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AUTHOR : Bacon, Robert

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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
DIVISION OF INTERCOURSE AND EDUCATION
Publication No. 7

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR
LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS

A JOURNEY TO SOUTH AMERICA

BY

ROBERT BACON

WASHINGTON, D. C.
1915

 
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
DIVISION OF INTERCOURSE AND EDUCATION

Publication No. 7

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR
LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS

A JOURNEY TO SOUTH AMERICA

BY

ROBERT BACON

WASHINGTON, D. C.
1915

 
£7 i
Zsiz2l Wi

Copyright, 1915, by the
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE.

seer WRSAMEOY, DET

The Evening Post Job Printing Office, Inc., 156 Fulton St., N. Y.

 

Preface

No small part of the work of the Division of Intercourse and Education of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is done through the medium
of international visits by representative men. Experience has already confirmed
the reasonable assumption that such visits are useful, and in high degree helpful,
in building up a spirit of international friendship and in developing international
understanding. A careful reading of Mr. Robert Bacon’s Report of the details
of his trip to South America in the summer and autumn of 1913 will show
precisely how such visits as his contribute to the peace and good order of the
world. National ideals and national policies are carefully and sympathetically
explained, not only to leading personalities in the countries visited, but also to
large and representative audiences of teachers, merchants and men of affairs.
The newspaper press is almost uniformly interested and helpful on occasions
of this kind, and the visitor of distinction and of public service at home is made
cordially and warmly welcome.

It is in high degree important to multiply such visits on the part of representa-
tive men in the various American republics. The barrier of language will be
broken down, or surmounted, as a knowledge of English becomes more wide-
spread in the South American countries, and as the ability to read, to speak and
to write Spanish increases in the United States. Bonds of a common interest
in finance and in commerce are already being forged between the peoples of the
several American republics. These bonds will be followed and strengthened
by others in due time. There will thus be developed a genuine American public
opinion and a genuine American understanding and point of view, that will be
common alike to the people of the United States and to those of the other
republics to the south.

In order that Mr. Bacon’s Report may most effectively accomplish its purpose,
it is now published in two editions, an English edition for circulation among
English speaking people, and a Spanish and Portuguese edition for circulation
in Latin America.

Nicuoras MURRAY BUTLER.

Jury 4, 1915.

 
CONTENTS

Preface by Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler
Note by Mr. Bacon
Introduction:
President Root’s Letter of Instructions
Editorial from The American Journal of International Law
Mr. Bacon’s Preliminary Report
For Better Relations with our Latin American Neighbors:
I. Preliminary Observations
II. The Journey to South America
* Brazil
Rio de Janeiro
Argentina
Buenos Aires

 

Interview in The New York Evening Post
Editorial from The American Journal of International Law

Appendices:
I. Paris

Response of Mr. Bacon.
Reception at the National Library
Address of Senator Ruy Barboda
Response of Mr. Bacon
Letter of Senhor Helio Lobo
ITI. Buenos Aires :
: Dinner of Dr. E. S. Zeballos

 

Response of Mr. Bacon
Reception of the Faculty of Law

Remarks of Dr. Luis M. Drago

Address of Mr. Bacon

 
CONTENTS—Continued
IV. Montevideo
Luncheon of Mr. Nicolay Grevstad
Remarks of Mr. Grevstad
Response of Mr. Bacon
Reception at the Ateneo

Response of Mr. Bacon
V. Santiago de Chile

Reception at the University of Chile

Remarks of Dr. Domingo Amunitegui Solar, Rector of the
University

Address of Dr. Luis Barros Borgofio
Address of Mr. Bacon

Note of the National Society of International Law

Response of Mr. Bacon
Reception of the Geographical Society
Remarks of Sefior José Balta
Response of Mr. Bacon
Banquet of the Faculty of the University of San Marcos
Remarks of Dr. Romero
Response of Mr. Bacon
Letter of Dr. Juan Bautista de Lavalle
VII. Monographs Printed and Distributed in Latin America:
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Division of Intercourse and Education
Division of Economics and History
Division of International Law

Proposed Court of International Justice
Proposed Academy of International Law at The Hague
National Committees for the Third Hague Peace Conference. .

 

 

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR
LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS

A JOURNEY TO SOUTH AMERICA

 
Note

In this account of a visit made to South America in the fall of 1913, as the
representative of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, upon the
invitation of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, Director of the Division of Intercourse
and Education, it has seemed well, for the sake of the record, to begin with the
letter of instructions addressed to me by the Honorable Elihu Root, President
of the Endowment, an editorial from the American Journal of International Law,
commenting on the objects of the mission, and my brief letter to the Trustees
upon my return, reporting what had been done. These are followed by a more
detailed narrative account of the visit in each capital, another editorial from the
American Journal of International Law discussing the results of the mission, and,
in conclusion, an interview reporting some impressions of what had been seen and
heard on the journey. In the Appendices will be found copies of addresses,
letters, and drafts, or disefios, of addresses which were either delivered or pub-
lished as articles in South American reviews.

RoBERT BACON.

NEw York, June, 1914.

 
UNNUMBERED
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~ humbering begins on
P-Z p.[1] not designated

 
INTRODUCTION

President Root’s Letter of Instructions

WasninetoN, D. C., July 20, 1913.
Hon. RoBerT Bacon.
Sir:

I beg to confirm your appointment, by formal action of the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, as the representative of the Endowment to visit
South America at such time as you shall determine upon during the present year.
The object of this mission, which you have already gratified us by promising to
undertake, is to secure the interest and sympathy of the leaders of opinion in
South America in the various enterprises for the advancement of international
peace which the Endowment is seeking to promote, and by means of personal
intercourse and explanation to bring about practical codperation in that work in
South America. You are already aware, and will readily make plain to our
friends in South America, that Mr. Carnegie has placed in the hands of trustees
the sum of ten million dollars, the income of which is to be devoted by them to
the promotion of international peace. The trustees, upon consideration of the
way in which they should seek the end for which the trust was established, for-

mulated the following statement of specific objects to which the income of the
trust should be devoted.

(a) To promote a thorough and scientific investigation and study of
the causes of war and of the practical methods to prevent and avoid it.
(b) To aid in the development of international law, and a general

agreement on the rules thereof, and the acceptance of the same among
nations. :

(c) To diffuse information, and to educate public opinion regarding
the causes, nature, and effects of war, and means for its prevention and
avoidance.

(d) To establish a better understanding of international rights and du-

ties and a more perfect sense of international justice among the inhabitants
of civilized countries.

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

(e) To cultivate friendly feelings between the inhabitants of different

countries and to increase the knowledge and understanding of each other by
the several nations.

(f) To promote a general acceptance of peaceable methods in the set-
tlement of international disputes.

. (8) To maintain, promote, and assist such establishments, organiza-
tions, associations, and agencies as shall be deemed necessary or useful in
the accomplishment of the purposes of the corporation, or any of them.

To accomplish these objects the work of the trust has been organized in three
divisions: (1) the Division of Intercourse and Education, of which Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, is Acting Director ; (2) the
Division of Economics and History, of which Dr. John Bates Clark is Director;
(3) the Division of International Law, of which the Secretary of the Endowment,
Dr. James Brown Scott, is Director. The various objects above enumerated have
been appropriately assigned to these three divisions. The methods and details of
activity on the part of each of the divisions you will find indicated in a series of
monographs, which will be handed to you herewith. From these you will per-
ceive two things: first, that it is the purpose of the trustees, not that the trust
organization shall become a missionary seeking to preach the gospel of peace or
directly to express its own ideas to the world, but rather to promote and advance
in each country and in all countries the organization and activity of national
forces in favor of peace. It is not so much to add a new peace organization to
those already existing in the world as it is to be a means of giving renewed vigor
to all the activities which really tend in a practical way towards preventing war
and making peace more secure. Second, that in aid of the work of each of these
three divisions an extensive and effective organization has been perfected in
Europe as well as in America, including a great number of the most eminent and
highly respected statesmen, publicists, and leaders of modern thought.

The respect and friendship which the trustees of the Endowment entertain
for the peoples of Latin America and for the many distinguished Latin Americans
with whom many of the trustees have most agreeable relations of personal friend-
ship, lead us to desire that the work of the Endowment may have the same active
and useful codperation in South America that it has already secured in Europe.
For this purpose we should be glad to have you make to the gentlemen whom
you meet in the South American capitals a full and thorough explanation of the
history and purposes and methods of the Endowment.

You will observe that one of the means by which the Division of Intercourse
and Education proposes to advance international good understanding is a series
of international visits of representative men. Accordingly, under the auspices
of the Division, directly or indirectly, Baron d’Estournelles de Constant of
France, the Baroness von Suttner of Austria, and Professor Nitobe of Japan
have already visited the United States, and President Eliot of Harvard Univer-
sity has visited India, China, and Japan, and Dr. Hamilton Wright Mabie is now

LETTER OF INSTRUCTIONS 3

in Japan. Your visit to South America comes in this category, but it has a more
definite and specific purpose than any of the other visits which I have enumerated
or which are contemplated under the head that I have mentioned; for it is not
merely to strengthen good understanding by personal intercourse between a rep-
resentative North American and representative South Americans, but it is also
to introduce to representative South Americans personally the work and purposes
and ideals of the Endowment, and to invite our friends in South America to
cordial and sympathetic union with us in promoting the great work of the trust.

It is not expedient or desirable in advance of your visit to be too specific
regarding the scope and method of cooperation which may be possible with our
South American friends, but you will readily observe in the monographs handed
to you a number of ways in which such coéperation may be accomplished with but
little delay. For example: (a) the formation of national societies of international
law to be affiliated with the American Institute of International Law; (b) the
presentation to the different governments of the opportunity to participate in the
proposed Academy of International Law at The Hague by providing for the
sending on the part of each government of a representative student to that
academy, if organized. You will notice that the organization of such an academy
to bring together students from the whole world under the leaders of thought
in international law each summer depends very largely upon the question whether
the governments of the world feel the need of such an institution sufficiently to
give it their formal support by sending a representative student. (c) The ap-
pointment of national committees for the consideration of contributions to the
program of the next Hague Conference and making arrangements for the inter-
communication of such committees among all the American countries. (d) The
establishment of national societies for international conciliation to be affiliated
with the parent Association for International Conciliation at Paris. (e) To ar-
range for systematic furnishing of data for the work of the Division of Eco-
nomics and History in accordance with the program laid down at Berne by the
congress of economists in the summer of 1911. You will observe that Dr. Kin-
ley, who was appointed a member of the Committee of Research with special
reference to South America, will follow you in a visit to South America within
a short period, and will suggest specifically the things that can be done in aid of
the researches of this division. Your office in this respect should be to prepare
the way for Dr. Kinley’s reception and cooperation with him.

The trustees of the Endowment are fully aware that progress in the work
which they have undertaken must necessarily be slow and that its most substan-
tial results must be far in the future. We are dealing with aptitudes and im-
pulses firmly established in human nature through the development of thousands
of years, and the utmost that any one generation can hope to do is to promote
the gradual change of standards of conduct. All estimates of such a work and
its results must be in terms not of individual human life, but in terms of the
long life of nations. Inconspicuous as are the immediate results, however, there

 
4 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

can be no nobler object of human effort than to exercise an influence upon the
tendencies of the race, so that it shall move, however slowly, in the direction of
civilization and humanity and away from senseless brutality. It is to participate
with us in this noble, though inconspicuous, work that we ask you to invite our
friends in South America with the most unreserved and sincere assurances of
our high consideration and warm regard.
Very faithfully yours,
Ertau Roor,
President.

 
UNNUMBERED
PAGE LS]

Should be P- [5].

 
Editorial from The American Journal of International Law,
Jury, 1013

Announcement has been made by the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace that the Honorable Robert Bacon, formerly Secretary of State and Ameri-
can Ambassador to France, will make a visit under its auspices to South America
during the coming fall. The specific objects of Mr. Bacon’s visit have not yet
been made public, but the general object of the mission is stated to be to secure
the interest and sympathy of the leaders of opinion in South America in the
various enterprises for the advancement of international peace which the Endow-
ment is seeking to promote, and by means of personal intercourse and explanation
to bring about the practical codperation of South America in that work.

The aims and purposes of the Carnegie Endowment have already several
times been commented upon in the columns of this JourNAL. In the issue of
January, 1911, we printed Mr. Carnegie’s letter, which accompanied the deed
transferring the bonds, in which Mr. Carnegie stated his reasons for establishing
the trust, and in the issue of April, 1911, the permanent organization effected by
the Trustees and the specific purposes to which they would devote the income
from the trust were stated. In the following number we printed an address of
Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, a member of the Board of Trustees and of the
Executive Committee of the Endowment, delivered at the opening of the Lake
Mohonk Conference on May 24, 1911, in which he explained the division of the
Endowment’s work into three general departments, the Divisions of Intercourse
and Education, Economics and History, and International Law, and stated what
the Trustees hoped to accomplish in each division.

The Year Books issued by the Endowment for 1911 and 1912 supply the
details of the work being done in each of these divisions, and some idea may be
obtained from them of the enterprises which the Endowment might hope to extend
to South America as the result of Mr. Bacon’s visit.

In the Division of Intercourse and Education there has been appointed a
corps of correspondents and an advisory council for Europe and Asia composed
of prominent and influential men in the different countries. No provision for
such an organization for Latin America seems yet to have been made, and the
extension of the European organization to those countries would seem to be a
prime object of Mr. Bacon’s visit. There is also reference in the Year Books
to an educational exchange with Latin America, including not only an exchange
of professors, but also an exchange of students. It appears from the last Year
Book that the educational exchange with Japan has already been successfully
carried out by the visit to the United States during 1911-1912 of the well-known
Japanese educator, Dr. Inazo Nitobe, and the return visit to Japan during the

 
MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

present year of Dr. Hamilton W. Mabie; but it does not appear to have been
practicable so far to bring about such an exchange with Latin America, although
provision for it has been made each year by the officers and Trustees. It was
planned to put the exchange with Latin America into operation during the year
1912, and arrangements were begun for the visit to the United States of Dr. Luis
M. Drago, formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Argentine Republic, but
the state of Dr. Drago’s health was such that the plan could not be consummated.
Perhaps the presence of Mr. Bacon in South America will be utilized to arrange
a definite program for carrying out this project.

Another project reported under this Division is the scheme for international
visits of representative men. Such visits have already been inaugurated with
Asia by the recent trip of Dr. Charles W. Eliot, and with Europe by the visit of
Baron d’Estournelles de Constant and several other eminent Europeans to the
United States. The trip of Mr. Bacon is evidently the first step in such an inter-
change of visits with Latin America. This Division seems also to be particu-
larly interested in the extension of branches of the Association for International
Conciliation, which has its headquarters in Paris and a strong branch in New
York City. In this connection it is interesting to note that if the recommenda-
tions of the Acting Director of the Division of Intercourse and Education are
followed by the Trustees, it is likely that the Endowment will rely more upon
this form of propaganda in the future, as distinct from the work of peace so-

cieties which have heretofore been generally the agents of popular propaganda
in the peace movement. The following extract from the report of the Acting
Director to the Executive Committee, dated November 16, 1912, shows the clear
distinction between the two forms of organization and the separate fields of ac-
tivity of each:

The Acting Director is entirely clear in the opinion formed as a result
of two years of study of conditions which prevail both in European countries
and in the United States, that the work of propaganda in support of the ends
which the Endowment has been established to serve, can be carried on most
effectively and economically not through peace organizations alone, but
through organizations having a broader scope and making a wider appeal.

hose persons who become members of a society whose name indicates that
it is devoted to peace, are already converted. In every nation in the world
there are hosts of right-thinking and well-minded men and women who,
while wholly unwilling to affiliate themselves with any peace society, are
ready and anxious to assist in the work of promoting better international
understandings and closer international relationships from which peace will
result as a by-product. The function of the peace societies is a distinctive
and very important one. They may well form a compact and effective body
of workers in the cause of international peace and arbitration, who consti-
tute as it were the advance guard of the great army which it is hoped can be
recruited and brought into active service. In the present state of public
opinion throughout the world, the best use which the Carnegie Endowment
can make of such portion of its funds as can be devoted to the work of
active propaganda, is to build up and support organizations which give evi-

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 7

dence of a willingness and a capacity to promote closer international relations,
to advance the knowledge on the part of each civilized people of its fellows,
and to multiply the ties of friendship and concord between the great nations
of the earth. Among these organizations peace societies will of course be
found, but it would not be judicious to entrust the whole work of propa-
ganda to them.

Societies of international conciliation have recently been started in Germany,
Great Britain and Canada, and steps are being taken to organize an association
of this kind in Argentina. It may be feasible for Mr. Bacon on his forthcoming
trip to suggest the establishment of such organizations in the other countries
which he will visit. . : Ea

Perhaps the most far-reaching and important work the Endowment is doing
is that which is being conducted under the Division of Economics and History.
A full account of the work of this Division and of the conference of economists
held under its auspices at Berne in 1911 for the purpose of devising a plan of
inquiry and investigation is contained in the editorial columns of this JOURNAL
for October, 1911, p. 1037. There is also printed therein the full program
recommended by that conference. It appears from the reports of the Director
of this Division that the members of the Conference of Berne have since been
formed into a permanent Committee of Research to supervise the actual work
of investigation, which is entrusted to collaborators able to devote a large portion
of their time to the work and to put the results in form suitable for publication.
An American economist having unusual familiarity with South American condi-
tions and large attainments in economic science, both theoretical and practical,
Professor David Kinley of the University of Illinois, has been added to the Com-
mittee of Research, and he has planned a line of research having its field in South
America. Mr. Bacon will probably find the occasion opportune to explain the
work of this Division and to invite the aid and codperation of the economists of
South America in extending to these countries the program of studies outlined
by the Conference at Berne. =

The JourNAL has likewise had occasion to comment on the organization and
projects of the Division of International Law. In the number for October, 1912,
an editorial comment explained the relations which had been established between
the Institute of International Law and the Division of International Law of the
Endowment, under which the former has accepted the title and performs the
functions of General Legal Adviser of the Division. In the same issue there was
a comment upon the organization of the American Institute of International Law,
and further comment and information concerning this project was given in an
editorial in the January number for 1913. The field of usefulness of the
European Institute to the Endowment seems to be limited to the Eastern Hemi-
sphere, and if it is the intention of the Trustees to secure a similar advisory body
for Latin America, the proposed American Institute would seem to be an admir-
ably constituted body to perform these functions, and it has the advantage of

 
8 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

being already in existence, and will no doubt be willing to follow the example
of its distinguished European prototype and enter into similar arrangements
with the Division of International Law.

Unlike the European Institute, a feature of the American Institute requires
the establishment of national societies of international law. Mr. Bacon’s visit
could not only, therefore, be utilized to accelerate the organization of the Institute
in those countries of South America which may not have progressed so far as
others in this organization, but also to suggest and aid in the formation of national
societies of international law to be affiliated with the Institute in accordance with
the plan already outlined in the previous issues of the JoURNAL above referred to.

Another project of the Division of International Law in which Mr. Bacon
could be particularly useful is the proposed Academy of International Law at
The Hague. This proposal is briefly outlined in a comment in the January, 1912,
number of the JourRNAL at p. 205. It appears from the report of the Director of
the Division of International Law, dated October 26, 1912, that before com-
mitting itself definitely to the support of such an Academy, the Executive Com-
mittee of the Endowment wishes to be assured that the Academy is approved
generally by the countries represented at the Second Hague Conference, and that,
if established, these countries will aid and assist in securing a student body who,
after having taken the courses at the Academy, will occupy such positions in
their country as to make their influence felt in matters pertaining to international
relations. It is explained that by this is meant students drawn from the different
branches of the government service, such as the diplomatic and consular services,
and the military, naval and civil establishments. The successful operation of
such an arrangement necessarily requires the cordial sympathy and support of the
South American countries, and Mr. Bacon’s former high position in the Govern-
ment of the United States will doubtless make it possible and proper for him to
broach this subject to the high officials whom he will meet in the countries visited
and to secure if possible their assurance of cooperation.

Mr. Bacon is now in the Philippine Islands, and the details of the itinerary
which he will follow in South America have not been published. It is expected,
however, that he will return from the Orient by way of Europe, will sail from
Lisbon about the middle of September, and will return to New York before
Christmas. He will visit as many countries on the eastern and western coast of
South America as his limited time will permit.

Mr. Bacon will be the first American statesman to visit South America since
the memorable visit of Senator Elihu Root, then Secretary of State of the United
States. Mr. Root’s trip was such a success in the good results accomplished and in
the ties of friendship and good will resulting from it, that it is hardly to be ex-
pected that Mr. Bacon, traveling as he is in a private capacity, will attain such
marked results. If he succeeds, however, in small measure, in awakening the sen-
timents which were expressed to Mr. Root on every hand, and if he spreads the
gospel of good will and friendship, of good understanding and conciliation, of jus-

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 9

tice and of peace, which it seems to be the desire and purpose of the Compu
Endowment to spread to South America, as it has done, and is doing, in No !
America, Europe and Asia, his mission will have been an unqualified success an
the Trustees of the Endowment which sent him will have just cause for congratu-
lations for this enlargement and extension of their field of activity.

 
Mr. Bacon’s Preliminary Report

To THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES OF THE
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE.

Sirs:

I have the honor to inform you that, in pursuance of the letter of instruc-
tions of the Honorable Elihu Root, dated July 20, 1913, and delivered to me in
Paris on September 14th by Dr. James Brown Scott, I have completed a visit to
South America undertaken as the representative of the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace.

After a week spent in Paris in the preparation of material with the generous
and invaluable assistance of Dr. Scott and Sefior Alejandro Alvarez, I proceeded
to Lisbon, sailing from that port on September 23rd for Rio de Janeiro, accom-
panied by my wife and daughter, Judge Otto Schoenrich and Mrs. Schoenrich
and Mr. William R. Hereford.

While in South America I visited the capitals of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay,
Chile and Peru. The inaccessibility of the capitals of the other Republics and the
lack of satisfactory steamship and railway connections, made it impossible to ex-
tend this itinerary in the time at my disposal.

The universal admiration and respect in South America for the President
of the Endowment, Mr. Root, the affectionate regard of his many friends in these
countries, assured for me, as the bearer of his letter of instructions, the most
cordial reception. In every country which I visited the leaders of opinion testi-
fied in public addresses and in personal conversations to the high esteem in which
the President of your Board is held in South America, and expressed their
earnest desire to cooperate with him and his fellow-trustees in the work of
the Endowment.

In the countries mentioned I met the representative men, and by means of
addresses, interviews and personal intercourse, was able to introduce to them the
work and purposes and ideals of the Endowment.

In Rio de Janeiro addresses were delivered at the Public Library, under the
auspices of the Brazilian Academy and the Institute of the Order of Advocates,
and at the American Embassy ; in Montevideo, at the Ateneo, under the auspices
of the University ; in Buenos Aires, before the Faculty of Law of the University ;
in Santiago, at the University of Chile; in Lima at the University of San Marcos,
and before the Colegio de Abogados.

 
UNNUMBERED
PAGE [S]

occurs at the beginning
of sections throughout
the text.

 
MR. BACON’S PRELIMINARY REPORT 11

I shall submit later, in the language in which they were delivered, copies of
the principal addresses and of remarks made upon other public occasions; also a
collection of the principal articles appearing in the press.

Year Books of the Endowment and printed pamphlets, some of which were
for publication in newspapers and reviews, were distributed among the represent-
ative South Americans. Copies of these pamphlets, which were descriptive of
activities .in which the Endowment is directly or indirectly interested, will be
included in a subsequent report.

On every side the invitation to our friends in South America to cordial and
sympathetic union with the Trustees in the various enterprises which the Endow-
ment is seeking to promote, met with enthusiastic response.

The proposed exchange of visits of representative men was most heartily
approved and might be put into execution without delay. The exchange of pro-
fessors and students met with cordial approval. The time seems ripe to take up
the question of the exchange of professors, and I feel sure that whenever the
Trustees are prepared to make a definite proposal regarding the exchange of
students they will find a willing codperation in the five Republics which I visited.

It was my good fortune to be in Lima while the Pan-American Medical
Congress was in session, and at the opening meeting of that body of scientists, to
hear one of the speakers, Dr. Cabred, refer with appreciation to the work of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. I was deeply impressed by the
fact that these men, gathered together from the American republics for a com-
mon, humanitarian purpose, well represented the “international mind,” and I took
the liberty of suggesting to the President of the Congress, Dr. Odriozola, the
possibility of selecting from the Congress representatives who might be willing
to visit the United States in connection with the exchange of visits proposed by
the Endowment.

The way has been prepared for the formation of national societies for con-
ciliation to be affiliated with the Associations for International Conciliation in
Paris and New York. In Rio de Janeiro, Senhor Helio Lobo; in Buenos Aires,
Sefior Benjamin Garcia Victorica; and in Lima, Dr. Juan Bautista de Lavalle,
have accepted the position of Honorary Secretary.

Societies of International Law to be affiliated with the American Institute of
International Law, have either been actually formed or are in process of forma-
tion in Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Santiago and Lima.

I had the honor of presenting to the Governments of the countries which I
visited the opportunity to participate in the proposed Academy of International
Law at The Hague, and of calling their attention to the necessity of appointing
national committees for the consideration of contributions to the program of the
next Hague Conference and making arrangements for the intercommunication
of such committees among all the American countries.

The representatives of the several Governments with whom I talked were
receptive without exception. The proposed Academy of International Law at

 
12 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

The Hague made an immediate appeal to their sympathy and interest and they
also expressed their appreciation of the importance of the early appointment of
national committees to discuss contributions to the program of the next Hague
Peace Conference.

In all the principal addresses I took the opportunity to describe the work
of the Division of Economics and History of the Endowment, and to bespeak for
it the assistance of our friends in South America in arranging for the systematic
furnishing of data in accordance with the program laid down at Berne. Special
attention was called to the forthcoming visit to South America of Dr. Kinley
as the representative of the Division.

In every capital distinguished men gave their sympathetic, unfailing and in-
valuable cooperation and assistance. These men devoted their time and thought
with the utmost willingness. Through their efforts 1 was afforded the necessary
opportunities to make to the leaders of opinion in South America full and
thorough explanations of the history and purposes and methods of the
Endowment.

Through the courtesy of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs for their respec-
tive countries I had the privilege of audiences with President Hermes da Fonseca,
of Brazil; President Batlle y Ordonez, of Uruguay; Vice-President de la Plaza,
of the Argentine Nation, President Saenz Pefia being absent from the capital
because of illness; President Barros Luco, of Chile, and President Billinghurst
of Peru.

Particular acknowledgment should be made also of the valuable assistance
and cooperation received from the diplomatic representatives of our own country.
Mr. Edwin Morgan, our Ambassador in Rio de Janeiro, and the Secretary of
Embassy, Mr. Butler Wright; Mr. Garrett, the American Minister in Buenos
Aires, and the Military Attaché, Major Shipton; Mr. Grevstad, the American
Minister in Montevideo; Mr. Harvey, Chargé d’Affaires in Santiago, and the
Military Attaché, Captain Biscoe; Mr. Benton McMillin, the American Minister
in Lima, and Mr. Pennoyer, the Secretary of Legation, all personally devoted a
great deal of their time and attention to furthering the objects of my visit. I
cannot express my gratitude for their hospitality and for their advice and assist-
ance.

At a later date I shall make a full report of my visit to South America. In
presenting this brief summary permit me to renew the assurances of my high
appreciation of the honor conferred upon me by the T'rustees in appointing me as
their representative to visit South America. .

Respectfully submitted,

RoBErT BACON.
December 24, 1913.

For Better Relations with Our Latin American Neighbors

I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS

In a letter to the Trustees of the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace I reported very briefly the principal matters of interest in a journey to
Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Peru, undertaken as the representative of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, in pursuance of an invitation
received, under date of April 1, 1913, from Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, director
of the Division of Intercourse and Education, and a letter of instructions, dated
July 20, 1913, from the Honorable Elihu Root, the President of the Endowment.

In this more detailed account of the journey I have tried to tell in narrative
form just what was done in each city, for in that way, perhaps, better than in any
other, it is possible to give an impression of the extreme kindness of the
reception which was everywhere extended to me, as the representative of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and of the cordial sympathy and
interest manifested on every side in the work and purposes of the Endowment.
The friendly attitude of the press in all the countries which I visited, the extreme
courtesy of the various governments, the spontaneous approval of the leaders of
opinion as expressed in letters and telegrams and personal interviews, and the
manifest cordiality of the people, afford convincing proof that the Trustees will
find in South America a valuable and energetic coOperation in the noble work
upon which they are engaged.

Reference is made to many persons who were most helpful to me. The record
is by no means complete, but in another place I have mentioned more fully those
in official and unofficial life to whom I have been chiefly indebted for aid, advice
and information, trying to express at the same time something of my deep sense
of obligation and gratitude toward them.

By history even more than by nature the countries of the North and South
American continents are bound closely together.

At all times since the revolt of the South American colonies from Spain at
the beginning of the last century, there have been distinguished leaders in public
affairs in this country who have voiced the friendship of the United States for the
nations to the south of us. Henry Clay, as early as 1816 (in a speech on the
Lowndes Bill to reduce the direct taxes imposed during the war of 1812), fore-
shadowed the possibility of our aiding the Spanish American colonies in their
struggle for independence. In 1818, in one of his most brilliant arguments, advo-
cating “that our neutrality be so arranged as to be as advantageous as possible to
the insurgent colonies,” and that “the United States send a Minister to the ‘United

 
14 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Provinces of Rio de la Plata,’ thereby recognizing that revolutionized colony as an
independent state,” Clay pictured with poetic prophecy the wonderful lands to
which we are joined by the Isthmus of Panama.

James G. Blaine’s part in bringing about closer relations between the Ameri-
can Republics is well known. Blaine in 1881 convoked the Pan-American Con-
ference which, owing to circumstances, did not convene until eight years later,
when Blaine was again the Secretary of State. In extending his original note of
invitation in 1881, Blaine acted upon the inspiration and initiative of President
Garfield, who was keenly sensible of the advisability of closer union among the
republics of this continent and to whose statesmanship may be attributed the
first of those Pan-American Conferences which are now held regularly. In 1831,
President Garfield, acting through his Secretary of State, proposed a Conference
which should have the sole object of discussing methods of preventing war
between the nations of America. Blaine’s statesmanship foresaw the practical
advantages of reciprocal commercial relations which should more intimately weld
the American nations together; and this with numerous other topics formed the
program for the first Pan-American Conference which met in Washington in
1889.

In our own day, Elihu Root is the statesman who has most conspicuously
exemplified our traditional policy of American unity. His friendship for our
sister republics has manifested itself in repeated public declarations which have
clearly outlined a rule of conduct for us in our relations with the other nations on
this continent. His doctrine is the doctrine of sympathy and understanding, of
kindly consideration and honorable obligation ; and when his views, which combine
the idealism of Mr. Clay and the utilitarianism of Mr. Blaine, have come to be
accepted generally as the foreign policy of the United States in this hemisphere,
the question of how the United States and her sister republics on this continent
can be drawn into closer relations will have found a complete answer.

That we have not as a nation aggressively acted upon the advice of these
leaders, giving to their declarations only tacit assent unsupported by positive
action, has been largely due to the fact that our country has been intensely occu-
pied with its own affairs, its own marvelously rapid development and its own
internal problems. The eminent Dr. Roque Saenz Pefia, in a forceful address
delivered in Washington in 188g, when he was a delegate to the first Pan-Ameri-
can Conference, frankly expressed his realization of this fact.

Dr. Saenz Pefia upon that occasion said:

The truth is that our knowledge of each other is limited. The repub-
lics of the North of this continent have lived without holding communication
with those of the South, or the nations of Central America. Absorbed, as
they have been, like ours, in the development of their institutions, they have
failed to cultivate with us closer and more intimate relations.

While I am confident that this true explanation of our mistakes is accepted
by the discerning statesmen of our sister republics, it has been only natural

 

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 15

that the apparent, and often actual neglect of our opportunities to cultivate a
better understanding of our neighbors, our ignorance of their affairs and our
seeming national indifference to their progress should have tended to engender on
their part sentiments of resentment, distrust and suspicion. Mr. Root’s
historic visit to South America in 1906 has been responsible, more than any other
single factor, for the correction of these impressions of us. Our people at large
have not even a faint conception of the great service Mr. Root has done them
by his sympathetic attitude and by his repeated utterances of our national policy,
but this service is recognized in all parts of South America, where he is regarded
with the deepest affection and respect.

The most effective way of carrying out Mr. Root’s instructions seemed to be
by conversations with representative South Americans, addresses delivered under
the auspices of universities or learned societies, and articles in newspapers and
reviews. I was afforded every opportunity to employ these various methods.
Public addresses were delivered in each capital visited, numerous conferences
were held with leading citizens, and the press gave the widest possible circulation
to descriptions of the work of the Endowment and the activities in which it is
interested.

There is, I believe, no field more fertile for the work of the Endowment
than South America and no time more opportune than the present to cultivate
good relations between this country and the republics of the great continent to
the south of us.

It is a fact now generally recognized that the people of this country have
been and still are ignorant of the actual conditions of these great Latin-American
nations which are advancing in the path of progress as rapidly as we have ad-
vanced at any period of our history. We have been neglectful of opportunities
not only to improve our commercial relations with our sister republics, but, what
is of infinitely greater importance, of opportunities to cultivate intellectual inter-
course and sentiments of friendly understanding which shall bind us more closely
to each other in the future.

It becomes, then, a most urgent duty to overcome our ignorance and repair
our mistakes. In no better way, I think, can these results be achieved than
in the way the Trustees of the Endowment have indicated, and it is a matter
for profound satisfaction that our friends in South America have expressed
full sympathy with the plans of the Endowment and have promised their ener-
getic cooperation.

The plan of the Division of Intercourse and Education for “the visit to
various countries of representative men of other countries for the purpose of
making better known the spirit, institutions and ideals of the several nations,”
as outlined in the monograph which formed a part of my general instructions,
was accepted by the men I met in South America with unanimous approval.
Such an exchange of visits would be productive of immediate good. Possibly by
no other method could results be obtained which would be so quickly apparent and,

 
16 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

although the work of the Trustees is wisely builded upon a consideration of the
far future rather than of our own day, it is nevertheless well to bear in mind the
public desire for some tangible token of progress which would serve as a popular
incentive and inspiration. It is very gratifying to know that steps have been
taken to carry into effect the plan to have distinguished South Americans visit
the United States, and it is to be hoped that nothing will be allowed to retard the
work in this hemisphere which the Division has already begun so successfully in
connection with the Far East.

In regard to the selection of South Americans to come to the United
States, it has seemed to me that it might be advisable to allow this to be done
by scientific or educational societies under whose auspices the visits could be
made. In all of our great sister republics to the south there are men in
public and private life well qualified for such a mission, men of brilliant
attainments who speak English and have an excellent knowledge of conditions
in the United States. Those whom the Endowment might select to visit
South America from this country, unless they were able to speak in Spanish
or at least in French, would find their usefulness limited. In Argentina and
in Chile more English is spoken than elsewhere on the South American continent,
but even in these countries the knowledge of the language is confined to com-
paratively few. French is spoken among the cultured classes, but, while a knowl-
edge of French is much more common with them than it is with us, any
representative of the Endowment depending only upon French and English
would often experience the need of Spanish.

The foregoing remarks might apply with added force to the proposed
exchange of professors of universities, unless, of course, it were desired that the
professor visiting the South American universities should give his lectures in
English.

The schools and colleges of Brazil; the University de la Plata and the Uni-
versity of Buenos Aires in the Argentine; the University of Montevideo; the
University of Chile in Santiago, and the ancient University of San Marcos in
Lima, are all important seats of learning with distinguished faculties, and a regular
exchange of professors with them should be instituted as soon as possible. It
might be well for professors who are sent from the United States to divide their
time between the principal Latin American universities. The professors to be
invited to this country might include one from each of the Republics mentioned,
if that number should not be too large for the purpose of the Endowment, and
they, also, might alternate at five of our leading universities, which would enable
a professor to remain about six weeks at each university, the lectures thereby
covering the entire academic year.

The practical good done by the Harvard and Columbia exchanges of pro-
fessors with France and Germany is sufficient indication of the benefits to be
derived from such exchanges with South America. The condition of a nation can
be judged very accurately by the conditions existing at its typical colleges. When

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 17

we know what and how the young men of a country are taught and the attitude
they assume toward the acquisition of knowledge, we can form a conception of the
spirit of a people which will not be far from the truth. South American educators
discussed with great interest the interchange of professors proposed by the En-
dowment and will lend to it their hearty support.

In regard to the proposed exchange of students of universities of South
America and our own universities, I found a general commendation of the idea,
but it was felt that details of the project would have to be clearly presented
before all doubts of its entire advisability were allayed. Latin-American
universities and our own are dissimilar in many respects. The opinion was
expressed that many parents would hesitate to send their sons to our far-away
universities where the students are allowed much greater liberty than they are
accustomed to enjoy in South American schools. It was feared that in the absence
of family control and family supervision the young men might succumb to tempta-
tion. Of course this is not unlike the problems which parents in the United States
must face when they are sending their boys away from home, but the added
distance contemplated in such an exchange makes it more difficult for fathers
and mothers to part with their boys, particularly as the parting must be for a
considerable period of time.

It seems to me that some scheme might be possible whereby such South
American students could receive a more personal supervision, but, until a
definite plan is devised, the proposal looking toward a systematic exchange of
students is sure to meet with considerable objection on the part of our neighbors.
The young men, themselves, I am convinced, are enthusiastically in favor of
it, and several wrote or spoke to me about the possibility of studying in the United
States. The mutual benefit the republics would derive is so great that every effort
should be made to devise a practical method for carrying out the project.

The Division of Intercourse and Education which has jurisdiction over the
exchange of visits of representative men and the exchange of professors and
students, has also within its scope the formation of national societies for Inter-
national Conciliation. I found leaders of thought in South America agreed upon
the beneficent work these societies can accomplish and they were eager that
national societies should be organized in Latin America. We have been
fortunate in obtaining the acceptance of well qualified men to act as honorary
secretaries for National Societies for Conciliation in Brazil, the Argentine and
Peru and it is expected that a secretary will soon be found for Chile.

It might be advisable to have the pamphlets of the Society for Inter-
national Conciliation, which are intended for distribution in the Argentine, Chile
and Peru printed in Spanish and those for Brazil printed in Portuguese. They
would thus obtain a much wider circulation and the work in that way become more
popular than if printed in French or English.

In every capital which was visited committees were informally got together
which should be the basis for organization of permanent National Societies of

 
18 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

International Law, to be affiliated with the American Institute of International
Law, founded in 1912 with Mr. Root as Honorary President and Dr. James
Brown Scott as President. In this work prominent publicists gave their zealous
support, approving the plan unanimously and devoting to the cause such energy
and enthusiasm that the Trustees have every reason to look forward to most en-
couraging results. It was readily appreciated that such a project as this, essen-
tially intellectual and scientific, must serve as the lasting foundation for all other
work of bringing nations into closer relations. The rights of peoples, no less
than the rights of individuals, must rest on law.

On several occasions spokesmen of societies of lawyers made responses ex-
pressing unqualified approval of the plan to popularize by means of these national
organizations the principles of international law, to the end that enlightened public
opinion should demand the settlement of questions arising between nations upon
the principles of law rather than by a resort to force. The intercommunication
of such organizations, through affiliation with the American Institute, will, in

itself, be a potent factor in bringing about a better understanding of each other
by the several countries.

The eminent authorities on international law in the Southern Republics
have made long and careful studies of their subject with particular reference
to American affairs and the support they will give to the American Institute
will be most valuable. The further work of organization should be done with-

out delay. As Mr. Root in the final paragraph of his letter of instructions
points out, the results to be achieved are not to be measured in the terms of
individual life, but in the long life of nations and this is fully realized by our
friends in Latin America; but advantage should be taken of the present enthu-
siasm to enlist the services of these distinguished men in the cause which the
American Institute represents. The Trustees, I believe, will find no activity
which they could support with more fruitful results or which more strongly
appeals to the leading men of the South American Republics.

The proposed Academy of International Law at The Hague aroused a
lively interest. It was felt that such an Academy, where delegated representa-
tives of the various governments of the world would meet for the study of
international law under the instruction of eminent masters, must result in a
greater uniformity of opinion, a “standardizing”, if the phrase be permitted,
of a science which has heretofore been followed only in a manner productive
of diverse views. No effort was made to obtain the commitment of any
government to the proposal; the time was considered unripe for such action.
My instructions had contemplated nothing more definite than inviting the atten-
tion of the various Governments to their opportunity to participate in the
proposed Academy, but I feel quite sure, from the general interest displayed
in the subject and from the approbation expressed by the Ministers of Foreign
Affairs, that, when the proposed Academy assumes definite form, the Govern-
ments of the five South American Republics which I visited will eagerly avail

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 19

themselves of the opportunity to participate in it and that each one will send to it
one or more duly delegated representatives.

In conversations with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of each country,
in accordance with my instructions, the subject was brought up of the early
appointment of national committees for the purpose of discussing the programme
of the next Hague Peace Conference and the advantages to be derived from
the inter-communication of such national committees in America, in order that
when the next Peace Conference is convoked delegates may go there in a
better state of preparation and more united in their views of the objects to
be accomplished than was the case at the Second Peace Conference at The
Hague. The nature of such private conversations precludes the idea of giv-
ing to them any public form, but I may say that the necessity for early action
is appreciated by the various Governments.

The work of the Division of Economics and History of the Endowment
formed a part of the principal address delivered in each city and aroused
much interest. South American historians who can prove of invaluable service in
furnishing the Division with data regarding the causes and effects of the many
wars with which the Southern Republics have been afflicted, and with historic
information regarding the relations of Latin American nations, heard with
pleasure of the forthcoming visit to South America of Dr. Kinley as the repre-
sentative of this Division of the Endowment. Dr. Kinley’s well-known achieve-
ments, his friendship for Latin America and the mission upon which he goes will,
I am confident, assure him a most cordial reception and the valuable assistance of
South American economists.

The fact that we were able to remain only a few days in each country
renders presumptuous any attempt to describe social or political conditions in
the South American Republics. Whatever expressions of opinion regarding these
matters may appear refer to well-known characteristics or to facts that become
evident in even a very brief stay.

In speaking or in thinking of the Republics of South America we are
exceedingly apt to fall into the error of regarding them as a whole. The ten
separate states are as distinct as the separate countries of Europe; the peoples
constituting them differ in race, habits, and ideals; their governments, though
retaining the same basic form, are really often quite dissimilar. We shall
never go very far toward improving our relations with the Latin American
Republics, either in the matter of intellectual intercourse or of commerce until
we have made ourselves familiar with the separate nations and by study or
actual contact learned to make the necessary distinctions between them. A true
understanding of our neighbors can come only with a knowledge of their sepa-
rate histories, of their heroes, of the epics of valor and perseverance of each
Republic and of the races from which they have sprung, native and European.

The day has gone by when the majority of these countries, laboriously
building up a governmental structure under tremendous difficulties, were unstable,

 
20 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

tottering and likely to fall from one month to another. Now all the more
important Republics are firmly established and no longer live in the shadow
of dictatorships or unconstitutional rule. They “have passed”, to use the
words of Mr. Root, “out of the condition of militarism, out of the
condition of revolution, into the condition of industrialism, into the paths of suc-
cessful commerce, and are becoming great and powerful nations”. With this
development has come material progress and prosperity attracting the attention
of the world to South America and assuring its increasing greatness in the
future.

Although error springs from regarding the South American nations as
a whole, certain characteristics are, in greater or less degree, common to all
of these peoples. They are hospitable, courteous, sensitive, proud and intensely
patriotic. Whoever goes among them with a disregard of these traits is sure
to produce a bad impression upon them. We of northern climes are tradi-
tionally more brusque, and brusqueness is foreign and offensive to these descend-
ants of the polite races of the Iberian Peninsula. Their sensitiveness causes
them to resent criticism, although they accept most readily suggestions prompted
by a sincere friendship; but an attitude of superiority, too often assumed by
unthinking persons of other nations, can beget only their suspicion, distrust
and contempt. .

Much has been said of the rivalry existing between the various Republics.
It is only natural that the rapid progress made by nations lying so close to each
other should produce a spirit of keen competition in their advance toward the
common goal of greatness. The same spirit is evident in nearly every country
in the world. The sentiments which exist between the several nations should be
respected by all who deal with them, for in that way only can one escape giving
offense by apparent partiality ; but I incline to the belief that much loose talking
of persons ignorant of the facts and a good deal of loose writing and loose
thinking by careless observers have grossly exaggerated the nature of this com-
petitive spirit.

Upon the great questions concerning the welfare of the entire continent,
upon matters relating to the advancement of humanity in general and upon
the principles of right and progress, the peoples of South America, or, at least,
those with whom I came in contact, are united. They are believers in high
ideals and in the work for these ideals they show a solidarity that rises far
above any feeling of national rivalry.

In every country which I visited I found sentiments of warmest friendship
for the United States. The reported occasional public expressions by agitators
of South American distrust of our purposes and motives are practically negligible
in comparison with the earnest desire for the friendliest relations between our
countries which one hears expressed by the real leaders of opinion everywhere.

It behooves the people of this country, however, to conduct themselves toward
their Latin-American neighbors with such consideration and fairness that no

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 21

cause for suspicion may arise. It has been decreed by our geographical position
and historical association that our destinies shall not be separate. Such has
been the view of our own statesmen from the time of Monroe and such was the
opinion of those early great leaders of South American independence. I believe
that this opinion is held by the South American leaders of today, not in any
sense of political alliance and, certainly, in no degree in a manner to involve the
sovereignty of any state concerned, but as a matter of policy necessitated by our
proximity to each other, our isolation from other continents and our common
ideals of liberty. We must all, I think, admit the force of the argument for our
interdependence, but each American nation should be scrupulously careful in
respecting the rights and sentiments of the others.

For our conduct we cannot do better than to remember and follow the
sentiments of John Quincy Adams expressed in a special message to the House
of Representatives, explaining his action in appointing delegates to the Con-
ference held in Panama:

The first and paramount principle upon which it was deemed wise and
just to lay the corner-stone of all our future relations with them (our sister
American republics) was disinterestedness; the next was cordial good will
to them; the third was a claim of fair and equal reciprocity.

These sentiments which served as the “corner-stone of all our future rela-
tions,” are as applicable today as when they were written, more than eighty
years ago.

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

II. THE JOURNEY

Among the many changes which are rapidly transforming the relations
of South America with the rest of the world, none, perhaps, is more apparent
to, or has a more immediate interest for North America, than the improve-
ment in the means of communication between the two continents. N eighbors
of the North and South are no longer forced by considerations of comfort or
expedition to make their visits to each other by way of Europe.

Good passenger steamships now ply regularly between the United States
and the principal ports of the east coast of South America, or between the
ports of this country and the Isthmus of Panama, where connection may be
made with the steamships of several lines engaged in the coastwise traffic on
the Pacific side.

The journey that only a few years ago was looked upon as accompanied
by hazards and hardships has become a cruise in pleasant and interesting waters
where the seas are singularly free from storms.

These favorable conditions, which are too little known to the general
public, continue to improve yearly, and with the opening of the Panama Canal,
the improvement must be even more rapid.

That our own party embarked from Lisbon for Rio de Janeiro was due to
the circumstance that some of us had come from the Orient and to the fact
that a meeting had been arranged in Paris with Dr. James Brown Scott, the
Secretary of the Endowment.

The week in Paris was given over to the preparation of material. Only
by the diligence and devotion of Dr. Scott, generously aided by Dr. Alejandro
Alvarez of Chile, Secretary-General of the American Institute of International
Law, was it possible in the short time to prepare articles and information essen-
tial for the journey.

Drafts of articles were prepared in English and French descriptive of the
formation, work and purposes of the Carnegie Endowment and of some of
the activities and movements in which it is interested, such as the American
Institute of International Law, the Academy of International Law at The Hague,
the Third Hague Conference, the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague.

Through the kindness of Dr. Scott we were supplied with many printed
pamphlets intended for our own information and for distribution among our
friends in South America. Among these papers were:

Institut Américain de Droit International ;

Projet de Statuts, for aid in the formation of national Societies of Inter-
national Law;

La Transformation de I’Arbitrage en Sentence Judiciare, par James Brown
Scott;

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS

Le Mouvement Pacifique, par James Brown Scott;

Discours d’Ouverture du XX° Congrés Universel de le Paix, par J. de
Louter;

From Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, who was absent from Paris, we
received pamphlets descriptive of the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, together with replicas in bronze of the medal of the Association.

M. Gabriel Hanotaux, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of France and
president of the Comité France-Amérique, returned from the country to Paris
in order to render his invaluable service, and I was his guest at a luncheon
where he warmly wished me success upon my mission to South America. M.
Hanotaux further testified his cordial interest by writing articles on the objects
of my journey, which were published in the Figaro and in the Revue France-
Amérique.

From Paris we went to Lisbon, leaving there September 23rd, 1913, on
the Royal Mail Packet Steamship Araguays. Our party consisted of Judge
Otto Schoenrich, President of the Nicaraguan Mixed Claims Commission, and
Mrs. Schoenrich, Mr. W. R. Hereford, my wife and daughter and myself.

Although the voyage to Rio occupies a fortnight, one is never out of sight
of land for longer than five days consecutively. Frequent stops relieve the
journey of any possibility of monotony. Our ship put in at Funchal, on the
picturesque island of Madeira, and at St. Vincent, the chief port of the Cape
Verde islands, before we reached the coast of Brazil. The first port of call
in South America was Pernambuco or El Recife, to give it the native name,
a prosperous commercial city where extensive improvements are under way to
permit vessels of deeper draft to come into the harbor. Our vessel remained
at anchor in the roadstead, disembarking passengers by means of a basket
swung upon a crane, and unloading freight into lighters, tasks rendered diffi-
cult by the swift tide and heavy swell which are constant at this point.

We gained our first impression of the activity of modern Brazil at Bahia
where the members of our party went ashore. In the city, which is the third
in size in Brazil and a principal mart for sugar and cotton, there were every-
where evidences of the energy that is transforming these Brazilian capitals into
modern cities. Streets were torn up; old houses were being demolished; new
and imposing buildings were taking their places; street-car lines were being
built or improved. Apparently expense was but little considered in the desire
for improvement. Bahia is a revelation to travelers from Northern climes who
are wont to regard the people of the tropics as lacking in energy and too content
with an easy existence to suffer change.

In Rio de Janeiro

Our first view of Rio was such as to stamp it forever on the memories of
all of us. It is probable that no one can enter that wonderful harbor without

 
4 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

receiving impressions which cannot be effaced, but it was our good fortune to
pass through the narrow entrance just after sunset and to come to anchor in
the circular bay when the myriad lights of the city were shining, outlining the
broad arc of the shore and extending from the water's edge to the heights
behind the city. A full moon revealed the high dark mountains of curious
shapes which encircled us, with the dome-like rock, the Sugar Loaf, which is
beloved of every “Fluminense,” rising sheer from the deep waters only a few
hundred yards away.

Early the next morning we were met on board by Mr. Butler Wright, first
secretary of the American Embassy, and Senhor Helio Lobo, of the Foreign
Office, who in the name of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Lauro Muller,
extended an official welcome to us. I had the honor, an hour later, to be received
by Dr. Lauro Muller, who was most cordial in his expression of interest in
the Endowment. He had but recently returned from his official visit to the
United States and spoke feelingly of the reception that had been accorded him
there and of his desire to lend his support to an undertaking which had in view
the promotion of friendly relations between our two countries.

Dr. Muller gave further evidence of his genuine interest in the success of
my mission by delegating to assist me Senhor de Oliveira Lima, upon whose
valuable good offices I constantly depended throughout my stay in Rio. It
would have been difficult if not impossible to have found any one more thoroughly
qualified than Senhor de Oliveira Lima. His long and distinguished diplomatic
service in Europe has made him familiar with many of the activities in which
the Endowment is interested and to this is added a thorough, scientific knowl-
edge of the relations between Brazil and the United States. His recent valuable
essay on that subject is familiar to those who receive the pamphlets of the
Association for International Conciliation. Senhor de Oliveira Lima’s many
friendships in the United States, his well-remembered lectures in this country
and his command of English and French all helped to fit him peculiarly for
the invaluable services to the Endowment which he rendered with the utmost
good-will.

Calls were made on the day of our arrival upon Senhor Ruy Barbosa, Dr.
Amaro Cavalcanti and other leaders of public opinion in Brazil. It is impossible
to exaggerate the sense of encouragement I experienced because of the interest
manifested by these men who were so thoroughly representative of the states-
manship of their country. Elsewhere I have spoken of their valuable aid and
I shall have occasion later to refer to it more particularly.

During my stay in Rio de Janeiro I was the guest of the American
Ambassador, Mr. Edwin V. Morgan, who was indefatigable in his efforts to
afford me opportunities to explain the methods and purposes of the En-
dowment.

It was at the American Embassy that the first public address on the objects
of my visit was made. The Ambassador had invited about a hundred men prom-

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 25

inent in the intellectual life of Brazil. Just before this meeting a committee of
the Historical Institute of Brazil, of which Count de Affonso Celso is the dis-
tinguished president, and which is one of the oldest learned societies in America,
welcomed me in the name of the Institute. Senhor de Oliveira Lima, who acted as
the spokesman of the committee made a brief address in English pledging the
support of the Institute to the cause of international friendship.

At the larger meeting where I was introduced by Senhor de Oliveira Lima
in an address of the most cordial sympathy, it was a very great pleasure to explain
the purposes of the Trustees to men whose influence was so powerful in the
affairs of Brazil, for the audience was made up of leaders of the Republic in many
branches of intellectual endeavor.

The lively interest which, from the start, was manifested in the Endow-
ment was shown in the gratifying request of the Minister of Foreign Affairs
and others who were present, that a more detailed address upon the same theme
be delivered before a larger audience, and, in spite of the short time of our stay
in Rio, they were able to arrange for the second day following, at the National
Library, a meeting which was held under the combined auspices of the Brazilian
Academy and the Institute of the Order of Advocates. I was introduced by
Senhor Ruy Barbosa. The prominent place occupied in Brazil by Senhor Ruy
Barbosa, his conspicuous service at the Second Hague Peace Conference and his
recognized authority might warrant us in considering him upon this occasion as
the spokesman of his country. In an address of exceptional brilliance and elo-
quence, in which he paid high tribute to Mr. Root and Dr. Scott, he expressed
his appreciation of and deep sympathy with the humanitarian work upon which
the trustees of the Endowment are engaged. After his sympathetic introduction
it was a highly esteemed privilege to explain to the distinguished audience which
filled the large hall of the Public Library, the ideals of the Endowment and the
practical methods by which it seeks to attain its aims.

At a tea given for us by the Argentine Minister, Dr. Lucas Ayarragaray, and
Sefiora Ayarragaray at the Argentine legation and on another afternoon when we
had tea with Sefior Alfredo Irarrazabal, the Chilean Minister, at Pao d’Assucar,
we had the pleasure of meeting the members of the diplomatic corps and many
residents of Rio. We dined one evening with Sefior and Sefiora de
Figueiredo, and there had been a dinner with Mr. Percival Farquhar, a luncheon
with our Consul General, Mr. Lay, and Mrs. Lay, and luncheons, dinners and
a dance at the Embassy so that, notwithstanding the shortness of our stay, we
made many delightful acquaintances and saw not a little of the society of the
Brazilian capital, carrying away with us the lasting impression of its culture and
charm.

On the day before the meeting at the Library, Dr. Lauro Muller gave a
luncheon for me in the Itamaraty Palace where the Foreign Office is installed,
a palace of exquisite charm and possessing a remarkable library. There were
a score of guests at the luncheon, principally Brazilian diplomats and jurists.

 
MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

In the afternoon I had the honor of an audience with the President of
Brazil, Marshal Hermes da Fonseca.

The intervals between these occasions, when not occupied in the preparation
of addresses, had been devoted to talks with Senhores Ruy Barbosa, Amaro
Cavalcanti, president of the Supreme Court, J. C. de Souza Bandeira, Oliveira
Lima and others, who with unfailing courtesy gave their time and thought to
the subject of the formation of a national society of international law and, at the
instance of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, undertook its organization.

For the society of conciliation, to be affiliated with the parent society in
Paris and the society in New York, we were extremely fortunate in obtaining
the consent of Dr. Helio Lobo, of the Foreign Office, to act as Honorary
Secretary. His acceptance of this position was immediately telegraphed to the
Director of the Division of Intercourse and Education, Dr. Butler, in order that
the organization of the branch society in Rio de Janeiro might be begun without
delay.

Papers which had been prepared for distribution and as the basis for
interviews or articles in newspapers and reviews and which we had printed in
Rio in pamphlet form, were as follows:

(a) In French, a draft of an address on the objects of the Endowment
and of the mission.
(b) In Spanish, a draft of an address on the objects of the mission.

(c) In Spanish, a draft of an address on the American Institute of
International Law and National Societies of International Law.

(d) In Spanish, a draft of an address on the Association for Inter-
national Conciliation.

(e) In Spanish, a draft of an address on the proposed Academy of
International Law at The Hague.

(f) In Spanish, a draft of an address on National Committees for the
next Hague Conference.

(2) In Spanish, a draft of an address on the Division of Economics
and History and the mission of Professor Kinley.

(h) In Spanish, a draft of an address on the proposed International
Court of Justice.

(i) In Spanish, notes on the organization and objects of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace.

The newspapers of Rio without exception had evinced the greatest interest
in the objects of my visit, printing daily long articles with pictures and conspicuous
headlines, all startlingly reminiscent of the enterprise and ingenuity of our news-
papers at home, with the difference, however, which I am constrained to point
out in the interest of general information, that the newspapers throughout South

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS PA

America display a carefulness and accuracy to which we, unfortunately, are not
always accustomed, and essay to interest their readers in the ideas of men rather
than in their personalities. Copies of the principal newspaper articles referring
to our visits in Brazil, the Argentine, Uruguay, Chile and Peru, have been
collected.

On the day we left Rio I had the pleasure of meeting again Dr. Rodriguez,
the distinguished editor of the Jornal do Commercio, who had until that morning
been absent from the capital. He was most responsive and told me that he in-
tended to publish in the Commercio articles descriptive of the work of the Endow-
ment, in which he was much interested.

Our visit to Rio was limited to four days. It is, of course, unlikely that in
such a short period opinions worthy of record could be formed of the people or
of the political or economic conditions of the country, but the first impressions
of travellers generally have at least the value of sharp definition.

Of the beauty of the capital there could, of course, be no difference of
opinion. The wonderful sanitary condition of Rio is most striking. It seems
impossible that it should once have been a lurking place for deadly fevers. To-day
the city is scrupulously clean; the streets are so well cared for that a torn-up
thoroughfare is a rarity. Pestilential disease has disappeared and the mortality
rate is one of the lowest in the world. So salubrious is Rio that most of the
residents now remain in the capital during the hot months of December, January
and February instead of fleeing to the mountains as they used to do.

The impression we all got and which I think any one must receive in
even the briefest visit, was of a city and country and people for whom the future
is big with promise. The vastness of the territory and its inestimable wealth
stimulate the imagination.

The people are energetic and patriotic. They are by nature and by tradition
courteous and hospitable and give expression freely to the sentiments of friend-
ship they entertain for the United States. Surely the hospitality shown to our
party could not have been more cordial or delightful. In leaving Rio we parted
with regret from those acquaintances whom we had learned, in a few days, to
regard as friends.

In Argentina

The journey by sea from Rio de Janeiro to Buenos Aires occupies four
days. Very recently the railroad to the South has been opened so that it is
now possible to go as far as Montevideo overland. Our Ambassador, Mr. Mor-
gan, had just completed this trip and was enthusiastic over the interesting glimpses
of Southern Brazil to be had from the car windows, but our plans to go to Buenos
Aires by sea had been made in advance and could not well be changed.

We travelled on one of the new ships of the Royal Mail Steam Packet
Company, the Andes, a large and well-equipped vessel of the type which the

 
28 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

growing trade and passenger traffic between Europe and South America has
called into service.

Our ship did not put into the harbor of Montevideo but stopped in the
open roadstead off the city long enough to permit passengers to disembark.
Although it was ten o'clock at night when the Andes came to her dock in Buenos
Aires, we found awaiting us Major Shipton, the Military Attaché from the Lega-
tion, a representative of the Foreign Office, Sefior Barilari, who extended to us an
official welcome, and several of our Argentine friends. With the members of
my family I was driven to the house of Mr. John Work Garrett, the
American Minister, with whom we stopped during our stay in Buenos Aires.
Even at night, and despite the rain that was falling, the drive from the river
to the Minister’s house revealed unmistakable evidences of the great size and
importance of the city of whose wonders we had heard so much. The com-
parison with Paris is not an effort of imagination nor the hyperbole of local
pride. It suggests itself so naturally that it becomes unavoidable. We were all
conscious again and again during our stay of the illusion that we were really
not in the Argentine but in France.

The day after our arrival was taken up with conversations with Dr. Ernesto
Bosch, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Luis M. Drago, Dr. E. S. Zeballos
and other leading Argentinians who very kindly gave me the benefit of
their advice and lent their active support in furthering the work of the Endow-
ment. In the afternoon I called on Dr. Bosch, and was presented by him to Dr.
Victorino de la Plaza, the Vice-president, who has long occupied a prominent place
in the affairs of the Argentine Nation. Dr. de la Plaza speaks English fluently
and loses no occasion to express his friendship for the people of the United
States. Two visits which he made several years ago to this country are still
fresh in his recollection, and, since then, in his studies, he has so carefully
followed our progress that he is thoroughly familiar with the development of
our republic. It is his wish to visit again the United States and the benefit
that our people would derive from the presence of a statesman so repre-
sentative of his nation is apparent, but his official duties demand his presence
in the Argentine for several years to come, so that the prospect of such a visit
is, unfortunately, remote.

During the time that we were in Buenos Aires, Dr. Saenz Pefia, the dis-
tinguished President of the Argentine Nation, was detained at his home in
the country by a regrettable illness, so that I did not have the privilege of
renewing an acquaintance with him begun in Paris.

In the afternoon of the day of our arrival, Dr. Ernesto Bosch and Sefiora
Bosch, whom we had known in France at the time Dr. Bosch was the Argentine
Minister there, and who were most kind in their hospitality to us throughout
our stay in the Argentine, gave a reception for Mrs. Bacon and myself, where
we had the pleasure of meeting many who were prominent in the diplomatic
and social life of the capital.

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 29

In the evening I dined with Dr. E. S. Zeballos at his house. He had invited
a most distinguished company of public men, diplomatists, jurists and educators,
and they expressed a very lively interest in the work and purposes of the Endow-
ment. There was a short speech of welcome by Dr. Zeballos to which I responded,
referring to the declarations of Mr. Root during his memorable visit, as a
doctrine of sympathy and understanding, of kindly consideration and honorable
obligation. Mr. Root’s visit in 1906 and his public utterances remain vividly
impressed upon the minds of the leaders in the Argentine in no less degree than
in Brazil and I was to find as I continued my journey that there existed every-
where I went the same warm sympathy for him and the same confident
reliance upon the sincerity and potency of his friendship for our sister Republics
to the South.

We had luncheon the next day at the German legation with our old friends,
Baron and Baroness von dem Bussche.

Before leaving Rio I had been invited to address the Faculty of Law of
the University of Buenos Aires, and the meeting was held that afternoon
in one of the great halls of the University. There Dr. Drago pre-
sented me to an audience of several hundred men and women who, in spite of the
somewhat technical nature of the subject, paid the closest attention. The address
was substantially a combination of the two I had delivered in Rio de Janeiro, for
it was quickly appreciated that the public preferred to hear a general descrip-
tion of the work and purposes of the Endowment rather than an address confined
to any one of the activities which it encourages or supports.

In the evening at the chancellery of the American Legation, there was an
informal gathering of alumni of universities in the United States, South Ameri-
cans and North Americans, who were members of the University Club of Buenos
Aires, of which our Minister, Mr. Garrett, was president. Toasts were made and
responded to, expressive of greeting and good-will, as informal as the general
character of the evening, of which no record was kept except in the memories of
those who in this land so far south of the Equator, had foregathered fra-
ternally, each drawn by the tie of an alma mater in a republic so far to the North.
It gave one a pleasant sensation of optimism and security in the future friendship
of our countries. One is inclined to underestimate the great good done by such
social organizations as the University Club of Buenos Aires. They are really
important factors in the relationship of countries and it is to be hoped when the
proposed exchanges of professors and students are put into effect under the
auspices of the Endowment that an effort will be made to organize similar soci-
eties wherever it may be practicable.

There will always remain in my memory the impression of visits which we
made the next day to several of the public schools. While the ladies of our
party, with Sefiora Rodriguez Larreta, the head of the admirably organized
charities of Buenos Aires, one of the most efficient organizations of its kind in
the world, visited hospitals and charitable institutions, obtaining a glimpse of

 
30 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

the generosity and devotion of the ladies of Buenos Aires, Mr. Garrett and I
visited the public schools with Dr. Carlos Ibarguren, Minister of Public Instruc-
tion, and Dr. Pedro Arata, President of the National Council of Education.

The public schools of Buenos Aires are models of which any country might
be proud. They have aroused the admiration of such distinguished observers
as James Bryce and M. Clemenceau. It has been stated that the Argentine
spends more money upon the education of her children than any other country
in the world with the single exception of Australia. One can easily believe that
this is true if her schools generally have the excellence of those that we had the
privilege of seeing. It makes a visitor from the United States proud to be
reminded of the fact that the great Sarmiento, the founder of the Argentine’s
educational system, was a close personal friend of Horace Mann, and received
his inspiration largely from that friendship.

Our limited time in Buenos Aires made anything like a thorough study of the
educational condition of the Republic out of the question and any observations
that I might make would be, necessarily, not much more than the reflected opinions
of other travellers who have expressed them better, and of native historians who
have dealt with the subject fully and authoritatively, but we saw enough to fill us
with admiration. We found that English was generally taught and it left
an indelible impression upon us to hear the national anthem of the United
States sung in English by the pupils of their schools and to be greeted in our
native tongue faultlessly by the girls and boys whom the others had selected to
welcome us. Nothing, I think, could have touched us more deeply.

Sefior Ibarguren was our host later at the imposing Jockey Club at a

luncheon where we met many men prominent in the affairs of the Republic. In
the afternoon we visited the Hall of Congress, a marble building just completed
and reminiscent, in its architectural beauty, of our own capitol at Washington.
: To Sefior Joaquin Anchorena, the Intendente of Buenos Aires, we are
indebted for many kind attentions, among them a tour of the city the next
morning, when we saw some of the magnificent new avenues and parks of the
capital. We inspected the extensive underground railway which was just
being completed and also went with Sefior Anchorena, who is largely respon-
sible for many of these great public works, to the model municipal farm, and
there we had our first drink of maté, or Paraguayan tea, which, though scarcely
known in Europe or in the United States, is a most important article of con-
sumption in some of the Southern Republics, Argentina alone importing 43,161
tons of maté in 1909 from Brazil.

We had luncheon with the Vice-President, Dr. de la Plaza, at his house
where he had gathered a score of public men and here, as upon other
occasions, we found an eager interest in the work of the Endowment. Dr.
de la Plaza made a short speech in which he expressed officially this interest and
support, referring particularly to Mr. Root and employing the phrase in Eng-
lish which I had used at Dr. Zeballos’ dinner in speaking of Root’s doctrine.

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 31

The Vice-President’s remarks were made without notes and, unfortunately, no
verbatim record of them was obtainable. ;

The afternoon was taken up with many informal visits and in the evening
we went to the house of Dr. Ezequiel Ramos Mejia, a former member of the
Cabinet and one of the Argentine’s foremost men, who, with his charm-
ing wife, was giving a reception for us.

We had luncheon the next day at the races with Sefior Jorge Mitre, owner and
director of La Nacién, one of the large, active, important Argentine newspapers
which are the marvels of the journalistic world. The day was an important
one on the calendar of sport and the Vice-President and nearly all other offi-
cials of the government attended the races. The spectacle reminded one
of the great days at Longchamps. Later, with Dr. Bermejo, Dr.
Ibarguren and Dr. Aldao, I went to a Children’s Congress, where hun-
dreds of splendidly drilled school children engaged in gymnastic exercises. In
the evening we took the steamer Eleo for Montevideo, Sefior Barilari of the
Foreign Office, Mr. Garrett, Major Shipton, Lieutenant Whitlock and other
friends coming to the dock to bid us good-bye.

Enough has been written in this narrative account of our visit to Buenos
Aires to indicate the extreme cordiality of our reception. The impression received
in Brazil of the friendliness of the people of South America toward the United
States was confirmed and strengthened in the Argentine. Despite the unofficial
purpose and private character of our mission the newspapers devoted daily great
space to describing all that we did, reproducing in full the addresses delivered
and publishing long articles descriptive of the objects of the Endowment. The
rather scientific nature of these articles, the lack of anything spectacular in the
subject itself, induces the belief that the newspapers merely reflected the friendly
interest of the public in the work the Trustees are seeking to accomplish.

This interest was notable among those with whom I had the opportunity to
converse. I found a ready codperation among the leading citizens and a strong
committee was informally authorized by the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the
purpose of organizing a national society of international law. This group of men
included those whose advice had so greatly encouraged me: Dr. Antonio
Bermejo, President of the Supreme Court, Dr. Eduardo Bidau, of the Faculty of
Law of the University of Buenos Aires, Dr. Eufemio Uballes, Rector of the
University of Buenos Aires, Dr. Luis M. Drago, Dr. E. S. Zeballos.

The organization of a national society for international conciliation was dis-
cussed and the men with whom I talked were thoroughly in accord with its pur-
poses. Dr. Benjamin Garcia Victorica accepted the position of Honorary Secre-
tary and was at once placed in communication with Dr. Butler. The work of or-
ganization will go on rapidly under Dr. Garcia Victorica’s direction and the parent
association of International Conciliation in Paris and the Association in New York
will, T believe, find a valuable adjunct in the Society of Buenos Aires.

 
 

MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

So much has been said of the truly marvelous development of the Argentine
Republic, that my own testimony can add but little to our realization in the United
States of Argentina’s rapid progress and the important place it occupies among
nations. Its recent history affords many striking parallels to our own and not a
few of the problems which arise are the same as those with which we have had to
deal or with which we are even now dealing. The immense natural resources of
Argentina, which has an area of more than a million square miles or about one-
third that of the United States proper, the virility and industry of its people and
the learning, ability and patriotism of its public men leave no doubt of the future
greatness of the Republic.

Signs point unmistakably to the increasing commerce between the Argentine
and the United States and, what is more important still, to intimate intellectual
relations. It is essential that a better understanding of each other by our two
countries be brought about, and it is a happy augury for the future that, in seek-
ing to do this, the Endowment will have its plans approved and furthered by
those eminent Argentine leaders who are so largely responsible for the present
advancement of their country.

In Uruguay

The Rio de la Plata at Buenos Aires is really an arm of the sea, so that
Montevideo, although “just across the river”, from the Argentine city is dis-
tant 110 miles and the journey between the two capitals occupies about ten
hours.

Awaiting the arrival of our steamer, we found Sefior Fermin Carlos de
Yerequi, of the Foreign Office of Uruguay, who welcomed us officially, and
our Minister, Mr. Nicolay Grevstad, who, during the two days we remained in
Uruguay, was most attentive and helpful. A committee of reception had been
formed consisting of Dr. Pablo de Maria, President of the Supreme Court,
Dr. Claudio Williman, Rector of the University of Montevideo and former
President of Uruguay, Dr. Ildefonso Garcia Lagos, President of the Uruguayan
Central Committee of the American Peace Association, Dr. Julio Bastos, Presi-
dent of the Ateneo and Dr. Carlos M. Prando, and through their good offices
and Mr. Grevstad’s, I met the men of Uruguay whom I much desired to meet.

Montevideo is a much smaller city than Buenos Aires, about one-third or
one-fourth the size, but it possesses all the dignity of a large and important
capital, together with the individual charm that smaller cities often retain.
There are wide, well-paved, well-lighted avenues, lined with attractive buildings
and many interesting shops. The city is well equipped with modern electric
street railways. Public squares and parks of exceeding beauty add to the charm
of the place, which attracts many from Buenos Aires during the hot months.
Close by are delightful resorts on the sea which are within easy access of the
city and afford pleasant places for outing for the Montevideans. To the west

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 33

is the famous Cerro, a large cone-like hill, beloved by the people of the city,
who often go there for the fine view to be obtained from its summit of the
river and harbor with its moles and docks. The harbor, already an excellent
one, though too small for the commerce of the port, is being extensively improved.

Our first morning was taken up with a visit to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Sefior Emilio Barbaroux, who presented me to several eminent educators
and publicists, with whom I discussed the objects of my visit, asking for their
cooperation, which they heartily gave.

We went to a luncheon given by the American Minister, at which there were
about twenty distinguished residents of Montevideo. Mr. Grevstad delivered in
Spanish a short address of welcome, to which I responded.

The afternoon was spent at the Foreign Office with Sefior Barbaroux and
several gentlemen he had invited to meet me there. We took up the question of
a committee to organize a National Society of international law. All the gentle-
men devoted themselves most earnestly to the discussion and agreed to serve
on the committee which was then informally constituted and included:
Sefior Emilio Barbaroux, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Dr. Pablo de
Maria, President of the Supreme Court; Dr. Ildefonso Garcia Lagos, Presi-
dent of the Uruguayan Central Committee of the International Peace Asso-
ciation; Dr. Juan Zorilla de San Martin; Dr. José Pedro Varela; Dr. José
Cremonessi and Dr. Daniel Garcia Acevedo. This group, it was intended, should
form the basis for the organization of a permanent society.

In the evening before a large and extremely sympathetic audience at the
Ateneo, Dr. Juan Zorilla de San Martin, an orator of international reputation,
delivered a brilliant address expressing the approval of Uruguayans of the work
of the Carnegie Endowment, and entering more particularly into a laudatory
description of the American Institute of International Law. It is a source of
deep regret that no exact record of Sefior San Martin's eloquent speech exists,
as he spoke without notes and no stenographer was present, but in a letter
just received, Mr. Grevstad, I am happy to say, gives the assurance that
Sefior San Martin, at my urgent request, will endeavor to write his valuable
essay, reproducing the speech as nearly as his memory of it will permit. Fol-
lowing Sefior San Martin's sympathetic introduction, I spoke for some time,
explaining in detail the methods and purposes of the Endowment as I had
explained them in Buenos Aires.

Nearly all of the next morning was spent at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Sefior Barbaroux showed unflagging interest in the numerous topics mentioned
in my letter of instructions and I cannot sufficiently express my deep gratitude to
him. Our time in Montevideo was limited to a few hours. Unfortunately it had
to be so. We should have greatly wished to stay longer, and the fact that we
were able to accomplish what we did was due altogether to the aid of Sefior
Barbaroux and his friends and of Mr. Grevstad and the members of the Com-
mittee of Reception. :

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

So much has been said of the truly marvelous development of the Argentine
Republic, that my own testimony can add but little to our realization in the United
States of Argentina’s rapid progress and the important place it occupies among
nations. Its recent history affords many striking parallels to our own and not a
few of the problems which arise are the same as those with which we have had to
deal or with which we are even now dealing. The immense natural resources of
Argentina, which has an area of more than a million square miles or about one-
third that of the United States proper, the virility and industry of its people and
the learning, ability and patriotism of its public men leave no doubt of the future
greatness of the Republic.

Signs point unmistakably to the increasing commerce between the Argentine
and the United States and, what is more important still, to intimate intellectual
relations. It is essential that a better understanding of each other by our two
countries be brought about, and it is a happy augury for the future that, in seek-
ing to do this, the Endowment will have its plans approved and furthered by
those eminent Argentine leaders who are so largely responsible for the present
advancement of their country.

In Uruguay

The Rio de la Plata at Buenos Aires is really an arm of the sea, so that
Montevideo, although “just across the river”, from the Argentine city is dis-
tant 110 miles and the journey between the two capitals occupies about ten
hours.

Awaiting the arrival of our steamer, we found Sefior Fermin Carlos de
Yerequi, of the Foreign Office of Uruguay, who welcomed us officially, and
our Minister, Mr. Nicolay Grevstad, who, during the two days we remained in
Uruguay, was most attentive and helpful. A committee of reception had been
formed consisting of Dr. Pablo de Maria, President of the Supreme Court,
Dr. Claudio Williman, Rector of the University of Montevideo and former
President of Uruguay, Dr. Ildefonso Garcia Lagos, President of the Uruguayan
Central Committee of the American Peace Association, Dr. Julio Bastos, Presi-
dent of the Ateneo and Dr. Carlos M. Prando, and through their good offices
and Mr. Grevstad’s, I met the men of Uruguay whom I much desired to meet.

Montevideo is a much smaller city than Buenos Aires, about one-third or
one-fourth the size, but it possesses all the dignity of a large and important
capital, together with the individual charm that smaller cities often retain.
There are wide, well-paved, well-lighted avenues, lined with attractive buildings
and many interesting shops. The city is well equipped with modern electric
street railways. Public squares and parks of exceeding beauty add to the charm
of the place, which attracts many from Buenos Aires during the hot months.
Close by are delightful resorts on the sea which are within easy access of the
city and afford pleasant places for outing for the Montevideans. To the west

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 33

is the famous Cerro, a large cone-like hill, beloved by the people of the city,
who often go there for the fine view to be obtained from its summit of the
river and harbor with its moles and docks. The harbor, already an excellent
one, though too small for the commerce of the port, is being extensively improved.

Our first morning was taken up with a visit to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Sefior Emilio Barbaroux, who presented me to several eminent educators
and publicists, with whom I discussed the objects of my visit, asking for their
cooperation, which they heartily gave.

We went to a luncheon given by the American Minister, at which there were
about twenty distinguished residents of Montevideo. Mr. Grevstad delivered in
Spanish a short address of welcome, to which I responded.

The afternoon was spent at the Foreign Office with Sefior Barbaroux and
several gentlemen he had invited to meet me there. We took up the question of
a committee to organize a National Society of international law. All the gentle-
men devoted themselves most earnestly to the discussion and agreed to serve
on the committee which was then informally constituted and included:
Sefior Emilio Barbaroux, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Dr. Pablo de
Maria, President of the Supreme Court; Dr. Ildefonso Garcia Lagos, Presi-
dent of the Uruguayan Central Committee of the International Peace Asso-
ciation; Dr. Juan Zorilla de San Martin; Dr. José Pedro Varela; Dr. José
Cremonessi and Dr. Daniel Garcia Acevedo. This group, it was intended, should
form the basis for the organization of a permanent society.

In the evening before a large and extremely sympathetic audience at the
Ateneo, Dr. Juan Zorilla de San Martin, an orator of international reputation,
delivered a brilliant address expressing the approval of Uruguayans of the work
of the Carnegie Endowment, and entering more particularly into a laudatory
description of the American Institute of International Law. It is a source of
deep regret that no exact record of Sefior San Martin's eloquent speech exists,
as he spoke without notes and no stenographer was present, but in a letter
just received, Mr. Grevstad, I am happy to say, gives the assurance that
Sefior San Martin, at my urgent request, will endeavor to write his valuable
essay, reproducing the speech as nearly as his memory of it will permit. Fol-
lowing Sefior San Martin’s sympathetic introduction, I spoke for some time,
explaining in detail the methods and purposes of the Endowment as I had
explained them in Buenos Aires.

Nearly all of the next morning was spent at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Sefior Barbaroux showed unflagging interest in the numerous topics mentioned
in my letter of instructions and I cannot sufficiently express my deep gratitude to
him. Our time in Montevideo was limited to a few hours. Unfortunately it had
to be so. We should have greatly wished to stay longer, and the fact that we
were able to accomplish what we did was due altogether to the aid of Sefior
Barbaroux and his friends and of Mr. Grevstad and the members of the Com-
mittee of Reception.

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

In the afternoon I had the honor of being presented to His Excellency, the
President, Sefior Batlle y Ordonez, and was impressed in the necessarily brief
audience by his forcefulness, the familiarity he showed with the subjects I had
come to discuss and his friendliness toward the objects of my visit.

President Batlle lives a short distance from the capital and we drove from
his beautiful estate back to the city and to the Prado, Montevideo’s magnificent
park, where a tea for us was in progress under the hospitable auspices of members
of the American and English colony in Montevideo. From the tea I went to the
house of Dr. Ildefonso Garcia Lagos and shall always remember the charming
half-hour’s talk I had with him. Despite age and the infirmity of blindness, Dr.
Garcia Lagos who, in 1889, was a delegate to the first Pan-American Conference
held in Washington, has continued to occupy himself with the broad, humanitarian
international work in which he has for so long held a position of leadership.
He had not stopped to think of personal convenience when Sefior Barbaroux had
invited him to meet with us at the Foreign Office, but had left his home to be
present, and had given us the benefit of his experience and valuable advice.

That night there was a banquet given for us in the Uruguay Club by the
Minister of Foreign Affairs where we met men and women who were leaders
in the life of the capital. We heard many expressions of cordial sympathy
with the objects of our visit and these were voiced officially in a short speech
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

In order that we might have the opportunity to meet in this delightful
way those whose acquaintance we so greatly desired to make, the steamship
that was to take us back to Buenos Aires was delayed in starting for an hour
or more and it was approaching midnight before we drove away from the
Uruguay Club. The American Minister, members of the Reception Committee
and Sefior de Yérequi, of the Foreign Office, accompanied us to the steamer
to take leave of us and to add by this last attention to the already deep sense
of gratitude our hospitable welcome had inspired.

It seems to us little short of remarkable that in the two brief hurried days
we were able to remain in Uruguay, we should have received impressions
which remain fixed so clearly in our memories, but we can never forget our
friendly reception nor can we adequately express our appreciation of the cordiality
and hospitality that marked our visit to Montevideo. It would have been
impossible for our hosts to do more than they did to testify to their
interest.

Uruguay occupies such an honorable and important place among the nations
of America that it is particularly gratifying to know that the Endowment has
the approbation and support of its leading citizens in private and public life.
Some one has well described Montevideo as the American Hague because of
the many international Congresses and Conferences which are held there. A
large number of these gatherings have in view the improvement of the present
conditions of humanity. All that tends to uplift mankind, all that makes for

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 35

progress in the march of civilization, finds a cordial support in progressive
Uruguay. More than one historian has pointed out that the majority of leaders
in the world’s advance have come from smaller nations. Uruguay, although the
smallest in area of the South American republics, occupies a place of honor and
consequence not dependent upon its size but upon the intelligence, advance-
ment and patriotism of its people. Although the smallest of the nations of the
Southern continent, it is as large as all New England with the state of New
Jersey added and, as has been said, has not an acre of unfertile soil throughout
its length and breadth. Commercially, materially, it is growing rapidly, sharing
in the great prosperity and progress that has come in recent years to these
republics of the South. There is every reason to believe, and it is a cause for
congratulation, that the work of cooperation with the Endowment already begun
in Uruguay will be continued with most gratifying results.

In Chile

There was another busy day for us in Buenos Aires upon our return, a day
in which every moment was occupied. There were interviews with the Minister
of Foreign Affairs, Sefior. Bosch, and others who had manifested such a cordial
interest in the objects of the Endowment, a visit under the personal guidance
of Dr. Adolfo Mugica, Minister of Agriculture, to the Agricultural Museum,
where we saw striking examples of some of those things which have made the
Argentine such a great nation and, in the evening, there was a dinner at the
Legation.

Early on the following morning we departed on the journey to the other
side of the Continent, for which purpose the President had placed his private
railway carriage at our disposal and the government had delegated Sefior
Cortazar of the Railway Service to accompany us. There were many of our
friends at the station to say good-bye: Mr. Garrett, Major Shipton, the Military
Attaché, Sefior and Sefiora Bosch, Sefior and Sefiora Green, Dr. Joaquin de
Anchorena, Dr. Larrain, the Chilean Minister, Sefior Barilari, of the Foreign
Office, and many others who had done so much to make our stay in Buenos Aires
a pleasure that will forever remain in our memories.

During all that day we travelled in a straight line to the west through a
prairie land of wonderful richness, over which roamed great herds of cattle and
horses. Seemingly boundless seas of wheat and alfalfa rolled away from us as far
as the eve could reach. No one who has taken that journey across the pampas
needs any further explanation of the prosperity that has so rapidly advanced the
Argentine Republic to a leading place among the nations of the world.

We arrived at Mendoza in the foot-hills of the Andes soon after daybreak,
and there changed to a special train on the narrow gauge road that climbs amid
impressive mountain scenery to a height of nearly 10,500 feet. During the ascent
we caught a glimpse of Aconcagua, the highest mountain in the western hemi-

 
36 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

sphere. Near the summit of the divide a tunnel has been cut through to the
western slope, doing away with the mule-back journey of a few years ago. A
good deal has been written of the hardships of this railway trip across the Andes,
but none of our party experienced any discomfort. The descent on the Chilean
side offers panoramas differing from those seen on the eastern side of the
Cordilleras. The mountains are less barren and for that reason, perhaps, seem
less rugged, although the descent was more precipitous than the ascent had been.
The gorges are narrower and seem deeper, and as the train winds its way
downward there are entrancing views, covering a wide range, and showing a
country of great fertility.

A change was made at Los Andes to the broad gauge again and we con-
tinued our journey in a special car provided by the Chilean government. Mr.
Harvey. our Chargé d’Affaires in Chile, joined the party soon afterward. We
arrived in Santiago about half-past ten o’clock in the evening, but in spite of the
lateness of the hour, a large delegation, including representatives of the Govern-
ment and members of the Committee of Reception, was at the station to wel-
come us. After a pleasant moment of greeting in the train and on the station
platform, we were driven to our hotel in state carriages which the President of
the Republic had placed at our disposal.

The arrangements for our reception in Santiago had been placed in the
hands of the following committee: Dr. Domingo Amunéitegui, Rector of the
University of Chile, Senator Joaquin Walker Martinez, Director of the Caja
Hipotecaria, Dr. Luis Barros Borgofio, Dr. Antonio Huneeus, former Minister
of Foreign Affairs, Sefior Jorge Astaburuaga and Sefior Julio Philippi.

The members of this committee were most attentive during the four days we
remained in Santiago. They lost no opportunity to show us the many places of
interest in their beautiful and picturesque city. Through them and through
the efforts of the American Chargé d’Affaires, Mr. Harvey, I met leading citizens
of Chile and talked over with them the work the Endowment wished to
accomplish.

The first morning was devoted to a drive about the city in the company
of members of the committee. Santiago is entirely distinctive in character. It
possesses all the charm of an old Spanish city but its progressive, enlightened
citizens have added to this charm of antiquity the comforts and improvements
of modern capitals. Its situation is superb. High mountains rise close at hand
enclosing the city in a frame of imposing proportions and exquisite coloring. In
the clear atmosphere the mountains seem very near, but they give only the sense
of protection without any oppressive feeling of restriction, of being shut in, such
as one so often experiences in cities built near high mountains. The visitor,
perhaps unconsciously, keeps ever in mind that longitudinal valley of incom-
parable richness and fertility in which Santiago lies, and which makes of this
part of Chile a region that experienced travellers have regarded as one of the
earth’s most attractive garden spots.

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 37

It was an altogether charming and impressive glimpse that we got of the
Chilean capital on that perfect October morning with the comfortable sun
shining from a deep blue sky and a gentle but invigorating breeze blowing from
the mountains. Such days, I am told, are a common experience in Santiago, where
rarely does it become uncomfortably hot or uncomfortably cold. From the
historic Cerro Santa Lucia we saw the city in panorama, a metropolis of half
a million inhabitants with wide, straight avenues, large public buildings of pleasing
architecture and statues and monuments worthy of the capital of a great and
powerful nation.

In the afternoon I called upon the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sefior
Enrique Villegas, and through his courtesy I had the honor of being presented
to the President of Chile, Sefior Barros Luco, who expressed a most sympathetic
interest in the objects of my visit.

From the audience with the President we went directly to the University
of Chile where, before a large gathering of representative men and women and
many students of the University, I received a diploma, conferring honorary mem-
bership of the Faculty of Law and Political Science, which is their form of con-
ferring an honorary degree. The Rector of the University, Dr. Domingo
Amunategui, made a brief speech of introduction, which was followed by an
address of welcome delivered by Dr. Luis Barros Borgofio, Dean of the Faculty
of Filosofia y Humanidades. In my reply, I followed closely the lines of the
address delivered in Buenos Aires and Montevideo descriptive of the work and
purposes of the Endowment and of the objects of my visit.

This was the first opportunity there had been on the west coast of South
America of introducing to the public the work of the Endowment and
asking cooperation, and I was anxious to compare the interest of the people with
that which had been shown in the cities of the east coast. It is not possible for
me to convey the gratification, encouragement and inspiration the manifestations
of enthusiasm gave me, for it was at once evident that in Chile as in Argentina,
Uruguay and Brazil, the Trustees would find zealous co-workers. I can never for-
get the scene as we left the hall with the students cheering as we passed and shout-
ing their approval. Students at universities are pretty much alike the world over;
if they disapprove, no forcing of their good opinion is possible; if they approve,
there is no restraining of their expression. I was glad that the work of the
Endowment had stirred their imagination and won their sympathy. It will mean
much to the cause in the future, for tomorrow these young men will be the
leaders to whom the Endowment must look for support.

The next morning there was another delightful ride about the city with
Sefior Huneeus and other members of the committee, followed by a luncheon
at the Legation, and afterward we went to the races where the official and social
life of the capital had gathered. There can be few more beautiful spots in the
world than the grassy plain of the Santiago race course with the mountains
rising just beyond. At a reception later at the house of Dr. Luis Barros Borgofio,

 
38 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

which the President attended, we had another delightful opportunity of getting to
know better those whose cordial hospitality had already made us feel so welcome.

In the evening I went to a most interesting dinner given by the Minister of
the Treasury, Sefior Alessandri, at the Club de la Union.

To Sefior and Sefiora Huneeus, whose hospitality and indefatigable atten-
tions added so much to our enjoyment, and to Sefior Urrutia and his charming
wife, whom we had known in Washington, to Sefior Astaburuaga and others
we owe a debt which we can never repay. Largely through them we met, during
our short stay in Santiago, many members of the old families, who give to the
society of the Chilean capital the cosmopolitan culture for which it is noted
throughout the world. Nothing could have given us more pleasure than to
meet their friends. At a dinner and reception at the house of Sefiora Edwards
and her son, Sefior Augustin Edwards, Chilean Minister to the court of St.
James, at an afternoon reception given for us by Sefiora Montt, widow of a
distinguished president of Chile, and at the houses of other acquaintances, we
were able to appreciate how thoroughly delightful life must be in this favored
part of America, where, in beautiful surroundings and with climatic conditions
as nearly perfect, perhaps, as can be found anywhere, a civilization exists which
combines old Castilian charm with the progress and virility of the new world.
Nor should I omit to mention among these very agreeable memories, how par-
ticularly pleased I was to meet Don Julio Foster, who, for most of his ninety
years, has been a prominent figure in the life of Santiago.

The last two days of our stay in Santiago were largely given over to many
conversations with Sefior Huneeus, Sefior Astaburuaga and other members of the
committee and Sefior Philippi, Sefior Ricardo Montaner Bello, Dr. Amunategui
and others representative of the University, all of whom had so greatly aided me
with their advice.

The formation of a committee was undertaken for the organization of a
national society of international law. We were particularly fortunate in having
the cooperation of prominent Chileans whose support left no room for doubt
of the success of the undertaking: Sefior Antonio Huneeus, former Minister
of Foreign Affairs; Dr. Luis Barros Borgofio, Dean of the Law Faculty of the
University of Chile; Dr. Amunategui Solar, Rector of the University of Chile;
Seftor Ricardo Montaner Bello. Since my return to the United States I have
had the pleasure of receiving an evidence of the activity of these eminent gentle-
men in the form of a circular announcing the permanent organization of the
national society.

All these experiences had been extremely gratifying, for those with whom
I talked seized every occasion to express their entire approval of the Endowment’s
program and had demonstrated in a practical way their willingness to work
together with the Trustees.

In the meantime the officials of the government had continued their kind
attentions. There had been an interesting visit to the Military School, where

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN. AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 39

I had luncheon with the Minister of War, Sefior Jorge Matte Gomaz, and met
the chiefs of the army who are largely responsible for the efficiency of the
Chilean soldiers, which has called forth the praise of authorities from many
countries. We were fortunate in seeing a very fine drill. On the evening
following we had the pleasure of attending a large dinner given by the Minister
of Foreign Affairs, Sefior Enrique Villegas, and followed by a ball at the
Club Hipico.

We left Santiago for Valparaiso early in the morning on October 29th, in a
special car which the Government had placed at our disposal. Mr. Harvey, Sefior
Huneeus, Sefior Lynch, representing the Foreign Office, and others were at the
station to bid us farewell.

It had been our wish to remain long enough in Valparaiso to gain acquaint-
ance with its leading citizens, but the limited time we could spend on the entire
South American trip made this impossible. I did, however, find time to call
upon the Municipal Intendente who had kindly sent his launch to take us out
to the steamer.

We were met at the station by Captain Johnson, the American Naval
Attaché, and Consul General Winslow, and had luncheon with them at the
English Club, afterward driving to the heights overlooking the city. It is a tribute
to the people of Valparaiso and to the Chilean character that their principal
seaport which was almost destroyed by an earthquake in 1906 should have been
built up again so quickly and better and more beautiful than it was before.

We left Valparaiso at four o’clock in the afternoon on the steamship Oronsa
of the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, quite loth to depart from shores that
had been so hospitable to us.

The Republic of Chile is keeping pace with the progress made by the great
Republics of the east coast of South America. She has contended against dif-
ficulties considerably greater than those which have confronted her eastern sisters,
for their closer proximity to Europe brought to them an earlier solution of the
great South American problem of rail-and-water communication upon which the
progress of every nation must largely depend. Traffic by sea between Chile and
the countries of Europe has necessitated the long and arduous passage through
the Magellan Straits or the difficult voyage around the Horn. Railway com-
munication with the outside world has been confined until recently to that obtained
by the passage of the Andes on mule-back, a journey impossible during several
months in the year. The tunnel joining the Chilean and Argentine ends of the
Trans-Andean railway, uniting a great trans-continental system of transportation,
solved the land problem, and other trans-Andean railways are in contemplation
or in actual course of construction, which will greatly increase these facilities.
The problem of communication by water will be solved by the Panama Canal.

Even a brief visit to Chile is sufficient to impress one with the belief that
the present prosperity it enjoys must rapidly increase. The natural conditions
point convincingly to such a conclusion and the Chileans themselves are such a

 
40 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

virile, determined people, united in their love for their beautiful country and the
desire to promote its development, that the future of Chile seems very bright.
Surely we of the United States have every reason to hope that it will be so.

Ever since the birth of the Republic the welcome extended to foreigners
has been in keeping with the hospitality for which the Spanish race is famed
and this has resulted in a broad, cosmopolitan spirit, but, though the Chileans
make the stranger welcome, no more sensitive or prouder people exists. They
are not arrogant, but they have a proper patriotic pride in the achievements of
their illustrious men and they are correspondingly quick to resent any action or
attitude which is not in keeping with their high sense of personal and national
dignity.

In the more intimate relations between the people of Chile and the people
of this country which are sure to be brought about by the opening of the Panama
Canal, it is well for us to remember these things, in order that we may not
through thoughtlessness or ignorance give offense, but try in every way to
cement the present bonds of friendship which bind us to our sister republic.

In Peru

From Valparaiso to Callao and from Callao on northward until the Guaya-
quil River is reached, the steamer is never out of sight of land. The course
follows the straight line of the shore, generally hugging it so closely that the
surf can be seen breaking at the foot of the arid mountains. The higher sum-
mits to the eastward have robbed the winds of their moisture by the time they
reach the coast, so that from the deck of the steamer the traveller looks upon a
region as bleak and often as weirdly fantastic in contour as the landscapes Doré
painted to illustrate Dante’s verse. League upon league of land, destitute of all
vegetation, is passed, but, despite its barrenness, the prospect is made interesting
by the vividness of the coloring. In the changing lights of morning, noon and
evening. one may see displayed upon the peaks and in the valleys all the colors of
the spectrum, from red to violet, with the striking exception of green, which lack
the tossing sea in the foreground supplies. For two thousand miles or more
the ship sails under the lee of these hot, desert mountains which need only the
touch of water to convert them into hanging gardens of tropical luxuriance.

We were told that storms along the coast were rare; almost unknown, the
captain of our steamship informed us; so that the ships may with impunity hug
the shore, for deep water is to be found within a few yards of the narrow stretch
of beach which generally runs like a yellow ribbon at the foot of the mountains.
A heavy swell is constant and at times causes the ship to roll uncomfortably,
particularly when the vessel is at anchor, but, for the most part, the voyage
along the western coast of South America resembles a yachting cruise more than
the ocean trip to which Atlantic travellers are accustomed. The Humboldt
current, sweeping up from the Antarctic, keeps the journey toward the Equator
from becoming uncomfortably hot.

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 41

Sea-birds, flying-fishes and the larger inhabitants of the ocean, porpoises and
whales, are companions of the voyage in sufficient numbers to divert the attention
from the seemingly endless panorama of reddish mountain land. At times thou-
sands of birds are to be seen in the air at once and occasionally a guano island is
passed, literally covered with birds.

The Oronsa called at six ports between Valparaiso and Callao, anchoring in
the open roadstead, for harbors are practically non-existent, while cargo or
passengers were unloaded or taken on.

Coquimbo was our first stopping place, a small but important shipping port
with good anchorage, a day’s journey from Valparaiso. The next day we put
in at Antofagasta which lies on the Tropic of Capricorn. Is is the port of entry
for Bolivia. To all of us it had been a source of deep regret that we did not
have time to go to La Paz, but the distance of the Bolivian capital from the
seaboard and the inability to arrange satisfactory steamship connection ren-
dered a visit to La Paz impossible. From Antofagasta, a telegram was sent
to our Minister in Bolivia, expressing the regret we felt in being at the port of
La Paz, but unable to undertake the two days’ journey over the mountains to
the inland Republic, whose bright future must be the hope and expectation of
all who are familiar with the difficulties she has already successfully overcome
in her rapid recent development.

At Antofagasta a representative of the Intendente came aboard to give us
an official welcome, and we received a visit from the United States Consular
Agent. Our ship stopped also at Iquique, Arica, Arequipa and Mollendo, and we
sent from Arequipa a message of greeting to those who have charge of Harvard
University’s observatory on El Misti.

The sun was setting when we arrived at Callao on November 3rd. It is an
excellent harbor, by far the largest and best we had seen on the west coast, but
as yet the ships do not come alongside the piers. A launch had been sent out
for our party and we started ashore in it before the Oronsa had reached her
regular anchorage. In the confusion incident upon this we failed to meet Mr.
Pennoyer, our Secretary of Legation, Sefior German Cisneros y Raygada, of
the Foreign Office, who had come out to welcome us officially, and others
who did not come aboard before we left; but we had the pleasure of seeing
them soon after at the hotel in Lima and many other times subsequently, for
they were untiring in their constant and valuable assistance during our stay
in Peru. Though we missed Sefior Cisneros and Mr. Pennoyer at the steam-
ship, we had the pleasure of meeting Dr. Juan Bautista de Lavalle and other
members of a committee who greeted us in the name of the Faculty of Law
of the University of San Marcos. Great indeed, too, was our delight to meet
again Sefior Felipe Pardo, whom I had known in Washington when he was the
Peruvian Minister there.

Lima is seven miles from Callao and we went there in one of the electric
cars which run at frequent intervals between the port and the capital. The car

 
42 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

had been placed at our disposal, another mark of attention from the Government,
whose friendliness was constantly manifested. The President, Sefior Billing-
hurst, placed his own automobile under my orders during our entire stay in Lima.

It was dark when we arrived in the city, but our glimpses as we drove to the
Hotel Maury from the station produced a most agreeable impression and this was
subsequently confirmed and strengthened. The antiquity of Lima, the individual
and picturesque character which it has so charmingly preserved, the romantic and
brilliant part it has played in American history, all serve to attract the visitor,
but, in addition, there are striking evidences of the modern spirit of progress
which Lima shares with other South American capitals, and which render a
visit to the Peruvian capital essential to any one who seeks a comprehensive
acquaintance with the present conditions of our Southern neighbors. Wide
streets, beautiful squares, crowded business thoroughfares, attractive residential
districts, all testify to the social and commercial importance of the city.

Peru has had to contend against great difficulties. Her remoteness from
Europe and from the United States has served to isolate her, but that day has
passed or is rapidly passing. In the extent and variety of her natural resources few
nations of the world are so rich and the time must soon come when these riches
will bring to her people a new era of prosperity greater than any they have enjoyed
in the past. To one whose acquaintance with the Republic is confined to a
brief visit and much reading, this development would seem to be inevitable.

On the day following our arrival in Lima, I called upon the American
Minister, Mr. Benton McMillin, in the morning and in the afternoon upon the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sefior Tudela y Varela, through whose courtesy I
was presented to the President, Sefior Billinghurst. The President’s reception
was extremely cordial. He spoke English perfectly, and showed a deep knowledge
of the affairs of the United States. In the objects of my visit and the work of
the Endowment he manifested a most friendly interest.

Upon returning to the hotel I found that many persons had called and the
visits continued after my arrival. Dr. Lizardo Alzamora, Rector of the Univer-
sity of San Marcos and Dr. Eleodoro Romero, Dean of the Faculty of Law,
were among those who took this early opportunity to promise their cooperation
in the objects for the accomplishment of which the Endowment had instructed
me to visit Peru.

The next day was taken up entirely with visits. I found the most friendly
interest everywhere and the warm hospitality of every one, the sincere desire to
be of service, made us all quickly feel that in heart at least, we were not strangers.
The leading men gave me freely the benefit of their invaluable advice, devoting
their time with the utmost willingness. I can never sufficiently thank them. Were
I merely to mention the names of those to whom I am indebted, the list would
fill several pages and even then be incomplete, but elsewhere I have taken
occasion to express my gratitude to a few of those whose services so con-
spicuously helped me.

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS © 48

In the evening we met new acquaintances and renewed others at a dinner
and reception which Sefior and Sefiora Felipe Pardo gave for Mrs. Bacon and
myself.

I had an opportunity the next afternoon to explain to a distinguished gather-
ing the methods and purposes of the Endowment. The University of San
Marcos conferred upon me honorary membership in the Faculty of Juris-
prudence, and the ceremony was made the occasion for an address by Dr.
Eleodoro Romero, Dean of the Faculty, who presented me with a diploma and
the medal of the corporation. In my response I described in detail, as requested
by members of the Faculty, the work of the Endowment, following the lines of
previous addresses. I cannot leave this subject without expressing the gratifica-
tion it gave me to receive this honor and to have the privilege of speaking at the
oldest seat of learning on the American Continent. It must fill any American
with pride and reverence to enter the beautiful patio of the University, climb the
ancient stone stairway to the wide verandas and visit the great halls with the
portraits of rectors of the University from the time of its foundation in 15571,
looking down from the walls. Through centuries of great stress, through war
and revolution and untold hardships, earnest teachers and students of San
Marcos have kept brightly burning the first lamp of learning lighted in the new
world.

From the University we went to the American Legation, where the Minister
and Mrs. McMillin were giving us a charming garden party.

There were further interviews the day following with Dr. Manuel M.
Mensones, Dr. Manzanilla, Dr. Matrtua, Dr. J. A. de Lavalle of the Supreme
Court and his son, Dr. Juan Bautista de Lavalle and with others, interspersed
by visits from Sefior Pardo, Professor Wiesse, who had met us at the steamer,
Dr. Julio Tello, a Peruvian who graduated from Harvard in 1909 and who is
now Curator of the National Museum, Sefior Cisneros, Mr. Pennoyer and a
host of others, who had seized every opportunity to render their valuable services.
I had a most enjoyable talk with Dr. Ramon Ribeyro, one of the finest of the
elder statesmen of Peru, who has long been prominent in the intellectual life
of the Republic, and who readily gave me the benefit of his advice and great
experience.

In the afternoon the University Club gave me a reception at which brief
speeches were made by the President, Sefior Luis G. Rivera, and others. In the
evening there was a large banquet given by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and
Sefiora Tudela y Varela. The Minister proposed a very gracious toast to which
I responded.

The following morning we made an interesting visit to the Senate upon
the invitation of General Eléspuru, President of the Senate. In the afternoon
the Colegio de Abogados, or Bar Association, conferred upon me the honor
of honorary membership, presenting me with a medal. I was introduced by the
Acting Dean, Dr. Manuel F. Bellido, and in reply spoke on the subject of the

 
44 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

American Institute of International Law and the national Societies of Inter-
national Law. Dr. Anibal Matrtua followed with a discourse, after which there
was the “copa de champaiia,” and many exchanges of friendly sentiments.

The Geographic Society also conferred honorary membership upon me and
there was a short speech of presentation of the diploma by Sefior José Balta,
the President of the Society.

With extreme pleasure I look back upon the banquet offered in my honor
by the University of San Marcos in the great hall of which I have already spoken.
It was, as far as public entertainments were concerned, the occasion of our
leave-taking of South America, and surely I could not have imagined any form
of farewell which would have left in our minds more appreciative recollection.
The informality, the cordiality, the good-humor and the good friendship of the
occasion all served to make it memorable. Dr. Romero and Dr. Javier Prado y
Ugarteche made delightful informal speeches, in reply to which I found it
difficult to express the gratitude I felt.

The two days before our departure on November 11th, were devoted to visits
and to organizing the work that was to be done. A very strong committee was
got together as a basis for the permanent organization of a national Society of
International Law. Its membership included:

Dr. Francisco Tudela y Varela, Minister of Foreign Affairs;

. Lizardo Alzamora, Rector of the University of San Marcos;

. Ramon Ribeyro;

. Javier Prado y Ugarteche, Senator, member of the Faculty of the
University ;
Eleodoro Romero, Dean of the Faculty of Law;

. José Matias Manzanilla, member of the Faculty of the University ;

. Adolfo Villagarcia;

. Antonio Mir6 Quesada, editor of El Comercio;

. Alberto Ulloa, editor of La Prensa;

. Anibal Matirtua, member of the Faculty of Law;
Victor Andrés Belaunde, Professor of International Law ;

. Juan Bautista de Lavalle, member of the Faculty of Law.

For the position of Honorary Secretary of a national Society for Inter-
national Conciliation we were fortunate in obtaining the acceptance of Dr. Juan
Bautista de Lavalle, member of the Faculty of Law of the University of San
Marcos.

I had the privilege of attending on the last day of our stay in Lima,
the opening session of the Latin-American and Pan-American Medical
Congress. Many of the delegates to this Congress had been in Lima through-
out the period of our visit, some having come from the South with us on the
Oronsa, and T had had many interesting conversations with Dr. Odriozola, the
President of the Congress, Dr. Domingo Cabred, of the Argentine delegation,

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 45

Dr. Gregorio Amunategui Solar, of Chile, Dr. Nascimento Gurgel and Dr.
Placido Barbosa, of Brazil, and others.

It would have been difficult if not impossible to find a body of men more
thoroughly representative of Latin-American thought and culture than this body
of scientists, who, in a practical manner, were devoting their lives to a humani-
tarian purpose and by international gatherings, such as that which, before a dis-
tinguished audience including President Billinghurst, was convened in Lima on
November 10th, were contributing so effectively to the better understanding
between nations.

So greatly impressed had I been with the fact that these eminent leaders in
their profession were achieving in their work some of the objects for which the
Endowment was founded, that I took the liberty of suggesting to some of their
members the possibility of sending delegates from the Congress to visit the
United States under the auspices of the Endowment. The suggestion met with
ready approval and it is a source of deep gratification to me that the Trustees
have also acted favorably upon the proposal. It is not necessary to dwell upon the
importance of such visits and the great good that must surely result from
them.

Our visit to Lima had been of longer duration than any other visit we
had made in South America, and this fact afforded to some of our party the
opportunity for sight-seeing. One day had been devoted to an inspection of
Inca mounds near the city, a highly interesting excursion, taken under the per-
sonal guidance of Professor Carlos Wiesse, who had been most attentive. On
another day some of us had taken an excursion over the Central Railway into
the mountains on the way to Cerro de Pasco, and were afforded an excellent
opportunity of inspecting this truly wonderful example of mountain railway
engineering which had sprung a half a century ago from the brain of an engineer
from the United States, Henry Meiggs.

The nine days we were in the Peruvian capital are crowded with sou-
venirs of the kindness of its charming people. There were frequent visits to
the houses of members of the old society, the oldest, I believe, on the American
continent, where Spanish traditions of hospitality were first transplanted in
the new world. To Sefior and Sefiora de Barreda, the parents of Sefiora Felipe
Pardo, who, with her husband, did so much for us while we were in Lima, we
shall always be deeply indebted and there are memories of other delightful
visits; of an afternoon at the historic Casa de Torre-Tagle, one of the finest
examples of the ancient Spanish architecture in South America, where we
had tea with members of the Ortiz de Zevallos family; of a tea at the house
of Dr. Prado y Ugarteche, a luncheon with Sefior Alvarez Calderon and Sefiora
Alvarez Calderon de East and of other informal meetings with Peruvian acquaint:
ances whom we quickly came to regard as friends.

When we left Lima for Callao a great number of our friends were at the
station to bid us good-bye. Among them were the Minister of Foreign Affairs,

 
46 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Sefior Tudela y Varela; the Military representative of the President; Sefior
Cisneros; Mr. and Mrs. McMillin; Sefior and Sefiora Felipe Pardo; Sefior
Alvarez Calderon; Dr. Alzamora ; Dr. Romero; Dr. de Lavalle ; Professor Carlos
Wiesse ; Mr. Pennoyer and a great many others who had done so much to make
our visit enjoyable.

We left Peru with a feeling of deepest gratitude for all the evidences of
friendship we had seen and with a lively sense of regret that our enjoyable visit
could not be prolonged. The cordiality, the real friendship which the countries
we visited had expressed and shown for the United States was nowhere more
marked than it had been in Lima, and the Trustees of the Endowment will have
there a most effective support.

With the increased immigration which must, it would seem, naturally
follow upon the opening of the Panama Canal, Peru will assume a
more important place in American affairs. It is in this looking toward
the future that one finds the greatest encouragement in the present
fraternal attitude of its leaders of public opinion. Our intercourse must
become daily more frequent and with it the clearer realization that here, close
to the south of us, is a nation with ideals similar to our own, which, in spite
of obstacles, is pushing steadily forward in the path of progress, and which
never loses an opportunity of manifesting its friendliness toward the United
States.

In Panama

The Peruvian steamship, Mantaro, on which we journeyed northward, was
a very comfortable ship, kept scrupulously clean. We put in at Salaverry, Pacas-
mayo, Eten and Payta, seeing on our way many evidences of the recent develop-
ment of the mineral and oil lands near the coast.

We arrived in the Bay of Panama, a beautiful bay, flanked with wooded
islands, on November 18th, and remained on board until the next day, when
the quarantine period expired. The very sight of the city of Panama must
inspire varied emotions in an American. Near here began, under the indomitable
Pizarro, the conquest of the great countries we had just left. It was to this
coast that he came with Balboa in that first journey across the isthmus, and it
was here that he returned after defeat, which made him all the more determined
to push on into the unknown lands to the south, the “ultimate dim Thule” of
adventurous explorers. And now the city is the southern portal of that “bridge
of water” which has been built by heroes of to-day not less indomitable than
were Pizarro and his band of conquistadores. Once the starting place of expedi-
tions which transformed a continent, Panama is now the scene of what has
been called the last great transformation of the earth’s arrangement left for
man to undertake.

FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS 47

Colonel Goethals had sent out a launch for us with an aide who gave us
our first real view of the canal, taking us as far as the Miraflores locks.
Returning, we put ashore at Balboa, and went thence by train to Panama.
This interesting excursion had been the cause of our missing the American
Minister, Mr. William Jennings Price, the Secretary of the Legation, Mr. Wicker,
and Sefior Lefevre, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and other officials of the Pana-
manian Government, who had been to the landing stage at Panama to give us
an official welcome. We had the pleasure of seeing them later at the hotel, and
the next day with Mr. Price I paid a visit to Sefior Lefevre, through whose
courtesy, I had an audience with the President. We were in Panama only that
day and a part of the next. I took the occasion, however, to talk with repre-
sentative men and from them I learned that the Republic of Panama offers an
excellent prospective field for some of the activities in which the Endowment
is interested, but the immediate present was considered an inauspicious time in
which to undertake the work. The approaching opening of the canal, the com-
parative newness of the Republic, and the many questions of internal organi-
zation and development all serve to occupy the public interest and it was con-
sidered advisable to postpone for the moment the discussion of other matters.

Sefior Lefevre and Sefior Estripeant, aide-de-camp of the President, were
most attentive and I cannot sufficiently thank them or our Minister, Mr. Price,
for their kindness.

After a final morning of sight-seeing and a luncheon at the home of Colonel
Judson, who had taken us on a most interesting tour of inspection of the Gatun
Locks, we sailed from Colon for New Orleans on November 20th, arriving there
five days later.

It had been our desire to visit Venezuela and our itinerary had originally
included Caracas, but we found, upon arrival at Panama, that the steamship con-
nections with La Guayra were such that we would be unable to make the journey
in the limited time at our disposal.

We expressed our regret in a letter to the American Minister at Caracas,
and took the liberty of sending to him copies of the pamphlets we had distributed
among representative South Americans, for the purpose of distribution among
the leading men in Venezuela.

We arrived in New York on Thanksgiving day, November 27, 1913, just
two months and four days after our departure from Lisbon. This mention of
the time occupied by our long journey may be helpful in correcting the general
impression in the United States that a visit to South America requires more time
than is usually allotted to a summer's tour of Europe or a winter sojourn on
the Mediterranean. It is difficult to imagine a tour of ten weeks more varied or
more filled with interest. From a scenic standpoint the journey is of almost
incomparable beauty, but the thought that must chiefly hold and thrill the visitor
is that he is observing new races and new countries in the most interesting stages

 
48 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

of their evolution. These nations are destined to play a great part in the
future, and it requires no strain upon the imagination to picture the vast
unoccupied lands in the South American continent as the theatre of a new world

development. :
It is a duty we owe to ourselves, and one which the Endowment may well

help our people to fulfill, to get into closer contact with our friends in South
America. Almost surely, I believe, the travel between our countries will increase,
and with this better knowledge of each other will come truer and more enduring

friendships.
Respectfully Submitted,

ROBERT BACON.
March 15, 1914.

 

Interview in The New York Evening Post,
DECEMBER 13, I0I3

As the representative of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
Robert Bacon, ex-Secretary of State and ex-Ambassador to France, has just
returned from a tour of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and Peru. The jour-
ney was made for purposes connected with various activities in which the Endow-
ment is interested. These include the formation of societies of international law
which are to be affiliated with the American Institute of International Law,
founded in 1912, and of which Elihu Root is the honorary president. Mr. Bacon’s
visit had also the object of organizing Associations of Conciliation and arranging
for the interchange of visits of representative men between this country and South
America and the exchange of professors and students of universities. By these
means the Endowment hopes to establish closer relations between the nations of
the Western Hemisphere.

“It is difficult to exaggerate,” said Mr. Bacon to-day, “the manifestations of
friendliness for the United States which were exhibited in every country. In
spite of misrepresentations and misunderstandings, caused nearly always by our
ignorance of the real conditions in South America, we have no truer friends any-
where in the world than in these sister republics of the same continent. They
welcome every opportunity to testify their regard for us.”

From this city Mr. Bacon went first to the Philippines by way of San Fran-
cisco and continued his journey westward through Japan, China, and Siberia, to
Europe, sailing from Lisbon for Rio de Janeiro on September 23.

After visiting Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and Peru, he went from
Lima to Panama, and returned to New York by way of New Orleans. In all he
travelled about 35,000 miles. On his journey around the world he was accom-
panied by Mrs. Bacon and Miss Bacon. Otto Schoenrich, president of the
Nicaraguan Mixed Claims Commission, and Mrs. Schoenrich, and W. R. Here-
ford joined the party in Paris for the South American tour.

Across the Andes by Rail

In describing the purposes of his visit Mr. Bacon said:

“T went to South America with instructions from the President of the Endow-
ment, Senator Elihu Root, regarding specific objects in connection with activities
in which the Endowment is interested. From Rio de Janeiro we went next to
Buenos Aires, crossing the Plata River to Montevideo ; then returning to Buenos
Aires, and proceeding to Santiago de Chile by the wonderful Trans-Andean Rail-
way, a narrow-gauge road, which ascends to a height of 10,500 feet, passing near

 
50 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

some of the loftiest mountains of this hemisphere. From Santiago we went by
steamer to Callao, the port for Lima, and thence by a comfortable Peruvian
steamer to Panama.”

Mr. Bacon thus explained the friendly reception he met with:

“The visit to South America made by Mr. Root in 1906, when he was Secre-
tary of State, has had an enduring effect in bringing about a better understanding
between the Latin republics and the United States. That visit is vividly remem-
bered and constantly referred to in the speeches and writings of the brilliant repre-
sentatives of public opinion throughout South America. To it, perhaps, more
than to any other single circumstance is to be attributed the present attitude toward
us; for Mr. Root, as will be remembered, by his doctrine of sympathy and under-
standing, of kindly consideration and honorable obligation, was able to allay or
eradicate the suspicion and distrust of our motives that had been slowly engen-
dered.

“Tt is the belief of Mr. Root and his fellow trustees of the Carnegie Endow-
ment that a great part of the misunderstandings between nations arises from a
lack of knowledge of each other, a lack of knowledge of conditions and senti-
ments. The Endowment seeks by practical means to overcome this ignorance.

Objects of the Visit

“The objects of my visit to South America included the formation of national
societies of international law ; the organization of associations to be affiliated with
the Association of International Conciliation in Paris, of which Baron d’Estour-
nelles de Constant is the president and founder ; the arrangement for an exchange
of visits of representative men from the Latin republics to the United States and
from this country to South America, and for a similar exchange between the
professors and students of their universities and our own.

“The Institute of International Law, founded in 1873, is composed of the
most eminent jurisconsults of Europe and America. The American Institute
was founded a little more than a year ago with Senator Root as the honorary
president and Dr. James Brown Scott as president. The aims and objects of
each Institute are largely identical, but, as was asserted by the founders in the
formal statement of the aims and objects of the American Institute, ‘the part that
treats of war is of secondary importance, as the proposers believe that the principles
of international law are generally applicable and should be studied and developed
so as to maintain the status of peace, which so fortunately exists between the
American republics.’

“By the formation of these national societies, it is hoped to popularize the
principles of law governing the relations of nations so that, in course of time,
governments will be obliged by popular opinion to conduct themselves with due
regard to such principles.

 

INTERVIEW IN THE NEW YORK EVENING POST 51

“Through this initiative of the Endowment national societies of international
law have now been either actually formed or are in process of formation in Rio
de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Santiago de Chile, and Lima. They will
be affiliated with the American Institute and their intercommunication through the
Institute will afford a new and valuable means for the exchange of ideas between
the leaders of opinion in North and South America.

“I also had the honor of explaining and inviting participation in the proposed
Academy of International Law at The Hague, and of suggesting the necessity of
the appointment of national committees for the discussion of contributions to the
programme of the next Hague Peace Conference. The work of the Division of
Economics and History of the Endowment was also explained.

“In no better way, perhaps, can an understanding of each other by the
republics of America be accomplished than by an exchange of visits of represen-
tative men and an exchange of professors and students of universities.

“In scientific and professional life there is now such an international exchange
constantly going on. Congresses of representative men from all over the world
meet and reap immeasurable benefit from the exchange of ideas, and by these
exchanges the nations, through their representative men, are drawn into a closer
communion with each other, with a resultant better international understanding.

“Under the auspices of the Division of Intercourse and Education of the
Endowment, of which Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler is the Director, Baron
d’Estournelles de Constant, of France, the Baroness von Suttner, of Austria,
and Professor Nitobe, of Japan, have already visited the United States, and
President Eliot, of Harvard University, has visited India, China, and Japan,
and Dr. Hamilton Wright Mabie has visited Japan.

“It is hoped in the near future to have visits from representative South
Americans to the United States, and it is the purpose of the trustees of the En-
dowment to continue the exchange of visits thus begun.

“It is expected, also, to inaugurate an exchange of professors between South
American universities and the universities of this country, and to arrange the
details of an exchange that will include the students of universities.”

Mr. Bacon spoke frankly of how the Endowment expected to achieve its ends
and of the aid which will be accorded it by influential South Americans.

“Through these practical methods the Endowment is endeavoring to estab-
lish closer relations between nations,” he explained. “It is not to be hoped that
the results achieved will be immediately apparent. The very fact that persons
impatiently expect visible evidences of the progress made has led to much of the
pessimism and skepticism one encounters when discussing these subjects.

“As Mr. Root has pointed out: ‘The trustees of the Endowment are fully
aware that progress in the work which they have undertaken must necessarily
be slow, and that its most substantial results must be far in the future. We are
dealing with aptitudes and impulses firmly established in human nature through
the development of thousands of years, and the utmost that any one generation

 
52 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

can hope to do is to promote the gradual change of standards of conduct. All
estimates of such a work, and its results, must be in terms not of individual
human life, but in terms of the long life of nations. Inconspicuous as are the
immediate results, however, there can be no nobler object of human effort than to
exercise an influence upon the tendencies of the race, so that it shall grow, how-
ever slowly, in the direction of civilization and humanity, and away from sense-
less brutality.’

“The leading men of South America are very far advanced in their under-
standing and appreciation of the good that must follow these international ex-
changes. The rapid, material development of their wonderful countries has in
no way blunted their lofty idealism, and nowhere can there be found men more
willing or more able to work together for a common, humanitarian purpose.
All that is suggestive of social progress makes an immediate appeal to their
sympathies.”

Mr. Bacon had enthusiastic accounts of the condition of the countries which
he visited, and the impression made upon him by their inexhaustible resources.
He regarded immigration as a principal factor in their future.

The Country of the Future

“In regard to the development which I observed, I cannot sufficiently impress
its significance upon our own country,” said Mr. Bacon. “Some of these re-
publics are advancing so rapidly that each succeeding year will mark an impor-
tant change. The people have been beset by obstacles greater than those that con-
fronted our forefathers, and but little understood by us here, but, in spite of
them, they have forged ahead until the civilization of their larger centres compares
favorably with the older civilization of Europe.

“It must strike any one who visits South America that it is the country of the
future. The natural resources are so vast that they may be said to be almost
inexhaustible. Although so much has been written and spoken about this wealth,
we have only the vaguest conception of it, and the part it must play in the history
of civilization in the near future.

“The people come of sturdy stock. In this country, our people, because of
their lack of knowledge, are apt to class Latin-America as a whole, but the racial
and other differences between the peoples of the various republics are as great as
the differences between the peoples of the various countries of Europe.

“As yet the countries of South America, even the larger countries like Brazil
and the Argentine, are sparsely settled. Immigration has been checked by dis-
tance and the difficulties of travel, but these conditions are disappearing. The
improved means of communication are bringing more and more people to their
shores. German, English, French, Italians, and Japanese have been quick to
realize the opportunities that await them there.”

Travellers who contemplate visiting South America, Mr. Bacon says, will
find adequate railway and steamship facilities, “There is,” he said, “great and sub-

 

INTERVIEW IN THE NEW YORK EVENING POST 33

stantial benefit to be derived from an acquaintance with our South American
neighbors, of whom too many of us are, unfortunately, profoundly ignorant.
The representative men and women of these countries have all the charm and
grace and intellectual culture for which the Latin races are famous. Their warm-
hearted hospitality is proverbial. Personally, I shall never forget, nor can I ade-
quately express my appreciation of, the kindness and courtesy of their welcome.”

 
Editorial from The American Journal of International Law,
JANUARY, 1914

Last fall the Honorable Robert Bacon, formerly Secretary of State and
Ambassador to France, undertook a journey to South America on a mission for
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “to secure the interest and sym-
pathy of the leaders of opinion in the principal Latin-American Republics, in
the various enterprises for the advancement of international peace which the
Endowment is seeking to promote; and by means of personal intercourse and
explanation to bring about practical cooperation” in these undertakings. With
the exception of Mr. Root’s official visit, as Secretary of State in 1906, no
journey by a citizen of the United States has done quite so much to encourage
and stimulate the development of cordial and helpful international relations
between the republics of North and South America, as this memorable trip of
Mr. Bacon. He visited Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Peru, being pre-
vented by difficulties in arranging steamship and railroad connections from visiting
the other countries as planned in his itinerary. In each country visited, Mr.
Bacon was received with the utmost cordiality by the government, and officially
entertained. The diplomatic representatives of the United States did everything
in their power to render his stay in the capital cities effective of results; and
prominent citizens representing all elements of the business, professional and
social life vied with each other in imparting to his mission the dignity and
significance which its importance bespoke. The University of Santiago gave him
an honorary degree, as did also the University of Lima; and various scientific
and legal societies elected him to honorary membership. His mission was every-
where welcomed sympathetically in the newspaper press, which fully reported his
public addresses. The success of his mission was greatly promoted by his ability
to address his audiences in the Spanish, Portuguese and French languages.

Mr. Bacon’s more important addresses were delivered in Rio de Janeiro,
under the auspices of the Brazilian Academy, the Institute of the Order of
Advocates, and also at the American Embassy; in Montevideo at the Ateneo,
under the auspices of the University; in Buenos Aires, before the Faculty of
Law of the University; in Santiago, at the University of Chile; and in Lima,
at the University of San Marcos and before the Colegio de Abogados.

In each of these addresses and in his numerous conferences with the govern-
ment officials, with educators and distinguished citizens, Mr. Bacon directed
attention to certain of the specific plans of the Endowment, one of the most
important of these being the formation of national societies to be affiliated with
the American Institute of International Law. In each country visited, com-

 

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 55

mittees were at once appointed to organize such societies, and in several of them
the organization has already been effected. This feature of Mr. Bacon’s work
is of especial interest to the readers of this JOURNAL; and we may safely predict
that as a result of it this promising institution will soon become an actual reality,
establishing a new point of contact and a new bond of sympathy between the
jurists and the statesmen of the northern and southern hemispheres. Both
political circumstances and geographic situation have created new and special
conditions, making possible understandings which, while not inconsistent with
or antagonistic to the principles of European international law, permit agree-
ments upon matters regarding which the rest of the world cannot yet agree.
A distinguished professor of law at Padua stated the case concisely and com-
pletely, when he said that “the probable cooperation of two autonomous institutes
is preferable to the practically impossible collaboration between dissimilar
elements of the same association.”

Mr. Bacon suggested the active participation of the several governments
in the proposed Academy of International Law at The Hague, and we may
anticipate the cordial acceptance by each of the formal invitation to this end.
His suggestion that the Latin-American states appoint committees for the con-
sideration of contributions to the program of the Third Hague Conference and
the intercommunication of such committees among all the American countries,
excited unusual interest, especially in Brazil, where it is expected that steps to
this end will be taken at once. He was also most fortunate in his appeal for the
organization of national branches of the Society for International Conciliation,
to be affiliated with those in Paris and New York. In four of the countries
visited competent and energetic organizing secretaries have already been
appointed and are at work. While the South Americans have not taken kindly
to peace societies, of the ordinary pacifist kind, they quickly respond to the
principle upon which the Conciliation was founded, which looks to the friendly
adjustment of international quarrels through arbitration and other similar
methods.

Mr. Bacon discussed fully the plans of the Endowment for the exchange
of visits of representative men between the two continents, and also the proposed
exchange of professors and students. Each of these projects met with sympathetic
response, and Mr. Bacon reports that the time is already ripe for the inaugura-
tion of the exchange of professors. One difficulty presents itself in the limited
number of Latin-Americans who have a speaking knowledge of English, and on
the other hand the equally limited number of North Americans who are familiar
with Spanish. This difficulty in the way of closer intercourse between the two
continents we are at length beginning to realize; it is a great mission of our
higher educational institutions to gradually overcome it.

It thus appears that Mr. Bacon’s mission to South America was most suc-
cessful, in the sense that it is to bear immediate fruit. It was apparent to his

 
56 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

hosts that he came with no selfish purposes,—not to seek concessions, not to
solicit business advantages, but upon an errand purely altruistic in the highest
significance of the word. He carried a message of friendship and codperation in
a work which is not for the benefit of one country, but of all the Americas and
all the world. He sowed the seeds of a new and finer international relationship,
and the results of his trip can hardly fail to be the establishment of intellectual
currents of sympathy, leading to a higher and nobler civilization.

 
UNNUMBERED
- PAGES]

occurs at the beginning
of appendices throughout

the text.

 
 

APPENDICES

 
 

APPENDIX |

Paris

Luncheon of Mr. Gabriel Hanotaux,

PARis, SEPTEMBER 19, I9I3

[Translation from The Figaro]

The staff of the Comité France-Amérique yesterday gave a luncheon to the
president of the Comité France-Amérique, of New York, Mr. Robert Bacon,
former Ambassador of the United States at Paris, and to Mr. Dandurand, Sen-
ator and president of the Comité France-Amérique in Canada, and Mrs.
Dandurand.

Among those present were Mr. Gabriel Hanotaux, Mr. and Mrs. Boutroux,
Mr. Klexzkowski, Minister of France, etc.

Mr. Robert Bacon is passing through Paris on his way to South America,
where he goes, as has been stated, on a mission for certain American international
organizations, headed by Messrs. Elihu Root, Butler, Scott, etc.

Mr. Hanotaux addressed his guests in these words:

“It is a great pleasure for the Comité France-Amérique to welcome on the
same occasion the two presidents of the Comité in North America; the activity
shown in the United States and Canada by these two branches of the French
Comité has produced important results this year; we can only say that the credit
belongs to the two presidents who honor us with their presence.

“Mr. Robert Bacon goes to South America in the name of persons who are
held in the highest esteem in the great republic of the United States, to lay the
foundations for united efforts in the interest of international law, efforts that
should be encouraged to the utmost for the benefit of mankind. This mission has
an entirely practical character; it contemplates the establishment of enduring
institutions by which the principles of harmonious and thoughtful understanding
between peoples will be developed.

“Mr. Robert Bacon has not forgotten that only a little while ago he was
the Ambassador of the United States at Paris, and it seemed to him that the
intellectual relations between the South American republics and France are such
that a preliminary visit to Paris would be of great service in bringing about the
success of his undertaking.

“The disseminating power of the French language and of French thought,
as he himself has said to me, is such that to seek inspiration from French institu-
tions and French works appeared to be one of the first duties of his mission.

 

 
60 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

That is why he is with us today. We thank him for this faith which honors our
country and which, we may hope, will facilitate his work among our friends
in South America.

“In the hands of the eminent diplomat whose good will, intelligence and devo-
tion have been esteemed by all Paris, and whose generosity has been felt by the
Comité France-Amérique in particular, such a noble undertaking can not fail to
succeed.

“Gentlemen, I raise my glass to our two colleagues and presidents and to the
success of the journey of our excellent and distinguished friend, Mr. Robert
Bacon.”

Mr. Bacon replied in these words:

“My dear Mr. President:

“You have expressed my thought and explained the objects of my mission
in phrases for which I can only thank you from the bottom of my heart. Yes, I
wished to secure a hold on French thought before seeking to enter into the
thought of South America. Your high praises and your encouragement belong
to those who have prepared and directed my mission. This hour in particular,
and so many other pleasant hours that I have had the good fortune to spend in
Paris, I shall never forget during my journey.

“I drink to the prosperity of the work which you have founded, a work of
such broad international scope: to the prosperity of the Comité France-
Amérique.”

 

APPENDIX 11

Brazil

Address of Dr. de Oliveira Lima,

BEFORE THE MEMBERS OF THE HISTORICAL INSTITUTE oF BRAZIL, AT THE AMERICAN EMBASSY,
R10 pE JANEIRO, OCTOBER 8, 1913

Excellency: J

The president of the Historical Institute, Count Affonso Celso, who suc-
ceeded Baron de Rio Branco in the post, appointed at our last meeting a com-
mittee of ten members to welcome you in this country in the name of that asso-
ciation, the oldest intellectual association of Brazil and possibly of South America.

We boast, indeed, of our three-quarters of century of existence, as we boast
of the invaluable services rendered by several generations already of historians
and searchers of documents, to the study of our past. The late Emperor of
Brazil, Dom Pedro II., whose memory is as respected in the United States as it
is cherished here, used to preside over our meetings and to guide our work.

You see that through the nature of our studies, as well as under the influence
of such names as I have mentioned, the Historical Institute is a society of peace,
just as much as the foundation which you are representing in our Southern con-
tinent. You are certainly peace in action, peace in movement, peace resting on
the conscience of national responsibilities and international rights and duties.
We are peace in theory, peace in feeling, peace in tradition, I dare even say,
because the wars in America, especially in independent America, have been more
wars for freedom than wars for ambition.

I do not say they have been exclusively so, as every portion of humanity
carries with it faults and crimes, and this is why so much is being done to spread
international respect and amity ; but the fact is that we all have won our liberties
through our will and are all trying to uphold them. Brazil under the Empire
had two foreign wars, but both were made against foreign tyrannies and not
against foreign peoples or nationalities.

By every reason, then, your mission appeals to our deepest sympathy and
you may be sure to find in this country a congenial environment. The work
of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is not yet well known by
us here, but we shall soon be in heart with its purposes. The section of Latin
America that we constitute strives for its development without hurting any
legitimate aspirations of others.

 

 
MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Personally your name is familiar to us as a successful ambassador and Sec-
retary of State; also as the friend and collaborator of Mr. Root, which means
that you both have about politics and diplomacy a conception far above the com-
mon one. Politics must not be divorced from intellectualism; diplomacy is not
to be simply materialistic, but a fight for noble ideals of juridical understanding,
international friendship, and moral solidarity.

You will meet everywhere the sympathy due to your personality as you will
feel that the United States are truly esteemed in Brazil. We trust your efforts
for international conciliation and we are ready to help them as much as we admire
and try to follow your lessons of untiring industry and civic education.

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the French]

Excellency, Gentlemen of the Historical Institute:

I find no words in which to thank you from the bottom of my heart for
your charming welcome and your kind expressions which have profoundly
touched me.

I have come on behalf of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
and I bring to you the affectionate greetings of its eminent President and your
devoted friend, the Honorable Elihu Root, whom I love and whom you also love,
I am sure. It is strikingly recalled to my mind that since his memorable visit to
your country in 1906 and since the Hague Conference in 1907 there has been a
great change, a wonderful progress in the development of international law, of
the Law of Nations, in which the celebrated publicists of your country, the
jurisconsults of all Latin America, have taken an important part.

In the words of Dr. de Louter of the University of Utrecht, the noted
publicist of Holland: “Latin America, which by its talent and the eloquence of
its delegates somewhat surprised the diplomats of Europe at the Second Peace
Conference, has since then shown an energy and resourcefulness at once
humiliating and encouraging to those who have shown them the way. All who
believe in peace founded on law can only applaud the vigorous workers on the
other side of the ocean who are engaged in building the solid foundations of a
structure of law instead of pursuing the ephemeral phantasies of fruitless good
intentions.”

Now, Mr. Root, who wishes soon to quit the life of active politics and devote
his efforts chiefly to this cause, to the expansion of this structure, has very close
to heart the promotion of certain definite activities of the Endowment.

I beg you to give these practical projects your serious consideration not only
to strengthen the ties of friendship and solidarity between our two beloved
countries, but for the sake of humanity and to advance and promote liberty and
justice among the nations of the world.”

 

APPENDIX II

Remarks of Dr. de Oliveira Lima,
Ar THE RECEPTION AT THE AMERICAN EMBASSY,
R10 DE JANEIRO, OCTOBER 8, 1913

[Translation from the Portuguese]

The Ambassador of the United States of America has entrusted to me the
very honorable duty of introducing to this Assembly of Brazilians, eminent
for their knowledge and social position, our illustrious guest, Mr. Robert Bacon,
former Secretary of State and lately Ambassador from his country to the French
Republic, who is now devoting his energy, talent and experience to that most
noble crusade, the Crusade of Peace.

You must not, however, expect a man of his attainments, his accomplish-
ments and his breadth of mind, to confine himself to utopian ideas or flattering
illusions. Mr. Bacon desires to see a triumphant peace accomplished rather

through reason than through sentiment, that is, through the universal conscience,

through the propagation of, and respect for, the principles of international law.

He will explain to you, with the conciseness and lucidity which have
distinguished his political and social work, the aims (as varied as
they are practicable) of his mission,—a mission which is most inter-
esting and of great scope and which the Carnegie Endowment, in the interest
of universal peace, has entrusted to his care and to his devotion with the con-
viction that throughout Latin America he will be listened to with respect and
sympathy as voicing the sentiments of our friend and collaborator, Mr. Elihu
Root, that distinguished statesman who has given us such sincere proof, during
the tenure of his office as Secretary of State of the great Union, of his respect
for the rights of other peoples and for the legal personality of other nationalities,
whose noble aim it is to link the entire New World into one unfettered and impos-
ing Union of culture.

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Portuguese]

I am sure, Gentlemen, that you will pardon me if, instead of speaking in my
own language in acknowledgment of your kind expressions of welcome, which
have moved me profoundly, I say a few words of thanks in your beautiful
tongue, with the assurance that though these words may be poorly expressed,
they come from my heart.

I know it must appear presumptuous for me to address you in Portuguese,
but I must ask your kind indulgence for two reasons. First of all I must refer
to the very high esteem I have always cherished for the noble Portuguese tradi-
tions, which but recently have been refreshed in my mind by my stay in Lisbon,
whence I have just arrived. There, at the foot of the statue of the great Camdes,
I recalled the memory of that distinguished Brazilian, whose eloquent words

 

 
64 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

and writings first developed my sense of appreciation for the beauties of the
“Lusiads” and the charm of the “Rimas.” I refer to my illustrious and gentle
friend, Joaquim Nabuco, sage, poet and statesman, whom I learned to know
and love during an intimacy of four years in Washington and whom I was proud
to call a friend.

Another reason that I offer as the inspiration for my addressing you in
your beautiful language is that on the eve of my departure from the United
States, at the banquet where I was able to greet my esteemed friend, your
Ambassador, Mr. Domicio da Gama, I had the great pleasure to find myself
seated at the side of your illustrious Minister of Foreign Affairs, His Excel-
lency, Mr. Lauro Miiller, who, with that gentleness and charm of manner so
natural to your race and country, spoke to us in very good English. My
compatriots will never forget the pleasure that the presence of Dr. Miiller pro-
duced, nor the distinguished honor conferred upon us by your country when it
appointed him to return the visit of our esteemed friend, Elihu Root. For us
of the University of Harvard, it was especially gratifying to have him accept our
diploma and thus become a member of our Harvard family.

I have the honor of having been sent to Brazil by the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, of which Mr. Root is the heart and
soul. The message that I bring from him is a message of good-will, which, as
expressed by that eminent author and jurist, Dr. Ruy Barbosa, truly meets with
the “sanction of American opinion,” but it is particularly a message of regard
and esteem from Elihu Root for his good friends here. This mission affords
me greater pride and pleasure than any other entrusted to me during my entire
life.

And how can I begin to express my feelings at the first sight of this wonder-
ful city, the magic city of Rio de Janeiro? For, in spite of all that has been
said or written about its beauty and its bewitching grandeur, it surpasses my
most extravagant dreams. It is incomparable and I envy you the continual
pleasure and inspiration, the force and courage that you must derive from it.

Again, Gentlemen, I assure you of my most profound gratitude for the
cordial reception and the distinguished honor that you have accorded me.

[Translation from the French]

It is a very great pleasure to me to be permitted to visit, if only for a few
days, far too short, some of the peoples and countries of South America, for it
has been one of my most cherished dreams, which I have been able only partially
to realize as yet, to see with my own eyes your wonderful countries, the marvels
of your civilization, to meet again friends whom I have known and loved in
other parts of the world,—to make other friendships which will add a new
joy to life and fill me with memories which neither time nor distance can dim
or efface. I come charged with a message of good-will from your devoted

 

APPENDIX II 65

friend and great admirer, Mr. Elihu Root, at whose request, anticipated by
my own desire, I have the honor to appear before you. I wish I could say to
you all that he would say were he here in person to address you and to greet you
as an old friend. The expressions might differ, perhaps, but I assure you the
spirit behind them would be one and the same.

The visit which you recently made to the United States, Mr. Minister,
will have a lasting influence for good. We tried to show you the real feeling
of welcome which was in our hearts. We have much to learn in the matter of
courtesy and hospitality for which you Brazilians are so justly celebrated; but,
as Senator Root has well said, the real feeling of welcome in the hearts of the
people of the United States was worth much more than any demonstration the
government of the United States could possibly make.

My mission for the Endowment has been referred to as a mission of friend-
ship and good-will. That is very true and I am proud of it, but since ties of
friendship already bind us, may we not go further than that?

For my part I should like it to be regarded as a mission of co-operation and
mutual help among old friends with the object of discussing, studying and planning
practical means whereby we can work together and march forward toward
progress, toward the ideal of humanity, toward greater enlightenment, for the
triumph of Right in the world, replacing resort to force by resort to justice;
toward an international opinion which will have the true sanction of international
law.

The people of our two Republics are idealists. Monsieur Hanotaux, former
Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, said in a recent article: “At the Hague
Conference it was the delegates of the South American Republics, notably those
of Brazil, who advanced the strongest and most original ideas. They were
absolutely in the forefront of human thought, a fact which merits considera-
tion.”

The noble words spoken by Mr. Root in 1906 at the Pan-American Con-
ference represent the sentiments and the ideals of the people of the United
States as truthfully and as forcefully today as when they were spoken seven
years ago, for governments may change, but the sentiments of the people remain
the same. I like to think of this memorable declaration as the “Root Doctrine” —
the doctrine of sympathy and understanding, of kindly consideration and honor-
able obligation—and I am proud to be considered worthy to speak of it as a
humble apostle.

I would like to have you look upon me as inaugurating a series of inter-
national visits which will follow each other without break and be mutually
advantageous by bringing together accredited representatives of the life and
thought of the Southland as well as of the North; and inviting you to co-operate
in the establishment of international institutions which will, we hope, become
centers of good-will, develop and popularize just and progressive principles of
international law upon which international good relations must depend, and in

 

 
66 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

various ways, directly and indirectly, by an exchange of thought, an exchange
of views and a happy combination of effort, result in strengthening the bonds of
friendship which a common past, common institutions and a common goal urge
and demand.

History and Nature have inspired and increased a deep feeling of solidarity,
not only between the countries of Latin America, but also between the Republics
of the South and the United States. It behooves us to maintain and strengthen
this solidarity which, by reason of its two-fold origin, unites inseparably the
nations of the new continent, in the past, in the present and in the future.

One need only glance at the political history of the New World to see the
constant interest the United States has taken in the struggle of the Latin American
nations, first to free themselves from the mother country and then to defend
the independence they had won against all attempts at conquest on the part of
European powers. Moreover we might briefly recall that, after the emancipation,
the United States furnished the Latin states with the forms and basic principles
of their political institutions, particularly of their republican and democratic
government, precisely at a time when the ancient political institutions of Europe
were far from responding to the ideas of liberty and to the social conditions of
the two Americas.

All this glorious past in the history of the New World should strengthen
day by day the indissoluble bonds which have united the American nations since
the beginning of their political life.

Nature has added to the work of History. The geographical situation of the
nations of the New World has brought into being a series of problems common
to all the states of the continent, thereby creating among them new ties of solid-
arity. Thanks to the progress of civilization and the perfection of means of
communication, we in America have come to see the imperious necessity of
solving in a uniform manner problems arising out of situations and conditions
peculiar to the New Continent.

Anticipating Europe in a way, whose great powers meet in conference only
at the conclusion of wars to determine the conditions of peace, all the American
states have met together in pacific conferences in order to discuss questions
common to their continent—whence the name and origin of the Pan-American
Conferences. These conferences have borne abundant fruit—a number of
problems of interest to America have been studied; important treaties have
been signed with a view to developing the social and intellectual life of the
New World; and, finally, the representatives of the several American states have
learned to know each other better and have come to appreciate how many and
how strong are the ties which bind the American nations together.

The sentiments of solidarity and fraternity which unite the countries of the
New World in a community of interests should create a work of union and con-
cord. The way is already open; numerous and fruitful results have been ob-
tained ; the time has come, therefore, to establish, in ever increasing measure, good

 

APPENDIX II 67

understanding and harmony. Above all, it is necessary to correct the misun-
derstanding in the South of the political purposes of the United States. As Mr.
Root solemnly declared when he was among you, the United States desires above
all that peace and prosperity reign in Latin America, in order to strengthen and
to tighten the bonds of friendship and of brotherhood which should unite all
the American people.

I have the honor to address you not merely on my own account but on
behalf of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, of which Senator
Root is President, and to invite you in his name and on behalf of its Trustees to
co-operate with it in such ways as you may deem possible and advisable.

In other words, the wish of Mr. Root is to enlist as fully as possible the
sympathetic interest of the leaders of thought in South America in the various
enterprises of the Endowment for the improvement of international relations,
and to bring about their practical co-operation in that work. You are no doubt
aware that there is in the hands of the Trustees of the Endowment a large fund,
the income of which is to be devoted to these objects. The Trustees after
consideration of the manner in which they should accomplish the purposes for
which the Trust was established, drew up the following statement of specific
objects to which the income of the Trust was to be devoted:

(a) To promote a thorough and scientific investigation and study of
the causes of war and of the practical method to prevent and avoid it;

(b) To aid in the development of international law, and a general
agreement on the rules thereof, and the acceptance of the same among
nations;

(c) To diffuse information and to educate public opinion regarding the
causes, nature and effect of war, and means for its prevention and avoidance ;

(d) To establish a better understanding of international rights and
duties, and a more perfect sense of international justice among the inhabi-
tants of civilized countries;

(e) To cultivate friendly feelings between the inhabitants of different

countries and to increase the knowledge and understanding of each other by
the several nations;

(f) To promote a general acceptance of peaceable methods in the settle-
ment of international disputes;

(2) To maintain, promote and assist such establishments, organizations,
associations and agencies as shall be deemed necessary or useful in the
accomplishment of the purposes of the corporation or any of them.

In order to carry out these objects the work of the Endowment has been
apportioned among three Divisions:

The Division of Intercourse and Education, of which Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, is Acting Director;

The Division of Economics and History, of which Dr. John Bates Clark
is Director;

 

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

The Division of International Law, of which Dr. James Brown Scott,
Secretary of the Endowment, is Director.

The different objects set forth above are appropriately assigned to these three
Divisions.

It is the purpose of the Trustees not that the trust organization shall become
itself a missionary seeking to preach the gospel of peace or directly to express
its own ideas to the world, but rather to promote and advance in each country
and in all countries, the organization and activity of national forces in favor of
peace. It is not so much to add a new peace organization to those already exist-
ing in the world as it is to be a means of giving renewed vigor to all the activities
which really tend in a practical way towards making peace more secure.

To aid each of the three divisions in its work an extensive and effective
organization has been perfected in Europe as well as in the United States, includ-
ing a great number of the most eminent and highly respected statesmen, publicists
and leaders of modern thought.

The respect and friendship which the Trustees of the Endowment entertain
for the peoples of Latin America and for the many distinguished Latin Americans
with whom many of the Trustees have most agreeable relations of personal friend-
ship, lead us to desire that the work of the Endowment may have the same active
and useful co-operation in South America that it has already secured in Europe.

Let me quote verbatim a passage from the instructions given me by Mr.
Root, instead of paraphrasing them as I have done more than once. “You will
observe,” he says, “that one of the means by which the Division of Intercourse
and Education proposes to advance international good understanding is a series
of international visits of representative men. Accordingly, under the auspices of
the Division, directly or indirectly, Baron d’Estournelles de Constant of France,
the Baroness von Suttner of Austria, and Professor Nitobe of Japan have already
visited the United States, and President Eliot, of Harvard University, has visited
India, China and Japan, and Dr. Hamilton Wright Mabie is now in Japan. Your
visit to South America comes in this category, but it has a more definite and
specific purpose than any of the other visits which I have enumerated or which
are contemplated under the head I have mentioned, for it is not merely to
strengthen good understanding by personal intercourse between a representative
North American, and representative South Americans, but also to introduce to
the representative South Americans personally the work and purposes and ideals
of the Endowment, and to invite our friends in South America to cordial and
sympathetic union with us in promoting the great work of the trust.”

This is the spirit of good feeling and kindly sympathy which has inspired
the mission, and I hardly need to assure you that it is the spirit in which I shall
endeavor to carry it out.

The subjects which I am directed to lay before you—other than the general
aims and purposes of the Endowment and the methods by which the Trustees
are endeavoring to put them into effect—are:

 

APPENDIX II 69

1. The formation of National Societies of International Law to be
affiliated with the American Institute of International Law;

2. The presentation to the different Governments of the countries which
I have the honor to visit, of the opportunity to participate in the proposed
Academy of International Law at The Hague by providing for the sending
on the part of each Government of one or more representative students to
that Academy, if organized;

3. The appointment of National Committees for the consideration of
contributions to the program of the next Hague Conference, and for making
arrangements for the inter-communication of such Committees among all
American countries ;

4. The establishment of National Societies for International Conciliation
to be affiliated with the parent Association for International Conciliation at
Paris;

5. To arrange for a systematic furnishing of data for the work of the
Division of Economics and History in accordance with the program laid
down at Berne by the Congress of Economists in the summer of 1911. In
connection with this last subject I beg to remind you that Dr. Kinley, who
has been appointed a member of the Committee of Research with special
reference to South America, will shortly make a visit to this country to
suggest specifically the things that can be done in aid of the researches of
this Division, to ask the advice and counsel of leaders of opinion in South
America, and to invite especially the economists and historians of these
countries to co-operate, as far as they may deem it possible or advisable, in
the execution of such projects concerning South America as they may recom-
mend as proper for investigation and study.

Allow me to make a final quotation from Mr. Root:
“The trustees of the Endowment are fully aware that progress in the work

which they have undertaken must necessarily be slow and that its most substan-

tial results must be far in the future. We are dealing with aptitudes and impulses
firmly established in human nature through the development of thousands of
years, and the utmost that any one generation can hope to do is to promote the
gradual change of standards of conduct. All estimates of such a work and its
results must be in terms not of individual human life, but in terms of the long life
of nations. Inconspicuous as are the immediate results, however, there can be no
nobler object of human effort than to exercise an influence upon the tendencies
of the race, so that it shall move, however slowly, in the direction of civilization
and humanity and away from senseless brutality. It is to participate with us in
this noble, though inconspicuous, work that we ask you to invite our friends in
South America with the most unreserved and sincere assurances of our high
consideration and warm regard.”

The scientific development of international law which has always been one of
Mr. Root’s chief labors and to which he has devoted much of his genius, has shown
remarkable progress. The second Conference at The Hague, as has been said,
marked the greatest single step toward the just and peaceable regulation of inter-

 

 
70 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

national relations ever taken, with the possible exception of the step taken at
the first Hague Conference.

The dreams of yesterday are the realities of today; the dreams of today
become the realities of tomorrow. The dreams of Rolin-Jacquemyns, Lieber,
Calvo, Rio Branco, Nabuco, and other inspired leaders are accomplished facts
today ; the spirit of their doctrines has now become a principle.

The Trustees of the Carnegie Endowment believe that this progress can be
hastened by practical methods. They are convinced that the ideals of the great
thinkers can be advanced more quickly to the benefit of the world, by concerted
efforts in certain well-defined, practical directions. That is why I have come to
solicit your invaluable support and co-operation.

I thank you again for your kind welcome.

Address of Senator Ruy Barbosa,

Ar THE RECEPTION AT THE NATIONAL LIBRARY,
Rio pE JANEIRO, OCTOBER 10, 1913

[Translation from the Portuguese]

Gentlemen:

It is not my aim at this time to introduce our illustrious guest to you, for
Mr. Robert Bacon has spent the past four days with us, and this has been ample
to make us feel as if he were an old friend. In this worthy successor of Mr. Elihu

Root will be at once recognized reflected, an image, dear to the hearts of
Brazilians, of his master and predecessor in the office of Secretary of State,
that eminent American whose policies were characterized by the advantages that
have accrued both to this Continent and to his own. Whoever came in contact

with him at once experienced that recognition of merit that is revealed by the

light, the irradiating and penetrating light, which he calmly and without any effort
diffuses around him.

The very first time we heard him, the day before yesterday, at the American
Embassy, through the delightful hospitality of Mr. Morgan, the distinguished
diplomat whose charm is irresistible, he surprised us with an address, the intro-
duction to which was delivered in our own language fluently and correctly, with
but slight trace of a foreign accent, as if he had long been accustomed to express
himself in our tongue. With exquisite grace and without effort, inspired only by
natural earnestness, he revealed to us those miracles of which courtesy and
benevolence are capable in the mind of a son of that race of the United States,
that in its type combines the virtues, aptitudes and talents of all others.

It is easy to see that a more fortunate selection could not have been made
for the purpose of conveying to us from Mr. Root, Mr. James Brown Scott
and all other friends of peace in North America, a message which our natures
and our training cause us to receive with joy. To each one of these gentle-
men I now respond, even though, of all those assembled here, I may be the least
worthy. Existing circumstances confer upon me this privilege, requiring me as

 

APPENDIX II 7

the president of the Brazilian Academy and a member of the Bar Association,
to reply in the name of those, who throughout the land are reading, thinking,
writing and talking about this visit.

In the address, which you are about to hear, our generous friend is going
to define the first fruits of one of the subjects that appeal more especially to
our interests, and he will also discuss, to a limited extent, the preliminary work
of the Third Peace Conference. This select assembly, meeting as it does in this
center of public education, will doubtless listen with great eagerness to the
results of the meditation and experience of the distinguished orator, regarding
the preliminary work of an undertaking, the realization of which, we flatter
ourselves, will prove one of the noblest accomplishments of our time.

Never has Brazilian sentiment interested itself so passionately in an interna-
tional subject of a specific character as in that congress which, six years ago,
convened in the ancient Hall of the Knights at The Hague, where delegates from
every civilized nation of the world met and pledged themselves to weaken
the dominion of war throughout the world. Not that we should boast of
our humble part in the scenes enacted upon an arena having as its amphitheatre
the entire world; but because the campaign that was waged there and which
was of paramount importance, was conducted in the interest of right, with no
other arms than those of intelligence, awakening in our conscience impulses
which had not been accustomed to thrill us, and revealing, under that new influ-
ence, a sure response, of which there had been no indications in the moral
instincts of our nation, as is true of all parts of Latin America, and we should
be proud of the ideal that presided there in ancient Holland, as in the heart of
justice, under the protection of her ancient traditions of independence and liberty
over this second ecumenical council of peace.

Permit me to use this religious appellation that surges to my lips free of

®any flowery pretensions, as a natural expression of reverence, prompted by the
character of the subject itself, a subject that is almost sacred and divine; a
tribute to those aspirations that in themselves combine sufficient power to assem-
ble the most distant and divergent members of the human family from all parts
of the world to form a congress. It did not represent a church which claimed,
with more or less justice, a universalism wherein the powers in general celebrated
their catholicity, but rather the union of all churches, all confessions, all creeds,
at a common altar of that supreme order of charity which, translated, signifies
the abolition of armed conflict between the nations.

The spectacle presented of kings descending from their thrones to follow
the wake of a star in search of the birthplace of Christ, was about to be repeated
with a grandeur exceeding that event in a movement that joined the heads of
armies with the arbiters of war in the interests of a humanitarian ideal of man-
kind, of brotherly love, making us feel that Heaven had sent us from Calvary
a smiling future stretching from twenty centuries to incalculable ages to come.
The emblem of Christianity that introduced its apostleship upon the battlefields

 
72 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

as the insignia of the “Red Cross” disclosed to the minds of the fratricides of
war, a fraternal epoch that began to appear upon the horizon but which up to
that time had been but an hallucination in the minds of dreamers, an age when
all divers beliefs and sects should be merged into one body, united in a universal
effort to realize the brotherhood of mankind.

When that idea first took form in the initial conference of 189g, the bril-
liancy of which was duplicated in 1907, a fact of high importance was not taken
into consideration by Brazilian politics. In spite of the fact that our Govern-
ment (and I do not believe that I am mistaken) was signally honored, as the
only Government in all South America, with an invitation from the Chancellor
at St. Petersburg, Brazil did not respond to the call that offered her a most
enviable distinction. In his Autobiography Mr. Andrew D. White alludes to the
surprise occasioned at The Hague by the indifference of our attitude, imputing
that error to the carelessness of the new regime, adding that it was believed at
that time that such an error would not have been committed by the Imperial
Government. We could not have repeated such an act of thoughtlessness in
1907. because, in so far as the conference was open to all constituted govern-
ments, it would not be reasonable to assume that we should have proved the
exception by our absence. Furthermore, at that time there was one at the head of
the Foreign Department of our government, whose vigilant eye watched untir-
ingly over our interests, in so far as they concerned our reputation abroad; one
who had been trained in all important questions of international relations. But
what palliates the error committed by us eight years before, is the fervor and
interest manifested by public opinion among us over every echo coming from
the second session, revealing the same degree of enthusiasm that animated their
chosen representatives, consecrated to a mission so replete with mishaps, trials
and regrets.

No nation watched those sessions more assiduously or witnessed with
more sincere emotion or greater enthusiasm the incidents that took place at those
sessions, at which the representatives of the civilized nations of the east and
west fraternized. None showed greater appreciation of the importance of each
discussion that arose. None sympathized more deeply with the labor that there
was being developed. None felt more keenly its unity with the contest to be
fought between the most divergent traditions, contrary temperaments and con-
flicting interests upon an unprecedented plane.

It is not with vanity that I recall the feelings prevalent in those days when
the flame of a new life heated the blood in our veins; but, on the contrary, it
is rather to emphasize the magic of the current that crossed the Atlantic to
a people of lesser activity and lesser civic energy, surcharging the air and
animating the lethargic multitude. Skeptics declare that these moral influences
are condemned to remain abstract idealism, forgetting that the most powerful
force or current in our cosmic life appears to be lodged in the clouds, and that
when it descends from those heights, cleaving the atmosphere, there are no

 

APPENDIX II 3

obstacles which can resist it, and it penetrates with astral fire, into the depths of
the earth.

There was a tendency to calculate the results of truth and justice by evidence
that can be counted, weighed and measured among the everyday onlookers of
the Congress of 1907. A chorus of detractions, scoffings and epigrams were
voiced against the work, which they judged most ungratefully. Why? Because
the second Conference accomplished nothing in the matter of disarmament?
Because owing to the great number of demands made upon it, it was compelled
to confine itself to important proposals made through the medium of votes,
suggestions, and advice?

However, the 1907 Conference realized, in a measure, the promise of its
predecessor. The project of organizing a court of arbitral justice did not become
a consummated fact. This was only because the weaker Powers were not
willing to agree with the greater Powers in regard to the system to be adopted
for nominating the members of that tribunal. Will such an agreement be
impossible in the future? I do not think so. Time knows no difficulties which it
cannot overcome with the aid of experience, no knots it does not eventually untie,
no problems which it does not solve. It was a great truth that inspired the pen
of my noble friend Mr. James Brown Scott, who, in his important work dealing
with the Conferences of 1899 and 1907, wrote: “The independence of the state
is the very postulate of international law ; but the solidarity of interest has made
itself felt to such a degree that nations have yielded and must in the future
yield something of their absolute liberty and independence, just as a citizen
yields his absolute freedom for the benefit of society, of which he is a part.”

Once this question is defined, however, that obstacle being resolved into a
formula whereby in each transaction the rights of one class will be harmonized
with the pretensions of the other, all other obstacles become secondary ; therefore,
except in regard to the prerequisite, the second Conference agreed upon a consti-
tutional body ready to enter upon the work conceived by the institution, to
exercise over the universal society of nations powers analogous to those of the
federal Supreme Court in the United States.

But this was not the only result arrived at by the second Conference. Its
efforts to conclude a universal arbitration treaty were frustrated. All the na-
tions, however, were signatories there to the most solemn of acts, declaring
themselves unanimous in recognizing the principle of obligatory arbitration,
realizing that certain differences, more especially those relating to the inter-
pretation and application of international conventions, are subject to the rule of
obligatory arbitration without any restrictions whatsoever. Now there is not a
single person living who will not feel that at the 1899 Conference it would have
been impossible to obtain the consent of the Powers represented at The Hague
to this ruling on the two declarations whereby the sovereign Powers, in the
interests of justice, yield such an important point.

 

 
MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Eight years was the length of time required to achieve this incalculable
advance in the path of the reconcilement of Powers by means of laws. It
is solely due to the diplomatic manner in which the conquest was achieved, that
the revolution that was effected in the law of the rights of the people, and the
sentiments of the most powerful nationalities, was not perceived.

The critics, who at the close of this glorious Congress amused themselves
with minimizing the importance of its accomplishments with caustic expressions
of contempt, took the trouble to estimate the cash cost to the various govern-
ments, as also to the press, entailed by this second Peace Congress, and their
estimate, which was more or less arbitrary and covered all expenditures, amounted
from four thousand five hundred to nine thousand contos, an amount which, in
the opinion of these same judges, had thus far hardly been spent profitably. But
an American diplomat of recognized repute, whom I knew at The Hague, and
who at the time was rendering valuable services to the Chinese delegation to
which he was attached, Mr. John W. Foster, in his Memoirs, which were published
three years ago, scouted this idea of futility, saying that even if the estimate
were admitted to be more or less correct the amount was barely one-third of
what an armed battleship would cost.

Moreover, any Power even among those whose financial resources are most
limited will without hesitation willingly indulge in the luxury of increasing
expenditures three-fold or six-fold in order to have as a preventive (even though
there may be no probable danger of war) one or two of those machines whose
powers to-day are questioned when the multiplicity of submarine and aerial
weapons that science has created for the extermination of entire fleets and
armies, is taken into consideration.

Let us see now what are really the fruits, the practical results and actual
benefits that have accrued from the last meeting of the nations at The Hague.
They were the convention of October 18, dealing with the pacific settlement
of international disputes, the establishment of the new regime for the appointment
of the Commission of Investigation, the establishment of an International Prize
Court, the adoption of new laws relative to the usages of war on land and on
sea, the protection of neutral commerce in time of war, the establishment of a
permanent Court of Arbitration. All this in barely four months’ time, quite
apart from the complexity and multiplicity of incidental matters, represent a
complete circuit of international questions.

Would it be reasonable to demand that its activity should have been greater,
that it should have discovered a means of compelling the powers to refrain from
further military armaments and definitively to substitute Arbitration for War?
No one with common sense would so declare. In judging the merits of a human
remedy, we must not only note the benefits it affords, but the possible dangers
that it prevents.

The First Peace Conference did not prevent Russia, who took the initiative,
from being involved in a most disastrous war with Japan in 1904-1905. The

 

APPENDIX II 75

Second Peace Conference did not prevent the war between Italy and Turkey, nor
vet the war between Turkey and Greece and the Balkan States. But still, side
by side with these occurrences, which must be discounted as something still
inherent in human nature, we should, in all justice, give full and due credit,
commensurate with the difficulties opposed, to those relations of solidarity, both
in a moral and material sense, in the development of which the two Conferences,
1899-1907, have contributed more than any other influence in the history of
nations,

In this connection, the President of the Second Conference said in his address
at the close of the work: “I'his Conference has made the greatest progress that
has ever been witnessed by a human being.” The same testimony was given a
little later by an authority that is practically unrivalled, Mr. Elihu Root: “The
work of the Second Hague Conference presents the greatest advance ever made
at any single time toward the reasonable and peaceful regulation of international
conduct, unless it be the advance made at The Hague Conference of 1899. The
achievements of the two Conferences justify the belief that the world has
entered upon an orderly process through which, step by step, in successive
Conferences, each taking the work of its predecessor as its point of departure,

there may be continual progress toward making the practice of civilized nations
conform to their peaceful professions.”

It cannot be understood how the impression should have crept into the

minds of the most enlightened that the Second Peace Conference should have
vindicated itself ere terminating its deliberations by promulgating a general
disarmament and the abolition of war. It was more or less in line with this
test that the adverse critics of that Congress of sovereign Powers framed
their views, forgetting how at variance these are when considering the question
of the value of Legislative Assemblies. In every country, year after year, large
bodies meet in deliberation, which deliberations are governed by universally
recognized parliamentary rules and prescribe the form for satisfying public
demand by means of arbitrary resolutions, remedying all existing evils in general.
Notwithstanding the fact that these collective bodies exercise full control over
their proceedings, which are facilitated by well defined principles, and which
provide for the closing of a question by a vote of the majority, nevertheless,
year after year, the work of the legislature is renewed without its having either
cured the prevailing social ills or having satisfied the demands of the public ;—
yet, withal, no one contests the attitude of the legislature or its usefulness, or
deems it unnecessary to the government of States.

In this respect constituent assemblies are the same as parliaments. No one
has as yet discovered a system whereby every problem related to liberty and
good government in every nation can be solved. It is only at intervals of
generations or centuries that great changes in the fundamental laws of States
take place. According to Ames, whose work is dated 1897, the number of
amendments offered up to that time to the constitution of the United States

 

 
76 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

reached one thousand seven hundred and thirty-six, whereas only fifteen of these
had been adopted. In Brazil it took ninety-seven years to bring about the triumph
of the Republic in 1889 for which the unfaithful of Minas conspired in 1792
and lost their lives.

So that, in considering the internal life of States, we see that the efficiency
of the legislator only makes itself felt by tact, postponements and compromises,
and with fragmentary, slow and uncertain results. Why, then, should we be impa-
tient because in only eight years time, the period that elapsed from 1899 to 1907,
a council of independent and sovereign nations, unrestrained by the law of
majorities, did not reach a definite agreement as to the means for ending or resolv-
ing conflicts without the rule of war, a rule, which since man became a rational
being has been the rule of rules of this world?

In the inestimable work of Mr. James Brown Scott, to which we have already
referred, there are three or four pages of admirable reasoning setting forth
clearly and convincingly the similarity between the organic process of development
in the common law of England and that which can be observed in the common
law of nations. Now that, for the first time, the attempt is being made to
codify this law, legislative efforts, according to the general opinion, will be
based upon great legal principles that have been elaborated by a process of
long development and upon which we may well rely for the requisite foundation
for the international justice of the future. But though we may not have reached
that stage as yet, and may still have to cover considerable ground to reach the
point when civilization will not resort to warfare, nevertheless, that which has
already been accomplished during the past fourteen years, through the medium
of The Hague T'ribunal and the development of arbitration, is a prodigious and
fortunate advance, considering the means employed and the advantages derived.

If, as Mr. Elihu Root, with his accurate judgment and clearsightedness,
remarks, “the most valuable result of the Conference of 1899 was that it made
the work of the Conference of 1907 possible,” we may likewise maintain to-day
that one of the greatest blessings resulting from the 1907 Conference lies in
our having created for the modern world the necessity, which can no longer
be ignored, of availing ourselves of the inspiring sentiments of international
solidarity which have been created by these two Conferences. A third result
was to approve the purpose of the last two Conferences by convoking another,
in accordance with the provisions of the second Conference ; and as the celebration
of a third Conference will demand certain preparatory work which, according to
the provisions of its forerunner should begin two years in advance of the actual
meeting of the third Conference, the present time would appear most opportune to
arouse the skeptical and forgetful, and to inspire the initiative of those who can
give to the matter the intricate study which should precede this great event.

As far as I can judge, such an appeal would meet with unanimous approval
from us, and this would be true, I presume, of the other countries in every sec-
tion of our continent to whom President Nelidow, in recapitulating the work

 

APPENDIX II 7

accomplished by the Conference in his closing address, paid the following hom-
age: “The association with representatives from Latin America in our sessions
has unquestionably added new elements of great value to the fund of inter-
national political science,—elements, the value of which, up to this time, we
have failed to appreciate, except to a very imperfect extent.”

To the Government of the United States, above all others, is no doubt
due the convocation of the Second Peace Conference. It was President
Roosevelt, who, with his peculiar characteristic constructive activity, influenced
successively by the great foresight and the political capacity of his two
Secretaries of State, Mr. John Hay in 1904 and, more particularly, Mr. Elihu
Root in 1905, was the first Chief of State to grasp the idea and under his leader-
ship, to have it carried into effect, putting an end to the Russo-Japanese
war by the interposition of his good offices and the Treaty of Portsmouth. It
was through his master stroke alone, as revealed in the memorandum addressed
by Mr. Root to the Russian Ambassador under date of October 12, 1905, that
this glorious initiative was suggested to the chief of the Empire which had been
vanquished in the disastrous struggle.

To-day we find at the head of the Government of the United States a
representative of the very highest type of American culture, of its intelligence,
its democracy, its well-understood and well-defined liberality, of its solidarity
with the interests of the whole civilized world. Brazilian thought has already
become familiar with the name of Woodrow Wilson, in whom we jurists here and
our men of letters have long since admired the historian, the constitutionalist, the
political writer of rare endowment, whose works have so greatly enlightened us.
We need no further guaranty to believe that, under his generous and able guidance,
the glorious precedent of ancient tradition which so greatly honors the colossus
of North America will again shine forth.

I am not quite sure, gentlemen, whether I am treading on safe ground, but
as my words are absolutely devoid of official significance, as are those of our
distinguished visitor, Mr. Robert Bacon, I am bold to say what I feel with
my own natural frankness as a mere Brazilian citizen, a member of the human
family, a friend of philosophy, whose taste of political life has not harmed him.

I did not wish to detain you so long in traveling over a path which has such
seductive byways. It was my intention, when accepting the invitation to address
you to-day, to confine myself merely to our illustrious emissary of American civil-
ization and assure him of our cordiality and friendship, and after opening the ses-
sion with a few appropriate words to leave him in entire control. But a certain
mandate that I could not ignore compelled me to forego my intended restraint
and brevity. Reminiscences of The Hague have diverted me from my course.
At the outset it was my intention to recount these by narrating them as they
referred to the various phases of the mission of good tidings of which Mr. Robert
Bacon is the bearer; but from last night almost until dawn I could not restrain
my pen.

 

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Thus there remained no time for me to tell you all that I should relative to
the great institution of wonderful, universal good, its program, its organi-
zation and work, all of which was so vividly described the other day in the
address of the illustrious representative of the Carnegie Endowment.

Thanks to the conception of that singular philanthropist who has devoted
his fortune to the benefit of his neighbor, there will not be wanting during the
intervals between the Peace Conferences, the stimulus which keeps alive the flame
of the sacred fire. Now, the stimulus and the impulse radiate from a permanent
focus filling the intervals between successive congresses of universal peace with
a continuous effort of the workers in the cause of justice, organized into an
association of intellectual attainments, whose arms will, within a short time,
encircle the civilized world.

Mr. Robert Bacon, who has been sent to Brazil as an emissary from the Car-
negie Endowment, “of which Mr. Root is the heart and soul,” may rest assured
that the “message of good will,” which mission at this most auspicious hour has
brought him to the hearth of the Brazilian family, enters our heart as the much
needed dew for the seed of ideas, and will find there the warmth that is necessary
to germinate the seed. :

I do not know up to what point it will be proper, without presumption, for
me to speak for my fellow citizens, who have all been breathing unconsciously the
same air as I from infancy. But if I have not as yet lost that contact with the
conscience of my compatriots, I can assure you that we are with you in the
communion of international peace, and we shall consider ourselves fortunate
whenever an occasion shall call upon us to place ourselves at your side in line
with the latest workers for the cause to which you have consecrated yourself.

You opened your address the other day with a description of resplendent
eloquence and poetry of the marvelous picture that presented itself to your mind
upon arrival here and entranced you as you beheld the city under a blue,
star-lit sky, and the smiling morn disclosed to you the green waters. You felt
that from out all this, there must pass to those who dwell amid the gardens
and the hills, between the heavens and the waters a continual stream of inspira-
tion of never ceasing courage and energy.

Would to God, that we, in this Eden, may be permitted with dignity and
harmony between man and nature to impress upon this terrestrial city the image
of the ideal city, the city of virtue and truth, the city of God, and see it spread
out and receive from the North those breezes, heavy with the pollen of that free-
dom which was sown on the shores of New England, almost three hundred years
ago by the exiles of the Mayflower, and which, thus far, has never failed to
reproduce new blooms, each more productive than the last, in the shape of institu-
tions, men, ideas, permeated with that love of justice which converts the Roots,
the Bacons and the Scotts into apostles and missionaries in the cause of the gospel
of humanity and sends them forth to teach the world the Doctrine of Peace.

 

APPENDIX II

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the French]
Monsignor, Excellencies, Ladies, Gentlemen:

I can not tell you how sensible I am of the great honor done me to-day by
the Brazilian Academy and the Institute of Lawyers. I am, I assure you, deeply
touched by this new mark of courtesy that you have shown by inviting me to be
present at this meeting, held under the auspices of your famous intellectual
leaders.

I thank-you from the bottom of my heart for the flattering words—so little
deserved—that you have addressed to my humble self. I wish that I could express
to Your Excellency my gratitude for the sentiments of friendship which you have
just expressed for my country and my friends.

Two days ago I tried to tell you in a few words something of the spirit, the
inspiration, the hope with which Mr. Root granted me the privilege of coming
to speak to you in his name of the work, the convictions and the hopes which he
holds most dear. A hesitancy, a fear, indeed, that I should not prove worthy
of his confidence, has given way to joyful gratitude for the gentle sympathy, the
kindly good will of your welcome and your responsive reception which I appre-
ciate most deeply and which will always be one of my most precious memories.
I shall never forget your charming hospitality.

I regret that to-day I find myself confined to details that are somewhat dry
and, I fear, rather uninteresting, at a moment when, under the charm and
inspiration of your eloquent words, I would prefer to dwell upon our ideals, our
hopes. For I am proud to share your optimism, sir, and I have an abiding con-
viction that, despite the clouds gathered by mistrust and unbelief, we are at the
beginning of a great progressive movement in the liberalizing evolution of the
world and that from afar we may see the dawning of a brighter, purer day.

The principles, the philosophy of the last century are no longer sufficient
to our needs. We must have new rules of political economy, new principles of
international law.

The gentlemen whom I had the privilege of addressing two days ago, did me
the honor of asking for fuller details concerning certain objects of the Endowment.

To accomplish the objects of the Endowment the work has been organized
in three divisions:

The Division of Intercourse and Education ;

The Division of Economics and History;

The Division of International Law.

In regard to the Division of Intercourse and Education it was evident that
the work of this Division would necessarily affect foreign countries and it was
essential to the success of the work that it be done in foreign countries by local
agents rather than by branches of the Endowment. As it was impossible to
determine at long range what should be undertaken, as well as the method of its

 
80 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

execution, without the advice of competent and experienced leaders of thought
of the different countries, Dr. Butler, Director of the Division, created an
Advisory Council of representative European statesmen and publicists, and a
body of correspondents upon whose advice and sympathetic co-operation he can
always safely rely.

From this large Council, composed of approximately forty members, a
small Executive Committee has been formed (both Council and Committee being
under the presidency of Baron d’Estournelles de Constant) and a European
bureau has been established at Paris.

We have wondered whether it would not be agreeable to leaders of thought
in Latin America to create an organization somewhat similar to the General
Advisory Council which has already been formed in Europe, and to co-operate with
their fellow countrymen in carrying out the plans and undertakings which they
may consider advisable or useful in their various countries.

The Division has adopted the rule not to undertake work in any European
country without consulting the Council or without the approval of the members
of the Council representing that particular country.

There is no need of more than a brief mention of the projects which the
Division has undertaken. In the first place, in order to educate public opinion,
the Division has taken measures to enlarge the contents and to increase the circu-
lation of a selected list of European periodicals devoted to international peace, to
cultivate friendly feelings between nations and to increase their knowledge and
understanding of one another.

The Division has inaugurated an exchange of visits of reperesentative men
and an educational exchange with Japan, and the Director of the Division hopes
to make arrangements for an educational exchange between the United States
and Latin America that shall comprise professors as well as students. I have
the honor to inaugurate the first of the series of international visits with our
sister republics, and I hope to be able to obtain information and advice from
leaders of thought in South America which will enable us to begin in the very
near future a mutual exchange of professors and students.

I am instructed to suggest that the exchange begin by the annual visit of
two eminent South American scholars or publicists to the United States and
two North Americans to South America. Each of these men would divide his
time between two universities in the country he would visit. I would like very
much to have your opinion regarding the choice of professors and also the
choice of universities to which they should go.

The Endowment will provide for the expenses incident to this exchange
of professors.

It is unnecessary to dwell upon the wisdom and timeliness of these projects,
for it is common knowledge that many of the misunderstandings existing be-
tween nations are the result of ignorance of local conditions, traditions and
ideals. Personal intercourse reveals that at bottom all men are strangely alike,

 

APPENDIX II 81

and personal contact, discussion and exchange of views lay the indispensable
foundations for friendship and good understanding.

One of the activities to which the Endowment attaches much importance
is the organization throughout the world of Associations for International Con-
ciliation.

Experience has shown that many people genuinely interested in bringing
about good understanding with foreign countries nevertheless hesitate for a
variety of reasons to ally themselves with Peace Societies. Associations for In-
ternational Conciliation appeal to these classes, and it is the policy of the En-
dowment through the Division of Intercourse and Education to strengthen
these Associations where they exist, and to co-operate so far as may seem de-
sirable in their creation where they do not exist.

The parent Association was formed by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant
in Paris some years ago. The branch in the United States, of which Dr. Butler
is President, was organized in 1906; the German and English Associations were
organized in 1912, and I am directed by my instructions to invite the co-opera-
tion of interested persons in the countries which I have the honor of visiting
to organize branches of international conciliation to be connected with the parent
Society at Paris. These Associations, while local in origin, have nevertheless
an international mission and tend to create by their meetings and the excellent

pamphlets which they regularly issue, a friendly feeling towards the peoples
of foreign countries.

Allow me to explain the purposes of the Societies for International Con-
ciliation in the language of the founder of the parent society in Paris. In an
article which he has had the kindness to prepare on this subject, Baron d’Estour-
nelles de Constant says:

The Association for International Conciliation is not a sentimental,
humanitarian organization. It is a practical, patriotic advance, in the national
Interest of each country, particularly of young countries which must con-
secrate all their forces and resources to their own development. Its object
1s to ensure security for the morrow to the business and the working world
—to the farmer, the manufacturer, the merchant, as well as to the artist
and the scientist—and to make it possible to undertake works looking to
the future.

Conciliation is today the indispensable complement of economic effort
in every civilized country. To increase national prosperity by the promotion
of good international relations; such is our object, summed up in our motto:
Pro Patria Per Orbis Concordiam.

Wars of conquest are no longer profitable. They engender only hatreds,
reprisals, the burdens of an armed peace that grow more crushing every
day; and these burdens have become among the masses the strongest of
arguments in favor of socialism and revolution.

Wars of independence alone are honorable, but no one threatens the
independence of the American States. They will become more powerful
by understanding each other than by arming themselves against each other.

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Arbitration, on the contrary, has demonstrated its value in the Ala-
bama, Hull, Casablanca, Behring Sea, Newfoundland fisheries, and other
cases.

Undertake arbitration rather than war, but always prefer conciliation
to arbitration.

Such is our idea, our rule of life.

I would sum it up as follows:

War rather than slavery.

Arbitration rather than war.

Conciliation rather than arbitration.

Arbitration cures ; conciliation prevents. Conciliation substitutes fruitful
co-operation for sterile antagonism.

How should conciliation be organized?

Little by little. Maternally; by the co-operation of the few men who
know the world and life, former diplomats, former Ministers of State, retired
manufacturers, savants, artists, philanthropists; men of proved good will.

A more or less numerous élite of such exceptional men exists in every
country. Seek out these chosen few, explain to them the benefit, the necessity
of conciliation, and, that done, put them in touch with similar groups in
other countries. These groups brought together will undertake the education
of the masses.

Our methods of procedure are:

1. Personal visits, intercourse and correspondence between men, between
countries, between peoples, between parliaments, between organizations.

These methods have produced results; by means of them we have
brought together enemies supposed to be irreconcilable.

2. Publications, lectures. We publish bulletins; we recommend or sug-
gest literary works; we travel and we exchange our experiences; we spread
our ideas in spite of obstacles or unfavorable circumstances. We do every-
thing in our power to remove prejudices, preconceived opinions, ignorance,
and to supplant them gradually (with the same benefit that would follow in
trade) by mutual confidence, credit and, finally, international friendship.

To express in a single phrase the difference between Pacifist Societies and
Societies for Conciliation it might be said that Pacifist Societies are composed
of pacifistes—whatever meaning we attach to this word—while the Societies
for Conciliation are composed of pacifiques, which is a broader and, apparently,
much more acceptable term.

I should, indeed, be happy if I were able to persuade some of the élite in
the different countries I have the honor to visit, to form national societies for
International Conciliation to be affiliated with the parent society. Of course, it
is understood, that this is a moral not a legal, affiliation, and that each society
is independent. And I take pleasure in informing you that in this as in other
cases, the Endowment will undertake to pay the expenses incurred in the

 

APPENDIX II 83

organization of these societies and to supply the funds necessary to obtain the
services of capable, energetic, devoted and persevering secretaries upon whom
the usefulness of the societies will depend.

Let me now describe the work of the second Division, that of Economics and
History.

The work of this division is “to promote a thorough and scientific investigation
and study of the causes of war and of the practical methods to prevent and
avoid it"—that is to say, the study not only of the apparent causes which are
often only pretexts serving ambitious and unscrupulous heads of states, but also
of the real, and often hidden causes which one finds in race antagonisms and
in interests of an economic nature. It is necessary, moreover, to study the causes
and the economic effects, not merely upon belligerents but upon neutrals as well.

The Trustees felt it to be well nigh impossible to formulate by themselves
plans calculated to promote a thorough and scientific investigation. A conference
was arranged at Berne, Switzerland, in August, 1911, to which distinguished
economists and publicists, drawn largely from Europe, were invited, to consider
what subjects could properly and profitably be studied and to draft a tentative
program for the Division.

Eighteen economists and publicists attended the Conference and their advice
and co-operation were considered so important, indeed indispensable, to the success
of the Division that they have been formed into a permanent Committee of
Research, to advise the Director and to act as the agents of the Division in
carrying out the projects recommended by the Conference and embodied in its
elaborate program, which deals with questions concerning the economic and
historical causes and effects of wars, armaments in time of peace, military and
naval establishments, the theory, practice and history of modern armaments and,
finally, the unifying influences of international life.

A large number of topics have already been assigned to specialists selected
from the countries to which their work relates, some of the studies have been
completed, and, in the course of a few years, the Endowment will have published
a series of remarkable monographs, covering all phases of the elaborate pro-
gram, which will, it is believed—to quote the language of Mr. Root—“be useful
to mankind.”

Professor Kinley, an old and sincere friend of Latin America, who
represented the United States at the Fourth Pan-American Conference held in
Buenos Aires, has been appointed a member of the Committee of Research,
and will devote himself more especially to the problems in which Latin America
is interested. In the course of the coming year, he will visit Latin America to
confer with the leaders of opinion, to obtain their advice and, if possible, to
secure their co-operation, both in suggesting projects and in executing those
which they may recommend.

The third Division of the Endowment is the Division of International Law.

This Division, like the others, found it necessary to create a special

 
84 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

organization and to secure a body of legal advisors, in whose conclusions in the
sphere of law the Trustees can place implicit confidence.

The Institute of International Law is composed, it is hardly necessary to
state, of the leading jurists of all nations, and the Endowment requested the
Institute, either as a body or by means of a Committee, specially chosen for
the purpose, to act as advisor to the Division of International Law. The
Institute accepted the invitation and selected a Committee of eleven members,
at its meeting in Christiania in 1912, who have acted during the present year
as advisors to the Director, and this Committee, technically known as the Con-
sultative Committee for the Carnegie Endowment, drew up a regulation, which
has been accepted by the Institute, by means of which the relations established
between the Institute on the one hand, through its Consultative Committee, and
the Endowment on the other, through its Division of International Law, are
to be permanent.

The committee consists of eleven members. The President and the Secretary
General of the Institute are members ex officio, and the others are elected to serve
for a term of years. It is to be noted that the members of this Committee are
men of great experience and high authority in all questions of international law :
Messrs. Fusinato of Italy, Gram and Hagerup of Norway; Holland of England;
Lammasch of Austria; Lardy of Switzerland; Renault of France; Rolin of
Belgium, and Vesnitch of Servia. The importance of this Committee of juris-
consults and the value of the advice which they can render cannot be over-
estimated.

As tending to establish a better understanding of international rights and
duties, the Division of International Law grants material assistance to journals
of international law in order to increase their circulation and to extend their
influence, because, by this means, international law is popularised and the public
is shown by concrete example how the principles of international law determine
questions of international rights. In the same way, it is the intention of the
Division, upon the recommendation of the Consultative Committee of the Insti-
tute, to aid in the distribution of important works of international law and,
especially, to have translated into better known languages works which are of
very great importance and usefulness but which are published in languages not
widely read or understood.

To promote the general acceptance of peaceable methods of settling interna-
tional disputes, the Division has under way several works ; the first is the collection
and publication of all general and special treaties of arbitration. In regard to
the treaties of the nineteenth century especially, the Endowment would be very
grateful to the publicists of Latin America if they would supply information
concerning any such conventions of which they have knowledge—the only knowl-
edge perhaps;—and the Trustees would regard it as a very great favor if the
governments of Latin America would supply copies of such treaties, as it is very
difficult at times to secure texts which are thoroughly accurate and reliable.

 

APPENDIX II 85

This collection will enable publicists to see to what extent nations have been
willing to bind themselves to arbitration, and the various forms of existing
treaties will be placed at their disposal. For a like reason all known instances of
international arbitration are to be collected and published in the form of judicial
reports and the series will be continued indefinitely. The well-known authority
on International Law and Arbitration, Professor John Bassett Moore, lately of
Columbia University, and now Counselor for the Department of State of the
United States, has undertaken this monumental work and is actively engaged
upon it.

The Institute of International Law which now acts as adviser to the
Division of International Law was founded in Europe in 1873, but, although the
Institute represents “the universal juridical conscience,” many jurisconsults have
felt the need of an institution which should represent the juridical conscience of
America, study the problems which concern particularly the New World and
examine from an American point of view general matters relating to the law of
nations.

As you are well aware an American Institute of International Law was
founded in 1912 by Sefior Alejandro Alvarez of Chile and Dr. James Brown
Scott, director of the Division of International Law of the Endowment. This
Institute contemplates the formation of National Societies of International Law
in all American countries to be affiliated with it and to work in harmony with
it for the study of American problems.

The American Institute of International Law is to be composed of five pub-
licists from each of the American Republics chosen from the members of the
National Societies and each member of the National Society is, by virtue of such
membership, entitled to enroll himself as an Associate Member of the Institute
and to participate in its labors, upon payment of the modest dues which mem-
bership in the Institute entails. It is to be hoped and we believe that in this way
the International Society will be kept in close and intimate contact with the Na-
tional Societies, that the American Journal of International Law will be modified
in such a way as to become the organ of the Institute and of the publicists of the
Americas, and that the Bulletins which it is contemplated that each of the local
Societies will issue, will keep the Institute itself in touch with the work of the
National Societies, and that by the distribution of the Bulletins among the dif-
ferent societies, each will keep in touch with all the others.

It is unnecessary for me to dwell upon the importance of the Institute and
of the National Societies, because to all those who believe that international peace
is only possible through international law and its application to the foreign rela-
tions of nations, it is evident that Agencies, created to develop and render this
system of law adequate to meet the needs of nations and to disseminate its princi-
ples so that an enlightened public opinion may be formed which will insist upon
the application of those principles to the relations of nations and to the settle-
ment of their disputes, will render great and inestimable services, for the future

 
 

  

86 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

of international peace is wrapped up with international law, its development,
its dissemination.

Supposing that the American Institute is fully established and justifies its
existence, and that the national societies of International Law are created and
affiliated with it, we cannot help asking ourselves whether the American Institute
would not be willing to enter into advisory relations with the Endowment and its
Division of International Law in all matters concerning American questions and
problems similar to the relations which so happily exist with the older Institute.

Lest I should seem to state in exaggerated language the aims and purposes
of the American Institute of International Law, of which Mr. Elihu Root is
Honorary President, let me quote a passage from a distinguished Dutch scholar
and professor of international law, who may be supposed to treat the subject
with more detachment.

After having spoken of the great example America has given to the world in
undertaking the codification of international law, he says:

“The second example is given to us by an Institute essentially scientific but
scarcely inferior in moral value. The gradual drawing together of the North
and South has created a new instrument of progress. The projects for a
Pan-American Union, started long ago without ever yielding results, have at
last borne fruit in the peaceful field of study, thanks to the talent and perseverance
of two illustrious men, one from the northern, the other from the southern half
of the Western Hemisphere. During the past year Mr. James Brown Scott, the
noted jurisconsult of the United States, and Sefior Alejandro Alvarez, former
professor and Counselor in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile, who in June,
1912, at Rio, exercised a most beneficial influence upon the great plan for codi-
fication, met at Washington, and founded in October, 1912, the American Institute
of International Law. This Institute has for its objects: 1. To aid in the
development of international law; 2. To strengthen the common sentiment of
international justice; 3. To procure a general acceptance of peaceful procedure
in the settlement of international disputes between the American States.

“This enlightened idea sprang from the conviction that it is better to spread
conceptions of right and justice by a slow but constant appeal to the minds and
hearts of people than by diplomatic negotiations which are not based on a general
popular sentiment.

“If we take into consideration the fact that the peace movement in America
is much more general than elsewhere and that it rests on a religious foundation
or on a community of interests and of tendencies that we well may envy, we
can appreciate this new proof of a virile progress which is brought to us from
the other side of the ocean; it gives new life to our hopes and redoubles
our efforts.”

Mr. Root and his associates attach the highest importance to the establish-
ment and successful operation of the American Institute of International Law
and of its affiliated societies in each of the American countries.

  

 

 

APPENDIX II 87

The Endowment now grants a subvention to the older Institute, founded in
Europe. This subvention is designed to cover
of the Institute, the expenditures of the comm

works. The new Institute can count upon receiving financial aid from the Endow-
ment as soon as the National Societies are thoroughly organized and it will be
upon an equal footing with the older Institute in this respect.

The American Journal of International
fications, might become the organ of the
annual subvention from the Endowment.

Another institution in which the Division

interested and which it will subvention and maintain with much pleasure is the
Academy of International Law which it is proposed to establish at The Hague

A proposal was made at the Second Hague Peace Conference to create ol
academy of international law, and it was commended by the president of the Con-
ference. No action was then taken, but the idea has commended itself to pub-
licists of many nationalities. A committee of Dutch publicists, under the a
dency of Mr. Asser, whose recent death we all deplore, siggested that a an
academy be created and installed in the Peace Palace at The Hague.

The Permanent Court of Arbitration would apply the law which had been
Sevan expounded in the academy, and the magnificent building which was
Sn y ia August, would indeed become a temple of peace, a Home of

Mr. Asser’s proposal contemplates systematic instruction, during the summer
months, In international law and cognate subjects by a specially constituted and
changing faculty, to be chosen from publicists of different countries. Courses of
lectures on important and timely subjects would be given by publicists who, in
addition to long theoretical training, have had large experience in the practice
of international law. Seminars, under the direction of the regular professors
would be created for the detailed and exhaustive study of certain phases of Inter

national law and international relations. The courses would be open to students

of all countries who possess the necessary qualifications, and who would be able

’ g

the traveling expenses of members
1ssions and the publication of their

Law, which, with some slight modi-
American Institute, receives now an

of International Law is greatly

It is also proposed that the governments should be interested in the academy
and invited through diplomatic channels to designate appropriate officials of
various branches of the governmental service to attend its courses.

The Institution would be unique in its summer sessions, unique in its small
and changing faculty, and unique in its student body, drawn from foreign coun-
tries and from official classes. The lectures, published as monographs, would en-
rich the literature of international law ; the law itself would be treated from vari-
ous points of view and by competent teachers, of whom but one at a time would be
selected from any country. The student body would be drawn from
countries and in the course of time would exercise influence in their hom

various
e coun-

 
   

 

88 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA i

tries, so that the Academy would be eminently helpful to establish a better under-
standing of international rights and duties and to disseminate the principles of
justice.

The Academy would, if organized, be a separate and independent institution,
under the control of a specially appointed committee or curatorium, composed in
the first instance of past presidents of the Institute of International Law. Thus
organized and operated, it would advance the work which the Endowment is
created to further, but it would not be a direct agency of the Endowment or under
its control.

It would not seem necessary to go more fully into the advantages of such an
Academy which appealed to the President and members of the Conference, which
has been approved by the International Law Association—a more popular body
than the Institute of International Law—by the Institute of International Law
itself, by an overwhelming, indeed well-nigh unanimous, vote, and which has
elicited the warmest commendations from statesmen, publicists and professors of
International Law in all parts of the world.

Mr. Root directed me to submit to your consideration the project for this
Academy and to ask the support of all the Latin American republics, that they may
designate one or more of their citizens to attend the lectures and follow the
course of instruction at the Academy when it is established.

Every one remembers, Mr. President, the notable part you took at the Second
Hague Conference, the splendid results of which interest in the highest degree the
Division of International Law as well as all friends of civilization and humanity.
Your brilliant work is now history; it will never be forgotten. Your eloquence
and your success at The Hague, Sir, attracted the attention of the civilized world.
Not only the two Americas, our twenty-one sister republics, but the entire world
will profit for all time from your noble efforts.

The Division of International Law, in order that the work of preparation
for the Third Conference may soon begin, wishes to call attention to the for-
mation of National Committees.

It is common knowledge that the Second Hague Peace Conference of 1907
recommended the meeting of the Third Conference at a period approximately
equal to that which had elapsed between the First and Second Conferences, that
is to say, eight years, so that, if the recommendation is carried out, we may expect
the Third Conference to meet approximately in 1915.

It was further provided in the recommendation referred to that about two
years before the probable meeting of the Conference an international preparatory
committee should be constituted by common accord among the Powers to collect
the proposals to be submitted to the Conference, to ascertain what subjects are
ripe for embodiment in an International Agreement, and to prepare a programme
to be submitted to the Governments invited to participate in the Conference suffi-
ciently in advance of the meeting to enable them to be examined carefully and,

 

 

APPENDIX II 89

finally, to propose a system of organization for the procedure of the Conference
itself.

It is evident that the different countries which will be invited to The Hague—
every country of America was invited to the Second and will doubtless be
invited to the Third Conference,—should consider all these important matters
before the constitution of the International Preparatory Committee, and it seems
advisable, indeed necessary, that each Government should appoint a Committee
to consider these matters in detail in order that the Governments should be able
to make their recommendations in the fullness of knowledge.

As the American Republics will attend as of right the Conference, it would
seem to be their duty to prepare themselves in advance for active participation
in its proceedings. They will not perform their full duty if their Delegates merely
listen to the discussions and occasionally take part in them. The American States
should do more than this. They should seek to increase the usefulness of each
successive Conference by making contributions of value, and this can only be done
if they prepare carefully in advance of the meeting.

It is not expected that the American States should present a series of joint
projects to the Conference, or joint recommendations, but it would greatly
facilitate matters if the different Governments should communicate their views
So as to reach an agreement upon the subjects which in their opinion should be
presented and which might form the subject of international agreements.

Our American States would neglect a great opportunity of usefulness if
they did not appoint National Committees of their own to study the questions
which should properly be discussed by the Conferences and prepare projects
dealing with them which, if not adopted by the Conference will, at least, form
the basis of discussion.

These National Committees might ‘be formed as soon as possible in order
that no time should be lost. I cannot commend too highly this matter to your
careful thought and consideration. :

The eminent French publicist, Professor A. de Lapradelle referred in the
following terms to the support of the American republics in the preparation
of questions for discussion at The Hague: “The Second Peace Conference, in
calling to The Hague all the American States, made it possible to detect, between
them, lack of harmony on certain points. They have not all the same concep-
tion, either of the law of peace or of the law of war. How is it possible to convince
Europe of the correctness of the American point of view if America itself has
not first been convinced? And, besides, with what authority will not the American
proposals be vested when they come not from this or that State but from all the
American States, which, having studied them in the American Institute of Inter-
national Law, will have agreed upon them in the Pan-American Conferences ?”

The study, the development and the popularization of international law
deserve our best efforts. One of the most distinguished statesmen of Europe
very recently said: “Neither the pure and simple abolition of war, nor the

  
90 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

institution of a supra-national State, nor a change of government or social
organization can make smooth the road to peace and put an end to warlike
instincts. There is only one road to follow, slow if you will, but sure: the road
of law, not theoretical and imaginary law, but law that is positive and real.
A peace which does not come from law, which does not find in law its foundation
and its guarantee, is valueless; it is not worthy of your sympathies or your
efforts. It rests upon a weak and trembling foundation; it depends upon pre-
carious happenings and is likely at any moment to crumble and fall. It sac-
rifices that which is of first importance to a condition which is of only secondary
importance and which has a moral value only in so far as it is the result of a
reign of law.”

Monsignor, Excellencies, Ladies, Gentlemen: Before concluding I wish to
express again to you my most sincere thanks for the great honor which has
been done me by the Brazilian Academy and the Institute of Lawyers as well
as my profound gratitude for your kind and sympathetic reception. In leaving
your city, with more regret than I am able to tell you, a city which will always be
for me one of the wonders of the world, I shall carry away with me sentiments—
if you will allow me to say so—of very dear personal friendship. I shall therefore
say not goodby but—until we meet again.

Letter of Sefior Helio Lobo,

AcceprIiNG THE Position oF HONORARY SECRETARY FOR BRrAzIL, oF THE NATIONAL SOCIETY
oF INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION,

R10 bE JANEIRO, OCTOBER 9, 1013

[Translation from the Portuguese]

His Excellency
RoBERT BACON, Ambassador.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Sip :—

Your Excellency deigned yesterday at the American Embassy to invite me
in the name of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, of which
you are the eminent representative on a special mission, to act as Secretary of the
“International Conciliation” in Brazil for this worthy Association which is presided
over in Paris by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant.

Having thanked your Excellency, at the time, for the distinguished honor
conferred upon me, and having assured you how greatly I appreciate it, I beg
leave now to reiterate what I then stated, and add how sensible I am of the
marked kindness your Excellency has shown to me.

It will be for me a means of particular gratification to co-operate with my
best efforts in this way in a work, the importance of which no one appreciates
more fully than yourself.

 

 

APPENDIX II 91

I shall consider myself fortunate indeed, if in my effort to respond to the

distinguished trust you have reposed in me, I am able to fulfil the commands
with which your Excellency and the Association may see fit to honor me.
Assuring you of my warmest sentiments of highest appreciation and esteem,

I remain
Your obedient servant,
HErio Logo.

 
APPENDIX HI

Argentina

Remarks of Dr. E. S. Zeballos,

Ar A DINNER GIVEN By Him ror Mr. Bacon,
Buenos AIRes, OCTOBER 15, IQI5
[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen: i

Mr. Bacon belongs to the select group of Americans who, under the distin-
guished leadership of Mr. Root, cultivate the diplomacy of enlightenment in
America and in the world. :

They seek in the esteem held by the world’s representative men for one
another, the natural and American tendency toward respect and conciliation
between nations. :

We welcome this noble mission to our land. Warm, too, is our greeting
to its brilliant exponent whose learning and culture will ever live with us.

Gentlemen: To the United States of America where this intellectual move-
ment is fostered. :

To the venerable Carnegie, who is showing the world how private fortunes
should not be confined to satisfying individual pleasures but to promoting the
welfare of mankind. :

To the illustrious Root, who leads this glorious movement. : J

T'o Mr. Bacon, chivalrous spirit and vigorous mind, who in unofficial capacity
but with credentials from humanity and science, is realizing in South America
the noblest and most fruitful mission of the United States.

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]

Gentlemen:

First of all, I ask you to pardon my boldness in addressing you in the sonorous
Castilian tongue, so rich and so harmonious, but which, to my deep regret, I speak
haltingly. Your proverbial kindness assures me that I can count upon your
indulgence.

I thank you most heartily, Sir, for the honor you have done me in affording
me the pleasure of meeting the most distinguished personages of the intellectual
world of Buenos Aires. I appreciate the flattering words addressed to my humble
self and the praise bestowed on my country. I assure you that your gracious
courtesy has touched me deeply.

 

 

APPENDIX III 93

In addressing you I feel profoundly moved. The warm welcome given me
and the admiration I have for this beautiful land, make it difficult for me to
express the sentiments which have filled my soul from the moment I set foot
on your hospitable shore.

The eyes of the civilized world are to-day turned toward the Argentine
Republic. It admires her wonderful progress and everywhere are heard en-
thusiastic words of praise and predictions of the bright future in store for her. I
am completing a trip around the world and I have heard recounted in many places
the wonders of this privileged land. Buenos Aires, superb Sultana of the Rio de la
Plata, has made an impression on my memory which will never be effaced. I see
in her not only a large and beautiful metropolis, modeled after the great cities of
Europe, with the bustling life of her splendid harbor, with the ceaseless stir of
her stately avenues and the singular attractiveness of her charming people, all
of which proves the truth of what I have been told, but my eyes, striving to
penetrate the veil of the future, behold in ecstasy the glorious vision of the
American Paris, raised through the energy of her people to heights surpassing the
fondest dreams of the present generation,

I am happy in having the opportunity to visit your country. I have always
felt a keen interest in the Argentine Republic; her struggles for freedom, her ex-
traordinary development, and her splendid future have always held my attention.
I am delighted to visit the native land of the genius Sarmiento, whose name is a
familiar one in the United States, from which he took the scheme of the educa-
tional system which this country has used to such good advantage; the land of
the brave Belgrano, illustrious and intrepid leader, and of the stern patriot San
Martin, whose wonderful military talent and heroic disinterestedness associate
him in our minds with our own beloved Washington.

As the representative of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
I bring you the affectionate greetings of its eminent President and your true
friend, Honorable Elihu Root, my honored chief, whom I love and whom you,
gentlemen, I know, also esteem.

My mission for the Endowment has been referred to as a mission of friend-
ship and good-will. That is very true and I am proud of it, but since ties of
friendship already bind us, may we not go further than that ?

For my part I should like it to be regarded as a mission of co-operation and
mutual help among old friends with the object of discussing, studying, planning
practical means whereby we can work together and march forward toward
progress, toward the ideal of humanity, toward greater enlightenment, for the
triumph of Right in the world, replacing resort to force by resort to justice;
toward an international opinion which will be the true sanction of international
law.

The noble words spoken by Mr. Root in 1906 at the Pan-American Conference
represent the sentiment and the ideals of the people of the United States as
truthfully and as forcefully today as when they were spoken seven years ago, for

 
 

94 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

governments may change, but the sentiments of the people remain the same. I
like to think of this memorable declaration as the “Root Doctrine”—the doctrine
of sympathy and understanding, of kindly consideration and honorable obliga-
tion—and I am proud to be considered worthy to speak of it as a humble
apostle.

Since the visit of Mr. Root to your beautiful country in 1906, there have
been great changes; marvelous progress has been made in the development of
international law, of the law of peoples, and in this development the learned
publicists and jurisconsults of Latin America have played a very important part.

The scientific development of international law, towards which Mr. Root
has unsparingly devoted his great gifts, is making rapid strides. It has been
said that the Second Hague Conference presented the greatest advance ever
made at any single time toward the reasonable and peaceful regulation of inter-
national conduct, unless it be the advance made at the First Hague Conference.

It has been said, too, that the dreams and Utopias of today are the facts
of tomorrow. The dreams of yesterday are the realities of today. The dreams
of Rolin-Jaequemyns, Lieber, Calvo, Alcorta and other inspired leaders are
accomplished facts today; the spirit of their doctrines has become principles of
our present conduct.

The Trustees of the Carnegie Endowment believe that this progress can be
hastened by practical methods. They are convinced that the ideas of the great
thinkers can be advanced more quickly to the benefit of the world, by uniting
their efforts in certain well-defined, practical activities. The object of my visit
is to ask your invaluable support and co-operation.

Mr. Root, who would leave the absorbing cares of political life to devote
the greater part of his energies to this cause, feels special interest in certain
plans of the Endowment which are of greater moment, and he has urged me to
solicit your co-operation in this task:

To place the new American Institute of International Law on a sure and
more permanent basis, by creating in each State of America national societies,
affiliated with the American Society and forming an integral part of the same;

The creation of an Academy of International Law at The Hague, each gov-
ernment to send one or more representatives;

The organization in each country of national branches of the Society for
International Conciliation, established at Paris and of which Baron d’Estournelles
de Constant is President;

The creation of new intellectual ties by means of an exchange of professors
and students between the universities of South America and of the United
States, as well as through the visits of representative men.

I hope you will pardon my having kept you so long. On another occasion
I hope to enter into further details regarding the ideas and desires of Mr. Root. In
closing I invite you to bestow upon these practical projects your earnest considera-

 

 

APPENDIX III 95

tion, not only that the bonds of friendship and solidarity between our beloved
countries may be strengthened, nor merely that there be created an intellectual
union among the American Republics, but that humanity may be benefited and
the ends of liberty and justice furthered among the nations of the world.

Remarks of Dr. Luis M. Drago,
INTRODUCING MR. BACON AT THE RECEPTION OF THE FAcurry or Law,
Buenos Ares, OCTOBER 16, 1913
[Translation from the Spanish]

I have the honor of welcoming and of introducing to the select audience
gathered to hear him, Mr. Robert Bacon, one of the leaders of thought of the
United States of America, who has come to Buenos Aires on a mission of
continental brotherhood.

Mr. Bacon, formerly Secretary of State of the United States, and her
Ambassador to France, is to-day a Trustee of the University of Harvard; and
to the prestige of his clear mind and to his high personal attainments he now
adds the credentials of special envoy of the renowned Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, constituted in the United States for the promotion of peace
and friendship among the nations of the world. Mr. Bacon, statesman, scholar
and noted educator, represents the very best of the high intellectual order to
which he belongs, and is in every way worthy to continue the work of Mr. Root,
that leader among orators and statesmen of the Western World who accom-
plished so much in his memorable voyage to Latin America toward promoting
a better understanding among the peoples of America, pointing out to them the
vast moral and intellectual heights to be attained through collective effort.

Mr. Bacon who, in his desire to bring to the South American nations the
message of friendship sent by the Carnegie Endowment, did not object to a long
and trying voyage, thus becomes the apostle of the old humanitarian ideal and
of the spirit of solidarity, justice, respectful consideration and kindly feeling
which has ever been the inspiring motive of the foreign policy of the Argentine
Republic.

On behalf of the Faculty of Law, I take pleasure in welcoming our illus-
trious guest, and asking him to honor us with an address,

Address of Mr. Bacon
[Translation from the French]
Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen:
I cannot find words to express my high appreciation of the very great honor
done me today by the Faculty of Law.

Believe me when I say that I am deeply touched by the courtesy you have
shown me in inviting me to attend this meeting, held under the auspices of your
leaders of thought, and to address you on the subject of my mission.

 
 

MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

I thank you, Sir, from the bottom of my heart for the all too kind words in
which you have referred to me and which I so little deserve.

It is a great pleasure to me to be able to visit, though only for a few days,
far too short indeed, a few of the nations and countries of South America, for it
has always been one of my fondest wishes, which as yet I have been able only
partially to realize, to see with my own eyes your wonderful countries, the marvels
of your civilization, to meet again the friends whom I have known and loved in
other parts of the world, and to form new friendships, which will add another
charm to life, which neither time nor distance can ever obliterate or cloud. I come,
bearing a message of good will from your devoted friend and great admirer,
Mr. Elihu Root. It is at his request, anticipated by my own desire, that I have
the honor to stand before you. I would that I could say to you all that he
himself would say, if he were present and could greet you with his old friendship.
Our words would differ perhaps, but the spirit behind them would be the
same.

I should like to have you think of me as inaugurating a series of international
visits, which will follow each other without interruption and turn to our mutual
advantage, by bringing together authoritative representatives of the social and
intellectual circles of the North and of the South; and inviting you to codperate
in the establishment of international institutions, which will, we hope, become
centers of good will, and spread and popularize correct and progressive principles
of international law, on which may depend peaceful international relations, and
which, in different ways, directly and indirectly, by means of an exchange of
thought, an exchange of views, and a happy combination of efforts, will succeed
in strengthening the bonds of friendship, which a common past, common institu-
tions, and a common goal demand.

History and nature have created and developed a deep feeling of solidarity,
not only between the States of Latin America, but also between the Republics of
the South and the United States. We must endeavor to maintain and strengthen
this solidarity which, because of its double origin, indissolubly unites the nations
of the new continent in the past, in the present, and in the future.

It suffices to glance at the political history of the New World to see the
constant interest of the United States in the struggle of the States of Latin
America, first to free themselves from the mother country, and then to defend
the independence they had won against all attempts at conquest on the part of
European powers. It suffices briefly to recall that after their emancipation, the
United States furnished the Latin States with the forms and bases of their political
institutions, especially of their republican and democratic government, at a time
when the old political institutions of Europe were far from satisfying the ideals
of liberty and the social conditions of the two Americas.

All this glorious past in the history of the New World should strengthen the
indestructible bonds of solidarity which have united the American nations since
the beginning of their political life.

APPENDIX III 97

Nature fortifies the work of history. The geographical situation of the
States of the New World has brought into being a series of problems common to
the States of this Continent, thus creating among them new bonds of solidarity.
Thanks to the progress of civilization and the improvement in the means of
communication, America has come today to understand the imperative necessity
of solving in a uniform manner problems arising from situations and conditions
peculiar to the New Continent.

Outstripping Europe, where the great powers meet in conference only at the
end of war, in order to determine the conditions of peace, all the States of America
have met in pacific conferences, for the purpose of considering questions common
to their continent; whence the name and the origin of the Pan-American
Conferences. These conferences have been most fruitful in their results. A
number of problems of interest to America have been studied ; important conven-
tions have been signed, with a view to the development of the social and the
intellectual life of the New World. Finally, the representatives of the various
American States have learned to know each other better, and have become aware
of the many powerful bonds that unite all the American States.

The sentiments of solidarity and of fraternity, which group the States of the
New World in a community of interests, must bring forth union and concord. The
way is already open ; many fruitful results have been obtained. We must therefore
endeavor to achieve, in an ever increasing degree, good understanding and
harmony. We must remove especially the misunderstanding on the part of the
South American States of the policy of the United States. As Mr. Root has
solemnly declared, the latter country desires more than all else that peace and
prosperity may reign in Latin America, in order to strengthen and tighten the
bonds of friendship and fraternity which should unite all the American nations.

I have the honor to address you, not merely on my own account, but in the
name of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, of which Senator
Root is the President, and to invite you, in the name of and on behalf of the
Trustees of the Endowment, to codperate with us in every way that you possibly
and properly can.

In other words, Mr. Root’s desire is to awaken, so far as possible, the
interest and the sympathetic collaboration of the leaders of thought in South
America and to enlist their aid in the various undertakings that the Endowment
is seeking to promote, in the interest of better international relations, so that
they may cooperate in a practical way in the work.

The esteem and friendship of the Trustees of the Endowment for the peoples
of Latin America and for the many distinguished Latin Americans with whom
they have most agreeable relations of personal friendship lead them to hope that
the work of the Endowment may find in South America collaborators as active
and as useful as those it has found in Europe.

Let me quote to you verbatim a passage from the instructions given me by
Mr. Root, instead of paraphrasing them, as I have done on several former

 
   

  

   

98

 

MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

occasions. “You will observe,” said he, “that one of the means by which the
Division of Intercourse and Education proposes to advance international good
understanding is a series of international visits of representative men. Accord-
ingly, under the auspices of the Division, directly or indirectly, Baron
d’Estournelles de Constant of France, the Baroness von Suttner of Austria,
and Professor Nitobe of Japan have already visited the United States, and
President Eliot of Harvard University has visited India, China, and Japan, and
Dr. Hamilton Wright Mabie is now in Japan. Your visit to South America
comes in this category, but it has a more definite and specific purpose than any
of the other visits which I have enumerated or which are contemplated under
the head that I have mentioned, for it is not merely to strengthen good
understanding by personal intercourse between a representative North American
and representative South Americans, but it is also to introduce to representative
South Americans personally the work and purposes and ideals of the Endowment,
and to invite our friends in South America to cordial and sympathetic union with
us in promoting the great work of the trust.”

Such is the spirit of kindly feeling and genuine sympathy that has inspired
my mission. I do not need to tell you that I am endeavoring to fulfil it in the
same spirit.

I regret that I find myself today forced to confine my remarks to details
that are somewhat dry and uninteresting, at a time when under the spell and the
inspiration of your gracious welcome and of your charming hospitality, I would
like to speak again and again of our ideals, of our hopes. For I am proud, Sir,
to share your optimism, and I have an inner conviction that, in spite of the
clouds gathered through mistrust and skepticism, we are on the eve of a great
progressive and liberalizing movement, and can perceive afar the dawn of a
brighter day.

The principles and the philosophy of life of the past century will not
suffice. We shall need new laws, a new political economy, new principles of
international law.

You have done me the honor to ask me for further details about certain
projects of the Endowment.

The work of the Endowment has been apportioned among three Divisions :

1. The Division of Intercourse and Education, of which Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, is Director.

2. The Division of Economics and History, of which Dr. John Bates
Clark is Director.

3. The Division of International Law, of which the Secretary of the
Endowment, Dr. James Brown Scott, is Director.

As regards the Division of Intercourse and Education, it was evident that
its activities would necessarily apply to foreign countries and that it was
essential for the success of its undertakings that its work in foreign countries

 
 

  

 

 

APPENDIX III 99

  

should be performed by local agents rather than by officers of the Endowment.
As it was impossible to determine far ahead what should be undertaken and
what methods should be applied, without advice from competent and
experienced leaders of thought in the various countries, Dr. Butler, Director of
the Division, formed a Consultative Committee of European statesmen and
publicists, and a corps of correspondents, upon whose opinion and sympathetic
cooperation he can always count.

We have wondered whether it would be agreeable to the leaders of thought
in Latin America to create an organization somewhat similar to the General
Consultative Committee already formed in Europe.

The Division has inaugurated visits of eminent men and an educational
exchange with Japan. I hope to be able to obtain advice and information in
South America which will enable us to begin in the near future a mutual exchange
of professors and students with Latin America.

The Endowment is anxious to have the exchange begin at once by the sending
of two eminent savants or publicists of South America to the United States,
and two North Americans to South America. Each of these gentlemen would
devote his time to two institutions in the continent that he visits.

It is useless to dwell upon the wisdom and the timeliness of these projects,
for it is common knowledge that many of the misunderstandings that exist
between nations are the result of ignorance of local conditions, traditions and
ideas. Personal contact proves that all men are at bottom strangely alike, and
that personal contact, discussion, and an exchange of ideas lay the foundations
that are indispensable for friendship and good understanding.

One of the activities to which this Division attaches great importance is the
establishment of Associations for Conciliation throughout the world.

A few years ago the parent association was organized at Paris by Baron
d’Estournelles de Constant. The branch in the United States, of which Dr.
Butler is President, was created in 1906. The German Association and the
English Association were organized in 1912, and I am charged to appeal to
interested persons in the countries that I have the honor to visit, to codperate
by organizing branch societies of International Conciliation to be connected
with the parent society in Paris. These associations, although local in origin,
have nevertheless an international mission and seek to create, by their meetings
and the useful pamphlets that they regularly publish, friendly feelings towards
the peoples of foreign countries.

Permit me to lay before you the aims and purposes of societies for
International Conciliation in the words of the founder of the parent society at
Paris. In a memorandum which he was good enough to prepare on this subject,
Baron d’Estournelles de Constant says:

Conciliation is not a sentimental or humanitarian organization; it is a

practical and patriotic step forward in the national interest of each country,
particularly of young countries, which need to devote all their strength and

 

 

 

  
 

 
  

    

100 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

resources to their development. Its aim is to insure a safe tomorrow for the
world of business and of labor—for the farmer, the manufacturer, the
merchant, as well as for the artist and the savant ;—to make it possible for
them to plan and undertake work for the future.

Conciliation is the modern indispensable complement of the economic
efforts of every civilized country. To develop national prosperity with the
aid of peaceful international relations, such is our effort, summed up in
our motto: Pro patria per orbis concordiam.

Wars of conquest no longer pay; they engender only hatred, reprisals,
the ever increasing burdens of an armed peace. These burdens have become,

among the masses, one of the most powerful arguments in favor of socialism
and revolution.

The only worthy wars are wars of independence ; but no one is threatening
the independence of the American States. They will become stronger by

learning to know each other better, than by arming themselves against one
another.

Arbitration, on the contrary, has stood its test—witness
; ary, — the Alabama, the
Hull, the Casablanca, the Bering and Newfoundland fisheries cases, etc.

_ Organize arbitration rather than war, but always prefer conciliation to
arbitration.

Such is our conception, our rule of life.
I sum it up thus:

War rather than slavery ;
Arbitration rather than war;
Conciliation rather than arbitration.

Arbitration mends, conciliation prevents. Conciliation substitutes the
spirit of fruitful cooperation for the barren routine of antagonism.

: The Endowment is disposed to assume the expenses incurred in the organiza-
tion of these societies and to supply the necessary funds to secure the services
of secretaries capable of energy, devotion, perseverance, and intelligence, upon
whom depends the usefulness of these societies.

I shall now take up the work of the Division of Economics and History.
J The function of this Division is “To promote a thorough and scientific
Investigation and study of the causes of war and of the practical methods to
prevent and avoid it.”

: A conference was held at Berne, Switzerland, in August, 1911, to which
distinguished economists and publicists from all Europe were invited, to examine
questions which could be properly and practically studied, and to draw up a
tentative program for the Division.

A great number of subjects have already been assigned to specialists chosen
in the countries to which their work applies. Some of these studies are already
completed and within a few years the Endowment will have published a series of
noteworthy volumes, covering all the phases of the program, which will be,—in
the language of Mr. Root,—“useful to mankind.”

Professor Kinley, an old and sincere friend of Latin America, who represented
the United States in the Fourth Pan-American Congress held at Buenos Aires,
has been appointed a member of the Committee of Research, and he will devote

 

 

 

  

APPENDIX III 101
himself more particularly to the problems in which Latin America is interested.
He will visit Latin America, certainly during the course of next year, in order to
confer with its leaders of opinion, with a view to obtaining their advice, and if
possible, their cooperation in the execution of the projects that they may
recommend.

The third Division of the Endowment is the Division of International Law.

This Division, like the others, has found it necessary to create a special
organization and to secure the services of a corps of jurists, in the correctness
of whose opinions in legal matters the Trustees can have full confidence.

The Institute of International Law is composed, —it is hardly necessary to
say,—of the most eminent jurists of all nations, and the Endowment has asked °
the Institute to act either as a body or through a committee specially appointed
for this purpose, as adviser to the Division of International Law. The Institute
has accepted this task, and appointed a committee of eleven at its Christiania
meeting in 1912, called the Consultative Committee for the Carnegie Endowment.
This Committee has acted during the present year as adviser to the Director and
has drawn up regulations, which have been accepted by the Institute, and by
means of which the relations established between the Institute, on the one hand,
through its Consultative Committee, and the Endowment, on the other, through
its Division of International Law, should become permanent.

The Committee is composed of eleven members, of which the President and
the Secretary General of the Institute are members ex officio. The other members
are elected for a fixed term of years. It should be stated that the members of
this Committee are men of great experience and of high authority in all questions
pertaining to international law: They are Messrs. Fusinato of Italy; Gram and
Hagerup of Norway; Holland of England; Lammasch of Austria; Lardy of
Switzerland ; Renault of France; Rolin of Belgium; and Vesnitch of Serbia.

The Division has several works in preparation. The first is a collection of all
general and special treaties of arbitration; and with regard to the treaties of
the nineteenth century, the Endowment would be very grateful to the publicists
of Latin America if they would kindly furnish information about certain questions,
on which they have the best, perhaps the only knowledge, and the Trustees of
the Endowment would appreciate as a great favor on the part of the Governments
of Latin America, if they would kindly furnish copies of these treaties, inasmuch
as it is very difficult always to procure texts that are absolutely accurate and
trustworthy. All known cases of international arbitration are to be collected
and published in the form of legal reports, and the series will be continued
indefinitely. Professor John Bassett Moore, the well known authority in matters
of international law and arbitration, recently professor at Columbia University
and at present Counselor for the Department of State of the United States, is in
charge of this monumental work and is actively engaged upon it.

The Institute of International Law, which acts as adviser to the Division of
International Law, was created in Europe in 1873; but, although this Institute

  
  

  
 

 
 

    

102 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

represents the “universal legal conscience”, many jurists have felt the need of an
institution to represent the legal conscience of America, to study the problems
that interest the New World in particular, and to consider, from the American
point of view, general questions in the law of nations.

As you know, an American Institute of International Law was founded in
1912 by Mr. Alejandro Alvarez of Chile and Dr. James Brown Scott, the Director
of the Division of International Law of the Endowment. This Institute contem-
plates the formation of National Societies of International Law in every American
country, to be affiliated with it and to work in harmony with it in studying
American problems, with the view of developing international law, of making
known its principles in all countries, and of contributing to the peaceful relations
of nations, because these relations, if enlightened public opinion so demands, will
be based upon the principles of an equitable and highly developed system of
international law.

The American Institute of International Law will be composed of five
publicists from each of the American Republics, selected by the charter members
of the Institute from among the members of the National Societies, and every
member of a National Society has, by virtue of such membership, the right to be
enrolled as an associate member of the Institute and to participate in its labors.

Lest I appear to be describing in exaggerated terms the aims and purposes of
the American Institute of International Law, of which Mr. Elihu Root is the
Honorary President, let me quote a passage from a learned Dutchman, a
professor of international law, who may be supposed to treat this matter more
disinterestedly. After speaking of the great example that America has set the
world by undertaking the codification of international law, he says:

The second example is furnished us by an Institute essentially scientific,
whose moral influence is almost as great. The gradual drawing together of
the North and South has created a new instrumentality of progress. The
projects of a Pan-American Union, which were launched long since, but have
never succeeded, have at last brought forth a favorable result in the field of
peaceful studies, thanks to the talent and the perseverance of two illustrious
men, one in the northern, the other in the southern half of the Western
Hemisphere. In the course of the past year Mr. James Brown Scott, the
noted jurist of the United States and Mr, Alejandro Alvarez, formerly
professor and Counselor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile, who in
June 1912 at Rio exerted a most salutary influence on the great project of
codification, met at Washington and founded, in October 1912 the American
Institute of International Law. This Institute has for its object: (1) To
contribute to the development of international law; (2) to strengthen the
common sentiment of international justice; (3) to bring about universal
acceptance of peaceable methods of settling international disputes between
the American States.

This brilliant idea sprang from the conviction that it is better to spread
conceptions of law and justice by a slow but constant infusion into the heads
and hearts of nations than by diplomatic negotiations, which do not rest on
popular sentiment.

 

 

 

APPENDIX III 103

If we take into consideration the fact that the peace movement is far
more widespread in America than elsewhere, that it rests either upon a
religious basis, or upon a community of interests and of tendencies that may
well be envied, we can appreciate at its true value this further proof of
vigorous progress which has come to us from the other side of the ocean.
It revives our hope and impels us to increase our efforts.

Mr. Root and his colleagues attach the greatest importance to the establish-
ment and the satisfactory operation of the American Institute of International
Law and its affiliated societies in each of the American countries.

The Endowment grants at present a subvention to the older Institute, founded
in Europe. This subvention is to cover the traveling expenses of the members
of the Institute, expenses incurred by its commissions and the publication of
their proceedings and reports. The new Institute can count on receiving financial
aid from the Endowment as soon as the national societies are definitely formed,
and upon being placed on the same footing as the older Institute.

The American Journal of International Law, which, with a few slight
changes, could be made the organ of the American Institute, already receives
an annual subvention from the Endowment.

Another institution in which the Division of International Law takes great
interest, and which it will maintain with a subvention, is the Academy of Inter-
national Law, which it is proposed to establish at The Hague.

A proposal was made at the Second Peace Conference at The Hague
for the creation of an Academy of International Law, and the plan was
developed by the President of the Conference. No resolution was passed at
the time, but the idea impressed itself upon the publicists of every nationality.
A committee of Dutch publicists, under the presidency of Mr. Asser, whose
recent death we all deplore, has taken the initiative in the creation and installa-
tion of such an Academy in the Peace Palace at The Hague.

The Court of Arbitration would apply the law, which would be systematically
taught in the Academy, and the marvelous palace, which was officially opened in
the month of August last, would become indeed a Temple of Peace, the home
of International Law.

Mr. Asser’s proposition contemplates systematic instruction, during the
summer months, in international law and subjects pertaining thereto, by a
specially constituted and changing faculty, in that the professors would be chosen
from among the publicists of different countries. Courses of lectures would be
given on important and timely subjects by publicists, who, in addition to long
theoretical training, had acquired great experience in the practice of international
law.

It is also proposed that the Governments should become interested in the
Academy and that they be invited, through diplomatic channels, to designate
appropriate officials in their various departments, to take the courses of the
Academy.

   

  
 

    
  

104 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

The Institution would be unique in its summer sessions, unique in its small
and changing faculty, and unique in its student body gathered from various
foreign countries and from official circles. The lectures, published in the form
of pamphlets, would enrich the literature of international law. The law itself
would be treated from different viewpoints by competent professors, no two
of whom would be from any one country. The student body would be recruited
from different countries, and little by little they would exert an influence in
their respective countries, so that the Academy would greatly aid in bringing
about a better understanding of international rights and duties and in dissemina-
ting the principles of justice.

When constituted, the Academy will form a separate and independent
institution under the control of a committee or curatorium specially appointed,
composed principally of former Presidents of the Institute of International Law.
Thus organized and operated, it would promote the object for which the Endow-
ment was created, but it would not be a direct agency of the Endowment, nor
under its control.

Mr. Root has charged me to submit to you the plan of this Academy and
to request the cooperation of all the Republics of Latin America, with the view
of designating one or more of their citizens to attend the lectures and courses
of instruction which will be given at the Academy when established.

Another matter which I have been charged to bring to your attention is
the formation of National Committees to examine questions which might properly
appear in and form a part of the program of the next Hague Conference,
which committees will put themselves in communication with similar committees
formed in all the American countries.

It is general knowledge that the Second Peace Conference at The Hague
in 1907 proposed the meeting of the Third Conference at a time approximately
equal to that which elapsed between the First and the Second Conferences; that
is to say, eight years, so that, if the proposal is put into effect, we can expect
the meeting of the Third Conference approximately in 1915.

It was also stipulated in the above mentioned proposal that some two years
before the probable meeting of the Conference, an international preparatory
committee be constituted by common agreement among the Powers.

It is evident that the various countries that will be invited to The Hague
should examine these important questions before the constitution of the Inter-
national Preparatory Committee, and it appears advisable, if not necessary, that
each Government should name a committee to examine these questions in detail,
so that the Governments may be in a position to formulate their propositions
in the fulness of knowledge.

As the American Republics will consider it their right to attend the Con-
ference, it is their duty to prepare themselves in advance for an active partici-
pation in its proceedings. They should seek to increase the usefulness of each

 

 

APPENDIX III 105

successive Conference by making important contributions to them, and that can
be accomplished only if they carefully prepare in advance for the meeting.

It is not expected that the American States will present a series of projects
in common to the Conference, nor that they will submit propositions in common,
but, if the various Governments exchange views, so as to reach an agreement
on the questions that, in their opinion, should be presented and that might enter
into international treaties, it would considerably facilitate matters.

The eminent French publicist, Professor A. de Lapradelle, refers in the
following words to the cooperation of the American Republics in preparing
questions for discussion at The Hague:

The Second Peace Conference, by calling to The Hague all the Amer-
ican States, brought to light disagreements among them on certain points.
All of them have not the same conception of the law of peace nor of the
law of war. How then can Europe be convinced of the correctness of
American views, if America herself is not already so convinced? And
again, how much more weight American propositions will carry when they
proceed, not from this or that State, but from America as a whole, whose
publicists having studied them in the American Institute of International
Law, have adopted them in the Pan-American Conferences!”

Permit me to make a final quotation from Mr. Root :

The Trustees of the Endowment are fully aware that progress in the
work which they have undertaken must necessarily be slow and that its
most substantial results must be far in the future. We are dealing with
aptitudes and impulses firmly established in human nature through the
development of thousands of years, and the utmost that any one generation
can hope to do is to promote the gradual change of standards of conduct.
All estimates of such work and its results must be in terms not of individual
human life, but in terms of the long life of nations. Inconspicuous as are
the immediate results, however, there can be no nobler object of human
effort than to exercise an influence upon the tendencies of the race, so that
it shall move, however slowly, in the direction of civilization and humanity
and away from senseless brutality. It is to participate with us in this noble,
though inconspicuous, work that we ask you to invite our friends in South
America with the most unreserved and sincere assurances of our high
consideration and warm regard.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, let me in closing again express my
most sincere thanks for the great honor done me by the Faculty of Law, as
well as my deep gratitude for your kindly and sympathetic welcome.

 
 
  

   

 
  
 
 
APPENDIX IV

Uruguay

Remarks of the American Minister, Hon. Nicolay Grevstad,
Ar A LuncuroN GIVEN BY Him ror MR. Bacon ar THE Urucuay CLUB,
MonTEviDEo, OCTOBER 20, 1013

[Translation from the Spanish]

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Our warmest welcome to our distinguished guests, heralds of peace and
brotherhood!

We all know that Mr. Bacon is amongst us to-day as the representative of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. We know, too, that never
more than to-day is it everywhere necessary to wage the war of reason against
the war of violence. It is a very happy sign that so illustrious a man as our
guest should have consecrated his energies to the cause of international peace.
We can assure him that Uruguay stands ready to heed his good words. We can
assure him, too, that Uruguay, rich in its fertile lands, in its strong, intelligent
and progressive people, in its financial and commercial honor—as pure as the
gold which has ever been the basis of its monetary system—that Uruguay, I
repeat, will heartily welcome Mr. Bacon, his charming wife and daughter and
the friends who accompany him. We extend our heartiest greetings to all!

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]

I am most grateful, Mr. Minister, for your words of welcome, as well as
for the opportunity afforded me of meeting our countrymen fraternizing with
this distinguished group of Uruguay's citizens. Please accept, Excellencies, my
sincere thanks for your kind reception and for the many courtesies showered
upon me and my family.

The people of the United States are well aware that all that the Minister
has just said in praise of Uruguay is true. As the representative of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, I am charged with a message of affectionate
greeting from its eminent President and your cordial friend, Hon. Elihu Root,
my honored chief, whom I love and whom you, gentlemen, I know, also esteem.

My mission for the Endowment has been referred to as a mission of friend-
ship and goodwill. That is very true and I am proud of it, but since ties of
friendship already bind us, may we not go further than that? For my part

APPENDIX IV 107

I should like it to be regarded as a mission of codperation and mutual help
among old friends, with the object of planning practical means whereby we
can work together and march forward toward progress, toward the ideal of
humanity, toward greater enlightenment for the triumph of right in the world,
replacing resort to force by resort to justice; toward an international opinion
which will be the true sanction of international law. We believe that there
are several practical ways whereby this cooperation can be obtained with but
little delay, and I expect to explain these to you tonight. The purpose of my
mission is to lay these plans before you and to solicit your invaluable cobpera-
tion. I am delighted to see side by side in this room the colors of our two flags,
those of Uruguay and of the United States, and I pray that just as our two flags
are here entwined so may the hearts of our two peoples be ever united in lasting
friendship.

To the Republic of Uruguay, to its continued friendship with our country
and to the ladies who have honored us with their presence.

Address of Mr. Bacon
AT A RECEPTION AT THE ATENEO,
MonrevipEo, OCTOBER 20, 1913

[Translation from the Spanish]

Ladies and Gentlemen:

You will pardon me, I know, if I venture to address you in your beautiful
language, whose rhythm attracts me irresistibly, but which, to my very great
regret, I speak haltingly.

I am profoundly touched by this new evidence of kindness shown me by
inviting me to be present at this meeting, held in this Temple of Science and Let-
ters under the auspices of your famous intellectual leaders.

Words fail me with which to express the sentiments of my deep apprecia-
tion for the eloquent remarks of your eminent orator, scholar, poet and statesman.

In my own name and on behalf of the distinguished statesman whose mission
I bear, Senator Elihu Root, I thank you with all my heart for your kind words of
welcome, for this cordial reception and for the flattering words addressed to my
humble self and so little deserved.

It is a very great pleasure for me to be permitted to visit, if only for a few
days, far too short, some of the peoples and countries of South America; for
it has been one of my most cherished dreams, which I have been able only
partially to realize as yet, to see with my own eyes your wonderful countries,
the marvels of your civilization, to meet again friends whom I have known
and loved in other parts of the world, to make other friendships which will
add a new joy to life, and fill me with memories which neither time nor
distance can dim or efface. I come charged with a message of good will from
your devoted friend and great admirer, Mr. Elihu Root, at whose request,

 
108 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

anticipated by my own desire, I have the honor to appear before you. I wish
I could say to you all that he would say, were he here in person to address
you and to greet you as an old friend. The expressions might differ, perhaps,
but I assure you the spirit behind them would be one and the same.

I would like to have you look upon me as inaugurating a series of interna-
tional visits which will follow each other without break and be mutually ad-
vantageous by bringing together accredited representatives of life and thought
of the Southland as well as of the North; and inviting you to codperate in
the establishment of international institutions which will, we hope, become
centers of good will, develop and popularize just and progressive principles of
international law upon which good relations must depend, and in various ways,
directly and indirectly, by an exchange of thought, an exchange of views and
a happy combination of effort, result in strengthening the bonds of friendship
which a common past, common institutions and a common goal urge and demand.

History and Nature have inspired and increased a deep feeling of solidarity,
not only between the countries of Latin America, but also between the Re-
publics of the South and the United States. It behooves us to maintain and
strengthen this solidarity which, by reason of its two-fold origin, unites insep-
arably the nations of the new continent in the past, in the present and in the
future.

One need only glance at the political history of the New World to see
the constant interest the United States has taken in the struggles of the Latin
American nations, first to free themselves from the mother country and then
to defend the independence they had won against all attempts at conquest on
the part of European nations. Moreover we might briefly recall that, after
the emancipation, the United States furnished the Latin States with the forms
and basic principles of their political institutions, particularly of their republican
and democratic government, exactly at a time when the ancient political institu-
tions of Europe were far from responding to the ideas of liberty and to the social
conditions of the two Americas.

All this glorious past in the history of the New World should strengthen
day by day the indissoluble bonds of solidarity which have united the American
nations since the beginning of their political life.

Nature has added to the work of History. The geographical situation of the
States of the New World has brought into being a series of problems common
to all the States of the Continent, thereby creating among them new
ties of union. Thanks to the progress of civilization and the perfection of
means of communication, we in America have come to see the imperious neces-
sity of solving in a uniform manner, the problems arising out of situations
and conditions peculiar to the New Continent.

Anticipating Europe in a way, whose great Powers meet in conference
only at the conclusion of wars to determine the conditions of peace, all the
American States have met together in pacific conferences in order to discuss

APPENDIX IV 109

questions common to their Continent—hence the name and origin of the Pan-
American Conferences. These conferences have borne abundant fruit—a num-
ber of problems of interest to America have been studied; important treaties
have been signed with a view to developing the social and intellectual life of the
New World; and, finally, the representatives of the several American States
have learned to know each other better and have come to appreciate how many
and how strong are the ties which bind the American nations together.

The sentiments of solidarity and fraternity which unite the countries of the
New World in a community of interests should create a work of union and con-
cord. The way is already open; numerous and fruitful results have been ob-
tained ; the time has come, therefore, to establish in ever increasing measure,
good understanding and harmony. Above all, it is necessary to correct a mis-
understanding by the South of the political purposes of the United States.
As Mr. Root solemnly declared when he was among you, the United States
desires above all that peace and prosperity reign in Latin America in order
to strengthen and to tighten the bonds of friendship and of brotherhood, which
should unite all the American peoples.

I have the honor to address you not merely on my own account, but on behalf
of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, of which Senator Root is
President, and to invite you in his name and on behalf of its Trustees to cooperate
with it in such ways as you may consider possible and advisable.

In other words, the wish of Mr. Root is to enlist as fully as possible the
sympathetic interest of the leaders of thought in South America in the various
enterprises for the improvement of international relations and to bring about
their practical cooperation in that work.

The respect and friendship which the Trustees of the Endowment entertain
for the peoples of Latin America and for the many distinguished Latin Ameri-
cans with whom many of the Trustees have most agreeable relations of personal
friendship, lead us to desire that the work of the Endowment may have such
active and useful coperation in South America as it has already secured in
Europe. :

Permit me to explain briefly the work of the Endowment, and to outline
certain practical projects in which Mr. Root and his associates desire your hearty
coGperation. :

I regret that today I find myself confined to details somewhat dry and, I fear,
rather uninteresting at a moment when under the charm of your warm welcome
and your generous hospitality—in this atmosphere of freedom, consecrated by so
many struggles and by so many heroes—I would prefer to dwell upon our ideals,
our hopes of the visions dreamed of by your Artigas and by our Washington.
For I am proud to share your optimism, sir, and I have an abiding conviction
that, despite the clouds gathered by opposition and unbelief, we are at the begin-
ning of a great movement of progress in the evolution of the freedom of the
world and that from afar we may see the dawning of a brighter, purer day.

 
110 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

The principles, the philosophy of the last century are no longer sufficient to
our needs. We must have new rules of political economy, new principles of
international law.

To carry out the work of the Endowment it has been organized into three
divisions:

The Division of Intercourse and Education;

The Division of Economics and History;

The Division of International Law.

To aid in the work of the first Division, Dr. Butler, its Director, has created
an Advisory Council of representative European statesmen and publicists, to
which has been associated a body of correspondents.

We have asked ourselves whether it would be agreeable to leaders of thought
in Latin America to create an organization somewhat similar to the General
Council which has already been formed in Europe.

The Division has inaugurated an exchange of visits of representative men
and an educational exchange with Japan, and I hope to be able to obtain informa-
tion and advice in South America which will enable us to begin in the very near
future a mutual exchange of professors and students from Latin America.

I am instructed to suggest that the exchange begin at once by the annual visit
of two eminent South American scholars or publicists to the United States and
two North Americans to South America. Each of these men would divide his
time between two universities in the country which he would visit.

One of the activities to which this Division attaches much importance has to
do with the organization of Associations for International Conciliation through-
out the world.

The parent Association was formed by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant
in Paris some years ago. Branches have been established already in the United
States, Germany and England, and others are in the course of formation.

I am directed by my instructions to invite the cooperation of interested
persons in the countries which I have the honor of visiting, to organize branches
of International Conciliation to be affiliated with the parent branch at Paris.
These associations, while local in origin, have nevertheless an international
mission and tend to create by their meetings and excellent pamphlets which they
regularly issue, a friendly feeling towards the peoples of foreign countries.

“The Association for International Conciliation”, says Baron d’Estournelles
de Constant, “is not a sentimental, humanitarian organization. It is a practical,
patriotic advance followed in the national interest of each country particularly
in young countries which must consecrate all their forces and resources to their
own development.

“Conciliation is the modern, indispensable complement of economic effort in
every civilized country. To develop the national prosperity by the promotion of
good international relations; such is our object summed up in our motto: ‘Pro
Patria Per Orbis Concordiam.’

APPENDIX IV 111

“Undertake arbitration rather than war, but prefer always conciliation to
arbitration. Our idea, our rule of life is this:

“War rather than slavery.

“Arbitration rather than war.

“Conciliation rather than arbitration.

“Arbitration cures; conciliation prevents.

“Conciliation substitutes fruitful cooperation for sterile antagonism.”

The Endowment will provide for the expenses incident to the organization
of these associations.

Let me now describe the work of the Division of Economics and History.

The work of this Division is “to promote researches into and a profound,
scientific study of the causes of war and of the practical method to prevent and
avoid it.”

A conference was arranged at Berne in Switzerland two years ago, to which
distinguished economists and publicists, drawn largely from Europe, were invited,
to consider the subjects that could properly and profitably be studied and to draft
the tentative programme for the Division.

A large number of topics have already been assigned to specialists selected
from the countries to which their work relates; some of the studies have been
completed, and, in the course of a few years, the Endowment will have published
a series of remarkable monographs, covering all phases of the elaborate pro-
gramme, which will, it is believed,—to quote the language of Mr. Root—*“be
useful to mankind.”

Professor Kinley, an old and sincere friend of Latin America, who repre-
sented the United States at the Fourth Pan-American Conference held in Buenos
Aires, has been appointed a member of the Committee of Research, and he will
devote himself more especially to the problems in which Latin America is inter-
ested, and, in the course of the coming year, he will visit Latin America to confer
with the leaders of opinion to obtain their advice and, if possible, to gain their co-
Operation, both in suggesting and in executing those projects which they may
recommend.

The Third Division of the Endowment is the Division of International Law.

This Division, like the other Divisions, found it necessary to create a special
organization and to have a body of advisers.

The Institute of International Law consists, it is hardly necessary to state,
of the leading authorities of all nations, and the Endowment requested the In-
stitute to act as advisor to the Division of International Law.

The Institute accepted the invitation and selected a committee which has
acted as advisor to the Director.

The Division has under way several works. The first is a collection and
publication of all general and special treaties of arbitration, and, in regard to the
treaties of the nineteenth century specially, the Endowment would be very grate-
ful to the publicists of Latin America if they would supply information on certain

 
112 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

questions of this nature, which is best known to them and which may perhaps be
known only to them; and the Trustees would regard it as a very great favor if
the governments of Latin America would supply copies of such treaties, as it is
very difficult to obtain at all times accurate and reliable texts. All known
instances of international arbitration will be collected and published with
notes.

The Institute of International Law which now acts as Counsellor for the
Division of International Law was founded in Europe in 1873, but, although
the Institute represents “the universal juridical conscience,” many jurisconsults
have felt the need of an institution which should represent the juridical con-
science of America, study the problems which concern particularly the New
World and examine from the American point of view general matters relating
to the Law of Nations.

As you are well aware an American Institute of International Law was
founded in 1912 by Sefior Alejandro Alvarez of Chile and Doctor James Brown
Scott, Director of the Division of International Law of the Endowment. This
Institute contemplates the formation of National Societies of International Law
in all American countries, to be affiliated with it, and work in studying American
problems, in making known their principles and in contributing to a better
understanding among nations.

Lest I should seem to state in exaggerated language the aims and purposes
of the American Institute of International Law, of which Mr. Elihu Root is
Honorary President, let me quote a passage from a distinguished Dutch scholar
and professor of international law, who may be supposed to treat the subject
with more detachment.

After having spoken of the great example America has given to the world
in undertaking the codification of international law, he says:

“The second example is given us by an Institute essentially scientific but
scarcely inferior in moral value. This Institute has for its objects: (1) To
aid in the development of international law; (2) to unite the common sentiment
for international justice; (3) to procure a general acceptation of peaceful pro-
cedure in the settlement of international disputes among the American
States.

“This luminous idea sprung from the conviction that it is better to spread
conceptions of right and justice by a slow but constant appeal to the minds and
hearts of peoples than by diplomatic negotiations which are not based on a gen-
eral popular sentiment.

“If one considers that the peace movement in America is much more gen-
eral than elsewhere and that it rests on a religious foundation or on a community
of interests and enviable characteristics, one can appreciate this new proof of a
virile progress which is brought to us from the other side of the ocean; it gives
new life to our hopes and redoubles our efforts.”

APPENDIX IV 113

Mr. Root and his associates attach the highest importance to the establish-
ment and successful operation of the American Institute of International Law
and of its affiliated societies in each of the American countries.

The Endowment now grants a subvention to the older Institute founded
in Europe. This subvention is designed to cover the traveling expenses of the
members of the Institute, the expenditures of the commission and the pub-
lication of their work. The new Institute can count upon receiving financial
aid from the Endowment, as soon as the National Societies are thoroughly or-
ganized, and upon being placed on an equality in this regard with the older
Institute.

The American Journal of International Law which, with some slight modi-
fication, might become the organ of the American Institute, receives now an
annual subvention from the Endowment.

Another institution in which the Division of International Law is greatly
interested and which it will subvention and maintain with much pleasure is the
Academy of International Law which it is proposed to establish at The Hague.

The proposal was made at the second Hague Peace Conference to create
an Academy of International Law. No action was then taken, but the idea has
commended itself to publicists of many nationalities. A committee of Dutch
publicists, under the presidency of Mr. Asser, whose recent death we all deplore,
suggested that such an academy be created and installed in the Peace Palace at
The Hague.

Mr. Asser’s proposal contemplates systematic instruction during the sum-
mer months in international law and cognate subjects by a specially constituted
and changing faculty, to be chosen from publicists of different countries.
Courses of lectures on important and timely subjects would be given by pub-
licists who, in addition to long theoretical training, have had large experience
in the practice of international law.

Mr. Asser also proposed that the governments should be interested in the
Academy and invited through diplomatic channels to designate appropriate
officials of various branches of the governmental service to attend the Academy.

The Institution would be unique in its summer sessions, unique in its small
and changing faculty, and unique in its student body, drawn from every country.

The Academy would thus advance the work of the Endowment, but it
would not be a direct agency of the Endowment nor under its control.

Mr. Root directed me to submit to your consideration the project of this
Academy and ask the support of all the Latin American republics that they
may designate one or more of their citizens to attend the lectures and follow the
course of instruction at the Academy.

A matter to which I desire to call your present attention is the establish-
ment of national committees to determine what subjects are to be embodied in
the programme of the next Peace Conference at The Hague; it will be the duty

 
114 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

of these national committees to get into touch with the national committees
organized in the various other American countries.

It is common knowledge that the second Peace Conference of 1907 recom-
mended the meeting of the third Conference to be held at a period approxi-
mately equal to that which had elapsed between the first and second Con-
ferences, that is to say, eight years, so that, if the recommendation is carried
out, we may expect the third Conference to meet approximately in 1915. It
was further provided in the recommendation that about two years before the
probable meeting of the Conference an international preparatory committee
should be constituted by common accord among the powers.

It is evident that the different countries which will be invited to The Hague
should consider all these important matters before the constitution of the inter-
national preparatory committee, and it seems advisable—indeed necessary—
that each government should appoint a committee to consider these matters in
detail in order that the governments should be able to make their recommenda-
tions in the fulness of knowledge.

It is not expected that the American States should present a series of
joint projects to the Conference, or joint recommendations, but it would greatly
facilitate matters if the different governments should communicate their views
so as to reach an agreement upon the subjects which in their opinion should be
presented and which might form the subject of international agreements.

The five subjects which I am directed to lay before you and to solicit your
cooperation therein are therefore, as follows:

The formation in each country of a National Society of International Law
to be affiliated with the American Institute of International Law;

The establishment in each country of a National Society for International
Conciliation to be affiliated with the parent Association for International Con-
ciliation at Paris;

The appointment of National Committees for the consideration of con-
tributions to the programme of the next Hague Conference, and for making
arrangements for the inter-communication of such Committees among all Ameri-
can countries;

An educational exchange between the South American Universities and
those of the United States, and international visits of representative men;

The participation of the American governments in the proposed Academy
of International Law at The Hague, by providing for the sending on the part
of each government of one or more representative students to that Academy.

Allow me to employ a final quotation from Mr. Root’s instructions to me:

“The Trustees of the Endowment are fully aware that progress in the work
which they have undertaken must necessarily be slow and that its most substantial
results must be far in the future. We are dealing with aptitudes and impulses
firmly established in human nature through the development of thousands of

APPENDIX IV 115

years, and the utmost that any one generation can hope to do is to promote the
gradual change of standards of conduct. All estimates of such a work and its
results must be in terms not of individual human life, but in terms of the long
life of nations. Inconspicuous as are the immediate results, however, there can
be no nobler object of human effort than to exercise an influence upon the ten-
dencies of the race, so that it shall move, however slowly, in the direction of
civilization and humanity and away from senseless brutality. It is to participate
with us in this noble, though inconspicuous, work that we ask you to invite our
friends in South America with the most unreserved and sincere assurances of
our high consideration and warm regard.”

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen: Before concluding I wish to express
again to you my most sincere thanks for the great honor which has been done me,
and to testify my profound gratitude for your warm and sympathetic welcome.

Remarks of Sefior Emilio Barbaroux, Minister of Foreign Affairs,

AT A DINNER GIVEN BY Him ror Mr. Bacon, AT THE UrucuAy CLUB,
MonNTEVIDEO, OCTOBER 21, 1913

[Translation from the Spanish]

Myr. Bacon:

In your address last night you summarized the purposes of your mission,
telling us that where there is a nation there is also a law of nations, and that

in all cases of misunderstanding between nations, conciliation should be preferred
to arbitration, and arbitration to war.

Although facts from their very nature show that the thought of suppressing
appeals to arms is as yet in the realm of idealism, nevertheless, every earnest
effort directed to this end should deserve our approval and our sympathy; and
they have already been accorded you by the representative men of our intellectual
world. In tendering you, then, tonight, on behalf of the Government, this fare-
well dinner, as a token of friendship, my earnest prayer is that the mission en-
trusted to you by the eminent Mr. Root may in the near future bear the fruit
which this great movement of international brotherhood merits.

I beg you, ladies and gentlemen, to join me in this prayer, and to express at
the same time our heartiest wishes for the happiness of Mr. Bacon, of his
charming family and of the friends who accompany him.

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]

Excellencies, Ladies, Gentlemen, Mr. Minister:

I thank you most cordially for your very kind words addressed to my humble
self, for those touching my beloved land and for the honor of this brilliant
gathering. I desire also to repeat my profound thanks for the very hearty wel-
come given me by you, Mr. Minister, and by your fellow-citizens, extended with

 
116 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

the proverbial affability and hospitality of the courtly Spanish race, which has
been preserved so pure in this lovely Uruguayan land.

We Americans of the North are proud of our progressive sisters of the
South. Among these the noble and charming Republic of Uruguay takes a promi-
nent place, due not only to the culture of her people, the virility and strength of
the race, but also to the progress she has achieved. We entertain the very best
wishes for your prosperity. Profoundly grateful that the relations of the past
redound to the credit of our common continent and that our present relations are
harmonious, may we not hope that these good relations will not only be per-
petuated, but strengthened in the future, and that with each added year our rela-
tions will become more intimate, more confidential, in a word, more fraternal.

The noble words spoken by Mr. Root in 1906 at the Pan-American Con-
ference represent the sentiments and the ideals of the people of the United
States as truthfully and as forcefully today as when they were spoken seven
years ago. I like to think of this memorable declaration as the “Root Doc-
trine’—and I am proud to be considered worthy to speak of it as a humble
apostle.

The Trustees of the Carnegie Endowment believe that the ideals of the great
thinkers can be advanced more quickly to the benefit of the world by uniting their
efforts in certain well-defined, practical activities.

If you join us in this work of intellectual union and concord, if the Latin
American countries and the United States unite in a constant effort for the im-
provement of the relations between peoples, if all the countries of this hemi-
sphere work in unison toward a common ideal, there will then be created a power-
ful instrument for good which can not fail to benefit our continent, the world,
and humanity.

Once again, Excellency, I thank you from my heart. Although much to my
regret my stay among you must be short, yet the progress of your country and
the warmth of your welcome have made an impression that will never be effaced.
Before leaving this beautiful city, permit me to say that I take with me feelings
of personal affection for you and that I should like my farewell to be not “good-
bye,” but “till we meet again.”

I drink to the health of the President of the Republic of Uruguay.

APPENDIX V
Chile

Reception at the University of Chile

REMARKS oF THE RECTOR oF THE UNIVERSITY. DR. DOMINGO AMUNATEGU! SOLAR IN
CoNFERRING A DipLoma upon MR. BAcoN,
Sant1AGO, OCTOBER 25, 1913

[Translation from the Spanish]

The University of Chile is gratified to greet the Hon. Mr. Bacon and to
welcome him as an honorary member of its Faculty of Law and Political Science.

I present you, Sir, this diploma with the hope that it will serve as a link of
friendship with the university to which you belong, be a token of recognition for
your personal attainments, and attest our great respect for the Carnegie Endow-
ment you so worthily represent.

Address of Dr. Luis Barros Borgofio, Dean of the Faculty of Filosofia y
Humanidades, University of Chile,

SANTIAGO, OCTOBER 25, I9I3
[Translation from the Spanish]
Ladies and Gentlemen:

It is a pleasure to me to perform the task assigned me by the Board of Public
Instruction of welcoming, on behalf of the University of Chile, the illustrious
American statesman, Mr. Robert Bacon, formerly Secretary of State of the great
Republic of the North and its Ambassador to France, and now a prominent mem-
ber of the University of Harvard, distinguished emissary of the policy of inter-
national conciliation, apostle of peace and powerful promoter of the happiness
and welfare of mankind.

I am convinced that of all his honors—and they are many—and of all the
high offices he has held, none is more highly prized by the clear and forceful
mind of Mr. Bacon, and none will contribute to shed greater glory on his brilliant
personality than the mission which he is now undertaking on behalf of the insti-
tution which is destined to dispense still greater benefits among civilized peoples,
and to which the land of Carnegie can point with legitimate pride as the greatest
work conceived in any age to the greater glory of civilization.

The ideal of international solidarity, the dream of philosophers and poets is
today receiving devout attention from the statesmen of the greatest nations.

The idea of the foundation of peace societies, advocated for the first time in
1814 through the religious spirit of the Quakers of America, finds fertile
soil in that great centre of the agitation of ideas, France, in 1848.

 
118 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

In the midst of that romantic wave of universal regeneration, in the midst of
all those economic and social systems convulsed by the new spirit, Paris, with
faith in the principles of general solidarity, gives the world the first real inter-
national peace congress.

It is the age when Cobden, apostle of commercial freedom, is shaking the
whole economic system of England with his powerful genius, harmonizing the
interests of his country with the great interests of humanity.

It is the time when the prophetic spirit of Victor Hugo foresees a humanity
governed only by the laws of equity and justice.

The poet foretells, as it were in a vision, the task to which Mr. Carnegie,
this great toiler for humanity, consecrates today his titantic efforts.

“The day will come,” said Victor Hugo in one of his most inspired passages,
“when there will be no other field of battle than the markets open to commerce,
to intelligence and to ideas. The day will come when the august arbitration of
a great sovereign senate will be to Europe what Parliament is to England, the
Diet to Germany, and the Legislative Assembly to France.”

The second half of the nineteenth century is marked by the Peace Leagues
of Paris and Geneva. These have in turn by their propaganda brought into being
hundreds of general and local societies through the work of the International
Bureau of Berne, the Institute of International Law and the numerous peace
associations which under the glorious standards of Lemonier, Passy, Simon and
d’Estournelles de Constant today march triumphant toward the goal set up by
their heroic efforts.

The great capitals of the world resound year by year with the voices of the
most representative men of all nations who step by step are hastening the day of
true and lasting understanding among nations.

Under the chairmanship of Jules Simon there met for the first time in Paris
members of the English, Spanish, Belgian, German, French, Italian, Danish, Greek
and Hungarian Parliaments.

This was not, as in the peace congresses, an assembly of men inspired with
the lofty ideal of universal peace, but devoid of all authority ; rather was it the
union of statesmen, of active parliamentarians, solemnly binding themselves to
labor in their respective congresses for the realization of the programme of peace
and arbitration.

Year after year this Conference has assembled, with growing success in
Paris, London, Rome, Berne, at The Hague, in Budapest, Brussels, Milan, Mon-
aco and Lucerne; and by the end of the last century this interparliamentary
union had on its roll fifteen hundred members, committed to the triumph of the
noblest cause under which men may range themselves: “Justitia e Pace”—by
Justice and by Peace.

The visit of the Scandinavian members of Parliament to France and the
return visit of the French statesmen mark a period of real understanding between
these nations.

APPENDIX V 119

The cause of peace later received its greatest impetus on the occasion of the
visit of the French parliamentarians to London and the return of this visit by
the English statesmen, thus bringing about an agreement of great significance
between these two nations which has made possible the entente cordiale on which
rests today the peace of the world.

The visit of Mr. Root, still fresh in the memory of the American nation
and of our own people, marked for us a definite era in our international relations;
it opened the furrow, the seed was sown, whence has sprung the grain to nourish
the life of mutual understanding and international solidarity between the great
Republic of the North and the different States of Latin America.

The crowning effort, however, of the present age in the cause of peace is
The Hague Conference.

The advent of this peaceful revolution has left to the coming century the
fruitful task of maintaining peace as the aim of the foreign policy of every
civilized nation.

Two moral results of transcendental importance to the western nations have
been derived from that august assembly.

The first consists in the express manifestation of the world longing for
peace among all civilized peoples.

The second is the material and moral possibility, every day becoming
greater, of resorting to arbitration in every difference. If it has not been possible
to suppress warfare entirely, it has at least been possible to lessen the possibilities
thereof, while its horrors have been in part mitigated.

The work achieved unquestionably constitutes a great victory for the cause
of right; it proves that the love for justice pervades the atmosphere of interna-
tional relations, and justifies the belief that the day of caprice and of violation
is over, and that law, equity and the interests of humanity and civilization are
every day more and more respected throughout the world.

The Conference was unable to give form to the fundamental idea proposed of
limiting armaments ; but it did succeed in creating a juridical court of arbitration.

The Institution was born; to-day it has its president, its members, its palace,
its journal and its own budget.

The corporation is officially recognized as a tribunal by every civilized state.

The new law is solemnly recognized and established, and the substitution
of judicial settlement for appeals to force is likewise acknowledged.

Through the generosity of Mr. Carnegie this Tribunal has been housed in
a palace worthy of its lofty mission.

“In this place,” has said Mr. Carnegie, “will meet the most sacred conclave
that has ever honored humanity in any epoch of history.”

The temple, as its founder has called it, has just been solemnly inaugurated,
the ceremony having taken place on the 28th of August, 1913, in the presence
of the Queen of Holland, all the members of the Government and the envovs
of all the powers represented at The Hague Conference. E

 
120 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

This imposing ceremony, unique of its kind, had distinctive characteristics.
It was simple, austere, shorn of all military display; only the chimes from the
Palace of Peace proclaimed to the world that the clock had started on that journey
which should end only when the hour of eternal peace has struck. In these
words did the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Holland express himself, not,
however, without adding his fear that that day was still distant.

The other address of that memorable occasion was delivered by Mr. van
Karnebeek, President of the Board of Directors of the Carnegie Foundation
for the Peace Palace.

The work entrusted to The Hague Conference although of very great
significance, does not meet the requirements of the Carnegie Endowment pro-
gram, which embraces vaster and more diversified projects.

As a cardinal principle, the Endowment undertakes to sustain various
societies whose purpose is to effect in concrete form a better understanding
between nations, to make the mutual knowledge of friendly peoples more real
and to multiply the ties of friendship and concord between the great countries
of the world.

In the furtherance of these ends, it has a Division of Intercourse and Educa-
tion comprising the exchange of professors, students and literary works; it
maintains a Division of Economics and History, and devotes particular attention
to its Division of International Law and the special Academy of this branch of
human knowledge established at The Hague under the auspices of the powers
signatory to the Conference.

These various activities of the beautiful and comprehensive program of
the Carnegie Endowment are of the greatest importance to all civilized nations,
and yet they remain unknown and untouched by the Latin American countries,
notwithstanding the benefits that would accrue to them therefrom.

To make known this praiseworthy work, to stimulate public opinion in
these countries and to secure the cooperation of their public men in favor of
this noble crusade, is the purpose of this visit to us which the people of Chile
regard as an event of far-reaching importance.

But if certain of the objects of the Carnegie Endowment call for the sympa-
thetic support of governments, there are, on the other hand, many others which
demand the special cooperation of men of science, of professors and specialists
in international law and of teachers of history and economics.

It is for this reason that our University has associated the whole of its
personnel with this undertaking, and it is convinced that so soon as the members
realize the different aims of the mission they will earnestly coGperate to the
fulfilment of these purposes, each collaborating in his own particular sphere.
And in doing so they will bring the work within the scope of international poli-
tics, the study of which has been traditional in this Republic.

Chile has the honor of occupying the fourth place among the countries that
have resorted to arbitration during the nineteenth century. Statistics show that

APPENDIX V 121

Great Britain is first with 86 arbitration treaties, the United States of America
second with 66, France third with 38, and, then, Chile with 28 to her credit.

But the greatest work in this direction is that accomplished by Chile and
the Argentine Republic in signing the treaty of May 28, 1902, whereby they
limited their armaments, a purpose that so far The Hague Conference has striven
in vain to effect.

And this fact has not passed unperceived. In his notable address in favor
of arbitration to the students of the University of Saint Andrews, Mr. Carnegie
pointed to this treaty as one of the most advanced in realizing the principles of
the Endowment’s program.

“The greatest step taken in this direction,” says Mr. Carnegie, “is to be
found in the treaties celebrated between Denmark and Holland, and between
Chile and the Argentine Republic whereby these countries agreed to submit all
differences of any nature whatsoever to arbitration.”

It has been held that to America belonged, in the nineteenth century, the
initiative of arbitration, and that the nations of this continent have maintained
and widened the scope of this judicial proceeding, even though they have not
yet formulated a general definite program.

And it is not, indeed, a difficult matter to prove that none of these nations
has more frequently appealed to and used this peaceful means of adjusting
differences with other nations than has Chile. In one of her oldest treaties, cele-
brated sixty years ago, the Government of Chile expressly declared that it set
forth “with pleasure the idea of arbitration, which it has always regarded as the
only just, legal and logical means of settling every international difference.”

The mission of peace and judicial settlement will accordingly find a fruitful
field in our country; and if it has occasionally been found necessary to resort to
the stern necessity of war in defense of what the country has deemed its rights,
this step has only been taken after every recourse to conciliation and arbitration
had been exhausted.

The arduousness of earning a livelihood which the peculiar topographical
conditions have imposed upon the Chilian people, the habits of order and the
exercise of free democratic institutions which has characterized her national life,
her social organization and the prosperity of her agriculture and commerce, in
a word everything which calls for the great blessings of peace, has led the people
of Chile to rest their prosperity, their development and their welfare solely on
peace.

This Republic must then be an enthusiastic and active cooperator in the
work of general conciliation and political solidarity espoused by the Carnegie
Endowment.

From the Temple of Peace there peals forth the clear and triumphal note of
the new law when judicial proceedings will supplant appeals to arms and violence.

What has already been done augurs well for the not distant triumph of these
principles of justice and universal peace.

 
MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

The word of Mr. Bacon, now our guest, is doubly significant, first by virtue
of his great learning and acknowledged mastery of public affairs, coupled with
long experience, and, secondly, by reason of the exalted and distinguished repre-
sentation with which he is invested. His eloquence will paint for us the picture
of the noble and beneficent work he has done so far, it will tell us of his hopes and
aims for the future, and so better fit us for the task of associating the different
elements that will be needed to place the work of the Carnegie Endowment on a
firm foundation in our country.

Address of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]

Excellencies, Mr. Rector, Mr. Dean, Ladies, Gentlemen:

Pray pardon me if I make bold to address you in your beautiful language
whose rhythm attracts me irresistibly but which, to my deep regret, I speak but
haltingly.

I am profoundly touched by the thought of being present in this room, a
veritable temple of science and letters, under the auspices of your most dis-
tinguished intellectual leaders.

Among the many duties which have left pleasant memories from the moment
I first set foot in this hospitable and beautiful land, one of the highest and
pleasantest is to thank the University of Chile for the great honor done me in
admitting me to honorary membership in its Faculty of Law and Political
Science.

I well know the glorious traditions which, in the intellectual order, since
the middle of the last century, have made the University of Chile one of the
greatest centres of learning of South America. On this occasion I shall confine
myself, however, to referring to only two of its many illustrious rectors whose
names the world has inscribed on its roll of eminent scholars: Bello, inter-
nationalist, codifier, and litterateur, and Domeyko, naturalist.

I can fully appreciate, therefore, the distinction done me by the University
of Chile and by its Rector, and I shall prize it as long as I live.

In my own name, and in that of the eminent statesman whose mission I
bear, Senator Elihu Root, I thank you with all my heart for your welcome and
for the flattering words addressed to my humble self and so little deserved.

I also want to testify my gratitude for the reception which has been
accorded me with the affability and generous hospitality so proverbial of the
courtly Spanish race.

My visit to these fascinating South American countries has been most gratify-
ing. There have filed past before my wondering eyes divine panoramas of
this marvelous continent, fertile valleys, mighty rivers, majestic forests, fantastic
cordilleras, placid lakes of crystal waters, rushing torrents which keep babbling
the glorious hymn of liberty. All this has increased my respect and admiration

APPENDIX V 123

for the new people and the new races which will mark fresh eras for the
human race in the great future in store for America.

The impression I received when I arrived yesterday in your country will
never be effaced from my memory. The hearts of the people of Chile should
swell with legitimate pride when they think of their glorious country. The
fascination of your mountains whose glow, whose balm and harmonies are the
soul of this land, would bewilder any spectator. The poet Wordsworth has
said that the voice of freedom is best heard in the mountains and in the sea.
If this is so, then Chile is the land where the sweet voice of freedom will ring
in clearest tones.

I come charged with a message of good-will from your devoted friend, Mr.
Elihu Root, at whose request, added to my own desire, I have the honor to appear
before you. I wish I could say to you all that he would say were he here in
person to address you and to greet you as an old friend. The expressions may
differ, perhaps, but I assure you the spirit which animates them is entirely the
same.

I invite you then, gentlemen, to co-operate in the establishment of interna-
tional institutions which will be, we hope, centres of good-will which will
develop and popularize just and progressive principles of international law and
which will in various ways, directly and indirectly, by an exchange of thought
and exchange of views and the happy combination of effort, result in strengthen-
ing the bonds of friendship which a common past, common institutions and a
common goal suggest and require.*

* * * * * * * * * *

Circular Note
Or THE NATIONAL SOCIETY OF INTERNATIONAL Law,
SANTIAGO DE CHILE, JANUARY, 1914
3 [Translation from the Spanish]
Sir:

The civilized world is aware of the noble and strong impetus given by Mr.
Andrew Carnegie to the common effort for universal concord.

The study and diffusion of international law has been, and still is, one of
the most efficient means of strengthening the principles of conciliation, the
peaceful settlement of differences between foreign nations and the ever increasing
hope of peace among the states admitted by international law.

Eminent publicists from every country have enthusiastically welcomed the
formation of an American Institute devoted to the study of international law,

and of National Societies in different countries to collaborate with the parent
institution.

 

 

_*Note: The asterisks represent that portion of the address which, being a technical
description of the work and purposes of the Endowment. was necessarily a repetition of

ligt was said on that subject at the Ateneo in Montevideo. The translation is not re-
peated.

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

During the recent visit paid us by Mr. Robert Bacon, on the initiative of
Mr. Root, an invitation was extended to us to establish in Chile a filial institution
similar to that constituted in Washington, presided over by Mr. Root, and whose
Secretary is our distinguished fellow-citizen, Don Alejandro Alvarez.

The main purpose of the American Institute and of the national societies
affiliated thereto is purely scientific.

All political discussion or any idea which is susceptible of influencing
directly or indirectly the political life of the different nations is excluded from
the deliberations.

The regular subject of the programme will be discussed by the Society
solely from the viewpoint of the doctrine of law involved and of its application.

The American republics, united by so many common bonds and by the
democratic character of their institutions, will find to an even greater degree
than the other nations forming part of the American Institute of International
Law, a semi-official organ in which to advance their ideas on terms of absolute
equality, while at the same time becoming acquainted with the ideas prevailing
in the other republics. They will thus secure a moral guarantee for the conduct
of their relations, from which will result a closer union within the principles of
right and justice.

The nations of this continent need to know one another better. The exchange
of ideas brings in its train a union of sentiment and the intimate association of
men and the exchange of principles between the different nations of the New
World will do much to bring the states into closer harmony. The Society of
International Law will realize in the vast realm of the mind and culture perhaps
as much as is accomplished by the Pan-American Conferences in their official
sphere of action.

The purposes of the National Society of International Law, of which we
have the honor to invite you to become a charter member, are the same as those
of the American Institute of International Law, with the slight differences
inherent to our national life.

The National Society of International I.aw accordingly purposes:

1.—To contribute to the development of international law, and to compel
the acceptance of its general principles among nations, and especially
among those of the American Continent.

2.—To contribute to the study of the problems of international law, paying
particular attention to such as are peculiarly American in character,
and to solve them in accordance with the already generally accepted
principles, without abandoning, however, the doctrines which Chile
has always sustained.

3—To work toward the codification of international law, in accordance
with the traditions and doctrines of humanity and of our national
history.

4—To diffuse knowledge of the peaceful means of settling international
disputes.

APPENDIX V 125

The Society will have three classes of members: charter members being
such as accept the present invitation, regular members such as may join at a
later date, and honorary members, not to exceed five in number, such as this
National Society may propose to the American Institute. :

The Society purposes to draft and discuss at general meetings proposals
resolutions and decisions relative to any or all of the subjects, comprised illo
the purposes above enumerated. :

Its resolutions will be forwarded to the American Institute, which shall
take them into consideration at the sessions to be held at least once every two
years, and to which all honorary members of the Society shall be invited.

The Society shall have a Board of Governors for th

: . € management
its affairs. 3 o

The fees shall be twenty-five pesos per annum.
If you should be of opinion that this invitation is worthy of your acceptance

we should be obliged to you if you would return the enclos
We have the honor to be, etc.

ed form duly signed.

Luis Barros Borcofo,

DoMINGO AMUNATEGUI S.
AnToN10 HUNEEUS,

Ricarpo MONTANER BELLO.

 
APPENDIX VI

Peru

Address of Dr. Romero,
DEAN oF THE FAcurLTY OF JURISPRUDENCE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SAN Marcos,
LimA, NOVEMBER 6, 1913
[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen:

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace which aims to promote
and further this idea, has named the Honorable Robert Bacon, formerly Secretary
of State and Ambassador of the United States to France, as its delegate on this
mission of peace and brotherhood.

In 1910 Mr. Andrew Carnegie donated the sum of ten million dollars in
order that the Trustees named by him should apply them to the purposes of the
Endowment. These purposes have been expressed by the Trustees as follows:

The scientific investigation of the causes of war and the practical methods
to prevent or avoid it; to train public opinion regarding the causes, nature and
effects of war; to establish a keener appreciation of international rights and
obligations, and to quicken the sense of justice among the inhabitants of
civilized countries; to promote a general acceptance of peaceful means for the
settlement of international disputes; to promote sentiments of friendship among
the peoples of different countries and to increase the knowledge and common
understanding among nations; to aid in the development of international law
toward a universal agreement as to its laws; to aid such organizations or
societies as may be needed in the advancement of the objects of the Endowment.

The great philanthropist, Carnegie, not only conceived this beautiful idea,
but furnished the means to realize it by donating a sum hitherto unheard of for
such purposes and perhaps not even imagined in the wildest fancy. By this
means he made that generous purpose a practical one and contributed most
efficiently towards stopping war or at least mitigating its horrors.

The idea is indeed a lofty one, worthy of American genius, the creator of so
many colossal enterprises, that genius which has made the United States of
America great in its power, in its wealth, in its territorial expansion, and in
the eminent men whose rapid rise in science, in the arts and in statecraft has
been the wonder of the age.

If the Americans have been the first in peace and the first in war, they are
now, through the generosity of a multi-millionaire, setting on foot a movement
which will lead them to be the first in the hearts of those countless victims whom
they will save from one of the worst scourges that has so often been visited
upon the world.

 

APPENDIX VI 127

As apostle of this mission of harmony and brotherhood, as messenger of
this Christian and civilizing purpose and as leader of this idea which quickens
every heart, there is with us to-day a great statesman, a man pre-eminent for
his learning, contact with whom reveals the power of his mind and the bigness
of his heart.

I present him to you, Mr. Rector, and my esteemed colleagues.

He is not unknown to you. A graduate of Harvard, he is to-day one of
her Trustees and a Fellow of that institution. It is not, then, merely in obedience
to the mandates of courtesy that he is among us to-day. He is here by virtue
of his academic titles and of his position in shaping the destinies of a great
centre of learning, of far greater renown than our own.

It was only a short time ago that he directed with rare skill the foreign
affairs of the greatest of republics; yesterday he was Ambassador to one of the
European nations, and to-day, coming as ambassador of the most noble mission
known to me of goodwill, he stops for a little while in the oldest university of
this continent, in the ancient institution founded by Charles V in 1551, which
is pleased to welcome, even though it be for a brief moment, one of the favored
sons of the greatest of our sister institutions.

But apart from this motive for satisfaction, our University wishes to have
the honor of counting him among her own members, and that his words be
engraved on these walls, which still resound with the echo of the words of our
most learned educators and greatest public men.

Mr. Bacon is going to do us the honor of explaining personally the object
of his mission, so that we may have the benefit of hearing from his own lips
the important message he bears. He has also consented to pay the Faculty of
Jurisprudence of this University the very high honor of becoming an honorary
member.

Distinguished Sir: Welcome to our University, and, as herald of the noble
idea of peace and brotherhood, take back to your mighty nation our message
of sympathy and admiration for the work of the great Carnegie, which is being
so ably carried out through the wise direction of its Trustees, and of our
abiding faith in its final success through the vigorous impulse of such eminent
men as Mr. Root and Dr. Scott, and your own undaunted efforts.

Address of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]
Mr. Rector, Gentlemen:

You will pardon me, I know, if on this historic spot before such a distin-
guished gathering of leaders of thought and men of letters, I make bold to
address you in the beautiful Castilian tongue, so sweet, so rich and so sonorous.
Would that I could command it in order to make you feel my own thoughts:
the intense sentiment of sympathy that fills me on appearing before such a
distinguished body, no less than my deep gratitude for the signal honor done me

 
128 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

by the University of San Marcos, this pioneer institution of the New World,
in conferring upon me the diploma of honorary member of its Faculty of
Jurisprudence.

I value this great honor done me by the University and by its distinguished
Rector with all my heart and in all its worth, and I shall prize it as long as I
live. The fame of your institution in the world of science and letters is
both well merited and glorious, and I am proud to belong to such a high and
distinguished centre of culture.

In my own name and in that of the great statesman whose mission I bear,
Senator Elihu Root, I thank you, Sir, most heartily for your kind words. The
hospitable reception given me by the people of Peru, gracious queen of the
Andes, land of the Incas, has filled me with joy.

Those august emperors represent the inspiring past, brimming with mystery
and splendor, and the vast resources of your beautiful land and its chivalrous
race presage a future no less glorious and brilliant.

The condor, symbol of liberty, soaring in dizzy heights, delights his piercing
gaze by contemplating this free and prosperous country progressing toward the
ideal of all peoples—peace and prosperity.

On arriving in this land of sunshine, I am moved with admiration; I feel
happy when I breathe the balmy air of your mountains, when I contemplate
your majestic Andes as they encircle this beautiful Peru in loving embrace. It
is a real pleasure to me to visit if even for a few days, fewer than I would
wish, this noble country whose history has always attracted me from my early
youth.

I come charged with a message of goodwill from your devoted friend and
great admirer, Mr. Elihu Root, at whose request, added to my own desire, I have
the honor to appear before you. I wish I could say to you all that he would say
were he here in person to address you and to greet you as an old friend. The
expressions may differ, perhaps, but I assure you the spirit which animates them
is entirely the same.

On his behalf I invite you to cooperate in the establishment of international
institutions which will be, we hope, centres of goodwill which will develop and
popularize just and progressive principles of international law, and which will
in various ways, directly and indirectly, by an exchange of thought and exchange
of views and the happy combination of effort, result in strengthening the bonds
of friendship which a common past, common institutions and a common goal
suggest and require. * * *

The sentiments of solidarity and fraternity which united the countries of
the New World in a community of interests should create a work of union and
concord. The way is already open; numerous and fruitful results have been
obtained ; the time has come, therefore, to establish in ever increasing measure
good understanding and harmony. Above all, it is necessary to correct the mis-
understanding of the South of the political purposes of the United States. You

APPENDIX VI 129

will recall the solemn declaration of my eminent chief, Mr. Root, at the Third
Pan-American Conference held at Rio de Janeiro:

“We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our
own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the
independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family
of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we
deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the
oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights, or privileges,
or powers that we do not freely concede to every American republic. We
wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in
wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is
not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a
common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and
stronger together.” .

President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress in December 1906, stamped
these memorable words of his Secretary of State with his approval, and declared
that they faithfully represented the sentiments of the American people. These
same words still represent the sentiments, the ideals of the people of the United
States with the same truth, the same force as when they were spoken seven
years ago. I like to think of this memorable declaration as the “Root Doctrine” —
a doctrine of sympathy and understanding, of kindly consideration and honorable
obligation—and I am proud to be considered worthy to speak of it as an humble
apostle. Our country desires above all that peace and prosperity should reign
in Latin America. * * *

The name of the institution I have the honor to represent, the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, at times creates an erroneous impression
as to the cardinal purposes of the Endowment, as also to the means used in
attaining it. The Endowment might well be called an Endowment for Inter-
national Friendship for where friendship and good understanding between
nations exist peace is the natural consequence. The specific ends which the
Endowment pursues may then be summarized as follows:

To foster the ties of friendly relationship between nations, and the develop-
ment of international law. These two purposes are closely interwoven: each
is the cause and effect of the other.

In working along these lines the Endowment does not hold itself out as a
missionary of peace, nor does it try to preach its own ideas in the world, but
it strives to encourage in each country those national activities which tend toward
the attainment of international friendship and the development of international
law. The means it employs and proposes are practical means.

These purposes and objects fall naturally into three groups: One which
treats of the creation of public opinion in favor of the peaceful settlement of
international differences; another of the investigation and study of the causes

 

 
130 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

of war; and the third of the principles of right and justice which would settle
and prevent the controversies that have embittered the relations between countries
inthe past. * * *

Address of Sefior Tudela y Varela, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
AT A Bangurr Given By Him ror MR. Bacon,
LimA, NOVEMBER 7, 1013
[Translation from the Spanish]

Mr. Bacon:

It is with very great pleasure that I tender you this banquet on behalf of
the Government of Peru, which fully appreciates the high purpose of your visit.

Skilled diplomat, formerly Secretary of State and Ambassador to France,
distinguished member of the Board of Trustees of Harvard University, advocate
of right, you represent the highest order of thought in your country.

The success of your civilizing and humanitarian mission will undoubtedly
be in keeping with these exalted titles, not only on account of the renown they
represent in themselves, but because our Western World has always been eager
to encourage every noble and generous effort. :

You may rest assured, Mr. Bacon, that the ideals of the American Institute
of International Law will find here the warmest of welcomes. Peru may proudly
boast that she has proclaimed these ideas at every moment of her history, and
she entertains the hope that they will some day effectually prevail, overcoming
the inevitable obstacles with which ‘human frailty has blocked the path of the
complete triumph of right.

I beg that the ladies and gentlemen will now join me in my wishes for the
happiness of our distinguished guest, that of his charming family and for the
prosperity of his great country.

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]

Ladies, Gentlemen, Mr. Minister:

I thank you with all my heart for the flattering words in which you have
referred to my humble self, for the courteous expressions touching my country
and for this charming dinner offered me by your Government. I likewise wish
to repeat my profound thanks for the cordial welcome I have received from you,
Mr. Minister, and from your fellow-citizens, with the generous hospitality so
characteristic of your gallant Spanish race. : :

The sympathy you have shown for my mission and your cordial promise
of support fill me with gratitude, with joy and with hope for the future. I
assure you that your friendship, your goodwill and your support are invaluable

 

Nore: The asterisks represent parts of the address, which were devoted to a tech-
nical description of the work and purposes of the Endowment and necessarily a_repetition
of what was said on that subject at the Ateneo in Montevideo and at the University in
Santiago.

APPENDIX VI 131

to us; if I may be permitted to borrow your expression, “they are worth a Peru
to us.”

We Americans of the North are proud of our progressive sisters of the
South. Among these the noble and charming Republic of Peru takes a
prominent place, both on account of the culture of its people, the virility of its
race, the purity of its language, the progress of its present civilization, its
marvelous history and the mysteries of its past civilization.

We know that this country is, in the language of the poet, “chest of early
treasures, precious storehouse of the royal earth.” The Andes and the Pacific
encircle it in loving embrace, and the brave, noble and enterprising character
of the Peruvian people derives its nobility from the majestic ocean and the
towering mountains that surround this land.

When the Panama Canal has been completed, Peru will begin a new chapter
in her history. Through this canal, the marvel of modern engineering, the ships
of commerce will pass and scatter, like soldiers, to invade your ports ; immigration
will follow, and the European races will contribute to the development and
growth of the agriculture, industry and commerce of this beautiful land of
Peru, and to the opening up of its untold resources.

We entertain the very best wishes for your prosperity. We are happy in
the thought that the relations of the past redound to the credit of our common
continent; we are proud of the traditional friendship of Peru and the United
States and we hope that these good relations will not only be perpetuated but
strengthened in the future, and that with each added year our relations will
become more intimate, more confidential, in a word, more fraternal. And this is
to be expected from the members of one great family, inhabiting the same con-
tinent, having the same ideals and with the same destiny.

We hope that this beautiful land of the Incas will continue along the path
of welfare and progress, and that its future may grow every day happier and
brighter.

Gentlemen: To the Republic of Peru, to our illustrious host and to the
distinguished ladies who have honored us with their presence.

Remarks of Sr. Luis G. Rivera,
Ar A REcepTioN AT THE CENTRO UNIVERSITARIO,
Lima, NOVEMBER 7, 1013

[Translation from the Spanish]

Myr. Bacon:

The Centro Universitario, representing the university students of Peru,
is highly honored to receive you in its modest quarters. The student body,
which knows what you have accomplished, which has followed your progress
and which admires the energy and greatness of your people, begs you before you
leave this capital to stamp in this humble house, inhabited by students who profess
the same cult as you do, a mark of your friendship, to speak a few words of

 
132 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

hope and encouragement to the youth of Peru who love truth, respect justice
and ardently desire that the supreme blessing of peace may triumph over petty
interests and momentary differences.

Mr. Bacon, when you return to your great university, take with you our
affectionate greetings to the students of North America; tell them that here in
the land of the Incas they have many comrades and friends with the same ideals,
the same enthusiasm; and you, eminent master, be assured that as you toil in
the fulfilment of your task you will have our steadfast coGperation; bear in
mind that the youth of Peru stand ready to share your noble labors and to sustain
unflinchingly the doctrine of peace, white as the snow-capped crests of the Andes.

Address of Dr. Manuel F. Bellido,
AT A RECEPTION OF THE BAR ASSOCIATION,
Lima, NoveEMmBER 8, 1913
[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen:

The Colegio de Abogados of Lima is honored in extending an honorary
membership in its body to Mr. Robert Bacon who comes to us preceded by the
fame of his high attainments. This fame has already reached you, and so you
are aware that the present Trustee of the University of Harvard, former
Secretary of State and Ambassador to France is now fulfilling a most important
mission in the service of the noblest of causes: peace among civilized nations.

The beautiful ideal conceived by the great philanthropist, Mr. Andrew
Carnegie, has led him to make an endowment of ten million dollars to further
its realization. This great purpose may or may not be attained in a more or
less remote future, but Mr. Carnegie has by his noble deed already earned the
applause of all men of goodwill.

The Trustees in charge of administering this generous gift, organized a
corporation whose purposes are as follows:

(a) To promote a thorough and scientific investigation and study of the
causes of war and of the practical methods to prevent and avoid it.

(b) To aid in the development of international law, and a general agreement
on the rules thereof, and the acceptance of the same among nations.

(¢) To diffuse information, and to educate public opinion regarding the
causes, nature, and effects of war, and means for its prevention and
avoidance.

(d) To establish a better understanding of international rights and duties
and a more perfect sense of international justice among the inhabitants
of civilized countries.

(e) To cultivate friendly feelings between the inhabitants of different
countries, and to increase the knowledge and understanding of each
other by the several nations.

APPENDIX VI 133

(f) To promote a general acceptance of peaceable methods in the settlement
of international disputes.

(g) To maintain, promote, and assist such establishments, organizations,
associations, and agencies as shall be deemed necessary or useful in
the accomplishment of the purposes of the corporation, or any of them.

The illustrious Mr. Bacon has been commissioned by the Carnegie
Endowment to further the realization of this attractive program.

There are many who believe the abolition of warfare among civilized nations
to be a Utopian dream, but even to these the purposes of the Endowment must
command not only their sympathy but their codperation as well, since, as Mr.
Bacon said yesterday at the University of San Marcos, we may call the Carnegie
Endowment an endowment for international friendship. Let us all codperate
toward that friendship, and peace must necessarily result.

And if this result is only a Utopian dream, let us at least hold on to it as
one of the ideals of humanity, so that it may be a comfort to us on our pilgrimage,
and may support our faith in the efficacy of our labors. If, on the other hand,
peace among civilized nations becomes a splendid reality, let us not stop to
determine the date of the triumph; this will be the work not of individuals but
of nations; the men of the present generation will not see it, but their posterity
will enjoy its blessings. Let us not lose heart; rather let us toil as he who sows
the acorn, not for ourselves but for those who come after: let us do our part for
the benefit of future generations.

Mr. Bacon, one of the objects of your mission is that of “aiding in the
development of international law and a general agreement in the rules thereof,
and the acceptance of the same among nations”. The members of this association,
by reason of their profession, are bound to work toward the advancement of
this division of the science of law, and it is my hope that they will give it due
consideration.

We have been pleased to confer on you, who have made a special study
of this branch of the law, the title of honorary member of our association, and
your acceptance honors us. Your name will take its place with other illustrious
men, such as that of the eminent Elihu Root, and be an ornament to this
institution.

Mr. Bacon, I confer upon you an honorary membership in the Bar Asso-
ciation of Lima.

Address of Dr. Anibal Maiirtua
[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen:
This respected Bar Association of Lima has just performed an act
of appreciation by extending an honorary membership to Mr. Robert Bacon, the
eminent North American statesman, who, in fulfilment of the mission entrusted

 
134 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

to him by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has done us the
honor of a visit.

The day before yesterday in the course of a notable address which Mr.
Bacon delivered on the occasion of being admitted as an honorary member of
the Faculty of the University of San Marcos, he set forth in detail the purposes
and aims of the Endowment.

The Carnegie Endowment is not a society devoted merely to peace
propaganda; it is a scientific institution which, to quote from the words of
the Honorable Elihu Root at the first meeting of the Trustees on December
14, 1910, will seek to obtain a clear perception of the social diseases of humanity,
“one of which is war.” One of its chief aims is the investigation of the causes
of war and its effects on both neutrals and belligerents in order that it may
be always in a position to recommend what measures should be adopted to prevent,
as far as possible, appeals to force. The Carnegie Endowment, in a word,
is a highly civilizing institution entitled to universal respect.

Mr. Bacon, you may take with you to the founder and to the Trustees
of the Endowment the assurance that here in Peru we shall earnestly second
the humanitarian aims of your institution. This duty is imposed upon us,
not only because of the high purposes of human harmony and brotherhood which
it pursues, but by reason of the great strides which will be made in our rela-
tions with the United States of America, Europe and Asia, so soon as the
Isthmus of Panama is opened to the traffic of the world in 1915.

Gentlemen, we should not be unmindful of the influence that has been
exercised by two notable American events in the social, economic and political
life of the other nations of the world. In the first place, the discovery of
the New World changed the trade-routes and the political power of Europe,
Africa, and Asia; they were shifted from the East to the West. Secondly,
the independence of America made a deep impression on the destinies of
humanity. Independent America introduced religious freedom, which the Old
World has since followed. Free America, furthermore, created democratic
institutions which are to-day being copied by the monarchies of Europe. With
its political freedom won, America then began assimilating immigration and
formed the sub-races of the Yankee in the North and the Creole in the South,
granting them the fullest measure of civil and political rights, to a degree not
yet obtained by certain human races. America affords the opportunity for
the enterprising, without regard to station or caste, to amass huge fortunes
which have broadened the vision of their owners to undertake tasks similar
to that begun by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the Scottish philanthropist and millionaire,
who came to the United States in 1848. Lastly, this continent has been the
place where the principle of arbitration, as the means of preventing war, has
always been proclaimed and enforced.

APPENDIX VI 135

The opening of the Panama Canal, which will constitute the third great
American event, will undoubtedly exercise even greater influence in the de-
velopment of the commercial and political relations of Europe and Asia.

In the relations between the two portions of this continent, the Canal
will be a powerful instrument for education, for the sentiment of Pan-American-
ism, and for the political conscience of Latin America. In North America
education is free; it has reached a marvelous degree of development and has
raised the moral and intellectual level of the working and producing classes.
There education is the greatest factor in earning a livelihood. In South Amer-
ica, our line of thought is in some respects still European, which works to
the detriment of the people’s welfare.

Again the Pan-American spirit has not been developed in all the States
of this continent, notwithstanding the fact that the Monroe Doctrine and the
leadership of the United States have opened the way to the development of
these nationalities.

Lastly, our aspirations and our thoughts are not wholly American, nor
have we any idea of the réle we should play in the world balance of power.

The Carnegie Endowment with its complete educational, economic and
political program, looking forward to the events of the future, presents a
full picture of Pan-Americanism in its general outline. For the future guid-
ance of these nations and for the political balance of power between Europe

and America it has two qualities to commend it: The assurance of the national
sovereignty of each of the States of this continent and the progress of coms
merce and intellectual intercourse which, as every American earnestly hopes,
will put an end to warfare.

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen:

The many marks of attention which I have received at the hands of the
cultured society of Lima, together with those offered me by the Government
and the honorable associations of your intellectual world, fill me with sincere
and lasting gratitude.

I feel honored that the sympathy which my mission and my university
have awakened in you should have led your famous Bar Association to confer
on me the very precious title of honorary member. I assure you that I prize this
distinction in all its worth. I feel very highly honored, members of the
Peruvian Bar, to be able to call myself your fellow-member.

The day before yesterday I set forth briefly the main purposes of my
visit here. In compliance with the gracious invitation given me, I shall now
speak at greater length of one of them, perhaps that which will be the
greatest force in promoting the work of Pan-American intellectual union.

or IE ea

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136 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

I refer to the support to be given to the American Institute of International
Law and the formation of National Societies of International Law.

“Ubi societas, ibi jus”—Where there is a society of nations there is a
law of nations. As the society grows or changes, the law is developed or
modified to meet the new or different needs of the society. A nation cannot
exist and fulfil its mission separate and apart from the society any more than
man can live in isolation. This has been so in all ages of which history has
furnished us a record; it is so evident, indeed, that Aristotle felt justified in
saying that man was a political animal, for men tend to form a society,
however large or small, and organize themselves on a large or small scale
for a political purpose.

As with the man, so with the nation. It cannot exist of and for itself; it is
a political unit, a body politic, or a moral person. It is either a member of
the society of nations which has naturally resulted from the mere existence of
nations, the needs of mutual intercourse, or the nation is admitted into
membership of the society of nations, as is the case with every country of
the American continent, upon its application or its recognition as a member
by the international society. By such membership each and every nation
acquires the rights which each nation possesses in an equal degree. Each
nation is equal in and under the law, and at one and the same time becomes
subject to the duties imposed by the law, for rights and duties are correlative
terms. The right of one is the right of both; the duty of each is to respect
the right of each and of all. But independence does not and should not mean
the right and the power to act without reference to the other members of the
society; for a failure to respect the rights of others is the violation of a
duty; if unchecked, it results in anarchy which is incompatible, not merely with
the progress and well-being of the members of the society, but with the con-
tinued existence of the members. Such a state of things is impossible among
men; it is equally impossible among nations. We are far removed from the
condition of things which Hobbes could define as a “bellum ommnium contra
omnes,” even although the law of nations is neither so developed nor so ade-
quate as the internal or municipal law of each and every member of the
society of nations.

While we can accept the principle of equality without qualification, we must
understand independence in the sense that a nation is not and cannot be free
to act in violation of the rights of other nations, just as individual men and
women renounce absolute and unrestrained freedom of action in order that
their rights shall be observed and protected as well as the rights of others. Inde-
pendence thus shades, necessarily, naturally and imperceptibly into interde-
pendence, without, however, questioning the equality of each nation and its
freedom from intervention on the part of others.

What is this law of the society of nations which every nation acknowl-
edges and applies or should apply in its relations with other members of the

APPENDIX VI 137

society of nations? Without attempting to define this law—for my present pur-
pose is to state its existence and the necessity of its existence—it may be said
that the law referred to is international law, which has come into being to
meet the needs of nations. Once the possession of the few—the canonists and
philosophers, the jurists and the statesmen—it has become the possession of
the many. It is no longer to be gathered exclusively from the usages and
customs of nations to be found in the archives of foreign relations, but it
exists in systematic form, in the works of Wheaton, to cite an authority of
the United States, and in the elaborate and authoritative treatise of the South
American author, Calvo, and in the works of other leading authorities.

In former times, when a special class of the chosen few governed the
nation and directed its foreign relations, it was, perhaps, not necessary that the
law of nations should have been studied and its principles mastered by the many.
But a change has come over the world in the last hundred years and more. To-day
in the case of every empire, kingdom or republic, the ruler is responsible to
the people for whose benefit government is and must henceforth be administered.
The people of each and every country have become masters of the situation,
and we must educate our masters, not merely as to their rights as to which
they are tolerably well informed, but as to their duties, as to which we all
need enlightenment. The people at large possess the power and the duty
to influence foreign relations, and as the people are in the end responsible
for the correct and enlightened conduct of foreign affairs, and as they suffer
the consequences of the mistakes of government, it follows necessarily and
fatally that they must fit themselves for the responsibility which they cannot
avoid, by a broad and extended acquaintance with the principles of international
law.

It cannot be expected that every voter will become an international lawyer,
and it is not necessary that every voter should. It is, however, vital that large
classes of the people should take an interest in the law which controls inter-
national intercourse and by which the rights and duties of nations are to be
tested. It is only through a knowledge of international law that a just public
opinion can be formed on questions of foreign policy, and, as public opinion
fashions foreign policy, it needs no argument that a knowledge of the prin-
ciples of international law should be sufficiently disseminated in order to form
public opinion, on enlightened lines, in each and every nation belonging to
the “Society of Nations.”

The expression “Society of Nations” has been used as more accurate and
significant than the “Family of Nations,” but in a large and generous sense,
the idea of a family applies with peculiar force and suggestiveness to the
twenty-one republics of the Western world, alike in their origin, having similar
forms of government and identical in their hopes and aspirations.

Confining ourselves to what may be called the American problem, how
can we develop international law in such a way as to make it meet the growing

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138 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

needs of the twenty-one American republics; how can we formulate the rules
of law which are necessary to decide our problems; how can we conduct our
mutual relations in such a way as not to disturb the harmony that should exist
among the members of one and the same continent, and how can we bring a
knowledge of these matters home to the classes that form public opinion in
each and every one of the twenty-one American republics?

The Pan-American conferences may be trusted to continue; the regular
and periodic exchange of professors and students may be, and we hope,
will be inaugurated, the knowledge of the institutions and of the contributions
of each nation to the common good may become general; the visit of repre-
sentative men may and will tend to create and promote social intercourse, but
the relations of nations, considered as such, depend upon an understanding
and dissemination of just principles of law and their application to disputes
which are bound to arise among members of one and the same family.

How can this law be developed? How can these principles, when found
and formulated, be best disseminated? These are questions which must be
answered and upon the correct answer depends in large part the future rela-
tions of the American nations.

It needs no argument that a law to affect all must be made by all, that is
to say, it must be the result of cooperation. The law of nations is not the
law of any one nation; it is not made by any one nation. It is not imposed by
any one nation, it cannot be changed by any one nation.

The law may be codified where it exists, and created where it does not
exist by the action of governments, just as the American States have pro-
posed to do, and have actually begun the work in a meeting of American
jurists held at Rio de Janeiro in June of last year. But governments move
slowly, and when they move too rapidly and in advance of public opinion
their work does not last. Is there not a place for private, that is to say, for
scientific coOperation among the publicists of America? A private body of
Europe, the Institute of International Law, founded in 1873 on the suggestion
of the distinguished North American, Francis Lieber, and of which Institute
the distinguished South American, Calvo, was a founder and an ornament,
has done more than any single agency to develop international law. Its
drafts in various phases of international law, its resolutions, its statement of
old as well as of new law have been accepted by specialists and its various
projects have been adopted by governments because of their value and prac-
tical worth. Slowly and tentatively, scientifically and unerringly it has solved
problem after problem and produced model after model of correct codification.
Much of its work has been adopted by The Hague conferences, notably the
code of arbitral procedure, the code of land warfare, the suggestion of a court
of prize, and it is not too much to say that it made possible the work of The
Hague. It prepared the way and furnished model drafts which could be
accepted with only slight modifications by the conferences. The patient labor

APPENDIX VI 139

of an unofficial society, composed of publicists representing science, not gov-
ernments, furnished not merely the form but the substance for the official
conference. It is hardly open to question that an official codification of inter-
national law must be preceded by the careful, patient, inconspicuous labor and
devotion of scientists, if the codification is to state just principles of law which
the “Society of Nations” can adopt instead of a compromise of conflicting in-
terests and views of the governments.

Is there not room for an American Institute of International Law, com-
posed of an equal number of publicists from each of the American countries,
which can do for our continent what the older Institute has done for the
world in the last forty years? Could not this American Institute work in
friendly cooperation with National Societies of International Law in every
American capital? Could not these National societies bring together all per-
sons interested in international law, create this interest where it does not
exist, and form a center in each country for the study and popularization of
international law?

The American publicists thought so, and they have established the Amer-
ican Institute of International Law, after conference with and upon approval
of leading publicists of the Continent. The members of the older institute
thought so, as is evidenced by their warm and unsparing praise of the pro-
posal; and such is the opinion of the distinguished North American states-
man, Elihu Root, who has accepted the honorary presidency of the Institute.

In an address at the opening of the Twentieth Peace Congress in The Hague
during the month of August, the distinguished Dutch publicist, Professor de
Louter, referred to the three hopeful and encouraging events of recent date,
all three of which are of American origin. The first was the codification of
international law proposed by the Pan-American Conferences and actually begun
by the Congress of American jurists which met in Rio de Janeiro in June, 1912;
the second was the formation of the American Institute of International Law,
proposed and founded by the happy codperation of South and North Amer-
ican publicists ; the third was the creation and proposed activity of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace.

Let me dwell for a few moments on the question of National Societies,
which are to be formed and affiliated with the Institute, whose members are
chosen from the members of the National Societies. The older Institute con-
templated National Societies but none was formed until after the founding of
the American Institute.

In February of the present year the French Society of International Law
was founded.

If a National Society is needed in France and can perform useful work, it
is fair to presume that such a National Society may be formed in each of the
American Republics and that it can justify its existence by useful and construc-

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140 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

tive work in the country of its origin. The French Society issues a modest
bulletin. This could be done by each American Society and the interchange of
the different bulletins would keep all of the National Societies informed of the
work done by the others. A large and comprehensive Review of International
Law would not need to be founded or supported by the American Institute, as
the American Journal of International Law, now issued in a Spanish transla-
tion by the American Society, could be modified so as to fit it to be and to
make it the organ of the Institute without additional expense and without any
cost to the Institute. It could be distributed to the members of the Institute
and to the members of the National Societies so that the International Society
would thus have an international journal and each National Society a national
bulletin. All workers in the field of international relations would be brought
into close and intimate relations, and instead of isolated activity, all would
press forward together towards a common goal, and international law would
be developed, expounded and popularized by the nations of a continent.

Let me indicate, in closing, how the American Institute can help the Car-
negie Endowment in its great and peaceful mission. The older Institute was
requested to act as advisor to the Endowment’s Division of International Law.
It accepted the invitation and appointed a committee composed of the most
experienced and illustrious of European publicists, so that the Division has
the advantage of the best advice that Europe can furnish as to what it should
undertake and as to the method of execution.

As the Institute has performed, and performs, incalculable services, the
Endowment makes a generous subvention to the Institute which is employed
in part in meeting the travelling expenses of the members of the Institute, which
does not meet in any fixed place but holds its meetings from year to year in the
different countries of Europe, and also in part in paying the expenses of its
commissions, and in the preparation and publication of its valuable reports.

If the American Institute is firmly established, with the national and
affiliated societies, cannot the American Institute be asked to act as advisor
to the Endowment’s Division of International Law on all problems of an Ameri-
can nature and all undertakings affecting America, and may not the Institute
justify such financial support as may be needed to be expended in the same way
as the subvention to the European Institute?

I am specially instructed by Mr. Root, Honorary President of the American
Institute of International Law, and President of the North American Society
of International Law, to urge you to help the American Institute to perform the
mission for America and for the world that the European Institute performs
for Europe and the world, and to urge you to form a National Society of Inter-
national Law, affiliated with the American Institute.

If you join us in this work of intellectual union, if the Latin American
countries and the United States unite in a constant effort for the improvement
of the relations between nations, if all the countries of this hemisphere work

APPENDIX VI 141

in unison toward a common ideal, there will then be created a powerful force
for good, which cannot fail to benefit our continent, the world and humanity.

In conclusion, I wish to express the most loyal sentiment of high regard
which I have for this illustrious Association, a worthy representative of the
Peruvian Bar, and to voice my hope that justice and right may ever prevail in
this land as the safeguard to the rights of its citizens.

Remarks of Sr. José Balta,
AT A RECEPIION OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY,
Lima, NovEMBER 8, 1913
[Translation from the Spanish]
Mr. Bacon:

It is a source of great satisfaction to me to present to you this diploma
accrediting you as honorary member of our Geographical Society.

The motto of the institution you represent applies to every association of
men of science, who, without forsaking their countries, work on behalf of
humanity ; 1t 1s, moreover, particularly fitting to geographical societies that
consider the Earth merely as an organism in constant evolution through the
ages, and the human race as a group of like beings which neither the color of
the skin, not the configuration of features suffices to divide into radically differ-
ent, and, much less, hostile, groups.

In the conception of the fatherland by the world of science it is possible
to have all boundary lines and all race prejudices blotted out and so bring about
sincere friendship between nations.

Welcome to our modest institution which I wish might bear the motto of
the Smithsonian Institute, that other grand North American creation: “The
increase and diffusion of knowledge among men,” side by side with the words

that embody the programme of the Carnegie Endowment: “Pro patria per orbis
concordiam.”

Response of Mr. Bacon

[Translation from the Spanish]

Permit me, gentlemen, to express my sincere thanks for your cordial
words regarding my mission and myself, and for the special distinction you
have done me in conferring upon me an honorary membership in your Society.
Iam deeply touched, by this evidence of friendship, which, I assue you, I highly
appreciate.

; The objects of your Society are peculiarly attractive to me. The investi-
gation of problems and geographical mysteries is not only a fascinating and
invaluable study in itself, but the diffusion of geographical knowledge has
knit nations together in closer bonds and has contributed to the spread of civili-
zation, and, hence, of international friendship and international sentiment.

 

 

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142 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

It is fitting, it is necessary that nations should grow together, should work
to help to spread civilization. No nation, no human being for that matter, can live
for and to itself, and the co-operation of nations is as essential to the progress
of the world as the co-operation of individuals is to the progress of society.

Geographically, America is a unit; industrially, its members live in closer
contact every day; and, intellectually, each member should contribute to the
knowledge and to the progress of all.

Again I thank you, gentlemen, for your courteous welcome and the honor
done me.

Remarks of Dr. Romero,
Ar A BANQUET oF THE FAcurry oF THE UNIVERSITY OF SAN MARcos,
Lima, NOVEMBER 9, 1013

[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen:

I have no set speech worthy of the distinguished personage we are honoring
and of the importance of the mission he bears; and I have not prepared a speech,
because, sharing the opinion of my colleagues, I thought that a set speech was
out of place when honoring one of our own. And, so, it is, in truth, gentlemen:
we are tendering this banquet to Mr. Bacon because he has done us the honor
of accepting an honorary membership in our Faculty: we are celebrating an

occasion of great significance to us.

It is an ancient custom to celebrate momentous events and occasions of
special importance with banquets. It was intended thereby to furnish moments
for closer intimacy, to realize materially what already existed through the com-
munion symbolized by the fraternity of souls having the same ideals and aspiring
to identical ends in everything which is great or good.

With this banquet we celebrate the high honor done us by Mr. Bacon; we
seek to express our happiness at his becoming a member of our Faculty; and
seated at the same table, free from an exacting ceremonial whose bounds we
could not pass, tell him how great is our regard for him, how happy we are at
the thought that the distinguished member of a great University of the United
States has seen fit to visit our country and to set forth in lucid speech the pur-
poses of his high mission. If it was out of place, therefore, to deliver a set speech
because one of our own members had sat down at his own table; if his arrival is
the occasion for spontaneous welcome to be shown by manifestations of sincere
affection, then it is proper that we should give this outward proof of our joy,
and so I confine myself to begging you, gentlemen, to join me in drinking to the
health of Mr. Bacon, and of his charming family, voicing at the same time the
hope that he may carry with him the satisfaction of having achieved complete
success in the realization of the aims of that great Institution, which, apart
from its high deserts, has afforded us the honor and pleasure of having Mr.
Bacon with us to-day.

APPENDIX VI

Response of Mr. Bacon
[Translation from the Spanish]

Mr. Rector; Gentlemen:

Once again I am pleased to express my sincere thanks and my warm appre-
ciation for the honors and distinction conferred upon me by you, Mr. Rector,
and by the esteemed members of the Faculty of this University.

I assure you, gentlemen, I am deeply touched by your charming courtesy
and kind hospitality, no less than by your spontaneous offers of help in the work
of intellectual union. The recollection of your kindness will make the impres-
sion produced by your wonderful country, your historic capital and your charm-
ing people more delightful and more lasting.

It has sometimes been thought that those who speak of international friend-
ship, of the sentiment that controls everything else in this world, are mere idle
dreamers. But it is no dream to say that the world is evolving through the
ages from the material to the spiritual, to the moral, to the intellectual life.
We can not appreciate this in a single day, just as we cannot perceive the move-
ment of the tide. We see the waves, but the tide ebbs and flows imperceptibly.
Progress, the continual irresistible progress of civilization, never halts.

The facilities of communication are not only making trade and industry
easier but they are drawing the different nationalities into closer social and intel-
lectual union. Travel, personal intercourse and the knowledge of different coun-
tries and institutions, tend to remove the causes of suspicion which unfortunately
exist among nations and peoples that are not brought into intimate touch with
one another. International conferences contribute greatly to create a better
understanding among peoples, and the influence of the Pan-American and Latin
American Conferences has been marked. It is a matter of great satisfaction to
see congresses, such as the Medical Congress which has just been held in this
city, attended by distinguished physicians from the whole of America. The
valuable results to be obtained from these conferences are not confined solely
to the world of science; they also serve the purpose of drawing the bonds of
friendship between different countries closer. The medical profession of Latin
America deserves the warmest praise and congratulation ; its members, meeting
in international congresses, have contributed to the welfare of the world and to
the development of sentiments of friendship and brotherhood among nations.
Through you, Mr. Rector, I desire to express my cordial greetings and good
wishes to the Dean of the Faculty of Medicine and to the members of the
Medical Congress.

Once more I thank you for your hospitality. Although my stay in this
beautiful land of Peru has been a brief one, I shall not, however, forget the
pleasing impression I experienced the first moment I set foot on your soil. The
wonderful history of Peru had seized my interest. The cordiality and affable
disposition of the people have held my affection; and after contemplating the

 

 
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142 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

It is fitting, it is necessary that nations should grow together, should work
to help to spread civilization. No nation, no human being for that matter, can live
for and to itself, and the co-operation of nations is as essential to the progress
of the world as the co-operation of individuals is to the progress of society.

Geographically, America is a unit; industrially, its members live in closer
contact every day; and, intellectually, each member should contribute to the
knowledge and to the progress of all.

Again I thank you, gentlemen, for your courteous welcome and the honor
done me.

Remarks of Dr. Romero,
AT A BANQUET oF THE FAcurry oF THE UNIVERSITY OF SAN Marcos,
LimA, NOVEMBER 9, 1013

[Translation from the Spanish]
Gentlemen:

I have no set speech worthy of the distinguished personage we are honoring
and of the importance of the mission he bears; and I have not prepared a speech,
because, sharing the opinion of my colleagues, I thought that a set speech was
out of place when honoring one of our own. And, so, it is, in truth, gentlemen:
we are tendering this banquet to Mr. Bacon because he has done us the honor
of accepting an honorary membership in our Faculty: we are celebrating an

occasion of great significance to us.

It is an ancient custom to celebrate momentous events and occasions of
special importance with banquets. It was intended thereby to furnish moments
for closer intimacy, to realize materially what already existed through the com-
munion symbolized by the fraternity of souls having the same ideals and aspiring
to identical ends in everything which is great or good.

With this banquet we celebrate the high honor done us by Mr. Bacon; we
seek to express our happiness at his becoming a member of our Faculty; and
seated at the same table, free from an exacting ceremonial whose bounds we
could not pass, tell him how great is our regard for him, how happy we are at
the thought that the distinguished member of a great University of the United
States has seen fit to visit our country and to set forth in lucid speech the pur-
poses of his high mission. If it was out of place, therefore, to deliver a set speech
because one of our own members had sat down at his own table; if his arrival is
the occasion for spontaneous welcome to be shown by manifestations of sincere
affection, then it is proper that we should give this outward proof of our joy,
and so I confine myself to begging you, gentlemen, to join me in drinking to the
health of Mr. Bacon, and of his charming family, voicing at the same time the
hope that he may carry with him the satisfaction of having achieved complete
success in the realization of the aims of that great Institution, which, apart
from its high deserts, has afforded us the honor and pleasure of having Mr.
Bacon with us to-day.

 

APPENDIX VI

Response of Mr. Bacon
[Translation from the Spanish]
Mr. Rector; Gentlemen:

Once again I am pleased to express my sincere thanks and my warm appre-
ciation for the honors and distinction conferred upon me by you, Mr. Rector,
and by the esteemed members of the Faculty of this University.

I assure you, gentlemen, I am deeply touched by your charming courtesy
and kind hospitality, no less than by your spontaneous offers of help in the work
of intellectual union. The recollection of your kindness will make the impres-
sion produced by your wonderful country, your historic capital and your charm-
ing people more delightful and more lasting.

It has sometimes been thought that those who speak of international friend-
ship, of the sentiment that controls everything else in this world, are mere idle
dreamers. But it is no dream to say that the world is evolving through the
ages from the material to the spiritual, to the moral, to the intellectual life.
We can not appreciate this in a single day, just as we cannot perceive the move-
ment of the tide. We see the waves, but the tide ebbs and flows imperceptibly.
Progress, the continual irresistible progress of civilization, never halts.

The facilities of communication are not only making trade and industry
easier but they are drawing the different nationalities into closer social and intel-
lectual union. Travel, personal intercourse and the knowledge of different coun-
tries and institutions, tend to remove the causes of suspicion which unfortunately
exist among nations and peoples that are not brought into intimate touch with
one another. International conferences contribute greatly to create a better
understanding among peoples, and the influence of the Pan-American and Latin
American Conferences has been marked. It is a matter of great satisfaction to
see congresses, such as the Medical Congress which has just been held in this
city, attended by distinguished physicians from the whole of America. The
valuable results to be obtained from these conferences are not confined solely
to the world of science; they also serve the purpose of drawing the bonds of
friendship between different countries closer. The medical profession of Latin
America deserves the warmest praise and congratulation; its members, meeting
in international congresses, have contributed to the welfare of the world and to
the development of sentiments of friendship and brotherhood among nations.
Through you, Mr. Rector, I desire to express my cordial greetings and good
wishes to the Dean of the Faculty of Medicine and to the members of the
Medical Congress.

Once more I thank you for your hospitality. Although my stay in this
beautiful land of Peru has been a brief one, I shall not, however, forget the
pleasing impression I experienced the first moment I set foot on your soil. The
wonderful history of Peru had seized my interest. The cordiality and affable
disposition of the people have held my affection; and after contemplating the

 

 
TIN i A

—

HP i SH SE MTR TRAST ST SW SE

144 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

great progress to be seen everywhere, in the intellectual order as well as in the
material, there has now been added to my interest and my affection my unbounded
admiration. On leaving this charming City of Kings, I take with me personal
feelings of goodwill, real friendships for the future, and I wish to say to my
friends of Peru not “good-bye” but “till we meet again.”

I raise my glass, gentlemen, to the University of San Marcos, its distin-
guished Rector and to its illustrious Faculty.

Letter from Dr. Juan Bautista de Lavalle,
ACCEPTING THE SECRETARYSHIP OF THE CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE FOR PERU,
Lima, NovEMBER 8, 1013

[Translation from the Spanish]

To THE HONORABLE ROBERT BACON,
My dear Sir:

It is a very great pleasure to me to accept the Secretaryship which you
have seen fit to offer me of the Society for International Conciliation which has
already been formed in Peru, thus realizing one of the objects of your noble
mission. This Society will co-operate with the parent institution founded in
Washington by the eminent President of the University of Columbia, Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, with that created in Paris by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant,
and with the societies recently established in the other Latin American countries
you have been visiting.

No cultured mind can remain indifferent to the appropriate motto, to the
elaborate programme and to the high mission of the Society for International
Conciliation whose purposes have been so clearly set forth by Baron d’Estour-
nelles de Constant, by the great Elihu Root and by yourself in these words:
“True patriotism consists in serving one’s country. It is not enough to be ever
ready to defend it; it is necessary to save it difficulties and needless dangers,
and to develop by means of peace its resources, its wealth and its commerce.”
“The object of the Society for International Conciliation is to develop national
prosperity under the auspices of happy international relations and to organize
these good relations upon permanent and lasting bases.” “We should do the
work at hand, with the hope that every effort will produce some result, even
though it be not given to us to see it.”

I beg to thank you also for the splendid gift of the medal of the Institu-
tion bearing the beautiful design of Eugéne Carriere and the suggestive motto
“Pro patria per orbis concordiam.”

With the assurances, etc.

(Signed) Juan BAuTiSTA DE LAVALLE.

APPENDIX Vii

Monographs Printed and Distributed in Latin America

[Translation from the Spanish and French]

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

On December 14, 1910, Mr. Andrew Carnegie placed in the hands of twenty-
eight Trustees the sum of ten million dollars, the annual income of which
($500,000) was to be administered “to hasten the abolition of international war,”
which he declared to be the “foulest blot upon our civilization.” “The nation is
criminal,” he further said in the letter accompanying the bequest, “which refuses
to arbitrate and drives its adversary to a tribunal which knows nothing of
righteous judgment.”

At their first meeting the Trustees organized by electing Elihu Root Presi-
dent, Joseph H. Choate Vice-President, and James Brown Scott Secretary.
Subsequently, Honorable Charlemagne Tower was elected Treasurer.

Mr. Carnegie wisely left the Trustees full liberty to create the organization
and the agencies to give effect to the fundamental purpose for which the fund
was created. Thus, in the letter accompanying the gift he said: “Lines of
future action cannot be wisely laid down. Many may have to be tried, and
having full confidence in my trustees I leave to them the widest discretion as to
the measures and policy they shall from time to time adopt, only premising
that the one end they shall keep unceasingly in view until it is attained is the
speedy abolition of international war between so-called civilized nations.”

The Trustees decided that the institution should be called the “Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace,” and a special committee was appointed to
formulate the aims and purposes of the Endowment. This was a difficult task,
for Mr. Carnegie’s views were expressed in general terms. After much thought
and deliberation, the Trustees adopted the following statement on March 9, 1911:

That the objects of the corporation shall be to advance the cause of
peace among nations, to hasten the abolition of international war, and to
encourage and promote a peaceful settlement of international differences,
and in particular—

(a) To promote a thorough and scientific investigation and study of
the causes of war and of the practical methods to prevent and avoid it.

(b) To aid in the development of international law, and a general
agreement on the rules thereof, and the acceptance of the same among
nations.

(c¢) To diffuse information, and to educate public opinion regarding
the causes, nature, and effects of war, and means for its prevention and
avoidance.

 

 
 

MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

(d) To establish a better understanding of international rights and
duties and a more perfect sense of international justice among the inhab-
itants of civilized countries.

(e) To cultivate friendly feelings between the inhabitants of different
countries, and to increase the knowledge and understanding of each other
by the several nations.

(f) To promote a general acceptance of peaceable methods in the
settlement of international disputes.

(g) To maintain, promote, and assist such establishments, organiza-
tions, associations, and agencies as shall be deemed ‘necessary or useful
in the accomplishment of the purposes of the corporation, or any of them.

Pending incorporation, the business of the trust is conducted by the Trustees
as an unincorporated association. The principal office of the Endowment was
located in the city of Washington, District of Columbia, and provision was made
for offices elsewhere. An executive committee of seven members, including the
President and Secretary, was appointed to direct and supervise the business and
conduct the affairs of the Endowment, subject to the approval of the Trustees.
The Secretary was made the chief administrative officer of the Endowment, and,
subject to the authority of the Board and the Executive Committee, he was
given immediate charge of the administration of its affairs and of the work under-
taken by it or with its funds. The By-Laws require that he shall be a member
of the Board of Trustees, and shall hold office during its pleasure.

The officers elected at the first meeting on December 14, 1010, were formally
re-elected on March 9, 1911, at which meeting the aims and purposes of the
Endowment were formulated, and a series of By-Laws were adopted.

The statement of aims and purposes above quoted shows that the Endow-
ment is largely a scientific institution and that it will carefully investigate the
origin and causes of war, as well as its economic effects on neutrals and belliger-
ents, in order to be in a position to recommend measures to remove as far as
possible the causes of war. Wise action can be taken only in the fulness of
knowledge and only after a thorough study of the problems, a careful weighing
of the difficulties to be overcome, the methods to be employed,—which must nec-
essarily change with changed conditions,—and above all, by the exercise of a
sound and enlightened judgment as to what is reasonably possible, given the
experience of history and a firm grasp of conditions actually existing in the
countries which make up the society of nations. That the Endowment would be
largely an institution of scientific research, was made evident by President Root’s
remarks at the first meeting of the Trustees on December 14, 1910:

I think the field of general observation upon the subject of war and
peace, general exposition of the wrongfulness of war, and the desirableness
of peace, is already pretty well covered. I think this Endowment will be
of little use unless it does something further than that. We must do what
the scientific men do, we must strive to reach some deeper insight into the

APPENDIX VII 147

cause of the diseases, of which war is a symptom, than can be obtained by
casual and occasional consideration. That deeper insight can be attained
only by long and faithful and continuous study and investigation.

The aims and purposes of the Endowment as formulated by the Trustees
fall naturally into three groups: one dealing with the creation of a public opinion
in favor of the peaceful settlement of international disputes; another with the
investigation and study of the causes of war; and the third with the principles
of law and justice which, if accepted and applied by nations in their mutual
intercourse, will enable them to settle many, if not all, of the controversies
which have either provoked war or embittered international relations in the past.
The Executive Committee therefore established three divisions: the first, to be
called the Division of Intercourse and Education, whose chief purposes are
(1) to diffuse information, and to educate public opinion regarding the causes,
nature and effects of war, and means for its prevention and avoidance; (2) to
cultivate friendly feelings between the inhabitants of different countries, and to
increase the knowledge and understanding of each other by the several nations;
(3) to maintain, promote, and assist such establishments, organizations, associa-
tions, and agencies as shall be deemed necessary or useful in the accomplishment
of the purposes of the association, or any of them; the second, to be called the
Division of Economics and History, to promote a thorough and scientific investi-
gation and study of the causes of war and of the practical methods to prevent
and avoid it; the third, to be called the Division of International Law, in
order (1) to aid in the development of international law, and a general agree-
ment on the rules thereof, and the acceptance of the same among nations; (2)
to establish a better understanding of international rights and duties and a more
perfect sense of international justice among the inhabitants of civilized coun-
tries; (3) to promote a general acceptance of peaceable methods in the settlement
of international disputes.

Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia University, was
appointed Acting Director of the Division of Intercourse and Education; Dr.
John Bates Clark, professor of economics in Columbia University, was appointed
Director of the Division of Economics and History; and the Secretary of the
Endowment, Dr. James Brown Scott, was appointed Director of the Division
of International Law.

Having thus determined the objects of the Endowment and created the
organization to carry them into effect, the Executive Committee turned its atten-
tion to the methods to be pursued by the Endowment and by each of the Divi-
sions to advance the cause for which the Endowment was created. It was felt
that the methods were of the utmost importance, for it is a commonplace that
mistaken methods not only jeopardize but discredit an ideal. Success depends
in this, as in other important undertakings, upon the proper adjustment of the
means to the end. After a painstaking survey of the field of past effort and
existing agencies throughout the world in the interest of international peace,

 

 

 

 
 

148 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

the Executive Committee formulated the following conclusions, which were
approved by the Trustees at the annual meeting of December 14, 1911:

(1) That it will not be wise for the Endowment to enter into com-
petition with existing agencies or to seek to supplant them by its own
direct action or by the creation of new organizations to cover the same
field, but rather

(a) to give greater strength and activity to the existing organizations
and agencies which are found to be capable of doing good work;

(b) to produce better organization by bringing about union in system-
atic relations of scattered organizations and eliminating duplication of effort
and conflict of interest; and,

(c) to cause the creation of new organizations only in those parts of
the field which are not now effectively covered.

The successful conduct of work of this kind requires the voluntary
co-operation of great numbers of people who are moved by their interest
in the cause of peace. Such co-operation cannot be bought with money, and
it cannot be controlled by money. It can be greatly aided and made more
effective by the judicious use of money. It would be impossible to duplicate
the personnel now engaged in peace work in many directions. The con-
tinued activity of the workers depends upon the continuance of their interest,
and that is largely enlisted in the organizations which they have built up,
often with much labor and sacrifice. It would be an enormous waste of
power to attempt to substitute new and different organizations.

(2) That a considerable part of the work of the Endowment must be
prosecuted in countries other than the United States. There are many
countries in which the problem presented by the proposal to substitute
peace for war as the normal condition of mankind is much more complicated
and difficult than it is with us at home, and there are many countries in
which the ideas that we have come to regard as fundamental and indis-
putable have made but little progress. All true advance towards a stable
condition of peace in the world must be a general advance. The chief bar-
rier to warlike aggression is the general adverse opinion of mankind and
the reluctance of nations to incur the condemnation of the civilized world
by conduct which, in that opinion, is discreditable.

To render our work most effective it must accordingly be carried on in
many different countries.

(3) That in carrying on our work in other countries, and especially
in those countries of Europe with which questions of peace and war are
much more pressing and difficult than with us, it is of vital importance
that we should not present ourselves as American missionaries undertaking
to teach the people of other countries how they should conduct their affairs,
but that we should rather aid the citizens of those other countries who are
interested in the work which tends to promote peace to carry on that work
among their own countrymen, and that to all such work the first conclusion
above stated applies with special force.

(4) That one direction in which work for general peace especially
needs strengthening is along the line where the sentiment for peace comes
into immediate contact with the difficulties and exigencies of practical inter-

APPENDIX VII 149

national affairs. The reconciliation of the two requires knowledge of the
practical side, not so much of specific international difficulties as of the
underlying forces which move nations, the development of their methods
and motives of action and the historical development of their relations
To make progress in this it is necessary to enlist the services of men com-
petent to carry on thorough, scientific inquiry and to produce definite, cer-
tain, and authoritative conclusions which may be made the competent "basis
of education and argument, appealing to practical men conducting affairs.

It may be profitable to sketch the progress made by each of the Divisions to
give effect to the fundamental purposes for which the Endowment was created.

I. Division oF INTERCOURSE AND EDUCATION

Dr. Butler established his headquarters at New York, so that he could be in
close touch with the work of his Division and personally direct its activities.

As a large part of the work of the Division would necessarily affect foreign
countries and as it was essential to its success that the work in foreign countries
should be done by local agencies, not by branches of the Endowment, Dr. Butler
created an advisory council of representative European statesmen and publicists
and a body of correspondents, so that he might be accurately informed of local
conditions, and to insure that no project be undertaken in any European country
of a kind calculated to run counter to national institutions, traditions and ideals.
An executive committee was formed of leading members of this council
and a Bureau established at Paris to carry into effect the projects proposed
the council and its executive committee and approved by the Endowment. Dr
Butler has been fortunate enough to secure the services of Baron d’Estournelles
de Constant as president of the advisory council and of the executive committee
and of Mr. Prudhommeaux, the accomplished editor of La Pair par le Droit,
as secretary general of the European Bureau at Paris. :

To diffuse information and to educate public opinion regarding the causes
nature and effects of war, the Endowment, upon Dr. Butler's recommendation,
has taken measures to enlarge the contents of a select list of European period
icals devoted to the peace movement, in order that they may reach a larger
circle of readers and create a public opinion in behalf of the peace movement.

To cultivate friendly feelings between the inhabitants of different countries
and to increase their knowledge and understanding of one another, the Endow-
ment has approved the three following proposals of Dr. Butler: (1) an educa-
tional exchange with Latin America; (2) an educational exchange with Japan;
(3) international visits of representative men. It is unnecessary to dwell upon
the wisdom and timeliness of these projects, for it is common knowledge that
many of the misunderstandings existing between nations are the result of
ignorance of local conditions, traditions and ideals. Personal intercourse reveals
that at bottom all men are strangely alike, and personal intercourse, discussion
and exchange of views lay the foundation for friendship and good understanding.

 

 
150 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

The educational exchange with Latin America has not yet been carried into
effect, although progress has been made toward it.

A distinguished Japanese educator, Dr. Nitobe, spent several months in the
United States as the representative of Japan, and the distinguished American
author, Dr. Hamilton Wright Mabie, is at present in Japan.

In 1912 three distinguished foreigners were welcomed to the United States
by the Endowment, namely, Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, Count Apponyi,
and Mr. Christian L. Lange, and the Baroness von Suttner has but recently left
our shores. The distinguished American educator, Dr. Charles W. Eliot, Presi-
dent Emeritus of Harvard University, last year visited many countries, especially
China and Japan, as the representative of the Endowment.

Passing now to the agencies “deemed necessary or useful in the accom-
plishment of the purposes” of the Endowment, the following societies have, upon
recommendation of Dr. Butler, received financial assistance to enable them to
carry on the work they have undertaken and to enlarge their sphere of influence:
(1) L’Office Central des Associations Internationales, organized by the distin-
guished Belgian publicist, Senator La Fontaine, and located at Brussels; (2) the
Bureaw International Permanent de la Paix, at Berne, as the recognized head-
quarters of the various peace societies; (3) the American Peace Society, reor-
ganized in such a way as to be the efficient representative of the peace societies
in America.

It was felt that the Office Central is so international in its nature and scope
that it should receive direct assistance from the Endowment; that the Bureau
International Permanent de la Paix as the organ of the peace societies should be
strengthened in order to perform its work more efficiently, and that, with the same
general end, the American Peace Society, reorganized and strengthened, should
not only act as the medium of communication between the Endowment and the
various societies in the United States, but serve as the agent of the Endowment
in assisting the local societies.

The Executive Committee, as the result of the experience and recommen-
dations of the Acting Director of this Division, has laid down the general prin-
ciple that assistance shall be granted the national agencies in the Eastern Hemi-
sphere only upon the recommendation of the Advisory Council, concurred in by
the representatives of each particular country in the Advisory Council. It is
believed that this principle is admirably calculated to aid the citizens of foreign
countries in carrying on the work in their countries, and that it tends to bring
peace workers into contact and codperation with each other and with the prac-
tical men of affairs who mould or control international policies.

Experience has shown that many people genuinely interested in bringing
about good understanding with foreign countries, nevertheless hesitate for a
variety of reasons to ally themselves with peace societies. Associations for

International Conciliation appeal to these classes. Therefore Dr. Butler's policy
has been to strengthen these associations where they exist and to create them

APPENDIX VII 151

where they do not. The parent association was formed by Baron d’Estournelles
de Constant in 1906. An American branch, of which Dr. Butler is president
was organized in the same year; German and English associations were A
in 1912, and arrangements are in progress to create branches in South America
Canada, and other quarters of the globe. These associations, while local "
origin, have nevertheless an international mission and tend to create, by their
meetings and the excellent pamphlets they regularly issue, a trend] feelin
toward the peoples of foreign countries. ’ :

It is expected that the Division of Intercourse and Education will popularize
the scientific results of the other Divisions, and will from time to time circulate
books, articles and addresses, either in the original or in translated form.

2. Division of Economics AND HISTORY

It was felt by the Trustees that nothing would be more productive of results
than the careful, thoughtful and scientific investigation and study of the economic
causes and effects of war; because, if we know the elements which have entered
into and produced war, we are then in a position to consider the means and
methods calculated to remove the causes and thus prevent recourse to arms
It was believed that an impartial and scientific study of the effects of war in all
its phases, not merely upon the actual belligerents, but upon neutral nations
would supply information hitherto lacking, and tend to incline responsible eh
of affairs to the peaceful settlement of international disputes. A conference of
distinguished economists and publicists was therefore called to meet at Berne
Switzerland, in August, 1911, to consider what subjects could properly and
profitably be studied, and to draft the program of the Division of Economics
and History. In extending the invitation to this conference, the President of
the Endowment stated that “the wish of the Trustees is to utilize the second
division for the purpose of a thorough, systematic, and scientific inquiry into
the economic and historic aspects of war, confident that the lessons to be
derived from such study will be useful to mankind. They feel that such an
inquiry should be prosecuted upon the broadest international basis, and that the
organization thereof is a proper subject for the wisdom of the ast able and
eminent economists of all the civilized nations.”

The conference was attended by eighteen leading specialists, including the
Director of the Division, and formulated a program dealing with (1) the
economic and historical causes and effects of wars; (2) armaments in time of
peace, military and naval establishments, the theory, practice and history of
modern armaments; (3) the unifying influences of international life. As it
seemed advisable to associate the members of the conference with the apportion:
ment of the work outlined and with its actual execution, those attending the
conference were appointed members of a permanent committee of research, to
act as the agents of the Endowment in selecting competent experts to undertake

 

 
152 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

and carry to completion the investigation of the various topics into which the
program is divided, to supervise the investigations undertaken and to edit the
results. A large number of topics have already been assigned to specialists,
some of the studies have been completed, and in the course of a few years the
Endowment will have published a series of remarkable monographs dealing with
all phases of the elaborate program, which will, in the language of its President,
“be useful to mankind.” The headquarters of the Division are temporarily at
New York, and the Committee of Research, in addition to being the agents of the
Endowment for the purposes specified, act collectively and individually as
advisers to the Director of the Division in prosecuting the important projects it
has undertaken.

Professor Kinley, who is a member of the Committee on Research of the
Division of Economics and History of the Carnegie Endowment, and who takes
a specially keen and personal interest in Latin America—due not only to his
knowledge of its wonderful progress despite adverse and perplexing conditions,
but due also to his personal observation, for he was Delegate of the United States
to the Fourth Pan-American Conference—will visit South America in the very
near future. His purpose will be to make the acquaintance of the leaders of
thought in the domain of economics and of history; to explain to them the origin
and purpose of the Division; to unfold the projects which the Division hopes to
undertake, and, if possible, to secure the co-operation of our friends in South
America in their execution, without which cooperation the work of the Division
would be faulty and incomplete and fail generally in its beneficent purpose. I
bespeak for him a warm reception and I would ask you to pledge in advance of
his coming, your generous and invaluable cooperation.

With respect to this Division, my modest mission is to prepare the way
for Professor Kinley. In view of these circumstances, it would be best that I
explain to you in general, the aims and purposes of the Division of Economics
and History, in order that you may yourselves determine in what manner and
to what extent you may cooperate with and aid Professor Kinley, leaving to
him the privilege of stating in detail the projects which the Division contem-
plates, and the large and generous part which we hope that Latin American
publicists, economists and historians will be willing to take. I cannot better
indicate the nature of the work which the Division is undertaking than by
quoting from the remarks made by Mr. Root at the first meeting of the Trustees
of the Endowment. “I think,” he said—“the field of general observation upon
the subject of war and peace, a general exposition of the wrongfulness of war
and the desirableness of peace, is already pretty well covered. I think this
Endowment will be of little use unless it does something further than that:
we must do what the scientific men do,—we must try to reach some deeper
insight into the cause of the diseases of which war is a symptom than can be
obtained by casual and occasional consideration. That deeper insight can be
attained only by long, and painful and continuous study and investigation.”

APPENDIX VII 153

These words of ripe wisdom, based upon experience, thought and reflec-
tion, apply with peculiar force to the task set to the Division of Economics and
History, for to it is assigned the specific duty “to promote thorough and scientific
investigation and study of the causes of war and of the practical methods to
prevent and avoid it”. That is to say, the study not merely of the alleged
causes which have been but the pretext to ambitious and unscrupulous rulers
and statesmen, but the study of the real cause, often hidden from view, to be
found in the antagonisms of peoples, and in the desire for economic advaniuges
which they do not possess and which they covet. But this study, however
interesting, would be of but moderate value, even though through it the real
motives were laid bare. The economic causes, and the economic effects, not
merely upon the nations at war but upon neutral nations and peoples, the effects
indirect as well as direct, must be studied and made known, otherwise "e
cannot strike the balance between war and its cost, estimated not merely in
loss of life, and in the waste of resources, but in the loss of opportunities, and
the advantages of peaceful, normal and unobstructed development. :

: Thus expressed, the problem is not of any one country or of any one
time, and Mr. Root was certainly well advised when he stated, “that the lessons
to be derived from such study will be useful,” and that the inquiry itself “should
be prosecuted upon the broadest international basis, and that the organizing
thereof is a proper subject for the wisdom of the most able and eminent
economists of all the civilized nations.”

= Professor John Bates Clark, a distinguished economist of the United States
is in charge of the Division of Economics and History. While Professor Clark
was in Europe, the Endowment took advantage of his presence there to invite
a number of economists, publicists, and historians, mostly European, to meet
at Berne in order to recommend an organization for the Division, and to pre-
pare an outline of the work which it could most profitably undertake.

; In the next place, the members of the Berne Conference have been organized
into a permanent committee called the “Committee of Research”, which com-
mittee will act, not merely as the responsible adviser of the Division, but as
its agents in the execution of the programme of the work to be undertaken
in all parts of the world, other than Latin America. Professor David Kinley
an ardent friend and admirer of Latin America, has been added to the oi
mittee in order that he might, through personal conference and intercourse
with the leading publicists, economists and historians of Latin America, determine
what form of organization would best meet the desires and assure us of the
co-operation of our Latin American friends without whose sympathy and effective
participation the work of the Division—so far as it relates to Latin America—
could not be outlined, much less carried into execution. I may say that the
organization of a committee of research for Latin America, such as has resulted
from the Berne Conference, would be very acceptable to the Endowment, and
to the Division. :

 

EE ——_—_—_

A 1

 
154 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Let me now state very briefly the program outlined by the Berne Con-
ference, which the Division, with the constant aid and advice of the Committee
of Research, is endeavoring to carry out by means of investigations of causes
and conditions in the different countries, conducted by distinguished scholars
and investigators of their respective countries. =:

At the Conference held in Berne in August, 1911, the members were divided
into three principal divisions, the first dealing with the economic and the his-
torical causes and effects of wars; the second with the question of armaments
in time of peace, military and naval establishments and the theory, practice and
history of modern armaments; the third with unifying influences in inter-
national life. It would require more time than I have at my disposal merely
to enumerate different investigations recommended by the reports of the Divi-
sions, which, taken together, form at present the programme of the Division’s
activity. Lest I deal too much in generalities, I shall mention some of the prin-
cipal headings of each report. In considering the economic and ‘historical causes
and effects of war, the commission recommended the following researches: —

1. Historical presentation of the causes of war in modern times, especially
the influence exercised by the striving for greater political power, by the growth
of the national idea, by the political aspirations of races, and by economic
interests.

2. The conflict of economic interests in the present age.

3. The anti-militarism movement considered in its religious and political
manifestations.

4. The position of organized labor and the Socialists in the various states
on the question of war and armaments.

5. The economic effects of the right of capture, and its influence in the
development of naval power.

6. War loans provided by neutral countries,—their extent and influence on
recent warfare.

7. The effects of war considered in its economic aspect.

8. The loss of human life in war, and the result of war, with its influence
on population.

9. The influence of annexation upon the economic life of the annexing state
and upon the state whose territory has been annexed.

10. The progressive exemption of commerce and industrial activities from
losses and interference from war.

Among the topics dealing with armaments, the following questions may be
mentioned :—

1. Cause of armaments.
2. Rivalry and competition in armaments.

APPENDIX VII

. Modern history of armaments, with special details from 1872.
. Military budgets from 1872.
. Burden of armaments in recent times.
. Effects of preparation for war upon the economic and social life of a
nation.
7. Economic effects of withdrawing young men from industrial pursuits.
8. Loans for armaments.

9. The industries of war, and a study of the munitions of war.

I fear that I cannot try even to mention the topics to be investigated, dealing
with the unifying influences in international life, as these are so many, so varied,
and yet so closely related that I could not hope to satisfy your curiosity without
overtaxing your patience. Suffice it to say under this heading, that the effects
of international production, distribution and exchange, means of communica-
tion and their result on the life, thought and development of the peoples and
of the nations, will be studied.

Many of these topics are being investigated, not a few of the studies are
ready for publication, and, in the course of the next few months, the selected
and well-informed public to which only this kind of work can hope to appeal
will be in a position to judge the Division, not merely by its good intentions, but

by its skillful and, as we believe, valuable, although partial realization.

We do not disguise from ourselves that the present effect of these studies
and investigations will be slight in proportion to the effort and time lavished
upon them; the problem is a large one and the path we must tread must be
blazed, as it were, through a hitherto trackless wilderness; but, in the language
of Professor Clark, Director of the Division,—*“It may be appropriate to say that
we are dealing now not with a small issue for a part of the world, but with
a vast issue for the whole world, and whatever affects the outcome of all is of
enormous importance. It is a greater thing to move the entire earth a micro-
scopic fraction of an inch than to carry a shipload of soil across the wildest sea.
It will be strange if, as the outcome of what is now initiated, there should not
result some perceptible deflection of the movements of human force. Whatever
change there is will be in the direction of peace”.

What is to be the role of Latin America in these investigations? I cannot
believe that the Latin-American publicists, economists and historians will show
themselves less zealous, less sympathetic, less helpful than their colleagues of
the other world across the water. I would venture to predict that they will throw
themselves with abandon into the breach, if I may use a military expression in
discussing the ways of peace, or that, to vary the phrase, as co-workers in the
field of peaceful endeavor, they will participate in its victories; for, as a noble

English poet has aptly and truly said: “Peace hath her victories no less renowned
than War”,

 

 
MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

3. Division oF INTERNATIONAL LAw

The problems which confront this Division are exceedingly important,
because to it is referred the specific duty to aid in the development of inter-
national law, to establish a better understanding of international rights and
duties, and to promote the general acceptance of peaceful methods in the
settlement of international disputes. It appears to the Director and to the
Executive Committee that too great care could not be exercised in determining
the projects to be undertaken and the methods to be employed. If the relations
of nations are to be conducted in accordance with principles of law, and if
controversies which may exist or arise among them are to be decided in accord-
ance with those principles, it is essential that international law as a system be
developed slowly and cautiously by the cooperation of publicists in all parts of
the world, in order that proposals may represent enlightened international opin-
jon, be reasonable in themselves, and appeal to the mature judgment not only
of theorists, but of the practical men of affairs into whose hands are committed
the conduct of the international affairs. Therefore, before proceeding to the or-
ganization of the Division, the Director, with the approval of the Executive Com-
mittee, entered into correspondence with professors of international law in all
parts of the world, with members of the Institute of International Law, with
members of the Permanent Court of Arbitration of The Hague, and with
selected jurists who, although not falling within any of these categories, never-
theless possessed peculiar qualifications by study or experience to pass upon
delicate and difficult questions of international law.

After careful consideration of the replies received, the Endowment deter-
mined, upon the recommendation of the Director, to ask the Institute of Inter-
national Law to act as general adviser to the Division, either as a body or by
committee. As the result of negotiations, the Institute of International Law at
its Christiania session in 1912 accepted the title and functions of general adviser
to the Division, and elected eleven of its members, including its secretary general
ex officio, as a consultative committee of the Institute for the Division of Inter-
national Law. It is expected that this committee will render the greatest
service to the Director by passing upon the various projects which he may lay
before them and by suggesting projects which should be undertaken and carried
out by the Division. It is impossible to overestimate the value of this relation-
ship, because the members of the committee, possessing as they must, the con-
fidence of the Institute, will neither approve nor suggest projects unless they
are reasonable in themselves, calculated to further the development of inter-
national law, and of a nature to be accepted by the nations. Such a relationship
is a guarantee that the Endowment through its Division of International Law
will not undertake projects which may be considered Utopian. The approval
of the consultative committee will of necessity be accepted as evidence that the
projects are worthy of consideration by publicists and statesmen and possible

APPENDIX VII 157

of execution. It is hoped that the relationship may prove no less agreeable
and valuable to the Institute, for it will permit the execution of projects which
the Institute may consider highly desirable, but which for lack of material
resources might not be undertaken. The decision of the Institute to act as
adviser completed the organization of the Division, just as the establishment of
the Committee of Research organized the Division of Economics and History.
The Institute of International Law, founded in the year 1873, has shown
itself to be the most potent unofficial agency ever created for the development
of international law; and the Endowment decided that it could not make a
wiser expenditure of a portion of its income than by granting the Institute a
subvention, in the belief that a part of the sum could be profitably used, if it
were the desire of the Institute, in meeting the traveling expenses of its members,
in enabling its reporters to receive some compensation for services hitherto un-
remunerated, in printing the reports themselves in a manner which will make
them more widely useful to teachers, students, the profession, and the reading
public, and in permitting the execution, under the supervision of the Institute,
of projects which it might desire to undertake. The subvention, however, is

without conditions, as the Institute is best qualified to determine the most profit-
able use to which the subvention could be put.

The American Institute of International Law, founded in October, 1912,
will, it is hoped, render useful service in the development and popularization of
international law in the Western Hemisphere, even though less conspicuous than
that which the Institute of International Law has rendered to the world at large.
As the policy of the Endowment is not to create agencies of its own but to
assist existing instrumentalities, no financial aid of any kind has been asked or
received by Mr. Alvarez and the Director of the Division, through whose initia-
tive the American Institute was founded. It is mentioned in this connection
because it is an agency calculated “to aid in the development of international
law,” and for the further reason that the president of the Endowment has

accepted the honorary presidency of the American Institute, and the Director
was one of its founders.

There are many ways to establish a better understanding of international
rights and duties and a more perfect sense of international justice among the
inhabitants of civilized countries. A beginning has been made, modestly and
cautiously; and only such projects can be undertaken in the first instance as
unmistakably fall within this requirement of the Division and are calculated
directly to accomplish the immediate purpose. The Institute of International
Law seeks to develop the law of nations by discussing important questions and
giving them the form of treaty or statute. That this is an eminently practical
method is shown by the fact that the opinions and resolutions of the Institute
have appealed to men of affairs and many of them are already firmly imbedded
in the actual law of nations. It did seem possible, however, to consider the

 

 
158 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

rights and duties of nations from a more systematic, theoretical, and at the same
time broader point of view.

A proposal was made at the Second Hague Peace Conference to create an
academy of international law, and it was commended by the President of the
Conference. No action was then taken, but the idea has commended itself to
publicists of many nationalities. A committee of Dutch publicists, under the
presidency of Mr. Asser, suggested that such an academy be created and
installed in the Peace Palace at The Hague. The Permanent Court of
Arbitration would apply the law which had been systematically expounded
in the academy, and the magnificent building would indeed become a temple
of peace. Mr. Asser’s proposal contemplates systematic instruction, during
the summer months, in international law and cognate subjects by a specially
constituted and changing faculty, to be chosen from publicists of different
countries. Formal courses of lectures on important and timely subjects would
be given by publicists who, in addition to theoretical training, have had large
experience in the practice of international law. Seminars, under the direction
of the regular professors, would be created for the detailed and exhaustive study
of certain phases of international law and international relations. The courses
would be open to students of all countries who possess the necessary qualifica-
tions, and who would be able to attend and to profit by the instruction given,
as it would be during the academic vacation. It is also proposed that the gov-
ernments should be interested in the academy and invited through diplomatic
channels to designate appropriate officials of various branches of the govern-
mental service to attend the academy. The institution would be unique in its
summer sessions, unique in its small and changing faculty, and unique in its
student body drawn from foreign countries and from official classes. The lec-
tures, published as monographs, would enrich the literature of international law;
the law itself would be treated from various points of view and by competent
teachers, of whom but one at a time would be selected from any country.
The student body would be drawn from various countries and in the course of
time would exercise influence in the home countries, so that the academy would
be eminently helpful to establish a better understanding of international rights
and duties, and to disseminate the principles of justice. The Carnegie Endow-
ment has approved the academy in principle, and stands ready to grant financial
assistance when the plans are sufficiently matured. The academy would, if
organized, be a separate and independent institution, under the control of a
specially appointed committee or curatorium composed in the first instance of
past presidents of the Institute of International Law. Thus organized and
operated, it would advance the work which the Carnegie Endowment is created
to further, but it would not be a direct agency of the Endowment or under
its control.

The existing journals of international law tend to establish a better under-
standing of international rights and duties, and an increase in their circulation

APPENDIX VII 159

will- increase their influence, popularize international law, and show by concrete
example how its principles determine questions of international rights. For
this reason the Endowment, upon the recommendation of the Director, has
granted subventions, either of money or subscriptions, as the journals preferred.
This assistance will enable the journals to appear more regularly, guarantee their
continued existence, enlarge and strengthen their contents, and enable their con-
tributors’to receive some compensation for the time and labor they have gener-
ously given, without any reward other than that which comes from good deeds.
It often happens that excellent contributions are made to international law
in languages little read or understood beyond the country in which they are
published, and it is believed that the cause of international justice would be
advanced by the translation of such works into languages more widely used.
Therefore the Director has proposed, and the consultative committee of the
Institute has approved, the translation of works of this character into some one
or more better known languages, so that the international lawyer who may not
be a linguist and students and scholars in all parts of the world may have the
advantage of reading and studying them. At the same time it would be highly
useful to have original works prepared dealing with certain phases of inter-
national law which deserve special treatment. This is a more delicate matter
but it has received consideration. The Endowment does not contemplate going
into the publishing business, but feels that it may materially aid authors to
produce treatises or monographs of the kind specified, and thus render no incon-
siderable service to the cause of international law and international justice.

Periodicals and treatises of international law appeal to the reader, but the
hearer should not be overlooked. Therefore the Director has proposed that dis-
tinguished foreign publicists be invited to the United States to deliver courses of
lectures on certain phases of international law in universities and colleges of the
United States. In this way it is believed that the foreign points of view will
be made very clear and that, if successfully carried out, teachers of international
law will be brought into personal relations, and by the exchange of views a better
understanding of international rights and duties created.

A fundamental purpose of the Division is to promote the general acceptance
of peaceable methods of settling international disputes, and it is believed that the
best way to show what can be done in the future is to make clear what has been
done in the past. Therefore the Division is now engaged in collecting for publi-
cation all known general and special treaties of arbitration. This is a long and
difficult task, and it has been thought advisable to begin with the modern period,
that is to say, with the Jay Treaty of 1794 between Great Britain and the United
States. This part of the work is nearing completion, after which the earlier
treaties will be prepared for publication. This collection will enable publicists
to see to what extent nations have been willing to bind themselves to arbitra-
tion, and the various forms of existing treaties will be placed at their disposal.
For like reason, all known instances of arbitration are to be collected and pub-

 

 
160 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

lished in the form of judicial reports, and the series will be continued indefi-
nitely. The well-known authority on international law and arbitration, Pro-
fessor John Bassett Moore, of Columbia University, has undertaken this monu-
mental work and is actively engaged upon it.

The existence of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, the
adoption of a prize court convention, although the court itself is not yet estab-
lished, and the approval by the Second Hague Peace Conference of a truly
permanent court of arbitral justice composed of judges, lead to the conclusion
that differences between nations will be more frequently submitted to arbitra-
tion, preferably judicial decision, in the future than has been the case in the
past. It seems therefore desirable that we know from concrete instances the
questions involving international law which have been submitted to and decided
by courts of justice. This becomes especially important, if judicial decision is
to supplement arbitration in some cases and to supersede it in others; for until
the nations have confidence in judicial decision and its possibilities, they will
hesitate to have recourse to it. The Director has therefore proposed that the
decisions of English and American courts of justice, in so far as they concern
international law, be collected and edited, as are the law reports of Great Britain
and the United States. The decisions will not only be valuable in themselves,—
for the judgments of Stowell, Marshall and Story are classics of interna-
tional law,—but will show the careful and cautious manner in which interna-
tional law has been interpreted, applied and developed by courts of justice, and
will furnish safe precedents for international courts to follow. The decisions
of continental courts should likewise be collected and published; but it has
seemed best to make a beginning with English and American decisions. The
Director has recommended, and the Endowment has approved, the project for
the collection and publication of present and future decisions of national courts
turning on points of international law ; but this recommendation is in the nature
of a proposal, as it is believed that the experience gained in the collection and
publication of English and American decisions will render the larger project
easier to realize.

As in the case of periodicals, books and treatises dealing with certain phases
of international law, it is the intention of the Endowment to encourage the
preparation and distribution of various works dealing with the pacific settlement
of international disputes. By way of example, the Endowment has subscribed
for a considerable number of copies of the Recueil des Arbitrages Interna-
tionaux of Messrs. de Lapradelle and Politis, and has made arrangements to
place them in libraries and institutions of foreign countries, so that they may
be brought to the notice and attention of the public that should be interested in
publications of this kind.

From this account of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace it is
clear that it is taking its mission seriously; that it regards itself as a scientific

APPENDIX VII 161

institution of research rather than a peace society in the technical sense of the
word; and that by the investigation of the causes and effects of war and the
publication and wide distribution of these investigations, and by the material
encouragement which it extends to institutions, agencies and workers in the same
field, it may safely be counted upon to render conspicuous service in the great
cause for which it was created.

 
Associations for International Conciliation

A distinguished French publicist said some time ago in the course of a con-
versation that he was opposed to the establishment of new Societies, that we had
so many that it was almost impossible to name them, much less to take part in
their proceedings, that he belonged to so many that he hardly had time to devote
to any of them. This was perhaps the language of exaggeration, and yet there is
much truth in it. It would seem a better and wiser course to strengthen existing
societies than to create new ones for slightly different or allied purposes. This is
pre-eminently the point of view of the Carnegie Endowment which makes a point
of aiding existing societies instead of creating new agencies.

There are many Peace Societies which do much good, and it cannot be doubted
that the foundation of others in quarters where such Societies do not exist would
tend to strengthen the sentiment in favor of peaceful settlement, where it exists,
and create it where it does not exist. But I should like to call your attention to
societies of a different kind—broader and yet narrower in their scope than the
Peace Societies; broader in the sense that they aim to take in all persons believ-
ing in peaceful settlement, narrower in that they do not propose ordinarily
specific methods of advancing the cause of international peace. They seek to
promote good understanding in the belief that good understanding is of itself
the high road to international peace ; although engaged in the work of propaganda,
their methods are conciliatory, not aggressive, and they are not inaptly called by
their founder, Societies for International Conciliation.

But why, you may ask, start a new Society when I have already indicated
in my opening sentences a certain hesitation on the subject? The reason is that
a Society for International Conciliation is a Society of a different kind from the
Peace Society properly so-called, and that the formation of National Societies of
International Conciliation would not duplicate existing Associations nor enter
into competition with them. Again the truth is that there are many people who
believe in cultivating a friendly understanding between nations, and who are
ardent partisans of the peaceful settlement of international disputes, but who,
nevertheless, hesitate to ally themselves with Peace Societies properly so-called;
and it is interesting and instructive to know the reasons why highly intelligent
persons in favor of peaceful settlement feel unwilling to enroll themselves as
members of Peace Societies.

There seems to be an impression in the popular mind, doubtless erroneous,
that Peace Societies stand for peace at any price; that they are not patriotic, or
that they are inconsistent with a sound and robust patriotism; that their projects
for bringing about international peace, although many and varied, are fanciful

APPENDIX VII 163

and impracticable, and divorced alike from reason and experience, so that their
remedies, which taken together make up pacifism, are regarded as Utopian.

5 N ow I would not have you think I share these views or that in quoting this
criticism, I concur in it. It is a fact, however, that very many estimable
people in my own country and in foreign countries hesitate to connect themselves
with Peace Societies, because, by so doing, they feel, at least they express them-
selves as feeling, that they are committed to the various projects of the Peace
Societies, and that, by allying themselves with them, they subject themselves to
the criticism to which the pacifists are exposed. The feeling, it seems, is some-
what general that Peace Societies are hortatory, not constructive, and that they
make their appeal to human emotion; that their members are generally, though
not exclusively, recruited from emotional elements; that such societies strengthen
the belief, it may be, of those who are already converted, but that they do not

make an appeal to the strong, hard-headed men of affairs, who, after all, do the
world’s business.

On the other hand, it appears, that very many of those who, for one reason
or another, hesitate to ally themselves with Peace Societies, technically so-called,
seem to be not only willing, but, in many cases, anxious to join societies of a larger
and broader nature, which aim to promote good understanding between nations,
international conciliation and peaceful settlement of disputes.

It has been said that, between the spirit of pacifism and the spirit of peaceful

settlement, which may be contrasted in French by the two phrases “Pesprit
pacifiste” and “Vesprit pacifique”, there is the difference between Utopia and
reality, and that the partisans of pacifism, instead of serving the cause of peace,
are, in reality, an obstacle to its realization and retard its progress.

Le Let me relate a few concrete instances which may tend to support the present
distinction. A distinguished Japanese publicist well and honorably known by his
activity in the Peace movement, says that “Peace” or “Peace Society” is the one
word or expression which must not be used in Japan, because the single word,
or the phrase of which it is a part, conveys a false notion to many of his country-
men, who, nevertheless, are heartily in favor of peaceful settlement, international
good-will and conciliation.

A distinguished English philanthropist, who has given considerable sums of
money to the Peace movement, and who believes in the movement, and in the
possibility of its realization, has asked if it is really necessary to mention the
word “Peace” in connection with the movement, stating that in his experience the
word conveyed an unfavorable impression.

Another illustration shows the possibilities of a broader movement in a
country in which Peace Societies, at least at present, do not thrive. Within the
past year, a Society for International Conciliation has been started in Frankfort,
Germany, and has enrolled in its membership many of the most distinguished
names in the scientific, literary, industrial and academic world, including pro-
fessors and teachers of international law. These gentlemen are strongly in favor

 
164 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

of peaceful settlement, recommend conciliatory attitudes on international ques-
tions, and labor in their respective spheres to promote good understanding between
and among nations. Yet they are unwilling to join Peace Societies.

It is not, however, for us to criticize. It is better for us to recognize the
fact—and it is a fact—that many estimable people find it possible to work through
Peace Societies, whereas just as estimable people find it impossible or undesirable
to work in or through Peace Societies. It seems the part of wisdom to recognize
these different classes of people and to start organizations which will serve as
a rallying point for believers in international good-will and conciliation, who
otherwise might take no part in the movement which is bringing nations closer
together and which have for their fundamental principle to clear up misunder-
standings and, by friendliness and good-will, to advance the cause of peace.

The first Society of International Conciliation was started by the Baron
d’Estournelles de Constant in Paris, and it is not only the parent but the model
of the branches which have been organized in other countries. Baron d’Estour-
nelles, it need hardly be said, is strongly in favor of peace, and yet he is
a loyal, broadminded, patriotic citizen of France. He recognizes a two-fold form
of patriotism: the patriotism which serves the country on the battlefield in case of
need, and the patriotism which keeps nations from going to war when war is not
forced upon them. “True patriotism”, he says, “consists in properly serving one’s
country. It is not enough to be ever ready to defend it; it is necessary as well to
steer it out of complications, to spare it needless burdens, and to promote, through
peace, its energies, resources, and trade. Our two-fold program has in view
to stimulate home activity under the safeguard of good foreign relations”.

In the constitution of the original Society of International Conciliation, the
object is thus stated :—“The Association, bearing the name ‘Conciliation Inter-
nationale’, aims to develop national prosperity under the auspices of good inter-
national relations, and to organize these good relations upon a permanent and
enduring basis”. Among the principal agencies, by means of which the Society
proposes to realize its object are the following: —FEducation of public opinion;
development of arbitration ; correction of misleading news; an international maga-
zine ; publications; lectures; congresses; conferences; exhibitions; cultivation of
foreign languages; exchange of international visits between scientific, artistic,
professional, and workmen’s associations and other agencies of a like kind. The
Association founded by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant for the stated purposes
has been very successful, and numbers among its members many of the most dis-
tinguished citizens of France and of foreign countries. A small pamphlet, aiming
to promote good understanding, and dealing with timely questions as they arise,
is issued at irregular intervals.

An American branch of the International Conciliation has been founded in the
United States by Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University.
The aims and purposes of the branch are practically identical with those of the
parent Society of Paris. In the matter of the bulletin or pamphlet which appears

APPENDIX VII 165

monthly, Dr. Butler has been able to obtain some of the best known and most
highly appreciated writers, not only in the United States but in foreign countries
and these pamphlets, distributed gratuitously to leaders of opinion and a
interested in conciliation, are highly appreciated, as instructive as they are useful
and have done very much by their timeliness, the excellence of their style, and
their pleasing effect to foster friendly relations and to remove misunderstandings.
Dr. Butler has made it his aim to send the publications only to people who are
interested in the movement or who, if interested, would contribute to its advance-
ment; he has conferred with his friends and from them obtained lists of people
interested, and these in turn have supplied other names, so that to-day he has a
mailing list of more than 78,000 names of responsible people in the United States
of America and Canada to each one of whom a monthly pamphlet is sent.

Recently—indeed, last year—a German Society was formed at Frankfort
under the charge of the distinguished lawyer, Dr. Dippold, whose book on the de-
velopment of procedure in international conflicts is a masterpiece, and is likely to
become a classic. More recently still—indeed, in the present year—an English
branch has been started under the presidency of Sir Vezey Strong, formerly Lord
Mayor of London. A Canadian society is in the process of formation, and I
should be very happy, indeed, if through my personal endeavors, branch societies
should be formed in the countries which I have the honor of visiting in South
America.

It may probably be asked: What is the relation between the original Society
and the branches? And, in reply, I beg to quote the language of Dr. Butler, who
is President of the American Branch, of whose Executive Committee I am fpoy
to be a member: “While,” he says, “the Paris society is the parent branch, there
are no legal relations between it and the various other branches. All work together
in friendly co-operation and sympathy, and each provides the others with materials
and suggestions for publication and propaganda”. And in speaking of what he
hopes to be the result of my mission, he says: “We should want the branches in
Latin American countries, if organized, to stand in precisely the same relation to
the Paris Society that the other branches now do: in other words, we use the
same motto, the same imprint, and we look to the Paris Society as the parent
founder.”

: F rom this very brief and inadequate account it is to be seen that while the
societies co-operate and work in harmony, and regard themselves as affiliated
with the parent Society in Paris, each branch is in reality a separate and inde-
pendent society, and conducts its operations in such a way as best to appeal to the
public which it seeks to interest and to influence. The most important officer of
the Society is the Secretary, who practically conducts the Society under the con-
trol of the Executive Committee.

We cannot, however earnestly we may try, greatly advance the cause of inter-
national peace at any time, but we cannot hope to accomplish anything by folding
our hands and dreaming of a better and happier state of affairs. We must do the

 
166 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

work we find at hand in the hope that every effort counts, although we may not
ourselves see the result. International peace will come, for it is the wish of the
enlightened in all countries; but it will come slowly, as we have to overcome a
habit of mind, a method of procedure deeply embedded in our history. We have
the consolation of knowing that what comes slowly endures, and the conservatism
which makes it difficult to change will, when we have accomplished our purpose,
secure and maintain the results of our labors. One cannot work in vain in a good
cause, and nothing can assuredly be nobler than to remove misunderstandings, to
establish relations of mutual confidence, and prepare the way for a brighter and

happier future.

 

The Proposed Court of International Justice

We are so accustomed to look upon international law as a universal system
of law, accepted by each and every member of the Society of Nations and
applied by all in their foreign relations, that we would be shocked by the
statement that, however universal it may be in theory, it is far from universal
or uniform in its practical application. If a conflict of a purely legal nature
arises between any two nations, we find an appeal made to the law of nations
which either does, or is supposed to apply to and to be decisive of the con-
troversy. One nation lays down a principle as admitted law; the other denies
the existence of the principle, or questions its applicability to the dispute, or,
admitting the principle and its applicability, interprets it as self-interest suggests
or dictates. Few principles are so clear as not to admit of different interpre-
tations, and the facts may be and often are presented in such a way as to
withdraw them from the category of cases to which an admitted principle
ordinarily applies or should be made to apply. Take, for instance, without
dwelling upon it or seeking to determine which view is right or wrong, the
doctrine of the “favored-nations-clause,” the existence of which is universally
admitted, but which is interpreted one way by many nations and another way
by the United States; or the doctrine of blockade, which is admitted, but which
is interpreted and applied in one way by the nations of Europe, and another
way by Great Britain and the United States. It is admitted that the favored
nation clause exists, just as that a law of blockade exists; but the content of
the law or its interpretation differs. The practice of nations varies to-day just
as it has varied in the past, and uniformity in theory is in reality diversity in
fact. To be convinced of the extent of the variation that exists both as to
the content and form of the law, and its interpretations and application, we
need only to consult authoritative treatises on international law written by
equally skilled and conscientious authors of different nationalities. When the
authorities agree, we may look upon the principle as established; when they
differ, who shall decide? In the Society of Nations all are equals, and there
is no superior. If an International Court of Justice existed, as courts of last
resort exist within the nations, the question could be settled by judicial decision ;
but no such court exists, and special tribunals of The Hague or mixed Com-
missions only bind the nations which are parties to them, not the nations at
large, which are unaffected by the decision. Each nation is thus thrown upon
itself, and judges according to self-interest or the passions of the moment;
and a failure to accept the contention of one, for both contentions cannot be
accepted, may lead to a rupture of friendly relations and plunge the nations

 
168 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

into a war which seems to be justified at the moment, but which is condemned
by the bar of history, which is the final judge of nations, be they large or be
they small.

The Peace Palace at The Hague, which was opened on August 28 last
with imposing ceremonies, is the permanent home of the Court at The Hague,
and is a visible and eloquent evidence of the fact that the legal disputes of
individuals should be settled by that due process of law which exists in every
country that makes a pretence to civilization. And yet, however firmly we may
cling to the illusion that a court exists, and however much we may speak of a
permanent court at The Hague, we know, or at least should know that no
permanent court exists, except in name; that there is only a panel or list of
judges from which a special or temporary tribunal can be formed for the trial
of a case which comes into being for the case, and goes out of existence with
its decision; that the decision only binds the litigating nations which were a
party to the controversy and its settlement; that it is not a precedent except as
between the nations ; that it does not bind a subsequent and special tribunal of the
same or of different arbiters; that the decision is often a compromise of a
conflict which diplomacy has failed to settle, and that as a compromise or as a
decision between two nations, it cannot develop international law in that careful
and conscious, impartial and passionless, systematic and scientific method in
which national jurisprudence is developed.

To those who have made a careful study of the process by which law
and order have been developed within national lines, it is evident that law and
order between nations will be developed by the play and interplay of the same
forces at work upon a larger scale and in a larger field; for the nations of the
world are but the people of the world arranged in more or less artificial groups;
and that the experience and practice of each must produce, in the course of
time, approximately like results. International peace is thus seen to be con-
ditional upon the growth of law between peoples, its interpretation and its
application by apt agencies between nations as between individuals, with such
modifications as differences of conditions suggest or require.. Let us take a
single and simple illustration. As there is no superior in a society of equals
it is difficult to see how an international court can be armed with the power of
execution, or how nations will allow any nation or any combination of nations
to execute a judgment when the use of force in the past has been so productive
of evil and can so easily give rise on the part of the nation or the group to
claim and exercise a right which may be destructive of the equality and inde-
pendence of nations, without which international law, as the law of equal and
independent nations, is impossible, if indeed, it be conceivable. Fortunately,
international decisions have been observed without exception, as the submission
to arbitration involves compliance with the decision and the good faith of the
nation suggests compliance, even if the self-interest of the moment or amour-

 

APPENDIX VII 169

propre suggested non-compliance. We do not need to trouble ourselves with a
difficulty in theory which does not present itself in practice, or question the
possibility and efficiency of an international court simply because it lacks a sup-
posed essential of a national court of justice, which history shows is a growth
and a matter of convenience, not an essential prerequisite of judicial procedure,
or its necessary or inevitable consequence.

It might have been said in 1794 when the Jay treaty was negotiated between
Great Britain and the United States, that the settlement of international disputes
by means of Mixed Commissions was impracticable, if not impossible; but the
successful decision of important and perplexing questions between the two
countries, by means of the Mixed Commission organized under Article 7 of that
Treaty, showed beyond peradventure the possibility and feasibility of such a
method. It might have been said that the mixed commissions or temporary
tribunals were only fitted to determine minor or unimportant questions, or that
important questions would not be submitted to arbitration unless Great Britain
and the United States had submitted to the Geneva Tribunal the so-called
Alabama Claims, which at one time aroused the passions of the two countries and
threatened to provoke war.

And finally, it might have been maintained with some show of reason that
questions could not be arbitrated if the law were doubtful or non-existent, unless
the Treaty of Washington, of 1871, had not shown how comparatively easy it
was to lay down principles of law, the so-called three rules, for the settlement
of claims, if only the nations really wanted to settle their disputes by an appeal
to reason. For it is and always has been true, as Secretary Root said, on laying
the corner-stone of the Pan American building at Washington—an earlier and
not less imposing Temple of Peace—“the matters in dispute between the nations
are nothing : the spirit which deals with them is everything.”

When, therefore, the First Peace Conference met in 1899 in The Hague—
the birthplace of Grotius, the first systematic expounder, if not the founder, of
International Law—nations had the experience of a century in the settlement of
controversies, often of a perplexing, sometimes of an acute nature, and it is not
unnatural that they should commend arbitration of questions “d’ordre juridique
et en premier lieu dans les questions d’interprétation ou d’application des
Conventions Internationales comme le moyen le plus efficace et en méme temps le
plus équitable de régler les litiges qui mont pas été résolus par les voies diplo-
matiques.”

It was also natural and highly beneficial that the Conference should draft a
code of arbitral procedure based on the practice and experience of the century,
especially as the Institute of International Law had, as far back as 1874, drafted
such a code of procedure which many consider as superior to the code of the
Conference based upon it.

But the Conference did more than this: it created machinery consisting of
a panel or list of judges from which a temporary tribunal could be formed for

 

 
170 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

the trial of a case. It did not make a small and select list of persons who would
form a court, which the parties in litigation agreed in advance to accept. If it
had done this, it would have created a court, not merely the machinery for the
creation of a temporary tribunal.

What it actually did will be seen from the following quotations from the
“Convention pour le réglement pacifique des conflicts internationaux.”

“Art. 23—Chaque Puissance signataire désignera, dans les trois mois qui
suivront la ratification par elle du présente Acte, quatre personnes au plus, d’une
compétence reconnue dans les questions de droit international, jouissant de la
plus haute considération morale et disposées a accepter les fonctions d’arbitres.

“Les personnes ainsi designées seront inscrites, au titre de Membres de la
Cour, sur une liste qui sera notifiée a toutes les Puissances signataires par les
soins du Bureau.

“Toute modification a la liste des Arbitres est portée, par les soins du Bureau,
a la connaisance des Puissances signataires.

“Deux ou plusieurs Puissances peuvent s’entendre pour la désignation en
commun d’un ou de plusieurs Membres.

“La méme personne peut étre désignée par des Puissances différentes. Les
Membres de la Cour sont nommés pour un terme de six ans. Leur mandat peut
étre renouvelé.

“En cas de décés ou de retraite d'un Membre de la Cour, il est pourvu a
son remplacement selon le mode fixé pour sa nomination.”

This supplied the nations with a panel or list of possible arbiters. The
next quotation shows the method by which the temporary tribunal for the trial
of the case was to be formed:

“Art. 24.—Lorsque les Puissances signataires veulent s’adresser a la Cour
permanente pour le réglement d'un differend survenu entre elles, le choix des
arbitres appelés a former le Tribunal competent pour statuer sur ce differend,
doit étre fait dans la liste générale des Membres de la Cour.

“A défaut de constitution du Tribunal arbitral par l'accord immédiat des
Parties, il est procédé de la maniére suivante:

“Chaque Partie nomme deux Arbitres et ceux-ci choisent ensemble un
Surarbitre.

“En cas de partage des voix, le choix de Surarbitre est confié a une Puissance
tierce, désignée de commun accord par les Parties.

“Sj l'accord ne s'établit pas a ce sujet, chaque Partie désigne une Puissance
différente et le choix du Surarbitre est fait de concert par les Puissances ainsi
désignées.

“Ie Tribunal étant ainsi composé, les parties notifient au Bureau leur
décision de s’adresser a la Cour et les noms des Arbitres.

“Le Tribunal Arbitral se réunit a la date fixée par les Parties.”

APPENDIX VII 171

’, Fa an ninsinenns council consisting of the diplomatic agents at
€ Hague was formed to organize an int i

ernational bureau to a
for the Court and to supervise its operations. Big

0 ye have here machinery for the creation of a temporary tribunal; we do
ve a court in the proper sense of the :
word, much less
although, with pardonabl i : ai
¢ exaggeration, the Conference called i
such. In so doing it familiariz ic wi ta
ed the public with the na i

; me and the ideal of
y i of a
2 Sins Sy Maus 3 difficult to create a truly permanent institution, for
ch the slaves of words that we have almo

i st persuaded our:

he wisest among us, that a permanent court exists, so that, w Wi
Be Selo of a truly permanent tribunal, with a definis
tps of judges, we are met either with indifference or with th

create another permanent court when one exists already?

A :
i bri Bro augue Sorta to which, fortunately, Latin America was
€d—due to the statesmanship and insi

vis : ship insistence of Senator Roo
fo ow on a Conference be truly international and legislate ad referendum oe
2 x 0 wea the nations are not represented >—an attempt was made
ute alongside of the so-called perm

HE : permanent court, a truly permanent tri-

! judges acting under a sense of judici ibili
ani Judicial responsibility, to use
gy of Mr. Root who, as Secret i :
eof i ) cretary of State, instructed the
present and to urge upon the Conf i
C erenc
of a permanent international court in the strict sense of the word Sitieain

v 28g Sse of he tribunal appealed to the judgment of many members
erence, an onsieur Bourgeois poi i

fit pointed out in a master]
9 and con-
hii wil the so-called permanent court could properly ns advan
sed for questions of a political nature i ¢
arbiters chosen for the speci i Ue IN

pecial case, in whose wisdom the parties in di
peculiar confidence,—whereas a trul EE i
S y permanent court in the judicial sen

Bs word could be formed for the trial of cases of a legal i The nd
» ny n supersede the so-called permanent court, but to erect a truly oh
1bunal alongside of it, thus endowing the nations with two agencies of peace
2

and leaving them free to us
e one or the other a i
nature of the case might suggest. hw they might prefer, or as the

even
hen we advocate
e and permanent
e question: Why

he it in Bo Tousen and debate, turning largely on the method of selecting
» a draft convention was adopted consisting of i i
the organization, the com al
X petence and procedure of the Court of i i
as the new institution was to be c i A
alled. Owing to the inabili i
erally acceptable method of selecting i upg
cting judges, due no doubt to 1 i
the difficulty of the subj i : Di
ject, the convention was adopted : but th i i
ment of the court was referred i se eas
to the nations, which, it was h
3 b oped, would
a to Foie an agreement upon this necessary detail through Ss a
ppears from the language of the resolution or voew. It is thus evident that

 

 
172 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

great progress was made towards the creation of a truly permanent court similar
in its general nature to national courts of justice.

The project has been approved by publicists of all countries, and at the
session of the Institute of International Law held at Christiania in 1912, the
proposition was unanimously approved by that body, and the establishment of the
court recommended after prolonged and profound discussion. The subject will
doubtless appear in the programme of the Third Conference, and it is hoped and
believed that the court so long and so earnestly desired will take its place in the
Peace Palace as the Court of the Nations.

I do not offer suggestions as to the composition of the court, or as to the
method of selecting the judges. I merely call your attention to the fact that
the project stands approved by the Conference of the nations, by the most
accredited publicists, by the Institute of International Law and by public opinion
irrespective of nationality, and I ask you to give attention to the problem of
selecting the judges, and to call the attention of Governments to it, for it must
be solved, and it cannot be solved without the most careful thought and con-
sideration of the best minds of the world. In the final solution of the problem,
Latin America has a right to be heard, and it is the duty of our continent, com-
posed of twenty-one republics, almost a half of the nations invited to and par-
ticipating in the Conference to express itself clearly and unmistakably not in the
interest of any one nation, nor of any one continent, but in the interest of the
world. I like the fine and impressive phrase of the enlightened President of
Argentine: “L’Amérique Latine”—I would rather phrase it—“L’Amérique toute
entiére—pour '’humanité.”

Even though fearing to prolong this article beyond its proper bounds, I
should like to make certain observations to show that, if history is read aright,
the creation of a Court of International Justice is inevitable. The partisans of
arbitration in place of judicial proceedings in the strict and technical sense of
the word, seem to regard arbitration as the culmination of a long and tedious
development and to believe that no further advance should be attempted, when in
reality arbitration is only a step, an important step, it is true, in the transition
from the period when complainants knew only self redress to the period of
judicial proceedings. The reader should not be surprised at our failure to note
the historical relation between arbitration and judicial proceedings, since the
jurisconsults of the Roman Empire themselves regarded arbitration not as the
source of their judicial institutions but as a modification of those institutions.
Nevertheless, modern jurists have shown that among the early inhabitants of the
European continent those who were dissatisfied resorted to self redress, from
which sprung the custom of submitting controversies to a third party for deci-
sion, and this method became general, the parties choosing by common accord the
person who should act as judge or arbiter. Students of Roman Law have shown
that the same system prevailed in Rome, and that, by means of a long and slow
development, the settlement of disputes by arbitration gave rise to judicial pro-

APPENDIX VII 173

ceedings and culminated in the establishment of a permanent judicature. In this
way the parties to a controversy agreed to submit it to arbitration : fhe also
agreed on the designation of a judge who was not a public official but a a
individual and whose award was not an act of state but merely the o
sentence of a judge or arbiter, enforceable by the parties who had : reed
advance to abide by it. In process of time a panel or list of judges ro drawn
up, from which panel or list, called the “Album Judicum,” the parties od
choose the judge or arbiter for each case as it arose, until filly in the reign of
Diocletian, the magistrate was substituted for the private judge or arbiter re
decision became an act of state and was enforced as such. The analogy petien
the development of that system of jurisprudence which either governs or influ-
ences the larger part of civilized nations and the development which is takin
place between nations, is almost too obvious for comment. Nations in dis oe
have redressed and unfortunately, even at the present day, do redress their
or supposed wrongs by force of arms. A sentiment has been developed which
condemns unlimited or unrestricted self redress, so that nations frequentl
agree by treaty or convention, which is nothing more or less than a ri
to submit controversies, especially if they are of a legal nature, to judges ot
their own choice. In 189g the First Hague Conference tollowed, unconscious
it would seem, the precedent of Roman Law by creating a panel or list of
judges—the modern “Album Judicum”—from which the parties in dispute should
select the judges or arbiters of the individual case; and at the Second Hague
Conference an attempt was made, as I have already said, to take the last and
final step in this unconscious development by creating a truly permanent court
It is thus seen that arbitration is not an end in itself, but a means to an end anid
that historically and logically it developed a judiciary and judicial procediite
Did time permit I might show that machinery for temporary tribunals or
commissions between nations has proved unsatisfactory either in the long or the
short run and that such machinery has been replaced by permanent judicial tri-
bunals. Thus the three Cantons which formed the nucleus of the Swiss Con-
federation agreed in 1291 to submit their disputes to the arbitration of self
appointed arbiters who possessed the confidence of the community. In the next
century the Cantons agreed to submit their disputes to arbiters of their choice
and adopted from time to time various methods of selecting the judges to form
the temporary tribunals. In 1848, the system of arbitration by temporary tri-
bunals was replaced by a permanent Federal Tribunal.
A distinguished Swiss publicist, M. Dubs, points out the advantages of this
permanent tribunal over the system which he aptly calls “T'ribunaux de hasard.”
Among other things he says:

re teat} :

= On institue le juge pour toute une série de cas, sans égard i une cause
spéciale; ceux qui le nomment sont tout a fait impartiaux; ils peuvent peser
avec soin ses qualités morales et ses capacités techniques; on introduit un ordre

ares

 
174 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

fixe dans la procédure, une tradition dans le jugement au fond, et la clarté dans
Pexécution.”

Let me also cite the example of the United States. By the Articles of the
Constitution of 1778, the States of the Union provided for the settlement of
disputes of all kinds that might arise between them, by the appointment of tem-
porary commissions. As a matter of fact, certain disputes were submitted to
tribunals thus organized but the procedure was unsatisfactory. The Supreme
Court of the United States, created by the Constitution of 1787, was therefore
invested with the power to examine and to decide disputes between the States,
and this system has been so satisfactory that we are at a loss to understand the
objections which are made to the settlement of disputes between nations by
judicial tribunals composed of judges acting under a sense of judicial

ibility.
gu 64 it be said that the formation of a permanent Tribunal is only possible
in a confederation such as Switzerland and in a Federal State such as the United
States, I hasten to call your attention to the fact that the establishment of an
International Court of Justice in no wise depends upon a federation of states.
It only requires a public union for a judicial purpose. Of public unions, there
are many examples, the most striking of which is perhaps the Postal Union to
which all nations and self-governing Colonies are parties, with a bureau in case
of need to pass upon disputes which may arise between or among the parties of
the Union. It is thus clear that history points to the development of arbitration
within national lines into a judicial procedure; that the experience of nations
which have had temporary tribunals has led them to discard this machinery for
the more satisfactory, more impartial, less expensive and more expeditious
method of settling disputes of a legal nature which may arise between their
Cantons or States, by a permanent Tribunal whose decision binds every Canton
and State. The various public unions for a particular purpose, of which there
are some fifty or more, show that a union of this kind is compatible with the
independent existence of nations.

If history is with us, the future is assured. We can safely follow the experi-
ence of nations, for in this instance we are not taking “a leap in the dark,” but we
are acting consciously with full knowledge of the difficulties of the old system,
the advantages of the new, and with the experience of the past and present as
a guide.

 

The Proposed Academy of International Law at The Hague

At the Second Hague Peace Conference to which every American State was
invited and in which every American State, with two exceptions, participated, a
proposal was made by Mr. Sturdsa, then the Prime Minister of Roumania, to
establish an Academy of International Law at The Hague which would, as its
distinguished proposer said: “in a methodical way, maintain science on a level
with the principles enunciated by the Conference, and practice on a level with the
progress inaugurated”. To effect this noble and beneficent purpose, Mr. Sturdsa
proposed that the members of the Academy be chosen from among the most emi-
nent scholars, university professors, and jurists of all countries, men whose
ability is recognized in the various branches of international law, private inter-
national law, the law of war, comparative commercial law, commercial systems
and economic relations, colonial systems and the history of international law.

The Academy was to be international in the further sense that the instruc-
tion offered was to be given, without discrimination, in German, English, French
and Italian, for three or four months of each year, preferably during May, June
and July. The student body was to be made up of diplomats, army officers and
persons serving in the higher administrative departments of the State, and
scholars to be selected by each State, party to the creation of the Academy. The
expenses were to be borne by such nations, and the Academy was to be under
the control and the supervision of the permanent administrative Council of the
Hague, composed, as is well known, of the diplomatic representatives of the
different countries accredited to The Hague.

This proposal of Mr. Sturdsa was contained in a letter to the President of the
Conference, who read both the letter and the proposed constitution of the
Academy appended to the letter. He gave his hearty approval to the project and
expressed the hope that the suggestions would inspire some generous benefactor
with the desire to follow the example of Mr. Carnegie and to immortalize his
name by connecting it with an establishment which will do great service to the
cause of peace and ensure justice by contributing to the spread of its principles
and to the instruction of worthy laborers in that field.

No action was taken by the Conference on Mr. Sturdsa’s project, but the
letter and the proposed constitution of the Academy were embodied in the records
of the Conference and are published in its official proceedings. The idea, how-
ever, has not been lost sight of, and a Dutch Committee, under the presidency of
the late Mr. Asser, was formed in order to interest the Carnegie Endowment and
if possible to obtain from its funds the money necessary to support the Academy.
The Endowment has approved the idea in principle and has expressed itself as
willing to furnish the means necessary for its installation in the Palace of Peace,

 

SRN RA

i ——

SG

 
176 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

in which quarters are to be provided for it, as well as for the expenses necessarily
required for its successful operation, provided it should appear,—

(1) That there was a general desire among the nations for its establishment,
and

(2) That the nations should evidence their interest in its creation by desig-
nating one or more of its officials to attend and profit by the course of instruction.

The reason for this hesitation on the part of the Endowment is obvious, for
we should strengthen existing institutions rather than create new ones, unless
their need or their usefulness be clearly demonstrated.

These views were made known to Mr. Asser, who communicated with the
leading publicists of Europe, from whose replies it appeared that there was a
general—indeed, one might almost say, a well-nigh unanimous and universal—
desire for the creation of the Academy. The Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs
sounded the nations through diplomatic channels as to their willingness to partici-
pate in the Academy in the way suggested by the Endowment, viz. : by the designa-
tion of students to follow its courses, and, although replies have not been received
from all countries, as diplomacy moves somewhat slowly and cautiously, it appears
that the projected Academy will not be without support of the kind desired from
a goodly number of nations. It should be mentioned in this connection that the
matter of the Academy has twice been submitted to the International Law Asso-
ciation and approved by its members and that, at a recent meeting of the Institute
of International Law held at Oxford in August of the present year, that distin-
guished body expressed itself unequivocally and overwhelmingly,—indeed, with
practical unanimity—in favor of the establishment of the proposed Institution.
It may be said, therefore, that at least one of the two difficulties standing in the
way of its creation has been overcome, and if our friends in South America
could be brought to approve the idea, and their Governments to designate one or
more qualified persons to attend its courses, the Academy would cease to be merely
a project and would open its door to competent students from all countries.

I am specially instructed to lay this matter before you, in the hope that it
will meet with the approval of Latin American publicists, and that the Govern-
ments of the American Republics may be willing to participate to the desired
extent of designating competent persons to attend the courses of the Academy.
We believe that they would gladly designate such persons if the matter were
properly brought to their attention and if it were made to appear—which is the
fact—that the establishment of the Academy depends in no small measure upon
their cooperation. I may further say, in accordance with the instructions I have
received, that if the executive powers of the Latin American States would express
their willingness to comply with the request, either made or to be made through
diplomatic channels by the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs, it is believed that

the last difficulty standing in the way of the Academy would be overcome.

Let me briefly outline the plan of the proposed Academy. It may be said that
it is still Mr. Sturdsa’s plan with some important modifications and additions.

 

APPENDIX VII 177

The. Academy is to be primarily an Academy of International Law and of con-
nected or related subjects. It is to meet for three months in the year, preferably
from July to October, that is to say, during the vacations of the Universities and
schools of political science. Systematic courses of instruction are to be given, as
Mr. Sturdsa proposed, in Spanish as well as in German, English, French aud
Italian. The Academy, however, is not to be under the control or to depend upon
the support of the nations, although it is hoped that the nations will, as suggested
by Mr. Sturdsa, designate appropriate persons to follow its courses of instruction.
The Academy is, with the express permission of the Committee in charge, to be
installed in the Palace of Peace which was recently opened, and is to be aditiiies
tered in its material aspects by the Committee of the Palace of Peace. Its
curriculum is to be determined by a body called the Curatorium, to be composed,
in the first instance, of past presidents of the Institute of International Law repre-
senting different countries, so that the international aspect will be as controlling
as it is apparent. The sums necessary for the support of the Academy are to be
furnished by the Carnegie Endowment and to be administered by a special Finance
Committee with its seat at the Hague. It has been thought best to place the
Academy under private control, and not to request the Governments to furnish
any part of the money needed, although it is hoped that they will indicate their
interest in it by designating students to follow the courses.

Without going into further details of this kind, which although important
are not of general interest, let me briefly state the special object of the Academy,
which, in the language of the Dutch Committee, is to “promote the study of
public and private international law and political science, including besides the
law of nations, international, civil and penal law and political science in connec-
tion with international law.”

The means of attaining this object are,—

; (1) Lectures on special subjects by the most competent professors of the
science in question, who shall belong to different nationalities.
(2) Systematic instruction to be given in the whole or a special part of one

of the sciences by the most competent professors, who shall, likewise, belong to
different nationalities.

(3) Advanced instruction to be given by lecturers and professors according
to the seminar method which has produced such remarkable results in Germany
and wherever this method has been tried, and, finally, the publication of the
courses given by distinguished lecturers.

If we analyze the means thus briefly mentioned, we shall see that lectures on
special and timely subjects are to be delivered by lecturers of great attainments
who are not merely theoretically qualified but who have had the advantage of
practical experience in dealing with the subjects on which they are to speak.
Thus, as a single instance, I may state that the distinguished French publicist and
arbiter, Monsieur Louis Renault, who has represented his country with marked

 
178 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

distinction in all the recent international conferences, including two at The Hague,
and who is the favorite arbiter of disputes between members of the family of
nations, has agreed to deliver, should the Academy be established, a course of
thirty lectures on arbitration and arbitral procedure. These lectures would be
delivered in French and when published would be widely distributed. They would
be placed in public libraries, in University libraries, and would be exposed for
sale at moderate prices so that all interested in the subject might procure the
printed volume. It is expected that four or five lecturers from different countries
would deliver their courses on important and timely subjects of a theoretical and
practical nature during each session of the Academy.

You can, of course, be sure that the distinguished publicists of Latin America
would be called upon to deliver lectures in Spanish on the various problems of
international relations. Systematic instruction will be given by professors of
different nationalities and of known competence, and, as it would be either im-
possible or impracticable to treat the whole of the subject during a single session,
without danger of superficial treatment, it is proposed to divide the subjects into
their component parts and to treat each part separately, if separate treatment be
possible or desirable.

We can easily see the advantage to students of the different view points of
the various professors, as the courses would not merely be courses in international
law but, as one may say, courses in comparative international law, for, unfor-
tunately, international law is colored by national feeling, just as a stream bears
traces of the soil over which it flows. And not only would this be an advantage
for students; it would, it is believed, be an even greater advantage to the pro-
fessors themselves who, by daily contact and the exchange of thought, would be
forced to take note of the opinions of their colleagues of different nationalities
and thus be led to internationalize international law.

Finally, it is easy to see the great benefit which not merely advanced students
would derive from studying under the distinguished lecturers and professors, but
lecturers and professors alike would profit from the interchange of thought which
would necessarily take place in such intimate and such small courses, because the
number of advanced students in the seminar would be small in comparison with
the numbers attending the lectures and the systematic instruction.

It is not difficult to create the Academy, to invite lecturers and to secure
the services of eminent teachers for a summer term. It may, however, be diffi-
cult to find a student body and the Endowment is not willing to have the distin-
guished specialists lecture to empty benches. Again the Endowment is desirous
that the student body shall be of such a kind and of such attainments and be
drawn from many different countries so that the influence of the Academy will
be felt upon specialists in international law, whether they become teachers, practi-
tioners or diplomats. It is for this reason, among others, that the co-operation of
foreign Governments is considered essential, for, if each country represented at
The Hague Conference would designate but a single student each year, the student

 

APPENDIX VII 179

body, however small, would be of the kind to profit by the instruction and, per-
haps, to influence beneficially the foreign relations of their respective Govern-
ments.

Let us now consider in what respects the Academy would differ from existing
Academies:

(1) It would be installed in the Peace Palace at The Hague and students
could not fail to be impressed by the aims and purposes of the Peace Palace.

(2) The lecturers would be selected from the world at large, and the courses
could be delivered in any one of the five languages. The publication of the
lectures would, it is believed, enrich international law with a series of monographs,
so that in the course of a few years students in all parts of the world would have
the advantage of the matured views and conceptions of distinguished practitioners
and theorists, which would not be the case if the Academy did not exist.

(3) The small faculty would be unique in the sense that it would be com-
posed of professors drawn from different countries, lecturing to students repre-
senting the nations of the world which recognize and apply international law in
their foreign relations. :

(4) The seminars would be unique in the sense that instead of being national,

as is now the case, they would be international and directed by experts of different
nationalities.

There is so much that could be said for the Academy, there is so little that
could be urged against its institution, that its promoters feel it should be estab-
lished without further delay. It does not compete with any existing institutions
either in character, in quality, or in the time of its sessions. It offers instruction
equally unique, and not elsewhere to be had. There appears to remain but a

.single obstacle to its realization. If the Latin American countries would consent

to designate one or more competent persons from each of the American Republics
to follow the lectures and the courses of the Academy, the Endowment would
feel justified in taking the final steps necessary for its organization. I dare not
overstep the limits of propriety in urging your Governments to participate in the
labors of the Academy, but I can assue you that, with your co-operation, the
Academy will become a reality instead of being as it has been for years a
dream, a hope, the aspiration of the publicists of many and distant countries.

 

 
National Committees for the Third Hague Peace Conference

The Latin American diplomats and delegates who played such an important
part in the Second Hague Peace Conference do not need to be advised of the
necessity of preparing, well in advance of the Third Conference, the various
plans and projects which it may be the desire or intention of their respective
Governments to propose. Indeed, it is common knowledge that the labor of
preparation had not been done, or at least not done in a thoroughly satisfactory
manner, by all of the Governments represented at the Second Conference. Many
of the projects were, it is believed, drafted in the Hague, without consultation
with the home Governments, and delays occurred in order that the Governments
might receive the projects which their delegates proposed to present, and furnish
the delegates with the necessary instructions. It is believed that the Conference
would not have remained so long in session if the necessary preparation had been
done before the delegates arrived at the Hague, and that the tension observable
at times, especially in the last weeks of the Conference, would have been avoided.

The Conference, itself, was convinced that, if there was to be a Third Con-
ference, its programme should be drawn sufficiently in advance of the probable
meeting, and communicated to the Powers, so that they might have the projects
which they felt inclined to present prepared before the opening of the Conference
at the Hague. The result of this general feeling was the adoption of the follow-
ing resolution:

“The Conference recommends to the Powers the calling of a Third
Peace Conference which should take place within a period of time similar
to that which has elapsed since the former Conference, at a date to be
fixed by common accord among the Powers, who are accordingly urged
to prepare for this Third Conference in ample time to allow of their
deliberations being carried on with the necessary sanction and despatch.

“To attain this end, the Conference is of the opinion that it would
be advisable that, about two years before the probable date of the meeting,
a Preparatory Committee should be appointed to collect the various pro-
posals to be submitted to the Conference; to determine the matters sus-
ceptible of an international agreement; and to prepare a programme
sufficiently in advance to permit the careful consideration of all these
matters by the interested nations. This Committee would likewise be called
upon to propose a method of organization and procedure for the Con-
ference itself.”

The Conference thus recommended the calling of a Third Conference, and,
as all the Powers agreed to the resolution, it is evident that a Third Conference
is to be expected.

 

 

APPENDIX VII 181

Dr. Andrew D. White records in his interesting Autobiography a conversa-
tion with Baron de Staal, President of the First Conference, in which he
stated that a Second Conference was likely to meet in the ensuing year. It did
not, and eight years elapsed between the First and the Second Conferences.
Without fixing a precise date, it is agreed that a Third Conference should meet
approximately eight years after the adjournment of the Second, that is to say,
in 1915, approximately. The precise date of the meeting is, according to the
resolution, to be fixed by common accord among the Powers, and, in order that
the Powers might have ample time for preparation, it was proposed that some
two years before the probable date of reunion a Preparatory Committee should
be appointed to determine the matters susceptible of an International agreement
and to prepare a programme sufficiently in advance to have it properly considered
by the Powers.

If, therefore, the recommendation of the Conference is to be carried into
effect, it is evident that steps should be taken during the present year to form
this Preparatory Committee. As far as is known, the Governments have not
decided that the Third Conference shall meet in 1915 or that it shall meet at any
specified date, but it is fair to presume that, if the meeting does not take place
in 1915, it will not be postponed to a much later date, as public opinion will, no
doubt, be as insistent as it was before the meeting of the Second Conference.
But, it is evident that the Preparatory Committee has a very difficult task, and
that it needs all the light it can receive from the four quarters of the world.

Now it stands to reason that a very serious responsibility rests upon each of
the Governments invited to the Second Conference, which will, doubtless, be
invited to the Third Conference because, not merely the success of the Con-
ference itself, but the form and character of the programme depend upon the
cooperation of the Governments. There are twenty-one American Republics;
there are twenty which we in our country ordinarily speak of as the I.atin
American Republics, that is to say, Latin America forms almost one-half of the
nations invited or actually participating in the Conference, and, as each nation
has a vote, it can be seen that Latin America by the mere force of numbers, not
to speak of its intellectual greatness, can go far to determine the nature and
content of the programme. This, therefore, taxes the American representatives
with a grave responsibility, for right and duty are correlative terms.

Supposing that the Conference is to take place approximately in 1915 or
1916, and that a Preparatory Committee of the Powers will be appointed some
two years in advance of the meeting of the Conference, it would seem to be
clear, without argument, that the Governments invited to the Second Conference
should take steps to formulate their views and conceptions so that they may be
ready to have them presented to the Preparatory Committee immediately upon its
constitution. How can the preparation for the Third Conference best be made?
Many European Governments have appointed small National Committees to con-
sider the questions which their respective Governments would like to have included

 
182 MR. BACON'S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

in the programme, as well as to formulate and express views upon the other
questions contained in the resolution. Mr. Root, in his instructions to me, has
suggested that every American country appoint a National Committee for the
consideration of possible contributions to the programme of the next Hague
Conference, and that arrangement be made for the intercommunication of such
Committees among all American countries, and I am directed to make this sug-
gestion in the hope that it may commend itself to the wisdom and discretion of
the various countries which I have the honor to visit. It is not meant that the
American countries should unite upon a common programme and that it should
be presented to the International Committee as the views of the Western Hemi-
sphere; but it is felt to-day, as was formerly and as ever will be the case, that
in a multitude of counsellors there is wisdom.

I pass to the question of the appointment of a Committee which may be
called an International Preparatory Committee to distinguish it from the like
Committees of the various States. Its composition is a matter of very great
importance upon which the voice of America should be heard. While it is, of
course, true that the International Committee will make its report to the nations
at large and that the Governments will in last resort accept or reject the pro-
gramme, nevertheless the recommendation of this Committee will in all
probability be adopted, so that the programme of the Third Conference will
not really be drafted by the Powers in consultation but by the Members of the
Preparatory Committee. How is this International Committee to be formed?
Is it to be composed of the large Powers, and of some small Powers? If so,
who is to choose the Powers? This is a very difficult matter and one which
gives ground for serious thought and reflection. It is well known that President
Roosevelt took the initiative in bringing about the meeting of the Second Con-
ference. It is a fact, however, that the programme was drawn up by Russia
after consultation with various Powers, which it took care to consult; but it
would seem more respectful to the participating Powers, as well as in the
interest of the programme itself, that all should be asked to contribute their
suggestions as to the formation of the programme—not merely asked to ratify
a “fait accompli”. 1 cannot escape the feeling that the practice of the American
Republics could be of great service to the States at large. I refer to the Pan-
American Union of which every American State is a member, and to its Govern-
ing Board, composed of the Diplomatic Representatives of each of the Latin
American Republics under the Presidency of the Secretary of State of the
United States. It is the custom of the Board to refer important matters which
are up for discussion to small committees for study and report; the small
committee has no power of its own; it merely lays before the Board the results
of its labors, and, in appropriate cases, with a recommendation. The Administra-
tive Council of the Permanent Court of The Hague is composed of the diplomatic
agents of the various countries represented at The Hague under the Presidency
of the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs. Now, it has occurred to not a few

 

 

APPENDIX VII 183

of us that, as the programme of organization of the Third Conference is a
matter of interest to all nations, just as the programme of the Pan American
Conference is primarily of interest to each and every one of the American
Republics, the Administrative Council, composed, as it is, of the representatives
of the Powers, might be, by agreement of the Powers, invested with the duties
and the functions of the International Preparatory Committee: in other words,
that it be the International Committee and that it be authorized to appoint a
small committee to be called Executive Committee—a comité d’examen or
comité d'études, which small committee should take up and consider the various
matters mentioned in the resolution, and report its conclusions or recommenda-
tions to the Administrative Council, just as a Special Committee of the Board
reports to the Governing Board. In this way a small working committee could
be formed without difficulty, because such committees were frequently appointed
at the Second Hague Conference, without any friction whatever.

The Members of the Special Committee would undoubtedly confer with
their Home Governments, so that the projects reported to the Administrative
Council would have already had the approval of their Governments; and the
Members of the Council, not Members of the Special Committee, would un-
doubtedly know what was taking place in the Special Committee, or, at any
rate, the reports of the Special Committee might be submitted to their respective
Governments for their advice.

It is believed that Members of the Council would not need to wait any
length of time for the reports or recommendations of the Special Committee,
because the Diplomatic Corps resides at The Hague, its Members meet con-
stantly and are on familiar and intimate terms. The Governments represented
at The Hague would thus be kept in close and intimate touch with the pro-
ceedings of the Committees.

There is perhaps one objection to this plan because although forty-four
States were represented at the Second Conference, only thirty-four are accredited
at The Hague; but the reply to this objection is that the Powers not represented
can, if they choose, appoint diplomatic agents, or the Powers not represented
might have the reports made to them by the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs,
as President of the Administrative Council, from time to time as they are
received from the Preparatory Committee, and they could transmit to him
their views.

I do not consider it advisable to attempt an enumeration of the subjects
to be included in the program, as that is a matter for the Foreign Office to
determine. I would state, however, that, just as the Second Conference con-
sidered as unfinished businesss the projects of the First Conference, which were
rejected for the time being, the Third Conference will no doubt regard the
voeux and recommendations of the Second Conference as unfinished business,
and that, as the Second Conference revised the conventions of its predecessor
in the light of experience and further reflection, it is to be presumed that the

 
184 MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

Third Conference will subject the labors of its enlightened predecessor to ex-
amination, criticism and amendment. I would state as likely to figure in the
program :—

(1) A General Treaty of Arbitration in which the Powers will agree either
to arbitrate generally with the usual reservations, or to arbitrate specified lists
of subjects to which the reservations would not apply.

(2) The definitive establishment of the Court of Arbitral Justice decided
upon by the Second Conference, by a method of composition which will be
agreeable to the States generally.

(3) The consideration of the Declaration of London regarding Prize Courts,
because it is hardly to be expected that the thirty odd Powers not represented
at London will be willing, by accepting the Declaration, to consider the ten
Powers which actually framed the document as their representatives for this or
for any other purpose.

I beg to call your attention to the fact that the Institute of International
Law appointed a special Committee to consider the questions to be discussed at
the next Peace Conference, and agreed upon the following list :—

I. Elaboration of regulations with reference to the laws and customs of mari-
time warfare in the relations between belligerents.

II. Creation of a Court of Arbitral Justice.

III. General Treaty of Arbitration.

IV. Elaboration of regulations concerning a permanent organization of the
Peace Conference.

V. Extension of the Convention of October 18, 1907, regarding the opening
of hostilities, so as to cover in general all international agencies of coercion.

VI. Determination of the maritime belt, and regulation of its sphere.

VII. Effects of war upon the private rights of individual nationals of the
belligerent States.

VIII. Rules governing airships in time of war.

IX. Rules governing lighthouses in time of war.

X. Value of arbitral awards with regard to national jurisdictions and au-
thorities.

XI. Diplomatic and Consular immunities.

XII. Competence of the Courts with regard to foreign States.

Tt is a matter of importance for the American Republics to make a study of
the subjects to be included in the programme, and to formulate the projects to be
presented and discussed in the Conference, since it is not enough that the States
should merely attend the Conference, but that they should also take part in the

 

APPENDIX VII 185

deliberations. America should contribute to the result, and this can only be
adequately accomplished if the programme has been carefully studied and the
projects considered and drafted before the Conference meets.

There is another viewpoint from which the subject should be considered,
which would go a long way towards justifying the appointment of the National
Committees, without reference to the influence of such Committees upon the
labors of the International Preparatory Committee. The question of attitude is
of fundamental importance in considering the subject of an international con-
ference, for it is not to be presumed that national interests will play as great a
role in an international conference as they would at home. A nation taking part
in an international conference should, therefore, consider not merely in how far
it can secure acceptance of its national views and of its special interests, but in
how far it can, in the interest of the common good, yield its national views and
special interests, or in how far it can consider a compromise where it is impossible
wholly to yield. Considered solely in this light, it is believed that the national
committees would render genuine service to their respective countries.

Distinguished publicists have held that more real progress has been made in
the development of international law since the meeting of the First Conference
than in the interval between that date and the Congress of Westphalia. This
statement may or may not be true, but it is believed that the meeting of that
Conference and the meeting of the succeeding Conference was, and will be, more
important than any convention negotiated, declaration adopted, resolutions agreed
to, or recommendations which may have been made. The importance of the
First Conference, leaving out its work, lay in the fact that twenty-six nations were
willing to meet and to discuss questions of general, as distinct from special,
interest. The importance of the Second Conference, to which, through the in-
stance of Mr. Root, all the Latin-American nations were invited, lay in the fact
that practically all the nations of the world went into the Conference at The
Hague, and for four months their representatives were within four walls, engaged
in the peaceable discussion of great and beneficent projects, many of which they
were able to put in acceptable form, and the individual delegates were so im-
pressed with the result of their meeting that they recommended unanimously a
Third Conference. In the instructions to the American delegates of the Second
Hague Conference, Secretary Root said:

“The immediate results of such a conference must always be limited
to a small part of the field which the more sanguine have hoped to see
covered ; but each successive conference will make the positions reached
in the preceding conference its point of departure, and will bring to the
consideration of further advances towards international agreement opinions
affected by the acceptance and application of the previous agreements.
Each conference will inevitably make further progress and, by successive
steps, results may be accomplished which have formerly appeared im-
possible.

 
MR. BACON’S VISIT TO SOUTH AMERICA

“You should keep always in mind the promotion of this continuous
process through which the progressive development of international justice
and peace may be carried on; and you should regard the work of the
Second Conference, not merely with reference to the definite results to be
reached in that Conference, but also with reference to the foundations
which may be laid for further results in future conferences. It may well
be that among the most valuable services rendered to civilization by this
Second Conference will be found the progress made in matters upon which
the delegates reach no definite agreement”.

And in commenting upon the results of the Second Conference, he said:

“Let me go beyond the limits of the customary formal letter of trans-
mittal and say that I think the work of the Second Hague Conference,
which is mainly embodied in these Conventions, presents the greatest
advance ever made at any single time toward the reasonable and peaceful
regulation of international conduct, unless it be the advance made at the
Hague Conference of 1899.

“The most valuable result of the Conference of 1899 was that it
made the work of the Conference of 1907 possible. The achievements
of the Conference justify the belief that the world has entered upon an
orderly process through which, step by step, in successive Conferences,
each taking the work of its predecessor at its point of departure, there may
be continual progress toward making the practise of civilized nations con-
form to their peaceful professions”.

 

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