B-1076 September 1968 Differences in Mexican-American And Anglo-American Women’s Responses To a Modified Clothing TAT TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY TEXAS AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION H. O. Kunkel, Acting Director, College Station, Texas CONTENTS h Summary ...... .. Introduction Rationale. Hypotheses Social Status and Related Factors .......................................... .. Age . Area of Major Socialization Cultural Affiliation Cultural Themes Educational Themes Social Status Themes Occupational Themes Age Themes Procedure.. Instruments and Scoring TATMA ....... .. Questionnaires Reliability.... Interviewer Instruction Sample..... Criteria and Method ....... .. Findings Related to Sample Description ................................ .. QDROQQONJ Findings ............... .. Clothing Awareness ...................................................................... .. Types of Incongruities ................................................................ ..l7 Clothing Themes l9 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ . _ _ ,_27 Literature Cited .................................................................................... __30 Appendix I ............ .. ‘#30 Preferred Pictures ........................................................................ .30 Pictures Liked Most .... ,_ 30 Pictures Liked Least .................................................................... __30 Appendix II ........................................ .31 Pictures Comprising Modified Clothing TAT for Mexican-American Women .............................. _.3l SUMMARY During the fall of 1965, 91 randomly selected Mexicoborn homemakers living in San Antonio (experimental group) and 42 randomly selected Anglo- American homemakers living in Waco (control group) were given a thematic apperception test (TATMA), modified to include clothing content. The main pur- pose of this study was to determine the meaning “Mexican-American women living in Texas attach to their clothing, and how these meanings differ from those used by Anglo-American women living in Texas. Recorded verbal responses to the TATMA were analyzed for clothing content. The responses formed the basis of clothing awareness scores measuring re- spondents’ relative cognizance of clothing. Clothing -theme content suggested meanings respondents associ- ated with clothing used in given situations. Socio- economic data were collected by a brief questionnaire and were condensed into weighted social status scores (ISC), the main independent variable. Although the study was largely experimental, l4 hypotheses were offered for statistical testing. Gen- erally, numerical distributions were such that trends, rather than precise conclusions in the statistical sense, could be drawn. For the Mexican-American women studied, there was a direct relationship between cloth- ing awareness and social status scores (P. I v cent), occupational rating (no statistical i‘ income level (P. I 90-95 percent) and "1 attainment (P. I 90-95 percent). Conve was an indirect relationship between their: awareness and social participation (no ,_ analysis) and age (P. I 99.5 percent). Area} socialization did not affect Méxican-Americ F cognizance of clothing. ‘ ; Anglo-Americans were more likely to U clothing awareness scores (P. I 95 percent) ' the Mexico-born women. Although the ’ Anglo women with low ISC scores had mid 4 ing awareness scores, a definitely positive .- relationship was not substantiated. Incoi tistical analysis), educational attainment (no; analysis) and age (P. I 97.5 percent) ten directly related to clothing awareness of An A Social participation and occupational level o‘ if any, effect since the majority of Ang studied participated in activities outside and had husbands in the higher occupatio 7 cations. More rural-reared Anglo women clothing awareness (no statistical analysis) '5 those who grew up in urban areas. i It was hypothesized that Mexican women would note fewer culturally orient a? themes; however, this was not substantiat was thought that they would have more ed '_ related clothing themes. This tentatively w 9' without statistical support when story th considered; however, when themes conce ‘ vidual characters were examined, the Ang more education-clothing themes. There‘ k dent pattern of response concerning ISC social status-clothing themes for either i_ Anglo-Americans. Proportionately more 1 American women who did not participatf activities had social status-related cloth”) when compared to those who participated tical analysis). There was no pattern 0 among the Anglo data. f Since a large majority of Anglo hub white-collar occupations, and most Mexic if husbands did not, this factor was equated? affiliation. Assuming that wives at leas: share their husbands’ awareness of clot occupational tool, Anglo women would r‘ occupational-oriented clothing themes than! can-American respondents. This hypothe, substantiated statistically, nor did the pe l“ bution offer any indication of a trend. i The main conclusion is that the if used clothing symbols to identify the soci cultural circumstances of unknown pers_ ically the TATMA characters. Althoug Americans and Anglo-Americans generally‘ slightly different symbolic meanings with i common, predictable range of meaning was cated to both ethnic groups. Ornamentation rather than warmth or modesty was the chief incentive among the ancients for wear- ing clothes} When people migrated from the tropical regions, their clothing depended upon the climate of their country, the industries of societies and the cus- toms of their cultures. During modern times, clothing has transcended these limitations to become dictated by fashion on an international scale. Because clothing is an appendage of the human body and a crutch upon which we consciously or unconsciously rely, a clear understanding of its uses and effects necessarily must include the meaning various people attach to it. The main purpose of this study was to develop and apply a method of determining the meaning one cultural segment of our population, Mexican-American, attaches to their 4 cnces in Mexican-American “whing- ‘Anglo-American Women’s Responses RATIONALE MOClifi€d ClOthiflg TAT Hannah Arendt described three fundamental f human activities: labor, work and action. “These are fundamental, because each corresponds to one of the basic conditions under which life on earth has been given to man” Action assumes the most basic human condition—plurality—-and is equated to CAROL SANDER EATER-El‘ a phase of identifying the self with others while distinguishing the self from others. Because action emphasizes the initiative within man to interact and form a civilization with a culture, it is most pertinent to this study. It allows man to attach meaning to the objects he has created through work and to distinguish himself further from other animals. Action, thus, requires human communication which is possible only by using signs and symbols created through work. . '4 . The communication basic to action is symbolic. The symbol acts as a stimulus, evoking in man a response identified with the meaning, rather than the physical characteristic, inherent to the object. As an example, all people use clothing for bodily pro»- tection. In this sense, clothing is a sign. Its value is in the inherent physical qualities of the garment. Other qualities are outside these inherent character- istics but are still related to them and to the needs they fulfill. These qualities are symbolic and are related to it by the meaning man has attached to them. Because most human behavior and learning are symbolic in nature, Langer is correct when he says: Clothes became important for survival, but climate never has been the only factor . . . It is the nature of most materials from which clothing is made that when worn on the body for ornamental or for any other reason, they inherently provide physical pro- tection for the wearer, and therefore constitute cloth- ing. This is often secondary to its decorative or ornamental effect. (2) ‘Former instructor, Department of Home Economics, Texas A8¢M University. ‘For the purpose of this study, clothing is all forms of body decoration, as well as garments or articles worn or carried. There is a connection between the symbolic aspect of clothing and man’s activity as an initiator of action. Because of plurality, men are essentially the same; they can understand one another and can foresee common needs. If men were not able to distinguish themselves from others through the use of symbols, there would be no need for speech or action; all men would be the same. Thus, man is stimulated to inter- act and communicate. Because clothing is symbolic and because symbols are learned through social interaction, clothing forms, at least for people of the same culture, have shared meanings or values. Through clothing, man is able to stimulate in others responses which are different from the way he is stimulated. Appearance in general is communicated “by such symbols as gestures, groom- ing, location and the like” Thus, through cloth- ing as a symbol, we can perceive much from our fello-w- man's appearance and manipulate his perception of us. Some attempts have been made by home econo- mists and sociologists to study the kinds and deriva- tions of meaning persons attach to clothing and cloth- ing behavior. Gregory Stone theorizes that people can live together only if they share broad under- standings of symbolic communication. He poses a theoretical analytical model for the study of signifi- cant2 symbols and relates it to the sociology of George H. Mead. Stone’s theoretical framework is founded on an integrated concept of biogenic, psychogenic and sociogenic behavior, although no relationship is drawn to man's behavior as he relates to people of other cultures (4). Mary Lou Rosencranz has developed a thematic apperception technique (TAT)3 for analyzing clothing awareness and symbols (5). The underlying hypothesis is that an individual does not respond to any stimulus by pure chance and that his response to the clothing TAT reveals something about himself. Although her analysis generally was for psychological factors, the framework probably would identify cultural effects, since projective techniques necessarily identify all aspects of the respondent’s being and total experience. This report draws upon work done by Dr. Rosencranz. When a TAT is applied to a cultural problem, the assumption is made that characteristics common to the group can be abstracted for analysis and can be considered as cultural effects; The total response to the modified clothing TAT for Mexican-Americans (TATMA) was analyzed only for clothing content. The needs and feelings brought forth in responses to any TAT relate to the psychological, social and “Significant symbols are learned and require role-taking for their communication. “The TAT is a pictorial, projective technique for the analysis of underlying psychological needs and feelings and the ways in which they are handled by the individual. Specifically, the clothing TAT deals with the manner in which individuals use clothing symbols related to unknown individuals and the social situations they represent. 4 cultural and are evidenced in symbols thr v bolic behavior. That is, an individual’s feel values are expressed indirectly through the " Q and manipulation of environmental m Thus, his observed behavior is symbolic of motivation. i ‘ Because the TATMA is pictorial, probl ated with verbal research-are avo-ided. Si" of the interviewees spoke little English, the I reduced the need for translating questions. i many Mexican-American respondents were _ be of low educational attainment, the TA t duced variance due to low lexical ability. HYPOTHESES This study was largely experimental clothing TAT had never been administ particular ethnic group. The specific resea _ tives were as follows: 1. To develop a clothing thematic ap-i technique applicable for administrationf can-American women living in Texas. f 2. To determine the relationship bet Mexican-American women’s clothing scores and their social statuses. 3. To determine how Mexican-Amelie interpret clothing symbols as manif TATMA story themes. 4. To determine differences in the j Anglo- and Mexican-American wome TATMA. ‘ This study was designed to gather two? clothing data: 1) clothing awareness scold measured the degree the homemaker respon cognizant of clothing, and 2) the themes of told about each picture which gave some of the meaning Mexican- and Anglo-Americ attached to clothing and its uses. The following hypotheses concerning. awareness scores were offered for statistical Social Status and Related Factors l. Social status will be positively clothing awareness scores. In 1953 Arthur Vener found that m‘ the highest clothing importance scores were‘ medium-high social class groups Up classes recognized fads and high-style ga =1 felt more concern about others’ opinion/f; daughters’ clothing than did other social Q Although these studies had Ahgl; samples, the identified trends were though to Mexican-Americans. The meaning of; high and upper-class social groups no doubt-i study and ethnic group. g ccupational level will be positively related 'ng awareness scores. and Stone noted that white collar workers 4_ high value t0 clothing; whereas, blue collar ‘did not value it as highly. These white collar ‘jviewed clothing as something to manipulate advantage in the work situation, and thus ‘irticularly concerned with their occupational ‘f Similarly Rosencranz determined that "s of white collar workers were more aware __< names, colors, style and reasons for selecting )- s than were their blue collar counterparts (9). use no research of this type had been done j exican-American sample, it was assumed that i; generality would apply. However, Skrabanek ‘Apton noted that the occupational level of i’ "Americans living in the study area was below {the total white Texas population. Three out exican-American household heads who were {labor force when Skrabanek did his study ere classified as laborers. Only 1 percent of ican-Americans studied were professionals as id with ll percent of the total white Texas Ton. One out of five of these household heads tlmployed (10). ilflncome level will be positively related t0 ' awareness scores. a ause income, education and occupational level ted positively, it was anticipated that each ffect clothing awareness scores in essentially ‘f manner even though Mexican-Americans’ inditions are sometimes quite different from ericans’. Skrabanek and Rapton found a mp between the median yearly Mexican-Ameri- ime and that of the applicable total white _ ion: $2,000 for Mexican-Americans and $4,766 Ate population (10). On this basis alone, cloth- vior of these groups may be entirely different. if Educational attainment will be positively re- i, clothing awareness scores. it only does school peer association generally f_ one’s sensitivity to clothing, but Rosencranz , at women with high educational attainment terested more in clothing than were those who l’, educational attainment. Generally Mexican- ins in the study area attained much less edu- than did the corresponding Anglos (ll). Social participation will be positively related _i ing awareness scores. “men who participate regularly in social activi- l demonstrate a greater interest in clothing ill those who participate in few activities. It _.» thought that women who participate only in f an would those who participate in a variety i ities. {activities would have lower clothing awareness Age 6. The respondent’s age will be inversely related to clothing awareness scores. It was thought that young women, regardless of ethnic affiliation, would have higher clothing aware- ness scores than would older women. Research by Stone and Form (l2) and Rosencranz (l3) support this hypothesis. Area of Major Socialization 7. Urban background will be positively related to clothing awareness scores. Rural-urban. background refers to the area in which the respondents spent the period of major socialization, or until they reached 18. Urban will refer to the anonymous quality of city life. In these instances, much social contact is with unknown per- sons, and appearance-of which clothing is an impor- tant part-in a background against which one goes about particular daily roles. Individuals who were “socialized” in an urban area will have higher clothing awareness scores than will those individuals who were brought up in largely rural areas. Cultural Affiliation 8. Cultural affiliation will be related positively to clothing awareness scores. AngloAmerican clothing awareness scores will be higher than those of Mexican-Americans. The former are better integrated into the total American society and probably have the socio-economic characteristics generally associated with high clothing valuation. Hypotheses related to the story themes of each TATMA picture were as follows: Cultural Themes 9. The respondents’ cultural affiliation will be positively related to clothing themes concerning other cultures. Because the Mexican-American educational ex- perience in the study area was quite low, it was thought that they would be less aware of clothing worn by people of other cultures than would the generally better educated Anglo-American respond- ents. Educational Themes l0. Respondents’ cultural affiliation will be posi- tively related to clothing themes concerning education. Mexican-born household heads in the study area thought that education was the key to their success in the United States (ll). It was theorized that be- cause the Anglo-American level of education generally was higher than that of the Mexican-Americans, the former would tend to take education for granted and thus would be less cognizant of education and its ramifications. Social Status Themes ll. The respondents’ social status will be posi- tively related to clothing themes concerning social status and class affiliation. Many studies relate the greater clothing aware- ness of upper social class people. It was tho-ught that respondents with high social status scores would use themes relating clothing and social circumstances more often than would members of the lower social classes. l2. Respondents’ social participation will be positively related to themes concerning social status and class affiliation. Women belonging to the upper social stratum generally participate in more social organizations than do lower social class women.‘ If upper class women show a greater awareness of clothing than do their lower social status counterparts, then high-partici- pating women would note status-related clothing themes more than would those women participating in few social organizations. Occupational Themes l3. Respondents’ cultural affiliation will be posi- tively related to clothing themes concerning occupa- tional level. Form and Stone noted that white collar workers generally were more cognizant of the implication of their occupational clothing than were blue collar workers (8). It had been shown that Anglo-Americans living in the study areas held a greater proportion of white collar positions than did similar Mexican- Americans. Age Themes l4. Respondents’ ages will be indirectly related to clothing themes concerning age. Youth is emphasized in the clothing American women of all ages wear. On this basis, younger women would use age-related clothing themes more frequently than would older women. PROCEDURE Data were collected by the interview method. Responses to the TATMA were recorded and, if necessary, translated into English after all data had been collected. Questionnaires for socio-economic data were in English and were translated easily into Spanish when necessary. Variables The independent variables consisted of all socio- economic data including occupation, annual income, educational attainment, leve-l of living, ethnic affili- ation, participation in group activities, religious preference, rural-urban orientation, age of respondent and husband and marital status. The first four inde- pendent variables were used to compute a social status 6 score which also was treated as an variable. Dependent variables consisted of computl; ing awareness scores and the themes of stf_ about the six TATMA pictures. if Dependent and independent variables w classified for statistical testing. - INSTRUMENTS Ann SCORINGL TATMA ‘~- Rosencranz’s original clothing TAT _ fied since many Mexican-Americans probah not respond realistically to the situations she, for her middle-class northern, AngloAmerici The TATMA pictures were prestested by l2 _ American women, living in Bryan-College? Texas, who met the research particpation, Details relating to facial expression and y_ were changed. The pictures were ordered soil liked Picture II would follow one having content. Picture VI was placed at the e =; presentation for the same reason. ‘5 Each TATMA interview was transcribe; modification. Text concerning clothing f; scored in red for easy identification. Clothi ness scores were compiled from a numerical the following factors: 1. Lines of clothing content to the ne half line. 2. Characters whose clothing evoked; response. 5 n S. Clothing incongruities noted in ea analysis. 4. Pictures where clothing gave the if idea. '1 5. Themes directly related to clothing-l‘ The clothing incongruities depicted ture were as follows: 1. Age—Pictures 1, 11, 111 and v. f 2. Size and Shape-Pictures II, III s. Social status—Pictures 1, 11, 111, v‘ obviously in Pictures IV and V. 4. Sex—Pictures III and IV. 5. Formality—Pictures I, III, VI and ously in Pictures II, IV and V. 6. Cultural affiliation——Pictures II, II, less obviously in Pictures IV and VI. i? Questionnaires ‘ A brief written questionnaire designed socio-economic information was administer interviewee. The selection and enumeration of soci” variables were based on Wamer’s Index =’ " .~ istics (ISC) (14). This value indicated rela- Jl and economic standings of both ethnic filnd greatly simplified the analysis. hold head’s occupation, education, family nd level of living were included in the ISC i vel of living was based 0n the ownership Ttioning radio, television, refrigerator, washing , hot water system and indoor bathroom The other three variables were rated on a iontinuum. Variables were assigned to the numerical weights: occupation-S; income- tional attainment—3; and level of living—2. ‘ight was multiplied by the appropriate raw '. all four values were totaled. The possible _»summated values was from 12 to 84. The American and Anglo-American ISC scores ‘nsiderably and could not be ranked on the 5 e. The class intervals follow: RANGE OF WEIGHTED SCORES Mexican- Anglo- Americans Americans 19-28 42-50 29-38 51-59 39-48 60-68 49-58 69-77 (highest) 59-68 78-84 all of the interviewees gave their occupation, "n, income and level of living. Because these "data greatly reduced the number of respond- ing ISC scores, regression and correlation ewere used to estimate the missing data. No was made to estimate more than one of the ables per interviewee. The resulting corre- iquations were not used if the correlation int was less than 0.35. Forty-one of the 42 pmericans and 86 of the 91 Mexican-Americans i ed had ISC scores. lmost studies with social-psychological variables, ‘reliability is determined by comparing their prediction with other studies measuring the riables. This was not possible. As Rosen- ted, the chief criterion for reliability is con- F which implies administering the TATMA Ia Mexican-American samples Also, the numerical count used to determine clothing and ISC scores reduced the chance of error. wer Instruction difficulty of administering the TATMA and I-essity of standardizing procedures warranted i re in selecting ‘and training interviewers. An , ers’ manual with instructions was developed. {wee instructions were modified only when "d or demonstrated that they did not under- hat they were to do. All probes were stated pllowing standardized form : “What about this ',(characte-r) suggested to you the idea that . . .” The two experimental interviewers were Mexican- American, completely bilingual and responsible for Spanish and English translations 0f all instructions. There was only one control interviewer. SAMPLE Criteria and Method Experimental.‘ The experimental sample con- sistcd of 91 Mexican-American women who were born in Mexico, married prior to January 1, 1964, living with a husband and/or one child or more and had moved to the United States prior to January 1, 1959. Most of these women spoke only Spanish, limited English or stated that they preferred to give the inter- view in Spanish. i Because many Mexican-American families lived in selected areas of San Antonio, the experimental study area, a stratified random sampling plan was initiated. Fifteen city census tracts were drawn ran- domly from those which were at least 50 percent Mexican-American. One primary and four alternate blocks were selected randomly in each of the chosen l5 tracts. The interviewers were assigned randomly to census tracts and were asked to interview all women meeting the participation requirements and living in single dwellings in all primary blocks. If, after visit- ing all primary blocks, they had not completed their quotas of 46 interviews each, the interviewers pro- ceeded to all alternate-l blocks, alternate-2 blocks and so on until their quotas were complete. San Antonio is a thriving industrial and com- mercial center located in South-central Texas. In 1960 it had a population of 587,718 of which about 45 per- cent were of Mexican descent (15). Control: Because the Mexican-American and Anglo-American populations of San Antonio are not culturally independent, the control sample was drawn in Waco, Texas, and consisted of 42 Anglo-American homemakers who were born in the continental United States, married before January 1, 1964 and lived with a husband and /or one or more children. Because Waco was known to have a homogeneous population, 10 city census tracts were chosen ran- domly. One primary and four alternate blocks in each of the designated census tracts were selected ran- domly for sampling. If the interviewer could not secure four interviews in each primary block, she con- tinued withalternate blocks until 42 interviews were completed. Waco is located in East-central Texas and had a population of 97,808 in 1960. Approximately 80 percent were classified as white (l6). White persons of Spanish surname comprised slightly less than 6 percent of the total population. Findings Related to Sample Description Since different scales were used to assign Mexican- American and Anglo-American ISC scores, the result- 7 ing distributions-seemed essentially the same (Anglo- American: mean I2.85, medianI 2.15; Mexican- American: mean I 2.86, median I 2.44), when in fact, the two ethnic groups were vastly different. Consequently, ISC rankings only indicate relative differences between high and low socio-economic standing within each ethnic group. The following discussion gives greater insight into differences be- tween the two ethnic groups. None of the Anglo-American families had a monthly income after taxes of less than $100, while 14 percent of the Mexican-American families did. Approxi- mately 35 percent of the control and 5 percent of the experimental sample had incomes of more than $450 per month. Similarly, the median income among the Mexican-American families was $216 compared with $404 among the Anglo-Americans. Approximately 40 percent of the Mexican-American and 19 percent of the Anglo-American respondents’ husbands were unemployed, dead, retired or disabled. In these cases, the husband’s last major occupation was used to compute the family's ISC score or, if this was not given, it was estimated. Of the 56 (62 percent) employed Mexican- American husbands, 19 (34 percent) had occupations which required little training. These included all semi-skilled workers, baggage men, gas station attend- ants and store clerks. None of the Anglo-American husbands had this type of job. Approximately 4O and 60 percent of the Mexican-American and Anglo- American husbands, respectively, had blue collar occupations requiring specific training. One Mexican- American and four Anglo husbands were classified as professionals. Level-of-living proved to be a generally poor indicator of relative socio-economic standing because of the basic nature of the commodities included in the scale. Sixty and 76 percent of the Mexican- American and Anglo-American families, respectively, had all six specified items. Regardless of ethnic affiliation, none of the families lacked all items, although approximately 9 percent of the Mexican- American families had four or fewer. The majority of Mexican-American (88 percent) and Anglo-American (95 percent) interviewed had families consisting of wife, husband and/or a child or children. Mexican-American families more often had other persons, both relatives andlnonrelatives, living with them than did Anglo-Americans. Although a similar percentage of Mexican- American (34 percent) and AngloAmerican (29 per- cent) families interviewed consisted of only two mem- bers, the Anglo-American families (median I 3.82 persons) generally were slightly larger than the Mexican-American families (median I 3.55 persons). This is because more Mexican-American interviewees were separated from their husbands or were widows. 8 However, four Mexican-American families if members. Except for two persons, all the Anglo- women were married and living with their This was true for three-fourths of the Mexicaj can respondents. Fourteen percent of the law, widows and approximately l0 percent were; or separated from their husbands. Approximately one-half of the Anglo res‘ spent the major portion of their childhood areas. This was true for one-fifth of the p’ American interviewees. i‘ About one-half of the Mexican-Ame“ spondents had completed 4 or fewer years ‘i education, while 5 percent of the Anglo int, had this amount. Nearly 45 percent of t‘ sample had not graduated from high sch’ pared with approximately 9O percent of the Q. American interviewees. Three percent of the; American women and 29 percent of the A can women had high school diplomas. Th years of formal education was 3.87 for i‘ American respondents and 12.11 for Anglo-L! women. About 80 percent of the experimen were educated in Mexico. . Approximately one-half of the experim bands had 4 or fewer years of formal educa of the Anglo-American husbands had com 02'! much education. Five percent of the h. Americans and 45 percent of the Anglo-Ame, graduated from high school. Proportiona a times more Anglo-American than Mexican-j husbands had some college training, altho f the latter had graduate training as compa of the former. ’ The median age of Mexican-American a?) American respondents was 47.6 years and respectively. The age differential is due to} bility restriction: Mexican-American respon born in Mexico. Most young Mexican‘) women living in San Antonio were bom in States. Almost twice as many Mexican? women were more than 66 years old. Simil three times as many Anglo-American as American homemakers were less than 21 y .-=! There were nine times more Catho Mexican-born sample than in the Anglo gro, than three-fourths of the latter considered Protestant. The majority of these were Bap‘ Mexican-American women interviewed ge not belong to any formalized organizati structured clubs. Of the 20 who did, if participated only in church groups. T '6 American women were nonparticipators. 1 percent were active in church groups, and -v_ belonged to professional clubs or societies. ‘i of the ethnic affiliation, none of the respon, "(civic affairs 0r social gatherings, such as bridge FINDINGS ,0 observers, clothing serves as an indicator of "arer’s relative socio-economic level, cultural ion, age and sex. Thus, it communicates a of social and economic factors. Similarly, ” use clothing to manipulate impressions. In ntext, clothing loses some of its importance fthe wearer and observer are well-known to one The TATMA pictures represent unfamiliar Ins. y-iwo main kinds of findings are considered: cloth- ‘reness and story themes. Each is treated inde- ‘ tly for Mexican-Americans and Anglo-Ameri- nd is cross-classified with several independent I68. _’_g Awareness -,’.ines of clothing comment: Of the two ethnic t. studied, it was assumed that the Mexican- Americans would have fewer lines of clothing com- ment. Although differences were small, they were statistically significant (x24 I 11.42, P. I 97.5 per- cent). On the average, Mexican-Americans responded with 10.9 lines of clothing comment, while the Anglos averaged 11.6 lines. The median lines of clothing comment were 9.9 and 9.7 for Mexican-Americans and Anglo-Americans, respectively, and ranged from 0 to 33 and from l to 27, respectively. The number of lines of clothing response given by Mexican-American women generally was related directly to their ISC scores (X26 I 12.60, P. I 95 per- cent). Fifty percent of the Mexican-Americans with low ISC scores had from 0-7 lines of clothing comment, and 41 percent of the ones with high ISC scores had from 15-33 lines of clothing response, Table 1. Although chi-square analysis was not possible with Anglo data, the largest proportion of individuals in each of the ISC categories had 8-14 lines of clothing commentary. NUMBER OF LINES OF CLOTHING COMMENT BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIABLES Mexican-American Number of lines of clothing comment Anglo-American o-7 s-14 15-ss 0-7 s-14 15-ss No. % No. % No. ‘X, No. ‘Y, No. “A, No. % s1 s7 2o 24 s2 s9 1o 24 21 51 1o 24 v (1-2) 1s 5o s 25 s 25 5 27 12 s7 1 s iium (s) s 2s‘ s 21 15 52 2 15 7 54 4 s1 (4-5) 7 s2 s 27 - 9 41 s so 2 2o 5 5o s5 4o 24 2s 2s s2 11 2s 21 5o 1o 24 i (Iess than 9 years) s2 4s 1s 2s 19 2s 4 57 s 4s o o lium (9-12 years) s 20 5 ss 7 47 5 21 1s 54 s 25 1g (more than I2 years) 0 O I 33 2 67 2 I8 5 45 4 36 IonaI rating s4 s9 24 27 so s4 1o 24‘ I 21 51 1o 24 [ratings 1-s) s2 41 2o 25 27 s4 5 21‘ 15 ss 4 17 (ratings 4-7) 2 22‘ 4 44 s ss 5 29‘ s s5 s s5 income s4 s9 24 27 so s4 1o 24‘ 21 51 10 24 (less than $200) 2o 5o 12 so s 20 o o 1 5o 1 50 Iurn ($200-$s49) 11 29 1o 2s 17 45 5 ss s s2 o o 39h (more than $349) 3 3O 2 20 5 5O 5 I9 I2 46 9 35 if Iiving s5 ss 25 27 s1 s4 11 2s 21 5o 1o 24 ’ (ratings 1-5) 1o 59‘ s 1s 4 24 1 50 1 5o o 0 gh (ratings s-7) 25 s4 22 so 27 ss 1o 25 2o 5o 1o 25 ,7 respondent ss ss‘ 24 2s s4 s7 1 1 27 2o 49 1o 24 l (17-35 years) 4 22 4 22 1o 5s s ss‘ s ss 4 25 (ss-55 years) 7 2o 14 4o 14 4o 1 7 9 s4 4 29 (t (more than 55 years) 22 591 6 I6 IO 26 4 361 5 45 2 I8 tion in activities s5 ss‘ 25 27 s1 s4 11 2s 21 5o 1o 24 - e 25 g5 22 s1 24 s4 1 5o 1 5o o o ‘me 1o 50 s 15 7 s5 1o 25 2o 5o 1o 25 Kent status 11 s5 ss‘ 25 27 s1 s4 11 2s 21 5o 1o 24 1 pIoyed 2 4o 2 40 1 2o 2 2o 5 5o 1 s so employed ss ss 2s 27 so s5 9 2s 1s 5o 7 22 I socialization ss s7 25 2s s1 s5 1o 24‘ 21 51 1o 24 _ 4 24‘ 9 5s 4 24 7 ss‘ 11 52 s 14 , an 29 4o 1s 22 27 ss s 15 1o 5o 7 s5 ‘ng errors. Two other variables, educational attainment and family income, were related directly to the lines of clothing response given by Mexican-American inter- viewees. Chi-square analysis was possible only on data related to homemaker’s age, activity participation and area of socialization. It was statistically signifi- cant for the Mexican-American’s age (X24 I 15.52, P. I 99.5 percent) and area of socialization (X22 I 6.41, P. I95 percent). With age, the relationship was indirect, and there was no apparent direction of the relationship between amount of clothing comment and area of major socialization, Table 1. About 50 percent of the Mexican-American women reared in rural areas had 8-14 lines of clothing comment, while 22 percent of the urban-reared women had this amount. Forty percent of the latter women had 0.7 lines of clothing response. There were too few employed Mexican-American women who had low levels of living or whose husbands had high occupational ratings to determine what the true relationship was between these variables and the lines of clothing comment. Of the 79 homemakers whose husbands had low occupational ratings, approxi- mately 40 percent had 0-7 lines, while about one-third had 15-33 lines of clothing comment. Husband’s occupational rating was the only variable which could be statistically analyzed (non- significant) when cross-classified with the amount of clothing response made by AngloAmerican coopera- tors. There were too few respondents in the low level of living category and not participating in social activities to determine how these factors affect the number of clothing comments, Table 1. Except for Anglo women, 36 to 55 years old, approximately 40 percent had low clothing response (0-7 lines). Only one “middle-aged” woman had this much clothing response, whereas 64 percent of them had 8-14 lines. Although the relationship between amount of Anglo-American clothing comment and educational attainment or area of socialization was essentially direct, there was no apparent direction to the ones between clothing comment and employment status or family income. Almost 60 percent of these women with less than 8 years of education had 0.7 lines and none had 15-33 lines of clothing comment. Those women with more than 12 years of school were most likely to have 8-14 lines of clothing response and approximately one-third of them had 15-33 lines. About one-third of the rural-reared Anglo women had little clothing commentary, while that proportion of the respondents reared in urban areas had 15-33 lines. Regardless of employment status, one-half of the respondents had 8-14 lines of clothing comment. None of the 13 women with medium family incomes gave large amounts of clothing response, while about one-third of the ones with incomes of $350 or more did. In each case, the majority had 8-14 lines of clothing response, Table 1. 10 Number of characters whose clothing tioned: The median number of character] mentioned was 9.06 by the Mexican-Ame 9.25 by the Anglo respondents. The were 9.05 and 9.94, respectively. None of Americans mentioned the clothing of all 20 r while three Mexican-Americans did. W i Anglo failed to have at leastfone-half line o * comment} all others mentioned the clo p, least three characters. Mexican-American were distributed more equally. These v’ between the two ethnic groups were statis nificant (X23 I 6.70, P. I 90-95 percent). i ISC scores were related significantly to... number of characters’ clothing that Mexi ’ cans mentioned (X24 I 8.05, P. I 90-95 o‘ 7 not to the number Anglo respondents u.‘ Generally, those Mexican-born respondents, medium ISC scores noted the clothing of TATMA characters, Table 2. i The cooperating homemakers’ educatio,‘ ment was statistically nonsignificant w l’ classified with number of characters wh g they mentioned. However, it appeared thfk ethnic groups, the more education an indi ceived the more characters’ clothing she w i; notice, Table 2. e Family income was related nonsigni either ethnic group's tendency to note f’ clothing. It was generally true, however, higher the Anglo-Americans’ incomes, the t’ they were to mention several characters’- The opposite was true of the Mexican- Table 2. ; Level of living and husband’s occupati were poor statistical indicators of either gr” ency to note characters’ clothing, Table 2; tionately, the more characters’ clothing the} American respondents noted, the lower was P of living and the higher their husbands’ 0c ratings. Both of these variables were rel’ directly to the Anglo-American interview tendency to notice characters’ clothing, Ta Age was related statistically to the n’ characters’ clothing Mexican-Americans i (X2, : 9.12, P. : 99 percent) but not to t it, mentioned by Anglo-Americans. With th exception of the oldest category of Ang’ the younger the individual the more like to mention the clothing of several characte Because so few women participated in one or two activities outside their homes, ’ classified as those who participated, and did not. This factor was related nonsign’ the number of characters’ clothing Mexican-i ‘If respondents specifically mentioned a character's’ less than one-half line of clothing response, they i, credit for it. . ‘g a and was not possible with Anglo data. Rural-urban orientation had little effect upon f: e-half of the 71 Mexican-American women the tendency of the Mexican-Americans and Anglo- ‘ not participate in any activity outside their Americans to mention the clothing of TATMA char- L ed the clothing of l0 to 15 characters. This acters. It should be noted, however, that the three of 30 percent of the 20 who did participate, Mexican-American women who noted all the char- g Twenty Anglo homemakers (50 percent) acters’ clothing were urban. icipated in some activities had mentioned the _ _ 10f 1O to 15 Characters“ The structure of the 8O responding Mexican- 1 American families seemed to be related to their statistical relationship between Anglo-Ameri- tendency to mention clothing (X23 I 8.90, P. I 95- emakers’ employment status and the number 97.5 percent). Those women whose families consisted ters’ clothing they noticed was significant of husband and wife or wife and children tended to E31, P. I 90-95 percent). Generally, the em- note fewer characters’ clothing than did those with spondents noted more characters’ clothing other types of family structure. There were no sig- 'the unemployed. Although statistical analysis nificant differences among the structure of Anglo- possible on the Mexican-American data, pro- American respondents. Family size did not affect ‘tely more employed than unemployed women significantly the total number of characters whose ‘V3310 to 15 characters’ clothing, Table 2. clothing was mentioned by either group. I DISTRIBUTION OF TOTAL NUMBER OF CHARACTERS WHOSE CLOTHING 1s MENTIONED BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER s5- RIABLES J Mexican-American Anglo-American i. Number of Characters Number of Characters 0-4 5-9 10-15 16-20 0-4 5-9 10-15 16-20 No. "A, No. % No. "/0 No. % No. “A, No. ‘X, No. 7., No. % 22 26 21 24 35 41 8 9 4 1O 14 36 19 49 2 5 '2) 8 24‘ 12 36 12 36 1 3 1 6 8 44 9 50 0 0 113) 7 25‘ 2 7 13 46 6 21 1 8 5 38 7 54 0 0 _-5) 7 28 7 2s 1o 40 1 4 2 25‘ 1 13 3 3s 2 25 y; 22 25 22 25 36 42 7 8 4 10 15 35 21 50 2 5 sthan 9 years) 20 29 18 26 27 39 4 6 1 14 4 57 2 29 O 0 Y (9-12 years) 2 13 3 2O 7 47 3 2O 2 8 1O 42 11 46 1 4 f. re than v pars) 0 O 1 33 2 67 0 0 1 9 1 9 8 73 1 9 e 22 25 21 24 37 42 8 9 4 10 13 33 21 52 2 5 than $200) 11 28 12 31 15 38 1 3 0 0 2 100 0 O 0 0 i ($200-$349) 7 18 6 15 19 49 7 18 1 8‘ 4 33 7 58 0 O , re than $349) 4 40 3 3O 3 30 0 0 3 12‘ 7 27 14 54 2 8 i I rating 21 24 22 25 37 42 8 9 4 10 15 37 19 48 2 5 _, ings 1-3) 2O 25 20 25 32 40 8 10 1 4 10 42 13 54 0 0 'tings 4-7) 1 13 2 24 5 63 0 0 3 18 5 31 6 38 2 13 iiiving 22 24 22 24 38 42 9 10 4 9 15 36 21 50 2 5 i ings 1-5) 7 19 11 31 13 36 5 14 1 10 5 5O 4 4O 0 0 ffings 6-7) 15 27‘ 11 20 25 45 4 7 3 9‘ 10 31 17 53 2 6 i) pondent 22 25 22 25 37 41 8 9 4 10 15 35 21 50 g2 5 ,-35 years) 3 17‘ 1 5 <2 5o 5 28 1 a 7 44 7 44 1 a p. 136-55 years) 8 22‘ 9 25 16 44 3 8 1 7 3 2O 11 73 0 0 fore than f ears) 11 31‘ 12 34 12 34 0 0 2 18‘ 5 45 3 27 1 9 in 22 24 22 24 38 42 9 10 4 10 15 35 21 50 2 5 16 23 17 24 32 45 6 8 0 0 1 50 1 50 0 0 6 30 5 25 6 30 3 15 4 1O 14 35 2O 50 2 5 f t status 22 724 22 24 38 42 9 10 4 1O 15 35 21 5O 2 5 ._ 1 i‘ 20 0 0 4 80 0 O 1 1O 1 1O 7 70 1 10 yed 21 24 22 26 34 40 9 10 3 9 14 44 14 44 1 3 ialization 2O 22 22 25 38 43 9 10 3 7 15 37 21 51 2 5 4 24‘ 3 18 9 53 1 6 3 14 7 33 10 48 1 5 15 22‘ 19 26 29 40 8 11 o o a 4o 11 55 1 5 errors. ‘ 11 Characters whose clothing was mentioned: Mexi- can-American (68 percent) and Anglo-American (86 percent) respondents most frequently mentioned the clothing of character 18 (Picture V), a matronly, heavy- set woman wearing a simple dress with a small printed design and carrying a shopping bag. About 75 and 65 percent of the Anglo-American and Mexican-American interviewees, respectively, men- tioned the clothing of character 19 (Picture VI) the second most often. Picture VI was ranked sixth, the one where clothing was mentioned the least often, by the Anglos and fifth by the Mexican-Americans, Table 3. Both control and experimental interviewees men- tioned the clothing of character l0 the least often. This character was a slightly bald, casually dressed man talking intently to another character while two others observed. Statistically, Mexican-American and Anglo-Ameri- can respondents were not likely to mention the cloth- ing of any character more often than any other. Number of pictures where clothing gave the main story idea: About 48 percent of the Mexican-American and 57 percent of the Anglo-American respondents stated that some characters’ clothing gave them ideas for TATMA stories. When the two ethnic group-s were compared statistically, the differences in the number of pictures where clothing gave the main story idea were nonsignificant. The clothing depicted in Picture IV most fre- quently was the basis for stories (59 and 76 percent of the Mexican-American and AngloAmerican re- spondents, respectively). This picture of two women had no background, and the characters’ appearance was the only factor to which interviewees could respond. TABLE 3. FREQUENCY WITH WHICH CHARACTERS' CLOTHING WAS MENTIONED AND RANK ORDER OF THESE RESPONSES BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION Mexican-American Picture Cho rocter Pictu re Cho rocter Pictu re Anglo-American Character number number rank ronk ronk rank l I 2 6 I I2 2 4 8 ‘3 l3 I5 4 I9 I3 5 ll I6 2 6 3 I7 6 l4 7 7 5 3 8 5 I8 4 17 9 I0 6 I0 2O 20 ll 3 9 4 I2 4 5 3 4 I3 I4 7 5 "I4 I 8 2 I0 I5 9 ll I6 l2 3 I7 I5 I8 I8 I I 6 I9 6 2 5 , 2. 20 I6 I9 ~12 Picture VI was the least likely to elicf based on clothing from the Mexican-bom re i; (34 percent). This scene depicteda situati” pictorially described the lives of many t Americans. The clothing shown in Pictu the least likely to give Anglo-Americans (40 ‘ main story ideas. In this case, the rather physical features of character 7 may have d: respondent’s attention away "from the clothi ,7 The statistical relationship between number of clothing-related story ideas an, spondents’ ISC scores was nonsignificant" ethnic groups. Approximately one-half spondents with low ISC scores stated that fe three stories were based on clothing, Table/f was true of slightly fewer respondents with scores. Mexican-American homemakers’ educat tainment was related statistically to the n stories where clothing gave the main idea (x22 I P. I 99.5 percent). The relationship see t’ indirect, since 49 percent of the women __ educational attainment, compared to 33 o: the better educated women, had fewer than t; from clothing, Table 4. There were too fe’ with more than l2 years of school to inc l group in the analysis. Anglo data could’. meaningfully organized for chi-square analy i erally, the moderately well-educated Angl tended to base more of their stories on clot, did women in any other educational categv" Family income was statistically nonsignifi) cross-classified with the number of story id’ ethnic group based on characters’ clothingi one-half of the Mexican-American low _’ income groups had fewer than three ideas Q ing as compared with one-third of the medi ' group, Table 4. Of all Mexican-Americ V’ groups, the medium-income respondents most likely to have told stories based on With the exception of the two families who incomes, the Anglos were distributed alm among the number of “story-idea” categories, Level of living and husband's occupati were not related statistically to either ethn" tendency to use TATMA characters’ cloth’ basis of their stories. Regardless of husbandf tional rating, approximately one-half and)’; of the Mexican-American and Anglo-Americ’ respectively, had fewer than three stories characters’ clothing, Table 4. When c0 M’ the Mexican-Americans, approximately twi 1 Anglos with high occupational ratings ha six story ideas from clothing. In the case of both Anglo-American P. I 95 percent) and Mexican-American (x2, P. I 97.5 percent) respondents, age infl likelihood that stories were based on characl Ierally, the older the woman, the less likely _. 0 have a main story idea from characters’ Table 4. About 60 percent of the older ‘LAmerican women had fewer than three story fgmpared to about 3O percent of the youngest Iln this respect, the differences among the ;- groups were not as pronounced. Vugh this analysis was not possible with ta, participation in social activities was re- "tistically to the Mexican-American women’s othing in main story ideas (x22 I 8.34, P. I ’ ent). The Mexican-American relationship i0 be inverse; those who participated in social generally had slightly fewer main story ideas _ ing than those who did not, Table 4. Of - glo-American respondents who did partici- roximately 40 percent had fewer than three is from clothing and approximately 30 per- Statistical analysis was not possible with data concerning employment status and the source of story ideas. It was thought that employed women would note clothing generalities more frequently than the unemployed. This relationship could be classified only as a tendency for the Anglos, Table 4, and too few Mexican-Americans were employed to make a meaningful analysis. Twenty and 40 percent of the employed and unemployed Anglo women, respectively, had fewer than three main story ideas from clothing, whereas about 30 percent of both groups had five or six ideas from clothing. Statistically, the urban-rural orientation of the Mexican-American women was not related to the number of stories they told which were based on clothing. There was a tendency for this to be true among the Anglo-Americans (X22 I 3.22, P. I 75-90 percent), Table 4. Although the rural-reared Anglos were most likely to cite 3-4 pictures giving main story I; five or six, Table 4. VARIABLES y Mexican-American TotoI number of pictures Anglo-American Total number of pictures 1 DISTRIBUTION OF TOTAL NUMBER OF PICTURES WHERE CLOTHING GAVE MAIN STORY IDEA BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER 5-s ‘y No. u. No. “A, No. or. No. % No. *7, No. % ‘f 4o 47‘ 2s 27 2s 27 1s s7‘ 1s s2 1s s2 l2) 17 52 9 27 7 21 s 44 s ss 4 2s a )3) 12 4s 7 25 9 s2 4 s1 4 s1 5 ss ' .5) 11 44 7 2s 7 2s s so s so 4 4o 1 41 47 24 2s 22 25 15 s7‘ 1s s2 1s s2 "s than 9 years) s4 49 2o 29 15 22 4 s7 o o 2 ss f 19-12 years) 5 ss s 2o 7 47 s ss s ss s s4 than 12 years) 2 ss 1 s4 o o s 27 5 4s s 27 ome 4o 45‘ 24 27 24 27 15 s7‘ 1s s2 1s s2 5e than $200) 22 5s 9 2s s 21 1 5o 1 so o o ($200-$349) 1s ss 12 s1 14 ss 5 ss 4 s1 4 s1 than $s49) 5 5o s so 2 2o 9 s5 s so 9 s5 5| rating 41 47 24 27 2s 2s 15 ss 1s ss 12 29 Tings 1-s) ss 4s 22 2s 21 2s 9 s9 9 s9 5 22 icfings 4-7) 5 5s 2 22 2 22 s s5 4 24 7 41 living 41 4s 25 27 25 27 1s ss 1s s1 1s s1 ‘flngs 1-5) 15 42 12 ss 9 25 s so 2 2o 2 2o 111195 s-7) 2s 47 1s 24 1s 29 1o s2 11 s4 11 s4 pondenf 41 4s 25 2s 2s 2s 14 s4 1s ss 1s ss 7-35 years) 5 2s 5 2s s 44 s 5o 5 s1 s 19 a )ss-55 years) 14 s9 15 42 7 19 2 1s 5 ss s 54 re than 55 years) 22 ss 5 14 s 2s 4 44 s ss 2 ss ion m activities 41 4s 25 27 25 27 1s ss 1s s1 1s s1 2s s9 24 s4 19 27 1 5o 1 5o o o 1s s5 1 5 s so 15 ss 12 so 1s s2 I‘) some 41 4s 25 27 25 27 1s ss 1s s1 1s s1 = r 4 9o o o 1 1o 2 2o 5 5o s so ‘oyed s7 4s 25 29 24 2s 14 44 s 25 1o s1 fsociolizotion s9 44 25 2s 25 2s 15 s7 1s s2 1s s2 7 42 5 29 5 29 9 4s 4 19 s ss s2 44 2o 2s 2o 2s s so 9 45 5 25 ' errors. 13 ideas, the urban-reared women most often cited O-2 or 5-6 pictures. Clothing-awareness scores: Clothing-awareness scores were compiled from a simple numerical count of lines of clothing comment, stories where clothing gave the main idea, characters whose clothing was mentioned, clothing incongruities and clothing themes. The statistical difference between the two ethnic groups’ clothing-awareness scores was signifi- cant (X24 I 10.53, P. I, 95 percent). Mean and median values (Mexican-American: mean I 23.9, median I 24.5; Anglo-American: mean I 28.9, median I 27.5) indicates that Anglo scores were considerably higher than Mexican-American ones. The statistical relationship between the Anglo- Americans’ ISC and clothing-awareness scores was non- significant. This relationship for Mexican-Americans was a trend (x24 I 6.17, P. I 75-90 percent). There was about the same percent of Anglos with low-cloth- ing awareness in each ISC classification. Whereas, these respondents with high ISC scores we distributed between mid-clothing and hig awareness, the low ISC women were more _, have midrange-clothing awareness than hig lesser extent, this was also true for the i, Anglo respondents with midrange ISC, Table? Mexican-American distribution was skewe same direction but was _d'_ifferent propo About 50 percent of the low ‘ISC scores were with midrange clothing awareness scores, N and 20 percent of the women with high had mid-clothing or high-clothing scores, res Table 5. " The statistical relationship between A g? viewees’ educational attainment and cloth: ness scores was not meaningful. This re. among Mexican-Americans was significant (x? P. I 90-95 percent). With the exception of HI persons with high educational attainment, I able tended to be related positively to clothi“ ness scores, Table 5. . ‘f 4' TABLE 5. DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING AWARENESS SCORES BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER SELECTED VARIABLES Mexican-American Anglo-American Clothing awareness scores Clothing awareness scores . Variables -I8 I9-36 37-54 I-I8 I9-36 No. ‘X, No. ‘X, No. % No. ‘X, No. ‘Z, ISC score 27 33 35 43 20 24 7 I7 24 59 Low (I-2) I2 40 I4 47 4 I3 3 I7 I3 72 Medium (3) 6 22 IO 37 II 4i 2 I5 7 54 High (4-5) 9 36 II 44 5 20 2 2O 4 4O Education g 28 34 36 44 I8 22 7 I7 25 59 Low (less than 9 years) 26 39 28 43 I2 I8 3 43 4 57 Medium (9-I2 years) 2 I5 5 39 6 46 3 I2 I6 67 High (more than I2 years) 0 0‘ 3 IOO 0 O I 9‘ 5 45 Family income 27 33 35 43 2O 24 7 I7 24 59 Low (less than $200) I3 38 I7 50 4 I2 O 0 2 IOO Medium ($200-$349) IO 26 I3 34 I5 4O 3 23 8 62 High (more than $349) 4 4O 5 5O I IO 4 I5 I4 54 Level of living 28 34 36 43 I9 23 7 I8 22 56 Low (ratings I-5) 27 36 3I 4I I7 23 4 I8 I3 59 High (ratings 6-7) I I31 5 63 2 25 3 I8 9 53 Occupational rating 28 33 37 43 2I 24 7 I7 25 59 Low (ratings I-3) 7 4I 6 35 4 24 I 5O O O High (ratings 4-7) 2I 30 3I 45 I7 25 6 I51 25 63 Age of respondent 2s 33 37 44 19 23 7 17‘ 25 60 Low (I7-35 years) . 2 II 7 39 9 5O 3 I9 IO 62 ’ Medium (36-55 years) I2 35 I6 47 6 I8 I 7‘ IO 67 High (more than 55 years) I4 44 I4 44 4 I2 3 27 5 46 Participation in activities 28 33 37 44 2I 24 7 I7 25 6I None I9 28 32 48 I6 24 I 5O 0 O Some 9 471 5 26 5 26 6 I5 25 64 Employment status 28 33 37 43 2I 24 7 I7 25 6O Employed 2 4O 2 40 I 2O 2 20 5 50 Unemployed 26 32 35 43 2O 25 5 I6 2O 62 Area of socialization 26 33 37 43 2I 24 6 I5 25 6) Rural 3 I8 I2 7O 2 I2 5 24 I2 57 Urban 23 341 25 37 I9 28 I 5 I3 65 ‘Rounding errors. 14 ough statistical analysis of Anglo data was ningful, Mexican-Americans’ incomes were vii-to their clothing awareness (X22 I 5.04, P. I rcent). One-half of the low and high-income _ -Americans had 19-36 clothing-awareness jand about 4O percent of these two income ;had low-clothing awareness, Table 5. There iftendency for a direct relationship between the and clothing-awareness scores of those 40 American women who had monthly incomes of i more. Twenty-three and 15 percent of the in and high-income Anglo respondents, respec- .had low-clothing awareness as compared to l5 ppercent in the same income groups who had ‘thing awareness scores. (tributions for level of living and husband’s “tional rating either were related nonsignifi- 0r were not suitable for statistical analysis. iionately, there were more low-clothing scores i‘ the low occupation Mexican-Americans than these respondents with high occupational There was no proportional difference be- 5, the occupationally low and high Mexican- ’ n women with high-clothing scores, Table 5. A 40 Anglos with high occupational ratings, 63 v had midrange-clothing scores and most of the "ng ones were in the highest-clothing category. _ ere were about three times more Mexican- {fans with low level of living and low clothing ‘piss scores than there were with low level of and high-clothing scores. Approximately the roportion of each level-of-living group had I ‘othing scores. There were about the same pro- f of low and high level-of-living Anglos in the lothing-awareness score categories, Table 5. A e respondent’s age statistically affected her ‘g-awareness score (Mexican-American: X22 I ‘i’ I 99.5 percent; Anglo-American: X22 I 7.61, 7.5-99 percent). Generally more of the older p, in both ethnic groups had low scores and f the younger women had high scores, Table 5. here was a trend for participation in social "es to be related to Mexican-American inter- A ’ clothing-awareness scores (X22 I 3.27, P. I ‘ircent). This analysis was not possible with ldata. Among the Mexican-Americans the rela- fp ‘was basically inverse, Table 5. The greatest i ion of low scores was among women who vpated in some activities, and the greatest pro- I. of middle or high scores was associated with rticipators. Of the Anglo participators, about ‘pf l0 had clothing-awareness scores ranging from ‘Table 5. N eaningful analysis of the influence of employ- tatus on Mexican-Americans’ clothing-awareness "was not possible; this relationship was signifi- ong Anglos (X21 I 2.83, P. I 90-95 percent). Yothing awareness scores of the 81 unemployed Mexican-American women were distributed approxi- mately evenly among the three clothing score cate- gories. The greatest proportion of the 30 unemployed AngloAmerican women had midrange clothing-aware- ness scores, and the least had low ones. This also was true of the employed Anglo homemakers, Table 5. The statistical effect of socialization area upon Mexican-American and Anglo-American respondents’ clothing awareness scores was nonsignificant. Re- sponses of urban-reared Mexican-American women were distributed approximately equally among the clothing awareness score categories, but 70 percent of these women who were reared in rural areas had low clothing-awareness scores, Table 5. Proportionately more rural-reared Anglo women had low clothing- awareness scores, while more of these urban-reared women had high scores. Number of clothing incongruities: More Anglo- Americans tended significantly to notice incongruities depicted in TATMA pictures than Mexican-American respondents (X21 I 10.92, P. I 99 percent). Seventy- four percent of the Anglos, compared to 41 percent of the Mexican-Americans, told stories including clothing incongruities. In both samples, the median number of incongruities cited was less than 0.5. On the aver- age, the Mexican and Anglo-American respondents saw 0.7 and 1.4- incongruities, respectively. These means were much closer numerically when based only on the number of women who saw incongruities rather than the total sample (Mexican-American: mean I 1.7, N I 37; Anglo-American: mean I 1.9, N I 31). Because only one Mexican-American told stories including 4-6 clothing incongruities, Table 6, the categories for number of incongruities were combined on a none-some basis for statistical analysis. Of the eight independent variables, only the respondent’s age (X22 I 5.02, P. I 90-95 percent) and husband’s occu- pational rating (X21 I2.69, P. I90 percent) were related significantly to the total number of clothing incongruities noted by Mexican-American homemak- ers. None was associated significantly with the Anglo- American women’s tendency to notice clothing in- congruities in TATMA pictures. The majority of the Mexican-American respond- cnts in all ISC categories failed to notice any clothing incongruities. However, the proportion of women who did notice some incongruities increased with their ISC scores. Ten percent of the Anglo respond- ents noticed 4-6 incongruities; none of these were in the high ISC category. The majority of respondents in all individual ISC categories noticed l-3 incongrui- ties, Table 6. Approximately two-thirds of the Mexican-Ameri- cans with low educational attainment failed to note clothing incongruities, while about one-third noticed l-3. This ratio was about one-toone for those re- spondents with more than 8 years of school, Table 6. About 30 percent of the Anglo homemakers, who had 15 l2 or fewer years of education, did not mention cloth- ing incongruities, Table 6. Eighteen percent of the better educated women failed to see at least one in- congruity. About three-fourths of the Anglo women who had some college training noticed l-3 incon- gruities. Generally, the Mexican-American respondents with the lowest family incomes were the least likely to reiterate clothing incongruities in TATMA pic- tures. There was no difference in the tendency of high-income Mexican-Americans to note these incon- gruities. Although there were only two, this was true also of the low-income Anglo-American respondents. Approximately three-fourths of the medium-income Anglos noted l-3 incongruities as compared to approxi- mately 60 percent of these high-income respondents. There were about twice as many American respondents with low level-of-livl who failed to note clothing incongruities were those who noted at least three inc Table 6. In the case of high level-of-living Americans, 56 percent did not include incl in their stories while 45 percent did. The J low level-of-living Anglos sawj-l-3 incongruiti‘ 6O percent of the high leveIi-dif-living respo i_ stories incorporating l-3 clothing incongruiti 6. The relationship between Mexican-A spondents’ tendency to include clothing incl and their husbands’ occupational ratings tially direct. An equal percentage of Angl‘ who did not mention clothing incongruities? bands with medium and high occupation‘ The only individuals who had seen 4-6 inc‘ had medium occupational scores, Table 6. The medium-income Anglo women were the most likely to mention at least one clothing incongruity, Table 6. TABLE 6. DISTRIBUTION OF TOTAL NUMBER OF CLOTHING INCONGRUITIES MENTIONED BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTH VARIABLES Mexican-American Number of clothing incongruities Anglo-American Number of clothing incong Variables None I -3 4-6 No-ne I -3 No. % No. % No. 7° No. % ‘ No. ‘Z, ISC score 5O 58 36 42 0 O II 27 26 63 Low (I-2) 22 67 II 33 O O 5 28 II 6I Medium (3) I5 54 I3 46 ~ O 0 4 3I 7 54 High (4-5) I3 52 I2 48 O O 2 2O 8 80 Education 50 59 34 4O I I II 26 27 64 Low (less than 9 years) 42 62 25 37 I I 2 29 4 57 Medium (9-I2 years) 7 47 8 53 O O 7 29 I5 63 High (more than I2 years) I 5O I 5O O O 2 I8 8 73 Family income 50 57‘ 3s 41 1 1 11 27 2s s3 Low (less than $200) 24 62 I5 38 O O I 50 I 50 Medium ($200-$349) 2I 55 I6 42 I 3 2 I5 IO 77 High (more than $349) 5 5O 5 5O 0 0 8 3I1 I5 58 Occupational rating 5I 58 37 42 O O II 3I 2I 6O Low (ratings I-2) 35 65 I9 35 O O O O 2 I00 Medium (ratings 3-4) I4 47 I6 53 O 0 9 33 I5 56 High (ratings 5-7) 2 5O 2 5O O O 2 33 4 67 Level of living 52‘ 57‘ 3s 42 1 2 11 2s‘ 27 s4 Low (ratings I-5) II 65 6 35 O O O O 2 I00 High (ratings 6-7) 4I 561 32 44 I II 281 25 63 Age of respondent 5O 59 35 4I I I II 28 25 62 Low (I7-35 'years) <6 38 IO 62 O O 4 25 IO 62 Medium (36-55 years) 2O 56 I6 44 O 0 3 23 9 69 High (more than 55 years) 24 7I 9 26 I 3 4 A36 6 55 Participation in activities 52 57 3s 42 1 1 11 2s‘ 27 s4 None 4I 58 29 4I I I 0 O 2 I00 Some 1 1 55 9 45 0 0 1 1 28‘ 25 s3 Employment status 5I 57 38 42 I I II 261 27 64 Employed 3 6O 2 4O O O 3 3O 5 5O Unemployed 48 561 36 42 I I 8 241 22 69 Area of socialization 5I 57 37 42 I I II 27 26 63 Rural IO 59 7 4I O O 6 29 I2 57 Urban 4I 57 3O 42 I I 5 25 I4 70 1Rounding errors. l6 roximately 70 percent of the older Mexican- n respondents, as compared to about 4O per- », the younger ones, did not notice clothing ities. Similarly, 26 percent of the older "compared t0 62 percent of the youngest ones, " 1-3 incongruities, Table 6. These relation- ere not as clearcut among the Anglo respond- ~bout one-third of the Anglos over 55 years old g mention clothing incongruities. This com- about one-fourth of the women 55 years old fger. The youngest category of Anglo women imost to note 4-6 incongruities in their TATMA ‘e percentage of Mexican-Americans who failed or saw only 1-3 clothing incongruities was imately the same, regardless of their social ation level. Twenty-eight percent of the "ating Anglo respondents did not see incon- while 63 and 10 percent noted 1-3 and 4-6, "vely, Table 6. e percentage distribution of the unemployed ployed Mexican-American respondents among A1 ber of clothing incongruity categories was iimately equal, Table 6. The majority of both qoyed and employed Anglo-American home- ‘ noted 1-3 incongruities. Of the four Anglos w 4-6 incongruities, two were in each of the lment categories. ere was no difference in the percentage distri- g of rural-reared and urban-reared Mexican- I‘ an homemakers who noted or failed to note T2; incongruities, Table 6. Fourteen percent of 'l-reared Anglo respondents saw 4-6 incongrui- his was three times more than urban-reared _ noticed. Proportionately, more of the urban I specified 1-3 incongruities in their TATMA NS IN SPECIFIED PICTURES . NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF TYPES OF CLOTHING Types of Clothing Incongruities The respondent’s tendency to notice a variety of incongruities between TATMA clothing wearers and their surroundings was another indication of clothing awareness. Clothing incongruities related to the age, sex, socio-economic status and size-shape of the wearer and the apparent formality of the situation were designed into TATMA pictures. The number and percentage distributions of the types of clothing incon- gruities seen in each picture are cited in Table 7. Age: It was possible to imagine age incongruities in Pictures I, II, III and V. About one-fifth of the Mexican-American respondents identified a total of 19 age incongruities. Eleven of thesewere seen in Picture II. The others were distributed almost equally among the remaining three pictures. Similarly, 5 per- cent of the Anglos noted age incongruities, all of which were associated with Picture II. The follow- ing comments were typical. Some comments related to more than one type of clothing incongruity. Picture I: “Numbers 3 and 4 are teachers. They look older, more respectable. The man’s clothing is quite differ- ent from that of the boy (No. 1) who is wearing blue jeans. No. 3 wears a shirt and dress trousers. N0. 4 also looks older and better dressed.” Picture II: “. . . she (No. 7) is dressed very awkwardly for her age. She looks very old (yet) wears a hair bow, and the sweater is to,o tight. Usually older women do not wear tight skirts. The loafers are definitely out since they are for school girls which she is not.” Picture II: “He (No. 6) looks a lot older to be wearing sneakers and that corny shirt with the flowers on it. The blue jeans are not too good either.” Picture II: “According to her age, the way she (No. 7) is dressed is very improper and rare. She is a middle-aged woman, and she is wearing a teenagers shoes and socks and a child’s purse which don’t become her. She even wears bangs and a bow in her hair . . . she is ridiculous.” Picture V: “Man No. 15 looks so much older than his young wife since he is wearing a hat.” INCONGRUITIES MENTIONED BY MEXICAN- AND ANGLO- 1 clothing Mexican-American lruity P-I P-ll P-III P-IV P-V P-VI No. "/0 No. ‘Z, No. % No. "/2, No. ‘X, No. "/0 , 7s s5‘ s4 701 75 s4 ss 9s s4 <22 <20 <29 f; ongruities 1s 15 27 so 14 15 2 2 7 s 1 1 f; s s 11 12 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 ~.~ Us 1 1 1 1 1 1 I- qlity 7 8 3 3 5 6 fure l l l l l l 5 6 A 1 1 s a 1 1 I-shqpe l l 1 I l2 I Anglo-American - s9 q 9s 2s 57‘ 27 55 s9 9s s7 ss ss 9o‘ ~ ongruities s 7 14 ss 14 ss s 7 5 15 4 1o 2 5 ~. s 2 5 5 12 1 2 cIity s 7 2 5 s 7 ture l 2 11 27 s 7 Fshape l0 24 I g errors. 17 Socio-economic status: Of all the clothing incon- gruities depicted, those related to apparent differences in the socio-economic status of characters were the most difficult to define. Status-related clothing in- congruities might be seen in Pictures I, II, III and VI and less obviously in Picture IV. Three percent of the Mexican-Americans, com- pared to 19 percent of the Anglo respondents, cited clothing incongruities related to the socioeconomic circumstance of the characters. The majority of these were associated with Picture V where characters 16, 17 and 18 looked “humble” or “needy.” Examples of statements of socio-economic clothing incongruities follow: Picture I: “The boy (N0. 1) is dressed in blue jeans and is looking at the others who are better dressed . . . the other characters feel superior because they are better dressed.” Picture II: . . he may have some thought about the way she (No. 7) is dressed. Perhaps she is in the lower income bracket since her clothes are not quite up-to-date.” Picture VI: “(She is a social worker) because she is obviously better dressed than he is . . . he has his shirt sleeves rolled up and the lack of curtains and furniture in the room suggests poverty.” Formality: The respondents generally associated the lack of formality in clothing with inappropriate- ness for the situation depicted. This was evidenced in response to Pictures I, III and VI. Sixteen percent of the Mexican-Americans and about 20 percent of the Anglo respondents noted clothing incongruities related to formality. The majority of the Mexican-Americans saw this incon- gruity in Pictures I and III, whereas the Anglo- Americans generally noted it in Pictures I, III and VI. The following are representative examples of the formality-related clothing incongruities mentioned by Mexican-American and Anglo-American cooperators: Picture I: “If girl (No. 4) is going to school, she shouldn’t be wearing high heels and gloves.” Picture II: “The way the woman (No. 7) presents herself is not correct for the street. She should be dressed in more appropriate clothing-something older than bobby- socks.” Picture III: “In my opinion, even a sick man (No. ll) shouldn’t present himself this way, wearing a robe. He shouldn’t come into the living room when there are visitors there.” Picture VI: “The man is unshaved, but she is so neatly dressed. . . . she is all dressed up and is quite formal with her gloves there. She looks like a visitor.” Picture VI: “No. 19 is dressed to go out for dinner, but her escort (No. 20) isn’t even presentable. There are her gloves lying on the table and it looks like she might have on a rhinestone bracelet. Also, her dress is cut lower than just a plain house dress.” Cultural affiliation." Clothing incongruities re- lated to the ethnic or racial affiliation of TATMA 18 characters could be seen in Pictures III and obviously in Picture VI. Although these ties were related generally to the Mexic ’ Oriental and Negroid influences also were a Two percent of the Anglo (mostly Pig and 9 percent of the Mexican-American (7, respondents specified such incongruities. So comments follow: 1' Picture III: “Man No. ll is dressed so diff looks like a Chinese in his jacket and slippers Picture III: “No. ll isn’t like the others. like a Japanese servant.” Picture V: “Nos. 14 and 15 are tourists beca __ men dress up outside their own country. Yf" catch 90 percent of them dead in the United? a hat on. The flower in her hair, puffed sl . skirt and soft slippers identify N0. 18 as Latin; Picture V: “It looks like this must be south ofji They don’t dress like that in the States. "f difference between Nos. 14 and l5 and the M are dressed like people around here. The '1 are dressed like that of their country and __ in their everyday clothes. The girl is bright colors and the little boy has on a bright‘ Picture V: “I think this is Laredo, Mexico, they usually dress in Mexican dresses like Couple 14 and l5 are dressed differently s” decided. Persons from the United States can’t to buy.” The comment concerning the brightly-col j can costumes was of particular interest pictures were rendered in black and whi Size-shape: Although clothing incon' lated to the characters’ size and/or sha Pictures II, III and V, only those in Pict i‘ mentioned. Thirteen percent of the Mex" cans and 24 percent of the Anglo respond that character 7 was too large to be dressed’; shown. Some typical comments follow: Picture II: “This poor girl doesn’t look bad, -' she wears isn’t very pretty. She must feel » properly. The girl’s mother never toldjher ‘ dress looks on her or that she should loose < s Picture II: “. . . she looks too chubby for her skirt and sweater are filled out in the wrongjf, Picture II: “. . . even though she is overwei: take enough pride in herself to be neat, 1T sloppy. She's got on shoes that are way too‘? clothes are straight down. Some places they, and some places they are not tight enough.“ Sex: Generally an individual’s sex}: determined by his clothing. Most of the seemed confused when they could not detj nitely if a character was male or female not know what to say, perhaps recognizin, overtones in the situation they imagine to f‘ Approximately 8 percent of the Me cans and 34 percent of the Anglos recognii incongruities concerning a character's sex. these were associated with character ll in and character l2 in Picture IV. The follo T Ii‘ NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES BY PICTURE AND ETHNIC AFFILIATION Mexican-American P-I P-Ill P-IV P-V P-VI 1, No. y. No. or, No. or, No. u. No. y. No. u, cribed only I0 II I5 I6 I0 II I5 I6 8 9 I5 I6 without clothing theme I6 I8 I2 I3 I9 2I I3 I4 9 IO I4 I5 with clothing theme 65 7I 64 7O 62 68 63 69 74 8I 62 67 3' 9I I00 9I 991 9I I00 9I 991 9I I00 9I I00 F. ' Anglo-American Zescribed only o o 1 2 1 2 o o 1 2 o o without clothing theme 5 I2 I5 36 7 I7 6 I4 5 I2 II 26 - with clothing theme g 37 88 26 62 34 8I 36 86 36 86 3I 74 ' 42 I00 42 I00 42 I00 42 I00 42 I00 42 I00 errors. 5. A ts indicate the respondents’ reactions to these iers: ure III: “I can’t tell whether N0. ll is a man or a an. That must be a man, but I don’t know why he ‘ a skirt and lady’s jacket on. Maybe it is a very mascu- f lady.” ure III: “He looks like a man with women’s clothing land I don’t understand why. It looks like a woman’s i‘ but the hair is cut like a man’s.” Lture IV: “I want to tell you that this is the silliest ‘lure I have ever seen. No. l2 is a woman dressed like F“ My husband told me that these people are really I ure IV: “I resent the way the woman (N0. l2) is The clothes she is wearing resemble certain hly feminine because of the pin and earrings and the of clothing she is wearing.” (t; Themes ice at least one clothing incongruity was b-uilt ch picture, it was thought that each would lme kind of clothing theme, and that the theme I would vary with the respondent’s cultural i‘ ion and socio-economic status. The codes, and I - the meanings and categorizations of themes, fsigned after preliminary examination of the mber of clothing themes: Responses were Id as stories with plots which did not refer to cter’s clothing, stories with plots referring to l; and simple picture descriptions without any ‘Although verbalization ability was not meas- "the incidence of stories with clothing plots may this factor. On the average, more Anglos (79 i; than Mexican-Americans (71 percent) told with clothing themes. The statistical difference vi the number of Anglo- and Mexican-American ents who told ‘Ystories with clothing themes or t. individual pictures was nonsignificant. though the numerical range of clothing themes kl from each picture was relatively small, Table tion was not measured since the Mexican-American were given in Spanish and, therefore, were influenced -= ation. tans I have encountered. The other woman is thor- 8, Mexican-Americans were the most likely to give stories with clothing themes to Picture V (81 percent) and the least likely to see these themes in Picture VI (67 percent). Similarly, most of the Anglos (88 per- cent) assigned clothing themes to Picture I, whereas they were the least likely to see these themes in Picture II (62 percent). The statistical difference in the number of Mexican-Americans having clothing themes based on a specific picture was nonsignificant, but was significant for Anglo-American respondents (X25 I 11.30, P. I 95 percent). Characteristics of respondents with clothing themes: Regardless of the picture to which they were responding, Mexican-American women tended to have urban areas of major socialization, low educational attainment (less than 9 years), medium range incomes ($200-$349 per month after taxes), husbands with low occupational ratings, medium age ‘ranges (36-55 years) and did not tend to participate in activities outside their homes. Similarly, regardless of the particular picture, Anglo respondents who gave cloth- ing themes tended to be in the lowest ISC group, have 9- l2 years of formal education, incomes of $350 or more per month and husbands with medium occupa- tional ratings. The tendency of Mexican-American women to have clothing themes for a particular story was de- pendent upon their ISC scores. In the case of Pictures I and IV, these women tended to have low ISC scores. Those most likely to have clothing themes associated with Picture III had medium-range ISC ratings; where- as, in responding to Pictures II and VI in this manner, respondents were equally likely to have low or medium ISC scores. In the case of Picture V, those with cloth- ing themes were distributed equally among all three ISC classifications. In only one case (Picture VI) was the Anglo- American who had clothing themes likely to be a non- participator in activities outside her home. This re- spondent also was likely to be from 36 - 55 years old and originally from an urban area as were the Anglo women who assigned clothing themes to Pictures III and IV. In the case of Picture V, respondents were 19 generally from an urban area, but were equally likely t0 be less than 36 or from 36 to 55 years old. More women 36 t0 55 years old responded to Picture II with clothing themes, and more who were less than 36 responded to Picture I. There was an equal tend- ency for these respondents to be of either rural or urban background. In no case was a woman with a high ISC score, high educational attainment or low income, over 55 years old and whose husband had a high occupational rating, the most likely to have a clothing theme associ- ated with any of the TATMA pictures: TABLE 9. DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES ASSOCIATED WITH PICTURE I BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIABLES")- Most commonly used clothing theme”, was considerable diversity in clothing by-individuals and ethnic groups. This n» coding seldom used themes as “other.” Picture I. Approximately 30 percent Mexican-Americans who had clothing the i“ ated with Picture I identified tit as a school j where, because of their clothing, characters were teachers or other adults. These chara A thought to be better dressed than the othe; picture, Table 9, code 3. Some of these could not decide if character 4 should be? Mexican-Americans Range of clothing themes‘ Anglo-Americans Variables Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 Code 6 Code T Code 3 Code 4 Code No. °/., No. "/0 No. ‘X, No ‘X, N . % No. "/0 No. ‘Z, No. "/0 No. 7° No. ISC scores T2 2T 7 T3 T7 3O 3 5 2 4 T5 27 2T 58 5 T4 2 6 I Low (1-2) 3 14 5 24 7 33 o o o o s 29 9 s4’ 1 7 1 7 0 Medium (3) 5 282 0 O 7 39 2 TT T 6 3 T7 8 622 3 23 O 0 0 High (4-5) 4 242 2 T2 3 T8 T 6 T 6 6 35 4 442 T TT T TT T Education T4 24 8 T4 T5 26 5 3 5 T5 26 2T 57 5 T3 2 5 T Low (less than 9 years) TO 23 7 T6 9 2T 2 5 2 5 T3 3O 2 33 T T7 T T7 O Medium (9-T2 years) 2 2O T TO 4 4O T TO O O 2 2O TT 55 2 TO T 5 T High (more than T2 years) 2 4O O O 2 4O O O I 2O O O 8 73 2 T8 O O O Family income T4 22 9 T5 T9 3T 3 5 2 3 T5 24 2T 58 5 T4 2 6 T Low (less than $200) 4 T7 5 2T 7 29 T 4 O O 7 29 O O O O O O O Medium ($200-$349) 7 23 3 TO TO 32 2 6 2 6 7 23 6 502 T 8 T 8 O High (more than $349) 3 43 T T4 2 29 O O O O T T4 T5 632 4 T7 T 4 T Level of living T4 24 3 5 20 34 3 5 3 5 T6 27 2T 5T 9 22 2 5 T Low (ratings T-5) T 8 2 T7 4 33 O 0 O O 5 42 2 T00 0 0 0 O 0 High (ratings s-7) 13 2s’ 1 2 1s 34 3 s 3 s 11 23 19 49’ 9 23 2 1 Occupational rating T3 2T2 9 T5 T9 3T 3 5 2 3 T6 26 2T 58 5 T4 2 6 T Low (ratings T-2) 7 T92 7 T9 8 22 T 3 T 3 T2 33 T 5O O O T 5O O Medium (ratings 3-4) 5 23 T 5 9 4T 2 23 T 5 4 T8 T6 672 3 T3 O O T High (ratings 5-7) T 25 T 25 2 5O O O O O O O 4 4O 2 2O T TO O Age of respondent T3 2T 9 T5 T9 3T 3 5 2 3 I5 25 2T 57 5 T4 2 5 T Low (T7-35 years) 2 T3 O O 7 47 3 2O O O 3 2O TO 7T2 2 T4 O O T Medium (36-55 years) 8 242 5 20 7 28 0 0 T 4 4 T6 6 43 2 T4 2 T4 0 High (more than 55 years) 3 T4 4 T9 5 24 O O T 5 8 38 5 632 T T3 O O O Participation in activities T3 2O TO T5 2O 3T 3 5 3 5 T6 24 2T 57 5 T4 2 5 T None 9 1s’ s 11 19 35 3 5 3 5 15 27 2 100 0 0 0 0 0 Some 4 4O 4 4O T TO O O O O T TO T9 54 5 T4 2 6 T Employment status T4 222 9 OT4 2O 3T 3 5 3 5 T6 24 2T 57 _ 5 T4 2 5 T Employed I 25 2 50 I 25 O 0 0 0 0 O 7 7O I TO 0 0 O Unemployed T3 2T2 7 TT T9 33 3 TO 3 TO T6 26 T4 52 4' T5 2 7 T Area of socialization T4 T6” 9 TI 2O 24 23 27 3 4 T6 T9 20 562 5 T4 2 6 T Rural 4 25 3 T9 4 25 0 0 I T 6 4 25 9 502 4 22 I 5 0 Urban TO 202 6 T2 T6 33 3 6 2 4 T2 24 TI 652 T 6 T 6 T lCode T—Schoo~l, office or church situation, mentions clothing generally. Code 2—-Although No. T is young, he is not dressed for school. The other characters feel superior to him. , Code 3—-Nos. 3 and 4 are teachers or other adults. Mentions gloves, dress trousers or that they are better dressed than o Code 4-—-Because of clothing, No. 5 is a teacher, Nos. 3 and 4 are visitors and others are students. 5—Because of his clothing, No. 2 ignores No. T who is embarrassed. Code Code 6—A variety of meanings seldom occurring among responses. zRounding errors. 20 v the school. The women who gave this re- ffgenerally had 10w 0r medium ISC scores, low _',nal attainment, monthly family income-s of 349, high level of living scores and husbands fedium occupational ratings. Also, these women ely to be less than 55 years old, unemployed, “fin urban areas and nonparticipators. e second most common Mexican-American theme, an adaptation of the first, Table 9, , mentioned clothing generally to identify in a school, office or church. Attention was to the clothing of particular characters. ioeconomic traits of these respondents were ; {to those who were more specific. The excep- fias Mexican-American women, 36-55 years old, _T- husbands with lower occupational ratings. l" e seldom-used clothing themes made by Mexi- cricans about Picture I were diverse and inter- Many had to do with a shopping situation; vale character carrying a purse-like object was L}: to be shopping or going to town. Two dents thought that character 5 was being criti- for her dress, particularly her bobby-socks. In , characters 1 and 2 were identified as de- ts because of their “hoody” clothing. In instance, these same characters were thought fhumble because of their modest clothing. “proximately 60 percent of the Anglo-American “ents had clothing themes based on youth 'ng school or church and becoming better “nted with one another, Table 9, code 1. They '1'; mentioned specific details of any character’s Q g. The Anglo women who made this response 'kely to have low or medium ISC scores, 9 - 12 education, monthly incomes of $350 or more, vel of living scores and husbands with medium rtional ratings. Further, they were 17 - 35 years g employed, reared in urban areas and partici- ,in at least one social activity. With the excep- ‘f age, income and social participation, the Anglo dents having this type of clothing theme were gvjr to their Mexican-American counterparts. he second most common clothing theme (Table I1 3) used by Anglo-Americans was a specific =ti0n of code 1. Its use was related positively 7 same socio-economic variables. ‘here were seven Anglo-American respondents _l clothing themes did not fit into any of the 'ed categories. For instance, character 3 was w like a “high-class” Negro, or character 5 was J-l “differently” and would be treated as an out- ‘_ Two homemakers thought that Picture I was ‘ing, because some of the chracters were “dressed i; d some were not. he numerical distributions involved did not I‘ meaningful statistical analysis of ethnic and socio-economic differences associated with the theme content of Picture I. Picture II. The most common clothing theme associated with picture II had to do with the inappro- priateness of character 7’s clothing. About 40 percent of the Mexican-Americans and 60 percent of the Anglos thought that she was too large and too old or young to be dressed as depicted. Because of her clothing, there was some confusion, particularly among the Mexican-Americans, about her age. Her appearance caused character 6 to stare. These re- spondents mentioned her sweater, hair and purse, and the shoes of both characters, Table l0, code l. The typical Mexican-American giving this type of clothing theme was likely to have a high ISC score, less than 9 years of school, a monthly income of $200 - $349, a high level of living score and a husband with a low or medium occupational rating. She generally was 36-55 years old, unemployed, urban- reared and did not participate in activities. The Anglo women who gave this type of clothing theme had similar incomes and level of living scores, also were unemployed and in the same age category, tended to have low ISC scores, 9-12 years of edu- cation and husbands with medium occupational ratings. They also were likely to have rural areas of major socialization and some social participation. Mexican-Americans and Anglo-Americans had the same second-most commonly used clothing theme. Approximately 20 percent in both ethnic groups thought that, because of their clothing, both char- acters in Picture II were young and in school, Table IO, code 2. Anglo and Mexican-American women who had this theme had two common socio-economic traits; they were 36 - 55 years old and had high level of living scores. Mexican-Americans had high ISC scores and educational attainments, but their hus- bands had low occupational ratings. The Anglos generally participated in social activities while the Mexican-Americans did not. Also, the Anglos had rural socialization areas whereas the Mexican-Ameri- cans tended to be from urban areas. Interestingly, about l0 percent of both Anglo- and Mexican-Americans focused their attention on character 6 and virtually ignored character 7, Table l0, code 4. Two Mexican-American homemakers thought his haircut was that of a “rebel.” Seldom do Mexican-American youth in the study area wear short, cropped hair. They thought his shirt was “wild” and both groups noticed his tennis shoes. One Anglo respondent commented on his “britches with nails” with obvious disgust. Although few women gave this theme for Picture II, it is notable that the urban- reared Anglo homemaker with more than 12 years of formal education and an income of more than $350 was the most likely to make the response. Among the Mexican-Americans, women older than 55 years were the most likely to assign this clothing theme. 21 Both Anglo-Americans and Mexican-Americans was doubly upset to be seen in the depict. used code 5 — character 7’s appearance resembled that The Mexican-American women who most g of a maid. However, only Mexican-American re- this response had medium ISC scores, less life spondents assigned a Mexican ethnic affiliation to of school, $200-$349 incomes, high level.) this character. Also, more Mexican-American women scores and husbands with low occupation f thought that character 7 was old because of her hair, They were 36- 55 years old, did not pa clothing and Oxford shoes, activities outside their homes, were unemp grew up in urban locales. The typical Ang this clothing response had a "high ISC years of education, an income of $350 husband with a high occupational rating ‘ Picture III. For Picture III, approximately 35 pated in social activities. The area of ma] There were no statistical differences among the range of clothing themes made by Anglo-American and Mexican-American respondents for Picture II. percent of both ethnic groups gave clothing themes tion did not affect her tendency to concerning family problems of characters 8, 9 and ll, discord and embarrassment about clot Q Table ll, code 2. Character ll had misbehaved and Picture III. TABLE IO. DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES ASSOCIATED WITH PICTURE II BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIABLESJT) Range of clothing themes2 Mexican-Americans Anglo-Americans Variables Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 Code 6 Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code No. "/0 No. "/0 No. ‘X, No. "A, No. % No. ‘Z, No. ‘X, No. % No. “A, No. 5 ISC scores 23 38 I3 2I 8 I3 6 I0 4 7 7 II I6 57 7 25 I 4 3 ‘i. Low (I-2) 6 3O 5 25 3 I5 I 5 2 I0 3 I5 8 67 4 33 0 0 0 5 Medium (3) 6 27 6 27 2 9 3 I4 2 9 3 I4 4 502 2 25 0 0 I _ High (4-5) II 582 2 II 3 I6 2 II 0 O I 5 4 02 I I3 I I3 2 Education 23 38 I2 2O 8 I3 6 I0 4 7 7 I2 I6 62 5 I9 I 4 3 Low (less than 9 years) I4 3I 8 I8 7 I6 5 II 4 9 7 I5 I 33 2 67 O 0 0 Medium (9-I2 years) 8 622 4 3I I 8 0 0 0 O 0 0 II 73 3 2O O 0 I High (more than I2 years) I 5O O 0 O 0 I 5O 0 0 0 0 4 502 O 0 I I3 2 Family income 23 37 I3 22 8 I3 7 II 4 6 7 II I6 62 5 I8 I 4 3 Low (less than $200) 8 35 3 I3 3 I3 3 I3 2 9 4 I7 0 O I I00 O 0 0 Medium ($200-$349) I0 32 9 29 4 I3 4 I3 2 6 2 6 7 87 I I3 O 0 0 High (more than $349) 5 632 I I3 I I3 0 O 0 0 I I3 9 532 3 I8 I 6 3 if» Level of living 24 38 I3 20 9 I4 7 II 4 6 7 II I6 62 5 I8 I 4 3 Low (ratings I-5) 3 30 4 40 0 0 I IO I I0 I IO I I00 0 0 0 0 0 High (ratings 6-7) 2I 392 9 I7 9 I7 6 II 3 6 6 II I5 60 5 20 ' I 4 3 Occupational rating 24 38 I3 2I 9 I4 6 IO 4 6 7 II I6 62 5 I8 I 4 3 Low (ratings I-2) II 3I 9 26 5 I4 3 9 3 9 4 II I I00 0 O 0 0 0 Medium (ratings 3-4) II 462 3 I3 3 I3 3 I3 I 4 3 I3 I0 59 5 29 0 0 I High (ratings 5-7) 2 50 I 25 I 25 0 0 0 O 0 0 5 632 0 0 I I3 2 Age of respondent 2I 35 I2 20 9 I5 7 I2 4 6 7 I2 I6 62 5 I9 I 4 3 Low (I7-35 years) 7 502 3 2I 0 0 2 I4 I 7 I 7 6 75 2 25 0 0 0 Medium (36-55 years) 9 35 5 I9 6 23 2 8 O 0 4 I5 7 64 0 0 I 9 2 High (more than 55 years) 5 25 4 20 3 I5 3 I5 3 I5 2 I0 3 43 3 43 O 0 I Participation in activities 24 34 I9 27 9 I3 7 I0 4 6 7 IO I6 62 5 I9 I 4 3 None 2I 402 8 I5 9 I7 5 I0 2 4 7 I3 I I00 0 O 0 0 O Some 3 I7 II 6I 0 0 2 II 2 II 0 O I5 60 5 20 I 4 3 Employment status 24 38 I23 2O 9 I4 7 II 4 6 7 II I6 622 5 I9 I 4 3 Employed 0 02 I 33 I 33 0 0 I 33 0 4 57 I I4 0 0 2 Unemployed 24 392 I2 20 8 I3 7 II 3 5 7 II I2 632 4 2I I 5 I Area of socialization 24 38 I3 2I 9 I4 7 II 3 5 7 II I6 602 5 I9 I 4 3 Rural 5 38 0 0 5 38 I 8 I 8 I 8 9 69 4 3I O 0 O Urban I9 38 I3 26 4 8 6 I2 2 4 6 I2 7 502 I 7 I 7 3 ‘Code I-——No. 7 is not appropriately dressed tor her age and size. No. 6 stares at her. Mentions sweater, shoes, hair and - _ Code 2-—Because of their clothing, they are both young and in school. 2 Code 3—-Because of their clothing, they are both workers and have no opportunity to go to school. Code 4—No. 6 looks like a "rebel" and wants to steal her purse. Described his clothing. Code 5-—Her appearance and clothing suggest she is a Mexican maid or a maid without reference to ethnic group. Code 6—No. 7 is older because of her hair, clothing and shoes. 2Rou ncling errors. 22 ‘ext most common Mexican-American cloth- ff had to do with character ll being at home propriately receiving guests in his bed cloth- I - - respondents specifically mentioned his pers and character 9’s hat. None who made rvations had more than l2 years of school had less than 9 years; all were unemployed were from 36-55 years old. lire was some confusion about character ll. many Anglos as Mexican-Americans thought , a servant dressed in women’s clothes or of descent. Four Anglo homemakers said he a ant who had become mentally ill. In both e other characters were visitors because of their Table ll, code 3. Although there was diversity among the miscel- laneous Mexican-American clothing themes associated with Picture III, there was a central idea among five of the eight responses. This had to do with the purse carried by character 9 who was going to town or shopping. In another case, she was modest and poor because of her hat and posture. In two instances, the scene was in a monastery where a family was visiting a young priest (character ll). There was no common idea among the eight miscellaneous Anglo clothing themes. These respond- ents expressed confusion about at least one character in Picture III. Number ll was, because of his cloth- ing, identified as a doctor, nurse, professor, artist or priest with the story revolving around him. Char- " DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES ASSOCIATED WITH PICTURE III BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIABLES Mexican-Americans Range of clothing themesl Anglo-Americans I They have a family problem or Nos. ther. QITO 1'5. Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 No. "/0 No. ‘X, No. % xlo. “A, No. "/0 No. ‘Y, No. % No. % No. % No. % 15 27 21 37 6 II 6 11 8 14 4 I2 I1 33 9 27 1 3 8 25 5 292 4 24 2 12 2 12 4 24 3 212 2 14 5 36 I 7 3 21 5 242 10 48 I 5 3 14 2 IO I IO 4 4O 2 2O 0 O 3 3O 5 282 7 39 3 I7 1 6 2 1 I 0 0 5 56 2 22 O O 2 22 16 28 22 38 6 IO 5 8 9 16 4 12 12 36 9 26 I 3 8 23 ‘.2. s than 9 years) 13 3O 12 28 6 14 5 12 7 16 O O 2 40 2 40 O O I 20 ‘ (9-12 years) 3 25 7 58 0 0 O O 2 I7 3 15 6 3O 6 3O O O 5 25 $.- ore than 12 years) O O 3 I00 O O O O O O 1 I12 4 44 I I1 I 11 2 22 i‘ ome 16 27 23 39 6 10‘ 6 IO 8 14 4 13 I1 34 9 28 1 3 7 22 than $200) 6 27 7 32 I 5 2 9 6 27 O O O 0 0 O 0 O I 100 ($200-$349) 6 2O 14 47 4 13 4 13 2 7 2 20 2 2O 4 4O I 10 I IO 1 ore than $349) 4 572 2 28 I 14 0 O 0 O 2 I02 9 43 5 24 0 0 5 24 . ‘iliving 17 27 24 39 7 11 6 IO 8 I3 4 12 I2 36 9 26 1 3 8 23 ratings I-5) I 92 2 18 3 27 3 27 2 18 O 0 I IOO O O 0 O 0 0 f ratings 6-7) 16 31 22 43 4 8 3 6 6 12 4 I22 II 33 9 27 I 3 8 24 al rating 16 282 22 38 6 10 6 IO 8 14 4 12 11 33 9 27 I 3 8 25 atings 1-2) 9 282 12 38 4 13 2 6 5 16 O 0 I 5O I 5O O O O 0 p" (ratings 3-4) 6 27 9 41 2 9 2 9 3 14 4 I92 6 29 6 29 I 5 4 I9 Gratings 5-7) I 25 I 25 O O 2 50 O O O O 4 40 2 20 O O 4 4O gtespondent 17 29 21 3s s 1o s 10 9 15 4 122 12 3s <2 27 o o s 24 17-35 years) 3 212 7 50 I 7 2 I4 I 7 2 172 5 42 2 17 O O 3 25 a (36-55 years) 9 32 9 32 3 11 3 I1 4 14 I 7 6 43 5 36 0 O 2 14 I ore than 55 years) 5 29 5 29 2 I2 1 6 4 24 I 142 I 14 2 28 O O 3 43 “on in activities 17 27 23 37 7 6 10 9 15 4 I2 12 35 9 26 I 3 8 24 - I5 3O I9 38 6 2 4 8 6 I2 O O 1 IOO 0 O O O O O 2 17 4 33 I 2 I7 3 25 4 12 1 I 33 9 27 I 3 8 24 I t status 17 27 23 37 7 11 6 IO 9 15 4 12 12 35 9 26 I 3 8 24 Ted 0 O 1 5O O O I 5O 0 0 2 25 2 25 2 25 O O 2 25 ‘loyed 17 28 22 37 7 12 5 8 9 15 2 8 IO 38 7 27 I 4 6 23 socialization 17 27 23 37 7 I 1 6 IO 9 15 4 I2 I2 35 9 26 I 3 8 24 4 332 5 42 I 8 I 8 I 8 O O 6 38 5 31 0 O 5 31 -;.-‘ ¢_ 13 26 I8 36 6 I2 5 10 8 16 4 22 6 33 4 22 1 6 3 17 o. I1 is at home while the others are guests. Mentions robe or kimono, slipper or shoes, and woman's hat. _ 8 and 9 are complaining about No. 11 who is distraught because of his clothing. Y," No. I1 is a servant man dressed in a woman's clothing or is of a different race. I Because of his clothing, No. 11 is in a hospital or other institution. Perhaps he is mentally ill. He has visitors and No. 10 is a doctor. 23 a acter 8 was thought to be a rebellious college student Mexican-Americans and AngloAme ' because of his suit and long hair. One respondent likely to give this clothing theme shared? thought that both he and character ll were models economic traits: low ISC scores, low -;_ showing clothing to prospective buyers. attainment, high level of living scores, ground, unemployment and age. The high incomes, medium occupational ratinl part in social activities. The Mexican- i: spondents were inactive socially, had inco is 3349 and had low occupational ratings. There was a statistical difference among the number of coded clothing themes mentioned by Anglo- American and Mexican-American respondents (X24 I 8.28, P. I 90-95 percent). Picture IV. One-half of the Mexican-American “rhereas three MeXieanArneriean he and one-third of the Anglo respondents thought that sirnply said that eharaeter l2 was better Picture IV was about two working women in their nnrnher l 3, none of the Anglos had this ,_' occupational clothes. Number 12 was consistently ease, the respondents also thought that ,‘ identified as a WAC or other uniformed government was rnore rnotlest and hnrnhle . employee, while character l3 was a teacher or super- For the Clothing theme in Picture 1e. visory nurse, Table 12, code l. mately one-fifth of all respondents identifi TABLE I2. DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES ASSOCIATED WITH PICTURE IV BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIA_ Range of clothing themesl Mexican-Americans Anglo-Americans 1 Variables Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 Code I Code 2 Code I No. % No. "A, No. ‘X, No. 7° No. "/0 No. "/0 No. "/0 No ISC scores 28 48’ 13 22 3 5 4 7 10 17 12 34 6 17 1 Low (I-2) I3 62 3 I4 I 5 O O 4 I9 6 402 I 7 I Medium (3) 8 422 7 37 O O 2 II 2 II 2 I8 3 27 O High (4-5) 7 39 3 I7 2 II 2 I I 4 22 2 442 , 2 22 0 Education 29 492 IO I7 3 5 5 9 II I9 I2 34 6 I7 I Low (less than 9 years) 2I 5I 8 2O 2 5 I 2 9 22 2 5O O O I Medium (9-I2 years) 5 452 O O I 9 3 27 2 I8 7 35 4 2O O High (more than I2 years) 3 5O 2 33 O O I I7 O O 3 27 2 I8 O Family income 29 48 I4 23 3 5 4 7 IO I7 I2 34 6 I7 I Low (less than $200) 12 52’ a 26 1 4 0 0 4 » 17 1 5o 0 o 0 Medium ($200-$349) I3 42 8 26 O O 4 I3 6 I9 4 36 O O I High (more than $349) 4 67 O O 2 33 O 0 O O 7 32 6 27 0 Level of living 29 46 I5 24 3 5 5 8 II I7 I2 33 6 I7 I Low (ratings I-5) 6 55 I 9 O O I 9 3 27 O O O O O High (ratings 6-7) 23 44 I4 27 3 6 4 8 8 I5 I2 35 6 I8 I Occupational rating 28 47 I3 22 3 5 5 8 II I8 I2 34 6 I7 I Low (ratings I-2) I8 502 7 I9 3 8 2 6 6 I6 O O I 5O I Medium (ratings 3-4) 7 35 6 30 O O 3 I5 4 2O 8 35 3 I3 0 High (ratings 5-7) 3 75 O O O O O O I 25 4 4O 2 20 0 Age of respondent 28 462 I5 25 3 5 4 7 II I8 I2 36 6 I8 I Low (I7-35 years) 3 23 4 3I 0 O 3 23 3 23 4 4O 2 2O 0 Medium (36-55 years) I4 52 6 22 2 7 I 4 4 I5 6 43 2 I4 I High (more than 55 years) II 52 5 24 I 5 0 O 4 I9 2 222 2 22 O Participation in activities 29 46 I5 24 5 5 8 II I7 I2 33 6 I7 I None 24 47 I4 27 2 4 3 6 8 I7 O O O O O Some t 5 42 I 8 I 8 2 I7 3 25 I2 35 6 I8 I Employment status 29 46 I5 24 3 5 5 8 II I7 I2 34 5 I4 I Employed 2 67 O O O O O 0 I 33 I I3 2 25 O Unemployed 27 45 I5 25 3 5 5 8 IO I7 II 4I 3 II I Area of socialization 29 47 I5 24 3 5 5 8 IO I6 6 2I 6 2I I Rural 4 33 5 42 I 8 I 8 I 8 2 I6 2 I6 I Urban 25 5O IO 2O 2 4 4 8 9 I8 4 24 4 24 0 ‘Code I—Both work because of clothing. No. I2 is a WAC or works for the government. No. I3 is a teacher or nurses". Code 2—Because of her clothing, No. I2 is a stewardess or teacher. No. I3 is a housewife because of her simple clothi I Code 3—No. I2 is better dressed than No. I3. Code 4-—No. I2 looks tough, like a policewoman in a prison; No. I3 is very tailored also. Mentions clothes of both. Code 5—Other. 2Rounding errors. 24 gteacher or stewardess. Because of her simple, »inine clothing, they thought character 13 fousewife. The Anglo-American homemakers _i this response were in the high income group, ‘the Mexican-Americans were divided equally i the low and medium categories. Less than nt of both ethnic groups said that these _ s were “very tailored” and thought that char- was probably a policewoman. re was little similarity among almost one-half j Anglo-American clothing themes, Table l2, f Three respondents noted the lesbian char- s of character l2’s clothing. Because of their f” clothing, one homemaker said character 12 ’ young and her mother (number 13) sought her correctly. Another respondent emphasized i ar appearance of the characters and stressed 'miration for one another. Various other identified character l2’s pin as a club or school ' while two said the character’s clothing sug- e type of woman who likes to talk about ere were proportionately fewer miscellaneous l-American clothing themes than there were (Anes, about 15 percent compared to 25 percent; the Mexican-American responses as diversi- ', three cases, character 12 was a nurse because “e and sweater. To one of these respondents, 13 was a doctor, while two other women i mention her. Three Mexican-American home- fithought the two characters were dressed mod- ‘h. therefore, going to a decent place such as f school. Because character 12 was so “tailored ’ per,” she had on street clothing while number ]~“working in a housedress.” e difference between the proportion of Anglo- n and Mexican-American clothing themes of f“, type was statistically significant (X23 I 8.02, 97.5 percent). ture V. In both ethnic groups, about 40 per- the respondents who gave Picture V clothing said it represented tourists in Mexico or a :1 section of an American city, Table 13, code 3. ice, neat” clothing of characters l4 and 15 they were probably American, whereas the éwere dressed like Mexicans. Some of these gents specified that character 18 was wearing » 8, than urban backgrounds, unemployment and i el of living scores, the Mexican- and Anglo- n respondents mentioning this clothing theme 3': ferent socioeconomic traits. The Mexican- ‘in women with this response tended to have i-;1sc scores than did the Anglo-Americans. The however, had more formal education and ...monthly incomes, Table 13, code 3, N distri- e As was generally the case, the majority of xican-American homemakers were 36-55 years old and did not participate in social activities, whereas the Anglos were younger and participators. Their husbands’ occupational ratings were low and medium, respectively. Approximately one-third of the Anglos and one- fourth of the Mexican-Americans thought that char- acters l4’s and l5’s clothing was similar, but different from the others’ clothing, Table 13, code l. Regard- less of ethnic affiliation, the homemakers most likely to have this clothing theme were unemployed, middle- aged, had an urban background and a medium ISC score. The Mexican-American respondents were non- participators, had little education, had low incomes and husbands with low occupational ratings. On the other hand, the Anglos generally had 9-12 years of schooling, husbands with either medium or high occu- pational ratings and high incomes. Further, these women were active socially. Approximately 20 percent of both ethnic groups assumed that character 18 was a street vendor or dancer (code 4). Ten percent of the Mexican-Americans thought character 16 was old because of her hair, figure and clothing (code 5); none of the Anglo- Americans thought this. Although few in number, twice as many Mexican- as Anglo-Americans had clothing themes which were generally unrelated, Table 13, code 6. To one Anglo homemaker, characters 14 and 16 were dressed simi- larly and assumed to be mother and daughter. To the second Anglo woman in this category, the picture was about an Indian dancer (character 18). One Mexican- American thought that character 18 was well dressed, but she “thinks she looks smart.” The statistical difference between Mexican- and Anglo-American respondents’ clothing themes for Picture V was nonsignificant. Picture VI. The most common clothing theme associated with Picture VI had to do with the char- acters’ apparent poverty, plus the fact that the neatly dressed wife with a purse and gloves would go to work while the unkempt husband would stay home. A variation of this theme was that character 2O was ill rather than unemployed. About one-third of the 59 Mexican-Americans and 31 Anglos had this response, code l, Table 14. The Mexican-Americans’ ISC scores did not affect their tendency to mention this theme, whereas Anglo- Americans were likely to have low ISC scores. Both groups were likely to be 36-55 years old and unem- ployed. The Mexican-American women generally had urban backgrounds, while this factor did not affect the Anglo-Americans’ tendency to use this clothing theme. The majority of the Mexican-American women had low educational attainment and income, husbands with low occupational ratings and did not participate in social activities. On the other hand, the Anglo women were participators, had 9-12 years of education, 25 \ < 2 I high incomes and their husbands had medium occupa- expressed confusion about the picture. The tional ratings, Table 14. the object held by character 19 was her r An equal peifcentage pgrcent) 0f the llOtfid her gloves, but COllld HOI’. tl1€S€ and Mexican-Americans did not mention character 19 ihtQ What theY thought was a togteal '3 and thought that number 20 was unemployed since stOYY Was about a mtddleeged eouPle havi‘? he was unshaven and informally dressed, Table l4, mehts ih a eate- The eouPle was middle'a_ code 2. With the exception of age, these Mexican- WOIIIfIII in this age (Iategorr dress UP more» and AngloAmericans had essentially the same socio- men are likely t0 he P°°1T1Yj~‘g1”°°med- A economic traits as those giving code 1. These women Ten percent of botfl ‘iiMexicann/gme “ were generally less than 35 years old and the Mexican- Anglo-Americans had "other" Picture V1- American women had medium ($200-$349) rather than thefnes_ Two Mexican-American women [h 10W iheemes- character 20 was “no good” and that n’; The Anglo-American respondents who had dis- assumed all family responsibility because similar clothing themes had one common trait: they dressed for work, and he was not. Anot "- TABLE I3. DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES ASSOCIATED WITH PICTURE V BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIABI. Range of clothing themes‘ Mexican-Americans Anglo-Americans Variables Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 Code 6 Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code’; ‘X, No % No. No. % No. "A, No. "A, No. % No. ‘X, No. "A, No. "A, No. . ISC scores I6 232 I2 I7 29 4I 7 I0 3 4 4 6 Il 3I 7 20 I5 43 I Low (I-2) 4 I62 7 29 8 25 3 I3 I 4 I 4 3 2l2 2 I4 8 57 0 Medium (3) 8 332 I 4 I2 50 I 4 I 4 I 4 5 452 2 I8 4 36 0 High (4-5) 4 I72 4 I7 9 39 3 I3 I 4 2 9 3 30 3 3O 3 30 I Education I7 232 I4 I9 29 39 7 9 3 4 4 5 I I 3I2 7 I9 I5 42 I Low (less than 9 years) II 2O I2 22 20 36 6 ll 2 4 4 7 I 25 I 25 I 25 0 Medium (9-I2 years) 4 3l 2 I5 6 46 0 O I 8 0 O 6 292 2 IO II 52 I High (more than I2 years) 2 33 O O 3 5O I I7 O O 0 O 4 362 4 36 3 27 0 Family income I6 22 I4 I9 29 4O 7 IO 3 4 4 5 II 32 7 2I I4 4I I Low (less than $200) 5 I82 8 29 II 39 3 II O O I 4 O O O O O O O Medium ($200-$349) 9 262 4 II I5 43 2 6 2 6 3 9 4 40 O O 6 6O O High (more than $349) 2 2O 2 20 3 3O 2 20 I IO 0 O 7 302 7 3O 8 35 I Level of living I7 23’ I4 I9 29 39 7 9 3 4 4 5 II 312 7 I9 I5 42 I ‘ 2 Low (ratings I-5) 3 232 3 23 4 3O 2 I5 I 8 0 0 0 0 0 I I00 0 High (ratings 6-7) I4 232 II I8 25 4I 5 8 2 3 4 II 3l2 7 2O I4 40 I Occupational rating I7 242 I2 I7 29 4O 7 IO 3 4 4 6 II 3I 7 20 I5 43 I Low (ratings I-2) 8 I92 6 I4 I6 38 6 I4 3 7 3 7 I 5O 0 O I 5O O Medium (ratings 3-4) 7 27 6 23 ll 42 I 4 0 O I 4 5 232 4 I8 II 50 I High (ratings 5-7) 2 5O O O 2 50 O O O O 0 O 5 452 3 27 3 27 0 Age of respondent I6 22 I4 I9 28 39 7 IO 3 4 4 6 ll 3I2 7 I9 I5 42 I 5, Low (I7-35 years) 4 25 3 I9 9 56 O O O O O O 2 I42 I 7 9 64 I ' Medium (36-55 years) 7 22 6 I9 lI 34 4 I3 2 6 2 6 8 53 4 27 3 2O 0 High (more than 55 years) 5 2I 5 2I 8 33 3 I3 I 4 2 8 I I4 2 29 3 43 O Participation in activities I7 24 I4 I9 29 39 7 9 3 4 4 5 ll 312 7 I9 I5 42 I None I3 22 I2 2O 24 4I 6 IO I 2 3 5 O O O I I00 0 Some 4 27 2 I3 5 33 I 7 2 I3 I 7 I I 3I 7 2O I4 4O I Employment status I7 24 I4 I9 29 39 7 9 3 4 4 5 II 3I2 7 I9 I5 42 I Employed I 332 ' O O I 33 I 33 O O O O 2 222 3 33 4 44 O - Unemployed I6 23 I4 2O 28 39 6 8 3 4 4 6 9 33 4 I5 II 4I I Area of socialization I7 24 I4 I9 29 40 7 I0 2 3 3 4 Il 3l 6 I7 I5 43 I Rural 3 2l2 2 I4 7 5O I 7 O 0 I 7 4 272 3 2O 7 47 0 Urban I4 242 I2 2I 22 38 6 IO 2 3 2 3 7 35 3 I5 8 40 I ‘Code I—Nos. I4 and I5 look different than the others and similar to each other. They are neater. According to their cI' I7, I8 are related. . Code 2—No. I8 is dressed like a vendor or dancer. Code 3—Nos. I4's and I5's nice neat clothes suggest they are tourists. The others are dressed like Mexicans. Code 4—Nos. I6, I7 and I8 are humble because of their clothing while Nos. I4 and I5 are more elegant and probably ha Code 5—No. I6 looks old because of dress, figure and hair. Code 6-Other. 2Rounding errors. 26 “in town” because character l9 had a purse neat. The others said both characters had L" home from work; he was dressed as a manual 23w was no significant statistical difference the distribution of clothing themes assigned an-Americans and Anglo-Americans. ; s CONCLUSIONS Vi. u f- primary purpose of this research was to ’ similarities and differences in clothing response made by Anglo-American and Mexican- American women to a modified clothing TAT. These findings were related largely to socio-cultural factors rather than the social-psychological factors used by Rosencranz. Two main kinds of data were collected: l) clothing awareness scores and 2) clothing protocols associated with each TATMA picture. Although this study was largely experimental, l4 hypotheses were offered. Very few of these were sub- stantiated statistically. These hypotheses and a sum- DISTRIBUTION OF CLOTHING THEMES ASSOCIATED WITH PICTURE VI BY ETHNIC AFFILIATION AND OTHER VARIABLES Mexican-Americans Range of clothing themes‘ Anglo-Americans Code I Code 2 Code 3 Code 4 Code 5 Code 6 Code I Code 2 Code 4 Code 5 Code 6 No. ‘X, No. % No. “A, No. % N . % No. 7,, No. "/0 No. "A, No % No ‘X, No. ‘X, 2i 362 I8 3O 4 7 8 I4 2 3 6 IO I0 32 9 29 7 23 2 6 3 IO ’.-2) 7 33 6 29 I 5 5 24 0 0 2 9 5 382 5 38 0 O 2 I5 I 8 7 l3) 7 332 5 24 2 9 I 5 2 9 4 I9 3 3O 2 2O 3 3O O O 2 2O _-5) 7 4I 7 4I I 6 2 I2 O O O O 2 25 2 25 4 5O O O O O - 2O 34 I8 3I 4 7 8 I4 2 3 6 I0 I0 32 9 29 7 23 2 6 3 I0 than 9 years) I3 3O I5 34 4 9 7 I6 I 2 4 9 I 332 O O I 33 O O I 33 2 l9-I2 years) 5 42 3 25 O O I 8 I 8 I7 6 35 8 47 O O 2 I2 I 6 "i- ore than ~ ears) 2 IOO 0 O 0 0 O O O O 0 0 3 27 I 9 6 55 O 0 I 9 Home 22 37 I8 3O 4 7 8 I3 2 3 6 IO IO 32 9 29 7 23 2 6 3 IO is than $200) IO 4O 6 24 2 8 5 2O O O 2 8 O O O O O O O O O O 2_2‘($2OO-$349) 9 32 IO 36 I 4 2 7 2 7 4 I4 4 4O 4 4O O O 2 2O O O = re than $349) 3 432 2 28 I I4 I I4 O O O O 6 292 5 24 7 33 O O 3 I5 _ lving 22 35 I9 3I 4 6 9 I5 2 3 6 IO IO 32 9 29 7 23 2 6 3 IO tings I-5) 3 25 5 42 O O 3 25 O O I 8 I 5O I 5O O O O O O O atings 6-7) I9 38 I4 28 4 8 6 I2 2 4 5 IO 9 3l 8 28 7 24 2 7 3 IO _ al rating 21 as’ 1a 3i 4 7 a 14 2 3 a to 10 at’ to 3i 7 22 2 women (48 percent). However, when con- Afion the basis of number of characters and their 3; the Anglos mentioned educatio-n-clothing more often. This is probably because they ed more characters, were more likely to relate Iaracter to the central clothing-story theme and ‘ better able to expound upon picture detail. though no statistical tests were meaningful, ‘ypothesis is tentatively accepted: Mexican- 'ns generally had more educationally related g themes than did similar Anglo-Americans. . Respondents’ social status is related posi- to clothing themes concerning social status and ffiliation. lcause of the numerical breakdown of persons ing social status clothing themes among the C groups, no conclusions or trends concerning ypothesis could be identified. Slightly more » I in the higher ISC groups noticed this type of r lg theme than did those in the lower groups. , distributions were essentially the same among g exican-American data. H Respondents’ social participation is posi- irelated to themes concerning social status and ffiliation. q e large majority (78 percent) of the Mexican- fcan respondents did not participate in activities I their homes. Consequently, the numerical ution of participators did not allow a m.eaning- tistical analysis. When examining individual i‘, proportionately more nonparticipators had status-related clothing themes. This was true .4 _ his type of analysis was not possible for Anglo- fcan data since 40 of the cooperating homemakers Aipated in activities outside their homes. i3. Respondents’ cultural affiliation is related 'vely to clothing themes concerning occupational icause the Anglo-American respondents’ hus- were much more likely to hold white collar then response to each TAT character was con- positions than were their Mexican-American counter- parts, ethnic affiliation was equated with this variable. Also, it was thought that wives would share their husbands’ lack of, or awareness of, clothing as an occupational tool. The data did not present conclu- sive evidence. Of those homemakers who gave clothing themes for Pictures V and VI, approximately the same pro- portion of Anglos and Mexican-Americans had re- sponses dealing with clothing used in an occupational situation. For Pictures I, II and IV, the Mexican- Americans who had clothing response gave an occupa- tionally related clothing theme for Picture I; none of the Anglos did this. In Picture II, this was true for 15 percent of the Mexican-Americans and none of the Anglos. Slightly more than one-third of the Anglo- American women with clothing themes concerning Picture VI related it to occupations. More than one- half of the Mexican-Americans gave this type of re- sponse to Picture VI. These same types of relation- ships were also true for clothing response concerning specific characters. In no case did the Anglo-American respondents more frequently give occupationally ori- ented clothing response when compared to the Mexican-Americans. I4. Respondents’ age is related indirectly to clothing themes concerning age. Although there was not enough data for statis- tical analysis, the percent distribution indicated that the lvIexican-American women from 36 to 55 years old were the most likely to use age-related clothing themes. This type of response was least likely to be given for Pictures II and VI by Mexican-American women less than 35 years old and for Picture I by those women over 55 years old. There was no evident pattern of response among the Anglo women. Regardless of ethnic affiliation, this type of response was associated only with Pictures I, II and VI. The general conclusion is that people use clothing to identify the roles of unknown persons. Mexican- American women generally associated slightly differ- ent symbolic meanings with clothing than did the Anglo-American women studied. In terms of human behavior, this is important for several reasons. If, according to Arendt, the plural or social condition is a phase of identifying the self with others while distinguishing it from others, cloth- ing becomes an important tool for manipulation. Clothing, in its symbolic function, becomes a learned stimulus evoking a response identified with the in- direct meaning of garments and appearance in general. The results of this study indicate that clothing symbols of two subcultures are at least partially predictable and common. Specific knowledge concerning these predictable and common symbols theoretically would help minority groups attain more social and occupa- tional mobility. -29 LITERATURE CITED (1) Arendt, Hannah. The Human Condition. University of Chicago Press), 1958, p. 7. (Chicago: (2) Langer, Lawrence. The Importance of Wearing Clothes. (New York: Hastings House), 1959, pp.7 and 187. (3) Stone, Gregory P. “Appearance and the Self,” Human Behavior and the Social Processes. Arnold M. Rose, editor, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.), 1962, p.90. (4) Stone, Gregory P. “Clothing and Social Relations.” Un- published doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University, 1959. (5) Rosencranz, Mary Lou. “The Application of a Projective Technique for Analyzing Clothing Awareness, Clothing Symbols, and the Range of Themes Associated with Clothing Behavior.” Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University, 1960, p.28. (6) Vener, Arthur M. “Stratification Aspects of Clothing Importance.” Unpublished master’s thesis, Michigan State College, 1953, pp. 83-84. (7) Warning, Margaret. “The Implication of Social Class for Clothing Behavior: The Acquisition and Use of Apparel for Girls, Seven, Eight, and Nine Years of Age in Three Social Classes in Des Moines, Iowa.” Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University, 1965. (8) Form, William and Gregory P. Stone. “The Social Signifi- cance of Clothing in Occupational Life.” Michigan Agri- cultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 247, June 1958. APPENDIX I Preferred Pictures Pictures liked most: Thirty-one percent of the Mexican-American respondents liked Picture I best, followed by 28 percent who preferred Picture V. Twenty percent liked the preferred picture because the characters were well dressed, and 19 percent liked it for being about education. Forty percent liked the preferred picture because it was realistic or about opportunity, family or Mexico. Two-thirds of the Anglos said they liked Picture V best. About one-fifth liked Picture I and IV with equal frequency. They never preferred Picture III. Approximately 20 percent liked the picture because it was “easy,” while 17 percent thought the characters were well dressed. There was a significant statistical difference be- tween the picture liked most by Anglo-Americans and Mexican-Americans (X23 I 13.26, P. I 99 percent) and among the reasons they gave for liking it (X25 I 12.55, P. I 95 percent). Pictures liked least: Approximately 60 percent of the Mexican-American respondents liked Picture II 30 (9) Rosencranz, Mary Lou. “Relevance of Occu, Income to Mothers’ Selection of Clothing for D, Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station, 1 Bulletin No. 268, 1958. (10) Skrabanek, R. L. and Avra Rapton. “Occupatio Among Spanish-Americans in Atascosa County Antonio, Texas.” Texas Agricultural Experime Bulletin 1061, December 1966. a (ll) Bathke, Carol S. and R. L. Skrabanek. “Edi Spanish-Americans in Selected Areas of Texas," 7 at the Southwestern Sociological Society Meet' Texas, March 27, 1964. 1 (12) Stone, Gregory P. and William Foam. “Cloth tories and Preferences Among Rural and Urban ‘I Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station, 5 Bulletin No. 246, 1955. ~ (l3) Rosencranz, Mary Lou. “A Study of Interest i Among Selected Groups of Married and Unma Women.” Unpublished master’s thesis, Mi 7' College, 1948. " (l4) Warner, W. Lloyd and others. Social Class int (New York: Harper and Brothers), 1960, pp. A <15» U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of 1960, Volume PC (19), 45C. “Texas: Social and . Characteristics,” Table 84, p.517. (16) U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Pop i Housing: I960, Volume PHC (1)-165, “Ce s Waco, Texas,” Table P-1, p. l3. E the least. Similarly, 13 percent said this abo '4 IV and 10 percent about Picture VI. Pict i. commonly preferred picture, was never 1i" About one-fourth of these women did picture because the characters were not well The second most common reason (18 percent) it or the characters were sad. Fifteen perc. was not a “nice” picture. Forty percent of the Anglo-Americans A ture II the least, while another 27 percent i". happy with Picture IV. One-fifth of -.~1 said the picture was too complicated to telli had no background. Seventeen percent ea n}; that the least liked picture was not “nice” characters were not well dressed. There was a statistical difference picture liked least by Anglo-Americans and? American respondents (x23 I 7.61, P. I 95,‘ although the difference among the reasons i significant. s’ i I APPENDIX II Pictures Comprising Modified Clothing TAT for Mexican-American Women PICTURE IV PICTURE I PICTURE V PICTURE PICTURE VI 1 Texas Agricultural Experiment Station Texas A8cM University College Station, Texas 77843 H. 0. Kunkcl, Acting Dircctor- Publication U0 so ' "'