THE RUINS OF PALMYRA BALDBELC BY 3 » ROBERT WOOD, ESQ. LONDON: WILLIAM PICKERING, CHANCERY MLANE. MDCCCXXVIL. TO THE READER. As the principal merit of works of this kind is truth, it may not be amiss to prefix to this, such an account of the manner in which it was under- taken and executed, as will give the public an opportunity of judging what credit it deserves. Two gentlemen whose curiosity had carried them more than once to the continent, particularly to Italy, thought, that a voyage, properly con- ducted, to the most remarkable places of antiquity, on the coast of the Me- diterranean, might produce amusement and improvement to themselves, as well as some advantage to the public. As I had already seen most of the places they intended to visit, they did me the honour of communicating to me their thoughts upon that head, and 1 with great pleasure accepted their kind invitation to be of so agreeable a party. The knowledge I had of those gentlemen, in different tours through France and Italy, promised all the success we could wish from such a voyage; their strict friendship for one another, their love of antiquities and the fine arts, and their being well accustomed for several years to travelling, were circumstances very requisite to our scheme, but rarely to be met “with in two persons, who with taste and leisure for such enquiries, are equal both to the expence and fatigue of them. It was agreed that a fourth person in Italy, whose abilities as an archi- tect and draftsman we were acquainted with, would be absolutely necessary. We accordingly wrote to him, and fixed him for the voyage. The drawings he made, have convinced all those who have seen them, that we could not have employed any body more fit for our purpose. Rome was appointed for our place of rendezvous, where having passed the winter together, we were to proceed to Naples, and there to embark in the spring on board a ship hired for us in London, and fitted out with every thing we could think might be useful. All this we performed with- out deviating from our original plan, except in a few particulars, where ac- cidents it was impossible to foresee, made some alterations necessary. We passed the winter together at Rome, and employed most of that time in refreshing our memories with regard to the ancient history and geography of the countries we proposed to see. We met our ship at Naples in the spring. She brought from London a library, consisting chiefly of all the Greek historians and poets, some books of antiquities, and the best voyage writers, what mathematical mstruments TO THE READER. we thought necessary, and such things as might be proper presents for the Turkish Grandees, or others, to whom, in the course of our voyage, we should be obliged to address ourselves. We visited most of the islands of the Archipelago, part of Greece in Europe; the Asiatic and European coasts of the Hellespont, Propontis and Bosphorus, as far as the Black-sea, most of the inland parts of Asia Minor, Syria, Pheeni- cia, Palestine and Egypt. The various countries we went through, furnish, no doubt, much entertainment of different sorts. But however we might each of us have some favourite cu- riosity to indulge, what engaged our greatest attention was rather their ancient than present state. It is impossible to consider with indifference those countries which gave birth to letters and arts, where soldiers, orators, philosophers, poets and artists have shewn the boldest and happiest flights of genius, and done the greatest honour to human nature. Circumstances of climate and situation, otherwise trivial, become interesting from that connection with great men, and great actions, which history and poetry have given them : The life of Miltiades or Leonidas could never be read with so much pleasure, as on the plains of Marathon or at the straits of Thermopy- ~lze; the Iliad has new beauties on the banks of the Scamander, and the Odyssey is most pleasing in the countries where Ulysses travelled and Homer sung. The particular pleasure, it is true, which an imagination warmed upon the spot receives from those scenes of heroic actions, the traveller only can feel, nor is it to be communicated by description. But classical ground not only makes us always relish the poet, or historian more, but sometimes helps us to understand them better. Where we thought the present face of the country was the best comment on an ancient author, we made our draftsman take a view, or make a plan of it. This sort of entertainment we extended to poetical geography, and spent a fortnight with great pleasure in making a map of the Scamandrian plain, with Homer in our hands. Inscriptions we copied as they fell in our way, and carried oft the marbles whenever it was possible; for the avarice or superstition of the mhabitants made that task difficult and sometimes impracticable. The only opportunity we had of procuring any manuscripts, was among the Maronite churches of Syria; and though those we met with in Greek were very little interesting either as to their subject or language, yet it did not discourage us from purchasing several in Syriac and Arabic, in the same places, as we chose rather to bring home a great many bad things, than run the risk of leaving any thing curious in languages we did not understand. Architecture took up our chief attention; and in this enquiry our expecta- tions were more fully satisfied. All lovers of that art must be sensible that the measures of the ancient buildings of Rome, by Monsieur Desgodtez, have been of the greatest use: We imagined that by attempting to follow the same method in those countries where architecture had its origin, or at least arrived at the highest degree of perfection it has ever attained, we might do service. TO THE READER. It was chiefly with this view, that we visited most of the places in Asia Mi- nor, where we could expect any remains of buildings of a good age; we sel- dom had reason to regret the trouble we were at in this pursuit, particularly in Lydia, Ionia and Caria. Few ruins were so completely such, as not to preserve very valuable fragments, especially as we had provided ourselves with tools for digging, and sometimes employed the peasants in that way, for several days, to good purpose. The examples of the three Greek orders in architecture, which we met with, might furnish a tolerable history of the rise and progress of that art, at least the changes it underwent from the time of Pericles® to that of Dioclesian. We thought it would be proper to give Palmyra first, as that part about which the curiosity of the public seems most pressing; the success which this work meets, will determine the fate of the rest. Such was our scheme, and such the manner in which we carried it into practice, in spite of some discouraging difficulties, inseparable from an undertaking of this kind ; and though, at our setting out we knowingly engaged with great fa- tigue, expence and danger, yet upon the whole, it would have answered our expectations as to pleasure, as well as profit, had not our happiness been inter- rupted by the most affecting misfortune which could possibly have happened to our little society ; when I say, this was the death of Mr. BouvEerikg, all those who had the pleasure of knowing that gentleman, must pity our situation at that time. | Besides those virtues, the loss of which we regret in common with all his friends, he had qualities particularly well adapted to the part he bore in this voyage ; the great objects of his private entertainment were almost every thing which comes within the circle of virtu, in which he had acquired such know- ledge, by several journeys to Rome, that his opinion in those matters had authority among the connoisseurs of that country ; and indeed his collection of drawings, medals, intaglios and cameos (which would have grown very considerable had he lived) are proofs of the correctness of his taste. How much the loss of such a person must have broke in upon the spirit of our party, may easily be supposed. Had he lived to have seen Palmyra, we should, no doubt, have less occasion to beg indulgence for such inaccuracies as may be found in the following work. An accident so highly distressing would have entirely disconcerted us, had it not been for the uncommon activity and resolution of our surviving friend; and indeed, if any thing could make us forget that Mr. BouvERrie was dead, it was that Mr. Dawkins was living. If the following specimen of our joint labours should in any degree satisfy public curiosity, and rescue from oblivion the magnificence of Palmyra, it is * I mean with the addition of the ancient buildings of the us at Rome. We were much pleased to find that some of Attica, which make no part of our collection, for the follow- the most beautiful works of the ancients were to be preserved ing reason. When we arrived at Athens, we found Mr. Stu- by persons so much more equal to the task ; and therefore did ArT and Mr. Reverr, two English painters, successfully em- no more at Athens than satisfy our own curiosity ; leaving it ployed in taking measures of all the architecture there, and to Mr. Stuart and Mr. REVETT to satisfy that of the public. making drawings of all the bas reliefs, with a view to pub- We hope they may meet with that encouragement which so lish them, according to a scheme they had communicated to useful a work deserves. TO THE READER. owing entirely to this gentleman, who was so indefatigable in his attention to see every thing done accurately, that there 1s scarce a measure in this work which he did not take himself. At the same time that, by this declaration, 1 disclaim any share of merit which the public, uninformed of the truth, might have given me, I cannot help in return indulging my vanity with a circumstance, which I am sure does me honour, viz. that my being the publisher of these sheets is owing to Mr. DAw- KINs his friendship for me, who while he highly enjoys the pleasure of contri- buting to the advancement of arts in this manner, declines the profits which may arise from this publication. | If I venture to mention this single instance of my friend’s regard for me, I shall compound with him for that liberty, by suppressing others without num- ber: To join Mr. Dawkins’ name with mine (where I must still continue to be the only gainer) is, I fear, little less than impertinent, but it is the imperti- nence of gratitude, which, like love, is never more awkward in its declarations than when it is most sincere and in earnest. ROBERT WOOD. AN ENQUIRY INTO - THE - ANCIENT STATE OF PALMYRA. Our account of Palmyra is confined merely to that state of decay in which we found those ruins in the year 1751. It is not probable that the reader’s curiosity should stop here: The present remains of that city are certainly too interesting to admit of our indifference about what it has been; when and by whom it was built; the singularity of its situation (separated from the rest of mankind by an uninhabitable desert,) and the source of riches necessary to the support of such magnificence, are subjects which very naturally engage our attention. The following Enquiry is an attempt, in some measure to satisty that curiosity. It seems very remarkable, that Balbeck and Palmyra, perhaps the two most surprising remains of ancient magnificence which are now left, should be so much neglected in history, that, except what we can learn from the inscrip- tions, all our information about them, would scarce amount to more than pro- bable conjecture. Does not even this silence of history carry with it instruction, and teach us how much we are in the dark with regard to some periods of antiquity ? It is the natural and common fate of cities to have their memory longer pre- served than their ruins. Troy, Babylon and Memphis are now known only from books, while there is not a stone left to mark their situation. But here we have two instances of considerable towns out-living any account of them. Our cu- riosity about these places is rather raised by what we see than what we read, and Balbec and Palmyra are in a great measure left to tell their own story. Shall we attribute this to the loss of books, or conclude that the Ancients did not think those buildings so much worth notice as we do? If we can sup- pose the latter, it seems to justify our admiration of their works. Their silence about Balbec, gives authority to what they say of Babylon, and the works of Palmyra scarce mentioned, become vouchers for those so much celebrated of Greece and Egypt. Any authorities I can collect from the Ancients, immediately relating to Palmyra, might be thrown into a very small compass; but as persons of more B 2 THE ANCIENT STATE leisure may, if they think it worth while, enlarge and correct these hints, I shall not only produce such materials as I have met with, but also give the histo- rical order in which I searched for them, by taking a short view of the most remarkable revolutions of Syria, from the earliest account of this place, which may at least be of some use towards a more diligent and accurate enquiry. To what information history affords I shall add what may be gathered from the taste of the Architecture and from the inscriptions. Tue Arabic translator of Chronicles” makes Palmyra older than Solomon ; John of Antioch surnamed Malala® says, that he built it on the spot where David slew Goliah, in memory of that action; and Abul Farai® mentions in what year, with other particularities. But these and other accounts of the early state of Palmyra, which might be collected from the Arabian historians, bear such evident marks of fable and wild conjecture, that we shall pass them over, and come to the earliest histo- rical authority which deserves to be quoted as such. That Solomon built Tedmor in the wilderness we are told in the Old Testa- ment ;' and that this was the same city which the Greeks and Romans called afterwards Palmyra, though the Syrians retained the first name, we learn from Josephus.® We may add the authority of St. Jerom, who (if the vulgar Latin version be his) thinks Tedmor and Palmyra are only the Syrian and Greek names of the same place. What seems to strengthen this opinion is, that at this present time the Arabs of the country call it Tedmor,’ and we follow their pronunciation as the best authority for this way of writing that name. Ammianus Marcellinus® takes notice of the attachment of the natives of Syria to the old names of their cities, which they kept up notwithstanding the Greek ones given by Seleucus Nicator, when he rebuilt them. And there are now several instances in that country of the old name of a place preserved by the Arabs, while the Greek one is from long disuse forgot and unknown in the country. Thus the Acco" of the Old Testament in the tribe of Asher, was called by the Greeks Ptolemais, but now by the inhabitants Acca, the original name only altered in one letter; and Haran where Abraham dwelt before he set out for the Land of promise, was afterwards the Carrhee of the Romans; but has again recovered its first name, Haran. It seems natural for people to have this affection for the names their towns bore during their state of freedom and prosperity ; and an unwillingness to ad- mit innovations imposed by conquest is observable in all countries, but no where more than among the Arabs, who, notwithstanding the frequent attempts a 2 Chron. 8. b Dynastiar. lib. 5. ¢ Vers. Pococ. Alexandrian copy comes nearest the pronunciation of the present d 1 Kings, 9. and 2 Chron. 8. ¢ Antiq. Jud. lib. 1. Pere Arabs. We take the Greek name Palmyra from the inscriptions, Hardouin’s objections to this opinion seem chiefly to arise from though Josephus writes it warwea and Pliny Palmira. his ignorance of the present state of this place. g Lib. 14. b Judges, i. 31. f Of several ancient ways of writing this name the “eu, of the : OF PALMYRA. 3 made upon thom, boast a longer independence and a purer antiquity than any other nation. But that these rums which we visited were the works of Solomon, we only offer as the established opinion of the present inhabitants of Palmyra, who, per- fectly satisfied of the truth of it, add several curious anecdotes, and point out his seraglio, his harem, the tomb of a favourite concubine, with several other particulars : “ All these mighty things,” say they," * Solomon the son of David did by the assistance of spirits.” Whatever buildings then Solomon may have erected here, we shall suppose to have perished long since, even though we had not the authority of John of Antioch to support us, who affirms that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed this city before he besieged Jerusalem. Buildings in the taste of those of Palmyra cannot reasonably be supposed prior to the time the Greeks got footing in Syria ; and therefore it is not sur- prizing that we find nothing of that city in the accounts of the Babylonian and Persian conquests of this country; nor that Xenophon should take no notice of it in his Retreat of the ten-thousand, though he gives a very accurate account of the Desert, and must have left this place not a great way to the right in his march towards Babylon. Nor could one for the same reason expect more from the accounts of Alex- ander the great than what use he, or his enemies might have made of such a situation, when he marched through this Desert to Thapsacus on the Euphrates, which was the place where he, as well as Darius and Cyrus the Younger, passed that River. - From the death of Alexander to the reduction of Syria to a Roman province would seem a more proper period for enquiring about Palmyra. Seleucus Nica- tor was a great builder, and though the ruins of Antioch on the Orontes and Se- leucia, at the mouth of the same river, are inconsiderable, yet what is left to be seen of them, shews the good Greek manner of that happy age of architecture. So convenient a situation as that of Palmyra, between these two great cities already mentioned and Seleucia on the Tygris, as also between the Euphrates and the great trading towns on the coast of the Mediterranean, could hardly be over-looked ; and indeed, as a frontier towards the Parthians, its importance must have been great, from the time Arsaces the founder of that empire took Seleucus Callinicus prisoner. These might be good reasons for supposing the buildings of Palmyra a work of some of the Seleucidee, had we any historical authority to support such an opinion; but I cannot find even the name of this city in any part of their history. It is true, the Ara of Seleucus was used at Palmyra, as we shall see from the inscriptions, but all that we can infer from thence, is, that this city submitted to Alexander, and was governed, at least for some time, by his successors; an opinion however, which, were it not otherwise probable, could scarcely be re- ceived merely upon this evidence ; for why might we not suppose that so trad- ing a city, though independent of the Seleucidae, might have introduced the t Solyman Ebn Doud. * They as firmly believed that we made use of the same vails in all countries where there are old ruins, and in Italy is assistance in searching after treasure. This odd opinion pre- not merely confined to the common people. 4 THE ANCIENT STATE same method of reckoning their time, which their neighbours used, as a matter . of convenience ? The Roman history of Syria comes next under consideration. That country was conquered by Pompey, when a taste for the fine arts had been for some time introduced at Rome, and had made the same progress which their arms had done in Greece and Asia; and when not only the riches of these provinces, but their architecture, painting, and sculpture became objects of enquiry to a Roman governor. One would imagine that Palmyra might have gratified both their curiosity and avarice, and yet we do not meet with any mention of this city in their history, until Mark Antony's" attempt to plunder it, which they escaped by removing their most valuable effects over the Euphrates and defend- ing the passage of the river by their archers. The pretence he made use of, to give such conduct a colour of justice, was ~ that they did not observe a just neutrality between the Romans and Parthians ; but Appian” says his real motive was to enrich his troops with the plunder of the Palmyrenes, who were merchants, and sold the commodities of India and Arabia to the Romans. | We may conclude from hence they were at that time a rich, trading, free people. How long they had been in possession of these advantages, we are left to guess. It seems probable that their riches, and of course their trade, must have been of some standing; for we shall find by the inscriptions, that in less than forty years after, they were luxurious and expensive to such degree, as must have required considerable wealth to support. | . As to the time hie) they acquired their freedom, we are likewise left to conjecture. Doctor Halley® is of opinion, that < when the Romans got. footing in these parts, and the Parthians seemed to put a stop to their farther conquest in the East, then was the city of Palmyra, by reason of its situation, being a frontier and in the midst of a vast sandy desert, where armies could not subsist to reduce it by force, courted and caressed by the contending princes, and permitted to continue a free state.” But I cannot help thinking there are good reasons for giving their free- dom an earlier date. That importance as a frontier, to which the Doctor attributes their liberty, was as considerable before the Roman conquest as afterwards: the many wars the Seleucidee were engaged in, offered several good opportunities of withdrawing themselves from the dominion of those princes. Besides it does not seem probable that Palmyra should have sub- mitted to the usurpation of ‘ligranes, and yet have become free under Pom- pey, who drove that prince out of the country; and indeed Pompey’s best excuse for not giving up Syria to’ Antiochus Asiaticus, was, that the Romans could defend it from the insults of its neighbours, which the Syrians themselves could not. | Appian de Bell, Civil. lib, 5. ¢ Account of the ancient state of Palmyra, Philos. Transact. > Ibid. 4 Appian in Syriac. OF PALMYRA. 5 Ptolemy gives us the names of several cities in the Palmyrene, some of which are repeated in Peutinger’s tables, but, I believe, none of them to be met with any where else. He also mentions a river at Palmyra. I am not so much surprised to see nothing of this city in other ancient geo- oraphers, as that Strabo, our faithful guide round the Mediterranean, (who of all those writers had most judgment, with most curiosity) should not even men- tion its name. Pliny" has very happily collected, in a few lines, the most striking circum- stances with regard to this place, except that he takes no notice of the build- ings. This short account may be worth comparing with what we saw, as the only ancient description we have of this city. “ Palmyra 1s remarkable for situation, a rich soil and pleasant streams ; it is surrounded on all sides by a vast sandy desert, which totally separates it from the rest of the world, and has preserved its independence between the two great empires of Rome and Parthia, whose first care when at war, is to engage it in their interest. It is- distant from Seleucia ad Tigrim 337 miles, from the nearest part of the Mediterranean 203, and from Damascus 176.” In its flourishing state Palmyra could by no means fall short of this descrip- tion ; its © situation’ is fine, under a ridge of hills towards the west, and a little above the level of a most extensive plain, which it commands to the east. Those hills were covered with great numbers of sepulchral monuments, several of which remain almost entire, and have a very venerable aspect. What ¢soil’” remains is extremely rich, and ¢ its waters’ very limpid, rising con- stantly, and in greater abundance in summer than in winter, from rocks close by the town, at such a height as to be capable of receiving any direction. What Ptolemy calls the river of Palmyra, I suppose to have been no more than the united streams from those fountains, which still continue to flow with a pretty smart current as far as their old channels remain entire. Those were lined with stone, to prevent the loss of water, which, for want of the same care, is now soon soaked up in the sand, without producing much verdure ; though a considerable spot immediately about the town might certainly with little pains be rendered fertile. The hills, and no doubt a great part of the desert, were formerly covered with palm-trees, which we have seen grow in the driest sandy deserts. Abulfeda mentions the palm as well as fig-trees of Palmyra, and the merchants who went thither from Aleppo in 1691, take notice of several, though we could find but one left in the country. The other particulars mentioned by Pliny, «as its situation in the midst of a vast desert, which totally separates it from the rest of the world ; its inde- pendence ; how necessary its friendship to the two great contending powers, the Parthians and Romans,” are all circumstances which strongly characterize Palmyra. That Achilleus was her father, who was at the head of insignificance should save a ringleader from punishment while the Palmyrenes, who cut off the Roman garrison, is believed by those concerned in an inferior degree were thought proper ob- some upon the authority of Vopiscus; but Zosimus calls the jects of very cruel severity. chief of that rebellion Antiochus, and far from supposing him to ¢ Cujus ea castitas fuisse dicitur ut ne virum suum quidem to have any connection with Zenobia, says, Aurelian thought sciret nisi tentatis conceptionibus. Treb. Pol. OF PALMYRA. | 9 Trebellius Pollio, from whom I collect this account of her, adds a cirecum- stance which may expose our heroine to some censure. He says ¢she® often drank with her officers, and could, in that way, get the better of the Persians and Armenians, though he says she was generally moderate mn the use of liquor.’ However this passage may imply a want of delicacy in Zenobia, it does not seem to carry with it any imputation of intemperance ; I think all that we can fairly conclude from it is, that being able to drink much without intoxication, she made an artful use of that power, to get acquainted with tempers, and learn secrets necessary to her schemes. To these extraordinary qualities, we may add, that Zenobia engaged in the management of affairs with advantages which scarce ever met in the same person and at the same time—youth and experience. Her age we may guess at from her being married and having children at Rome several years after- wards ; and yet she had already made such progress under the direction of her husband Odenathus, whom she most constantly attended in the field, that the emperor Aurelian gives her the honour of his victories over the Persians, in his letter to the senate, which is preserved in Pollio. It is a loss, that the only writer of her life, from whom we have collected these particulars of her manners, person and dress, should be so silent about the more important parts of her public character, and enter so little into the spirit of her great actions, when he dwells so minutely upon things of less con- sequence : While we acknowledge ourselves indebted to him for her black eyes and white teeth, we cannot help reproaching him with an absolute silence about any battle she fought, or any law she enacted. | ~ In this case we must have recourse to the history of her cotemporary Roman” emperor’s; her story is so connected with theirs, that they may throw some light upon each other. Zenobia took upon her the government, in the name of her sons then very young : She found Gallienus, one of the worst of the bad emperors, in the last year of his reign, and his affairs in a perplexity extremely favourable to her ambition ; his single good quality was a love of letters, his bad ones were without number, but lewdness and cruelty were his favourite vices, in which he is said to have rivalled Heliogabalus and Nero. A total neglect of ‘his duty to his country and captive father, would have reduced the empire to an irretrievable state of confusion, had not Odenathus supported his interest in the Kast. Zenobia’s views were inconsistent with any longer alliance with the Romans. Upon what pretence she broke through the engagements they and her husband were under, is not clear ; but she attacked and routed Heraclianus the Roman general, sent by Gallienus with an army against the Persians, who narrowly es- caped, after a sharp engagement, and left her in possession of Syria and Meso- potamia. In the same year Gallienus was murdered at Milan. a Bibit sepe cum ducibus, cum esset alias sobria bibit etiam p» The facts are taken from Zosimus and Vopiscus; it will be cum Persis et Armenis ut eos vinceret. Treb. Pol. needless to quote to them in every instance. D 10 THE ANCIENT STATE Claudius succeeded him ; a character so amiable and so different from his predecessor, that he would probably have restored happiness and tranquillity to the empire, had he reigned long enough. ¢ He" had the valour of Trajan, the piety of Antoninus, and the moderation of Augustus; virtues which he in- defatigably exerted in the public service. The grand object of his attention was reformation. How difficult this task was, appears from the letter he wrote to the senate immediately before that memorable victory which gave him the name of Gothicus. While he was thus taken up by affairs nearer home, Zenobia finding a party for her in Egypt supported by one Timogenes, sent Zabdas, an experienced officer who had fought under Odenathus, and attended her mn all her battles, to make the conquest of that country, to which she perhaps claimed an he- reditary right, as the descendant of the Ptolemys, their former kings. He came to a battle with the IEgyptians, the success of which put him in pos- session of that province, where he left a body of 5000 men, and returned to Palmyra. This revolution happened in the absence of Probus prefect of Egypt, who was then out upon a cruise against the pirates who infested the neighbouring seas. Upon the news of it he returned, and drove the Palmyrene troops out of the country. This sudden turn of affairs brought back Zabdas again with his army. Probus engaged and beat him ; but not content with this success, attempted to cut off the retreat of the Palmyrenes: Which proved fatal to him, for having with that view got possession of those heights near Bablylon, (which command the present town of Cairo) Timogenes, better acquainted with the country, shewed the Palmyrenes an unguarded road up to that part, by which they surprised and destroyed his army. Probus taken prisoner, and drove to despair by the misfortunes his mismanagement had occasioned, killed himself, and Zenobia became mistress of Egypt. Claudius resolved to march against Zenobia about the latter end of the second year of his reign; but was taken off by the plague at Syrmium in Pannonia. Aurelian was elected in his room by the army, and Quintillus brother to the late emperor by the senate ; but the death of the latter in seventeen days after he was proclaimed, prevented a competition, and Aurelian was unani- mously declared. He was a mere soldier of fortune, and from the lowest rank in the army rose to be general of the cavalry: remakable bodily strength, great courage, and an unwearied attention to military discipline, were the virtues to which he owed his rise. He was generous in rewarding, but quick and always severe in punishing ; cruelty was his dangerous vice, and the more so, as he was cre- dulously open to accusations. However, Rome got more by his virtues than she lost by his vices. The disorders introduced by Gallienus were but partly remedied by Claudius, and still wanted a man of Aurelian’s active spirit —— 2 Treb. Pollio. > Preserved in Treb. Pol. vit. Zenob. OF PALMYRA. 11 to complete the work. While the two first years of his reign were success- fully employed against the Goths, Germans, and Vandals, and in reform- ing the police at Rome, Zenobia added a great part of Asia Minor to her dominions. It may be worth while to take a short view of Zenobia’s present situa- tion. She is now arrived at the highest pitch of her glory, and furnishes an example of one of the most rapid and extraordinary changes of fortune we meet in history. A small territory in the desert, under the government of a woman, extends its conquests over many rich countries and considerable states. The great kingdoms of the Ptolemys, and the Seleucidee are become part of the do- minions of a single city, whose name we in vain looked for in their history ; and Zenobia lately confined to the barren plains of Palmyra, has now Egypt in her dominions to the south, and to the north commands as far as the Bos- phorus and Black Sea. Her success had hitherto been very little interrupted ; Claudius thought it the most prudent measure to employ his whole force in the suppression of evils nearer home. This conduct had Aurelian’s approbation, as we see both in his letter® to the senate, and by his taking the same steps; for he entirely sub- dued the Goths, and then marched to the relief of the eastern empire. He crossed the Bosphorus at Byzantium, and except at Tyana, a town of Cap- padocia, which he took by stratagem, met with no opposition in his march to Antioch. At this city and at EEmesa, were fought these two battles by which Aurelian recovered the provinces of the east, and Zenobia was reduced to take shelter within the walls of her own capital. : The most remarkable things in these two actions, the last of which was very obstinate, were the superiority the Palmyrenes had in their cavalry, and the Romans mn the art of war. The same country excels in horses and horseman- ship at this day. Aurelian proceeded to Palmyra, greatly harassed in his march by the Syrian banditti, and having taken proper precautions to have his army supplied with provisions, besieged the town. The obstinacy with which the garrison defended it, is particularly taken notice of in a letter’ from Aurelian to Mucapores, as an apology for the length of the siege. At last tired out with unsuccessful attempts, he was resolved to try the effects of negociation, and accordingly wrote® to Zenobia, but in a style which rather ® Preserved in Treb. Pol. vit. Zenob. gives the following copy of her letter. Zenobia regina Orientis > Quoted by Vopiscus. vit. Aurelian. ¢ The letter is preserved in Vopiscus. Aurelianus impera- tor Ro, orbis et receptor Orientis, Zenobi®, c®terisque quos societas tenet bellica.—Sponte facere debuistis id quod meis litteris nunc jubetur: deditionem preecipio impunitate vite proposita, ita ut illic, Zenobia, cum tuis agas vitam, ubi te ex senatus amplissmi sententia collocavero. Gemmas, argen- tum, aurum, sericum, equos, camelos in srarium Ro. conferas. Palmyrenis jus suum servabitur : Vopiscus adds. Hac epistold accepta, Zenobia superbius insolentiusque rescripsit quam ejus fortuna poscebat, credo ad terrorem. The same author Aureliano Augusto.—Nemo adhuc, przter te, quod poscis litte- ris petiit: virtute faciendum est quicquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum. Deditionem meam petis, quasi nescias Cleopatram reginam perire malnisse quam in qualibet vivere dignate : nobis Persarum auxilia non desunt, qua jamsperamus. Pro nobis sunt Sarceni, pro nobis Armenii. Latrones Syri exercitum tuum. Aureliane, vicerunt ; quid igitur si illa venerit manus, que undi- que speratur ? Pones profecto supercilium, quo nunc mihi dedi- tionem, quasi omnifariam victor, imperas. Vid. Vopisc. in vita Aurelian. 12 THE ANCIENT STATE commanded than proposed terms, which she rejected with great disdain ; and notwithstanding the desperate state of her affairs treated his offers as insolent, bid him remember that Cleopatra preferred death to a dishonourable life ; and even insulted him with the advantages the Syrian banditti had got over his army. This haughty answer greatly inflamed Aurelian: he immediately ordered a general attack with more fury than ever, and at the same time that he pressed them so vigorously in the town, he intercepted their Persian auxiliaries, and bought oft the Saracens and Armenians. Besides this, provisions began to tail in the town, while the enemy was well supplied ; a circumstance greatly discouraging to the besieged, who placed their chief hopes in the difficulty Aurelian would find of subsisting his army in the desert. In this distress it was resolved in council to let the Persians know the des- perate situation they were in, and to implore their assistance against the com- mon enemy. Zenobia undertook to transact this affair in person, and set out for Persia upon a dromedary, an animal made use of for expedition in the same country at this day ; but she found it impossible to escape the vigilance of the be- siegers. Aurelian informed of her escape, despatched a party of horse, which overtook her just as she had got into a boat to pass the Euphrates. We are told, that the sight of the captive queen gave the Roman emperor infinite pleasure, at the same time his ambition suffered some mortification, when he considered that posterity would always look upon this, only as the conquest of a woman. Zenobia being taken, the citizens of Palmyra submitted themselves to the emperor's mercy, though a considerable party were for defending the city to the last. He spared them upon their submission, and marched to Emesa with Zenobia, and a great part of the riches of Palmyra, where he left a garrison of 600 archers, commanded by Sanderio. At Emesa, Aurelian made enquiry into Zenobia’s conduct, and her motives for so much obstinacy. I wish it were possible to vindicate her behaviour upon this occasion : but here she fell short of her grand model Cleopatra, and purchased a dis- honourable life, at the expence of her friends, whom she betrayed as her advisers in what she had done: They were put to death, and she reserved to grace the emperor's triumph. Among those who suffered was Longinus. He was accused of having dictated the haughty letter which his mistress Zenobia wrote to the emperor. The" intrepid steadiness with which he met his fate, shews that he was as brave as he was learned. | a Zos, hb. 1. OF PALMYRA. 13 The misfortunes of Palmyra did not end here: so quick a transition from long enjoyed liberty to a state of slavery, is apt to suggest desperate measures. The inhabitants cut off the Roman garrison. Aurelian informed of this in his road to Rome, returned with uncommon expedition, took and destroyed the town, putting to death most of the mhabitants, without regard to age or sex. For the particulars of this cruelty, we have the emperor’s own authority in his letter® to Bassus, whom he ordered to repair the Temple of the Sun, da- maged by the soldiers, and appropriated to that use 300 pounds weight of gold, found in Zenobia’s coffers; with 1800 pounds weight of silver, from the goods of the people, besides the jewels of the crown. The most credible account of the remaining part of Zenobia’s life is, that Aurelian carried her to Rome, where she graced his magnificent triumph ; and was allotted by that emperor, some lands at Conche, near the road from Rome to the ancient Tibur, where at this day some ruins are shewn to tra- vellers, as the remains of her Villa. She is said to have married there and to have had children. From this time Palmyra having lost its liberty, had, no doubt, a Roman go- vernor. Ceionius Bassus, to whom Aurelian wrote the letter we have men- tioned, was very probably the first; and we find Hierocles in that charge for the fifth time, with the name of president (Praeses) of the province, when Dio- clesian erected some buildings there. This information we owe to the only Latin inscription we found at Palmyra, to which we refer the reader. The magnificent remains of Dioclesian’s buildings at Rome, Spalato, and Palmyra, shew this art flourished, as late as the reign of that emperor, con- trary to the opinion of Sir Willlam® Temple, who says that Trajan’s bridge over the Danube seems to have been the last flight of ancient architecture. The first Illyrian? legion was quartered at Palmyra, about the year of Christ 400 ; but it seems doubtful, whether it continued to have a Roman garrison without interruption ; for Procopius® says, that Justinian repaired Palmyra, which had been for some time almost quite deserted, and supplied the town with water for the use of the garrison which he left there. Such repairs no doubt regarded more its strength than ornament. This author seems very little acquainted with its ancient history, when he says it was built in that situa- tion to stop the incursions of the Saracens into the Roman territories. We have no more of Palmyra in the Roman history. The Civil revolutions of this country, shew that Christianity could have been but for a small time the established religion; so that I am not surprised at getting nothing worth repeating from church history. a This letter is also preserved in Vopiscus. Aurelianus Au- Zenobie capsulis : habes argenti mille octingenta pondo e Pal- gustus Ceionio Basso—Non oportet ulterius progredi militum gladios, jam satis Palmyrenorum casum atque occisum est. Mu- lieribus non pepercimus, infantes occidimus, senes jugulavimus, rusticos interemimus, cui terras, cui urbem deinceps relinque- mus? Parcendum est iis qui remanserunt. Credimus enim paucos tam multorum suppliciis esse correctos. Templum sane solis, quod apud Palmyram aquilifer legionis tertiz cum vexilli- feris et draconario cornicinibus atque liticinibus diripuerunt, ad eam formam volo, que fuit, reddi. Habes trecentas auri libras myrenorum bonis: habes gemmas regias. Ex his omnibus fac cohonestari templum : mihi et diis immortalibus gratissimum feceris. Ego ad senatum scribam, petens ut mittat pontificem, qui dedicet, templum. b See Inscription XX VII. © Essay on ancient and modern learning. 4 Notitia Imp. : : ¢ Procop. Caesar. de ®dificiis Justin. lib. 2. cap. 11. E 14 THE ANCIENT STATE Its various fortunes from the time of Mahomet’s appearance are very obscure. That it has been made use of as a place of strength, appears from the alterations made to answer that purpose in the Temple of the Sun, which, as well as the castle on the hill, cannot be above five or six hundred years old. ‘Benjamin Tudulensis, an ignorant and superstitious Jew, who passed through it in the twelfth century, says, there were 2000 of his religion there at that time. Of the Arabian writers, some take no notice of Palmyra, and of those who do, Abulfeda prince of Hamah, a city in its neighbourhood, who wrote about the year 1321, seems to be the only one worth quoting. He mentions very shortly its situation, soil, palm and fig-trees; its many ancient columns, and that it had a wall and castle. He was very probably ignorant both of its Greek name and history, and only calls it Tedmor. On the other hand, some of the best writers on ancient geography, who were in general acquainted with the history of Palmyra, seem quite ignorant of ts ruins. Castaldus, Ortelius and others, do not take it for the Tedmor of Abulfeda, but give it other modern names. In short, so little were these ruins known before the latter end of the last century, that had their materials been employed in fortifying the place, which might have been a very natural consequence of a war between the Turks and Persians, Palmyra would scarce have been missed : a very strong instance of the precarious fate that the greatest monuments of human art and power are liable to ! | But about that time, some English merchants from Aleppo visited these ruins, who were plundered by the Arabs, and obliged to return without satis- fying their curiosity : but made a second attempt thirteen years after the first, and stayed there four days. Their account is published in the Philosophical Transactions, and is the only one 1 have ever seen of this place. . It 1s wrote with so much can- dour and regard to truth, that some errors occasioned by haste, and their not being much acquainted with architecture and sculpture, deserve in- dulgence. We hope, at least, our additional authority will rescue them from an unjust imputation, which was the more dangerous as it had the sanction of some men of sense and letters, who found it easier to doubt® the veracity of their relation, than to account for such vast ruins, in so odd a place. If our journey thither in the year 1751 has produced any thing which may be more satisfactory to the curious, it is entirely owing to our having under- taken it with advantages which they wanted; and however we may claim the merit of a more inquisitive examination into the ruins of Palmyra, the discovery of them is entirely due to the English factory at Aleppo. ® Nunc rudera supersunt, magna olim ‘urbis indicia, ut referunt ii quorum tamen nolim fidem prestare. Pere Hardouin. Vide Plin. lib. v. Hist. Nat. res : OF PALMYRA. 15 The account given by these gentlemen occasioned a short history of the ancient state of Palmyra, and some ingenious remarks on the inscriptions found there, by Dr. Halley ; as also a history of Palmyra, and commentary upon the inscriptions, by Ab. Seller. The first seemed too short, and the last too diffuse, as well as incorrect, to answer what is meant by this enquiry; in which, how- ever, I have had some assistance from both. In this short sketch of the history of Palmyra, it appears that all we have been able to collect from books, with regard to its buildings is, that they were repaired by Adrian, Aurelian, and Justinian, the Latin inscription adds Dio- clesian. We shall now proceed to what we proposed, as the second part of this enquiry. How far the taste and manner of the architecture may give any light into the age which produced it, our engravings will put in every person’s power to judge for himself; and in forming such judgment, the reader will make what use he thinks proper of the following observations, thrown together with- out any view to order. We thought we could easily distinguish, at Palmyra, the ruins of two very different periods of antiquity ; the decay of the oldest, which are mere rubbish, and incapable of measurement, looked like the gradual work of time; but the later seemed to bear the marks of violence. There 1s a greater sameness in the architecture of Palmyra, than we observed at Rome, Athens, and other great cities, whose ruins evidently point out different ages, as much from the variety of their manner, as their different stages of decay. The works done during the republican state of Rome are known by their simplicity and usefulness, while those of the emperors are remarkable for ornament and finery. Nor is it less diffi- cult to distinguish the old simple Doric of Athens from their licentious Corinthian of a later age. But at Palmyra we cannot trace so visible a progress of arts and manners in their buildings; and those which are most ruinous seem to owe their decay rather to worse materials, or accidental violence, than a greater antiquity. It is true, there is in the outside of the sepulchral monuments, without the town, an air of simplicity very different from the general taste of all the other buildings, from which, and their singu- lar® shape we at first supposed them works of the country, prior to the in- troduction of the Greek arts, but we found the inside ornamented as the other buildings. It 1s remarkable, that except four Ionic half columns in the Temple of the Sun, and two in one of the mausoleums, the whole is Corinthian, richly orna- mented with some striking beauties, and some as visible faults. In the variety of ruins we visited in our tour through the East, we could not help observing, that each of the three Greek orders had their fashionable ® 1 mean singular with regard to the ancient buildings of made great steeples common, they would not appear so, for they Greece and Italy ; but in countries where the use of bells has are exactly of that form. 16 THE ANCIENT STATE periods : the oldest buildings we saw were Doric; the Ionic* succeeded, and seems to have been the favourite order, not only in Ionia, but all over Asia Minor, the great country of good architecture, when that art was in its highest perfection. The Corinthian came next in vogue, and most of the buildings of that order in Greece seem posterior to the Romans getting footing there. The Composite, and all its extravagances followed, when proportion was en- tirely sacrificed to finery and crowded ornament. Another observation we made in this tour, and which seems to our present purpose, was, that in the progress of architecture and sculpture towards perfec- tion, sculpture arrived soonest at it, and soonest lost it. The old Doric of Athens is an instance of the first, where the bas-reliefs on the metopes of the temples of Theseus and Minerva, (the first built soon after the battle of Marathon, and the latter in the time of Pericles) shew the utmost perfection that art has ever acquired, though the architecture of the same temples is far short of it, and in many particulars against the rules of Vi- truvius, who appears to have founded his principles upon the works of a later age. "That architecture outlived sculpture we had several instances in Asia Minor, and no where more evident proofs of it than at Palmyra. | This observation on the different fates of those sister-arts, which I have at- tempted to support by facts, has appeared a little extraordinary to some per- sons, who very justly consider architecture as the mere child of necessity, a discovery which our first wants must have pointed out, and employed us in long before we could have thought of sculpture, the work of luxury and leisure. How comes it about then, say they, that it should be left so far be- hind by an art much later thought of ? Perhaps my having had ocular demon- stration of the fact, may induce me to think too favourably of the following manner of accounting for it. | The sculptor having for his object the human figure, has in his first, and most rude essays, the advantage of a model in nature, the closest imitation of which constitutes the perfection of his art. But the architect’s mvention is employed in the search of proportions by no means so obvious, though when once established they are easier preserved and copied. The first part of this remark perhaps accounts for the quicker progress of sculpture, from the infancy of arts to their happiest state, as the latter part of it attempts to give the reason why architecture should not so immediately feel the decline of good taste. If I am allowed to lay any stress on these observations, in applying them to Palmyra, it would induce me to fix the date of its buildings after the happiest “* ‘Which of the orders is most pleasing, is a question foreign to our present purpose; but lest this preference of the Ionic, in an age when architecture most flourished, and by a people whose productions of genius have been so long the standard for good taste, that they have in some measure acquired a right of deciding, may be an authority too much in its favour, we may observe first, that the Ionians were, no doubt, partial to the order which they claimed the honour of inventing; and next, that they would have preferred the Doric, in some in- stances, but that their own order was less difficult to execute, and gave greater scope to the architect’s fancy, not confined, as in the Doric, by a constant attention to a proper distribution of the metopes and tryglyphs. Hermogenes intended the famous temple of Bacchus at Teos should be Doric, but for this last reason changed his plan to the Ionic, after he had collected the materials. Vitruv. : OF PALMYRA. 17 age of the fine arts. But with regard to this we shall know more from the inscriptions. WE see from their dates, (in which the Ara of Seleucus is observed, with the Macedonian names of the months) that there are none earlier than the birth of Christ, and none so late as the destruction of the city by Aurelian, except one in Latin, which mentions Dioclesian. They are all in a bad cha- racter, some sepulchral, but most honorary ; the names in the oldest inscrip- tions are all Palmyrene, those of a later date have Roman preenomina. Two of the mausoleums, which still remain pretty entire, preserve on their front very legible inscriptions, of which one informs us, that Jamblichus, son of Mocimus, built that monument, as a burial-place for himself and his family in the year 314, (answering to the third year of Christ) and the other, that it was built by Elabelus Manaius, in the year 414 (the 103 of Christ). The ornaments of these two are much in the same taste ; but the latter is richest and most diligently executed. However, both are so much in the style and manner of the other public buildings in general, that they may be sup- ~ posed works not of very different ages. As to the honorary inscriptions, they are almost all upon the columns of the long portico, where it will appear that there were statues of the persons named in them, and that the several dates mark the time when such persons received that honour; so that all we can conclude from them, with regard to the buildings is, that the portico is older than the earliest of those dates. | | We were diligent in our search after inscriptions, from which we hoped for some valuable information, with regard to a place about which history is so de- ficient, but in vain. We for the same reason enquired strictly after medals, cameos and intaglios, but with as little success. All the medals we got were Roman small brass, and of the low empire, and some cameos and intaglios, which we found, are not worth notice. We were not much disappointed in not finding the name of Zenobia in any ~ inscription, as her short reign was almost entirely employed in a war, the un- happy end of which prevented any opportunity either of compliment or flat- tery. Nor is Doctor Halley's observation improbable, that the Romans, so much irritated at her behaviour, should have destroyed or defaced every thing which did her honour. Uron the whole, I think, we may conclude, that as soon as the passage of the desert was found out and practised, those plentiful and constant springs of Palmyra must have been known ; and that as soon as trade became the object of attention, such a situation must have been valuable, as necessary to the keep- ing up an intercourse between the Euphrates, and the Mediterranean, being about twenty leagues from that river, and about fifty from Tyre and Sidon, on | F 18 THE ANCIENT STATE the coast. This, no doubt, must have happened very soon, from the situation of this desert, in the neighbourhood of the first civil societies we know any thing of ; and we have positive authority from the writings of Moses, of a very carly intercourse between Padan-Aran, afterwards Mesopotamia, and the land of Canaan. If it be alleged, that such intercourse was kept up, not through the desert, but by a longer road, through the inhabited country, as is gene- rally the practice at this day, and that the patriarchs in their journies between those countries, used nearly the same caravan road, which is now commonly chosen for security from Damascus by Hamah, Aleppo, Bir, &c. This objection may be answered by an observation which occurred to me when 1 travelled this road into Mesopotamia (now Diarbekir) in my first tour into the Fast in the year 1742, viz. That the expeditious journey of I.aban and Jacob from Haran to Mount-Gilead, will admit of no other road than this through the desert; which alone can account for the small time in which they performed it. As Il.aban may have used extraordinary diligence, and exerted himself in the pursuit, we shall not venture to say what he could have done in seven® days; but Jacob’s journey will admit of a pretty exact calculation, nor could he easily have arrived at the nearest part of Mount- Gilead, even through the desert, in less than ten days, as he must have kept the common caravan pace observed by the present inhabitants; for he tra- velled with the same incumbrances of family, flocks, and in short, all his substance, carrying his wives’ and children upon camels, as the Arabs now do, who retain a surprising similitude of manners and customs to those of the patriarchs, and much greater than is observable between any other ancient and modern people. This reasoning, no doubt, supposes the face of the country to have been always the same that we saw it, which is not improbable; for few parts of the globe seem to be less subject to change than the de- sert; nor does it seem unreasonable to conclude, that Palmyra had always the same supply of water, and its neighbourhood the same want of it. «Josephus gives this as Solomon’s reason for building here. The Persians, when they became masters of Asia, attempted in some measure to water the desert, by granting a property in the land for five generations, to those who brought water thither. But the aqueducts which they made under ground, from Mount-Taurus, for this purpose, were so liable to be destroyed, that they did not continue to answer the end for which they were built. In the war between® Arsaces and Antiochus the Great, we see the first care on both sides was to secure the water in the desert, without which an army could not pass. How much the East-India' trade has enriched all the countries through which it passed, from Solomon to the present time, is evident from history. 2 Gen. chap. xxxi. v. 22. And it was told Laban on the third a Polyb. Iib. 10. It is true, the desert mentioned by Po- day that Jacob was fled. And he took his brethren with him, lybius, in this and the following instance, is farther north than and pursued after him seven days’ journey, and they overtook that of Palmyra, but the northern part of the desert is more him in the Mount-Gilead, easily supplied with water than to the south. b Gen. chap. xxxi. v. 17. Then Jacob rose and set his sons e Polyb. ib. and his wives upon camels. f Prideaux Connect. ¢ Antiq. Jud. lib. 8. OF PALMYRA. 19 The immense riches of that prince, of the Ptolomies, and indeed of Palmyra, are to be accounted for from no other source. It seems highly probable that the Pheenicians, who from their intercourse with the Jews, soon learned the value of the East-India trade, must as soon have found out how profitably it might be carried on through Palmyra, situated more conveniently for them, and at a less distance from their capital than from that of the Jews. The grand passage for the India merchandise (before the Portuguese disco- vered that by the Cape of Good Hope) was, no doubt, by Egypt and the Red Sea. The cities Esiongeber, Rhinocolura, and Alexandria, were the dif- ferent marts for this trade, as it passed through the hands of the Jews, Phce- nicians and Greeks. But there were formerly other channels less considerable, as there are to this day. | | It is true, that their India trade is now at a very low ebb, occasioned by the discovery of America, and the Cape of Good Hope, but most of all by the bad government of the Turks, diametrically opposite to the true spirit of commerce. There is, however, enough left to point out what might be done with proper management. And besides the trade carried on by Cairo and Suez, a small intercourse is kept up by caravans from Aleppo and Damascus to Bassora. I make no doubt, that should this coun- try once more become the seat of well regulated civil society, Palmyra must of course become considerable, by the trade of India, though Egypt might still be its pg channel. When we were in Egypt, a person who had been long in India, and was well acquainted with the trade of that country, was sent to Grand Cairo by the present emperor of Germany, to see what commerce might be laid open between his Tuscan dominions and the Red Sea. The gentleman so employed told us, that he did not then pursue his scheme of going on to Suez, and em- barking for Mocha, because of the present unsettled government in Egypt; but that if tranquillity was once restored, and there was security for merchants, the trade would greatly answer. But at whatever time we may suppose Palmyra became a passage for the commodities of India, it seems very reasonable to attribute their wealth to that trade, which must have flourished considerably before the birth of Christ ; as we find by the inscriptions, about that time they were rich and expensive ; and as Appian® expressly calls -them India merchants, m Mark Antony's time, it seems to put this matter out of all doubt. I take it to have been owing to a want of proper attention to this circumstance of the trade of Palmyra, and the riches it might have produced, that writers have hitherto pretty confidently attributed its buildings to the successors of Alexander, or to the Roman emperors, rather than suppose its inhabitants could have been equal to the expence. As ancient authors are entirely silent about this opulent and quiet period of their history, we are left to conclude that, entirely intent upon commerce, a De Bel. civil; lib. 5. 20 THE ANCIENT STATE nierce, they interfered little in the quarrels of their neighbours, and wisely at- tended to the two obvious advantages of their situation, trade and security. A. country thus peaceably employed, affords few of those striking events® which history is fond of. The desert was in a great measure to Palmyra what the sea is to Great Britain, both their riches and defence. The neglect of these advantages made them more conspicuous and less happy. What their particular connexions were with the Romans, before the time of Odenathus, how early began, and how often interrupted, may be difficult to decide with any satisfaction to ourselves. The earliest mark of their de- pendence, as we have seen in the foregoing history is, their having been a Roman colony in the time of Caracalla: that they assisted Alexander Severus against Artaxerxes, proves no more than an alliance : we see Roman preenomina, and a few Roman names in the inscriptions; and that, in one place, they have scratched out the name of a person odious to the Romans; and in other places seem to acquiesce in the Roman deification, by calling two of their deceased emperors gods. Whether all this means any more than compliment to their friends and allies, or argues a nearer interest in the Roman religion and poli- tics, 1s left to the reader to judge for himself. We have seen, before the time of Justinian, this city was reduced to as low a state as that in which we found it, and had lost its liberty, trade, property and inhabitants, in that natural chain in which public misfortunes generally follow each other. If the succession of these calamities was quicker than ordinary, it may be accounted for from the particular situation of Palmyra: a country without land, if I may use that expression, could only subsist by commerce ;” their industry had no other channel to operate in; and when the loss of their liberty was followed by that of trade, they were reduced to live idly on as much of their capital as Aurelian had spared ; when that was spent, necessity obliged them to desert the town. However, its use as a place of strength was still evident to Justinian; a use ever inseparable from its situation, unless it should become the centre of a great empire, which there seems no reason to expect; for the desert is a very natural boundary, and will probably continue to divide different states, with as little interruption as it has done from the earliest accounts of time. If the Turks do not seem to know its value in this light, it is only because the weakness of the Persians has encouraged them in their neglect of it, espe- cially as the Arabs would make it a little troublesome to support a garrison there. However, if they lose Bagdat, their present extended frontier, they will no doubt fortify Palmyra. a The Agareni, a people of Arabia Felix, whose capital was situated, like that of the Palmyrenes, in a barren parched desert, baffled the forces of two victorious Roman emperors, Trajan and Severus, who after vigorous, though vain attempts, to add this to their other conquests in the East, were obliged to leave its inhabitants in the possession of their rights. This glorious de- fence of their liberty comprehends the whole history of this peo- ple, as far as I can find; and were it not for the injustice and ambition of their enemies, we should not even know that there had been any such brave and powerful people. Vide Dion. Cass. in vit. Trajan. | 2 bp A few exceptions which this opinion is liable to, are of so singular a nature, that they do not break in upon the general truth of it : if Jerusalem, a capital tolerably well inhabited, sub- sists without trade or agriculture, it is owing to the singular devotion of the Christians, Jews, and Turks, for that city. OF PALMYRA. 21 As to the age of those ruinous heaps, which belonged evidently to build- ings of greater antiquity than those which are yet partly standing, it is difficult even to guess ; but if we are allowed to form a judgment, by comparing their state of decay with that of the monument of Jamblichus, we must conclude them extremely old ; for that building, erected 1750 years ago, is the most perfect piece of antiquity I ever saw, having all its floors and stairs entire, though it consists of five stories. But those buildings which we saw and measured, seem neither to have been the works of Solomon, as some have thought, nor of any of the Seleucidee, according to others, and but few of them of any of the Roman emperors, but mostly of the Palmyrenes themselves, as we may conclude from their inscrip- tions, which are in this case our best authority. The monument erected by Jamblichus seems to be the oldest; and the work of Dioclesian the latest, taking in about 300 years between them. ~The other rich and expensive buildings were, no doubt, erected before the last of these dates, and probably after the first ; perhaps about the time Klabe- lus built his monument. It is reasonable to suppose, that when private persons could erect monu- ments of such extraordinary magnificence, merely for the use of their own family, about the same time of opulence, the community may have been equal to the vast expence of their public buildings. We are at a loss what to think about the repairs of Adrian; those of Aure- lian were considerable and expensive. We leave it to the reader to determine, whether these singularities of the Temple of the Sun, which could scarce ever have entered into the original plan, can have been the work of that emperor. What remains there are of the wall, do not look unlike the work of Justinian, and may be the repairs mentioned by Procopius, and the highest antiquity any thing else can claim is the time of the Mamalukes. That the ruins are the greatest and most entire of any we know is, no doubt, much owing to there being few inhabitants to deface them, to a dry climate, and their distance from any city, which might apply the materials to other uses. Turir ReELicioN, we know, was pagan: and from the extraordinary mag- nificence of the Temple of the Sun, it would appear, that, in common with their neighbours in Syria, they had a high veneration for that divinity. Tueir GoveERNMENT, we see, both from history and the inscriptions, was republican ; but their laws, police, &c. are entirely lost; nor can we learn more than the names of a few magistrates from the inscriptions. As to the state of LITERATURE among them, we have great reason to judge favourably of it : nor could they have left a more lucky specimen of their abili- ties in that way, than the only performance of theirs, which has escaped, viz. Longinus’* Treatise on the Sublime. @ It is not certain that Longinus was a Palmyrene, though most flourishing state of letters in a country, to have given birth very probably he was of some part of Syria. But which argues the to a great genius, or to have given him honour and support ? G 22 THE ANCIENT STATE ‘Of their MANNERS AND Customs we know little. We see from Pollio, that Zenobia, notwithstanding her military virtues, had something of the Persian luxury ; and the same author says, that Herodes, the son of Odena- thus, was ¢ Homo omnium delicatissimus et prorsus Orientalis et Graecae luxuriee.’ We have seen in the first part of this enquiry, page 11, that horsemanship was held in much esteem in this country, as it still is by the Arabs; and Ap- pian® tells us the Palmyrenes were expert archers. It plainly appears from their situation, that agriculture and country im- provements could make but a very small part of their business or amuse- ments. Krom hence it is easier to account for the extraordinary magnificence of their city, where, no doubt, their pleasures as well as their business must have centred. We were a good deal surprised to perceive that a people, confined by situa- tion in their amusements, should have no remains of a theatre, circus, or any place for games and exercises, when we considered what lengths the Greeks and Romans went in their love of those diversions. Of all ancient buildings those best resist the injuries of time, from their shape; and we had seen above twenty marble theatres in Asia Minor alone, most of them pretty entire. However, as we meet with the office of Ayes, or Edile, in the inscriptions, it may be alleged from thence that there were public games at Palmyra ; the mspection of which is a care belonging to that magistrate, whose duty originally extended only to the direction of the market. It is the more pro- bable that this office included both those provinces at Palmyra, as Zenobius® seems to be complimented for having discharged it with liberality ; a very po- pular virtue, and expected in him who exhibited games, though I do not see how it could be exercised in the direction of the market. The uncommon magnificence of their monuments of the dead, seem bor- rowed from Egypt, to which country they, of all people, come nearest in that sort of expence. Zenobia was orginally of Egypt; she spoke their lan- guage perfectly well, and affected much to imitate in many things her ances- tor Cleopatra. But that they borrowed some of their customs from Egypt before her time, seems plain from a discovery we made, to our great surprise, of mummies in their sepulchral monuments. We had been in Egypt a few months before, and by comparing the linen, the manner of swathing, the balsam, and other parts of the mummies of that country, with those of Pal- myra, we found their methods of embalming exactly the same. The Arabs told us, there had been vast numbers of these mummies in all the sepulchres ; but that they had broke them up, in hopes of finding treasure. They were tempted, by the rewards we offered, to make strict search for an entire one, but in vain; which disappointed our hopes of seeing something curious in the Sarcophagus, or perhaps of meeting with hieroglyphics. Among * Appian de Bell. Civil. lib. 5. ¢ The pieces we brought away, which are in the possession of ® Inscript. IX. Mg. Dawkins, are a proof of this. OF PALMYRA. 23 the fragments we carried oft is the hair of a female, platted exactly in the manner commonly used by the Arabian women at this time. From these few hints we see that this people copied after great models in their manners, their vices, and their virtues. Their funeral customs were from Egypt ; their luxury was Persian, and their letters and arts were from the Greeks. Their situation in the midst of these three great nations makes it reasonable to suppose they adopted several other of their customs and manners. But to say more on that head from such scanty materials, would be to indulge too much in mere conjecture, which seems rather the privilege of the reader than of the writer. How much it is to be regretted that we do not know more of a country which has left such monuments of its magnificence! where Zenobia was queen, and where Longinus was first minister ! THE INSCRIPTIONS. Tur ancient inscriptions we found at Palmyra were all Greek, or Palmyrene, except one in Latin. The greatest number of those in Greek were pub- lished by the English merchants of Aleppo, with some errors, but such as did not in any remarkable degree perplex or alter the sense. Doctor Halley made some remarks, and Mr. Seller wrote a Commentary on them, in which he often takes the liberty of corrupting the genuine reading, to favour his own conjectures. It is rather to correct the errors of the commentators, than those of the first copy, that we publish these inscriptions, upon which we shall only make such remarks as obviously occurred to us on the journey, with a view to prepare them for a more critical examination ; and beginning with those which have dates, we shall place them according to their antiquity. I. Upon the architrave of the door of the most entire mausoleum, in that vale through which we arrived at Palmyra : Itis repeated in a larger character, higher up, on the front of the same building. The letters c «.« are used for =. ©. E. as well in this, as in all the inscriptions of Palmyra. As this contradicts a rule established by antiquarians (who have decided, that those letters are not to be met with in that form on coins or marbles before the time of Domitian) we were careful in examining the date, which is very legible in both inscriptions, A 1T and being read from the right to the left (the only way the dates of Palmyra are intelligible,) makes the 314th year of the A Periculum Palmyrenum. 52 INSCRIPTIONS. of which, no doubt, it is a translation ; for this reason, that, by examining the Greek and Palmyrene inscriptions copied from the same column, we find the Palmyrene characters, which seem to correspond to any Greek word, are re- peated as often as that word occurs. - This is most remarkable in the eighth and ninth Palmyrene inscriptions, in which more than the first two lines are exactly the same, and as much of the two corresponding Greek inscriptions are also the same : besides, in the ninth Greek inscription there is a word pur- posely erased ; and in the same part of the Palmyrene under it, there 1s also a word erased. The marbles of the first three of the Palmyrene inscriptions are in the pos- session of Mr. Dawkins, the 11th and 12th were copied from under the heads in plate LVII. and the 13th from an altar. The eighth and ninth are not perfect; the ending of both was too much defaced to be copied. The small dots in some parts of those inscriptions, signify that the marble had suffered a little in that place. There are very few Greek inscriptions at Pal- myra, which have not one, in this character, under them ; and sometimes we met with the Palmyrene alone, but could not venture to copy those which were not tolerably well preserved. A JOURNEY THROUGH THE DESERT. Our journey to Palmyra was that part of our tour through the East in which we expected to meet with the greatest difficulties, as it was much out of the common road, and where the protection of the Grand Signior could do us no service. Aleppo and Damascus seemed to be the places where we might most eftec- tually consult our ease and safety in this undertaking. Having unsuccessfully attempted to make the first of those cities our road, we left our ship at yrs on the coast of Syria, and crossed Mount-Libanus to Damascus. The Bashaw of this city told us, he could not promise that his name or power would be any security to us in the place to which we were going. From what he said, and from all the informations that we could get, we found it necessary to go to Hassia, a village four days’ journey north from Damascus, and the residence of an Aga, whose jurisdiction extends as far as Palmyra. Since we propose this work merely as an account of the ruins of Palmyra, and not of our travels, we shall here only premise such a short sketch of our passage through the desert, as may give a general idea of our manner of tra- velling in a country which no body has described. Hassia is a small village upon the great caravan-road, from Damascus to Aleppo, situated near Antilibanus, and at a few hours distance from the Orontes. The Aga received us with that hospitality which is so common among all ranks of people in those countries; and though extremely sur- prised at our curiosity, he gave us instructions how to satisfy it in the best manner. We set out from Hassia the 11th of March, 1751, with an escort of the Aga’s best Arab horsemen, armed with guns and long pikes, and travelled in four hours to Sudud, through a barren plain, scarce affording a little brows- ing to antilopes, of which we saw a great number. Our course was a point to the south of the east. Sudud 1s a poor small village, inhabited by Maronite christians ; its houses are built of no better materials than mud dried in the sun. They cultivate as much ground about the village as is necessary for their bare subsistence, and make a good red wine. We bought a few manuscripts of their priest, and K 34 A JOURNEY THROUGH proceeded after dinner through the same sort of country, in a direction half a ‘point more to the south, to a Turkish village called Howareen, where we lay, three hours from Sudud. | Howareen has the same appearance of poverty as Sudud. But we found a few ruins there, which shew it to have been formerly a more considerable place. A square tower, with projecting battlements for defence, looks like a work of three or four hundred years, and two ruined churches may be of the same age, though part of the materials, awkwardly employed in those build- ings, are much older. In their walls are some Corinthian capitals, and several large attic bases of white marble. Those and some other scattered fragments of antiquity, which we saw here, have belonged to works of more expence than taste. We remarked a village near this entirely abandoned by its inhabitants, which happens often in those countries, where the lands have no acquired value from cultivation, and are often deserted to avoid oppression. We set out from Howareen the 12th, and in three hours arrived at Carietein, keeping the same direction. This village differs from the former, only by being a little larger. It has also some broken pieces of marble, which belonged to ancient buildings, as some shafts of columns, a few Corinthian capitals, a Doric base, and two imperfect Greek inscriptions. It was thought proper we should stay here this day, as well to collect the rest of our escort, which the Aga had ordered to attend us, as to prepare our people and cattle for the fatigue of the remaining part of the journey, which, though we could not perform it in less time than twenty-four hours, could not be divided into stages, as there is no water in that part of the desert. We left Carietein the 13th, about ten o’clock, which was much too late: but as our body became more numerous, it was less governable. This bad ma- nagement exposed us to the heat of two days, before our cattle could get either water or rest; and though so early in the season, yet the reflection of the sun from the sand was very powerful, and we had not the relief of either breeze or shade during the whole journey. Our caravan was now encreased to about two hundred persons, and about the same number of beasts for carriage, consisting of an odd mixture of horses, camels, mules and asses. Our guide told us, this part of our journey was most dangerous, and desired we might submit ourselves entirely to his direc- tion, which was, that the servants should keep with the baggage immediately behind our Arab guard ; from which one, two, or more of their body were fre- quently despatched for discovery, to whatever eminences they could see, where they remained until we came up. Those horsemen always rode oft from the caravan at full speed, in the Tartar and Hussar manner. We doubted whether all this precaution was owing to their being really apprehensive of danger, or whether they only affected to make us think highly of their use and vigilance. Our course from Carietein to Palmyra, was a little to the east of the north, through a flat sandy plain, without either tree or water the whole way, about ten miles broad, and bounded to our right and left by a ridge of barren hills, which seemed to join about two miles before we arrived at Palmyra. The tiresome sameness, both of our road and manner of travelling, was now and then a little relieved by our Arab horsemen, who engaged in mock THE DESERT. 35 fights with each other for our entertainment, and shewed a surprising firmness of seat, and dexterity in the management of their horses. When the business of the day was over, coffee and a pipe of tobacco made their highest luxury, and while they indulged in this, sitting in a circle, one of the company enter- tamed the rest with a song or story, the subject love, or war, and the com- position sometimes extemporary. In nine hours from Carietein we came to a ruined tower, on which we ob- served, in two or three places, the Maltese cross. Near it are the ruins of a very rich building, as appeared by a white marble door-case, which is the only part standing and not covered with sand: its proportions and ornaments are exactly the same with those of plate XLVIII. At midnight we stopped two hours for refreshment, and the fourteenth about noon we arrived at the end of the plain, where the hills to our right and left seemed to meet. We found between those hills a vale through which an aqueduct, now ruined, formerly conveyed water to Palmyra. In this vale, to our right and left, were several square towers of a consider- able height, which upon a nearer approach we found were the sepulchres of the ancient Palmyrenes. We had scarce passed these venerable monuments, when the hills opening discovered to us, all at once, the greatest quantity of ruins we had ever seen, all of white marble, and beyond them towards the Euphrates, a flat waste, as far as the eye could reach, without any object which shewed either life or motion. It is scarce possible to imagine any thing more striking than this view : so great a number of Corinthian pillars, mixed with so little wall or solid building, afforded a most romantic variety of prospect. But the following plate will convey a juster idea of it than any description. In the following works we not only give the measures of the architecture, but also the views of the ruins from which they are taken, as the most distinct, as well as the most satisfactory method. For as the first gives an idea of the building when it was entire, so the last shews its present state of decay, and, which is most important, what authority there is for our measures. PLATE 1. A. VIEW OF THE RUINED CITY OF PALMYRA, TAKEN FROM THE NORTH EAST. Ix the following explication of this view, the plates are referred to which con- tain the parts of each building, at large ; and whatever part of this view is not more particularly explained afterwards, in other plates, was either too much destroyed to allow of measurement, or is purposely omitted, to avoid a repe- tition of the same proportions and ornaments. A. B. A square tower built by the Turks, in the place where the C. The wall which enclosed the court of the temple. D. Ground cultivated by the Arabs, whose olives and corn are . An arch. The Temple of the Sun. portico stood. The parts of this temple and its court are particularly described from plate III. to plate XXI. - divided by little enclosures of dried mud. . A very large column, the greatest part of which, with its - entablature, is fallen. Some fragments about it shew there has been a large building in this place. Its diame- ter near the base is five feet and a half. A ruinous Turkish mosque with its minaret. A great column of the same diameter with that marked E. See it described from plate XXII. to plate XXVI. From this arch to the building marked W, a distance not much less than 4000 feet, extends a por- tico. Plate II. shews the direction of its columns. Columns which still support a considerable part of their entablature, and are so disposed that they look like the peristyle of a little temple of which the cell is quite destroyed. Here are four granite columns, one of them is still standing, the other three are on the ground ; their shaft is of one piece, and their diameter the same with the other columns of the long portico. A number of columns which, from the manner in which they are disposed (See plate II.) we thought at first might belong to a Circus; but, upon closer examina- tion, it did not seem possible that the ground could ad- mit of such a building. Their diameter is two feet four inches, and their intercolumniation six feet ten inches. M. A little temple, which see described from plate XXVII. to plate XXXI. N. The cell of a temple with part of its peristyle. O. Four large pedestals, which see from plate XXXII. to plate XXXIV. P. A line of columns which seem to have belonged to a por- tico, terminating upon that part of the long portico where the foregoing pedestals are. Their diameter is two feet six inches, and their intercolumniation seven feet three inches. Q. Seems to be the ruins of a christian church. R. Nothing more remains of this large building than those four columns and their rich entablature. S. These columns are disposed much as those marked I. T. Ruins of a sepulchre. V. Building which we suppose to have been erected by Dio- clesian. See from plate XLIV. to plate LII. W. Sepulchre upon which the long portico terminates to the north west. See from plate XXXVI to plate XLII. X. Ruins of a Turkish fortification. Y. A sepulchre. See plates LIII and LIV. Z. The Turkish castle on the hill. a. The sepulchres without the wall. plate LVII. See from plate LV to SS= = = === ——_— a = =a = = = 2 = —— i mh ur 0 == eee Bo 2 LEE PRE a Tr rr SE 2 rr = a == = Za == eT =i eases See SES Reet SITU, DIVITIIS SOLI,& AQUIS AMOENIS, VASTO UNDIQUE AMBITU ARENIS INCLUDIT AGROS, A QUA. VOCATUR AD TIG PALMIBRA TREBS NOBILIS CLL ouYLy # dt = — == = == — = = —_— = —— - a —— Se eT = ee ee ee ee eT a a = === === == eee === = =———— === —— a = == == ee eee a == a == — Ae = =——— —— Smee == I — — » eeu ee Se == = —_—_——— es Se _—— aa S Sess = Sr ee eee = = = See == — = = § = = = = —= —— = = = 5 === _—_—— = = = === == ————a——ea = == ——— == = = — See Soe es = = a == Ty = ———as = === == SS > = 7 / ff fl / 2 1f) / / = x = SSN =m a AS ) / 0 i 1 ff i / /, mi ! fl / / 1 li 17 / oo 4 7 i {7 i HILL Mi tl (TTT [ C = Ze WN Rr . oe 2 oo il = . = = ae ; = = ELUT TERRIS EXEFMPTA A REBT M NATUBA, PTRIVATA SOBTE INTER DUO ITMPERIA SUMMA ,BOMANOBUM BAR RYN" CCOCXXXIYVVYII MILL. PASSUUM . A PROXIMO VERO ESS % a a ST N SSS SANS {If i ih > ITZ SYRIN LITTORE CCIM MILLIBUS ET A DAMASCO VIGCGINTI SEPT % 4 3 i 3 x a 1 a Wa 2 2 alr i or J culpt 3 he Tay J, T7% o Ee ih / ) ne i i ) il 7 i Ji 0 f fi. | ) ’ ABEST A 'STLEUCIA PARTHORLUM TRIMQUE CURA V. 1b L Hal, af N in, P) ET PRIMA IN DISCORDIA SEMPER U ' ~ THORUMOUE PROPIU M 37 AFTER this general view, by which we found things rather exceed than fall short of our expectations, we were conducted to one of the huts of the Arabs, of which there are about thirty in the court of the Great Temple. The contrast between the magnificence of that building and the poverty of our lodging was very striking. The inhabitants, both men and women, were well shaped, and the latter, though very swarthy, had good features. They were veiled, but not so scrupulous of shewing their faces, as the eastern women generally are. They paint the ends of their fingers red, their lips blue, and their eye-brows and eye-lashes black, and wore very large gold or brass rings in their ears and noses. They had the appearance of good health, and told us, that distempers of any sort were uncommon among them. We concluded from this, that the air of Palmyra deserves the character which Longinus gives it, in his epistle to Porphyry. They have seldom rain, except at the equinoxes. Nothing could be more serene than the sky all the time we were there, except one afternoon, that there was a small shower, pre- ceded by a whirlwind, which took up such quantities of sand from the desert, as quite darkened the sky, and gave us an idea of those dreadful hurricanes which are sometimes fatal to whole caravans. We were tolerably well provided with mutton and goats’ flesh, by the Arab inhabitants ; which, however, would have become very scarce, had we remained there longer than fifteen days, in which time we satisfied our curiosity. PLATE II. ee ————— A GEOMETRICAL PLAN ‘OF THE RUINED CITY OF PALMYRA. PaLmyRra is situated under a barren ridge of hills to the west, and open on its other sides to the desert. It is about six days’ journey" from Aleppo, and as much from Damascus,” and about twenty leagues west of the Euphrates, in the latitude® of thirty-four degrees, according to Ptolemy. Some geographers have placed it in Syria, others in Pheenicia, and some in Arabia. The walls (43) of this city are flanked by square towers, but so much de- stroyed . that in most places they are level with the ground, and often not to be distinguished from the other rubbish. We could see no part of them to the south-east, but had great reason to think, from the direction of what we had traced, that they took in the Great Temple ; if so, their circuit must have been at least three English miles. The Arabs shewed us some ground about the present ruins, which might be about ten miles in circumference, a little raised above the level of the desert, though not so much as the part of this plan within the walls. This, they said, was the extent of the old city, and that by digging in any part of it ruins were discovered. There appeared to us better reasons for this opinion than merely their authority. Three miles was a small compass for Palmyra in its prosperity, especially as most of that space 1s taken up by public buildings, the extent of which, as well as the great number of magnificent sepulchres, are evident proofs of a great city. We therefore concluded that the walls, which we have marked in this plan, enclose only that part of Palmyra which its public buildings occupied during its flourishing state ; and that, after its decay, the situation still recommending it as the properest place to stop the incursions of the Saracens, Justinian for- tified it, as we learn from Procopius, and most probably contracted its walls into a narrower compass. Palmyra’ was no longer a rich trading city, where he was obliged to attend to private convenience, but a frontier garrison where strength alone was to be considered. , Our day’s journey was generally about eight leagues. © We found it inconvenient to bring a quadrant so long a ® There is a much shorter road from Damascus to Palmyra, journey by land, which prevented our taking its latitude. but a more dangerous one. 4 See page 13. A | i i | HP) WH \ AY f k i i | NN RN NN 1 Va 7 J I - Nr ejor THE PLAN OF PALMYRA. 39 Besides that, the manner in which the wall is built looks a good deal like the age we give it; another observation, which occurred to us on the spot, seems to strengthen the same opinion. We found that in building this wall, towards the north-west, they had taken the advantage of two or three sepulchral monuments, which answered so conveniently, both in shape and situation, that they converted them into flank- ing towers. As we had no doubt but the wall was posterior to the sepulchres, so we conclude that it was built when the pagan religion no longer prevailed there. For it was not only contrary to the veneration which the Greeks and Romans had for their places of burial, to apply them to any other use, especially to so dangerous a one, but it also breaks through a general rule which they ob- served, of having such places without the city walls. This* was ordered at Rome by a law of the twelve tables, and at Athens by a law of Solon; and we found it religiously observed all over the East. We suppose then, that this wall, which for the foregoing reasons we call Justinian’s, not only leaves out a great deal of the ancient city, particularly to the south-east, but also takes in something more than belonged to it, to the north and north-west. That part of the wall which has no towers, as well as the ruinous building, (19) has been added long after the rest, and is built some- thing in the manner of the castle, of which afterwards. Upon the top of one of the highest of those hills, north-west of the ruins, is a castle (34) to which there 1s a very rude and steep ascent. It is en- closed by a deep ditch, cut out, or rather quarried out of the rock, which we passed with some difficulty, as the draw-bridge is broke down. In the castle is a very deep hole cut in the rock, which though now dry, looks as if in- tended for a well. The building of this castle 1s so very bad, that it is not only evidently posterior to Justinian, to whom some ascribe it, but unworthy of the Ma- malukes. The English merchants, who visited this place in 1691, were informed it was built by Man Ogle, a prince of the Druses, in the reign of Amu- rath’ the third. We were told by the Arabs, that it was the work of a son of the famous Feccardine, who, while his father was in Europe, built this for a retreat. Neither of these accounts are at all agreeable to the history of the Druses. This hill, on which the castle 1s built, is one of the highest about Palmyra. It commands a most extensive prospect of the desert towards the south, which, from this height, looks like the sea; and westward we could see the top a The Romans in the earlier times of their commonwealth, lib. iv. It is true the Lacedemonians differed in this from the dispensed with this law, only as a particular compliment to other Greeks; and Lycurgus (who took all occasions to incul- merit, though afterwards the same compliment was paid to cate a contempt of death) appointed the most public streets power; but the Athenians refused to let Marcellus be buried for burying places, to make such objects familiar to the Spartan within their walls, and told Sulpitius, when he asked that fa- youth. vour, “ Religioni se impediri.” Vid. Cicer. Epist. ad Famil. b Anno Christi 1585. 40 THE PLAN OF PALMYRA. of Libanus, and take very distinctly the bearings of some part of Antilibanus, which we had observed at Hassia. To the east and south of the Temple of the Sun are a few olive-trees and corn intermixed, defended from the cattle by mud walls. This might be made a very agreeable spot, by a proper distribution of two streams, which are now entirely neglected by the Arabs. | They are both of hot sulphureous water, which, however, the inhabitants find wholesome and not disagreeable. The most considerable (44) rises west- ward of the ruins, from a beautiful grotto (33) at the foot of the mountains, almost high enough in the middle to admit us standing upright. The whole bottom is a bason of very clear water, of about two feet deep: the heat thus confined makes it an excellent bath, for which purpose the Arabs use it; and the stream which runs from it in a pretty smart current is about a foot deep, and more than three feet over, confined in some places by an old paved channel, but after a very short course soked up in the sand eastward of the ruins. The inhabitants told us, this grotto had always the same quantity of water, and that though we could see but about a dozen paces into it, yet it extended much farther. While Palmyra flourished, this beautiful source must, no doubt, have been of great value. We learned from an inscription close by it, upon an altar dedicated to Jupiter, that it was called Ephca, and that the care of it was committed to persons who held that office by election. The other stream, (45) whose source we could not see, contains near the same quantity of water, and runs through the ruins in an ancient aqueduct ‘under ground near the long portico, and in the same direction; it joins the first to the east of the ruins, and is lost with it in the sand. The Arabs told us there was a third stream, not quite so considerable as these two, and conveyed in an aqueduct under ground through the ruins, as the last, but that its passage was so broke and choked up with rubbish, that it had not appeared for some time. We were the more inquisitive about these streams, as the little notice the merchants from Aleppo have taken of them, has puzzled some persons to account for the loss of the river mentioned by Ptolemy, which they attribute to an earthquake. There seems no reason to suppose the water of Palmyra has suffered any alteration but that which negligence has produced. If the English merchants thought those streams too contemptible to deserve the name of a river, they should for the same reason have denied that honour to the Pac- tolus, the Meles, and several rivers of Greece, which do not contain so much water, except immediately after rains. Besides those sulphureous streams, there has been a large quantity of well- tasted water conveyed formerly to the town by an aqueduct, which we have already taken notice of, page 35. It is built under ground in a very solid manner, with openings at the top, at certain distances, to keep it clean. It 1s now broke about half a league from the town; the general opinion of the Arabs 1s, that this aqueduct extends to the mountains near Damascus. There seems not the least foundation for such an opinion, as there is plenty of good water at Carietein, between Palmyra and Damascus. Procopius tells us, that ‘Justinian brought water to the garrison he left here ; which we imagine he did, rather by repairing than building this aqueduct, which seems an expensive THE PLAN OF PALMYRA. 41 work and of greater antiquity. Palmyra in its prosperity would certainly not have wanted such a convenience; and in more than one place we saw the Palmyrene characters on it, too much decayed to copy, but could find no inscription in any other language. About three or four miles to the south-east of the ruins, in the desert, 1s the Valley of Salt, supposed to be the place where David smote the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 13.), which now supplies, in a great measure, Damascus and the neighbouring towns with that commodity. We went to see it, and found they had hollowed the ground in several places deep enough to receive a foot, or more of rain water, which, when once lodged, covers the part so hollowed with a fine white salt. Wherever we could thrust the Arabs’ pikes into the ground, we found it was impregnated with salt to a considerable depth. For other particulars in this plan we refer to the following explication. Nothing less entire than a column standing, with at least its capital, is marked. Almost the whole ground within the walls is covered with heaps of marble ; but to have distinguished such imperfect ruins would have introduced confusion to no purpose. 1. Temple of the Sun. 29. Cultivated ground. 2. Its court with the huts of the Arabs. 30. Great column, from which the inscription number XXI. 3. Its portico. was copied. 4. A Turkish mosque. 31. Great column. 5. An arch. 32. Altar, from which the Greek inscription, number IV. was 6. Four granite columns. copied. 7. Peristyle of a ruined temple. 33. The fountain Ephca. 8. Columns disposed in the form of a circus. 34. Turkish castle. 9. Cell of a Temple. 35. Ground raised by ruins between which and the wall has 10. Four pedestals. been a ditch now almost filled up. 11. Row of columns which stand alone. 36. Confused ruins, near the fountain. 12. The cell of a temple and part of its peristyle. 37. A ruined building, near the stream. (44). 13. Seems to have been the peristyle of a temple. 38. Sepulchral monuments, reduced to mere rubbish. 14, 15, 16, 17. Have been all distinct buildings, but are so much 39. A water-mill, where the Arabs grind their corn. ruined, that we could not even guess at their plan. 40. Arab burying-ground. 18. Dioclesian’s buildings. 41. Our road to Palmyra, through the vale of the se- 19. Ruin of a Turkish fortification. pulchres. 20, 21, 22. Sepulchral monuments. 42. Indistinct ruins of large buildings, near the Temple of the 23. Sepulchres of many stories, all without the city walls. Sun. 24. Probably a ruined temple. 43. Remains of Justinian’s wall. 25. Ruins of a Christian church. 44. The largest stream. 26. Four columns. 45. The lesser, which runs through the ruins, and joins the first 27. Little temple. to the east of the Temple of the Sun. 28. Great column standing alone. 42 EXPLICATION OF PLATE III The plan of the Temple of the Sun, and of its court. From the greatness ot this building, as well as from some of its ornaments, we conclude it is the Temple of the Sun, which was damaged by the Roman soldiers, when Aurelian took the town, and for the repairs of which he ordered so much money, in his letter to Ceionius Bassus. The solidity and height of the wall of its court tempted the Turks to con- vert it into a place of strength; for this purpose, they stopped up the windows to the north, east, and south, and made a ditch before it to the west, where they destroyed the portico of the grand entrance to build in its place a square tower to flank that side. The court is paved with broad stones, but so covered with rubbish that we could see the pavement but in few places. That part of it which is enclosed by lines, in this plan, to the north-west, and south-west angle, is sunk sixteen feet lower than the rest of the pavement, to what purpose we could not guess. It is so covered with rubbish that we could not discover any stairs by which it might have communicated with the rest of the court. The parts of this plan which are marked black, shew what is still standing, but the ruined part is marked by an outline only. Every thing else may be understood by the measures, without further explication, which we shall always avoid where it is not absolutely necessary, and leave it entirely to the reader to make his own remarks upon the architecture. / N. B. All the scales in this work are of English feet and inches. PLATE 1V. Upright of the grand entrance to the court of the Temple. It has been observed that this portico was destroyed by the Turks; the pediment is here restored, without any authority, but the columns and their particular distribution, are copied from the internal portico. PLATE V. Base, capital, and entablature of the pilaster, in the foregoing plate. This order is continued quite round the court of the Temple, on the outside. All the bases at Palmyra are Attic. PLATE VI. Ornaments of the inside of the portico of the grand entrance. The wall which divides this portico from that of the court of the Temple, is almost perfectly entire, and the ornaments of the doors and niches very little defaced. A. Niche for a statue. C. Inferior tabernacle. B. Superior table for a statue. D. Side-door and plan of its soffit. THE PLATES. 43 PLATE VII Upright of the great door of the court of the Temple. The ornaments of this door are finished in the highest manner, and notwith- standing its great size, each of the side-architraves are of one piece of marble ; the soffit is the only part of it too much damaged to admit of a drawing, but we could discover that it was richly ornamented in the same manner with the soffit of the small door in the following plate. A. Profile of the cornice. B. External profile of the scroll. C. Internal profile of the scroll. D. Section of the frieze and architrave. E. F. Projection of the side-architrave from the wall. G. Plan of the scroll. H. Projection of the mouldings of the cornice under the modillions. I. Projection of the frieze. K. Projection of the architrave. PLATE VIII. Ornaments of the foregoing door at large, with the soffit of the small doors. A. The side architrave. B. The frieze. C. The scroll. D. Soffit of the side door. PLATE IX. Upright of the side door, of which the soffit has been shewn in the fore- going plate and of the niches and tabernacles for statues. PLATE X Ornaments of the tabernacles for statues in plate VI. at large. B. Superior projecting entablature. C. Inferior projecting entablature. G. Soffit of the second. H. Projection of its mouldings, which are under the mo- D. Soffit of the first. dillions. E. Projection of its mouldings, which are under the mo- I. Projection of its mouldings, which are above the mo- dillions. dillions. F. Projection of its mouldings, which are above the mo- ~~ K. Section of the architrave of both, to shew the depth dillions. of the soffit. PLATE XI. Ornaments of the inside of the portico of the court of the Temple. The three larger doors are the same here as in plate VII. and IX. A. Small door ; two of those lead to stairs in the wall which divides the portico of the grand entrance from that of the court, the other two are false doors. B. Projecting pediment and entablature, under which was a statue. Projecting base which supported the statue. Door, which see in plate IX. Pediment of the niche over the door. Niche. Its pilaster. QEEDA 44 EXPLICATION OF PLATE X11. A. The small door. and south. Its ornaments are the same without and within B. The window of the court of the Temple, to the north-east the court. PLATE XI11. Ornaments of the tabernacles for statues, in plate XI. at large. A. Flower upon the angles of the pediment. E. Soffit of the base. B. Entablature. F. Section of the base. C. Its soffit, with a plan of the modillions. G. Section of the architrave of the entablature B, to shew the D. Projecting base. depth of the soffit. PLATE XIV, Upright of the portico within the court of the Temple. The pediment here, as well as in plate IV. is restored by guess, there being no remains of it; the west side of those spaces, which are sunk sixteen feet lower than the rest of the pavement, forms a subassement to the columns; those projections from the shafts of the columns were undoubtedly intended to support statues ; the irons still remain in some of them, by which the statues were fastened ; and on some the marks of the feet are still seen. All those statues were probably destroyed or carried away when Aurelian took the town, for we could not discover even a fragment of one at Palmyra. PLATE XV. Capital and entablature of the order in the foregoing plate, with the plan of the capital. Both the frieze and capital have suffered a good deal, which is not surprising, if we consider the delicacy of the work, finished in as high a manner as marble is capable of. PLATE XVI. Plan of the Temple and its peristyle. The steps are so much destroyed that we could only guess at their number. We could discover no repairs which might account for the singularities in this plan. The ornaments belonging to those divisions within the cell are so choked up with Turkish buildings that we could only copy the soffits of A and B, and a basso relievo from an architrave. PLATE "XVII. Upright of the Temple. A. Pilaster joined to the column, which supports the scroll of which the leaves, &c. were fastened ; which were no doubt the door. of metal, and have been taken away for the value of the B. Singularity in the manner of fluting the columns. materials. C. Pannel between the capitals over the door. E. The architrave of the cell. D. The bell of the capital only remains, with holes in it, by F. The frieze of the cell. THE PLATES. 45 There seemed nothing either in the door which is here placed in so singular a manner between two columns, or in the door of the cell of the temple, worth being described more at large, except the soffit of the latter, which see in the following plate. PLATE XVIII. A. The soffit of the cornice in plate XV. G. Its ornament. B. A square pannel which incloses H. Soffit of the door of the cell of the temple. C. The rose. I. Frieze, of plate XVII. at large. D. Distance between the modillions. K. Bas relief of the face of an architrave belonging to one of E. The modillions. the divisions within the cell. It is not to be measured by I. Soffit of the architrave in plate XV. the scale. Two soffits, of one piece of marble each. A. B. Mark the places in plate XVI. to which those soffits belong. PLATE XX. A. Window of the temple on the side of the peristyle. B. The same window seen from within the cell. View of the Temple of the Sun, taken from the north-west corner of the court. A. The temple. C. The huts of the Arabs. B. Two Ionic half columns at each end of the cell of the D. Part lower than the rest of the pavement of the court of temple. We could not get up to their capitals to take the the temple. measures of them. E. The portico of the court of the temple. PLATE XXII. Plan and upright of the east-side of the arch marked H in plate I. A. Supposed pediment. H. Basso relievo of the pilaster under the impost of the side B. Middle archivolt. arch. C. Its impost. I. Niche. D. Side archivolt. K. In the plan. Projection of the capital of the pilaster upon E. Its impost. which the colonnades of the portico terminate on the west F. Basso relievo of the pilaster. side of this arch. G. Basso relievo of the pilaster under the impost of the middle arch. PLATE XXIII. Pilaster of the foregoing arch, with its capital and entablature. A. Angular modillion. B. Basso relievo of the pilaster at large. N 46 | EXPLICATION OF PLATE XXIV. A. Plan of the angular modillion in the last plate, with H. Basso relievo, of the pilaster, under the impost of the the soffit of the cornice. side arch, at large. B. Middle archivolt, at large. I. Basso relievo of the pilaster on the west side of the arch, C. Its impost. whose projection is marked K in the plan of plate D. Side archivolt, at large. - XXII. E. Its impost. K. Soffit of the middle arch. F. This letter refers to the foregoing plate. L. Scroll and capital of the pilaster of which the basso re- G. Basso relievo of the pilaster, under the impost of the lievo is marked I in this plate. middle arch, at large. M. Profile of the same. N. B. aa, bb, cc, are measured by the small scale. PLATE XXV. Plan and upright of the west side of the arch in plate XXII. The three foregoing plates explain this. The pilaster, with its ornaments, marked I, I, M. in the foregoing plate, is covered in this by the columns of the portico, which terminates upon this side of the arch. PLATE XXVIL View of the arch from the east. A. Great arch in its present state. lowing letter are a little misplaced by a mistake in B. One side of the long portico, which terminates upon finishing the drawing. the arch. D. Sepulchre. C. Part of the long portico, terminating upon the sepul- E. Temple marked M in plate I. chre. Both the part marked by this and the fol- F. Building marked 12 in plate II. PILATE XXVIIL Plan of the small temple, marked M in plate I. with a plan and sections of an aqueduct mentioned page 35. A. Plan of the aqueduct. D. A transverse section of it. B. Plan of the openings, by means of which it was kept E. A longitudinal section of it. in order. F. Its soffit, of one stone in breadth. C. Steps down to the water. G. Height of the earth over the aqueduct. PLATE XXVIII. Upright of the front and flank of the temple of which the plan is in the fore- going plate. °° A. Supposed pediment. C. Supposed roof. B. Pedestal for statues, projecting from the shaft of the D. Profile of the projecting pedestals for statues. column. PLATE XXIX. The base, capital, and entablature of the foregoing temple. See the soffit of this cornice, plate XXXII. THE PLATES. 47 PLATE XXX. The windows of the same temple. A. Window within the cell. -B. The same window without. PLATE XXXI1 View of the same temple. A. Its present remains. C. Sepulchres, marked a, plate I. B. Part of the long portico. PLATE XXXII. Plan and upright of the pedestals, marked O, in plate I. A. Square entablature, supported by four columns. D. Plan of the four columns, of their subassement and of the B. Pedestal for a statue. pedestal in the middle. C. Double plinth. E. Soffit of the cornice of plate XXIX. To be measured by the scale in that plate. PLATE XXXIII. The base, capital, and entablature belonging to the foregoing columns. PLATE XXXIV. A. Soffit of the foregoing cornice and architrave. D. Frieze of the same. Its architrave is the same with that on B. Soffit supported by the four columns. the outside. C. Section of the same. PLATE XXXV. View of the arch from the west. The Temple of the Sun. E. The building marked I, in plate I. A. B. The great column, marked G in plate I. F. Piece of a column put up here by the Turks, to what C. The arch. purpose we could not learn. D. One side of the long portico. PLATE XXXVI. Plan of the sepulchre, marked W, in plate I. A. Repositories for the dead, fronting the door. C. Angular repositories. B. Repository separate from the rest, with four broken D. Repositories on each side. columns of a larger order than that of the sides. E. Portico. 48 EXPLICATION OF PLATE XXXVII. Upright of the same with one of the soffits of the repositories. A. Pediment. B. Soffit of a repository, of one piece of marble. PLATE XXXVIII. Base, capital, and entablature of the foregoing sepulchre, without. See the | soffit of the cornice, plate XL.I. PLATE XXXIX. Section of the same. A. Section of the wall above the door. F. Soffit of one piece of marble, which forms the profile of B. Flank of the door. the cornice. C. Space from the side order to the soffit. G. Flank of the repositories. D. Repositories. H. Floor of the repositories. E. Subassement. I. Space in which there were sepulchral urns. PLATE XI. Base, capital, and entablature of the foregoing sepulchre, within. PLATE XLlI. A. Soffit of the cornice without. C, D. Two soffits of repositories. B. Soffit of the architrave without. PLATE X11 Three soffits of repositories. A, and B. Belong to the foregoing sepulchre. C. Belongs to the ruined sepulchre marked T in plate I. PLATE XLIII. A. Temple of the Sun. E. The little temple, marked M in plate I. : B. Column marked G in plate IL F. Great columns standing single from the shaft of which we C. The arch. copied the third Greek inscription. D. The long portico. G. Building marked I in plate I. PLATE XLIV. Plan of a building, upon an architrave of which we found the twenty-seventh inscription. A. Body of the building. C. Portico in front. B. Vestibule. D. Portico on each side. THE PLATES. 49 PLATE XLV. Upright of the same building. A. Supposed pediment. D. False door. B. Door. IE. #Socle. C. Niche. PLATE X1.VL Base, capital, and entablature of the foregoing plate. See the soffit of the cornice, plate XLV. PLATE XLVII. “Ornaments of the inside of the portico, in front. B. Great door. C. Niche. D. False door. PLATE XI. VII. Ornaments of the great door at large. A. External profile of the Scroll. B. Basso relievo at large, of the Cavetto marked B in the plan. PLATE XLIX. The false door at large. PLATE L. The Niche at large. PLATE 1.1 A. Pilaster of the portico in front. E. Section of the projection under the niche. B. Basso relievo of the flank of the great door. F. Basso relievo of the arched soffit of the niche. C. Section of the niche. G. Soffit of the projection under the niche. D. Section of the false door. PLATE L111. View of the building last described. A. Castle on the hill, marked Z, in plate I. scribed, which looks like the tribunal of a Basilica. B. Part of the present remains of the building last de- C. Door of a building quite destroyed. PLATE Lill Plan and Upright of the sepulchre, marked y, in plate I. A. Upright. C. Its plan. B. Mouldings, which run round it. 50 EXPLICATION, &c. PLATE LIV. Base, capital, and entablature of the pilaster, of the foregoing sepulchre. B. Mouldings at large, which are marked with the same letter, in the last plate. PLATE LV. A. Plan of one of the sepulchres marked a, in plate I, with B. Soffit of the cornice in plate XLVI. To be measured by the soffit of the first story. the scale of that plate. PLATE 1.V]. Upright of the same. A. Window, under which is a figure in alto relievo, lying by a sarcophagus. B. Door. PLATE LVIL Front and flank of the inside of the first story of the same sepulchre. | A. The flank. Ei in alto relievo, and under it two sarcophagi, with heads on B. 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We gratefully accept of the extraordinary indulgence shewn us upon that occasion as an invitation to proceed, and shall therefore produce, from the materials which we have been able to collect in the course of our voyage, whatever we think may in any degree promote real knowledge, or satisty rational curiosity. We consider ourselves as engaged in the service of the Republic of Letters, which knows, or ought to know, neither distinction of country, nor separate in- terests. We shall therefore continue to publish our work, not only in English, but also in the language of a neighbouring kingdom, whose candid judgment of our first production, under the disadvantage of a hasty and negligent trans- lation, deserves at least this acknowledgment. Having observed that descriptions of ruins, without accurate drawings, seldom preserve more of their subject than its confusion, we shall, as in the Ruins of ParLmyra, refer our reader almost entirely to the plates, where his information will be more full and circumstantial, as well as less tedious and confused, than could be conveyed by the happiest precision of language. It shall also, in this, as in the former volume, be our principal care to produce things as we found them, leaving reflections, and reasonings upon them to others. This last rule we shall scrupulously observe in describing the buildings ; where all criticism on the beauties and faults of the architecture is left entirely to the reader. If in this preliminary discourse we intermix a few observations of our own, not so necessarily connected with the subject, it is with a view to throw a little variety into a very dry collection of facts, from which at any rate we cannot promise much entertainment. Before we had quite finished our business at Palmyra our Arabian escort began to solicit our departure with some impatience : our safety in returning was, they said, much more precarious than in our journey thither; because they had then only accidental dangers to apprehend, whereas they were now to guard against a premeditated surprize from the King of the Bedouins, or ~ wandering Arabs, who might have had intelligence of us, and think us a prize P b4 JOURNEY FROM worth looking after. We had also our own reasons for more than ordinary solicitude ; as we were much more anxious about preserving the treasure we brought from Palmyra than that which we carried thither. Having therefore, by their advice, concealed our intended road back, as well as the time we proposed to set out, we left Palmyra, March 27th, 1751 ; the few miserable inhabitants of that place expressing the utmost astonishment at a visit of which they could not comprehend the meaning. We returned by the same tiresome road through the desert, which we have already described in our journey to Palmyra, as far as Sudud ; without any alarm, except one, which is worth mentioning only as it relates to the manners of the country. About four hours before our arrival at Carietein we discovered a party of Arabian horsemen at a distance ; to which, had they been superior in number, we must have fallen an easy prey, in the languid state to which both our men and horses were reduced by a march of above twenty hours over the burning sands ; but upon our nearer approach they began to retire precipitately, and abandoned some cattle, which our friends seized, as a matter of course, laugh- ing at our remonstrances against their injustice. At Sudud we left our former road on the right hand, and in five hours, still through the same desert, arrived at Cara, where we took leave of the greatest part of our caravan. We sent the manuscripts and marbles, which we had collected, on camels to our ship at Tripoli; the merchants who had joined us for protection returned to Damascus with the salt they went to gather at Palmyra; and our Arabian horsemen, now no longer of use, returned to their master the Aga of Hassia, having demanded a certificate of their vigi- lance and fidelity, which indeed they justly deserved. ~ Cara, a village on the great caravan-road from Damascus to Aleppo, con- tains, as we were Informed, near a thousand souls, and amongst them about twenty Christian families. We had passed through it before in going from Da- mascus to Hassia, from the last of which it is distant about six hours, and under the government of the same Aga. There is one ruined church to be seen here, and another converted into a Mosque : upon the wall of the latter is a line of Greek, in a bad character, turned upside down, in which we could read the words A@ANA3IOS ENISKOIIOS. This village is pleasantly situated on a rising ground. The common mud, formed into the shape of bricks and dried in the sun, of which its houses are built, has at some distance the appearance of white stone. The short duration of such materials is not the only objection to them, for they make the streets dusty when there is wind, and dirty when there is rain. These inconveniences are felt at Damascus, which is mostly built in the same manner. After near a month’s constant fatigue in the desert, particularly at Palmyra, where every hour was precious, we indulged ourselves here with a day of rest. * Ruins of Palmyra, page 33. PALMYRA TO BALBEC. 55 Security and repose, succeeding to danger and toil, soon gave both us and our y Posg, 3 3 8 people that comforting refreshment, which was so necessary to prepare us for new fatigues. We therefore set out for Balbec, March 31st, and arrived at Ersale in seven hours. The greatest part of this journey was across the barren ridge of hills called Antilibanus : our road was tolerably good, and our course a little to the southward of the west. This village, consisting of about thirty poor houses, was the only one we passed through in our road from Cara to Balbec. We found nothing in it worth remarking, except a melancholy instance of the unhappy government of this country : the houses were all open, every thing carried off, and not a living creature to be seen. We had heard that the governor of Balbec’s brother was then in open rebellion, ravaging the country with a party of his desperate associates; and it seems that when we passed through FErsale he was en- camped 1n its neighbourhood, which made the inhabitants choose to abandon their dwellings, rather than expose themselves to such unmerciful contributions as he had raised in other places. We could not avoid staying here all night; but, impatient to leave a place of so much danger, we set out early the next morning, and in five hours and a half arrived at Balbec, our course turning still more south- erly, our road tolerably good, less mountainous and barren, for the last two hours, when the plain of Bocat began to open to us, discovering on its opposite side the famed Mount Libanus, whose top is always covered with snow. This city, formerly under the government of Damascus, and a few years since the residence of a Basha, is now commanded by a person of no higher rank than that of Aga, who, preferring the more honourable title of Kmir, which he had by birth, to that of his station, was called Emir Hassein. The Arabs have hereditary nobility and family connections, contrary to the policy of the Porte, which is desirous of suppressing all influence that the Sovereign can not give and take away at his pleasure. Emir Hassein paid the Grand Signor fifty purses annually, for the taxes of the district he commanded: he also paid fifty purses yearly for lands, granted in this country as rewards for military service, and farmed by him. We were told that those lands were much more profitable to him than to the persons for whose benefit the grant was originally intended: the reason of which is, that it would be inconvenient, and even dangerous, for any man to pretend to the same farm against so powerful a competitor. He should also have paid something to the Basha of Damascus, for lands which he held under him; but had contrived for some time to evade it, skreened by the protection of the Kislar Aga," to whom he was said to be under private con- tribution. This reason the Basha of Damascus gave for refusing us letters to Balbec, which he civilly granted to all other places where they could be of service. 2 The Title of the Black Eunuch, who has the care of the Grand Signor’s women. 50 JOURNEY FROM Having taken up our lodging with a Greek, to whom we were recom- mended, we waited on the Emir, and found him in a Chiosque in his garden reclined upon a sofa near a fountain, and indolently enjoying his pipe. We presented him with our firman from the Grand Signor, and a letter from the Basha of Tripoli, and were most courteously received. A pipe, coffee, sweet- meats, and perfume are successively presented on these occasions, and the last is always understood as a hint to finish the visit. He applied the firman respect- fully to his forehead and then kissed it, declaring himself the Sultan’s slave’s slave ; told us that the land he commanded, and all in it, was ours; that we were his welcome guests as long as we would stay, and might securely pursue our business under his friendly protection. No part of oriental manners shews those people in so amiable a light as their discharge of the duties of hospitality : indeed the severities of Eastern despotism have ever been softened by this virtue, which so happily flourishes most where 1t is most wanted. The great forget the insolence of power to the stranger under their roof, and only preserve a dignity, so tempered by ten- derness and humanity, that it commands no more than that grateful respect, which 1s otherwise scarce known in a country where inferiors are so much oftener taught to fear than to love. We had been advised to distrust the Emir, whose character was infamous, and soon had occasion to see how friendly that caution was. Though we had sent our presents according to the custom of the country, yet new demands were every day made, which for some time we thought it advisable to satisty ; but they were so frequently, and at last so insolently repeated, that it became necessary to give a peremptory refusal. Avarice 1s no doubt as much an eastern vice as hospitality is an eastern virtue ; but we must observe that we found the most sordid instances of the former in men of power and public employment, while we experienced much generosity in private retired life : we are therefore cautious of charging to the cha- racter of a people what the nature of their government seems to require. For in the uninterrupted series of shameless venality, which regulates the discharge of every public duty, from the Prime Vizir downwards, and which, in the true spirit of despotism, stops only at the wretch who is too low to make reprisals, every subaltern in power must submit to that portion of the common prostitu- tion which belongs to his rank, and which seems therefore the vice of the office rather than of the man. Frequent negociations produced by this quarrel, in which the Emir unsuc- cessfully exerted all his art and villainy, ended in an open declaration, on his side, that we should be attacked and cut to pieces in our way from Balbec. When he heard that those menaces had not the effect he expected, and that we were prepared to set out with about twenty armed servants, he sent us a civil message, desiring that we might interchange presents and part friends, and allow his people to guard us as far as Mount Libanus ; to which we agreed. Not long after this he was assassinated by an emissary of that rebellious brother whom we have mentioned, and who succeeded him in the government of Balbec. Bocat might, by a little care, be made one of the richest and most beautiful PALMYRA TO BALBEC. 57 spots in Syria: for it 1s more fertile than the celebrated vale of Damascus, and better watered than the rich plains of Isdralon and Rama. In its present neglected state it produces corn, some good grapes, but very little wood. Though shade be so essential an article of oriental luxury, yet few plantations of trees are seen in Turkey ; the inhabitants being discouraged from labours which promise such distant and precarious enjoyment, in a country where even the annual fruits of their industry are uncertain. In Palestine we have often seen the husbandman sowing, accompanied by an armed friend to prevent his being robbed of the seed. | This plain extends in length from Balbec almost to the sea; its direction is from N. E. by N. to S. W. by S. andits breadth, from Libanus to Anti-Li- banus, we guessed to be In few places more than four leagues or less than two. | The rivers which water it are the Litane, rising from Anti-Libanus a little north of Balbec, which having received great increase from a fine fountain close by the city walls called Rosaleyn, i. e. the Fountain’s-head, and the Bardouni, rising from the foot of Libanus, near a village called Zakely, about eight hours S. W. of Balbec, soon joins the Litane in the plain, about an hour from a village called Barrillas. These streams augmented by several constant rills from the melting snows of Libanus, which the least management might improve to all the purposes either of agriculture or pleasure, form the Casimiah, and enter the sea under that name near Tyre, where we passed it when we visited the ruins of that city. The mutual advantages which Tyre, in its flourishing state, and this plain must have reaped from each other are obvious. A rich sea-faring people, confined to a very narrow territory, upon the shore, must have greatly enjoyed a spot like this in their neighbourhood ; and in all probability their caravans from Palmyra and the East passed through this plain. Upon a rising ground, near the N. E. extremity of this plain, and immediately under Anti-Libanus, 1s pleasantly situated the city of Balbec, ~ between Tripoli of Syria and Damascus, and about sixteen hours distant from cach. From the best information we could get we concluded the number of its inhabitants to be about five thousand, of which there are a few Greek and Maronite Christians, and some Jews. The people are poor, without trade and manufactures. The ancient female beauty and prostitution of this neighbour- hood seem to have declined together, and the modern ladies of Balbec have the character of being more® cruel and less fair. It appears strange that the proper names, Syria and Assyria, should be so indistinctly used by the ancients, that both are employed by their best authors a Heliopolis, qua propinquat Libano monti, mulieres speciosas ~~ magnifice colunt : dicunt enim eam ibi habitare, et mulieribus pascit, que aput omnes nominantur Libanotidas ; ubi Venerem gratiam formositatis dare. Q 58 ANCIENT STATE to express the country we now speak of. Besides this confusion of names, the boundaries of Syria are extremely unsettled in ancient writers; nor are the limits of its provinces better ascertained : those of Cecelosyria in particular are as perplexed as any in ancient geography. Could we suppose that under this name the ancients included, not one tract of contiguous country, but those different valleys which wind among the mountains of Libanus, and Anti-Libanus, in that sense in which the low- lands of a country are opposed to its high-lands, Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy might more easily be reconciled: but this conjecture, which the literal meaning of the name suggests, is proposed with diffidence, and only as the least exceptionable way of throwing some light on what is so little un- derstood. Strabo’s distinction® of Ceelosyria in general, and Ceelosyria properly so called, is not unfavourable to this construction ; but, however that may be, we can venture to assert that the latter, viz. Ceelosyria, properly so called, 1s pre- cisely the plain we have described. We may with equal certainty conclude from the ancients that the present Balbec, in the plain of Bocat, is their Heliopolis of Cecelosyria, sometimes called Heliopolis of Pheenicia, and generally distinguished from other ancient cities of the same name by its vicinity to Mount Libanus. We shall not trouble the reader with authorities to prove what 1s so clear : the proper names Heliopolis and Balbec® both refer, though in different languages, to the favourite idolatry of the place, viz. the worship of the Sun or Baal; and the only two inscriptions found there put this matter beyond all doubt. WueN we compare the ruins of Balbee with those of many ancient cities which we visited in Italy, Greece, Egypt, and in other parts of Asia, we cannot help thinking them the remains of the boldest plan we ever saw attempted in architecture. Is it not strange then that the age and undertaker of works, in which solidity and duration have been so remarkably consulted, should be a matter of such obscurity, that from all we have been able to learn we cannot promise to give entire satisfaction on that head ? However, to save the reader the disagreeable pains of searching among the same rubbish from which we have collected the following materials, we shall conduct him through the different periods to which those buildings can, with any sort of probability, be assigned, beginning with the most ancient. The inhabitants of this country, Mahometans, Jews, and Christians, all con- fidently believe that Solomon built both Palmyra and Balbec. While both those ruins answer our ideas of his power and his riches, it is not difficult to find out his wisdom in the former, and his love of pleasure in the latter. We therefore think it probable that his character, as a wise and yet a voluptuous prince, may have given rise to an opinion, which, with regard a “Awaga wey ody Dmép Tig Sehevnidog, Gg emi Ty Alyurloy wal Thy *Apabiay avieyovoa b Balbec, the vale of Baal, or Balbeit, the house of Baal. xbpay Kaihnavpia vaeiras. Bw 178 Adv wai 79 *AviinBdyp dwpopéry. Strab. Lib. XVI. : OF BALBEC. 59 to Balbec at least, seems to have scarce any other foundation, whatever claim Palmyra® may have. We have seen that the choice of the latter situation was worthy of his wisdom ; nor could an Eastern monarch enjoy his favourite pleasures in a more luxurious retirement than amidst the streams and shades of Balbec. Many stories are told there of the manner in which he spent his hours of dalliance in this retreat ; a subject on which the warm imagination of the Arabs is apt to be too particular. But whether or no this is the tower of Lebanon, looking towards Damascus, mentioned in his writings ; whether he built it for the queen of Sheba, or for Pharoah’s daughter; whether he effected this work in a natural way, as the Jews affirm, or was assisted by spirits in the execution of what the Arabs think beyond human power, with many other opinions equally ridiculous, hath already been too seriously taken notice of by travellers and missionaries. Whether the Pheenicians did not erect those temples, in the neighbour- hood of their capital, may perhaps be matter of more reasonable enquiry. So far is pretty certain, that the sun was worshipped here, in the flourishing times of that people, when this plain most probably made part of their ter- ritory. That this city derived both its name and worship from Heliopolis in Egypt, is agreeable to most received opinions of the progress of superstition from that country. But we are not left to mere probability for the truth of this fact, since we find the following account of it in Macrobius,” who says, “ That in the city called Heliopolis the Assyrians worship the Sun with great pomp, under the name of Heliopolitan Jove, and that the statue of this god was brought from a city in Egypt also called Heliopolis, when Senemur or Se- nepos reigned over the Egyptians, by Opias ambassador from Delebor king of the Assyrians, together with some Egyptian priests of whom Partemetis was the chief, and that it remained long among the Assyrians before it was removed to Heliopolis.” The same author adds ¢ that he declines giving the reason for this fact, or telling how the statue was afterwards brought to the place where in his time it was worshipped, more accord- ing to the Assyrian than the Egyptian rites, as circumstances foreign to his purpose.” Though the author, by giving the name of Assyrians to the inhabitants of Syria, an inaccuracy which we have observed to be very common in ancient writers, hath perplexed this passage not a little, yet the obscure piece of history it contains seems to shew that the religion of Heliopolis in Syria was in his time a mixture of Chaldean and Egyptian superstition, in which the former prevailed, as the circumstantial manner in which he mentions names leaves no room to doubt that he had historical authority for those facts, which however hath not reached us. We shall then suppose with Macrobius, that our Heliopolis received her idolatry from the city of the same name in Egypt, and practised it with * See Ruins oF PALMYRA, page 2. ¢ Saturnal. lib. I. > Ben. Tudulensis, Radzivil, Quaresmius, Belon, and others. 60 ANCIENT STATE additional rites from Assyria: but, for the sake of those who would trace this matter higher, we shall just observe, first, that the Egyptian Heliopolis was situated on the confines of Egypt and Arabia; again, that the most ancient trading intercourse we read of was carried on between that city and the East ;* and lastly, that, if we reject the fabulous origin of the Egyptian Helio- polis in Diodorus,” and adopt Pliny’s account,” we shall find the Sun was wor- shipped in Arabia before this city was built. Macrobius® proceeds to shew that the divinity he speaks of was both Jupiter and the Sun; « this appears,” says he, « by the rites of the worship, and by the attributes of the statue, which is of gold, representing a person without a beard, who holds in his right hand a whip, charioteer-like, and in his left a thunderbolt, together with ears of corn, all which mark the united powers of Jupiter and the Sun:” he adds that, < the temple excels in divination, which belongs to Apollo or the Sun: the statue of the god,” he says, «is carried as the statues of the gods are in the Circensian games, generally sup- ported by the principal persons of the province, having their heads shaven, and being purified by long chastity; they are hurried violently on, not by their choice, but by the impulse of the divinity, in the same manner as the statues of the Two Fortunes at Antium are carried to give oracular answers. ; | Perhaps, instead of looking for an account of buildings of the Corinthian and Ionic order in the Jewish and Pheenician history, it may be thought more proper to inquire for them during the time that the Greeks possessed this country : but from Alexander’s conquest of it till that of Pompey we do. not find them mentioned ; for which reason we conclude that they must be works of a later date. It may be alleged that the same period of history is also silent with regard to the buildings of Palmyra ;® though it appears probable, from our account of the ancient state of that place, that at this time it was adorned with works of great magnificence ; and therefore that the buildings of He- liopolis might also have’ then existed, though they escaped the notice ot historians. | In answer to this we must observe, that, besides the obscurity in which Palmyra was kept, as long as it remained an independent state, by a most sin- gular separation from the rest of the world, all accounts of that people from their own annals are lost, except what the inscriptions have preserved ; but the history of the Seleucidz is known, and hath recorded less important works of those kings than the buildings of Heliopolis. ‘The Roman History still remains for our enquiry. The opinion that Heliopolis was made a colony by Julius Caesar seems to be supported by no 2 Gen. chap. 37. v.25. And they lift up their eyes and ¢ Pliny lib. 5. cap. 29. « Solis quoque oppidum quod non looked, and behold a company of Ismaelites came from Gilead procul Memphi, in Agypti situ diximus Arabas conditores with their camels bearing spicery, and balm, and myrrh, going habere.” to carry it down to Egypt. d Macrob. Saturn. Lib. I. b Diodor. lib. 3. "Antic & ig Alyvrlay dmdpas entice Ty “Hhodmohsy dvopalo- e Ruins or PALMYRA. whvy dws TE warpls Tépevos THY wpoayyopiar. OF BALBEC. 61 better authority than the reverses of some medals in which it is called Colonia Julia. On the same grounds it 1s supposed that Augustus sent veterans thither, because on coins it is called Colonia Julia Augusta ; and that those veterans were of the fifth and eighth legions, called the Legio Macedonica and the Legio Augusta, is gathered from the reverse of a medal of Philip the elder, on which there is this legend ; COL. HEL. LEG. V. MACED. viii. AVG. Colonia Heliopolitana Legionis v. Macedonicee viii. Augustee. From a medal of Augustus struck at Berytus we also learn that part of the same legions was sent to that city; and as Strabo mentions two legions settled in this country by Agrippa, it has been concluded, upon the concur- ring testimony of those coins and this author, that the fifth and eighth legions were divided between Heliopolis and Berytus: and indeed it appears from the same passage in Strabo," that the tract of lands extending from Berytus to Heliopolis, and as far as the source of the Orontes was allotted to those veterans. We have been told that this temple pretended to divination ; a prerogative claimed by its god the Sun, under the different characters of the Heliopolitan Jove, the Assyrian Belus, and the Delphic Apollo: and we find that it was in some reputation for its oracular powers among the Romans, by a story recorded of Trajan ;> who at the solicitation of his friends consulted this god upon the success of his intended Parthian expedition. Upon the reverse of a medal of Adrian, on which the Two Fortunes are represented, we-find the legend LEG. H. COL. H.; which by some is read Legio octava Colonia Heliopolis. However, were this conjecture more pro- bable than it seems to be, we do not find the least reason to suppose that this emperor, though a great builder in the provinces, has any title to the honour of those works. Lucian, a native of this country, who appears from some passages in his writings to have lived in the time of the Antonines and Commodus, mentions® transiently, if the treatise on the Syrian goddess be his, a great and ancient Temple in Pheenicia, the rites of whose worship were brought from Heliopolis in Egypt. This, from his short description, appears to be the Temple of Balbec : but as nothing which we saw standing can possibly be the remains of a Bpurds S¢ waleawdn mey ims Tpdpwvos, dveliphn 3¢ wy dmb “Popainy, deEapév do / a > 3 ~ ~ \ ~ Tdypara a ibpvaer "Aypimnas &raiVa, wpoJels wal Tod Mapoto woah péxps nai Tdy Tab *Opovrov wyyay.—Strab. Lib. xvi. b The reader may have this ridiculous story in the words of Macrobius : “ Consulunt hunc deum et absentes missis diplo- matibus consignatis ; rescribitque ordine ad ea que consultatione addita continentur. Sic et imperator Trajanus initurus ex ea provincia Parthiam cum exercitu constantissima religionis hor- tantibus amicis, qui maxima hujusce numinis ceperant experi- menta, ut de eventu consuleret rei ceepte, egit Romano consilio prius explorando fidem religionis; ne forte fraus subesset hu- mana : et primum misit signatos codicillos, ad quos sibi rescribi vellet. Deus jussit afferri chartam, eamque signari puram et mitti, stupentibus sacerdotibus ad ejusmodi factum. Ignorabant quippe conditionem codicillorum. Hos cum maxima admiratione Trajanus excepit, quod ipse quoque puris tabulis cum deo egis- set. Tune aliis codicillis conscriptis signatisque consuluit, an Romam perpetrato bello rediturus esset; vitem centurialem deus ex muneribus in =de dedicatis deferri jussit, divisamque in partes sudario, condi ac proinde ferri. Exitus rei obitu Tra- jani apparuit ossibus Romam relatis. Nam fragmentis species reliquiarum vitis argumento casus futuri tempus ostensum est. Macrob. Lib. 1. c YExova d¢ nal aro Polvines ipdv, ov% "Agatpioy, dM AifYnliov. 75 6 “Hhiovmoriog és N / 3 Z 3 \ \ bd . Ty Rowinnyy dminero. Eye wey piv on muna. wéya de wai Tdde, nal dpyaity és. — Lucian. de Syria Dea. R 62 ANCIENT STATE what in his time could be called ancient, we dare only conjecture that he wrote his treatise before the present temples were built. However, his testimony strengthens that of Macrobius, with regard to the ancient worship of the Sun, and the origin of the rites used at this place. We now come to the first and only historical authority we have discovered, with regard to the building of those temples. John® of Antioch, surnamed Malala, says that < Alius Antoninus Pius built a great temple to Jupiter at Heliopolis, near Libanus in Pheenicia, which was one of the wonders of the world.” As upon this single testimony depends all we have been able to learn, with regard to the builder of the greatest work of antiquity now remaining, it may deserve a more curious examination. From the time that Pompey went through Heliopolis to Damascus, till the reign we now speak of, this country must have been well known to the Romans : and yet we have unsuccessfully looked into this part of their history, so remarkable for letters and curiosity, in hopes of finding some mention of the most surprising structure in their empire. Can we suppose that the writers of those times would have taken notice of less remarkable buildings in Greece, Asia, and Egypt, with some degree of admiration, and that they would have expressed such surprise at the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, and have recorded such particulars of the miraculous’ architrave of its middle intercolumniation in front, had the Temple of Heliopolis then existed, in which we see the wonders of the former so far surpassed ? If then there appears no reason for giving this temple an earlier date than this reign, and we shall presently produce authority for believing it existed in the reign of Caracalla, the time of its building will be brought within a small compass. To which then of the emperors that lived in this interval can we more properly attribute this noble work than to Antoninus Pius? whose actions are so little known, that though by a reign of about 21 years he acquired, and has indisputably transmitted to posterity, the general character of one of the best princes that ever ruled, yet the particulars which merited such extraordi- nary praise are quite forgot. If we consider that the taste of the architecture in question does not look unlike that of his time, and add that the above-cited historian’s age, country, or religion, so far as they are known to us, offer no suspicious prejudices with regard to this fact, which he seems, in his general manner of compiling from other writers, to insert transiently, as an uncontested truth in which he had no interest, we think we cannot in justice refuse him credit, till further discoveries produce contradictory proofs. Julius Capitolinus, “tis true, who writes the life of this emperor, enumerates a Med d¢ mip Pacitelay éSaginevaiy Hhiog Avro is bic b Pliny tells us Lib. xxxvi. Cap. xiv. that the architect duricer & “‘Hnovméres ws Doing Tov Adds vou vady 3 Ait péyar, &a val adr wra dv despairing of the means to raise so great a weight, was assisted Seapdrav. Joan. Malale, “Hist Chron. Lib, x1. by the Goddess to whom the temple was dedicated, OF BALBEC. 63 his buildings ; amongst which we do not find this mentioned, though so much more considerable than others of which he takes notice. Had we any regular judicious account of that emperor’s reign, in which the temples of Heliopolis were not to be found, it would no doubt, weaken the testimony of Malala : but the trifling collection of anecdotes, chosen without judgment, and put together without any order by the author we are speaking of, scarce deserves the name of history. Heliopolis having been constituted a colony by Julius Caesar, according to some," and having received part of the veterans of the fifth and the eighth legion from Augustus, was made Juris Italici by Septimius Severus; as we are informed by Ulpian,® a native of this country: and we accordingly find its temple, for the first time, on the reverse of this emperor’s coins. | At the same time that we meet with Heliopolis on the coins of Julia Domna and Caracalla, vows in favour of that emperor and empress are ~ recorded in the two following imperfect inscriptions, copied from the pedestals of the columns of the great portico, which are represented in plate IV. letter G. * ~~ MDIIS HELIVPOL PROSAL A NTONINIPUFEIAYCHIVIIAEAY CMATR SONOYTRSENAT PAIR COLYMNVARYMDYMERINMYR OINLY MINAS VAPECINIAEX VOTO L A S : | I. 11: MDIS HELIVP DRS DAANTONINIPUIIAYCHIVIAEAVCMAT JSDNCAS TOVINYNAECARITA COTVMNARYMDYM SR VRONIVM INATASYA £C r Magnis Diis Heliupolitanis pro salute Antonini Pii Felicis Augusti et Juliee Augustee Matris Domini Nostri castrorum senatus Patriee— | ——columnarum dum erant in muro inluminata sua pecunia ex voto libenti animo solvit. II. Magnis Diis Heliupolitanis— | ——orils Domini Nostri Antonini Pii Felicis Augusti & Juliee Auguste Matris Domini Nostri castrorum— ——toniniana capita columnarum dum erant in muro inluminata sua pecunia.— a See the pages 60 and 61. p © Est et Heliopolitana, que a Divo severo per Belli civilis taken by the Rev. Mr. Thomas Crofts, who has visited Balbec occasionem Italie colonia rempublicam accepit. Ulpianus Lib.1. since we were there, we found his were most satisfactory, and we de censib. acknowledge ourselves obliged to that gentleman for the liberty * Upon comparing our copies of these inscriptions with those he gave us to make use of them. 64 ANCIENT STATE We are at a loss about the sense of ¢ capita columnarum dum erant in muro illuminata :” perhaps those words imply the carving or finishing of the capitals, which was generally done after the columns were fixed. It was common among the ancients, for particular persons to contribute to public buildings, by executing some part at their private expence; and such bene- factions were generally recorded by an inscription of which we have many. The heathen worship prevailed in these temples a great while, notwith- standing the progress of the Christian religion; which long met with violent opposition at Heliopolis, though first openly preached and received in its neighbourhood. In those violent contests, between expiring idolatry and prevailing Chris- tianity, the temples suffered much; their statues were broken, and their ornaments defaced. Abulfaragius” says that < Constantine built a temple here ;” and adds that << he abolished a custom of this place, permitting the promiscuous use of wives.” But we learn from the Chronicon Paschale’ that °° Constantine only shut up the temples of the Pagans; while Theodosius destroyed some, and con- verted the great and famous Temple of Heliopolis into a Christian church.” In this passage two barbarous words occur, which have been strangely tor- tured to different meanings. We adopt without hesitation the opinion of Holstenius, who thinks the word Buwie relates to Baal, the idol of the temple ; but we cannot agree with Reinesius in changing the word rium Into sovesrrmmo, as we think the three immense stones of the subassement are evidently signified by the former. All travellers have taken notice of those stones; some indeed of scarce any thing else : nor is it surprising that after the decline of taste, when more attention was paid to mere magnitude than beauty, this temple should be chiefly noted for the largest stones which perhaps were ever «employed in any building. It is in vain to go lower for information worth producing, with regard to ‘those buildings : Church History affords little more than the names of some Bishops and Martyrs of Heliopolis; and, when Mahometanism prevailed, this part of the .country fell under the government of that branch of the Khalifs called the Ommiades ; an ignorant and incurious race, during whose times we find only that® Balbec was a considerable city. Ne emplum etiam [extruxit] in urbe Baal-bec, cujus incola = Bumps J aoldupmag, Pasieiaas, Ta fepde pavoy énheicer, wal ToV¢ yaode Tidy Eh- Za abt : 2 Aywy' ovTag 6 Oeodocios wal xaréhvaey. Kai 75 iepdy Hhovmihews, 75 Tob BaAaviov, 10 uéya uxores habebant communes, adeo ut nemini de stirpe sua con wal wepiBinTov, wai 1 TpiNidoy, nai émolyoey duts Envhnolay Xpigiavay.— Chron, Pasch. staret; a quo [facto] ipso prohibente abstinuerunt.”—Greg. Olymp. celxxxix. Abul-Pharajii Hist. Compend. Dynast. p. 85. ¢ Herbelot Bibliotheque Orientale. OF BALBEC. 65 After the commencement of their power we suppose the name Heliopolis was entirely disused, and that of Balbec took place; which we cannot but think the most ancient as well as the modern name of this city, always used by the natives of the country. The first conversion of the temple into a fortress looks like a work of those Khalifs; though some repairs have a more modern appearance, and are, no doubt, posterior to the conquest of this country by Selim, hav- ing probably been made in the wars between the Grand Emir and the Turks. In this essay, for the defects of which we can make no other apology than its being the first attempt towards a history of those buildings, the authorities to which we have had recourse take notice of one temple only. To which then of the two great ruins, that we are to describe, shall we apply the infor- mations here collected ? We do not think it easy to give a direct answer to this question ; and shall only venture to produce a few observations, which may assist the reader to decide for himself. If our criticism upon the word =u be just, as it is applicable to the greatest temple only, we must conclude that to have been the same which Antoninus built, and which Theodosius converted into a Christian church. We meet with the temple of Heliopolitan Jove on ancient coins; which are not always exact with regard to the form of the building they mean to repre- sent ; as will probably appear in the following instances. On the reverse of a medal of Septimius Severus we find a temple, in form like the Great Temple of Balbec, and having, like it, ten columns in front, with the legend COL. HEL. I. O. M. H. Colonia Heliopolitana Jovi Optimo Maximo Heliopolitano. But on the reverse of another medal of the same emperor, with the same legend, we see a temple in perspective, having indeed the same form with both the great and the most entire Temple of Balbec ; but having six columns only in front, which is the number of neither. The same is repeated on the reverse of a medal of Caracalla. On the reverses of some medals of Philip the Elder and his wife Ottacilia we find the same legend, with a temple of a different size and form, bearing no resemblance to any of the temples of Balbec. Upon the reverse of another medal of the same Philip we find a fourth temple, which seems to belong to Heliopolis by the legend COL. IVL. AVG. FEL. HEL. Colonia Julia Augusta Felix Heliopolitana. A stair of many steps leads to an area, in which is a temple of the form of the Great Temple of Balbec: This is, in all probability, an awkward repre- sentation of that great temple, with the courts, portico, and great stairs leading to it. S 66 ANCIENT STATE In our description of the Great Temple, we shall give some reasons which have convinced us that it never was completely finished. In the entablature of the temples there is a more than accidental similitude, which nothing but imitation could produce. Those temples discovered to us no marks of very different antiquity ; and the least entire seemed to owe its more ruinous state rather to violence than to decay. Under whatever name the ancient divinity of this temple was invoked, whether the Baal of sacred, or the Belus of profane history, whether called Jupiter or Apollo, it is certain the object of worship was the Sun; the structure of whose temples at Palmyra and Heliopolis differs from that of all others we have seen, in some particulars which may be the subject of a separate enquiry into the Syrian mythology. | At present we shall only observe, as travellers through those ancient seats of idolatry, that we imagined we could discover, in many of the deviations from the true object of worship, something in the climate, soil, or situation of each country, which had great influence in establishing its particular mode of superstition. If we apply this observation to the country and religion of Syria, and examine the worship of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, called in scripture Baal, Astaroth, and the Host of Heaven, we may perhaps not only see how that early superstition, which misled the inhabitants of a flat country, enjoying a constant serenity of sky, was naturally produced; but we may also observe something of the origin and progress of that error, in a certain connection be- tween those objects of worship considered physically, and their characters as divinities. Thus, the pomp and magnificence with which the Sun was worshipped in Syria and Chaldzea, the name of Baal, which, in the Eastern language, signifies Lord or Master, and the human victims sacrificed to him, seem all together to mark an awful reverence paid rather to his power than to his beneficence, in a country where the violence of his heat is destructive to vegetation, as it 1s in many other respects very troublesome to the in- habitants. But the deification of the inferior gods of the firmament seems to have taken its rise from different principles, in which love seems to have been more predominant than fear; at the same time that their worship has stronger characteristics of its Syrian extraction than that of Baal, if the following ob- servations be well founded. Not only the extensive plains and unclouded sky, already mentioned, have been long since observed to point this out, but we imagine that the manner, in which the inhabitants of this country live, and which is as uniform as their climate or their soil, hath greatly contributed to direct their attention to these objects. OF BALBEC. 67 It has ever been a custom with them, equally connected with health and pleasure, to pass the nights in summer upon the house-tops, which for this very purpose are made flat, and divided from each other by walls. We found this way of sleeping extremely agreeable; as we thereby enjoyed the cool air, above the reach of gnats and vapours, without any other covering than the canopy of the heavens, which unavoidably presents itself, in different pleasing forms, upon every interruption of rest, when silence and solitude strongly dis- pose the mind to contemplation. No where could we discover in the face of the heavens more beauties, nor on the earth fewer, than in our night-travels through the deserts of Arabia ; where it is impossible not to be struck with this contrast: a boundless dreary waste, without tree or water, mountain or valley, or the least variety of colours, offers a tedious sameness to the wearied traveller; who is agreeably relieved by looking up to that cheerful moving picture, which measures his time, directs his course, and lights up his way. The warm fancy of the Arab soon felt the transition from wild admiration to superstitious respect, and the passions were engaged before the judgment was consulted. The Jews in their passage through this wilderness (where we are told in the scriptures® they carried the star of their god, which St. Jerom supposes to have been Lucifer, worshipped in the same country in his time) seem to have caught the infection in the same manner, and ° their hearts went after their idols.” This bewitching enthusiasm, by which they were so frequently seduced, is still more strongly characterized in the same expressive language of holy writ, which tells us that “ their eyes went a whoring after their idols :”* and an ancient native of this country, a man of real piety, seems to acknowledge the danger of contemplating such beauties, and to disown his having yielded to the temptation, in the following words :* « If I beheld the sun when he shined, or the moon walking in her brightness, and my heart hath been secretly enticed, or my mouth have kissed my hand ; this were an mniquity,” &ec. However unconnected the natural history of a country and its mythology may seem, yet their relation might bear a more minute examination, without running into wild conjectures. Even Egypt had some objects of divine worship, so peculiarly the growth of that soil, that they could never bear trans- planting, notwithstanding the complaisance of antiquity for her absurdities. As superstition travelled northward, she changed her garb with her country, and the picturesque mixture of hill, vale, grove, and water, in Greece, gave birth to Oreades, Dryades, and Naiades, with all the varieties of that fanciful mythology, which only such a poet as Homer, in such a country as Greece, could have connected into that form and system, which poetry has ever since thought proper to adopt. We may add, as a further confirmation of our opinion, that this same my- thology, examined on the spot where Homer wrote, has several plausible and consistent circumstances, which are entirely local. Should health and leisure a Amos, v. 26. b Ezek. xx. 16. c Ezek. vi. 9. 4 Job, xxxi. 26. 68 ANCIENT STATE OF BALBEC. permit us to give the public that more classical part of our travels, through those countries which are most remarkable as the scenes of ancient fable, we may illustrate by some instances what is here only hinted at. Having now finished this second volume, I beg leave to separate myself a moment from my fellow-traveller, to acknowledge, as editor of this work, that I alone am accountable for the delay of its publication. When called from my country by other duties, my necessary absence re- tarded, in some measure, its progress. Mr. Dawkins, with the same generous spirit, which had so indefatigably surmounted the various obstacles of our voyage, continued carefully to protect the fruits of those labours which he had so cheerfully shared : he not only attended to the accuracy of the work, by having finished drawings made under his own eye by our draughtsman, from the sketches and measures he had taken on the spot, but had the engravings so far advanced as to be now ready for the public under our joint inspection. This declaration I owe in justice both to the public and my friend: for whatever, in the state of their accounts, the balance may be in his favour, I must not ungratefully conceal how much I am a debtor to both. ROBERT WOOD. G. EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES. PLATE 1 Plan of the city of Balbec, shewing only the situation of the ancient build- ings which remain. N. B. This plate may be used as an index to the contents of the work ; the principal objects of which are, the great temple with its courts, the most entire temple, and the circular temple. we found them, are intermixed with the representations of the same buildings, in their supposed entire state; that it may appear upon what authority some parts are restored. Views of those ruins, in the condition N. B. The measures we make use of are English feet and inches. Portico, which formed the grand front to the buildings A. B. C. D. Ii is described in plates 111. 1V. V. VI, VII. VIII. and XI. Hexagonal court, to which the portico A. leads, is described in plates III. IX. X. XI. and XX. Quadrangular court, to which the court B. leads, is described in plates III. and from XII. to XX. inclusive. Great temple, to which the approach was through the fore- going portico and courts, is described in plates III. XXI. and XXII. The most entire temple, which see described from plate XXIII. to plate XLI. inclusive. The circular temple. See plates XLI XLWL. XLIY. XLV. A Doric column, whose shaft consists of several pieces, standing single on the elevated south-west part of the city, where the walls inclose a little of the foot of An- tilibanus. We discovered nothing, either in size, propor- tions, or workmanship of this column, so remarkable as a little bason on the top of its capital, which communi- cates with a semicircular channel, cut longitudinally down the side of the shaft, and five or six inches deep. We were told that water had been formerly conveyed from the bason by this channel ; but how the bason was supplied we could not learn: as it greatly disfigures the shaft of the column, we suspect it to be a modern contrivance. The small part of the city, which is at present inhabited, is I. The city gates: near the circular temple, and to the south and south-west of it. We did not think the Turkish buildings worth a place in this plan; but the reader may see a view of them in the following plate. A great deal of the space within the walls is entirely neglected, while a small part is em- ployed in gardens a name which the Turks give to any spot near a town where there is a little shade and water. H. The city walls, which, like those of most of the ancient cities of Asia, appear to be the confused patch-work of different ages. The pieces of capitals, broken entablatures, and, in some places, reversed Greek inscriptions, which we ob- served in walking round them, convinced us that their last repairs were made after the decline of taste, with ma- terials negligently collected as they lay nearest to hand, and as hastily put together for immediate defence. they correspond in general with what we have said of the walls; but that which is on the north side presents the ruins of a large subassement, with pedestals and bases for four columns, in a taste of magnificence and antiquity much superior to that of the other gates. The ground immediately about the walls is rocky, and little advantage is taken of a command of water, which might be much more usefully employed than it is at present in Some confused heaps of rubbish, which appear to have belonged to ancient buildings, both within and without the walls, are too imperfect to deserve no- tice. : the gardens. PLATE AL, View of the city of Balbec from the south, shewing its antiquities and Turkish buildings. N. B. In this perspective view the same letters mark the same buildings, of which they marked the plan in the foregoing plate. T 70 A. Turkish towers built on the ruins of the portico. ly. . South-west wall of the hexagonal court. South wall of the quadrangular court. . Nine columns of the peristyle of the Great Temple on the south side, which still continue to support their entabla- ture, notwithstanding several unsuccessful attempts of the Turks to destroy them, in order to get at the iron em- ployed in strengthening the building. The most entire temple. The circular temple, now a Greek church. . The Doric column. See this letter in plate I. . The city walls. The west gate. See plate oom Nemo . A minaret or Turkish steeple. Instead of bells, which are not used in Turkey, a person is employed to call the people to prayers from the balcony near the top of this minaret, at the five stated times appointed in every twenty-four hours for divine worship. A quarry of free stone, near the city walls, from which pro- EXPLANATION bably the immense stones employed in the subassement of the Great Temple were taken ; while the more ornamented parts of those buildings were supplied from a quarry of coarse white marble, west of the city, and at a greater dis- tance. In the first quarry there are still remaining some vast stones, cut and shaped for use: that upon which this letter is marked, appears, by its shape and size, to have been intended for the same purpose with the three stones mentioned in plate III. letter X. It is not entirely detached from the quarry at the bottom. We measured it separately and allowing for a little disagreement in our measures, owing, we think, to its not being exactly shaped into a per- fectly regular body,» we found it seventy feet long, four- teen broad, and fourteen feet five inches deep. The stone according to these dimensions, contains 14,128 cubit feet, and should weigh, were it Portland stone, about 2,270,000 pounds avoirdupoize, or about 1135 tons. M. Part of Antilibanus. N. Part of M. Libanus. ) PLATE 111. Plan of the Great Temple, and of the portico and courts leading to it. N. B. The most entire parts are distinguished in this plan by crossed lines, the least entire by single lines, and the intermediate stages of decay are marked by a mixture of both. But the precise degree of ruin in which we found those buildings will be more distinctly seen by the views exhibited in plates IV. IX. XII. XXI. XXIV. A. Stair leading to the portico. B. Portico. C. Lateral chambers, separated from the portico by two pi- lasters. D. D. D. D. Broken walls which were perhaps continued (or intended to be continued) from the portico and quadrangu- lar court, till they met at right angles. mains to strengthen this conjecture, further than its being evident from the unfinished walls that something is want- ing; and that it is plain from the negligent manner in which the external walls of the courts are built (which see plate IL. letters B and C) that they were to have been covered by something. E. Great door of communication between the portico and the hexagonal court. F. Smaller side-doors. G. The hexagonal court. We think it not improbable that the particular buildings of this and the following court served as schools and lodgings for the priests of the Sun; whose habitations Strabo takes notice of his having seen at He- liopolis in Egypt. H. Passages between the portico and the hexagonal court. I. Exedre of the hexagonal court. The exedre of the ancients, whether in their palestree or private houses, were places where philosophers assembled to teach and converse There are no re- upon different parts of literature. Their form, according to Vitruvius and Alex. ab Alexandro, resembled much that of the buildings to which we give this name. K. Chambers. Perhaps the priests were lodged here. L. Niches. M. Passage from the hexagonal court to the quadrangular court. N. Lateral communications between the same. O. The quadrangular court. P. Its rectangular court. Q. Its rectangular exedre, tetrastyle. R. Its semicircular exedrae. See those of Dioclesian’s Baths. S. Its chambers; probably for the priests. T. Its great niches; perhaps for Colossal statues. V. Smaller niches; in the semicircular exedra, and between the pilasters of the quadrangular court. ‘W. The great temple of ten columns in front, and nineteen in flank ; of which nine only are standing with their entabla- ture. The bases of the others are almost all in their places, and some of them with part of the broken shaft; but there are no bases to be seen of a vestibule, nor any part of the cell left. This temple is of the peripteros and decastyle kind of the Greeks; but its intercolumniation is none of the five sorts which Vitruvius mentions: a necessary con- sequence of the great diameter of the columns, which would @ This may be the reason why that diligent and indefatigable traveller, Dr. Pocock, differs from us in his measures of this stone, which he makes sixty-eight feet long, seventeen feet eight inches wide, and thirteen feet ten inches deep. ~ 3 / 3 {3 2 ee ~ / \ b *Ey 3¢ = ‘HAwovmoher al oinovg €ldopey peydhovs év oig di€rpiboy oi iepeis” pahisa yap ] ~ Nay ~ By rade waromiay iepéov yeyovévau padi To marawly Gihegipwy dydpiy wal ds povopiniy.— Strabo, Lib. xvi1. p. 806. A. Modern towers, built upon the lateral chambers. OF THE PLATES. not admit even of the pycnostyle, the smallest distance which the Greek art of building had prescribed. X. Terras, or subassement, of the Great Temple; if we can ap- ply this last name to that which supported no part of the temple. We think it probable that it was never finished, as the expence and trouble of carrying away materials of this prodigious size could have answered no purpose. The reader may see, in plate XXIV. letter B, the manner in which the peristyle was finished before the subassement. By what we see of it at the west end, it appears that this sub- assement was to have consisted of three rows or strata of stones, like that of the entire temple; the lowest forming the mouldings of the socle with part of the die ; the second forming the greatest part of the die ; and the highest forming the remaining part, with the mouldings of the cimasa. The lowest stratum is seen in this plan. We have marked the length of the stones: their breadth, not including the pro- 71 jection of the mouldings of the socle, is ten feet five inches ; and their height thirteen feet. The second stratum, form. ing the greatest part of the die of this subassement, is seen at the west end. We could not get to measure the height and breadth of the stones that compose it, which however appeared to be the same as in the lower row ; but we found the length of three of them to make together above a hundred and ninety feet, and separately sixty-three feet eight inches, sixty-four feet, and sixty-three feet. We have conjectured (in our account of the ancient state of these buildings) that this temple was called =n» from these three great stones. To the west a solid foundation of rough stones, upon which the subassement is built, appears about twelve feet above the ground. The buildings in this plan are raised a considerable height from the ground by very solid arches; which see under letter E of the following plate. PLATE 1V. View of the portico in its present ruinous state. III. letter C. B. An Attic, which is carried on through the two courts, and seems to have been ornamented with statues. C. Entablature, which is the same on the outside and inside of the portico. See plate VIII. See plate distinctly, which had a youthful face with horns like a Se- rapis. We could also observe upon the same stone some Roman characters, but so indistinct that we found it im- possible to make out a word. The same obscurity and rubbish also prevented our taking an exact plan of those arches. D. Lateral chambers. See their sections, plates VI. and XI. F. Rough wall, which we suppose was covered by the stair, as E. Doors leading to the arches which support the portico and represented in the following plate. the two courts. The sections of those arches, in plates X: G. Pedestals of the columns of the portico. Upon two of them XI. XIII. and XIV. shew that they communicate with one marked with this letter are the inscriptions, which see another, and are carried on in the same direction with the page 63. These columns were standing in La Roques walls of the portico and courts, to which they give both time, 1688; if we may at all trust to his account, which solidity and elevation. The rustic manner in which contains so much ignorant admiration and so little intelli- they are built, of vast unchiselled stones, would make it gible description. seem as if nothing else was intended by them; and yet H. Turkish wall. some heads carved in alto relievo upon the key-stones, I. Great door leading to the hexagonal court. which project at regular distances, made us suspect they K. Smaller lateral doors, with niches over them, leading to the might also have answered some mysterious purposes of same. See plate VII. the ancient religion of this temple. They are in some L. Tabernacles for statues. The columns of all the tabernacles places almost filled up with rubbish, and very indifferently ‘of these ruins are taken away, as well as all the statues, lighted by the funnels, which see plate X. letter F; so that and every thing that was portable. we could only discover by torch-light one of those heads M. The south-west part of the city. PLATE V. Upright of the portico in its perfect state. No ornament seems wanting to complete this grand front to the whole building, as it is here restored, except the statues on the Attic and in the tabernacles. How far it may have been farther extended on both sides, be- yond the lateral chambers, can only be conjectured. See plate III. letter D. The doors marked E. in plate IV. are omitted here by a mistake, which was not discovered till the plate was engraved. 72 EXPLANATION Several artists have observed a similitude between some European build- ings and some parts of the ruins of Palmyra and Balbec ; from which they have, perhaps too hastily, concluded that the former were copied from the latter. The portico of the Louvre at Paris has been compared in this light with some parts of the ruins of Palmyra, as also with the portico described in this plate : but we cannot discover any foundation for inferences so injurious to the memory of the architect who built that noble structure, which is as Justly admired as it is unaccountably neglected. PLATE VI Longitudinal section of the same. See its transverse section, plate XI. ‘PLATE VIL Smaller door of communication, between the portico and hexagonal court. A. The Door. C. and D. Tabernacles of the portico. B. Niche over the door. PLATE VIII. Order of the portico. PLATE 1X." View of the hexagonal court, in its present ruinous state, as you approach it from the portico described in the foregoing plates. | A. Exedra of the hexagonal court on its south-west ~~ C. The most entire temple. side. D. Part of the great temple. B. Exedra of the same on its north-west side. Mount Libanus is seen, in this view, at a distance. Upright of the east, south-east, and north-east sides of the same court. A. B. The north-east side. F. Section of one of the arches on which the building B. C. The east-side. is supported ; with a funnel for the admittance of C. D. The south-east side. light and air. 'E. Section of the irregular chambers, which form the G. Section of another not lighted. northern and southern angles of the hexagon. See plate III. letter K. OF THE PLATES. | 73 PLATE Xl. Section of the stair, portico, and hexagonal court. A. The. stair. i | E. F. ‘South-west side of the same. B. C. The. portico. F. G. South side of the passage from the hexagonal to the quadrangular court. H. Arches supporting the whole building. C.D. Vestibule between the portico and the hexagonal court. See plate III. letter I. D. E. South-east side of the hexagonal court. PLATE XII. View of the quadrangular court, in its present state, as it is seen from the passage between it and the hexagonal court. A. The south side of the court. B. The north side of the same. Mount Libanus appears in this view as in plate IX. ~ C. The most entire temple. | D. The Great Temple. PLATE XIII. Upright of half the east side of the quadrangular court, to which the other half is perfectly similar. See plate III. A. Niches, with tabernacles above them, between the pilas- C. Great niche. See plate III. letter T. ters. See plates XVIII. XIX. and XLV. D. Exedre. B. Door of the lateral communication between the two courts. E. Door of one of the chambers. See plate III. letter G. See plate III. letter N.- F. Arch supporting the building. | PLATE XIV. Upright of the north side of the quadrangular court, similar to the south side. A. Niches and tabernacles. B. Door of one of the chambers. See plate III. letter S. C. Rectangular exedrz, tetrastyle. D. Semicircular exedrz. E. Rectangular exedrza, hexastyle. F. Door of one of the chambers. See plate III. letter S. 'G. Arch supporting the building. PLATE XV. Longitudinal section of one of the rectangular exedree of the quadrangular court. A. B. Tabernacles of the axed. court. See plate XX. C. Entablature, which is the same in the exedrz and in the D. Arched soffit. 74 EXPLANATION PLATE XVI. - Transverse section and plan of the same. A. Plan of the columns in the front of the exedra: some re. B. Plan of the tabernacles of the exedra in front. maining fragments shew they were of one piece of granite. ~C. Plan of the lateral tabernacles of the same. PI.ATE XVII. Plan and upright of the semicircular exedrze. A. Niche. See plate XVIII. C. Entablature. See plate XX. B. Tabernacle above it. See plate XIX. D. Arched soffit. PLATE XVIII. Upright of the niche in the semicircular exedree, and between the pilasters in the quadrangular court, with part of the tabernacle above it. A. Back of the niche. See its depth, plate XLV. height of the Composite capitals of the pilasters. B. Its pilaster, of the Composite order, ornamented with oak E. Shell forming the top of the niche. leaves. F. Pedestal for a statue. C. Great pilaster of the court. Seeits entire order, plate XX. G. Columns of the tabernacle above the niche. D. Frieze within the niche, having its breadth equal to the H. Recess cut in the wall, to give the tabernacle a proper depth. PLATE XIX. Plan and upright of the tabernacle, above the niche described in the last plate. A. Plan of the tabernacle. E. Plan of the pilaster of the courts. Plate XX. shews B. C. Its depth in the wall. its order. D. Plan of its Composite columns. PLATE XX. Order of the two courts. The shafts of those columns were of one piece of granite ; the bases and capitals were of the same materials with the rest of the building. PLATE XXI, Views of both temples, in their present state, from the west. C. The Turkish towers, built upon the ruins of the great A. Nine columns of the Great Temple. portico. B. The most entire temple. OF THE PLATES. 5 D. The great niches of the quadrangular court. E. Great door leading to the portico. F. A door leading to those arches already described, which support the building. PLATE XXII. Order of the Great Temple. The shafts of these columns consist of three pieces, joined most exactly without cement, (which is used in no part of these buildings) and strengthened by iron pins received into a socket worked in each stone. Most of the bases had two such sockets, one circular and another square, corresponding to two others of the same shape and dimensions in the under part of the shaft. By measuring some of the largest of those which were circular, we found the iron pin which they received must have been a foot long, and above a foot diameter. When we observed, by finding such sockets in all the fallen fragments of this temple, that each stone had probably been strengthened in this manner, we were less surprised at the quantities of iron said to be carried away by the Bashas of Damascus, at different times, from these ruins, on which they had left most evident marks of their violent, though unsuccess- ful, attempts to get at the iron of the columns which are standing. How much this method contributes to the strength of the building is remarkably seen in the most entire temple, plate XXIV. where a column has fallen against the wall of the cell, with such violence as to beat in the stone it fell against, and break part of the shaft, while the joinings of the same shaft have not been in the least opened by the shock. PLATE XXIII. Plan of the most entire temple. This temple is irregularly placed with regard to the former, and is also built upon a much lower horizontal plan, see plate XXIV. and yet on the south side it appears that its subassement 1s raised considerably from the ground by a very solid foundation, in the same manner as that of the Great Temple. N. B. The crossed lines mark what is standing, the single lines what is ruinous, and the outline what is entirely destroyed. A. Stair, now destroyed, which was standing in La Roque’s time. The number of steps is determined by the height of the subassement. B. Peristyle, of eight columns in front, and fifteen in flank. C. Vestibule; in which the columns are of a less diameter than those of the peristyle. D. Door of the temple. On each side of it is a stair, by which we got up to the top of the cell, and could walk round it. E. The body of the cell ; in which we have thought proper to of the cell. See plate XXXVI. where it appears how much the pavement of this part is raised above that of the cell, from which there was a stair to it: and on each side of this stair was another to descend from the cell to two vaults, which are under the raised pavement of this west end. We examined those vaults by torch-light, and found them pretty much choked up with rubbish; but, as far as we could see, unornamented. The middle of this raised part had a separate arched soffit be- omit two walls parallel to the north and south walls of the cell, as evidently of a more modern construction than the rest of the temple. See the remains of those walls in the view of the inside of this temple, in its present state, plate XXXYV. letter F. F. The west end of the temple, which is divided from the body longing to it, under which the golden statue of the God described by Macrobius? was probably placed. This sort of throne we shall call the Thalamus, as it answers exactly to that sacred part of the temple of the Syrian Goddess at Hiero- * See page 60 preceding. 76 EXPLANATION polis, to which Lucian gives this name in the following pote. ob wéy Toi mdyres ipbes dANG Tob dis dyxieior Té elas wal Toio whoa t passage : "Evdodey 8¢ § wls, dun durhdos és, AANG & abTd Sdhamos dMNg we- 75 ip wéheran Sepamely. &v d¢ Tide elarau 74 Dea, § Te Hp nad Tiy atro Ma mobyras. &vedes wad & Tobey Shlyn. Sipnas B¢ dux fowyTas, ANN és avliey dmag dva- ila évépw obvipals xhyibovars. dupw de yploen T€ eas, wal ape €ovra. ménlaras. &g ply dy Tov péyay wpdv whvres eiaépyovras, & de Tov Ndhapoy of lpéeg PLATE XXl1V. View of both temples, in their present state, from the south. A. The most entire temple. like that on the west and north; which see plate III. B. Nine columns of the peristyle of the Great Temple. Here letter X. OIL we may observe that the rough foundation, which supports C. Turkish additions, to convert the temple into a fortification. those columns, was to have been hid by a subassement D. Houses now inhabited. PLATE XXV. Upright of the front of the entire temple, in its perfect state. In this and the following plate we see the different dimensions of the orders of the peri- style and vestibule ; the capital of the latter being on a level with the frieze and architrave of the former; which is more distinctly observed in plates XXVIII. and XXXVI. The authority for the frieze in the pediment may be seen in plate XXI. letter B. PLATE XXVI. Upright of the flank of the same. PLATE XXVIL Order of the peristyle of the same. The shafts of these columns are most of them of three pieces, though a few consist of two pieces only. We have observed, in our account of the ancient state of these buildings, that there is a likeness between this entablature and that of the Great Temple which could not be accidental ; and we think every body will conclude, from an evident repetition of the same singularities, that the one is almost an exact copy of the other. PLATE XXVIII Transverse section of the vestibule. N. B. The shaded part only is standing. OF THE A. Profile of the entablature of the foregoing plate: it is com- posed of two pieces, one forming the cornice, and the other the frieze and architrave, as is here represented. B. Transverse section of the lacunari; shewing their curve, and the manner in which they are supported, on one side, by the external cornice of the cell, and, on the other, by the internal architrave of the peristyle. C. Profile of the external entablature of the cell. PLATES. $i D. Profile of the entablature of the vestibule. E. Part of the arched soffit of the vestibule which remains. F. Projection which is carried quite round the cell, from one of the anta to the other, but is not continued in the vesti- bule: see plate XXX. G. Section of a subassement ; shewing its projection two feet beyond the bases of the columns it supports. PLATE XXIX. The lacunan. A. B. Projection of the cornice of the cell supporting the lacu- nari on one side, as we have seen in the last plate. a. b. Projection of the internal architrave of the peristyle, by which the lacunari are supported on the other side ; as the last plate also shews. A. B. b. a. Shews the dimensions of one of the pieces of marble, of which the lacunari are composed ; half of which piece contains all the variety of ornaments which are repeated in this soffit round the temple, and which consists of an alter- nate succession of one hexagon and four rhombs, inclosing figures and heads in alto relievo, with the intermediate triangular spaces ornamented in the manner here shewn. The rhomboid pannels contain heads of Gods, Heroes, and Emperors: the hexagons also contain heads of the same subjects, and sometimes entire figures relative to ancient mythology; as Leda, Ganymede, &c. The great height at which these figures are placed, in a narrow portico, added to the blackness and dust contracted by some hun- dred years neglect, made it impossible for us to distinguish the subjects of the sculpture sufficiently to make drawings of them all. C. Plan of the shafts of the columns of the peristyle, in their superior contracted diameter. D. Soffit of the architrave. PILATE XXX, Order of the ante. The ornament, which is here marked five feet and five inches above the base, is carried quite round the cell, as we have observed of the projection above it, marked F. plate XXVIII : this entablature also, as well as the mould- ings of the base, is continued round the cell. PLATE XXX1 Order of the vestibule. The shafts of these columns are some of two and some of three pieces: the flutings have been begun, but are left unfinished. PLATE XXXII. Upright of the door of this temple. The side-architraves of this door are of one piece of marble each ; and the superior architrave is of three pieces. PLATE XXXIII. Scroll and architrave of the same. A. The scroll in front. B. Profile of the same, shewing its double volute. C. Mouldings and plan of the architrave. The flank of the side architrave was to have been adorned with sculpture, as well as its front; which appears by a small part that was begun. The workmanship of this door is finished with great delicacy : the attitudes of the Cupids in the great face are all different ; nor are the fruits and flowers of the second face the same all round: a variety which this spe- cimen could not express, and which we did not think worth a more particular detail. X 8 EXPLANATION PLATE XXXIV. Cornice, frieze, and soffit of the same. A. The cornice. D. The scroll. B. The frieze terminated by the scroll, as well as part of the E. Soffit of the door. The caduceus, which the eagle holds in cornice. his claws, is shut at the top, and has no snakes’ heads. ‘C. C. The superior and side architrave shewn in the last plate, letter C. DIATE XXXV. View of the inside of the temple from the door, in its present state. A. Wall of the elevated west end of the cell. The four un- D.E. Pilasters and half-columns, which supported that entab- finished pilasters seen here are cut out of the same stones lature. which form the wall of the cell, and consequently were part TF. Foundations of two walls now destroyed, which, in La of the original plan of the temple; but for what use they Roque’s time, supported columns, dividing the cell into were intended we are at a loss to guess. three naves : an addition which was certainly made when B. North and south walls of the cell. the temple was converted into a Christian church. C. Part of the entablature of the thalamus, which still remains: G. Door leading to one of the vaults deseribed in plate XXIII. letter F. See plate XL. letter K. PLATE XXXVI Longitudinal section of the temple. N. B. The roof, which is destroyed, is marked only by an outline. A. Wing of the stair. K. Tabernacles for statues. B. Columns of the peristyle. L. Arched soffit of the temple. C. The lacunari. M. Ascent from the cell to the thalamus. The stair which was D. Columns of the vestibule. here is destroyed. : E. Arched soffit of the same. N. Descent from the cell to the vaults under the west end. F. Side-architrave of the door of the temple. The stairs which were here are also destroyed. G. Fluted half-columns of the internal order of the cell. The O. Pilasters and half-columns dividing the body of the cell from manner in which the upper parts of their shafts are flanked the elevated west end. by half-pilasters, rising from the bottom of the tabernacles, P. Four plain niches to the north and south of the thalamus. is seen in plate XXXIX. Q. Vault under the thalamus. H. Their subassement or stylobat. R. Arched soffit of the thalamus. I. Niches for statues. S. West wall of the cell of the temple. PLATE XXXVIL Internal order of the cell. The shafts of these columns are of several pieces; being composed of the same stones which form the wall of the cell. Their projection from the wall 1s something more than half a diameter; which occasions thirteen flutings to be seen, out of twenty-four which the whole circumference would consist of. PLATE XXXVIIIL Upright of the niches for statues, with part of the tabernacles. OF THE A. Depth of the niche taken from the wall of the cell. B. Pilaster of the niche. The ornaments of the impost and arch are the same. See the soffit of the arch in plate XLVI. C. Fluted half columns of the internal order of the cell. plate XXXVII. D. Cornice above the niche. E. Pedestal upon that cornice, supporting the tabernacles. The projection in the middle was for a statue. See PLATES. 79 F. Recess in the wall, to give sufficient depth to the tabernacle. See plate XLVI. G. Lower part of a half-pilaster, forming the sides of that recess, whose capital terminates with the capital of the fluted column ; as may be seen in plate XLVI. Fig. I. letters G and H. H. Point shewing the direction of the axis of the column of the tabernacles above. PLATE XXXIX. Upright of the tabernacles above the niches of the last plate, with their plan. A. Plan of the projecting part of the pedestal, which supported a statue. B. Part of the plan of the half-column. C. Plan of the column of the tabernacle. D. Plan of the half-pilaster, which is on each side of the recess formed in the wall, to give the tabernacle a proper depth. E. F. The depth of that recess. PLATE XI. Transverse section of the temple. N. B. The shaded part shews what is standing. . Section of the subassement. Columns of the peristyle. The lacunari. . Section of the north and south wall of the cell. Section of the subassement, or stylobat, of the internal order of the cell. Section of the cornice supporting the tabernacles. . Section of the pediment of the tabernacles. . Open tabernacles for statues, between the cell and the ele- vated west end. ME ORP oa ™ I. Open arches or niches, also for statues. K. Doors to descend from the cell to the vaults. L. Half-columns of the internal order of the cell (see plate XXXVIIL) joined here with pilasters, separating the cell from the more elevated west end. M. West wall of the cell with the unfinished pilasters. plate XXXV. letter A. N. Arched soffit of the temple. O. Arched soffit of the thalamus. See PLATE XLI. Perspective view of the temple last described, in its present state. PLATE XIL.1I. Plan of the circular temple. The order of this temple without 1s and Ionic. Corinthian, and within both Corinthian The shafts of the columns, as well without as within, are of one piece : the lower or Ionic story is at present converted into a Greek church, and separated from the higher or Corinthian story for that purpose. A. The stair; on the ruins of which now stands a Turkish C. Plan of the external columns and their stylobat. house. See plate XLIII. B. Cell of the temple. See its two orders, plate XLV. D. Plan of their architrave. PLATE XLIIIL Front view of the same, in its present state. 80 EXPLANATION, &c. A. Part of the arched soffit which remains. D. Tabernacle opposite to the door. B. External entablature. We saw nothing in this order which E. Modern addition, by which the door has been walled up. -. deserved more particular notice. F. Turkish houses. C. The door. rn : ; “PLATE XLIV. Back view of the same, in its present state. A. Part of the arched soffit. E. Fascia, which is continued round the temple between the B. The entablature. pilasters. C. Ornaments of Cupids, holding festoons of fruits and flowers, F. Wall of the cell. between the capitals of the pilasters. G. Stylobat. D. Niche, in which remains the pedestal for a statue. H. Turkish houses. PLATE XLV. Transverse section of the same. A. Part of the arched soffit. F. Section of the wall of the cell. B. External and internal entablature. G. Section or profile of the fascia, marked E in the Jast C. Superior order, Corinthian. plate. D. Inferior order, Ionic. ; H. External stylobat. E. Stylobat of the Ionic order. PLATE XLVI. Fit i. Lr Sui of the niches and tabernacles of ‘the plates XXXVIII. and XXXIX. A. Half column of the internal order. E. Projection of the cornice above the niche on which the B. Depth of the niche. + columns of the tabernacles are supported. C. Recess in the wall of the cell forming the niche. F. Section of the entablature and pediment of the tabernacle. D. The arched soffit of the niche. G. Capital of the pilaster. H. Copal of the half column. Fi ig. II. Section of the niches and tabernacles of plates XVIII. and XIX. A. Pilasters of the court. E. Section of the pedestal of the tabernacle. B. Pilaster of the niche, of the Composite order. F. Depth of the tabernacle. C. Depth of the niche. G. Section of the entablature and pediment of the taber- D. Section of the superior part of the niche. * nacle. Fig. III. Two orders of columns, which are seen in the angles of all the rectangular exedrae of both courts. A. First order; which is upon a level with the niches of those B. fecond order; upon a level with the tabernacles of the exedre. same. C. Angular pediment. THE END. THOMAS WHITE, PRINTER, CRANE COURT. 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