
 
 A summary of the sampling procedure may be beneficial at this time. 
 A number of census tracts in los Angeles County were chosen for the study 
 because they all exhibited a high incidence of unemployment. A two-phase 
 sampling procedure was utilized in selecting a number of clusters of housing 
 units to be sampled. The residents of the housing units were the individuals 
 included in the study. The process of selection of clusters utilized the 
 statistical concept of probability sample to the maximum extent within the 
 Limitations of funds and data available. 
 
STATISTICAL APPENDIX 
 
 Table I 
 
 Area 
 
 Avalon* 
 
 1950 
 
 I960 
 
 Octr 1, 196^ 
 
 Total 
 
 61,648 
 52,486 
 52,400 
 
 Population Figures 
 Selected Statistical Areas 
 
 
 
 City of Los 
 
 Angeles 
 
 
 
 Negro 
 
 Spanish 
 Surname 
 
 $ Negro 
 
 "jo Spanish 
 Surname 
 
 54,9^8 
 49,734 
 
 2,820 
 1,313 
 
 89.I 
 94.8 
 
 4.6 
 
 2.5 
 
 Boyle Heights* 
 
 1950 90,850 
 
 I960 84,733 
 
 Oct. '63 84,100 
 
 Central* 
 
 1950 34,210 
 
 I960 23, 367 
 
 Oct. '63 23,000 
 
 Downtown* 
 
 1950 34,787 
 
 I960 20,496 
 
 Oct. '63 19,700 
 
 Elysian Park* 
 
 1950 29, 147 
 
 I960 24,459 
 
 Oct. '63 24,300 
 
 Exposition Park* 
 
 1950 74, 362 
 
 I960 70,488 
 
 Oct. '63 70,600 
 
 Green Meadows* 
 
 1950 84, 596 
 
 I960 94,586 
 
 Oct. »63 95,30C 
 
 Leimert Park 
 
 1950 
 
 i960 
 
 Oct. '63 
 
 43,645 
 43,289 
 43,500 
 
 Lincoln Heights* 
 1950 32, 382 
 
 I960 31, 396 
 
 Oct. '63 30,300 
 
 3,539 
 7,218 
 
 40,448 
 51,253 
 
 3-9 
 8.5 
 
 22, 104 
 16,078 
 
 6,275 
 4,386 
 
 64.6 
 
 68.8 
 
 l,28l 
 1,144 
 
 7,986 
 4,193 
 
 3.7 
 5.6 
 
 104 
 
 98 
 
 6,255 
 
 7,950 
 
 0.35 
 o.4o 
 
 7,685 
 42, 619 
 
 3,909 
 6,127 
 
 10.3 
 60.5 
 
 9,708 
 60,449 
 
 6,108 
 9,990 
 
 11.5 
 63.9 
 
 84 
 7,447 
 
 445 
 2,404 
 
 0.19 
 17.2 
 
 466 
 773 
 
 11, l4l 
 17,871 
 
 1.43 
 2.5 
 
 44.5 
 
 60.5 
 
 18.3 
 18.8 
 
 23.0 
 20.5 
 
 21.5 
 32.5 
 
 5.3 
 8.7 
 
 7.2 
 10.7 
 
 1.02 
 5.5 
 
 34.4 
 56.9 
 
Area Total 
 
 Mt. Washington 
 
 1950 15,617 
 
 I960 15,147 
 
 Oct. '63 15,300 
 
 Santa Barbara* 
 
 1950 61,511 
 
 I960 59,045 
 
 Oct. »63 60,300 
 
 South Vermont* 
 
 1950 66,182 
 
 i960 63, 242 
 
 Oct. '63 63,800 
 
 University* 
 
 1950 30,923 
 
 i960 21,623 
 
 Oct. »63 21,600 
 
 Watts* 
 
 1950 29,786 
 
 i960 3^,001 
 
 Oct. '63 3^,300 
 
 West Adams 
 
 1950 68, 144 
 
 i960 69, 677 
 
 Oct. '63 69,200 
 
 West lake* 
 
 1950 73, 177 
 
 i960 58, 680 
 
 Oct. »63 58,700 
 
 Wholesale* 
 
 1950 23,679 
 
 I960 9, 690 
 
 Oct. '63 9,500 
 
 Wilshire 
 
 1950 80,856 
 
 i960 79, 654 
 
 Oct. '63 82,600 
 
 Negro 
 
 Spanish 
 Surname 
 
 °/o Negro 
 
 d p Spanish 
 Surname 
 
 18 
 ^5 
 
 1,508 
 5,224 
 
 0.11 
 0.29 
 
 9-7 
 
 3^.5 
 
 16,878 
 29,792 
 
 3,282 
 6,208 
 
 27.4 
 50.4 
 
 5.3 
 10.5 
 
 446 
 18,860 
 
 823 
 6,131 
 
 0.13 
 29.6 
 
 1.2 
 
 9-7 
 
 2,068 
 3,040 
 
 3,7^7 
 5,759 
 
 6.7 
 
 14.0 
 
 12.1 
 26.6 
 
 22,046 
 29,580 
 
 7,256 
 3,576 
 
 74.0 
 87.O 
 
 24.4 
 10.5 
 
 6,620 
 36, 291 
 
 1,228 
 1,57^ 
 
 9.7 
 
 52.1 
 
 1.8 
 2-3 
 
 1,688 
 1,640 
 
 5,605 
 8,674 
 
 2.3 
 2.8 
 
 7-7 
 14.8 
 
 7,094 
 2,759 
 
 7,428 
 1,755 
 
 29.9 
 28.4 
 
 31.4 
 18.1 
 
 1, 574 
 3,911 
 
 1,621 
 
 1.9 
 
 h.9 
 
 2.0 
 
 * Subareas contained wholly or in significant part within the ARA study area. 
 
TABLE II 
 
 Population Trends 
 Areas of Negro Concentration 
 City of Los Angeles 
 1950-1960 
 
 Areas Losing Negro 
 Population 
 
 Areas Gaining Negro 
 Population 
 
 Area 
 
 Loss 
 
 Area 
 
 Gain 
 
 Avalon 
 
 5,214 
 
 Boyle Heights** 
 
 3,679 
 
 Central 
 
 6,026 
 
 Exposition Park 
 
 34,934 
 
 Downtown* 
 
 137 
 
 Green Meadows 
 
 50,741 
 
 Wholesale 
 
 4,335 
 
 Leimert Park 
 
 7,363 
 
 
 
 Santa Barbara 
 
 12,914 
 
 
 
 South Vermont 
 
 18,414 
 
 
 
 University 
 
 972 
 
 15,712 
 
 Watts 
 
 7,534 
 
 West Adams 
 
 29,671 
 
 Wilshire** 
 
 2,337 
 
 168,559 
 
 *Area of small residential population 
 
 **Areas with small Negro population which had propor - 
 tionately large increases between 1950 and l^bO 
 
Table III 
 
 Annual Rates of Population Flow in Basic ARA Study Area 
 
 1950 - I960 and i960 - 1963 
 
 Comparable Tracts 
 
 Tract and Area 
 (1950 
 Equivalent) 
 
 1950-1960 1960-1963 
 
 Tract and Area 
 (1950 
 Equivalent) 
 
 1950- i960 i960- 1963 
 
 Mount Washington 
 
 1853 (68) - 19.2 
 
 Elysian Park 
 
 1975 (ll4) - 3-6 
 
 1976 (115A) - 12.6 
 
 1977 (115B) + 1.3 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 Elysian Park - l4.9 
 
 Lincoln Heights 
 
 1991 (73) + 33-6 
 
 1994 (70) + 4.0 
 
 1995/6 (69) +39.8 
 
 1997 (120) - 178.9 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 Lincoln Heights - 101. 5 
 
 Boyle Heights 
 2031/2 (124) 
 2034 
 
 2035 
 2036 
 
 2037 
 2038 
 2042/3 
 
 2044 
 2045 
 2049 
 
 (121) 
 (125) 
 (126) 
 
 (127A) 
 (127B) 
 
 (129) 
 (128) 
 (122) 
 (134) 
 
 78.1 
 51-7 
 199.3 
 72.9 
 49.6 
 0.5 
 
 Annual Rate, 
 Boyle Heights 
 
 - 43, 
 
 - 89, 
 
 - 175-0 
 
 - 89.3 
 
 - 593.8 
 
 C: 3 
 
 >C.o 
 
 1- 31.* 
 
 ► 3-7 
 323.4 
 
 • ^7-4 
 
 *M . 7 
 
 + 7 . 7 
 h 3-i 
 + 13.4 
 H- 29-7 
 - 6.0 
 
 H 16 ..9 
 
 + 10.0 
 
 Downtown 
 2071 
 2072 
 2073 
 2074 
 2075 
 2076 
 2C77 
 2078 
 
 2079 
 Annual 
 
 (116) 
 
 (117) 
 
 (185B) 
 
 (180) 
 
 (181) 
 
 (182) 
 
 (183) 
 (185A) 
 
 (184) 
 Rate, 
 
 33-7 
 
 Downtown 
 
 West lake 
 208l/2 
 2083 
 2088 
 2089 
 2091 
 2092 
 2093 
 2094 
 
 2095 
 2096 
 
 2097 (177 
 
 2098 (176 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 West lake 
 
 Wilshire 
 
 2122 (170A) 
 
 - 147-5 
 
 - 53-9 
 
 - 283.1 
 
 - 282.6 
 
 - 218.7 
 
 - 182.1 
 
 - 107.1 
 
 - 51-4 
 
 - 102.7 
 
 -1429-1 
 
 - 123.6 
 
 - 16.4 
 
 ■ 25-3 
 
 - 36.6 
 
 - 109.3 
 
 - 22.1.8 
 
 - 198.7 
 
 - 118.1 
 
 - 92.8 
 
 - 262.3 
 
 - 124.5 
 
 - 62.9 
 
 -1392.3 
 
 50.9 
 
 I52. 6 
 8.0 
 
 5.4 
 2.3 
 
 ■ 58.3 
 
 ■ 8.0 
 1 . 1 
 
 . o 
 , L ft 
 
 240 . 3 
 
 7-1 
 
 10.3 
 
 0.6 
 
 6 6 
 
 0.9 
 
 9^7 
 
 12.3 
 
 0-5 
 
 10.9 
 
 6.0 
 
 i.0.3 
 
 0.6 
 
 394 
 
 1.7 
 
 Wholesale Industry 
 
 2061 
 2062 
 2063 
 2064 
 
 (118) 
 (186) 
 (187) 
 (188) 
 
 Annual Rate, 
 Wholesale Ind. 
 
 ■ 255.2 
 291.9 
 
 ■ 358.1 
 273-6 
 
 ■1178.8 
 
 l4.c 
 
 6 
 
 .11 . Y 
 15.7 
 
 4.1.4- 
 
 Santa Barbara 
 
 2211 (170A) - 8.5 
 
 2214 (203) + 13-5 
 
 2219/21 (213) ■• 21.4 
 
 2222 (211) •• 40.4 
 
 2225 (214) 57-4 
 
 2226 (215) 32.3 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 Santa Barbara ■ 146.5 
 
 + 47.4 
 
 11.1 
 
 + 18.0 
 
 + 47 . 1 
 + 2.6 
 + 46.6 
 
 +150.6 
 
Tract and Area 
 (1950 
 Equivalent) 
 
 University 
 2241 (220) 
 
 2243 
 2245 
 2246 
 
 (178) 
 (221) 
 (222) 
 
 Annual Rate, 
 University 
 
 1950-1960 I96O-I963 
 
 - 186. T 
 + 0.3 
 
 - 197- 6 
 
 - 172.8 
 
 - 536.8 
 
 17-1 
 18.6 
 
 19.1 
 13-1 
 
 30.9 
 
 Tract and Area 
 (1950 
 Equivalent) 
 
 South Vermont 
 2371 (258) 
 237^ (260) 
 2375/6 (261) 
 2377 (264) 
 Annual Rate, 
 South Vermont 
 
 1950-1960 1960-1963 
 
 - 50.2 
 + 2.2 
 
 - 24.1 
 
 - 18.1 
 
 - 90.2 
 
 - 0.6 
 
 - 0.6 
 + 7.1 
 + 42.0 
 
 + 48.0 
 
 Central 
 
 2261 (224) 
 
 2262 (189) 
 
 2263 (223) 
 
 2264 (225) 
 2265/6 (226) 
 2267 (227) 
 Annual Rate, 
 Central 
 
 Avalon 
 
 2281 (253) 
 
 2282 (252) 
 
 2283 (248) 
 
 2284 (247) 
 2285/6 (249) 
 
 2287 (254) 
 
 2288 (255) 
 2289/91(256) 
 2292/3 (250) 
 2294 (251) 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 Avalon 
 
 Exposition Park 
 
 2312 (218) 
 
 2313 (217) 
 2317 <^ 6 ) 
 2^.6- (244) 
 2319 (245) 
 d$21 (242) 
 2328 (246) 
 Annual Rate.. 
 
 Exposition Park 
 
 252.2 
 
 - 33.7 
 
 134.6 
 
 - 30.9 
 
 317.0 
 
 - 50.0 
 
 104.5 
 
 - 10.0 
 
 176.3 
 
 - 5.4 
 
 99.7 
 
 + 16.6 
 
 -1084.3 -113.4 
 
 221.9 
 61.8 
 
 74-9 
 75. 4 
 85.O 
 60.O 
 128.6 
 91.8 
 41.9 
 74.9 
 
 - 12.1 
 + 4o.8 
 
 - 10.3 
 
 - 131.3 
 
 - 156.8 
 + 34.4 
 
 - 109.0 
 
 - 344.3 
 
 - 24.9 
 + 0.6 
 
 - 4.3 
 + l.l 
 
 - 9.7 
 + 35-1 
 + 11.4 
 
 - 28.9 
 
 + k.O 
 
 - 20.9 
 
 916.2 - 36.3 
 
 22.0 
 12. 9 
 9-1 
 4.3 
 9-4 
 4.6 
 0.0 
 
 62.3 
 
 Green Meadows 
 
 2391 (269) 
 
 2392 (268) 
 
 2393 (270) 
 
 2394 (271) 
 
 2395 (273) 
 
 2396 (272) 
 
 2397 (274) 
 
 2398 (275) 
 2399/ 
 
 2401 (2&0A) 
 2402 (279) 
 2405 (281) 
 2408/9 (283) 
 2411 (282) 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 Green Meadows 
 
 2421 (517B) 
 
 2422 (285B) 
 
 2423 (285A) 
 2425/6 (286A) 
 2427 (286b) 
 2428/9/ 
 
 31 (287) 
 Annual Rate, 
 
 Watts 
 Annual Rate 
 
 Total Area 
 
 3-2 
 24.1 
 84.5 
 10.1 
 46.1 
 24.7 
 50.3 
 58.8 
 
 51.4 
 
 27.8 
 
 19.6 
 
 220.7 
 
 3-0 
 
 + 508.1 
 
 + 126.5 
 
 - 61.9 
 + 8.3 
 + 389-0 
 
 - 84.2 
 
 + 42.1 
 + 419.8 
 -6990.9 
 
 - 6.6 
 
 - 12.0 
 
 0.0 
 
 - 8.0 
 
 + 4.3 
 
 + 4.3 
 
 + 29.4 
 
 + 38.6 
 
 + 22.9 
 + 28.3 
 + 60.6 
 -137.0 
 + 2.3 
 
 + 27.4 
 
 0.0 
 
 + 3.4 
 
 + 13.4 
 + 11.1 
 + 16.9 
 
 + 46.6 
 
 + 91.4 
 
 -477-4 
 
 Note: These annual rates were 
 computed "by dividing the net popula- 
 tion change of the decennial census 
 (4/1/50 thru 4/l/60) by 10 and the 
 net population change of the City 
 Planning Commission (4/l/6o thru 
 10/1/63) by 3.5 
 

 
 Tatle IV 
 
 
 
 
 COMPARATIVE DATA 
 I960 
 
 
 
 Category 
 
 ARA Study 
 Area 
 
 City of 
 Los Angeles 
 
 Standard 
 Met. Stat. 
 Area 
 
 SMSA 
 
 (Negroes Only) 
 
 Total Population 
 
 545,286 
 
 2,1+79,015 
 
 6,71+2,696 
 
 
 Negro 
 % of Total 
 
 224,743 
 1+1.22 
 
 33^,916 
 13.5 
 
 1+64,717 
 
 6.9 
 
 
 White, Total 
 
 298,331 
 
 2,061,808 
 
 6,11+8,220 
 
 
 Spanish Surname 
 $ of Total Pop. 
 
 11+7,760 
 27.1 
 
 260,389 
 10.5 
 
 629,292 
 9.3 
 
 
 Population per Household 
 Nonwhite Only* 
 
 2.71 
 3-12 
 
 2.77 
 3.15 
 
 2.99 
 3.33 
 
 3.32 
 
 Persons Under 18, Total 
 Living with Both 
 Parents 
 
 177,164 
 122,289 
 
 758,61+2 
 631,3^1 
 
 2,281+, I+67 
 1,977,665 
 
 
 Persons under 18, 
 Nonwhite Only* 
 Living with Both 
 Parents 
 
 93,522 
 58,1+25 
 
 li+9,7^7 
 102,610 
 
 225,87U 
 162,1+78 
 
 
 Total School Enrollment, 
 
 5-3I+ yrs of age 117,6l8 
 
 566,631 1,61+7,623 
 
 Median School Years 
 Completed, Total 
 
 (Over 25) 
 
 9.26 
 
 12.1 
 
 12.1 
 
 Nonwhite Only* 
 
 9.88 
 
 11.1 
 
 11.1 
 
 Spanish Surname Only 
 
 8.09 
 
 8.9 
 
 8.9 
 
 Median Age, Male 
 
 30.69 
 
 32.2 
 
 30.0 
 
 Nonwhite Only* 
 
 26.73 
 
 27.6 
 
 26.5 
 
 Spanish Surname Only 
 
 23.45 
 
 24.1 
 
 22.2 
 
 Median Age, Female 
 
 30.50 
 
 34.2 
 
 30.0 
 
 Nonwhite Only* 
 
 26.70 
 
 27.6 
 
 26.5 
 
 Spanish Surname Only 
 
 23.41 
 
 24.5 
 
 22.1 
 
 Marital Status 
 
 
 
 
 Total, Over Age l4 
 
 394,071 
 
 1,847,872 
 
 4,837,063 
 
 Single 
 
 100,277 
 
 399,796 
 
 951,683 
 
 Married 
 
 218,841 
 
 1,166,209 
 
 3,260,001 
 
 Separated 
 
 23,207 
 
 47, 318 
 
 92,151 
 
 Widowed 
 
 43,105 
 
 170, 370 
 
 386,161 
 
 Divorced 
 
 31,848 
 
 111,1+97 
 
 239,218 
 
 10.8 
 
 25.5 
 
 26.4 
 
Category- 
 
 ARA Study 
 
 City of 
 
 Standard 
 
 SMSA 
 
 
 Area 
 
 L.A. 
 
 Met. Stat. 
 Area 
 
 (Negroes Only) 
 
 Marital Status 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nonwhite Only* 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total, Over 14 
 
 166,250 
 
 288,088 
 
 399,845 
 
 
 Single 
 
 36,419 
 
 65,008 
 
 90,154 
 
 
 Married 
 
 102,723 
 
 180,955 
 
 256,243 
 
 
 Separated 
 
 14,009 
 
 18,976 
 
 24,011 
 
 
 Widowed 
 
 14,665 
 
 22,207 
 
 28,520 
 
 
 Divorced 
 
 12,443 
 
 19,918 
 
 24,928 
 
 
 Spanish Surname 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total, Over 14 
 
 95,297 
 
 170,836 
 
 393,527 
 
 
 Single 
 
 26,702 
 
 45,935 
 
 99,930 
 
 
 Married 
 
 58,052 
 
 106,671 
 
 258,815 
 
 
 Separated 
 
 4,171 
 
 5,442 
 
 10,299 
 
 
 Widowed 
 
 6,oo4 
 
 10,594 
 
 20,326 
 
 
 Divorced 
 
 4,539 
 
 7,636 
 
 14,456 
 
 
 Employment Status 
 
 
 
 
 
 Males, Over Age 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 197,787 
 
 878,584 
 
 2,325,726 
 
 
 Civilian Labor Force 
 
 143,423 
 
 696,598 
 
 1,872,435 
 
 
 Unemployed 
 
 17,278 
 
 46,092 
 
 101,477 
 
 
 "jo Unemployed 
 
 12.05 
 
 6.7 
 
 5-6 
 
 
 Females, Over Age 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 197,559 
 
 970,945 
 
 2,513,679 
 
 
 Labor Force 
 
 80,526 
 
 393,622 
 
 946,296 
 
 
 Unemployed 
 
 7,688 
 
 24,955 
 
 56,360 
 
 
 $ Unemployed 
 
 9-55 
 
 6.3 
 
 6.0 
 
 
 Nonwhite Males 
 
 
 
 
 
 Only, Total* 
 
 80,419 
 
 139,210 
 
 195,039 
 
 145,868 
 
 Civilian Labor Force 
 
 61,789 
 
 110,397 
 
 151,548 
 
 112,186 
 
 Unemployed 
 
 7,818 
 
 10,814 
 
 14,202 
 
 12,409 
 
 "jo Unemployed 
 
 12.65 
 
 9.8 
 
 9.4 
 
 11.1 
 
 Nonwhite Females 
 
 
 
 
 
 Only, Total* 
 
 
 149,275 
 
 204,610 
 
 161,926 
 
 In Labor Force 
 
 38,243 
 
 72,354 
 
 95,810 
 
 75,783 
 
 "jo Unemployed 
 
 
 
 
 10.0 
 
 Spanish Surname Males 
 
 
 
 
 
 Only, Total 
 
 42,892 
 
 83,796 
 
 195,938 
 
 
 Civilian Labor Force 
 
 33A61 
 
 66,487 
 
 155,981 
 
 
 Unemployed 
 
 3,499 
 
 5,541 
 
 11,559 
 
 
 $ Unemployed 
 
 10.6 
 
 8.3 
 
 7-4 
 
 
 Spanish Surname Females 
 
 
 
 
 
 Only, Total 
 
 
 87,o4o 
 
 197,589 
 
 
 In Labor Force 
 
 17,117 
 
 32,718 
 
 67,521 
 
 
 $ Unemployed 
 
 
 
 8.2 
 
 
 Percent of Total 
 
 Immigration Originating 
 in the South, 1955-60, 
 Persons over 5 
 
 42.49 
 
 21-5 
 
 19.4 
 
Category ARA study City of Standard SMSA (Negroes 
 
 Area L.A. Met. Stat. Only) 
 
 Area 
 
 Median Family Income, 
 
 Total $'4,613.84 $6,896 '7,066 
 
 Nonwhite Only* 4 ; 378.4o 5 050 5 163 
 
 Spanish Surname Only 4,886,86 5' 554 5*762 
 
 Male Occupational Distribu- 
 tion, Total Employed 126,145 645,166 1,726,039 
 
 $Prof. & Tech. 4. 31 16. 3.4,8 
 
 ^Skilled (Craftsmen) 14-74 17.4 20^5 
 
 ^Service Workers 13-28 7.6 5*3 
 
 ^Laborers 11. 6l 5.7 5^9 
 
 Male Occupational Distribu- 
 tion, Nonwhite Only, Total* 53,971 99,583 137,346 99,777 
 
 #Prof . & Tech. 
 
 3.61 
 
 8.1 
 
 ^Skilled (Craftsmen) 
 
 12.13 
 
 12.6 
 
 ^Service Workers 
 
 17-41 
 
 15.8 
 
 ^Laborers 
 
 14.01 
 
 11.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 k.9 
 
 13.0 
 
 13.6 
 
 14.9 
 
 16.7 
 
 12.5 
 
 14.1 
 
 Female Occupational Distrib- 
 ution, Total Employed 72,838 368,522 889,457 
 
 $Prof , & Tech.: 
 
 5-79 
 
 12.4 
 
 12.9 
 
 ^Clerical 
 
 20.98 
 
 35.2 
 
 35-7 
 
 ^Operatives 
 
 26.96 
 
 14.8 
 
 14.7 
 
 ^Private Household 
 
 IO.96 
 
 6.1 
 
 5-3 
 
 Female Occupational Distrib- 
 ution, Nonwhite, Total* 3^,074 65,925 &7,423 68 130 
 
 8.2 
 15.5 
 18.2 
 23-5 
 
 167,907 
 
 21.2 
 5.2 
 
 f 3 ' 
 
 $Prof . & Tech. 
 
 5.48 
 
 8.7 
 
 8.9 
 
 /^Clerical 
 
 14.22 
 
 20.4 
 
 19.6 
 
 ^Operatives 
 
 22.25 
 
 19-3 
 
 18.9 
 
 ^Private Household 
 
 21.27 
 
 18.9 
 
 19.7 
 
 Total Employed by 
 
 
 
 
 Industry 
 
 198,983 
 
 1,013,688 
 
 2,615,496 
 
 fa in Manufacturing 
 
 29.37 
 
 26.8 
 
 30.6 
 
 io in Construction 
 
 4.47 
 
 4.7 
 
 5-5 
 
 fo in Transportation 
 
 ^.15 
 
 3-2 
 
 3.3 
 
 $ in Communicatipn 
 
 1.94 
 
 2.7 
 
 2.9 
 
 d A in Retail Trade 
 
 13. 5^ 
 
 14.8 
 
 14.6 
 
 fo in Private Households 
 
 4.48 
 
 2.7 
 
 2.2 
 
 tfo in Public Administration 
 
 4.20 
 
 M 
 
 t.3 
 
 8.8 
 
 Means of Transportation 
 
 Total 198,983 991,514 2,592,257 
 
 $ in Private Auto or Car Pool 51. 36 70.7 77.3 
 
 % in Bus or Streetcar 26.77 13.0 7.5 
 
 # Walking 8. 71 5.4 5.1 
 
Housing Characteristics 
 
 Category 
 
 All Housing Units 
 
 Owner Occupied 
 Nonvhite Only* 
 
 Renter Occupied 
 Nonvhite Only* 
 
 Available Vacant 
 For Sale Only 
 For Rent 
 
 Year Structure Built 
 Total 
 
 1950 to 3-1960 
 
 1940 to 19U9 
 
 1939 or earlier 
 Nonvhite Only 
 
 1950 to 3-1960 
 
 19^0 to I9I+9 
 
 1939 or earlier 
 Spanish Surname Only 
 
 1950 to 3-1960 
 
 1940 to 19^9 
 1939 or earlier 
 
 Median Persons Per Unit 
 Total 
 
 Nonvhite Only 
 Spanish Surname Only 
 
 Persons Per Room, Total 
 O.5O or less 
 0.51 to .75 
 .76 to 1.00 
 
 1.00 or more 
 
 Persons Per Room, Nonvhite 
 0.50 or less 
 0.51 to .75 
 .76 to 1.00 
 
 1.01 or more 
 
 Persons Per Room, Spanish Surname 
 0.50 or less 
 0.51 to .75 
 
 .76 to 1.00 
 1.01 or more 
 
 ABA Study 
 Area 
 
 City of 
 Los Angelec 
 
 Standard Metropolitan 
 Statistical Area 
 
 213,718 
 
 935,507 
 
 2,369,151 
 
 49,457 
 22, 869 
 
 404,652 
 46, 406 
 
 1,243,334 
 70,891 
 
 11*5,713 
 
 54, 876 
 
 471, 358 
 83,539 
 
 971,173 
 103,063 
 
 14,865 
 
 503 
 
 14, 362 
 
 45,913 
 
 6,165 
 
 39,748 
 
 111, 469 
 21,117 
 90,352 
 
 15,^16 
 
 19, 312 
 179,594 
 
 286, 102 
 168, 303 
 481,797 
 
 971,614 
 479,157 
 919,278 
 
 8, 792 
 10,754 
 58,328 
 
 18,643 
 19,957 
 91,496 
 
 33,128 
 
 32,332 
 
 108, 611 
 
 2,^64 
 
 3,669 
 
 33,618 
 
 12,885 
 
 9,975 
 47,890 
 
 45,164 
 27,927 
 84,775 
 
 
 2.3 
 
 2.6 
 
 3-3 
 
 2.6 
 2.9 
 
 3-7 
 
 \ 
 
 395,508 
 
 205,740 
 
 202, 862 
 
 71,900 
 
 940, 694 
 539,222 
 
 538,395 
 196, 196 
 
 
 48,517 
 28,319 
 32,510 
 20, 599 
 
 61, 292 
 37,542 
 44,346 
 30,774 
 
 8,656 
 
 6,910 
 
 12, 185 
 
 11, 900 
 
 17,877 
 14, 184 
 21, 126 
 17, 563 
 
 34,889 
 31,537 
 48,967 
 42,473 
 
Category 
 
 ARA Study 
 Area 
 
 City of 
 Los Angeles 
 
 Standard Metropolitan 
 Statistical Area 
 
 Year Moved Into Unit, 
 Total 
 1958 to 3-1960 
 1954 to 1957 
 1953 or earlier 
 
 86,662 
 49, 207 
 59,904 
 
 371,876 
 232, 204 
 272,688 
 
 936,224 
 607, 269 
 672, 102 
 
 Nonvhite Only 
 1958 to 3-1960 
 1954 to 1957 
 1953 or earlier 
 
 34,801 
 21, 127 
 21,946 
 
 60,537 
 37,023 
 32,536 
 
 79,879 
 49,638 
 44,554 
 
 Spanish Surname Only 
 1958 to 3-1960 
 1954 to 1957 
 1953 or earlier 
 
 18,618 
 10,265 
 10, 768 
 
 33,262 
 18,875 
 18,613 
 
 70,459 
 44,869 
 42, 536 
 
 Gross Rent, Median 
 Total 
 Nonvhite 
 Spanish Surname 
 
 $61 
 
 73 
 
 60 
 
 $78 
 72 
 65 
 
 $81 
 72 
 68 
 
 * It should "be remembered that the Nonvhite" category includes Orientals, 
 vhose economic status tends to be more favorable >.han that of ihe Negroes 
 Thus, the figures shcvn in this category tend to overstate the status of 
 Negroes. 
 
Table V 
 
 Poverty and Deprivation Levels 
 
 Family Incomes, 1959 
 
 Los Angeles Area 
 
 Poverty Level - Family Income of $3000 a year or less 
 Deprivation Level - Family Income of $4000 a year or less 
 
 Area Total No. Total No. £ Total No. $ Total No. $ 
 
 of Families Under Between Under 
 
 With Income $3000 $3000-3999 $4000 
 
 L.A. Metropolitan 
 Area (L.A. and 
 Orange Counties) 1,7^3,868 216,55^ 12. k 112, 73 1 * 6-5 329,283 18.9 
 
 City of Los 
 Angeles 636,522 91,513 l 1 *-^ ^6,938 l.h 138,^51 21.8 
 
 ARA Study Area 121,1+5^ 33,993 28.0 l6,0C6 13-2 ^9,999 *H-2 
 
 Metropolitan Area 
 - ARA Study Area 1,622, klk 182,561 11. 3 96,728 6.0 279,289 17-2 
 
 City of L.A. ■- 
 ARA Study Area 
 City Tracts 535,^9 62,350 11.6 33,170 6.2 95,520 17. 8 
 
 City Tracts in 
 ARA Study Area 101,073 29,1^3 28.9 13,768 13-6 k2,93l ^2-5 
 
 Source: Census Tract Data, i960 Census 
 
Table VI 
 
 Family Income by Census Tracts 
 ARA Study Area 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 under 
 
 $3000 
 
 
 
 
 
 Vv under 
 
 $4ooo 
 
 
 
 
 
 median income for 
 
 
 
 
 
 whole 
 
 tract 
 
 Tract 
 
 Under $3000 
 
 io of Total 
 
 $3-3999 
 
 $ of Total 
 
 Total Number 
 of Families 
 
 1853 
 
 276 
 
 20.9 
 
 158 
 
 12.0 
 
 1315 
 
 1975 
 
 170 
 
 20.0 
 
 150 
 
 17.6 
 
 848 
 
 1976 
 
 190 
 
 29.5 
 
 114 
 
 17-7 
 
 642 
 
 1977 
 
 165 
 
 23.4 
 
 95 
 
 13.5 
 
 703 
 
 1991 
 
 197 
 
 2C.6 
 
 100 
 
 10.4 
 
 953 
 
 1992 
 
 321 
 
 23-9 
 
 136 
 
 10.1 
 
 1338 
 
 1994 
 
 150 
 
 21.6 
 
 100 
 
 14.4 
 
 694 
 
 1995 
 
 124 
 
 2.I.9 
 
 53 
 
 9-3 
 
 566 
 
 vvl996 
 
 4l 
 
 30.5 
 
 32 
 
 23.8 
 
 134 
 
 1997 
 
 156 
 
 19-4 
 
 91 
 
 11.3 
 
 801 
 
 1999 
 
 150 
 
 28.1 
 
 89 
 
 16.6 
 
 533 
 
 vV2031 
 
 381 
 
 39-4 
 
 174 
 
 18.0 
 
 966 
 
 2032 
 
 179 
 
 21.8 
 
 67 
 
 8.1 
 
 819 
 
 •2034 
 
 kkl 
 
 56.7 
 
 180 
 
 23.1 
 
 777 
 
 2035 
 
 190 
 
 23.9 
 
 79 
 
 9-9 
 
 792 
 
 2036 
 
 327 
 
 31-3 
 
 131 
 
 12.5 
 
 1043 
 
 2037 
 
 399 
 
 28.1 
 
 18c 
 
 12.6 
 
 1418 
 
 2038 
 
 152 
 
 19.1 
 
 116 
 
 14.6 
 
 793 
 
 2042 
 
 222 
 
 32.8 
 
 93 
 
 13.7 
 
 675 
 
 20^3 
 
 238 
 
 22.3 
 
 108 
 
 10.1 
 
 1067 
 
 2044 
 
 303 
 
 29.8 
 
 139 
 
 13.6 
 
 1015 
 
 >/V 20U5 
 
 423 
 
 42.7 
 
 186 
 
 18.7 
 
 990 
 
 20^9 
 
 145 
 
 18.5 
 
 97 
 
 12.3 
 
 783 
 
 • 2C6l 
 
 256 
 
 69.O 
 
 51 
 
 13-7 
 
 371 
 
 >/v/2062 
 
 64 
 
 31.6 
 
 56 
 
 27-7 
 
 202 
 
 >/>/2c63 
 
 1A3 
 
 47.1 
 
 44 
 
 14.5 
 
 303 
 
 2064 
 
 44 
 
 32.5 
 
 27 
 
 20.0 
 
 135 
 
 2071 
 
 252 
 
 32.6 
 
 117 
 
 15.1 
 
 771 
 
 VA/2072 
 
 19 
 
 29.6 
 
 16 
 
 25.0 
 
 64 
 
 n/2073 
 
 29 
 
 70.7 
 
 3 
 
 7-3 
 
 41 
 
 •2074 
 
 20 
 
 55.5 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 36 
 
 vs/2075 
 
 19^ 
 
 49.I 
 
 53 
 
 13.4 
 
 394 
 
 2076 
 
 112 
 
 32.8 
 
 52 
 
 I5.2 
 
 341 
 
 •2077 
 
 74 
 
 52.1 
 
 29 
 
 20.4 
 
 142 
 
 2078 
 
 16 
 
 28.0 
 
 4 
 
 7-0 
 
 57 
 
 s/\/2079 
 
 106 
 
 42.4 
 
 31 
 
 12.4 
 
 250 
 
 2081 
 
 164 
 
 28.4 
 
 117 
 
 20.3 
 
 576 
 
 2082 
 
 215 
 
 27.4 
 
 127 
 
 16.2 
 
 782 
 
 2083 
 
 288 
 
 27.3 
 
 105 
 
 9.9 
 
 1054 
 
 2088 
 
 187 
 
 26.7 
 
 89 
 
 12.7 
 
 700 
 
 2089 
 
 303 
 
 30.3 
 
 124 
 
 12.4 
 
 998 
 
 2091 
 
 313 
 
 26.3 
 
 190 
 
 15-9 
 
 1189 
 

 
 
 
 
 Total Number 
 
 Tract 
 
 Under $3000 
 
 # of Total 
 
 $3-3999 
 
 $ of Total 
 
 of Families 
 
 2092 
 
 138 
 
 27.3 
 
 91 
 
 18.0 
 
 505 
 
 2093 
 
 131 
 
 31.5 
 
 37 
 
 8.9 
 
 415 
 
 V/V209U 
 
 344 
 
 41.4 
 
 118 
 
 14.2 
 
 829 
 
 2095 
 
 224 
 
 33.3 
 
 111 
 
 16.5 
 
 672 
 
 2096 
 
 lU9 
 
 29.4 
 
 90 
 
 17.7 
 
 506 
 
 >/v/ 2097 
 
 191 
 
 38.8 
 
 84 
 
 17.0 
 
 492 
 
 2098 
 
 129 
 
 19.3 
 
 76 
 
 11.3 
 
 667 
 
 2122 
 
 173 
 
 18.2 
 
 146 
 
 15.3 
 
 950 
 
 2211 
 
 24l 
 
 22.3 
 
 167 
 
 15.5 
 
 1076 
 
 22l4 
 
 208 
 
 30.1 
 
 70 
 
 10.1 
 
 691 
 
 2217 
 
 258 
 
 26.0 
 
 134 
 
 13.5 
 
 992 
 
 2218 
 
 151 
 
 19.4 
 
 138 
 
 17.7 
 
 766 
 
 2219 
 
 167 
 
 25.2 
 
 63 
 
 9.5 
 
 662 
 
 2221 
 
 195 
 
 23.6 
 
 127 
 
 15.3 
 
 825 
 
 2222 
 
 1*0 
 
 21.4 
 
 102 
 
 15.3 
 
 666 
 
 2225 
 
 312 
 
 38.0 
 
 108 
 
 13.1 
 
 821 
 
 2226 
 
 124 
 
 13.6 
 
 55 
 
 6.0 
 
 910 
 
 >/>/224l 
 
 137 
 
 34.7 
 
 64 
 
 16.2 
 
 394 
 
 2243 
 
 165 
 
 19.8 
 
 109 
 
 13.1 
 
 830 
 
 2244 
 
 304 
 
 30.2 
 
 156 
 
 15.5 
 
 1C04 
 
 V V 2245 
 
 193 
 
 40.2 
 
 81 
 
 17.1 
 
 479 
 
 W2246 
 
 272 
 
 36.8 
 
 99 
 
 13.4 
 
 738 
 
 22^7 
 
 107 
 
 30.0 
 
 36 
 
 10.1 
 
 356 
 
 226l 
 
 100 
 
 28.0 
 
 39 
 
 10.9 
 
 356 
 
 vV 2262 
 
 179 
 
 44.7 
 
 44 
 
 11.0 
 
 4co 
 
 2263 
 
 189 
 
 23.9 
 
 115 
 
 16.4 
 
 700 
 
 v/v/2264 
 
 407 
 
 34.0 
 
 217 
 
 18.1 
 
 1197 
 
 y/^2265 
 
 326 
 
 41.3 
 
 117 
 
 14.8 
 
 789 
 
 2266 
 
 206 
 
 33-9 
 
 93 
 
 15.3 
 
 606 
 
 2267 
 
 392 
 
 35-3 
 
 148 
 
 13.3 
 
 1110 
 
 vA/228l 
 
 375 
 
 38.5 
 
 185 
 
 19.0 
 
 973 
 
 2282 
 
 409 
 
 31.8 
 
 185 
 
 14.3 
 
 1286 
 
 2283 
 
 433 
 
 33.5 
 
 205 
 
 15.8 
 
 1292 
 
 2284 
 
 412 
 
 32.0 
 
 183 
 
 14.2 
 
 1286 
 
 2285 
 
 209 
 
 28.7 
 
 82 
 
 11.3 
 
 728 
 
 2286 
 
 151 
 
 21.1 
 
 134 
 
 18.7 
 
 713 
 
 2287 
 
 466 
 
 34.5 
 
 205 
 
 15.1 
 
 1350 
 
 x/v/ 2288 
 
 360 
 
 41.8 
 
 116 
 
 13.4 
 
 861 
 
 y-y 2289 
 
 293 
 
 44.8 
 
 68 
 
 10.3 
 
 654 
 
 VV2291 
 
 293 
 
 42.2 
 
 86 
 
 12.4 
 
 693 
 
 ••2292 
 
 212 
 
 30.1 
 
 165 
 
 23.5 
 
 702 
 
 2293 
 
 176 
 
 21.2 
 
 167 
 
 20.1 
 
 830 
 
 2294 
 
 387 
 
 32.7 
 
 181 
 
 15.3 
 
 1183 
 
 2312 
 
 377 
 
 28.3 
 
 197 
 
 14.7 
 
 1333 
 
 2313 
 
 270 
 
 23.9 
 
 139 
 
 12.3 
 
 1128 
 
 2317 
 
 309 
 
 23.2 
 
 150 
 
 11.2 
 
 1328 
 
 2318 
 
 358 
 
 36.6 
 
 122 
 
 12.4 
 
 978 
 
 2319 
 
 309 
 
 30.6 
 
 75 
 
 •7.4 
 
 1008 
 
 2327 
 
 I89 
 
 20.1 
 
 203 
 
 21.6 
 
 939 
 
 2328 
 
 159 
 
 23.0 
 
 131 
 
 18.9 
 
 691 
 
 2371 
 
 296 
 
 7.2 
 
 150 
 
 11.3 
 
 1321 
 
 785-893 0-65- 
 
 •19 
 
 
 
 
 
Total Number 
 Tr act Under $3000 j> of Total $3-3999 $ of Total of Failles 
 
 237^ 287 H.h 173 10. 5 1645 
 
 2375 168 27.6 96 15.8 607 
 
 2376 223 20 A 95 8.6 1093 
 
 2377 3H8 26.8 161 12. 1+ 1295 
 V>/2391 119 35.3 65 19.2 337 
 
 2392 173 25.7 84 12.5 672 
 
 2393 315 22.6 213 14.5 1393 
 239^ 200 32.2 85 13.6 621 
 
 2395 273 22.3 101 8.2 1221 
 
 2396 308 31.3 165 16.7 983 
 
 2397 251 24.li- 146 14.2 1027 
 
 2398 264 17.8 169 11.4 1480 
 
 2399 259 25.1 114 11.0 1031 
 2401 117 21.7 43 7.9 538 
 2^2 202 19.8 66 6.4 1019 
 2^3 252 22.8 134 12.1 1104 
 2^05 256 20.1 128 10.0 1268 
 2*+06 192 21,8 111 12.6 877 
 2^8 218 27.9 84 10.7 781 
 2l +09 311 26.4 139 11.8 1175 
 2^11 336 21.7 184 11.9 1544 
 2*H4 248 21.8 124 10.9 1136 
 2^16 136 17.9 81 10.6 758 
 
 ^2^21 399 59.3 83 12.3 672 
 
 2^22 348 36.9 101 10.7 943 
 
 2^23 204 28.5 96 13.4 714 
 
 ^A/2425 223 45.6 82 16.8 488 
 
 x/2426 746 62.6 210 17.6 1191 
 
 2^27 316 35.7 93 10.5 885 
 
 2^28 95 22.9 50 12.0 4i4 
 
 , 2429 127 24.9 61 11.9 510 
 
 v/^2431 412 45.8 150 16.6 899 
 
 5309 269 20.1 i4i 10.5 1333 
 
 5310 324 26.7 153 12.6 1209 
 
 5311 355 23.2 172 11.2 1525 
 
 5312 4i6 22.1 197 10.4 1877 
 
 5313 301 18.8 190 11.9 1595 
 
 5314 97 22.0 45 10.2 440 
 
 5315 421 23.4 208 11.5 1796 
 
 5316 422 21.8 188 9.7 1935 
 
 5327 191 32.9 Ik 12.7 579 
 
 5328 180 22.7 61 7.7 790 
 
 5329 396 33.5 68 5.7 1182 
 
 5330 242 20.3 168 14.1 1187 
 
 5350 350 26.9 146 11.2 1297 
 
 5351 433 21.7 211 10.6 1987 
 5353 285 25.3 135 11.9 1126 
 535^ 148 28.2 81 15.4 523 
 
 Total 
 Study- 
 Area 33,993 28.0 16,006 13.2 121,454 
 
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Table VII - B 
 
 Infant and Fetal Death Rates 
 
 Infant Mortality- 
 Deaths under 1 
 year per 1000 
 "births 
 
 Percent 
 L.A. Minus City City Study Area 
 Los Angeles Study Area Study Area Exceeds City 
 
 23-7 
 
 21.5 
 
 30.1 
 
 IfO.O 
 
 Neo-Natal Deaths 
 Deaths under 
 28 days per 
 1000 births 
 
 18.2 
 
 16.6 
 
 22.7 
 
 36.6 
 
 Fetal Deaths 
 Deaths after 
 20- week ges- 
 tation per 
 1000 live 
 "births 
 
 14.7 
 
 13.0 
 
 1Q.4 
 
 49.2 
 
 Source: Vital Statistics , 
 
 Los Angeles City, i960 
 
Table VIII 
 
 Functional Illiteracy 
 in Study Area by 
 School Grades Completed 
 
 Number 
 
 
 
 Number 
 
 Persons 
 
 Number 
 
 1° 
 
 1-1+ 
 
 25 and 
 
 no 
 
 no 
 
 Years 
 
 Over 
 
 School 
 
 School 
 
 School 
 
 fa Total <fn 
 
 1-1* Under Under 
 
 Years 5 Years 5 Yearf 
 
 School School SchooZ 
 
 Study Area 
 L.A. County 
 
 3^1, 33** & Ml ^-2^ 32,180 
 3,5**0,l*13 56,k2h 1.59 111,367 
 
 L.A. County with 
 
 Study Area Excluded 3,199,079 1+1,91*7 1.31 
 
 City of L.A. Tracts 
 in Study Area 
 
 City of Los Angeles 
 
 27^,533 10,985 **.00 
 1,521,289 33,815 2.22 
 
 City of L.A. with 
 
 Study Area Excluded 1,21*6,756 22,830 I.83 
 
 9.43 ^6,657 13 • 6', 
 3.15 167,791 b.Jk 
 
 79,187 2.1*8 121,131* 3.7s 
 
 21*, 026 8.75 35,011 12.7* 
 
 56,361 3-71 90,176 5-91 
 
 32,335 2.59 55,165 kte 
 
 Source: U.S. Census, i960 
 
TABIE EC 
 Quality of Education 
 
 Average Salaries of Classroom Teachers in Public Schools (Estimated), 
 1962-63 (Alaska Adjusted) : 
 
 Best Ten States 
 
 1. 
 
 California 
 
 $7,050 
 
 2. 
 
 New York 
 
 6,950 
 
 3. 
 
 Michigan 
 
 6,kkk 
 
 k. 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 6, 4 00 
 
 5. 
 
 Illinois 
 
 6,360 
 
 6. 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 6,308 
 
 7. 
 
 Nevada 
 
 6,270 
 
 8. 
 
 Arizona 
 
 6,250 
 
 9. 
 
 Washington 
 
 6,2U5 
 
 10. 
 
 Maryland 
 
 6,128 
 
 Worst Ten States 
 
 kl, Georgia $U,637 
 
 k2. West Virginia U,U75 
 
 k3. Tennessee U,300 
 
 kk, Kentucky U,275 
 
 1+5. No. Dakota l+,275 
 
 1+6. So. Carolina 1+,150 
 
 1+7. Alabama 3,988 
 
 1+8. So. Dakota 3,950 
 
 U9. Arkansas 3,737 
 
 50. Mississippi 3,6lO 
 
 United States 5,735 
 
 Selected Southern or Border States: 
 
 25. Florida 
 
 26. Texas 
 
 27. Missouri 
 30 . Oklahoma 
 32. Louisiana 
 U-3 • Tennessee 
 1+7 . Alabama 
 US. Arkansas 
 50. Mississippi 
 
 5,^50 
 5,300 
 
 5,289 
 5,175 
 5,100 
 U,300 
 3,988 
 3,737 
 3,610 
 
Table X 
 
 Quality of Education 
 
 
 Per- Capita Expenditures of State 
 Public Education, I96I (Alaska 
 
 and 
 adji 
 
 Local Governments 
 isted): 
 
 for All 
 
 
 Best Ten States 
 
 
 
 Worst Ten States 
 
 
 1. 
 
 California 
 
 $170.60 
 
 41. 
 
 No. Carolina 
 
 $86.97 
 
 2. 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 167.16 
 
 42. 
 
 Missouri 
 
 86.30 
 
 3- 
 
 Utah 
 
 161.57 
 
 43. 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 84.56 
 
 4. 
 
 Colorado 
 
 1^9. 4l 
 
 44. 
 
 Maine 
 
 84.48 
 
 5- 
 
 Washington 
 
 148.00 
 
 h5. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 82.77 
 
 6. 
 
 Neir Mexico 
 
 146.90 
 
 46. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 82.22 
 
 7- 
 
 Nevada 
 
 145.15 
 
 47. 
 
 Georgia 
 
 81.46 
 
 8. 
 
 Oregon 
 
 144.86 
 
 48. 
 
 So. Carolina 
 
 77.69 
 
 9- 
 
 Arizona 
 
 138.10 
 
 «£. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 76.35 
 
 10. 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 137-55 
 
 50. 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 76.13 
 
 
 United States 
 
 112.40 
 
 
 
 
 
 Selected Southern or Border States 
 
 
 
 25- 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 109.61 
 
 ) 
 
 
 26. 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 109.41 
 
 
 
 
 3*. 
 
 Texas 
 
 97.94 
 
 
 
 
 35- 
 
 Florida 
 
 94.62 
 
 
 
 
 te. 
 
 Missouri 
 
 86.30 
 
 
 
 
 h3. 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 84.56 
 
 
 
 
 45- 
 
 Alabama 
 
 82.77 
 
 
 
 
 49- 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 76.35 
 
 
 
 
 50. 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 76.13 
 
 
 
 
Table XI 
 
 Quality of Education 
 
 Pupils per Classroom Teachers in Public Elementary and Secondary 
 Schools, Pall, 1961: 
 
 Best Ten States 
 
 Worst Ten States 
 
 1. 
 
 South Dakota 
 
 19.2 
 
 4i. 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 27.8 
 
 2. 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 19.6 
 
 42. 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 28.1 
 
 3. 
 
 Worth Dakota 
 
 20.2 
 
 43. 
 
 Arizona 
 
 28.6 
 
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 Nebraska 
 
 20.9 
 
 44. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 28.6 
 
 5- 
 
 Kansas 
 
 21.5 
 
 45. 
 
 California 
 
 28.7 
 
 6. 
 
 Montana 
 
 21.5 
 
 46. 
 
 Georgia 
 
 28.9 
 
 7. 
 
 Iowa 
 
 22.1 
 
 47. 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 28.9 
 
 8. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 22.4 
 
 48. 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 29-1 
 
 9. 
 
 Oregon 
 
 22.5 
 
 49. 
 
 Hawaii 
 
 29.6 
 
 10. 
 
 Vermont 
 
 22.5 
 
 50. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 29-9 
 
 
 United States 
 
 25.6 
 
 
 
 
 
 Selected Southern 
 
 or Border 
 
 States 
 
 
 
 29. 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 25.8 
 
 
 
 
 31. 
 
 Florida 
 
 25.9 
 
 
 
 
 32. 
 
 Texas 
 
 26.0 
 
 
 
 
 36. 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 26.8 
 
 
 
 
 38. 
 
 Missouri 
 
 27.1 
 
 
 
 
 in. 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 27.8 
 
 
 
 
 44. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 28.6 
 
 
 
 
 48. 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 29.1 
 
 
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 Alabama 
 
 29.9 
 
 
 
 
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Table XIII 
 
 Requests for Delinquency or Dependency 
 Petitions (Numbers 600 , 601, and 602) 
 1961 
 
 County of Los Angeles 
 
 Petitions 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Total 
 
 600 
 
 1109 
 
 1136 
 
 2245 
 
 601 
 
 1795 
 
 9U0 
 
 2735 
 
 602 
 
 70*1-2 
 
 1241 
 
 8283 
 
 Totals 
 
 99^6 
 
 3317 
 
 13,263 
 
 Source: Delinquency- Dependency Patterns 
 and Related Socio-Economic 
 Characteristics I96O-I96I, 
 Los Angeles County Department 
 of Community Services 
 
 See page 57 for definitions 
 
Table XIV 
 
 Delinquency-Dependency Petitions 
 
 of Youth Population 
 
 1962 
 
 Youth Population 
 
 0-17 
 10 - IT 
 
 Petitions 
 
 600 Total 
 Male 
 Female 
 Families 
 
 601 Total 
 Male 
 Female 
 Families 
 
 602 Total 
 Male 
 Female 
 Families 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 Study 
 
 Study Area as a Percent 
 
 County 
 
 Area 
 
 of County 
 
 2,161,455 
 
 171,905 
 
 7-95 
 
 811,141 
 
 57,863 
 
 7.13 
 
 2,437 
 
 499 
 
 20.48 
 
 1,197 
 
 
 
 1,240 
 
 1 
 
 
 1,470 
 
 
 
 3,301 
 
 529 
 
 16.02 
 
 2,103 
 
 
 
 1,198 
 
 
 
 3,122 
 
 
 
 8,750 
 
 1,780 
 
 20.34 
 
 7,405 
 
 
 
 1,345 
 
 
 
 8,274 
 
 
 
 *See page 57 for definitions 
 
 Source: Special print-out of Los Angeles 
 County Department of Community 
 Services data on delinquency- 
 dependency rates for l4o census 
 tracts in study area, 1962. 
 
 
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 785-893 O-65-20 
 

 
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Source: Selected listings as classified in the L.A. Business Directory 
 and Buyers Guide, 1963-1964 Edition (L.A. Chamber of Commerce). 
 
 The Directory lists all firms in the L.A. and Orange County 
 areas employing 20 or more perrons. 
 
 Companies were counted under a particular product or service 
 heading only if their Standard Industrial Classification Codes vere 
 given. Branches, if listed under the name of the parent company or 
 division and without codes of their own, were not recorded. 
 
 The area was defined as Postal Zones 1, 2, 3; 5, 6, 1, H> 
 12, 13, Ik, 15, 11, 18, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 37, kk, hi, 
 5k, 51} 58, 59, 6l, 62, and 63 (see Postal Zone Map). Companies in 
 Vernon, Huntington Park, South Gate, Lynwood, Compton, Gardena, City 
 of Industry and City of Commerce were also listed. 
 
 Number of Employees - Codes: 
 
 1 1 - 19 employees 
 
 2 20 - 49 
 
 3 50 - 99 
 k ICO - 2^9 
 
 5 250 - 499 
 
 6 500 - 999 
 
 7 1000 - 1999 
 
 8 2000 - 4999 
 
 9 Over 5000 employees 
 
 Note: The above codes refer to the total number of employees of 
 a given firm. Therefore, in cases where a company maintains a headquarters 
 office in downtown Los Angeles (for example) and branch offices or plants 
 scattered throughout the region or country y only a portion of its total 
 employment will actually "be located within the defined areas. This obviously 
 overstates the number of dobs in the area, particularly in categories in 
 which large corporations are represented. 
 
Table XVI 
 
 Comparative Land Values Per Square Foot 
 
 Selected Areas 
 
 1964 
 
 Area 
 
 Land Cost for Manufacturing 
 
 City of Industry- 
 La Mirada 
 Compton 
 South Central Los Angeles 
 
 East Los Angeles (mfg. district 
 near Woakes Street) 
 
 Vernon 
 
 City of Conmerce 
 
 40-^5^ per sq. ft. 
 
 70-75$! 
 $1.00 
 1.25 
 
 1.50 
 
 1.50-1.75 
 2. CO- 2. 25 
 
 Source: Realtors in Los Angeles area interviewed by Institute staff. 
 
TABLE XVII 
 Survey of Personnel Requirements 
 
 Los Angeles City Schools 
 
 October 
 
 Job Categories 1963-64 
 
 Teachers : 
 
 Elementary 10,539 
 
 Secondary 9>843 
 
 Junior College (Lay) 992 
 
 Counselors : 
 
 Elementary 68 
 
 Secondary 124 
 
 Assistant Supervisors 
 
 of Attendance: 117 
 
 Medical Services: 
 
 School Physicians 124 
 
 School Nurses 388 
 
 School Dentists 21 
 
 Basis for 
 Prediction 
 
 1970-71 
 
 Educational 
 Requirements 
 
 B.A. and 
 Credential 
 
 13,079 Ratio of 
 
 enrollment 
 
 13,190 1963-64 to 
 
 est. enr o llment 
 1,445 1970-71 
 
 84 Same as above 
 166 M.A. & Credential 
 
 150 Same as above* B.A. & Credential 
 
 159 Same as above M.D. 
 497 R.N. 
 
 27 Dental Degree 
 
 ^Elementary and High School Only 
 
 TABLE XVIII 
 Survey of Personnel Requirements 
 
 County Bureau of Public Assistance 
 
 Job Categories 
 Social Workers 
 
 1964 
 1,716 
 
 1970 
 
 2,324 Growth in popu- B.A. for all 
 lation and entry level 
 effect of anti- jobs 
 cipated legisla- 
 tion 
 
SPECIAL REPORTS 
 
 PROJECTED SOURCES OF DATA ON SOCIAL 
 AND ECONOMIC PROBLEMS IN THE LOS ANGELES AREA 
 
 By 
 
 Herman P. Miller 
 October, I96U 
 
 Dr. Herman P. Miller is currently on leave from his 
 position as Special Assistant to the Director, U. S. 
 Bureau of the Census, and as a member of the Economics 
 Department at American University in Washington, D.C., 
 to serve as Research Economist at the Institute of 
 Government and Public Affairs at UCLA. Dr. Miller 
 is the author of Rich Man, Poor Man , has testified 
 frequently before congressional committees, and is one 
 of the country's leading experts on the sources of 
 poverty. 
 
A. Introduction 
 
 Negotiations are now under way between the new Survey Research 
 Center at UCLA and the Youth Opportunities Board of Los Angeles to develop 
 and maintain a master sample of households representing the entire Los 
 Angeles Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area as well as a specific seg- 
 ment thereof known as the Demonstration Area, which is a section of the 
 county in which community action programs are now in progress. Samples 
 of 4,000 households for each of these areas have already been designed 
 for the Board by Professor Raymond Jessen of UCLA and initial interviews 
 have been conducted using the questionnaire shown in attachment A. The 
 purpose of this study was to update the i960 Census for the SMSA as a whole 
 and for the Demonstration Area in order to provide benchmark data that 
 could be used as part of a statistical system to appraise the various pro- 
 grams for the rehabilitation of youth that have been undertaken by the 
 Board . 
 
 If current plans are implemented, these samples will be turned over 
 to the Center for development and maintenance and the Board will contract 
 its future survey operations with that organization. These surveys would 
 provide, for the first time, current information on a variety of charac- 
 teristics, based on representative samples of the population. In addition, 
 it is contemplated that the information collected in household interviews 
 will be supplemented by data on juvenile delinquency, public assistance, 
 and a variety of other records for individual families that will be obtained 
 from a data bank to be maintained by the Board. 
 
 The purpose of this report is to describe the nature of the two 
 organizations that will participate in this venture and to provide an 
 indication of the sample and the statistical data that have already been 
 
2. 
 
 collected. Funds are now "being requested from various government agencies 
 to permit both organizations to expand their operations and to provide 
 the data herein described as well as other data and research facilities 
 for the Los Angeles area. Although the data that will be produced jointly 
 by the Board and the Survey Research Center are intended primarily for the 
 evaluation of specific rehabilitation projects, they will also be made 
 available to other agencies which might desire to use them for other 
 purposes. In view of the focus of the sample design on areas with a high 
 incidence of juvenile delinquency and, therefore, low incomes, it is very- 
 likely that the results will be useful for special studies of hard-core 
 unemployment, poverty, and other subjects in which there is great interest 
 at the present time. 
 
 In order to maintain the confidentiality of the basic records that 
 will be obtained, it will not be possible to provide punchcards or other 
 information that might disclose the identity of individual respondents. 
 This restriction, however, does not preclude the possibility of making 
 special tabulations on a cost basis or of conducting special inquiries 
 if such studies fit within the framework of the basic mandate under which 
 the joint operation is being established. 
 
 B. UCLA Survey Research Center 
 
 A Survey Research Center was established at UCLA in July 196^ as a 
 unit of the Institute of Government and Public Affairs. It is the only 
 facility of its type in Southern California. This Center was established 
 because of the increasingly greater demands that were being made upon 
 various members of the faculty to undertake surveys; the overlap that 
 occurred in recruitment, training, and supervision of staff; and the 
 consequent duplication of efforts and resources as a result of not having 
 
3. 
 
 a central source for this kind of research methodology. There was 
 increasing recognition of the need for a facility that would be a focal 
 point on this campus for the research programs involving survey methodology. 
 
 The Center has three "broad aims and functions: (l) service to the 
 faculty, graduate students, and public agencies in designing, conducting, 
 and processing surveys in health and health- related research; (2) advance- 
 ment of the frontiers of research methodology in survey work by the conduct 
 of research in particular problem areas; and (3) development and mainten- 
 ance of an archival data library that will permit a variety of studies 
 to be generated involving both substantive and methodological research on 
 previously collected data. This Center will operate as the survey facility 
 for all the campuses of the University of California located in Southern 
 California and for the State Colleges in this area. 
 
 The following operating programs will be conducted by the Center: 
 
 a. An Instrument Design Service for the development of structured 
 questionnaires. 
 
 b. A Sampling Service for the use of investigators who require the 
 design of a sample survey. The Center will design special-purpose samples 
 for particular studies, in addition to its basic function of developing 
 and maintaining a master probability sample of households in Los Angeles 
 County for use in a variety of research studies. As previously noted, 
 such a sample has already been designed for the Board. Negotiations are 
 in progress with the Board to contract its future survey operations with 
 the Center. 
 
 c. A Data Bank for households included in the master sample will be 
 maintained jointly by both organizations. This facility will not only 
 include the usual information collected in household surveys, but also 
 
information from official records maintained by the health, public 
 assistance, police, and other departments of the city and county govern- 
 ments. Arrangements are being made by the Board to obtain this type of 
 information on a regular basis. 
 
 d. An Interviewing Service will be further developed and expanded 
 to meet the needs of research investigators for a variety of types of 
 interviewers. A core of well- trained interviewers is currently available, 
 representative of the various ethnic backgrounds in this area. This core 
 group of interviewers will be expanded gradually to meet the developing 
 growth needs of the Center. 
 
 e. The Center will act as the data collecting agent for the Urban 
 Observatory that has been established at the Institute of Government and 
 Public Affairs. The Observatory will conduct specific interdisciplinary 
 research projects on representative panels of households in the Los Angeles 
 area that will be interviewed in depth over a period of several years. 
 
 The selection of the panels, the field work, coding, and tabulating of the 
 results will be done by the Center. Overall responsibility for the 
 studies, which initially will focus on problems of mental health, family 
 stability, and poverty, will be centered in a team of social scientists 
 that will constitute the Observatory. 
 
 f . A Coding Service for prompt and efficient transcription of field 
 data preparatory to data processing. 
 
 g. A Data Processing Operations Unit to advise and assist faculty 
 research investigators in the initial design of data collection instru- 
 ments for efficient transfer of data to computing machinery; the proper 
 use of computer programs for survey methods; and the development of new 
 computer programs as needed by research investigators. 
 
h. An Archival Data Library for the collection and maintenance of 
 specialized data banks will be established. It will focus upon develop- 
 ing and maintaining specialized collections of punched cards or tapes 
 in such fields as desired by research investigators on this campus. 
 
 i. A Laboratory for Methodological Research in sample surveys and 
 other behavioral science research tools will be developed as an integral 
 part of the Center. There is a need for basic research on sample survey 
 methods to improve the efficiency and validity of the survey as an 
 instrument of research. A program of research is now being developed. 
 
 C. Youth Opportunities Board 
 
 The Youth Opportunities Board of Greater Los Angeles is a joint- 
 powers agency representing the city, county, and state governments in this 
 area as well as the city and county school systems. The Board is financed 
 by grants from a variety of federal, local government, and private sources. 
 It is presently supported by funds provided through the President's 
 Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime and by federal grants-in- 
 aid from the Departments of Labor and Health, Education, and Welfare. It 
 also receives additional funds from local agencies represented on the Board. 
 Its objective is to conduct programs which will significantly reduce 
 juvenile delinquency, youth offenses, and other symptoms of social malad- 
 justment by means of direct action programs. These programs are designed 
 to expand educational, economic, and social opportunities for youths as 
 a demonstration of the value of coordinated youth service in the urban 
 community. The Board is engaged in various demonstration projects in 
 metropolitan Los Angeles in the areas of youth training and employment, 
 education, community development, social welfare, recreation, mental health, 
 and corrections. 
 
6. 
 
 One of the tools used by the Board to evaluate its operations is the 
 Continuous Sampling Survey, which is the subject of this report. The 
 basic objective of this survey is to provide a mechanism for continually 
 updating the information needed for planning, control, and evaluation of 
 the Board's programs. The U000 household survey conducted earlier this 
 year in the Demonstration Area and a similar survey of the same size 
 conducted in the balance of the county were made to update the i960 Census 
 results and thereby provide a population base for computing rates of 
 juvenile delinquency, arrests, school dropouts, and youth unemployment. 
 The numbers of arrests, delinquents, and dropouts will be obtained from 
 records provided to the Board by various government agencies within the 
 county. 
 
 The major purpose of the Continuous Sampling Survey proposed for the 
 future is to provide information about changes in attitudes and behavior 
 within the Demonstration Area which will supplement and help explain the 
 observed changes in rates. The secondary purposes consist of: 
 
 (a) a continuous updating of the demographic information about 
 
 Los Angeles County and the Demonstration Area (population and labor force 
 by age, sex, color, marital status, occupation, industry, income, school 
 enrollment, educational attainment, etc.); 
 
 (b) a continuous assessing of the level and extent of youth needs 
 (physical, economic, social, educational, and psychological) both inside 
 the Demonstration Area and in the county generally; and 
 
 (c) a continuous assessing of the level of participation in Board 
 programs of the total potential client population for each program in the 
 Demonstration Area. 
 
D. The Demographic Survey: July- August 1^6h 
 
 As noted above, the purpose of the demographic survey conducted in 
 the summer of 196^ was to update i960 Census data and to provide additional 
 information leading to better estimates of the school dropout population 
 and youth unemployment in these areas. Interviews were conducted with a 
 representative sample of ^000 households for the county as a whole and 
 with a sample of approximately equal size for the Demonstration Area. 
 Personal interviews were conducted with a responsible member in each house- 
 hold concerning age, sex, relationship to head, ethnic group, aarital 
 status, and work status. Limited information on housing characteristics 
 was also collected. 
 
 Additional information on selected subjects was obtained for all 
 persons in every fourth household plus all additional households which 
 contained at least one teenager ( 14-21 years old). The subjects covered 
 on a sample basis included mobility, school enrollment, years of school 
 completed, labor force status, and income in I963. 
 
 The sample design used in the two areas was comparable but not 
 identical. The sample for the county was drawn in two stages. The first 
 stage was a sample of census tracts and the second stage a sample of blocks 
 within the selected census tracts. The census tracts were stratified on 
 the basis of ten geographic areas and an economic index based on rent and 
 value of home. Two blocks were sampled from each tract. Within tracts, 
 blocks were selected with probability proportionate to size based on 
 number of occupied dwelling units. 
 
 1 
 The information presented in this and the following section is based 
 
 largely on an unpublished working paper prepared by the Research Depart- 
 ment of the Board, Continuous Sampling Survey, September I96U. 
 
8. 
 
 The sample in the Demonstration Area used only one strati fi cation- - 
 delinquency cases in 1962. All "blocks in the Demonstration Area were 
 classified according to the number of delinquency cases reported "by the 
 County Probation Department for 1962. Each stratum consists of all blocks 
 containing the same number of delinquency cases. Each stratum was sampled 
 in proportion to its size with respect to number of occupied dwelling 
 units. Two sampling rates were used, one for the zero blocks (i.e., those 
 having no delinquency cases) and another for blocks having one or more 
 cases. The sampling ratios resulted in the "delinquency" blocks having 
 about four times the chance of inclusion in the sample as the "non- 
 delinquency" blocks. 
 
 The data based on this survey are now on punch cards, and tabulations 
 are being made. The results will be summarized in working papers to be 
 prepared by the Board's Research Department. 
 
 E. Future Survey Plans 
 
 These surveys are intended to provide measures of the change in 
 attitude toward various factors in the physical, psychological, and social 
 environments for a sample of residents for the county as a whole and for 
 the Demonstration Area. The information will be obtained in personal 
 interviews with predesignated individuals subsampled from the Demographic 
 Survey. Whenever it is feasible, interviews will be conducted in the 
 home. Where there is a lack of privacy in the home, interviews will be 
 conducted at other locations such as schools or clubs. 
 
 The questionnaires to be used will cover the following subject-matter 
 areas : 
 
 (a) current demographic information about the individual and his 
 family; 
 
(b) attitudes toward youth- serving and youth- related agencies such 
 as schools, police and corrections, welfare, recreation, and employment 
 services; 
 
 (c) awareness of and/or involvement in Board programs and attendant 
 attitudes; and 
 
 (d) a perspective of the respondent's self-image and self-prediction 
 of prospects. 
 
 The sample for these studies will initially be drawn as subsamples 
 of the demographic survey conducted in July and August 196^. This survey 
 covered over 20,000 individuals. Less than one-fourth of this group will 
 be needed for the interpretive surveys planned for the next year. In 
 order to maximize the data obtained in these surveys, the design will 
 provide for the selection of more youth than adults, more males than females, 
 and about the same number of individuals exposed to delinquency as those 
 who are not. The sample will have a rotating design based on a three-month 
 reporting period. This means that each individual will be in the sample 
 twice. During any three-month period, one -half of the sample will consist 
 of new households and one-half will consist of households that were 
 previously interviewed. 
 
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J/64 
 
 INDIVIDUAL DATA 
 
 C.T.# 
 1-4 
 
 Blk.# 
 5-7 
 
 Fam.# 
 8-10 
 
 Case # 
 11-15 
 
 NAME 
 
 16 
 RELATION 
 TO HEAD 
 
 17 
 RACE 
 
 18 
 SEX 
 
 19-20 
 AOE 
 
 21 
 MARITAL 
 STATUS 
 
 22 
 (Males, 14-21) 
 ARMED SERVICES 
 
 H- 1 R- 4 
 W- 2 NR- 3 
 SD- 3 1-6 
 
 W- 1 Or- 3 
 N- 2 0- 4 
 
 M- 1 
 P- 2 
 
 
 MSP- 1 D- 4 
 MSA- 2 S- 5 
 W- 3 NM- 6 
 
 DR- 1 Nev.Serv.- 3 
 EN- 2 Serv.- 4 
 
 (Last) t First) (Middle) 
 ASK OF ALL BORN BEFORE JUNE 1, 1959 (5 years or older): 
 9. In what State or foreign country was he born? This State 23- 
 
 Other 
 
 24- 
 .25- 
 
 10. In what year did he move Into this house or apt.? 1961 
 
 Quarters i960 
 
 1964 12 25-1 -2 1955-59 
 
 1963 1 2 3 t -3-4-5-6 before 1955.. 
 1962 - 7 always 
 
 11. Did he live In Los Angeles County April 1, 1959 (5 yrs. ago)? (If yen).... This house... 26- 
 
 Thls city.... 
 
 skip to 14 
 
 skip to 14 
 
 12. (If no) What city and state? (county, If rural) 27- 
 
 13. (If different city or towi*) Did he live Inside the city limits? Yes 28- 
 
 No 
 
 14. Highest grade of school attended Never 29- 
 
 Klndergarten. . 
 
 Elementary.... 30- 
 
 Hlgh Sohool... 31- 
 
 College 32- 
 
 15. Did he finish this grade or year? Yes 33- 
 
 No 
 
 16. (if 14 or over) Is he now attending any school other than regular day school? Yes 34- 
 
 ( Adult educ. classes, trade schools, etc.) No 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1- 
 
 2-3 
 
 -4-5- 
 
 6- 7- 
 
 8 
 
 1- 
 
 2- 
 
 3- 4 
 
 
 
 1- 
 
 2- 
 
 3- 4- 
 
 •5-6-7- 
 
 8 
 
 i- 
 2 
 
 (if 
 
 grad 
 
 sklp 
 to 22) 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 17. (If yes) 
 
 (school) 
 
 35- 
 
 ( subject or trade) 
 IF 22 YEARS OLD OR OVER, SKIP TO Q. 25 
 
 18. Is he going back to school next fall? Yes 36- 
 
 No 
 
 19. (if no) How long has he been out? Years 37- 
 
 Months 38- 
 
 20. Has he dropped out of school?..... Yes 39- 
 
 No 
 
 21. Has he been suspended or expelled? Yes 40- 
 
 No 
 
 (If not going) Why is he not In school? t 41- 
 
 ?2. What is (was) the name of last or present school? Elementary. 42- 
 
 Jr. High... 
 
 ; Sr. High... 
 
 College.... 
 
 •3. Was It Private. . . . 43- 
 
 Parochlal . . 
 
 Publio 
 
 !4. (By observation if possible) Does child live with one social and no blol. parents. 44- 
 
 both biological parents.. 44- 1 at least 2 sooial 
 
 one blol. and one sooial. - 2 peers 
 
 one biol. and no sooial.. - 3 alone 
 
 with spouse 
 
 785-893 0-65-21 
 
 1-skip to 22 
 2 
 
 1- 2- 3- 4-5-6-7-8 
 
 1- 2- 3- 4- 5-6-7- 
 
 8-9-O-X-Y 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
(ASK OF ALL BORN BEFORE JUNE 1950—14 years of age or older) 
 
 25. Did he work at any time last week? (include part time work such as a Saturday 
 
 Yes 45- 
 No 
 
 Job, clean up or delivering papers. Do not Include own housework.) 
 
 26. (If yes) How many hours did he work last week at all Jobs?.., ........ .0 - 4. . . . 46- 
 
 5 -14.... - 
 
 15-29.... - 
 
 30-39.... - 
 
 40 - 
 
 4,1-48.... - 
 
 49 - 
 
 27. Was he looking for work? Yes 47- 
 
 No 
 
 28. Even though he did not work last week, does he now have a Job he usually works at? Yes 48- 
 
 (will go back to) 
 
 No 
 
 2-sklp to 27 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3] 
 
 4 
 
 5fsklp to 31 
 
 6 
 
 V 
 
 1-sklp to 30 
 
 2 
 
 1-sklp to 30 
 
 2 1 
 
 29. What is the reason he Is not looking for work-? 
 
 (specify) 
 
 30. When did he work 
 
 skip to 38 
 
 even for a few days? 1964 50- 1 
 
 ', ".. ' ,,,.,,, .'■'; ; ; ^63 - 2 
 
 . , , 1959-62 - 3 
 
 1954-58 - 4 
 
 1953 or earlier - 
 Never worked... . . - 
 
 31. Last year - 1963 - did he work at all, even for a few days? Yea 51- 
 
 No - 2-skip to 33 
 
 32. (if yes) How many weeks did he work in 1963 - either full or part time? (Include 
 
 paid vacation, paid sick leave, and military service.) 13 or less 52- 1 
 
 14-26 - 2.. 
 
 27-39 - 3 
 
 40-47 - 4 
 
 48-49 - 5 
 
 50-52.. ^.. - 6 
 IF WORKED IN 195*» OR AFTER - Describe in Q. 33-36 the Job or business held last. . ■ 
 
 33. For whom did he work? 
 
 (Name of company, business, etc.) 
 
 53- 
 
 34. What kind of business or industry was this? 
 
 (Bldg. trades, day work, trucking co., Industry, government (city, county), etc.) 
 
 54- 
 
 35. 
 36. 
 
 What kind of work was he doing?_ 
 
 55- 
 
 (Truck driver, assembly line, 8th grade school teacher, sales clerk, maintenance, paint sprayer) 
 
 Class of worker. (Mark from Information In 33-35 and ask if not clear.) 
 
 1. Employee of a private company, business or Individual for wages, salary or commissions... 56- 1 
 
 2. Government employee (Federal, State, County, City) - 2 
 
 3. Self employed in own business, professional practice or farm - 3 
 
 4. Working without pay in a family business or farm ., , - 4 
 
 37. How much did he earn in 1963 from all Jobs, business, or professlon?_ 
 
 38. How much did he receive in 1963 from social security, pensions, Veterans payments, 
 unemployment Insurance, or welfare payments? 
 
 57- 
 58- 
 
 BEF ' YOU LEAVE THIS FAMILY, RETURN TO YELLOW FAMILY QUESTIONNAIRE, QUESTIONS 6-8 
 
 Int._ 
 Date 
 
 64-65 
 66-69 
 
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THE ANATOMY OF URBAN BLIGHT 
 A Preliminary Report 
 
 By 
 Fred E. Case 
 
 November 12, 1964 
 
 Dr. Fred E. Case is Professor of Real Estate and Urban Land 
 Economics and an Assistant Dean in the Graduate School of 
 Business Administration at UCLA. He is the author of many 
 books and articles in the field of land economics, and is 
 a leading expert on problems of housing for minority groups. 
 
Introduction 
 
 This report is a part of a larger study of urban renewal through code 
 enforcement. Funds for this report were provided by the Real Estate Research 
 Program and the Institute of Industrial Relations. The purpose of the report 
 is to provide a reasonably complete analysis of data on property and popula- 
 tion characteristics in the portion of central Los Angeles in which the 
 original code enforcement program of the city of Los Angeles began. The 
 conclusions should be accepted as preliminary since the major study will not 
 be completed until December 1965. 
 
The Statement of the Problem 
 
 One of the most serious problems facing city officials today is the 
 creeping decay that is surrounding central business districts in all of the 
 major United States cities. This decay saps the cities' tax bases, supports 
 human degradation, and multiplies urban social welfare, fire, police and 
 related expenditures. Once ignored as being relatively insignificant, decay 
 now threatens the financial health of both large and small cities throughout 
 the nation. 
 
 City fathers have used two major approaches to eliminate, or at least 
 mitigate, urban blight. Local contributions supported by substantial Federal 
 loans and grants have been used to clear entire blocks of decayed properties 
 and replace them with higher and better uses. Enforcement of building codes, 
 supported by health, welfare, and fire protection programs, has been used in 
 a very few cities to remove the worst properties in blighted areas and to 
 rehabilitate the remainder. Federally supported ''bulldozer" programs have 
 proven to be costly, slow and limited in accomplishments in many instances. 
 Code enforcement programs have been slow, costly to individual property 
 owners, and have not always promoted improved property uses in the blighted 
 areas. 
 
 In 1955 "the city of Los Angeles inaugurated a pioneering program of 
 urban renewal through code enforcement. In the next ten years this program 
 was expanded to include properties surrounding the central business district 
 within a mile to two mile radius (see map). Fortunately, a variety of data 
 are now available on the population and land use characteristics of this 
 
cv Jl , 
 
 R 
 Hollywood Freeway--^ -> ,"_ 
 
 M'l'i 
 
 . - M I \ 
 
 ' Washington" \ \ 
 
 o 
 
 Adams 
 
 -~y 
 
 \ I 
 
 ~J~\ 
 
 f 
 
 r-,/ 
 
 co 
 
 r 
 
 j 
 
 \\ r> 
 
 J 
 
 Relation of Housing Rehabilitation Area to ARA Study Area 
 
 -ARA area 
 -Rehabilitation area 
 
 (R i Zoned predominantly for residences 
 
 CM : Zoned predominantly for manufacturing 
 or for manufacturing and commerce 
 
 f— 
 
 • C Coned predominantly for commerce 
 
area both before and after the code enforcement program began. Furthermore, 
 the Department of Building and Safety has made available its records of 
 what it did in the area. The planning department has made available land 
 use information, and the tax assessor information on changes in assessment 
 values. From these data has been developed the anatomy of a blighted area 
 that is presented in the following paragraphs and accompanying tables. 
 
 Characteristics of the Area 
 The Los Angeles Welfare Planning Council has placed the study area of 
 this report in the lowest social ranking in the county of Los Angeles. Such 
 
 an area contains the oldest and least desirable housing in the Los Angeles 
 
 1 
 urban area. The population is laced with a higher proportion of minority 
 
 population than other areas in the metropolitan region. Family income is 
 
 close to, often below, the poverty or deprivation level since the bulk of 
 
 the population is employed in minimal- skill jobs and only between 10 and 15 
 
 percent have attended college. 
 
 The 35 census tracts included in the study area are zoned for light 
 
 and medium manufacturing, commercial and multiple family land uses, but the 
 
 zoning maps provide little insight into the actual land uses in the area. 
 
 In i960 a land use study by the Los Angeles Regional Transportation Study 
 
 indicated that the principal land uses in the area were for residential 
 
 (31 percent of the area), commercial (24 percent) and street (29 percent) 
 
 purposes. The Harbor freeway bisects the area from north to south, the 
 
 1 
 
 Marcia Meeker, Background for Planning (Los Angeles, California: 
 Research Department, Welfare Planning Council, Los Angeles Region, 1964), 
 pp. 81-84. 
 
Olympic- San Diego freeway cuts through its lower portion from east to west, 
 and the Hollywood and Santa Ana freeways provide an approximate northern 
 "boundary for the area. These land uses reflect the origins of the area 
 as a combined residential- business area that, over the years, changed to a 
 low- cost apartment, light manufacturing, miscellaneous retail store area. 
 As the area aged, both its properties and its population suffered from 
 neglect that even a ten- year program of code enforcement has not been able 
 to eliminate entirely. 
 
 Population Changes 
 
 In i960 the study area contained a population of 123,13^, a decline 
 of 26 percent over the 1950 population of 167,169 (Table l). In this decade 
 both the Anglo white and Negro population in the area declined while the 
 white population with Spanish surname remained almost the same and the 
 nonwhite population not included in the Negro category increased slightly. 
 Significantly, the proportion of foreign-born Spanish surname population 
 increased considerably. Apparently the area serves as a port of entry for 
 foreign- born and nonwhite persons moving to the Los Angeles area. 
 
 Compared to the city of Los Angeles, the study area presents seme 
 sharp contrasts (Table 2). The city of Los Angeles gained population in 
 all categories while the study area was losing population. However, its 
 proportion of minority population was much greater. 
 
 As might be anticipated, the decline in population in the study area 
 was accompanied by a decline in employed persons. A larger proportion were 
 employed in private industry than was true in the city. Employment in all 
 categories declined except in the unpaid family worker classification, but 
 
Table 1 
 Population Characteristics of the Rehabilitation Study Area, 1950 and i960* 
 
 1950 
 
 i960 
 
 Characteristic 
 
 Number Percent I Number Percent 
 
 j Change i960 
 over 1950 
 
 Number Percent 
 
 Total population 
 White 
 Negro 
 Other non-white 
 
 White with Spanish surname 
 Native born 
 Foreign born 
 
 Employment 
 
 Total employed 
 
 Private wage and salary 
 Government workers 
 Se If - emp lo ye d 
 Unpaid family workers 
 
 Labor pool 
 
 Males 14 yrs. and »lder 
 Male labor force 
 Male labor force as $ of 
 males 14 yrs. and older 
 Civilian labor force 
 Unemployed as $ of 
 civilian labor force 
 
 Family Income 
 Under $1,000 
 $ 1,000 - 1,999 
 2,000 - 2,999 
 3,000 - 3,999 
 4,000 - 4,999 
 5,000 - 5,999 
 6,000 - 6,999 
 7,000 - 9,999 
 10,000 or more 
 Not reported 
 Median family income 
 
 I 167,169 
 
 100$ 
 
 123,734 
 
 100$ 
 
 ! -43,795 
 
 -26$ 
 
 i 136,266 
 ; 22,929 
 ! 7,974 
 
 24,218 
 
 827* 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 100$ 
 
 96,355 
 18,186 
 
 9A93 
 24,071 
 
 78$ 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 100$ 
 
 i -39,911 
 j -4,743 
 | 1,219 
 
 j 147 
 
 -29$ 
 
 -27 
 
 15 
 
 a 
 
 17,894 
 6,324 
 
 69,498 
 
 74$ 
 26 
 
 100$ 
 
 15,244 
 8,827 
 
 55,537 
 
 63$ 
 37 
 
 100$ 
 
 j -2,650 
 ! 2,503 
 
 1 
 
 i -13,961 
 
 -15$ 
 40 
 
 -20$ 
 
 59,376 
 
 4,551 
 
 j 5,448 
 
 123 
 
 85$ 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 a 
 
 48,450 
 3,401 
 3,486 
 
 200 
 
 87$ 
 6 
 6 
 1 
 
 i-10,926 
 j -1,150 
 ' -1,962 
 j 77 
 
 -18$ 
 
 -25 
 
 -36 
 
 63 
 
 74,888 
 52,445 
 
 52,370 
 
 i 
 
 55,468 
 27,618 
 
 70$ 
 
 38,674 
 
 93,099 100$ I 24,333 F 100$ 
 
 # 
 
 -19,420 -26$ 
 
 j -24,827 -47 
 
 -13,696 -26$ 
 # 
 
 28,864 
 
 30$ 
 
 1,521 
 
 7$ 
 
 18,819 
 
 20 
 
 2,290 
 
 9 
 
 18,404 
 
 20 
 
 3,003 
 
 12 
 
 11,344 
 
 12 
 
 3,310 
 
 14 
 
 5,376 
 
 6 
 
 3,030 
 
 14 
 
 2,771 
 
 3 
 
 2,948 
 
 12 
 
 1,454 
 
 2 
 
 2,396 
 
 10 
 
 1,367 
 
 2 
 
 I 3,613 
 
 15 
 
 664 
 
 1 
 
 2,4l8 
 
 10 
 
 4,036 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 $1,939## 
 
 
 $4,670## 
 
 
 $2,731 
 
 Median school yrs. completed 9-7 
 
 10.3 
 
 141$ 
 6$ 
 
 SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population and Housing , Census 
 Tracts , Los Angeles-Long Beach Standard Metropolitan Statistical 
 Area, i960. U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population 
 and Housing: i960 , Final Report PHC(l)-82, "Census Tracts, 
 Los Angeles-Long Beach, California, SMSA . " U.S. Bureau of the Cen- 
 sus, United States Census of Housing: 1950 , "Block Statistics, Los 
 Angeles, California," U.S. Census of Population, 1950, "Census Tracts, 
 Los Angeles, California." 
 #1950 income is for families and unrelated individuals, i960 income is for 
 families only. 
 ##Estimated from number of families reporting income. 
 
 aLess than 1 percent. 
 aaEstimated from totals . 
 
Table 2 5 
 
 Population Characteristics of the City of Los Angeles, 1950 and i960 
 
 
 , 1950 
 
 ; 
 
 i960 
 
 
 i Change 
 
 I960 
 
 Characteristics 
 
 t 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 over 1950 
 
 
 ! Number Percent 1 
 
 Number Percent 
 
 ' Number 
 t 
 
 Percent 
 
 Total population 
 
 |l,970,358 
 
 100$ 1 
 
 2,479,015 
 
 100$ 
 
 ! 508,657 
 
 26$ 
 
 White 
 
 ; 1,758,773 
 
 89$ 
 
 2,061,808 
 
 83$ 
 
 1303,035 
 
 17$ 
 
 Negro 
 
 . 171,209 
 
 9 1 
 
 33^,916 
 
 14 
 
 1163,707 
 
 96 
 
 Other non -white 
 
 40,376 
 
 2 ! 
 
 82,291 
 
 3 
 
 41,915 
 
 103 
 
 White with Spanish surname 
 
 157,067 
 
 100$ 
 
 260,389 
 
 100$ 
 
 103,322 
 
 66<fo 
 
 Native born 
 
 119,620 
 
 76$ j 
 
 195,268 
 
 75$ 
 
 75,64« 
 
 63$ 
 
 Foreign born-Mexico 
 
 34,061 
 
 22 
 
 53,338 
 
 20 
 
 19,277 
 
 57 
 
 -Other 
 
 3,386 
 
 2 
 
 11,783 
 
 5 
 
 8,397 
 
 248 
 
 Employment 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total employed ; 
 
 526,656 
 
 100$ i 
 
 1,013,688 
 
 100$ 
 
 487,032 
 
 92$ 
 
 Private wage & salary 
 
 389,049 
 
 M i 
 
 797,916 
 
 79$ 
 
 408,867 
 
 105$ 
 
 Government workers 
 
 48,769 
 
 9 1 
 
 104,688 
 
 10 
 
 55,919 
 
 115 
 
 Self-employed 
 
 88,252 
 
 IT : 
 
 104,884 
 
 10 
 
 16,632 
 
 19 
 
 Unpaid family workers j 
 
 586 
 
 m 
 
 6,200 
 
 1 
 
 5,614 
 
 958 
 
 Labor pool 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 Males 14 yrs. and older j 
 
 747,030 
 
 i 
 
 878,584 
 
 
 131,55^ 
 
 18$ 
 
 Male labor force 
 
 579,845 
 
 i 
 
 696,598 
 
 
 116,753 
 
 20$ 
 
 Male labor force as $ of maleis 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 yrs . and older 
 
 
 78$ j 
 
 
 79$ 
 
 
 
 Civilian labor force 
 
 577,435 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 691,258 
 
 
 113,823 
 
 20$ 
 
 Unemployed as $ of civilian j 
 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 labor force ! 
 
 
 9$ | 
 
 
 7$ 
 
 
 
 Family Income > 
 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 All families 3, [ 
 
 809,460 
 
 100$ ! 
 
 636,522 
 
 100$ 
 
 
 
 Under $1,000 
 
 155,740 
 
 19$ \ 
 
 21,767 
 
 3$ 
 
 
 
 $ 1,000 - $1,999 I 
 
 112,940 
 
 14 j 
 
 30,599 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 2,000 - 2,999 j- 
 
 131,580 
 
 16 
 
 39,1^7 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 3,000 - 3,999 r 
 
 131,080 
 
 16 
 
 46,938 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 4,000 - 4,999 
 
 83,535 
 
 10 I 
 
 55,312 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 5,000 - 5,999 L 
 
 56,495 
 
 7 
 
 65,487 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 6,000 - 6,999 
 
 32,680 
 
 4 j 
 
 65,896 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 7,000 - 9,999 j, 
 10,000 or more f 
 
 45,700 
 
 6 1 
 
 151,554 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 20,045 
 
 3 1 
 
 159,822 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 Not reported 
 
 39,665 
 
 5 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 Median income for families and h 
 
 
 
 $5,324## 
 
 
 
 
 unrelated individuals li 
 
 $2,879' : 
 
 i 
 
 
 $2,445 
 
 85$ 
 
 Median years »f school completed 12.0 
 
 
 12.1 
 
 1 
 
 .1 
 
 10$ 
 
 SOURCE: See Table 1. 
 
 ^//Families and related individuals, (corresponds to 1950 figure). 
 iHH^Less than 1 percent. 
 
 Income distribution for 1950 is for families and unrelated individuals, 
 is for families only. 
 
 i960 
 
even the increase in this form of employment was considerably less than that 
 in the city of Los Angeles. 
 
 Some of the decline in employed persons might have "been due to the 
 relatively high percentage of decrease in the male lahor pool. For example, 
 the decline in the male labor force was a minus kj percent, as compared to 
 a 20 percent increase in the city, and was almost twice as great as the 
 percentage decline of the total population . 
 
 The origin of many of the economic woes of the population cf the area 
 can "be traced to the unusually high unemployment rates that prevailed in 
 both 1950 and i960. In this decade the unemployment rate declined from 
 9 to T percent in Los Angeles city and from l6 to Ik percent in the study 
 area. Obviously, with an unemployment rate twice as high as that for the 
 city, the population would need many kinds of welfare services. 
 
 The generally low level of employment skills among those in the area 
 who were employed and the high unemployment rate are reflected in the dis- 
 tribution of family income and the median family income in the study area. 
 Even in i960, 46 percent of the families in the area received incomes below 
 $5,000 annually, as compared to 31 percent of the population in Los Angeles 
 city. Although the median family income in the study increased percentage- 
 wise much more than did the median family income in Los Angeles, it was still 
 approximately $600 below the city average. 
 
 Perhaps some of the employment problems of the study area population 
 can be traced to the lower average level of schooling. Typically the popu- 
 lation in i960 had received almost two years less than the general city 
 population. Most significantly, the median of 10. 3 school years suggests 
 that more than one-half of the population did not complete high school. 
 
Housing Changes 
 
 Although the total housing units in the study area increased slightly, 
 the percentage of units occupied declined sharply while the numbers and 
 percentage of units vacant increased significantly. The percentage increase 
 of housing units in Los Angeles city was 13 times greater than that for the 
 study area, reflecting the continued decline of the study area as a family 
 residential area. Surprisingly the overall vacancy rate in the study area in 
 i960 was lower than that for the city. The very high percentage of renter 
 occupied units stamped the area as decidedly unique among housing areas in 
 the city. 
 
 The impact of the code enforcement program in the study area is 
 evidenced in a number of ways (Table 3)- In 1950 almost one-half of the 
 units in the area were deteriorating or dilapidated but by i960 only l8 
 percent of the units were in this condition. This rate was only twice 
 the rate for the city whereas in 1950 the rate was almost three times 
 greater (Table k) . Most importantly, the percentage of deteriorating and 
 dilapidated units declined by h6 percent in the study area as compared 
 to an 8 percent decline in the city generally. 
 
 Average home values in the study area were much lower than average 
 values for the city. In both 1950 and i960 median values of owner occupied 
 homes in the study area were equal to approximately 70 percent of the median 
 values in the city, and in both the study area and the city median values 
 increased by approximately 60 percent in the ten- year period. 
 
 Renter rather than owner occupied housing has been and is the most 
 important residential land use in the study area, with low cost rental 
 housing predominating. In i960, 58 percent of the units rented for less 
 
Table 3 
 Housing Characteristics of the Rehabilitation Study Area, 1950 and i960 
 
 
 1950 
 
 
 i960 
 
 
 Change i960 
 over 1950 
 
 Characteristics 
 
 Number Percent 
 
 Number Percent 
 
 Number 
 
 Percent 
 
 Total units 
 
 66,25^ 
 
 ' 100$ 
 
 67,797 
 
 100% 
 
 1,5^3 
 
 2% 
 
 Owner occupied 
 Renter occupied 
 Vacant, available for 
 
 rent or sale 
 Vacant, not available 
 
 Condition of units 
 
 8,232 
 5^,215 
 
 2,3^8 
 1,1*59 
 
 ^7,317 
 
 12% 
 82 
 
 k 
 2 
 
 100% 
 
 6,117 
 53,98i+ 
 
 6,518 
 1,178 
 
 67,86U 
 
 9% 
 80 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 100% 
 
 -2,115 
 -231 
 
 +U,170 
 -281 
 
 20,5^7 
 
 -26% 
 -1 
 
 +18 
 -19 
 
 k% 
 
 Sound 
 
 Deteriorating and dilapidated 
 
 Deteriorated 
 
 Dilapidated 
 
 Value of owner-occupied units 
 
 2^,639 
 
 22,678 
 3,757 
 
 52% 
 
 1*8% 
 
 100% 
 
 55,637 
 
 9,826\ 
 2,1*01/ 
 
 M57 
 
 82% 
 
 18 
 100% 
 
 30,998 
 -10,1*51 
 
 1,100 
 
 126 
 
 -1*6 
 
 29% 
 
 Less than $5,000 
 $5,000 - $9,999 
 10,000 - 1^,999 
 15,000 or more 
 
 381 
 
 1,889 
 
 980 
 
 507 
 
 10% 
 
 52 
 
 2k 
 Ik 
 
 5k 
 1,368 
 1,7^7 
 1,688 
 
 ±i 
 28 
 
 36 
 35 
 
 -327 
 
 -521 
 
 +767 
 
 +1,181 
 
 -86% 
 -28 
 78 
 233 
 
 Median value* 
 
 »7,7^5 
 
 
 $12,1+00 
 
 
 $^,655 
 
 60% 
 
 Monthly Rents** 
 
 1*8,903 
 
 100% 
 
 52,583 
 
 100% 
 
 
 
 Less than $20 
 
 $ 20 - $39 
 
 Uo - 59 
 
 60 - 99 
 
 100 or more 
 
 it, O89 
 
 30,375 
 9,^3 
 k&k 
 
 762 
 
 8% 
 62 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 278 
 
 10,63U 
 
 19,635 
 
 19,^35 
 
 2,601 
 
 20 
 
 37 
 
 37 
 
 5 
 
 -3,8n 
 -19,71*1 
 +10,192 
 +15,201 
 
 +1,839 
 
 -93% 
 
 -65 
 
 108 
 
 359 
 21*1 
 
 Median rent gross 
 
 
 
 $55.66 
 
 
 
 
 contract 
 
 $33-26 
 
 
 $Uo.8l 
 
 
 $7.55 
 
 23% 
 
 Age of dwelling units 
 
 66,181 
 
 100% 
 
 69,162 
 
 100% 
 
 
 
 1939 or earlier 
 191+0 or later 
 19^0 - I9U9 
 1950 - 1959 
 
 6^,097 
 2,08U 
 
 97% 
 3 
 
 6l,78l 
 
 3,787 \ 
 3,59V 
 
 89% 
 
 11 
 
 -2,316 
 
 -1*% 
 
 Median number of persons per unit 
 
 1.7 
 
 
 l.k 
 
 
 -3 
 
 -17% 
 
 *Estimated from a weighted average of medians. 
 **Rent'al breakdowns for 1950 are contract rents, for i960 gross rents, median rental 
 figures are weighted averages of median contract rents for 1950 and i960. 
 
 SOURCE : 
 
 See Table 1. 
 
Table 4 
 
 Housing Characteristics of the City of Los Angeles, 1950 and i960 
 
 Characteristics 
 
 1950 
 
 i960 
 
 Change i960 
 over 1950 
 
 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent 
 
 Total Units 
 
 689,039 
 
 100$ 
 
 935,507 
 
 100$ 
 
 246,468 
 
 36$ 
 
 Owner occupied 
 Renter occupied 
 Vacant, available for 
 
 rent or sale 
 Vacant, not available 
 
 Condition of units 
 
 305,393 
 361,294 
 
 19,035 
 12,317 
 
 683,020 
 
 51 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 100$ 
 
 404,652 
 471,358 
 
 45,913 
 
 13,584 
 935,507 
 
 43$ 
 43 
 
 11 
 3 
 
 100$ 
 
 99,259 
 110,064 
 
 26,878 
 1,267 
 
 252,487 
 
 33$ 
 30 
 
 141 
 10 
 
 36$ 
 
 Sound 
 Deteriorating and 
 
 dilapidated 
 Deteriorated 
 Dilapidated 
 
 Value of owner-occupied units 
 
 592,939 
 90,081 
 
 231,885 
 
 87$ 
 13 
 
 100$ 
 
 852,490 
 
 69,655 
 13,362 
 
 361,400 
 
 91$ 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 100$ 
 
 259,551 
 
 -7,064\ 
 129,515 
 
 44$ 
 
 ^ -8 
 56$ 
 
 Less than $5,000 
 $5,000 - $9,999 
 $10,000 - $14,999 
 $15,000 or more 
 Median value 
 
 10,935 
 91,715 
 77,828 
 51,407 
 $10,804 
 
 5 
 40 
 34 
 
 21 
 
 2,126 
 
 29,968 
 
 96,349 
 
 232,957 
 
 $17,300 
 
 1 
 8 
 
 27 
 64 
 
 -8,809 
 -61,747 
 
 18,521 
 181,550 
 
 -81$ 
 -67 
 24 
 353 
 
 JL 
 
 Gross monthly rents 7 ' 
 
 354,856 
 
 100$ 
 
 460,006 
 
 100$ 
 
 
 
 Less than $20 
 $20 - $39 
 $40 - $59 
 $60 - $99 
 $100 or more 
 
 14,951 
 
 148,241 
 
 110,819 
 
 66,683 
 
 14,166 
 
 4$ 
 42 
 31 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 922 
 
 27,837 
 84,344 
 
 234,747 
 112,156 
 
 a 
 
 6$ 
 18 
 51 
 31 
 
 -14,029 
 -120,404 
 
 -26,475 
 
 168,064 
 
 97,994 
 
 -94$ 
 
 -81 
 
 -24 
 
 252 
 
 691 
 
 Median gross rents 
 
 
 
 $78 
 
 
 $ 36.47 
 
 88$ 
 
 Median contract rents 
 
 $41.53 
 
 
 $72 
 
 
 $ 30.47 
 
 73$ 
 
 Age of dwelling units 
 
 676,020 
 
 100 % 
 
 936,202 
 
 100$ 
 
 260,182 
 
 39$ 
 
 1939 or earlier 
 
 1940 or later 
 1940 - 1949 
 1950 - 1959 
 
 Median persons per 
 occupied dwelling 
 units 
 
 506,920 
 169,100 
 
 2.4 
 
 75$ 
 
 25 
 
 481,797 
 
 168,303 
 286,102 
 
 2.3 
 
 51$ 
 
 18 
 
 31 
 
 -25,123 
 -797 
 
 -.1 
 
 -5$ 
 -4$ 
 
 a Less than 1 percent. 
 
 "TCents for i960 are contract rents, for 1950 they are gross rents. However, for 
 both periods the median contract rents were given. 
 
 Source: See Table 1 
 
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Table 6 
 
 EXPENDITURES 
 
 DOWNTOWN REHABILITATION PROGRAM 
 
 City of Los Angeles 
 
 FISCAL YEAR Salaries Expenses Equipment 
 
 1955 - 56 $ 147,9^5 $1^,329 $ 9 5 HO 
 
 1956 - 57 216,969 8,811+ 
 
 1957 - 58 230,980 9,809 206 
 
 1958 - 59 205,603 8,080 
 
 1959 - 60 221,136 8,291+ 900 
 i960 - 61 238,752 8,447 
 
 1961 - 62 177,826 5,078 
 
 1962 - 63 178,5^3 7,446 1,251 
 
 1963 - 64 187,038 7,468 968 
 
 1964 - 65 198,75*+ 7,504 165 
 
 TOTAL $2,003,546 $85,269 $12,580 
 
 Source: Department of Building and Safety, 
 City of Los Anceles 
 
 Total 
 
 $ 171,384 
 225,783 
 2^0,995 
 213,683 
 230,330 
 
 27^,199 
 182, 904 
 187,21+0 
 195,454 
 206,423 
 
 $2,128,395 
 
 785-893 0-65-22 
 
Table 7 
 
 Land Uses in the Rehabilitation Study Area, i960 
 
 12 
 
 Type of land use 
 
 Percent of total acreage 
 
 Study area 
 
 Los 
 
 Angeles County* 
 
 31% 
 
 
 11% 
 
 2k 
 
 
 11 
 
 h 
 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 22 
 
 l 
 
 
 k 
 
 29 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 >+l 
 
 Residential 
 
 Commercial 
 
 Community service 
 
 Industrial 
 
 Transportation Services 
 
 Vacant usable 
 
 Vacant unusable 
 
 Streets 
 
 Other -uses 
 
 Total 
 
 *Data are not available for the city of Los Angeles, 
 SOURCE: Los Angeles Regional Transportation Study. 
 
13 
 
 than $60 per month as compared to 2k percent in the city of Los Angeles. 
 The median contract rent was $31-19 lover than in the city. Furthermore, 
 the percentage increase of the median rent between 1950 and i960 in the study 
 area was decidedly less than in the city. 
 
 The lack of residential construction in the study area "between 1950 and 
 i960 is reflected to some degree in the fact that in 1950, 97 percent of the 
 standing stock consisted of homes "built in 1939 or earlier and in i960 these 
 homes equaled 89 percent of the stock. In the city, homes in this age "bracket 
 declined from 75 percent of the standing stock in 1950 to only 51 percent in 
 i960. 
 
 Assessed Values 
 
 Assessed values in the study area increased overall "by 13 percent, 
 although land values increased "by only 5-29 percent while "building values 
 increased by 20.9 percent (Table 5)« In many of the census tracts assessed 
 values of land and buildings declined. Unfortunately these totals are 
 slightly misleading since declines in assessed values in some areas were due 
 to the construction of freeways and the removal of private properties from 
 
 tax rolls . The slight increases in assessed values in the study area were 
 
 2 
 well below percentage increases in assessed values in the city of Los Angeles. 
 
 Even though the study area did not share in proportionate increases in assessed 
 
 values, the code enforcement program undoubtedly halted any declines in 
 
 assessed values and probably had a significant influence on the increases 
 
 that did occur. 
 
 2 
 State Controller's Annual Report of Municipalities (195O-I962). 
 
 Tax ?ayers Guide, Los Angeles County (Annual editions 1950- I962), 
 
Ik 
 
 A Tentative Evaluation of Code Enforcement 
 The direct costs to the city of Los Angeles for the ten-year period 
 ending in the fiscal year 1964-65 were $2,128,395, of which the major portion 
 was for salaries of inspectors. Unfortunately the costs of fire, police and 
 health inspections could not he obtained, nor could the differences he esti- 
 mated in the costs of these services before and after code enforcement. 
 The fate of property owners in a code enforcement area can only be 
 surmised from a review of the disposition of 355 properties in the first 
 code enforcement area. Only four of the properties were rehabilitated; the 
 remainder were demolished. They were being used for: 
 
 Single- family residences 78 
 
 Two-family residences 30 
 
 Three or more family apartments 71 
 
 Transient hotels and sleeping rooms 19 
 
 Combined apartments and hotel rooms 85 
 
 Commercial and residences 56 
 Retail stores or light manufacturing 
 
 buildings 16 
 
 An examination of zoning maps would show that the area was zoned exclusively 
 
 for various kinds of light and medium manufacturing. 
 
 Examination of the inspectors' reports and pictures of each of the 
 buildings indicated that there was little doubt that the buildings were 
 definite health and fire hazards. The low taxes paid on the properties and 
 evidences that the properties were not maintained, even though they commanded 
 relatively high returns per square foot, suggest that the properties were 
 relatively good investments for some owners. 
 
 Although demolition left the owners with no income from the properties, 
 only four of the files indicated that the owners were unable to meet mortgage 
 payments. In many cases the properties were sold just prior to the demolition 
 of the buildings. 
 
15 
 
 The cooperation of property owners with inspectors was uniform and 
 good. In some cases the inspectors worked closely with property owners in 
 anticipating the need for rehabilitation so that the properties were in proper 
 shape even though they were not included in later inspections. 
 
 The time required to secure compliance with code enforcement orders 
 varied widely. If an owner could secure good legal counsel, present counter- 
 proposals supported "by engineer and contractor analyses, secure continuances 
 because of lack of counsel or other apparently valid reasons, or engage in 
 other forms of delaying activities, the time from first inspection to final 
 demolition could be several months . The range of time varied from one to 121 
 months. The median period was 11 months. The time lapse for 75-2 percent 
 of the buildings was 3 to 18 months, and for 86.2 percent less than 2k 
 months . 
 
 Conclusions 
 Although 15 months were spent in collecting data in this report, only 
 a small portion of the data available was collected. Block surveys should be 
 made of current land uses to determine if the land uses in the area have been 
 upgraded. The financial needs of property owners who had to demolish need to 
 be examined in greater detail. The source of mortgage funds for rehabilitation 
 and new construction in the area should be identified. Estimates should be 
 developed of the differences between the tax revenues derived from the area and 
 the costs of public services to the area. Most importantly, a great deal of 
 attention should be paid to ways in which the neglected population in the area 
 can be conserved and rehabilitated. 
 
WATTS: ITS PROBLEMS AND POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS 
 
 By 
 William R. Armstead 
 
 and 
 Richard E. Townsend 
 1964 
 
 William Armstead and Richard Townsend are both students at David 
 Starr Jordan Senior High School in Watts, organizers of the Student 
 Committee for Improvement in Watts, and active in a number of 
 community projects, some of which are described in this report. 
 Their report, prepared by them especially for the ARA project, 
 is presented almost precisely as they have written it, with only 
 minor editing on points of form and style. It represents, in the 
 opinion of the project supervisors, a particularly important and 
 incisive contribution to an understanding of the problems with which 
 the study deals. 
 
 
I. Introduction 
 
 In what is now the southeast section of the city of Los Angeles 
 is located a email and dormant community commonly known as Watts. 
 Due to the ever increasing population and the low-income bracket of 
 the average Watts resident, the community is faced with many, many 
 problems. Although the problems are numerous, this report is only 
 concerned with those which are considered the gravest. 
 
 This report is essentially based upon the past experiences and 
 opinions of the writers concerning the major problems of the' Watts 
 area. Various interviews were made but for the most part they were 
 to verify our ideas. The information given is factual, although it 
 is not given in pure statistics. 
 
 The community of Watts is potentially one of the wealthiest 
 districts of Los Angeles. The meaning of wealth isn't necessarily 
 concerned with money. Politically Watts could play an influential 
 part in the city of Los Angeles, due to its size in population. 
 The problem which arises here is getting the people out to register 
 and vote. The community of Watts has produced many scholars, one 
 of whom was a Rhodes Scholar. Potentially we see many more students 
 who will follow in their footsteps. 
 
2. 
 
 II. Problems 
 
 A. Housing 
 
 The community of Watts is veil saturated with all types of 
 rentals, most of them being at a let* cost level. There are four 
 major governmental housing projects and many, many apartment 
 houses. In addition there are a large number of rental houses, 
 most of them being very poorly taken care of. In comparison with 
 the tenants, there are very few home owners. These home owners, 
 for the most part, find that many problems arise because of such 
 a large percentage of rentals. The high percentage of net population 
 density is another factor from which many problems arise. One of 
 the major factors in the problems of housing is migration and 
 mobility. 
 
 The area in which the community of Watts is located is often 
 referred to as a "port-of- entry" for Negroes coming into Los Angeles 
 or Southern California. Generally these Negroes will find themselves 
 settling in one of the housing projects for a short stay. The ones 
 who are financially able and prefer not to live in one of the 
 housing projects will rent either in a single family house or some 
 kind of apartment house. The average stay in the community in the 
 dwellings mentioned is from 2 to 3 years. Many stay just long enough 
 so that they can get situated, and^then move. Thousands of people 
 move into the community of Watts each year with the intention to 
 stay no longer than they have to. These masses of people, mainly 
 Negroes from the South, are attracted to Watts for a number of 
 reasons : 
 
1) Since the rental fee in the housing projects is 
 generally pretty inexpensive, these migrants, for 
 the most part of the low-income bracket, are apt 
 to make their initial stop here. 
 
 2) Since Watts is one of the Negro ghettos of Los Angeles, 
 the migrants are usually confident of finding at least 
 a few familiar faces. They feel that in a city as 
 large as Los Angeles it is better to be certain that 
 one has friends beforehand, in order that they may 
 become acquainted with the city quicker and without 
 
 so much confusion and difficulty. 
 
 3) Watts' geographical situation is a relatively impor- 
 tant factor in the attraction of the migrants mentioned. 
 Watts is located in a rather centralized position in 
 regard to obtaining transportation. It is also 
 centrally located relative to downtown, or the core 
 
 of Los Angeles, as compared to many other communities 
 of Los Angeles. 
 k) There also seems to be a certain feeling that a number 
 of people have that Watts, in a sense, is at the 
 bottom of the social and economic ladder. Many migrants 
 have the feeling that they are starting at the bottom 
 and working themselves up when they move into the 
 community. 
 Many kinds of housing as well as community problems are created 
 because of this ever increasing problem of migration and mobility. 
 
Although many problems are caused by the migrants, a number of them 
 have their roots right here in the community. These latter problems 
 are created chiefly because of the negligence on the part of the 
 community residents. They do not realize the importance of a per- 
 son's feeling that he is a part of a community. Possibly if the 
 residents of the community realized this importance and acted accord- 
 ingly, the mobility rate wouldn't be so high. Because of the fact 
 that most residents have not acknowledged this point, it takes the 
 migrants a much longer time to adjust than it should. By the time 
 it has come to the point where they have completely adjusted to their 
 new surroundings, they are ready to move. The migrant does not get 
 the opportunity to really become a part of the community, which in 
 many cases could mean the difference between moving out or remaining 
 in the community. 
 
 The problem of mobility in many cases is caused by one of the 
 major problems of not only our community but the whole nation. 
 This great problem has a tremendous impact on mobility end is evident 
 throughout the community. In fact, employment is one of the major 
 factors in migration and mobility. The majority of people that do 
 have jobs have the low -paying ones. These are the blue collar 
 workers in the semi-skilled and unskilled professions and the white 
 collar workers, working mainly in the clerical field. For many of 
 these workers who find it so hard to remain in one home for any 
 length of time, repossession of property is common. They usually 
 have large families to take care of and their income is generally 
 barely enough to adequately support a small family. In a number of 
 
5. 
 
 cases this results in discouragement, discontent, and misunderstandings 
 within the family. The outcome of all this depression is cited as 
 another major problem: broken homes. This problem of broken homes 
 contributes to a number of community problems;, a few of them being: 
 high mobility rate, high and fast rate of depreciation of property 
 values, and lack or loss of self and community pride. 
 
 The problems contributing to broken homes combine to play an 
 important part in lack of community pride. Community pride, as mentioned 
 here, engulfs three main areas: cleanliness, mental attitude and the 
 physical condition of the community. People steadily moving in and 
 out of the community don 't get an opportunity to develop any kind of 
 community pride. In order to really have this pride, one must realize 
 and understand the problems of the community. Unfortunately there aren't 
 very many people in the Watts area who have taken their responsibility 
 of attempting to understand the problems of the community. There is an 
 even smaller number who attempt to do an;y tiling about the problems . 
 The main aspect in the area of mental attitude in community pride is 
 self-respect. Having community pride is merely having respect for other 
 members of the community and acknowledging one's civic responsibilities 
 to the coiiimunity. A person cannot very easily have respect for others 
 if he hasn't any self-respect to begin with. This aspect of self-respect 
 also is an important part of the area of cleanliness. 
 
 The majority of the residents of the community of Watts notice 
 the terrible physical condition of a large portion of the area and 
 comment on it, but that's all! There aren't enough people in the 
 area who have shown their interest in the physical conditions of 
 the community by doing something constructive for the betterment 
 
6. 
 
 of the community. The physical condition of most of the dilapidated 
 buildings in this area is due to absentee landlords and owners. 
 B. Education and Employment 
 
 There are, for the most part, two junior high schools, Edwin 
 Markham and Samuel Gompers, and one high school, David Starr Jordan, 
 serving the community of Watts as institutions for secondary educa- 
 tion. Unfortunately too many students do not realize how important 
 it is to receive this secondary education. For various reasons they 
 become uninterested in learning through school and sooner or later 
 they become what is now known as the "high school dropout." It is 
 true, however, that a small percentage of them incur various problems, 
 generally pertaining to the family, and use this as an excuse, one 
 which is accepted by most schools, to end their formal education. 
 Too many students make up excuses just to put an end to what they 
 might describe as a rather boring and worthless experience. The 
 reasons for this disinterest in the student usually begin in the 
 home. There are many possible reasons for this: 
 
 1) Too often parents find themselves so busy and so 
 involved in everything else that they give only little, 
 if any, time and attention to their children. The 
 child usually finds himself in a lonely little world 
 of his own, searching and reaching out for something, 
 anything, to compensate for it I School and his studies 
 usually are not his compensation. 
 
 2) Many parents pretend to be interested. These are the 
 ones who take a passive part in their child's 
 
7. 
 
 education. They tend to give encouragement by mild 
 conversation and are reluctant to do anything more, 
 but some students need more than this. These parents 
 take education too lightly. 
 
 3) Going from one extreme (statement #l) to another, 
 there are those parents who are too harsh. By harsh 
 we don't mean that too much emphasis is placed on 
 education, but instead that the emphasis is in the 
 wrong manner. If students, or anyone as far as this 
 is concerned, are given the strong feeling that they 
 are being forced to do something, some kind of a 
 revolt is bound to take place. Family problems will 
 probably result and it is likely that pretty soon the 
 student will become discouraged and drop out of school. 
 
 h) In many cases broken homes or large families are 
 
 factors that lead up to disinterest. There are many 
 times when parents have so many children that they 
 can't give the proper time to each. This is often the 
 case when one will use the financial excuse in order 
 to drop out of school. 
 
 5) The female populace of the high school dropouts usually 
 drops out because of pregnancy. This also usually stems 
 from uninterested parents who are too harsh. Uninter- 
 ested parents usually have this attitude either because 
 of their lack of educational attainment or because 
 they just don't care. Others don't really realize the 
 importance of receiving an education. 
 
8. 
 
 There are many other situations that cause mar.;, students to 
 drop out of school, but these are the most evident in this commun- 
 ity. In many cases disinterest begins in the school rather than 
 in the home, but this is common all over. 
 
 Recently the high school dropout has become a major part of 
 the unemployment problem of the nation. This is true and very 
 evident in Watts, a place where the majority of the population is 
 made up of teenagers and young adults. High school dropouts find 
 it very difficult to get any kind of vork, especially since most 
 jobs nowadays require a high school diploma. Most of them become 
 disappointed because of this diffiulty and discontinue looking for 
 employment. Another problem that a number of them face is that they 
 are considered under age and not part of the labor force. All of 
 these factors lead to juvenile delinquency and crime. Many of 
 these delinquents will become the unwanted class of our society, 
 namely, the criminals, habitual drunkards, hoboes, etc. 
 
 This unwanted class represents another portion of the unemployed. 
 This is also a very evident problem of the community of Watts. 
 Beside many of the liquor stores in Watts are often congregations 
 of drunkards who make this their second home, that is if they have 
 another. In sections of Watts another part of the "unwanted class," 
 the prostitute, makes a living in a rather unrespected manner. 
 Another member of this class is the dope-peddler. These are a few 
 of the serious problems the people of Watts are faced with. Again, 
 this "unwanted class" is usually the uneducated. 
 
 Many people find it rather comforting to sit at home and let 
 
9. 
 
 the government take care of them. Many of the families that 
 receive government aid don't really deserve or need it, while 
 other families who are really in need of aid for some reason are 
 usually not reached. 
 
 Many others will use the unemployment funds a3 a means to 
 stay alive without working. Although there are many people who are 
 earnest and really try to find work, there are others who try to 
 take advantage of the program which the employment offices provide. 
 
 The employed segment of Watts' population is also faced with 
 many problems. The major problem the employed Watts resident is 
 faced with is automation. A large majority of the adult population 
 of Watts are considered educationally deprived. Most of them have 
 received no more than an elementary education. A number of adults 
 are attempting to re-educate or educate themselves through adult 
 night schools, while others are either too tired after a regular 
 day's work or just don't have the time to attend night school. 
 There are also those who couldn't care less about an education. 
 Many of the employed are laid off regularly because of the lessening 
 demand for the semi-skilled and unskilled workers. 
 
 Many of the formerly employed people find it necessary to find 
 new jobs. These new jobs often require new skills which will in 
 turn require training in that skill. It is very difficult to be 
 trained in many fields if one isn't adequately educated. Others 
 find it necessary to fill out forms and applications and take tests. 
 This also often requires a minimum of a high school education. 
 
 Although automation eliminates many jobs, it also creates new 
 
10. 
 
 and better ones with higher pay. The only factor which makes this 
 a problem is that this requires training, which, as stated in the 
 preceding paragraph, requires education. 
 C. Problems in General 
 
 (Note: There are many problems which are very pertinent but 
 aren't broad enough topics to be separate, and so they will be in- 
 cluded in this section.) 
 1. Health 
 
 The health problem of Watts is in many cases a severe one. 
 There are many factors contributing to the problem of health in the 
 community of Watts, the major factor being poverty. Since the 
 majority of Watts' population forms part of the poor level of our 
 society, many are unable to meet the high expenses of proper medical 
 and dental care. Even though the community of Watts is one of the 
 largest communities in or around Los Angeles, it has only one major 
 clinic. There is one other clinic available to the community which 
 is rather small. The major clinic mentioned is in a rather uncen- 
 tral position. It is also far from the area where it is evidently 
 needed the most. There is a desperate need for more clinics in 
 more needy sections of Watts. Some of the biggest factors related 
 to health in general are smoking and narcotics. 
 
 Smoking is a major problem which is under consideration by 
 specialists all over the country. It is discouraged by thousands 
 of doctors, institutions, and non-smokers. This is also a very 
 serious teenage problem, especially in this area. Many of these 
 young adults have the misconception that smoking is a symbol of 
 maturity. 
 
11. 
 
 2. Delinquency 
 
 The problem of delinquency is closely related to the dropout 
 problem. Many students, after they drop out of school, become what 
 is known as juvenile delinquents. Some delinquents attend school 
 although they don't attend regularly. They usually incur various 
 problems in school and participate in gang-like activities. Although 
 there aren't any gangs as such in Watts, incidents by individuals 
 occur often. Such incidents are usually caused by dropouts and 
 uninterested students with nothing to do. Many teenagers feel 
 inferior and feel that they must be recognized one way or the other. 
 This usually results in some act of delinquency. 
 
 There are two parks and a few recreational facilities in Watts. 
 Their programs for the most part are for elementary school age 
 children. Some of them have summer programs for all ages, but only 
 those who live in the vicinity of the center or the parks ever know 
 about them. There aren't any educational or social activities that 
 affect any large number of students. If programs are proposed, only 
 a very small percentage of youngsters are notified. They are only 
 notified if they happen to pass or drop by the center or park. 
 
 3. Finance 
 
 Negroes spend entirely too much money for liquor and churches. 
 It might seem peculiar for the writers to associate churches with 
 liquor in terms of money, but the fact remains that too much is 
 spent for church real estate by the residents of Watts. These 
 churches are built because of a so-called preacher who decides to 
 make it a business venture. These churches' are usually used by 
 
 785-893 0-65-23 
 
12. 
 
 these so-called preachers as a stoppingstone to wealth. They are 
 misused," and something should be done, soon if not sooner. An 
 enormous amount is also spent on liquor and automobiles. In con- 
 clusion, all of the aforementioned somewhat establishes the fact 
 that many Negroes in the Watts area are in reality financially 
 irresponsible. 
 k. Social Education and Culture 
 
 In the ghetto of Watts there exists a social problem "en masse" 
 of inferiority. This overwhelming feeling of inferiority is pro- 
 duced in the community by both external and internal sources, and 
 persons living both in and out of Watts. 
 
 External sources of inferiority feeling in Watts are developed 
 by lack of enlightenment on the financial and social problems 
 existing, by those not living in Watts. When a person not living in 
 Watts is not exposed to the reasons for conditions in Watts, he makes 
 a predetermined decision that the condition exists because of sheer 
 neglect on behalf of the community. This situation causes employers, 
 business leaders, and often political leaders to lose interest in 
 giving a helping hand to the community. After all, what politician 
 wants to perform for a community that he has determined is a 
 neglectful ghetto? 
 
 The problem here is a lack of supplementary educational programs 
 and facilities. It is a lack of sustained educational -cultural 
 programs. About 8 years ago the primary problem for the community 
 was a lack of things to do for the busy hands of youth. This problem 
 was solved by devising extensive athletic programs within the 
 
13. 
 
 community; this developed the athletic resources. Now there is a 
 "bigger and much more severe problem facing the community. There must 
 he something other than athletics to occupy the time of those that do 
 not care to delve into athletic competition and those unable to 
 participate. This problem of idle hands ties in with another very 
 evident problem, crime. 
 
 It has »ften been stated that the number one motive for juvenile 
 crime is not necessity, but sheer lack »f anything else to do. There- 
 fore it can safely be concluded that if there was more for the idle 
 hands to do, there would be less juvenile crime, resulting in less 
 upset in the life of ghetto individuals. 
 
 Exterior sources are not always the creators of problems in the 
 community of Watts. While reading of how the external situations 
 cause problems in Watts, one must take into consideration the fact that 
 many problems stem fr«m internal sources. 
 
 Since a high percentage of Watts residents, as compared to the 
 county average, are migrants from other regions «f the nation, many 
 •f the people in Watts use the fact of unfamiliarity with the situation 
 as a motive for social negligence. How many times have these writers 
 heard migrants in Watts say, "I just got here an' I ain't got no reason 
 to respect Watts." How many times have they heard, "it was like this 
 when I got here an' it ain't gonna change." All «f this internal strife 
 is so indirectly caused by external sources that it will be classified 
 as an interna], source «f social problems. 
 
 The culturally depressed inhabitants of Watts lack ability to 
 understand, respect and appreciate the creations, ideas and contributions 
 
Ik. 
 
 of others. Culture is a terra which lends itself to being stretched 
 to unimaginable limits- therefore, the subjects discussed will "be con- 
 fined to usage in situations involving Watts. 
 
 When a thirteen year old child asks, "Why do these people like 
 that old funny music?", either he doesn't know any better or he is 
 suffering from cultural deprivation. Such is the case of people 9 
 through 90 in the community of Watts, partially excluding, of course, 
 those who have received minute doses of formal education at local 
 schools and institutions. In any case the people of Watts, because of 
 cultural setback, are failing to recognize the fact that all peoples 
 exist differently; accept different truths, learn and even enjoy 
 different things. Being able to understand and accept this is part of 
 a good cultural education, which people in Watts lack. 
 D. Role Played by the Problems 
 
 Cultural depression, lack of pride, resulting in mass inferiority, 
 all together make an excellent setting for the role that the many 
 social problems play in the lives of the people in Watts. The role is 
 one of acute seriousness. The social problems in the community of 
 Watts are ones that should be, can be and will be remedied with the 
 help of people living and serving both inside and outside Vlatts. 
 
 Lack of pride is one of the most severe problems in Watts. Since 
 the measure of pride in a community determines the way you act and think 
 in the community, it is safe to say that the low degree of pride in 
 Watts causes a low degree of action and thinking in Watts on the part 
 of its inhabitants. 
 
15. 
 Pride includes community cleanliness and participation in 
 
 community functions. When one has no pride in a community, there 
 is certainly no reason and no desire to keep it clean or participate 
 in its vital functions, political or otherwise. Thus the job of keeping 
 the community clean . participating in and carrying out its vital func- 
 tions, is left to rest on the shoulders of a few individuals. 
 
 Definitely not all people who take part in the functions are 
 dishonest and out for the sole purpose of self profit; but when the 
 number of people participating is so limited, this leaves the proceed- 
 ings in Watts easy prey for a diluted form of carpetbagging. 
 
 This giving of top positions to people who couldn't care less 
 about the situation in Watts provides nourishment for the ghetto's 
 vicious circle, which only magnifies the situation of poor pride and 
 social deprivation to an unbearable degree. 
 III. Solutions 
 A. Housing 
 
 The problems of housing have a large number of sources which mark 
 the commencement of these problems. Many of them will take a long time 
 of planning in order to get anywhere near solving the many aspects end 
 factors of the numerous involved problems, while many of the other pro- 
 blems can be met by simply analyzing them and setting up worthwhile 
 and effective programs. Most of the problems begin in the community, 
 while others have their roots externally. The problems that begin 
 externally, even though they aren't as large in number as those stemming 
 from the interior, are often just as serious as any others. The pro- 
 blems beginning within the community should receive more attention to 
 begin with. 
 
16. 
 
 The first and maybe the most important problem that should be 
 considered is that of the so-called ghettos. Because of one excuse 
 or the other, the Negro finds himself confined to some small area in 
 which he must live. If a certain proposition on the ballot this 
 election passes, this fact will definitely be substantiated because 
 it will, in effect, legalize discrimination. In order to really get 
 to the root of the problems of housing, the ghettos will have to be 
 dissolved. The barriers confining the Negro will have to be broken. 
 It must be made sure that anyone can live anywhere he is financially 
 able. Understanding is the key that will break the barriers mentioned. 
 
 One way, the most effective way, to carry out a plan for under- 
 standing is by planning programs that will involve inter- community 
 activities. Another method by which an understanding could be developed 
 is by setting up civic meetings in which each community could be 
 represented by its residents . In these meetings, problems could be 
 discussed and aquaintances could be made. 
 
 The problem of migration and mobility is also one of the severe 
 problems of the community of Watts in regard to housing. There should 
 be a strong attempt made to meet the problem. Mobility contributes 
 heavily to the high rate of property depreciation, which is one factor 
 which attracts many migrants from out of state. Programs that will 
 bring the community closer together are one solution to the problem. 
 Another possiblity would be to develop agencies or organizations that 
 would have the responsibility of acquainting newly arrived residents 
 with the community and keeping them informed in regard to what's going 
 on in the community. 
 
17. 
 
 If all these things are accomplished, the outcome would be a 
 big step toward community pride, the basic problem. A prominent 
 organization in Watts, The Student Committee for Improvement in Watts > 
 has made definite steps toward this goal of community pride. This 
 organization has sponsored many successful programs and projects which 
 will be mentioned later in the report. 
 B. Education and Employment 
 
 This problem of employment is very serious and very important. 
 It could possibly, and probably vail, determine what the future of 
 Watts will be. One of the major contributing factors to the employ- 
 ment problem, the high school dropout, should be considered as the 
 initial problem to be solved to at least some degree. Even though 
 sometimes this problem is started because of financial difficulties, 
 it can still be dealt with. Staying in school should be more mandatory 
 than it is. Additional programs could be set up so that they would 
 actually let the student see what an education can do for him. In other 
 words, more emphasis could be placed on visits to various places of 
 work. The occupations which require some college education should 
 be the ones most concerned. 
 
 More educational programs would contribute a great deal to encour- 
 agement to receive an education. Community educational programs would 
 be more effective than additional school programs, since the latter 
 are so common already. They would also prove to be of more interest 
 to the student. These programs could include a number of things: 
 cultural programs, reading programs , enrichment programs, etc. 
 
18. 
 
 The community could take part in developing training programs 
 for the unemployed. New skills could be taught in the evenings and 
 on weekends, when the employed as well as the unemployed could be 
 taught skills which would in turn prepare them for better jobs. 
 It would be much easier and more convenient for the residents if an 
 agency or program were set up within the community., and would also 
 probably be less expensive than it would be if it were located 
 elsewhere. 
 
 C. Problems in General 
 
 The only health center in Watts is located in a rather uncen- 
 tral position. Its facilities aren't very adequate and there aren't 
 many, if any, programs in progress to meet the needs of the community. 
 Additional centers should be opened and they should be located more 
 centrally. The present center and the suggested centers should have 
 programs that will meet the needs of the community. 
 
 D. Immediate Solutions 
 
 1. Developing Community Pride 
 
 Encouragement from local government agencies to the community to 
 form civic organizations concerned with improving existing conditions 
 of neglect and irresponsibility is one of the most effective and 
 immediate solutions to the improving of the level of pride in Watts. 
 When conditions of community negligenee are improved by a force within 
 the community, the people of the area feel a certain feeling of 
 accomplishment, giving them more pride in the community. This could 
 be the case in Watts. 
 
 A perfect exemple of an internal functioning community organization 
 
19. 
 
 which is concerned with improving the physical features of the 
 community is the Student Committee for Improvement in Watts 
 (SCFIW), a nonprofit organization comprised entirely of junior and 
 senior high school students living in the area. 
 
 The goal of the Student Committee for Improvement in Watts is to 
 improve existing conditions of dilapidation, as stated in its name. 
 The Student Committee felt that improving the community would not 
 only give a better appearance to the area, but would give a lift to the 
 pride of the community. The Committee started the improvement campaign 
 by circulating a petition in the community to see if the community 
 were backing the students in their effort to improve conditions , and 
 to make the public aware of the existing problems and what could be 
 done. Since this was the first time a plan of this sort was put into 
 action in Watts, it aroused a great deal of interest among the in- 
 habitants. Although there were a few people who felt the program was 
 of no value, over 90$ of the residents contacted gladly accepted the 
 petition and signed their support to the project. During the petition- 
 ing the students managed to attain 3500 signatures of some 3800 con- 
 tacted. This was indeed a successful first program on behalf of the 
 Student Committee. 
 
 The Student Committee did not stop at merely informing the 
 community of a desire to improve , but it also made it known to the 
 public officials and it got action. In the petitioning and the state- 
 ment which accompanied the petition (a copy of the petition and the 
 statement is appended) , three buildings were mentioned that needed 
 improvement. One of the buildings was completely renovated; another 
 
20. 
 
 demolished. Although there was no action taken on the third building, 
 the students got a taste of success . 
 2. Getting the Community Involved 
 
 The SCFIW feels that the best way to get the people of Watts to 
 think of themselves as a real part of the community is to get them in- 
 volved in some activities in which they can participate. SCFIW did 
 this by sponsoring Watts' First Annual Civic Improvement Week (August 
 10-15) • Civic Improvement Week was designed to give residents in Watts 
 a chance to be active as citizens . 
 
 The momentous Civic Improvement Week kicked off August 10 with an 
 evening parade down the main street of Watts, 103rd Street. The total 
 number of participants in the parade, which began at Jordan High 
 School and ended at Will Rogers Park, was approximately 150 persons. 
 Witnessing the first- time affair were some 1,000 spectators. 
 
 Community organizations and public officials highlighted the list 
 of participating groups. Among the public officials participating were: 
 Councilman John Gibson (grand marshal), Richard Hernandez (representative 
 from Mayor's office) , Bill Williams (the congressman's field deputy), 
 Captain McLinn (fire department), Captain King (police department) , 
 and the Postmaster, Leslie Shaw. Representing the community in local 
 organizations were groups like: The Senior Citizens, Women's Watts 
 Tower Committee s Urban League, Los Lirios (children's social club), 
 the Junior SCFIW, and the Westminister Neighborhood Association, to 
 mention a few. The most prominent non-Watts-located organization was 
 the Youth Opportunities Board. There was also the cast from James 
 Baldwin's Amen Corner , along with CORE and UCRC. Again the group 
 
21. 
 experienced success as the parade was well covered by local news media, 
 including KTLA TV, KF3XT TV, KMT radio, KGFJ radio, and United Press 
 International. 
 
 The agenda for the week also included an actual clean-up day, 
 in which the students asked people to call in when they felt they 
 needed help in cleaning up their homes. The response from the com- 
 munity concerning clean-up day was excellent. 
 
 The finale of Civic Improvement Week, a spectacular Family Rally, 
 was an overwhelming success. Each event must end, and SCFIW ended Civic 
 Improvement Week in a big way -'with a variety show. (The hand bill 
 used to inform the community is appended.) The Rally served two purposes 
 it gave the people of Watts a chance to participate in something worth- 
 while, and the donations from the Rally were to be used for a fund 
 toward a cultural enrichment program. 
 
 The Rally ended in success, with both non-resident and community 
 talent (program of participants appended) performing superbly for a 
 200- person audience. There was $115 in donations received toward 
 the cultural enrichment program. 
 
 Concluding the ceremonies, the SCFIW was presented with a pro- 
 clamation from the Mayor of Los Angeles, congratulating the group for 
 its work and giving approval for future Civic Improvement Weeks. 
 
 The work of this Student Committee should not be taken passively. 
 The local and national government could certainly generate the creation 
 of more organizations of this nature by providing funds for facilities 
 and good programming for the groups . 
 
STUDENT COMMITTEE FOR IMPROVEMENT IN WATTS 
 1811 East 115th Street, Los Angeles, California 90059 
 
 FACT: The time has come for responsible property ownership in Watts. We as students 
 and residents in this community will no longer tolerate delapidated buildings 
 which are scars on the face of our community. Such buildings as the Villa Maria 
 Hotel, the Largo Theatre and Frank's Market on 103rd Street are merely monuments 
 to absentee ownership and neglect. We had hoped that the owners of the afore- 
 mentioned buildings would consider the common good of Watts and, of their own 
 accord, initiate appropriate renovation of their property. As we all can see, 
 however, this has not happened. 
 
 PROPOSAL: 
 
 Therefore we are asking you as a citizen of Los Angeles and a resident of Watts 
 
 to support our first project. We hope that you will sign your name to this 
 
 petition which seeks the conversion of the VILLA MARIA HOTEL (next to the library 
 
 on 103rd Street) into a CULTURAL CENTER which will serve students as well as the 
 
 family needs of our immediate community. The property upon which the hotel lingers 
 
 is an ideal place for such a center. It would be the logical extension of our 
 
 local community buildings beginning with the library and including the Police 
 
 and Fire Stations and the Watts Health Center. 
 
 We hope that you will join with us in our first of many efforts to make 
 
 Watts a decent community in which to live and learn. 
 
 Thank you, 
 
 Richard Townsend, Project Chairman 
 William Armstead, Director 
 Robert Mason, Co-Director 
 
 Student Committee for Improvement in Watts 
 (labor donated) 
 
PETITION . Circulated by the Student Committee for Improvement in Watts 
 n 1811 East 115th Street, Los Angeles, California 90059 
 
 We the undersigned hereby petition that the VILLA MARIA HOTEL on 103rd Street be 
 ^converted into a CULTURAL CENTER serving the educational needs of the students and 
 families of the community of Watts. 
 
 Check one: 
 Name " ' Address Phone Tenant Owner 
 
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 CIVIC IMPROVEMENT WEEI 
 
 LET'S GET TOGETHER.... 
 AUGUST 10* TO AUGUT 15* J 
 
 y" 
 
 PARADE 
 
 AUGUST 10* 6 P.M. 
 
 Route: From Jordan High to 
 Will Rogers Park down 103rd Street 
 
 49 
 
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 ¥■",' 
 
 
 
 AUGUST 13th THRSDAY 
 
 Snecial Big Collection August 14th Friday 
 
 NOTE: Cleanup Yards, Tie All Loose Wood & Weeds 
 
 In Small Bundles* Place All Trash In Front Of 
 
 House Thursday Evening. 
 P. S. : If You Want Help In Putting Your Trash Out 
 
 Call SCFI W at LO 7-9848 Before Thur* noon 
 
 August 13th. 
 
 FAMILY RALLY 
 
 WILL ROGERS PARK 103RD & SUCCESS 
 AUGUST 15th SAT. 7 P.M. - 11 P.M. 
 KOSKO MX. 
 
 Singers, Dancers, Jazz Executive, Gospel 
 
 Singers, Rhythm & Blues Band, 
 
 Rock n' Roll 
 
 50c Donation at Door 
 
 Sponsored By STUDENT C6MM. FOR IMPROVEMENT OF WATTS 
 
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Unemployment and Public Transportation 
 in Los Angeles 
 
 Robert Singleton 
 Chief Researcher 
 Area Redevelopment 
 Project 
 
 October, 196U 
 
Unemployment and Public Transportation in Los Angeles 
 By Robert Singleton 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Most models in economic theory postulate perfect mobility of the factors 
 of production as a necessary prerequisite to full employment equilibrium. 
 Where this postulate breaks down, employed factors tend to be underemployed, 
 and unemployed factors tend to remain unemployed, for longer periods of time. 
 In reality, economists are aware that the "perfect mobility of factors" 
 postulate does not conform to the facts of the world. The usefulness of 
 the postulate presumably lies in its ability to help us understand the 
 directions of change in the obstructed case by comparing it with the 
 frictionless, or unobstructed, model. Behavioral implications of this 
 model are borne out more reliably than are those of any alternative. 
 
 Beyond considerations of behavioral specifications of the factors 
 themselves, there remains another problem - obstructions from such external 
 sources as inadequate urban public services. The Final Report of the ARA 
 project documents many such inadequacies. In this addendum we will be 
 concerned with the impact of the patterns of urban transportation services 
 on the factor "labor." We are especially interested in the impediments to 
 the unemployed worker implied in transportation service differentials. Where 
 some residential areas are served better than others in the metropolis, then 
 unemployed workers without cars, who have exhausted all interim sources of 
 income and who live in the poorly served areas, may be at a competitive 
 disadvantage relative to their counterparts in better served areas. This 
 difference would be reflected in the first instance as an increased cost 
 of the search for re -employment, in terms of money, or time, or both, 
 
 785-893 0-65-24 
 
for the less adequately served worker. Ultimately, these cost differentials 
 would be accompanied by unemployment rate differentials and associated decreased 
 income to the worker. 
 
 The following paragraphs will attempt to isolate some of the factors 
 involved as impediments to the unemployed worker in his search for work. 
 To be sure, many other forces are at work, some perhaps of greater signifi- 
 cance than the transportation pattern. But, because of its nature as a 
 publicly owned facility, it is the latter which is most manipulatable by 
 the policy makers to provide immediate relief to the disadvantaged worker. 
 
 I. Transportation and Industrial Location 
 
 Los Angeles SMSA is one of the nation's more extreme examples of the 
 phenomenon known as "urban sprawl. " Industrial areas grow up at diverse 
 points on the face of the area as urban growth progresses . The result has 
 been that the city and the county have surrounded many of these areas, which, 
 like many residential areas, have seized the option to remain, or become, 
 independent through incorporation. Job seekers in the city and the ring 
 are expected to travel as many as 20 miles in quest of an opportunity in 
 their field of work. Where the job seeker is Anglo, the problem is solvable 
 once he gets employment. He may, under most circumstances, locate near his 
 new job and transportation ceases to be a matter of concern. Nonwhites, and 
 in some areas, Mexican -Americans, often are forced to commute under these 
 same circumstances, due to housing restrictions. These same barriers often 
 serve employers, too, as the "reason" they will not consider minority group 
 members for jobs in outlying areas. Absenteeism and tardiness rates soar 
 when a worker is forced to travel long distances to work. 
 
.hart Mo. I 
 
 The study area in relation to 
 planning areas of the Los Angeles 
 County Regional Planning Commission 
 
 . Planning area division line 
 
 -AUiAHlfc 
 
 r— .r^. 
 
 
 
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 tnccaic u 
 
 / 
 
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 > 
 
 \\ 
 
 
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 Location Map 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 Worth County | 
 
 Southwest 
 3 laru 
 
 /area 
 
 J} : ^L stud -y Area 
 
 •"' 
 
 " ; ' Planning" "fH X^ast Central 
 V.~ tf Planning Area 
 
 A 
 
 A 
 
 
3- 
 
 The Final Report documents some evidence of trends toward more and more 
 centrifugation "by industry in the Los Angeles area, and especially by those 
 firms which obtain no benefit from agglomeration. As this centrifugation 
 continues, urban transportation has incentive to keep pace only to the 
 extent that families without second cars establish dense residence patterns 
 near the plants, and commerce moves near to accommodate. Until the con- 
 centration reaches some threshold, not even local, independent bus lines 
 can operate at a profit. Thus commuting or job- seeking workers without cars 
 find it difficult to get or hold a job in these outlying areas. If there is 
 any tendency for growth industries to locate in this way, as the writer 
 suspects, non- car- owning job seekers and workers are at a double dis- 
 advantage. Then again, the successful job seeker can arrange for a car- 
 pool ride. The long-term unemployed job seeker, however, is totally at the 
 mercy of the transit systems. 
 
 Charts I and II depict the available information on the current pattern 
 of industrial location relative to the ARA study area. Time series data 
 would be much more enlightening, but are unfortunately not available in 
 visual form. Chart I locates the ARA study area relative to the planning 
 areas of the Los Angeles County Regional Planning Commission. Only the 
 Southwest and East Central portions were available at the time of this 
 writing. It can be seen from the chart that the ARA study area extends 
 slightly into other planning areas north of these two, but most of the ARA 
 study area is contained in the East Central planning area. 
 
 Areas of industrial location contiguous to or near the ARA study area 
 are not all indicated since many of them lie outside the available planning 
 
h. 
 
 area reports. Chart II approximates the major areas. The largest "begins in 
 the tract (#206l) which forms the link between the northeastern and the larger 
 portion of the ARA study area. From here, the industrial area extends south- 
 ward and then the larger mass juts off at a right angle eastward, just "below 
 the eastward extension of the study area. The southward vector continues, with 
 a smaller mass, along Alameda Boulevard. Unconnected islands of industrial 
 concentration are also present in South Gate, Compton, Gardena, Torrance, and 
 Inglewood. These are not all of the industrialized areas in the county by any 
 means. Only the Southwest and East Central planning areas are shown, and thus 
 the entire northern area above the northernmost boundary (marked "College Ave- 
 nue") has "been excluded, and vast tracts to the east of the East Central Plan- 
 
 1 
 ning Area as well. Moreover, even in the indicated planning areas, several 
 
 uninteresting islands have not "been outlined due to their small area or low 
 labor -output ratio, such as the airport to the extreme west along Century 
 Boulevard. All in all these industrial areas are quite compact and easily 
 visualized with respect to their relationship to the study area. 
 
 Chart III relates the study area, and by comparison, the industrial 
 concentrations, to the major public transportation service areas. Only 
 the "central area" of the Metropolitan Transit Authority is indicated (by 
 the large, doughnut shaped, unstriated figure), since the various other 
 MTA "non-central" routes as a rule receive no transfers from the MTA 
 central area routes. This makes the non-central routes, called "inter -urban" 
 and "crosstown" lines, effectively a separate system. They are not shown 
 here because the added complexity takes away more from the diagram than it 
 adds. Also not shown, but of especial importance to the female unemployed, 
 
 1 
 The most important of these are the areas in and near the City of Indus- 
 try, these areas having been studied by the Regional Planning Commission as 
 far back as 195&. They have been left off the present charts simply because 
 their distance from the study area would make their reproduction a problem. 
 The bus lines serving these areas from the study area are particularly 
 inadequate and costly, as will be shown later. 
 
lend, use* 
 
 la sou'M.ves'i 
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 X 
 
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To San Fernando 
 Valley 
 
 iVJJL A.XJ. X « 
 
 Highland Parji 
 3 
 
 West 
 
 Robertson 
 
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 Wilshire 
 
 lAglewood 
 
 Huntington Park 
 
 
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 \\ 
 
 South Oat© 
 
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 Chart No. Ill 
 
 The study area In relation to the 1 / 
 "Central Area" zones and service a~ q 
 of connecting lines 
 
 |=] south L.A. Transportation Co. 
 
 QQJQ Gsr^ena Municipal Bus Lines 
 forrance Municipal Bus Lines 
 Eastern Cities Bus Lines 
 (|P MTAFare Zone Designation 
 
are the San Fernando valley and "west" areas. Transfers are permitted to 
 these lines from central area lines but the fare zones range as high as ten 
 to the west (Pacific Palisades) and twelve to the Valley (Canoga Park, 
 Balboa, and Sylmar) . These near-prohibitive costs have given rise to the 
 advertising of "carfare paid," in addition to rates of pay, in the employ- 
 ment of domestics in these areas. 
 
 MTA regular service in the Central Area varies from intense (in the 
 hole of the doughnut, known as the "inner zone"), to thin, to none (in 
 those pockets of non-service such as that between South Gate and Inglewood). 
 The encircled numbers in the named segments of the doughnut are fare zone 
 designations. Passengers are required to pay fare additions- -currently 
 8^ per zone- -when traveling to or from the inner zone to any marked \2) , 
 and a third, fourth, or fifth addition if they continue on into areas so 
 designated. Moreover, passengers traveling from one \2) zone to another 
 (?) zone (e.g., Crenshaw to Huntington Park) are subject to the same fare 
 addition. 
 
 Small wonder that independent lines have operated in the various pockets 
 of non- service and relatively expensive (in terms of zone charges) routes. 
 From these independent lines no transfer to the Metropolitan Transit 
 Authority is permitted. Five of these are shown on Chart III. The South 
 Los Angeles Transportation Company has filled the vacuum left by the MTA 
 in the extreme south of the study area. Farther south, but differing from 
 South Los Angeles in that they provide service to downtown Los Angeles, are 
 the Gardena and Torrance Municipal Bus Lines. Whereas South Los Angeles 
 has a single fare policy, the latter two lines have zone structures almost 
 as elaborate as the MTA's. 
 
6. 
 
 East Los Angeles, too, has its independent lines serving local 
 trip-makers. Neither of these two, the Montebello and Eastern Cities 
 Lines, provides service into downtown Los Angeles, and like South L.A., 
 neither charges zone increases. 
 
 Costs of Journey to Work 
 
 The meaning to the unemployed person of this complicated transportation 
 pattern depends on where he lives, whether or not he owns a car, whether or 
 not he has a source of income, etc. Some figures on the cost side were 
 obtained through the procedure set up by the MTA to guide the confused 
 traveler in ascertaining what routes are economical ones to take from a 
 given point to another. These are shown in Table I, which depicts costs 
 of traveling not to extremely distant points from the study area where 
 workers are known to travel to work or in search thereof, but to and from 
 
 that industrialized area most adjacent to the study area, which extends 
 
 2 
 from Vernon to Maywood. Centers of most intense industrial activity were 
 
 chosen as destinations and residential centers in our study area were chosen 
 as points of origin. 
 
 The higher costs shown in Table I are clearly prohibitive to the long- 
 term unemployed. An unemployed person who has exhausted his unemployment 
 insurance (that is, if he formerly worked in "covered" employment) can 
 hardly maintain a car, and meet its fuel demands, in sprawling Los Angeles. 
 
 2 
 Examples of more distant points are the City of Industry for blue 
 
 collar males and the west and valley area for domestic workers. There is 
 
 only one MTA line which serves the City of Industry. It is an "interurban" 
 
 line which runs only once an hour. The cost of the trip is $1.20 <§aah way, 
 
 and the time on the average is two hours. Moreover, the bus stops only at 
 
 designated points. Points of destination not conforming to these must be 
 
 reached on foot (or through local lines). Fare zone multiplications to the 
 
 factor "twelve,'' amounting to $ .96 in addition to the 25$zS fare each way, 
 
 have been discussed. 
 
7- 
 
 Where he can find fellow unemployed men seeking work in the same areas, a 
 car pool arrangement can probably be worked out. But such an arrangement 
 is nowhere near as common as are car pools among the employed. 
 
 Some of the questions raised by the above analysis were answered through 
 a survey of unemployed men who gathered at a conference in Avalon community 
 in Los Angeles on May 7 > 196k. Five hundred questionnaires were randomly 
 distributed to the 1500 persons, mostly Negro males, who attended. Responses 
 relevant to this study are contained in Tables II to VII I. J 
 
 Tables II and III describe the situation with respect to the search for 
 work of the unemployed who attended the conference. Almost 70 per cent were 
 receiving no unemployment insurance. These persons were either never in 
 covered employment during benefit periods or have been unemployed so long 
 that they have exhausted those benefits for which they were eligible. 
 Table III gives us an idea of the distribution of the employed by length 
 of time employed. The mean is 10 months. Since the basic period of unemploy- 
 ment benefits is only six months (26 weeks) with a possibility of a 13-week 
 extension in some periods, the majority of these persons are evidently 
 without any form of income with which to finance their search for work. 
 
 Question 2 in Table II shows that 57-5 Per cent of the unemployed who 
 attended the rally own no car. Yet, according to question 1, almost 63 
 per cent carry on their search for work outside South Central Los Angeles 
 (where the majority resided in the study area) . These persons are evidently 
 heavily dependent on the public transportation authorities for relative 
 mobility. 
 
 3 
 
 This sample is prooably biased, since the men who attended were 
 
 obviously a select group. 
 
Table IV shows that Qj.kfo of the unemployed persons who responded to 
 the question registered blue collar work as their last mode of employment. 
 Many reasons could he put forth concerning the conspicuous absence of white 
 collar workers from this sample, but the relevant fact remains that job 
 opportunities are evidently expanding least rapidly for the blue collar 
 worker with the associated characteristics of our sample. Job sought 
 (column 2) and job preferred (column 3) contrast in interesting ways with 
 last job worked. Most categories register high aspirations and a desire 
 to climb the occupational ladder. 
 
 The preponderance of workers on the bottom of the occupational distri- 
 bution is partly explained by Tables V and VI, which show the state of 
 birth and the state of prior residence, respectively, of the unemployed. 
 The deep South is highly represented in both tables, comprising over 65$ 
 of the sample by birth and 50^> hy prior residence. Apparently, many of the 
 respondents came directly to Los Angeles from the South. As out-migrants 
 from the South, they show high selectivity, however; e.g., Table VII shows 
 high educational attainment and Table VIII shows that in previous employ- 
 ment, the sample group earned a median wage of close to $85 weekly (though 
 only 23-7/& responded that they were members of unions). The distributions 
 are given in those tables. 
 
 Blue collar workers are presumably employed more by industry than by 
 commerce and other city- center activities. To investigate the scattered 
 opportunities in the former activity, the unemployed workers require a high 
 degree of mobility. Those who are without cars and who have exhausted 
 their interim sources of income and savings may find the high cost of metro- 
 politan transportation, in terms of time and money, prohibitive. The 
 
9- 
 
 decision to remain in or leave the work force may not be completely the 
 worker ' s - 
 
 Another source of data on the relative dependency of various groups in 
 the labor force on the public transportation media, as a means of getting 
 to work, is the Special Report of the U.S. Census Bureau on Los Angeles 
 SMSA by Census Tract (PCH(l) - 6b) . Chart IV shows very roughly the ratios 
 of private to public transportation users as a means of travel to work, by 
 place of residence. The pattern that these data take in the study area is 
 interesting in that the South Central and East Los Angeles areas emerge as 
 greater users of private automobiles as a means to work than the other sub- 
 areas in the study area. Yet these areas are precisely those with lowest 
 income levels. To the extent that income level is a determinant in car 
 ownership patterns, it appears it is entirely overwhelmed by other factors. 
 
 One of these factors may be the one isolated in Table IX, which was 
 derived from another Census Publication, Special Report PC (2) - 6B, 
 "Journey to Work." This publication gives in two tables for all SMSA's, 
 by center city, urban ring and county, information on transportation to work 
 by place of residence and place of work, by color and sex. Since 67. 1 per 
 cent of the Negroes in Los Angeles city live in our study area, some 
 generalizations made on the basis of these data may be held to be two-thirds 
 correct. 
 
 Data on means of transportation to work apply to the employed, not the 
 unemployed segment of the labor force. But the behavior of the employed 
 might, with qualifications, give us some insight into the behavior of the 
 unemployed in the same area with respect to their work search. 
 
 Table IX shows in column 6 the relationship between in-commuters to the 
 city and the out-commuters from the city. White males register an excess of 
 
Chart No. IV 
 
 The study area in relation to 
 private/public means of trans- 
 portation to -work 
 
 " nployed i n study area) 
 
 1-2 
 
 ^^ytirjr 
 
 1 
 
 SA*T** 0A&OA&4 
 
 k and over" 
 
 T ) 1.00 and "belov 
 1.01 — 2.00 
 2.01 ~ 3-00 
 
 ir-1 3.01 ~ lfr.00 
 
 V.01 and above 
 
 Source? U.S. Bureau of the Census, 
 Census of Population, Special Report, 
 Census Tract Statistics for L.A. - L.B . 
 SMSA; 19o0~ 
 

 V... ;„•.-. •.■V -♦-. • -• » C • •*• r '^».» 
 
 5 u.s.c. ; ?■ ^.^vfv/lT ©$», Y '£ ^st if ; / 
 r-Coasa^'^%. .^v; /7/^V J ©<••> 1 •£ c 
 
 Ohagfr Ko . V 
 r Hajci? linos ox' EEC Sorvico 
 A&A Gtudy Are a and Adjoining Areas' 
 
10. 
 
 the former over the latter, that is, whites tend to live outside and work 
 inside the city. Nonwhites tend to work outside and live inside the city. 
 Since the means of transportation outside the city limits is relatively less 
 dense, more costly, etc., this might be an explanation for the "need" for 
 more cars as a sole means to work for the nonwhites in the city. 
 
 The implications of this fact for the unemployed are clear. If the job 
 opportunities for nonwhites are relatively greater outside the city, many 
 unemployed nonwhite persons looking for work are relatively more at the mercy 
 of the transportation system in its most inadequate areas. This might be one 
 of the bottlenecks which cause proportionally more nonwhites to remain in 
 the ranks of the chronically unemployed. 
 
 Table IX also provides a great deal more insight into the relative 
 degree of dependency by color group on the public transportation facilities, 
 by place of work and place of residence. The employed nonwhite males in the 
 resident labor force use public transportation no more than nonwhite 
 commuters -out, but a great deal more (25$ vs 9$) than the nonwhite commuters- 
 in. Employed nonwhite males make up 15$ of the resident labor force using 
 both public facilities and private cars as a means to work, but 25$ of the 
 resident labor force of the city using public transportation as a means. 
 Among commuters-out of the city, nonwhites comprise 11 per cent of those 
 using both means, but 25 per cent of those using public means. There is 
 left no doubt that, over all the city, nonwhites are more dependent on the 
 public transportation systems than are whites in all categories. That the 
 reverse seems to be the case in our study area is apparently a function of 
 the way the study area was selected on the basis of low income and 
 unemployment (excluding many Anglo areas in the city) . 
 
11. 
 
 Another insight is gained from Chart V which shows the important lines 
 of service of the major system, the MTA. The areas in which service is 
 poor or absent are also the areas of high ratio of private to public trans- 
 portation means in Chart IV. This indicates that the inadequacy of service 
 by the major line, requiring that additional fares be paid to the smaller 
 lines serving that area locally, is a major factor in the decision to 
 purchase cars to get to work, a decision possible for the employed, but 
 often impossible for the long-term unemployed. 
 
 Conclusions 
 
 It would appear that the mobility of the long-term unemployed may be 
 especially adversely affected by the relative inadequacy of the public 
 transportation facilities. In their search for work they are often required 
 to travel long distances to industrialized areas. Since public transpor- 
 tation media are usually residence-density and commerce-density oriented, 
 and since whites predominate in commerce and in many other city-center 
 activities, predominantly blue collar nonwhites are particularly disadvan- 
 taged by the present arrangement of transportation media. 
 
 A study should be made of the adequacy of transportation facilities 
 to industrial areas, in relation to those groups who seek work in these 
 industries and who register a high index of unemployment. If the corre- 
 lation of unemployment and transportation inadequacy is positive, transpor- 
 tation authorities should recognize the costs to the area of maintaining a_high 
 rate of unemployment, and put this into the equation when considering the 
 possibilities for expanding service to industrialized areas such as the 
 City of Industry. 
 
 785-893 0-65-25 
 
12. 
 
 Currently, school children and senior citizens are permitted fare 
 reductions on the public transportation media. It would appear to "be a 
 small extension of present policy to include in this plan unemployed persons 
 who are actively seeking work. This would reduce the costs of the search 
 for work, give incentive to the unemployed to stay in the labor force, and, 
 if it increases mobility of the worker, would probably reduce the costs to 
 the state and the nation of maintaining the long-term unemployed. Such a 
 policy should be given extensive publicity. 
 
 Future unemployment studies, especially those computing unemployment 
 rates for the area, might do well to filter out the resident labor force 
 of the city as a purer basis for determining the rate of unemployment for 
 those whose incomes ultimately go to filling the tax coffers and gross 
 domestic expenditures of the city, a more meaningful figure in this writer's 
 opinion than one incorporating the status of the in-commuter who spends his 
 income and pays his taxes outside the city. 
 
Table I 
 
 COSTS OF JOURNEY TO AND FROM WORK -- 
 SPECIFIED PLACES OF RESIDENCE WITHIN 
 THE STUDY AREA 
 
 Place of 
 Residence 
 
 Soto and Leonis 
 
 Atlantic and Slauson and Atlantic and 
 Washington Garfield Firestone 
 
 Santa Barbara 
 and Central 
 
 $ .50 
 
 $1.16 
 
 $1.16 $1.16 
 
 Florence and 
 Central 
 
 .66 
 
 1.32 
 
 1.32 
 
 1.16 
 
 108th and 
 Wilmington 
 
 .96 
 
 1.46 
 
 I.78 
 
 .80 
 
 Eastern and 
 Third Street 
 
 .84 
 
 ,8k 
 
 1.66 
 
 1.16 
 
 Source: Metropolitan Transit Authority telephone information service 
 
TABLE II 
 
 Unemployment And The Search for Work 
 
 
 YES 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 NO 
 
 f> 
 
 N.R. 
 
 4, 
 
 1. "Do you ever look for work outside 
 South Central Los Angeles?" 
 
 223 
 
 62.8 
 
 132 
 
 37-2 
 
 
 
 0.0 
 
 2. "Do you own a car?" (See attach- 
 ment on year and type . ) 
 
 142 
 
 40.0 
 
 204 57-5 
 
 9 
 
 2-5 
 
 ■ ■ """-H 
 
 3. "Are you getting UI benefits at 
 present?" 
 
 100 
 
 t 
 
 28.2 1 
 
 1 
 
 245 
 
 69.0 
 
 10 
 
 2.8 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed to unemployed men at a 
 conference, May 7, 1964. 
 
TABLE III 
 
 Length of Time Unemployed 
 
 a. Under 1 month. . . 
 
 b. 1 month - 3 months 
 
 c. 3 months - 6 months 
 
 d. 6 months - 1 year. 
 
 e. 1 year - 2 years . 
 
 f. 2 years - 3 years. 
 
 g. 3 years plus . . . 
 h. N.R. or employed . 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 3-1 
 13-2 
 17-7 
 27-3 
 16.9 
 
 8.5 
 7-9 
 5A 
 
 355 
 
 100.0 
 
 Mean: 10 months unemployed 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed to 
 unemployed men at a conference, May J, 1964, 
 
TABLE IV 
 
 Occupation of The Unemployed 
 
 LAST JOB 
 
 JOB LOOKING FOR 
 
 JOB CHOICE 
 
 NO. i 
 
 NO. $, 
 
 NO . d P 
 
 Professional, Technical 
 
 and Kindred Workers . .5 2.1 8 2-3 31 8.1 
 
 Clerical and Kindred 
 
 Workers 16 6.8 35 9.8 52. ..1^.7 
 
 Sales Workers 5 1.3 5....I.3 
 
 Craftsmen, Foremen, and 
 
 Kindred V/orkers 20. . . .8.5 6k. . . .18.0 55. . .15.4 
 
 Operatives and Kindred 
 
 Workers 2k. ..10. 3 k$ 12.9 59- • .16. 6 
 
 Service Workers 51. ..21.8 106 29.9 6l. ..17-2 
 
 Laborers 27- ..11.6 27 7-5 40...11.3 
 
 (N.R.) 91... 38. 9 65 18.3 52... Ik. 7 
 
 TOTAL 23^. .100.0 355. . .100.0 355. .100.0 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed to unemployed men at a 
 conference, May 7, I96U. 
 
TABLE V 
 Place of Birth of The Unemployed 
 
 NO. 
 
 1 . Loui siana 83 23 . k 
 
 2 . Texas 73 20 . 6 
 
 3- California 39 11.0 
 
 k. Arkansas 25 7-0 
 
 5. Mississippi 23 6.5 
 
 6 . Alabama 22 6 . 2 
 
 7. Oklahoma^ .J-d ^'5 
 
 8. Tennessee 10 2.8 
 
 9 . Illinoi s 6 1 . 7 
 
 10 . Pe nnsy lvani a 6 1 . 7 
 
 11 . Mi s souri 5 1 . k 
 
 12. Iowa k 1.1 
 
 13. New York k 1.1 
 
 Ik . Ari zona 3 . 8 
 
 15. Florida__ 3_ .8 
 
 16. Georgia 3 .8 
 
 17 . Mi chigan 3 . 8 
 
 18. North Carolina 3 .8 
 
 19 . Ohio 3 . 8 
 
 20 . Co lorado 2 _ . 6 
 
 21 . Indi ana 2 . 6 
 
 22. Kansas 2_ .6 
 
 23. New Jerse y 2 .6 
 
 2k. South Carolina 2 .6 
 
 25 • Alaska 1 . 3 
 
 26 . Idaho 1 . 3 
 
 27. Maine 1_ _.3 
 
 28 . Maryland _1 . 3 
 
 29. Minnesota _1 .3 
 
 30 . Ut ah 1 . 3 
 
 31 • Mexi co 2 . 6 
 
 32 . England 1 . 3 
 
 33' Panama 1 .3 
 
 No Answer 1 .3 
 
 TOTAL 355 100.0 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed to unemployed men 
 at a conference , May J f 196^. 
 
TABLE VI 
 Prior Residence of The Unemployed 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 NO. 
 
 i 
 
 1. 
 
 65 
 
 18.3 
 
 2. 
 
 Texas 
 
 60 
 
 16.9 
 
 3- 
 
 ^California 
 
 2k' 
 
 " 6.8 
 
 k. 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 20 
 
 5.6 
 
 5- 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 17 
 
 k.Q 
 
 6. 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 17 
 
 k.Q 
 
 7< 
 
 Alabama 
 
 13 
 
 3-7 
 
 8. 
 
 Michigan 
 
 11 
 
 3-1 
 
 9- 
 
 Illinois 
 
 10 
 
 2.8 
 
 10. 
 
 Missouri 
 
 10 
 
 2.8 
 
 11. 
 
 Arizona 
 
 9 
 
 2.5 
 
 12. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 8 
 
 2.3 
 
 13- 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 7 
 
 2.0 
 
 Ik. 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 5 
 
 l.k 
 
 15- 
 
 New York 
 
 5 
 
 l.k 
 
 16. 
 
 Colorado 
 
 k 
 
 1.1 
 
 17- 
 
 Florida 
 
 k 
 
 1.1 
 
 18. 
 
 Indiana 
 
 k 
 
 1.1 
 
 19. 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 3 
 
 " .8 
 
 20. 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 3 
 
 .8 
 
 21. 
 
 Iowa 
 
 2 
 
 .6 
 
 22. 
 
 Maine 
 
 2 
 
 .6 
 
 23- 
 
 Maryland 
 
 2 
 
 .6 
 
 2k. 
 
 Worth Carolina 
 
 2 
 
 .6 
 
 25. 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 2 
 
 .6 
 
 26. 
 
 Alaska 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 27- 
 
 Idaho 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 28. 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 29. 
 
 Montana 
 
 1 
 
 •3 
 
 30. 
 
 Nevada 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 31. 
 
 Bahamas 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 32. 
 
 England 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 33- 
 
 Germany 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 34. 
 
 Mexico 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 35. 
 
 Panama 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 36. 
 
 "Europe" 
 
 1 
 
 • 3 
 
 37. 
 
 Armed Services 
 
 6 
 
 1.7 
 
 *No 
 
 Answer 
 
 28 
 
 7-9 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 355 
 
 100.0 
 
 (*Those answering "California" on this question, 
 along with 'No Answer" probably did not understand 
 the question. Chances are a large proportion of 
 them were born in California.) 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed to unemployed 
 men at a conference, May J, l$6k. 
 
TABLE VII 
 
 Educational Attainment of The Unemployed 
 
 Grad 
 
 e: 
 .rs 
 
 Completed 
 
 No: 
 
 * 
 
 No School Yea 
 
 16 
 
 h.5 
 
 Elementary: 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 8 
 
 - k years 
 
 - 7 years 
 years 
 
 18 
 33 
 32 
 
 5-0 
 9-3 
 9-0 
 
 High School: 
 
 l 
 h 
 
 - 3 years 
 years 
 
 112 
 
 29-3 
 31.6 
 
 College: 
 
 1 
 
 k 
 
 - 3 years 
 years or more 
 
 36 
 " k 
 
 10.2 
 
 1.1 
 
 
 
 TOTAL: 
 
 355 
 
 100.0 
 
 Still in School 
 
 
 5 
 
 l.k 
 
 Median School years completed: 10.4 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed to unemployed 
 men at a conference, May 7, 196^. 
 
TABLE VIII 
 
 Prior Earnings of The Unemployed 
 
 
 Under $25 /week 
 
 NO: 
 
 4, 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 2.8 
 
 2 
 
 $25 - $49/week 
 
 34 
 
 9.6 
 
 3 
 
 $50 - $74/week 
 
 86 
 
 24.2 
 
 k 
 
 $75 - $99/week 
 
 107 
 
 30.1 
 
 5 
 
 $100 - $124/week 
 
 58 
 
 16.3 
 
 6 
 
 $125 - $l 1 +9/week 
 
 37 
 
 10.4 
 
 7 
 
 $150 - over 
 
 6 
 
 1-7 
 
 8 
 
 No answer 
 
 17 
 
 4.8 
 
 Median - $84.53 
 
 TOTAL: 355 100. 0# 
 
 Source: Responses to a questionnaire distributed 
 
 to unemployed men at a conference, May 7; 1964, 
 
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MAJOR FACTORS III INDUSTRIAL LOCATION 
 
 By Joel D. Leidner 
 July, 1964 
 
The following Is the result of 125 interviews with executives 
 in various firms which have recently changed location (see appendix 
 VII). I conducted the interviews by telephone and correspondence 
 after sending a letter to each of the employers, on the stationery of 
 the Economic Development Agency of Greater Los Angeles, explaining the 
 purpose of our project and my inquiries. As the responses of the 
 125 interviews were consistent with the responses of 22 employers 
 I interviewed in person, and were much more easily categorized, the 
 statistics in the appendices are the results only of the last 125 
 interviews. 
 
 That the industrially zoned property in the study area is prime 
 industrial property is reflected in the responses given by those who 
 have moved out of the study area and those who chose not to locate 
 in the study area when they had previously been established outside 
 the area. If there were no extrinsic value to that location, the 
 value-cost of the land would be no greater per square foot than land 
 in Lynwood, Maywood, Downey, or any other community. As indicated 
 by a previous report (see text of final ARA report) containing the 
 approximate cost of land per square foot in the study area, in addi- 
 tion to this verbal corroboration, the desirability of locating in or 
 near the study area for certain enterprises is readily apparent. How- 
 ever, twenty-nine of the thirty- three businessmen who had moved out 
 of the study area and forty-five of the sixty-five businessmen who 
 had previously been located outside the study area and again chose 
 to relocate outside that area stated that the price of land was a 
 major factor in their choice to locate thusly (see Appendices I and III). 
 
2. 
 
 One employer noted that, for the price at which he sold his old land and 
 building, he bought a new building three times the size of the old one in a newly- 
 developing industrial area. Others did not sell their buildings but leased them 
 at such a high rent that it paid the mortgage on their new facility. The firm 
 which moved into the vacated structure was usually one which had no reputation 
 and therefore had to weigh location (proximity to downtown and consequent contact 
 with customers ) against expense . 
 
 If the cost of the land can be met, the most frequently mentioned reason for 
 avoiding the study area is the scarcity, if not absence, of vacant land and/or 
 facilities large enough to house an expanding industry. Thirty two of the thirty- 
 three who have moved out of the study area and forty- eight of the sixty- five who 
 were located outside the study area and have chosen to relocate outside the 
 area gave as a reason for their choice ? the lack of a building or vacant lot in 
 the study area large enough to house their operation' (see Appendices I and III). 
 The size of the buildings into which expanding industries are moving is generally 
 more than 10,000 square feet ( se e Appendix V). The three movements in the study 
 area of 35,000 square-foot building industries are on Alameia Street, the eastern 
 boundary of the study area. The two movements of 20 , 000- 2k , 999 square- foot 
 building industries are into two- story industrial buildings, as is the ^0,000- 
 Vl-,999 square- foot building move. The eastern part of the study area still has 
 some vacant land, but the price of this prime vacant land is $2.50 per square foot 
 and up. The industries which have moved out of the study area have paid $.80 per 
 sq. ft. up to $1.25 per sq. ft. and have bought large enough tracts to build one- 
 story 10,000 through 200,000 sq. ft. facilities. Of course, the cost o? building a 
 
3- 
 
 one story structure is a consideration. A one- story industrial structure, 
 complete with sprinkler system and air conditioning, costs frcm five to seven 
 dollars a sq. ft. A multi- story industrial building, which could house as 
 heavy an industry on the fourth floor as on the first, costs from eleven to 
 thirteen dollars a sq. ft. 
 
 Complicating the "building of multi- story buildings of (for example) 20,000 
 sq. ft. on each of four stories is the requirement of one parking space for 
 each 500 sq. ft. The one exception to the parking rule is on warehouse use. 
 The requirement of one space for each 500 sq. ft. is the same to 10,000 sq. ft. 
 of this use. It then "becomes a requirement of one space for every 5000 sq. ft. 
 Also, there is an area designated as the Downtown area, having the boundaries 
 of Figueroa, Central, Venice, and Sunset, in which the parking requirement is 
 one space for each 1000 sq. ft. beginning with 7,500 sq. ft. This requirement 
 was instituted in 1950 and covers M--1-2--3 land. The present out- of- Downtown- 
 area regulation of one space for every 500 sq. ft. was instituted in 1958 • 
 
 If the upper two floors of a four- story building are to be used as an 
 office or are completely automated, certainly the parking requirement would 
 discourage a potential mover to the study area. If, instead of having a blanket 
 policy of one parking space for every 500 sq. ft. (a requirement, incidentally, 
 which is more demanding than the parking requirements for apartment houses), a 
 more flexible parking requirement were instituted (perhaps based on use and 
 number of employees), the reluctance of industries to enter Los Angeles proper 
 might be partially allayed. If a building contains 35,000 sq. ft., employs 
 only six people, and has an average of tiro visitors a month, enforcement of the 
 law of one parking space for every 500 sq. ft. is a very unrealistic requirement. 
 
If, on the other hand, this same building is also used for display and has an 
 average of twenty-five visitors a day, the parking regulation could easily 
 be adjusted to this use. 
 
 As can easily be seen, industries erecting new buildings could misrep- 
 resent the number of parking spaces required. Investigation of their claims 
 as to the number of parking spaces they require could be handled by the already 
 established apparatus of the City Planning Commission in conjunction with the 
 Research Division of the California Department of Employment. 
 
 It is significant that there are whole streets and sections in the study 
 area which are for lease, rent, and sale — vacant buildings under 5000 sq. ft. 
 One choice which is not given on the signs of any of these small buildings is 
 "Build to suit." There are three reasons for this: (l) the cost of tearing 
 down the existing structure is prohibitive; (2) the building usually has a 
 loan against it which must be paid off before the building is demolished 
 (although there are many ways to circumvent this); and, most important, (3) 
 the size of the lot on which the building is standing is usually a maximum 
 of 50' x 150'. 
 
 This last reason bears some examination. With a total lot space of 7500 
 sq. ft., there is a total usable area of 7500 sq. ft. at the most. This is 
 figured on the basis of no setback. If the building is 7500 sq. ft., fifteen 
 parking spaces, each ikk sq. ft. or a total of 2160 sq. ft., would be required. 
 This could, of course, be subterranean parking, but the cost of digging for 
 only fifteen parking spaces is prohibitive. This parking could be provided on 
 an adjacent lot, but there are seldom any vacant adjacent lots. Ultimately the 
 only economically feasible thing to do (and at this stage it isn't very feasible) 
 is to build a facility of 53^0 sq. ft., about the size of the existing structure. 
 
5. 
 
 The advantage of the existing structure is that it was probably built before 
 the strict zoning regulations came into being. This means that such items as 
 setbacks and parking were ignored. 
 
 The Los Angeles Municipal Code, Section 1223: a: 6 provides that by June 1, 
 1966 all non- conforming structures must either be altered to conform with the 
 zoning regulations promulgated in 195&, or he torn down. This provision, how- 
 ever, only applies to non- conforming structures and uses in R zoned areas--not 
 in C, CM, or M zoned areas. Lack of provision for the conformance of industry 
 to the regulations of its zone is obviously an attempt to keep existing industry 
 intact. In point of fact, the exclusion of M zones to keep industry is self- 
 defeating. It is precisely those requirements of sufficiently wide streets for 
 large, modern trucks, sufficiently strong buildings for the weight of heavy 
 machines, sufficiently large buildings for expanding industries and sufficient 
 control to enforce compliance with these and other regulations that make areas 
 other than downtown Los Angeles attractive. 
 
 When the buildings are made to conform, indeed, even before, the land on 
 which they are standing becomes more valuable. The most valuable land in the 
 study area is the vacant land. The dollar value of the land, however, is an 
 insignificant factor when the structure on it is outmoded for use by expanding 
 industries. The occupants of these buildings are usually lessors as opposed to 
 owners. The value of the land is a fixed feature. The cost of construction is 
 somewhat variable, depending on the number of floors to be built. In brief, if 
 five or six owners of lots of 50' x 150' got together, demolished their nearly 
 useless structures and erected a three-, four-, or five-story industrial build- 
 ing of 35,000 sq. ft. on each level, the remaining land could hold a multi-level 
 
 785-893 0-65-26 
 
6. 
 
 structure with parking on the upper levels and warehousing on the lower, and 
 the rents they would collect by the nature of their location would bring them 
 a very high return on their investment. There are two possible problems in 
 carrying out such a plan (l) the lack of cooperation among the owners of 
 adjacent parcels; and (2) the lending policies of financial institutions on 
 such property. 
 
 Lack of cooperation among different land owners can, of course, be over- 
 come by forming corporations, one buying the other out, and so forth. The 
 lending policies of financial institutions are a bit more difficult to over- 
 come. A four-story industrial facility with 35;000 sq. ft. of floor space on 
 each story will cost approximately $1,420,000. Of this, financial institutions 
 will require at least £ down if they will consider lending on it at all. Such 
 a structure would be economically competitive with a one- story industrial 
 structure having the same square footage built on vacant land. In addition, 
 it would have the advantage of location. In addition to the general unwillingness 
 of financial institutions to lend such a sum on this type of structure, there 
 is the cost of the loan itself which may be as much as four points. A federally- 
 financed industrial building fund charging no points and small rate of interest 
 would, in fact, not be competing with private institutions, but would be filling 
 a gap which they do not choose to fill themselves. 
 
 Although South Central and East Los Angeles are prime industrial areas, 
 they (primarily the former) have one drawback which was mentioned by 23 of the 
 thirty- three employers interviewed who had moved from the study area to outside 
 the study area, and by 3^ of the sixty five employers interviewed who had been 
 
t. 
 
 located outside the study area and again chose to locate outside: lack of 
 accessibility to freeways other than the Harbor Freeway without going through 
 the Interchange. One employer who is moving to Oxnard noted that he could 
 get to downtown Los Angeles as quickly from his future location as he could 
 from his past location in Venice. 
 
 Speed and ease of movement from point to point are important not only in 
 terms of ready accessibility to customers, but also in computing transportation 
 costs. The Public Utilities Commission of California has recently revised the 
 tariff schedules on some goods and will soon deal with Tariff No. 5, General 
 Commodities. Of particular importance in its decision to revise tariffs was 
 the flurry of freeway construction in the Southland. In revising point to 
 point and mileage tariffs it will take into consideration not only the distance 
 to be traversed, but the length of time now necessary to go from one point to 
 another. Therefore, although it may be that the distance from Glendale to 
 Santa Ana is five miles greater using the new Golden State freeway, the time 
 it takes to get from Glendale to Santa Ana might be shortened by a half -hour. 
 This would mean a downward revision in the minimum tariff. 
 
 In general, interviewees have emphasized the desirability of locating 
 near the Santa Monica, Santa Ana, or Golden State Freeways so that they could 
 make connections with other freeways without having to brave the congestion of 
 Downtown Los Angeles (see Appendix IX) . It is not only possible, therefore, 
 but highly probable that one approach to the problem of stimulation of industry 
 in the South Central and East Los Angeles portions would be the building «f 
 freeways which would connect with the Santa Ana, San Bernardino, Golden State, 
 and other freeways without having to pass through the interchange. The Regional 
 
Planning Commission maps of the study area project the construction of such 
 freeways. When I spoke with Messrs. Kenneth Topping and Russell Chase, 
 director and assistant director of the Regional Planning Commission, they 
 said that they "really didn't know what course future freeway construction would 
 take." On the "basis of the interviews of employers I would recommend that 
 strong consideration "be given to the construction of freeways which will bypass 
 the interchange and connect with the Santa Ana, San Bernardino, and San Diego 
 Freeways . 
 
 It should be noted that there are railroads running through and near the 
 study area, including spur lines to specific industrially -zoned sections of 
 the study area. While the importance of the railroad cannot be underrated as 
 a major factor in the former industrial development of the study area, most of 
 the employers interviewed stated that they now relied almost entirely on highway 
 carriers. The 1963 edition of the Statistical Abstract of California shows 
 that while railroad revenues have increased 289.7$ from 19^0-1962, highway 
 revenues have increased S>6k.6io. In 1962 highway revenues were more than 
 seven times greater than railroad revenues. The Southern Pacific Railroad has 
 tracks running along Exposition Blvd. to San Pedro Street and then along 31st 
 Street, in addition to tracks along Alameda Street. The Santa Fe Railroad has 
 tracks which parallel Washington Blvd. There are other smaller segments of 
 track, but, in relation to their capacity to handle traffic, they are nearly 
 unused. The types of industries which had formerly utilized the railroads 
 extensively have turned to highway carriers. Those industries which still 
 utilize the railroads (e.g., heavy steel) have tended to move out of the study 
 area because of such factors as zoning restrictions, changeability of regulations, 
 
9- 
 
 inadequate size of vacant land; etc-. Significantly, the never industrial areas 
 also have extensive track mileage, "but the types of industries moving to these 
 areas are users of railroads. Therefore, in considering stimulation of industry 
 in the study area, additional railroad tracks are not even a factor. 
 
 With the movement of heavy industry toward the open-landed eastern peri- 
 phery of Los Angeles ccmes, of course, a movement of the job skills required by 
 these industries. It has been determined that the skill level of the people 
 in the study area is very low. (The number of skilled and semi-skilled workers 
 required by industries moving from outside the study area to outside the study 
 area is over three and one-half times the number of unskilled workers required. 
 On the other hand, the number of skilled and semi-skilled workers required by 
 industries moving within the study area or into the study area is nearly one- 
 half the number of unskilled workers . ) The presence of a large unskilled labor 
 market in the study area was undoubtedly a motivating factor for the location 
 of some industries in the study area. The nature of the industries which have 
 chosen to locate there (see Appendix VII ) would demonstrate this rather clearly. 
 On the other hand, no employer who has moved out of the study area has indicated 
 that he has any fear of not being able to find an unskilled labor force near 
 the place to which he is moving. Most, in fact, indicated that they expected 
 to take their entire labor force with them, including unskilled labor. One 
 cosmetics manufacturer moving to Long Beach noted that he was losing a large 
 part of his unskilled labor force but had no fear of beinc shorthanded. The 
 major source of unskilled labor remains, nevertheless, the people of the study 
 area. Industries utilizing a large proportion of unskilled labor could easily 
 be attracted to the study area if adequate facilities and transportation could 
 be provided. 
 
10. 
 
 As a result of the foregoing, the following steps to stimulate industrial 
 development of the study area are indicated: demolition of existing small 
 structures; erection of large , multi -level structures; and construction of 
 freeways connecting with the San Bernardino, Santa Ana,, Golden State, and 
 other freeways without going through the interchange. 
 
AEEEEDICES 
 
 Note: Most of the respondents gave more than one reason 
 for their movement, so that when a businessman said, for example, 
 that he moved because of the high price of and inadequate size 
 of a facility in the study area, in addition to high taxes, I 
 credited him vith all three reasons. This applies to Appendices 
 I, II, III, IV, and IX. 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 Reasons given for relocating by those industries which have moved out of 
 the study area. 
 
 1. Lack of a sufficiently large facility in the study area - 32. 
 
 2. The high cost of land and buildings in the study area - 29. 
 
 3. Lack of accessibility to freeways other than the Harbor without 
 using the interchange - 23. 
 
 h. Lack of a large plot of vacant land - 22. 
 
 5- The study area was no longer the center of their market - 9« 
 
 6. Taxes too high in study area - 8. 
 
 Total 33 moving from the study area to outside the study area. Total 
 interviews 33* 
 
APPENDIX II 
 Reasons for movement given by those employers moving within the study area. 
 
 1. To be readily accessible to buyers who demand seeing their wares - 9< 
 
 2. To be readily accessible to customers in situations requiring fast 
 pickup and delivery - k. 
 
 3. Business services which must be close to the heart of the office 
 district - 5* 
 
 h. Banks and commercial institutions which need to be located near the 
 center of business - 3« 
 
 5. Other - 3. 
 
 6. Medical center which chose the location on the basis of being 
 needed - 1. 
 
 7. Having an established retail trade and a name in the area - 1. 
 
 Total movements 26. Total interviews 26. 
 
APPE1TDIX III 
 
 Reasons for choice of location of those moving from outside the study area 
 to outside the study area. 
 
 1. Large size and availability of land and/or facility - U8. See also 
 breakdown of building sizes. 
 
 2. Cost of land and/or facility - J+5 . 
 
 3. Accessibility to freeways - 38* See also breakdown of freeway desira- 
 bility. 
 
 h. Taxes - 8. 
 
 5. Location central to present and anticipated markets - l6. 
 
 6. Employee consideration - 13. 
 
 7. Other - e.g.,, franchise for an area - 8. 
 
 Total movements 86. Total interviews 65. 
 
APPENDIX IV 
 Reasons of those moving from outside the study area to inside the study area. 
 
 1. Consolidation of two complementary operations under one roof where 
 each operation requires a large ready supply of unskilled labor. 
 Facility on a long term -lease, 
 
 2. Moved from tract adjoining 2312 (S.A. tract) to large quarters while 
 retaining proximity to buyers. 
 
 Actually only one firm which I interviewed. 
 
APPENDIX V 
 Sizes of ?-;.ildijiprs Into i/hich businesses Have Moved 
 
 Outside Study Area Inside Study Area 
 
 Under 5000 sq. ft. 5 2 
 
 5000-5999 1 
 
 6000-6999 2 
 
 7000-7999 4 
 
 8000-8999 
 
 9000-9999 1 
 
 10,000-10,999 5 2 
 
 11,000-11,999 1 
 
 12,000-12,999 2 
 
 13,000-13,999 1 
 
 14,000-14,999 1 
 
 15,000-15,999 U 
 
 16,000-16,999 1 
 
 17,000-17,999 
 
 18,000-18,999 
 
 19,000-19,999 1 
 
 20,000-24,999 13 2 
 
 25,000-29,999 5 1 
 
 30,000-3^,999 6 1 
 
 35,000-39,999 1 3 
 
 ko, 000 -44,999 3 1 
 
 45,000-49,999 1 
 
 50,000-74,999 7 
 
 75,000-99,999 1 
 
 100,000-149,999 3 
 
 150,000-199,999 4 
 
 200,000 and over 2 
 
 Note: Two industries moving into a 35,0C0 sq. ft. structure in the study 
 
 area are moving into a two- story structure at 69OO Alameda. The other 
 large buildings in the study area are new and in East Los Angeles. 
 
APPENDIX VI 
 
 Location of Firms, 
 
 Los Angeles (S.A. included) 53 
 
 Monterey Park 
 
 1 
 
 Alhambra 
 
 5 
 
 La Mirada 
 
 h 
 
 Anaheim 
 
 1 
 
 Newbury Park 
 
 l 
 
 Buena Park 
 
 2 
 
 Orange 
 
 5 
 
 Burbank 
 
 1 
 
 Oxnard 
 
 1 
 
 Chatsworth 
 
 1 
 
 Pacoima 
 
 1 
 
 Commerce 
 
 8 
 
 Paramount 
 
 1 
 
 Compton 
 
 3 
 
 Pasadena 
 
 3 
 
 Culver City 
 
 1 
 
 Pico Rivera 
 
 3 
 
 Domingues 
 
 l 
 
 Santa Barbara 
 
 1 
 
 El Cajon 
 
 1 
 
 Santa Fe Springs 
 
 k 
 
 El Segundo 
 
 k 
 
 El Sereno 
 
 1 
 
 El Monte 
 
 k 
 
 Sherman Oaks 
 
 1 
 
 Fullerton 
 
 1 
 
 San Gabriel 
 
 1 
 
 Garden Grove 
 
 1 
 
 South Gate 
 
 2 
 
 Gardena 
 
 k 
 
 Santa Monica 
 
 1 
 
 Glendale 
 
 8 
 
 Study Area only 
 
 28 
 
 Huntington Park 
 
 1 
 
 Sun Valley 
 
 2 
 
 Highland Park 
 
 3 
 
 Torrance 
 
 3 
 
 Industry 
 
 5 
 
 Unknown 
 
 3 
 
 Inglewood 
 
 1 
 
 University City 
 
 1 
 
 La Habra 
 
 l 
 
 Van Nuys 
 
 h 
 
 Long Beach 
 
 2 
 
 Vernon 
 
 k 
 
 Lynwood 
 
 k 
 
 Void 
 
 2 
 
 Montebello 
 
 1 
 
 Whittier 
 
 1 
 
 Source: Total 168 movements from July 1, 1963 to April 1, 196k as reported 
 by Business Extension Bureau, 1335 S. Flower, Los Angeles. 
 
APPENDIX VII 
 Movement by Industry 
 
 0T0 
 
 ATO 
 
 ATA 
 
 OTA 
 
 Construction 
 
 Manufacturing 
 
 Durable Goods 
 
 Miscellaneous wood products 
 Furniture and fixtures 
 Primary iron and steel industries 
 Fabricated metal industries 
 Machinery except electrical 
 Electrical machinery, equipment 
 
 and supplies 
 Aircraft and parts 
 Other durable goods 
 
 Nondurable goods 
 
 Other food industries 
 
 Yarn, thread, and fabric mills 
 
 Apparel and other fabricated 
 
 textile products 
 Paper and allied products 
 Printing, publishing and allied 
 Chemicals and allied products 
 Petroleum and coal products 
 Rubber and miscellaneous plastic 
 
 products 
 All other nondurable goods 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 h 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 k 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 k 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wholesale and Retail Trade 
 
 Wholesale trade 
 
 Furniture and equipment stores 
 
 Hardware, farm implement, building 
 material retail 
 
 All other retail trade 
 Finance, insurance and real estate 
 Banking and other finances 
 
 Business and repair services 
 Miscellaneous repair services 
 Business services 
 All other personal services 
 Medical and other health services 
 Legal, engineering and miscellaneous 
 
 professional services 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Key: 
 
 0T0 means those who have moved from outside the study area to outside 
 
 the study area. 
 ATO means those who have moved from the study area to outside the study 
 
 area. 
 ATA means those who have moved from inside the study area to inside the 
 
 study area. 
 OTA means those who have moved from outside the study area to inside the 
 
 study area. 
 
APPENDIX VIII 
 
 Standard Industrial Classification Numbers and type of firms locating in the study 
 area. 
 
 2323 - 
 
 neckwear 
 
 2331 - 
 
 clothing 
 
 2395 - 
 
 qui Iters 
 
 2511 - 
 
 furniture manufacturers 
 
 2591 - 
 
 drapery manufacturers 
 
 2782 - 
 
 bindery 
 
 36^2 - 
 
 lamp manufacturers 
 
 3987 - 
 
 lamp shades 
 
 5013 - 
 
 engine bearings 
 
 5035 - 
 
 clothing manufacturers 
 
 5063 - 
 
 light manufacturers 
 
 5082 - 
 
 postal meters 
 
 5097 - 
 
 wholesale jewelry 
 
 5099 - 
 
 wholesale carpets 
 
 6711 - 
 
 financial 
 
 7319 - 
 
 direct mail advertising 
 
 3911 - 
 
 engineering 
 
 Source: Industries for which SIC numbers were available. Those industries which 
 employ ten or more people and have moved within Los Angeles and environs from July 1, 
 1963 to April 1, I96U, as collected by the Business Extension Bureau, 1335 S. Flower. 
 
APPENDIX IX 
 
 Freeways toward which employers have stated they have moved. 
 
 Santa Ana 
 
 21 
 
 Golden State 
 
 12 
 
 San Bernardino 
 
 i-. 
 2 
 
 San Diego 
 
 9 
 
 The Interchange 
 
 Q 
 
 Long Beach 
 
 7 
 
 Harbor 
 
 5 
 
 Pasadena 
 
 3 
 
 Ventura 
 
 3 
 
 Santa Monica 
 
 3 
 
 Anaheim 
 
 1 
 
 Riverside 
 
 1 
 
APPENDIX X 
 
 Predominant skill levels of employees of moving industries. 
 
 Skilled Se.ai- skilled Unskilled 
 
 Moving from outside study area 
 to outside study area 
 
 Moving from inside study area 
 to outside study area 
 
 Moving from inside study area 
 to inside study area 
 
 Moving from outside study area 
 to inside study area 
 
 25 
 
 Total 
 
 UO 
 
 19 
 
 16 
 
 Note: Only seventy- five of the one hundred and twenty- five interviewed reported 
 a dominant requirement of one skill level. The others required varying numbers 
 of two or more skill levels. 
 
 785-893 0-65-27 
 
APPENDIX XI 
 
 Dollars of freight charged per year in millions. From Statistical Abstract of the 
 State of California, 1963. 
 
 19^0 
 19^1 
 19^2 
 19^3 
 19^ 
 19^5 
 19^6 
 19^7 
 19^8 
 
 19^9 
 1950 
 1951 
 1952 
 1953 
 195^ 
 1955 
 1956 
 1957 
 1958 
 1959 
 I960 
 1961 
 1962 
 
 Railroads 
 $ 38.25 
 1*6.75 
 57.52 
 66.30 
 72.53 
 72.35 
 67.13 
 81.90 
 91.9^ 
 80.05 
 90.23 
 9^.2^ 
 97.61 
 97.56 
 96.7^ 
 
 100.97 
 99.17 
 9^.38 
 89.8U 
 
 10U.65 
 98.22 
 
 >9.^7 
 
 QC 
 
 110.81 
 289.70% increase from 19U0 
 to 1962 
 
 Highway carriers 
 
 $ 82.56 
 
 108. Ik 
 
 12QM 
 
 1^8.53 
 
 168. hi 
 
 185.99 
 
 22^.7^ 
 
 25^.90 
 
 272. Ul 
 
 270.93 
 
 312.50 
 
 366.31 
 
 UOO.73 
 
 U38.20 
 
 ^50.73 
 
 508.31 
 
 59 
 
 55^. Qh 
 
 577.51 
 
 659.00 
 
 670.85 
 
 728.67 
 
 796_- 1+0 
 $5h.63fo increase from 19^0 
 to 1962 
 
 561.39 
 
APPENDIX XII 
 
 The sizes of building:: 
 
 into which the relocating industries are moving, 
 by type of industry. 
 
 , Under 
 5000 
 sq. ft, 
 
 5000 - I 15,000- 
 
 i ik, 999! 2k, 999 
 
 25,000- 
 3M99 
 
 35,000- 
 7U,999 
 
 75,000 
 and over 
 
 Construction 
 Manufacturing 
 Durable goods 
 
 Miscellaneous wood products 
 
 Furniture and fixtures 
 
 Primary iron and steel industries 
 Fab'd. metal industries (incl. not 
 
 spec, metal) 
 Machinery, except electrical 
 Electrical machinery, equip. & 
 
 supplies ._ 
 
 Aircraft and parts ___ 
 
 Other durable goods 
 Nondurable goods 
 
 Other food industries 
 
 Yarn, thread, and fabric mills 
 Apparel and other Fab'd. textile 
 
 products . 
 
 Paper and allied products 
 
 Printing, publishing and allied ___ 
 
 Chemicals and allied products 
 
 Petroleum and coal products _ 
 
 Al*01 
 
 01 
 
 .01.. 
 02 
 
 
 01 
 
 . Alj02 
 
 01 
 
 _01jA!_ 
 
 01, Al 
 
 Rubber and misc. plastic products 
 All other nondurable goods 
 
 Wholesale and retail trade 
 
 Wholesale trade _ 
 
 Retail trade 
 
 Hardware, farm implement, bldg. 
 
 material retail 
 All other retail trade 
 
 01 
 
 02 
 
 A2 
 
 Al 
 
 01 
 
 =t 
 
 01 
 
 A1.02 
 
 01 
 
 Finance, insurance, and real 
 estate 
 Banking and other finance 
 
 Business and repair services 
 
 Business services 
 
 Miscellaneous repair services 
 
 Personal services 
 All other personal services 
 
 Medical and other health services 
 Legal, engineering and misc . pro- 
 fessional services _ 
 
 Testing laboratories 
 
 Total 
 
 01 
 
 03 
 
 02 
 
 .01. 
 
 Al 
 
 Al_ 
 02 
 
 01, Al 
 
 0JL*A1._ 
 
 01 
 
 01 
 
 01, Al 
 
 01 
 
 01 
 
 01 
 
 01 
 I pi 
 
 L_o3.. 
 
 01 
 
 01 
 
 01.A2 
 
 01 
 
 _|01,A2_ 
 
 Al 
 
 05 , A; 
 
 CI 
 
 01 
 
 01 _i'J 
 "~Ak 012 
 
 Al,02. 
 
 01 
 
 01 
 
 02 
 
 01 
 
 A5 07, A$ Oll.Aij" 
 
 Note: refers to outside the study area, A refers to inside the study area, 
 numeral following the A or the refers to the number of movements. 
 
 The 
 
A SURVEY OF CHICAGO'S REDEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS 
 3y Paul Bullock 
 July, 196^ 
 
A Survey of Chicago's Redevelopment Programs 
 By Paul Bullock 
 
 I. Introduction 
 
 This report presents the findings and observations which emerge from 
 
 approximately a dozen interviews conducted "by the -writer in the city of Chicago 
 
 during the veek of June 22, 1964. Representatives of the following agencies 
 
 or organizations were interviewed at that time: 
 
 Chicago Housing Authority 
 
 City Department of Urban Renewal 
 
 Community Renewal Program 
 
 Mayor's Committee for the Cultural and Economic 
 
 Development of Chicago 
 Chicago Urban League 
 Institute of Metropolitan Studies 
 Center for Urban Studies, University of Chicago 
 Industrial Areas Foundation 
 Hyde Park- Kenwood Community Conference 
 The Woodlawn Organization 
 
 The major purpose of these interviews was to inquire into the problems of 
 community redevelopment in Chicago and to ascertain whether solutions have 
 been developed there which might be relevant to our own interests in Los Angeles. 
 Of particular interest was the experience of Chicago in meeting the problems 
 of families in low- income Negro areas which have traditionally benefitted 
 little, if at all, from conventional programs of urban renewal. Where possible, 
 interviewees were asked to provide written materials describing the functions 
 of their organizations and the nature of ongoing programs. 
 
 The Chicago area offers an unusually appropriate laboratory for exploration 
 of such questions because, unlike Los Angeles, it has undertaken extensive urban 
 renewal projeet.e and has experienced in intensified degree the struggles which 
 result. If Los Angeles is to embark upon a program of area redevelopment, it 
 is conceivable that the Chicago experience will offer some meaningful and 
 constructive lessons. 
 
II. Urban Renewal in Chic a go 
 
 One feature of urban redevelopment in Chicago which particularly impresses 
 the observer from Los Angeles is the complexity and multiplicity of the admin- 
 istrative machinery. At least nine major agencies of city government are 
 involved in varying degrees: Department of Urban Renewal, Chicago Housing 
 Authority, Chicago Plan Commission, Department of Law, Department of City 
 Planning, Chicago Dwellings Association, Neighborhood Redevelopment Commission, 
 Department of Buildings, and Department of Fire. In addition, proposals must 
 receive final approval from the Mayor's Office and the City Council. Private 
 organizations have multiplied correspondingly: at least three important groups 
 function regularly in the University of Chicago area alone. 
 
 The issue of urban renewal has become even more controversial in recent 
 years. Despite full support from the powerful Daley administration, a $22.5 
 million bond issue for slum clearance was defeated by the voters in 1962. 
 Opposition appeared to come mainly from a weird combination of forces: whites 
 who are convinced that public housing primarily benefits Negroes, and Negroes 
 who are weary of the perpetual "relocation" required by renewal projects. When 
 the \«"iter visited the office of the Urban Renewal Commissioner for an interview, 
 several Negroes were "sitting in :l as a protest against a new commercial renewal 
 proposal which would necessitate the demolition of some residential structures. 
 
 The importance of urban renewal in Chicago is illustrated by the fact 
 that the Department of Urban Renewal was implementing 33 projects in March of 
 1964, for which a total of $210 million was then available and committed. With 
 scarcity of land, both private developers and the public housing authority have 
 recently tended to emphasize high-rise construction. The new residential units 
 
most often mentioned ore the Prairie Shores and Lake Meadows apartment complexes, 
 developed "by New York Life Insurance on Chicago 1 s South Side. These luxurious 
 apartments were constructed on land formerly occupied "by slum duellings; and 
 are currently well integrated (apparently to the surprise of the developer). 
 Proportions of residency are 75 percent white and 25 percent Negro in Prairie 
 Shores apartments, and precisely the reverse in Lake Meadows. 
 
 The community of Hyde Park-Kenwood, lying directly to the north of the 
 University of Chicago campus, is also integrated, and available information 
 indicates that the community has now stabilized on this basis. The Hyde Park- 
 Kenwood Community Conference, founded in 19^+9 as the outgrowth of a local 
 Quaker conference, serves as a private organization established to maintain 
 housing standards and preserve the interracial character of the community. 
 With its strong emphasis on building maintenance, single -family dwellings of 
 high quality, and removal of substandard units, it is concerned mainly with the 
 preservation of the middle- class nature of the area. Though it is an independent 
 organization, it cooperates with the University of Chicago (and the University's 
 "front' organization, the South East Chicago Commission) and city authorities in 
 urban renewal programs having the major effect of removing low- income Negro 
 families from or preventing their entrance into the community. This organization 
 will be discussed at greater length subsequently in this report. 
 
 The key issue in Chicago is whether urban renewal shall continue to serve 
 as a means by which substandard housing containing the poorest families can be 
 replaced by high-quality housing designed primarily for middle- and upper- 
 income groups. In Chicago and elsewhere, a dichotomy in housing programs has 
 emerged: public housing for the poor and urban renewal (which stresses private 
 development) for the middle class. Renewal is rarely used as an instrument for 
 
-It- 
 improving the condition"? of the poverty-stricken; rather it is used as a way 
 by which '"blight" and "deterioration" can he barred from basically desirable 
 neighborhoods. A high percentage of the displaced poor are relocated in public 
 housing, and the fate of the remainder is somewhat unclear. According to a 
 study by the Kyde Park-Kcrwood Community Conference, about three-quarters of 
 the families uprooted by the initial slum clearance project there were relocated 
 into standard" housing, vhich means that the other one- quarter either moved 
 into "substandard" housing, left the city, or the families dissolved. Among 
 those who relocated into "standard" housing, one- third remained in the Hyde Park- 
 Kenwood area and approximate ly 12 percent moved into public housing. It cannot 
 be determined from this report whether the housing continued to be 'standard" 
 after the families had relocated, or who classified it thusly in the first 
 instance. 
 
 The Department of Urban Renewal in Chicago has sponsored commercial and 
 industrial redevelopment projects, as well es residential, but these too arouse 
 controversy. The proposal vhich provoked the recent sit- in focuses upon redevel- 
 opment .of the second largest shopping center in Chicago, located at the inter- 
 section of 63rd and Halsted Streets in the Englexrood district, which has severely 
 declined in sales volume within recent years. The surrounding area is now 
 predominantly Negro in population, and various problems of traffic congestion, 
 inadequacy of off-street parking, building deterioration, and so forth have 
 afflicted the business section. The Department of Urban Renewal proposes land 
 clearance and total rehabilitation and commercial revitalization of the area, 
 with attractive stores and patios, rerouting of traffic, adequate parking 
 facilities, and elimination of no n- conforming property uses and blighted 
 structures. In the process of "renewing'' the area, a number of admittedly 
 
-5- 
 
 "standard" residential structures woul:' be demolished. There ±r. obviously no 
 unanimity , even within the ranks of Negro organizations, as to whether such a 
 project is necessary and desirable. The Housing Chairman of the Chicago Urban 
 League told this -writer that he personally favored the renewal plan, but ministers 
 of Negro churches and other "spokesmen" for the area immediately involved are 
 bitterly opposed. 
 
 For these and related reasons, there appears to be some tendency in Chicago 
 to change the emphasis in urban renewal from large- scale land clearance to 'spot" 
 clearance and rehabilitation. "Spot" clearance involves only the demolition of 
 individual structures within an area, in place of wholesale redevelopment, and 
 greater use is being made of Section 220 of the National Housing Act as a source 
 of financial support for building rehabilitation. The 1963 Annual Report of the 
 Department of Urban Renewal notes proudly that :, the rehabilitation of 5>88o 
 buildings, containing about 34,000 dwelling units,, is an integral part of the 
 current urban renewal program." Rehabilitation is particularly emphasized in 
 the Hyde Park- Kenwood area, where there are many older buildings with basically 
 sound construction. 
 
 The writer was told by an Urban League representative that the Chicago 
 City Missionary Society is currently sponsoring programs of building rehabili- 
 tation under Section 220 of the National Housing Act. Unfortunately, the person 
 in charge of this program was out of town during my visit, but a number of other 
 interviewees mentioned the growing importance of rehabilitation. Certain repair 
 and maintenance expenditures, which are adjudged to maintain rather than to 
 increase property values, are excluded from the tax assessment base, bat the 
 
-6- 
 
 Illinois State Constitution presently prohibits tax exemptions for any 
 improvements to taxable property. T . 7 hen asked for his personal opinion on the 
 desirability of exemptions for various types of improvements in designated 
 areas, the Urban Renewal Commissioner commented that he saw no objection in 
 principle but that property owners in undesignated areas would strongly protest 
 against exemptions to others for which they themselves are ineligible. 
 
 Various housing developments financed under Section 221 of the Housing Act 
 are also underway or proposed in Chicago, notably one -which is proposed for an 
 area immediately to the north of Hyde Park-Kenwood. Chief opposition to the 
 proposal in its present form appears to come from Mr. Irving Gerick, director of 
 the Hyde Park- Kenwood Community Conference, who fear 3 (if I interpret him 
 correctly) that the liberal financing for 'moderate- income'' families may lead to 
 neighborhood deterioration. 
 
 As indicated, the most successful (jTrom a financial viewpoint) projects 
 are the massive Prairie Shores and Lake Meadows complexes, which have recently 
 been supplemented by a new development of four 28- story buildings in "Carl 
 Sandburg Village." New York Life Insurance Company, developer of Prairie Shores 
 and Lake Meadows, also builds recreational facilities, office buildings, shopping 
 centers, and off-street parking facilities within its developments. Strict 
 income qualifications restrict residency to professional and white- collar groups. 
 Thus, the displaced families are completely ineligible for occupancy therein. 
 
 The interviews conducted in Chicago indicate three major objections to 
 urban renewal: (l) The projects fail to benefit the slum dwellers; (2) plans 
 are imposed upon the community without adequate or meaningful citizen partici- 
 pation; and (3) renewal is usually disastrous to small businessmen who have 
 been long established in the area. Urban renewal officials answer such charges 
 
-7- 
 
 in this tray: (l) Though admittedly the previous residents in slum clearance 
 areas seldom qualify Tor the new dwellings, they are relocated in other housing 
 which, at the very least, is no worse than the slums from which they are removed 
 and, in most instances, is superior; (2) local councils of residents, at least 
 half of whom must he property owners in the area, must approve the plans; and 
 (3) local businessmen displaced by projects are given priority to occupy new 
 locations in the area. Some of these factors are discussed later in this report. 
 
 III. Public Housing. 
 
 Public housing is also much more prominent and pervasive in Chicago than in 
 Los Angeles. In 1963, for example, U6 housing projects were completed, and 13 
 more were in progress, under the aegis of the Chicago Housing Authority. These 
 projects in total provided 32,683 dwelling units and covered almost 900 acres 
 of land. Plans for new projects feature high-rise construction and special 
 housing for the elderly. Officials acknowledge criticisms of high-rise planning 
 on the grounds that it is fundamentally unsuitable for large families, but 
 insist that scarcity and excessively high cost of land leave them no alternative. 
 
 About 1^,000 persons (of whom at least 95,000 are children) in 30,000 
 families reside in public housing projects. Over $0 percent of all families are 
 Negro, and one-third are broken. Officials of CHA now emphasize efforts to 
 improve the "image" of public housing by special programs to maintain attractive 
 gardens, encourage Boy Scout activities, and so forth. Resident Councils 
 assertedly provide opportunities for project residents to develop leadership 
 capacity. The Information Officer emphasized that this is the first extensive 
 effort undertaken to establish Boy Scout troops in low-income areas. It is not 
 clear whether active participation in Scouting activities extends to a large or 
 to a small proportion of the eligible youngsters. 
 
-8- 
 
 A major function of public housing in Chicago is to receive large numbers 
 of persons who are displaced from housing demolished in the extensive urban 
 renewal programs described previously in this report. The Urban Renewal Com- 
 missioner estimates that, currently, about 25 percent of those displaced move 
 into public housing. In addition, CHA has constructed or planned about V?00 
 units for elderly people. The writer was informed that Chicago has recently 
 experienced a movement of elderly persons back to the central city, particularly 
 among couples whose children have matured and left the household. The Authority 
 is now experimenting with a demonstration program which involves supplementing 
 rent payments for such persons in privately-owned buildings. Maximum rent 
 supplementation is $50 a month. 
 
 XV. Community Organizations in Urban Renewal Areas. 
 
 The unique aspect of urban renewal in Chicago lies in the growth of various 
 organizations which are specifically designed to influence the nattern of renewal 
 programs. The immediate focus of these organizational activities has been the 
 action of the University of Chicago in seeking additional land for its campus 
 and in "rehabilitating" the Negro neighborhood in the Uoodlawn community bordering 
 the university on the south. The interest of the university in "redeveloping" 
 surrounding neighborhoods was publicly expressed in 195? with the formation of 
 the South East Chicago Commission, a group controlled by the university and 
 directed by Julian Levi. The first concern of the SECC was the disturbing inci- 
 dence of crime in the university area, but it soon extended its interest to the 
 overall planning programs. The university wanted to expand its campus southward, 
 taking a large slice of the Uoodlawn community. Plans were drawn up and announced 
 by the university and the city administration without consultation with the 
 
residents of Woodlawn, who were described contemptuously by Professor Philip 
 Hauser as a collection of non-readers whose only common bond was hostility to 
 the university. 
 
 The SECC and the university had worked closely with the Hyde Park-Kenwood 
 Community Conference, mentioned previously, in sponsoring various renewal and 
 rehabilitation programs in that area. Concerned with housing deterioration, 
 overcrowding, and resulting social conditions, the university and its "front" 
 have dealt ruthlessly with code violators and slumlords. These techniques 
 have appeared to work well in Hyde Park-Kenwood, where the problem has been to 
 preserve an essentially middle-class community and prevent "blight." The 
 university, however, has confronted an entirely different kind of community in 
 Woodlawn. There it proposed large-scale "planning," which many Negroes regard 
 as a euphemism for "Negro removal." 
 
 The first of the university's plans for the Woodlawn community was 
 announced in i960, involving the clearance of a strip of land one block wide 
 and a mile long. While this did not require the demolition of much residential 
 housing, it was widely regarded as the forerunner of extensive urban renewal. 
 The university, according to one account (see Peter Rossi and Robert Dentler, 
 The Politics of Urban Renewal) , preferred to expand in this direction because 
 no middle-class homes would have to be cleared. The implication was that tne 
 university wanted a "buffer zone" between itself and the remainder of the Wood- 
 lawn community, and that the homes there (and the occupants) were more expend- 
 able than were the counterparts in Hyde Park -Kenwood. Levi himself stated 
 bluntly that the university's interests should have precedence over everything 
 else because the University of Chicago would be an important part of the city 
 long after the residents of Woodlawn had passed on. 
 
-10- 
 
 Even before the university had announced this plan, a group of ministers in 
 Woodlawn had initiated efforts to build a community organization. Deeply worried 
 about the total lack of leadership in the area, in 1959 they invited Saul Alinsky, 
 controversial director of the Industrial Areas Foundation and a self-styled "agi- 
 tator, " to form an organization. Alinsky had built his reputation chiefly as 
 organizer of the Back of the Yards movement in Chicago, but had also organized 
 many other community groups throughout the country, such as the Community Service 
 Organization (CSO) in Los Angeles. He deplores nice-nelly "liberalism" and frankly 
 declares that the residents of "depressed" areas should solve their own problems 
 by the systematic seizure and use of power. The organization created by Alinsky 
 and his associates, and now run entirely by the people of Woodlawn, is The Woodlawn 
 Organization (TOO). 
 
 The newly formed organization clashed with the university and SECC almost 
 immediately. Financed largely by the Catholic Church, TWO came under fire as 
 allegedly a "pawn of the church," and also as a radical "hate" group. In 1961, 
 Levi and two university public relations representatives visited several Chicago 
 newspapers, distributing copies of IAF ' s income tax statement (how this was ob- 
 tained has not been explained) and a dossier of materials attacking Alinsky. 
 This represented a frank attack on the Catholic Church and an attempt to discredit 
 Alinsky personally. Levi and several others have often condemned TWO's use of 
 picketing, sit-ins, and other direct-action techniques to achieve its goals. 
 
 Despite this opposition, TWO succeeded in building a membership of approxi- 
 mately 20,000 in a community which had always been described as apathetic and 
 unorganizable. Making use of existing resources such as churches, businessmen's 
 associations, and other groups, it has fought the university's plans for urban 
 
-11- 
 
 renewal and has won an astounding victory over a combination of powerful forces 
 including the Daley administration. Plans for the Woodlawn area have now been 
 revised to make specific provision for low-cost housing for residents before 
 the bulldozers are put in motion. In addition, TWO has hired its own professional 
 planning firm to prepare long-range plans for submission to the city, and has 
 enlisted the services of planning expext Jane Jacobs as a consultant. Other 
 successful TWO programs have forced repairs to dilapidated buildings and elimi- 
 nated dishonest practices by local merchants, 
 
 TWO is especially controversial because it appears to reject the traditional 
 emphasis by liberals upon governmental and social welfare programs for improve- 
 ment of a deteriorating community. It takes the view that welfare dependency 
 has served as a means by which the white power structure has undermined the 
 Negro's self-reliance. Its program, -dewed out of context, sounds almost Gold- 
 waterish: opposition to "paternalism " governmental assistance, and social 
 planning. Alinsky and his cohorts beaeve that a community should organize to 
 determine its own destiny. 
 
 TWO bitterly opposes what it reg.rds as the usual approach of urban renewal, 
 under which plans are prepared by "exerts" in a downtown office in collaboration 
 with various commercial and instituti>nal interests and then effectuated with 
 only a ritual pretense of citizen par.icipation. It condemns the existing local 
 advisory committees as politically had-picked stooges whose function primarily 
 is to approve the plans already formuated. The community, it believes, will 
 receive consideration only insofar ai it wields an independent power and offers 
 plans of its own. 
 
 In conversation, Mr. Squire Lance, an official of WO, told the writer that 
 this organization is built on a mass power base, supplanting the local ward ccm- 
 
-12- 
 
 mitteeman as a source of assistance with regard to individual and community pro- 
 blems. Past organizations, he said, have suffered from the fatal defect of seek- 
 ing to tell the residents what to do rather than to listen to their opinions and 
 expressed desires. Such organizations have too often been used by individuals 
 as a means of personal publicity and political or mercenary advancement; by con- 
 trast, TWO staff members follow a standing policy of never publicizing themselves 
 as individuals. As a result, he asserts that the coranunity trusts the organi- 
 zation and its white personnel can enter the roughest parts of the area without 
 fear of personal harm. Vandalism has never touched its headquarters, though 
 broken windows have been endemic to the neighborhood. Monthly meetings axe 
 attended by 300 to U00 persons. 
 
 The Woodlawn Organization has undoubtedly profited from a combination of 
 circumstances which will seldom be repeated elsewhere. Its district is repre- 
 sented by the only independent alderman on the city council, Leon Despres, a 
 vigorous supporter of its objectives and opponent of the Daley administration, 
 and the residents were immediately united by common hostility to the university's 
 plans. It is yet unclear, therefore, whether TWO will be able to sustain its 
 momentum now that this crisis has subsided. 
 
 V. Conclusions. 
 
 The Chicago experience does not reflect startling new approaches to the pro- 
 blem of urban redevelopment, but it does throw light upon several of the important 
 issues involved. If, for example, Chicago has found it desirable to put more 
 emphasis upon rehabilitation and spot clearance rather than upon large-scale 
 renewal projects, this suggests an appropriate direction for redevelopment in 
 Los Angeles. This kind of approach, in fact, appears to be more meaningful in 
 
-13- 
 
 Los Angeles for many reasons, since the predominance of low-rise and low-density 
 units here has thus far prevented the emergence of slum conditions as aggravated 
 as those existing in Chicago and other Eastern cities. An intelligent program 
 of rehabilitation and spot clearance now could effectively forestall the rise of 
 a "Woodlawn" or a "Harlem" in Los Angeles and thereby obviate the necessity for 
 future renewal programs with all their attendant difficulties. 
 
 The most controversial aspect of urban renewal is focused upon the question 
 of what groups are to be served by it. Fundamentally the issue is one of class 
 rather than race, though racial discrimination undeniably persists as a factor. 
 In the Hyde Park-Kenwood area of Chicago, the university and the city have joined 
 with middle-class whites and Negroes in a common effort to maintain the tradi- 
 tional character of the neighborhood, which means in essence the removal of lower- 
 class families of all races and the maintenance of financial barriers to their 
 future entrance. This program has an obvious appeal, since no one can defend the 
 transformation of an attractive area with good housing into a blighted area with 
 slums. The problem is that an approach of this nature leaves the plight of low- 
 income families (or no -income families) essentially unchanged or perhaps worse. 
 
 These issues were originally fought out in the Hyde Park-Kenwood community 
 where the Catholic Church and Alderman Despres raised some objections to the 
 renewal plan which, they claimed, failed to make sufficient provision for low- 
 cost housing for those displaced. The problem then erupted in full force in the 
 Woodlawn community, where a similar pressure from the university led to success- 
 ful counterpressure from a community organization representing not the middle 
 class characteristic of Hyde Park-Kenwood, but the lowest economic class residing 
 in the slums of Woodlawn. This dispute reflects an underlying struggle which is 
 not strictly "white" versus "blar?k, " or even "liberal" versus "conservative." 
 
 785-893 CM35-28 
 
In this writer's judgment, it reflects an alliance of middle -class whites and 
 middle-class Negroes, of middle-class "liberals" and middle-class "conservatives," 
 to maintain a buffer zone between their neighborhoods and those of the poor and 
 uneducated. Urban renewal, in its traditional sense, has been their major and 
 most potent weapon. 
 
 An immediate focus of this struggle is the National Housing Act and its 
 various provisions for mortgage guarantees or other assistance to construction of 
 new or rehabilitation of existing housing. Since the better-educated middle- 
 class communities have been more sophisticated politically and more organized 
 than the low-income communities, and since in many cases the basic economics of 
 housing dictates that certain financial standards be enforced, the housing financed 
 under Section 221 has been intended primarily for middle-income groups rather 
 than the slum dwellers. In Chicago, however, the organization of the Woodlawn 
 community has forced some reconsideration of this traditional pattern. It may 
 henceforth be more difficult for middle-class planners to remain heedless of the 
 interests and demands of slum dwellers, but there is also the formidable danger 
 that this may transform middle-class whites into bitter opponents of urban 
 renewal and public housing in all forms. 
 
 The main lesson of the Chicago experience, perhaps, is that "planners" should 
 always consult with those who are most immediately affected by their planning, 
 and that the goal of "urban renewal" should not be merely the improvement of a 
 neighborhood but also the betterment of conditions for low-income groups through- 
 out the community. This implies a reduced emphasis on relocation and greater 
 concentration upon housing renovation within the existing areas, and where land 
 clearance is essential, it suggests that the plans must include exact advance 
 provision for rehousing of *he displaced families. Finally, it would appear that 
 
-15- 
 
 racial integration in middle- and upper-income areas, particularly among pro- 
 fessionals, can sometimes be turned into a system of class segregation under 
 which the poorest and worst-educated groups, predominantly Negro in the larger 
 urban centers, will remain isolated and relatively impotent. The benefits of 
 a decent nondiscriminatory society should not be limited to families in the 
 higher income brackets. 
 
SURVEY OF PHILADELPHIA AND NEW YORK REDEVELOPMENT AGEIICIES 
 
 by Robert Singleton 
 
 August^ 196^ 
 
Purvey of Philadelphia and New York Redevelopment Agencies 
 
 by Robert Pin pi et on 
 
 I. Introduction 
 
 This report is unavoidably incomplete due to the large number of 
 agencies which I was unable to contact. All in all, the agencies 
 involved in redevelopment in the two cities were extremely cooperative 
 despite the short notice afforded by my unannounced visit. 
 
 The procedure I followed in both cities was first to contact the 
 municipal agency concerned with the planning of redevelopment, from which 
 I secured in each case a list of all the other agencies, public and private, 
 and their roles in the development picture. In each agency, I asked for 
 the person most concerned with the problems of the impact of redevelopment 
 on the people in the area, and especially the deprived, the minorities, 
 the unemployed, etc. Once I reached this person, or some close subordinate, 
 I began the interview with a description (and copy) of our study, covering 
 particularly its background and structure, our mandate to study the causes 
 and recoirmend cures for hard-core unemployment, the salient characteristics 
 of the study area, and our tentative findings. The general question I put 
 to each interviewee was, "V.Tiat has been your experience in the social 
 impact of redevelopment, and especially, what studies have you done (or 
 are aware of) concerning the implications for the labor force?" The 
 individual interviews conducted are summarized on the following pages. 
 
 The most general finding was that, although everyone recognized the 
 importance of the considerations raised by our study (some even citing 
 personal evidence of hardships among those formerly in the redeveloped 
 area, particularly the chronically unemployed) , this awareness seldom was 
 accompanied by concrete studies or plans for relief. Cn the other hand, 
 welfare agencies, which specialize in such relief, usually have very little 
 knowledge of the intricacies of city planning and urban renewal. 
 
2 
 
 A ray of hope, just now beginning to appear on the horizon, is the Presi- 
 dent's concern with poverty, the effect of which is to focus the attention of 
 the several agencies potentially helpful in this sphere, but this has yet to 
 produce results. 
 
 II. Philadelphia 
 
 A. Some Background 
 
 ( Note : The following sections contain material obtained from publications 
 picked up on the trip and through correspondence with those persons I was 
 advised to see but could not, due to the suddenness and brevity of the trip. 
 Included also are a few points common to all the interviews. This allowed me 
 to reduce the section devoted to interviews while presenting a more coherent 
 overall statement . ) 
 
 1. Philadelphia's problems of growth and development 
 
 Like all urban centers today, Philadelphia is undergoing changes wrought 
 
 upon her by forces from national, regional and local sources. Compared with 
 
 national growth rates for the civilian labor force of 11$ for the period 1952- 
 
 1962, Philadelphia's mere h$ reflects two main problems: the large extent to 
 
 which Philadelphia's industrial composition is in manufacturing (33/0 > which 
 
 has faced a secular decline nationally since 1957; and the failure of local 
 
 industries, manufacturing and non-manufacturing, which showed some growth for 
 
 the nation, to grow in Philadelphia. The regional basis for some of these 
 
 problems includes the shift in the national center of population westward over 
 
 time, and the accompanying shift in the market center of Megalopolis. This 
 
 has reduced Philadelphia's relative access to the regional market while 
 
 increasing the competitive advantage of cities farther west. There has also 
 
 been a general dispersion of industry to non-Megalopolis areas. Locally, a 
 
 shift of manufacturing (mainly durable) and nonmanufacturing industries to 
 
 the suburbs has more than offset the centripetal forces of external economies 
 
 on those industries seeking proximity (mainly nondurable manufacturing) . 
 
The area's labor force is also undergoing change, but not always in the 
 direction of manpower requirements. Quantitatively, there has been a definite 
 decline in the residential labor force over the last decade, primarily due to 
 the flight to suburbia. Qualitative changes have had even more impact: 
 although the educational attainment of many of the unemployed has been eighth 
 grade or more, that acquired in the deep South is qualitatively less than a 
 similar level in the northern (especially white) schools. The occupational 
 distribution of the resident labor force is also adverse to labor market 
 demands. Forty-three percent of the resident labor force who were employed 
 were in the semiskilled and unskilled categories. City residents accounted 
 for fifty- four percent of the semiskilled and unskilled persons in the metro- 
 politan area. 
 
 White collar occupations rose from kl c /i of the resident labor force to kk^ 
 from 1950 to i960. This is due to the sizable increase in clerical occupa- 
 tions. But among Negro males this increase is almost absent. Eighty-one 
 percent of the Negro males in the area's labor force are blue collar. 
 
 The decline in manufacturing jobs bodes doubly ill for the less skilled 
 in the labor force, especially since production jobs within manufacturing 
 dropped at a still greater rate than manufacturing as a whole. Moreover, many 
 of the nonmanufacturing industries that are growing in the city, reflecting 
 the growing demand for services as against goods production, employ a dispro- 
 portionate amount of females, placing the males in a precarious position if 
 they are uneducated and unskilled. 
 
 Moreover, the city must solve these problems while simultaneously devel- 
 oping programs concerned with specific problem groups in the labor force: the 
 older worker, the young labor force entrant, and persons living in poverty 
 and deprivation. 
 
2. The Path to improvement 
 
 Philadelphia, like Los Angeles, found that despite its intense pocket of 
 unemployed, the Area Redevelopment Administration's definition of eligibility, 
 based on the "labor market unit", excluded its area from consideration. The 
 entire metropolis, including the suburbs, shows a relatively low unemployment 
 rate. But while suburbanites made up 23$ of the work force in the city, resi- 
 dents of the city comprised only seven percent of the workers in suburbia. 
 Moreover, while total employment registered a growth for the overall area, it 
 registered a decline of eight percent in the city. But the decline in popu- 
 lation in the city, mentioned above, was only 3 percent. Clearly there was a 
 need to look at the city as a separate entity, apart from the suburbs, in 
 order to develop realistic policy proposals for change. 
 
 While the Area Redevelopment Administration generally frowns upon such 
 sub-area designation, Philadelphia found adequate precedent for its specific 
 problem in a prior designation of a New Jersey city. The Area Redevelopment 
 Administration is permitted to grant designations only on the basis of esti- 
 mates derived from approved primary sources. One approved source is Department 
 of Labor figures on Covered and uncovered employment. A factor was computed 
 from these data and applied to the "resident labor force" (which was left as a 
 residual after the subtraction of commuters). This produced an estimate of the 
 resident covered labor force, from which was derived a resident covered unem- 
 ployment rate. This rate exceeded the national rate for the entire period 
 observed. 
 
 Thus having established a case for designation, Philadelphia proceeded to 
 draw up its workable plan, calling upon local public and private bodies to 
 coordinate their efforts through the newly established office of Development 
 Coordinator. To facilitate this cooperation, Philadelphia hit upon a useful 
 form of semipublic body: the single-purpose, nonprofit corporation, about which 
 more later. 
 
3. The anatomy of development in Philadelphia 
 
 The Philadelphia Home Rule Charter, adopted in IS 51, assigned the respon- 
 sibility for drafting and periodic modification of the Comprehensive Plan to 
 a nine-member, independent city agency, the City Planning Commission. Other 
 functions of the Commission include preparation of the city's annual capital 
 budget, zoning and subdivision changes and regulations, and, under state law, 
 powers in the planning and certification of redevelopment projects. Because 
 many elements of the community were important in carrying out this function, 
 an office of Development Coordinator was established. Urban renewal efforts, 
 handled primarily by another city agency, the Redevelopment Authority, and 
 other such related activities are kept compatible with the Comprehensive Plan 
 through the Development Coordinator, 
 
 The framework sketched in the above paragraph is one to be envied by many 
 cities. But Philadelphia's most laudable achievements in renewal and indus- 
 trial redevelopment owe their being to another imaginative move, the creation 
 of nonprofit, single-purpose corporations. 
 
 According to the Charter, public agencies may not deal directly with pri- 
 vate interests i n matters such as land purchase and sale. The city owned some 
 land, but it could not transfer it to business. But one of the primary problems 
 of development in the city has been the sluggish response of the economy to 
 the needs of rapid technological change, and especially increased land require- 
 ments. Much of the available land in the city is in parcels too small to 
 accommodate plants housing the modern technology. The solution adopted was the 
 creation of a body with which the city could officially deal, and in which 
 city officials and Chamber of Commerce representatives could serve as partners 
 in the service of the civic ideal. Thus was developed the Philadelphia Indus- 
 trial Development Corporation (PIDC) . This body was authorized to receive city 
 land, to develop it, and to make it available to prospective businessmen 
 desiring to locate in Philadelphia. In this way, specifications could be met 
 
more often, and the cost of relocation reduced. Reimbursement for the initial 
 endowment of city-owned land could then be used to buy more land and keep a 
 supply readily available for industry looking around for a place to relocate. 
 The plan worked well, and the nonprofit corporation has become an integral 
 factor in the Philadelphia development framework. A brief description of some 
 of these corporations, and the purposes they have been created to serve, will 
 give an idea of the general applicability of this weapon. Included in the fol- 
 lowing outline are also several representative bodies of other kinds which are 
 cooperating in the development effort. All in all, the Philadelphia program 
 will be seen to be well- coordinated, far-reaching, and impressive. 
 1) Industrial Renewal 
 
 The Philadelphia Industrial Development Corporation (PIDC) 
 A nonprofit corporation formed as a partnership between the city and 
 the Chamher of Commerce for reciprocal action on common problems. As 
 an example, the need for land is emphasized in the Comprehensive Plan. 
 The Chamber had no land in the city. The city had land but could not 
 negotiate with private interests. PIDC intermediates in such cases, 
 as well as assisting industry to locate or expand, advising industry 
 in matters relating to zoning, building standards, etc. Members of 
 the City Planning Commission sit ex officio with Chamber of Commerce 
 delegates. 
 
 The Land Bank and the Industrial Revolving Fund 
 As part of the PIDC idea, Philadelphia transferred 1,000 acres of city- 
 owned land to the Redevelopment Authority by ordinance of the City 
 Council, to be developed for industrial use by PIDC. Reimbursement from 
 this land, once sold, will go to purchase more unimproved land which will 
 
be likewise used to keep industrial land available at reasonable prices for new 
 and relocating firms. The real estate portion of this scheme is called the 
 Land Bank; the finance part, the Industrial Revolving Fund. 
 
 University City Science Center Corporation and the U.C.S. Institute . These 
 sprang from the concern of a third nonprofit corporation with the rapid 
 deterioration of the area surrounding five of the nation's foremost educational 
 and research institutions , including the University of Pennsylvania and Dre;:el 
 Institute. The Corporation is concerned with the physical development and 
 real estate aspect of the area. The Institute will sponsor and conduct 
 selected research projects drawing upon the reservoir of scientific resources 
 in University City. 
 
 Southeastern Pennsylvania Development Corporation and Fund . This works like 
 PIDC , but for the entire 5- count:, region around Philadelphia. The Fund is 
 not nonprofit. It is financed through the sale of stock to utilities and 
 business and the creation of lines of credit from banks , insurance companies , 
 etc. It is designed to make equity- type loans to applicants in the 5- county 
 area when such are not available through conventional sources. It seeks a 
 $10 million loan capability. 
 
 Two private industries which operate area development programs in the 
 Philadelphia area are the Philadelphia Electric Company and the Pennsylvania 
 and Reading Railroads . They maintain listings, act as region-wide industrial 
 brokers, and conduct industrial studies for prospective locators. 
 2) Commercial and Cultural Development 
 
 Agencies and programs involved in this part of the effort include both 
 local nonprofit corporations and federal agencies designed to assist in 
 this function. 
 
8 
 
 The Old Philadelphia Development Corporation implements a comprehensive program 
 for the development of the center city, including the preservation of historic 
 buildings, and a strengthening of all the service functions. It serves where 
 requested as consultant, coordinator, intermediary, liaison, and marketing 
 agent . 
 
 The Small Business Opportunities Corporation is another example of the use- 
 fulness of the nonprofit corporation idea. The city, Drexel Institute, and 
 the Fellowship Commission jointly function under a technical assistance grant 
 from the ARA. It has three major functions: operation of a management guidance 
 center, development of franchise opportunities for qualified persons through 
 high level contacts,, and assistance to new and existing business through SBA, 
 the banks, or a loan guarantee fund. It also recruits for SBA. It has a 
 research contract with Drexel Institute to discover the best kinds of business 
 opportunities, the locational factors to consider for various types of business, 
 the factors pertinent to success or failure in different kinds of activities, 
 criteria for screening applicants, etc. 
 3) Manpower Programs 
 
 In addition to MDTA, with an enrollment of about 150 persons, Philadelphia 
 runs its own training program in conjunction with the State Employment Security 
 offices. In the latter, as of December, 1963, 525 completed training, and 
 56l were dropouts. Sixty- five percent of the completers were placed. 252 
 of the dropouts appeared to need special services in addition to that provided 
 through the program as it stands. Several special projects have been initiated 
 to attempt to discover what special services are required that are not now pro- 
 vided for certain groups in the labor force. 
 
 Project 2017 of the State Employment Service provides prevocational and 
 
9 
 
 occupational training for 500 youths over a one-year period. Youths 
 are referred "by the Employment Service to the Board of Education, which, 
 at the end of a year's concurrent exposure to remedial education and 
 work experience, evaluates each youth and works out a specific occupa- 
 tional training program with him. There is great difficulty in holding 
 the youth. 
 
 The Philadelphia Council for Community Advancement (PCCA) and the 
 Jewish Employment and Vocational Service (JEVS) are conducting a program 
 for dropouts of over 6 months. It provides in-depth counseling, eval- 
 uation and personal work adjustment (working for wages in a sheltered 
 workshop). Emphasis is on punctuality, taking instructions, getting 
 along with fellow workers, self -organization, and similar habits. Remed- 
 ial education is given on the job to hold the high school dropout. At 
 the end of 12 weeks, the youth is referred back to the Employment Service 
 for the remainder of the program. 
 
 JEVS is also conducting an in-depth training session for hard-to- 
 place youth who will, after arriving at an occupational objective, be 
 referred back to the ES for placement or training. 
 
 Project 2018 is identical with 2017 except that it deals with adults 
 who have an 8th grade education or less. It too has a high dropout rate 
 (66% dropouts for combined programs). 
 
 The Manpower Utiliaation Commission conducts research under Title I 
 of MDTA which will seek to determine the success of providing special 
 services—family social casework or personal work adjustment counseling 
 or both — in motivating the long-term unemployed male 19 years old or 
 more. It will also determine what proportion of this population needs 
 such services. 
 
10 
 
 The Chamber of .Commerce Full Elrrployment Program , using IOTA funds, 
 provides training in selected occupations. Training is done in collab- 
 oration with the Board of Education or the Employment Service. 
 
 Opportunities Industrialization, Inc. is a private, nonprofit 
 center run by Rev. Leon Sullivan, a leader of several efforts by the 
 Negro community at s elf- improvement . Funds come from a number of 
 foundations and business men. It is open to all races, but is in the 
 Negro community. 
 
 The Conservation Corps of the Philadelphia Department of Public 
 Welfare is a directed work program aimed at improving the attitudes 
 of high school juniors and seniors judged as social adjustment problems 
 but not delinquent . It is an afternoon program during the school year 
 for 100 boys, and during the summer months for 300 boys. College trained 
 group leaders assign special tasks in the local parks, and pay the boys 
 on the basis of the quality of the work, attitude toward fellow workers, 
 the group leaders, etc. It is considered successful in improving the 
 school adjustment of the boys. 
 
 Other programs mentioned in the interviews which follow, but not 
 
 above, include Apprenticeship Bureau programs, Transportation 
 
 Development and many more. All of these programs will be reviewed for 
 
 the purposes of coordination possibilities in the workable program 
 
 drawn up to obtain AEA designation for Philadelphia. 
 
 B. The Interviews 
 
 1. Mr. Christopher Emerson 
 
 Redevelopment Planning Office 
 City Planning Commission 
 
 Development in Philadelphia has no overt social objectives , Even 
 
11. 
 
 the "Community Renewal Program" is misleading as a title. That office is 
 really a new name for an old function, that of capital budgeting. The 
 Redevelopment Planning Office has no decision-making or allocational functions. 
 Its role is only a technical one of refining and administering (and making 
 more feasible within city powers) the decisions of those agencies designated 
 by ordinance as the official consultative bodies in the area of development 
 (e.g., PIDC). 
 
 There is plenty of hard-core unemployment in Philadelphia, but the city 
 redevelopment planners have no role in alleviating it. Outgoing industry has 
 carried with it almost 100,000 jobs in the last decade. This had been con- 
 sidered a function of technological change. Development is not intended to 
 affect the job loss, but rather the number of locating firms. 
 
 Mr. Emerson knows of no study dcce or in progress concerned with the 
 
 impact of development on the hard-core unemployed in whole or in part, but 
 
 does know of studies which may show related trends. Mr. A.- M. Greenfield of 
 
 the city's Real Estate Finance Division is studying the question, "Where 
 
 would skid row people go if the area were redeveloped?" Some studies of the 
 
 midtown sections which were cleared for industry seek to determine the level 
 
 of demand in the face of delayed development. In addition, CRP is currently 
 
 putting together an Overall Economic Development Plan to coordinate the various 
 
 agencies and programs related to development. Of interest would be the method 
 
 for designating Philadelphia as eligible for ARA assistance and the subsequent 
 
 socio-economic characteristics published on the area so designated. 
 
 2. Mrs. Elizabeth Deuterman 
 
 Community Renewal Program Office 
 City Planning Commission 
 
 Mrs. Deuterman was formerly with a regional study which compiled a 
 
 data bank for every conceivable important variable affecting the economy 
 
12. 
 
 of Philadelphia. Trends were derived for all important phenomena. Currently, 
 she is primarily assigned to the drafting of the OEDP, which will draw- 
 heavily on the earlier study, hut which will contain also an analysis of 
 the current employment situation of the Philadelphia lahor market, as well 
 as a precis of all those programs operative in the city which relate to 
 development. 
 
 The employment situation in the city is critical, in Mrs. Deuterman's 
 opinion, for both the hard-core unemployed and many who are not yet considered 
 to fall in that classification. Philadelphia has lost 92,000 jobs since 
 1952. Seventy percent of these are explained by the outflux of manufacturing 
 from the area. That outflux has not been a simple pattern. Up until 
 1958 the employment decline was mainly a function of the out-migration of 
 plants, especially textiles and apparel. Since 1958, it appears that jobs 
 are disappesring mainly because of productivity changes. In addition, there 
 has been much drying up of nonmanufacturing, e.g., there has been a heavy 
 decline in federal government employment. The Navy Yard and the Frankford 
 Arsenal have moved out, causing a decline in blue-collar federal jobs in 
 the area. 
 
 The main stopgap for this outflux so far has been the PIDC, which is 
 designed to help old firms stay in business and new firms get into business. 
 The primary emphasis of PIDC is on manufacturing, which may be a mistake 
 if the regional forces are of such a weight that the old manufacturing belt 
 loses its comparative advantage in that type of employment. Much of the 
 praise for PIDC is clearly promotional. The hope is that the experts are 
 guessing right. If they are wrong, and manufacturing is dead in the East, 
 there will be hell to pay when Philadelphia tries to grow with a dead 
 industrial mix. 
 
13. 
 
 3. Mr. Kennix 
 
 Liaison with many nonprofit corporations 
 City Planning Commission 
 
 The nonprofit corporation has been the key to Philadelphia's develop- 
 ment successes. Through it, city officials can act ex officio to accomplish 
 what the Charter otherwise forbids: the direct dealings of the city with 
 private interests. Sometimes the chain of assistance is complicated, e.g., 
 the Philadelphia Council for Community Advancement has a grant of money from 
 the Ford Foundation to establish projects in the North Philadelphia area, 
 which it has done, but at the same time it supports in turn the North City 
 Congress, a less legitimate-appearing organization. The program of the 
 North City Congress, however, is the type that will ultimately solve the 
 sticky problems of development, those having to do with the people who need 
 special services over and above what the city is currently offering. It 
 strengthens the block organizations, and fills the needs of the citizenry 
 affected by renewal efforts which are not met by the Human Relations 
 Commission (which is limited by its affiliation with the city), 
 
 Any honest city official will admit that the renewal effort has failed 
 in its social aspect. Less than one-fifth of the housing erected after 
 the renewal is completed will be for lower income groups. But almost all 
 the areas affected are lower income areas. Especially the Negroes are 
 adversely affected by this process. Whereas whites usually move great 
 distances from the condemned area and thus disperse more, Negroes, it is 
 believed, move only a couple of blocks, thus planting the seeds for deteri- 
 oration in the immediate neighborhood of the renewal. 
 
 Often the housing is kept to some limit, e.g., $12-13,000. Still this 
 is too expensive for the lower class, for whom capital is too tight to 
 
 785-893 0-65-29 
 
llf. 
 
 enable them to purchase a house erected in their former neighborhood. The 
 median income of these displaced families is around $3/000. Thus, while 
 the areas removed were bad, the nearby areas tend to get even worse when 
 renewal is implemented. The low-income housing developments contain the 
 families even more densely, with a more stratified income class. 
 
 Another "solution" was the shift from clearance to "community conser- 
 vation." The rub here was that communities eligible for "conservation" 
 were those which could have gotten a loan from the bank in the first 
 place. The key is that the whole redevelopment and renewal effort in 
 housing is tied to FHA definitions. These should be modified for a number 
 of related purposes. 
 
 Bodies like the North Philadelphia Development Council have an impres- 
 sive mandate from the authorities to acquire land and dispose of it. These 
 could buy public or private land, and could be used more forcefully in 
 many areas not now touched. Like the Worth City Congress, many of the 
 agencies should be adding bargaining power to the poor and underrepresented. 
 
 h. Mr. Sho Maruyama 
 
 Comprehensive Planning Division 
 City Planning Commission 
 
 (I was referred to Mr. Maruyama with reference to a study he was doing 
 
 of the supermarkets in the Planning areas. His report, "Supermarket 
 
 Redevelopment in Low Income Areas," is appended, hence I will not 
 
 detail it in the text, except to indicate a further stage idea which 
 
 is not contained therein.) 
 
 An unwritten part of the plan Mr. Maruyama envisages is to require 
 
 supermarkets, which are given certain privileges by the city, to return 
 
15. 
 
 some of the community's profit to it in the form of a community center in 
 
 the supermarket building. Since the supermarket is the area of heaviest 
 
 pedestrian traffic in the neighborhood, it would be an ideal place for a 
 
 meeting place at which neighborhood people could learn the basics of 
 
 democracy under some program sponsored by the city. This is an exciting 
 
 part of the supermarket redevelopment plan. Whether Mr. Maruyama succeeded 
 
 in getting it across, I could not tell, since I left for New York during 
 
 his presentation of the package to the City Planning Commission. 
 
 5. Mr. John Culp 
 
 Office of Development Coordinator 
 City Economist 
 
 By far my most rewarding interview was this one. I had been referred 
 to Mr. Culp by practically all of the other interviewees. I was not 
 disappointed when I talked to him. Interestingly, he is not a trained 
 economist, although he is well steeped in the basics of development and 
 regional economics. 
 
 In a telephone conversation preceding one interview, Mr. Culp commented 
 that sub-area designation was stupid. When we met, I asked him to expand 
 on this theme, but he told me it was said half in jest. Philadelphia's 
 own difficulties in this regard had made him see that its exponents had a 
 case, although he disagreed with it. In Philadelphia, overemphasis on 
 the calling back of manufacturing industry to employ the growing hard- 
 core unemployed might not be wise. Unless we can be sure that an industry 
 will serve to foster further growth, thi s approach should be considered 
 undesirable, no matter how many low skilled workers it absorbs today. The 
 low skilled can then be upgraded through training. This is far easier 
 in an expanding economy than in a declining one. But a focus on growth 
 
16. 
 
 industries need not neglect improvements in programs designed to provide 
 additional employment opportunities appropriate to the skill levels of 
 the labor force. A general need in this regard is an official function 
 which keeps abreast of technological developments and federal research 
 and development expenditures, and which will alert the community to all 
 new development opportunities, prepare proposals for the acquisition of 
 federal program funds, and follow through on implementation. 
 
 On the other hand, there is a need for a shift in philosophy at all 
 levels of government from viewing training and retraining as a mass approach 
 to one which recognizes that among the unemployed there are widely varying 
 needs. The State Employment Service has a minimum interview load for 
 counselors, determined in Washington, which makes counseling a joke. 
 This ignores the fact that depth counseling is needed by only 15-25 percent 
 of the unemployed. To treat these special cases the same as those who 
 need little or no counseling is to condemn them to the ranks of the 
 hard-core unemployed. 
 
 In addition, a great variety of youth programs need to be provided 
 or expanded. These are too numerous to go into individually, but they 
 include aggressive reach-out techniques and expansion of those successful 
 programs like the Youth Conservation Corps of the State Welfare Department. 
 
 The MDTA concept needs to be expanded to include more development of 
 programs for the long-term, poorly educated unemployed, and youths with no 
 salable skills. Perhaps a review of the World War II concept of Job 
 dilution, wherein each phase of a job is identified and the opportunity 
 created for the hiring of lower skilled persons to perform one phase of 
 
17. 
 
 the task, would be beneficial. On-the-job remediation in basic education 
 and skill upgrading might also provide some solutions to the present job 
 dilemma. But considerable ingenuity will be required to affect the persons 
 most in need of this program, especially Negro males. A pilot program 
 might start the process. 
 
 Preliminary study reveals that much of the job information flow is 
 conducted through referrals of friends and relatives by employees. Thus the 
 group least in communication with job-holders, the chronic unemployed, are 
 least informed about job opportunities. An effective information system 
 on jobs needs to be implemented. 
 
 More services need to be provided in redevelopment areas, as soon as 
 possible after designation, and should continue where needed during and 
 after relocation. Development of a comprehensive vocational education 
 program will make Philadelphia eligible for more funds under the recent 
 Vocational Education Act as well as meet the training requirements of business 
 and industry. A program to make the employer aware of the many federal 
 provisions and inducements to provide on-the-job training should be expanded. 
 
 There is a general need for improvement of all the human services in 
 the city, but not in the way they have been increasing, for the most part. 
 A coordinated social and health program for those living in poverty needs 
 to be implemented, but not financed out of rent collections. 
 C. Findings and Their Implications for the Los Angeles Study 
 
 The Los Angeles and Philadelphia pictures have many common features: 
 both are complex urban centers with a major "pocket" of poverty and 
 unemployment in the urban core. Consequently, both are desperate for 
 finances to establish programs and services which will remove this problem. 
 
18. 
 
 But the current ARA definition of eligibility excludes them from consider- 
 ation because of their positions as part of a larger "labor market" unit, 
 which whole is not in trouble. 
 
 Specifics beyond this overall similarity begin to differ, both on 
 the liability and asset side, however. The City of Philadelphia has involved 
 its Chamber of Commerce and other associations and businesses in an inti- 
 mate fashion in the redevelopment process. More rapid implementation of the 
 ultimate program is the result, but it may be biased toward business. 
 Both have the sub-area problem if they are to identify the real 
 trouble spot, isolate its causes, and define cures. The Philadelphia 
 method for this identification is not wholly useful to our task. The sub- 
 area selected by the planners in Philadelphia was the entire city, which, as 
 a political unit, had been used as a base for much research and data 
 collection before any program of development was conceived. 
 
 Yet the similarity of other problems, such as declining population 
 and job opportunities, net disinvestment in real estate, declining produc- 
 tivity of the labor force, lack of available industrial land at reasonable 
 prices and in parcels large enough to house the new technology, etc., suf- 
 fices as a basis for duplicating some of the methods used in Philadelphia, 
 albeit modified. 
 
 l) Supermarket Redevelopment in the Center City 
 
 Preliminary studies imply a saving for the people of the city 
 if supermarkets were to replace the independents. Los Angeles might 
 view her situation with respect to this notion and perhaps propose a 
 similar solution (ordinance by the City Council making more land and 
 tax forgivenesses available). Something of a community steward idea 
 was included in the program, itself worthy of much study. 
 
19. 
 
 2) Sub-area Designation for Eligibility 
 
 This was done on the basis of figures for the city on commuter 
 traffic and covered employment. Such data probably do not exist for 
 our own study area. A variation of this idea may be applicable, however. 
 This would involve obtaining from the State Department of Motor 
 Vehicles and from the various City and County offices the data on 
 traffic past given points on the borders of the study area to deter- 
 mine the origin and destination of the traffic at peak hours during the 
 day. It may be possible thereby to determine the extent to which 
 traffic into and out of certain industrial concentrations can be 
 roughly allocated to origins external to and internal to our study 
 area. 
 
 3) National and Regional Economic Influences 
 
 A framework, helpful to the analysis of our study area, may 
 emerge from a comparison of the study area today with time series 
 and geographical data on the nation and region. This would provide 
 us with a picture of the regional influences, as well as the national 
 demand and supply situation. The response of the local area to these 
 larger developments can be determined in terms of its past and present 
 industrial composition and access to markets. 
 k) The Failures of Development Planning 
 
 A recurrent theme in the interviews is the neglect on the part 
 of the planning authorities of the social impact of renewal and 
 redevelopment. The cause is probably manifold. It is easier to 
 handle the physical aspects of development since these obey already 
 
20 
 
 proven laws. The human factor is perverse or, at "best, unpredictable, 
 As the interviews show, few attempts have been made to study the 
 human aspect of development, although many agencies exist with this 
 as one of their functions. What evidence does exist seems always to 
 indict the planners. 
 
 The Los Angeles attempt can learn from the mistakes of its pred- 
 ecessors in Philadelphia by placing a strong emphasis on the human 
 aspect. Recommendations for redevelopment should always be preceded 
 or accompanied by the question: "For whose benefit is it- -for the 
 residents or for the developers and landholders — and to what extent 
 do alternatives exist which will be of greater benefit for the people 
 of the area vis-a-vis the vested interests?" 
 5) Manpower Training Programs 
 
 Mr. Culp had many good ideas from which we might derive proposals 
 appropriate to the problems of Los Angeles. This is especially true 
 of his proposals of special services for the problem groups. 
 III. New York 
 
 A. Background 
 
 1. New York's problems of growth and development 
 
 Many of the changes cited for Philadelphia apply as well for 
 New York. Disappointing growth rates and local response to national 
 and regional developments are, in New York as in Philadelphia, a 
 recognized problem and one for which planning officers are currently 
 attempting to gird themselves. Changes in the labor force and 
 manpower requirements and consequently in New York's program of 
 industrial and civic renewal are also similar. 
 
21 
 
 2. The path to improvement 
 
 Industries displaced by industrial renewal and relocation projects 
 in New York are currently not assisted in relocation by any such 
 agencies as those existing in Philadelphia (e.g., PIDC). In a recom- 
 mendation to the Mayor, the City Planning Commission stressed that a 
 task force appointed to develop recommendations for the establishment 
 of two industrial parks be expanded to a full-time research team which 
 would in six months develop sound fiscal and administrative bases for 
 a new program aimed at strengthening industry in the city. If the 
 decline in manufacturing employment continues at its present rate, 
 the offsetting increase in white-collar jobs will eventually cease, 
 since many are in services to the industrial firms. A research team 
 can indicate the specific needs of each major component of New York's 
 industry and arrange for proper accommodations at suitable locations 
 when required. 
 
 3. The anatomy of development in New York 
 
 Because of an emphasis on "official agencies" (most concerned 
 primarily with industrial renewal) in Philadelphia, I purposely 
 biased my interviews in New York toward less official and more 
 "community- oriented" agencies, or such was my intention. I discovered 
 that titles are deceiving. The Community Redevelopment Program of 
 the City Planning Commission is less "community" than "industrially" 
 oriented. Similarly, the Housing Redevelopment Board simply operates 
 as an arm of the City Planning Office. Once the Commission designates 
 a building as substandard, HRB moves in and redevelops the residential 
 part. But it has little role in the placement of, or concern with, 
 
22 
 
 the people displaced by these plans. Industrial renewal agencies, 
 similarly, are concerned chiefly with the number of new firms and 
 industries locating in the area, with far too little concern for the 
 job composition represented by these firms. 
 
 If the people of New York are to be considered important, this 
 concern will have to come from agencies of another sort, it appears. 
 My longest interview was with the new director of the celebrated 
 Higher Horizons program of the New York school system. I was referred 
 to other youth- oriented programs (in which New York abounds), but was 
 able to reach only two others during my visit. Subsequently, I cor- 
 responded with others. 
 B. The Interviews 
 
 1. Coffee Klatch at City Planning Commission Office 
 
 Present: Mr. Bernard Cedar, Community Redevelopment Program 
 Mr. Seltzer, Housing Redevelopment Board 
 Other City Planning Commission Personnel 
 
 The primary plan to reverse the exodus of manufacturers and em- 
 ployment from the New York area is to establish industrial parks to 
 facilitate location and relocation of firms. Blue-collar workers, 
 who make up a great proportion, historically, of the New York work 
 force and who are especially adversely affected by this exodus, should 
 be benefited greatly by this plan. Most overtly "people-oriented" 
 programs are geared toward the youth in New York. A partial list of 
 these programs includes: 
 
 Youth Opportunity Program 
 Mobilization for" Youth 
 Job Orientation in Neighborhoods (JOIN) 
 Higher Horizons 
 
 Some community-oriented programs, e.g., the Neighborhood Conservation 
 
23 
 
 Program, have had some limited success but are faced with the problem 
 
 of definitions laid down on the state or federal level, many of which 
 
 eliminate the possibility of assisting those really in need of housing 
 
 rehabilitation, mainly those unable to secure a loan at a bank. 
 
 Those qualifying for "conservation" money could get money from the 
 
 bank without help of the city, since most of the regulations reflect 
 
 FHA concepts. 
 
 2. Mrs. Mercurio 
 Coordinator 
 
 Higher Horizons Program 
 New York City Schools 
 
 The Higher Horizons program grew out of a demonstration project 
 established at a number of high schools and junior high schools in the 
 New York City area, designed to meet the needs of children with 
 special educational problems which the schools were not at that time 
 treating adequately. The success of the program has permitted exten- 
 sion both in terms of numbers involved and at both ends to cover more 
 grades. Currently studies are being made to determine the extent to 
 which providing pre -kindergarten children with improved environment, 
 advanced programs, etc., permits them to compete later with peers 
 who have these as a matter of course due to family background. 
 
 The program is as great a learning experience for the directors 
 as for the children. One dilemma is whether it is better to 
 group the children homogeneously according to their achievements for 
 roughly parallel advancement, or group them heterogeneously for more 
 stimulation. It was learned that the terms bandied about at the 
 
2k 
 
 beginning of the program, e.g., "culturally deprived," should be 
 avoided in order to build up the child's self-image and worth. It is 
 important to determine the child's specific problems, e.g., language 
 barriers, in any program to help him achieve. 
 
 The general approach of the fill program is to identify the children 
 who have (l) ability and (2) special problems. After identification 
 there must be services to help the child adjust. The specific type 
 of service depends on the weakness or problem under consideration. 
 Often the basis of the problem is in the family, which requires get- 
 ting the parent into the program somehow. In other cases the real 
 need is a strengthened self-image. The remedy is to find successful 
 images representative of his group, invite speakers with whom he can 
 identify, and so forth. The attempt is made to expose the child to 
 realities of the changing times, economic and social, and to acquaint 
 him with activities which affect him in the local area. It is admitted 
 that this will create in the child a certain discontent and unrest, 
 but if he is inspired to challenge the existing structure and question 
 "middle-class values" a real contribution will have been made. This 
 portion of the program is a political bombshell for more reasons than 
 one. Financially, it implies allocation of educational funds according 
 to "need." The majority will oppose it. Resource-wise, the program 
 means increased personnel (non-teaching) to provide the services 
 described above. 
 
 A study by Martin Deutsch, a psychologist, has shown that the child 
 from the lower classes is limited in self-expression. Thus a" primary 
 need is that of developing his communication skills. It is this which 
 
25 
 
 he builds upon therafter. Thus these children are given additional 
 periods of the learning arts. They are divided not simply by slow- 
 fast readers, but more considerately according to many characteristics. 
 The teacher later works with a class half the regular size for more 
 intensive work in reading. 
 
 The political problem arises again here. Top level students need 
 less help than the slow learners. But to give the slow learners more 
 attention brings wails from the mothers of the faster children. The 
 alienation- from-background problem mentioned above is deemphasized, 
 on the assumption that this would happen in any case. Emphasis on 
 the "bright" and "slow" child often causes the average child to back- 
 slide. The fact that the program invariably and inadvertently singles 
 out races is also unfortunate, but points up certain other evils which 
 require attack. 
 
 Higher Horizons tries to motivate all children to go to college. 
 But all too often the child achieves just below college standard. 
 The relaxation of some of the more rigid admission rules would help 
 the program immensely. Scholarship help is also sorely needed. 
 Some arbitrary requirements, like the 85-point average to enter college, 
 are prohibitive in these communities which have not been able to raise 
 the community average that high. The total package of college entry 
 requirements is still worse. 
 
 A further aspect of the program involves counselors and teachers' 
 working with the parents to pave the way for the development of the 
 child from the environment rl side and to acquaint the parents with the 
 child's progress, what's in store for him under predicted conditions, 
 
26 
 
 how this varies from the parents' own experiences, and other problems. 
 
 The environmental problem cannot be overemphasized. Teachers can 
 supplement but cannot replace the child's home and community life. 
 School efforts to introduce the child to new careers by bringing in 
 successful people can still be overwhelmed by the more frequent 
 reinforcement of failure in the child's "real world." Teacher's 
 harping on the fact that post high school training is a necessity 
 can be contradicted by the discrimination in the child's own experience, 
 If success potential is to be equated among children, "equality" 
 cannot be defined in the absoluteser.se,- but as relative to the need. 
 
 Besides the work with parents, community groups have been asked 
 to affiliate themselves with the program. The trouble is that there 
 are far too few in the minority communities who are selfless. Thus 
 a by-product of the Higher Horizons program is the emphasis on the 
 necessity for more agencies in the minority communities. 
 
 The evaluation report, which will be published at the end of this 
 year, will look at changes in behavior, aspirations, attitudes, mo- 
 tivation, and skills such as math and reading. The program is finally 
 becoming old enough to make possible certain defensible statements 
 about these changes. 
 
 3. Mobilization for Youth 
 
 Office of "Information Services 
 
 The writer was unable to make contact with officials of this agency 
 while in New York. However, the following excerpt from a letter sent 
 by Mr. Curtis R, Gatlin of that agency provides some background 
 information on attitudes toward the problem of urban redevelopment : 
 
27 
 
 "I am afraid I really don't know much about urban redevelopment 
 and its effect on unemployment in New Yori: City. It appears to me, 
 as it does to you, that by and large urban redevelopment concerns 
 itself so far with physical planning and is not integrated as it 
 needs to be with long range social planning. 
 
 "There may be a few exceptions to this. I have the impression 
 that the program Community Progress Inc. in New Haven, Connecticut is 
 closely related to the urban renewal that is talcing place in that 
 city. . . 
 
 "Likewise, I am told that key persons involved in Newark's Urban 
 Renewal include persons knowledgeable in the welfare field. 
 
 "I am sorry I cannot be more specific in ideas and suggestions . 
 Your letter, however, prompts the thought that maybe both of us ought 1 
 to write to Sargent Shriver to urge him, in his new assignment as 
 Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity, to develop close 
 liaison both for planning and program development with other agencies 
 concerned primarily with urban redevelopment at all levels of 
 government . " 
 
 In addition, the following comments on the Mobilization for Youth 
 program, taken from an article by Robert Arnold in Dissent Magazine, 
 Summer 196U, are pertinent to the general problem of combating poverty 
 and attendant evils of urban society: 
 
 "MFY came to the East Side with a theoretical framework which 
 stressed the social causation of delinquency. . . 'much delinquency can 
 be understood as representing illegitimate ways of achieving success 
 goals. The fighting gang seeks to achieve prestige ('rep') through 
 
28 
 
 violence; the criminal gang seeks to achieve money ('scores') through theft; 
 the 'consumption gangs' (drug and alcohol using) have retreated from the 
 struggle and accepted defeat.... 1 MFY proposed a 3-pronged attack in the 
 following areas: work, education and community organization.... But MFY has 
 largely failed.... Why?.... Basically, due to the failure of the government 
 to solve the basic problems of poverty, unemployment and discrimination in 
 this country. . . . Finally, MFY aligned itself with the middle class organiza- 
 tions in the community rather than attempting to place control in the hands 
 of the Negroes and Puerto Ricans themselves, the community's weakest members... 
 If there is a lesson to be learned from this failure, it is that no effort 
 at changing the pattern of slum life can hope to succeed without attempting 
 to destroy the context of poverty and deprivation in which Negroes, Puerto 
 Ricans and other minorities are forced to live...." 
 
 h. Mr. Millard Humpstone 
 
 Acting Director of Land Use Policy 
 
 The major challenge of urban renewal is to design modern uses of space 
 in the center city at rentals industry can afford. The patchwork of land 
 use which has developed cannot be allowed to continue along those lines or 
 the central business districts will strangle and die. 
 
 There are currently many obsolete and abandoned industrial buildings in 
 the city which could provide more jobs for displaced production workers. 
 The trouble is that these buildings were originally in the wrong industries, 
 and without some assistance and planning they will only serve to lure more 
 "declining industries" into the city. This will tend to do the opposite of 
 relieving hard-core unemployment; indeed, it will perpetuate it. 
 
 4r 
 
 Since this report was prepared, an article by Murray Kempton, "When 
 the Poor Mobilize," in the December 5th issue of New Republic , presents an 
 entirely different view of the Mobilization for Youth project. 
 
29 
 
 The latter point poses a further dilemma. The authorities have 
 
 long been aware of the threat arising from the flight of industry from 
 
 the area, but have been reluctant to loo]: at the picture from the point 
 
 of view of calling in those industries which will reemploy large numbers 
 
 of those most chronically unemployed. Rather, they have been concerned 
 
 with attracting the industry which has the greatest implications for 
 
 long-run growth. But these industries invariably employ more and 
 
 more of the labor force with little employment problems; in fact, 
 
 their skills are usually in scarce supply in this and most other 
 
 areas. The middle ground is difficult to find in the short run, and 
 
 the long-run solution, more jobs for all, will help mainly the future 
 
 population. 
 
 5. Dr. Leo Egan 
 
 Economic s • Section 
 
 City Planning Commission 
 
 The dilemma that faces the urban renewers is that mostly undesir- 
 ables are dislocated, but it is largely the socially acceptable who 
 are relocated in the area. Committee after committee has been appointed 
 to solve these problems : How can the people who are without a basic 
 education be trained? What and where are the kinds of job openings 
 for which to train them? What skills are most in demand? 
 
 In a speech of January, I96U, the Mayor acknowledged that the 
 number of task forces are multiplying fast but that the solutions are 
 coming slowly, and declared New York City in sympathy with the "War 
 on Poverty" approach. Mr. Egan's own impression of a workable solution 
 is simply that "more jobs must be created for everyone." Experience 
 during and since the depression has shown us some of the ways in 
 which this can be accomplished. 
 
 785-893 O-65-30 
 
30 
 
 Even now there is much in the way of government stimulation of certain 
 industries through subsidies , etc. But whereas "protection" for my 
 industry is "valid" under the free enterprise system, help for the 
 other guys is "socialism." 
 
 The major problem in New York is unemployment among the Negroes 
 and Puerto Ricans. And yet the authorities are aware that a program 
 designed exclusively to help the minorities will bring a backlash 
 from the majority element. Thus, we come back to the initial point 
 made above. Without expanding employment in general, no solution 
 for unemployment among the minority groups is attainable. 
 
APPENDIX 
 Supermarket Redevelopment in Low Income Areas 
 
 The purpose of urban renewal is to provide standard housing for all the citizens 
 of the city In the past, most of the programs have been physically oriented, not 
 people-oriented. The programs have obviously failed in their purpose. Below is 
 outlined a program that combines both people oriented and physically oriented pro- 
 grams that would measurably improve the income of the residents and could begin to 
 improve their employability status. The program can easily be separated, but the 
 impact, the cross fertilization, the results would not be as great. 
 
 The introduction of supermarkets into the low income areas will increase income 
 by reducing food cost. The increased income is directly proportional to the amount 
 transferred from small, high cost stores to large, low cost supermarkets Even with 
 aggressive merchandising such as Food City operations, the transition to supermarket 
 buying by a large proportion of low income families would take a long time Conse- 
 quently, the introduction of a supermarket into the neighborhood should be coupled 
 with a vast increase in the home economist services For the first several years, 
 the primary goal of home economists w.uld be to train the families to budget for 
 food so they could profit from buying at the supermarket. At the same time, the 
 home economist would have to get the families to utilize this extra money, previously 
 devoted to food, for some other necessary home functions. Approximately ten home 
 economists would be required for two years at the rate of 1 per hundred families per 
 year, reaching a total of 50$ of the families in the trade area of the supermarket 
 in 2 years. 
 
 The supermarket will be the architectural landmark of the area. The building 
 of a new supermarket with its signs, parking lot and other commercial buildings, 
 will be positive evidence of the City's attempt to alleviate the residents' poor 
 conditions. The building could be a temporary, perhaps demountable building subject 
 to complete redevelopment of the area 10 to 15 years later. 
 
 The supermarket center could easily become the community center of the neigh- 
 borhood. The supermarket will no doubt have the highest adult pedestrian traffic in 
 the neighborhood. It will be used frequently by almost all the families, and there- 
 fore can become a focal point in the neighborhood. In most slum neighborhoods it 
 certainly will be the only new large building If the neighbors could somehow 
 participate in this new and vital element of the area, it could become a really 
 important part of their lives. The greater the importance attached to the facility 
 by the residents, the greater the opportunity for the City to suggest to the neigh- 
 bors that the City is vitally interested in their futures. The mutual interest is 
 essential to both generate and develop effective programs to realize the potential 
 abilities trapped and stunted in these deprived peoples. This is the subject of 
 the second, people oriented program. 
 
 The second aspect would be to place branch libraries next to the supermarket. 
 One of the greatest needs of the poor people is the development of their individual 
 potential Books, reading, education, are ways of learning To be successful, the 
 library would have to merchandise their product aggressively. This means hitting 
 the streets and attracting people to the library. The attraction is much easier 
 when the library is conveniently located next to the food store. 
 
(2) 
 
 Attracting fifty or more trained librarians to staff more then fifty branch 
 libraries in the poor areas is impossible today Trained librarians are in ex- 
 tremely short supply. Consequent ly, a somewhat different approach to branch 
 libraries must be found. In Brooklyn, Reading Centers , staffed by trained clerks 
 rather than librarians, have been established. Today, because of the increased 
 professional status of librarians, this approach is accepted, although perhaps not 
 encouraged. The reference functions of the Reading Centers ere handled by the 
 regular branches and regional libraries. 
 
 Ways of overcoming the high capital and operating cost of fifty or more branch 
 libraries must be found. Cataloguing costs from 75^ to $2. CO per book This 
 includes acquisition, recording, 6helf- listing, cataloguing, covering, and putting 
 the book on the shelf. Circulation costs on the average of 20$ per check out- This 
 includes checking out, checking in, mailing overdue notices, retrieving lost books, 
 etc L braries can, however, mass purchase the paperbacks today for much less than 
 $1.00 A local California library system is expricmenting with massive distribution 
 of paperbacks without cataloguing While this California library system does not 
 give the paperbacks away, it does not make any strong effort to retrieve the books 
 The paperbacks are only good for 10 to 15 circulations. With the high cost of cata- 
 loguing and circulation, however, it may be cheaper to use this paperback system 
 for Reading Centers. 
 
 A supplement to the proposed Reading Center would be a massive use of Book- 
 mobiles with the same concept as the Reading Center The purpose is to bring the 
 facility to the people who need it, but who will not use it unless conveniently 
 located. The City will indirectly benefit by this through the improved educational 
 motivation of the whole family. The bookmobile concept could be modified in the 
 same manner as the Branch Library and Reading Center. Instead of a $20,000 special 
 truck, a converted, $3,000 Ford Econoline or Chevrolet Greenbriar would be satis- 
 factory If the collection included only paperbacks for lending, then expensive 
 cataloguing could be omitted. 
 
 This concept would mean about 50 to 100 Reading Centers throughout the poor 
 areas, with about ICO to 200 station wagon Bookmobiles 
 
 The Home Ec staff persons must be housed in an office with preferably some 
 meeting rooms where larger classes than one to one relationships can be estab- 
 lished At present we have 1 working out of each of the $ school districts. While 
 Home Ec is an educational function, the poor parents seldom go to the school. The 
 Reading Center would be an excellent location for this function. It is in a heavy 
 traffic area 
 
 The epitome of bringing the facility to the people would be to have the teacher 
 come to the house, just like a social worker. However, the teaching would be 
 restricted to hand-portable materials. The next best thing would be to build 
 special classroom trucks The trucks would then be driven direct y to the house, 
 or preferably the block, for an hour or two hour lesson. Special sewing classroom 
 trucks, typing classroom trucks, language arts classroom trucks with tape recorders, 
 teaching machines, etc , could be built and driven directly to the block front 
 where the people are. This idea has good inherent features: mother can babysit 
 from class; mother will take the class with her neighbors; the neighbors can 
 -discuss classroom problems with each other;* the teacher can visit the problem 
 in a particular house as part of the class; the family members can 
 
(3) 
 
 encourage each other to attend because the class is right there in the street. 
 
 Philadelphia has several examples of taking the facilities to the people where 
 people would not or cannot avail themselves of the normal facilities. For 
 several summers the Friends Neighborhood Guild, United Neighbors, and the YWCA 
 have sponsored three different trucks in three different areas. The special 
 trucks carried playground equipment with several supervisors. The Meals on 
 Wheels program of the Lighthouse Settlement House carries hot meals to the elderly 
 shut-ins. 
 
 Finally, I believe it would be desirable to have the State Store also located 
 here because it brings traffic. It especially brings the male traffic, which is 
 the most difficult to get in any slum area, especially to schools. No doubt it 
 would be much easier to get a man to go to the Reading Center three times a week 
 for lessons where he visits weekly anyhow, than to a school he has never been to, 
 feels uncomfortable in, and probably hates. 
 
 Four 1-acre sites are proposed in West Philadelphia: 34th and Haverford, 
 40th and Girard, 44th and Lancaster, 6oth and Market. These include the four 
 supermarket trade areas with average incomes under $5,000 in i960. The average 
 redevelopment cost would be $10 per square foot ($500,000 acquisition cost per 
 acre less $50,000 selling price). The total cost to the City for these four 
 1-acre sites would be just under two million dollars. The families will save 
 $1,600,000 a year in food cost when the shopping pattern stabilizes. In other 
 words, the families would save almost enough money in that one year to pay for 
 the write-down needed for these sites. 
 
 The intense, two-year program of 10 home economists would cost about $100,000 
 per site. Each station wagon Bookmobile would cost about $15,000 the first year 
 when a door-to-door "reader salesman, contact man" was necessary; then it would 
 drop to $10,000 a year. The annual cost of a 2,000 square foot Reading Center 
 would be about $30,000 annually, assuming mainly paperbacks and a staff of 3 
 trained clerks. 
 
 During the first two years, the total annual cost of these programs would be 
 $160,000 per site, or $640,000. If the home economist program is not continued 
 with periodic job retraining programs, individual development programs, then the 
 annual cost would be only $60,000 a site. 
 
 What happens to the small food stores in these areas? City-wide food stores have 
 declined by one-half over the past 25 years. In West Philadelphia, the number of 
 food stores declined from 1,200 in 1948 to 800 in 1958. If all the possible 32 
 supermarkets were built in West Philadelphia, there would still be room for 400 
 small food stores. The introduction of four supermarkets would only hasten the 
 demise of perhaps 100 stores. Perhaps 20 store owners would take advantage of 
 a retraining program. At $5,000 each, that would cost $100,000. 
 
 Prepared by 
 Sho Maruyama 
 Comprehensive Planning 
 
 Division 
 City of Philadelphia 
 
WRIGLEY FIELD: PROBLEMS AND POTENTIALS 
 
 "by Steve Wei tier 
 
 Coro Foundation Intern 
 in Public Affairs 
 
 May, 1964 
 
 This study was conducted for the Institute of Industrial 
 Relations at UCLA as part of the Coro Foundation's Internship 
 in Public Affairs. Coro Foundation is a non-profit, non- 
 partisan public trust established to conduct research and 
 education in the field of government and politics. The 
 internship program is designed to give practical training to 
 qualified candidates who anticipate careers in this field. 
 The intern received no reimbursement for his time other than 
 the Coro Foundation Fellowship. Costs of preparation and 
 publication were borne by the Institute of Industrial Relations. 
 The findings and recommendations in this report are those of 
 the author and do not necessarily reflect the policies of 
 the Institute of Industrial Relations. 
 
Introduction 
 
 On October 8, 1957* Norris Poulson, then Mayor of Los Angeles approved 
 Ordinance No. 110,20^, "An Ordinance authorizing and approving contract 
 "between The City of Los Angeles, a municipal corporation, and the Brooklyn 
 National League Baseball Club, Inc., a New York corporation, and authorizing 
 the execution thereof." This was the famous "Dodger deal" and involved one 
 of the most bitter political fights in the history of our city. 
 
 Opponents of the contract circulated a referendary petition and forced 
 the issue to a vote of the people on June 3> 1958. The contract was approved 
 and that phase of the controversy was ended. 
 
 Section 5 of the contract provided that the "Ball Club shall cause to 
 be conveyed to City the land and improvements now known as Wrigley Field, 
 including all mineral rights..." During the pre-election campaign proponents 
 of the contract argued, "...the City will receive Wrigley Field, which has 
 a reasonably estimated current value of $2, 275*000, after allowing for 
 depreciation to date on the improvements. The Department of Recreation and 
 Parks plans to use the improvements for recreation purposes. Even if they 
 
 were not useful, the City would have to pay for them if it were acquiring 
 
 1 
 the property by condemnation." Dodger opponents countered, "Although two 
 
 appraisers of the Department of Public Works did place a value of $2,500,000 
 on Wrigley Field, two-thirds of this was for the improvements, for which the 
 City will probably find little or no use and which it may even spend money 
 to have removed. The not-quite ten acres there have a value much less than 
 a million dollars." It might also be added that the Public Works appraisal 
 of Wrigley Field viewed Wrigley Field as a site of play for the revenue- 
 producing Los Angeles Angels, then a minor league team. The day that the 
 Dodgers moved to Los Angeles that usage ended and the valuation accordingly 
 shifted downward an unspecified amount. 
 
2. 
 
 The controversy over the Dodger contract is now only a memory. The 
 controversy over Wrigley Field has continued and intensified. Observers 
 "both inside and outside of city government concede that the Field now 
 constitutes a "white elephant", a facility without adequate usage. For 
 over five years plan and counter-plan, argument and counter- argument have 
 resulted in frustration, a frustration aided and abetted by lack of financing 
 and inadequate leadership. 
 
 It should be made clear at the outset that this report does not place 
 blame for this frustration on any group or individual, public or private. 
 Wrigley Field presents a complicated dilemma involving demonstrated community 
 needs, planning, and politics. This report seeks to present background 
 information in an unemotional manner so that a clear course for the future 
 may be charted. Wrigley Field has the potential to be a community resource 
 of incalculable worth. This report seeks to contribute to the realization 
 of that potential. 
 
 What and Where is Wrigley Field ? 
 
 Wrigley Field is a baseball stadium of 20,000 seating capacity located 
 at the corner of 42nd Street and Avalon Boulevard in the city of Los Angeles. 
 The site is 10.13 acres in area and has a parking capacity of 450 cars. 
 Because of inadequate parking, cars were parked on neighborhood lawns during 
 its use as a baseball facility. 
 
 In 1957 a joint study of possible major league baseball sites by the 
 
 planning department and the recreation and parks department of the city 
 
 2 
 reported the following facts concerning Wrigley Field. 
 
 Location: 42nd and Avalon is near the center of population of Los Angeles 
 
The following maps indicate the location of 
 Wrigley Field. The first ::.ar> indicates the 
 Avalon-- Central comnunity, as defined in this 
 report, outlined in green. The Wrigley site 
 is outlined. 
 

 
 
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3- 
 County and is approximately five miles south of civic center. 
 Traffic Facilities : Facilities for access to this site "by automobile are 
 unusually Good. The Harbor Freeway, one-half mile vest, provides access 
 from the Harbor area and from all freeways converging at the cloverleaf 
 (Figueroa Street) interchange and serving San Fernando Valley, Hollywood, 
 Pasadena, and the eastern sections of Los Angeles County. Principal north- 
 south streets leading into this site from the downtown area and from the 
 southern section of the city include Figueroa Street, Broadway, Main Street, 
 San Pedro Street and Central Avenue. Principal east- west streets between 
 Washington Boulevard and Slauson Avenue are likewise available for traffic 
 to and from this area. 
 
 Transit Facilities : Seven coach lines and two streetcar lines serve the 
 area directly. With completion of the proposed Slauson and Industrial 
 Freeways, additional shuttle-bus service between them will be possible. 
 In up-dating this information the author has found that both the Slauson 
 and Industrial Freeways are in the preliminary planning phases and will not 
 be completed before 1970. The Slauson Freeway will be located close to the 
 present alignment of Slauson Avenue while the Industrial Freeway will be 
 routed close to Alameda Street. In addition, one of the four major backbone 
 routes of the proposed rapid transit system will be placed between Central 
 Avenue and Alameda Street. 
 
 Topography : The Wrigley site is generally flat. 
 
 Land Availability : Acquisition of additional land for a major league stadium 
 was found not to present a major problem as the residential and commercial 
 properties in the area are not new and are of comparatively low assessed 
 valuation. 
 
Avalon- Central and Its Peopl e 
 
 While vised as a baseball stadium Wrigley Field served as a regional 
 sports center. That is, people from outside the immediate neighborhood, 
 often frcm outside the city of Los Angeles, patronized the stadium. The 
 Field's history as a regional center does not, however, necessarily mean 
 that its highest and best use for the future is as a regional center. In 
 fact, a major policy question in the future of Wrigley Field is whether it 
 shall be developed primarily to fill the needs of the immediately surrounding 
 community or whether it shall be developed to attract people on a city- wide 
 or even regional basis. A major consideration is the size of Wrigley site, 
 a relatively small 10 acres which encompasses parking for only 450 cars at 
 present. By comparison, Exposition Park, which includes the Coliseum and 
 Sports Arena complex, consists of 80 acres. A basic question is what the 
 service area of the Wrigley site shall be. 
 
 For purposes of this study the Avalon- Central "community" stirrcrmding 
 the Wrigley site shall include those residents within the boundaries of 
 Jefferson Boulevard on the north, Figueroa Street on the west, Alameda Street 
 on the east and Slauson Avenue on the south. This is the area as defined 
 by the Welfare Planning Council and approximately the same as that defined 
 by the Los Angeles City Planning Commission (west boundary of the Commission 
 area is Main Street). At the present time 65,CCO people live within this 
 area. 
 
 If the surrounding Avalon- Central community cannot demonstrate unmet 
 needs that can be served by the Wrigley site and if adequate access to the 
 site is possible from outside the community (where "access" includes 
 parking) then emphasis should shift to a regional use. 
 
5- 
 Are there unmet needs ■within the Avalon- Central community? To answer 
 this question we shall rely on two recent and reliable reports: Avalon and 
 
 Its People: The Profile of a Coirjaunity "by Bert Renstrom and Study of Avalon - 
 
 3 
 Slauson Area by Robert L. Eond. 
 
 The Avalon- Central area was annexed as a part of the City of Los Angeles 
 
 during 1900 and 1910 as the city grew. The Negro population, which was 
 
 located primarily in the Central Avenue-Jefferson Boulevard district, began 
 
 to increase in numbers. Its movement has been toward the west and southwest. 
 
 Renstrom illustrates the present trend: 
 
 Once a quiet lower middle- class residential neighborhood, 
 its (Avalon- Central' s) recent history is characterized by changes 
 that mark it as a community on the decline. 
 
 With these changes has come physical blight. Older, larger 
 homes cut into small apartments, neglected structural maintenance 
 and absentee ownership as well as deterioration of some public 
 services, have hastened the community's physical decline in 
 recent years. 
 
 Because it is an older settlement situated close to the 
 Central City, Avalon has shared the fate of similar communities 
 in metropolitan areas from coast to coast: as the more prosperous 
 residents have moved away, they have been replaced by a less 
 advantaged population- -often transients who intend to leave as 
 soon as they get their bearings or can afford to move. These 
 include members of minority groups, persons of lower educational 
 attainment, blue- collar workers, and newcomers from economically 
 disadvantaged portions of the United States for whom moving to a 
 large urban area represents an effort to achieve a better life. 4 
 
 Population 
 
 Table I 
 
 1950 i960 i960 i960 
 
 Population Avalon- Central Avalon- Central L.A. City County 
 
 White population 
 Percent white 
 
 18,006 
 22.5$ 
 
 6,434 
 9.8$ 
 
 2. 
 
 ,061,808 
 83.2$ 
 
 5. 
 
 ,453,866 
 90.3$ 
 
 Negro population 
 Percent Negro 
 
 61,221 
 76.5$ 
 
 58,389 
 89.2^ 
 
 
 334,916 
 13-5$ 
 
 
 461,546 
 1M 
 
 Percent other races 
 
 1.0$ 
 
 1.0$ 
 
 
 3.3$ 
 
 
 2.1$ 
 
 Total population 
 
 80,000 
 
 65,484 
 
 2; 
 
 A79,015 
 
 6; 
 
 •038,771 
 
6. 
 
 Renstrom notes that virtually the entire drop in population of 
 Avalon-Central from 80,000 to 65,000 occurred between 1950 and 1953- 
 The construction of the Harbor Freeway during those years accounted 
 for one- third of the loss. The other two- thirds of the decline represent 
 a housing trend which leveled off in 1953 • By 1953 the housing demands of 
 the community's more advantaged residents had been met in other parts of 
 Los Angeles. The City Planning Department's latest projections indicate 
 that the Avalon-Central population will remain stable at its present 
 level until at least 1980. 
 
 Population density, one of the highest in the city, is 28 persons 
 per acre. The area's percentage of Negro population is 12 times that for 
 the county as a whole. 
 
 The ratio of young people and adults in the Avalon-Central area is 
 approximately the same as the rest of the city. However, there is a 
 larger percentage of people over 65 years of age living in Avalon-Central 
 than is common in most heavily Negro areas. 
 
 Housing 
 
 Percent owner occupied 
 Percent renter occupied 
 
 Percent deteriorating 
 
 housing units 
 
 Percent dilapidated 
 housing units 
 
 Table II 
 
 
 
 
 laracteristics-- 
 
 • i960 
 
 
 
 Avalon- Central 
 Area 
 
 Lo 
 
 s Angeles 
 City 
 
 Los Angeles 
 County 
 
 26.7$ 
 
 67. 3^ 
 
 
 ^3-3$ 
 50.1$ 
 
 51.256 
 1*2.7$ 
 
 18.056 
 
 
 7 Mo 
 
 6.6% 
 
 2.896 
 
 
 l.kfo 
 
 1.456 
 
7. 
 
 There are significantly fewer owner- occupied dwellings in A va Ion- 
 Central than in the city or county. The percent of deteriorating housing 
 in the area is three times as high as that for the county; and the 
 percentage of dilapidated housing units is twice as high as that of the 
 county. 
 
 There were 366 housing units without heat in Avalon- Central according 
 
 to the 196c census. The median rent was $5<i, as against $71 in county. 
 
 However, because of low incomes in this area, it remains true that a higher 
 
 proportion of Avalon income is devoted to housing than in the county as a 
 
 whole. The median value of a home in Avalon was $11,200 in contrast to 
 
 $12,900 in the county. 
 
 The percentage of housing units over a quarter of a century old in 
 
 5 
 Avalon- Central is 87. 2$ as against ^0.8$ for the county. In fact, the 
 
 city Euilding and Safety Department indicates that most of the Avalon- 
 
 Central housing is close to 50 years old. It is no longer economically 
 
 feasible to maintain single- family residences in this area. 
 
 Education 
 
 Year 
 
 Table III 
 
 Median Education 
 
 Avalon- Central 
 Area 
 
 Los Angeles 
 City 
 
 Los Angeles 
 County 
 
 1950 
 i960 
 
 9-6 years 
 8.9 years 
 
 12.0 years 
 
 12.1 years 
 
 12.0 years 
 
 12.1 years 
 
 785-893 0-65-31 
 
It appears that the falling educational level is related to two 
 factors in Avalon's population change over the decade, according to 
 Renstrom. First is the increasing proportion of persons age 40 and 
 over who, on the whole, have had less education than the younger population. 
 Second is the loss of persons age 20 to 39 who nay have ¥een able to benefit 
 from the broadened educational opportunities of the fifties. 
 
 Another contributing factor is a heavy Southern influx: 
 
 Of the 8,037 persons who moved there (Avalon- Central) from 
 other parts of the United States between 1955 and i960 nearly 5,000, 
 or 6l.6 per cent, came from the South, compared with 19 percent of 
 Southern newcomers to Los Angeles County. As of i960, persons of 
 Southern origin who moved into Avalon since 1955 represented 8.5$ 
 of the community's total population age 5 and over; this compares 
 with 3>4 percent for Los Angeles County as a whole. Had the rate of 
 immigration from the South been constant over the Census decade, in 
 i960 at least 17 percent or Avalon's population would consist of 
 former Southerners. However, there is no way of determining whether 
 these newcomers arrived in the estimated proportions, or if, having 
 moved in, they remained in the community. ' 
 
 Income 
 
 Table IV 
 
 Income- -Families and Unrelated Individuals 
 
 Avalon- Central Los Angeles Los Angeles 
 Year Area City County 
 
 1950 $2,100 $2,879 $2,250 
 
 I960 3,121 5,324 5,823 
 
 If unrelated individuals are left out of the data, then the 
 discrepancy is even greater, with the i960 Avalon families having a median 
 income of $4,225 as against $6,696 in the city and $7,C46 in the county. 
 If we accept the United States Government's contention that $5,500 income 
 is needed by a family of fcur for a "minimum standard of decency", then 
 three out of every four Avalon families are below that standard. 
 
Employment and Unemployment 
 
 
 
 Table 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 
 
 Unemployment in 
 
 Civilian Labor Fo 
 
 rce- 
 
 -i960 
 
 
 
 Avalon- Central 
 
 Los Ange 
 
 les 
 
 7 
 
 10s Angeles 
 
 Unemployed 
 
 Area 
 
 
 City 
 
 
 
 County 
 
 Male 
 
 13.9$ 
 
 
 ♦6' 7$ 
 
 
 
 5-7$ 
 
 Female 
 
 11.1$ 
 
 
 6.3* 
 
 
 
 5-9$ 
 
 Perhaps even more disturbing than the above figures is the employment 
 composition of the area. In i960, in Los Angeles County, hy.rfo of those 
 employed were in white-collar jobs, hk.6 c /o in blue-collar jobs, and 5-9$ 
 "no report." Those Avalon- Central residents employed were 16.9$ white- 
 collar, 71«2/& blue- co liar, and 11.9$ "no report."' The large proportion of 
 blue- collar workers means that unemployment in Avalon- Central will not go 
 down, but rather will increase . This conclusion is founded upon analysis 
 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics: 
 
 "The Bureau of Labor Statistics has made projections of the 
 occupational distribution of the labor force as it is expected to 
 look in 1970... There will be seme increases in relative job oppor- 
 tunities for skilled workers, a slight decline for semi-skilled 
 workers, and a s harp decline for unskilled workers. . .The conclusion 
 is fairly clear. There will be fewer and fewer job opportunities 
 for the unskilled. Many workers with soiae skill will need to be 
 retrained for different jobs and a higher proportion of workers 
 will need the higher educational attainment required for employment 
 in white-collar occupations. "8 (underlining added) 
 
 Social Problems in Ava Ion-Central 
 
 Carver Junior High School is located within the Avalon- Central area. 
 Carver's drop-out rate is second highest among Los Angeles City Junior 
 High Schools. Jefferson High School, in this area, has the highest drop- 
 out rate among the 35 Los Angeles City Senior High Schools. It has been 
 said that the Avalon- Central area has the highest "put-out and push-«ut" 
 
10. 
 
 school rate in Los Angeles. School transiency rates are high. 
 
 The Avalon- Central area comprises 85$ of the population served by 
 the Newton Street Police Division. Between 1957 and 1961 that division 
 reported that the number of juvenile arrests doubled and many of those 
 crimes were of a serious nature. The Newton Street Division juvenile 
 population represented 3»3$ of the city's population^but 5.5$ of the 
 juveniles arrested in the city resided in the Newton Street Division. 
 During the same period the number of adult crimes showed a decrease. 
 
 Almost one-half of the Southeast Health District lies within the 
 Avalon- Central area. That health district covers only 4$ of the city 
 population, but accounted for 31$ of the reported venereal disease in the 
 city during l$6l. Tuberculosis, maternal child deaths and other disease 
 rates are higher in the Southeast Health District than in the rest of the 
 city. 
 
 Avalon- Central, with 1$ of the county's population, had 6.4$ of the 
 
 county's Aid to Need;' Children (AIJC) cases as of July, I962. 
 
 The number of vidowed and divorced people in the Avalon- Slauson 
 area is very high, and accounts for 21.5$ of the 14 years and over 
 population in contrast to 13 • 3$ for the entire county. The number 
 of two-parent families as a total for all family units is a good 
 indicator of family stability and economic self-sufficiency. The 
 figures for the county were 86.8$ in contrast to Avalon' s 68.8$. 
 There are, therefore, less parents In Avalon to give help to the 
 children; there are more divorcees.^td widows with marginal incomes. 
 In summary, the Avalon- Slauson children are at a distinct disadvan- 
 tage because many of them lack two-parent families necessary for their 
 psycho- social development, and their families have sub- standard 
 incomes necessary for their adequate financial support. ^ 
 
 Ifrigley Field, 1960-1964 
 
 On September 20, i960, Vrigley Field became the property of the city 
 of Los Angeles. After a transition period, under Board of Public Works 
 administration, the city Department of Recreation and Parks acquired 
 jurisdiction on January 4, 196.I. 
 
11. 
 
 For over three years the Recreation and Parks department has made an 
 apparently conscientious effort to turn Wrigley Field into an operating 
 community asset. Their efforts have "been largely unsuccessful. 
 
 Only two sustained uses of Wrigley Field have "been made in recent 
 years: Soccer League on Sunday afternoons and rental by the Los Angeles 
 Angels from May to December, 1961. 
 
 Staff time to maintain Wrigley Field costs approximately $2000 per 
 
 month. This includes a senior gardener, 2 gardener- caretakers, and 2 
 
 custodians (l6 hours per week each). In 1963 rentals of the field averaged 
 
 less than $^00 per month. In spite of over $100,000 in renovation done 
 
 "by the Angels, the structure, built in 1925, continues to deteriorate. 
 
 According to a May, 1963, Recreation and Parks memorandum: 
 
 The structure is generally neat and clean. The paint which was 
 put on by the last owners is beginning to age. Plaster and concrete 
 are spalling and cracking and rust from the steel is staining the 
 paint. Water and weather damage is apparent throughout and vandalism 
 damage is quite obvious. Proper maintenance of this facility would 
 be extremely expensive. 
 
 This same memorandum approximated the value of the site at $700,000 
 and the value of an operating major stadium as $2.5 million. It was also 
 noted that there was apparently no dedication or restriction upon the deed 
 to the property. 
 
 The possibility of Wrigley Field being utilized as a major baseball 
 stadium by the Los Angeles Angels was the subject of a July 25, 19^3, 
 letter from William Frederickson, General Manager of Recreation and Parks, 
 to Mayor Sam Yorty. A repV^ Wbktlvc of the m Angelis toad stfetell-thVball 
 club's needs including the following: 100 acres to park 10,000 cars, a 
 new $18,000,000 stadium to seat 1+0,000 - ^5,000 people. The Angels were 
 not interested in a renovation program for Wrigley Field. 
 
12. 
 
 Agreement was reached between the city and the Philadelphia Phillies 
 "baseball club for use of the stadium for training purposes in 1963. Due 
 to the lateness of the agreement, however, the Phillies were not able to 
 hold their program at Urigley. They have not renewed their application. 
 
 During 1962 a roller derby was contemplated for the stadium but these 
 plans were also abortive. 
 
 Continuing efforts to secure the stadium have been made by groups 
 promoting motorcycle racing and midget automobile racing. Those groups 
 in this category are Jess Channon Enterprises, Inc., J. C. Agajanian, 
 California Racing Association, and Motorcycle Racers Incorporated. Of 
 these Mr. Channon has been the most persistent. In May, 1962, Mr. Channon 
 submitted a rather detailed proposal to the Recreation and Parks Commission 
 seeking permission to operate a iy mile track at Urigley. He offered a 
 guaranteed annual rental of $6,300 ($300 per event). Mr. Channon offered 
 an alternative of 10$ of the estimated gross to the city, a sum he estimated 
 at close to $40, COO per year. The Commission's policy, to this time, has 
 been to deny this type of application because of the noise problem, lack 
 of parking, and neighborhood opposition. Also, present C-2 and R-3 zoning 
 would not permit racing. 
 
 In 1963 an employee of Recreation and Parks, Mr. Gene Podd, estimated 
 the cost of demolition of the stadium at between $150,000 and $200,000. 
 This sum includes possible salvage. He also estimated renovation costs at 
 <?T8,0C0. The precise meaning of this estimate, in terms of actual work to 
 be performed, is unclear. A conflictirg estimate of $200, COO for repair 
 and renovation has also been mentioned in public statements concerning 
 Wrigley. A minor alteration involving the northeast bleachers was estimated 
 at slightly over $8,000. 
 
13- 
 The Future of Avalon- Centra l 
 
 The Avalon- Central area is considered to be a pert of entry, 
 especially for the people coining from the southern part of the 
 United States. The" area has many of the characteristics vhich typify 
 the port of entry area. It is close to the center of the city; it 
 has a large number of minority groups; it has a high percentage of 
 children and able-bodied people; it is overcrowded with a high per- 
 centage of renters; industry and commerce are encroaching on the 
 area. However, there is not in the Avalon- Central area the usual 
 high turnover in population vhich we might expect... the population^ 
 in the Avalon- Central area is not so transient that it is not possible 
 to develop a sense of community among the residents living there, -q 
 and to help motivate them to work together to improve their community. 
 
 The East Central Area guide plan of the Regional Planning Commission of 
 Los Angeles County indicates the land-use "isolation" of the Avalon-Central 
 area. To the east lies the Vernon industrial area; to the south lies a 
 stable industrial warehousing strip development along Slauson Avenue; to 
 the west lies the Harbor Freeway; to the north lies a growing industrial- 
 warehousing belt along the Southern- Pacific Railroad just north of Jeffer- 
 son Boulevard. 
 
 Just to the north of the Jefferson Boulevard Belt lies a separate 
 isolated community of the Naomi- Stanford- Trinity neighborhoods (bounded 
 approximately by Jefferson on the south; Main on the west, Washington on 
 the north and Hooper on the east). In 1957-1953 the City Planning Commission 
 recommended redevelopment of these blighted neighborhoods to provide more 
 livable residential space and well- integrated commercial services. This 
 suggested renewal plan apparently has not been acted upon by the Community 
 Redevelopment Agency. 
 
 A detailed study of land use in the Avalon-Central area, based on the 
 i960 Los Angeles Regional Transportation Study aerial survey, reveals 
 residential and light industrial uses mixed with strip commercial development 
 
Much of the area is zoned R-3 (multiple- unit dwelling) and the firm hut gradual 
 trend is frcm single family hemes to apartments. A detailed study of zone 
 change applications in this area for the last seven years discloses a dearth 
 of major zone changes. 
 
 The land-use trend for the next twenty years in Avalon-Central will result 
 in a high- density residential area, physically isolated frcm other residential 
 areas. This trend is already evident and will he accelerated "by rapid transit 
 and freeway construction. It is important to note that the Wrigley Field site 
 is the last significant piece of non-park open space in Avalon-Central. 
 
 Existing social problems will undoubtedly intensify in the years ahead. 
 This condition is closely linked to the lack of local leadership. 
 
 A Consideration of Proposals for Wrigley Field 
 
 According to Mr. William Frederickson, Jr., General Manager of the Los 
 Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks, provisions of the City Charter 
 (Sections 170 and 17l) dictate that all lands held by the Recreation and Parks 
 Department must he used to "aid and promote public reareation. " The Commission, 
 with the approval of the City Council, may lease the property for a term not to 
 exceed 50 years to the county or state if such a lease is to promote public 
 recreation. If property is not presently needed for recreational purposes, it 
 may be leased for a period not to exceed 3 years, without Council approval, and 
 apparently without restriction on short-term use. In fact, at this time the 
 County Assessor, a non- recreational function, is using office space in the 
 Wrigley Field tower under an informal agreement with Recreation and Parks. 
 
 Commissioner Pierson, at the April 30, I96U, meeting, stated that a 
 cemetery is now under commission jurisdiction, thus indicating that the term 
 "public recreation" is subject to broad interpretation. 
 
15. 
 
 At the present time five different types of future utilization have 
 been proposed for Wrigley Field: 
 
 Alternative I: Retain "buildings and grounds in present condition and 
 
 operate a commercial recreation center. 
 Alternative II: Rebuild structures and operate as a stadium with 
 
 some community recreation facilities. 
 Alternative III: Remove 10, COG- 15,000 seats. Retain 5 ,000-10, COO 
 
 seats. Operate as a combination stadium and recreation 
 center. 
 Alternative IV: Demolish structure and reconstruct as a major recreation 
 
 center. 
 Alternative V: Demolish structure and reconstruct as a multi-purpose 
 community center. 
 
 Alternative I : Retain "buildings and grounds in present condition and 
 operate a commercial recreation center. 
 Evidence already cited indicates that there is no possibility that 
 Wrigley Field will again "be operated as a major baseball stadium. The only 
 other commercial sports use now being promoted is midget auto racing and 
 motorcycle racing. Such an operation could only begin after a change of 
 zone. Such a zone change would be strenuously opposed by local residents. 
 In addition, Mr* - J. C. Agajanian, a nationally- recognized promotor of auto 
 and motorcycle racing, states that the probable maximum income to the city 
 from racing could not exceed $25,000, which would barely pay for present 
 maintenance efforts. Mir. Agajanian stated at the April 30, 196k, meeting 
 of the Los Angeles Recreation and Parks Commission that he felt that racing 
 
16. 
 
 should not be conducted at Wrigley Field. Considerations of modern planning 
 practice, community relations and economics do not favor racing. 
 
 Use of Wrigley Field for commercial recreation is not feasible and is 
 not recommended. Because of the legal restrictions discussed above, 
 commercial no n- recreational use of the Wrigley Field would appear to be 
 illegal. 
 
 Therefore, development or use of Wrigley Field for commercial (profit- 
 making) purposes is not recommended. 
 
 Alternative II : Rebuild structures and operate as a stadium with some 
 community recreation facilities. 
 The possibility of rebuilding Wrigley Field for major baseball use has 
 already been discussed and determined not feasible. A community recreation 
 facility clearly does not require the present 20,0C0 seating capacity. 
 
 Alternatives III and IV : Remove 10,000-15,000 seats. Retain S, 000-10,000 
 
 seats. Operate as a combination stadium and 
 recreation center. Or demolish structure and 
 reconstruct as a major recreation center. 
 Removal of a portion of the structure would not hinder use of the field 
 by Little League or youth athletic organizations. Groups supporting such 
 usage persuasively stated their needs et the April 30 commission meeting. 
 A 'Youth Stadium" has been proposed by Thomas M. Southern, Chairman, Managers 
 and Coaches Association and Citizens Committee. Such proposals are clearly 
 consistent with charter limitations on the use of Recreation and Parle land. 
 
 The possibility of using Wrigley for a Los Angeles Tennis Center was 
 raised in a City Council resolution of August 21, 1963, introduced by 
 
17- 
 
 Councilman Gilbert Lindsay. On that date the Council asked the Recreation 
 
 and Parks Commission to delay all proceedings leading to demolition of 
 
 Wrigley Field and to specifically consider conversion of the property to a 
 
 tennis facility. 
 
 On June 20, 1963, the Recreation and Parks General Manager, Mr. Frederickson, 
 
 recommended a recreational program for Wrigley Field. The initial annual 
 
 12 
 "budget for this program was $75,998. The programs suggested by the General 
 
 Manager would appear well fitted to a stadium of reduced seating capacity. 
 
 In fact, reduced maintenance costs on a smaller structure might well lead to 
 
 smaller rental fees and intensified use for athletic play-offs and other 
 
 community uses. 
 
 However, attention should also he directed to existing recreational 
 facilities in this area: 
 
 Recreation Centers Relation to Ur iff ley Field 
 
 South Park, 18.16 acres Less than •§■ mile south 
 
 Exposition Park, 80 acres 3/k mile northwest 
 
 Ross Snyder, 11.46 acres 3A mile northeast 
 
 Central, 1.4l acres 1 mile northeast 
 
 Trinity, 2.07 acres 1 l/8 mile north 
 
 School Recreation Centers 
 
 Garden Gate High School 1 block east 
 
 Carver Jr. High School h blocks southeast 
 
 Jefferson High School 6 blocks east 
 
 Plus three elementary schools within ■§ mile 
 
 The following facilities already exist within the metropolitan area, 
 
 although it is conceded that not all are within easy access for the Avalon- 
 
 Central Community: 
 
 L.A. County Museum Sports Arena 
 
 Otis Art Institute Coliseum 
 
 Barnsdall Park Hollywood Bowl 
 
18 
 
 Griffith Park Shrine Auditorium 
 
 Philharmonic Pacific Ocean Park 
 
 Greek Theatre Marine land 
 
 L.A. County Arboretum California Museum of 
 Pan Pacific Auditorium Science and Industry 
 
 It must "be stated again that the 10 acre Wrigley site is the last 
 significant piece cf non-park open space in the Avalon-Central community. 
 This 10 acre site presents a precious opportunity for community development. 
 
 Undoubtedly, the advantages of the present structure need not be 
 entirely lost. But partial removal of the structure vould still leave 
 seating for from 5,000 to 10,000 people, more than adequate for community 
 recreational needs . 
 
 Recreational uses are recommended as part, but not the entire purpose 
 of final site development. 
 
 Alternative V : Demolish or modify structure and construct a multi-purpose 
 community center. 
 The creation of a multi-purpose community development center or "super- 
 market of services" has been advocated by Mrs. Opal C. Jones, Executive 
 Director of the Avalon Community Center. Trie Avalon Community Center, a 
 United Way Agency, is located within a block of Wrigley Field at U2T2 Avalon 
 Boulevard. Robert Bond reports that the Avalon Center "has for its limited 
 
 staff and budget one of the best neighborhood center programs he has ever 
 
 13 
 
 studied." The South Central Inter -Agency Coordinating Committee, composed 
 
 of staff members of agencies providing services in this area, has also 
 supported the "supermarket "idea. 
 
 The Avalon center, now combined with the Carver center to form a new 
 Avalon-Carver center, states its case: 
 
19- 
 
 Essentially we feel that public and private health, welfare, education 
 and recreation services in the Avalon- Central Community need to he: 
 
 1. More coordinated 
 
 ?.. More accessible to the neighbors 
 
 3. Changed, in order to more effectively meet the needs (quality 
 
 of service) 
 k. Increased in order to provide more needed services (quantity 
 
 of service) 
 
 One exciting possibility of achieving these changes -- more services, 
 better services, more effectively coordinated services and services 
 which people are more easily able and willing to use — lies in offering 
 as many of these public and private health, welfare, education, recreation 
 and employment services in one central lo cation in the neighborhood 
 which we are trying to help. 
 
 The Wrigley Field site is centrally located in this Avalon- Central 
 Community. Wrigley Field would provide an ideal location for such 
 an exciting experiment in teamwork. Wrigley Field affords a setting 
 where there could be office space, facilities and other space that could 
 be utilized by all agencies in the project. 
 
 We request that the Recreation and Parks Commission of the City of 
 Los Angeles approve in principle, the establishment of such a Community 
 Development Center with the coordination of services which could be 
 located at the Wrigley Field site. This request, if granted, would 
 offer many important advantages to the Los Angeles Recreation and 
 Parks Commission: 
 
 1. It would be a concrete step toward putting to immediate and 
 vital use this now unused facility of great community and 
 city wide importance. 
 
 2. It would demonstrate the leadership and concern of the 
 Department of Recreation and Parks in the nationally important 
 area of coordination of services, community development and 
 teamwork in multi-problem neighborhoods. 
 
 3. It would permit the department to initiate creative and 
 important recreational uses for Wrigley Field as an integral 
 part of this project. 
 
 k. It would provide an important opportunity for the Department 
 of Recreation and Parks to extend, develop and deepen their 
 working relationship with other public and private agencies 
 in the Avalon- Central Community. 
 
 This proposal, originated in early 19^2, is largely based on the 
 
 experience of Hull House in Chicago. Mrs. Jones reports that similar 
 
 centers exist in Vancouver and Cleveland. 
 
20. 
 
 A pilot program in this team service approach has already been 
 demonstrated in the Pueblo Del Rio Housing Project. Participants in this 
 coordinated effort included the County Bureau of Public Assistance, 
 Department of Health, Avalon Community Center, City Housing Authority, 
 Adult Education, Recreation and Parks Department. 
 
 Pueblo Del Rio is a small demonstration program in which services 
 were brought to the residents of a small area. The "supermarket of 
 services" envisions a fixed community development center serving a much 
 larger population, with citizens receiving agency services both at the 
 Wrigley center and in their homes. 
 
 In addition to the agencies involved in Pueblo Del Rio the following 
 agencies have been mentioned for inclusion in the "supermarket": State 
 Department of Employment, State Department of Social Welfare, State Voca- 
 tional Rehabilitation Services, State Department of Mental Hygiene, 
 Los Angeles County Probation Department, Los Angeles City Building and 
 Safety Department, State Fair Employment Practice Commission, Urban 
 League, programs related to senior citizens, Police Department, school 
 authorities, County Commission on Human Relations, State Youth Authority, 
 State Adult Authority, Welfare Planning Council and other relevant United 
 Way agencies. 
 
 Participation in the "supermarket" would mean agency contribution to: 
 
 1. regular inter-agency meetings to familiarize all agencies with 
 all existing programs and resources and to acquaint staff with community 
 potentials and problems . 
 
 2. a variety of "case" conferences on particular families, blocks 
 or neighborhoods within the area. 
 
 3- sharing joint services such as intake interviewing, community 
 relations and education, secretarial pool and research projects. 
 
21. 
 
 The Ava Ion- Carver Community Center has proposed that inter-agency 
 cooperation "be initiated, on a pilot program basis, in the office space 
 within the existing Wrigley Field tower. This proposal is new under study 
 
 by the Department of Recreation and Parks. 
 
 T 
 
 he concept of a "super-market of services" is a relatively new one. 
 
 It calls upon the city to assume a new function. Dr. John E. Bebout, Director 
 
 of the Urban Studies Center at Rutgers University, has graphically outlined 
 
 the importance of a new orientation in municipal service: 
 
 Why not consider seriously the possibility that the city 1 s 
 function in society has changed; and that a major service to the 
 rest of the society at present and for the immediate future is to 
 be a new kind of combination Ellis Island and training school for 
 the receipt, training, and ultimate transshipment to the suburbs 
 of underprivileged in-migrants? 
 
 It is, in fact, an enormously important function that needs to 
 be performed- -certainly as important as the analogous function 
 performed by families when they receive, train, and transship to 
 other systems the invaders of each new generation; or the similar 
 function performed by schools and colleges in all areas. Being as 
 important, it should be taken at least as seriously. Far frcm being 
 the source of the city's downfall, in other words, the city's under- 
 privileged in-migrants might be, if seen properly, the city's new 
 lease on life. 
 
 If, of course, the city is to perform that function for the 
 larger society, the larger society must pay the cost. That means 
 radically greater support of the city by the State and Federal 
 governments. . .Doing nothing, of course, is an alternative, but only 
 a short-run one. It cannot go on for very long, for the simple 
 reason that the failure of the city to give its members what they 
 need will necessarily result in accentuation of the very difficulties 
 the city now finds itself in--the exodus of those people who can 
 afford to get out, and the progressive worsening of the pathologies 
 that are making the city a combination jungle and alms-house. 
 
 It should be emphasized that a "super-market of services" is not 
 
 intended as a replacement for existing government centers, but rather a 
 
 way- station designed to involve the disadvantaged and disheartened in an 
 
 initial contact with the fabric of the entire city. Of paramount importance 
 
22. 
 
 is the direct participation of the people of Avalon-Central in the creation 
 and maintenance of such a center. The concept of "citizen- participation" 
 is often accepted on an abstract level, but not practiced in reality. 
 Programs imposed solely by outside leaders who "kno\/ -what is best" for 
 the problem community -will not succeed. 
 
 Citizen Reaction in Avalon-Central 
 
 Residents in the immediate neighborhood of Wrigley Field have made 
 it abundantly clear that they oppose midget auto racing and motorcycle 
 racing at Wrigley. What these same citizens will support is less clear. 
 
 The April 30, 196k, meeting of the Recreation and Parks Commission 
 was held at South Park so that community sentiment on Wrigley Field could 
 be expressed. Proposals for midget auto racing, little league baseball 
 and the supermarket of services were presented to the meeting. Commission 
 President Leonard Shane pointed out that the last two proposals were not 
 necessarily in conflict and both operations could be accommodated en the 
 site. A new college for the Wrigley site was also advocated. This idea 
 is impractical because of site size. Nearby Jefferson High School has an 
 area nearly twice as large as Wrigley. A college would require even more 
 space than a high school. 
 
 The Citizens Committee for Wrigley Field, formed a week earlier at a 
 public meeting of 100 residents, appeared to oppose racing and support "a 
 multi-purpose, cultural- recreational- educational services center." 
 
 Previous house -to -house surveys conducted under the auspices of the 
 Avalon-Carver Community Center have revealed a low level of citizen awareness 
 as to the possibilities for Wrigley development. However, the interest of 
 
23- 
 
 Negro newspapers, especially the Califor nia Eagle , presages a growing 
 
 i * ' — — — — — — — 
 
 community involvement. The Lo r Angeles Hera Id- Examiner , a metropolitan 
 paper, has also begun to report developments in the Wrigley controversy. 
 
 Gilbert W. Lindsay, Councilman of the Ninth District, represents 
 this area on the City Council. The Council will play a crucial role in 
 planning for Wrigley Field and, traditionally, Councilmen have virtual veto 
 power over projects within their own districts. 
 
 Councilman Lindsay has publicly stated that he is waiting for a clear 
 indication of citizen preference before stating his own position. At the 
 April 30 meeting, Mr. Lindsay delivered a stern warning for those "outside 
 the Ninth District" to cease their involvement in the Wrigley Field 
 controversy. He criticized the Avalon Communi*7- Center for allegedly 
 failing to work closely with him and attempting to bypass him. 
 
 It would appear that Councilman Lindsay now feels that both the 
 "supermarket" of services and community recreation, especially Little 
 League, can be and should be included in the ultimate development of Wrigley 
 Field. His major reservations center on the financing and jurisdiction of 
 such a development. 
 
 Financing; and Jurisdiction 
 
 The future of Wrigley Field is inextricably tied to government and 
 politics at the local, state and federal levels. 
 
 On the city level, those immediately involved are Councilmen Lindsay 
 and Bradley and the Recreation and Parks Commission. Councilman Lindsay is 
 directly concerned as Councilman of the area: Councilman Bradley is interested 
 as President of the Avalon- Carver Community Center. The policy of the 
 
 785-893 0-65-32 
 
2k. 
 
 Recreation and Parks Commission is undetermined. Commission President Shane 
 and Commissioner Pier son have indicated strong sympathy for a multi-purpose 
 community center. Commissioners Morton and Fox are concerned lest Wrigley 
 Field be lost to recreational purposes. Commissioner England was absent 
 from the April 30 meeting. 
 
 Financing of new development at Wrigley Field by the city is extremely 
 doubtful. The entire public works appropriation for the ninth councilmanic 
 district totals approximately one million dollars per year. A remodeling 
 of the stadium and construction of a new office building for a "supermarket" 
 of services could well exhaust this entire budget, in the opinion of 
 Councilman Lindsay. This would mean elimination of public works projects 
 for the rest of this large district for an entire year. Rather than 
 completely financing new development, a city contribution of $200,000 
 would appear more feasible. 
 
 At the state level, Assemblyman Mervyn Dymally of the 53rd District has 
 
 introduced two bills concerning Wrigley Field. Dymally has probably been 
 
 the elected official most actively concerned with Wrigley Field. He has 
 
 declared, "This structure /Wrigley Field7 is a white elephant and a disgrace 
 
 to the community. Nothing has been done to improve its appearance, or to 
 
 make it available for the use of the people. This is a flagrant waste of 
 
 15 
 taxpayers' money." On March 5, 1963, Dymally introduced AB I65I, which 
 
 would have required the California Museum of Science and Industry to accept 
 
 conveyance of Wrigley Field without cost from the City of Los Angeles, and 
 
 to construct a multipurpose recreational and cultural arena, pavilion or 
 
 building. The bill would also have appropriated an unspecified sum from 
 
 the Fair and Exposition Fund to the Museum for such a purpose on a matching 
 
or; 
 
 "basis. It also authorized the Museum, upon completion of building, to 
 lease the property to the City of Los Angeles for recreational and cultural 
 purposes. No action was taken on AB I65I. Indeed, Wrigley Field lies 
 outside the jurisdiction of the Museum of Science and Industry (6th Agri- 
 cultural District Association). However, AB 165I did establish Wrigley 
 Field as a matter of state legislative interest. 
 
 On March 9, 1964, Dymally introduced AB 99, authorizing the State 
 Department of Recreation and Parks to acquire Wrigley Field for a state 
 recreational and cultural center, consisting of one or more state-owned 
 "buildings, and appropriating an unspecified amount for this purpose. A 
 companion resolution (AR 4l) by Dymally provides for interim study of 
 Wrigley Field development. At this time it would appear that such an interim 
 study will be authorized within the context of a broader probe into problems 
 of unemployment and poverty. 
 
 On April IT, 1964, State Legislative Analyst A. Alan Post, in reply to 
 
 a request for information from Assemblyman Dymally, reviewed state financial 
 
 assistance to local governments for programs similar to those proposed in 
 
 AB 1651. Post reported that: 
 
 The most relevant illustration of state assistance for a local 
 program concerns the rehabilitation of the San Francisco Palace of 
 Fine Arts. Chapter 2386, Statutes of 1957, which parallels AB 1651, 
 appropriated $2 million from the State Park Fund to the Division of 
 Beaches and Parks to help renovate the Palace of Fine Arts. Expen- 
 diture of this money was contingent, first, upon the free conveyance 
 of the property to the State and, second, upon the contribution of 
 matching money from private or other non- state sources. The bill 
 further provided that after the property had been rehabilitated, the 
 State Park Commission could lease it to the City and County of San 
 Francisco for "park, cultural, recreational, educational, museum, 
 artistic, and musical purposes". 1" 
 
26. 
 
 Two stumbling blocks to similar state aid to Wrigley Field are apparent. 
 First, the Palace of Fine Arts would be conveyed to the state under the 
 terms set by the Legislature. The Los Angeles City Charter allows recreation 
 and park land to be leased to the state but not conveyed. This is, however, 
 a layman's interpretation and this matter should be examined by the City 
 Attorney. Second, the Palace of Fine Arts is clearly an historical site. 
 It would seem doubtful that Wrigley Field could be so classified. 
 Mr. Charles de Turk, Director of the State Department of Recreation and 
 Parks, states that state financing for parks has been traditionally directed 
 to sites of historical interest or sites large enough to fill a regional 
 need. Wrigley Field would not seem to qualify under either criterion. 
 
 However, these considerations do not preclude some form of state con- 
 tribtuion to the creation of a community development center incorporating 
 both a supermarket of services and recreational uses. On the contrary, 
 prospects of state aid through staff assistance in the fields of social 
 welfare and mental hygiene are encouraging, according to Jerome Sampson, 
 Executive Secretary of the State Board of Social Welfare. John Wedemeyer, 
 Director of the Department of Social Welfare, has indicated interest in 
 providing support for staff services in a "supermarket." 
 
 While city and state government s may be able to contribute to compre- 
 hensive development of Wrigley Field, it is doubtful that they can complete 
 the job without federal assistance. 
 
 The possibility of federal assistance for a community development 
 center may well be determined by the Economic Opportunity Act of I96U (the 
 War on Poverty). Relevant portions of the Economic Opportunity Act (S. 26*1-2) 
 provide for the following: 
 
27. 
 
 Title I - Youth Programs 
 
 Part A. Establishes a Job Corps within the Office of Economic Opportunity, 
 
 with responsibility for administering a program of education, work experience, 
 
 and vocational training for youths aged 16 through 21. Two kinds of programs 
 
 are envisaged -- conservation camps providing useful work and "basic education 
 
 and residential training centers providing basic education and job training 
 
 programs to increase employ ability. 
 
 Title II - Urban and Rural Community Action Programs 
 
 Authorizes the Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity to 
 encourage and support community action programs which mobilize community 
 resources to combat poverty and which are conducted by a local governmental 
 unit or an organization which is broadly representative of the community. 
 Elementary or secondary school education programs which receive Federal 
 assistance will be administered by the public school system, and such programs 
 must be open to all children regardless of whether they are regularly enrolled 
 in the public schools. Assistance may be provided to communities in advance 
 of the completion of the plan. Technical assistance in preparing and 
 administering community programs may be furnished. Financial assistance 
 from the Federal Government under this title will be $0 percent of the 
 costs of the programs for the first 2 years and 75 percent thereafter. The 
 Director will establish criteria for equitable distribution of Federal 
 funds; not more than 12§- percent of total funds may be used within one 
 State in any one year. Programs will be administered by the communities 
 and will incorporate assistance from various Federal departments and agencies. 
 Title V - Family Unity Through Jobs 
 
 Authorizes the Director to transfer funds to HEW to pay costs of 
 experimental, pilot or demonstration projects designed to stimulate the 
 
28. 
 
 adoption in States of programs providing constructive work experience 
 
 or training for unemployed fathers and other members of needy families 
 
 17 
 with children. 
 
 In addition, funds from the U.S. Department of Labor and U.S. 
 Department of Health, Education, and Welfare may be available, under 
 existing legislation, for a "supermarket of services." 
 
 The possible role of the Youth Opportunities Board in Wrigley Field 
 is undetermined. The YOB, with federal financing from the President's 
 Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime (and now from the 
 Office of Economic Opportunity), is now initiating a south- central 
 demonstration program in an area south of Avalon- Central. The YOB 
 is a joint powers agency involving the State of California, City of 
 Los Angeles, the County of Los Angeles, city school system, and the 
 county schools. 
 
 Conceivably, a community development center at Wrigley Field, 
 financed primarily by federal funds, could be leased to the Youth 
 Opportunities Board, could remain under city jurisdiction alone, or 
 could be leased to a new joint powers agency. 
 
29- 
 
 The formation of a special district to develop Urigley Field has 
 "been considered and is not recoirjnended. In addition to the disadvantages of 
 adding another layer of government, such a district would have to be 
 "based on property tax assessments. The present property tax level plus 
 the low assessed valuation of property in Avalon- Central would be o serious 
 hindrance to the operation of an economically sound district. In addition 
 there is, again, the legal question as to whether the city could convey 
 Wrigley Field to another governmental unit. 
 
 Site Planning Considerations 
 
 Wrigley Field presently occupies most of the land bounded by San Pedro 
 Street, U2nd Place, Avalon Boulevard, and Ulst Place. Other portions 
 of this land are occupied by private residences, private stores and a 
 private parking lot. The acquisition of these privately held parcels by 
 the city would increase the size of the site to 15 acres. If community 
 recreation facilities are to be maintained, with a seating capacity of 
 5,000 to 10,000 people, then means to increase the present k^O car parking 
 capacity may well have to be found. At present, the city traffic department 
 is considering a widening and re-aligning of portions of Santa Barbara 
 Avenue. One of the proposed alternatives would be to re-route a widened 
 Santa Barbara Avenue over the present route of that portion of 4lst Street 
 which lies one block north of the present northern boundaries of Wrigley. 
 If sufficient funds were available the land bounded by Ulst Street, San 
 Pedro Street, 4lst Place, and Avalon Boulevard could be acquired. This 
 enlarged site of 25 acres would then have excellent access to the re-routed 
 Santa Barbara Avenue. The plans for Santa Barbara Avenue are now in a 
 preliminary stage. 
 
30. 
 
 Recommendations 
 
 After consideration of community attitudes, existing and proposed 
 governmental programs, legal restrictions, site size and access, existing 
 recreation facilities, and demonstrated community problems, it is the 
 recommendation of this report that future development of Wrigley Field 
 focus on: 
 
 1. A new structure to contain a "supermarket" of community services 
 to furnish a coordinated attack on social deprivation and crime caused "by 
 poverty and discrimination, and to promote neighborhood programs to 
 develop community leadership; 
 
 2. Modification of the existing structure to provide recreational 
 facilities in order to encourage youth athletics and additional recreational 
 programs as recommended by the General Manager of the Department of Recrea- 
 tion and Parks. 
 
 Two legislative processes can significantly further the realization of 
 these objectives : 
 
 1. Passage by Congress of the Economic Opportunities Act of l$6h, 
 
 2. An interim study of Wrigley Field development by the California 
 State Assembly within the context of programs attacking poverty and unem- 
 ployment. Such an interim study should include within its scope the 
 following matters : 
 
 a. A detailed survey of federal, state and local agencies' 
 interest in a "supermarket of services" and their financial ability 
 to participate. This should include a study of building and capital 
 improvement plans by such agencies to determine how these plans will 
 affect individual agency operations in central Los Angeles. 
 
31. 
 
 b. Communication with federal officials on existing programs 
 relating to the "supermarket" concept and close monitoring of the 
 progress of the Economic Opportunity Act through Congress. The 
 possibility of construction aid "by the Community Facilities Administration 
 should be investigated. 
 
 c . Securing competent advice on the legality of using Wrigley 
 Field for a comprehensive community development center and clarification 
 of possible leasing arrangements. 
 
 d. Consultation with the Community Redevelopment Agency concerning 
 possible housing rehabilitation and conservation programs in the Avalon- 
 Central area. 
 
 e. Consideration of the feasibility of enlarging the site through 
 acquisition of private land. 
 
 f . Close liaison between the interim committee, headed by 
 Assemblyman Dymally, and the Recreation and Parks Commission, Councilman 
 Lindsay and Congressman Hawkins. 
 
 It is also recommended that the Recreation and Parks Commission declare 
 support for a multi-purpose community development center at Wrigley Field, 
 provided that adequate recreational use is a part of that development and 
 adequate financing is provided by the state and federal governments. 
 
 Further, groups and individuals within the Avalon- Central community 
 should continue their active concern over Wrigley Field. The only guarantee 
 of a sensible future for Wrigley Field is informed and united action by the 
 citizens themselves. 
 
32. 
 Conclusion 
 
 Wrigley Field can no longer serve as a regional recreation center 
 as it did during its use as a "baseball stadium. 
 
 It must now serve the "best interests of the Ava Ion- Central community, 
 a community with special needs. The Wrigley Field site is the last 
 significant piece of non-park open space in the area. Wrigley Field is 
 surrounded "by aging housing which is gradually being converted into multiple- 
 unit apartments As a low- income, almost entirely Negro area, it is the 
 focus of the many complex and inter- related dilemmas that confront the 
 aging residential cores of American cities. 
 
 Avalcm-Central is the "backwash, the stagnant pool where only the 
 unskilled and educationally deprived Negro will gravitate. The more 
 talented and fortunate members of the community move on as soon as financial 
 and social conditions, especially housing discrimination, will permit, 
 ^ut the people who live in Ava Ion- Central will not go away. Their unem- 
 ployment rate will not go down — it will go up. 
 
 The facts of life demand that political solutions be applied in this 
 area to ease the grinding twin burdens that discrimination and automation 
 impose on the people of Avalon- Central. Wrigley Field is the only site 
 capable of housing a multi-pronged effort at community rehabilitation 
 and development. High priority must be placed on this property. 
 
 The 1958 Dodger deal helped to spotlight the potential of Wrigley 
 Field, "but only temporarily. Political decision-makers bypassed it in 
 favor of Chavez Ravine. That decision is past, but now, as a curious irony, 
 Wrigley Field reasserts itself. A combination of circumstances has preserved 
 the Field for e use with incomparably more benefit than would have resulted 
 from major league "baseball. 
 
FOOTNOTES 
 
 1. The Dodders Referendum Issue , Tovn Hall, Los Angeles, April, 1958> P- 6. 
 
 2. City Plan Case 7581. 
 
 3. The Renstrom report is a publication of the Welfare Planning Council, 
 Los Angeles Region (March, 1963), and the Bond report is a publication 
 of the National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, 
 New York (October, I962). Mr. Bond termed the study area "Avalon- 
 Slauson", which is exactly the area referred to here as "Avalon- Central". 
 
 h. Avalon and Its People , p. 1. 
 
 5. Renstrom, op. cit ., p. xxiii. 
 
 6. ibid , p. 8-9. 
 
 7- ibid , p. 12. 
 
 8. Clague, Ewan and Greenberg, Leon, "Employment" in Automation and 
 Technological Change , The American Assembly, Columbia University, 
 1962, p. 130. 
 
 9- The section on social problems is drawn from pp. 13- 16, Study of 
 Avalon- Slauson Area . 
 
 10. Bond, op . cit . , pp. 15- 16. 
 
 11. ibid, p. 16. 
 
 12. See Board Report 989. 
 
 13. Bond, op. cit. , p. 25. 
 
 Ik. "American Cities as Political and Social Entities," Address by 
 
 John E. Bebout, Annual Conference of American Institute of Planners, 
 October 17, 1962. 
 
 15- L. A. Sentinel , March 12, 1964. 
 
 16. Letter from A. Alan Post, Legislative Analyst, to Assemblyman 
 Mervyn M. Dymally, dated April 17, 1964. 
 
 17. Source: The War on Poverty: The Economic Opportunity Act of 196k , 
 United States Senate Committee on Labor and Public "Welfare, Government 
 Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1964. 
 
Retail Food Trade in the ARA Study Area 
 
 By 
 
 Kay Gannon 
 CORO Foundation Intern 
 
 May 13, 196*1- 
 
 The following report results from a five-week study undertaken by 
 Miss Gannon while associated with the Institute of Industrial Relations 
 as a CORO Foundation intern. The CORO Foundation is a private, non-profit 
 organization which arranges internships with various public agencies for 
 selected college graduates and pays their salaries during the internship 
 period. The views e:cpressed in this report are entirely those of Miss 
 Gannon, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute or of 
 the CORO Foundation. The supplement to her report was prepared by Insti- 
 tute staff members assigned to the ARA project. 
 
STUDY OF RETAIL FOOD TRADE 
 By Kay Gannon 
 
 Introduction 
 
 My project was undertaken in conjunction with a contract between 
 the Institute of Industrial Relations at UCLA and the Area Redevelopment 
 Administration, first executed on January 22, I'yGk. The purpose of the 
 research contract, in part, is to provide the Area Redevelopment Admin- 
 istration with sufficient information that it might be able to determine 
 whether some kind of redevelopment program in an area designated South- 
 Central and East Los Angeles would be economically and administratively 
 appropriate and feasible. The study area is reputed to be one of the 
 most economically depressed in the State of California. The boundaries 
 of the ARA study area were determined on the basis of i960 census figures, 
 which identify the tracts with the lowest levels of education and family 
 income and the highest rates of unemployment. Almost 'JO percent of the 
 population is Negro or Mexican American, and unemployment in i960 ranged 
 from 9 Per cent to 30 per cent in various parts of the area. Preliminary 
 studies indicate high rates of both in-migration and out -migration, result- 
 ing in lack of net growth. 
 
 I am concerned, in my assigned project, with the retail trade picture, 
 Preliminary investigations indicate that there is a general absence of 
 certain important retail trade enterprises, notably chain food markets, 
 in large sections of the study area. I will be concerned with reasons 
 for the failure of such firms to locate in the area and their apparent 
 tendency to relocate in other parts of the metropolitan area. Also, 
 past studies suggest that food prices and other items tend to be higher 
 
Page 2. 
 
 in small independent stores than in the larger chain operations, thereby- 
 placing an additional burden upon low-income families. Therefore, the 
 results of this study will be related to conclusions regarding cost-of- 
 living and family budgets. 
 
 It should be noted here, however, that the results of this initial 
 study are not conclusive. The survey was limited to the study area, no 
 comparison being made to establish whether residents of the ARA study area 
 are receiving service that differs to any great extent from service in 
 other metropolitan locations. The same is true for prices: no compar- 
 isons were made outside the study area at this time to give meaning to 
 the information we acquired in the study area, or to verify our suspicion 
 that some of the aspects of food trade in the area related to the highly 
 depressed socio-economic condition of that area. 
 
 Because no conclusions can be drawn at this time, the content of this 
 report is meant to serve as a guide to the eventual conduct of a simul- 
 taneous survey of price level differences among the ARA area and at least 
 two other selected areas in metropolitan Los Angeles . 
 
 This report also summarizes speculations about retail food trade 
 differences as related to me by authorities with intimate background in 
 retail trade and with knowledge of the ARA study area. This information 
 is not confirmed by statistics in this report. 
 
 In order to determine whether food prices in the ARA study area are 
 higher than in other areas in the County, and whether there is any pros- 
 pect of saving residents a portion of their budget by encouraging a change- 
 in this picture, I originally proposed to proceed as follows: 
 
 1. Plot on a detailed map of the study area every food market 
 and store giving partial floor space to retail food space. 
 
Page 3- 
 
 2. Classify each of these stores, both chain and independent, "by- 
 rating them as l) Super, 2) Class A, 3) Class B, k) Class C. 
 The rating will be based on size ; appearance, volume, quality, 
 location, parking facilities- -in general, a sight observation. 
 
 3- Do as complete a price-index comparison survey as possible. 
 
 This would be accomplished by a direct survey among the markets. 
 A list of basic food items in a normal household would be pre- 
 pared, perhaps with some adjustment for any general eating 
 habits of the population in the area. Prices on these common 
 food items would be compared among stores of various classifi- 
 cations in the area. 
 
 k. Designate two or three economic areas of comparable size 
 
 and density of population for a similar study. Then compare 
 the computations for the AHA area with these other areas to 
 determine any variables. 
 
 5 • Interview persons with background or knowledge in food market- 
 ing to determine what conditions are relevant to the picture 
 described by the above aggregation of facts and what the 
 prospects are for the future. Interviewees would include 
 owners of small, independent markets as well as those of local 
 and national chains, bankers, wholesalers, and individuals 
 catering to or acting as brokers in market-ownership turnover. 
 
 6. Summarize my findings after 28 days. 
 
 REVIEW OF THE STUDY BY PHASES 
 PHASE I. 
 
 In order to determine whether it would be valuable to conduct all 
 of the proposed phases of the retail food trade study, it was first 
 
Page it- 
 necessary to verify whether the preliminary observation — that there 
 was a lack of adequate marketing facilities and competitive food oper- 
 ations in the ARA study area — was accurate. 
 
 Phase I involved preparing an objective account of the number of 
 markets located within the ARA study area, the exact location of each, 
 a description of the condition of each facility, and the quality of food 
 and service at each. A list of all the stores within the study area 
 and the size and location of each was obtained from a publication of the 
 Los Angeles Times-Mirror Company, "Grocery Stores - Route List, Area Maps, 
 and Market Data," 1964 Company edition. 
 
 In this publication all retail grocery stores, both chain and inde- 
 pendent, are listed and compared by size. Exceptions to those included 
 are A and P, Safeway, and Volume General Stores. The location of these 
 was obtained later, however, and they were plotted on the map. Each 
 store is designated as Super - "S," Class A - "A," Class B - "B," or 
 Class C - "C." This grading system has been arbitrarily established by 
 the Times-Mirror, and is based upon the opinions *f its experienced staff, 
 who have compiled the book for over 13 years. They report the criteria 
 for judgment as size of store, location, amount and condition of stock, 
 etc. The criteria remain consistent from year to year. Data is 
 obtained primarily through continuous field checks and can be considered 
 current and valid. It is, however, based on the visual impression of a 
 given market and the evaluation cannot be reduced to statistical data. 
 
 The stores listed by the Times -Mirror are separated into groups accord- 
 ing to Los Angeles Times Merchandising Areas. It was, therefore, necessary 
 to transpose the information as given by the geographical merchandising 
 
Page 5« 
 areas to our own specific geographical area of interest. This was done 
 by reviewing all the merchandising areas which overlapped our study area. 
 A list was composed of the stores which fell within the boundaries of 
 the ARA study area. 
 
 The list of stores gained in this way was then plotted on a detailed 
 street map. The size of each was designated by color. This classifica- 
 tion corresponded to the Times system of "A," "B, " "C, " "S." Red was used 
 to represent a supermarket; purple - Class A; blue - Class B; yellow - 
 Class C. 
 
 Within the boundaries of the study area there are about 39 super- 
 markets, 29 class A, 149 class B, and 57^ class C markets. Markets 
 located within shopping distance of the study area but not within the 
 boundaries of the area are not included in this count. 
 
 A glance at the map shows what seems to be an overwhelming abun- 
 dance of yellow plottings, which represent the very small Class "C" 
 markets, and a relative lack of red marks which represent "Super" markets. 
 No comparison was made at this time between the number and size of 
 markets in the study area and any other area in metropolitan Los Angeles. 
 
 At this point the preliminary observation — that there was an absence 
 of supermarket operations — is only partially confirmed. Relative to the 
 number of Class "C" markets there seems to be a lack of competitive super- 
 markets, but this can be concluded only after surveying other metropolitan 
 study areas of comparable population density to our study area and by 
 comparing the findings there with those from the study area. 
 PHASE II: 
 
 Given an objective account of the number, location, and size of 
 markets located in the ARA study area, it was now necessary to discover 
 
 785-893 0-65-33 
 
Page 6. 
 
 what, if any, differences there were between the quality of food, ser- 
 vices offered and prices charged by the various classifications of 
 markets in the area. If differences could he identified between the 
 classifications, some conclusions might be drawn as to how these differ- 
 ent conditions affect the population shopping at the different classifications 
 of facility. 
 
 Before any actual survey was executed, many suggestions were made to 
 me by persons closely connected with retail food marketing in the study 
 area. Some suggested that the small markets were competing at comparable 
 or lower prices with the larger supermarket operations. This was contra- 
 dicted by those who observed a characteristic greediness on the part of 
 the small market owner to make over a 20 c p tt> 2 3/J profit. One authority 
 from a wholesale buying association confirmed this, stating that the 
 association had a difficult time getting the independent grocer to charge 
 the same prices as the competitive chains. He attributed this difficulty 
 to the desire of the small operator to make immediate, noticeable profit. 
 
 Others suggested that smaller markets generally charge higher prices 
 for perishable items because they cannot afford to stock them in refri- 
 gerating units for any period of time. Some stated that though higher 
 prices were charged, the small, independent market's ability to allow 
 customers to run up credit lists or to extend delivery service made it 
 worthwhile for low- income groups to shop there. Several mentioned that 
 lack of an adequate public transportation system, and the fact that not 
 as many families earning low incomes have two cars available, make close 
 proximity of a market its major attraction. 
 
 Many maintained that choosing to shop at a neighborhood market 
 rather than at a large supermarket was characteristic of certain ethnic 
 
Page 7. 
 
 groupings. Even though the prices at a small, neighborhood store might 
 be higher, the personality of the manager and personnel, or some more 
 personal identification on the part of the customer with the store, 
 superseded concern with prices. Examples of such characteristics included 
 ability on the part of the management to speak the language of the customer, 
 and particularly the ability of a store to stock food items to which a 
 particular ethnic group is accustomed. Seemingly, the small, independent 
 store has been better able to fulfill these needs, and to remain adaptable 
 to changing needs of the customer. 
 
 One individual who had experience pricing foods for the Bureau of 
 Labor Statistics, U. S. Department of Labor, remarked that many of the 
 smaller stores she visited to price goods did not actually charge a higher 
 price than the supermarket for a comparable item, but that the smaller 
 store frequently does not carry the lower priced brand, thus forcing the 
 customer to buy a better quality at the higher price. 
 
 An interesting observation mentioned to me by a person familiar with 
 the Times-Mirror means of classifying markets by "S," "A," "B," "C," 
 inferred there would be in our findings a breaking-off level between the 
 class "C" and class "B" stores, and that the class "C" stores would 
 definitely be charging higher prices than the class "B" and above stores. 
 His reasoning was that class "C" stores could not generally operate 
 efficiently enough, with high enough net profit, to afford membership 
 in a non-profit wholesale buying association, such as Certified Grocers, 
 Spartan, or Orange Empire. Since they then pay higher prices for whole- 
 sale foods, they are forced to charge higher prices. 
 
Page 8. 
 
 PHASE III: 
 
 In order to determine whether any of the suspected differences 
 between the different classifications of stores in the study actually 
 existed, it was decided to conduct a price level survey among a repre- 
 sentative number of the several classifications in the study area. These 
 findings would then be compared to determine whether prices did differ. 
 I also hoped to include in the survey questionnaire a question which 
 would help determine the relative importance of credit to the survival 
 of the small store and to the livelihood of the residents of the study 
 area. 
 
 The composing of the pricing list was not an easy matter. It was 
 necessary to seek out and to confer with a number of authorities and to 
 invite them to help compose the actual pricing index. Contact with such 
 authorities assured my realization that food pricing surveys are subject 
 to innumerable discrepancies, including misleading labeling and packaging, 
 market fluctuations, differences in the ability of individuals to accur- 
 ately record the prices and quantities, the problems of relying on the 
 pricer to make adjustments when items, quantities, and prices found in 
 the store do not correspond exactly to the specifications on the pricing 
 index, etc. 
 
 The final pricing index was completed and duplicated as a summation 
 of a series of interviews in which experts and people closely connected 
 with the retail food industry were contacted and their advice taken into 
 account. These experts included people in the Department of Labor's 
 Bureau of Labor Statistics, the County Health Department, the State Depart- 
 ment of Social Welfare, the Home Economics Department at Pasadena City 
 
Page 9. 
 
 College, and a market owner who operates a very successful operation in 
 the ARA study area. Also taken into account were the Revised Consumer 
 Price Index, Food Items, of the BIS, and food price lists prepared by 
 the Department of Public Welfare, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, which 
 were based on a "Policy Statement on Standards of Public Assistance." 
 
 Food items on these pricing lists were reviewed to determine what 
 adjustments might be made to help us get as much useful information as 
 possible from the survey. Because these lists are aimed at a very broadly 
 based population, several adjustments were made in our list of items to 
 achieve a list applicable to the residential population in the ARA study 
 area. The population being surveyed within the study area on this 
 occasion resided in the South Central area between Jefferson Boulevard 
 and Imperial Highway. The people here are mostly Negroes who have 
 migrated from the South. Their diets emphasize some items not considered 
 in the Consumer Price Index of the Bureau of labor Statistics, and to get 
 an accurate picture of what different prices are being paid for a normal 
 diet, some of these items peculiar to a southern population were included. 
 For instance, corn meal and hominy grits were added. Other items such as 
 greens and chitterlings were not included simply because the list had to 
 be kept to a minimum. Items common to the buying habits of the metropolitan 
 population as a whole, but not bought frequently by the South Central resi- 
 dent, were excluded. Such items were fatty meats, such as lamb, ready-made 
 cake and other mixes, and cheddar cheese. 
 
 Seemingly, the Southern Negro is more loyal to products than is the 
 whole of the population. In general, he still cooks from basic materials, 
 using raw products for cakes rather than mixes . Another interesting 
 
Page 10. 
 
 observation related to me was that the Ifegro from the South is much 
 later in switching from canned to frozen products than the average buyer 
 in Southern California. Again, this may be loyalty or the fact that not 
 as many freezing compartments are owned by the low- income groups. This 
 was taken into account in the survey item list and canned products were 
 given equal weight with frozen. Tea was excluded from the list. Cola 
 drinks were added. I was told that many more carbonated drinks are sold 
 in the study area than in most other areas. Sirloin and porterhouse steaks 
 were excluded, leaving choice meats on the list, since we were interested 
 in a list of foods depicting an adequate rather than an above average diet. 
 
 These adjustments mentioned here do not cover all adjustments that 
 were made in the source food lists, but perhaps this is adequate descrip- 
 tion of the kinds of considerations that guided us in the formulation of 
 a final index applicable to my survey needs. 
 
 In its final form the food price index for the comparative price 
 level survey included 66 items. Unit quantities to be priced for each 
 item on the list were specified. Where possible, brand names for items 
 were also specified. By specifying brand names I hoped to reach more 
 comparable price lists between stores. This would help avoid comparing 
 different qualities of commodities. 
 
 Besides finding out whether some stores were charging more than 
 others for identical food items, I was also interested in whether some 
 stores forced customers to pay higher prices by stocking only the better 
 quality of inventory and thus the higher priced items. Thus, I asked 
 the individuals doing the pricing to price the specified brand if avail- 
 able; if not, to insert the name of the least expensive brand that was 
 available and to quote the price for that brand. 
 
Page 11. 
 
 Pricers vere also asked to quote prices for the unit quantities 
 indicated. However, if this was not possible, "because a given item was 
 not sold in the unit quantity indicated, they were to change the listed 
 quantity to that to which the quoted price applied. If the item was 
 simply not available, they were to insert "NA" in the price space. 
 
 The selection of the markets to be surveyed was aimed at getting a 
 representative sample of the kind of shopping facilities available in the 
 area. Further, I wanted to know whether an identifiable correlation existed 
 between size and cost. On this basis I chose to survey 10 Class "C" stores 
 and a total of 10 among the Super, Class "A" and Class "B" stores. Two 
 chain supermarkets in the area were also priced. 
 
 In order to enhance the validity of comparing prices between Class 
 "C" stores and those in the "S," "A," "B" classifications, I directed the 
 survey teams to price by neighborhood. Ten neighborhoods were selected 
 as giving a fairly scattered sample from the area between Jefferson Boulevard 
 and Imperial Highway. In each neighborhood one sample was taken from a 
 Class "C" market and one from among the "S," "A," or "B" classifications. 
 In this way, comparisons could be made among the classifications without 
 having a discrepancy as a result of neighborhood differences. 
 
 Since manpower for carrying out the actual collection of data was 
 scarce, it was necessary to enlist the aid of a volunteer team of indi- 
 viduals to collect the data for the price level comparison. Mrs. Dorothy 
 Reynolds, a home economist and a professor at Pasadena City College, 
 offered her services and the services of a number of her students. 
 
Page 12. 
 
 On two occasions I met with the group to explain my purpose to them and 
 the means by which I hoped to collect the information. 
 
 A number of the girls volunteered to help. They were encouraged 
 to do so by the fact that Mrs. Reynolds offered to excuse them from class 
 sessions to take part in the project. They responded to the idea of 
 pricing each market as a team of two rather than doing it alone. 
 
 For this purpose I compiled ten packets of material for the ten 
 previously selected neighborhood locations to be surveyed. A packet was 
 given to each team of two girls. Each packet included the names and 
 addresses of the markets at which prices were to be surveyed, with 
 alternate markets listed. Directions were given as to how to get to each 
 team or neighborhood location by car. It was specified that each team 
 should introduce themselves to the manager if they were not visiting a 
 supermarket. In small stores their presence would be obvious and an 
 introduction might negate suspicion. A sample introduction was also 
 included in each packet. 
 
 Four food price lists were included so that each member of a team 
 might do half of the pricing in each store visited, thereby cutting the 
 time spent. At the top of the food price lists were directions as to how 
 to complete the list. It was also requested that the data be collected 
 by the pricers themselves rather than acquiring a list of prices from the 
 manager. This was done in order to get accurate descriptions of what was 
 actually on the shelf, and to avoid mistakes or hedging by competition- 
 conscious managers. 
 
 Although the notice was extremely short, the group of volunteers 
 decided they could complete the pricing project within two days -- 
 
Page 13. 
 
 April 29 and 30. It was emphasized that the survey must not extend over 
 more than a week in order to avoid seasonal price fluctuations in the 
 items to be priced. At this point I turned the organization of the pricing 
 survey over to the students and to Mrs. Reynolds. 
 
 The actual survey was extended between April 29 and May 7, a longer 
 period than we had hoped. Now completed, no tabulation of the data 
 collected has yet been made. (Kote: Results of this and subsequent 
 surveys have been tabulated by Institute staff members and are summarized 
 in a supplement to this report.) 
 
 PHASE V: 
 
 Concurrent to collecting information for the actual price level survey 
 among the various classifications of stores, I interviewed individuals 
 in management and ownership capacities in retail food operations in the 
 ARA study area. Interviewees included representatives of large and small 
 independent and chain stores. The focus of these interviews was on the 
 problems of management in locating a store in the study area. 
 
 Without being offered any factual data, most of the individuals con- 
 curred that, relative to the density of the population in the study area, 
 there was a decided lack of supermarkets serving the area. Given this 
 observation, I then tried to gain some insight as to the priority of criteria 
 for locating a retail food store in any location, and then to relate to 
 those criteria the conditions that existed in the ARA study area. 
 
 The motives mentioned to me for locating a food market could be 
 summarized in the term "profit." Special difficulties exist in the 
 
Page 1^. 
 
 study area which relate to this profit motive. Most of the difficulties 
 cited relate to two factors -- the highly depressed condition of the 
 area and the fact that its residents are a minority group. 
 
 Relative to the profit motive is the need for available land at 
 a reasonable cost. In the study area there are very few open spaces, 
 making the acquisition of land expensive or necessitating the even more 
 costly clearance of occupied space. For locating a large supermarket, 
 adequate parking space is a necessity; thus, the expense of property 
 purchase or rental is very important. 
 
 However, an expensive piece of property can be a worthwhile purchase 
 if sales volume counterbalances property costs. In South Central Los 
 Angeles there are more individuals per acre than in most other metro- 
 politan single -dwelling residential neighborhoods. However, the fact 
 that there are very few multiple -unit dwellings means that each market 
 must cater to a greater geographical area than is necessary in more 
 attractive marketing areas. 
 
 Lack of adequate thoroughfares and access routes, narrow roads, and 
 natural barriers such as railroad tracks, freeways, etc., make it more 
 difficult in this area to cater to that greater marketing area. In 
 addition, lack of public transportation within close proximity of 
 supermarkets and the customer's residence is a deterrent. 
 
 The physical condition characteristic of this socially and econom- 
 ically depressed area is negative. The high crime rate indicates that 
 pilferage is likely to be costly. Where incomes are low and unemploy- 
 ment is high, the cost of clearing personal checks is also expensive. 
 
Page 15- 
 
 The cost of a produce operation includes maintaining more fresh 
 produce due to the lack of freezers in the community. Meanwhile, the 
 national trend is to frozen goods, and the cost of having fresh produce 
 stocked is increasingly expensive. 
 
 Additional costs are added, when operating a market in the study 
 area, "because of the diet requirements of the population. As previously 
 mentioned, a large percentage of the population is migrating from the 
 South. With them they bring appetites for "greens," "chittlings, " 
 "hominy grits," etc., and a dislike for chocolate ice cream, lamb and 
 fatty meats, etc. It costs a chain supermarket operation to make special 
 inventory adjustments for a few stores. According to market managers 
 operating in the South Central area, these adjustments are a necessity 
 to a successful operation. 
 
 These differences in stock would be in five areas : 
 
 1. Increases in foods that Negroes consume in greater quantity 
 than whites. 
 
 2. Additions of specialty foods not normally carried by stores 
 retailing to northern whites. 
 
 3- Increases in the percentage of shelf space devoted to quality 
 products and national brands — with a consequent decrease in 
 private label allocations. (According to retailers, Negroes 
 do not always buy the less expensive brands, but rather pur- 
 chase heavily advertised brands considered to be quality 
 brands. They are more likely to cut down on the size of 
 portions served than to buy at the least expensive price.) 
 
 h. Increases in the large economy sizes of items Negroes 
 buy heavily. 
 
Page 16. 
 
 5. Decrease in space for items Negroes consume less than whites. 
 ("Changing Face of the Urban Markets/' Food Business , July, 
 1962, Vol. 10, Ho. 7.) 
 
 In many cases customers feel discriminated against if they are 
 served by strictly white personnel. This requires the training of Negro 
 personnel. Many stores are still hesitant to hire among the Negro popu- 
 lation because they claim to have experienced poor working habits or 
 have difficulty finding applicants with adequate education and ability 
 to work with people. 
 
 A summation of these problems led some interviewees to conclude 
 
 so it just isn't worth it." However, most of them did admit that 
 
 the lack of supermarket competition in the area led them to keep an open 
 mind about the possibility of locating in the area. 
 
 Furthermore, as the Negro market emerges from the framework of a 
 minority market, ' it is likely to be a greater force in marketing 
 techniques and become an increasingly attractive market for food sales. 
 As the Southern Negro population in Los Angeles expands, and for that 
 matter, as the Mexican population expands, markets once catering to Anglo 
 populations are going to find themselves serving more people with food 
 requirements peculiar to their regional backgrounds. 
 
 And for those willing to accept a new challenge the growing minority 
 market offers special enticements: according to a staff report in the 
 July, I962 issue of Food Business , Negroes spend up to 12$ more at super- 
 markets than do whites. Negroes are acutely quality- conscious, national 
 brand- conscious, and also offer a largely untapped market for many specialty 
 foods. And Negroes spend heavily on convenience foods -- the generally 
 higher-profit items. 
 
Page 17. 
 
 As the white population moves to the suburbs and the Negro fills 
 up the voids in the big cities, it is these challenges to which manage- 
 ment of retail food trade must respond. Food marketers cannot continue 
 to approach the big cities with sales appeals that are directed entirely 
 at a white population. Poorly directed sales efforts may explain some 
 of the chronic profit grief heard from food marketers. 
 
 The purchasing power of the Negro market makes the above consider- 
 ations important. The Negro housewife is shopping for more people than 
 the white housewife. Negro family size is k.k people; the average white 
 size is 3-6. She is also spending from 2$ to 12$ more for food than the 
 white housewife. The reasoning is that more Negro than white wives work, 
 and social barriers prevent the Negro from spending much at restaurants, 
 on homes, in travel, etc., where whites spend freely. ( The Changing 
 Face of Urban Markets, ' : Food Business , July, I962, Vol. 10, No. 7.) 
 
 As competitive food retailers begin to realize this, it is important 
 that public authorities, educators, etc., see to it that the members of 
 this population are not exploited or victimized. The Negro seeks recog- 
 nition in commercial affairs, and advertising and public relations have 
 a profound effect on his buying habits. By using Negro media, Negro 
 models, or any other element in which concern with the Negro market 
 is exhibited, an identification factor is established for the Negro con- 
 sumer. Many of the market operators I spoke to considered the Negro a 
 prime target for the product of sufficient quality to afford an advertised 
 image. This special demand for the quality image and the quality product 
 seems to be a key difference between white and Negro food preferences. 
 Ultimately the national brand, rather than private label, is the product 
 
Page 18. 
 
 demanded. This is a result of the Negro's determination to enjoy the 
 symbols of status whenever he can, whatever the price. What the Negro 
 typically wants to buy was epitomized in the answer "it's the quality 
 item put in the large economy size." ( Food Business , July, 1962.) 
 
 The fact that the educational level of the resident in the ARA study 
 area is very low brings in other factors that might 'cause him to spend 
 more on food regardless of the quality of store at which he shops. Not 
 as many housewives understand the economy of buying foods of nutritive 
 value. Not as many are able to use mathematics efficiently to manage 
 the family budget or to double check the calculations made by checkers 
 at the food stores. Therefore, it seems extremely important that educa- 
 tion toward good purchasing habits be made available to residents of this 
 area. 
 
 Originally I considered it important to include some question on 
 credit in either the ARA questionnaire or in the pricing survey. From 
 this question some information might be collected from which an evaluation 
 might be made as to the impact of the cost of credit on the consumer, 
 his need for credit as a consumer, and the correlation between the 
 survival of the "Mom and Pop" operation and its ability to extend credit. 
 
 I have since minimized the real importance of this question as a 
 result of a glance at the response to a question included in my pilot 
 pricing survey in the ARA study area. Very few small stores extended 
 credit to more than 10$ of their customers, which to me indicates that 
 they did not depend on credit for their survival. 
 
 Initially, I thought that if a considerable proportion of the 
 residents of the ARA area, who receive more public assistance than 
 
Page 19- 
 
 others in Southern California, need to use credit for food buying, then 
 the adequacy of public relief ought to he questioned. However, accord- 
 ing to one authority who administers public funds and who also lives in 
 the study area, it doesn't matter how adequate the food allowance is; 
 the inadequacy of knowledge in planning and budgeting on the part of the 
 recipient of aid does not allow for a direct correlation between the cost 
 of food and the need for credit. 
 
 Lastly, though it is not called credit, the procedure of buying 
 by personal check is today a form of credit. It is mainly the super- 
 markets where checks are cashed in mass, and through this system, they 
 are probably administering more credit than are the smaller stores we 
 suspected of being credit operations. 
 
Page 20. 
 Supplemental Report 
 
 Following completion of Miss Gannon's assignment with the Institute 
 of Industrial Relations,, members of the staff tabulated the results of 
 the pricing survey supervised by her in the ARA study area and conducted 
 similar surveys in other parts of the county. The basic pricing schedule 
 developed by Miss Gannon was used uniformly, though several of the items 
 have been eliminated from the final tabulations because of questions 
 about the validity of the comparisons. The Institute does not claim 
 complete scientific accuracy for these surveys; indeed, the staff is well 
 aware of weaknesses and defects of any survey of this nature, many of 
 which are described subsequently in this report. Nevertheless, price 
 comparisons derived from three entirely distinct sources showed certain 
 consistent patterns which appear to be significant. The results are 
 also corroborated by visual observations and the findings of surveys 
 elsewhere in the country. 
 
 The analysis of price differences has been subdivided into several 
 distinct phases: 
 
 (l) The prices of merchandise sold in various types and sizes of 
 grocery stores -- supermarket (largest), class "A, M class "B," and 
 class "C" (smallest)-- were compared for a representative sampling of 
 stores within the ARA study area, all of which were visited by survey 
 teams in the period between April 29 and May 7. These data were eval- 
 uated to determine whether there were significant differentials for 
 reasonably comparable "baskets" of groceries among types of stores in 
 a homogeneous and contiguous area. 
 
Page 21. 
 
 (2) Similar surveys were subsequently conducted in nine stores 
 located in various parts of Los Angeles County and ranging in size from 
 "supermarket" to 'very small." Since these surveys took place approx- 
 imately three weeks after the initial survey in the study area, and the 
 sampling of stores is relatively small, no effort has been made to compare 
 prices directly with those charged in study area stores. 
 
 (3) Staff members reviewed a grocery trade publication -- Key Price 
 Book , published by Marketing Services Corporation -- which provides 
 current selling prices for all items sold in " no n- competitive" stores, 
 "independents (goods priced to meet competition on competitive items), 
 and "super- chains" (goods priced to meet chain store competition). Again, 
 as in other instances, the definitions employed in categorizing markets 
 tend to be obscure. Questions posed to the Times-Mirror marketing service 
 and the Marketing Services Corporation, each of which publishes statis- 
 tical breakdowns of grocery stores by type and size, elicit the general 
 response that markets or commodities are assigned to categories on the 
 basis of subjective evaluations by persons experienced in the trade. 
 Though this is hardly an objective criterion, it represents the only 
 
 one available and is undoubtedly reasonably accurate for our purposes. 
 
 Upon completion of the field surveys, it was necessary to edit the 
 schedules to eliminate items which were obviously noncomparable or prices 
 which were suspiciously out of line. Where there were doubts as to 
 whether the quantities or qualities of given items were comparable, such 
 items were removed from the tabulations. Uhen the editing process had 
 been completed, staff members calculated the total costs of uniform 
 baskets 1 of goods when purchased respectively in supermarkets, "A," 
 
 785-89} 0-65-34 
 
Page 22. 
 
 "B," or "C" stores according to the Times-Mirror definitions, or in 
 "non-competitive," ''independent/' or "super-chain : stores according to 
 Marketing Services Corporation definitions. 
 
 Unfortunately, some important items, such as potatoes, had to be 
 dropped because of the various problems mentioned above. Insuperable 
 difficulties were also encountered in efforts to obtain inter-area 
 comparisons of prices for items such as corn meal and hominy grits. 
 Despite these difficulties, however, a broad sampling of items was 
 obtained, reflecting the following general categories: green, yellow 
 vegetables; fruitsj processed vegetables; processed fruits; milk and 
 dairy products; fats and oils; sugar and sweets; nonalcoholic beverages; 
 partially prepared foods; cereals and grain products; bakery products; 
 beef and veal; pork; processed meats; poultry; fish; and hot sauce. 
 
 With the adjustments noted previously, prices per item for "A," 
 "B," "C, and "supermarket" stores in ten neighborhoods of the ARA study 
 area were averaged by size of store. The averages for all items were 
 then added to obtain the total cost of a food basket for sizes of stores 
 ranging from the very largest ('supermarket") to the very smallest 
 (class "C : ). The results show a consistent pattern; average prices vary 
 inversely with the size of the store. The costs of food baskets by 
 size of store are as follows: 
 
 Category- 
 
 Cost 
 
 Supermarket 
 
 $10.69 
 
 Class A 
 
 18.72 
 
 Class B 
 
 18. 81* 
 
 Class C 
 
 20.13 
 
Page 23. 
 
 It should be noted that the results of this survey fully confirm 
 
 the observation of the expert, alluded to in Miss Gannon's report, that 
 
 the prices charged by class C stores would probably be markedly higher 
 
 than those charged by larger stores because the former could not afford 
 
 membership in the major wholesale grocery enterprises. It should also 
 
 be emphasized that more than 72 percent of all grocery stores in the 
 
 study area fell in the "C category as of mid-1964, according to 
 
 Miss Gannon's analysis. Corresponding percentages for a sampling of 
 
 other areas of greater Los Angeles are as follows: 
 
 Percentage of "C" 
 Area Stores to Total 
 
 San Fernando Valley 
 
 32.7$ 
 
 Beverly Hills-Westwood 
 
 23.1 
 
 Glendale area 
 
 45.7 
 
 Pomona- Foothill area 
 
 41.9 
 
 Alhambra area 
 
 31.9 
 
 Hollywood area 
 
 36.1 
 
 Whittier-Norwalk area 
 
 33-1 
 
 Orange County 
 
 39-2 
 
 As a check on the above results, Institute staff members then 
 analyzed the suggested prices for food items contained in the Key Price 
 Book , published weekly by the Marketing Services Corporation as a service 
 to retail grocers. These prices reflect the best judgment of Marketing 
 Services staff, on the basis of price patterns of the major wholesalers 
 (Certified, Orange Empire ; and Spartan) and large chains such as Ralph's, 
 as to the prices to be charged during the coming week by grocers in three 
 
Page 2k. 
 
 separate situations: (l) : non-competitive, or grocers located at 
 some distance from competitors and required to pay higher freight 
 costs; (2) "independents," or grocers in the small ("Mom and Pop") 
 category who traditionally charge prices somewhat higher than do the 
 chains; and (3) "super-chains/' or larger stores which must meet chain 
 store competition. The Institute compared these suggested prices for 
 the week of April 22, 196^. Analyzing a smaller basket of comparable 
 items than was the case in the shelf pricing survey, our staff obtained 
 the following results: 
 
 Category Cost 
 
 Super- Chain $13.20 
 
 Independents 13-32 
 
 Non-competitive lk.k6 
 
 It is necessary to add that, except perhaps for the "supermarket" 
 and "super- chain 1, categories, the classifications established by the 
 Times-Mirror Company and by Marketing Services Corporation are not 
 directly comparable. It would appear that few "non-competitive :: firms 
 exist within the city of Los Angeles, and that the "independent" cate- 
 gory could include the equivalent of "A," ;I B" and "C' : firms as defined 
 in the Times-Mirror materials. The pattern of the Price Book results, 
 however, seems consistent with that already established in our survey 
 of stores classified according to the Times-Mirror categories. The 
 largest stores charge the lowest prices, though the difference in basket 
 cost between the "super-chain and "independent" categories (only 12^ 
 for 35 items) is not particularly significant. 
 
 The results of the survey conducted by Institute staff members 
 in other areas of the county are inconclusive, due in large part to the 
 
Page 25. 
 
 time interval 'between it and the previous survey, but an examination 
 of prices charged for comparable items not subject to drastic seasonal 
 variations indicates that prices on the average tend to be somewhat 
 higher in the study area. Final determination of differentials among 
 geographic areas, however, must await the conduct of simultaneous 
 surveys. 
 
 It should be noted that no attempt has been made in our studies 
 to establish the cost of a minimum family budget for those living in the 
 study area. Too little agreement exists as to the composition of this 
 budget, and the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the Department of Labor 
 has not completed its projected revision of the city worker's budget." 
 A survey recently conducted by the County Health Department for the 
 Bureau of Public Assistance indicated (according to Miss Gannon) that 
 there was no more than a $1 difference per month in budget food costs 
 between the most expensive and least expensive areas where relief aid 
 was extended. It is presently impossible for us to gauge the validity 
 of this survey. 
 
 The studies conducted by Miss Gannon and by Institute staff members 
 demonstrate two facts quite clearly: 
 
 (1) The larger stores, notably the supermarkets, normally offer 
 
 a wider variety of products at somewhat lower prices than do the small 
 
 1 
 stores . 
 
 (2) The APA study area is characterized by a preponderance of 
 class "C ' stores and a scarcity of "supermarkets" relative to the popu- 
 lation served. 
 
Page 26. 
 
 This latter point is illustrated by the following approximate 
 figures on supermarket distribution by selected areas of Los Angeles: 
 
 Est. Pop. 
 
 Area 
 
 (Oct., 1963) 
 
 No, 
 
 . of 
 39 
 
 Supers 
 
 Pop, 
 
 . per Super 
 
 APA study area 
 
 5^0,000 
 
 13,8^6 
 
 San Fernando Valley 
 (inc. Burbank) 
 
 950,500 
 
 
 Ikl 
 
 
 
 6,lkl 
 
 Hollywood 
 
 135,^00 
 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 h,231 
 
 Wilshire area 
 
 170,100 
 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 5,15^ 
 
 On the basis of our studies, we have concluded that the relative 
 scarcity of supermarkets and comprehensive shopping centers places an 
 additional burden upon study area residents both in terms of fewer employ- 
 ment opportunities and reduced competition among stores. The existing 
 major barriers to establishments of new commercial enterprises in the 
 area appear to be: (l) the depressed socio-economic condition of the 
 area; (2) the absence and/or high cost of open land; and (3) lack of 
 knowledge among businessmen as to how to serve a predominantly minority- 
 group market effectively. A positive and extensive program of area 
 redevelopment can produce results, but the full cooperation of city and 
 county officials, particularly with regard to the problem of land cost 
 and availability, is essential. 
 
Sources 
 
 Mrs. Phyllis Basille, Los Angeles Secretary, Consumer Counsel, Old State Building, 
 Room 210, Los Angeles, phone: MA 0-2142. 
 
 Miss Evelyn Blackman, Assistant Director, Bureau of Research and Statistics, 
 
 Department of Social Welfare, P.O. Box 8074, 107 South Broadway, Los Angeles, 
 California, phone: MA 0-M+05. 
 
 Mr. Blustein, Avalon Chamber of Commerce, Western Department Store, ^363 Central 
 Avenue, phone: AD 2-7109. 
 
 Mr. Cooney, Public Relations, Safeway Stores Inc., 1925 East Vernon, Los Angeles 58, 
 phone: AD 4-9251. 
 
 Mr. Michael Colton, Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, phone: 482 i+010. 
 
 Miss Marion Emerson, City Health Department, Pasadena, phone: kk9 2128. 
 
 Miss Margaret Pinley, Home Economist, Bureau of Research, Division of Research and 
 Statistics, State Department of Social Welfare, 2415 First Avenue, Sacramento. 
 
 Mr. J. A. Gatlin,- Business Extension Bureau, 1335 South Flower, Los Angeles 15, 
 phone: RI 9-0151. 
 
 Mr. Jack Gescheider, Bank of America, phone: MU 3-32^1 
 
 Mr. R. C. Holderness, Vice President and Secretary, Certified Grocers Association, 
 2601 South Eastern Avenue, Los Angeles, phone: RA 3-0311. 
 
 Mr. Milton Keenan, Regional Price Economist, Bureau of Labor Statistics, U. S. 
 Department of Labor, San Francisco, 9^11. 
 
 Mr. Paul Kodimer, ABC Markets, 55th and Main Streets, Los Angeles, Phone: 2^3 4241. 
 
 Mr. Loebig, Land Lease Department, Thrifty Drug Stores, 5051 Rodeo Road, Los Angeles 
 16, phone: AX 3-5111. 
 
 Mr. Martin Logan, Small Business Administration, 312 West 5th Street, phone: 
 688 2903. 
 
 Mr. Lew Lund, Bank of America, Central- Jefferson Branch, phone: AD 3-7131. 
 
 Miss Virginia Mann, County Health Department, Old Hall of Records, Los Angeles, 
 phone: MA 5-3611, ext. 6-4041. 
 
 Mr. Robert Menko, Merchandising Department, Los Angeles Times- Examiner. 
 
 Mr. John Menz, Department of Finance, Sacramento, California, 54831. 
 
 Mr. Hugo Morris, Retail Clerks Union, Local 770, phone: HO 2-6111. 
 
 Mrs. Helen Ewing Kelson, Consumer Counsel to the Governor, State Capitol, Room 
 1030, Sacramento, phone: HI 5-4711, ext. 37^0. 
 
Sources - continued. 
 
 Mr. Bruce Cdell, Land Lease Department, Ralphs Markets, 3^10 West 3rd, 
 Los Angeles k, phone: DU 2-7234. 
 
 Mr. De Paszthory, Field Representative, Certified Grocers Association, 
 2601 South Eastern Avenue, Los Angeles, phone: RA 3-0311. 
 
 Mr. Jerome Sampson, Executive Secretary, State Social Welfare Board, 
 State of California Health and Welfare Agency, 2415 First Avenue, 
 Sacramento, 95818. 
 
 Mr. Timothy Sampson, Avalon Community Center, Avalon Boulevard, 
 Los Angeles, phone: 232-8113 . 
 
 Mr. John Schnieders, General Manager, Spartan Grocers, 4408 Bandini, 
 Phone: AN 3-7341. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. David Sisson, P. 0. Box 62, Manhattan Beach, phone: FR 4-5229. 
 
 Mr. Lloyd Street, Welfare Planning Council, Los Angeles County, Los Angeles. 
 
 Mr. R. B. Swanson, Bank of America, Slauson- Avalon Branch, 5836 Avalon 
 Boulevard, phone: MU 3-4601. 
 
 Mr. Alan Taaf, Business Licensing, City Hall of Los Angeles, Los Angeles. 
 
 Mr. Mel Tormey, Southern California Retail Grocers, phone: DU I-58II. 
 
 Mrs. Dorothy Walton, Director of Homeraakers 1 Holiday group, Avalon 
 Community Center, phone: 232-8113. 
 
 (Name held confidential), Los Angeles food price surveyor, hired by the 
 
 Bureau of Labor Statistics, U. S. Department of Labor, San Francisco. 
 
 Books and Publications: 
 
 Buying Habits of the Poor , Published by the Consumer Survey Center, 
 University of Michigan, Lansing, Michigan. 
 
 Families in a Money World , Francis (Feldman) Lomas, San Diego State 
 College . 
 
 The Poor Pay More , David Caplovitz. 
 
 Food Business , July 1962, Vol. 10, No. 7. 
 
AN INVENTORY #F AGENCY SERVICES IN EAST AND SOUTH 
 CENTRAL LOS ANGELES 
 
 by Stan A. Lehman 
 
 Coro Foundation Intern in 
 Public Affairs 
 
 July, 1964 
 
 This study was conducted for the Institute of Industrial Relations 
 at UCLA as part of the Coro Foundation's Internship in Public 
 Affairs. Coro Foundation is a non-profit, non-partisan public 
 trust established to conduct research and education in the field 
 of government and politics. The internship program is designed 
 to give practical training to qualified candidates who anticipate 
 careers in this field. The intern received no reimbursement for 
 his time other than the Coro Foundation Fellowship. Costs of 
 preparation and publication were borne by the Institute of Industrial 
 Relations. The findings and recommendations in this report are 
 those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views and 
 policies of the Institute of Industrial Relations or of the Coro 
 Foundation. 
 
 The writer wishes to express his gratitude to the staffs of the 
 agencies involved (listed in an appendix to this report) for their 
 cooperation which made this project possible. He also appreciates 
 the opportunity extended by the UCLA Institute of Industrial Rela- 
 tions and the Coro Foundation for his participation in this project. 
 A special word of thanks should be given to Paul Bullock of the 
 Institute of Industrial Relations staff and William Whiteside of 
 the Coro Foundation staff for their assistance in compiling this 
 paper . 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter Page 
 
 I. Introduction 2 
 
 II. All Nations Foundation 5 
 
 III. Young Women's Christian Association 16 
 
 IV. Young Men's Christian Association 25 
 
 V. Department of Mental Hygiene. Bureau of 
 Social Work Southside Office 
 
 VI. Los Angeles County Department of Senior 
 Citizens Affairs 
 
 VII. Los Angeles County District Attorney — hk 
 
 Failure to Provide Division 
 
 VIII. USC Youth Study Center ^7 
 
 IX. Salvation Army *+9 
 
 X. Avalon Community Center, Avalon- Central 5^ 
 
 Demonstration Project 
 
 XI. The Spring of Discontent — A Commentary 65 
 Appendix 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 This report is based upon an extensive series of interviews with 
 officials of both public and private agencies in the Los Angeles area, 
 conducted by the writer in the spring of 1964. These interviews were 
 intended to throw light upon the agency resources presently available 
 in the depressed areas of East and South Central Los Angeles, where 
 heavy concentrations of Mexican Americans and Negroes may be found, 
 and to ascertain the views of agency representatives in regard to the 
 scope and effectiveness of their own operations and the nature of pro- 
 blems yet to be solved. The project is part of a comprehensive study 
 of unemployment and poverty in those areas, under a contract between 
 the UCLA Institute of Industrial Relations and the Area Redevelopment 
 Administration of the U. S. Department of Commerce. 
 
 The agencies contacted were selected mainly from lists provided 
 by the Department of Community Services of the County of Los Angeles 
 and the Welfare Planning Council of Los Angeles. Obviously those 
 described herein represent only a sampling of the total lists, as it 
 would be impossible within the short period of time available to inter- 
 view representatives of all agencies functioning in any degree within 
 the community. The writer sought to obtain as broad a sample as feasible 
 within the allotted time. 
 
 One of the major questions to be explored in this project was the 
 following: To what extent do existing agencies establish rapport and 
 communication with the hard-core unemployed and the lowest-income groups 
 
in the community, and also with other agencies functioning in the same 
 general area and dealing with the same basic problems? Answers to 
 this question, to the degree that they were obtainable, are contained 
 in the report. 
 
 The severe problems encountered by the residents of East and South 
 Central Los Angeles are described in the text of the report submitted 
 by the Institute of Industrial Relations to the Area Redevelopment 
 Administration. All available data make it clear that both the Mexican 
 American and Negro areas of Los Angeles are characterized by excessive 
 rates of unemployment, low educational and skill levels, social disor- 
 ganization, and other results of past or present discrimination and 
 failures in acculturation. 
 
 The situation of Mexican Americans in Los Angeles has been , 
 described thusly by Martin Ortiz, Director of the East Los Angeles Wel- 
 fare Planning Council: 
 
 "Great strides have been made by the Mexican Americans in the Los 
 Angeles area, particularly within the past ten years, in the social, 
 economic and cultural life of the overall community. An increasing number 
 of them have attained prominence in the fields of government and the 
 learned professions. Pride in their cultural heritage has been met with 
 public respect. Nonetheless, serious lags exist in the utilization of 
 their employment potential, in the education of their young people, in 
 
 the housing available to them and in the accommodation of public health 
 
 1/ 
 
 and social services to their needs." 
 
 1. Memorandum prepared by Martin Ortiz for the Community Relations 
 Educational Foundation, Los Angeles, November, 19&3 • 
 
The problems in the predominantly Negro South Central area of 
 Los Angeles have "been similarly described by Bert Renstrom, of the 
 research department of the Welfare Planning Council: 
 
 "The data. . . .indicate that this community has a high level of 
 unemployment, exceeding both local and national averages. . . .In 
 general, this is a community of lov educational attainment, of predomi- 
 nantly unskilled and semi-skilled workers, of widespread poverty, a 
 community in need of technical assistance and area-wide aid. Moreover, 
 this is a community with many characteristics which can lead to even 
 more widespread economic rcarginality, job displacement and family dis- 
 ruption, the primary ingredients in dependent poverty in California. 
 At the same time, the South Central Economic Planning Area is a com- 
 munity with both economic and social resources, an area capable of 
 planning and carrying out the work necessary to revitalize itself." 
 
 The subsequent chapters of this report describe the functions, 
 specific areas served, personnel and facilities, and communication 
 efforts of the various agencies identified in the chapter headings. 
 The final chapter presents a summary of major findings and a general 
 evaluation by the writer. 
 
 2. Bert Renstrom, The South Central Economic Planning Area : A Demo- 
 graphic and Socio-Economic Analysis . Los Angeles; Welfare Planning 
 Council, May, I963. 
 
II 
 
 ALL NATIONS FOUNDATION 
 
 The All Nations Foundation is a privately supported organization 
 which maintains neighborhood centers in the predominantly Mexican 
 American areas of Los Angeles located directly east of downtown and the 
 Los Angeles River. The name of the foundation reflects the historical 
 ethnic patterns of the area, which has long served as a port of entry 
 for a variety of racial, religious, and national groups. When a current 
 reorganization of services is completed, the Foundation will operate two 
 centers in this area: the Pico-Aliso and the Soto Street Neighborhood 
 Centers. The activities and functions of each of these centers are dis- 
 cussed separately below. 
 
 A. Pico-Aliso Center 
 
 1. Facilities and Area Served 
 
 Pico Gardens Center is an extension of the service of the 
 All Nations Community House (824 East Sixth Street) and the 
 staff working at these two locations is interchangeable. In 
 the near future, the services at 824 East Sixth Street will be 
 discontinued and the staff will devote full time to the activi- 
 ties of the Pico Gardens Center. Presently, a staff of three 
 social workers serves the Pico Gardens Center. The Pico Center 
 is funded by civic clubs, the United Way, and the Methodist 
 Church. 
 
 The Center seeks to serve persons from 5 years through 
 adulthood who live in the Aliso Village, Aliso Annex, and Pico 
 Gardens Public Housing Projects. These are located just east 
 
of the Los Angeles River in the so-called "Flats" area, and have 
 a population of over 10,000 individuals living in the 57- acre area. 
 The present membership is approximately 350 individuals, 2/3 of whom 
 are Negro and l/3 of whom are Mexican American. The membership fee 
 is nominal. 
 
 The facilities consist of an apartment in the Pico-Gardens 
 Housing Project. The Utah Street School and Aliso Social Hall facil- 
 ities are used on a rent-free basis, and the facilities of the 
 
 u 
 
 Aliso Village Methodist Church are also available. 
 
 The basic characteristics and problems of the area served 
 
 are well described in a publication by the Planning Committee of 
 
 the Foundation's Board of Trustees, in consultation with the All 
 
 Nations staff. The following excerpts are from that study: 
 
 .... Population density for the housing projects is 
 28,180 persons per square mile as compared with 5>^19 persons 
 per square mile in the City of Los Angeles as a whole. In 
 contrast to the median age of 27.6 years for both the male 
 and female population of Los Angeles, the median age of the 
 male population of Aliso Village is 10.0 years, of the female 
 population 13-^ years. In Pico Gardens, the median age for 
 males is 17.^ years, and for females, 27.6. This reflects both 
 a very heavy youth and child population and reveals a relatively 
 smaller number of adult males as compared to the number of 
 females in the total population. 
 
 A comparison of the labor force is equally significant. 
 In the city as a whole 40.0% of the population is employed, 
 whereas only V}.k% of the people in Aliso Village, and 
 
 ■ TJ 
 
 Los Angeles Welfare Planning Council, "Survey of Community Chest 
 Agencies," 1961. 
 
 2 / 
 
 fe-' Suddenly Tomorrow--A Program Projection, 196^-1969 , First Edition. 
 
21.1$ of the residents of Pico Gardens are a part of the 
 labor force. This corresponds to the large scale depen- 
 dence of residents of this area on such programs as Aid 
 to Needy Children, General Relief, and other public sources 
 of income . 
 
 Median school years completed by residents of Los 
 Angeles as a whole is 12.1; for Aliso Village, the median 
 school year is 8.4 and it is 8.7 for Pico Gardens. 
 
 The crime rate in Aliso Village for the third quarter 
 of 1963 is 13.7 per 1000 population; and for the same 
 period it is 22.8 per 1000 population for Pico Gardens. 
 This is higher than the average quarterly rate for Los 
 Angeles as a whole, which is 12-3 • For the Hollenbeck 
 Division of the Los Angeles Police Department, the average 
 quarterly rate for the year I962 was 10.25 per 1000 popu- 
 lation. 
 
 The major social problem identified by both the Pico 
 Gardens staff and the Aliso Village Methodist Church is 
 family disorganization. This is revealed in the high 
 incidence of marital conflict and the fact that more than 
 50$ of the families are separated or divorced. Emotional 
 problems related to family life are serious • 
 
 • .. .Our experience has shown us that economic 
 dependency is a second major problem of the Pico-Aliso 
 area. In addition to the fact that large numbers of 
 families are on the various financial aids programs noted 
 above, most persons have very limited job skills and have 
 not had the opportunity for a full education. What 
 skills they have developed are rapidly becoming obsolete 
 in our rapidly advancing technology. 
 
 Emotional problems and mental health levels have a 
 very important yard-stick in the lack of a sense of per- 
 sonal worth on the part of the residents of the housing 
 projects. They feel they have no real status, they are 
 apathetic toward life, and they lack the capacity to 
 trust in others because of many painful life experiences. 
 Another measure of the state of emotional health is the 
 lack of self -perception on the part of large numbers of 
 adults, and their inability to identify the causes of 
 specific personal and social problems which they face. 
 
 Social isolation is another major problem area in 
 the housing projects. Few, if any opportunities to 
 become acquainted with persons of other social backgrounds 
 are available. Thus, residents of the area are not only 
 thrown into exclusive association with persons who suffer 
 the same problems and frustrations, but they are denied 
 
 785-893 0-65-35 
 
the kind of exposure to, and contact with, other kinds of 
 communities which is a very normal part of growing up for 
 most citizens of our society. 
 
 2. Program 
 
 Some of the specific social problems that the program 
 attempts to deal with include: (l) lack of responsibility 
 for self and family, (2) lack of self-esteem, (3) problems of 
 hostility toward authority figures, (h) lack of identifica- 
 tion with and interest from adults, and (5) lack of broadening 
 
 u 
 
 experiences and contacts with the "outside world." 
 
 The Pico Gardens Center approaches these problems by 
 helping members (l) plan their own leisure time activities, 
 (2) get along with their group peers, (3) solve group problems 
 through democratic methods, and (k) become exposed to the 
 Greater Los Angeles Community through field trips. 
 
 The program is organized in the following manner by age 
 grouping: 
 
 Nursery School. 
 
 This is a pre-school program aimed at reaching problem 
 children in particular and preparing them socially and 
 emotionally for school. 
 
 School Clubs . 
 
 These clubs of school age children are limited to 15 
 members per club. Under the supervision of a staff member, 
 
 3/ Welfare Federation of Los Angeles Area, op. cit. 
 
the club members plan their leisure time activities which 
 include crafts, trips, dances, grooming, sports, etc. 
 
 Parents Groups . 
 
 These contain from 20-25 members who engage in social and 
 community service projects such as painting the cross walks, 
 etc. 
 
 Senior Citizens Groups. 
 
 These groups, like the school and parents groups, plan 
 their own leisure time activities. 
 
 At the Pico Gardens Center, there is no "drop in" program, 
 but rather participation only if one is a member and belongs 
 to one of the groups . 
 
 The Foundation now projects a significant expansion of 
 services in the future, with emphasis upon the following: 
 
 (1) Group services, "designed to provide socially and 
 culturally enriching e;rperiences to clientele who have only the 
 usual problems in personal and social functioning; " 
 
 (2) Social group work services, "including both preventive 
 and rehabilitative programs," directed to parents with a stress 
 on family problems, to pre-school children through a Play 
 Center, and to other groups; 
 
 (3) Cooperative nursery, under a program in which the 
 Foundation would absorb and extend the services of a coopera- 
 tive nursery already located in the area; 
 
 (k) Information, referral, and contractual services; 
 
10 
 
 (5) Supplementary services, including game rooms, supervised 
 study rooms, and family social activities; 
 
 (6) Community organisation services, "handled largely through 
 parent groups in which the clientele are urged to participate 
 
 in the handling of community problems . " 
 
 B. Soto Street Branch 
 
 1. Facilities and Area Served 
 
 The area served by the Soto Street Branch, also in the 
 process of reorganization, lies to the east of the Pico-Aliso 
 area, and encompasses a population of more than 22,000 persons, 
 with a density of 20, 593. 3 per square mile. Mainly the housing 
 is old, and at least 25 percent of the residential property is 
 either deteriorating or dilapidated. The social and economic 
 problems faced are generally similar to those confronted in 
 the Pico-Aliso area: low incomes, lack of skills, excessive 
 numbers both of children and of older people, low levels of 
 
 education, family disorganization, school dropouts, and lack 
 
 1/ 
 
 of involvement in the community. 
 
 An important aspect of the social and cultural depri- 
 vation of the neighborhood is to be found in the lack of 
 social resources. Relatively few of the volunteer organi- 
 zations and associations normally found in suburban com- 
 munities are available in this area. The California curric- 
 ulum is geared to the "middle-class" Anglo-Saxon individuals; 
 and there are only a few of the health and welfare services 
 
 kj Suddenly Tomorrow — A Program Projection, op. cit. 
 
11 
 
 of the city actually located in the area. International 
 Institute, two homes for the aged, and a hoys' club are 
 nearby, hut there is no other- neighborhood center immediately 
 within reach of this population of over 22,000. 
 The population served is 70$ Mexican -American with the 
 balance consisting of Negro, Jewish, Japanese, White Russian, 
 Cuh an, and Hungarian. There are presently approximately 560 
 individuals registered in the programs at the Eastside Center 
 (to he renamed "All Nations Neighborhood Center: Soto Street 
 Branch"). 
 
 The population resides in a gang-oriented community where 
 there are 60 identifiable gangs in the Hollenbeck area alone. 
 V/ith the ease of mobility, gang territorial boundaries are not 
 as pronounced as they once were. Formerly, only the youth who 
 lived in one specific geographic area could belong to the gang 
 in that area. However, as gang members tend to move from one 
 area to another, the ties to the old gang are not easily broken. 
 For example, if Dad was a member of the Flats gang in his youth 
 and later moved to La Puente as an adult, his son may have the 
 right to join the Flats gang although his son has never lived 
 within the Flats territory. Traditionally, if one gang would 
 invade the territory of another gang, this could be grounds 
 for a "rumble." However, since some gang members may now live 
 outside a gang's traditional territory, territorial boundaries 
 
 5/ Loc. Cit. 
 
12 
 
 based on the location of the residence of the gang members lcr/o 
 been blurred. The net result of a partial territorial break- 
 down due to increased mobility is a lessening of tensions 
 between gangs over territorial rights. 
 
 On the other hand, increased mobility also gives the gang 
 the ability to strike anywhere in the greater Los Angeles area. 
 Formerly, limited mobility limited the area in which a gang 
 would engage in criminal activity. 
 
 Because the gang members were known to many residents of 
 their territory, the residents could more easily identify 
 members and mount pressure through the police and parents to 
 curtail their activities. But now, with the increased avail- 
 ability of automobiles, a gang can move into a distant community, 
 commit a criminal act and disappear without a trace. 
 
 The analysis above is the thinking of one All Nations staff 
 member. This writer does not have sufficient evidence to 
 properly evaluate the above thesis on mobility and gang activity. 
 However, in the opinion of one former East Los Angeles gang 
 leader, increased mobility has not broken down gang territorial 
 boundaries although it has enabled gangs to engage in criminal 
 activities throughout the Greater Los Angeles area. 
 
 2. Program 
 
 The program is based on the philosophy of the neighborhood 
 center concept. A study published by the Program Division of 
 the Welfare Federation of the Los Angeles area characterizes 
 the neighborhood center in a way which further illuminates the 
 
13 
 
 purpose expressed "by All Nations ; 
 
 (l) The primary purpose of a settlement and center is the 
 development of neighborhood leadership and the stimulation of 
 community action for the improvement of the neighborhood out- 
 side the settlement. Focus is on the family unit and its 
 integration into the neighborhood. (2) The settlement house 
 provides group work, recreational and educational activities, 
 for the neighborhood children, their parents, and other 
 adults, through small groups, interest groups, and special 
 activities and events; family life is strengthened through 
 home visits and counseling. (3) Traditionally, settlements 
 and centers are located in disadvantaged areas where there is 
 a need for intensive service to families and youth, urban 
 area with high population densities coupled with poor housing, 
 transit populations, presence of tension due to the many 
 multi-racial, religious and nationality groups, and high ,i 
 incidence of delinquency and social and health problems. — ' 
 
 To implement the neighborhood concept, the East side Center 
 employs five different approaches: 
 
 Group Work . 
 
 Presently, the Eastside Center has 35 groups or clubs for all 
 ages active in various programs. Each group is autonomous from the 
 others. Staff members or volunteer workers meet with these groups 
 and help them solve their problems and evolve their own programs 
 through the democratic process. Six of the groups formed became 
 affiliated with the Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, Campfire Girls, etc. 
 Other clubs engage in crafts, arts, athletics, and social activities. 
 The three adult clubs are task oriented in that they deal with 
 specific projects such as opposing the issuance of additional 
 liquor licenses in the Boyle Heights area. The Mothers' Club is 
 also service oriented in approaching such tasks as aiding worthy 
 
 6_J "Neighborhood Centers, A Self -Study for Thirteen Houses 
 in the Los Angeles Area/' Program Division, Welfare 
 Federation of the Los Angeles Area, December, I96I, p. 27. 
 
Ik 
 
 causes, cooking meals, holding rummage sales, etc. On the other 
 hand, the Senior Adults Club (age 65-90) devotes most of its time 
 to recreational pursuits. 
 
 Social Group Work . 
 
 This phase of the program deals with groups with special pro- 
 blems such as gang groups whose activities are asocial and criminal 
 in nature. Here, group treatment of a problem is employed as a tool 
 to curtail and prevent certain types of anti-social behavior. 
 Social group work is also utilized in working with families on their 
 social and mental health problems. 
 
 Community Or gani zation . 
 
 The Center works through its adult clubs, the Coordinating 
 Councils, P.T.A.'s, and local service clubs to improve the general 
 community environment. 
 
 Home Visitations . 
 
 The Center's staff will call on parents of children who parti- 
 cipate in the Center's programs. Thus the staff attempts to 
 establish a personal relationship with the family in an effort to 
 counsel the child's family as well as the child. 
 
 Special Events . 
 
 The Center presently works with the Los Angeles Board of Educa- 
 tion in sponsoring English classes for Mexicans with language diffi- 
 culties. The Center also sponsors family nights, forums, debates, 
 etc. 
 
15 
 
 3. Comnuni cation s 
 
 The Center attempts to inform the community of its ser- 
 vices by public notices, word of mouth, and by keeping in 
 touch with teachers, policemen, and probation officers who 
 often refer clients to the Center. 
 
 k. Future Program Projection 
 
 As in the case of the Pico-Aliso Center, the Foundation 
 plans an expansion of activities at the Soto Street Branch, 
 again emphasizing group services, preventive and rehabilita- 
 tive services, supplemental services, information, referral, 
 and contractual services, and community organization services. 
 In youth programs, it is anticipated that the agency will 
 work with social or delinquent groups but will seek other help 
 for the violent gangs. 
 
16 
 
 III 
 
 YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION 
 
 1. Area Served 
 
 The area served by the Angeles Mesa Center (formerly the Woodlawn 
 Center) located at 3^20 West Slauson Avenue, the Hollywood Center at 
 
 6927 Hawthorne Avenue, and the Mid-City Center at 730 South Exford Avenue, 
 
 120th 
 is encompassed by Central Avenue on the east, Street on the south, 
 
 La Brea Avenue on the west and the El Sereno community near Highland 
 
 Park on the north. The relocation of the Woodlawn YWCA in 1962-63 
 
 to 3^20 West Slauson Avenue (renamed the Angeles Mesa Center) is a 
 
 revealing commentary on a portion of the ARA study area. The South 
 
 Central Welfare Planning Council conducted the "Woodlawn Center YWCA 
 
 Relocation Study" which sets forth at pages 6 and 8 the reasons for the 
 
 move: 
 
 From its inception in 1919> the center has been con- 
 sidered as being more closely allied with Negroes than with 
 other racial groups. This trend followed a 1912 los Angeles 
 YWCA decision of "...cooperating with Negro women in estab- 
 lishing their own branch." However, with the re-assessment 
 of YWCA practice on terms of its interracial charter adopted 
 in 19^6, the Los Angeles YWCA has expressed a desire to 
 follow the National Board recommendation which states : 
 
 That the implication of the YWCA purpose be recognized 
 as involving the inclusion of Negro women and girls in 
 the main stream of Association Life, and that such 
 inclusion be adopted as a conscious goal. 
 
 The location of Woodlawn in a "Negro" neighborhood has 
 been cited by volunteer and staff personnel of the center as 
 a factor which prevents the center from achieving integration 
 in its program, and a barrier to working for the goal 
 expressed above. 
 
17 
 
 Another reason for relocating has been stated as relating to the 
 agency's "base of membership support. As housing has become available 
 to minority groups in the area vest of Woodlavn, many who have supported 
 and continue to support the agency by membership fees and volunteer 
 leadership, have moved from the Woodlavn area. The staff and board have 
 been unable to develop a firm base of support in the Woodlavn area to 
 replace those vho have moved. At the present time, the Center Committee 
 (governing board of the center) has 27 members - 26 Negro and 1 vhite - 
 most of vhom live outside of the Woodlavn area. 
 
 Another reason given by the agency for moving is its inability to 
 achieve an effective program in the Woodlavn area. Speaking to this 
 point, the center's Program Director said: 
 
 Community response (in the Woodlavn area) to our program is 
 lov, but since ve have offered a variety of activities it 
 seems . . . that the community is unable or unwilling to support 
 us, rather than the program being uninteresting or unappealing. 
 
 The center has not had a "year-round" program for pre-teens because 
 of a lack of staff and inadequate facilities. It vas stated by "agency 
 personnel that facilities at Woodlavn are inadequate for teen activities. 
 Teen dances and parties have necessitated rental of other facilities. 
 Commenting further on factors related to program, the Program Director 
 stated: 
 
 The female population in the immediate area of Woodlavn 
 seems to be mostly employed. This has serious consequences 
 as far as our efforts to promote daytime activities for 
 adults. It makes it mandatory that we schedule most adult 
 activities for veekends and evenings, vhich creates other 
 problems involving use of staff time, building coverage, 
 and need to use the building at these times for rental pur- 
 poses, to raise funds to support other programs. 
 
 Program at the center has been defined in tvo categories: "Income" 
 producing programs and "Service" program. The income producing program 
 helps to finance the operation of the center; and for this reason, 
 participants, by and large, must be able to pay for the activities in 
 vhich they participate. The service program includes educational, 
 civic and cultural activities traditional to the YWCA program. Comment- 
 ing on this, the Program Director had this to say: 
 
 The income program is vital since ve (and any YWCA center) 
 must support our operations. This is vhat ve mean vhen ve 
 say ve are a middle class agency. We try to serve all people 
 but can do so only if the bulk of our participants are able 
 to finance the services ve render. 
 
 Traditionally, ve think of the YWCA program as classes, 
 dining facilities and housing. In Los Angeles, most of the 
 13 centers rely greatly on classes to produce income. Woodlavn 
 has never been successful vith classes. In previous years 
 ve have offered bridge and charm classes, but this year only 
 
18 
 
 a bridge class. Many other classes were offered but did not 
 receive a sufficient number of registrants. There are many 
 reasons for this: such as: inadequate publicity, lack of 
 interest by our members, inconvenience (majority of members 
 do not live close to the center), and the people in the immediate 
 area are not able to or willing to support us financially . . . 
 
 2. Membership 
 
 The YWCA programs and services are available to any woman or girl, 
 regardless of race or religion, who wishes to participate. A member- 
 ship fee is required for all women and girls who participate in regularly 
 scheduled program activities. The fee is $1.00 for teenagers and $3-00 
 per year for all members IT years of age or over and out of school. 
 
 For health and general education classes, membership is required, 
 and, in addition, a fee is charged which hopefully covers the cost of 
 instruction, cost of room rental, plus 25$ for overhead costs. At 
 present the total membership participation in the activities of the 
 Angeles Mesa and Mid-City Center number from 800-1000. 
 
 3« Facilities 
 
 Both the Mid-City and Angeles Mesa Centers are located in two 
 story houses which contain the offices, club rooms, and kitchens. 
 
 Originally, the Los Angeles YWCA had a centralized program located 
 in the Figueroa Hotel. The YW has since embarked on a decentralization 
 of facilities movement which, of course, is a more expensive method 
 of operation. Presently, there are twelve YW centers disbursed 
 throughout the greater Los Angeles Area, three of which have no 
 physical facilities at all. In the opinion of the Assistant Executive 
 Director, the YW is not a settlement house agency and therefore 
 buildings are not absolutely necessary. Nevertheless, the YW would 
 like to have large buildings with adequate facilities for every 
 
19 
 branch, "but presently, there are not sufficient funds for such a building pro- 
 gram. Currently, the YW is acquiring land on which to build facilities. However , 
 no building campaign has yet been launched. Such a campaign would be conducted 
 through the United Way which also finances most of the YW operating expenses. 
 The new executive director has only been in her present position for one 
 year and will probably not engage in a building fund drive until sho has 
 acquired more experience and familiarity with the operations of the Los Angeles 
 YW. Secondly, with the possibility of a decline in the Los Angeles economy as 
 a result of less defense contracts, such a drive will probably be delayed for 
 awhile. 
 
 k. Programs 
 
 A . Classes and Clubs 
 
 The following classcsjwere offered by the Mid-City Center in the 
 fall of 1963: For adults— art appreciation, ballroom dancing, 
 basic auto mechanics, tennis, bridge, cake decorating, charm and 
 modeling, flower arranging, figure control, hair styling, preparation 
 for childbirth, and swimming; For children— ballet. The social 
 clubs for adults at Mid-City included: International Triangle (20-35 
 years), Live Y'ers (Senior Citizens), YW-Wives (all ages), People to 
 People Fellowship (all ages), Scenic Bus Tours (all ages), and Bowl- 
 ing. In addition, the Mid-City Center, in cooperation with the State 
 Department of Employment, held a series of six sessions for women 
 re-entering the labor market. Approximately 50 women participated in 
 the program. 
 
 At the Angeles Mesa Center, the following classes for adults 
 were offered in the fall of I963 : bridge, knitting and crochet, 
 millinery, and preparing for parenthood. The social clubs for 
 adults at Angeles Mesa included: YW-Wives, Business and Professional 
 Girls' Club, Intercultural Club. Classes for teens and preteens 
 included: ballet, millinery, piano. 
 
20 
 
 B. Y-Teens 
 
 The Y-Teea program for girls 12 to 17 is generally school 
 oriented. The Mid-City and Angeles Mesa Centers have Y-Teen 
 clubs with the following institutions: Foshay Junior High, 
 Mt. Vernon Junior High, Los Angeles High, Manual Arts High, 
 
 three neighborhood clubs, Horace Mann Junior High, Audubon 
 
 Junior 
 Junior High, John Muir/High, Washington High, and Dorsey High. 
 
 The Y-Teen program consists of club -planned programs, parties, 
 
 club suppers, dances, trips, sports, and service to others. 
 
 Several years ago the Los Angeles School Board ruled that 
 no outside agencies could utilize school time or teaching per- 
 sonnel to conduct their activities. The net effect was to cut 
 the Y-Teen membership in half. Since teachers can no longer be 
 enlisted as club advisors, only laymen can fill this role. 
 Therefore, one of the larger problems at present is to find 
 enough lay advisors. Such schools as Foshay Junior High could 
 have as many as 15 clubs if there were sufficient advisors to 
 man them. 
 
 In addition, the YW has an extensive summer camp program 
 for teenagers. 
 
 C. Leadership Training 
 
 leadership 
 Another teenage program is the YW's Echo Park/training 
 
 program. The Echo Park Coordinating Council recognized the lack 
 
 of leadership among the youth of that area. The YW agreed to 
 
 sponsor a six-weeks training session in leadership techniques 
 
 for 25 girls. After the training sessions, all the girls 
 
21 
 
 participated in an additional six-weeks internship program 
 with public and private agencies, e.g., Girl Scouts, parks 9 
 playgrounds. 
 
 5- Staff 
 
 A. Angeles Mesa Center 
 
 Currently, there is one full-time staff person devoted to 
 administering the adult program while one part-time staff 
 member works with the Y-Teen programs. A YW executive stated 
 that another part-time staff person is needed for the adult 
 program and another full-time person is needed 'for the Y-Teen 
 program. 
 
 B. Mid-City ("'enter 
 
 Presently, there is a full-time staff person working on 
 the adult program and two full-time staff members working with 
 the Y-Teen program. This Center could use another full-time 
 staff member on the Y-Teen program. 
 
 Both centers could use paid aids. There are a number of 
 lay women who would be willing to do volunteer work if they 
 would be allowed $50 per month to pay for "babysitters and trans- 
 portation. These women could be used to conduct a number of 
 programs, including sponsors of Y-Teen clubs. 
 
 General Problems 
 A. Adults: 
 
 The conclusion drawn "by one YW staff person on adult pro- 
 grams in general is that the YW is unable to reach the people 
 in the ARA study area who could benefit the most from the 
 
22 
 
 program. Most of the women in the study area work in the day 
 and tend their families in the evenings which allows them no 
 leisure time in wnich to participate in YW programs. In addi- 
 tion, the "Y" must charge a program fee of those who are least 
 able to afford it. 
 Teenagers 
 
 The problems of teenagers in the Compton-South Los Angeles 
 area are discussed in part by the YWCA's "Report to the Youth 
 Opportunities Board, :| April 15, 19^3^ which is quoted in part 
 below: 
 
 The background of the community is well documented 
 in the Special Report 6l, prepared by the Welfare Planning 
 Council. Since the YWCA concurs with all its findings, 
 we will use it as background and only discuss the YWCA 
 participation in the community. 
 
 1. Participation : There are over 620 girls partici- 
 pating in the program, with a total attendance 
 figure of 8,708 for the year. (196I-I962 
 statistics) 
 
 2. Composition : (These figures cannot be absolute - 
 either in knowledge or prediction. It is a 
 general appraisal only.) 
 
 Economic Strata (using Compton-South Los Angeles 
 as a separate entity) 
 
 5$ upper middle 
 45°/ middle 
 4-0$ lower middle 
 10$ lower and lower lower 
 
 Ethnic Grouping 
 
 95$ Negro 
 3$ Mexican-American 
 2$ Anglo-Caucasian 
 
 Behavior Analysis 
 
 $ with socially unacceptable behavior 
 patterns. (Defined as under juris- 
 diction of the law. ) 
 
23 
 
 30$ with potentially unacceptable patterns. 
 (Have great possibility of corning under 
 the law; drop outs; kick outs; serious 
 problems in school; problems in imme- 
 diate neighborhood and further 
 community. ) 
 
 68$ "average" 
 
 We also appeal for consideration to be given to girls. 
 Recognizing that approximately five times as much money 
 is spent for boys, the YWGA, with its history of working 
 with girls and its sensitivity to their needs, urges a 
 more proportionate amount of time, money and concern be 
 allocated. We list these reasons: 
 
 1. The "average" girl is the leveling force in any 
 society. It is she who will possess the social 
 conscience in the world and will nurture the 
 values so important in our society. She must be 
 exposed, trained and given the opportunity to 
 learn and assimilate the values of which we speak. 
 She must be trained to take her place in her 
 community and world. This cannot happen when 
 family background and community lacks preclude 
 the opportunity for the development of the moral, 
 spiritual and social values that are her birth- 
 right . 
 
 2. There is a common fallacy that because girls do 
 not often commit overt acts of deviant behavior 
 that the problems are not widespread or serious. 
 We must weigh the disturbing and annoying deviant 
 behavior that is apparent with boys and which 
 can be worked with, against the deep and hidden, 
 unexpressed damage occurring within the girl, 
 which can be corrected. 
 
 3- Girls have a profound influence on boy behavior. 
 Quoting from the Saturday Evening Post of 
 September 15, 1962: 
 
 "So the good girl is fantastically important 
 to the gang kid from the very second he 
 realizes he is in love. Instinctively he 
 knows that she represents his best chance 
 to escape from a ruinous future that he sees 
 all too clearly. 
 
 785-893 0-65-36 
 
2k 
 
 "If the hoy and girl break up, he's in 
 terrible shape. All love-crossed adoles- 
 cents are. But these adolescents can't go 
 home and mope. What homes? So they fight 
 their frustration with a gang war, a 
 stickup - or heroin."* 
 
 It is therefore, as we present projects for all 
 youth, we put high priority and consideration for the 
 leadership potential of the average and able young person 
 and ask that the needs of girls be not forgotten, lost, 
 or become simply an adjunct to boys programming. 
 
 7- Communication (Between the agency and the public) 
 
 A. The YW informs girls of the Y-Teen program through the schools. 
 
 B. Physical decentralization of facilities enables the staff to 
 be in closer contact with the people in the area which the 
 local center serves. 
 
 C. The local centers attempt to reach the public through various 
 committees, including the Center's Advisory Board, Public 
 Affairs Committee, and Teen-age Committee. 
 
 *My Life with Juvenile Gangs," Vincent Riccio. Based on five years' 
 -experience with the New York City Youth Board. 
 
25 
 IV 
 
 YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION 
 A. 28th Street Branch 
 
 1. Area Served 
 
 The 28th Street Branch serves but is not limited to the general 
 area bound by Fifth Street on the north, Slauson on the south, 
 Alameda on the east, and Main Street on the west. There are no 
 membership restrictions as to race, religion, residence, or 
 economic status. 
 
 2. Facilities 
 
 The 28th Street Branch is housed in a two-story building 
 complete with gymnasium, club rooms, game rooms, dormitories, 
 and swimming pool. 
 3« Membership 
 
 The membership fee is $10.00 per year for boys 8-12, $11.00 
 per year for boys 13-17 > and $15-00 per year for those over 
 age 17. There are presently about 90° boys served by the 
 branch . 
 h. Program 
 
 a. Four-Square Program 
 
 This program is designed to reach youth from elementary 
 through the high school level, in the following ways: 
 (l) "Y" Indian Guide Clubs 
 
 The clubs include boys up to age eight and 
 their fathers. Both father and son must participate 
 to be eligible for the activities which include the 
 
26 
 
 study of Indian lore, camp-outs,, and parent-son ban- 
 quets. Although the 28tlt Street "Y" has no Indian 
 Guide Club this semester (Spring, 1964), the Branch 
 generally has approximately 20 participants in this 
 program. 
 
 (2) Gray "Y" Clubs 
 
 These clubs involve boys at the grammar school 
 level. Their activities include softball, touch foot- 
 ball, and basketball leagues, plus educational trips 
 to automobile plants, museums, etc., and recreational 
 trips to such places as Knott s Berry Farm, the 
 beaches, etc. 
 
 (3) Junior Hi-Y Clubs 
 
 There are approximately ho boys in two junior 
 high schools that participate in this program, the 
 activities of which are largely decided and planned 
 by the club members . The activities may include 
 forums, discussion groups, sports, etc. 
 
 {h) Senior Hi-Y Clubs 
 
 Presently, this Branch has one such high school 
 club with a membership of 18. Its activities are 
 largely determined by its members . 
 
 The 28th Street Branch is oriented toward working 
 
 with youth through the school system with which it 
 
 a 
 has/close relationship. Tne schools, in turn, use 
 
 the Branch facilities for various functions. 
 
2? 
 
 t>. Building Program 
 "Y" 
 The building program maintains facilities game rooms 
 
 for pool, ping-pong, etc. 
 
 The Branch also maintains dormitory facilities consisting 
 
 of U2 rooms with 52 beds with an 8ofo occupancy rate. Since 
 
 the area served by the "Y" is a port of entry for many 
 
 Negroes from the south, the dorm serves as the necessary 
 
 housing for these transient tenants who are seeking footholds 
 
 in the Los Angeles area before sending i'or their families. 
 
 The Branch refers the newcomers to the Urban League and other 
 
 agencies for possible employment opportunities. 
 
 c. Special Programs 
 
 (1) Swim Team 
 
 This program in which approximately kO boys partici- 
 pate competes on a state-wide basis. The team trips pro- 
 vide members with opportunities to meet youth of differing 
 social and economic backgrounds . The trips then serve to 
 expose disadvantaged youth to the middle class world. A 
 parents' club which sponsors the swim team campaigns to 
 raise the necessary funds . 
 
 (2) Learn-to -Swim Program 
 
 The Branch provides swimming lessons for 200 youths 
 each year during spring vacation. 
 
 (3) Summer Fun Club 
 
 This is a well-planned program that operates through- 
 out summer vacation. Nearly 115 boys have participated 
 in the day-long programs which cost $20 for the s umm er 
 
28 
 
 plus a "Y" membership. The activities include daily 
 physical exercises, classes in swimming, gymnastics, base- 
 hall, educational trips (to museums, etc.) and recreational 
 trips (to the beaches, Marineland, etc.) 
 (k) World Service Projects 
 
 This year two outstanding underprivileged boys from 
 the 28th Street Branch will be sent to Venezuela for a 
 YMCA work project. 
 (5) Conferences and Camps 
 
 The Branch sent three boys to Youth in Government in 
 Sacramento where the youths elect officers and go through 
 the motions of running the state government for one week. 
 
 The Branch also sponsors leadership camps in the 
 fall and sends representatives to conferences where 
 various religious, moral, and social issues are discussed. 
 
 The Branch also sends approximately 80 boys to 
 eight-day camps each summer. Some boys earn their way to 
 camp by selling sugar-coated peanuts door to door. 
 
 5* Financial Support 
 
 YMCA is no longer a member of the Community Chest. Each 
 branch must raise its own funds within its designated geographic 
 area. Since the 28th Street Branch is located in a depressed area, 
 it is forced to contact donors outside its area in order to survive. 
 
 6. Staff 
 
 The staff consists of two full-time professionals and two part- 
 time workers. 
 
29 
 
 7. Communi cation 
 
 The 28th Street Branch attempts to publicize its programs to the 
 youth of the community by sending out circulars to the schools and churches. 
 
 In the opinion of some, there is not enough coordination and exchange 
 of information among the agencies in this area. However, there is the 
 belief that the agencies in the area would respond favorably to the sug- 
 gestion of organizing an interagency council. 
 
 B. Southwest YMCA 
 
 1. Population Served 
 
 The area served is encompassed by Adams Street on the north, El Se- 
 gundo on the south, Central on the east, and Van Ness on the west. The 
 population within this area is 50 percent Negro, 10 percent Oriental, and 
 kO percent Caucasian. 75 percent of the residents are homeowners, 
 although there is a rapid growth of apartment house construction. The 
 delinquency rate is highest in the service area around Vermont Avenue and 
 5^-th Street, where about six organized gangs operate. 
 
 2. Facilities 
 
 Presently, the Southwest Branch has only office space in a small 
 bungalow. The Branch utilizes nearby church and school facilities for its 
 programs. In the near future, this Branch will be financially able to 
 construct its own facilities. With the decentralization of the YMCA in 
 more recent years, there have not been sufficient funds to construct 
 buildings for every branch as of yet. While some YMCA officials say that 
 less indoor program facilities are needed in California, with its mild 
 climate which is conducive to outdoor activities, others say that the lack 
 of facilities is due to the present lack of monetary backing necessary to 
 
30 
 
 finance the i'acilities for a decentralized program. 
 
 3. Membership 
 
 There are approximately 500 boys, ages 9-17, presently participating 
 in the current programs which focus primarily on youth rather than adults. 
 The membership fee is $3.00 per year. This Branch has clubs in twelve 
 churches and seven elementary schools. 
 
 k. Program 
 
 The program is family centered in that the "Y" attempts to draw the 
 parents into the activities through their sons . This Branch also has the 
 Four Square Program, including the Indian Guide Clubs, Gray Y Clubs, 
 Junior Ki-Y, and Senior HI-Y, with activities nearly the same as those at 
 the 28th Street Branch. While the 28th Street Branch is school oriented; 
 the Southwest Branch organizes more of its clubs through community churches. 
 However, the Southwest Branch will be launching a drive to organize clubs 
 in more local schools this fall. 
 
 The Southwest Branch also aims for leadership development through 
 Youth in Government, Hi-Y conferences, and world service projects. 
 
 5> Financial Support 
 
 As in the case of the 28th Street "Y", the funds are supposed to be 
 raised within its designated district. The Southwest Branch will be push- 
 ing a campaign to purchase property and eventually construct its own 
 building. 
 
 6. Staff 
 
 The staff consists of two full-time professionals and several part- 
 time staff members and volunteers. 
 
31 
 
 7- Communication 
 
 This Branch attempts to inform the public of its program primarily 
 through the churches and schools. 
 
 There is also a limited exchange of information among the agencies 
 in the area. The exchange that does occur is achieved by (l) Coordinating 
 Council meetings and (2) exchange of program bulletins by the agencies. 
 
32 
 
 V 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF MENTAL HYGIENE 
 
 Southside Office, Bureau of Social Work 
 
 1. Population Served 
 
 This office serves only out-patients from the state hospital who 
 live within the area south of Washington Boulevard and west of Long Beach 
 Boulevard. The office handles a case load of approximately 700-plus 
 patients, with one-half to three-quarters of this load falling within 
 the ARA study area. A Department staff member stated that she was unable 
 to determine whether there was actually more mental illness per popula- 
 tion within the study area than in other areas. 
 
 The Department attempts to treat the patient in a state hospital for 
 a short time and then place him back in this environment under the super- 
 vision of a psychiatric social worker on the theory that a patient will 
 recover much faster than if kept in an institution for a long period of 
 time. The Department policy is to visit each patient at least once every 
 three months. The Department attempts to discharge patients within a 
 year. 
 
 In addition to serving the mentally ill, the Department also serves 
 
 the mentally retarded and geriatric patients. The "Final Report on the 
 
 Long-Range Plan of the Department of Mental Hygiene," for the State 
 
 Senate Committee on Governmental Administration, I963, describes the 
 
 problems with these patients: 
 
 -The two groups, which include nearly 50 percent of the 
 in-patient case load of state mental hospitals, are the mentally 
 retarded and the geriatric patients. The basic problems identify- 
 ing these two groups, mental limitation on the one hand, and physi- 
 cal and mental deterioration on the other, are not the kind of 
 ailments which will be cured by psychotherapy. Their being in a 
 mental institution, and therefore classed as mental patients, 
 
33 
 
 deprives the State of California of appreciable sums irom 
 federal government which have already been "budgeted and are 
 available under the program for Medical Aid to the Aged and 
 Aid to the Totally Disabled. It is ironic that the abnormal 
 behavior of many of these patients is not the primary cause 
 of their institutionalization; rather, their abnormal 
 behavior is the result of their institutionalization. 
 
 2. Program 
 
 The goals of the Department are spelled out in the Final Report on 
 
 the "Long-Range Plan of the Department of Mental Hygiene," prepared for 
 
 the State Senate Committee on Governmental Administration, 19^3: 
 
 Overall aim is decentralization of treatment and the increase 
 of private, as well as, local public mental health services. Decen- 
 tralization will result in the utilization of untapped resources, 
 particularly living, recreational and medical services which would 
 all have to be duplicated in non-community based facilities. Accord- 
 ing to all indications, the operation of state institutions is 
 uneconomical in terms of results, because their very size and isola- 
 tion from the community tends to aggravate the problems of mental 
 illness. 
 
 Community-based Programs: The highly important community- 
 based programs available today range from extra-mural services, 
 designed for release of hospital patients as soon as they have 
 received maximum benefit from in-patient programs, through the day 
 treatment center operation, State Mental Hygiene clinic programs, 
 and community service under the Short-Doyle Act which are aimed at 
 providing treatment and precluding the necessity of state hospita- 
 lization. 
 
 The goals stated above are implemented by a program which 
 includes home leave, family care, work placement, after care, and conva- 
 lescent service in relation to the placing of selected patients in pri- 
 vate institutions licensed by the Department. 
 
 The following specific programs merit further elaboration: 
 A. Friendship Clubs 
 
 The Department sponsors, in cooperation with the city and 
 
 county, these recreational clubs with the aim of integrating 
 
 out-patients from the state hospitals into the community. The 
 
3U 
 
 clubs utilize city and county facilities and their staffs. 
 
 The activities include folk dances, trips, social gatherings, etc. 
 
 There are clubs in the Exposition Park and Green Meadows areas. 
 
 B. Family Care 
 
 This is a program of foster home care for persons who have 
 been under treatment in California state hospitals for the mentally 
 retarded. It is designed for persons who no longer need to be in 
 the hospital but have no other suitable living plan available. By 
 offering a warm, friendly, family atmosphere, Family Care enables 
 some patients to move on to a more independent living situation. 
 Some patients may need only Family Care for a short time. For some 
 it may be a permanent plan. Patients who go to Family Care are 
 first approved by the hospital staff. Social workers in the 
 
 Department of Mental Hygiene select patients for a particular home 
 
 V 
 and provide some supervision for the home. 
 
 C. After Care Facilities 
 
 "An after care patient no longer requires 24-hour hospital 
 care, but is still in need of the medical and psychiatric care, 
 
 and the social services that are provided by the staff of the 
 
 ,,2/ 
 individual after care facility. 
 
 D. Therapy 
 
 The Department's psychiatric social worker treats the patient 
 in his home or at the Department office. The sessions with the 
 
 1/ "Final Report on the Long-Range Plan of the Department of Mental Hygiene 
 Report to the State Senate Committee on Governmental Administration, 
 1963. 
 
 2/ Ibid. 
 
35' 
 
 patient are generally croup and/or family centered. The entire 
 family, if the patient has one, is asked to participate with the 
 patient in these therapy sessions because the family is often the 
 group from which the patient's problems originate. In addition to 
 the group therapy sessions, the psychiatric social workers utilize 
 the services of the Department of Employment for job placement, 
 staff psychiatrists from local hospitals, the Department of Voca- 
 tional Rehabilitation, etc. When a patient is discharged, he is 
 settled and has a financial plan worked out by which to support 
 himself. 
 E. Sheltered Workshops 
 
 These workshops are for out-patients who cannot be immediately 
 employed at conventional jobs. These patients can be employed 
 in the workshops and receive a living wage for their labors. Some 
 patients are given training for positions they may eventually 
 qualify for in private industry. 
 3- Staff 
 
 This office employs seven psychiatric social workers, with the 
 case load averaging about 100-plus cases per worker. Three additional 
 psychiatric social workers are needed, as a case load of 50-75 would 
 be preferable. A shortage of trained psychiatric social workers, rather 
 than a shortage of funds, is the primary reason for this office being 
 understaffed. 
 k. Mental Health Survey South Central Los Angeles 
 
 Below are the conclusions and recommendations of the "Mental 
 Health Survey on the Needs and Facilities" in the South Central Area; 
 prepared by the South Central Area Welfare Planning Council. Although 
 
36 
 
 the report was made in 1958, its evaluation of the problems of mental health 
 
 remains relevant today. 
 
 From information documented in the preceding parts of this report, 
 there are definite indications of a considerable volume of mental 
 and emotional problems affecting all groups in our South Central Area 
 with children, aged and delinquents being affected with considerable 
 acuteness. Free and low cost mental health services seem most 
 accessible to veterans first and children second. However, it is 
 apparent that a great gap exists between the meager availability 
 and existence of services and the tremendous community mental health 
 needs of our 6^0,000 residents in the South Central Area. 
 
 Large appropriations of public funds are needed. Any appro- 
 priation short of this would be, at best, a palliative measure. 
 However, large or small, every dollar, public or private, which can 
 be raised for needed community mental health services is sorely 
 needed. 
 
 Should funds become available to purchase the needed services, 
 it would be important, first, to strengthen basic existing services 
 in the area by expanding staff and facilities and by reviewing work 
 methods and the patient referral process. Second, there would be 
 also a need to create new services. 
 
 With these thoughts in mind, the following proposed recommendations 
 are presented for your consideration with the understanding that they 
 can be modified pending the completion of the County-wide Mental 
 Health Survey Report and the involvement of other persons whose know- 
 ledge, experience and leadership can further assist us in the implement- 
 ation of the recommendations that are finally adopted. 
 
 Therefore, with no priorities implied at this time, our pro- 
 posed recommendations are presented as follows: 
 
 That agencies, jointly, on their own, or with the professional 
 schools, provide advanced training for their staffs, especially 
 at the worker level, to help improve their understanding of 
 and abilities in the identification and detection of mental 
 and emotional problems of their clients. 
 
 That agencies, jointly, or in cooperation with the Welfare 
 Planning Council, sponsor workshops to develop improved methods 
 and procedures for executing inter-agency referrals of clients 
 needing psychiatric services. 
 
 That agencies make every effort to utilize staff who are 
 trained to detect mental and emotional problems of clients in the 
 intake process of their agencies. 
 
•37 
 
 That community organisations, i.e., service clubs, PTA's, 
 veteran groups, church groups, social clubs, etc., sponsor 
 community mental health education programs . 
 
 That State, County and City Boards of Education institute 
 a more active program of mental health education in the 
 curriculum. 
 
 'That city and county health centers located throughout the 
 South Central Area include mental health in their public 
 health services. 
 
 That churches sponsor community mental health clinics . 
 
 'That hospitals in the South Central Area provide beds for 
 psychiatric patients in accordance with state standards per 
 population. 
 
 That hospitals in the South Central Area provide a day and 
 night program for psychiatric patients who then can be 
 treated as they continue their work in the community. 
 
 That insurance underwriters broaden their health insurance 
 policies to cover costs for psychiatric care without increas- 
 ing premiums beyond the means of the average wage earner. 
 
 That budgetary groups and agency administrators upgrade 
 staff salaries to curb the current upswing in our costly 
 staff turnover due to inadequate salaries . 
 
 That all members of professional associations engaged in the 
 field of mental health be called upon to function in the 
 implementation of community mental health services. 
 
 That the Welfare Planning Council, Los Angeles Region, 
 develop standards and guides which can be used by local citi- 
 zen groups to measure and determine for themselves the types 
 of mental health services needed for a given community. 
 
 •That the Council and its total constituency, individually 
 urge the Los Angeles Board of Supervisors to create a Los 
 Angeles County Mental Health Services and appoint an Advisory 
 Board as a step toward enabling the county to take advantage 
 of the benefits provided under the State Community Mental 
 Health Services Act ( Short-Doyle Act). 
 
 That the Welfare Planning Council, Los Angeles Region, re- 
 view "The Plan for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency" 
 proposed in 1953 to determine if and how the concepts and 
 recommendations of the report regarding the diagnostic, 
 referral and treatment aspects could be implemented as 
 possible community mental health services under the Short- 
 Doyle Act. 
 
38 
 
 That the Welfare Planning Council and other citizen organi- 
 zations and their constituents individually contact their 
 respective legislators to enlist their support on social 
 legislative measures regarding mental health services. 
 
 "That the South Central Area Welfare Planning Council and the 
 Welfare Planning Council, Los Angeles Region, create an 
 appropriate committee or committees to assure the implementa- 
 tion of the various recommendations having area and regional 
 implications, respectively. 
 
39 
 VI 
 
 LOS ANGELES COUNTY DEPARTMENT OF SENIOR CITIZENS AFFAIRS 
 
 1. Background of Department, Area Served, Facilities 
 
 The Los Angeles Department of Senior Citizens Affairs is an out- 
 growth of the Los Angeles County Committee on the Affairs of the Aging 
 which was appointed by the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors to 
 advise the Board on the problems and programs for senior citizens. 
 This Committee recommended that a county department be established 
 which resulted in the formation of such an agency for senior citizens 
 under the Department of Charities in i960. In 1962, this agency became 
 a separate department of county government. With so much of the 
 governmental efforts focused on youth, the function of the Department 
 is to provide services for the aged citizen. 
 
 In addition to the Los Angeles County Committee on Affairs of the 
 Aging, there are local committees on aging which cooperate with the 
 Department. Within the ARA study area, there are four local Committees 
 on Aging (East Los Angeles, South Central, Hollywood-Wilshire, and 
 Southwest). The East Los Angeles Committee is bilingual and serves, 
 not only as a local committee, but also as an advisory committee on 
 the problems of the Mexican -Americans for the entire county. The pur- 
 pose of the local committees is to evolve, from the grass roots level, 
 programs tailored to the problems of a particular locale. Coordination 
 between the various local committees is achieved through the Affiliated 
 Committee on Aging where each local committee is represented. 
 
 2. Population Served 
 
 The Department of Senior Citizens Affairs and the local Committees 
 on Aging serve primarily people age 65 and older and all retired 
 
 785-893 0-65-37 
 
ko 
 
 people age 50 and over residing in Los Angeles County. It is extremely 
 difficult for the Department to ascertain the actual number of people 
 that it directly aids. The Department estimates that 22,000 people 
 are reached a year by the Information Day programs alone. 
 
 The number of Senior Citizens in the ARA study area is significant. 
 To cite a few census tract statistics compiled by the Department, 
 28.4 percent of the population for tract 2079 are age 65 or over, 
 14.1 percent of tract 2095, 24.1 percent of tract 2096, 12. k percent of 
 tract 2097, and 21.8 percent of tract 2098. The Department has no 
 estimates on the number of people age 65 or over actually contacted or 
 served by it in the study area. 
 3. Facilities 
 
 The lack of funds has made physical decentralization of the Depart- 
 ment a present impossibility. Thus, there are no facilities outside 
 the main office located in the old Hall of Records. 
 h. Programs 
 
 The focus of the Department programs is on activities for the 
 retired individual and, therefore, there are few services designed for 
 the procurement of employment. The Department program includes the 
 following: 
 A. Senior Citizens Month 
 
 The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors has proclaimed 
 May as Senior Citizens Month. During May, the Board of Super- 
 visors gives special recognition to selected senior citizens 
 (generally those in their 100 's) by presenting them with a scroll 
 at a Board meeting. The Mexican -American senior citizens are 
 given additional recognition at a fiesta in the Los Angeles Plaza 
 on the last Sunday in May. 
 
ill 
 
 B. Orientation Programs 
 
 The Department assists other agencies (e.g.., U.S. Army) in 
 sponsoring retirement orientation prograns. Presently , the Depart- 
 ment is advising the city school system's adult education division 
 en a retirement planning course. The course is designed to 
 examine the prohlcms arising from a changed way of life and to 
 provide information on services for retired senior citizens. 
 
 C. Information Day Programs 
 
 In these programs a number of private and public agencies 
 make presentations describing their services for seniors. The 
 Department estimates that approximately 22,000 seniors attend 
 these information Day programs per year. 
 
 D. Counseling 
 
 The Department has one full-time counselor who deals with the 
 problems of the aged on a group or individual basis. This staff 
 person will refer seniors to the counseling services of the local 
 health and welfare agencies, if the situation merits. 
 
 E. Recreation Programs 
 
 The Department encourages seniors to participate in such 
 recreational activities as the bowling programs for senior citizens 
 sponsored by local alleys. The Department has also been able to 
 obtain reduced prices for seniors at six movie theaters and 
 reduced fares on the MTA. 
 
 F. Consultant to Other Agencies and Companies 
 
 The Department is a consultant on problems of aging to such 
 organizations as the 60, 000- member Association of Retired County 
 Employees and "Grandcraft" (an outlet where seniors may sell 
 
1+2 
 
 their crafts). The Department also advises private agencies on 
 such matters as how to set up and run a convalescence home for 
 the aged. 
 Communication 
 
 A. Between the Agency and the Public 
 
 This agency has an extensive public information program 
 aimed at satisfying the needs of older people who often have 
 difficulty determining what "benefits are offered by what agencies 
 and ascertaining the complexities of qualifying for these bene- 
 fits. This agency utilizes the following channels in contacting 
 the public : 
 
 1. Local Committees on Aging 
 
 2. Agency field representatives 
 
 3- News column in the Citizen which discusses the problems 
 of senior citizens. 
 
 k. Spot radio announcements concerning senior citizen 
 activities. 
 
 5. Department speakers who appear at community gatherings. 
 
 6. Fifteen minute radio program over KFI every Thursday 
 evening where the representatives of the various 
 community agencies which offer assistance to the aged 
 are interviewed. 
 
 7. Central Register (discussed below) --This division has 
 just recently separated from the D.S.CA. and is now a 
 separate department of county government. 
 
 B. Interagency Communications 
 
 D.S.CA. (Department of Senior Citizens Affairs) keeps in 
 touch with the activities of other agencies through the following 
 means : 
 
 1. Exchanging bulletins with other agencies. 
 
h3 
 
 2. Department's field representatives who make it their 
 job to "be familiar with the services offered to 
 seniors by other agencies . 
 
 3- Central Register 
 
 This newly established agency provides a referral 
 service for older persons seeking shelter- care 
 facilities. The agency's cross-index lists boarding 
 and care homes for the aged, nursing hemes, and 
 sanitariums for the emotionally and mentally dis- 
 turbed. The agency gives detailed information on 
 such matters as costs, facilities, and personnel to 
 meet specific needs; e.g., language problems. 
 
kk 
 
 VII 
 
 LOS ANGELES COUNT! DISTRICT ATTORNEY- -FAILURE TO PROVIDE DIVISION 
 
 Metro South Office 
 
 1. Area Served 
 
 The area serviced by the Metro South Office is region seven 
 which is encompassed by Alameda Boulevard on the east, Olympic on 
 the north, Crenshaw on the west, and Manchester on the south. 
 
 2. Case Load 
 
 The case load of region seven, which is handled by the Metro 
 South Office, is second in volume for Los Angeles County. 
 
 The statistics for February, 196*4-, an average month, show 
 that the Metro South Office disposed of 6l6 cases, reopened 287 
 cases and received U13 new cases from the Bureau of Public 
 Assistance, which supplies the District Attorney with most of the 
 new cases . 
 
 The factual pattern of all cases generally flows from the 
 situation where the father has deserted his wife and family and 
 has failed to fulfill his legal obligation of providing for the 
 children. A precondition to a mother's receiving financial aid 
 from the Bureau of Public Assistance is that she sign a complaint 
 charging her husband with failing to provide for the family. After 
 a case has been investigated and the father has not been located, 
 the case is placed in the inactive file where it remains until 
 new information merits the reopening of the case. Presently, there 
 are approximately 8,200 cases in the active file and some 17,010 
 in the inactive category. 
 
U5 
 
 The California State Legislature has passed the Burton-Miller 
 Act, which includes a new welfare program known as Aid to Families 
 with Dependent Children, in an effort to reduce the large number 
 of desertion cases. Under AFDC, a family would become eligible 
 for welfare aid without the condition precedent of the desertion 
 of the father. Thus, the father could remain in the home and the 
 family would still be eligible for public assistance. A spokesman 
 for the Bureau of Public Assistance noted that since the passage 
 of the Burton -Miller Act, the public assistance case load of 
 deserted families has not decreased. Rather, the case load of 
 deserted families and families under AFDC have both increased. 
 
 3« Agency Structure 
 
 The District Attorney — Failure to Provide Division divides 
 Los Angeles County into eight regions served by ten offices, which 
 are identical to the eight Bureau of Public Assistance regions. 
 The Metro South Office (region seven) has a staff of six clerical 
 personnel and four investigators. There is a reorganization move- 
 ment now under way that will result in the B.P.A. taking over the 
 investigating duties now administered by the District Attorney's 
 staff. The District Attorney's office will then be able to devote 
 full time to the prosecuting of fathers who fail to provide . 
 
 k. Agency Activities 
 
 The overall objective of the District Attorney- -Failure to 
 Provide Division is not to prosecute a father who has deserted his 
 family, but rather to get him to agree to pay his family a certain 
 
U6 
 
 amount per month for support. If a man shows a desire to 
 cooperate in good faith, the District Attorney will not 
 prosecute him on the philosophy that the man in the South 
 Central Los Angeles area should be given a break because of 
 cultural and educational deprivation. 
 
 Even so, about four or five men per month from the 
 Metro South Office case load are given a one-year jail 
 sentence. Generally, these men are either making money and 
 refusing to pay, or they have been unreasonable in not 
 attempting to find a job. 
 
 If a father is convicted arid incarcerated, he receives 
 only two dollars per day, or sixty dollars per month, during 
 his confinement. Therefore, it is to the welfare agencies' 
 advantage to keep him out of jail in the hope that his job 
 can enable him to pay more than sixty dollars per month. 
 The County's Chief Administrative Officer has requested that 
 the District Attorney's Office focus its activities on those 
 fathers who are financially best able to pay in an effort to 
 reduce the expense of the welfare programs. 
 
hi 
 
 VIII 
 USC YOUTH STUDY CEKTER 
 
 The University of Southern California 's'.Ycuth Study Center, financed 
 by the Ford Foundation, is an outgrowth of the President's Committee on 
 Delinquency. The Center focuses its activities on research and training 
 programs which include, but often extend beyond, delinquency problems. 
 
 The Center has conducted such research projects as the Santa 
 Monica Study on Delinquency Prevention. Among the many facets explored 
 by the study, one was a recognition of a distinct discrepancy between 
 the areas in which there was a high delinquency rate and the location 
 of agencies whose programs bore upon delinquency prevention. As a 
 result of these findings, a number of agencies relocated their offices 
 in the areas where the delinquency rate was high. 
 
 The training programs conducted by the Center are aimed at the 
 practitioners. For example, the Center set up a training program for 
 the staff of the Youth Opportunities Board. More recently, the Center 
 has devised a training program for the upper management personnel of 
 public and private agencies. Among the many topics to be considered 
 the following ore included: 
 
 A. The Changing Role of Agenices 
 
 With the coming of the War on Poverty, more federal money will be 
 pumped into local public agenices, the result being that more programs 
 now offered by private agencies will be offered on a larger scale by- 
 public agenices. The question then becomes: What should the role of 
 
kQ 
 
 the private agency be? Should it be a referral center where the public 
 seeks information concerning the services offered by the public 
 agencies, or should the private agencies press for federal grants to 
 
 B. Public Agency Problems of Physical Decentralization without Program 
 Decentrali zation 
 
 The problem actually goes deeper than a failure on the part of 
 some agencies to tailor programs to the specific needs of various 
 areas of the metropolitan complex. The problem also involves central- 
 ized personnel policies. 
 
 For example, to transfer a director with a middle-class background 
 from the Westwood agency office to the South Central Los Angeles office 
 may be more of a disservice than a service to the minority groups of 
 the depressed South Central area. 
 
 C. The Narrowness of Bureaucratic Thinking 
 
 Another area that will be explored is the success or failure of 
 agencies to concern themselves with problems outside their fixed area 
 of responsibility. For example, perhaps a unified approach should 
 be pursued on the problems of unemployment. Another topic for discus- 
 sion will be whether department heads place too much emphasis on being 
 administrators (keeping the agency running smoothly), with total lack 
 of emphasis on being innovators who create imaginative approaches to 
 cope with the changing needs of the community served. 
 
U9 
 
 IX 
 
 SALVATION ARMY 
 
 The Tabernacle Corps 
 
 The Tabernacle Corps is moving from 4800 South Hoover 
 Street to Hollywood during the summer of 1964. The relocation 
 was precipitated by two factors. First, the land on which 
 the present facilities rest has been condemned for a community 
 park by the Department of Parks and Recreation. Secondly, 
 with the influx of Negroes , there has been little or no 
 involvement by the residents of the neighborhood in the 
 programs offered by the Tabernacle Corps , which are of a 
 religious and musical variety. 
 
 The Corps has, from time to time, conducted extensive 
 campaigns to interest the community in its activities . For 
 example, several years ago, the Army waged a door-to-door 
 visitation drive where approximately 1000 people were contacted. 
 The drive netted negligible results as no new members were 
 brought into the Corps. 
 
 In the last several years , only one Negro family has 
 participated in the Corps . The Negroes in the area prefer 
 to attend the Negro churches and missions, of which there are 
 many. 
 
 The present membership of the Tabernacle Corps consists of 
 approximately 200 adults, plus their children. Since most of 
 
50 
 
 the members have moved outside the immediate area served by the Corps, 
 
 the Cori-.'e now -location in Hollywood will he closer to homes of" its 
 
 members. 
 
 Salvation Army Family Service Department 
 
 1. Population Served 
 
 The Salvation Army Family Service Department serves the general 
 population in the ARA study area and also men and women incarcerated 
 in county and city jails and nearby federal and state institutions. 
 There are no restrictions as to age, sex, race, or religion except 
 that the agency endeavors to follow the patterns of community 
 service, referring appropriate clients to sectarian agencies 
 which offer services to their particular group. 
 
 2. Facilities 
 
 The Family Service Department, which is now located at °l6 
 Francisco Street, occupies a well-constructed building with ten 
 offices, a large conference room, a reception room, and an intake 
 reception desk which allows clients privacy while applications 
 are being taken. It is located close to other social agencies, 
 
 which permits referral of clients with little inconvenience 
 
 2/ 
 
 to them. 
 
 3. Fees and Membership 
 
 There are no fees, charges for services, or membership 
 requirements for clients in the agency. 
 
 1/ Welfare Federation of Los Angeles Area, "Survey of Community 
 Chest Agencies," 1961. 
 
 2/ Ibid. 
 3/ Ibid. 
 
51 
 
 h. Program 
 
 A. Counseling 
 
 The Family Service Department offers both individual and 
 family counseling services. The ongoing case load is approx- 
 imately 100;, which is handled by four case workers. There is 
 no waiting list, as the Department can either provide immediate 
 counseling services or refer the client to the proper agency. 
 
 B. Emergency Financial Assistance 
 
 The United Way allocates funds to the Army so that it 
 may provide money to members of the Protestant faith in case 
 of emergency. The United I. 7 ay makes similar grants to the 
 Catholic and the Jewish Welfare Agencies to care for the 
 members of those faiths. 
 
 C. Services to Legal Offenders 
 
 The agency's service to legal offenders and their families 
 continues to be an important part of the program and includes 
 periouic visits to jails and institutions for the purpose of 
 assisting legal offenders with whatever social problems they 
 may present, as well as providing sponsorship and advice for 
 both state and federal parolees. This consists of a constructive 
 casework service, the use of financial assistance when indicated 
 during the parolee's initial period of adjustment, and service 
 to the family which may assure the rehabilitation of the man 
 at the time of his release, supporting him in his return to 
 the community and his reestablishment in the family. Prison 
 
52 
 
 authorities and parole agents are eager for and sincerely 
 
 it/ 
 appreciate this type of service. 
 
 D. Women's Emergency Lodge 
 
 The Women's Emergency Lodge, located at 912 West Ninth 
 street, is operated by the Department and is a constant 
 resource for other social agencies, as well as for mothers 
 and children who make personal application for temporary 
 housing in the community. It is also used by the police 
 and sheriff's department who bring stranded families to the 
 agency for temporary food and shelter. This program has been 
 in effect for about ten years , but during the past year the 
 need for the service has increased markedly. Funds were pro- 
 vided by a group of interested persons for some necessary 
 interior remodeling, and it is interesting to note that the 
 
 cost of operation of this facility has not been added as 
 
 11 
 
 an additional item of expense to the Department budget. 
 
 E. Missing Persons Department 
 
 The Army will also search for missing persons on an 
 international basis if the reason for the search is legitimate. 
 
 5- Communication 
 
 The Family Service Department is in constant contact 
 with other public and private agencies. Other agencies are 
 aware of its services and refer many people to it. The 
 lack of personnel has restrained intensive public information 
 
 4/ Ibid . """ 
 
 5/ Ibid. 
 
53 
 
 programs on the agency's services. 
 
 When the services oi' the Department are publicized, the 
 Department has been swamped with requests which the already 
 overburdened staff must attempt to meet. Such an instance 
 arose last year when an article in Reader's Digest on its 
 Missing Persons Bureau flooded the Los Angeles Department 
 with requests. 
 
 Salvation Army Red Shield Youth Center 
 
 1. Population Served 
 
 Membership consists of boys and girls 6 to lC years of age, 
 with no restriction as to race, religion, or economic status. 
 The area served is that bounded by Vermont on the west, Third 
 Street on the north, Figueroa on the east, and Adams on the south. 
 The membership fee is nominal. It covers all trips and use of all 
 facilities. VJhere a boy or girl cannot fulfill the obligation, 
 arrangements are made whereby they work out their membership. 
 
 The ethnic composition of the membership consists largely 
 of Latin Americans with a smaller number of Negroes. In April, 
 196k, the members numbered 26? girls and 500 boys, with the 
 expectation of 10C0 boys participating by summer vacation. 
 
 2. Facilities 
 
 The Red Shield Youth Center was started as a demonstration 
 project by the Junior League. It has gradually been taken over by 
 the Salvation Army. The facilities provided by the Junior League 
 and the Salvation Army comprise the Red Shield Boy's Club, the 
 Junior League Girls' Club, and the Harry Chandler Memorial Pool. 
 
5^ 
 
 The Boy's Club occupies a two- story brick building near Union 
 Avenue on Eleventh Street. Facilities include a 120 x 75 foot 
 gymnasium, off ices , workshop, game rooms, recreation rooms, 
 craft room j club room, library, television room, canteen and 
 kitchen, railroad room, machine shops, and incidental facilities. 
 A large outdoor playground adjoining the facility was acquired 
 in 1957. 
 
 The Junior League Girls' Club occupies an adjoining one- 
 story brick building which is ideally fitted for a complete 
 girls' club program with large, inviting rooms for domestic science, 
 recreation and leisure time, cosmetology, study, games, classes, 
 etc. The Girls' Club uses the gymnasium in the main building 
 and the pool. 
 
 The Harry Chandler Memorial Pool provides an ideal indoor- 
 outdoor swimming facility to serve both Boys' and Girls' Clubs 
 and is located adjacent to the two club buildings, separated by 
 a patio. The pool is 30 x 75 in dimension, from 3 to 8 feet in 
 depth. There are three large "slide-up" doors which can be 
 opened in the summer, making it almost like an outdoor pool. 
 In the winter the building is heated. 
 
 Program 
 
 The newly appointed agency director and program director are 
 in the process of evaluating the services provided. Hence the 
 future program of the Center has not been formulated. However, 
 below is the program currently being offered (Spring, 1964.). The 
 present program is characterized by a fostering of a child's 
 
 6/ Ibid , 
 
55 
 
 physical, spiritual, and emotional growth, as well as aiding the 
 child's family. Thus, in addition to specific programs for 
 the children, the Center attempts to reach the family through 
 such devices as Mothers' Clubs. 
 
 A. Girls' Activities 
 
 1. Classes in sewing, cooking, drama, art, and swimming. 
 Approximately 100 girls participate in this program, which is 
 supervised by Junior League volunteers. 
 
 2. Friendship Groups - These are social groups in which 
 approximately 190 girls participate. 
 
 3. Free Play - This is part of the Center's openhand policy 
 to introduce children to the Center. However, the Center is 
 attempting to cut down on free play time since the Center's 
 primary focus is not that of being an open playground. There 
 
 is also the belief that more children can be helped in supervised 
 group activities. 
 
 h. Special Events - This includes field trips, etc. 
 
 B. Co-ed Activities 
 
 1. Scholarship Art Club - This is part of a cultural 
 enrichment program financed by the Junior League, with those 
 children with artistic ability invited to join. The Club 
 activities are supervised by a professional painter. 
 
 2. Co-ed Club - This is a social organization that convenes 
 every Friday evening for meals and folk games. 
 
 785-893 0-65-38 
 
56 
 
 C. Boys 1 Activities 
 
 1. Leisure or Free Plaj - Facilities are available to 
 play pool, chess, etc. 
 
 2. Physical Education Programs - This includes classes in 
 weight lifting, trampoline, etc. 
 
 3. Clubs, e.g., Chess Club, Space Club. 
 h. Aquatics Program. 
 
 k. Problems and Approaches in Program Implementation 
 
 One of the problems that the Center attempts to deal with is 
 that of cultural adjustment, as most of the youth served are 
 Latin-Americans. For example, the Latin-American picture of 
 authority is that of strict, rigid authority as fostered by the 
 father. The family is generally not consulted on decisions to 
 be made, but rather told what to do by the father. When a child 
 from this type of upbringing finds himself in a non-authoritarian 
 group situation at the Center, he still expects an authoritarian 
 figure to tell the group what to do. Instead, he finds that the 
 responsibility for decision-making rests upon him and every other 
 member of the group, which is a democratic concept foreign to 
 many Latin-Americans' way of thinking. Uhile this democratic 
 decision-making method is difficult at first, the Center's 
 program director believes the method is sn excellent way of 
 building self-esteem and confidence— attitudes that are lacking 
 among many of the Center's youth who feel that there is no 
 place for them in a complex urban world. 
 
57 
 
 The group end club activities, plus the individual counseling, 
 are thus aimed at developing within a child the feeling of "being 
 wanted and being useful. There is also a sincere effort to 
 recognize and accept the individual's differences and to view 
 them in a positive manner . 
 
 5 . Staff 
 
 Presently, the staff consists of three full-time positions, 
 plus several volunteers. The Center needs five full-time 
 employees, plus two part-time female workers and one part-time 
 male worker. In addition, the physical education program requires 
 one part-time male and one part-time female employee. 
 
 6. Communication 
 
 The staff has not devoted time recently to developing ex- 
 tensive communications channels, since they have been occupied 
 with reworking the Center's program, nevertheless, many referrals 
 to the Center come through the school authorities. 
 
 Thus far, there has been little interagency communi cation 
 although just recently the area Coordinating Council has been 
 reactivated. 
 
58 
 
 THE AVALON- CENTRAL DEMONSTRATION PROJECT 
 
 The Avalon Community Center, financed with both public and 
 private funds, is located in the heart of the Los Angeles Negro 
 community. Its most important current effort is a demonstration 
 project, best described by a staff member of the Center: 
 
 This two-year project; begun in. July 19&2, has the broad 
 focus of community development. It aims at helping people to 
 strengthen and improve themselves, their families, and neighbor- 
 hoods. It seeks to translate the traditional concern of the 
 settlement- center for the whole of neighborhood life into 
 programs which can help toward change in the deep pattern of 
 problems which has come to be typical of the Negro urban slum 
 community, which Avalon- Central represents. 
 
 This project involves joint cooperation and financing 
 between the State Department of Social Welfare, Los Angeles 
 County Bureau of Public Assistance and the Avalon Community 
 Center. SDSW funds account for about k0% of the Center's 
 $60,000.00 budget, but the project involves 100$ of the Center's 
 resources. 
 
 The Avalon Community Center Project is an advance skirmish 
 in the War on Poverty. Its experience has already opened up new 
 approaches to the problems of poor people, particularly poor 
 people who receive public assistance. Its basic demonstration 
 
59 
 
 has been that poverty is a ueigaborhooa problem and must be 
 attacked in the neighborncod and that small private agencies 
 and large government agencies can forn an effective combat team 
 in this War! 
 
 The Project provides for two full- tine program staff and 
 part of a third worker's tine. Project Program emphases to date 
 include: 
 
 1. Family Group Uorker - The family group worker vorks with 
 groups of mothers offering informal group experiences, 
 adult education classes (sewing, home management 
 skills ; parent education), and counseling. She serves 
 as the key contact between the family and the Center 
 
 in helping involve family members in various aspects 
 of the total Center program. 
 
 2. Neighborhood Organisation - The neighborhood organiza- 
 tion worker develops and works with small neighborhood 
 problem- solving groups of adults concerned with their 
 neighborhoods. Identification and training of indigenous 
 leaders and development of organization connecting 
 these neighborhood groups in community-wide improvement 
 is an integral paid; of this work. 
 
 3. Youth Leadership . School , and Special Projects - This 
 third emphasis relates to special and on- going Center 
 programs aimed at development of. .leadership in work 
 with children and youth from elementary school through 
 college, cultural enrichment programs, and projects 
 
6o 
 
 focused on school drop-outs 5 absenteeism, motivation for 
 education; and youth employment. 
 
 The project then .see:. .3 to demonstrate that services 
 with this pattern- self- help steps , group experiences , and 
 neighborhood problem- solving efforts can have important 
 consequences for a community with many public welfare 
 problems . 
 
 The parallel and related B.P.A. joint project titled 
 'Teamwork Between a Community Center and a Public Assistance 
 Agency to Reduce Problems of Dependency and to Raise Social 
 Valacs in a Deprived neighborhood 1 is scheduled to involve 
 100 public assistance families in the Avalon- Central area 
 (primarily A.N. C. families). Three B.P.A. caseworkers 
 and a supervising caseworker will work cooperatively with 
 the Center staff in helping these families. 35 families 
 have been selected to date primarily on the basis of 
 B.P.A. assessment of the possible relevance of Center 
 participation to change for the family. The B.P.A. case- 
 worker and family group worker discuss and plan for the 
 involvement of family members in Center program as a part 
 of B.P.A.'s overall treatment plan for the family. 
 
 The Welfare Planning Council Research Department is 
 working on a plan for evaluation of the project which 
 will include developing ways to look at and measure 
 community growth and change, as well as specific evaluative 
 procedures relating to particular programs and sub-projects 
 
61 
 
 (for example a closer look at the dynamics of citizen 
 participation in neighborhood problem solving) . 
 
 An important phase of the demonstration project has been the 
 establishment of the South Central Inter-Agency Committee. The 
 philosophy behind such an inter- agency committee is set forth in a 
 paper, "The Neighborhood Approach," by Opal Jones and Tim Sampson: 
 
 These facts of inter-relatedness of problems and neces- 
 sity for individual change to be related to community 
 change dictate that at very least specialized service agencies 
 must increase their awareness of what each other is doing! 
 There must be a pooling of knowledge of people, problems 
 and community. Service attempts must be reciprocal and 
 related, not redundant and working at cross purposes. 
 Public assistance employment counseling and retraining 
 programs must complement, supplement and coordinate with 
 Employment Service efforts. Public assistance literacy 
 programs must relate to adult education and even creatively 
 to elementary school programs. 
 
 ) 
 Actually there are formal and informal efforts to achieve 
 
 this kind of relatedness , communication and coordination of 
 
 services. For several reasons, however, present attempts 
 
 are often inadequate and ineffective. One factor involves 
 
 the level of coordination. Particularly where large public 
 
 agencies are involved, coordination at the top (or even at 
 
 middle administrative and supervisory levels) while helpful, 
 
62 
 
 is just not effective where it eomits— in the neighborhood, 
 in relation to people. Conversely, worker-to-worker efforts 
 
 in relation to particular "cases" may be frustrated by 
 lack of an administrative framework or climate in support 
 of such efforts . 
 
 And even when there is relatively pood communication and 
 coordination between specialized service agencies, at all 
 levels, this coordination may not do much to make the services 
 more effective because its focus may only be in terms again 
 of individual change. More effective help for individuals 
 and families, while certainly desirable and important, 
 again fails to offer much to change the pattern of forces 
 which contributes so crucially to the problems of people 
 in the trap ghetto neighborhood. 
 
 One of the basic weaknesses of traditional coordination 
 of services efforts is that it is simply an addition of 
 several specialized services which is achieved. Each 
 service agency has carved out a piece of the neighborhood 
 problem j of the problems which people in the neighborhood 
 experience as a pattern. Unfortunately, the social problems 
 which form the neighborhood's social reality have more 
 "pieces" than there are specialized service agencies: and 
 the pieces which the agencies divide the neighborhood social 
 reality into, don't fit' together! Often the people's 
 problems "fall between the agency slats." Almost always 
 the broader, deeper neighborhood problems are not even 
 
63 
 
 considered the .joint concern of such agency coordination 
 
 efforts. The vital questions siich efforts pose are, 
 
 "who speaks here for the community as a whole?" and "whose 
 
 responsibility is community change?" 
 
 However , having set forth the limitations of inter- 
 agency coordination of servj ce efforts it should be clearly 
 stated that such efforts are also important and encouraging 
 in a number of ways. They provide a focal point for the 
 gradual development of a neighborhood-centered awareness 
 of the patterns of people's problems, an opportunity for 
 identification of service gaps and weaknesses in traditional 
 ways of providing services , and perhaps most important , a 
 stimulus for the kind of down to earth creative thinking 
 about these complex social problems which must be done if 
 any "solutions" to basic problems of trap ghettos are to be 
 found. 
 
 On a practical level, the monthly meetings of tiie South Central 
 Inter-Agency Committee serve two primary functions: (l) an exchange 
 of information on services offered between the participating agencies 
 and the representatives of elected officials, and (2) provision of 
 an informal forum where community problems can be discussed and 
 action taken. 
 
 Either the agency heads or lower personnel, or both, have 
 attended the meetings thus far. Unlike the local Coordinating 
 Councils, this Committee consists only of professional staff 
 personnel. 
 
6k 
 
 Thus far;, the Commit bee meetings have proved helpful in en- 
 listing inter- agency support and development of (l) the Wrigley 
 Field Proposal (to make T T rigle.y Field into a "Services Supermarket" 
 which would, house the numerous private and public agencies now 
 scattered throught the area), (2) orientation for new school 
 teachers about the area its people, and problems, and (3) the 
 publishing of a directory of services offered in the area,. 
 
 In addition to improving inter- agency communications, the 
 demonstration project personnel have spearheaded a program to 
 improve the communications between the general public and the 
 public and private agencies. This program grew into the Conference 
 of the Unemployed held on May 7, ly6U. There the representatives 
 of both private and public agencies informed over 1000 unemployed 
 men as to the services they could offer them. 
 
65 
 
 XI 
 
 THE SERHTG OF DISCQKTEKT -- A COMMEKEABY 
 
 The final section of this paper is devoted to an analysis of 
 the opinions expressed or provided in written form by those 
 interviewed for this study. This writer has collected these 
 opinions under five interrelated headings which he believes indicate 
 possible trends in the direction and flow of our community agencies. 
 
 I. CONSOLIDATION OF SERVICES 
 
 There is some evidence to indicate a trend among some agencies 
 toward consolidation of varying types of services. According to 
 some of the agency personnel interviewed, the impetus for such a 
 movement arises from the difficulties of agencies with a limited 
 focus attempting to deal with multi-problem individuals and their 
 families. A single family, for example, may have physical and mental 
 health problems, welfare problems, employment problems, etc. Four 
 or five agencies, e.g., County Health Department , State Department 
 of Mental Hygiene, a neighborhood center, and Department of Employ- 
 ment, may all be serving one family, with each agency being unaware 
 of the activities of another although the problems and their solutions 
 may all be interrelated. 
 
 Some neighborhood centers have as their expressed purpose "to 
 overcome social and economic problems of the community." But one 
 wonders where the machinery is in neighborhood centers to attack 
 the economic problems of the community. As a rule, they do not 
 actively solicit jobs for their clientele nor often campaign to 
 
66 
 
 bring industry in bo the community. Ever; if the neighborhood center 
 social workers solve an individual's social problems., where are the 
 job development and placement personnel to locate an individual in 
 a position? 
 
 The personnel are certainly not down the hall in the same 
 agency or in the same or a nearby building. Rather, the job place- 
 ment specialists are located within another impersonal bureaucratic 
 institution across the city where a less sophisticated applicant 
 may hesitate to go. perhaps the individual has a job but needs 
 remedial instruction in reading and math so that he may advance 
 in his job. Again he must shop around for another institution often 
 inconveniently located to meet his needs. A social worker, because 
 of his large case load, often does not have the time to take his 
 counselee by the hand to guide him through the bureaucratic run- 
 around of the other specialized agencies supposedly geared to aid 
 the counselee with his particular problem. Los Angeles, with its 
 sprawling geographic composition and poor public transportation 
 system, impedes frequent visits to these agencies. 
 
 If the hard-core unemployed only had one or two problems which 
 demanded agency aid, this fragmented approach to services would be 
 appropriate. Although this is not the conscious intent, the 
 fragmented approach to service, in practice, appears to operate 
 as though agency A should solve the individual's problems demanding 
 personal counseling, afterward agency B should attend to his training 
 deficiencies, and then agency C snould deal with his employment 
 problem, etc., etc. In fact, the individual, no doubt, needs 
 counseling, planned recreational activities, health services, and 
 
67 
 
 sp on, vhlle he is at the same time attempting to satisfy his needs 
 in training and employment. But, for the most part, each specific 
 problem is presently treated as a separate entity without diagnosis 
 and treatment of other related problems. 
 
 Some believe that unemployment is a mere symptom of the deeper prob- 
 lems, e.g., lack of training, discrimination, depressed economic 
 environment, cultural deprivation, etc. Only after these deeper problems 
 are solved, can we then tackle an individual's employment problem. However, 
 one agency's staff psychologist countered this argument by pointing out 
 that this is not necessarily the case. Acording to him, if a goal can 
 be formulated and a course of action followed, such as employment vhich 
 provides at least some small measure of success, many of the individual's 
 worries, problems, and deficiencies tend to be less important impediments 
 and may even cease to exist. The analysis that merely getting an individ- 
 ual a job will solve all his problems or that all an individual's 
 problems must be solved before he can be placed on a job averlooks the 
 interrelation of employment and psycho-social environmental problems. In 
 many cases, the individual is best served if the agency can provide 
 counseling, training, health services, and job placement, at tne same 
 time, at the same location. 
 
 A prime example of the consolidation of services in the State 
 of California is the County of San Mateo, which coordinates all its agency 
 services to families through one office. Within the ARA study area, one 
 sees examples of the consolidation of services in the Wrigley Field Pro- 
 posal backed by the Avalon Center and citizen groups. The proposal calls 
 for housing branch offices of public and private agencies within the 
 Wrigley Field facilities to provide a "Supermarket of Services." The Avalon 
 Community Center itself has, in addition to its social and group workers 
 
68 
 
 for it - -; counseling, community action, an3 youth services, a Depart- 
 ment 01 Employment staff member who visits the Center several times 
 a week to aid in job placement. 
 
 The Department of riipioy ment , in addition to its job placement 
 services, has incorporated referrals to training programs as part 
 of its services under the Manpower Development and Training Act. 
 The Department refers applicants to classes in typing, electronic 
 assembly , machine operation, etc. 
 
 The Youth Opportunities Board of Greater Los Angeles, with 
 demonstration projects in both South Central and East Los Angeles „ 
 encompasses three agencies in one — counseling by social workers 
 and employment counselors, training by the Los Angeles County and 
 City School Systems, and job development and placement by former 
 business and labor personnel. Thus, the YOB by its structure and 
 design is equipped to provide a variety of services to the multi- 
 problem youth. 
 
 II. COMMUNICATIONS 
 
 Given a sound agency program, the age-old difficulty arises: 
 how do the agencies communicate their programs to those who have 
 the greatest need for their services, e.g., the hard-core unemployed? 
 The majoricy of the staff personnel interviewed, of both public 
 and private agencies, were not particularly concerned about commu- 
 nication problems with the public. They pointed out that they are 
 already overburdened with too many clients for too few staff members 
 with too limited a budget. To advertise their services would only 
 increase their work load and thus compound their problems. A case 
 in point, as mentioned before, was an agency which was swamped by 
 
69 
 
 inquiries and requests for se.vvice after an article appeared in 
 Reader T 3 Digest describing its visaing persons service. 
 
 Furthermore, soma agencies believe that the press is not 
 interested in writing about an agency's service unless a scandal 
 or some other sensational event has occurred in connection with 
 the service, e.g., welfare chiseling. Others say that smaller, 
 local newspapers want articles on agencies' policies and programs, 
 but do not have the reporting staff to visit the agency for a 
 story. The critics of poor agency communication believe tnat the 
 local press would print agency releases if the agency would make 
 them available. 
 
 All the agencies studied rely upon word of mouth and a few 
 pamphlets in the agency office to tell their story to the public. 
 In addition, many agencies have decentralized their operation in 
 order to reach ::ore people in their local neighborhood. However, 
 many staff personnel believed that bliey were, in large part, in- 
 effective in reaching the herd core who could benefit the most 
 from their services, even though their agencies had been quite 
 successful in involving a considerable number of the community 
 residents. 
 
 Although agencies are cognizant of the communication problem, 
 they offer few imaginative approaches in dealing with.. it. However, 
 there are a few approaches that are noteworthy. The Conference 
 of the Unemployed held at Wrigley Field on May 7, 1?6U, which was 
 fostered by the Avalon Community Center, exposed 1000 unemployed 
 men to large numbers of public and private agencies. Senior 
 
70 
 
 Citizens Day programs, similar to the Conference of the Unemployed, 
 also bring citizens and agencies together. Such programs appear to 
 be a step in the process of "bringing citizens into face-to-face 
 contact with agencies. In addition, the Welfare Information 
 Service, Inc., has as its primary function that of referring 
 individuals to the proper agencies. 
 
 The Youth Opportunities Board employs a full=tir.e community 
 coordinator at both its East and South Central Los Angeles projects 
 to inform the community of the agency's activities, develop coopera- 
 tive programs with other agencies, and sensitize the YOB staff to 
 the attitudes end needs of the community. One of the methods by 
 which the Community Coordinator pursues his goals is the organizing 
 of a Project Advisory Committee, consisting of representatives 
 primarily from the business and labor communities, anc> a Community 
 Agency Advisory Committee, consisting of representatives from other 
 community agencies. The purpose of these committees is twofold: 
 
 (1) public relations (i.e., to serve as a conduit through which 
 information concerning YOB can be channeled to the community) . and 
 
 (2) policy advisement (i.e.. to advise YOB on policy and programs 
 so that the agency will reflect the needs, of '.the community). The 
 second function of the advisory committees appears constructive 
 indeed, as too many bureaucratic institutions have become impervious 
 to the changes and needs of the people they are supposed to serve. 
 Of course, many agencies 'nave advisory boards whose impact on the 
 agencies is questionable. Whether the YOB advisory committees 
 will, in fact, function as policy advisers or whether they will 
 merely be public relations media (as the ITA generallv is for the 
 
71 
 
 public school system) remains to be seen. 
 
 In addition to communications between, the agencies and the 
 public, there is the dimension of interagency communication for 
 the purposes of (l) idea exchange, (2) cooperation on mutual 
 problems , and (3) information exchange on the services of other 
 agencies so that proper referrals can be executed. The consensus 
 of those interviewed was that interagency communications were 
 below par, to say the least. The interagency communication that 
 does exist stems from day-to-day contact with other agencies while 
 making ref errors, exchange of monthly bulletins, and Coordinating 
 Council meetings. 
 
 Two notewortny examples of interagency cooperation and 
 coordination are seen in the Inter-Agency Committee of the Avalon 
 Demonstration Project discussed earlier and the Inter-Agency Youth 
 Service Committee sponsored by the East Los Angeles Welfare Planning 
 Council. This latter committee consists of representatives from 
 the Probation Department, Group Guidance, YOB, neighborhood centers, 
 Special Services for Groups, and a number of other organizations. 
 The committee deals with a variety of youth problems although it 
 concentrates much of its effort in working with adolescent gangs. 
 
 In summary, while communication is not a major concern of 
 many agencies, there are a few agencies covered in this limited 
 study who are experimenting with new and old techniques in an 
 effort to reach the hard core who 'nave the greatest need for their 
 services. 
 
 785-893 0-65-39 
 
72 
 
 III. TRENDS IN AGENCY PROGRAMS AMD TECHNIQUES 
 
 While there are a number of new and eld techniques for dealing 
 with clientele which merit discussion, this paper will mention only 
 a few. 
 
 One obvious continuing trend that commenced some years ago 
 is that of decentralization of both private and public agencies 
 xhroughout the exploding Greater Los Angeles area. In theory, 
 of course, decentralisation places the location of services closer 
 to the population to be served end allows the agency to adjust 
 its programs to the local scene. However , mere decentralization of 
 physical facilities is not necessarily accompanied by either de- 
 centralization of program formulation or personnel standards tailored 
 to the community. 
 
 It is difficult to generalise as to what degree decentralization 
 lias included the delegation of power to branch offices to develop 
 programs and local personnel practices. Some private agencies 
 that have decentralized appear to have allowed their branches 
 "home rule" in tailoring the branch's program to fit the locale. 
 Of course, the nature of the service mal.es "home rule" less 
 feasible in some governmental agencies, especially if the agency's 
 function is that of administering such programs as welfare, where 
 much of the policy and procedure is predetermined by state and 
 county law. However, ever, in governmental agencies where program 
 modification is not possible, there still remains the argument 
 for local autonomy on personnel standards. If the agency insists 
 on maintaining uniform middle- class personnel standards for all 
 its branches, the agency leaves itself open for the mismatching 
 
73 
 
 of personnel and locale* For example, an Anglo with rai&dlc-class 
 values who manages the Van Nuys ur Hollywood office may be shifted 
 to the South Centred, or East Log Angeles office without sufficient 
 regard for the fact that his orientation may male it extremely 
 difficult for him to vrorlc with the people of that area. However, 
 it is again difficult to generalize from this limited study as 
 to the degree of flexibility allowed in agency personnel practice, 
 and thus to determine the seriousness of the problem. 
 
 Another continuing trend is the technique of group counseling. 
 This is particulary evident in group and family therapy employed 
 by the Department of Mental Hygiene in working with patients who 
 have been given leaves of absence from the state mental institu- 
 tions. Group counseling, in one form or another, has been utilized 
 by a number of agencies. For example, the Youth Opportunities 
 Board uses the group technique in training and employment 
 counseling. This particular process is best described in a paper 
 "Accelerated Interaction" by Dr. Ronald Waller, project psychologist. 
 A few portions of the paper are reproduced below: 
 
 Current techniques [ 1 to 1 counseling = 1 counselor 
 advising 1 counselee] center largely on information- giving 
 rather than on the motivational and self-help emphasis. 
 
 Many Counselees reject help of this kind and complain of 
 "too much toll:". They find it dull, uninteresting: further, 
 they frequently find that they have rot in fact learned to 
 help themselves, but can only follow whatever instructions 
 were given in the limited time available. 
 
7h 
 
 Counseling has tended to be overly abstract and divorced 
 from the immediate interests of Courseiees. In order to 
 maintain Counseiee-. interest, it is imperative to have an action 
 program where the Counseiee can begin immediately to put his 
 decisions into effect in a concrete and meaningful way. Future 
 goals are important, but must be tied to the present by concrete 
 and easily understood steps. . . . 
 
 Central to the present counseling approach (^roun counseling) 
 
 is the initial two-day session. The impact of this session is of 
 such strength that initially disinterested participants become 
 greatly enthused attitudes markedly change, plan': of action are 
 generated at a yreatly accelerated pace, ana commitments to 
 self initiative ard advancement are made. Some or the gains made 
 in two days duplicate those reached by months or' hourly counseling 
 sessions; other gains may even be impossible using the usual 
 techniques. The rationale behind the use of the extended time 
 sessions is as f ollowc : 
 
 1. The concentrated counseling sessions have an impact so much 
 greater than the usual sessions that Counselees who could 
 not otherwise be encouraged to participate will become 
 greatly enthused with the program. 
 
 2. Rapid decisions and marked changes in such a short period 
 of time result in hope and enthusiasm and allow for nearly 
 immediate action. This rapidity of change, so closely 
 connected with an action program, is essential for a 
 population of youth who arc extremely restless and im- 
 patient at delay. . . . 
 
75 
 
 The most important attitude Tor the Counselor, in order 
 that lie may work with groups successfully, is t firm con- 
 viction that all his group members have the potential to 
 overcome the barriers they have experienced in their at- 
 tempts at vocational success. The Counselor must further 
 be convinced that the basic necessary attitudinal changes 
 can take place in a matter of ho\*rs and can be indefinitely 
 .maintained if a suitable course of action x'ollows inme- 
 diately upon the planning .-essionc. For those who ore 
 skeptical of such rapid change, it nay he pointed out that 
 the great and productive effort in the face of personal 
 emergency (such as fire and flood), the mobilization of 
 entire nations in the face of war, and the extreme changes 
 involved in religious conversions, ail show such rapid 
 (and often permanent) changes in attitude and the application 
 of energy toward productive goals. 
 
 A third persisting trend is the effort of some agencies to 
 periodically evaluate their programs and effectiveness. Outstanding 
 examples of this self- evaluation are the All Nations Foundation 
 report and the Woodlawn YWCA report (both cited earlier in this 
 study) which resulted in both cat;es in the relocation of their 
 services. Demonstration projects like the Youth Opportunities 
 Board evaluate their programs in monthly progress reports. In add- 
 ition, the YOB has a full-time research department which conducts 
 surveys comparing such items as delinquency rates inside the project 
 
76 
 
 area with the rates outside the area and the subsequent changes in 
 the rates over a peri od of several years. 
 
 In some agencies when there is a change of personnel, the new 
 personr.el is allowed to re-evaluate the program and implement the 
 necessary alteration. As some interviewees pointed out, an agency 
 should not develop a program and then bring in outside personnel to 
 implement it. Rather, the individuals who develop the programs should 
 implement them because of their increased understanding of the prob- 
 lems out of which the programs developed end their general enthu- 
 siasm to insure the success of the implementation of their ideas. 
 
 The continuation of agency self- evaluation is obviously nec- 
 essary in order to avoid bureaucratic stagnation where the agency's 
 programs fail to adjust to the changing needs of the locale. The 
 need for more private agencies to indulge in self- evaluation will, 
 no doubt, increase with the apparent increased participation by new 
 and existing governmental agencies under the poverty Bill 
 in areas presently occupied by private agencies. For example, some 
 private agency personnel suggested that, due to expanded governmental 
 services in the future, the time may come when private agencies may 
 find their most useful role as a jjrovider of referral services to 
 the proper governmental agencies. 
 
 IV. THE RISE AND FALL OF PRIVATE AGEIICIES 
 
 One observer of South Central Los Angeles commented that only 
 recently have organizations generally associated with the middle- 
 class community (Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, etc.) commenced actively 
 serving the South Central ghetto area. For example, the Boy Scouts 
 
77 
 
 have built up 16 troops around the Avalon Center area averaging 22 
 members per troop. 
 
 Although most lay leaders remain with Scouting once they have 
 been enlisted, the problem of recruiting a sufficient number of 
 Scout leaders throughout the South Central area is great. Many men 
 have little time for community affairs as they must hold two jobs 
 in order to support their families. Others who iiave no jods and/or 
 do not live with their families choose for a variety of reasons not 
 to participate in trie institutions (churches, clubs, etc.) that 
 generally sponsor Scout troops. Thus, the many matriarchal governed 
 institutions characteristic of the Ilegro community often have diffi- 
 culty sponsoring troops, mainly because of a manpower shortage. 
 
 However, the assumption that there is less lay leadership within 
 the ARA study area than outside the area cannot be sustained in the 
 case of the Boy Scouts. For example, the area around the Avalon 
 Center has mere lay Scouting leadership available than does an crea 
 to the west which lies mainly outside the ARA, study area. 
 
 Although the Boy Scouts is an example of a private organization 
 on the upswing, other agencies such as the Salvation Army Tabernacle 
 Corps and the Woodlawn YWCA, as mentioned before, have relocated 
 outside the Regro ghetto area. These two organizations were not 
 successful in appealing to the large influx, of the new Negro popula- 
 tion which now dominates the area. Most of the supporters and 
 members of these two organizations moved out of the area and the 
 agencies eventually followed. 
 
 Perhaps the decline of a few private agencies illustrates , not 
 that the area has no need for the services, but rather that some 
 
78 
 
 traditional methods of implementing services and contacting the 
 community fail to enlist the new residents in this port of entry. 
 
 V. THE WAR ON FOVERTY- - POVERTY OF IDE AS 
 
 During the course of this study, one of the questions that was 
 continuously posed was: how would you and your agency fight the 
 War on Poverty over and above what you are presently doing? Comments 
 regarding this question from interviews and written material have 
 been collected below. 
 
 The first attack on poverty must obviously be waged on the idea 
 front. Merely spending more money on the same programs will not 
 solve the vast problems of poverty. Thus, the War on Poverty must be 
 fought first on the poverty of ideas and imaginative approaches . 
 
 On April 20, 196U, Helen E. Baker, Baltimore attorney and 
 American Friends Service Committee board member, made the following 
 statement to the special subcommittee of the House Committee on 
 Education and Labor regarding the Economic Opportunity Act: 
 
 There is also a great need for experimentation and 
 for new and imaginative approaches. This pioneering can 
 be done more effectively by smaller private agencies which 
 have the flexibility and freedom to test out new ideas. 
 
 In the course of the interviews with private agencies, this inter- 
 viewer posed the question of what new programs would be attempted if 
 each had the necessary funds and manpower. Although it was perhaps 
 unfair to pose a question of such magnitude on such short notice, 
 the responses still were disappointing. Most reacted with a desire 
 
79 
 
 to expand the traditional services in which the agency was already 
 engaged. Few new approaches were sug jested. Although one is en- 
 couraged to see agencies conduct lengthy evaluations, the suggestions 
 for additional programs are generally confined to the traditional 
 services and purpose of the organization , which the agencies apparently 
 believe set the limits beyond which no venturing must transpire. 
 While the private agencies may indeed possess the flexibility and 
 freedom to test new ideas, the consensus of this limited study is 
 that the private agencies have not thus far become stimulated to 
 develop these new and imaginative approaches. 
 
 The responses of the governmental agencies were equally dis- 
 appointing. As one agency interviewee commented, the lack of 
 creativity stems in part from the bureaucratic mind which thinks , 
 not in terms of innovation, but rather in terms of administrative 
 efficiency and working within the budget. Indeed, the bureaucrat 
 must excel at administrative efficiency if he is to retain his 
 job. The top-level governmental bureaucrat is becoming increasingly 
 self-conscious about innovation, for he knows that the eagle-eye 
 of the Board of Supervisors or City Council is gazing over his 
 shoulder to assure that he does not stray from the pasture into new 
 fields that would throw the budget out of kilter. Even with all 
 these limitations, ccne believe that agency directors have more 
 power to initiate and innovate than they are willing to use. 
 
 On the problem of allocation of funds by the governing bodies, 
 one school of opinion charges that elected officials allocate a 
 disproportionate share of funds for facilities on which they engrave 
 their names, and thus leave insufficient funds to staff the facilities. 
 
80. 
 An example given was a section in South Central Los Angeles where, 
 because of no personnel to patrol and supervise, some youngsters were 
 afraid to come for fear of being beaten "by roaming gangs. However, 
 this example really only illustrates a lacl; of personnel, not 
 necessarily a disproportionate allocation of funds. 
 
 Another stumbling block is the desire of some agencies to 
 perpetuate traditional services for the sake of perpetuation. As 
 Dr. Dodson pointed out: 
 
 A good case could be made that in the past decade, 
 service has become a rationalization for avoiding a vigorous 
 program of public affairs. It is far safer to bury one's 
 self in service than to launch campaigns which would change 
 the structure of the society in order that the service 
 may not be needed. Service is a middle class approach 
 to the solution of problems. We are the "out serving- 
 est" people in the world. There are dimensions of social 
 welfare 5 however, in which service only creates dependency 
 and postpones the day when those served must stand in stature 
 
 and dignity of their own selfhood and demand 
 
 1/ 
 respect in their own right. 
 
 In the case of the ARA study area, a frontal attack on the economic 
 conditions may eventually reduce the need for agency services pre- 
 sently in demand. 
 
 In the area of public assistance, some believe that, due to 
 limited budget and present welfare laws, the Bureau of Public 
 
 TJ Dr. Dodson' s report to the National Board, "The Role of the YWCA 
 in a Changing Era," Workbook- 22, National Convention of the YWCA. 
 
81 
 Assistance case workers have such large case loads that they are 
 forced to devote most of their time to certifying whether or not a 
 family is eligible for welfare payments. Thus, the social worker has 
 little or not tine to devote to counseling and rehabilitating a family 
 on relief. In practice, the policy appears to be that the state and 
 local government would rather spend nearer funds on rehabilitative 
 services over an extended period of time than spend a sizable sum 
 for rehabilitation over a much shorter period and thus get the family 
 off the public dole. As an example, the government would rather pay 
 a family $2000 per year for the next 5 to 10 years than spend $U000 
 per year per family or intensive rehabilitation and get the family 
 off public assistance within a year or two. 
 
 Another area that merits re-evaluation is the U.S. Employment 
 Service. Edward T. Chase describes the situation thusly: 
 
 On at least one vital front the war against .poverty 
 in the I960' s is being fought with tragically obsolete 
 weapons. A crucial part of the battle consists in finding 
 jobs for people who now don't have them, and the only 
 nationwide mechanism designed to do this is the United 
 States Employment Service. 
 
 Although a. heroic effort is now under way to improve 
 it, the agency--as of this writing — is still pitifully 
 unequal to its mammoth responsibility. Indeed USES does 
 not even know, on a national basis, where the job openings 
 exist or are likely to occur, or the location, and skills 
 
82 
 
 or lack of than, of the vmeErployed men and women who might 
 fill those vacancies. This is a major cause of that baffling 
 phenomenon of our time--the existence of some four million 
 unemployed workers while hundreds of thousands of jobs 
 go begging. . . . 
 
 And there is virtually no incentive for employers 
 to make their needs known to USES, despite the urgency 
 of the present manpower crisis. The whole operation has 
 a voluntary character like that of a travel agency . . . 
 while over four million Americans are jobless and triple 
 that number will be out of work for varying intervals in 
 the year ahead. Obviously, pinpointing the job oppor- 
 tunity is more than half the battle in placing a man. 
 Dr. Arthur Burns, who was chairman of President 
 Eisenhower 's Council of Economic Advisers, has called 
 the lack of national job-vacancy statistics a "vital 
 missing, link in our entire system of economic 
 intelligence. " 
 
 Against great odds USES has been trying, within the 
 past several years, to transform itself from a down-at- 
 the-heels social-welfare relic of the New Deal- -absorbed 
 with unemployment compensation and the placement of 
 domestics — into a national manpower agency responsible 
 for the most efficient use of our total labor resources. . . 
 
 To assess the gap between what we need and what we 
 now have, it is instructive to look at a successful 
 
03 
 national employment service in operation—Sweden's for instance. 
 
 The Swedes swear by their employment service. They 
 credit it not only with mastering the employment process, 
 but also with contributing to productivity and gro^h. 
 The bi^est difference, however, between their service 
 and USES is the enthusiastic support it pets from the 
 population generally and Swedish businessmen in particular. 
 
 Vlithin the AM project area, there are several activities in 
 particular that may sweeten the flow of bitter water from the spring 
 of discontent. Both the Youth Opportunity Board and the Avalon 
 Demonstration Project at least offer an experimental environment in 
 which new approaches and ideas are encouraged. While a few private 
 agencies may indeed scoff at these two projects, these agencies are 
 challenged to produce evidence of the new areas in which they have 
 experimented and to demonstrate any new workable approaches they 
 have developed within the last year. 
 
 Hopefully, the new approach with which these temporary demonstra- 
 tion projects are experimenting will prove workable and can be in- 
 corporated into the programs of some of the established institutions 
 like the Department of Employment and the school system. Short- 
 term experimental projects such as these may be one of the better 
 approaches for the developing of ideas needed to prosecute a success- 
 ful Uar on Poverty. 
 
 "2/ "The Job-finding Machine'' by Edward T. Chase, Harper's Magazine , 
 July, 196U. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 LIST OF PERSONNEL INTERVIEWED 
 
 Los Angeles County Department of Community Services 
 Burton Powell 
 Euuberto Cintron 
 
 Young Women's Christian Association 
 Mary Doolittle 
 Essie Robinson 
 
 Young Men's Christian Association 
 Kenneth Morris 
 Art Griffa 
 Charles Stenhouse 
 
 Los Angeles County District Attorney — Failure to Provide Division 
 Gil Alston 
 
 University of Southern California Youth Study Center 
 Annette Gromfin 
 
 California State Department of Mental Hygiene — Bureau of Social 
 Work 
 
 Mrs. Cora Hilton 
 
 All Nations Foundation 
 Linda Gragg 
 Darwin Wagr.er 
 
 Los Angeles Welfare Planning Council 
 Lloyd Street 
 
 California State Department of Social Welfare — Sacramento 
 Herbert S. Fowler 
 
 Salvation Army 
 
 Pat McGuerty 
 Mrs. Gene Bingham 
 Captain Tobin 
 
 Boy Scouts 
 
 Clifton Simmons 
 
 Los Angeles County Department of Senior Citizens Affairs 
 Gene Anderson 
 
Plaza Community Center 
 
 Albert Ehrke 
 
 California State Department of Employment 
 June Boper 
 
 South Central Los Angeles Welfare Planning Council 
 Tom Ovan 
 
 Youth Opportunities Board 
 Bill Acosta 
 Charles Knox 
 
 Los Angeles County Bureau of Public Assistance 
 Ellis Murphy 
 
 Avalon Community Center 
 Tim Sampson 
 
 U.S. GOVEDNMENT PRINTING OFFICE I 1965 0—785-893 
 
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