J

National Institute on Drug Abuse

SERVICE
RESEARCH
REPORT

,Drug and Alcohol Abuse »,
in Booming and

Depressed Communities

 

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WELFARE
Public Health Service
Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration
'' 

The Services Research Reports and Monograph Series are issued by the
Services Research Branch, Division of Resource Development, National Insti-
tute on Drug Abuse. Their primary purpose is to provide reports to the
drug abuse treatment community on the service delivery and policy-oriented
findings from Branch-sponsored studies. These will include state-of-the-art
studies, innovative service delivery models for different client populations,
innovative treatment management and financing techniques, and treatment
outcome studies.

 

 

 

This report was written for the National Institute on Drug Abuse under Department
of Commerce contract No. 6-36376, pursuant to an interagency cooperative agreement
between the Economic Development Administration of the U.S. Department of Commerce
and the National Institute on Drug Abuse. The report was written by the Lazar
Management Group, Inc.

The material herein does not necessarily reflect the opinions, official policy, or position
of the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health
Administration, Public Health Service, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare, or of the Economic Development Administration of the U.S. Department of
Commerce.

DHEW Rublication.Nowr¢ADM) 80-960
Printed 1980

 
''oe

Contents

HIGHLIGHTS

PART 1. STUDY APPROACH AND STUDY FINDINGS
1. Background

2. Analytic Issues
3. Study Findings

PART 2. HIGHLIGHTS OF CASE STUDIES

Boom Towns
Suddenly Depressed Communities

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''Drug and Alcohol Abuse in
Booming and Depressed Communities

Raymond H. Milkman, Principal Investigator
Leon G. Hunt, Co-/nvestigator
Willlam Pease, Principal Research Associate

Una M. Perez,

Research Associate

Lisa J. Crowley, Research Associate
Brian Boyd, Research Assistant

Highlights

BACKGROUND AND STUDY SCOPE

The major focus of this study has been to
identify and analyze patterns of drug and
alcohol abuse in 14 communities which have
experienced sudden and severe economic dis-
locations (7 boom and 7 suddenly depressed).
This project is an outgrowth of research
directed toward expanding the state of knowl-
edge about economic dislocations, which began
under the auspices of the U.S. Department
of Commerce in 1976. Utilizing economic data
collected previously under Commerce auspices,
the drug and alcohol findings were analyzed
to attempt to determine whether relationships
exist between levels of substance abuse and
sudden economic change.

The drug abuse data collection portion of the
study had the following dimensions:

e Drug-related arrest data were collected
and analyzed. When possible, drug-
related arrests were classified by drug of
abuse.

e Data from such sources as drug treatment
programs were gathered.

e When available, overdose data collected
from hospital emergency rooms were ana~
lyzed.

The alcohol portion of the research focused
on the following:

e Aggregate per capita consumption as meas-
ured by an analysis of tax revenues, when
such data were available;

e Use estimates, made by gathering data
from treatment programs and hospitals;
and

e An analysis of arrest records for driving
while intoxicated (DWI) and public drunk-
enness (if it was a local offense).

Although other economic data were gathered,
four conventional and easily obtainable meas-
ures of economic change were emphasized in
the analysis: population, total employment,
per capita income, and in declining commu-
nities, the unemployment rate.

STUDY FINDINGS

The analytic and case study evidence indi-

cates that boom towns appear to have a more
serious problem of substance abuse associated
with economic change indicators than do com-
munities suffering sudden economic declines.
Although some depressed communities experi-
enced increases in substance abuse (primarily
alcohol), there were no consistent trends in
''those areas. Boom communties, on the other
hand, clearly have a serious abuse problem
to contend with (particularly with regard to
alcohol) and an expanded Federal assistance
role may be warranted.

Analysis of economic and substance abuse
indicators shows a clear relationship between
boom town growth and increased alcohol
abuse, such that in boom towns alcohol abuse
increased at a rate faster than population
growth. Anecdotal evidence gathered in the
case studies suggests that drug abuse is also
a serious problem in boom communities; how-
ever, the hard data gathered in this study
do not show it to be increasing at a rate
faster than population is increasing.

In many cases, the anecdotal evidence
gathered in boom towns is more telling than
hard quantitative data which were gathered.
Police and prosecutors estimate that signifi-
cant proportions of their total arrests and
case loads are alcohol related, a circumstance
echoed by probation officers, mental health
counselors, and other providers of services.

Despite the lack of hard data, abuse of other
drugs such as heroin and barbiturates is also
indicated by anecdotal evidence. There also
appears to be a trend toward polydrug use
in which substances are combined. Marijuana
use is widespread among all age groups and
accounts for the majority of nonalcohol-
related drug arrests. The use of heroin and
other hard drugs does not appear to be a
serious problem, although it does exist in
some of the boom communities studied.

In response to these drug and alcohol prob-
lems, some companies have instituted steps
aimed at solving them. Because of absentee-
ism and concern for their liability with regard
to the safety of workers who drink, companies
are beginning to develop and pay for alcohol
treatment programs.

Where drug abuse and treatment services
through public or nonprofit private agencies
exist, they are limited. In most communities,
they are understaffed. Funding is limited
and there appears to be a lack of coordina-
tion among human service providers.

As indicated above, the quantitative analysis
and the anecdotal evidence for bust towns
are less conclusive. Nonetheless, both sug-
gest that problems exist, particularly in the
area of alcohol abuse. Again, although the
data are not as straightforward as in the case
of boom communities, in some of the places
examined, there was at least the suggestion
that sudden economic declines were tied to
rises in alcohol abuse.

Policy suggestions and recommendations which
result from the findings focus on developing
more knowledge about the _ relationship
between economic conditions and drug and
alcohol use. Such knowledge will allow for
the development of appropriate treatment on
the local level, and may lead to increased
emphasis on economic variables in allocating
treatment funds.
''Part 1. Study Approach and Study Findings

1. Background

INTRODUCTION

A study to explore the phenomenon of sudden
economic dislocations was sponsored by the
Economic Development Administration (EDA),
Department of Commerce, in 1976. Research
focused on the EDA's title IX program: Spe-
cial Economic Development and Adjustment
Assistance. This program was structured to
assist communities experiencing or threatened
with severe economic dislocations within very
short time periods; that is, "boom or sudden
depression" situations. Such dislocations are
caused by a variety of factors, including the
opening and closing of military installations,
the relocation or failure of major plants, cur-
tailment of operations by large employers due
to environmental restrictions, increase in
natural resource (energy) demands, and
natural disasters. Title IX aid assists areas
affected or threatened by such dislocations
and attempts to "soften or avert the blow"
by providing a wide variety of planning,
research, public works, and business loan
assistance.

Although sufficient time has not elapsed to
permit a comprehensive evaluation of the
impact of title IX, a preliminary program
assessment has been conducted and case
studies have been prepared on a nationwide
sample of 45 areas assisted. The case studies
focus on analyses of EDA's activities, but
they also include two economic analyses.
These are:

e Area Profile--A review of the area's past
development and growth, and analysis of
he present status of the area, and an
assessment of the area's potential for
achieving successful economic adjustment.
Employment and unemployment, industry
location quotients, income indices, retail
sales, capital expenditures, and housing
prices exemplify the factors included in
this portion of each baseline study.

e Economic Dislocation Analysis--Includes
factors such as the type of dislocation
(e.g., defense base closing), the extent

of warning before the dislocation, the
number and types of jobs involved, and
the probable long-term effects of the dis-
location. Analytic indicators such as
unemployment and employment trend
indices, a capital investment trend index,
and a government debt interest-
expenditures ratio to support this portion
of the project were developed. Traditional
shift and share analysis is also performed.

A bank of economic data and analyses of
places experiencing or threatened by the
boom or sudden depression syndrome has
been developed.’ In 1977, the research pro-
gram was expanded to include an analysis of
drug and alcohol abuse patterns in a sub-
sample of 14 areas. Seven of the analyses
were of communities experiencing boom condi-
tions because of rapid energy resource devel-
opment and related rapid population growth;
the other seven case studies focused on
places experiencing declines due to local plant
closings or cutbacks.

Substance abuse data and selected economic
data were collected by field staff in the sam-
ple communities over the period October to
June 1978; economic data were already avail-
able from the title IX evaluation. The drug
and alcohol abuse data were analyzed in con-
junction with a portion of the economic data
to attempt to determine whether relationships
exist between the two phenomena.

The boom communities, located in New Mexico
and Colorado, were:

e Grants/Milan, Valencia

Mexico;

County, New

e Farmington,
Mexico;

San Juan County, New

e Gallup, McKinley County, New Mexico;

"See R.H. Milkman, M.A. Toborg, A.M.J.
Yezer, R. Aikman et al., EDA's Title IX
Program: Baseline Assessment and Policy
Analysis (Washington, D.C.: Lazar, 1977).

 
''e Hayden, Routt County, Colorado;

e@ Carbondale, Garfield County, Colorado;

e Craig, Moffat County, Colorado; and

e Rangely, Rio Blanco County, Colorado.

The suddenly depressed communities were
located in New Jersey, Virginia, and Maine.
They included:

e Florence Township, Burlington County,
New Jersey (pilot test);

e Buena Vista, Rockbridge County, Virginia;

e Staunton, Augusta County, Virginia;

e Waynesboro, Augusta County, Virginia;

e Dover-Foxcroft, Piscataquis County,

Maine;
e Eastport, Washington County, Maine; and
e Lewiston, Androscoggin County, Maine.

These sample communities were selected for

several reasons. Boom communities selected

were clustered close together and had been

previously studied as boom towns during the
title IX evaluation. This appoach was used

to avoid having such a heterogeneous set of
case studies that it would be difficult to draw
general conclusions.

The sample of economically depressed commu-
nities was more difficult to choose because
the sample was to be limited to two States or
similar subregions. Furthermore, there were
few suitable "bust" communities included in
the title IX evaluation. The most serious
problem in this regard emerged during the
pilot test. Originally, the New Jersey cor-
ridor between Philadelphia and New York City
was to be studied because of a large number
of plant closings, which produced acute down-
turns during the last recession and generally
declining economic conditions. However, this
region of New Jersey is so densely populated
that communities are in very close proximity
to one another. This proximity allowed sub-
stance abusers to seek treatment in places
other than their place of residence, in order
to preserve their anonymity. Hospital emer-
gency admissions data, criminal justice sta-
tistics, and alcohol sales tax data are also
affected by population density and mobility.

In order to study substance abuse in any
particular community, it is necessary to
gather data from a wide radius surrounding
the community. In the case of the New

Jersey communities, there was no basis avail-
able to determine what the appropriate radius
should be. This situation led to the aban-
donment of the New Jersey sites after the
pilot test, and the addition of "community
isolation" as a selection criterion. (Boom
communities satisfied the criterion of isolation
quite easily.)

Satisfying the similar subregion and isolated
community criteria was quite difficult in
selecting a sample of bust communities; since
the heavily populated areas presented a num-
ber of research problems, less populous
regions of the country that had suffered
severe downturns during the 1974-75 reces-
sion seemed appropriate. The Shenandoah
Valley of Virginia and three depressed towns
in Maine met these criteria.

THE BOOM AND BUST PHENOMENON

Sudden changes in the fortunes of areas are
as old as civilization itself. In preindustrial
societies, such changes were often due to
outbreaks of fatal contagious diseases, crop
failures, or to war as opposed to decisions
by business or government to expand or con-
tract activity. Natural resource development
has been linked to booms and busts in the
United States for over a century, with gold
and silver rushes and oil discoveries causing
rapid expansions in selected areas which, in
short periods, often left ghost towns behind
as evidence that no long-term economic base
was ever built. The chaos caused by such
phenomena is legend, with food and other
staples often selling for hundreds of times
their normal worth, disease and crime ramp-
ant, and generally abominable living condi-
tions being the norm. Economic conditions,
however, were the other side of the coin;
wages in boom towns were generally quite
high, and many people were able to increase
their incomes substantially. Large numbers
did not profit from boom town conditions,
however, and in times past often died of
starvation or disease. In modern times,
unemployment and bloated welfare rolls tend
to be associated with rapid economic expan-
sion.

Sudden economic declines in America during
the last half-century have also had devastat-
ing human consequences. Although the
nationwide impact of the Great Depression
was atypical, the types of problems associated
with that period exemplify on a larger scale
the often tragic effects of any substantial
economic dislocation. The national volume of
salaries dwindled by 40 percent, and 9 million
savings accounts were lost.
''There is ample evidence to illustrate that
booms and busts are not new phenomena
emerging as a result of the peculiar economic
conditions in America in the 1970s. On the
contrary, economic dislocations have plagued
nations and peoples for centuries. What is
different about boom and bust situations in
America in the 1970s are individual and insti-
tutional reactions to such sudden economic
changes. The purpose of this research pro-
gram was to examine the extent to which indi-
vidual reactions to such boom/bust phenomena
find expression in alcohol and drug abuse.

STUDY APPROACH

The major focus of this study has been to
identify and analyze the patterns of drug
and alcohol abuse in selected communitites
which have experienced sudden and severe

economic dislocations. Employing the
approach outlined below, information was col-
lected about the types of drugs which appear
to be used and the extent of drug and alcohol
abuse. Data drawn from past economic data
collection efforts were already available for
some areas. For all case studies, the eco-
nomic analysis portion of the research
involved two dimensions: a profile of the
area and an analysis of the area's economic
dislocation.

After all economic, drug, and alcohol data
were gathered, appropriate analyses were
undertaken to gain an understanding of the
relationship between changes in economic con-
ditions and changes in drug and alcohol
abuse. Information about these relationships
as well as a discussion of the limitations of
the research findings is covered in subse-
quent sections of this report.
''2. Analytic Issues

STUDY LIMITATIONS

While it is usually apparent that the economies
of certain communities are either growing
rapidly or that others are static or declining,
it is often not obvious which indices of
"booms" or "busts" are relevant to increases
in drug or alcohol abuse. Four conventional
and easily obtainable measures of economic
change have been emphasized in the analysis:

e Population;
e Total employment;
e Per capita income; and

e@ Unemployment rate (declining communities
only).

However, these are typically aggregate data,
which may not yield very specific information
about a particular interest. Consider popula-
tion, for example. Areas of economic growth
generally show rapid increases in population,
presumably resulting from the inmigration of
productive workers, while declining economies
should have static or decreasing populations
caused by outmigration of the same group.
Young males are a prominent component of
growing work forces, and they are also one
of the chief groups vulnerable to substance
abuse. Therefore, one might expect that
areas of economic growth would show an
increase in abuse, while declining areas would
have less.

In fact, this simple hypothesis cannot accom-
modate the complexities of the research
question. In urban areas, workers do not
necessarily emigrate when the local economy
declines. Thanks to automation, they are
mobile and may drive considerable distances
to work.? Therefore, the economy of their

2In fact, the pilot case study in Florence
Township, New Jersey, revealed just this
problem. That is, the proximity of Florence

city of residence may not be as relevant as
the regional economy within commuting range.

At the same time, though most young males
are workers, many are not. Locally, large
segments of young male subpopulations may
never have been part of the work force.
These nonparticipants have less incentive to
emigrate during times of economic distress
than do active workers, and it is precisely
these groups which figure prominently in
many types of substance’ abuse.

 

Apart from these questions of the relevance
of aggregate economic measures to the subpop-
ulations of drug and alcohol abusers, there
is a second set of problems concerning abuse
itself: How is abuse to be measured? Two
accessible, though incomplete and biased
indicators of abuse have been chosen:

e Drug- and alcohol-related arrests; and

e Drug- and alcohol-related hospital admis-
sions.

These are not particularly desirable indicators
of abuse because they sample abuser popula-
tions unevenly, concentrating on some groups
and ignoring others. For instance, in many
communities public drunkenness remains a
crime, and a handful of skid-row alcoholics
may constitute a large portion of all alcohol-
related arrests. Because of this, drunken-
driving arrest data were analyzed, but they
are biased in other ways (e.g., through
nonuniform distribution of automobile owner-
ship). Unfortunately, attempts to collect
more detailed data on the characteristics of
individuals in treatment proved unsuccessful
because of regulations relating to client

to so many other communities contaminated
both employment and substance abuse data,
for residents commuted to a large number of
other areas for employment, recreation
(including alcohol consumption), and drug
and alcohol treatment services.
''i.

Percent
change

 

Year

Percent
change

 

Year

Figure 1.— Constant abuse rate;
fixed age structure

confidentiality. This placed severe limita-
tions on the study methodology.

ANALYTICAL APPROACH

Given these limitations, how may available
data be treated to answer the basic question:
Is economic change related to drug and alco-
hol abuse? Statistical techniques, such as
regression analysis, are inappropriate because
the two sets of indicators--economy and sub-
stance abuse--clearly refer to different popu-
lations. The safest course is to examine
overall patterns of change to see if there are
general tendencies present in the data. This
approach will not provide any definite conclu-
sions, of course, but it will avoid spurious
results caused by the application of improper
mathematical methods, and it may suggest
hypotheses for further study.

Consider the simplest possible model relating
an aspect of economic change and abuse.
Suppose the rate of abuse (prevalence) is
constant in a population of fixed age struc-
ture. If such a population increases or
decreases, then measured abuse should
change in the same fashion.

In figure 1, it is assumed that the rate of
abuse (cases per thousand of population) is
constant. For example, if the rate of abuse
was 1 percent, there would be 10 cases in a
population of 1,000. If the population

doubles, the observed cases would double
(2,000 x 0.01=20); if it halved, cases would

drop by half (500 x 0.01=5). In other words,

percentage change in both population and
abuse would be equal.

This model is, of course, simplistic. It is
not expected that the observed rate of abuse
will remain constant when population changes

for several reasons. Rate of abuse is a func-
tion of age, and most population changes are
accompanied by a change in age structure.
For example, if young males have a higher
rate of active substance abuse than other
groups, then a relative increase in their sub-
population will yield a new population with a
higher composite rate, and vice versa (see
figure 2).

 

Here percentage change in population is not

equal to percentage change in abuse.

Furthermore, true substance abuse rates are
not known, but only observed numbers of
arrests and hospital cases. Even if the true
abuse rate were constant, it is doubtful that
the apparent rate, as seen in arrests and
hospital admissions, would remain so under
sharp population increases, because of the
finite capacities of police forces and hospital
facilities, which might be saturated. How-
ever, saturation is unlikely to occur because
substance abuse cases constitute only a part
of all arrests, and a very small part of all
hospital admissions. The net result is that
it is not Known whether or not observed rates
are constantly related to true rates under
conditions of population change.

 

Despite these limitations, this is the most
appropriate model which can be utilized.
When applied to the 14 communities which
were studied, the data in table 1 were
obtained.

Boom and bust communities are clearly distin-
guished by changes in population and total
employment. The first group (Gallup,
Farmington, etc.) has grown rapidly since
1970. Their populations and total employment
have increased by an average of about 10
percent annually. (Per capita income,
adjusted for inflation by the Consumer Price
''Percent
change

 

Year

Percent
change

 

Year

Figure 2.— Age-dependent population change;
age-dependent abuse rate

Index, has grown more slowly.) These cities
are strikingly different from the second group
(Florence Township, Dover-Foxcroft, etc.)
which have had virtually no change in popula-
tion and little change in total employment dur-
ing the same period. (The increase in per
capita income, in constant dollars, is also
negligible for this second group.) Thus
these communities fall into two distinct
classes, one with rapidly growing populations
and work forces, the other with static popu-
lations.

In the growing cities, alcohol abuse, as meas-
ured by arrests, has typically increased at a
rate much higher than population. That is,
the situation matches the left-hand side of
figure 2. The relationship is less clear for
hospital admissions. For drug abuse, there
is no clear pattern at all.

In the static cities, there are also some
increases in alcohol abuse--according to both
hospital admissions and arrests--but they are
smaller, the patterns are less consistent, and
there is one clear decrease in alcohol cases.
For drug abuse, there is again an ambiguous
pattern, but in one case drug-related hos-
pital admissions peaked following the declines.

These data, in their present form, are too
crude for a more sophisticated quantitative
interpretation. Ideally, it would be possible

to show whether alcohol abuse depends on
population change in a precise way. For
instance, that total rate R, is a function of
the individual age-dependent rates, r; for
each in the age category:

R =iIr.p.
m I im

wherep;,, is the fraction of the population in
age group / during yearm.

To test such a hypothesis it would be neces-
sary to both estimate the value of the
r;, and to measure not only aggregate
changes in population, but also the changes
in the age structure (p;) over a series of
years. The qualitative relationships in table
1 invite such an analysis, but it obviously
requires much more detailed data than has
been possible to obtain in this study.

In general, then, these results suggest that
economic growth produces alcohol abuse that
increases at a rate higher than population

growth. On the other hand, economic stag-
nation may or may not be associated with

changing alcohol abuse. Very little can be
said about drug abuse under these changes,
because of limitations in currently available
data.

ALTERNATIVE MODEL FOR
DECLINING ECONOMIES

The preceding analysis is hinged on demo-
graphic shifts which accompany economic
growth, but it was not useful for declining
economies, in which aggregate population
changes little (though the age structure may
shift even in these). What happens to sub-
stance abuse in these static populations?

One notion has been that substance abuse
might follow the short-term changes in unem-
ployment. It is known, for example, that
the manifestations of certain diseases, social
security disability claims, etc., are correlated
with unemployment.

The data for Burlington County, New Jersey
(containing Florence Township), presented in
figure 3, suggest this sort of correlation.

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JL 92 GL vl €L @2 tL OL 69 8961
I | I } | | | I |

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(SuejjJOp JO Spuesnou} ul) xe} sajes Jonbiq,
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OomOomanrnownwrtrnNnnr Oo Oo

-
''Here county unemployment rate, cirrhosis

cases? in the large county general hospital,
and admissions to a drug treatment program
all have superficially similar time histories.
Closer analysis shows, however, that appar-
ent cirrhosis cases changed in response to a
new diagnostic policy and that the origin of
the drug cases (heroin addicts) was 6 to 8
years earlier, as measured by incidence of
first use. Therefore the 1975-76 rise in

3Cirrhosis rate is widely recognized as being
correlated with per capita consumption of
alcohol. See, for instance, V. deLint and
W. Schmidt, The epidemiology of alcohol,
in Y. Israel and J. Mardones, eds.,
Biological Basis of Alcoholism (New York:
Wiley, 1971), p. 423.

 

unemployment cannot have caused the rise in
heroin use, because the origins of the heroin
abuse problem were years before, though con-
ceivably unemployment might have exacerbated
the addicts' plight and forced them to enter
treatment.

In general, though, there are not even super-
ficial correlations between abuse and unemploy-
ment rate. The data for Staunton, Virginia,
presented in figure 4 illustrate the typical
situation: gradual increase in alcohol con-
sumption, as measured by DWI arrests or
hospital admissions which are not correlated
to unemployment trends.

No obvious connection between unemployment
and substance abuse could be identified by
the crude indices employed here.
''3. Study Findings

INTRODUCTION

The analytic and anecdotal evidence indicates
that boom towns appear to have a more seri-
ous problem of substance abuse associated
with economic change indicators than do com-
munities suffering sudden economic declines.
Although some depressed communities experi-
enced increases in substance abuse (primarily
alcohol), there were no consistent trends in
those areas. Boom communities, on the other
hand, clearly have a serious abuse problem
to contend with (particularly with regard to
alcohol), and an expanded Federal assistance
role may be warranted.

FINDINGS BASED ON
QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS

As described in chapter 2, aggregate analysis
of analytic economic and substance abuse indi-
cators shows a clear relationship between boom
town growth and increased alcohol abuse, for
in boom towns alcohol abuse increased at a
rate higher than population growth. The
anecdotal evidence presented below suggests
that drug abuse is also a serious problem in
boom communities; however, the hard data
gathered in this study do not show it to be
increasing at a rate faster than population is
increasing. As indicated above, the quantita-
tive analysis and the anecdotal evidence for
bust towns are less conclusive. Nonetheless,
both suggest that problems exist, particularly
in the area of alcohol abuse. Again, although
the data are not as straightforward as in the
case of boom communities, in some of the
places examined, there was at least the sug-
gestion that the sudden economic declines
were tied to rises in alcohol abuse.

 

13

CASE FINDINGS ON BOOM TOWNS

In varying degrees, the energy-rich commu-
nities examined as a part of this study exhib-
ited the typical boom town conditions outlined
in chapter 1. Generally, the cost of living
is high; infrastructure, particularly housing,
is not sufficient to meet the demand; transi-
ency is the norm; and single young persons,
primarily men, predominate. A direct out-
growth of these characteristics is the absence
of a stable family life for many of the resi-
dents of these communities, particularly those
recently attracted by the area's economic
prospects. Even in cases where families are
complete, spouses face problems of lack of
appropriate employment opportunities, insuf-
ficient recreational facilities, inadequate living
quarters, and the abnormal working hours of
mates resulting from the "shift scheduling"
used by many employers. Children of work-
ers, including susceptible juveniles, also suf-
fer from such problems. In addition, many
of the energy-related jobs, although
extremely remunerative, involve considerable
risk, creating an atmosphere of tension that
affects the worker, his or her spouse, and
their children.

These communities in Colorado and New Mexico
possess many of the ingredients that tradi-
tionally have led individuals to seek escape
through abuse of alcohol and other drugs.
They are also inhabited by a population with
a high proportion of young males who are
extremely susceptible to drug abuse. In the
case of alcohol, the situation is exacerbated
by the longstanding acceptance of drinking
of hard liquor as a part of the "frontier way
of life" and a tradition of heavy social drink-
ing. Moreover, the prevention of substance
abuse in such rapidly growing areas is ham-
pered by the very transiency of the popula-
tion, which facilitates drug trafficking and
makes enforcement of drug laws difficult.
''Given these conditions, substantial overuse
of alcohol and other drugs can be expected.
As indicated previously, the available quanti-
tative data indicate that alcohol is indeed a
major problem in such communities, and that
DWI arrests and alcohol-related hospital diag-
noses are increasing at a rate even faster
than population growth. This phenomenon
reflects the national trend toward increased
consumption of alcohol; but it cannot be
explained by that factor alone.‘

Anecdotal evidence is even more revealing.
Police and prosecutors estimate that signifi-
cant proportions of their total arrests and
case loads are alcohol related, a circumstance
echoed by probation officers, mental health
counselors, and others who provide similar
human services. Those engaged in alcohol
treatment cite cases of miners whose fear of
being killed or trapped in a collapse is so
great that they can work only while intoxi-
cated and must avoid the mines in order to
stay sober. Although documentation is too
limited to establish a causal relationship, many
counselors and hospitals report that increases
in suicide attempts, child abuse, wife-beating,
and other domestic violence have coincided
with the growing rate of alcohol abuse.

Abuse of other drugs such as heroin and
barbiturates is also confirmed by anecdotal
evidence, despite the lack of hard data in
this regard. There is also an increase in
the abuse of other substances with a trend
toward polydrug use in which alcohol is
usually combined with other drugs. This is
particularly true of marijuana and prescription
drugs, such as barbiturates, tranquilizers,
and amphetamines. Many drug problems have
come to light as a result of alcohol-related
arrests or treatment. Marijuana use is wide-
spread among all age groups and accounts
for the majority of nonalcohol related drug
arrests. Use of heroin and other hard
drugs is not too serious a problem, although
it does exist in some of the communities.
Affluent energy workers can afford to buy
such drugs without creating the visible crimi-
nal justice problems that occur in urban
areas. In the resort and tourist community
of Stearnboat Springs, Colorado, cocaine and
PCP are among the substances abused. Pre-
scription drug abuse is believed to be a prob-
lem, but it remains relatively hidden.

“See, for example, Public Health Service,
Alcohol and Health: New Knowledge, Second
Special Report to the Congress (Wash ington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Educa-
tion, and Velfare, June 1974).

Although the problem is not accurately
reflected in available data, an increasing num-
ber of women appear to be abusing prescrip-
tion drugs, according to doctors and mental
health professionals. Power plant workers
are also reported to abuse such substances.
Inhalant abuse is characteristic of juveniles
and Native Americans, who presumably cannot
afford other drugs.

Firms, local and State authorities, hospitals
and other treatment centers are aware that
alcohol particularly, but other drugs as well,
are presenting a variety of difficulties.
Because of absenteeism and concern for their
liability with regard to the safety of workers
who drink, companies are beginning to
deveiop and pay for alcoholism treatment
through employee assistance programs. The
Laguna Service Center, near Grants/Milan,
New Mexico, provides clinical services and
substance abuse treatment to Anaconda mining
employees, whose treatment costs are covered
by company insurance. In addition, Anaconda
has altered shift schedules to discourage
binge drinking. Energy Fuels Corporation
recently funded a team of occupational health
doctors in Steamboat Springs (near Hayden,
Colorado) to sample at random 10 percent of
its employees as a pilot project for an occupa-
tional health program. Energy Life, as the
project is called, would provide health educa-
tion, financial and family counseling, and a
full range of occupational health services,
including those related to substance abuse
problems. Energy Fuels hopes to reduce
absenteeism, turnover (it costs the company
approximately $20,000 to train each new
worker), and the resultant decreases in pro-
ductivity. In Carbondale, Colorado, there
has been a reduction in DWI arrests since
Mid-Continent Coal Company started bus serv-
ice to mines at the insistence of the miners!
union. Other companies have attempted to
upgrade living conditions by helping to
finance infrastructure and housing (trailer
parks) projects, as well as comprehensive
plans to deal with energy impacts.

Prevention and treatment services for alcohol
and other drug abusers through public or
private agencies are limited. Funding is
scarce; there is a lack of coordination with
other services and referral networks; counsel-
ing centers are overcrowded and under-
staffed; and those staff who are available
share the tendency to transience exhibited
by the rest of the community's population.
In addition, treatment facilities are in some
cases many miles removed from potential cli-
ents, and human services often receive less
priority than housing, public works, and
other basic infrastructure needs. Finally,
even when an individual receives treatment
''—<«

and returns to the community as a productive
worker, there are often no support services
to prevent a relapse.

CASE STUDY FINDINGS ON
SUDDENLY DEPRESSED COMMUNITIES

The suddenly depressed communities, 1.e.,
bust towns, examined emerge as being very
different demographically from the energy
boom towns. All are characterized by popu-
lations that have remained approximately the
same size. The median age tends to be
higher (late twenties or early thirties), and
the proportion of younger people has been
declining over time in these communities.
The populations are not especially mobile or
subject to much in- or out-migration.
Although the communities may have better
access to health and social services than boom
towns, the older age of the population and
lack of awareness about the problems caused
by alcohol and drug abuse mean that much
preventive education is needed.

Economically, the bust communities are char-
acterized by a lack of diversification and
dependence upon traditional manufacturing
industries that are vulnerable to foreign com-
petition and to relocation in sunbelt or
nonunion areas. These industries include
primary metals, shoes, textiles, and wood
processing. Many of them are especially vul-
nerable to a recession since they are tied to
automobile manufacturing and to construction.
Some of the areas analyzed also suffer from
long-term decline in nonmanufacturing indus-
tries, such as fishing in the case of Eastport
and Lewiston, Maine. The Maine and New
Jersey areas are also characterized by low
wages, high unemployment rates, little oppor-
tunity for young people, deterioration of
housing stock, and a declining per capita
income.

As discussed previously, analysis of the

quantitative data available did not reveal a

correlation between the sudden decline in the
communities studied and drug abuse patterns,
although in the case of alcohol, some of the
data suggested such a correlation. However,
it should be noted that the reliability of this
finding is not only rendered suspect by the
data limitations described in chapter 2, but
also by the fact that several of the commu-
nities studied--Staunton, Waynesboro, and

Buena Vista, Virginia--are not bust towns in
the same sense as other communities consid-
ered. Although these communities were hard
hit by the recession of 1974-75, they recov-
ered quickly, and unlike the Maine and New

15

Jersey communities, their economies today
are relatively healthy.

Anecdotal evidence also failed to fully sub-
stantiate the hypothesis that individuals in
bust communities turn increasingly to alcohol
and other drugs as economic conditions
worsen. Although this finding may also be
influenced by the inclusion of several "non-
bust" communities, the data, even for those
places that warrant categorization as bust
towns, generally fail to show consistently that
substantial increases in substance abuse took
place during the period following the major
decline of 1974-1975.

Those increases that were noted primarily
involved alcohol abuse and took place in the
communities of Lewiston, Eastport, and Dover-
Foxcroft, Maine; and Staunton, Virginia. In
Lewiston and Eastport, alcohol-related hospital
admissions peaked during the 1974-75 reces-
sion period. In Dover-Foxcroft, alcohol-
related arrests reached an all-time high when
unemployment tripled. Alcohol-related arrests
also peaked in Eastport during the recession.
Staunton witnessed the biggest per year
increase in tax receipts for alcoholic bev-
erages excluding wine during the 1974-75
recession, and alcohol-related arrests also
peaked. Eastport, whose residents' per capita
consumption of alcohol is much higher than
most of the State, experienced a substantial
rise in mental health admissions for alcohol
problems in 1974-75.

Viewed in isolation, these data suggest a
direct correlation between the economic
declines and increases in alcohol abuse. How-
ever, other data for these same communities
limit their significance. For example, in
Staunton, one hospital's data showed no
increase in alcohol admissions, while a second
hospital's data indicated a clear upward trend
over the period 1972-76. The level of alcohol
purchases has remained relatively constant
since the large upturn in 1974-75. In
Lewiston, alcohol arrests began increasing in
1972, prior to the major decline in 1974-75;
although the arrest rate continues to rise,
there was no peak coincident with the decline.
Data for Eastport and Dover-Foxcroft also
reveal inconsistencies. Cirrhosis admissions
have remained level in Eastport, while in
Dover-Foxcroft DWI arrests started to
increase before the decline, and alcohol-
related hospital admissions show no discern-
ible trends.

In addition, it must be considered that the
other three bust communities evinced no

trends toward increased alcohol abuse related
to their economic declines. The situation in
Florence Township, New Jersey, is difficult
''to determine because of inadequate data; in
fact, available information reveals little. For

example, alcohol-related hospital admissions
appear to have peaked in 1974-75, but this
peak is probably attributable to a change in
diagnostic reporting procedures. In_ the
Virginia communities of Waynesboro and Buena
Vista, data on alcohol arrests are character-
ized by considerable fluctuation in the first
town and by steady increases, along with all
other arrests, since before the decline in the
latter area.

Drug abuse arrest data were generally avail-
able, and increases in such arrests occurred
in Staunton, Eastport, and Waynesboro during
the 1974-75 decline. However, this rise was
caused not in response to problems associated
with the recession, but as a result of stricter
enforcement of marijuana laws. The impact
of such local attitudes toward marijuana use
on drug arrest statistics is revealed in the
diametrically opposed trend in Lewiston and
Dover-Foxcroft, where arrests decreased
because of community pressure against
enforcement of marijuana laws. There are
cases where drug abuse data are correlated
with the economic decline in Lewiston, where
hospital admissions for abuse of prescription
drugs and other drug-related problems
peaked in 1975.

The lack of any conclusive evidence suggest-
ing a link between the economic declines and
increases in alcohol and other drug abuse
should not be interpreted as meaning that
such communities have relatively few sub-
stance abuse problems. On the contrary,
the field work turned up substantial evidence
that abuse of alcohol and other drugs is com-
mon in such areas. In Buena Vista, for
example, the number of alcohol arrests
doubled from 1970 to 1976, and an estimated
80 percent of the area's felony crimes are
estimated to be related to alcohol. There
were large increases in sales of prescription
and over-the-counter drugs between 1972 and
1976 in Lewiston. DWI arrests increased 80
percent a year in Dover-Foxcroft between
1972 and 1977.

Prevention and treatment facilities were avail-
able in these communities, although staffing
and funding levels were not always adequate.
In Lewiston, some firms provide alcohol assis-
tance programs for employees, but generally
companies are unaware of the problem of alco-
holism, which is estimated by one regional
alcoholism council to cost the community $6
million a year. The Dover-Foxcroft case
study suggested a lack of awareness about
alcohol problems in the community. Treatment
for abusers of prescription drugs was lacking
in these areas, as is generally the case
throughout the country.
''ee

Part 2. Highlights of Case Studies

Boom Towns

Grants/Milan/Valencia County, New Mexico

Economic Environment

Grants is the largest city in Valencia County.
Milan is nearby, and both are close to large
uranium mines. A decrease in uranium pur-
chases by the Atomic Energy Commission in
1966 caused a decline in the population. That
trend has been reversed since 1970, and the
area has experienced significant growth since
then. This can be shown by the following:

e Grants population increased 52 percent
from 1970 to 1976, and it is projected that
it will rise 88 percent by 1980.

e Valencia County employment has risen 44
percent from 1970 to 1976, with the num-
ber of mining jobs rising 119 percent in
the same period.

e Total bank deposits increased by 180 per-
cent from 1970 to 1975.

e Labor and proprietor's income increased
by 77 percent from 1970 to 1975.

e Assessed valuation rose by 73 percent from
1970 to 1975.

Despite this rapid growth, however, unemploy-
ment has risen to 8.87 percent. This is
because many new jobs require skilled work-
ers and are taken by outsiders. No training
has been provided for the local population.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Programs to deal with alcohol abuse in Grants
are usually understaffed. The following
demonstrate the magnitude of the alcohol prob-
lems:

e Alcohol-related arrests rose 400 percent
from 1973 to 1977.

e DWI arrests rose 500 percent from 1973 to
1977.

e Protective custody arrests rose 5,000 per-
cent from 1973 to 1977.

These figures all underestimate the extent of
abuse, because they do not include similar

arrests made in the Grants area by other

agencies.

Drug arrests have increased since 1973 by
53 percent. After 1975, approximately 95
percent of those arrests were marijuana
related. Drug-related hospital admissions
have risen. steadily since 1975.

Figure 5 depicts economic and substance abuse
indicators for Grants/Milan/Valencia County
for the period 1970-77.

Farmington/San Juan County, New Mexico

Economic Environment

Farmington, the major city in San Juan
County, is familiar with the boom-bust eco-
nomic cycle. Population and industry started
to decline in the 1960s, but that trend was
reversed in 1972 as extraction industries
expanded. Indicators of the growth are:

e Farmington's population increased from
21,979 in 1970 to 27,802 in 1976, a 26 per-
cent increase.

e County employment increased by 62 per-
cent from 1970 to 1976.

e Total bank deposits (adjusted for inflation)
increased by 81 percent from 1970 to 1976.

Total adjusted labor and proprietors'
income increased by 56 percent from 1970
to 1976.

A major problem is that Native Americans
have not shared in the job boom. In 1970,
the unemployment rate was 15.9 percent for
Native American males and 5.7 percent for
''FIGURE 5. Grants/Milan/Valencia County, New Mexico
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

Units Se RRR ae aeaed aan! Soe

jooooooe

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

Gabe aa8 Population, 1 unit=2,000
cvs Drug arrests, 1 unit=20
s@@e@ Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=10
«x xAlcohol arrests, 1 unit=200
-eeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=10

mame }Otal bank deposits, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1972 dollars by the Gross National
Product Deflator)

visititit Assessed valuation, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing
component of the Consumer Price Index)

ss=cooe Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

wa

aN
''non-Native Americans. Navajo per capita
income remains about 20 percent of the U.S.
average per capita income.

Like other boom communities, Farmington is
plagued by a scarcity of quality housing.
Sixty-eight percent of reservation housing is
substandard. Other services, such as medical
services and the public school system, are
understaffed.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Alcohol is a very serious problem for the
Farmington community. Although alcohol
arrests have declined overall since 1975, the
problem is still significant, as the following
facts indicate:

e Arrests for illegal sale or possession of
alcohol by minors have increased by 1,345
percent since 1972.

e The county has the third highest DWI rate
in the State and the second highest auto-
mobile fatality rate.

e Farmington detectives estimate that 65 per-
cent of all violent crimes are due to alco-
hol.

e Alcohol diagnoses at the county hospital
increased 138 percent from 1972 to 1977.

Drug arrests rose steadily until 1977, when
Farmington police eased their policy toward
enforcement of drug laws. Approximately 83
percent of all arrests are marijuana related.
Hospital data indicate a growing abuse of
amphetamines and barbiturates. Clearly, both
alcohol and drug abuse are significant prob-
lems in the Farmington community.

Figure 6 depicts available economic indicators
and substance abuse indicators for
Farmington/San Juan County for the period
1970=77.

Gallup/McKinley County, New Mexico

Economic Environment

McKinley County includes most of the Grants
Uranium Belt, a mineral-rich geological band
that extends from Gallup eastward to the Rio
Riveria and is estimated to contain almost half
of all U.S. uranium resources. In 1974, 43
percent of all U.S. uranium production
(valued at slightly more than $100 million)
came from this region. Coal fields in the
area are also being exploited. With the surge
in the development of these minerals, the

county has been growing rapidly. Specific-
ally:
e Mining employment rose 125 percent

between 1974 and 1977, and is expected
to rise another 100 percent by 1980.

e Total labor and _ proprietor's income
(adjusted for inflation) has increased by
34 percent from 1970 to 1976.

e Total adjusted bank deposits increased by
32 percent from 1970 to 1976.

The benefits of the boom have not been dis-
tributed equally, however. No significant
efforts are being made to train the Native
American labor surplus, and immigrants are
expected to take 90 percent of the jobs by
the early 1980s. The county's public services
are also put under great strain.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

' Alcohol abuse is a very serious problem in
Gallup, especially for the Native American
community. Probation officers estimated that
75 percent of all Gallup arrests were alcohol
related, and 65 percent of juvenile probations
involved alcohol. Other indicators of sub-
stance abuse include:

e Police estimate that 50 percent of their

budget is spent on protective custody
cases, which have increased 38 percent
since 1974,

e DWI arrests have increased by 50 percent
(1974-76), despite the easing of enforce-
ment by local police.

e McKinley County has the highest level of
DWI arrests and traffic fatalities in the
State.

Although the Native American drinking prob-
lem has remained relatively stable, hospital
data reveal that alcohol-related admissions
for non-Native-Americans increased 173 per-
cent from 1973 to 1977. The area has several
well-organized treatment centers.

Drug arrests have increased since 1972, with
almost all the drug abusers being non-Native-
American. Eighty percent of those arrests
have been marijuana related. Hospital data
reveal no real trends for the non-Native-
Americans. The Indian Hospital has a higher
rate of drug admissions; many of them are
poisonings and analgesic misuse. The data
indicate that both drug and alcohol abuse
are steadily increasing and will probably grow
worse with the continuing boom.

19
''FIGURE 6. Farmington/San Juan County, New Mexico
Economic and substance abuse indicators

   

Uni ts ——— J T= SS a

 

on
'

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

ieee Population, 1 unit=10,000
mun Drug arrests, 1 unit=50
:aeme Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=10

* * * * Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=1,000
e@eee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=50

waza Total bank deposits, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1972 dollars by the Gross National
Product Deflator)

sssssitt: Assessed valuation, 1 unit=$30,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing com-
ponent of the Consuiner Price Index)

Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

20
''Figure 7 depicts economic indicators and sub-
stance abuse indicators for Gallup/McKinley
County for the period 1970-77.

Hayden/Routt County, Colorado

Economic Environment

Hayden, in Routt County, was primarily an
agricultural community in earlier years. How-
ever, its proximity to the Yampa coal field
has tied it to energy-related industries. Coal
production has increased steadily since the
early 1960s, and is expected to continue this
trend in the future. The extent of this eco-
nomic boom is shown by the following indica-
tors:

e Hayden population increased 103 percent
from 1970 to 1977 with Routt County popu-
lation increasing 94 percent in the same
period.

e Routt County employment rose by 144 per-
cent from 1970 to 1977.

e Routt County assessed valuation (adjusted
for inflation) rose by 87 percent from 1972
to 1977.

Hayden, like most other boom communities,
suffers from severe housing shortages, accom-
panied by skyrocketing housing and land
prices.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Alcohol use in Hayden is common and is often
the major form of recreation. Total alcohol-
related arrests doubled from 1973 to 1977,
although DWI rates remained relatively stable.
The alcohol-related diagnoses at the county
hospital vary yearly and show no steady
trends.

Drug abuse appears to be much less of a
problem than does alcohol. Between 1972 and
1977. there were only five drug-related
arrests. Records at the county hospital show
that the number of drug diagnoses varies
from year to year, but still remains relatively
small.

Figure 8 depicts economic indicators and sub-
stance abuse indicators for Hayden/Routt
County for the period 1970-77.

21

Carbondale/Garfield County, Colorado

Economic Environment

Carbondale, located in Garfield County, has
traditionally relied on coal mining and farming
for employment ever since it was settled in
the 1880s. Since 1970, the economy has been
strongly influenced by tourism, especially
the popularity of nearby Aspen, and even
more so by mining. The extent of the boom
is shown by the following:

e Carbondale's population increased 180 per-
cent from 1970 to 1977. In the same
period county employment rose 34 percent.

e Assessed valuation (adjusted) rose 98 per-
cent from 1972 to 1977.

Public services have expanded because of
this growth, and Carbondale has also begun
to diversify its economic base. One serious
problem with the boom has been the severe
shortage of housing. Consequently, property
and housing values have skyrocketed.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Drinking is an accepted and common form of
recreation in Carbondale. Alcohol arrests
have risen significantly along with the eco-
nomic prosperity. Specifically,

e DWI arrests tripled between 1972 and 1977.

e Alcohol-related arrests for Garfield County
increased 238 percent from 1972 to 1977.

However, alcohol-related hospital diagnoses
remained relatively stable from 1974 to 1977.

Drug use does not appear to be a significant
problem. Carbondale has only two or three
drug arrests each year. Hospital diagnoses
indicate a prevalence of barbiturate and tran-
quilizer abuse, but there are no apparent
trends from the available records.

Figure 9 depicts economic and substance

abuse indicators for Carbondale and Garfield
County for the period 1970-77.

Craig/Moffat County, Colorado

Economic Environment

Located in Moffat County, Craig has been
the traditional service center of the
''FIGURE 7. Gallup/McKinley County, New Mexico
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

me] —_

 

s |

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

|
1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

wraseyayererevs Population, 1 unit=10,000

sitainnnernan Drug arrests, 1 unit=10
Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=10
Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=100
Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=100

wk kk

2eeeoe

wma, Total bank deposits, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1972 dollars by the Gross National
Product Deflator)

rarccuxs Assessed valuation, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing com-
ponent of the Consumer Price Index)

sss Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

22
''FIGURE 8. Hayden/Routt County, Colorado
Economic and substance abuse indicators

Units}

 

Q | acelin 4
1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

 

 

 

 

 

LEGEND

in Bibs BBS Population, 1 unit=2,000
sna Drug arrests, 1 unit=1
@eee Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=10

t * * « « Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=10
eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=10

wuiir: Assessed valuation, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing com-
ponent of the Consumer Price Index)

som=mr Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

 

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

23
''FIGURE 9. Carbondale/Garfield County, Colorado
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Units Pi SS SS
8 Cl
tT «
6 «
= *
eee
5 ~ is «* x * * 4 *
= a. *
- ‘ es om
= s “Wi weer” ™“
= of s «* “A
-= sf, fg MF denna .
7 of. f. ae gowwopoeee **
a peseees eooee deers GF if + a
3 uleveseeeerer’’ e 6 x ‘
¢ * A
- ¢ v . ‘
< ee | yt Yeeenn,
2 = 6 gt ‘.
= eee e
1 ee \
i « ’ “tO, ®
: 2 —— ~ ‘
0
1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977
LEGEND
saeeeeeee Population, 1 unit=5,000

. Drug arrests, 1 unit=10
@aee Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=10
+**-*-x Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=100
eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=25

visiaizzzs, Assessed valuation, 1 unit=$5,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing com-
ponent of the Consumer Price Index)

== Labor and proprietors! income, 1 unit=$5,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

24
''agricultural and ranching area in northwest
Colorado for 100 years. Responding to the
changes in national energy policy, major
corporations began expanding existing energy
industries in northwest Colorado in the early
1970s, affecting Craig's economic situation.
Specifically,

e Moffat County population increased more
than 100 percent from 1970 to 1977, from
6,525 to 13,300.

e Bank deposits in Moffat County State and
national banks increased by 73 percent
(adjusted for inflation) during the period
1970-76.

e Assessed valuation (adjusted) increased
by 62 percent during the period 1970-76.

Problems caused by Craig's rapid growth
include a shortage of adequate housing and
other services.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Craig has been an isolated, self-sufficient

town for many years, where heavy drinking
has always been a part of the frontier life of
cowboys and ranchers. Data collected and

interviews conducted in Craig show alcohol

abuse to be a major problem, as illustrated
by the following:

e The district attorney reported that 70 per-
cent of all crimes dealt with involve alco-
hol.

e Alcohol-related admissions to the hospital
in Craig increased 100 percent between
1972 and 1976 (but, as expected, dropped
back in 1977 when a separate detoxifica-
tion center opened).

Drug abuse trends are more difficult to docu-
ment than alcohol abuse. As illustrated by
figure 10, drug-related arrests show no
definite trend. Hospital data, however, show
that a problem does exist, with drug-related
hospital admissions increasing 100 percent:
“since 1972.

Figure 10 depicts economic and substance

abuse indicators for Craig/Moffat County
for the period 1970-77.

Rangely/Rio Blanco County, Colorado

Economic Environment

Rangely, in Rio Blanco County, is located
near the Rangely-Weber oil field, the largest

29

in the State of Colorado. The town was
created from nothing to serve the oil and gas
boom in the area immediately after World War
Il. Its population is primarily young, male,
and transient. Development of an oil shale
field will probably increase Rangely's rate of
growth. One indicator of the boom is that
Rangely's assessed valuation (adjusted)
increased 52 percent from 1970 to 1977, with
Rio Blanco County assessed valuation
(adjusted) increasing 124 percent in the same
period. Despite this, per capita income still
dropped 12 percent from 1970 to 1977, and
total labor and proprietor's income fell 5 per-
cent in the same period. The development
of oil shale tracts in the area will probably
reverse this trend.

The housing situation in Rangely is already

extremely poor. Overcrowding and lack of

privacy are major problems for the commu-

nity's mental health. This is compounded by
the fact that provision of human services has
been almost completely ignored.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Rangely has a reputation as a hard drinking,
rough community. Drinking is the chief
recreation and has always been a part of the
town's values. Consequently, alcohol abuse
is a significant problem in Rangely, as docu-
mented by the following:

e Fifty percent of all crimes recorded in
Rangely in 1977 were alcohol offenses.

e@ Driving-while-intoxicated arrests for Rio
Blanco County doubled from 1973 to 1977.

The data on alcohol-related diagnoses is

inconclusive. Hospital staff estimate that 25
percent of emergency room admissions are
alcohol-related.

Drug abuse does not appear to be a signifi-
cant problem in Rangely. Police records of
drug arrests are practically nonexistent, and
hospital records are not adequate enough to
draw any conclusions. Apparently, alcohol
abuse is a much more significant problem in
this community.

Figure 11 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Rangely/Rio Blanco
County for the period 1970-77.
''FIGURE 10. Craig/Moffat County, Colorado
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

Units

 

 

 

_ boeeeeeceeeeeesy

ode eo
oo” ".
ro “a1e

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

Population, 1 unit=2,000

 

mnt Drug arrests, 1 unit=10
smeem Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=10
«xxx Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=100
-eeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=10

aaa Total bank deposits, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1972 dollars by the Gross National
Product Deflator)

iitisuzs ASsessed valuation, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing com-
ponent of the Consumer Price Index)

 

oo = Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

 

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

26
''FIGURE 11. Rangely/Rio Blanco County, Colorado
Economic and substance abuse Indicators

 

Units | ]
: |
gC
7 a
6 - |
~ *
*
: *
2 “ .
5 - Lo erorerarejeerasereid o sibialvisiaterninieis seeensennanepenseeagrorediees ses sgeeey

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

4

3

2

]

0 - po receef

1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977
LEGEND
eee ... Population, 1 unit=10,000

» Drug arrests, not available

 

eames Drug diagnoses, not available
«x» Alcohol arrests (DWI only), 1 unit=10
reece Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=5

iitasatszs ASSessed valuation, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the housing com-
ponent of the Consumer Price Index)

xmmmax Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$10,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

27
''Suddenly Depressed Communities

Florence Township/Burlington County,
New Jersey

Economic Environment

Florence Township, located in the Delaware
River Valley, has a large commitment to farm-
ing and dairy production. Industry, retail
trade, services, and government are other
major sources of employment. Paralleling the
1974 recession, Burlington County suffered a
major slowdown in economic activity. Between
October 1974 and September 1975, upwards
of 1,500 jobs were terminated in the county.
The recession had its most severe impact on
the primary metals industry, where factory
employment levels fell an estimated 35 percent
since 1972. Slack demand, coupled with
increasing market penetration by foreign pro-
ducers, compounded the already existing
structural problems of the steel industry.
The shutdown of the Colorado Fuel and Iron
plant in Roebling, New Jersey (Florence
Township), in June 1974 idled approximately
1,400 workers and accounted for 25 percent
of the total decline in manufacturing employ-
ment in the Camden Labor Market Area, of
which Burlington County is a_ part.
Further indicators of the downturn include
the following:

e Unemployment rose from 5 percent in 1970
to 9.9 percent in 1975 in Burlington
County. Florence Township had 14 per-
cent unemployment in 1976.

e Building permits issued declined by 69
percent from 1972 to 1975 partly as a
result of a housing moratorium declared
by the township.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Drug arrests rose steadily from 1974 to 1977.
Overall, however, the total number of drug
arrests is small and does not appear to be a
significant problem.

Alcohol-related hospital diagnoses have
remained relatively stable, except for a rise
in 1975-76. The data seem to indicate that

28

alcohol abuse in the township is not increas-
ing very much, nor is it an exceptionally
serious problem.

Figure 12 depicts economic and substance
abiise indicators for Florence Township/
Burlington County for the period 1970-77.

Buena Vista/Rockbridge County, Virginia

Economic Environment

Buena Vista is one of two independent cities
located within the boundaries of Rockbridge
County, and has a relatively stable popula-
tion. Unlike neighboring areas which rely
on seasonal tourism, most of Buena Vista's
employment steins from manufacturing. When
manufacturing declined in the 1974-75 reces-
sion, Buena Vista was particularly hard hit.
This was compounded by the lack of diversi-
fication in its manufacturing activity. The
effects of this slump are demonstrated by

the following:

e Building permits issued in 1977-78 dropped
a dramatic 92 percent from the 1973-74
high.

e@ Unemployment rose 290 percent from 3.1
percent in 1973 to 12.1 percent in 1975,
nearly 4 percent above the national rate.

e Adjusted total labor and proprietors!
income for Rockbridge County declined by
8 percent from 1969 to 1974.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Due to the small size of the city and the
police department, there are extensive police-
community ties. This often lowers the
recorded number of arrests. However,
enforcement policies relative to alcohol use in
Buena Vista have not changed over the years,
so the available statistics can accurately
reflect trends in the city's alcohol abuse.
''FIGURE 12. Florence Township/Burlington County, New Jersey
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

Units

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

0 - ic | [|
1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975

LEGEND

er Population, 1 unit=100,000

mee UNeMployment rate, 1 unit=2 percent
———— Building permits, 1 unit=1,000
sic Drug arrests, 1 unit=10

eeee Drug program intake, 1 unit=50
« «x Alcohol arrests, inadequate data

eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=100

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

29
''The data collected show that alcohol abuse is
a major problem in Buena Vista. Specifically,
® Between 40 and 56 percent of the arrests
in the last 6 years have been alcohol
related;

Alcohol-related arrests increased 99 per-
cent between 1972 and 1976, and public
drunkenness arrests have increased 106
percent in the same _ period;

e Disorderly conduct arrests increased 156
percent from 1972 to 1976.

Drug abuse appears to be a much less serious
problem in Buena Vista. Yearly arrest fig-
ures are very low and almost all involved the
possession of marijuana. Although erratic,
drug overdose hospital admissions have
increased from 1972 to 1977.

Figure 13 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Buena Vista/Rockbridge
County for the period 1970-77.

Staunton/Augusta County, Virginia

Economic Environment

Located in Augusta County, Staunton repre-
sents the highly industrial and urbanized sec-
tion of the Shenandoah Valley Region. The
community as a whole is stable and mature;
the diversity of its employment made Staunton
the last of the neighboring cities to be hit
by the recession. However, local cutbacks
were severe. American Safety Razor Company,
50 percent of whose personnel reside in
Staunton, cut back some 50 percent of its
work force between 1973 and 1975. A West-
inghouse plant, 30 percent of whose employees
resided in Staunton, cut back its work force
nearly 50 percent because of the recession.
Finally, Stanley-Mead Furniture, which had a
plant in Staunton and a plant in Waynesboro,
shut down the Staunton plant in 1974 due to
a decrease in home furniture needs related
to the housing slumps. This was seen as a
particularly important loss to the Staunton
community, as 60 percent of the plant's
employees resided in Staunton; many had little
education. While the Waynesboro plant
absorbed some workers, many others who were
already in their late fifties filtered into
Staunton's unemployed ranks. Additional
effects of the recession are shown by the
following phenomena:

@ The number of building permits issued
declined by 32 percent from 1974 to 1975.

30

e Unemployment rose from 4.7 percent in
1973 to 9.2 percent in 1975.

One significant problem resulting from this is
a scarcity of lower income publicly subsidized
housing.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Staunton exhibits high arrest rates for sub-
stance abuse. However, these figures are
characterized by a high degree of fluctuation.
Alcohol arrests reached a high in 1974, and
climbed almost as high in 1977. Alcohol-
related hospital admissions have steadily
declined since 1974,

Drug arrests rose 266 percent from 1972 to
1977. However, most of the arrests were for
marijuana, and may be explained by more
detailed enforcement of drug laws. Drug-
related admissions at area hospitals are
almost nonexistent.

Figure 14 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Staunton/Augusta
County for the period 1970-77.

Waynesboro/Augusta County, Virginia

Economic Environment

Waynesboro, Augusta County, is located in
the Shenandoah Valley region in Virginia.
Its population is relatively stable and repre-
sents one of the more urbanized sections of
the valley region. Despite the diversification
of its industries, Waynesboro was hard hit
by the 1974-75 recession. Thiokol Corpora-
tion, a plant producing polypropylene fiber
used for ID ribbons, cigarette ripoff ribbons,
and carpet backings suffered significant
losses in 1975 and 1976, primarily due to a
decrease in carpeting needs as a result of
the decline in new construction activity.
Stanley-Mead, a case goods furniture pro-
ducer, was similarly affected by the housing
construction slump; in 1974, they cut back
approximately 20 percent of their work force.
In addition:

e Unemployment rose to 12.1 percent in 1975,
a 95 percent increase over the 6.2 percent
rate for 1973.

e The number of building permits issued
dropped 37 percent from 89 in 1973 to 56
in 1975.
''FIGURE 13. Buena Vista/Rockbridge County, Virginia
Economic and substance abuse Indicators

 

eo eKorerewn ee 0:8

 

 

 

 

 

J
yon"
ma ww
ai
wn" |

“UNS
aw" | nds

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

|

1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 197 1977

 

LEGEND

Sas Poss ER Population, 1 unit=1,000

—— Building permits, 1 unit=10

wus Unemployment rate, 1 unit=2 percent
svsumunaninnn Drug arrests, 1 unit=10

eee= Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=5

» «xxx» Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=50

eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=5

zmmmaxmx ~Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$1,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--AIl data were not available for all years.

31
''FIGURE 14. Staunton/Augusta County, Virginia
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

Units

co
!

    
 

 

.
ee CC eeiesiaieee

 

© PESScoocoeeoooy

  
 

 

]

a
a
a
x
a
a
a
a
a

 

a
a

so eevcavenvongeanenenenereeaeat!
a
ayn
S |

 

see,

 

 

 

 

 

 

= Cd
Smee ee eee eee

1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

 

LEGEND

estes ete Population, 1 unit=5,000

wee UNemployment rate, 1 unit=2 percent
——— Building permits, 1 unit=10

sins Drug arrests, 1 unit=10

smemem Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=5

t «xxx Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=100

eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=10

memo Labor and proprietors' income, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

32
''Alcohol and Drug Abuse

The drug and alcohol arrest rates for Waynes-
boro are highly erratic and do not have any
clear explanation.

Although enforcement policies have not

changed over the years, the alcohol arrest
trends vary. DWI arrests have been on the
decline since 1972-73, but have risen sharply
in 1977. The 1972 peak for public drunken-
ness arrests may be explained by the large
influx of out-of-state industrial workers that
year. Alcohol-related diagnoses have been
on the decline at area hospitals since 1973.

Drug arrests in Waynesboro are primarily
marijuana related. The 1974-75 peaks were
due to an intense enforcement campaign which
was discontinued by 1976. Drug-related hos-
pital admissions are almost nonexistent in
Waynesboro. In this instance there does not
seem to be any correlation between substance
abuse and the economic dislocation.

Figure 15 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Waynesboro/Augusta
County for the period 1970-77.

Dover-Foxcroft/Piscataquis County, Maine

Economic Environment

Dover-Foxcroft, located in Piscataquis
County, began losing its traditional sources
of wealth and employment in the early 1950s
with the closing of area woolen mills. Efforts
by local and regional officials helped to
expand and diversify the area's economic base
throughout the 1960s. The largest
employers--the traditional industries--remained
vulnerable to economic dislocation, however.
The area's economy was devastated in the
1974-75 recession. Specifically,

e 1,240 jobs were lost from primary manufac
turing alone.

e Unemployment rose from 6.3 percent in
1974 to 17.7. percent in 1975.

Officials are actively seeking new industries,
but there remains serious doubt about whether
the area's traditional economic activities can
be revived. There are also strong barriers
to securing the necessary financing to locate
new business operations. Dover-Foxcroft's
loss of prosperity has led to a communitywide
depression, and its industrial economic future
is uncertain.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

In the environment of Dover-Foxcroft, drink-
ing is often the only affordable recreation
and the way to pass the time if a person is
unemployed. The extent of the alcohol prob-
lem can be demonstrated by the following
facts:

e OU! (operating under the _ influence)
arrests have risen 250 percent from 1972
to 1977.

e Alcohol-related diagnoses at the county
hospital have tripled from 1973 to 1977.

Drug arrest trends have been on the decline
since 1975. Almost all of the arrests are
marijuana related, and public pressure on
police has decreased the arrest rate. Drug-
related hospital admissions are few and erratic.
Clearly, alcohol abuse is a much more serious
problem in Dover-Foxcroft today.

Figure 16 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Dover-Foxcroft/
Piscataquis County for the period 1970-77.

Eastport/Washington County, Maine

Economic Environment

Washington County's traditional economic
base--primarily fishing, shipping, and related
industries--has been declining throughout
the twentieth century. Eastport population
has declined by 63 percent from 1900 to 1970,
with modest reversal of this trend by 1977.
Local fisheries were unable to compete with
foreign fleets and large corporations. Con-
sequently, many of the related industries
have also collapsed.

The 1974-75 recession damaged or extin-
guished most of the remaining industrial
sources of employment. The effects of the
recession are shown by the following phenom-
ena:

e Unemployment rose from 8.8 percent in
1972 to 12.8 percent in 1975. The monthly
unemployment rate in 1975 went as high
as 17 percent.

e Eastport's median household buying income
was $6,998, only 60 percent of the State
average, in 1975.

e Almost 20 percent of the housing has dete-
riorated and is considered substandard.

33
''FIGURE 15. Waynesboro/Augusta County, Virginia
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

Units

 

 

eee ecocccee 30:0 Midis SARS Seq oie sie eieisiewele

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

vaeeeeees Population, 1 unit=5,000

amumumn Unemployment rate, 1 unit=2 percent
a 9Building permits, 1 unit=20

sinnnannsnnan Drug arrests, 1 unit=10

=@=mem Drug diagnoses, not available

« x * x * Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=50

eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=10

momo Labor and proprietors! income, 1 unit=$20,000,000 (adjusted to 1967 dollars by the
Consumer Price Index)

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

34
''FIGURE 16. Dover-Foxcroft/Piscataquis County, Maine
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Units
§ 4
7 -
5 - . «VF
- 4 res f
wa % a 6
a 4 ae f
a mM
‘ xt My
7 a*® #
7 »* \f
“lee cecceccccccdeccccccccccepecccccceccsspescsccesccedssvcsscceces Mivcvacieneee ah ownemee
3 al eeeeee Peer odes sesesessesepesesesssessewe ee eeeseeeee eeeeee r%
« »* 6%
7 »* 8
»* ~oot?
2 - 27> eaneee “™
- jane ont o
ae® o” o|%
- «* ? a
2 at ®
] - aeaeoenne” ‘\. ”
= \ a
- ?
“e
0
1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977
LEGEND
awienniesen Population, 1 unit=5,000

satunnaneniine Drug arrests, 1 unit=10
@eeem Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=5
» xa Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=50

eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=5

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

35
''Planning has begun recently to eliminate the
chronic depression by attracting new indus-
tries to the area.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse
There was a definite peak of alcohol abuse in
1974-75, the period in which Eastport's eco-

nomic situation was at its worst. Also,

e@ OUI arrests rose 74 percent from 1972 to
1975...

e Assault and battery arrests peaked in 1975,

at a level almost 40 percent higher than
in 1972,

e Alcohol-related hospital admissions doubled
from 1973 to 1975.

Drug use has been increasing in Eastport,
but it appears to be unrelated to the economic
decline. The increase in drug arrests, which
are almost exclusively for possession of mari-
juana, is primarily the result of stricter
enforcement procedures.

Figure 17 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Eastport/Washington
County for the period 1970-77.

Lewiston/Androscoggin County, Maine

Economic Environment

Located in Androscoggin County, Lewiston is
an old industrial city which prospered
throughout the last century because industry
was attracted by the water power potential
of the Great Falls of the Androscoggin River.
The decline in dependence on water for direct

36

power and the shift of the textile and shoe
industries to other areas have caused a vast
dislocation of the area's traditional economic
base. Lewiston has attempted to moderate
the effects of the long-term decline in employ-
ment by diversifying its economic base, but
the recession of 1974-75 caused a rapid and
extensive economic dislocation in Lewiston.
Its effects are demonstrated by the following:

e Unemployment rose from 7.4 percent in
1972 to 10.8 percent in 1975.

e Per capita income declined from $4,443 in
1974 to $3,890 in 1975.

The economic outlook for the majority of
Lewiston's residents seems at best only a slow
improvement in a situation of extensive pov-
erty.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse

Alcohol appears to be a significant problem
in Lewiston. Operating under the influence
arrests have increased more than 50 percent,
and disorderly conduct arrests have risen
more than 300 percent since 1972. The data
from the two Lewiston hospitals suggest that
the 1974-75 recession resulted in even greater
alcohol-related health problems.

However, drug abuse does not appear to be

a serious problem in Lewiston. Drug arrests
peaked in 1975, and declined by 38 percent
in 1977. This is due largely to the change
in community attitudes toward marijuana.
Drug-related hospital admissions have remained
relatively stable.

Figure 18 depicts economic and substance
abuse indicators for Lewiston/Androscoggin
County for the period 1970-77.
''FIGURE 17. Eastport/Washington County, Maine
Economic and substance abuse indicators

 

Units

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

135858536 Population, 1 unit=1,000
wus Unemployment rate, 1 unit=2,000
seaaRaRANE Drug arrests, 1 unit=50

eeee Drug diagnoses, not available

1 #**« « Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=50
eeeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=50

w——— Median household effective buying income, 1 unit=$2,000

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

37
''FIGURE 18. Lewiston/Androscoggin County, Maine
Economic and substance abuse Indicators

 

 

Units —— 7 — —

  

pocccccee

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1970 197] 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977

LEGEND

paceaqrerare Population, 1 unit=10,000

eum Unemployment rate, 1 unit=2 percent
Average annual manufacturing jobs, 1 unit=5,000
Drug arrests, 1 unit=50

ewee Drug diagnoses, 1 unit=50

«xx Alcohol arrests, 1 unit=100

reeee Alcohol diagnoses, 1 unit=100

= Median household effective buying income, 1 unit=$2,000

NOTE.--Not all data were available for all years.

38
''''DEPARTMENT OF

HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WELFARE POSTAGE AND REEB PAID
‘PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE aa
7, = = THIRD CLASS
ALCOHOL, DRUG ABUSE, AND Steerer

 

MENTAL HEALTH ADMINISTRATION
5600 FISHERS LANE
ROCKVILLE, MARYLAND 20857

OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Penalty for private use, $300

 

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DHEW Publication No. (ADM)80-960
Printed 1980
'' 

GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY

0 A

BO000509104
''