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Ori- gin of “mother-rule” and “father-rule”—Totemism and Tribal organ- ization: Tlingit, Kaigani, Haida, and Tsimshian Totems—Origin of L- \ Totemism— Chiefs and petty chiefs, freemen, and Slaves—Division of ‘ labor—Inheritance and rights of property. IV. MUTILATIONS: Lip, ear, and nose ornaments; tattooing; painting the body. 7 ORNAMENTs: Necklaces, pendants, and bracelets. PRIMITIVE CLOTHING; ceremonial blankets and head-dresses; the art of weaving; modern dress; rain cloaks; armor; helmets and head-dresses; masks; batons; blank- ets; coats; leggings; slave-killers; ceremonial paraphernaliain general. FOOD: Its preparation and procurement. IMPLEMENTS AND WEAPONS: In- V dustrlal implements and tools; hammers and mauls; adzes; knives; scrapers; mortars and pestles; wedges; chisels; drills; paint-brushes; weapons of war and of the chase; clubs; daggers; bows and arrows spears; fur-seal spears; salmon spears; fishhooks; fish-rakes; fish-b kets; lines; floats; drag-nets; dip-nets; weirs; bird and other land traps 1- _ canoes; canoe outfits; canoe- making. HUNTING AND FISHING: Salmon " halibut; herring and eulachon; spawn; sea otter; seals; deer; mountqi , goats and sheep; bears. ' "’LANDWORKS: Fortifications. TEMPORARY DWELLING-S: Tents and sum ' houses. HOUSES: Details of house construction. ,VILLAGEs: Names . villages; groups of villages; residence. » 1W 131‘s AND INDUSTRIES: Raw materials; ropes and cords; mats; books! dishes; spoons; household boxes and chests; cradles; household 11 - Sils; paints , metal working; lumber and wood-work. PAINTINGS,» 'INGS, AND CAerNGs: Totemi‘c and commemorative columns. M Singing; drums, rattles and whistles. ' PBoWOTmNB. Rearing and cultivation. LOCOMOTION: Canoe WEALTH: Currency; property' in land; coppers; slaves. TR A minds- immerality. ‘ i: ; V \itehci'aft trial; superstition, sickness and doath, 228 SYNOPSIS or CON'I‘ENTS. XII. MORTUARY CUSTOMS: Ancient sepulture; depositories of ashes; mortuary columns; customs of the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian; modern cus- toms; Christian burial; Shaman burial. XIII. FEASTs. DANCES. CEREMONIES. POTLACHES. THEATRICALS. INITIATORY CEREMONIES: Marriage; childbirth; naming; piercing the ears and nose; tattooing; puberty; bringing out ; self—naming; chieftainey; glo- rification of the dead. FESTIVE CEREMONIES: Welcome; trade; house- building; potlaches; ceremonial dances; “cultus” dances; theatricals. XIV. GENERAL CHARACTER or THE TRADITIONS. MYTHS AND FOLK-LORE—Bm- LIOGRAPHY XV. GENERAL NOTES: Relations and affinities of the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl—the Haida—Remarks on the Maori of New Ze aland—thc Kaigani—Ethnological work to be done.” * To complete, in a measure, the study of the ethnology of this region, there should be added several other chapters. The data at hand does not, however, Just yet warrant this undertaking. Chapter XIV, and others of the above, are very incom- plete. In itself Chapter XIV would take several volumes to cover the ground satis- factorily. A synopsis of the chapters needed is appended to indicate their scope. XVI. CREED AND CULT: Superstitions; religious beliefs and practices; religions organization: regulative, Shamanism; operative, fetiehism. Shaman- istic priestcraft; paraphernalia; religious rites of the Shaman. Secret and religious organizations in the tribe; the relations of the ceremonies to the religious beliefs. XVII. LANGUAGE OF THE VARIOUS INDIAN STOCKS: grammatical structure; vocab- ularies; dialects; linguistic affinities of the different stocks. XVIII. Ethnical affinities and relationships of the various Indian stocks of the North West Coast as far as indicated by all the foregoing. The collection made by Lieut. George F. Emmons:a U. S. Navy, 111 south- eastern Alaska, now in the possession of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City, has been drawn upon for twenty or more illustra- tions. His collection admirably supplements that 1n the National Museum, and it 18 to be legretted that the two collections have not been bloutrht to- gether. w» fl“. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 'Dixou (George). A Voyage Round the World. London, 1789. Portlock (Nathaniel). A Voyage Round the World. London, 1789. Vancouver (George). A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and round the World. 3 vols. London, 1798. Mackenzie (Alex.). Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America in 1789—’93. London, 1801. ‘ Langsdorff (G. H. von). Voyages and Travels (1803—’07). 2 vols. London, 1813—’l4.\ Lisiansky (Urey). A Voyage Round the World in the Years 1803-’06. London, 1814. ,Dunn (John). History of the Oregon Territory. London, 1844. Simpson (Sir George). Narrative of a Journey Round the VVorld,.1841 and 1842;, London, 1847. Poole (Francis). Queen Charlotte Islands. London, 1872. Ball (W. H.). Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870. . \Baucroft (H. H.). Native Races, vol. I, Wild Tribes. San Francisco, 1883. Petrofi' (Ivan). Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska. Washington, 1884. . Dawson (G. M.). Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. B. In Geological Survey of Canada. Montreal, 1880. ‘ Powell (J. W.). Annual Reports of Bureau of Ethnology. Washington. Swan (J. G.). Publications, Manuscripts, Notes, Letters, and Collections in National Museum. Port Townsend, Washington Territory. Boas (Dr. Frauz.). Publications, Notes, Letters, etc. Worcester, Mass. Frazer (J. G.). Totemism. Edinburgh, 1887. Other brief references are made in foot notes in the text. The above are the prin- cipal authorities quoted. 2‘29 EXPLANATION OF PLATE I. GENERAL VIEW OF KASA-AN VILLAGE, PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND, ALASKA. From a photograph by the author. This general View is shown in detail in Plates II and III. The village is on the north shore of Skowl Arm. a branch of Kasa-an Bay, about four miles from the entrance. The present chief is Satrab-tan, a nephew of the former well—known Chief Skowl. The population is about 150 souls. It is not in the regular steamer track and is seldom visited. but it is especially rich in ethnological material. The inhabitants are Kaigani of the Haidan stock, and speak the Haidan language with little modification. Their customs are similar to the Haidan, but have been much modified by the influence of the Tlingit. :7“! AL ‘lIIEIHI'I‘I‘IMWI ‘ .I ‘ . ' IL I, ‘ ‘ IIUII.“ .IL-Il-Il A?“ I "ml I"; {“3 E . WW '. II [I l1 I“. IIIIIII'MHHHLL lflml IIILIIIIIIIIIII “mull IIIIIIW W5" :fifiL n .WHZIH. ; 51"” V_ ~ -—: . ¥::"" ~‘1‘ GENERAL VIEW OF KASA-AN VILLAGE, PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND, ALASKA. 'noquIN—gggl 'Lunesnw ieuoueN Io uodaa 'l BLV'Id THE COAST INDIANS 0F SOU'I‘HERN ALASKA AND NORTHERN BRlTlSH (Ttll.l'.\llllA. By Ensign ALBERT P. NIBLACK, F. S. Navy. I. CHOROGRAPHY OF SOUTHERN ALASKA AND NORTHERN BRITISH COL (IIIBIA. ' From Puget Sound in V’Vashingtbn Territory to Mount St. Elias‘in southern Alaska, the coast line is broken into a continuous archipelago. The Cascade Mountains, running throughout this territory parallel to the coast line, leaves, adjacent to the Pacific, a strip of country about 150 miles broad and 1,000 miles long, called generally “The North West Coast.” Through the narrow channels of this archipelago winds the steamer route to Sitka, a route unparalleled for its length and the wild magnificence of its scenery. Warmed by Asiatic currents and moistened by a phenomenal rain fall, this region is less rigorous in its climate than generally supposed. Thickly wooded with pine, fir, spruce, and hemlock, the vegetation spreads from the water’s edge to the snow line limit of the loftiest mountains. The forests are stocked with game and the waters with food fishes. The soil, though not deep, is fertile, and i , Vwould itself support the native population without the other gifts with , , which nature has so lavishly endowed them. In every crevice in the I rocks, where the soil is scantiest, a stunted tree rears its head. In the spring the forests are gay with ferns, shrubs. and brightly colored wild flowers, and in the summer a large variety of edible roots and berries are found in profusion. Dotted throughout this region are the winter villages of the Coast Indians, whose ethnic variations are somewhat marked as we go north, but who difl'er as a group quite materially from the hunting Indians of the interior, and more sharply from the Eskimo. In contrast with the fierce, revenget’ul Tinné, they are generally mild in. disposition. In physical characteristics they are shorter, the cheek bones are less pr'om-j , inent, the nose is straighter, and the face rounder and fuller. From ‘ 231 V 232 ' REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. the Columbia River to Mount St. Elias these Coast Indians have marked ethnic afliliations, but the linguistic variations are great, and in the southern region are now the subject of systematic governmental investi- gation. Comparative philology and mythology, a study of the primitive cus- toms and habits of the geographical and linguistic groups, and com- parisons of the ethnological material and collections from this region, can alone throw light upon the history and ethnic affinities of the various Indian stocks. ETHNOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. In British Columbia, the philological and mythological part of the work has been commenced by Dr. W. F. Tolmie and Prof. George M. Dawson, in connection with the geological and natural history survey of Canada, and is now the subject of special investigation by a commit- tee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. under a grant for the purpose. Dr. Franz Boas is conducting the work for the committee in the field, and the result is being from time to time pub- lished. For Washington Territory and Alaska, this investigation is in the hands of the Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution. SCOPE OF THIS PAPER. The facts here published were gathered by the writer in the summer seasons (May to October inclusive) of 1885, 1886, and 1887, while on duty in the survey of Alaska now being carried on by the officers of the Navy, under the direction of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey. The material presented has little bearing on the philology and mythology of the region embraced in the survey. Such work must come later, be undertaken more systematically, and carried on in the winter months, when the Indians are located in their permanent villages. The writer is indebted to Judge J. G. Swan, of Port Townsend, Washington Ter- ritory, for valuable notes on the Haida of Queen Charlotte Islands. His collections from the North West Coast, under the direction of the Smith- sonian Institution, form the bulk of the ethnological material in the National Museum from the region about Dixon entrance, and have been freely used 1n the accompanying illust1ations. CLASSIFICATION. A provisional classification of the Indians of the North West Coast, from Puget Sound to Cape St. Elias, based on philological considera- tions, would, according to Dr. Franz Boas, divide them into three groups, as follows : Group I. Salish, Kwakiutl, and Wakashan (N utkan). Group II. Tsimshian. Group III. Tlingit and Haida. TUE INDIANS or THE‘ NORTHWEST COAST. 233 “ It seems'that the languages enumerated above represent as many different linguistic stocks, so far as on 1‘ limited knowledge extends.” A classification based on other than philological and geographical groupings is out of the question at present. 'A comparative study of the customs, habits, mythology, and beliefs of all the tribes of this re- gion can alone form the basis of an ethnological classification. Charts I and II show the location of the different Indian stocks on the North West Coast. This paper deals principally with the tribes around Dixon entrance, and in our own Territory of Alaska, of which Chart I shows the geographical grouping into stocks.‘ The Kaigani, on the southern part of Prince of Wales Island, are a branch of the Haidan stock. On Annette Island, at Port Chester, will be seen the location of the Tsimshian emigrants. This is a colony that, in 1887, under the leadership of the missionary, Mr. Duncan, abandoned Metlah-Katlah- British Columbia, owing to difliculties with the civil and eclesiastical authorities. The Indians seem very largely to have sympathised with the Rev. Mr. Duncan, as they voluntarily followed him to our own Ter- ritory, where the settlement is called New Metlah-Katlah. In Chart 11 no attempt is made to enumerate the tribes comprising the difi'erent stocks. It is interesting, however, to observe that the Bilqula are Salishan.i HISTORY. European civilization has borne with crushing force upon the Indians of the Northwest coast. Demoralized and staggered by contact with the Whites, the remnant of the former population isjust beginning to rally from the blow. Nothing places the Northern tribes higher in the scale of intelligence than the philosophy with which they are adapting themselves to their changed environment, retaining their advantageous native customs and accepting from us only what contributes to their comfort and welfare. The greatest curse to them has been alcohol, and against this temptation they seem absolutely unable to struggle. The early European voyagers to this region have preserved in their narratives rough accounts of the habits, customs, and actual condition of the natives. Our earliest acquaintance dates from the visit of Ber- ing in 1741, coming from the north. In 1774-775 the Spanish navigators, Juan Perez and La Bodega y Quadra, coming from the south, explored the coast to the northward. In 1778 Captain Cook, having with him Vancouver as a midshipman, made his celebrated visit to this region. After that several mercantile companies sent ships thither to trade, ’Science, vol. x11., No. 299, p. 194. l“Among the linguistic results of my journey the most interesting are the dis. covery of three unknown dialects of the Salish stock and the establishment of the fact that the Bilqula, who are of Salish lineage, must have lived at one time with other Salish tribes near the sea. ” —Ao tes on Ethnology of British Columbia (Am. Philolng. 800., Nov. 18, 1887, p. 42 '3), by Di. Franz Bo: is. \ 234 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. notably Captain Mcares (1786), of the East India Company, and Cap- tains Portlock and Dixon (1787), of the King George’s Sound Com- pany. In 1788 several American ships, representing a Boston com- pany, also appeared on the coast. In 1789 in the Washington, Captain Gray explored the east coast of Queen Charlotte Islands, and, in 1791, Captain Ingraham anchored in a harbor in the southeast part of this ' same archipelago. In the same year, Marchand, representing a French company, also traded with these islanders. In 17 92 ’94 Captain Vancom e1 made his admirable reconnaissance of the coast in sea1ch 017a northwest passage to the Pacific from the Atlantic. In 1793 Mackenzie descended the Salmon River and reached salt watei in latitude 520 21’ N, in the country of the Bilqnla. With the formal occupation, by Baranotf, ot a fortified post at Sitka in 1800, the natives of the Northwest coast may be said to have entered ‘upon a new phase in their civilization, due to contact with the whites. A few years later this post was destroyed and the occupants massa- cred by the Tlingit ; but, in 1805, Baranoff and Lisiansky re-established it onthe site now occupied by the town of Sitka, called by them New Archangel. From this time to the purchase of Alaska by the United States 1n 1867, the history of this region is la1gely the history of the Russian- American and the Hudson Bay Company, the latter of which still continues to be such a powerful commercial factor in British America. II. ENVIRONMENT—ORGANIC AND INORGANIC; A. 'D CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INDIANS—PHYSICAL, EMOTIONAL, INTELLECTUAL, MORAL, Ally) :ESTHETIC. " ENVIRONMENT. The physical character of the region occupied by the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian is similar in general to that of southern British Colum- bia, but for local reasons this area has a peculiar climate. A branch of the warm Japanese current sweeps along the coast, and, coming in con- tact w1th the colder air and water of the north, gives rise to excessive humidity, producing in summer the rains and fogs, and in winter the snows and sleets, that are so prevalent in this region. Thermometrical observations, extending over a period of fifty years in the region about Sitka, give the lowest winter temperature as 40 Fah. below zero, the mean winter temperature being about 330 Fah., the same as in Washington, District of Columbia. In the summer, on the contrary, the rainy and overcast days so predominate, that the temperature never rises above 900 Fah. The maximum recorded about Sitka is 870 Fah. With an annual rainfall of from 60 to 95 inches and an average. of be- tween one hundred and ninety and two hundred and eighty-five days in the year on which rain has been known to fall,* the climate may be said to have its drawbacks. The shortest winter days are from four to five hours long, while the summer nights are correspondingly brief. In the long summer days, when the weather is fine, the atmosphere is w‘on- derfully clear, and the scenery fairly sparkles with an excessive brilliancy due to exceptional hygrometric conditions. ' The territory is very broken and subdivided. It is densely wooded with spruce, hemlock, white pine, fir, birch, alder, and underbrush, the vegetation crowding down to the high-water line. It is also very mount- ainous, and indented with bays and arms of the sea. The waters are deep and the tidal currents swift, the tides rising and falling twice a day through a range of from 12 to 21 feet, making navigation in places extremely hazardous. Travel is entirely by water, the villages being on the water courses, and the canoe here reaches its highest develop4 ment. Huge landslides in the face of the mountains, snow-capped. ‘ ranges with sparkling glaciers in the sides and valleys, floating glacier ice in the bays and straits, and the bright green vegetation everywhere, all these give a characteristic beauty to the scenery of this region. * Dall, Alaska, p. 451. 235 236 REPOR’I‘OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. The principal fur-bearing animals are the brown and black bear, wolf, the cross, red, and silver fox 5 beaver, mink, marten, and land otter, while in the mountains of the mainland are wild goats and sheep. Cod, her~ ring, trout, and eulachon abound in certain localities, but the staple supply is furnished by the halibut and salmon. To complete the pict- ure there must be mentioned the innumerable flocks of wild ducks and geese in season, the lonely herons and cranes, the omnipresent gulls, eagles, hawks, crows, and ravens, the skimming surf‘birds, and, in the woods, not generally seen from canoes, grouse and a variety of smaller members of the feathered tribe. In Dixon Entrance, llarence, Sumner, and Chatham Straits, and par- ticularly in Frederick Sound and Stephen’s Passage, Alaska, is the breeding ground for whales, which may be seen spouting in schools of six or seven. \Vherever the whale is, there also is found the Whale- killer (Orca ater). These run also singly or in schools, and are the mer- ciless enemy of the whale. The dorsal fin, projecting so prominently above the surface of the water, gives them a characteristic readily seized upon by the native artist, who never omits this appendage from his conventional drawing or carving of this animal. ' ’ The presence of the bear, eagle, raven, wolf, orca, whale, and other representatives of the animal kingdom in this region, and the know. ledge of their peculiarities by the Indians, explain the prominent part they play in the mythology of the coast, as stated in Chapter VII. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS. The Indians about Dixon Entranceare unquestionably superior in physique to the coast Indians to the southward. As among themselves the physical superiority rests with the Haida. This may be due to real ethnical difl'erences, but is probabl * accounted for in the fact that natural conditions in the Queen Charlotte Islands and around such an exposed arm of the sea as Dixon Entrance have produced a finer and more robust people than those in less exposed regions. While there is considerable uniformity in the general physical characters of all the stocks on the northwest coast, a practised eye can detect the differences between them. Langsdorfi' (1805) says of the Tlingit: They do not appear to have the least affinity with the Mongol tribes; they have in general large, fiery eyes; a small, flat, broad nose; and large cheek-bones; indeed, in all respects, large and strongly marked features.* In general amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, the hair is thick, stiff, coarse, straight, and black. It is worn short by the men, excepting the shamans or doctors, and long by the women. Instances cited’r of auburn tresses and golden curls are ascribable to intermixt- ure with European and American traders. The eyebrows are small and the eyes generally black or brown, though gray eyes are to be seen. , *Langsdorfl', Voyages, Part 11, p. 112. tPoole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 315. EXPLANATION OF PLATE ll. VIEW OF THE EASTERN PART OF KASA-AN VILLAGE, PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND, ALASKA. From photographs by the author. I The lower portion of the plate joins on to the left of the upper, the column marked A being represented in emli. The two together give an enlarged View of the east— , - ern portion (right-hand half) of the village of Kasa-an, Plate 1. In the large house in the upper View, to the left of the canoe on the beach. is the body of Chief Skowl lying in state (1887), as pictured in Plate LXVII. The two carved columns in the lower right-hand corner (Fig. 1) are enlarged Views of two commemorative mortuary columns shown in the general View. The nature and object of these are explained in the text. L, in.“ (”f/041““ /{§\ //’/’” 7% "NLJZ, \‘ igf 29' Ill /' ‘13:“ 'l,I L ~74 ' u, ». I, t 4 . , n ‘ “I" . a z u 1 ' IIII'IIII; I , ‘tIP .II-sI ". «IV III; E! A a“ 'IIII VIEw OF THE EASTERN PART OF KASA-AN VILLAGE, PRINCE OF WALEs ISLAND, ALASKA. 'noeIQIN—‘easl ‘wnasnw IBUOIIEN I0 uodaa 'II 31V1d EXPLANATION OF PLATE Ill. VIEW OF THE WESTERN PART OF KASA-AN VILLAGE, PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND, ALASKA. From photographs by the author. The lower View is the extreme left of Plate I enlarged, and joins on to the left of the upper view. Both together represent the grave-yard of the village of Kasa-an. - a“ l .951“\\‘ ‘ H I ‘ ' l "H .> " ""rA-I .} ’E‘ivl E'm‘ «If ’5“ ed“ ‘ “‘"L‘A “L .' ht‘KyI} )7 ‘ i " $.32“. l V_ I i N IHHK ‘ ( Wm limm‘L "3' w «l!:’ I.» ‘ . I... .mqf‘.‘ . fl "“‘Ji \NC). I-‘- ' 4 é‘r l _ N 'M «w “3.1)“ 1- ,rlgjy ..“' :1 . ‘ “"“3.9~2?§.:‘.. \ "$111“ 4%. a 1:11;,» who“? // , a“ VI}, Hf". I... ':.1,\ “H _/ Hw-r ’1, ‘x'L fig” “$4.5; my?“ I» N .1 H . - k“ ... 9...” V III/1;» I... *6 .W‘ Dy [lax/1..” / ‘yllbu'l ‘A \\ :\(:l;y “”4? N‘\:\3’ E5;- 742:“? ‘ M‘“ ml’Wk/M‘w ‘ u I MW“: ,, ”“‘ I. l .... ‘ ‘«\ “ :“W MI‘N’I- . g. . ’ _\ I ' VI. ., m 5'8",” ViEW OF THE WESTERN PART OF KASA-AN VILLAGE. PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND, ALASKA. 'xaEquN—gggl 'uunesnw muoueN ;o uodea '||| ELLVWd THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 237 iThe habit of plucking'the hair from the face and body obtains among ‘ the younger men, but the older ones suffer it to grow and wear a scanty beard and mustache, never however attaining any considerable length. Amongst the latter, also, long years of service in canoes has impaired their powers of locomotion and misshapen their legs, rendering them decidedly awkward on shore. This, by comparison, gives the body a long and large appearance. The head appears unusually large, due both to a real disproportion and to the inass of bushy hair and the high cheek-bones of the men. Their noses are less flat and fleshy than those of the Indians to the south. The teeth are white and fine, but in old age are much discolored and worn. The wearing down of the teeth comes from eating dried salmon on which sand and grit have been blown during the process of drying. The hands and feet are small and well shaped, especially amongst the women. As they all go barefooted a greater part of the year, their feet are callous, excoriated, and wrinkled by exposure. The women are comely and fine looking in youth and in early bloom usually have rosy cheeks. In complexion both sexes are surprisingly light colored. This is in no way due to intermixture with whites. Dixon (1787) says that they were “very little darker than the Europeans in general.* Langsdorfi' makes the same statementi The Haida are markedly fairer skinned than the others. but still the dark tinge is quite apparent, and exposure always adds to it. The habit of frequent bathing in both winter and summer hardens their physique. As soon as a child is able to leave its cradle it is bathed in the ocean every day without regard to season, and this custom is kept up by both sexes through life. This, with scant wrappings, kills 011' the sickly children, and hardens the survivors;L The scanty clothing worn by the men, their reckless exposure in all kinds of weather, and their ignorance of hygienic laws of ventilation and sanitation in their dwell- ings, bring in their train a long series of ills. They are not particularly long~lived, although grey-haired people are not uncommon. ‘Rheumatism and pulmonary diseases are their worst ills. Small-pox has ravaged the coast terribly. First intro- duced amongst the Tlingit by the Spaniards in 1775,§ it worked its way down the coast, breaking out from time to time in later years, de- populating villages and proving a fatal scourge to the natives of this region. No one thing contributed more to dishearten and subjugate these Indians than the ravages made by this fell disease. Weak eyes and blindness are one to exposure and to the smoke of camp and household fires. Debauchery by bad alcohol, worse whisky, and the native “ hoochinoo” has added its quota to the physical misfor- tunes of the Indians, while venereal diseases are extremely destruc- tive. .—_~._..v ,te ,r__._____,___. .M_~ ” Dixon, Voyages, p. 235. ilaangsdori‘f, Voyages, l‘ar1 u, p, 112, :. Langsdorfl’, Voyages, l'art 11., pp. 112, 1123, and 135. §l’ortlocli, Voyage (l787),p. 271. 'm” was“ 238 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Their habits of life are quite regular, and, when undisturbed by war, they carry on a definite routine throughout the different seasons, col- lecting food, furs and raw materials at one season to serve them for the next. EMOTIONAL CHARACTERISTICS. They are self-possessed, dignified and reserved, although much less tac- iturn than the hunting Indians of the western plains and the interior. They have the usual Indian stoic-ism under suffering, and bear extremes of cold, heat, hunger, and exposure with fortitude. They are quite venturesome, going well out to sea in their canoes. The Kaigani go out to Forrester’s Island for birds’ eggs every spring, 20 miles off the ~ '5 coast. Dixon (1787) states that he sighted a Haida canoe 8 miles out at sea, and, though caught in a fog, it reached land in safety, as he afterwards met the same party close in shorefi“ They often make trips ' of hundreds of miles in their canoes along the coast and interior waters, although in early days this was not so feasible, owing to the warlike relations of the different tribes. They are fond of parade and display, and are scrupulous observers of ceremony and etiquette. Many of their deadly feuds originate from trifling causes based on breaches'of etiquette or custom. Dancing and singing ‘are a part of their cere- monies of welcome, trade, and war, and to the early voyagers to this region the Indians seemed entirely given over to these exercises. Their narratives express generally the impression that these natives were aggravatingly and immocwratel y fond of dancing, because they could not trade with them until they had finished singing and feasting. They are equally fond of long speeches and addresses—it all being intended to impress the observer with the rank, importance, and influence 'of the individual who provides the entertainment. They are also great stick- lers for justice and for custom. When smarting under the sense of a real injury or imaginary wrong they are cruelly and unreasonably revengeful, although ordinarily friendly. They impressed the~early voyagers as being somewhat hospitable and generous, although this was largely, as now, founded upon the expectation of an equivalent return? Their bravery is relative. If stronger than an opponent, their war- ‘ like demonstrations are quite pronounced, but in the presence of a supe- rior force they are inclined to be submissive and peaceful, although ready to take an underhand advantage. Ambush, surprise, and supe- 'rior numbers are the favorable conditions of coast Indian Warfare, and no mercy is shown to women and children, except perhaps to make slaves of them or to hold them for a ransom. While slavery was prac- ticed, before its abolition by our Government in 1867, slaves were treated with cruelty. ' V It is the universal testimony, as voiced by Portlock (1787), that“ they treat their wives and children with much affection and tenderness.”iL * Dixon, Voyage, p. 211. i Portlock, Voyages, p. 290, . THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 2397- ‘ In the approach to political and industrial equality of the sexes, ‘ and in the respect shown for “the opinions of their females, these Indians furnish another refutation of the old misconception concerning . the systematic marl-treatment of the women by savages. Such a thing is incompatible with the laws of nature. Good treatment of the female is essential to the preservation of the species, and it will be found that this ill-treatment is more apparent than real. By nature they are rather indolent, but their love of the power and the display incident to wealth has changed their disposition since 1775, so that they have become more enterprising. Originally the chiefs conducted the trade of the tribe, but in time the natural abilities of the other sex in driving bargains has resulted in the predominance of the influence of the women in such matters. They endeavor to impress others with their importance, wealth, and ' powers, but are guarded in their expressions of wonder, surprise. or enjoyment at what they see elsewhere. They have come now to rely upon European medicines in sickness. When through carelessness, --recklessness, and ignorance of the laws of health they come to grief, they incontinently dose themselves with all sorts of patent medicines , which they buy from the traders.- Missionaries have been comparatively successful amongst them, the , Greek and Presbyterian Churches having made considerable progress with them. The opportunities for long addresses, prayers, experience meetings, and singing in some of the Protestant forms of worship ap- ~ peal strongly to native predilections, the influence ofthe Greek Church being principally about Sitka. The missionaries, however, discourage their dancing, and have influenced them in many localities to cut- down the totemic columns and abandon cremation for inhumation-at-length as practiced by the whites. _ I INTELLECTUAL CHARACTERISTICS. One sees many strikingly intelligent and attractive faces amongst the older men and women, where experience has given decided char- acter to their expressions. The stolid, imperturbable moodiness attrib- uted to the Indians of the interior here gives place to a more alert ex- pression of countenance. They acquire knowledge readily, and the children at school make fair progress. They are quite ingenious, and especially handy with tools, picking up a trade with surprising readi- ness, and turning their hands to almost any sort of business. They are quite imitative and progressive, but have shown good sense and , conservatism in retaining many native implements and methods where better adapted to their needs. They have a keen appreciation of the value of money, work for wages, and have considerable business judg- , ment. It would seem that, with their ideas of acquiring wealth, we have little’ to teach them in habits of thrift. ()f necessity, they have a good knowledge of the topography and hydrography of their region, I 240 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. , and of the habits and best modes of capture of all sorts of marine ani- mals. On shore they are rather disappointing as hunters, as they are ' not at all cool headed. Their superstitions, beliefs, and practices of witchcraft, sorcery, slavery, and shamamism do not necessarily place them on a very degraded intellectual plane when we compare their practices and beliefs with those of other savage tribes. They possess a fair knowledge of human nature ; have good oratorical powers; are communicative when diplomatically approached ; have a keen sense and appreciation of the grotesque; and have a great sense of wit and humor, as they laugh immoderately at the antics of the dancers, the witty remarks of the clowns, and the grotesque carvings erected in ridicule of the whites or of their neighbors. Placing implicit confidence in the truth of their legends and the reliability of their carved columns, they have an immense respect for graphic characters. Anything writ- ten on paper or carved is per se credible, and they attach the, greatest value to a letter of recommendation written by a white man, irrespec~ tive of the sentiments expressed by the writer. MOR AL CHARACTERISTICS. Judged by our standard, these Indians of the north have fallen by the way side. Judged by their primitive ethical conceptions, as compared with those of the surrounding tribes when they first came in contact with the whites, they may be said to be distinguished by the great prog- ress they had themselves made in morals. When first visited by the early voyagers these Indians, like all others on the coast, were bold, ‘ arrant thieves. With them it was not dishonorable to steal, and, if caught, restitution settled the matter. On the other hand, they dis- criminated, and seldom or never stole from a guest, and never robbed one of their own totem. With them, to-day, an unwatched camp or an unlocked house is sacredly respected, and the most valuable property cached in the woods, as is the Indian custom, is as safe from other In- dians as if guarded night and day. Unfortunately, white men have set some very bad examples in this respect, and the Indians have been more often sinned against than sinning. They have great respect for the aged, whose advice in most matters has great weight. Some of the older women, even bond women in former times, attain great influence in the tribe as soothsayers, due as much to their venerable appearance as to any pretense they may make of working medicine charms. They are remarkably fond of and indul- gent to their children, rarely ehastising them. As between the sexes, the rights of the women are respected and the terms of equality on which the men and women live are very striking to most visitors of this region. Although marriage is essentially by purchase, and the question of morality and immorality of the wife solely one of sanction by [the husband, yet even this restriction is centuries in advance of their northern neighbors, the Aleuts and Koniagas, with whom promiscuity and the most bestial practices obtain. Early voyagers invariably mention the medest, reserved, and decorous bearing of the Tlingit,‘ Haida, and Tsimshianwomen. Unfortunately, in recent years, the pur- chase of women and the practice of sanctioned prostitution have, under the spur of artificial needs of finery and luxuries, had a most demoral- izing effect on them, and, with the rum question, are the serious problem which confronts the friend of the Indian. In their inveterate addiction to gambling and their craving for tobacco and alcohol they possess simply the vices incident to savagism. In their disregard for the lives and feelings of slaves, and in their practices of compounding murder and other crimes by the payment of indemnity to the relatives of the injured, we see simply the operations of custom, which with them has the force of law. Murder, seduction, wounds, accidental killing, loss of articles belonging to another, refusal to marry a widow according 'to law, casus bell/i in general, any wrong may be righted by payment of an indemnity in the currency of the region. Sir James Douglas, Governor of the Hudson Bay Company about 1840, says: If unmarried women prove frail, the partner of their guilt, if discovered, is bound to make reparation to the parents, soothing their wounded honor with handsome presents. A failure to do this would cause the friends of the otfending fair one to use force to back up their demands and to revenge the insult. It must not, however,’ be supposed they would be induced to act this part from any sense of reflected shame, ,or from a desire of discouraging vice by making a severe example of the vicious, or that the girl herself has any visitings of remorse, or that the parents think her a bit- the worse for the accident, or her character in any way blemished. Such are not their feelings, for the ofl'ender is simply regarded as a robber who has committed depredations on their merchandise, their only anxiety being to make the damages exacted as heavy as possible." Petroff illustrates as follows the curious custom of paying for in- juries: . ‘ \Vars are frequently avoided by an indemnity arrangement, and they go so far in this system of compensation that they demand pay..ient for losses from parties who have been in no way instrumental in causing them. For instance, an Indian at Sitka broke into the room of two miners in their absence, emptied a deinijohn of liquor, and died 1n consequence, and the relatives of the robber demanded and received pay- ment from the unfortunate Caucasians. If a man be attacked by a savage «log and kills him in self-defense, he must pay lor the dog to the 'l‘liugit owner. A small trading schooner, while running before a furious gale, rescued two Tlingit from a sinking canoe, which had been carried to sea. The canoe was nearly as long as the schooner and could r‘ot be carried or towed, seeing which, the natives themselves cut the worthless c1aft adrift. When the humane captain landed the rescued men at their village he was astonished by a peremptory demand for payment for the canoe, backed by threats of retaliation or vengeance. * To such an extent was this question of indemnity carried, that when the Russians at Sitka tried to interfere with the killing of slaves on ceremonial occasions, they were only suecesst’ulin preventing it by ran- *Quoted in Petrofi’s sReport, p. 177 *Petrofl Report, p.165. H. Mis. 142 .1, pt.0 .4 16 ’ x . .. I 242 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. soming the proposed victims. A narration of the exactions of the Indians for damages on a "count of the accidental deaths of relatives in ‘ the employ of whites would fill a chapter. JESTHETIC CHARACTERS. These Indians are exceedingly fond of singing and dancing; have considerable artistic taste in the use of colors; are advanced in the arts ‘of carving; and have fair abilities in drawing and designing—all of which will appear in subsequent chapters. Their carvings in slate show the height to which their art rises, and would seem to easily place them at the head of the savage tribes of the world, especially when talien in conjunction with their industrial development. They bathe frequently in the sea, but on the other hand continually daub their faces, bodies, and heads with grease and paint, although this latter fashion is now dying out and has almost disappeared, except as an occasional custom. They were formerly indifferent to the stench of de- cayed animal and vegetable matter about their houses and villages, but the influence of the whites has wonderfully improved them in this respect. They are still, however, indifferent to all sanitary laws of ventilation, and their fondness for putrid salmon noses and herring roe is very trying, while the smell of rancid grease destroys the aes- thetic value of many otherwiseinteresting curios from the region. A\ visit to an Indian house is to the uninitiated still somewhat of an ordeal, although nothing to what it formerly was. Through living in such in- timate relations in the houses, there is an absence of a becoming sense of modesty in family life, although the offenses are chiefly to be laid at the door of the men, who in the summer months g0 almost naked, whereas the women dress very much the same in all seasons. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS. Contact with the whites has staggered and arrested these Indians in their development. They are now adjusting themselves to a new mode of life. Although much reduced in numbers, they are far from being near extermination. Much is to be hoped for in the recent establish- ment of industrial and other schools and in the general interest now taken in the Indians. In the prohibition and prevention of the sale of liquor to them a great step has been taken. Much more needs to be done in the suppression of prostitution, in the recognition of Indian rights to hunting and fishing grounds, and in medical assistance to a people childishly ignorant of the simplest laws of health. Their Indian doctors are fast disappearing, and with them much of the degrading superstition of an ethnical group capable of almost any rise in the scale of civilization. III. REG ULA TIVE ORGANIZATION: CONSANG FINEAL—POLITICAL—IN- DUSTRIAL. Government does not begin in the ascendency of chieftains through prowess in war, but in the slow specialization‘of executive functions from communal associations based on kinship. "' " * Evolution in society has not been from niilitancy to in- dustrialism, but from organization based on kinship to organization based on prop- perty, and alongside of the specializations of the industries of peace the arts of war have been specialized.* GENERAL CONSIDERATIGNS. ()n the northwest coast totemism permeates the whole tribal organi- zation. The ceremonies at birth, initiation, naming, matrimony, feast~ ing, dancing, funerals, and all other social occasions, all have for their object, in some way, the identification of the individual with his totem under its specific name. A totem is simply an organization of con- sanguineal kindred into a recognized group or band, but with its defi- nition and practical workings we have more to do later. Amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, the organizatian is based on mother-right; that is, birth-rights, such as rank, wealth, prop- erty, etc., are received from the mother. Amongst the southern tribes of British Columbia father-right is the form of social organization. In the lowest and rudcst forms of primitive human society we have simply the recognition of the maternity of a child, the paternity either not being known, or not considered. Matriarchy, this tracing ot' descent in the female line only, “mother rule,” finds its most primitive form in the tribal organization of some of the Australians, where the tribe and child recognize a group of mothers (a sub-phratry), their issues, as it were, being pooled. The evolution of patriarchy, the recognition of definite male descent, “ father-rule,” is obscure, but its most primitive form is also found amongst some Australian tribes, where a group of fathers belonging to a sub-phratry have the monopoly of privileges with the women of a corresponding female sub-phratry, although the tribes may be a thousand miles apart and speak different languagesi As we advance from matriarchy towards patriarchy, we find, at the boundary, tribes wavering between female and male descent, or in which / * Maj. J. W. Powell. An. ch., Bureau of Ethnology, I, p. 83. ,1‘Frazcr. ’I‘otemism, p. (37. I . , 24:; 244 9 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. thekmale and female line have equal rights, but everywhere mother rule seems to have preceded father rule. “The couvade or custom in accordance with which the husband takes to his bed and is treated as an invalid when his wife has given birth to a child is perhaps a fiction, intended to transfer to the father those rights over the children which under the previous system of mother-kin, had been enjoyed by the ‘ mother alone.” In the evolution of social organization, therefore, matriarchy naturally precedes patriarchy. In the recognition of pater- nity and in the accumulation and inheritance of property from both father and mother, or either, we find the beginnings of patriarchy and of the evolution from “organization based on kinship to organization based on property.” The recognition of property may be in itself the first step in this evolution. With the development of the institution of marriage, man’s position in the community becomes fixed by kinship. In the segregation of blood relatives, based on either matriarchy or ‘ patriarchy, we get the household. In the organization ot‘consanguineal kindred, we have the basis of the communal organization. In this stage, “There is no place in a tribe for any person whose kinship is not fixed, and only those persons can be adopted into the tribe who are adopted into some family with artificial kinship specified. The fabric of Indian society is a complex tissue of kinship. The warp is made of streams of kindship blood, and the woof of marriage ties.”i What has here been briefly said with regard to the origin and de: velopment of the patriarchal form of social organization from the ma- triarchal is peculiarly pertinent to a study and comparison of the ethnical affinities of the tribes of the northwest coast. The southern tribes have very few of the customs and traditions peculiar to the northern, and their social organization is different, “ mother-rule” be- ing peculiar to the northern group and “ father-rule” to the southern. Dr. FranzBoas says: On account of philological considerations, I think that the social organization of the Kwakiutl was originally patriarchal. or it may be more correct to say that the male and female line had equal rights. This opinion is founded on the fact that even among the tribes among whom matriarchate prevails at present, the same terms are used for denoting relationship in the male and female linest No satisfactory inferences as to the influence of these various north- west coast tribes on one another in traditions, customs, and social organization can as yet be drawn in View of the meager data we have. There is no more promising field for sociological study than in this re- gion. In the ceremonial institutions, in the elaborate dance parapher- nalia,- in the carved heraldic columns, in the wide variations in the mortuary customs, in all the practices of tribes of highly imaginative and inventive Indians, we have here similarities and differences so be- *Frazer, Totemism, p. 725‘. tMajor Powell, in An. Rept., Bureau of Ethnology, I, p. 69. tScience, Vol. XII, No. 290, p. 195. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. ' 245 wildering, that it is difficult to trace the mutual influences of the differ- ent ethnic groups. In nothing, however, more than in the totemic or- ganization do we recognize these differences. TOTEMISM. The organization of consanguineal kindred is variously called the totem, the clan, the totem clan, or the gens (plural, gentes). Frazer, in his work on Totemism, thus defines it : 4“ ‘ A totem is a class of material objects which a savage regards with superstitious re- spect, believing that there exists between him and every member of the class an in- timate and altogether special relation. “‘ ” * The connection between a man and his totem is mutually beneficent; the totem protects the man, and the man shows his respect for the totem in various ways, by not killing it if it be an animal, and not cutting or gathering it if it be a plant. Considered in relation to men, totems are of at least three kinds: (1) The clan to- tem, common to a whole clan, and passing by inheritance from generation to genera- tion; (‘2) the sex totem * * * (3) The individual totem, belonging to a single individual and not passing to his descendants. * * . * The clan totem. —The clan totem is rev erenced by a body of men and women who call themselves by the name of the totem, believe themselv es to be of one blood, de- scendants of a common ancestor, and are bound together by common obligations to each other, and by a common faith in the totem. 'I‘otemism is thus both a religious and a social system. In its religious aspect it consists of the relations of mutual re- spect and protection between a man and his totem; in its social aspect it consists of . the relations of the clansmen to each other and to men of other clans. In the later history of totemism these two sides, the religious and the social, tend to part com- pany. " * * On the whole, the evidence points strongly to the conclusion that the two sides were originally inseparable; that, in other words, the further we go back the more we should find that the clansman regards himself and his totem as beings of the same species, and the lesshv distinguishes between conduct towards his totem and towards his fellow-clansmen. Tribal Society—These totems, clans, or gentes are sometimes organ- ized into groups called phratries, the union of the latter forming the tribe or people. We have, therefore, (1) the household or family; (2) the totem; (3) the phratry; and (4) the tribe. On the northwest coast the household is not the unit of the totem or of the phratry, as more than one totem is represented in each; the father belonging to one totem and the mother and children to another. Besides this, a brother and his wife may belong to the household, or a sister and her husband ; thus numerous totems may be represented under one roof. The practice of totemism on the northwest coast has not yet received the thorough study it deserves. It remains for some organization, governmental or incorporated, to systematically collect the data nec- essary for a complete tabulation of the phratries and gentes of all the tribes, and an exposition of their mutual relations and significance. In connection with this, a study of the totemic carvings, legends. myths, and folk- -lore, must be prosecuted. The lists of totems from time to time published have served so far to obscure rather than elucidate the sub *Totemism p. 1, sq. F”! '246 ' REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. ject, owing to the apparent want of agreement of any two writers. The tendency to generalize from a study of one tribe alone has added to the confusion. Thorough and systematic collection of data at each village can alone give a reliable groundwork for generalizations. This work must be undertaken soon, or it will prove either incomplete or too late altogether. The exceedingly imperfect data given here will at least serve as a pre- liminary sketch of the tabulation. CONSANGUINEAL ORGANIZATION. Totems.—From their nature, totems are in a state of flux. Clans tend to become phratries split up into sub-phratries ; sub-phraties decay and ‘ finally disappear. An individual distinguishes himself,becomes wealthy, and hence a leading man in the village. His totem, or indeed his in- dividual crest or sub-totem, may have been an obscure one. As he rises, its importance in the tribe rises with him. Under his successsor, the totem Widens its numbers and i nfl uence, and finally eclipses other clan totems, which eventually melt away or are incorporated with it. In the course of time, either by the accession of other totems or else by its splitting up into sub-totems, it came finally to be ranked as a phratry, then a sub-phratry. In this evolution we see the sub-totem grow into a, clan totem, then into a phratry or sub-phratry, when decay sets in, and it “melts into the vast reservoir of nature from which it sprang.” On the northwest coast we see only a few of the stages in this evolu- tion,.but by a study of totemism as it exists in all parts of the world the curve of the rise and fall of totems has been so accurately plotted, that there will probably be found in this region no wide variations from the general system. Tlingit.—Amongst the Tlingit two exogamous groups of gentes exist, that is, they are divided into two phratries. The individuals composing the gentes in one phratry can only marry individuals in any, gentes of the other. These phratries are popularly called the Raven and the Wolf. Much confusion arises from the fact that in the Wolf phratry we have the Wolf totem, and in the Raven phratry the Raven totem. Frazer says of this: Considering the prominent parts played in Tlingit mythology by the ancestors of the two phratries, and considering that the phratries are also names of clans, it seems probable that the Raven and Wolf were the two original clans of the Th‘ngits, which afterwards by sub-division became phratries*. Through popular misapprehension the origin of these two phratries *Frazer, Totemism, p. 62. This seems to be further borne out by the testimony of Lisiansky, Voyag, p. 242, Sitka (1805). “The tribe of the wolf are called the‘ ,Coquebans, and have many privileges over the other tribes. They are considered the best warriors, and are said to be scarcely sensible to pain, and to have no fear of death. If in war a person of this tribe is taken prisoner he is always treated well and is generally set at liberty.” THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 247 is assigned to the tradition of the two mythical beings or heroes, Tétl and Kanuk, whose "struggles, valor, and beneficence endowed the Tlingit with the good things of life. In his frequent transformations Tétl often adopted the form of the raven, giving to the Raven phratry the apparent right to claim descent from the great T étl. Some authori- ties claim to identify Kanu-k, the other godlike personage with the progenitor of the Wolf phratry; but Dr. Franz Boas claims through his interpretations of the Tlingit legends that “this Kanuk is identical with the eagle,“ and also that the Tlingit use the title Eagle and Wolf without discrimination in designating the so-called W'olf phratry. May not this be due to a possible amalgamation of the Wolf and the Eagle totem at a remote period ante-dating the growth of the totem into a phratry. This amalgamation takes place in the course of time in all Indian communities having a totemie organization. The partial list of Tlingit totems as verified by the writer is as follows: l’hru‘lrivs. : \VolforEagle. Haven. 1 'l‘otems. l l \‘l'olf. Raven. i Bear. Frog. : Eagle. , Goose. ‘ Whale. Beaver. ,1 Shark. Owl. " Porpoise. Sea-lion. Puffin. Salmon. Orca. Dog-fish. Urea-beam Crow. \ The above totems are divided into sub—totems with special names denoting locality and collateral relationship. The vocabulary of titles, sub-titles, etc., is a large one, and needs in itself special study. The data has not yet been collected to enable us to give an adequate idea of the complexity and ramifications of the Tlingit totemic organization. Kaigani.—The principal totems are the Crow, Raven, Brown Bear, Beaver, Eagle, Wolf, and Whale. In addition are also found the Seal, Orea (Killer), Gull, Crane, Frog, Shark, and others. Boas adds the” Sparrow-hawk, Codfish, and Skate. The two exogamous groups or phratries amongst the Kaigani are the Wolf and the Eagle, according to Boas, designated as the Is’dtl’d’nas and Tak’tl d’nas. The division of ”Notes on Ethnology of British Columbia, before Am. Philos. Society, November 18, 1887, p. 422. fAt Fort Wrangell several households of the Cree and Bear totems have been amal- gamated into one called by a different name from either, viz, Ndnad’ri. 248 A carom or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. . the above named totems into the two groups is not known definitely enough by the writer to warrant- giving the‘ list. Enough is known ho’wever to illustrate several anomalous groupings. For instance, the Raven and Bear totems belong to the Eagle phratry, whilst amongst the Tlingit they belong to the opposite or Raven phratry. In consequence ot'this, when, for instance, a Kaigani of either of these totems goes to Fort Wrangell (Stikine) or Tongass (Tunghoash), he becomes a member of the opposite phratry, and can only marry in what, in his own village, would be his own phratry. This illustrates very forcibly that it is the gens or totem which counts. Once a, Bear always a Bear; whereas the phratry is in one sense limited or local. The obligations attaching to a totem are not, therefore, confined to tribal or national limits, but ex- tend throughout the whole region. In childhood a transfer can he made from one totem to another. Supposing a chief desires his son to succeed him and to belong to his own totem; the babe is transferred to his sister to suckle, and is figuratively adopted by her. In this way the son acquires the toteinship of his father, and at an early age is taken back by his own mother to raise. Dawson cites these cases of transfer, as often effected among the Haida to strengthen the totem of the father when its number has become reduced and there is danger not only of loss -of prestige but of extinction. The ties of the totem or of the phratry are considered far stronger than those of blood-relationship. A man can not marry in his own totem whether within or Without his own tribe, or his own phratry within his own tribe. There is nothing to prevent a man from marrying his first cousin, and much to prohibit his marriage to a most remote connection or an absolute stranger. The children always take the mother’s totem amongst the Tlingit, Kaigani, Haida, and Tsimshian, unless transferred to the father’s by a fiction. Thus “ mother-rule,” 0r matriarehy prevails. Wealth and chiefship descend in the female line in a most curious way, as explained hereafter in dealing with the subjects of chiefship and inheritance. Dawson, speaking of the intertribal relation of totems, says: An Indian on arriving at a strange village where hemay apprehend hostility would look fora house indicated by its carved post as belonging to his totem and make for it. The master of the house, coming out, may, if he likes, make a dance in honor of his visitor, but in any case protects him from all injury. In the same way, should an Indian be captured as a slave by some warlike expedition and brought into the vil- lage of his captors, it behooves any one of his totem,'either man or woman, to pre- sent themselves to the captors, and, singing a certain sacred song, offer to redeem the captive. Blankets and other property are given for this purpose. Should the slave be given up, the redeemer sends him back to his tribe and the relatives pay the re- deemer for what he has expended. Should the captors refuse to give up the slave for the property offered, it is considered rather disgraceful to them. This, at least, is the custom pursued in regard to captives included in the same totem system as them- selves by the Tsiinsliiaus, and it is doubtless identical or very similar among the Haidas, though no special information on this subject was obtained from them.* “ Dawson, Report, B, p. [34. THE INDIANS or THE' NORTHWEST COAST. .249 This is also the custom amongst the Tlingit and Kaigani. Langs- dorfl' (1805) cites the custom about Sitka, and says that the ransom was usually paid in sea-otter skins.* Haida—Dawson states that— A single system of totems (Haida, Kwalla) extends throughout the different tribes of the Haidas, Kaiganis,Tsi1nshiaus, and neighboring peoples. * * * The totems found among these peoples are designated as the eagle, wolf, crow, black bear, and fin- whale (or killer). The two last named are united, so that but four clans are counted in all. The Haida names for these are, in order, koot, kooji, kit~si-11ara and sxa-nu-xd. The members of the different totems are generally pretty equally distributed in each tribe. Those of the same totem are all counted, as It were, of one family, and-the chief bearing of the system appears to be on marriagej According to Boas, the Haida are divided into numerous totems and into the two phratries, Eagle and Raven, the same as the Kaigani. i In the absence of any other information the subject must rest‘ in this unsatisfactory condition. Tsimshian.——Amo11gst the Tsimshian there are four gentes or’totems, the Raven, the Eagle, the Bear, and the “Wolf. A person of any totem may marry into any other than his own indifl'erently. In the strict sense. therefore, there are no phratries amongst the Tsimshian. Boas states that the totems of the Kwakiutl are the Raven, Eagle, and Bear, and that he belieVes that the Tsimshian have in general modified the cus- toms of northern Kwakiutl.§ Origin of Totcmism. ——Some idea has been given of the. systems of totems amongst the northern tribes of the northwest coast. Its prac- tical workings will be given later on, in treating of the habits, customs, and traditions of these tribes. It may, in one sense, be out of place here to deal with the theory of totemism in a work of this nature, but something may be added to the general fund of speculation. N o satis- factory theory has yet been advanced in explanation of the origin of totemism. Mr. Herbert Spencer finds it (1) in the primitive custom of naming children after natural objects from some accidental circum- stance or fanciful resemblance or in nicknaming later in life; (2) the confounding of or misinterpretation of such metaphorical names or nicknames with the real objects, that is, confusing these objects with their ancestors of the same name, and reverencin g them as they already reverenced their ancestors. Sir John Lubbock takes his stand 011 the “supposed resemblance,” theory. Totemism can not be traced from ancestor worship directly, because it actually exists Where there is the most unsatisfactory recognition of ancestry, that is of paternity or maternity, or even both. The confusion of natural objects with their known ancestors of the same names and reverencing them as they rev- erence such ancestors is in itself quite plausible enough, but the ex- *Langsdortf, Voyages,- part II, p. 130. iDawson, Report, p. 1 i4, B. t Correspondence, also Science, Oct. 26, 1888. tScience, Vol. XII, No. 299, p. 195. I 250 , REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, was. istence of totemism where ancestry is vaguely or not at all recognized would seem in itself to call for some other solution. ‘ Does not the theory of authropomorphism, the childish and natural philosophy of all phenomena, as suggesed by Prof. 0. T. Mason, account for totemism‘? Belief in the possibility of human descent from natural objects exists universally amongst primitive people. This has undoubt- edly been strengthened by the credibility of the reality of experience in dreams, which, as a sequence, is followed by a belief in the possibility of sexual relations with objects of nature also founded on dreams. The existence of customs in Bengal, Se'rvia, and Greece of marrying bride and groom to trees before marriage to each other is an illustration of the survival of such belieffi‘ Clearly, before we can have a recognition of ancestry, we must have a recognition of paternity; and a misinterpretation of names and con-, founding of ancestry with natural objects can not precede a belief in the possibility of sexual relations and descent fromrnatural pbjects.‘ It seems not unreasonable therefore to trace the origin of the belief last named to the well-known authropomorphism and credulity of savages in the reality of dreams. This is simply here suggested as a partial solution of the question. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION. Chiefs and Petty Ohieja—ln the sense in which the term is ordinarily used, there is no absolute chiefship. The family is the sociological unit. The head of that household in the village, which, through inheritance, wealth, numbers, and influence, predominates over the others, is nomi- nally chief of the village. His authority is shadowy, and his power is largely due, aside from wealth, good birth, and family influence, to his prowess in war, or to personal and masterful qualities. Now and then, through various causes, a chiefinay rule a village with absolute or des- potic sway, but the power is not so much due to headship, in itself, as to personal and aggressive qualities in the individual. Rank is prin- ’ cipally dependent on wealth and good birth, although the latterinitself implies inheritance of rank and wealth. Personal qualities count for what they are worth in addition. General recognition and consensus of opinion settle the question of rank. That is to say, it is about what the individual can make it by all the arts of assertion, bargain, intrigue, wealth, display, and personal prowess. Besides the principal chief, there ale others, who are the heads of the other principal clan totems or households of the village. Their rank or claim to distinction and respect is relative to that of the chief in the degree of their wealth, age, superiority of natural understanding, the number of persons of which their household consists, and the gen- eral good fortune and prosperity of the group of persons of which they * Frazer, Totemism, p. 34. *5 THE INDIANS on THE NORTHWEST COAST. 251 are the recognized head. Indeed, each household is in itself a subor- dinate government. The head of it, through heredity, wealth, ability, ‘ or otherwise, simply is recognized as a petty chief in the Village. The head chief merely overshadows in the extent of his influence the petty chiefs. Often reverses of fortune turn the tables, and some decline in influence while others rise. Often the alliance of the medicine men is gained by purchase or by the sacrifice of private property, and the chiefs and shamans combine to uphold each other in the respect and fear of the community. Many bitter feuds grow out of the rivalries of house- holds and gentes in the struggle for power and influence in the tribe. Often a man is strong enough, like Chief Skowl of Kasa-an, to’crush out all opposition, or even, like Chief Skiddaus,’ to extend his influence beyond his own village through the ownership of valuable lands, or through the necessities of war, and have his suzerainty recognized by the chiefs of other villages. In a strict sense, however, the village is the tribal unit. Alliances of tribes have always been only temporary, and no lasting federation has ever been formed. Simpson, who visited Alaska in 1841, says, of the rivalries of Chiefs Shakes and Qualkay, at Fort Wrangell (Stikine), “though Shakes was the principal chief, yet he had comparatively little influence; while the second ruler in the tribe (Qualkay) possessed a strong party in the viliage.”i A chief, as a rule, is not treated with any very marked deference on ordinary occasions excepting by his own household, but in ceremonies a degree of state was formerly kept up, to impress visitors or strangers with the importance and high rank of the dignitary. In the ceremonies at the conclusion of peace between the Russians and Indians at Sitka (1804), Lisiansky states that the Indian chief who acted as an ambassa- dor was either borne by his slaves upon a mat-carpet or rug, or carried on the shoulders of his attendants, as become his rank, and not due to any infirmity of the chief, for in the ceremonial dances which followed he took a prominent part: . In early days the chief traded for all his tribe or household, subject however, to the approval of those present; but in recent years, with the abolition of slavery and the influence of the whites, the authority of the chiefs has been very much weakened. Instances are not rare Where medicine men or shamans have been head chiefs of villages. Freeman.—Below the chiefs come the freemen, who are the ordinary people of the tribe composing the different households. Above these in one sense, or above the petty chiefs for that matter, come the shamans or medicine men. This rank, however is in no sense political. They are simply a class whose functions are largely religious. Slaves. ——On our acquisition of the territory of Alaska in 1867 the practice of slavery received its death- blow amongst the Indians. Pre- " Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, p. 108. fSimpson, Journey Round the World, Vol I, p. 212. tLisiansky, Voyages, p. 232. j 252 REPORT OF NATIONAIL MUSEUM, 1888. viously to that the Russian authorities had sought to ameliorate, in some degree, the hardships of this wretched class in the vicinity of Sitka, but it was still in practice when we took possession. The slave class has now gradually been absorbed into the body of the freemen and slavery is a thing of the past. ‘ Formerly wealth consisted largely in the possession of slaves. Simp- son estimates that in 1841 one-third of the entire population of this region were slaves of the most helplesss and abject description. Though some of them were prisoners of war and their descendants, yet the great supply was obtained by trade with the southern Indians,‘ 111 which the Tsimshian acted as middlemen. They were kidnapped or captured by the southern Indians from their own adjacent tribes and sold to, the Tsimshian, who traded them to the northern Tlingit and i11- ‘ terior Tinné tribes for furs. The last-named had no hereditary slaves, getting their supply from the coast. Dunn states (1834) that at Port Simpson, British Columbia, “ A full-grown athletic slave, who isagood hunter, will fetch nine blankets, a gun, a quantity of powder and ball, a couple of dressed elk skins, tobacco, vermilion paint, a flat file, and other little articles.” * I Slaves did all the drudgery; fished for their owner; strengthened his force in war ; were not allowed to hold property or to marry; and when old and worthless were killed. The master’s power was unlimited. If ordered by him to murder an enemy or rival, his own life. paid the forfeit or penalty if he either refused or failed. The children of slave women by the master were slaves. In certain ceremonies it was customary to give several slaves their freedom ; but at funerals of chiefs, or in ceremonies attending the erection of a house by a person of consequence, slaves were killed. Slaves sacrificed at funerals were chosen long before the death of their master and were supposed to be peculiarly fortunate, as their bodies attained the distinction ofcremation, instead of being thrown into the sea. Simpson (1841) says of Chief Shakes at Wrangell (Stikine), that he was “ said to be very cruel to his slaves, whom be frequently sacrificed in pure wantonness, in order to show how great a man he was. 011 the recent occasion of a house-warming, he exhibited as part of the festivities the butchery of five slaves; and at another time, having struck a white man in a fit of drunkenness and re- ceived a pair of black eyes for his pains, he ordered a slave to be shot, by way at once of satifying his own wounded honor and apologizing to the person whom he had assaulted. His rival (Qualkay), on the contrary, was possessed of such kindness of heart, that 011 grand holi- days he was more ready to emancipate his slaves than to destroy them ; yet, strange to say, many bondmen used to run away from Qualkay, while none attempted to escape from Shakes; an anomaly which, how- ever, was easily explained, inasmuch as the one would pardon the recaptured fugitives, and the other would t01 ture and murder them.”’r ‘ ___.____li., M, ,1, , *Dunn, Oregon 273181111 son,lo111ney, Vol.1, pp.212, 213. 1 P- P THE. INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 253 The practice of killing slaves in ceremonies and for reparation in quarrels was quite common among the northern tribes, and numerous instances might be cited. tAt Howkan, in one of the Indian houses, may be seen a couple of large wooden images each representing a wolf, with human face and real human hair on the head. This was to. remind slaves that, if they escaped from their owners, they would become transformed into creatures like those depicted, half man, half wolf. Poole (1863) says that the Haida, Chief Klue, informed him “that some years previously his brother-in-law, in those days the greatest chief on the coast, had been entrapped by the Fort Rupert Indians on his way home from Victoria and scalped and killed, with all his males, his females being divided as slaves among the victors.” This example is cited to show that it was very questionable if the northern Indians made very good slaves, being so warlike, and preferring, as they claim, death to slavery. On the other hand, the southern tribes were more docile, the Flatheads forming the principal part of the slave popula- tion of the northern Indians. In case of the liberation of a slave, he was adopted as a freeman into the clan to which his mother belonged either by birth or as a slave. Civil Government—There are no stated periods for councils or delib- erative gatherings. A household consultation or a meeting of the gens or of the chiefs takes place under the spur of necessity. Women have usually as much to say as the men on other than ceremonial occasions, and their advice is frequently followed, particularly in affairs of trade. In matters affecting one or more gentes or the village, representatives of the various households or gentes meet more formally. They squat around or sit cross-legged, delivering formal speeches in turn, which are heard with rapt attention and approved of by grunts, murmurs, and uplifting of hands. In cases such as witchcraft or offenses of medicine men, sentence to death or to fine is adjudged by the leading men of the village after trial. Under most circumstances, however, the law of blood revenge, an “eye for an eye,” leaves little need for other than family councils, as they are purely totemic ofienses, and are arranged by the injured gens. INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION. Division of Laban—As between the sexes, the women attend mostly to the common household duties, but the men have a fair share of the outside work about the house and camp. A chief is usually more or less waited on by his dependents. When slavery was in vogue, this class performed all the menial drudgery. The liberated slaves still occupy a somewhat dependent position. The men are the warriors and hunt- ers, though an old woman of rank usually steers the war canoe. In ordinary transit the women assist the men in paddling, and the owner I *I’oole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p.265. ‘ 254 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. \ ‘ orthe most experienced person steers. In the season of hunting fur-bear- ing animals, the women and children (and formerly slaves) take charge of the camps—fishing, drying fish, and gathering and drying berries for winter. Altogether the division of labor is upon equitable and economic principles, and the women by no means do all the drudgery. During the runs of salmon, herring, and eulachon, and in fact at all times during the summer season, special employment is dropped, and all the natives alike engage in the work in hand. In addition to the food supply, materials are collected to be worked up during the winter months, by those specially skilled, into various useful and ornamental objects. Difl'erent men and women acquire adeptness in different arts and industries, and devote their leisure to their trade. Some of the men are expert house-carpenters, canoe-builders, basket-makers, tan- - ners of hides, hewers of wood, metal workers, carvers of wood, stone, horn, bone, slate, manufacturers of metal implements, ornaments, house- hold utensils, etc., and are regularly paid for their services. ‘ This is - especially true of the wood-carvers, who make and paint the totemic and mortuary columns. Others enjoy prestige as successful hunters ofcertain animals or expert fishermen. Some of the women are expert basket- makers, carvers of household utensils, weavers of cloaks and mats of cedar bark and wool, and makers of dance and ceremonial costumesa Generally the men are carvers and the women weavers. Dunn (1834) says of the Tsimshian, and it applies also to the Haida and Tlingit, “ Every chief keeps an Indian on his establishment for making and re- pairing canoes and making masks for his religious representations; this man they call the carpenter. 7’ * Portlock (1786) says of the Tlingit, “the women are the keepers of their treasures. ”’r In fact, as before stated, the women are practically on an equality with the men in the industrial organization, and whether her advice in all matters is sought or not, she is quite apt to give it. Cases of “hen-peeked” husbands are not rare. Inheritcmce.——In this totemic organization some singular features present themselves. Blood relationship is cut across in an arbitrary way, giving rise to peculiar customs and laws. As before stated, first cousins may marry, but totally unrelated persons in the same phratry may not. In a war between gentes or phratries, a groom, while cele- brating his nuptials, may be called upon to fight his father-in-law on account of some trivial feud. Property is inherited by the brother of the deceased, a sister’s son, a sister, or the mother, in the order named, in the absence of the preced- ing. As a rule the wife gets nothing. She has her own dowry and personal property. Whoever inherits the property of the deceased, if a brother or sister’s son, must either take the widow to wife, or pay an indemnity to her relatives in case of failure to do so. In case the heir 'is already married, the next in succession takes her; for instance, the , *Dunn, Oregon, 1). 291. H’ortlock, Voyages, p. 290. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 255 brother may inherit the property and the nephew get the relict. In case there is 110 male relative to marry her or in case an indemnity is paid, the widow may marry any other man. Sometimes an adopted child or the son adopted by a sister of the deceased may be the heir. ‘ The heir of Chief Skowl of Kasa-an (Kaigani) was his sister’s son, sahattan, who is now chief of the village. Should a boy he killed by accident, the indemnity is paid, by a reversal of this rule, to his mother’s brother, the boy’s uncle. Property inherited is taken possession of by the heir as soon as the bodyi 1s burned or enclosed 111 the burial box. It becomes his duty Within a year to give a great feast and erect a mortuary column in honor of the deceased. This ceremony is called glorifying or elevating the dead, and is one of the principal ones in this region. Lisiansky (1805) says of the Tlingit about Sitka: The right of succession is from uncle to nephew [meaning sister’s son], the dignity of chief to you excepted, which passes to him who is the most powerful, or has the greatest number of relations. Though the toy one have 11011 cr ovel thei1 subjects, it is a. very limited powel, unless when an individual 01 extraordinzuy abi‘lity starts up, who 13 sure to rule despoticallv, and as elsewhere, to do much mischief. These toy- ons are numerous , even in small settlements there are often four or fiv c.* SUMMARY. The industrial organization is not difl'erent from the political, and most of the laws and Customs which control them in their actions are founded on totemic laws, traditions, legends, folklore, and super- stitions. For this reason the regulative organization, While not exactly weak, is at least not well difteientiated. The actual function or occu- pation of the individual, both as a member of a household and of the tribe, is partially develolied, although them are no 1eal craft classes. Organization is based on kinship, and descent is in the female line. Totemism cuts across blood relationship and its chief bearing 1s 011 marriage. Most of the ceremonies have a be 11‘1n g directly on totemism, and have for their object the identification of the individual with his totem. *Lisiansky, Voyages, p. 243. IV. PERSONAL ADORNMENT : M UTILA ’l‘IONS, LIP ORNAIHENTS, TA TTOOING, AND PAINTING. DIWAJIENTS, NECKLACES, PENDANTS, AND BRACE- LETS. DRESS, ANCIENT, MODEILT, EAIN, WAR, AND GEEE MONIAL. MUTILATIONS. The practice of mutilation is older than recorded history. Man never has been satisfied with either his structure or appearance, and has con- stantly endeavored to improve upon both. On the northwest coast the mutilations are of the head and face, the practice of flattening or com- pressing the head being, however, peculiar only to the southern tribes of this region. Mackenzie, in his visit to the Bilqula, in 17 93, described their heads as “ wedge-shaped.” This does not, however, obtain among the Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit, but they pierce the ear and the sep- tum -of the nose, and in addition the women slit the lower lip. Lip, nose, and car 0rnmnents.—While amongst the Eskimo the men pierce the lip and wear the sleeve-button-shaped labrets of bone, shell, ivory, or stone, amongst the northern Indians the women alone wear the lip ornament. Between these two geographically are the Koniagas and Aleut. With the Koniagas both sexes pierce the septum of the nose and the under lip and wear ornaments in them. ‘ Beginning with the Yakutat”F and running as far south as the Kwa- kiutl,iL we find the custom amongst the. women of wearing a labret in a slit cut in the lower lip. It is symbolic of maturity, the incision first , being made either in childhood or else at puberty. In either case it is done with some ceremony, which is described in Chapter XIII. A cop- per wire: or piece of shell or wood is introduced into the fresh incision to keep the wound open. The object inserted is gradually enlarged until an artificial opening of some size is made. When maturity is reached a block of wood is inserted. This is oval or elliptical in shape, and amongst the Haida and Tsimshian quite elongated. With the Tlingit, on the other hand, it is almost circular in shape. In general it is hollowed out on both sides, and grooved on the edge like'the sheave " Dall, Alaska, p. 4:28, and Bancroft, Vol. 1, Native Races, both state that the Ya- kutat do not now wear the lip ornament. Dixon (1787), however, in Voyages, p. 172, minutely describes the custom as then in vogue amongst them. t Simpson, Journey Round the World, p. 204, Vol. I. (1841). _tVancouver, Voyages, Vol. 11, p. 406, states that the copper or brass “corrodes the laceratcd parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice until it is sufliciently large to admit the wooden appendage.” 256 EXPLANATION OF PLATE lV. CHIEF KITKUN, OF THE HAIDA VILLAGE OF LAs KEEK, QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA. From a photograph in the U. 5. National Muse.nm. Kitkun is here selected as a type of the Haida Indian. The rank which he held in 1873 was that of a petty chief of the village. his brother, Chief Klue, being the head chief. On the death of his brother, Kitkun became head Chief of the village, assuming the hereditary title. Chief Klue. The tattoo mark on the breast repre- sents Kahatla, the cod—fish. and that on his arms Cheena, the salmon. The design on his back is shown in Fig. 2, Plate V, and represents Wasko, a mythological being of the wolf species. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nib|ack. PLATE. IV r . / /’ ///A\‘\\\<|//' fl/IafA/W , V _ // / CHIEF KITKUN, OF THE HAIDA VILLAGE OF LAS KEEK, QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA. EXPLANATION OF PLATE V. 3.7, t. \~,_/ ?(‘"\-“2 HAIDA TATTOOING. From photographs by the author and sketches by James G. Swan, of Port Townsend. Washington. Fig. 2. Design ( opieil from the back of ( ‘hief Kitkun, 1weplesenting Wasko, a myth- 01mm (11 being of the wolf species. Fig. 3a. Tattooed (lesitrn on the back of the Haida (shown in Fig. 4) representing the Thunde1—bird. Fig. 231). Design on the leg of the Haida (shown in Fig. 4),» half way between the knee and thigh. 1ep1esenting the squid octopus. Fig. 31'. Design on the skin of the Haida (shown in Fig. 4) just below the knee, representing Tlankostan7 the frog. Fig. 4. Young Haida fioin Queen Chm lotte Islands British Columbia. The tattoo mark on the 111 e 21st lepiesents Hoor ts. the bea1,and that on his fore- a-lm Koot, the eagle Report of National Museum, 1888.—-Niblack. PLATE V, HAIDA TATTOOING. In" «x -13.; " THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 257 Q of a pulley to keep it in place. Each succeeding year a larger and ‘ larger lip-block is inserted, the effect being in old age to drag the lip down, exposing the discolored and worn teeth, and forming altogether, to the European, a disgusting spectacle, but to them a thing of beauty and a token of rank, maturity, and social position. In running, it flops up and down between the nose and chin in a very undignified manner. ’ It is as embarrassing to an Indian woman to be seen without her labret as ' for a European woman to be seen with uncovered bosomfi" Female slaves were invariably forbidden the privilege of wearing them. The size of the labret measures the social importance and wealth of the wearer. The custOm is now dying out, but is still seen amongst the older Haida women, the labrets being principally made of wood. Form- erly it was the custom to ornament them with copper and inlay them with haliotis shell by way of beautifying them. They varied in size from 4 inches long by 3 broad down to small buttons to wear in the first incision. Now that this custom is dying out, a form of it is seen in the piercing of the lip with a small hole and the insertion of a silver tube or bar (Plate XI). Piercing the nose—Both sexes pierce the septum of the nose and in- sert ornaments, originally of copper, bone, wood, or haliotis shell, but now of silver, such as rings or bars or tufts of red woolen yarn, with. pendent shark’s teeth. The Tlingit wear a silver or bone ring through the nose, as seen in several accompanying plates, but formerly the cus- tom cf wearing an ivory stick or pin obtained in some localities. Piercing the aura—Both sexes pierce the lobe of the ear and wear or- naments as in the nose. Around the rim of the ear additional holes are pierced. Men of rank have as many as five or six of these latter. For- merly, according to Dawson,1L “these held little ornaments formed of plates of haliotis shell, backed with thin sheet copper or the small teeth of the fin-whale.” This custom is also fast dying out. Amongst the older men and women one still sees these practices,.but in a modified and less pronounced form. Tattooing.—This practice is found rarely among the Tlingit, if at all, and only occasionally amongst the Tsimshian, although it crops out here and there, in a very mild form, all along the coast. With the Haida alone, of all the~Indian stocks, tattooing is a fine art, and is com- mon to both sexes. The figures are conventional representations of their totems, pricked in charcoal, lignite, or black pigment, and serve to identify the individual with his or her totem. The men have‘ these de- signs tattooed on their breasts, on their backs between their shoulders, on the front part of their legs below the thighs, on "bins below the knee, and on the back of the fore-arms. Occasionally t. '1; lso have these designs on the cheek and back of the hands, altho rarely seen " La Pérouse, Voyage, tom; 11, p. 226. i Dawson, Report, . p. 109. H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 17 ' 258 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. new! The women tattoo the sameas the men, excepting that the dc- signs on the upper part of the leg are said to be omitted. The designs on their fore-arms invariably extend down over the back of the hands and knuckles, and this alone serves to distinguish the Haida women from those of other tribes on the coast. Plate IV shows the tattooing on Kitkan, Chief of Laskeek, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Plate V shows the details of tattooing, which subject will be found more thoroughly treated in a paper by Judge J. G. Swan, in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 66—73. Fig. 2, Plate V, is the design on back of Kitkdn. Frequently the tattooing on the hands represents finger-rings and bracelets. A Haida woman who had on her person a’ figure of a halibut laid open, with the face of the chief of her tribe shown on the tail, told Poole that it would protect her and her kin from drowning at sea.’r i" "‘ ’* Judge Swan says: It should be borne in mind that, during these festivals and masquerade perform- ances, the men are entirely naked, and the women have only a short skirt reaching from the waist to the knee; the rest of their persons are exposed, and it is at such times that the tattoo marks show with the best effect, and the rank and family connec- tion are known by the variety of designs. Like all the other coast tribes, the Haidas are careful not to permit the intrusion of white persons or strangers to their Tomana— yvos ceremonies, and as a consequence but few white people, and certainly none of those who have ever written about these Indians, have been present at their opening ceremonies when the tattoo marks are shown. * * *‘ As this tattooing is a mark of honor, it is generally done just prior to a Tomanawos performance, and at the time of raising the heraldic columns in front of the chief’s houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and is witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes sev- eral years before all the tattooing is done, but when completed and the body is well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats among the elders. The design is carefully drawn in charcoal or lignite (ground in water) on the body and then pricked in with needles. It takes some time to finish a design, but once completed the status of the individual is fixed for life. Painting the body.—From the Yakutat, throughout the region south, the custom obtains, on ceremonial occasions, of painting the face and body a variety of colors, and daubing the hair with red, black, or brown pigments. This custom is now becoming rare. On ceremonial occa- sions of importance the white down of eagles or other birds is pow- dered over the paint on the body and head, giving a polite coat of tar and feathers. In war various hideous and grotesque patterns were formerly adopted for the face, such as a circle of black with a red chin, giving to the wearer the appearance of having on a mask. The colors on the body are removed in lines by brushes or sticks in order to trace the pattern of the totem of the wearer, similar to the tatooing on‘the body. Amongst the Tlingit this in efi'ect takes the place of tattooing; *Seen by the writer at Kasa-an village (Kaigani) 1885. The practice of tattooing is dying out and only found among the older people. iPoole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 311 [1864]. THE -INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 259 sometimes the designs are laid over the other paint with charcoal. Nowadays the paint is washed off after the ceremonies, but formerly it was the custom throughout the coast for the rich to renew the coat daily, while the poor would have to manage according to their abilities. Vancouver thus describes the war paint of the Nass, with whom he had a hostile encounter: These had contrived so to dispose of the red, white, and black as to render the nat- ural ugliness of their countenances more horribly hideous. This frightful appearance did not seem to be a new fashion among them, but to have been long adopted by their natural ferocious dispositions." Before the advent of looking- glasses the Indians made one another’s toilets. A chief was served by his slaves or his wife. This custom of adorning the body with paint served other than aesthetic purposes. In war and ceremony it added to the effect on the observers; it identi- fied the wearer with his totem, and finally served as a protection to the body against mosquitoes and the weather. This last named is the principal use to which the custom is now put, viz, of wearing a coat of black paint on the face and hands. This must be distinguished from the mourning paint made from charcoal. The other referred to is a brownish-black paint, now commonly worn to prevent the burning of the skin in hot weather from the glare of the sun on the water, and as a protection against mosquitoes and sand-flies. This coat consists of a soot, like burnt cork, made from a charred fungus, rubbed into the skin with grease. This gradually turns black and is frequently re- newed. In general the paints used were charcoal, charred and roasted fun- gus; white, red, and brown earths (ochres); lignite, vegetable juices; and powdered cinnabar. Hair.—As mentioned, ochres and bird’s down are used for dressing the hair for ceremonial occasions. Portlock says that among the Tlin- git, this was only practiced by the men.’r Ordinarily the hair is worn short by the men, excepting the shaman, and long by the women, who usually wear it done up in two plaits down the back, but sometimes in one plait, or “clubbed ” behind and bound with red cloth. The ear- lier custom was somewhat different, according to Portlock (1787), who says: “The women wear their hair either clubbed behind or tied up in a bunch on the crown of the head; the men wear theirs either loose or tied at the crown.” The hair is dressed with combs of a somewhat conventional pattern, as illustrated in Figs. 110 and 1101, which are from two specimens in the Emmons Collection in the Museum of Natural History, New York. Figure 110 is made from a small, thin piece of bone, while 11d is carved ”Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, p. 337. iPortlock, Voyage (1787), p. 290. 260 REPORT. OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. from cedar wood and ornamented With a totemic design. Figure 116 is a stone comb in this same collection. in l 11.7 " " un- ~;;;'.. ,“uu-im‘iiif '7" "1'1... ”“11. m Hill- .- nlllwill: ii)” .“i- "I‘llh "I" " ’1'u'..m;m. - ._ ?‘~\\‘__. Fig. 110. Fig. 11d. BONE COMB. WOODEN COMB. (Tlmgit. Emmons Collection.) (Tlingn. Emmons Collection.) Fig. lle. STONE COMB. (Tlingit. Emmons Collection. ) ORNAMENTS. With the practice of mutilations comes the adornment of the person with ornament-s fashioned from a great variety of materials. It seems that, not content with the facilities offered naturally for securing these to the person, mutilations were often practiced solely to enable the wearer to attach ornaments to the ear, lip, nose, or cheek. Labrets or lip ornaments.-—These are made of stone, wood, bone, shell, ivory, silver or copper, sometimes of one material only, sometimes of a combination of several. In form they vary from a pulley-shaped disc to a collar button, and in size from 4 inches to a small cylinder of one-eighth inch in diameter. The labret shown in Plates XLIX and Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE VI. ANCIENT AND MODERN METAL ORNAMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. 5. COPPER BRACELETS, same as those worn in Alaska. Cat. N 0. 20627, U. S. N. M. Kwaikutl Indians, Bella Bella, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 6. COPPER BRACELETS. Inlaid with shell. Cat. No. 19529, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. 7. COPPER BRACELET. Inlaid with shell. Cat. No. 20637. U. S. N. M. Tsim— shian Indians, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. ‘ 8. BRACELETS. Of twisted copper wire. Cat. NO. 56468, U. S. N. M. Kwa- kiut] Indians, Fort Rupert, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 9. COPPER NECKLACE. Ancient form. Cat. No. 88715. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians (Haidan stock), Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 10. NECKLACE. Of copper wire, ancient form. Cat. No. 88746, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians (Haidan stock), Queen Charlotte Islands, British Colum- bia. Collected by James G. Swan. 11. HAIR ORNAMENT (Tchenes). Of steel, highly polished, inlaid with haliotis shell. Ancient form, worn by young girls, and valued at one to two slaves. Cat. No. 10313, U. S. N. M. Tsimshian Indians, Nass River, British Columbia. Collected by Lieut. F. W. Ring, U. S. A. 11a. HAIR—PIN. Of iron inlaid with shell. Cat. No. 19528, U. S. N. M. Tlin- git Indians. Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. 12. EAR-RINGS. Of silver, modern type. Cat. No. 19552, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. 13. NOSE—RINGS. Of silver. modern type. Cat. No. 19551. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka. Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. 14. EAR-RINGS. Of silver, modern type. Cat. No. 19550. U. S. N. M. Kaigani Indians (Haidan stock), Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. PLATE VI. Report of National Museum, 1888.~~Nib|ack. lillrlHu-I‘ q, .. ANCIENT AND MODERN METAL ORNAMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. EXPLANATION OF PLATE VII. BONE AND SHELL ORNAMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. . 19. EAR AND NOSE ORNAMENTS. Of shark‘s teeth. Cat. No. 72993, U. S. N. M. Auk Indians, Admiralty Island, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. . 21. EAR PENDANTS. Of skeins of red worsted, ornamented with abalone shell. Cat. No. 88883, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians (Haidan stock), Queen Char- - lotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. NECKLACE. Of dentalium shell With pendant of abalone. Cat. No. 88885, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. ‘0. 23. EAR PENDANTS. Of red worsted and abalone; the latter carved to show wearer’s totem. Cat. No. 20674, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan. Q Report cf Nationa1 Museum. 1888.7Nnblack. PLATE VII. BONE AND SHELL ORNAMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 261 L in the figure of the “Bear Mother” is a good illustration of the size and appearance of this appendage as worn up to recent years. Nose ornamenta—Fig. 13, Plate V1, is the general type of silver nose- rings in use around Dixon Entrance. It is often worn in this same shape made of bone. Another favorite ornament both for the nose and ear is the shark’s tooth, as shown in Fig. 20, Plate VII. As such it is usually attached to the hole in the nose or lobe of the car by a yarn of red worsted. Sometimes the red worsted is alone worn; sometimes a piece of bone triangular in shape replaces the shark’s tooth which it is meant to imitate. A bOne or ivory stick or cylinder was formerly worn. Fig. 17, Plate VII, is an illustration of a primitive bone nose ornament of a different type from any of these mentioned. Ear ornamenta—Figs. 12 ‘and 14 represent the common types of sil- ver ear-rings now worn in the northern region around Dixon Entrance. As mentioned above, sharks’ teeth and red worsted are favorite ear ornaments. These are illustrated in Figs. 20, 21, and 23, Plate VII. Fig. 12a is a Tlingit ear ornament of ivory from the Emmons Collection in the Museum of Natural History, New York. In its ornamentation and design it shows the effects of intercourse with the Aleut and . Koniagas to the north. Fig. 121) is a pin or peg of ivory or bone of a type sometimes worn by the Tlingit and Haida. Hair ornaments.——Fig. 11a, Plate V1, is an iron hair-pin from Fort Wrangell, Alaska (Tlingit.) It is inlaid with haliotis and highly polished. Fig. 11, Plate VI, is an iron “ tchene” o . highly polished and inlaid with ‘4 haliotis shell. It is worn by young girls as an ornament in the hair. This specimen is from the Nass Indians (Tsimshian), but they are also found amongst the Tlingit s? and. Haida, and were formerly . ' valued at from one to two slaves. 1 Red is the favorite color for cloth or ribbon used by the women for dressing their hair, as described previously. . Fig. 120,. N ecklaces.—Fig. 22, Plate VII, is Em Gammmt a necklace of red heads and denta- (mm Emma... Conn, lium shell strung alternately and "m” further ornamented with a square K piece of abalone shell pendent. This specimen is from Masset, British Columbia(Haida), as is also that shown in Fig. 9, Plate VI, which is made of twisted copper wire and is of a very primitive type. Fig. 10 is the same kind as that shown in Fig. 9, but it has been oxidized by the heat and looks somewhat like iron wire instead of copper. ‘97sz m 7/ . lllm'.”ldl”l W " £1 ,, Fig. 12b. EAR ORNAMENT. (Tlingit and Haida. Emmons Collec- ti .262 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Finger-Muga—These were formerly made entirely of copper, bone, shell, or black slate, and were ornamented with totemic designs. Now silver has so generally displaced all other materials that the primitive types are rarely seen. Bracelets.-—Fig. 5, Plate VI, is a pair of copper bracelets from Bella. Bella, British Columbia, (Kwakiutl) similar to those worn north. Fig. 6 represents a pair from Fort Wrangell, Alaska, also of copper, in laid with haliotis shell. Fig. 7 is one similar in style to that shown in Fig. 6, from Fort Simpson, British Columbia (Tsimshian). Fig. 8 rep- resents a very primitive type of copper bracelet of twisted copper wire, from Fort Rupert, British Columbia (Kwakiutl), but similar to those worn north. Fig. 160 is a Tlingit iron bracelet of native workman- ship, from the Emmons Collection. Plate VIII represents the types of silver bracelets worn on the northwest coast at the present day. They are made from silver coin, and have re- placed those of bone, horn, copper, shell, and iron formerly worn. Fig. 24 represents the coin hammered out into a flat strip of the re- F. ,. quired width with ends rounded into shape. 1g. 16b. IRON BRACELET. Fig. 25 represents the same bent nearly into (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) shape by gentle hammering. In its flat shape the silver has little or no elasticity or spring, so the next step is to round the bracelet out on the inside, as shown in cross- section, Fig. 26. This is done by means of a hammer and a blunt cold chisel. In the process of hammering the bracelet curls up more and more, and is beaten out thinner and broader. This e'conomizes silver, and gives elasticity and clasp to the bracelet. The next step is to carve the design on it as shown in the finished bracelet, Fig. 27. On this width totemic designs are seldom carved, scroll work being used. The tools are of the most primitive kind, consisting of a hammer, blunt cold‘ chisels, and a sharp steel carving or etching tool. Figs. 28 and 30 represent a style of clasp somewhat in vogue, but Figs. 27 and 29 are the prevailing patterns. On the larger bracelets the totemic design of the wearer is usually carved. Fig. 31 represents the design on Fig. 29 rolled out, and Fig. 32 the same for Fig. 30. The former design repre- sents the Bear, and the latter the Thunder Bird. Figs. 27, 2 , and 29 are Tlingit, Fig. 30 Haida, but the same types are found amongst all the northern tribes; the Haida being the most expert silversmiths, as they are also in general the best carvers on the coast. Dixon (1787) states that the Tlingit and Haida wore large circular wreaths of copper about the neck, evidently of native manufacture. With the introduction of iron by Europeans bracelets of iron wire some- what took the place of the more expensive copper ones, to be in turn later succeeded by those of silver. The present custom is to wear 3‘4 ‘- , EXPLANATION OF PLATE VIII. $1334.22: “£3 3 ‘38 ill m ~33 ' A 0 GENERAL MODERN TYPE OF HAIDA, TSIMSHIAN, AND TLINGIT SILVER BRACELETS. STRIP OF SILVER, hammered from a coin ; first step in making the bracelet represented in finished state in Fig. 27. . SECOND STEP IN MAKING BRACELET. . THIRD STEP IN MAKING BRACELET. Strip hammered to concave section. . FINISHED BRACELET. Cat. No. 19539, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. . BRACELET. With clasp. Cat. No 49201, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. t . SPRING CLASP BRACELET. Cat. No. 19532. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. . BRACELET. Largest size. Cat. No. 20251. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . DESIGN ON BRACELET, Fig. 29. Thunder-bird or Eagle. Rolled out im- pression. . DESIGN ON BRACELET, Fig. 30. Hoorts, the bear. Rolled out impression. Report of National Museum‘ 1888.—-Nib|ack. PLATE VIII. uvww-‘HL... WHIHI'MHWMWW GENERAL MODERN TYPE OF HAIDA, TSIMSHIAN, AND TLINGIT SILVER BRACELETS. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 263 bracelets and ear, nose, and finger rings of silver. The natives prefer silver to gold. Their fondness for red worsted as ear ornaments has also been alluded to, and is well illustrated in Plate VII. DRESS. Primitive clothing.—What early attracted the traders to this region was the character of the clothing worn by the natives, consisting of valuable furs roughly sewn together, seal and sea-otter being the most . common and the most sought after. The costume of the men was 1 scanty, consisting of an under coat, a cloak, and sometimes a breech clout, although the last named seemed to be a very unimportant and often omitted article of dress. Dixon (1787) describes their clothing as “ made of such skins as fancy suggests, or their success in hunting fur- nished them with, and sometimes loose cloaks thrown over the shoulders and tied with small leather strings. * * * The dress of the women differs in some respects from that of the men. Their undergarment is made of fine tanned leather, and covers the body from the neck to the ankle, being tied in different parts to make it fit close. * * "‘ The upper garment is made in much the same manner as the men’s coats, - and generally of tanned leather, the women not carng to wear furs. * * * Over this is tied a piece of tanned leather like an apron, and which reaches no higher than the waist." In other words, both sexes wore a cloak and an under garment or coat reaching to the waist. To this the men added a belt or breech piece, and the women a skirt or gown reaching to the calf or ankle. Both sexes went barefooted, although wearing, as now, in very cold weather, a kind of moccasin. Sea-otter skins were a staple article of trade amongst the Indians themselves, and were stored in large quantities, being the basis of wealth and the unit of value. The eagerness of Europeans to trade for them led to the exhaustion of the stock on hand, the sacrifice of their clothing, the practical extinction of the sea-otter, the adoption by the Indians of European clothing, and sub- stitution of other standards of value and wealth. Gar- ments of fur are still worn in cold weather, the skins of the less valuable animals, such as the rabbit, squirrel, and goat being used. These skins are fastened together with cords of twisted linen or finely spun vegetable fibre. Figs. 21a and 21]) represent two varieties of bone Figs. 21a, 21b. fids or awls for pricking the holes in the skins to enter BONE AW”- (Tlingit. Emmnns Collec- the thread for sewing. Ceremonial blanket—These northern Indians, particularly the Chil- kat tribes (Tlingit), have possessed from time immemorial the art of weaving twisted bark thread and the wool of the mountain goat into blankets. These they value most highly, and persons of rank and * Dixon, Voyage, p. 239. l 264 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. wealth wear them only on extraordinary occasions. They are com-‘ monly called Chilkat blankets, and form heir-looms in every wealthy family. One of these is pictured in Plate X, Fig. 33. To-day they are worth from $25 to $40 each. Dawson states that the Haida obtain them from the Tsimshian. The warp consists of twine of finely shredded cedar bark spun into a thread or cord. The woof is of yarn spun from the wool of the mountain goat. (The details of the weaving are shown in Plate X, Fig. 33a.) Much confusion exists on this point- The mountain goat resembles our domestic animal in external appear- ance, but has beneath the hair an inner coat of White, soft, silky wool while the mountain sheep (big horn) has a thick covering of hair like a deer. The fringe on the side 1s shorter than on the bottom. The wool is woven into a pattern representing the totem of the owner, dif- ferent d yes being used in the wool, the conventional colors being black, yellow, white, and sometimes brown. The black is obtained from char- coal and the yellow dye from a moss called sekhone (Tlingit). The blanket is woven in different designs skilfully blended into a complete pattern, as in tapestry, Fig’. 33. A ceremonial coat or gown similai in design is also woven in this way. A specimen is figured 111 Plate X, _ Fig. 34. The details of the method of weaving both these garments are shown in Fig. 33a, same, plate. Chief’s ceremonial head dress—In connection with this blanket and coat or gown, a conventional head dress is worn by the chiefs in this northern region. These are shown in Plate X, Fig. 35, and consist of a cylindrical wooden frame about 10 inches high, with an elaborately carved front of hard wood, beautifully polished, painted, and inlaid with aba- lone shell and copper. Pendent behind is a long cloth, on which are closely sewn the skins of ermine, which form an important item in a chief’s outfit. Around the upper periphery of the head-dress is an elaborate fringe of seal-whiskers. In ceremonial dances the space within this fringe and the top of the head-dress is filled with eagle or other bird’s down, which falls like snow in the motions of the dance. This costume is completed by leggins of deer’s hide, ornamented with the beaks of puffins, which rattle with the movements of the wearer. These are shown in Fig. 36, Plate X. The costume complete as worn by a chief is figured in Plate IX. Amongst northern tribes these ceremonial blankets are worn by the chiefs. Amongst the Haida, women of rank also wear them in the dances. In all its details, the costume shown in Plate IX well illus- trates the height to which the native arts of weaving, inlaying, carving, and dyeing had risen on this coast before being influenced by the ad- vent of the whites. , The dress of a Chilkat chief, encountered by Vancouver at Lynn Canal in 1794 is thus described by him: His external robe was a very fine large garment that reached from his neck down to his heels, made of wool from the mountain sheep, neatly variegated with several EXPLANATION OF PLATE IX. GENERAL TYPE OF TSIMSHIAN, HAIDA AND TLINGIT CHIEF’S COSTUME. From photographs and sketches by the author The details of this costume are shown in Plate X. In the top of the head-dress, within the fringe formed by the seal whiskers, aquatic birds’ or eagles’ down is gen— erally placed, which, 111 the ceremonial dances, falls and floats in the air about the wearer like snow on a winter’s day, adding much to the picturesqueness of the scene. Report of National Museum, 1888,4Niblack. PLATE 'X. \ wflMwm“3» mE21y{“z W? “WW?” " /,z///,,,\M /, '_. \ ' )\\\\ KW \‘,.¥\>J/://\, (u \\~\\ \’ // GENERAL TYPE OF TSIMSHIAN, HAIDA, AND TLINGIT CHIEF’S COSTUME. EXPLANATION OF PLATE X. . *SW‘N b We; 36 q, ‘2 mmva mmllm I DETAILS OF CHIEF’S COSTUME, AS SHOWN IN PLATE IX. From photographs and sketches by the author Fig. 33. CEREMONIAL BLANKET. Worn by Indians of rank and wealth On the North- west coast, commonly called a “ Chilkat blanket,” because the best specimens come from the Chilkat country, although other tribes are more or less expert in weaving them. The warp is composed of twisted cord or twine of cedar bark fiber, and the woof of worsted spun from the wool of the mountain goat. Brown. yellow, black, and White are the colors used, and these are skillfully wrought into a pattern representing the totem or a totemic legend of the owner. The details of the weaving are shown in Fig. 33a. The design on both the lilanket and the cere- monial shirt represents Hoorts, the bear. . CEREMONIAL GARMENT OR SHIRT. Woven as described above. The trim- mine; on the collar and cuffs is sea-otter fur. r. CHIEF‘s CEREMONIAL HEAD—DRESS. Carved from hard wood, beautifully inlaid, painted. and polished. The erect fringe on the upper circumfer- ence is formed by seal whiskers set into the frame. The pendent trail is made from three lengths of ermine skins, there being about ten skins in each row. The top of the head—dress is filled with- birds' down on ceremonial occasions, and in the motion of the dances this sifts through and falls like snow about the person of the dancer. . BUCKSKIN LEGGINGS. With three rows of putfin beaks, which rattle with the motion of the wearer. This style of legging" is also made from ordi- nary cloth, or from the woven blanket stuff, similar to Fig. 33. Report of National Museum, 1888,~N1b1ack, PLATE X. = W! 33‘. '23,"; 2 m "z—‘; DETAILS OF CHIEF’S COSTUME, AS SHOWN IN PLATE IX. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTH WEST COAST. 265 colors, and edged and otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarns dyed of various colors. His head-dress was made of wood, much resembling in its shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass plates, from whence hung a number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur wrought together, dyed of various colors, and each terminating by a whole ermine skin.* Another variety of this blanket is described by Lisiansky (1805), as seen by him near Sitka: These blankets are embroidered with square figures, and fringed with black and yellow tassels. Some of them are so curiously worked on one side wit-h fur of the sea- ‘otter, that they appear as iflined with it, and are very handsomei This is not unlike a blanket described by Vancouver, as worn by the Kwakiutl, Johnstone Strait, British Columbia (latitude 52° 20’ N .), as follows: The clothing of the natives here was either skins of the sea-otter or garments made from the pine bark. Some of these latter have the fur of the sea~otter very neatly wrought into them, and have a border to the sides and bottom decorated with various colors. In this only they use woolen yarn, very fine, well spun, and dyed for that purpose, particularly with a very lively and beautiful yellow.t The art of weaving—These fine bark garments are found also amongst the Tsimshian, who either made them or traded for them with the Kwa- . kuitl, giving in exchange sea-otter skins.§ In general, while the art of cedar bark weaving was understood throughout the coast, and while the southern Indians had some knowledge of weaving in wool, it may be said that the northern Indians were more expert in weaving wool and making baskets of grass, and the southern Indians in weaving bark fibre. To-day, at the two extremes, we find the northern Tlingit tribes, and the Makah Indians of Cape Flattery, the expert basket makers, but the character of their work is so difi‘erent that it can be readily dis- tinguished. The southern tribes are also the expert cedar bark weavers, and the northern Tlingit the best weavers of wool. Wherever these or other arts may have been developed, it is amongst the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands that we find the best specimens of workman- ship. Originally the wealthiest- stock on. the coast, they have from earliest times been remarkable for their readiness to adopt the customs and ideas of others, and to develop and adapt them to their own pecu- liar needs. The Tsimshian seem to have acted as the middlemen, for most of the trade and intercourse of the Haida with the other tribes has been through them. In this way it will be found that the Tsimshian have influenced the Haida not a little in the development of their pecu- liar customs and ideas. . Modem drew—The change in ordinary dress, as the Indians became stripped of sea-otter and seal skins, consisted largely in the substitution ” Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. III, p. 249-50. i Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, p 281. iLisiansky, Voyage, p. 2315. gt Ibid., p. 325. ‘ that the hair worn long, was usually parted in front and bound club- 5 266 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. of cloth for garments and European blankets for fur cloaks. Langs- dorfl‘ says of the Tliugit in 1806: - _ The clothing of these people is very simple, consisting of a covering around the j waist, and an outer garment made of a piece of cloth or skin about5 feet square, two f‘ ends of which are either tied round the neck or fastened together with a button and 1:, button-hole.* . ‘j' v The favorite colors were red and blue, but this costume was only worn ; about the villages. Out hunting and fishing they practically went '- naked. Later, when the European blanket replaced the cloth cloaks, , they were ornamented with a border of red or blue cloth, on which was I sewn rows of pearl buttons, thimbles, Chinese coins, etc. This style of blanket obtains to-day. (See Plate XI.) Plate XI represents the j modern costume of the Tlingi't. The ear pendents of the man are .1 shark’s teeth. The labret of the woman is bone or silver, and illustrates : the transition stage from the large labret to none at all, or almost none. The early voyagers were astonished at the demand for thimbles on the i coast, and supposed the women to need them for sewing. It was found,‘ however, that the use of the needle was very little understood,i and that the thimbles were regarded as rare ornaments for blankets and . clothing. Formerly abalone and dentalium were looked upon as the most valuable kind of trimmings and ornaments, but their importation . in quantities by Europeans cheapened their value. The Chinese coins 5 were admired for the cabalistic characters on them. ' The women early adopted European dress, supplemented with the . ordinary blanket. The present costume. with headkerchief of black silk, is seen in Plate XI. The earlier costumes, however, were ornamented . more elaborately. On the dress were tightly-fitting stays of cloth, often J of scarlet color, ornamented with pearl buttons. These, with silver or bone nose-rings, bracelets on the arms, braids of silk or red worsted in g the ears, and European blankets across the shoulders, made up the * costume of the Indian women around Dixon Entrance up to more recent 3. years, since when plain “store clothes” have displaced the former more gaudy vestments. To complete the former costumeflt should be added .' shaped behind with scarlet cloth. At present the hair is usually worn : in two plaits down the back. Both sexes as a rule go barefooted, but before the introduction of European shoes moccasins of one or two thick- , i nesses of deer or elk hide were worn in cold weather. The older Indians i still wear them in out-of-the-way localities. These they either make themselves or trade for with the Tinné tribes of the interior. . Head-covering.-—Both sexes, until recent years, either went bare- ‘j headed, or wore hats woven of grass and painted with the totem of the 1 owner. In ceremonies, of course, various styles of ceremonial head- , dresses are and were formerly worn; and in war costume, heavy wooden helmets protected the head. At present, all styles of European hats * Langsdorfl, Voyages, Pt. II, p. 112. tLisiansky, Voyage, p. 241. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XI. MODERN TLINGIT MALE AND FEMALE COSTUMES. The costume of the man is more or less ceremonial, as the native dress has re- cently lxeen generally abandoned and European clothes adopted. The dress of the women is that now generally worn by all the northern Indian women. The plate represents the costume of ten or twenty years ago, and in this sense is modern. The labret, 21 small cylinder of silver with a broad head, is the modern style of lip—orna- ment, differing materially irom the large ones worn until a few years ago. Report of National Museum, 1888‘—7Niblack. PLATE XI. ’ (WWW . , M 24‘? 3’ " ‘ / f' p 1 l MODERN TLINGIT MALE AND FEMALE COSTUMES. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XII. TWINED GRASS AND SPRUCE ROOT HATS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 37. TWINED BASKETRY HAT. Twining consists in weaving the woof-strands around a series of warp-strands. Two methods are employed in this hat. The letter a (Fig. 37) marks the boundary between the crown and brim. Above (6, the mode of twining is that shown in Fig. 371); below a, that shown in Fig. 370. Fig. 37d is a top View of this same hat, showing the totemic device, Hooyeh, the Raven, painted in black and red. Cat. N 0. 89033, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 38. TWINED BASKETRY HAT. Fig. 186 shows the method of plaiting cedar- bark fiber. This hat differs-from Fig. 37 only in being lower and flatten. Fig. 89. PARASOL-SHAPED HAT. Ornalnented with a totemic design at the top and painted in solid color on the remainder of the outside surface. Cat. No. 1782. U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by Dr. Suckeley. Fig. 40. TWINED BASKETRY HAT. With wooden appendages representing the beak of the raven “ Hooyeh." From photograph in U. S. National Museum. Tlingit Indians. Alaska. Report of Nationa! Museum, 1888.—Nib|ack. PLATE XII, TWINED GRASS AND SPRUCE ROOT HATS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. THE INDIANS or THE nonrnwesr COAST. 2'67 and caps are worn, but the women use generally only a black silk hand- kerchief. The grass hats are still seen on the coast in out-of—the-way places, particularly around Dixon Entrance. These are cone-shaped, with considerable spread, being particularly adapted for protection, in rainy weather, to the elaborately dressed hair worn on ceremonial occa- sions. In the north, the truncated coneshaped form is surmounted by a more or less tall cylinder, in the ceremonial hats reaching an absurd height; in the south, it becomes more parasol-like in shape, although both styles are found throughout the whole coast, excepting that the very tall ceremonial hat is limited to the north. Plate XII illustrates the varieties. Fig. 37 is the usual type, ornamented with the totemic device representing the Raven, painted on the hat in red and black, the detail being shown in Fig. 37d, which is a top view of Fig. 37. The details of the weaving or twining are illustrated in enlarged section in Figs. 37!) and 37 c. The hat naturally divides itself into two sections—the ' crown and the rim—the dividing line being at a in Fig. 37. The method of making the crown is the same as that used in the Haida basketry, and shown in 37b, while the rim is woven 'by a variation in the above method shown in Fig.37c. These figures are from an article by Professor 0. T. Mason on Basket Work, in Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part II. Of Fig. 370 he says: “It shows the regular method of twined weaving, the introduction of the skip-stitch or twilled weaving into the greatest variety of geometric patterns, and the ingenious method of fastening off by a four-ply braid showing only on the outer side.” At the divid- ing line, marked a, on the inside, a cylindrical head-band of spruce root is stitched to make the hat fit the head, a string passing under the chin being usually added. Fig. 38 is an ordinary type of spruce root hat also found on the coast. Amongst the southern Indians, where cedar bark is so much used, these two styles of hat are reproduced in that material, which, not being tough enough to twine, is woven, as shown in detail in Fig. 386. This is the same pattern as their mats. The hats thus made are light and flimsy and soon lose their shape, whereas the twined spruce root ones and the baskets both retain their shape and be- come water-tight after a preliminary soaking. Fig. 39 is another varia- tion in the shapes found on the coast. It is often painted in solid colors and ornamented on top with a totemic design. Fig. 40 is a ceremonial head-dress, similar in design and outline to the wooden helmets illus- trated in Plate XIII. This shape is seen in the carvings in the large totemic columns, and is doubtless an imitation of the wooden helmets formerly worn in battle. These survivals and imitations are spoken of elsewhere. The animal represented in Fig. 40 is the Raven. Rain Cloaks.—-Along the whole coast a peculiar form of cloak was worn in rainy weather to shed water. Dixon (1787) says of them, as seen at Sitka: “ I had no opportunity of examining them minutely, but they appear to be made of reeds, sewed very closely together, and I was told by one of ' our gentlemen who was with Captain Cook during 268 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. his last voyage that they were exactly the same with those worn by the inhabitants of New Zealand.” Mackenzie mentions this rain dress amongst the Bilqula (1793M These mats or cloaks were circular in form, with an opening in the center for the head. Ceremonial Paraphernalia—The origin of the custom of wearing cere- monial masks and head-dresses, in this region, would seem to have originated in the actual wearing of them in war. Much of the cere- monial display amongst these Indians has reference to prowess in com- bat, and it is an undoubted fact that, in the survival of many primitive implements of war we have the origin of much of the dance and cere- monial paraphernalia peculiar to this region. With the desire to protect the body, armor naturally originated. The masks and visors worn were painted in all the hideous colors and pat- terns adopted ordinarily for the face. They were sometimes carved with representations of the totem of the owner, but were intended in any case both to protect the wearer and to strike terror to the enemy. Vancouver (1793) mentions an encounter with the Tlingit, up Behm Canal, Alaska, in which the chief put on a mask consisting of a “ Wolf’s face compounded with the human countenance.” The masks were often worn without head pieces or visors, and some of them were so thick that a musket ball fired at a moderate distance could hardly penetrate themj There seems nothing unreasonable in tracing the origin of much of the dance and ceremonial paraphernalia to customs originating in war. Most of our secret and benevolent societies which parade in public have a military organization and uniform. The grass hat shown in Fig. 40, Plate XII, is in imitation of the wooden war helmet, and other sur- vivals will be pointed out from time to time. Armor.—Formerly the body was protected in combat by various de- vices, the simplest being a leather garment, jerkin, or doublet. This was usually made of one, two, or three thicknesses of hide and in itself ofl'ered considerable resistance to arrows, spears, or dagger thrusts, but was still further reinforced by a cuirass or coat of wood, made of strips or slats, worn either over or under the doublet, but usually over. These are illustrated in Plate XV, Figs. 52 and 53. The doublet or shirt has an opening for the neck and one for the left arm ; the right side is not sewed up, faciliting the putting on of the garment and be. ing secured by ties or toggles and straps. There are two other admir- able specimens in the National Museum (Nos. 46465 and 60240), but as they are similar in patterns to the one illustrated in Plate. xv they are not reproduced here. They differ only in having shoulder pads of hide secured on by toggles and strapsand in offering some protection to the arms. Vancouver (1793) thus describes a similar shirt worn by a war party of N ass, which his boat parties encountered: Their war garments were formed of two, three, or more folds, of the strongest hides of the land animals they are able to procure. In the center was a hole sufiicient to “ Dixon, Voyage, p. 191. iMackenzie, Voyages. p. 371. iLisiansky, Voyagse, p. 150. ‘r .8": ,. » "~me THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 269 admit the head and left arm to pass through, the mode of wearing them being over 'j the right shoulder and under the left arm. The left side of the garment is sewed up, but the right side remains open; the body is, however, tolerably well protected, and both arms are left at liberty for action. As a further security on the part which covers the breast they sometimes fix on the inside thin laths of wood.“ ( . v t a , , ., m: lmi Mi ' | ‘ ’m‘ Mfll I n ~ g'\\\\\\\\“~ J“\\\\\\\\‘ r _‘ “_‘\\\\\\‘, ,‘g‘ la y» $.1 ' s:.. s .. we WM“? t “l Slig' if??? ‘hw5““ N“ 11> ‘ ~ ; (I .1. . I l ‘\\\\\\\‘ ? \\\“ \\ ‘ . ‘ 1 1; ii w p. m 3‘ \y \\\\\\\ \ , Q‘ l um ‘) WNW: ’I “i'.\\"\‘\““‘ll l“_.~\\ I, ”YIN?“ 2a I h . , I; 4. ll , . "l - . I l“ 2, h?) x; "ft (3 \‘t l .1 l. H. DETAIL or WEAVING ARMOR. (Cat. No. 49213, U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Collectcd by J. J. McLean.) Fig. 53 is a rear View of a wooden cuirass or body armor from Sitka, showing method of strapping it to the body. It is from a specimen in the National Museum (No. 49213) consisting of numerous (seventy-four) rods of hard wood about 2 feet long, woven together with dark and white twine in alternate bands. The threads are sometimes single and sometimes in pairs, and are made to pass over and under the rods in pairs, but in such manner that the overlappings alternate from one row to the next. This is shown in detail in Fig. 46, where 1a and 1!) represent the parts of one cord, and 2a and 2b represent those of another. The view represents the upper left hand corner of the weav- ing and two upper threads, showing seven rods in both plan and sec- tion. As stated, this method of running the cords or twine is varied by occasionally running them in pairs. Fig. 43, Plate XIII, is a front view of the same specimen of armor. Fig. 49, Plate XIV, represents another variety of body armor in which the wood is in the shape of laths or broader flat strips of wood, also woven together with twine. Strips of hide were sometimes used to secure the strips of wood to- gether; and sometimes the breast piece or covering was in one solid thick piece. The armor shown in Plate XIV is from a sketch in Lisiansky’s Voyage, p. 150, Plate 1. The method of wearing it is shown "Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, p. 339. 270 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. in Fig. 51, Plate XIV, which also shows the mask and helmet in place. The parts are very heavy and clumsy, and the most that can be said in their favor is that they protected the vitalparts from injury. With the introduction of iron "and of fire-arms the Tlingit adopted - a new form of protection, consisting of a buckskin strip around the neck, with iron plates attached pendant down the breastf“ Helmets and head-dresses.—The chief’s ceremonial head-dress has already been described, and is illustrated in Fig. 35, Plate X. In Plate XIII a variety of helmets is shown. Fig. 41 represents a wolf’s head, the wearer or owner belonging to the Wolf totem. It is so light that it could not have served as a protection of any kind, and hence 1s cer-y emonial in its nature. Fig. 42 is a thick massive helmet similar to the one illustrated in Plate XIV, Fig. 47. Fig. 44 represents the Bear totem, while Fig. 45 is carved in representation of the Beaver. On the rim of the latter four copper plates or shields are painted. These two helmets (Figs. 44 and 45) are similar in shape to the grass hat shown in Fig. 40, being that of an oblique truncated cone surmounted by a tall cylinder, and evidently represent the ancient form of helmet worn by the chiefs as seen in the carved columns and other old-time pictographs. They are now worn only in the ceremonial dances, the two illustrated being of light cedar wood and of rather recent make. Another variety of head dress is a ring of shredded cedar bark, twisted into a rope, stained dull red with the ju1ee of the bark of the alder, and made into a circular grommet like a crown Plate XVIII. Some of these are orna- mented with bows, rosettes, and tassels of the same material, the finest and most elaborate being found amongst the Haida, although clearly borrowed or copied in design from those of the Tsimshian and Kwakiutl. With the latter these are only worn in the winter religious ceremonies, and their use is considered improper on any other occasions, whereas the Haida wear them in any of their dances without the peculiar signi- ficance attached to them by other tribes. Masks. —What has been said 1n a general way of helmets and head- dresses is equally true of masks, with the addition that the latter are found even in much greater variety and more ingenuity is displayed in constructing them. The writer has endeavored to trace the origin of the custom of wearing masks in ceremonies to the original practice of wear- ing them in war as a protection. In this View, the simplest form is that shown in Figs. 48 and 50, Plate XIV, the former being a side and the latter a top View. The top rim is thinner than the lower part, and has several grooves or peep-holes cut in it to enable the wearer to see through, as shown in the plate. The front is carved or painted with the totemic representation of the owner. Fig. 50 shows a projection on the inner side (front), which consists of a leather becket or eyelet, covered with a wrapping of grass or cedar bark, and let through the front of the mask, being secured by a knot outside. This goes in the * Lisiansky (ii-305), V01 age, 1)."38 Fig. 41. Fig. 42. Fig. 43. Fig. 44. Fig. 45. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIII. WOODEN HELMETS AND CUIRASS, 0R BODY ARMOR. WOODEN HELMET. Carved in shape of wolf's head. Cat. No. 23441, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WOODEN HELMET, similar to Fig. 47. Plate XVI. Cat. No. 74341, U. S. N. M. Tling‘it Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. WOODEN ARMOR. Made of hard wood rods woven together with twine. Detail in Fig. 46. Another View is given in Plate XV (Fig. 53), showing method of securing; it to the body. Cat. No. 49213, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, ’Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. HELMET. Carved to represent Hoorts. thebear. Cat. No. 89037, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Skidegate. Queen Charlotte Islands. Collected by James G. Swan. HELMET. Sui-mounted by a carved figure of Tsing, the beaver. The painted figures reln'esent copper plates. emblems of wealth and influ- ence. Cat. No. 89035, U. S. N. M. Skedan Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. PLATE XIII. Report of National Museum, I888.—Nib|ack. WOODEN HELMETS AND CUIRASS, OR BODY ARMOR. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. " Fig. 47. 48. 49. . MASK OR VISOR. Showing becket or strap, which is held in the teeth r' . SKETCH. Showing method of wearing the armor. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIV. TLINGIT WOODEN ARMOR. WOODEN HELMET. Secured to the head by straps fastened under the chi From Lisiansky. Voyage. Plate I. WOODEN MASK OR VISOR. Showing holes for ey s. Side View. From Lis ansky. Voyage. Plate I. BODY ARMOR. Made of slats of wood fastened together by twine wove around and between them. From Lisiansky, Voyage, Plate I. keep the mask in place when worn in fighting. Made of one piece . wood, bent to shape and held by a strap of leather, as shown at a. Ca No. 74343, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by J. J. McLean. The leather jerkin underneath is similar to that shown in Plate XV. Report of National Museum, 1888.»—Niblack. PLATE XIV. 2’? W , (J> I Q 1' ‘ ‘ 5 K“ f" I u Ian'” //////.//// IN}! 1 t I I Hi ”mm In I ll ““4 H II” :. ll ”/2” I TLINGIT WOODEN ARMOR. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XV. "WWW Wuauunm‘rrrmm” WOODEN AND LEATHER BODY ARMOR. Fig. 52. JERKIN. Of two thicknesses of moose hide. Worn under the armor (shown in Fig. 53) as an additional protection to the body. The left side has an arm-hole; the right side is open, being secured by straps under the right arm. Cat. No. 130587. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Loaned by Max B. Richardson. Fig. 53. AlmoR OF WOODEN RODS. Inside View of Fig. 43, Plate XIII, showing straps by which it is secured around the waist. Cat. No. 49213, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. PLATE XV. Report of National Museum. 1888.——Niblack. WOODEN AND LEATHER BODY ARMOR. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 271 f mouth of the wearer, and is firmly gripped in the teeth to hold the 1 mask in place. Above this hecket the mask is recessed or hollowed slightly, to give a clearance to the nose of the wearer. Altogether it may be seen to be a very clumsy method of protecting the face. Other kinds of masks were worn to protect the face in war, having the addi- tional objects of representing in their carved outlines the totem of the wearer, or, by their hideousness and grotesqueness, of striking terror to the enemy by lending to the effect of their menacing gestures the ap- pearance of some superhuman being. Often these masks were so mas- sive as to be worn without helmets or head pieces. Straps or thongs of leather fasten them to the head, or a loop of cedar bark cord in the hollow side of the mask is held in the teeth. The ceremonial masks are carved from spruce or yellow cedar and are generally very elaborate, being highly colored in grotesque or hide- ous designs, and often inlaid with abalone shell or copper. The eyes are pierced through to enable the wearer to see about him, and the mouth is also usually cut through, or, if not, teeth are carved or inlaid in bone. Lips, teeth, nostrils, and eyelids are sometimes represented in copper. The top of themask is usually bordered either with hair, feathers, or down. By means of ingeniously concealed mechanism the eyes are sometimes made to roll and the jaws and beak to snap. (See Fig. 60, Plate XVI). Some of them, representing ravens and cranes, have beaks projecting from two to four or five feet. In con- junction With the masks are often worn wooden fins or wings on the back of the head or on the back at the shoulders. Fig. 59, Plate XVI, represents the raven as a ceremonial mask with lips of copper, sur- mounted by a tall fin of wood representing the fin of the orca or killer. This is fringed with human hair, and the figurecarries in its mouth a bow and arrow of copper. Fig. 56 represents a woman’s face, with 4 nose and lip ornaments of conventional pattern, and with curiously painted lines in unsymmetrical design. A variety of masks are sketched in the foreground of Plate LXVII. The custom of wearing wooden masks and headdresses in ceremonies and dances is found throughout the whole northwest coast from the Aleuts to Puget Sound. There is a large collection of these in the National Museum, which in themselves are worthy of separate illustration. The limits of this paper admit only of presenting the few shown in Plates XVI and LXVII. Ceremonial Batons, Wands, etc—In Plates XVI and XVII are repre- sented various ceremonial implements carried in the hands of the chiefs and shamans on state occasions, and permitted to be carried only by men of such rank. Fig. 54 is a carved representation of a how, the figures on the ends representing the whale. It is carried by the Haida shamans in their medicine dances. Fig. 58 is a ceremonial bow carried by a Haida chief. The two carved heads represent the bear. Carved ceremonial arrows go with this type of bow, and in them we see the survival of the ancient weapon as a purely ceremonial emblem, just as I 272 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. to-day we have the court sword as a survival of the sword or rapier carried by gentlemen of other periods. In the same way, Fig. 63 is a Tlingit ceremonial (lance mnd in the shape of a dagger; and Fig. 64 is a Haida baton (called by them Taskewr), in the shape of a war lance of earlier days. Fig. 55 is a fragment of an ancient Haida baton (Taskt’ or Taskcar,) the lower part being missing. The top figure of the carving represents the raven, below that the crow, and then the whale. Be- tween the whale and the next lower figure, which is Skamson, the spar- row-hawk, is a spindle and socket, which pull apart. The sparrow-hawk rests on Skillik, the ceremonial hat, which in turn rests on Tsing, the beaver. This baton is carried in the hand by the chief on the occasion of a great potlatch or feast. At a given signal the two parts are sepa- rated and the distribution of presents begins, the chief retaining one part in each hand. Fig. 57 is a carved cane or wand from Vancouver Island, British Columbia, inlaid with pearl shell, and is the finest spe- cimen of native carving from the southern Indians in the Museum. Figs. 61, 62, and 65 are types of the Haida chiefs’ batons or Taskears; they are held in the hand on occasions of ceremony. At a potlatch the chief calls the name of the recipient of a present, and then thumps on the floor if the gift is satisfactory to the guests, as explained later on. In the totemic theatrical exhibitions these batons indicate the totem and rank of the bearer. When a chief dies and is laid out in state the baton stands near his body. In Fig. 61 the top figure is a chief wear- ing a ceremonial hat, or Skilh'k, similar to the grass hat in Fig. 40. The lower carved figure is the frog. In Fig. 65 the upper figure is Koot, the eagle, and the lower Tsing, the beaver. Rattles, Snappers, and Whistles—In dealing with ceremonial parapher- nalia it might be well to describe here all the accessories of ceremo- nial costumes, such as the accompanying rattles, snappers, drums, whistles, etc. These, however, are reserved for Chapter VII, where they are dealt with as musical instruments. Ceremonial Blankets—In connection with Plates IX and X, a very well-known type of chief's ceremonial costume has been described in this chapter. The Chilkat and cedar-bark blankets are important factors in all ceremonial dances and functions. Otherforms of ceremonial blankets or mantles are made from Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic figures worked on them in a variety of ways. The usual method is to cut out the totemic figure in red cloth and sew iton to the garment (or- namenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method known as applique work; another method is to sew pieces of bright abalone or pearl shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the totemic patterns. Plate XIX well illustrates the applique method. Fig. 74, Plate XIX, is a vestment which hangs pendant down the back, representing the totem or crest of the wearer. Fig. 75 represents a cloak with a neck opening ornamented in red cloth with the totemic design of the Urea. or killer. Fig. Fig. : Fig. Fig. 54. 60. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XVI. ~ CEREMONIAL DANCE PARAPHERNALIA. CEREMONIAL BATON OR WAND. In forum of a bow. The ends represent the head and tail of the whale. Carried by the Shaman in medicine dances. Cat. No. 89099, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . CARVED CANE (Taski). Carried in the hand of the medicine man at a potlatch. Cat. No. 88123. Masset Indians (Haida), Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . MASK. Representing woman‘s face with nose-ring and ceremonial paint. Cat. No. 21570, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by Dr. J. B. White, U. S. Army. ' V . CARvED CEREMONIAL CANE. Cat. No. 150847, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl In- dians. Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . CARVED CEREMONIAL Bow. Bear’s head in relief. Carried by chief in cer- emonies and dances as a wand, baton, or emblem of rank. Cat. No- 89096, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. " . MASK. Representing Hooyeh. the raven, with bow and arrow of copper in his mouth and with the fin 0f the orca above the head. Cat. No. 89043, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Lasheek, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. MASK. Representing a demon with mechanical apparatus for rolling the eyes and snapping the jaws. Teeth of copper. Cat. No. 89042, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of Natlonal Museum. 1888.—Nlblack. PLATE XVI. CEREMONIAL DANCE PARAPHERNALIA. Fig. h. 61. '0. 63. ' '. 64. 66. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XVII. CHIEF AND SHAMAN CEREMONIAL BATONS. CHIEF’S BATON (taskear). Cedar wood. Carried on ceremonial occasions to denote rank. Lower figure. a frog; upper, chief with ceremonial hat. Cat. No. 89097, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. Collected by James G. Swan. . CHIEF'S BATON (taskear). In dancing or when presiding over a feast the chief thumps on the floor with his baton to emphasize the time or to at- tract attention when about to speak. Cat. No. 89095, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. DANCE WAND. Carried in the hand. Ornamented with human hair. Cat. No. 127169, U. S. N. M. Hoodsinoo Indians (Koluschan stock), Alaska. Collected by Paymaster E. B. Webster, U. S. Navy. DANCE WAND. Of wood, in imitation of ancient war spear. The carved head is ornamented with human hair. Cat. No. 74527, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James Gr. Swan. . CHIEF‘s CEREMONIAL BATON. Carved. Upper figure, Koot, the eagle; lower, Tsing, the beaver. Cat. No. 89098, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. SHAMAN‘S BATON OR‘WAND. Supposed to possess magical powers. Carried by medicine man in his ceremonies. Cat. No. 89100, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Col- lected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.~Niblack. PLATE XVII, CHIEF AND SHAMAN CEREMONIAL BATONS. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XV||I. j, a: WW 70" with RED-CEDAR BARK PARAPHERNALIA FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST, AND ANCIENT RATTLE. Figs. 67, 68, and 69. HEAD-DRESSES. Of cedar-bark rope, stained red with the juice of the alder. Worn in the Winter ceremonial dances of the Kwakiutl and other southern coast Indians. This style borrowed by the northern Indians and worn by them in their ceremonials, but not with the same significance as in the south. Cat. Nos. 20849, 20910. Hoodsinoo Indians, Admiralty Island, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 70. NECKLACE. Of cedar-bark rope, like those above, with pendent tassels of cedar-bark twine. Worn over right shoulder and under right arm. Figs. 67, 68, 69, 70, are Cat. Nos. 129513—15, U. S. N. M. Talcomk, sub- tribe of Bilqula Indians, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Col- lected by Dr. Franz Boas. 1. GIRDLE OR NECKLACE. Of cedar-bark rope. Worn around the neck with the pendant down the back of the wearer in the south previous to going on a whaling expedition. Amongst the Haida it is simply a ceremonial ornament. No number. Fig. 72. SASH. Of cedar-bark rope. Worn over the shoulder. Ornamented with gulls’ down. Cat. No. 72701. U. S. N. M. Stikine Indians, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 73. RATTLE. Ancient form. Made of wood with pendent beaks of the puffin This type of rattle is mentioned by many of the early voyagers. No number. ' ’31. 0Q q Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nlblack. PLATE XVIII. [T sf—fi\\“\\\ v Ami/”Wk” , jg. Elm ER\ RW 5%éflswkwfl’ RED-CEDAR BARK PARAPHERNALIA FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST, AND ANCIENT RATTLE. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIX. CHIEF’S BLUE CLOTH CEREMONIAL VESTMENT. Fig. '74. The design represents the halibut, worked on in red cloth, edged with bead and button trlmmings. While it is a modern garment, it shows the artistic skill of these Indians in working up every article of personal property into a totemic design. As a ceremonial vestment it is worn pendent down the back. Cat. No. 20679, U. S. N. M. Tsimshian In- dians, Port Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of Nahona] Museum. 1888,77 Niblack. PLATE XIX. CHIEF’S BLUE CLOTH CEREMONIAL VESTMENT. .THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 273 It is in the form of a truncated cone, with no openings for the arms. Other forms of ceremonial blankets are simply square pieces of cloth to go about the shoulders, ornamented in totemic designs, or with pend- Fig. 75. SHAMAN’s CLOAK. (Cat. No. 89197, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, B. C. (Jolleriml by James (G. Swan.) ant puflin beaks or deer hoofs attached to a long fringe. These are sometimes of tanned deer skin, having the design painted on in a regu- lar pattern in black and red colors. Ceremonial shirts or coats.—Fig. 34, Plate X, represents a woven cer- emonial coat of mountain goat’s wool as already described. Other forms are made of cloth or blanket material and ornamented with to- temic designs, as described above. Fig. 7 505 represents the Sea Lion, and Fig. 751) is a rear View of the same coat ornamented with a design of Wasko, a mythological animal of the wolf species. The edges and arm- holes are bordered with red cloth, and the whole garment is neatly made. Fig. 80, Plate XXI, represents a buckskin coat, with the right side fringed and open and the left side sewed up, having an arm-hole for the left arm. The bottom is also fringed, and the neck-hole slit to admit the head. The design represents the bear. It is a Tlingit garment, loaned to the Museum by Mr. Max B. Richardson, of Oswego, New York. Other ceremonial coats are illustrated in the accompanying plates. Ceremonial leggings.—These are of buckskin, blue cloth, blanket stuff, or of goat’s wool, woven as shown in Plate X, Fig. 33a. A very common type is seen in Fig. 36, Plate X, fringed and ornamented with peml- ant beaks of the puffin, shown in the detail of the same figure. Other kinds are cut out in the pattern or outline of some totemic animal and either painted in design or worked on in colored cloth by the appliqué method. They are secured to the leg by s1 raps of cloth or buckskin and are usually worn in conjunction with moccasins or the bare feet. H. Mis. 142, pt. 2——-18 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. 274 MOXIAL SHIRT. CERJC .S. N. M :unes G. Swan.) hv J Collect .C. Skldegate, B ,1} U4 (03m No. 591 M§m§vx§w§ Jifffiritz fii‘is, , n‘mkh ‘ Fig. 75?). REAR Vmw OF Fm. 75a. WW - a .1}; , EXPLANATION OF PLATE XX. CARVINGS ON ROCKS, AND STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. From photographs by the author, Fig. 76. ANCIENT TLINGIT SCULPTURES. Carved on the rocks on the beach near Fort Wrangell. Alaska. The figure represents the orca 0r whale- killer. Fig. 77. ANCIENT TLINGIT SCULPTURES. Representing several human faces and conventional designs. ' Fig. 79. PRIMITIVE STONE IMPLEMENTS. a is a scraper for removing the inner in- tegument or bark from the trunk of the pine tree for food; b is a small stone hammer; c, a heavy stone sledge; d, an adze, Of which e is a side View; f, a variety of stone adze blades (see Plate XXIII); g, a type of adze, showing method Of hafting; h, a scraper used in the process of tanning hides. Haida Indians, Dixon Entrance. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nlblack. PLATE XX CARVINGS ON ROCKS, AND STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXI. TLINGIT CEREMONIAL BUCKSKIN SHIRT. Made of two thicknesses of buckskin, sewed up on the left side; open on the right. The neck-opening is slit to admit the head. The figure is painted on the front in black and red colors, and represents the totem of the Bear. Cat. N 0. 130588, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Lent by Max. B. Richardson, of Oswego, N. Y. -?;:...e_,;2:§3 Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nib|ack. PLATE XXI. TLINGIT CEREMONlAL BUCKSKIN SHIRT. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 275 Slave-killers.—These are ceremonial implements formerly used by the chiefs in dispatching the slaves selected as victims of sacrifice on occasions of building a house, or on the death of a chief or other impor- tant personage, as described in Chapter XlII. Some varieties of these instruments are illustrated in Plate XLVI. The pointed ends were, driven by a quick blow into the skull of the victim, whose body was accorded special consideration in burial. They seem in general to have been made of bone, or of wood tipped with stone. Naturally, with the advent of the whites, this custom has had to be abandoned, and these implements have, in time, become very rare. V. FOOD; IMPLEMENTS AND WEAPONS; HUNTING AND FISHING. ‘ FOOD: ITS PREPARATION AND HOW OBTAINED. Focal—Fish and berries form the stafi' of life amongst the Indians of this region. Around the summer camps, at all times, can be seen strips of halibut or salmon suspended in the smoke of the dwelling-houses, or drying in the open air on frames erected for the purpose. In the sum- mer season there is an abundance of all kinds of food, but the energies of the Indians are directed to laying up a stock for winter’s use. Hali- but abound from March to November, and are readily caught on their favorite banks, known to the natives who. camp near such localities. Halibut and salmon, fresh and dried, form the basis of the food supply. The salmon are caught during the “runs.” After the daily wants are supplied, and a sufficient number dried for Winter’s use, the surplus fish are converted into oil. This oil, as well as all other kinds, is used as a sauce, into which nearly everything is dipped before eating. Seal and porpoise flesh, or blubber, is esteemed a great delicacy, although they will not eat whale’s blubber for superstitious reasons. Any kind of meat of wild animals is eaten when procurable, but it is only in recent years that they have ever salted down or dried meat for winter’s use. Other kinds of fish, such as cod, herring, and eulachon, are much esteemed. During the run of herring large quantities are dried or pressed into oil. Eulachon (Thaleichthys pacificus), the so-called “candle-fish,” a kind of smelt, run in March and April at the mouth of the Skeena, Nass, and Stikeen Rivers. These have the greatest proportion of fatty matter known in any fish. In frying they melt almost completely into oil, and need cnly the insertion of some kind of a wick to serve as a candle. Fish roe—The roe of fish is esteemed a great delicacy, and great care is taken to collect it in the water, or remove it from captured fish. It is either eaten fresh, or dried and preserved for Winter’s use, when it is eaten in two ways: (1) It is pounded between two stones, diluted with water, and beaten with wooden spoons into a creamy consistency; or (2) it is boiled with sorrel and different dried berries, and molded in wooden frames into cakes about 12 inches square and 1 inch thick. Herbs and berries—Roots, herbs, berries, and snails are amongst the luxuries of the summer season. Raspberries, salmon berries, straw- berries, currants, red and blue huckleberries, salal, and thimble berries abound late in the summer. Some of these are collected and dried for 275 THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 277 winter’s use, forming, with the dried fish, the principal winter’s supply Poole (1863) says of the Haida, that they often, through feasting or improvidence, eat up all the dried berries before spring, and “were it not for a few bulbs which they dig out of the soil in the early spring- time, while awaiting the halibut season, numbers of Indians really would starve to death. ”* Portlock mentions the root of the wild lily as very much used by the Tlingit. Grab-apples are found, but are scarcely edible. Wild parsnips are abundant and palatable. Many years ago an American ship cap- tain gave theIndians potatoes, and they are now regularly cultivated, and form a considerable item in the winter food supply. Other vegeta- bles may be and are grown. Near all the villages now may be seen patches of ground planted, however, principally in potatoes. Git—Fish is eaten dried by breaking it up and soaking the bits in fish-oil or grease, having the consistency of uncooled jelly. This oil is obtained from seals, porpoises, herring, salmon, eulachon, goat, deer, bear, and the livers of the dog-fish, shark, and other vertebrates. It is the odor of this rancid oil which permeates everything Indian, and renders a visit to a lodge on the northwest coast somewhat of an ordeal. Invertebmtea—Invertebrates and several species of marine algae or sea-weed are eaten. Of the former there are clams, crabs, cuttle-fish, and mussels or oysters, the last named being often poisonous at certain seasons. The clams, echinoderms, and sea-weed are gathered at ebb tide. The shell fish are usually eaten in the Winter months. Seaweed—The sea-weed is dried for winter’s use and pressed into a kind of cake, like plug tobacco. A species of it, quite black when dried, is used for making a dish called sopalluly, of which the Indians are im- moderately fond. This is made by breaking up a very small piece of the pressed sopallaly cake into little bits in a bowl or dish and adding warm water. It is then beaten with a wooden spoon and sugar is added. It froths and foams like the white of an egg or like soap, and gradually turns from a terra-cotta color to White. Berries, fresh or dried, are sometimes added, and the mixture is consumed with avidity by old and young. Langsdorff (1805) says in spring and summer the Tlingit gather several sorts of sea-weed, which, “ when cooked, make a bitterish sort of s0up.”’r He mentions also “a sort of square cake made of the bark of the spruce fir, pounded and mixed with the roots, berries and train oil.”’r Bark—The inner bark of the spruce and hemlock forms an important part of the food supply of the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian. The southern Indian eats pine bark. Plate XX, Fig. 79a, shows a stone scraper used by the northern Indians for removing this inner bark from the trunk. The scrapings are molded into cakes about a foot square " Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, 1). 315. iLangsdorff, Voyages, Pt. II, p. 131. 278 0 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. and an inch thick, dried and preserved for winter’s use. It is eaten, . like dried fish, with oil as a sauce. Birds.—The Indians are remarkably fond of wild fowl, but the diffi- culties of shooting and entrapping them with their ordinary imple- ments and means have made them a very inconsiderable source of their food supply. At certain seasons, however, they capture them by strat‘ egy. Wild geese they catch after they have shed their large wing feathers and are unable to flyfi‘ At other times they hunt wild fowl by night with torches and fell them with clubs. Poole (1864) thus de- scribes bird slaughtering amongst the Kwakiutl: - The birds, which are small but plump, burrow their holes in the sand-banks on the shores. When the slaughtering season arrives the Indians prepare torches composed of long sticks having the tips smeared With gum taken from the pine trees. Armed with handy clubs, they then place these lighted torches at the mouths of the holes, and as soon as the birds, attracted by the glare, flutter forth, they fell them to the ground.f Birds’ Eggs.—Birds’ eggs are collected, wherever possible, in early summer. The Haida derive their supply from the outlying rocks of the Queen Charlotte Islands. The Kaigani make trips out to Forrester and other islands. Each location is pre-empted by particular families, and considered hereditary property, which is handed down from gen- eration to generation. Cooking and Preparation of Food.—Dried fish, bark, roe, etc., are eaten with grease or oil, as before stated. Salmon roe is buried in boxes on the beach, washed by the tide, and eaten in a decomposed state. The heads of salmon and halibut are esteemed a great luxury when putrefied in the tide or salt water. Meat is either broiled on a stick, roasted on hot stones, or boiled in a kettle. Before the intro- duction of kettles, meat was boiled in a wooden dish or water-tight basket by means of red hot stones added to the water. Fresh. fish and cuttle fish are always cooked. Oil is extracted from the livers of dog- fish and stranded sharks and whales, to sell to the whites. Oil is ob- tained in difl'erentlocalities from salmon, herring, eulachon, and pollock. The fish is usually allowed to partially putrefy and then boiled in wooden boxes by means of hot stones dropped in the water. The grease or oil is skimmed from the surface. The refuse is squeezed in mats, and the grease obtained is stored in boxes. Sometimes this grease or oil is run into the hollow stalks of giant kelp, which have been tanned or pre- pared beforehand as follows: The stalks are soaked in fresh water to extract the salt, dried in the sun or in the smoke of the dwelling, and then toughened and made pliable with oil, rubbed thoroughly in. In this form of stdrage the oil is as portable as in bottles, or in jars, with less danger of breakage. Birds or wild fowls are toasted on a stick before a slow fire without any previous plucking or cleaning, and the feathers and skin removed afterward. The entrails are supposed to add a decidedly better flavor to the bird. “ Portlock, Voyage, p. 265. iPoole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 284. v EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXII. PRIMITIVE STON: I:.:PLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST, WITH WOODEN WEDGE FOR Fig. 81. Fig. 82. Fig. 83. Fig. 84. Fig. 85. Fig. 86. SPLITTING WOOD. STONE HAMMER OR SLEDGE. Head of basalt; haft of wood. The drawing shows method of hafting. Cat. NO. 88820, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. STONE SLEDGE. Head of basalt; handle of wood; lashing of spruce root. Cat. No. 88815, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. STONE PESTLE. For grinding paint, and sometimes used as a hand weapon. Cat. No. 89011, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WOODEN WEDGE. Body of spruce or cedar: lashing on the head of twisted spruce root. Used in splitting logs and getting out timber for industrial purposes. Cat. No. 72679, U. S. N. M. Makah Indians. Cape Flattery, W'ashington. Collected by James G. Swan. STONE SLEDGE. Head of basalt; lashing of raw-hide. Cat. No. 20596, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl Indians, Bella Bella, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. STONE SLEDGE. Head of basalt; lashing of spruce root. Cat. No. 20893, U. S. N. M. Kaigani Indians (Haida), Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. ' Report of National Museum, 1888.—Niblack. PLATE XX” PRIMITIVE STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST, WITH WOODEN WEDGE FOR SPLITTING WOOD. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 279 When the salmon or halibut are caught, it is the duty of the women to clean and dry them. The head is cut off, the fish slit down the back, backbone and entrails removed, and the tail and fins cut ofl". The cleaned fish is then cut into long flakes, which are hung on a wooden frame, and cured, without salt, either in the sun or by means of a slow fire beneath. Sometimes they are dried in the smoke of the dwellings. The fish when dried are either wrapped in bark or stored in chests or boxes, and stowed for future use out of the reach of the dogs and children. When bear, deer, goats, or other game are killed, the skin is not generally removed from the carcass until most of the fleshhas been eaten. In this way the skin forms a wrapper to preserve and protect the flesh. Grease obtained by boiling the meat is skimmed from the surface of the water and esteemed a great delicacy. INDUSTRIAL IMPLEMENTS OR TOOLS. In general.—Primitive tools were of stone, the most common edged ones being of flint, or a peculiar hard green jadeite, or, where possible to obtain it, of jade, which last named they got from the north in trade. Rough tools and implements, such as sledges, hammers, mortars, pes- tles, scrapers, etc., were of igneous rock, roughly carved in the totem of the owner. The knives for more delicate carvings in, wood were of copper, flint, jade, or the bones of fishes and mammals, the work being smoothed down with shark skin used as a sand-paper. Steel has now been substituted for stone in all of their tools, but the native shape has been in a measure retained. ILmzmers and Sledges.—-These were of hard igneous stone, rudely carved, and are used here and there even to this day. Figs. 81, 82, 85, and 86, Plate XXII, represent a variety of these as regards shapes, sizes, and methods of hafting, while Plate XX, Figs. 79, b and 0, show a very primitive form of hammer and sledge-head, respectively. Adzes.-—-A variety of adz-blades of a green jade-like stone are shown in Fig. 7 9, same plate, (1, e, and f. Figs. 88 and 89, Plate XXIII, are other varieties of this pick-shaped blade, of which Figs. 90 and 91 show methods of hafting. A more handy variety of adz, for finishing and planing work, is shown in Fig. 79 g, f being a variety of blades as re- gards size. The methods of hafting this flat-shaped blade throughout the northwest coast are shown in Fig. 79 g and Figs. 87, 92, 93, and 94, Plate XXIII. Iron or steel is now substituted for stone, and the favor- ite form is that made by sharpening the end of a broad flat file. Dixon (1787) says the only stone implement he saw amongst the Tlingit and Haida was an adze made of jasper, “the same as those used by the New Zealanders.“t Knives. —Before the introduction of iron the only metal ax .1ilable was copper. This was not used for industrial pu1poses, as knives, on ac- ” Dixon, Foyage, p. 224 280 ' REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. count of its softness. Chief reliance was placed in jade, flint, or other stone, and upon shells and bone. In the Emmons Collection in the Museum of Natural History in New York are two primitive Tlingit stone knives, with horn handles, and illustrated in Figs. 99 a and 99 b. The handles are of deer horn, the blades of jade, and the lashing of buckskin. Marchand (1791) expressed his astonishment at the elab- orately carved posts in front of the Haida houses of Queen Charlotte Isl- ands, which, he says, were fashioned out with “a sharp stone, hafted on a branch of a tree, the bone of a quadru- ped, the bone of one fish and the rough skin of another.“ On the introduction of iron, which both Cook and Dixon attribute to the Russians, the Indians were not slow to adapt it to their pur- poses. Dixon says that in Captain Cook’s time “iron implements were then also in use” among the Tlingit and Haida, while, in 1787, their knives were “so very thin that they bend them into a variety of forms, which answer their every purpose nearly as well as if they had recourse to a carpenter’s tool chest.”1‘ This applies, however, equally well to-day, as Plate XXIV will show. Figs. 97 to 103, inclusive, illus- .; . ., ., // Ulla] a' Figs. 99,, and 99;, ' trate a variety of knives from the north- STONE 13mm Kmvms. west coast, all of similar design or pat- iflai‘h- Emmons COHEWM . tern, those from the north, however, having their handles carved with totemic designs after the usual custom of this region. Figs. 95 and 96 represent fish knives of a simple pattern, which replaced those of shell formerly used. Fig. 103 represents a pat- tern not uncommon in the north, being, besides a dagger, an all around knife for carving, cleaning fish, cutting up game, etc., much as a bowie knife is used by the trapper of the interior. Scrapers.—-Two varieties of stone scrapers are shown in Plate XX, Fig. 79a and h. The former is a very primitive instrument used for scraping off the inner bark of the spruce and hemlock for food. The latter is a stone skinrscraper used in cleaning hides in the process of tanning. These are also of bone, as shown in Fig. 79k from the Emmons collection, and are often ornamented with totemic designs, as in the specimen shown. Mortars and pestles.——Stowed away in the older houses of the different * Quoted by J. G. Swan, in Smithson. Cont. to Knowledge, 267, p. 12. tDixon, Voyage, p. 243. Fig. Fig. Fig. .,, I 1g. Fig. Fig. Fig. '0. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXIII. PRIMITIVE STONE AND STEEL IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. . STONE ADZE. Rudest form; showing mode of hafting. See Plate XX, ; 79 f. Cat. No. 43234. U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Alaska. Collected by Com- ' mander Beardslee. U. S. Navy. ' STONE ADZE BLADE. Hafting shown in Fig. 91. Cat. No. 88996. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian Indians, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 8.11119 as Fig.88. Cat. No. 89013, U. S. N. M. STONE ADZE. With lashing of twisted spruce root. See also Plate XX. Fig. 79. (land 6. Cat. No. 88816, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians (Haida). Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Same as Fig. 90. Cat. No. 88720. U. S. N. M. HAND ADZE. Blade of steel; handle of bone. Cat. No. 23376. U. S. N. M. Makah Indians (\Vakashan stock), Cape Flattery, Washington. Col- leeted by James G. Swan. . ADZE. Blade of steel. Cat. No. 23462. U. S. N. M. Clallam Indians (Sal- ishan stock), Washington. Collected by James G. Swan. . ADZE. Blade of steel; general northwest type. Hafting same as used for- merly on stone blades. See Plate XX. Fig. 79f. Kwakiutl Indians. Bella Bella. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.~—Niblack. PLATE XXIIL PRIMITIVE STONE AND STEEL IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXIV. ~97 9.7 .98 ’9’ 103 103 INDUSTRIAL IMPLEMENTS OR TOOLS—KNIVES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. 95. 96. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. FISH KNIFE. Steel. Used in cleaning and preparing fish for drying. Cat. No. 74373, U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. FISH KNIFE. Steel, with copper handle. Cat. No. 88772, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . WOOD-CARVING KNIFE. Blade of steel. The end of the blade is curved to make the deep cuts of relief-carving. Cat. No. 129977a, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl Indians, Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WOOD—CARVIXG KNIFE. Straight blade of steel; handle carved to represent a sea-lion. Cat. No. 1299771), U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl Indians, Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island BritiSh Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WOOD-CARVING KNIFE. Cat. No. 129978a, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl In- dians, Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. VVOOD-CARVING KNIFE. Cat. No. 1299781), U. s. N. M. Kwakiutl In- ' I dians, Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WOOD-CARVING KNIFE. Curved end of blade. Cat. No. 20831, U. S. N.M. Kaigani Indians. Prince of Wales Island. Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. ' WOOD-CARVING KNIFE. Carving represents Hooyeh. the raven. Cat. No. 67831. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. KNIFE. Used as a weapon and for carving wood. cutting up meat. fish, etc. Cat. No. 74267, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka. Alaska. Col- lected by John J. McLean. Report of National Museum, 1888.77Niblack. PLATE XXIV INDUSTRIAL IMPLEMENTS OR TOOLS-KNIVES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 281 villages are now found large and small stone mortars and pestles, sur- prisingly well carved in totemic designs. These were by some people supposed to indicate that in early days these Indians ground maize, as did and do the hunting Indians of the interior, but such is not the case, as they were unacquainted with cereals of any kind. These mortars were used for an entirely different purpose. In the larger ones were ground and prepared the tobacco plugs for chewing; in the smaller were mixed and ground the diiferent paints used for the body, masks, carvings, and all the various purposes to which these native pigments were and are now applied. Fig. 83, Plate XXII, represents a paint-pestle, which was also used as a weapon or missile, carried in the hand in times of local feuds, brawls, and quarrels. Fig. 83a represents a pest-1e of this kind in the Emmons Gol- lection already referred to. Another variety of pestle is shown in Plate LXIII, Fig 338. Fig. 339 of same plate is an ancient tobacco mortar of marble or calcite, neatly carved on the exterior with a totemic design. Other mortars carved in likeness of frogs, birds, fishes, and flower-pots are found throughout the northern region. Wedges.-—-These are usually of wood and formerly were entirely so. Now, however, iron wedges are some- _ times used. These, in any case, are for splitting up logs ginto boards, and in getting out timber in~ the rough generally. A very useful type of wooden wedge is shown in Fig. 84, Plate XXII, general throughout the _ . . Fig. 79k. coast. These were used in connection w1th the heavy BONE SKIN scam“. sledges shown in the same plate. The heads of the minm. gmmfnwouec- Fig. 83a. PAINT PESTLE. (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) wedges are protected, or prevented from splitting, by a grommet woven from tough withes or from spruce root and put on as shown in the 282 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. illustration. The skill with which huge slabs, rafters, and boards are 1 gotten out with the rough tools employed is surprising. ' 0hz’sels.—-A primitive type of chisel is shown in Fig. 78, consisting of a green stone blade mounted in a wooden handle. The blade is similar L in shape to those of the adzes. This instrument was used in roughing down the surface, the smoothing being done by scraping with sharp-edged shells or stones, or even by rubbing with shark or dog-fish skin to get a finished surface. Drills.—Holes, where drilled, were made by patient digging with a pointed instrument of stone or bone, or by driving in a copper spike and withdrawing it. Joints were made by dovetailing, mortising, tonguing and grooving, or notchng and lashing, great ingenuity bein g shown in avoiding the necessity for pegs or nails. Paint-brushes.—These are shown in all their varieties in Plate XLV, A and B, and are well adapted to the neat work demanded of them. Bristles, hair, and vege- table fiber are the materials used for the brush-heads. The handles of those from the northern region are carved with the usual totemic designs. Other tools and implements adapted to special uses in their arts and industries will be described in Chapter VII. WEAPONS OF WAR AND OF THE CHASE. W ramparts—The principal weapons before the advent of the whites were clubs of wood and stone, bows and arrows, spears with shell, bone, flint, copper, or jade tips, and, above all, the dagger, the constant companion Fig. 73. of the Indian of this region. 0mm. Clubs.—These were of wood, of stone, or of stone (Emmons Collection.) hafted With wood. The hafted stone clubs were simply industrial implements already described and used for the time being as weapons. A Tsimshian stone war-club is illustrated in Fig. 122, Plate XXVII. A Tlingit stone war-club in the Emmons Collection, New York, is shown in Fig. 119a. It is possible that the slave-killers, shown in Plate XLVI, were also carried as weapons, although no war-clubs of this type are now found in this region. Plate XXVIII illustrates a variety of clubs used for different purposes. Fig. 132 is a war-club pure and simple, the others being hunting or fishing implements and used to give the death-blow to seals, sea-otters, or fish after their cap- ture by the difi'erent methods explained hereafter. These are all carved either with the totemic design of the owner or a representation of the animal itself. Each club is used distinctly for the purpose of dispatch- THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 283' ing the animal for which it was made. Figs. 128 and 129 are sea-otter clubs; Figs. 130 and 131 are seal clubs. The halibut and other fish clubs are similar in design. A type not here illustrated is a round wooden knob with straight handle. Daggers—Dixon (1787) says of the Haida and Tlingit: Their weapons are spears fixed to a pole 6 0r 8 feet long, and a kind of short dagger, which is worn in a leather case, and tied round the body; to this dagger a leather thong is fastened, at the end of which is a hole for the middle finger; the leather is afterwards twisted round the wrist in order to fix the dagger firm in the hand, so that the warrior loses his weapon only with his life.“ The handle is generally nearer one end than the other, giving a long blade and a short one. The leather sheath is usually strapped to the waist or hung about the neck, concealed be- neath the blanket. The handle is small in diameter, wrapped with leather, and secured by a thong to the wrist when carried in the hand. The blades are flat and thicker down the middle than towards the edges, being generally grooved on each side of the center ridge. All varieties of patterns, how- ever, are found, the different types being well represented in Plate XXV, of which Fig. 108 represents a primi- tive dagger of copper inlaid with hali- otis shell, while Fig. 107 is the same type, of steel, with copper mountings. . Fig. 107d is a sheath of buckskin for Fig. 122a. the short blade of the dagger, and 107 e STONE WAR-CLUB- the same for the long blade, the latter (““1“ Emm°““°°"e““°"" having, as shown. a strap to go about the neck. The dagger shown in Fig. 107 is from the Copper River Indians, but is clearly a Tlingit type, having undoubtedly reached that region in the course of trade. Fig. 106 shows a one-bladed dagger with a carved handle. Fig. 104, with its three details, a, b, and 0, shows the method of securing the handle to the blade. Fig. 105 is a- Tlingit chiet’s dagger. The edges of all of them are rather dull and the points somewhat blunt, but the execution which these deadly weapons do is in the force with which they are driven into an " Dixon, Voyage, p. 244. 284 _ .REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. adversary. The two primitive types of copper daggers seen by Dixon , i (1787) in this region are reproduced from sketches in his Voyage, p. 188, ‘2 in Plate XXVII, Figs. 116 and 117. Amongst the Aleut and Tinné to “*2? Fig. 1083). Fig. 1086. STONE DAGGER. STONE-BLADED DAGGER. (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) . the north the type of dagger is that shown in Fig. 118, described also by Portlock (1787 )*. This type is found in the Yukon region and well " Portlock, Voyage, p. 261. COPPER AND STEEL DAGGERS WITH SHEATHS OF BUCKSKIN AND MOOSE HIDE. Fig.104 Fig. 105 Fig. 106 Fig. 107 Fig. 108 EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXV. lflfe l07d . DAGGER. Steel blade; cedar—wood handle, showing method of attach- ment. Cat. No. 74264, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. . DAGGER. Steel blade; carved wooden handle, representing an Indian chief sitting. (Sheath of moose hide to the left.) Cat. No. 74262, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. . DAGGER. Steel blade; carved cedar-wood handle. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. . DOUBLE-BLADED DAGGER. buckskin sheath with neck-strap. blade. Cat. No. 88702, U. s. N. M. (Athapaskan stock). Alaska. and inlaid with abalone shell. dians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands lected by James G. Swan. Collected by John J. McLean. Cat. No. 76463. U. S. Collected by James G. Swan. With copper mountings; Tlingit type. Prob- ably acquired by Copper River Indians through trade. Fig. 1076 is Fig. 107d is the sheath for the short Collected by James G. Swan. . DAGGER. Of copper; double—headed: primitive type; elaborately chased Cat. No. 89020. U. S. N. M. British Columbia. Atna or Copper River Indians Haida In- Col- Report of National Museum, 1888.~Nibiack. PLATE XXV. "5 ~ .~.\ 5-3" ;1§ .3} ~£<~ ‘I \‘ 22' o \ ('0‘; X3 l \\\\\ \\\\w\\\\\\\««\\\\ \\\~N w“ - x». fix» . 1 ‘t.z»' ‘v COPPER AND STEEL DAGGERS WITH SHEATHS OF BUCKSKIN AND MOOSE HIDE. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 285 back into the interior. Fig. 116 is a slight modification in the type of 117, in the direction of 118. The first daggers that were made of steel, after the advent of the whites, were converted by the natives from large flat files, which they also made into adze blades. The skill- ful manner in which the Indians ground down the files into beauti- fully fluted daggers challenged the admiration of the traders, who found the work as skillfully done as that by European metal- workers. The primitive dagger was of stone or bone. Those of bone were of the shape shown in Fig. 107, Plate XXV, with a sharp ridge running down the middle. Fig. 108b represents a Tlingit stone dagger from the Emmons Collection Fig. 1080 from the same source, has a blade of stone and handle of wood covered in totemic design. Another dagger of jadeite or nephrite, not here represented, is a long prism of square cross-section pointed at each end, about three-fourths inch on a side, with the handle about one-third of the distance from one end. Fig. l08d is a steel dagger, also from this collection, of native workmanship. The edges are very sharp, and it is an exceedingly dangerous weap- on. The handle is covered with plate copper, as shown. Fig. 1086 is a Tlingit steel dagger also from the Emmons Collection. The handle is wrapped with bu ck- skin strips, and outside of all is wound a cord of plaited human Fig.108d. Fig. mag. hair. Fig. 108f is a Tlingit ivory STEEL DAGGER. STEEL DAGGER. guard for the DOth Of a dag- (Tlingit. 2:3?an Collec- (Tlingit. ginninfns Collec- ger to protect the wearer from danger of accidental stabbing. Flg. 180g is an ivory dagger-edge guard for fastening over the sharp edged point of a dagger. Both of 286 ' REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. these specimens are from the Emmons Collection. Fig. 108?» is a steel- g. bladed dagger with goat-horn handle. , Bows and arrows—In the :- course of trade ' many of the Eski- mo types of bows and arrows have found their way south amongstthe Indians, particu- larly amongst the Yakutat and other .. northern Tlingit. Fig.108f; Fig.108g. With the Eskimo IVORY GUARD FOR DAGGER IVORY GUM“) F0“ and Aleut the bOW POINT. DAGGER. _ (Tlingil. Emm)ons Collec- 3’ n d a’ r r O W 1 S 1 lion. equally with the harpoon, a weapon of the greatest importance, and a high type of each has been developed. The backing of sinew on the bow is occasionally found amongst the Tlingit, but not so skillfully applied as in the north (see Smithsonian Report, 1884, “A Study of the Eskimo Bows in the U. S. National Museum,” by Mr. John Murdoch). Amongst the Indians of the northwest coast the bow and arrow is and always has been only an auxiliary hunting implement, although a very important one, in the capture of sea-otter. To-day the bow and arrow survives only as a means of despatching wounded game to save powder and ball. The two types of coast Indian bows, the broad and narrow, are shown in Plate XXVI. The narrow type (Figs. 109, 110, and 115) is principally confined to the Tlingit, whereas the broader one (Figs. 111, 112, and 114) is found amongst not only the Tlingit, but the Haida and Tlingit as well. In Fig. 112 the peculiar groove down the inside of the bow is shown. The device in Fig. 115 to protect the thumb Fig-1°“: from the snap of the bow-string consists of a wooden “@5333“ bridge lashed to the inner side of the bow at the middle. ”“Bii‘xga’féfif?°“’ This is a willow bow of the type found in the interior amongst the Tinne, and either copied from their type or obtained by trade from them. Cedar and yew are the principal woods used by the coast Indians for bows, the strings being of hide or sinew. Few bows are now seen amongst these Indians except as toys for the chil- dren. Arrows—Before the introduction of iron, arrow-heads were of bone, flint, shell, or coliper. The copper and later iron heads were of the shape shown in Fig. 13305 or 134a, Plate XXIX, fitting into an ivory or (Tlinglts. Emmons Collection.) Fig. Fig. . 109. . 110. .111. . 112. . 113. 114. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVI. 140.9 //0_ //'/ M3 ”3 M/ //.f TLINGIT AND HAIDA BOWS AND TLINGIT WAR-SPEAR. BOW. Tlingit type: narrow. Cat. No. 75454, U. S. N. M. Tlingit In- dians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. BOW. Narrow type. Cat. No. 16406, U. S. N. M. Yakutat Indians (Tlingit), Alaska. Collected by William H. Dall. BOW. General coast-type. Cat. No. 63551, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. BOW. General broad coast-type; under side showing the groove. Cat. No. 73546, U. S. N. M. Kaigani Indians (Haida), Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by J. Loomis Gould. WAR SPEAR. General type after introduction of iron. Handle carved with owner’s totem. Blade of steel (bayonet shape). Cat. No. 75419, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. BROAD BOW. General coast type. Compare 111, 112. Cat. No. 88812, U. S. N. M. Masset(Haida). Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . WILLOW BOW. With device for receiving the blow of the string. Cat. No. 75455, U. S. N. M. Tinné Indians, interior of Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean in Sitka. . LN-..“ PLATE XXVI. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nlblack. TLINGIT AND HAIDA Bows AND TLINGIT WAR-SPEAR. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVII. //6' //5 I17 . ”‘9 A90 le/ {3 0 O .. , V a; ' . '12 .3 45.3 (244 425' r26 482% 4376 WEAPONS OF WAR AND OF THE CHASE. Figs. 116 and 117. COPPER DAGGERS. From Dixon‘s Voyage, page 188. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 118. 119. 120. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. STEEL DAGGER. Cat. No. 2025, U. S. N. M. Arctic coast and Yukon River. Collected by B. R. Ross. STEEL ARROVV-HEAD. Foreshaft of bone. Cat. No. 74960, U. s. N. M. ’ Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. STEEL ARROW-HEAD. Bone foreshaft. Cat. No. 74958, U. S. N. M. . Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. . STEEL ARROW-HEAD AND FORESHAFT. Cat. No. 74966. Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. STONE WAR CLUB. Tsimshian, Fort Simpson, Alaska. From photograph. ARROW. Shaft of cedar; steel head and foreshaft in one piece. Cat. No. 73457, U. S. N. M. Kaigani, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Col- lected by J. Loomis Gould. ARROW. Shaft of cedar; bone head and wooden foreshaft. Feathers at“ tached to the shaft at their extremities. Cat. No. 20694, U. S. N. M. Bilqula Indians. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. ARROW. Head of shell; feathering glued to the shaft. Cat. No. 20694, U. S. N. M. Bilqula Indians, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. BLUNT ARROW. Of cedar; for practice and dispatching game. Cat. To. 63551, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean, 127 (a and b). THROWING-STICK. Of wood; carved in totemic designs and laid With haliotis shell. Cat. NO. 7899, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sit' Collected by Dr. T. T. Minor, U. S. Army. The Tlingit are not knowr to} have used the throwing-stick, While it occurs throughout the entire Eskimo area. (See Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part II, legend to Plate XVII.) PLATE XXVll. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Niblack. WEAPONS OF WAR AND OF THE CHASE. I g THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 287 bone fore-shaft, the shaft being of cedar. In some varieties the barbs are on one side only. Fig. 124, Plate XXVII, represents a bone-headed arrow. Figs. 135 and 136, Plate XXIX, are bone spear-heads, but the same shape of smaller size are used for arrows. These are set into a 'bone or ivory fore shaft similar to the Eskimo arrows. Fig. 125 rep- resents an arrow with a head made of shell. The fore-shafts are of light cedar wood let into the larger shafts. 1n the Emmons Collection is a black flint arrow-head represented as coming from this region. The style of blunt-headed arrow is shown in Fig. 126. These are generally used for despatching wounded game. Fig. 126a shows one variety of bone arrow-head of this blunt pattern. The tenon at the butt fits into Fig. 126a. Fig. 126b. . Fig. 126a. BONE ARROW‘HEAD. Boss ARROW-HEAD. BONE ARROW-HEAD. (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) (Tlingit Indians. Emmons Collection.) (Tlingit Indians. Emmons Collection.) a socket either in the bone fore-shaft or in the cedar shaft itself. Fig. 126b shows another kind, in which the shaft fits into the head itself, where it is secured by means of a tight lashing of twisted bark, cord, or sinew. Fig. 1260 shows a third variety, in which a- thin tongue or projection on the side of the bone arrow-head lets into a groove on the side of the shaft. Through holes pierced in this tongue and through the head of the arrow-shaft wires are run to attach the head to the shaft. The general types of iron arrow-heads are shown in Figs. 119, 120, 121, and 123, Plate XXVII, and 133a, 134a, and 138, Plate XXIX. The fore-shafts of 119 and 120 are of bone. Arrows with bone fore- shafts, or bone or ivory sockets on the head of the arrow-shafts, and with detachable heads similar to those used by the Eskimo, are occa- sionally found amongst the Tlingit. The arrows of the southern Indians are in general superior to those of the northern, and of the interior In- dians to those on the coast. War swam—The primitive form was a simple wooden pole sharpened and hardened in the fire, or pointed with copper and later with iron. " * Bodega y Quadra, quoted in Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. I, p. 104. 288 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Not many stone spear heads are found in this region. There is one ‘ in the Emmons Collection in New York, but how it .was attached to the spear shaft does not appear. Marchand (1793) describes the war spear as consisting of two parts, a wooden shaft and an iron head, shaped like a Swiss halberdfi‘ Plate XVII, Fig. 64, shows a wooden ceremonial spear, doubtless an imitation of an ancient form of copper or stone- headed spear. Fig. 113, Plate XXVI, is a Sitka war spear with carved handle or shaft and steel. bayonet pointed head. In general the war spears have shafts from 10 to 14 feet long, whereas the hunting spears are much shorter. A Fur-seal spawn—This in general consists of a long, light cedar shaft and a detachable head. The shaft is of the primitive type with a socket in the upper end to receive the butt end of the detachable head. This latter was formerly made of bone but later and at present of iron or steel. (Plate XXIX, Figs. 133a,134a, 135 and 136.) The steel ones are generally ' made by the Haida themselves from old flat files which they purchase from the traders. The end is sharply pointed, as shown in the figure, while the edges and back are wrought into sharp barbs to hold in the flesh. A loop of wire, or a shackle near the butt end, serves for the attachment of one end of a strong cord of plaited sinew, sea-weed, or vegetable fibre, the other end being secured to a float or bladder. This spear is nothing more nor less than a harpoon. The seal being struck, the head detaches itself and the animal is thus secured to one end of a line. When not in use, the head is carried in a sheath made of two pieces of cedar wood in the shape of a fish’s tail, securely lashed together with bark or spruce root lashings. (Figs. 133b and 1341).) When about to be used, the sheath is removed and the detachable head fixed in the socket of the light cedar shaft. Figs. 135 and 136 represent de- tachable spear heads of bone, with barbed edges. The cross sections 0 and d show that one is lenticular in shape and the other triangular. This type of spear head is not unlike that of the Eskimo and Aleutand is of very primitive design. Arrow-heads of this shape and description are common amongst the Eskimo but are rare in the coast Indian region. The fur-seal spears here described are virtually harpoons. Salmon spears. —-Primitive types of salmon spear heads are shown in Figs. 137 and 138, Plate XXIX. The shafts are now, as always, of light cedar wood, the recent changes 1n the character of the spears being due to the substitution of large steel fish hooks for spear heads. These hooks, purchased from the traders, are lashed to the spear shaft near the end, as shown in Fig. 149, Plate XXX, and the old-fashioned spear head done away with altogether. This is a very effective spear, and in the Indian’s hands seldom fails to bring up its victim. Fig. 137a is a bone salmon spear head from the Emmons collection. Fig 149a is a Tlingit salmon gig of deer antler for snagging salmon, also from the ’Marchaud, Voyage, tom. 11, p. 68, also quoted by Bancroft. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVIII. A25 A90 /3.9 WEAPONS OF WAR AND OF THE CHASE—CLUBS. Fig. 128. CLUB. For killing sea-otter. Carved to represent the animal. Cat. No. 88828, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 129. CLUB. For killing sea-otter. Cat. No. 88825, U. S. N. M. Haida In- dians, Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 130. CLUB. For killing seals. Carved sea-lion. Cat. No. 88824, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 131. CLUB. For killing seals. Carved seal. Cat. No. 88930, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 132. WAR CLUB. Carved to represent the raven. The three figures (a, b, and c) are frogs. Tsimshian Indians, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. C01- lected by James G. Swan. Repod of National Musefim, 1888.—Nib|ack. PLATE XXVI”. WEAPONS OF WAR AND OF THE CHASE—CLUBS. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXIX. was /.746 AH!“ ayfl (‘9 d a (1/3696 ‘07} HAIDA AND TLINGIT HUNTING AND FISHING IMPLEMENTS. 133 (a and b). SEAL SPEAR-HEAD. Of steel: Head detachable from foreshaft and secured by a plaited lanyard of sea-weed made fast to a shackle in the butt. The case b is made of two pieces of cedar lashed together with split spruce-root. Cat. No. 88929, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 134 (a and b). SEAL SPE 1R HEAD Barbs on the back as well as on the sides. Cat. No. 88890, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, Blitish Columbia Collected byJ ames G. Swan. 135. BONE SPEAK-HEAD. Barbed and detachable. Cross section shown in 0. Cat. No. 74962, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. 136. BONE SPEAR-HEAD. Cross section shown in d. Cat. No. 74963, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. 137. SPEAR-HEAD. Of steel; foreshaft of wood. Steel head shown in a: fore- shaft in b. The point d fits into a socket in the spear-head a. The point 0 of the foreshaft fits into a socket in the spear—head. Cat. No. 88803. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 138. FISH SPEAR-HEAD. Three prongs of steel. Cat. No. 18933, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. 139. FISH RAKE. Teeth of sharpened iron nails. For taking herring during a run. From a sketch by the author. 140. HALIBU’I‘ LINE-FLOAT. Of cedar wood: carved to represent a shag 0r duck. Cat. No. 43237. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Collected by Commander L. A. Beardslee. U. S. Navy. Report of National Museum, I888.——Niblack, PLATE XXIX. HAIDA AND TLINGIT HUNTING AND FISHING IMPLEMENTS. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 289 Emmons Collection“ Fig 137, Plate XXIX, represents a flat steel spear head, a, with detachable wooden fore-shaft, b. A line attached to the head is also fastened to the end of the spear shaft, allowing several feet Fig. 1376. Fig. 149a BONE SPEAR~HEAD. SALMON GIG. (Tlingit. Emmous Collection.) (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) drift; This type is adapted to the capture of other kinds of fish and even'the sea-otter, but one better for all purposes of hunting and fish- ing is that shown in Fig. 150, Plate XXX. A detailed description of the spear complete may not be out of place, as it is the general coast Indian type from Puget Sound to Cape St. Elias. Such a spear consists of three parts, the shaft, fore-shaft, and head; The shaft is a light cedar pole, having in the outer end a socket, and served on that end with a wrap- ping of cedar bark fibre or spruce root to prevent its splitting. The general type of fore-shaft is that shown in Fig. 137b, Plate XXIX. It is of cedar wood, about 8 to 10 inches long, and pointed at both ends, that f at 0 being a flat leaf-shaped expansion fitting into the socket in the end of the shaft. The point d fits into a socket in the butt of the spear head. ' The usual type of spear head as now found is that shown in Fig. 150, Plate XXX, consisting of a barbed arrow-sh aped head of steel with asocket , at the butt formed by two pieces of bone lashed to the end of the steel tip. The lashing tapers, and is usually covered with spruce gum so as to offer no obstruction to the whole head entering a fish, seal, or other vic- ‘ tim. The lashing also secures the end of a laniard about 2 feet or more g, long, the other end of which goes to the end of the shaft and is there . § lashed. In other words, the detachable head is really attached to the . spear shaft by a verystout cord. The two bone barbs at the butt of ” the spear head form the socket for the end 0 of the fore-shaft. When ' the game is struck the fore-shaft comes away from both the spear shaft ‘ and spear head, but the head is secured to the spear shaft by its lan- iard, and a harpoon line is bent to the spear shaft, so that the capt- ured animal is on one end of a continuous line of which the other is H. Mia. 142. pt. 2~‘—Il9 4 290 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. - either attached to a float or is in the hand of the Indian. Fig. 150a is , another steel salmon spear head of the same type, while Fig. 138, Plate XXIX, is a three-pronged spear of a very different type. In its more primi- tive form the three barbed prongs are of long pieces of A bone with barbed and serrated edges. Sometimes the : same design as that shown is found, in which the arrow- . shaped tips are of bone or shell. Steel is now generally used, the fore-shaft of the head being permanently se- ' cured into a socket in the head of the cedar wood spear shaft with a tough lashing and a coating of spruce gum _ at the joint. Fish hooks.—The apparently clumsy hooks of this re- gion have been found to possess so many advantages over the type used by Europeans that they are retained ‘ by the Indians to this day. Curiously enough the use to which they put our large steel books is shown in— Fig. 149, Plate XXX, viz, as spear heads, to which they are admirably adapted. There is little in the art of fishing that we can teach these Indians, and their conservatism is founded on exceedingly good judgment, although it is not to be denied that superstitious belief in the effi- ciency of certain forms of books is somewhat of an ele- V ment in such conservatism. One advantage the native SALMggAngAR' hooks undoubtedly possess over our own is in not being _ (mm Emum Co, liable to foul the bottom. A very primitive type of book ' 1......) is that shown in~Fig. 147, Plate XXX, in which: the barb is a straight piece of bone, the shank a piece of wood, and the snood or snell a piece of whale bone. The snood is attached to the shank by a _‘ lashing Of bark. This type of hook must be distinguished from the double-pointed one similar in general construction shown in Fig. 146. This is a sort of gig or snag for hooking fish where they are plentiful. Fig. 145 is such an instrument pure and simple, the iron head shown fit- \ ting to a cedar pole shaft. It is used for gigging salmon where they are thick and sluggish during the “runs.” A very primitive type of hook not uncommon in Alaska is that shown in Fig. 142, consisting of a small narrow block of wood with a spike of bone, shell, or iron, and a snood of spruce root, kelp or whale bone. The general varieties of hooks used in the northern region about Dixon Entrance are shown in Plate , XXXI. Of these the primitive halibut hooks are Figs. 155, 156, 159, and i 161. The first two are made in two pieces, each lashed at the joint with cedar bark, the shanks being carved with designs supposed to give good luck to the fisherman. The barbs were formerly of bone or shell, but later of iron. The last two are made from the forked branches of a tree dressed down to neat dimensions, and are very strong and serviceable, often bringing up halibut weighing from 50 to 120 pounds. The bait is lashed to that arm of the hook which carries Fig. 150a. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXX. {9? WM. W1 W7 "‘ I "i . 016 { \gg ? MW? /C¢8/ IVQUi c FISHING IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. 141. TRAWL LINE Of cedar roots with whalebone snoods or gauging and cedal hooks for ocean fishing. Cat. No. 6560, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl Indians, Vancouv e1 Island, Blitish Columbia. Collected by Dr. T. T. Minor. 142. HOOK. Of wood, with iron or bone barb and whalebone or cedar-withe shank. P1imiti1'e type. 143. Knot by which the Haida join sections of kelp-stem fishing-lines together. 144. Piece of 001d spruce- -loot, cedar balk, or othel vegetable fibel used as fish- ing-line. 145. Jig or snag for hauling out salmon. Cat. No. 129979, U. S. N. M. Nimp- kish Indians F01t Rupe1t,B1itish Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 146. FISH-HOOK, jig. or snag, with two barbs; bone point; whalebone ganging or snood. Primitive type, Cat. No. 74189, U. S. N. M. Makah Indians, Neah Bay, Washington. Collected by James G. Swan. 147. FISH-HOOK. Single-barbed, with bone point and Whalebone snood. Same type as Fig. 146. Cat. No. 74188, U. S. N. M. Makah Indians, Neah Bay, Washington. Collected by James G. Swan. . 148 (a and b). HOOK. F01 bla( k cod 1) show s peg in position and hook baited; a shows position when not in use, with lashing tightly diawn to pre- serve the elasticity. Collected by James G. SW an. 149. SALMON SPOON. Made of European steel fish-hooks. Collected by James G. Swan. ‘ 150. SE AL OR SALMON SPE A.R Head detachable. show‘ mg the lanyard by which it is made fast to the spea1-shaft. Cat. No. 129980, U. S. N. M. Nimpkish Indians, F01t Rupert, Blitish Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 151. Sketch showing halibut line with stone sinker a, float b, and hook c. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Niblack. PLATE XXX, FISHING IMPLEMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. . 153. ' . 154. 159. 160. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXI. : A75 /.5@ /54 /6 0 Ia'a' a 6 /.§‘ .9 § /""\, FISH-HOOKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. . HALIBUT HOOK. Of iron, modeled after wooden type. Lashing designed to secure the bait around the point; the lines or snoods of cedar-bark ‘twine, spruce root, kelp, sinew, or hide served with bark or spruce—root ,. fiber. Cat. No. 88778. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte 3. Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. FISH-HOOK. Of yew, with bone barb. Cat. No. 72649, U. S. N. M. Makah Indians, Cape Flattery. Washington. Collected by James G. Swan. FISH-HOOK. Of yew, with iron barb. Cat. No. 88765, U. S. N. M. Mas- set Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. . Collected by A James G. Swan. . FISH—HOOK. Of spruce. representing a sea—gull. Cat. NO. 42976, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka. Collected by Commander L. A. Beardslee. . FISH-HOOK. Representing a medicine man. Cat. No. 74351. Tlingit In- dians. Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean. . HALIBUT HOOK. Similar to 154. Cat. No. 88780. U. S. N. M. Masset In- dians, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . HALIBUT HOOK. In two pieces; barb of iron; snood Of spruce root. Cat. No. 88766. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. HALIBUT HOOK. Iron barb: carved wooden float. Cat. No. 88762, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. RED-FISH HOOK. The rod a of spruce; the hooks bl) of iron: the snoods of buckskin. Cat. NO. 89208. U. S. N. M. Skidegate Indians. Queen , Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . HALIBUT HOOK. Largest type. Cat. NO. 20656. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian Indians. Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. FISH-HOOKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. >‘Q unu- »:5 :75?’ \ -,.._¢ a l 'noelqu—‘gggl ‘umesnw leuong ,Lo node}; 'IXXX 3iV'ld THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 291 the barb and just under it. Fig. 158 is also a primitive type of hook made in two pieces and of the same character as those just described. A second primitive variety is that made by steaming and bending a ,,tough limb of yew or other wood into the shape shown in Fig. 153, 75”which is a Makah hook from Cape Flattery, Washington Territory :T.(Wakashan stock). Their hooks are by far the neatest on the coast, } and are traded to the northern Indians. The lashing shown across I it in the plate is for securing the bait, this being the method of windin g '5, the string when the hook is not in use. Fig. 152 is a Chilkat and 157 'a Haida version of this same type of hook. Fig. 152 is an iron one ~ modeled also on this design, and similar 'in shape to Fig. 161. Another kind of hook differing from those just described in shape, _ principle, and freedom from fouling the bottom, is used for catching cod, flounders, etc., and is thus described by Judge J. G. Swan in a pamphlet on the fisheries of the north: ' : They are made of the knots of hemlock limbs cut out from old decayed logs. These are split in pieces of suitable size and whittled to the required shape, and bent by being steamed into the form which in the skil hook resembles the longitu- dinal section of a goose egg. The lower portion of these hooks are curved inward to form a barb, and when not in use the two ends of the hook are fastened together by a piece of twine, which is also used to tie on the bait. When the hook is'to be used the two parts of the hook are separated by means of a stick or peg, which the fish knocks out when he takes the bait, and the two ends of the hook close together and ‘ hold him fast; the peg floats to the surface and indicates to the Indian that he has caught a fish. The sinker is another ingenious contrivance; it is a large stone, weighing from 12 to 15 pounds, and a smaller one to serve as a tripping stone; the line is firmly wound ardund these stones with many turns, and a. bight or loop tucked under one of the parts in the same manner a signal officer rolls up a flag in a ball and tucks a bight of the haliard under a turn, which, when pulled out, sets the flag free; so when the Indian fisherman thinks, from the number of floating pegs, that he has enough fish, he pulls out the loop of his line, the stones become loosened and fall out, and he hauls in his line relieved of their weight. , The Haidas frequently put on one hundred hooks to a single line, which acts like ' a trawl, and so plentiful are the black cod that often from fifty to seventy-five are hauled in at one time. The bait used seems to be anything handy, as the skil is a greedy feeder, and will take either fresh herring, squid, or a strip of the White skin from a halibut’s belly. The Indian, however, has enemies to contend with; one of the most formidable is the ground shark, or nurseflsh, as the sailors call them, which will eat off the bodies of a whole line full of fish, leaving only their heads; there is a small fish of the cottoid or sculpin variety (Blepsias rirrhosus)—Nukaio, kaiungo— ((Haida) which will steal the bait and sometimes gets caught. Dogfish also are at times very troublesome. Whenever the Indian is sure of the presence of these pests he goes to another place to fish. . This type of hook is also reproduced in iron. A sketch is given in ' Plate XXX, Fig. 148 a and b. The former shows the hook baited and pried open with a peg; the'latter shows it when not in use, lashed to preserve the spring in the wood or iron. Fig. 160, Plate XXXI, shows a peculiar device used by the Haida for catching red fish. The withe (i wood, a, is tough and elastic, and secured at its middle point to the 292 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. line. The hooks are somewhat on the pattern of those just described,‘ but no pegs are used. Fig. 141 represents an Indian trawl line for th ocean fisheries of the northwest coast. The ground- line is made 0%,, cedar roots, the sneods or gaugings of whalebone and cedar, and th hooks of steamed and bent cedar wood, with barbs of iron. Except 1n: the use of anpiron barb the whole device is a very primitive pattern extensively amongst the southern ceast Indians (especially of Vancou-_ ver Islands), and the Kenai, Aleut, and Eskimo, but rarely amongs the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian. For superstitious leasons the whale bone, copper, or iron on one edge, like a comb, as shown in Fig. 139, Plate xxxx, is used in herring and eulachon fishing. With these in- struments the Indians beat the surface of the water, during the “run” of these fish in enormous shoals, seldom failing to bring up two or three . at a time; transfixed on the sharp teeth. ' Fish- baskets. ——These difl'er little from the open mesh type of basket hereafter described. They are used for dipping out fish during th ‘ “ runs” and in this sense are simply dip nets. I Fishing- lines ——These are either made from the stems of the giant» kelp, which grows so abundantly on the coast, or from vegetable fiber, such as bark, spruce, and cedar roots, etc. Sinew and whalebone are little used amongst the northern coast _I.ndians The vegetable fiber is: neatly twisted into two or three strand cord, as shown in Fig. 144, Plate, XXX, although sometimes plaited with threads of wild hemp or shredded‘ sea- weed. The stems of the giant kelp are cured 1n the smoke or sun and simply knotted together, the usual knot being that shown in detail ’ in Fig 143, Plate XXX. This kelp grows in from 3 to 30 fathoms, or . deeper. At the root it is about one-fourth inch in diameter, and solid, expanding upwards and becoming hollow about half way up.- Its upper end is surmounted by a large hollow bulb, from which floats: long, streamer-like, or lanceolate leaves. These are great rock or shoalj. indicators, and are invaluable“ notices to mariners.” Judge Swan says :3, “The Indians out these stems close to the bottom with a simple instru- f4 ment formed of a V-shaped branch, across the smaller portion of which a knife blade is secured; this is lowered over a kelp plant in 20 or 30; fathoms, and the stem easily cut 011‘ by a sudden pull of the line at-J tached to the cutter.” The solid stems are used for fishing-lines and: the bulbs for oil bottles, both being cured by soaking in fresh water:- and drying in the smoke or sun. The smoke-dried lines are black, and the sun-dried of a light yellow or neutral color. It should be noted; here that the Yakutat and other Tlingit of the extreme North have EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXII. J (‘- l d {\(‘om (3’~ 675': was /65 z "5.6 l 1 I 4“; f I 4 3-48 I“ 147 use DRAG AND DIP NETS; PADDLES; DETAILS OF NETTING AND BASKET WEAVING. Fig. 162. DRAG-NET 0R SEINE. Woven from twisted thread of cedar—bark fiber, Fig. with roping of same material. The details of the knots are shown in Fig. 162a. The wooden float d is on the end of the drag-line. The wooden floats on the head of the net are flat pieces of wood spaced about 3 feet apart. The sinkers at the foot are black pebbles 0r stones lashed in a circular wooden hoop and spaced from 8 to 10 inches apart. Length of net. 52 feet; depth. 64 inches. Cat. No.89203, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 163. DIP-NET. Triangular in shape. with frame of forked branches of tree with two cross pieces. The details of the netting are shown in Fig. 1631). Cat. No. 89209. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 164. DIP-NET. Of cedar-bark fiber: oval frame. Used to catch echini. Queen F' ,_. Fig. Fig. Fig. g. Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 165 (a, b. and c). PADDLES of the Haida and Tlingit: painted in totemic de- sign. Fig. 1651) represents the type of steering—paddle, while a and c are the ordinary type. 166. PADDLE. General type of Puget Sound and South Coast Indian paddle. . PADDLE. New Zealand. Painted in a design similar to the totemic orna- mentation of this region. . BASKET WEAVING. (From Plate XIV, Fig. 251), Smithsonian Report, 1884. Aboriginal basket—making. Prof. O. T. Mason). Makah Indians, Neah Bay, Washington. Collected by James G. Swan. .. xii-La. .. w 2 Report of National Museum, 1888.4Niblack. PLATE XXX”. , 9O 0 s ~¢ § $39.“ ’§ . mt‘ge’otgs®s.‘~:¢&¢s§f$§.M”tug, Q v Q § 0. . . Q “o“:’&3’s‘::‘ « 04"” 54¢“ 11 6.0- O ‘4 o’ DRAG AND DIP NETS; PADDLES; DETAILS OF NETTING AND BASKET WEAVING. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 293 {been much influenced by the Kenai and Aleut, who use sinew, blad- ders, and intestines of animals, in the manufacture of their fishing im- plements. Dixon (1787 ) speaking of the Yakutat halibut fishing says: They bait their hooks with a kind of fish * " * or squid, " * * and ghaving sunk it to the bottom they fix a bladder to the end of the line as a buoy, and, i should that not watch sufficiently they add anothe1. Their lines are very strong, be- 1 ing made of intestines of animals. One man is sufficient to look after five or six of » these buoys; when he perceives a fish bite he is in no great hurry to haul up his line, but gives him time to be well hooked, and when he has hauled the fish up to the sur- face of the water he knocks him on the head with a short club provided for that pur- pose, and afterwards stows his prize away at his leisure. This is done to prevent the halibut (which sometimes are very large) from damaging or perhaps upsetting his canoe in their dying struggles. Thus were we fairly beat at our own weapons, ‘ and the natives constantly bringing us plenty of fish our boat was never sent on this business afterwards.’r V Amongst the Tlingit‘these floats are generally duck-shaped and carved from wood, although bladders are also used amongst them as mentioned by Langsdorf (1805), who says: “ To every line is fastened a small bladder, which floats upon the surface of the water, so that one person can attend fourteen or fifteen lines.”’r .7 Floats—The modern type of fishing-float is of wood, carved to repre- sent an aquatic bird of some sort, and these floats are of two kinds, under-water and surface. The surface floats have been spoken of above, and one is represented in Fig. 140, Plate XXIX. The under- water ones are to float the halibut hooks just clear of the bottom, as shown in Fig. 151b, Plate XXX, as it is here that the halibut feeds. The stone sinker, a, is detachable from the line, and is Used to keep the hook and float both near the bottom. This style of float is also illustrated in Fig. 159, Plate XXXI. Fishing-alaba—These have been spoken of at the beginning of this chapter and illustrated in Plate XVIII. A peculiarly carved club is used for each different kind of animal, superstitious reasons being given for such variety. Drag- nets.-Nets are made from cedar bark, wild hemp, or wild nettle fiber, spun into twine, and now woven with a shuttle similar to that used by fishermen on our own coast. Some of these are small, and are secured to poles and dragged between two Canoes; others are long and are similiar to our seines. Fig. 162, Plate XXXII, represents a Haida drag-net of this last kind. The roping is of cedar bark; the netting, of hemp twine; d is a wooden float on the end of the drag-line; the floats along the head are thin flat blocks of cedar wood, spaced about 3 feet apart; the sinkers at the foot are black pebbles or stones lashed in a circular hoop and spaced about 8 to 10 inches apart. Details of the netting are shown in Fig. 162a. The net from which this illustration was drawn is 52 feet long and 64 inches deep, from Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. What were the styles and by % " Dixon, Voyage, p. 174. tLangsdorf, Voyages, pt. II, p. 134. 294 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. what means nets were woven before the advent of the whites, the f' ‘? writer was unable to learn. Dip- nets.—-Two varieties of these are shown in Plate XXXII, Figs. 163 and 164, the frame of the one being oval and the other triangular. , Details of the netting are shown in b and c. Fig. 163 is the kind used by the Indians for scooping up echini or sea-urchins at low tide, while Fig. 164 is the kind used for dipping out salmon caught in the river- traps, and for herring, eulachon, etc, during the “runs.” Weirs.—Across the streams where salmon run weirs are usually built for trapping them. Where the water is shallow and swift, frames of split sticks, interwoven with older branches in a kind of basket- work, are stretched across, driven into the bottom, and strengthened with braces held in position by pegs. These frames, or weirs, are spaced a little distance apart, so that when the salmon leaps the first frame he is trapped between it and the second, and is removed by a dip-net or speared at leisure. In deeper water the dam, or weir, consists of a basket-work frame with round openings here and there, with pass- age-ways conical in shape, formed by converging pointed sticks, like some kinds of wire rat-traps. The salmon going up stream forces his way through and is trapped in a basket-work compartment and dipped out at leisure. Bird and other land traps.—The usual forms of Indian traps are found in this region, consisting of a cage and figure-of-four trigger, a bent sapling with snare noose, and the larger game traps of the usual dead- fall pattern. 0anoes.—The canoe is to the north west coast what the camel is to the desert. It is to the Indian of this region what the horse is to the Arab. It is the apple of his eye and the object of his solicitous attention and affection. It reaches its highest development in the world amongst the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands. Classified according to shapes, sizes, and uses, there may be said to be four kinds on the north- west coast: (1) hunting, (2) family and transporting, (3) voyaging, and (4) war. The voyaging and war canoes, although kept for different purposes are practically the same in size and shape, the differences, if any, being slight. Hunting and fishing canoes.—These are somewhat similar throughout the Whole coast and are well illustrated in the models shown in Plate XXXIII. The upper View in the illustration is by far the most common type of hunting canoes, but the lower one is that seen about Dixon Entrance. They are light portable dugouts carrying from one to three people. Family or transportation canoes.—These are from 25 to 35 feet long and 4 to 6 feet beam, carrying whole families of from four to fifteen with camping outfit, trading supplies, baggage, provisions, etc., amounting often to2 tons weight or more. Farther south, around Puget Sound and Vancouver Island, this kind of canoe has a straight stern post, as in NM . {if fl THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST, COAST. 295 shown in Plate XXXIV, Fig. 171. Amongst the Haida and other north- 7ern tribes the stern projects backwards and slightly upwards, forming a long spur running down to a straight edge near the water line (Fig. 172, same plate). The bow also curves upward and has a regular and ‘ gracefully shaped cut-water. Voyaging (-anoes.—- l hese are from 35 to 65 feet long and 6 to 8 feet beam, with flaring gunwale and long projecting spurs on both how and stern. These latter are generally scarfed on to the main body of the canoes, and with the flare of the bows help to make them more sea-worthy. ‘Poolc (1863) describes the canoe of Chief Kene, of the Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia (in which he made a voyage from the latter’s village to Victoria, British Columbia), as having three masts, three sails, I and a mainstay-sail, and carrying thirty-seven people, with two tons of baggage, freight, etc.* When it is reflected that these large canoes, often with 5 tons capacity, are hewn from a single log, our marvel at the skill displayed in their construction is decidely increased. To-day the custom of painting the bow and stern in elaborate totemic patterns is rapidly dying out, but formerly it was practiced throughout the whole coast. The totem was also sometimes indicated by a carving, either wrought on the spur or secured to it on the top or sides. ‘Vancouver (1793) found this custom as far south as the Kwakiutl, of (lardner Channel, British Columbia. Of a canoe which he saw there he says “its head and stern curiously decorated with carved work and rude and uncouth figures in painting.”’r War canoes—These, in primitive times, are said to have formed a distinct class in themselves, having been elaborately painted and decorated, but latterly the voyaging canoes have practically taken their places, there having been no real difference in point of construction or size between the war and transporting craft. It is doubtful if any real distinction could ever have been drawn. » Canoes in generat—There is a marked difference in the canoes of the northern and southern Indians. It is not so much in the mere outward appearance as in the shape of the cross-section and in the lines. The northern canoe is superior in all the points by which we judge their qualities. At the head of the respective types are those of the Haida in the north, and of the Makah, of Cape Flattery, Washington Terri- tory, in the south. The former have projecting prows, high, spur-shaped sterns, flaring gunwales, and a gracefully rounding or curving cross- section, although without any distinct keel. The latter have the blunt, straight stern, a gracefully curving bow, but a flat bottom, with little curve in the cross section. This type is heavier, roomier, stronger, less cranky, and more durable than the Haida type, but the latter is swifter, handier, and more buoyant. The Haida have in some of their larger canoes somewhat copied the Makali t‘ pe for the greater strength ” Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, 1). “269 t Vancouver, Voyage, Vol.1, 1). 303. \XXXII; the southern, that in Fig. 166. As may be expected, the north- 296 ‘ REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888: secured. An admirable illustration of this adaptation is seen in the enormous Haida canoe in the U. S. Natonal Museum (No. 26785), which is very much like Fig. 171, Plate XXXIV, in appearance. Its dimensions are as follows: Length, 59 feet; beam, 8 feet; height of stem, 7 feet 3 inches; height of stern, 5 feet 3 inches; height amidships, 3 feet 7 inches. However much the larger canoes may differ in shape and character, the ; light, portable hunting canoes (Fig. 169, Plate XXXIII) are much the 75? same throughout the coast. ‘ Before the sea-otter became extinct they were hunted well out at sea, the Haida being particularly venturesome and successful, and hence rich, and respected accordingly. "One of their chief sources of revenue today is in the building and sale of canoes, which they tow to Port Simpson or up into Alaska and sell or trade to their neighbors. The ,; tendency of the day is in the direction of smaller sizes for the canoes than formerly. This is but the natural result of peaceful times, when it '3, \ is not necessary to travel in such large parties for mutual protection. ~ However, the Yakutat and Sitka canoes were never as large as those of the Haida, as from earliest times the latter have possessed the largest ; canoes on the coast. The post of honor in a canoe is at the steering paddle aft. Usually this position is occupied by a woman or an elderly 13;: man, the steering being accomplished by a few adroit side strokes inter- ‘ jected into the regular process of paddling. In the family canoe there are few idlers. even the young children wielding paddles and “ working their passage.” . " Canoe Outfit—This consists of masts, sails, paddles. bailers, and mats. ‘ ' Ballast of stone is sometimes, though rarely, carried. The masts and sails have been added since the advent of the whites, the rig being 7‘ ,5 sprit-sail, and the number of masts varying from one to three. Masts and sprits are of light cedar wood, and sails, originally of mats, are now invariably of white cotton sheeting. These canoes will not sail on the wind, but with a flowing sheet the speed made is astonishing. The - northern type of paddle is that shown in Fig. 165 a, b, and 0, Plate ern paddle is ornamented with the design of the owner’s totem. Fig. 167 is a New Zealand paddle, introduced by way of showing the‘simi- larity of this in connection with the many other objects common to these two remote regions. A bailer is imperfectly shown in Plate XXXII. It is simply a scoop of wood with a short straight handle." Mats are sometimes carried in the canoes to cover them when hauled up and to throw over the cargo or household or camping effects in transit. The Indian is exceedingly careful of his canoe and all that pertains to it. In landing, a gravel beach is selected, where possible, and the canoe hauled well up beyond high tide. \Vhen it is to remain any time ex- posed to the weather, it is protected from warping and cracking from the sun’s heat by a cover of mats or boughs of trees. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXIII. 76.9 770 MODELS OF GENERAL TYPES OF HUNTING AND FISHING CANOES NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 169. HUNTING AND FISHING CANOE. This is the upper figure in the plate, and is an excellent model of a hunting and fishing canoe found throughout the coast. The paddles are of the Southern Coast Indian pattern. Cat. No. 640, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by George Gibbs. Fig. 170. SMALL FAMILY OR SUMMER CANOE. For fishing, hunting, etc. Haida. and Tlingit type. This style of totemic ornamentation is now only put on the models of canoes, but it was formerly the custom to so orna- ment all of them. The general type of northern paddle and baler is shown in outline. The paddles of both the northern and southern type are better shown in Plate XXXII. Cat. No. 21595, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by Dr. J. B. White. U. S. Army. MODELS OF GENERAL TYPES OF HUNTING AND FISHING CANOES, NORTHWEST COAST. ‘nOEIqIN# 'gggl ‘umosnw leuoIIeN Io Medea 'HIXXX 3iV—ld EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXIV. /7/ /7,3 FAMILY 0R TRANSPORTATION CANOES OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 171. CANOE. The upper figure in the plate illustrates the general type of South Coast Indian canoe, with its swan—like barbed prow and straight, blunt, high stern. The difference between this style and that found amongst the North Coast Indians is fully discussed in the text. Fig. 172. CANOE (lower figure). General type of the North Coast Indian canoe with its projecting prow and stern, round counter, and fine lines. FAMILY UH THANsrm-rrATIuN CANOFS OF THE NORTHWFST COAST, 'noeiqu—‘gggl 'Lunesnw jeuogueN p uodaa 'AIXXX 3iV'ld . .1 . r,’ y , L ' r ', , ‘ ‘ . L i ; A ‘ . ‘ THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 2.97 ' Canoe making.—The primitive tools used in canoe construction are j so simple as to excite our surprise. The principal and almost only one used is the adze of some pattern or other shown in Plate XXIII, Figs. 9:5, 93, and 94. The logs for the purpose are usually gotten out in the summer season and rough hewn to somewhat the shape of the canoe in ‘ odd hours about the summer camp—the finishing work being left until winter: The trees are generally selected near some watercourse and felled in such a direction as to admit of launching them into tide water. The log is trimmed where felled to rough dimensions, launched, an? -towed to summer camp, Where the preliminary work is done. Often b - combined labor numerous logs are gotten out in this way at one time, made into a raft, and by means of sweeps and sails and by dint of working the tides brought to the village or to the neighborhood of the camps. Good trees for canoe purposes are sufficiently rare to make their selection diflicult and expensive in both time and labor. The best wood for all purposes is the yellow cedar (Chamwcyparis N utkaensis), found on the Queen Charlotte Islands and in spots around the southern Alaska boundary. The smaller canoes are made from the Sitka spruce (Picea, Sitchensis), and the very largest from the giant cedar (Thuja gigantea). The whole process of canoe construction may be briefly described as follows: The tree is felled with an ax (formerly stone ones were used). The trimming and rough hewing is done by wedges and sledges. The rest of the work is done by patient cutting with an adze. The canoe being roughly worked out is widened in beam by steaming it with wan ter and hot stones placed in the bottom of the canoe, stretchers or thwarts of gradually increasing sizes being forced in as the wood ex- pands. The long spur ends in large canoes are neatly scaifed on to the body with a dovetailed joint and finished down as part of the whole. The smoothing work on the outside is ol‘tendone with a chisel, but usu- ally the interior of the canoe shows thechipping marks of the adze. The smoothing work on the exterior»to lessen the friction of the water is furthered by the use of sandpaper, sandstone, or shark’s skin. The conventional colors used now in painting are black outside and white inside,with a red strip on the inside of the gunwale running quite around the canoe and upon the bow and stem spurs. The process of painting is described in the next chapter. The lines of these canoes are re- markably fine and good; and when of considerable size and intelli- gently handled they are remarkably good sea-boats. Trips are often made in them to Victoria, British Columbia; and the Kaigani visit the outlying islands of the Prince of Wales Archipelago in the early sum- mer in search of birds’ eggs about 25 miles out to sea. ~ HUNTING AND FISHING. METHODS OF CAPTURING ANIMALS. Salmon.—The first run of salmon occurs about the middle of July, ,When they swarm in myriads into the mouths of the small fresh-wateg 298 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. streams. It is difficult to picture in the mind the abundance of these fish and the mad abandon with which they hurl themselves over obsta- ,- cles, wounded, panting, often baffled, but always eagerly pressing on up the streams there to spawn and die. In some of the pools they gather in such numbers as to almost solidly pack the surface. When there is a waterfall barring their progress they may be seen leaping at , i the fall endeavoring ‘to ascend it, often as many as six or more being in the air at once. The flesh at first hard and firm on contact with fresh water soon loses its color and palatableness, so that the sooner they are captured the better. The species of the first run vary along the .coast. They are comparatively small, do not remain long, and do not furnish the bulk of the supply, although at the canneries now erected as many as two to five thousand have been known to be caught with one haul of the largest seines. About the middle of August the Tyee or King salmon arrives, the run often lasting the year out. 'When they first appear they are fat, beautifully colored, and full of life and animation; but soon are terribly bruised, their skin becomes pale, their snouts hook-shaped, their bodies lean and emaciated, and their flesh soft, pale, and unwholesome. In Wrangell Narrows is a waterfall of about 13 feet. At high tide the salt water. backs up the stream and reduces this fall to about 8 feet, but never less even at» spring tides, but the King salmon leaps the falls and numbers of them may be found in the fresh water above. The writer has deposited in the Smithsonian Institution several instantaneous photographs of leap- ing salmon taken by himself at this locality, but it is unnecessary to reproduce them in this connection. The whole of the territory on the northwest coast adjacent to the Indian villages is portioned out . amongst the different families or households as hunting, fishing, and berrying grounds, and handed down from generation to generation and recognized as personal property. Privilege for an Indian, other than the owner, to hunt, fish, or gather berries can only be secured by pay- ment. Each stream has its owner, whose summer camp, often of a. per- ‘ manent nature, can be seen where the salmon run in greatest abun- dance. Often such streams are held in severalty by two or more families with equal privileges of fishing. Salmon are never caught on a hook; this method, if practicable at all, being too slow. At the mouth of the streams they are speared or caught in nets. High up the streams they are trapped in weirs and either speared or dipped out with dip-nets. The Indians are beginning now to use seines and to work for salmon on shares, but the older ones are very conservative, and cling somewhat to primitive methods in a matter even so important to them as the capture of salmon, their chief food supply. Halibut—These may be taken at almost any season in certain locali- ties, while they are more numerous during certain months in others.. The Indians make the subject quite a study, and know just where all the banks are and at what seasons it is best to fish. Often villages are . _ flux.) \ THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 299 located on exposed sites for no other reason than to be near certain halibut grounds. This fish varies in size from 20 to 120 pounds, and is ~ caught only with a hook and line. The type of hook is that shown in Plate XXXI, and the method of sinking it shown in Plate XXX, Fig. 151. This fish stays close along the bottom, and is such a greedy feeder as to be readily caught by the clumsy hook shown. In fishing for halibut the canoe is anchored by means of stones and cedar bark ropes. The bait is lashed to the hook, a stone sinker attached to the line, and the contrivance lowered to the bottom. Sometimes the upper ends of the lines are attached to floats and more than one line tended at a time. A fish being hooked is hauled up, played for a while, drawn alongside, grappled, and finally despatched with blows of a club carried for the purpose. It requires no little skill to land a hundred-pound halibut in a light fishing canoe. A primitive halibut fishing outfit consists of kelp-lines, wooden floats, stone sinkers, an anchor line, a wooden club, and wooden fish hooks. It is impossible with our most modern appli- ances to compete with the Indians in halibut fishing. With their crude implements they meet with the most surprising success. Herring and eulachom—Herring are found in the summer months in numerous parts of the coast, depending on the nature of the feeding ground. They run in large shoals, breaking the surface of the water, and attracting in their wake other fish, porpoises, whales, whale "‘ kill- ers, ” flights of eagles, and flocks of surf birds, all feeding either on the herring or on the same food as that of which they themselves are in search. They are dipped out by the Indians with nets or baskets, caught with drag-nets, or taken with the rakes previously described. Eulachon or “candle-fish” run only in the mouths of rivers, particularly the Skeena, Nass, and Stikine in this region. They are considered great delicacies, and are dried and traded up and down the coast by the Indians who are fortunate enough to control the season’s catch. God are caught with the skil hook previously described. Dogfish, flounders, and other kinds are caught with almost any kind of hook, there being no especial appliances used or required. Spawn.—For taking fish eggs that have already been spawned, the Indians use the branches of the pine tree, stuck in the muddy bottom, to which it readily adheres, and on which it is afterwards dried. When dry it is stripped from the branches and stored in baskets or boxes; sometimes buried in the ground. The spawn gets a pleasing flavor from the pine. Roe is taken from captured fish and either dried or buried in the ground to become rank enough to suit the epicurean pal- ate of the Indian gourmand. Sweden—The custom in former days was to hunt the sea-otter either from the shore or in canoe parties. They were shot with arrows from behind screens when they landed to bask on the sand or on the rocks, or approached noiselessly by canoe parties when asleep on the water. 300 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Very thin light paddles were used, and if the Indian could get near , enough the sleeping animal was harpooned. The common custom was, , however, to hunt in parties. An otter being sigh ted was surrounded by canoes in a very large but gradually lessening circle, advantage being taken of the necessity of the animal to come to the surface to breathe, when it would be shot with arrows or harpooned from the nearest canoe. The Tlin git and Haida were not so expert as the Aleut, because their canoes were not so well adapted to the exposure at sea. In recent years the few remaining sea-otters have been hunted with fire-arms. The Indians are poor marksmen, and under the excitement of firing the instant the otter rises many accidents to their own number have hap- pened, particularly to those on opposite sides of the circle. Bya curious rule the otter, and all. other game, belongs to the one who first wounds it, no matter who kills it. As the otter floats when killed, the same skill is not required as in seal hunting, but so scarce have they become now, that not more than forty or fifty are killed in a season throughout the northern coast Indian region. Seals.—Seals are hunted in practically the same way as just de- scribed, but from the fact that on account of their bodies not floating it is necessary to harpoon them before they sink, the percentage of loss is very large, although they are more abundant than the otter. The Indians rely to a great extent on shooting them in very shallow water or on rocky ledges near shore. 0n shore the Indians are very poor still-hunters, and luck and abun- dance of game are large elements in their success. Fur-bearing animals, such as bear, lynx, land otter, beaver, etc., are generally trapped, al- though shot whenever chance ofi'ers. Breech-loading arms are not allowed to be sold to the Indians. With the use of muzzle-loaders we find such' necessaries in the outfit of a hunter as Figs. 140a and 140b, which are powder- chargers of bone, and Fig. 1400, which is a percussion-cap box made from the horn of a mountain goat. Dean—Deer are very abundant, and form a large item in the food supply of the region. They are hunted in the rutting seasOn with a call, which lures them to the ambushed hunter, when Fig. 140 a be. , they are readily shot. So effective is this Powmm HORN AND CHARGERS. call, that it is not unusual to be able to ”'““8"' “mm“ C°”“"""“-’ get a second shot at them in case of first failure. Still hunting is very little resorted to, and an Indian seldom risks wasting a charge until he is somewhat sure of his distance and chances. They are often captured swimming, and in winter recklessly . THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 301 slaughtered for their hides when driven down to the shore by heavy and long-continued snows. The deer-call is made from a blade of grass placed between two Strips of wood, and is a very clever imitation of the cry of a deer in the rutting season. - The wolves play great havoc in . this region with the deer, and it seems remarkable that they exist in such numbers with so many ruthless enemies. Mountain goats and sheep—On the mainland these are shot with very little difliculty if one can overcome the natural obstacles to reaching the lofty heights which they frequent. Bears.—-The brown and black bear are the two species quite gen- erally found in Alaska. Both are hunted with dogs, shot when acci- dentally encountered, or trapped with dead—falls. ‘ The brown bear (Ursus Richardsonii) is from 6 to 12 feet long and fully as ferocious as the grizzly. The hair is coarse, and the skins, not bringing a good price, are generally kept by the Indians for beddin 0'. This fact, coupled with the natural ferocity of this species, has led to the brown bear being generally let alone. An accidental meeting in the woods with one of them is regarded as a very disagreeable incident by an Indian. V'hen women and children run across bear-tracks in the woods, in deference to a generally recognized superstition, they immediately say the nOst charmingly complimentary things of bears in general and this visitor in particular. Petroff gives the origin of this custom as follows: The bear was formerly rarely hunted by the superstitious Thlinkit, who had been told by the shamans that it is a man who has assumed the shape of an animal. They have a tradition to the effect that this secret of nature first became known through the daughter of a chief who came in contact with a man transformed into a bear. The woman in question went into the woods to gather berries, and incautiously spoke in terms of ridicule of the bear, whose traces she observed in the path. In punish- ment for her levity she was decoyed into the bear’s lair and there compelled to marry him and assume the form of a bear. After her husband and her ursine child had been killed by her Thlinkit brethren, she returned to her home in her former shape and nar- rated her adventures.* This legend is found in other forms throughout the coast, and occasion will be taken in another chapter to comment on it further. In conclu- sion, it may be said that the brown bear are expert fishers and frequent the streams in the salmon season along their well-beaten tracks, which form the best paths through the woods. The black bear (Ursus amem’canus) is, on the other hand, rather timid and eagerly hunted, not only for his valuable black skin, but for his » flesh, which, when young and tender, is very palatable. In the spring they are readily killed along the edge of the woods, when they come out to feed on the first sprigs of skunk-cabbage and other plants brought out by the warm sun. Later in the summer they are found along the streams, where they feed on the dead and dying salmon. ‘ Taking it altogether, the Indians are expert fishermen but poor hunt: *Petroff’g Report, p. 168. ; ers, indifferent marksmen, and wanting in that coolness and'nerve for; , Fig. 145a, b. Bonn TRAP-STICKS. (Tlinait. Emmons Collection.) which the hunting Indians of 'the interior are famous: ’ ‘ Besides the animals hunted for their skins as mené tioned, there may be added the fox, wolf, mink, man?~ ten, land-otter, and an occasional Canada lynx and; wolverine on the mainland. The method of dressing the skin is not difi‘erent from that of the interior V Indians, so generally described in works of travel. The skin scrapers or dressers are either of stone or bone, and of -the pattern shown in Fig. 79 h, Plate ? XX and Fig. 79k. .» Ermine and marmot.—-In Figs. 145 a and 145b are shown two bone trap sticks, to ‘which are fastened ' the sinew nooses used in the capture of ermine and ‘ ‘ marmot. Those for ermine are somewhat smaller , than those shown in the 'figure. They are, more- w ' over, sometimes made of wood instead of bone, and ,. ‘ are elaborately carved in totemic designs. These. two specimens are from the Emmons collection. VI. LAND-WORKS, HOUSES, VILLAGES. h Dwellings in general on the northwest coast may be classed as the fortified and the unprotected. These may be either temporary or per- tmanent. LAND-WORKS: FORTIFICATIONS. In the past century, the form, location, and construction of villages I have undergone considerable change in this region. The rules or prac- 1 ‘tices of war .were such as to entail the necessity for some form of forti- j‘, fieation. Often, in addition to the regular villages, fortifications were _. erected near by, into which they might withdraw in time of danger, but sometimes fortified sites were permanently occupied. Before the ad vent of the whites, two considerations of prime importance obtained in the location of a site for a village, (1) proximity to halibut banks and fish- ing grounds, and (2) possibility of fortification against attack. Van- couver says of the Kake villages, at the head of Keku Straits, Kupre- anoff Island: They all uniformly were situated on the summit of some precipice, or steep insular rock, rendered by nature almost inaccessible, and by art and great labor made a strong defense, which proved that the inhabitants had been subject to the incursions of hostile visitors. These fortified places were well constructed, with a strong plat- form of wood, laid on the most elevated part of the rock, and projecting so far from its sides as to overspread the declivity. The edge of the platform was surrounded by a. barricade raised by logs of wood placed on each other.* In the narrative of Dixon’s voyage (1787) a sketch is given of a Haida fortified house on Hippah Island, off the west coast of Queen Charlotte Islands. He says of it: The tribe who inhabit this hippah seem well defended from any sudden assault of “ their enemies, for the ascent to it from the beach is steep and diflichlt of access, and the other sides are well barricaded with pines and brushwood, notwithstanding which they have been at infinite pains in raising additional fences of rails and boards, so that I should think they can not fail to repel any tribe that should dare to attack their fortification.* Captain Dixon further pronounces it as “built exactly on the plan of the hippah of the savages of New Zealand.”i Strong natural defensive positions seem to have been generally selected along the whole coast. Vancouver (1793) notices this point " Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. III, pp. 289, 290. iDixon, Voyage, p. 206. 303 ‘11, is given a detailed plan and sketch of the palisade fort erected by - \ against the attack of an enemy by a double palisadc of large trunks of trees stuck . 304 7 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. g among the Bilqula and Kwakiutl.* These were noticed by Mackenzie in the same year in the same localities.i Dunn states (1834) of the Sebassa (southern Tsimshian): They built their villages chiefly upon high and precipitous rocky islands or prom- i ontories, having steps out down to the water. This is done to prevent any sudden attack from the enemya‘. ' The skill of the Indians in erecting fortifications is well illustrated by Lisiansky (1804), who aided Baranofl' in reéstablishing the Russian , settlement at Sitka after the massacre. In Voyages, page 163, Plate Q the Sitkas. It is unnecessary to reproduce it here, but in structure and ' design it would have done credit to European ingenuity of that date. { Langsdorff( 1805) describes the fortifications erected a year later by the Indians expelled from Sitka as follows. . They have fortified themselves here upon a rock which rises perpendicularly to the 2 height of some hundred feet above the water. * * * The rock itself is secured ‘ close together, measuring from 12 to 15 feet in height, and from 3 to 5 feet in thick- " ness. A natural wall of earth, beyond the palisading, on the side towards the sea, 7» conceals the habitations effectually, so that they can not be discerned by any ship.§ The only possible access to this fortification is described as on the ' northwest side, but the approach was strewn with very large trunks of trees to make it additionally difficult of access. TEMPORARY DWELLINGS. In summer camps, in hunting and fishing, and in canoe trips, the ; form of dwelling is temporary in construction. ‘ Summer fishing camp—Near the mouth of some fresh-water stream ' owned by a household or family, where the salmon run thickest, a rough- f ly-built house will generally be found. This varies in size and care of construction according to circumstances. Usually the frame is light, ' and the roof, instead of being made of split boards, is formed by broad strips of bark which are laid 011 thus VAVAVAV, and held down by stones and cross pieces. The larger kind have a smoke hole, but usually the fire is built outside, where the smoke assists in curing the strips of _--' salmon and halibut hung on frames above it. I Team—The primitive form of tent for traveling consisted simply of strips of bark carried in the canoes. To erect the tents two saplings f or branches would be cut, pointed, and stuck in the ground, forked ends. 3_ up, with a cross pole resting in the forks. The bark strips would then " be rested against the pole, forming a sloping wall towards the wind. This half-open tent was airy in form, but would shed the water of a driving rain. The fire was usually built in front. To-day the Indians - ” Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, pp. 272, 274, 284. t Dunn, Oregon, p. 274. , tMackenzie, Voyages, p. 345, et seq. §Langsdorfi‘, Voyages, Pt. II, pp. 128, 1290 ‘ THEINDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 305 use cotton sheeting for acover in the form of an A tent. Along most of , the water-courses where there is much travel the frames may be seen left standing near the good camping spots. These latter are selected from their havinga good beach to haul up the canoes, fresh water near, unex- posed position and proximity to good hunting ground. The cotton sheeting is stretched taut across the frame and the edges pegged into the ground. This form of tent was also used in primitive times, mats of cedar bark fibre or skins of animals forming the tent walls. At these camp sites are often deposited piles of wood already cut for use. In the short winter days it often happens that a belated canoe load arrives after dark. Here they find wood already cut, and they build afire and warm up Without the necessity of searching in the dark or in the snow for fire- wood. It is part of the unwritten code that an Indian using such fire- wood ntust in the morning replace what he has used by a similar amount gathered at his leisure before setting out again on his journey. HOUSES. The permanent houses are similar in form and type throughout the coast, but reach their highest development amongst the Haida. North, the Yakutat dwellings are but little better than the summer dwellings of the Haida, while to the south the houses are equal in size but inferior in artistic construction. In general, houses may be divided into three classes: (1) those built on the surface of the ground; (2) those built on a foundation of logs or slightly raised platform ; (3) those raised on high logs or stilts. Raised houses—The last named are found amongst the Kwakiutl and Bilqula, and their primitive form of construction is fully described in Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 329, and Vancouver, Voyage, vol 11, pp. 268, 27 2, 274, and 284. They both visited this region in 1793. According to Vancouver, amongst the Kwakiutl of Johnstone Strait, there were dwellings “ raised and supported near 30 feet from the ground by per- pendicular spars of a very large size 7’ with “ access formed by a long tree in an inclined position from the platform to the ground, with . notches cut in it by way ofsteps about a foot and a half asunderfi" This, however, was only one of several styles of their dwellings. In general, they were ornamented in front, at the gables, and above the doors, as . now, with hieroglyphic drawings of their totems. Tlingit dwellings.—Amongst the Tlin git, the permanent dwellings are Was a rule built on a slightly raised foundation of logs, the approach to i the doorway being by three or four raised steps with a platform in front “ of the door of the principal houses. This latter is the loafing place, 5 and where the gamblers congregate for their incessant gambling bouts. -'This form of construction is by no means universally adopted, as some ’ of the dwellings are built on the level of the ground. In any case, the " Vancouver, Voyage, vol. II, p. 274. H. Mis. 142, pt. 2———20 0... ...~. ‘0‘...» ‘43—'zwrh'yz-‘r x 306 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. level of the door- sill 1s about that of what may be called the groundfloor. , Entering the door, one stands on a platform about 6 feet wide. running ' , ' around the four sides of the house. Next, one steps down about 3 feet upon a ledge the same width, also running around the four sides. The ' next level, 3 feet below this, is the solid ground, sometimes bare, some- times with a board floor. In the center of this the fire burns, the smoke ascending through a square smoke-hole in the roof in the center of the building. All houses were formerly without windows, ventilation being. secured by the door and the smoke-hole. 1f the house is built on the surface of the ground, the interior is excavated into a kind of cellar, the ledges being cut in the earth and covered by large hewn slabs of cedar. These ledges serve not only as sleeping and lounging places, but as shelves to deposit all sorts of boxes, utensils, etc., belonging to the family. In the Tlingit dwellings, the fire-place is usually boxed in with boards, and filled in withstones. When the house is built on the sur- face of the ground, one enters the door at the level of the ground, and descends to the lower floor inside. If the house is built on a raised foundation, the bottom floor or court is usually 011 the level oi the out- side ground. One mounts to the door, enters, and descends to the ground inside. Between these two types are slight variations in which the foundation of logs is not so high, and the interioris dug down only about 2 or3 feet. Amongst the Tlingit, the interior platform at the level of the door-sill is sometimes divided into living apartments, or small state-rooms, so to speak. Lisianski (1804) describes the houses about Sitka as square in form and spacious, with openings all along the top about 2 feet in width to let out the smoke. The fire-place was fenced around with boards, the place between the fire-place and the walls be- ing partitioned by curtains for the different families living in thelodge- There were board shelves fixed around inside of the room for the stow. age of boxes and utensils.* The primitive form of construction is not materially different from that described and illustrated in Plate xxxv. The Tlingit form of front is shown in Fig. 176, a local characteristic being given to it by the vertical boards a a at each corner of the front as shown. Throughout the whole coast, it was somewhat the custom to ornament the fronts with painted representation of the totem of the chief occupant. To the south this wasthe general custom. Amongst the Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlin- git, it was only occasionally practiced. In Plate XXXV various styles of house fronts are illustrated in connection with the typical method of house construction. Fig. 173 is a chief’s house at Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Fig. ; . 174 is a Tlingit front at Tongass, Alaska. Fig. 176 is the general Tlin- git type as described above. Fig. 175 is an ancient form of front, after a model from Sitkain the National Museum. Fig. 177 is a Kwakiutl front * Lisianski, Voyage, p. 239 and 240. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXV. . .-,. ..... . 77¢IIII' _ ‘ ’76 . 3'1 ‘l’ 4&3! .7 am; ‘ e DETAILS OF HAIDA HOUSE CONSTRUCTION, WITH TYPES OF FRONTS FOUND ELSEWHERE ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. From drawings, photographs, and sketches» Fig. 173. Ornamented front painted to represent the eagle totem of a chief at Port Simpson, British Columbia (Tsimshian). Fig. 174. Ornamented front, painted to represent the wolf totem. Fort Tongass, Alaska (Tlingit). Fig. 175'). Ancient form of Tlingit ornamented front, from a painting in the U. S. National Museum. Cat. No. 129776, U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska. Painted by James G. Swan. Fig. 176. General Tlingit type of front. with broad side-posts and rectangular door- wav. Fig. 177. Ornamented front, after a sketch by Dr. Franz Boas (Kwakiutl.) Fig. 178. Details of smoke-hole, shutter. and method of roofing and holding down same with beams. rocks, etc. The totemic figures on each side of the doorway represent the eagle. and illustrate a style of totemic ornamen- tation now found here and there among the Tlingit as a survival or modification of the former custom of painting the whole house front in totemic design. Fig. 179. Details of the Haida method of house construction as explained fully in the text. The sub cellar or excavated living-room is dotted in beneath the sketch, the fire-place being shown at b. Jagger DETAILS OF HAIDA HOUSE CONSTRUCTION, WITH TYPES 'OF FRONTS FOUND ELSEWHERE ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. ‘nOEIqIN—gggl ‘wnasnw leuong }0 310033 'AXXX 3iV1d . *u - - THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 307 after Boas. The Haida fronts are rarely ornamented with totemic reps resentations. Totcmic and mortuary columns.—It is the custom amongst the Tlingit, Kaigani, and Tsimshian to erect carved columns in frontof the houses. These usually stand some feet from the fronts. Amongst the Haida they are generally in contact with the front, the doorway or entrance being through a hole in the carved column about three feet from the ground, into which the occupant appears to dive when he enters. This form of entrance is shown in Plate XXXV, and is found occasionally elsewhere, but is rather peculiar to the Haida. It is now, however, being generally superseded by the European type of doorway. The carved\columns will be described in detail in a subsequent chapter. Haida permanent dwellings.—Fig. 179, Plate XXXV, represents a Haida house of the conventional pattern. The posts, gg, hollowed out on the\ backs, as shown, to reduce the weight, with carved faces, are firmly planted in the ground. The upper ends are also hollowed to receive the enormous log plates, 8 s, which give strength and solidity to the build- ing. The carved column, m, at the front of the house, is usually next erected, as the work up to this point requires the co-operation of many hands, the gathering being the occasion of a feast and a grand distribu- tion of presents (a potlatch, as it is called) amongst the participants. Often, through lack of funds, the Work of building a house has to be postponed, the whole process often requiring several years. The ex- penses are usually reckoned in blankets, as they are the conventional gifts on such an occasion. The huge plates and purlines, the hewn cedar planks, and the logs for posts and carved columns, are gotten out from the forests with great labor and expense, and are towed to the vil- lage site, where they are hauled up on skids, and the work of smooth- finishing begun. Plate LXX illustrates an animated scene at Fort Simp- son, British Columbia, where a party of Haida are represented as hauling up a log on skids in the process of house construction. The relief carving on the totemic columns and the posts is done either by the owner, if he be expert, or if he be rich, by others hired or kept in the establishment for _ the purpose. The materials being ready, the invited guests assemble from far and near, and the different timbers are gotten up to the site of the house. The posts are raised into position by means of rope guys and props, and firmly planted in the deep holes dug in the ground. The 5 plates or huge logs which rest on the uprights are gotten into position by What a sailor would call technically skids and parbuckles. To de— scribe the process in detail, imagine the four posts (or, as in Plate LXX, six posts) ‘in Fig. 179 firmly planted in the ground, their heads being hollowed out as shown. The log (or plate, as it is technically called in architecture) is rolled to a distance of about 14 feet from the uprights and parallel to its final position. The uprights are braced or shored on the ‘ opposite side, while on the adjacent side skids are rested at an angle to , form an incline, up which the plate is, by the combined effort of many, ‘ over the plate, then back again over the upright. These ropes constitute ‘ V 308 . REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. gradually rolled. Ropes are rove over the top of the posts under and the parbuckle, which is designed to take the weight of the log and hold it in position. Forked sticks are rested against the log with their other ends in the ground to help the parbuckle take the weight as the plate is gradually rolled up, the forked sticks being gradually also shifted up as it rises. By dint of pushing, shoving with poles, and pulling on the parbuckle, the plate is gotten to the top of the incline. It is now a , question of lifting the dead weight of the log by means of poles and by pulling on the parbuckle. At last the plate is hauled to the top, of the upright and rolled into the hollow in which it rests. The carved totemic columns are raised into position by means of poles, props, and rope guys, and firmly imbedded in the deep hole dug for it in the ground“ The whole process is an occasion of much ceremony, and the work occupies but a small part of the time, the remainder being filled in with gambling ,dancing, feasting, singing, speech- making, and ceremonial display intended to inspire the visitors and guests with the wealth and prowess of the host. Judge Swan says: The ,self- denial of comforts and even necessaries exercised for many years in the accumulation of property by man and wife is very remarkable, but, in their estima- tion, is amply repaid on the occasion of a distribution of the same and the erection of ’ a decorative column, which in many instances stands in front of an unfinished lodge frame as avisible monument of the owner’s folly and extravagance. * ' " The owner probably lives in the lodge of some relative, or perhaps is dead. It has been beyond his means to finish his house, but for that he cares little; his vanity has beer gratified; his pride satisfied. On the day when he stood presiding over his piles 01 goods and chattels, previous to their distribution amongst his eager and expectant guests, he had reached the summit of his ambition. " ' " He is thenceforth a petty chief of the village. In seme of 'the very latest types of the houses, instead of the corner posts Maud the smaller posts 7' r supporting the eaves-plates e 6, there are four posts and two heavy rafters similar to g and s. In either case the eaves-plates e, or one similar to s, are beveled to receive the upper ends of the boards forming the side walls of the house, as shown in w and adjacent details. The heavy plank frames h h and t t are beveled, as shown in section (1, to receive the boards forming the end walls, or front and back of the house. The top purlines jjjj form the supports for the roof-planking, and are held in place by the superimposed frames u u. The roofing is formed either of planks or slabs of bark held down by rocks, beams and cross-pieces, as shown in Figure 178. The smoke- hole It is surmounted by a frame 10 p carrying a sh utter 0, which is closed in the direction of the wind. This shutter has a motion about the axle p 10. When the wind changes and blows down the smoke-hole, a chain or rope is pulled and the shutter revolves to the other position against the wind. As the house faces the channel, and the wind usually draws up or down it, the shutter works to face one side of the house or the ' other. The entrance is shown at (1. Below, the sketch of the house is dotted in the form of the excavated interior. The upper ledge or plat- THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 309 form is at the level, d ; c is the lower platform. The fire, b, burns on the bare earth, or in a frame-work of boards filled with rocks. It is here that the family sleep in winter, stretched out on the bare floor or on mats with feet towards the fire. As stated, the occupants of such a house are numerous, amounting in some cases to thirty or forty in all, and the household may embrace a chief, his family, grand- children, and the families of several of his brothers. Amongst the Kai- gani most of the houses are built on log foundations, a little above the ground, and the European form of door is used. In some cases the carved column is set a few feet off with a small opening in it, but the real entrance to the house is by a doorway, thus keeping up a semblance of the ancient custom. The Haida houses are quite generally excavated, and seldom built on raised foundations. The smaller houses, and not unusually the .more modern houses, consist principally of a frame erected on four posts, one at each corner. VILLAGES. The villages are invariably situated along the shore, and usually near a shelving beach, which admits of easily hauling up the canoes. Often, through the desire to be near a good halibut fishing bank, a very ex- posed site is of necessity selected. The houses are usually in a single row, a few feet above extreme high water, facing toward the beach and not far back from it. At high water the canoes can be hauled well up. Between the houses and high-water mark is a space which serves as a street, with a beaten path'near the houses and patches of grass be- yond. This space serves for hauling up canoes for long periods and drying fish, as well as the usual purposes of a street. Sometimes the two rows of houses are built, where the space is contracted, with a narrow street between the rows. The houses are not very far apart in ‘ the rows, are often in contact, and arranged without regard to rank or precedence. There are one or more carved columns in front of each house. These are at first usually painted (formerly daubed with ochre), but the coat is seldom renewed. Owing to the bleaching effect of the weather, the columns and houses after a while assume a grayish white appearance, and become covered with moss. In the weather-cracks moss and vegetation flourish, giving a very ancient appearance. At the end of the village is the graveyard, with its variety of sepulchres and mort- _ uary columns of ancient and modern form, as shown in Plate III. I Scattered throughout the villages, in front and near the corners of the houses, are the mortuary or commemorative columns similar to those in the graveyards. These are pictured in all their variety in Plate III. Behind the village, or at one end, are the small sheds in which the V dead are placed. Names of villages.-—Considerable confusion has originated in the enumeration of villages amongst the Haida and Kaigani by Europeans, through the different names assigned to the same village. The Indians 1 310 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. have their own names, but the traders and others often call a village after the name of the chief; for instance, Kasa-dn is popularly called Skowl’s village; the village of Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, is popularly so called from the name of the heredi- tary chief; the Haida name is Ego-haiku, but the Tsimshian call it Kil—hai-oo. * Groups of villages.—-Each village practically constitutes a tribe. There never have been any permanent leagues or associations of vil- lages to constitute a nation with head ruler, although, for certain rea- sons of defense or offense, villages have so co-operated temporarily for mutual benefit or protection. The'totemic systems of the Tlin git, Haida, and Tsmishian kings, in some senses uniform, have often operated to make the alliance between phratries and totems of difi’erent villages in some measure stronger than the clannish feeling due to close ethnical affinity. Residence.4During the summer but few Indians are found at the permanent villages. Occasionally a canoe load returns to deposit a cargo, or to get something needed in the distant summer camp. Where the fishing and hunting ground is near the village, it is contin- ually occupied, but if at a distance there are times when the village is V entirely abandoned, although there may be some camps quite near. Under such circumstances property is entirely safe. Early in the sum- mer, during the first run of salmon, and when birds’ eggs are to be gathered, the Indians are widely scattered. Later on they congregate, but disperse again for the run of King salmon, which lasts well into December. By Christmas time they have all gathered in, and‘in the long winter nights take place all those social and ceremonial gatherings and feastings of which only a winter’s residence amongst them can give an adequate idea. Gathered around the blazing fire thenare related those legends and traditions which illustrate their beliefs. Then also take place those dances, ceremonials, and theatrical performances which graphically illustrate and perpetuate these traditions, and glorify the prowess and might of the chiefs and their ancestors. " Dawson, Report, B, p. 165. VII. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES—HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS— PAINTING, DRAWING AND CAR VING——MUSIC. While the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian are essentially wood car- vers, this is by no means their only talent. Out of the abundance of , their resources they have not only adapted wood to their every need, but along with it have developed many other industries. They are, as ' well, expert carpenters, basket makers, weavers, and metal workers. Their tools are crude, but with them they accomplish the most surpris~ ing results. Along with the totemic system, we find the identification of the individual with his totem carried out in the carving or painting of his crest on every article of personal property. The simplest imple- ment or utensil is ornamented with some pictograph relating to the legends of the totem to which he belongs. Tattooed on the body, woven into fabrics, etched 011 the metal bracelets and ornaments, painted on the house fronts, drawn on the canoe outfits, emblazoned on the household boxes, carved on the huge columns—commemorated in metal, wood, and stone, the totem of the Indian is his earliest and latest care, yet it is all subservient to the ever-recurring struggle to live. In the circuit of the seasons a regular routine of duties is ob- served. In the time not devoted to hunting, fishing, and the procure- ment of food the various arts and industries are practiced. In the summer camp odd hours are spent in cutting down trees, collecting furs, bark, and grasses, roughing out lumber, and in general collecting the raw materials, which, in the winter’s leisure, they convert into the various implements, utensils, and finished products for their own use and for trading purposes. Raw materials. —Various kinds of grasses are gathered, and after being dried, are dyed and trimmed to finished dimensions. Spruce roots are boiled until they be e pliable, beaten with sticks, and the fibres picked into threads. The cedar bark gathered for industrial purposes is from the inside of themer bark, that for food being scraped from the trunk itself. The former is soaked in water for several days, then beaten to make it pliable enough to enable it to be stripped into shreds. Fig. 17 91 is a bone bark-scraper used in removing the bark from trees, in scraping it down, and in the preliminary process 311 312 - REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. . of hackling it, which, with the beating it receives from a bone mallet such as shown in Fig. 179m, separates it into fibres. These two specimens are in the Emmons Collection. ‘ Fig. 179l. Fig. 179m. BARK SCRAPER. BARK BEATER. (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) (Tlingit. Emmons Collection.) Other kinds of vegetable fibre, such as wild nettle and a species of wild hemp, are beaten on the rocks, shredded, and spun with a rude dis- taff and spindle into a strong twine or thread. “food for canoes, houses, columns, paddles, dishes, masks, helmets, spear-shafts, arrows, floats, hooks, etc., is also gotten out during the summer season and roughly worked up in camp, the finishing being often left for winter leisure. At this time also the trading is done to obtain supplies of cloth, horn, copper, shell, etc., for the accessories of costumes for ordi- nary and ceremonial occasions. Fibre of cedar bark, hemp, and goat’s wool are spun into threads f01 use in weaving the blankets for which certain tribes are famous. Ropes and cords.—The simplest cords or lines are those of kelp, some- times single, sometimes laid up into two or more strands'for additional strength, as rope. The neatest ropes and cords, however, are made from strands of spruce root or bark fibre, the small stufi‘ being dexter- ously twisted between the hand and thigh. The cordage for raising large timbers and columns is regularly laid up and twisted like our own ropes. A few of the most important uses to which the different varieties of native cordage are put may be enumerated as follows: .Warp for blankets, fishing lines, canoe anchor lines, sheets for sails, ' lashings for boxes, grommets for heads of chisels and wedges, head- . dresses, girdles, guys for erecting columns, and dipping lines for turning ‘ the smoke-hole shutters of the houses. __ Mata—These are made. principally of bark and are used for bedding, ’ for ‘sails, and as covers for canoe cargoes. The coarser kinds are thrown over the canoes to protect them from the weather and as screens for building temporary camps at night in traveling. The use of mats, how- ever, for sails and tents has given place to the substitute already men- tioned—cotton sheeting. Amongst the Tlingit, on ceremonial occasions, the chiefs were carried on mats borne by the slaves from the canoes to the houses or in embarking in state. Matting from the different parts of the northwest coast can be distinguished by the pattern and 9.4 texture. The method of weaving is that shown in Fig. 38.2, Plate XII. Ia THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 313_ In general, the mats of the southern Indians are made of soft, red, plia- ble cedar bark, while those of the northern are stiffer, coarser, lighter in color, and bordered with black strips interwoven into the texture of the fabric. Baskets.—The most expert tribes in basket making are found at the extremes of the northwest coast. In the south the Makah excel all others; in the north the Ohilkat. The method of weaving is, however, radically different. Amongst the Makah and other tribes of the Waka- shan stock the pattern is that shown in Fig. 168, Plate XXXII, described by Prof. 0. T. Mason as follows: It may be called the “fish-trap style,” since without doubt the finer basketry is the lineal descendant of the rude wicker fish-trap. Imagine a number of stakes driven into the ground pretty close together. A horizontal pole is laid against them in the rear, and by the wrappings of a withe arounrl the pole and each upright stake diag- onally on the outside and vertically on the inside a spiral fastening is produced. This stitch crosses the two fundamentals in front at an angle and the horizontal frame piece in the rear at right angles, or vice versa.” Patterns in geometrical figures are worked on the baskets in black, yellow, drab, red, etc., in dyed straws. Amongst the Haida and the Chilcat and northern Tlingit generally the method of weaving basketry is by that known as “twining,” that is, twining two woof strands around a series of warp strands. This is illustrated in detail in Figs. 370 and 37d, Plate XII, which represent the same method used amongst these Indians for rain hats. Different varieties of Haida and Tlingit baskets are shown in Plates XXXVI and XXXVII, and Figs. 180 to 189, inclusive. Fig. 180 of the first-named plate represents a Tlingit “coiled” basket, of which Fig. 185 is another variety. This method of construction difl'ers from the “ twined” basketry. The bottom of this type is made of anumber of straight rods sewed into arectangular mat, around which the sides are built up by coiling. “ The mat-like bottom is ornamented by sewing on straws longitudinally with stitches wide apart, so as to show a checker pattern of straw and stitching. This method of ornamenting the bottom is often pursued over the whole external surface of the basket.” 1‘ Figs. 185 and 186 are from Pro- fessor Mason’s article on basketry just quoted. Fig. 186 shows the method of covering up the coiled work of the sides by an ornamental ' arrangement of bark and straw. The concealed texture is “ built up by whipping a coil of rushes or small splints with splint or birch bark. _ ' * " The imbricated effect upon the surface is produced by sewing , on little loops of bark and straw, white and brown, with blind stitches, in such a way as to conceal the manner of attachment.”i (See Fig. p 186.) Fig. 180 is a top view and Fig. 186 is a side view of this type of coiled basketry. Four styles of twined baskets of ornamental pattern ' * Smithsonian Report, 1881, Part II, p. 297—298. Mason. Aboriginal Basket-work. i Smithsonian Report, Part II, 1884. Mason. Aboriginal Basket-work. Plate v1. 314 ' REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.- \ are shown in Figs. 18], 182, 184, and 189. These are made from the fibre of the spruce root and so delicately twined as to be water-tight. The bottom is roughly made, the warp being of splints of spruce root radiating from the center, and the woof of twine woven in the plain I II EFIIII I JII illnumi‘m =§§IIIIIIIII~ SI ‘I IIIIIIIH i1 IIIIIIIII, E “gt III ’ I . II J‘II ”a: - 155%de- '§WI.E=== l’l _ Emil-III fl I gill II‘ “ IW III ”,III [VIN1 F“ )1} V! “ I i157 (“1‘5“ -_- H7?! “ll" Cm I "lllllllltlll‘lfll III III IIIIIInIIIfi {I'll ”my!!!“ EIIIIM.IIIII I. ( fii‘n‘hmn‘u Iml" 'Il’ll “HIHIIW II III" mm Fig. 185. COILED BASKET. (Cat. No. 6023!), U. S. N. M. Tnmé Indium, S. E. AIIIskII. Collected by John J. McLean.) color of the material. The cylindrical portion above the bottom is also ‘_ in the plain color of the spruce root, but the “twining” is that of Fig. 370, Plate XII. Bands of red and black are woven into the structure L for ornamental purposes, the strands being colored on both sides. ' J Fig. 186. DETAIL OF FIG. 185. “Afterwards little squares or other plain figures are sewed on in “aresene,” that is, only half way through, giving the most varied effect on the outside, while the inside shows only the plain colors and the red and black bands.“ In recent years the most gaudy and brilliant "‘ Smithsonian Report, 18"“, Part II, Mason, Aboriginal Bashet- work, 1). 29". EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXVI. TLINGIT AND HAIDA BASKET-WORK. Fig. 180. COILED BASKET. Made by whipping a coil of rushes or small splints with splints or birch bark to form the sides, which are built up on a mat-like bottom. The foundation work is concealed beneath an imbri- cation in loops of bark and straw sewed on with blind stitches. Col— lected at Hoonyah, but the work belongs to the mainland and the interior. Cat. No. 60235, U. S. N. M. Tinne Indians, Hoonyah, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. Fig. 181. TWINED BASKET. Of spruce-root. Geometric patterns worked on the outside with colored spruce-root and dyed wild wheat straw. Cover handle contains small pebbles to form a rattle. Method of twining shown in Fig. 371), Plate XII. Cat. No. 20715, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 182. TWINED BASKET. Same style as Fig. 180. Cat. No. 78442, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands. Collected by James G. Swan. . Fig. 183. TWINED BASKET MAT. Of spruce-root. European pattern. Cat. No. 20727, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Collected by James G. " Swan. Fig. 184. TWINED WALLET. Cat. No. 1865, U. S. N. M. Chilkat Indians, Alaska. Collected by W. F. Tolmie. PLATE XXXVI. Report of Next‘onal Museum, I888.~Niblack‘ .n x. n ma 2% TLINGIT AND HAIDA BASKET-WORK. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXVII. GENERAL TYPE OF HAIDA AND TLINGIT OPEN-WORK TWINED BASKETRY. i From Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part II, Plate VIII. Fig. 190. The method of open twined weaving is shown in Fig. b. Spruce-root is used in this type in the north, but cedar—bark replaces it- in the south. The handle is a twine of spruce-root fastened on by weaving in and out on the side, the lower end knotted. The fastening off at the rim is;- done by bending down the warp threads externally and sewing theme flat with one row of twining. Cat. No. 88364, U. S. N. M. Haida InJ dians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by Jam- 1. Swan. ' . Report of National Museum, 1888.~—Nib|ack. PLATE XXXVII, ‘ §&wx\\ ‘ . .' ‘; , ~ H . .1 ‘ . O W' x“ : _’_N V “My“; / I'TTTTI l!l"",\_¢,; . l l’ 31,“? "“31 "Ci“ . 13731$73C13fifl§f¥f“)fi'fi'~7rfr‘gif)? m' , { “:11 at“ [ H I u 1 \Caofififf»$qc|wpquv»v\ _ , ~‘ H" . l ‘ ‘n . ‘1‘ —\. v.3; _‘ ‘ (Egg .’ _—’,‘ ’ " t 25:51 \x‘ )EZA}‘ I 1'];l|l\»—— fer» 52%; 55%;” .35" ‘ l ’ I .-, .3“ ~ _K/ . J, ‘1 J] g P ._—1 ——\ i _\ \ ‘1 ‘I /I J J -\ 1 l 2‘1; (‘P 3.13 Eta: ‘ ts .— .?=.' 0!: ll / 5; 1 k‘ . «5‘ r A .= (as. ~ : l'. ':~' E3: 3 J , _ . 3. “5 \e f? /. ._\- “£9“ 5 —/; *3 L 1;!” W6 ‘ ‘h—«0'——; I I 1 “ ‘ V} I »' tutux V. In Ll}, ’V‘ _--_.‘,._,._r_a'fi\ L , ‘1 JEVD’ELQVVVvJv.»—» _ [MN {MN (JUL --. --':::_-,;-~. 1:. a ”QCrN‘A‘IVVVVA--v—-.___‘ - 3 (j l I] Hi a: * t m. ‘ - p ‘ v‘ in ,\ m VWWVWWW" ” " " IJ, mlflfl“. f“ é .| ' @1ng 1'; mm:- #"TT ““"’ "W "1‘"; “(TH W}, «:2 _ firmmwv -- ” r°mmm r ha: 2) rl/pywi"é‘41« 199. FOOD DISH. Wood, with rounded sides; totemic carvings. Side View. Compare Fig. 195, Plate XXXVIII. Cat. No. 89153, U. S. N. M.) Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 200. FOOD DISH. Ornamented with Opercula. Compare Fig. 196, Plate XXXVIII. Cat. No. 67936, U! S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alask Collected by John J. McLean. _ 201. LADLE. Cat. No. 60165. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Colt lected by John J. McLean. _ 202. BOWL. Cat. NO. 60165. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected: by' J Olin J. McLean. ' Report of National Museum, 1888.iNib|ack4 PLATE XXX|X' TYPES OF WOODEN HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. ' . 204. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. . 203. '0. 205. 206. 207. . DISH. Of wood. Design, Tsing, the beaver. Cat. No. 89133, U. S. N. M. . DISH. Design, Skam-son, the sparrowhawk. Cat. No. 88862, U. S. N. M, . EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLo FOOD-DISHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. OIL BOWL. Design, a sea-gull. Cat. No. 20856, U. s. N. M. Stikine In; dians, Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Collected by James Gr. Swan. '_ BOWL. Design, Olalla, the mountain demon and Kaltz- -da, the c10w~ Cat. No, 89136, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Colum bia. Collected by JamesG. Swan. BOWL. Of wood. Design, a version of same legend as that of Fig. 20‘ Cat. N 0. 89134, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Colum. bia. Collected by James G. Swan. , FOOD DISH. Design, a seal and legendary carving. Ornamented Wit : opercula of shells. Cat. No. 67902, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka; 1 Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. ;' BOWL. Of wood Handles represent human faces Cat. No. 20858, U: S. N. M. Stikine Indians, Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Collected by Jame G. Swan. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. . Swan. ‘ Haida Indians, Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . ‘ Report of National Museum, 1888.7Niblack. PLATE XL. FQOD-DISHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 317 to the materials of which these native dishes are made, they may be divided into wooden and horn. In shapes they may be classified as - boat-shaped, flat, square, round, spherical, oblong, and tub-shaped. _ They are all essentially food dishes, but one or two exceptions will here- after be noted. In the large feasts given by the chiefs, ceremonial dishes are used, differing in size and character ‘from the ordinary household variety. Figs. 191 and 192, Plate XXXVIII, represent‘the two extremes of this type of dish, the former being deep, painted in totemic design, and ornamented with opercula, while the latter is shallow and deeply’ carved but not otherwise ornamented. Figs. 195 and 199 represent another type of ordinary food dish with rounded sides and elaborate relief carving, the former being a top and the latter a side view. Uther varieties are discussed in connection with the explanations of illustrations. Fig. 198 is- a carved wooden treasure-box. The larger boxes of this type.are used for transportation, and storage cases for dog fish oils, dried fish, and other food supplies, and are often as large as 24 inches in height by 14 inches in breadth. These must be distin- guished from the household boxes used for the storage of goods and chattels. These latter are lighter and more beautifully carved and painted. The former are heavier and clumsier, and, although carved, are generally soiled with oil and grease. It is in this style of box that the Indians transport eulachon and other kinds of oil, grease, or fats in quantities of 100 pounds or more. The chests or household boxes are described in another paragraph. Boxes of a shape corresponding to Figs. 195 and 199, also used for food and supplies of grease, are often as large as 20 inches in length by 12 inches in height. Fig. 209, Plate XL, represents a tubshaped dish, ornamented with a totemic de- sign. A specimen of this kind in the U. S. National Museum measures 32 inches in length and 17 inches in extreme height. It may be noted in passing that these native wooden dishes are now being rapidly su- perseded by cheap earthernware purchased from the traders. Dishes and spoons have been made on the coast from the horns of the mountain sheep and goat from time immemorial. The Haida have excelled all others, however, in the art of carving in general and inlaying in shell, yet curiously enough they have to get the horn by trade with the Tsimshian and Tlingit on the mainland, as the goats and sheep are only found in the loftiest parts of the main coast ranges. Fig. 217 repre- sents an end view of an elaborately carved Haida horn dish, of which a side view is not unlike Fig. 209. A top View of a similar dish is shown in Fig. 222. Spoons and Wiles—Plates XLI and XLII illustrate a sufficient variety of spoons to give an idea of how elaboratély so simple a household article as this is carved and ornamented. The‘first mentioned plate shows a variety of horn spoons, Fig. 218 being a representative one in 318 REPORT- or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. point of size, although it is severely plain and unornamented. Looking at a horn of a mountain sheep it seems difficult to conceive how the Indians can get so large a spoon out of such a curled and unpromising looking. object. The bowl of the spoon comes from the largest part; the handle runs the full length to the tip, and is afterwards straightened out by steaming it. In general, spoons are shaped by steaming in a wooden mould made in two pieces, and scored out inside to the required shape. This type of great horn spoon is usually elaborately and deeply carved in totemic design, and sometimes inlaid with abalone shell. They are preserved as heirlooms in the families and considered of great value. A not uncommon type of spoon is shown in Figs. 210, 212, 213, and 221, the bowl being from the horn ofa mountain sheep and the handle a mountain goat horn, elaborately carved in a legendary or totemic de- sign. The handle is very ingeniously secured to the bowl by a sort of tongue and groove rivetted through with copper. The significance of the carvings on the handles of those shown in the plate, as far as known to the writer, is given in the explanation of the figures. The spoons shown in Figs. 211, 214, and 219 are made entirely of the horns of the mountain goat, the bowls being formed by splitting the horn at the base and rolling it out flat by steaming and bending it. Fig. 220 is a plain sheep-horn spoon, similar in shape to the wooden one shown in Fig. 238. The long, flat putty-knife or spatula-shaped objects shown in Plate XLII are berry spoons, or ceremonial feast spoons, made of wood and carved or painted in totemic design, These are shown in different views, well illustrating the variety of shapes. Fig. 224 of the pre- eeding plate represents a pair of spoons of this type carved from whale- bone and obtained at Sitka, Alaska. A most elaborately carved pair of wooden ceremonial spoons in the collection resemble the orca or whale-killer. Other types of ordinary wooden spoons are shown in Figs. 233, 237, 238, and 239. Fig. 274, Plate LI, illustrates a wooden ceremonial spoon of enormous size found amongst the Haida, the bowl having a capacity of two quarts. This is used in the ceremonies attending the initiation of young men into°the responsibilities of rank, when the novice must publicly drink to the last drop the contents of the bowl consisting of fish oil, without removing the spoon from his lips. The exact nature of this ceremony is not understood by the writer, but this use for such a large spoon has been explained to him by several people well versed in Haida customs. Fig. 201, Plate XXXIX, represents a carved wooden oil ladle or spoon. Household boxes or chests.—These are for the stowage or packing away of ceremonial paraphernalia and the goods and chattels of the household. They vary in size and shape, as shown in Plate L1. The oblong chests are simply great wooden boxes with heavy bottoms and peculiarly shaped lids. The sides of these are made either in two or in four pieces. When made in two pieces a thin wide piece of cedar, is bent at right angles by means of hot water, forming a side and an end‘, \ EiPLANATION OF PLATE XLI. :8/0 2A? 343 $3) ((1 3/ 323/9@ .249 C:r—~'=O 224 2034! HORN AND WHALEBONE SPOONS AND DISHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 210. SHEEP-HORN SPOON. Handle of goat horn; totemic design: “The killer whale and the owl.” Cat. No. 89173, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 212. HORN SPOON. Totemic designs: “The bear and the hunter,” and above, ‘> “The raven and the man.” Cat. No. 89174, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. ,.. Fig. 213. HORN SPOON. Totemic deSigns: “The bear and the hunter,” and “The :- inountain demon and the frog.” Cat. No. 891651), U. S. N. M. Skide- 1 gate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 214. HORN SPOON. Both parts of goat’s horn. Cat. NO. 88710, U. S. N. M. Masset, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 215. SHEEP-HORN DISH. Style of carving resembles that of Eskimo. No num- ’ ber. Sitka, Alaska. Fig. 216. SHEEP-HORN BOWL. Less artistic than those Of the Haida. Cat. No. 75436, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. Mc- Lean. Fig. 217. SHEEP-HORN BOWL. Carved and inlaid with haliotis. Cat. N 0. 20856, U. S.N.M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 218. SHEEP-HORN BOWL. Made from a single horn by steaming. Cat. NO. 88866, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G._Swan. Fig. 219. GOAT-HORN SPOON. Cat. No. 74697, U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska. Col- lected by John J. McLean. Fig. 220. SPOON. Of mountain-sheep horn. Cat. No. 74283, U. S. N. M. Col- lected by John J. McLean. Fig. 221. HORN SPOON. Legend: “The bear and the hunter.” Compare 210. 212, 213. Cat. No. 891650, U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen‘Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 222. SHEEP-HORN BOWL. Cat. No. 23400, U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Char- lotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 223. SHEEP-HORN DISH. Cat. No. 88853, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Char- lotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 224. EATING STICKS. Of whalebone. Cat. No. 8944 (1 and 2), U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by Dr A. H. Hofl’. U. S. Army. 4 Report of National Museum, 1888.~Niblack. PLATE XLL HORN AND WHALEBONE SPOONs AND DISHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLII. 225 22.; 527 £33 .329 230 \ «‘3 aux 7:) 230’ 24(0 WOODEN SPOONS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Figs. 227, 229, 230, 236, and 240. SPOONS. Of wood. Used especially for berries by If all Northwest Indian tribes. Cat. Nos. 20820—25. U. S. N. M. Kake " Indians (Tlingits) Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. ,- Figs. 231, 232. and 235. SPOONS. Of weed; painted. Cat. Nos. 16253—55. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian Indians, British Columbia. Collected by Dr. W. H. 3- Dall. ' Figs. 226, 227, 228, and 234. SPOONs. Of wood; plain. Cat. Nos. 60145, 60153, and 1147, U. S. N. M. Kootznahoo Indians. Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean and James G. Swan. Fig. 233. OIL LADLE. Wood. Design, a raven. Cat. No. 60161, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. 5f Fig. 237. SPOON OR LADLE. Wood. Cat. No. 74309, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Alaska. S Collected by John J. McLean. . Fig. 238. SPOON. Wood; plain. Cat. No. 700, U. S. N. M. Northwest coast. 1"; Collected by George Gibbs. ' ‘g. 239. SPOON. Carved wood. inlaid with haliotis shell. Cat. NO. 33393, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. ’31 O PLATE XLII. Repon of National Museum‘ 1888.*Niblack. WOODEN SPOONS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLIH. HOUSEHOLD Box; ALSO USED AS A DEPOSITORY FOR THE CREMATED ASHES OF THE DEAD. f Fig. 242. CEDAR BOX. Totemic design, Hoorts, the bear. The lid is made of a [- slab of wood beveled on the under side to fit over the box. The . sides are made of two pieces. one being the end and the other a single piece bent twice at right angles to form the two sides and the other » end. There is very little appearance of breaking at the two corners. 1 The joints at the other two corners are pegged together. The bottom ' is made of a separate piece of wood. so that altogether there are four pieces used in the construction 0 the box. This type, besides being used for various household purposes, is also the kind used amongst the Tlingit as a depository of the ashes of the dead. Cat. No. 74755, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. “‘ Report of National Museum, 1888.——Niblack. PLATE XLIII, HOUSEHOLD Box; ALSO USED AS A DEPOSITORY FOR THE CREMATED ASHES OF THE DEAD. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLIV‘. HAIDA CARVED Box OF BLACK SLATE, QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA. ‘ Fig. 243. CARVED BOX. Of black slate. On the lid, a top View of which is show above the box, two figures or faces may be seen. The upper one wit ;' the rows of teeth and protruding tongue is Hoorts, the bear. The tWr" small oblong figures, one in each upper corner, represent the ears 0 . the bear; the lower figure on the lid the face and flippers of Kye, th-' sea-lion; also seen in the handles on each side of the box. In the latter the sea-lion has in his mouth the salmon. The face on the side of th box is that of Hoorts, the bear, having in his mouth lhe hunter. Th" legend is explained in Chap. VII. The oblong figures in each corne are the paws of the bear. It should be mentioned here that in th Haida drawings an eye is placed in the breast, in the ear, paw. ta' etc., of figures, presumably on the belief that each member of the bod V has the'power of looking out for itself or controlling its own m0v ments. Cat. No. 89000, U. s N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlo Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. ' Report of National Museum, 1888.—-Niblack. PLATE XLlV.' HAIDA CARVED Box OF BLACK SLATE, FROM QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 319 4 . similar piece forming the opposite side and end, and the joints secured .41 y pegs or dowels. Where four pieces are used the corners are secured ither by dove- tailing or by pegging. The bottom 18 made in a separate ' iece and pegged to the sides and ends. The top is slightly arched at . he crown and bevelled 011 the under side to fit over the chest. Some- ‘imes the top is flat and as thin as the sides, the edges having a broad strip running around them to fit over the box. Another type of house— hold box is about 18 inches square by 24 inches high, as shown in Fig. 272, Plate LI, which also shows the method of cording. The top and ¥jbottom are made in somewhat similar shape of separate pieces. The sides are ofa single wide thin piece of cedar, which is scarfed and deftly bent 5; three times atright angles by steaming and hammering, with very little ' ppearance of breaking at the bends, and pegged at the fourth corner, making a neat and tight joint. These boxes and chests are either carved i or painted, or both, in totemie design, and are very elaborate and or- ?namental. A smaller and more handy type of wooden box is shown in Plate XLIII, which has a use, at times, other than that as a household ‘- utensil, viz, in receiving the cremated ashes of the dead. Its use as a ‘funeral box is shown in Plates LXIV and LXV, Figs. 340, 343, and 348. ‘ A beautifully carved and polished Haida black slate box is represented in Plate XLIV. It is purely a work of art, and as such is a splendid illustration of the skill of these Indians in stone carving. The joints are 1 made with wooden dowels and further secured with fish glue. Cradles—These are now rarely found, the child being carried slung in a shawl or blanket over the back in the usual Indian fashion. Dixon (1787) describes the primitive cradle which he saw amongst the Haida and Tlingit as follows: , Three pieces of bark are fastened together so as to form a kind of chair; the infant, after being wrapped 1n fur, is put into this chair and lashed so close that it can not alter its posture even with struggling, and the chair is so contrived that when a mother wants to feed her child, or give it the breast, there is no occasion to release it from its shackles. Soft moss is used by the Indian nurse to keep the child clean.“ Lisiansky mentions the Wife of a chief coming on board his ship (1805) carrying her child in a basket. At the present day a canvas or blanket hammock is sometimes used, in camp or indoors, to rock the baby to sleep. Paints—As previously mentioned, the different kinds of paints used by the Indians in this region are charcoal, roasted and burnt fungus, white, red, and brown ochres, lignite, cinnabar,’ berry juice, spruce sap, and various other kinds of vegetable compounds. For tattooing and ' painting the face and body black, charcoal and lignite are used. Oil is mixed with all paints used on the body. Where lignite is used on wood, or for other purposes of a permanent nature, it is ground dry with salmon , eggs, first chewed with cedar bark. This gives consistency to the paint * Dixon, Voyage, p. 239. _ I - ‘ " 320 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. and makes it stick well. A fungoid growth from the hemlock tree by a various treatment becomes yellow, red, or black. When decayed to ' a powdery consistency, it is yellow, when roasted, it is red; and. when charred, black. The Ohilkat get the brilliant yellow for their blankets from a_kind of. moss called sekhone. Paint- brushes have been described in Chap. v. and are illustrated in Plate XLv. The stone mortars and pcstles for grinding paint are similar to those shown in Figs. 337 and 339, Plate LXIII, for preparing native tobacco. Metal working—The tools with which the Indian artisan works out the surprisingly well-finished "metal ornaments and implements of this region are simple and few in number. For bracelet making the silver- smith has a hammer, several cold chisels, and an etching tool which is merely a sharpened steel point or edge. Improvised iron anvils replace the stone implements of this kind doubtlessly used in former days. The details of bracelet making are given in Chapter IV. Copper is beaten into the required shapes. Steel tools now used are very deftly tem- pered and sharpened by the native artisan, who retains the primitive form of his implement or tool, and merely substitutes the steel for the former stone blade or head. The ingenuity which the Indians show in adapting iron and steel to their own uses is but one of the many evidences of their cleverness and intelligence. Lumber and woodwork—Incidental to the description of tools, houses, canoes, etc., allusions have been made to the expertness of the Indians in getting out lumber in the rough from the forests. The tools employed in wood-work have been described, but it is a never-failing source of wonder to Europeans that they can accomplish so much with so little. Portlock (1787) observes; It is very surprising to see how well they [Tlingit] Will shape their boards with the shocking tools they employ; some of them being full 10 feet long, 21} feet broad, and not more than an inch thick. * It is, however, still more surprising to see the exquisite finish wrought on the rattles, head-dresses, masks, etc., in the relief carving for which these Indians of the north are famous. PAINTINGS, DRAWINGS, AND CARVINGS. The pictographic art of these Indians is illustrated in nearly all the accompanying plates. A few details need to be added to explain the significance and trace the origin of the designs so lavishly bestowed upon nearly every article of personal and household property. The early voyagers were much struck by the artistic abilities of these peo- ple, and Dixon (1787) voices this feeling when he says of the Tlingit and Haida: Many of these carvings are well proportioned and executed with a considerable de- gree of ingenuity, which appears rather extraordinary amongst a people so remote from civilized refinment. t *Portlock, voyage, p. 292. tDixon, Voyage, p. 243. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLV A. M £99 247 89(6 5: is 54/9 2,5 257 250 PAINT BRUSHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 244. Presents a device for renewing the bristle when worn down. Fig. 246. From Sitka (Koloshan or Tlingit stock). Represents a chief with tall cer~ emonial hat. Fig. 248. From Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia (Haidan stock). Represents a land otter. Fig. 249. Represents a wolf. Fig. 251. The handle is split, the bristles being nipped in between the two parts. Represents a raven. Cat. No. 20548, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan. All the handles are made of wood. The brushes are of bristle or vegetable fiber. The same general type is found along the entire coast. :28; 0* 23.0.3. 233:3. EmpleFo—A. .ur>._.m X_I<. >. PAINT BRUSHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. 'EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLV,B. an 2% 25¢ an .253 PAINT BRUSHES FROM THE_NORTHWEST COAST. ‘ 'Fig. 253. Represents a raven. Fig. 254. Bone handle. Represents Oolalla, the mountain demon. Fig. 255. Represents an eagle. Fig. 256. From the Bella Bella tribe of the Kwakiutl (Haeltzukan stock). Cat. N 20548, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan. All the handles, except of Fig. 254, are made of wood. The brush are either of bristle or vegetable fiber. The same general type brush is found along the entire coast. “ ”2513 23.039. 2.595: #mmm.|‘Z:u_mnx. UF>4M X_I<. W. PAINT BRUSHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLVI. 36/ 238 260 SLAVE-KILLERS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST; FORMERLY USED IN DISPATCHING SLAVES." Fig. 257. Made of bone. Carved to represent the beak of a raven. Cat. No. 12717}! U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by E. B. Webster,U;. S. Navy. " Fig. 258. Of wood; ornamented with a carved head and human hair. Cat. No. 73831, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Alaska. Collected byLieut. Dix Bolles. U. S. Navy. ; Fig. 259. (Seisher or Sitz’ee, Haida) Wooden head; steel po1nt O1namentedv~1t . human hai1. Cat. No 74763. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. " Fig. 260. Made from Elk antler , cal ved 1n totemic design, and armed With a shar stone point Cat. No. 74500. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska Collected by James G. Swan. ”V Fig. 261. (Sitz’ee) Made f101n a dee1 antler, and carved to leplesent the head of 1.. Tl’koh. the crane. the handle replesents a heal s pa“. Cat. No. 88701, U S N. M Kaiganixillage of Howkan, Alaska Collected by James G 811 an. Report of Nafional Musmu‘n, l888.-—Niblack. PLATE XLVL SLAVE—KILLERS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST; FORMERLY USED IN DISPATCHING SLAVES. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 321 ‘ The rudest form in which this art embodies itself is in the picto- g; aphs on the rocks. These are found just above high water mark a ground the sites of ancient and abandoned villages. Two groups of lfiem, from the ancient village of Stikine, near Ft. Wrangell, Alaska, I “are shown In Plate XX, and 1n Figs. 278, 279, 296, and 297. These have ' 278 279 296 297 Figs. 278, 279, 296, 297. CARVINGS 0N ROCKS. SITKA, ALASKA. (From sketches by the author.) no other significance than the practice in idle hours of an art in which they were all striving to attain excellence. Some, outstripping others, became in time famous carvers, decorators, or tattooers, their fame even extending beyond their own village or tribe. In one sense these carv- f'H. Mis. 142, pt. 2—-—21 322 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.- ings on the rocks are in the nature of drawings, as they appear also in painted figures on the simpler objects, but in the paintings on wood the patterns are very much more elaborate than those simple etchings on the rocks, as shown, for instance, in the carved and painted figures on the chest and box in Plate LI. In their paintings the favorite colors \ used are black, light green, and dark red. Whether produced in paint- ing, tattooing, or relief-carving the designs are somewhat conventional. However rude the outline, there are for some animals certain conven- tional signs that clearly indicate to the initiated what figure is meant. With the brown bear it is the protruding tongue; with the beaver and wolf it is the character of the teeth; with the orca, the fin; with the raven, the sharp beak; with the eagle the curved beak, etc. Certain groupings or figures are also generally recognized as portraying certain ; well-known legends, such, for instance, as the “bear and the hunter” ', (Plates XXXV, XLI, and XLIV); the “raven and the moon” (Plate XXXV), ‘ etc., which will be explained hereafter. In the interweaving of colors . to form a totemic pattern or design, as in the Chilkat blankets, the Indians attained the greatest perfection in their art up to their contact with the whites. Since then the carvings of the Haida in black slate may be said to'Show the height which their art has now attained. Drawings and paintings.—-In plate XX, and in Figs. 278, 279, 296, and 297, the crude sculpturin g on the rocks near Fort Wrangell are shown. In Plates IV and V various tattooing devices are illustrated. Indeed, in nearly every plate some form of totemic pictograph is represented, and it only remains to explain the significance of some of the figures. .: Plate LII is reproduced from illustrations in the “ West Shore,” August, 1884, accompanying an article by Judge J. G. Swan, of Port Townsend, Washington Territory. The drawings were made by Johnnie Kit-Elswa, the young Haida interpreter, who accompanied Judge Swan on a trip to ‘ the Queen Charlotte Islands, in 1883. It may not be out of place here to say that, in the estimation of the writer, there is no more competent authority on the ethnology of the northwest coast than Judge Swan, and he is particularly well informed in the matter of coast Indian my- thology and folklore, a branch of which subject the writer can only‘ touch on in this connection. It is to be hoped, however, that a syste‘ matic Governmental investigation will be undertaken in the next few years, for it will soon be too late to gather the materials needed. Fig. 280, Plate LI, represents the orca, or whale-killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana. Judge Swan says that, according to the Indian belief: ‘ He can change into any desired form, and many are the legends about him. One which was related to me was that ages ago the Indians were out seal-hunting. The weather was calm and the sea smooth. One of these killers, or black~fish, a species: of porpoise, kept alongside of a canoe, and the young men. amused themselves by throwing stones from the canoe ballast and hitting the fin of the killer. After some pretty hard blows from these rocks the creature made for the shore, where it grounded on the beach. Soon a smoke was seen, and their curiosity prompted them F ig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLVII. SLATE CARVINGS FROM THE QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 262. MODEL OF TOTEM POST. Slate. Top figure, the eagle; next, the orca or killer; next, the raven; the lowest, the beaver. Cat. No. 88977, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Col- lected by James G. Swan. 263a. FIGURE IN BLACK SLATE. “ The bear mother.” This figure is repro- duced in Plates XLIX and L. For legend see text. This may be taken as the best specimen of Haida slate-carving. Made by Skaows—ke‘ay, an Indian carver of Skidegate. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Colum- bia. Cat. No. 73117, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan. 264.. SLATE PIPE. Cat. No. 2589,U. S. N. M. Northwest coast. Collected by Capt. Charles Wilkes. U. S. Navy. 265. SLATE PIPE. Cat. No. 2590. U. S. N. M. Puget Sound. IVashington. Collected by the U. S. Exploring Expedition, Capt. Charles Wilkes, commander. 266. SLATE DISH. Design. the orca or killer. Cat. No. 89005, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.7 Niblack. . PLATE XLVII, SLATE CARVINGS FROM THE QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 267. 268. 269. 270. 272. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLVIII. PIPES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. HAIDA SLATE DISH. TOBACCO PIPE. Of wood; carved in shape of dragon fly. Bowl, a cylin< der of copper. Cat. N 0. 72426, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean. TOBACCO PIPE. Of wood; in shape of bear’s paw. Cat. No. 9270, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by Dr. A. H. Hoff, U. S. Army. TOBACCO PIPE. Of antler; in shape of Indian doctor. Cat. No. 67882, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean. TOBACCO PIPE. Of slate. Compare Fig. 265. Cat. No. 2590, U. S. N. M. Puget Sound, Washington. Collected by Capt. Charles Wilkes, U. S. Navy. . TOBACCO PIPE. Carved in wood and inlaid with abalone. Cat. No. 6014, U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands: British Columbia. Collected by Colonel Bulkely, U. S. Army. SLATE DISH. Around the center are carved two eagles and two wolves. Handles represent sea-lions. Cat. No. 89004, U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by .James G. Swan. Report of Nailonal Museum. 1888. Niblack. PLATE XLV|||_ u. u N , . 6-" ' "“Muuu..u-~" PIPES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. HAIDA SLATE DISH. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLIX. HAIDA SLATE-CARVING, REPRESENTING THE “ BEAR-MOTHER." Fig. 263b, This specimen is also shown in Plates XLVII and L. The legend is .given in Chapter V, under the subject of bears. The Haida version of it is as follows: A number of Indian squaws were in the woods gathering berries when one of them, the daughter of a chief, spoke in. terms of ridicule of the whole bear species. The bears descended on them and killed all but the chief’s daughter, whom the king of the bears took to wife. She j bore him a child half human and half bear. The carving represents the agony of the mother in suckling this rough and uncouth offspring. One day a party of Indian bear hunters discovered her up a tree and ' were about to kill her, thinking her a bear, but she made them under— ' stand that she was human. They took her home and she afterwards became the progenitor of all Indians belonging to the bear totem. They believe that bears are men transformed for the time being. This carving was made by Skaows-ke’ay, a Haida. Cat. No. 73117, U. S. N. M. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.7.Nlblack. PLATE XLIX, HAIDA SLATE-CARVING, REPRESENTING THE " BEAR-MOTHER." . EXPLANATION OF PLATE L. HAIDA SLATE-CARVING, REPRESENTING THE “BEAR-MOTHER.” Fig. 263C. 'This specimen is also illustiated 1n Plates XLVII and XLIX. and fully? described in the legend accompanying the latter plate. Carved by Skaows—ke’ ay, 3. Haida. Cat. No. 73117, U. S. N. M. Skidegate vil-‘ lage, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum. 1888.7Niblack. PLATE L. HAIDA SLATE-CARVING REPRESENTING THE “ BEAR-MOTHER." EXPLANATION OF PLATE Ll. ) 273 37.? CHESTS, CARVINGS, ETC., FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. From photographs and sketches by the author. Fig. 2’72. HOUSEHOLD BOX OR CHEST. With sides made from a single wide, thin piece of cedar scarfed and bent three times and pegged at the fourth corner. The specimen is about 18 inches square by 24 inches high. The method of cording is also shown. The totemic design is the bear. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Fig, 273. HOUSEHOLD CHEST. With sides made from two pieces of wide, thin cedar wood, bent at right angles and pegged together at diagonally op- posite corners. The bottom and top are made of oblong slabs of wood neatly dressed down, the bottom being pegged to the sides and ends. Fig. 274. CEREMONIAL SPOON. Of wood, with handle carved to represent the orca. holding the bowl in his mouth. This is used in the ceremonies attend- ing a Haida youth’s attainment of majority, when he is required to drink down the contents of the spoon, consisting of about two quarts of fish—oil. Fig. 275; CARVED SLATE FIGURE. Commemorating a legend relating the prowess of a certain Indian shaman, Who is said to have raised two Indians from the dead at Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. Fig. 280. HAIDA PICTOGRAPH. Representing Skana, the orca or whale-killer. (See Chapter VII.) From a photograph of a drawing in the possession of James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nlb|ack. PLATE LI, —‘ - “:24 \‘\\\\\ «\,\«,«~ “-§_ < , ~ _ . \\“‘“\‘“‘.\““.“~“\\\._‘.“‘“‘¢ “ . ~ “ “M ‘ (Mama. 0;», CHESTS, CARVINGS, ETC., FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LII. 287 284 288 282 v 285 HAIDA LEGENDARY DRAWINGS OR PICTOGRAPHS. From illustrations in the West Shore (August, 1884), made by Johnnie Kit—Elswa, a Haida Indian. 281. Represents the legend of the raven and the fisherman as related in Chap- ter VII, page 323. 282. Represents Koong, the moon, and Ecthlinga, the man, and relates to the story of how the man came in the moon. The legend, as related on page 323, seems also to refer to the difference recognized by some be- tween a wet and a dry moon. 283. Represents the raven (Hooyeh) in the belly of the whale (Koone). (See page 323.) 284. Represents Hooyeh, the mischievous raven that possesses the power of changing itself into countless forms, and which has, from the creation of the world, been the benefactor and helper of mankind. (Page 324.) 285. Represents T’kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds, explaining the Indian belief in the causes of the changes in the weather. (See page 324.) PLATE LII. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Niblack. ESEEEEEE . J rag/935a?» HAIDA LEGENDARY DRAWINGS OR PICTOGRAPHS. ’2~ t THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 323 i to ascertain the cause, but when they reached the shore they discovered, to their sur- E prise, that it was a large canoe, and not the Skama that was on the beach, and that a it man was on shore cooking some food. He asked them why they threw stones at his canoe. “ You have broken it,” said he, “and now go into the woods and get some 5’ cedar withes and'mend it.” They did so, and when they had finished the man said, “Turn your backs to the water and cover your heads with your skin blankets, and don’t you look till I call you.” They did so, and heard the canoe grate on the beach 5 as it was hauled down into the surf. Then the man said, “Look, now.” They looked, , and saw the canoe just going over the first breaker and the man sitting in the stern; V but when it came to the second breaker it went under and presently came up outside of the breakers a killer and not a canoe, and the man or demon was in its belly. This allegory is common among all the tribes on the northwest coast, and even with the interior tribes with whom the salmon takes the place of the orca, which never , ascends the fresh-water rivers. The Chilkat and other tribes of Alaska carve figures of salmon, inside of which is the full length figure of a nude Indian. * * " Casual observers, without inquiry, will at once pronounce it to be Jonah in the fish’s belly, but the allegory is of ancient origin, far antedating the advent of the white man or the teachings of the missionary.” Fig. 281 represents the raven and the fisherman. The same authority says: Hooyeh, the raven, had the mischievious propensity of descending into the ocean and investigating the fishing-lines of Houskana, the fisherman, and stealing both bait and fish. At last Houskana, tired of this work, put on a magic hook to ascertain who his enemy was at the bottom of the sea. The raven was caught, and when the fisherman hauled in his line the raven resisted by pressing his feet and wings against the bottom of the fisherman’s canoe. But Houskana was the stronger and pulled the raven’s beak entirely ofl“, and, seizing the raven, took him ashore to find out Who he was, for, as soon as his beak was pulled off he changed to a man, covering his head with his skin mantle so that nothing but his eyes could be seen. The fisherman tried in vain to make him uncover his face. At last one of the young men took a handful of filth and rubbed it in the raven’s eyes. This made him throw off his mantle, and then they saw that it was the Hooyeh. This made the raven so angry that, in re- venge for this indignity, the raven and his friends, the crows (Kaltzda), have ever since annoyed the Indians by soiling their canoes and eating all their fish.” Fig. 282 represents the “Man in the Moon.” According to Judge Swan: . Koong, the moon, discovered Eethlinga, the man, about to dip his bucket in the _ brook for water, so it sent down its arms or rays and grabbed the man, who, to save ' himself, seized hold of a big solal bush (Gaultheria shallon), but the moon being more powerful took man, bucket, and bush up to itself, where they have ever since lived and can be seen every full moon when the weather is clear. The man is a friend of T'kul, the spirit of the Winds, and at the proper signal empties his bucket, _. causing rain upon the earth. Fig. 283 represents the raven (Hooyeh) in the belly of the Whale (Koone). Judge Swan explains it as follows: The Haidahs are not whalemen, like the Makahs of Cape Flattery, and I never knew of their killing a whale; but occasionally a dead one drifts ashore, having been killed by whalemen, or sword-fish, or orcae (killers). The Haidahs do not care to . look for natural causes, but adopt the mythological dogma that the raven goes into the whale’s belly, which, frantic with pain, rushes ashore, while the invisible Hooyeh , _ walks quietly out and is ready for another adventure. 324 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Fig. 284 represents Hooyeh, the mischievous raven that possesses the power of changing itself into countless forms, and which has, from the , creation of the world, been the benefactor of mankind, but which like- wise delights in playing pranks. Endless legends are told of his ad- ventures. Fig. 285 represents cirrus clouds: The center figure is T’kul, the wind spirit. On the right and left are his feet, which are indicated by long streaming clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are the different winds, each designated by an eye, and represented by the patches of cirrus clouds. When T’kul determines which wind is to blow, he gives the word and” the other winds retire. The change in the weather is usually followed by rain, which is indicated by the tears which stream from the eyes of T’kul. These legends illustrate how pregnant with meaning is every carving and pictograph of this prolific people, and what work must be embodied in the task of tracing them out and comparing them with those of ad- jacent regions. No idea of the ethnical affinities of the various stocks can be formed without comparative mythological study, and the sooner the work is undertaken the better. Carvings—Fig. 286 is a carved wooden rattle, which is pictured in other positions in Figs. 287, 288, and 290, Plate LIV. According to Judge Swan, the carving on the breast of the bird represents the sparrow-hawk, the bird itself representing Hoog/eh, the raven. The tail of the raven is carved to represent a bird’s head, carrying in its beak a frog. The frog is supposed to possess a subtle poison in its . head, which, when sucked out, enables a medicine man to work bad spells. The figure on the back is Oolalla, or Ka-ka—hete, the whist- ling demon, who lived in the mountains and was once traveling in his canoe when he was capsized and nearly drowned. He swam ashore and ran into the woods for shelter. He occasionally descended to the villages and stole the children, which he took into the woods and ate. L Ka-ka-hete afterwards turned into a land-otter. This type of rattle is found quite generally among all the northern tribes, and is carried by the chiefs in the ceremonial dances. (See Plate 1X.) The carved col- umns in front of the houses may be divided into two classes, totemic and commemorative. Totemic columns—These are the very tall ones erected in front of the houses, and are generally surmounted by the clan-totem of the chief occupant. Those below may represent the totem of his wife (and hence of his children), or illustrate some legend intimately connected with or referring to the totem ofthe owner. Some columns are purely legendary, but refer to the totem of the owner, and are in this sense totemic. Amongst the Tlingit the phratry totem often surmounts the column with the clan and other totems represented below it. None but the wealthy can afford to erect these carved columns, and the owner of one is thereby invested with so much the more respect and authority that he becomes, as the head of the household, a petty chief in the village. As heretofore and hereafter described, the ambition of a life centers in EXPLANATION OF PLATE LIII. CARVED WOODEN CEREMONIAL RATTLE FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 286. RATTLE. This is a side View of the rattle shown in back view in Fig. 287, Plate LIV, and top View in Fig. 288. This rattle is supposed to possess ‘ magical power in that it depicts a legend of Ka-Ka-Tete, the whistling demon, as described in Chapter VII, under the head of Carvings. This .7 is a very common type of rattle, and is found throughout the coast. Cat. No. 89085, U. s. N. M. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, '1 British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. ‘5 Repon of National Museum, 1888.—Ntblack. PLATE Ll”. CARVED WOODEN CEREMONIAL RATTLE FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. K ) / . . 7 _ x . ._ g, N _ k a u ,_ . . a . 4 ~ \ . ,, p m \ . . ., _. . EXPLANATION OF PLATE LIV. CEREMONIAL RATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. . 287. RATTLE. Of wood; carved. Shown in top view in Fig. 286. Legend in ._.. Chapter VII. Common type. Cat. No. 89085, U. S. N. M. Haida In- dians, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collectedbv James G. Swan. ' . 288. RATTLE. Top View of same kind of rattle as Fig. 287. Cat. N 0. 89078, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. 289. RATTLE. Of carved wood. Design. a duck, with ornaments of beaks of q? the puffin. Cat. No. 20828, U. S. N. M. Klowak Indians (Hanega tribe), Prince of Wales Island. Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. ' . 290. RATTLE. Top section of usual type of rattle. See Figs. 287. 288. Cat. No. 10309, U. S. N. M. Tongass village, Alaska (Tlingit Indians). Col- lected by Lieut. F. W. Ring, U. S. Army. '. 291. RATTLE. Of wood; ancient. Design, acrane with tail carved to represent 00' the head of a mountain goat. Cat. No. 73798. U. S. N. M. Auk In- dians. Alaska. Collected by Lieut. T. Dix Bolles, U. S. Navy. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Niblack. - PLATE LIV. CEREMONIAL RATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 325 , the endeavor to accumulate enough property or wealth to enable a free- man to rise to this dignity of a petty chief. A great deal of mystery has been thrown around these pictographic carvings, due to the igno- \ rance and misconception of some writers and the reticence or deliberate , deception practiced by the Indians themselves. They are in no sense j idols, but in general may be said to be ancestral columns. The legends : which they illustrate are but the traditions, folk-lore, and nursery tales ’ of a primitive people; and, while they are in some sense childish or frivolous and at times even coarse, they represent the current of human thought as truly as do the ancient inscriptions in Egypt and Babylonia, or the Maya inscriptions in Yucatan. The meaning of a few of these columns may, by inference, be taken to represent the general character of all. ‘ In Plate XXXV, Fig. 179, is a carved column in front of the model of a Haida house. The surmounting figure represents Hoots,‘ the brown bear, which is the totem of the head of the household who erected it. At the bottom is Tsing, the beaver, the totem of the wife and children. Above it is the figure of the “bear and the hunter,” already alluded to. According to Judge Swan, the hunter Toivats on one occasion visited the house of the King of the Bears, who was absent. His wife being at home, he made love to her. When the bear returned he found his wife in confusion and accused her of infidelity, but she denied it. She went regularly to get wood and water, and the bear, still suspicious, one day fastened a magic thread to her dress. On following it up he found her in the arms of the hunter, whom he forthwith killed, as in the pictograph. Whether or not this legend originated in the confusion arising from a failure to distinguish between one of the bear totems and a real bear, it is impossible to say, but for our purposes'as a carv- ing it illustrates three points: first, that as a legend it refers to the bear totem; second, that it warns wives to be faithful to their hus- bands; and third, it indicates a belief, on the part of these Indians, in the possibility of human relations with animals, which, as shown in Chapter III must of necessity precede a belief in totemism itself. Above the “bear and hunter” is Tetl, the great raven, having in his: beak the new moon and in his claws the dish containing fresh water, illustrating the common and familiar legend of the creation: Tetl, the» benefactor of man, stole from his evil uncle Kaunk,1L the enemy of man, the new moon, Kung, which he had imprisoned in a box, and also got ‘ fresh water by strategy from the daughter of Kaunk, to whom he made 1_ love, and, deceiving her, stole a dish of fresh water and flew with it out the smoke-hole of Kaunk’s house. Above the raven are four disks ” In the Kaigani dialect the brown bear is hoots ,- wolf, howootz ; hawk, howot, and hair seal, howoot. By inflection and aspiration these names are pronounced so dif- ferently as to leave no 'room for mistaking one for another. The black bear is tan, _ the same as in the Skidegate dialect of the Haida language. iBy some Kannk is identified with the eagle in the creation legend (Boas) and by others with the wolf (Veniaminoff). 326 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. . . called slct‘l. These appear also on the top of several ceremonial grass hats and wooden helmets and batons, illustrated in the accompanying plates. Their exact significance is uncertain, but the number of these skit disks is in general an index of the rank, wealth, and standing of . the chief or owner. It is stated on some authorities and disputed on others, that each disk commemorates some meritorious act of the owner, such as the giving of a great potlateh, or the gaining of a victory over an enemy. In this sense it indicates the right of the owner to the enjoyment of the respect and esteem of the tribe. It is also stated that the holes pierced in the lobes of the ear and the disks worn on the ceremonial hat also correspond to this same number. The difference of opinion is doubtless due to the variation in the custom amongst differ- ent stocks. The form of carving may be borrowed without the signifi- cance being understood or remembered. The weight of evidence would seem to favor the belief that each disk or skil had the significance indi- cated, that is, of commemorating some deed of prowess of the possessor. Plate LV., Fig. 292, represents another column which may be taken as a type. It is found at the Kaigani village of Kasa-an, Skowl Bay, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. The top group represents the head of a European, with whitened face and long, black whiskers, flanked on either side by two figures representing children in sitting posture, wearing tall hats. These hats in Kaigani are called Hat cachanda, and each have four skil. The group represents the following legend, either commemorating an actual occurrence or else being a nursery tale originally invented to frighten refractory children, becoming in time, through repetition and misconception, a veritable tradition. Many years ago the wife of a chief went out in a small fishing canoe, with her two children , near the summer camp to get the pine boughs, on which salmon spawn is collected. She drew up her canoe on the beach, and warned the children not to wander off. On her return they had dis- appeared. She called to them, and they answered her from the woods with voices of crows. Always when she sought them, two crows mocked her from the trees. The children never returned, and it was said that the white traders had kidnapped them and carried them off in their ship. The face with the beard represents the trader, and the two figures the kidnapped children. The figure next to the top, with the instrument in his claws across his breast, represents the crane (he he), and the legend, or rather an incident in a legend, is roughly as follows: The crane was formerly an expert with tools, but they were stolen from him by a mischievous character, (T’skan-ahl), and ever since he has been bewailing his fate. The cry which the crane now utters is, “I want my tools.” The next figure below is heats, the bear, holding between his paws the butterfly. At the creation, when the great Tetl, the benefactor of man, was looking for fair land for man to occupy, the butterfly hovered over his head as he flew. When he came to the country now occupied by the Haida, the butterfly pointed with his EXPLANATION OF PLATE LV. 3.93 3.9.3 ”at " L. E. WILA. LL mam» CARVED COLUMNS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST AND TIKI FROM New ZEALAND. From photographs by the author. Fig. 292. CARVED COLUMN. At the Kaigani village of Kasa-an, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Described in detail in Chapter VII. Fig. 293. CARVED COMMEMORATIVE COLUMN. In front of the feast house of Chief Skowl. at Kasa—an Village, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Fig. 294. CARVED MORTUARY OR COMMEMORATIVE COLUMN. In front of the house of Chief Kootenah, at Tongass Village, Alaska (Tlingit). Fig. 295. TIKI. At Raroera Pall, New Zealand. Introduced here by way of con- trast with the carvings of the Haida. From Wood’s Natural History, page 180. Of this he says: "This gigantic tiki stands, together with several others, near the tomb of the daughter of Te Whero-Whero, and, like the monument which it seems to guard, is one of the finest examples of native carving to be found in New Zealand. The precise object of the tiki is uncertain, but the protruding tongue of the upper figure seems to show that it is one of the numerous defiant statues which abound in the islands. The natives say that the lower figure represents Maui the Atui who, according to Maori tradition, fished up the islands from the bottom of the sea.” 'Report of National Museum, 1888.——Nib|ack. PLATE LV. Pfiflmm a“ ‘ I 9’ my“?! Iiw ’ \ Wk T ,\\\\\\\\\T m w , $ ‘31 1" Tub! "’ ‘ “annual: WWW an,“ .a - :.. . fl 10:75,. CARVED COLUMNS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST AND TIKl FROM New ZEALAND. 1' r E THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST: 327 proboscis to the good lands, and said: “Where the bear is there are ' salmon, herbs, and good living;” so that accounts for how the Haida came to the Queen Charlotte Islands, and why bears are so abundant. This is similar to the story told Judge Swan by Edniso of Masset, British Columbia. The next figure is the giant spider sucking the blood and killing a man. One of the numerous adventures of T’skcm- ahl was to kill the giant spider, which was such a mortal enemy to man. T’skan-ahl overcome the spider and threw him into the fire, but instead of burning he shriveled up and escaped as a mosquito, carry- ing away with him a small coal of fire in his proboscis. Now instead of killing men he can only suck a little blood, but in revenge he leaves a coal of fire in the kite. My informant, a Kaigani, stated that it would take three days to relate all the adventures of T’skan-ahl. The lowest figure is Koone, the whole representing the totem of the owner of the column. The key to all the carvings is found in the legends of the Indians. Often their significance is lost; often individual eccentricity leads an Indian to make a carving of which he alone knows the meaning; often only the older Indians are well informed enough to tell off-hand What a carving means. These causes, combined with the indifference of the younger generation and the sensitiveness and reticence of the older, makes it extremely difficult to arrive at the significance of the figures. Often they concoct stories to mislead an inquirer, and laugh in their sleeve at the credulity shown. Until a general collection of the legends of the coast is made we must remain content with selecting a few types, as in the foregoing, to illustrate the motive and significance of these remarkable carvings. Commemorative columns—There are two classes of these (1), com- memorative proper and (2) mortuary. It has been explained, in the description of Fig. 292, that the upper group of figures commemorates a real or supposed incident in the kidnapping of two Indian children by the white traders. It is the generally accepted opinion that these columns are in no sense historical, but purely ancestralor totemic. This claim is entirely too sweeping. Fig. 293 shows the details of a column erected in front of the feast house of the famous Kaigani Chief Skowl at Kasa-an. This is in the rear of the living house, on the back street, so to speak. In front of the latter is his totemic column, a tall, slender, finely carved one, surmounted by his totem, the eagle, resting on seven disks or skil, as shown in Plate III. The feast house column (Fig. 293) is surmounted by Skowl’s crest, the eagle. Just below it is a carved figure of a man with right hand uplifted and index finger pointing to the sky. It signifies that in the heavens God dwells—the God of the white man. Below this is the representation of an angel as conceived by the Indians from the description of the whites, and then comes a large figure intended to picture a'Russian missionary with hands piously folded across the breast. This group 328 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. 3 of the figure with uplifted hand, the angel, and the missionary, colnmemz , orates the failure of the Russian priests to convert Skowl’s people to their ‘ faith, and was erected in ridicule and derision of the religion of the white ‘7 man. Below this group is a magnificent carving of a spread eagle, and at the bottom of the column a figure intended to represent one of the early traders on the coast. Skowl was always an enemy to the mis-- sionary and resisted their encroachments to the last, being remarkable for his wealth, obesity, and intemperate habits. He weighed at the time‘of his death, in the winter of 1882—’83, considerably over 300 pounds. As a young man, his physical prowess, wealth, and family influence, made his tyrannical rule at Kasa-an one long to be re- membered, as he did much to keep his people to the old faith and to preserve amongst- them the manners and customs of his forefathers. Plate LXVII is a sketch of this chief lying in state in his lodge at Kasa-an village, from a photograph taken by the writer in 1885. To illustrate further the nature of some of these commemorative columns, it may be well to mention here the case of Chief “Bear Skin,” of Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, as cited by Judge Swan. “Bear Skin,” on his return from a visit to Victoria, British Columbia, had erected in front of his house two wooden effigies of Judge Pemherton of that city to show his contempt for him as a magistrate for putting him in the lockup at Victoria. In the Berlin Museum is a small slate carving, illustrated in Fig. 275, Plate LI, which commemorates the, prowess of a certain medicine man who came up to Skidegate from Klue village to work his charms on two dead men. He was observed by numerous witnesses to squat upon their graves, and by invoking the power of his yakes with rattles, masks, and songs, to raise them from the dead. Coming to life, they clung to him as in the image. This incident is of course vouched for by reliable witnesses, but no further testimony is needed to insure its acceptance as gospel by the Indians than that it should he thus carved in slate. It lifts the story to the first rank as a tradition to be handed down as long as the image shall recall it or the Indian mind cherish the recollection of it. It can . not be claimed that a good case has been made out in the illustrations here cited to show that these columns and carvings are ever historical in the strict sense of the word, but they are, nevertheless, at times com- memorative of certain real or supposedly real incidents, and the state- ment that they are never historical at least needs qualification. Mortuary columns.—A broad distinction is drawn here between columns that in themselves form a mode of sepulture and those which are com- memorative and erected at some distance from the site of the grave in which the body is interred. The former are described in detailin Chapter XII, on Mortuary Customs; the latter are in imitation of the former, and preserve the shadow of the primitive mode of sepulture just as to-day the funeral urn on a modern grave is symbolical of the old custom of cremation. These are illustrated in Fig. 1, Plate II, Fig. 179e, Plate~ ‘ THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. \ 329 XXXV, and in Plates LV, LXIV, and LXIX, as well as in the general views of Kasa an village. They are erected usually near the corner of the house the “ glorification or elevation of the dead,” described in Chapter XIII.. 55 After the body has been entombed it is incumbent on the heir of the § deceased, if the latter has been a person of any importance, to make a. feast and erect one of these commemorative columns. In the southern: part of the Queen Charlotte Islands a very common form of this columni 3 is a short stout post with a sign-board-like square formed of split planks: f carved on the outer face. This kind is rare to the north, and not seen: ' at all amongst the Kaigani, as far as known to the writer. The decay of totemic carving—Amongst the northern Tlingit theses carved columns of all kinds have largely disappeared. At Sitka only the stumps of the ancient ones are now found. Wherever the mission-- aries have gained influence with these Indians the totemic columns: . have gradually disappeared and the old ways been given up. 0f the . Tlingit villages which have retained many of the primitive customs: ;; Tongass (Tunghaash) is the most representative. Kasa-an stands at". 5 the head of the Kaigani and Skidegate of the Haida villages in this: ‘ respect. Wars, epidemics, and emigration have reduced the population: to such an extent that former sites have been abandoned and the Indi-- ans are gradually concentrating into a few villages. Graves, ruins, decaying houses, grass-grown village sites, graphically picture the re-‘ sults of the contact of the coast Indians with our civilization. Slate carriage—The slate from which the elaborate Haida carvings: are made is 'obtained at the Slate Creek, Queen Charlotte Islands. It; has the desirable quality of being soft and easily carved when freshly quarried, and of hardening and taking a polish after exposure to the weather for some time. The general range of these carvings in boxes, dishes, pipes, and models is shown in Plates XLIV, XLVII, and XLVIII. Sometimes highly polished copper and the iridescent shell of hali- otis, and sometimes bone or ivory, are inlaid to represent eyes, teeth, etc. The finest specimen of Haida sculpture known to the writer is that illustrated in Plates XLIX and L. Numerous other kinds of carv- ings in bone, ivory, and slate, used as talismans or doctor’s charms are not illustrated here, being left for separate treatment under the head of ‘ Shaman Paraphernalia and and Shamanistic Rites. ........_/...,V.m..w\_,y A. J "’ MUSIC.* Singing—While in recent years, in the decay of the ceremonial in- stitutions of the Indians of this region, the custom of singing has some- ” In Pilliug’s Bibliography of North American Languages is mentioned a manu- script of 500 pages in Russian and Tlingit of vocabularies, texts, sentences, songs, etc., in the Tlingit language of Sitka. Unfortunately this manuscript was inac-~ cessible, being in the hands of its author, Mr. Alphonse Pinart. 330 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. what died out, in early days they were passionately addicted to the practice. In‘the ceremonies of welcome, of war and peace, of trade, and of all the endless social gatherings of these exceedingly sociable people, singing was the invariable accompaniment. Dixon (1787) says: When the traflic 0f the day is pretty well over, they begin to sing and never leave offtill the approach ot'night; thus beginning and ending the day in the same man- ner. " * * It must be allowed that their songs are performed with regularity and in good time, but they are entirely destitute of that pleasing modulation and har- mony of cadence which we had usually been accustomed to hear in the songs at other parts of the coast.’ Marchand (17 91) says that amongst the Haida, at fixed times morn- ing and evening, they sing in chorus, in which every one takes part. Poole says of their singing: “a peculiar plaintiveness of tone and a quaint hitch of the voice at the end of each line redeems the so-called singing from the charge of inflicting torture on human ears”)L He gives in this connection a Haida carroling song, which is a repetition of the words given below like the note B in the Key of E. The notes to the two upper lines are semi-breves, those to the under line crotchets, thus: Equal—ah, ah, ah, ah, he, he he, madame. Equal—ah, ah, ah, ah, he, he, he, crescendo. Equal—ah, equal—ah, he, he, he, decrescendo. Plate LVI is a trading song, sung by the Sitka Indians in 1787, as reproduced in Dixon’s Voyage, page 243, and described in Chapter VIII of this paper. Fig. 300 is a song of the Haida, used as an accompani- ment to their ceremonial dances reproduced from Poole’s Queen Char- lotte Islands, page 322. x ‘ 41""?35—9—7: __ _,_ ”E'— ‘EB: I—F. FIE!- "fl_._p_,‘ Ft l’I I," e, ha. I, e, lg gab. Ha, oii,_ ha,_ 13, “I, #0,, ha. Da Capo four times. finishing with Charm. 01101111: I]. __,o‘__.__—F-vfia— .4 LP.“ 3.5%: I. e. ha. 1. 6, ha. Fig. 300. SONG on THE HAIDA. (From Poole.) The dance songs in this region of the coast are accompanied by the beating of drums and the spasmodic shaking of rattles. Amongst the Tlingit the women rarely dance, but sit at some distance from the dancers, “and sing a not inharmonious melody, which supplies the place of music.” i * Dixon, Voyage, p. 188. ‘r Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, p. 323. tLangsdorfi' voyages, Pt. I, p. 114. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LVI. INDIAN SONG. INDIAN SONG, as generally sung by Iche natives of Norfolk Sound (Sitkan tribe) previous to commencing trade. Reproduced from Dixon’s Voyage, page 243, and explained in Chapter VIII of this paper. Report of National Museum. 1888.—Nib|ack. PLATE LVL Indian Song as generally St‘mg by the Natives of NORFOLK SOUND previous to Commencing u'ade Chithi 1hr, Qribc -la coofch hoh hoh hoh ch hoh hoh hoh boh _ hoh' huh hob. fch h‘a . - ha ha-haigh .haigh. :haigh Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 301. 302. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LVll MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. . DANCE WHISTLE. In form of a toy balloon, with a bladder attached to the wooden mouth-piece to operate the whistle. Cat. No. 89069, U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. .. DANCE WHISTLE. Blown like a fife. Compare Fig. 326. Cat. No. 89057, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. CEREMONIAL TRUMPET. Made in six pieces (see Fig. 319), which. when joined, form six chambers, in each of which a piece of fabric is stretched. The different tones are not set to a scale. Cat. No. 20687, U. S. N. M. Tsimshian, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. MEDICINE AND DANCE DRUM. Tanned sheep-skin stretched over a wooden frame. Totemic figure, the bear. It is beaten with an ordinary stick padded with cloth. Cat. No. 127613, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by Paymaster E. B. Webster, U. S. Navy. Report of Nafional Museum, 1888.——Niblack. PLATE LV”_ MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 303. Fig. 304. Fig. 305. Fig. 300. Fig. 307. Fig. 308. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LVIII. CEREMONIAL RATTLEs FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. SHAMAN DANCE BATTLE. Of wood; ornamented with human hair. Cat. No. 9257, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by Dr. A. H. Hoff, U. S. Army. DANCE RATTLE. Wood; ornamented .with human hair and opercula. Cat. No. 73853, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by Lieut. T. Dix Bolles, U. S. Navy. SNAPPER. Of two pieces of wood hinged just above the wrapped handle and carved. Carried in ceremonial dances. Cat. No. 73796, U. S. N. M. Tling‘it Indians, Hoonyah, Alaska. Collected by Lieut. T. Dix Bolles, U. S. Navy. . RATTLE. Of wood; carved to represent a legend which explains how toads and frogs come with the rain. The latter is shown as springing from the eyes of T’kul, the spirit of the Wind. Cat. No. 20583, U. S. N. M. Tsimshian Indians, Port Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. RATTLE. Under side view of ceremonial rattle representing the double- headed eagle. This design undoubtedly originated from the imitation of the Russian standard. Cat. No. 20762, U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. . DANCE RATTLE. Rare design and peculiar pattern. Cat. No. 74336, U. S. N, M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. Report of Nationa! Museum, 1888.7 Nib‘ack. PLATE LVIIL CEREMONIAL RATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 309. 310. 31]. 312. 3;. 31:3. 314. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LIX. CEREMONIAL DANCE-RATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. DANCE BATTLE. In shape of Hoorts, the bear. Cat. No. 88796, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. CARVED RATTLE. In shape of ~the orca or whale-killer, showing dorsal fin and formidable teeth. Cat. No. 20758, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by James G. Swan. CARVED RATTLE. In form of cockle shell. Cat. No. 74333, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean. . DANCE RATTLE. Of wood. Used by Shamans. Cat. No. 89084, U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. DANCE BATTLE. Showing Hoorts, the bear, with protruding tongue, so (common in Haida drawings. Cat. No. 89076, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. CEREMONIAL RATTLE. Of wood; ornamented in painted designs. Cat. No. 88718, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Jolumbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of Nationa! Museum, 1888.—Niblack PLATE LIX. CEREMONIAL DANCE-BATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. Fig. 315 Fig. 316 Fig. 317 Fig. 318 EXPLANATION OF PLATE LX. CEREMONIAL DANCE-RATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. . SHAMAN’s DANCE RATTLE. Skaga sisha. Haida. Formerly owned by Tsilwak, a medicine man of Gold Harbor, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Cat. No. 89052, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan. . RATTLE. Same as Fig. 307, Plate LVIII. Cat.,No. 20762, U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan. . RATTLE. Of wood; carved to represent the fish-hawk. Cat. No. 88727, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . RATTLE. Back view of Fig. 306, Plate LVIII. M. Collected by James G. Swan. Cat. No. 20583. U. S. N. Report of Na\ional Museum, 1888.77 Nxblack. PLATE LX, r. V CEREMONIAL DANCE-RATTLES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST. 1» x O ' o n I , . ‘ . . ‘ MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST—WOODEN WHISTLES AND TRUMPETS. ' Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 319 320 321. 323. 324. . 327. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXI. will *6 ’5’ 3.3.3 32¢ 3.35 3.36 3‘37 m '. I WOODEN TRUMPET. Five-chambered. Compare Plate LVII, Fig. 301. CEREMONIAL WHISTLE. Of wood. with wooden reed in the mouth-piece. Blown like a flageolet. Cat. No. 89059. U. S. N. M. Haida. Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. CEREMONIAL WHISTLE. Compare Fig. 320. Cat. No. 88879, U. S. N; M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. CEREMONIAL WHISTLE. Cat. No. 88876. U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. CEREMONIAL WHISTLE. Cylindrical. with wooden reed in mouth-piece. Cat. No. 88893a. U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Tollected by James G. Swan. _ CEREMONIAL TRUMPET. Of wood; made in two sections with reed be- , tween. Compare Fig. 329. Cat. No. 20689, U. S. N. M. Tsimshian, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James ,G. Swan. . DOUBLE CEREMONIAL WHISTLE. Compare Fig. 323. Cat. No. 88873. U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. , Collected by James G. Swan. . CEREMONIAL WHISTLE. See Plate LVII, Fig. 299. Cat. No.. 89057. U. S. N. M. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Col--_ lected by James G. Swan. CEREMONIAL TRUMPET. Of wood; in section. to Show the vibrating piece. Cat. No. 20695. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian. Fort Simpson. British Colum- bia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nib|ack. PLATE LXI. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST—WOODEN WHISTLES AND TRUMPETS. I . \ .. , . , ‘ _ M . . , ._ A , . _ \ _. . p ‘ . . 4 L .. x _ , y a, I . . _ 4 . . MUSICAL EXPLANATION OF PLATE LX||. INSTRUMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST—WOODEN WHISTLES AND TRUMPETS. Fig. 329. DANCE WHISTLE. With double reed mouth-pieces backed with bellows. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 330. 333. 334. The cheeks of the bellows are painted, representing Hoorts. the bear. Cat. No. 89064, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. DANCE WHISTLE. Of wood; principle of a policeman’s whistle. Cat. No. 89067, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Columbia. Col- lected by James G. Swan. . WHISTLE. Of wood. Cat. No. 89093, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skide- gate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. . TRUMPET. Wooden tube. with vibrating reed. Cat. No. 88895. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WHISTLE. (See Fig. 330.) Cat. No. 89066, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. WHISTLE. Spapakwilla or Oolalla’s (the mountain demon‘s) call. Used only at the commencement of great and important ceremonies to an- nounce the beginning of the distribution of property in the potlatch. Cat. No. 89062, U. S. N. M. Skedan‘s village, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of Natwonal Museum, 1888.—Niblack‘ PLATE LXHI MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST—WOODEN WHISTLES AND TRUMPETS. THE‘INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. ' 331 Additional notes on the subject of singing will be given in Chapter XIII, in the description of the various ceremonies. Drums.—Portlock (1787) says of a Tlingit chief whom he traded with: He was not for transacting his business in a hurry; and perhaps he thought that on his last visit we‘ were not impressed with a sufficient idea of his importance; for now he came along-side, with his party, in great pomp and solemnity, all of them singing; and in addition to the vocal concert, they entertained us with instrumental music, which consisted ofa large old chest, beaten with the hands, byway of a drum, and two rattles. The rattles were 2 feet long, and about 2 inches round, made of hollow pieces of wood neatly joined together, and a number of small stones being put in, they were closedat both ends. The chiefheld one of these rattles in his hand, which he frequently shock with an air of meaning intelligence, and the rest of his tribe seemed to follow his directions in singing in the most exact manner. * The usual type of drum, however, is that shown in Fig. 302, Plate LVII, which consists of a piece of deer-hide or sheep-skin stretched’ across a circular hoop. Rattles.—These are usually made of cedar wood, generally in sections neatly joined together, and elaborately carved and painted in totemic designs. There are two kinds, snappers and rattles proper. Snappers are usually made in two pieces hinged together in such a way that by pulling a string or jerking it bodily, the two parts come together with a snapping noise. Often these are carved in the form of the head of some animal with enormous teeth and jaws, controlled by a string, being very effective in amusing the multitude when carried in the native dances. The most primitive rattle, mentioned by the early voyagers, is that shown in Fig. 73, Plate XVIII, composed of two hoops joined by a wooden cross-piece, the circumference being closely strung with the beaks of the puffin. The usual form of rattle is a hollow wooden chamber with about a dozen small pebbles in it. The forms, variety of carving, and general shapes are so great that only a few typical ones are illustrated in the accompanying plates (LVIII, LIX, and LX). They are carried in the hand on ceremonial occasions, and serve by their noise to accentuate the measured time of the music in the dance. Those shown in the plates are described in detail in the legend accom- panying each. ' A W histles.'——These are shown in great variety in Figs. 298, 299, and 301, and in Plates LXI and LXII. While they are not, in one sense, mu- sical instruments, not being capable of giving forth more than two or three distinct notes, yet they serve the purpose of the Indians, although they do not speak very highly for their advancement in a musical way. Some of their devices of this kind are essentially for the purpose of making a hideous noise, such, for instance, as that in Fig. 298, consist- ing of a wooden whistle and a bladder like a toy balloon, or, Fig. 329, consisting of a whistle backed by a pair of bellows to furnish the wind.’ Such instruments are essentially for “ cultus” dances, or those intended to amuse the populace. Others are highly ceremonial in their nature. " Portloek, Voyage, p. 282. 332 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. The most elaborate one of this kind is shown in Figs. 30], Plate LVIII, and 319, Plate LXI, both being views of the same instrument, the latter in detail and the former put together for use. It consists of six pieces of wood, forming a kind of trumpet, with five openings. Through these is stretched a continuous narrow band of silk. When blown through it gives forth a noise like a deer call, each section being pitched slightly different, although not in any musical scale. Fig. 299, of which Fig. 326, Plate LXI, is another View, is a Whistle pure and simple, being blown by applying the lips as in a fife. The other instruments shown are blown like a flageolet, some of them having several finger-holes to change the note. Fig. 324 has a reed or vibrating piece within, as shown in one section of corresponding type in Fig. 327. Dawson states that among the Haida “certain secrets are reputed to appertain to the oflice of chief, among which is the possession of various articles of property Which are supposed to be mysterious and unknown to the rest of the In- dians, or common people. * * 4“ * When my informant was about to engage in the dance, the chief took him aside, showing him various articles of the mysterious chief’s properties,” among others a peculiar Whistle, or cell with vibrating reed tongues, which, concealed in the mouth, enables the operator to produce strange and startling noises, that may be supposed by those not in the secret to indicate a species of possession in the excited dancer. These things are explained by the chief to his probable successor, and are also known to some of the more important Indians, but not to all. ‘They are, no doubt, among the devices for obtaining and holding authority over the credulous vulgar)” SUMMARY. It can not be said that in a musical way, according to our standard, these Indians have made much progress, but the music, such as it is, has the nature of an accompaniment to their dancing, or is at least subordinate to other forms of entertainment. Instrumental music pure and simple, as an enjoyment in itself, is practically unknown, but the passion of these Indians for vocal music has been commented upon by nearly every visitor to the coast who has published the account of his experiences. In the art of painting, drawing, carving, and sculpt- ure they stand at the head of the savage tribes of the world. In the wealth of their traditions, in the abundance of their industrial products, in the range of their capabilities as a people, there is so much that is worthy of illustration and description that what has been said here seems as but the bare outline of a subject worthy of the special study of all ethnologists. “Dawson, Report, B, p. 120. VIII. PRODUCTIONS, LOCOMOTION, WEALTH, AND TRADE. PRODUCTIONS: REARING AND CULTIVATION. Rearing.—The only domestic animal is the Indian dog. It resembles the wolf, having a sharp nose, 3. long bushy tail, and being in fact a cross-breed from the wolf.‘ The Indians are remarkably fond of them, and, in every canoe, three or four may be seen sticking their sharp muz- zlcs over the gunwale. The poorer the Indian the greater the number of dogs he owns. Practically they are not of very great use to their masters; they occasionally run down deer in the winter and are 'used to hunt bear, but are very badly trained, as they are allowed to bark furiously on scenting a trail and are very cowardly. They are, how- ever, of little care to their owner, as they pick up their own food from. around the refuse of the tide, camp, and village. The pure strain has been crossed with the our dogs of the whites and the present result is a degenerate variety. Bancroft is authority for the statement that “Dogs of a peculiar breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year, furnishing a long white hair, which, mixed with fine hemp and cedar, made the best 010th.”l’ Cultivation.—The only thing cultivated amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, before the advent of the whites, was a species of nar- cotic plant similar to tobacco, but about which it is difficult to obtain definite information. Vancouver (17 93) first saw it at Kootznahoo or Admiralty Island, and of it he says: On each side of the entrance some new habitations were constructing, and, for the first time during our intercourse with the Northwest American Indians, in the vicinity of these habitations were found some square patches of ground in a state of cultivation, producing a plant that appeared to be a species of tobacco, and which we understood is by no means uncommon amongst the inhabitants of Queen Char- lotte’s Islands, who cultivate much of this p1ant.t All the evidence points to the Haida as being the chief cultivators of this species of tobacco plant. Today one finds stored away in the out-of-the-way nooks in the older houses huge stone mortars, in which this weed was pounded up for use. (Plate LXIII, Fig. 339). It was not smoked, as may be supposed, but chewed or held in the cheek. Its preparation consisted in drying it, pounding it in a mortar, and press- * Dunn, Oregon, p. 290. 1 Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. 111., p. 256. fr Bancroft, Vol, 1., Native Races, p, 166. 333 334 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. ing it into plugs or cakes. Lime, made from burnt clam-shells, was mixed with it to give a good “bite.” The practice of smoking came in with the whites, and our tobacco has completely replaced the native article, which is now only cultivated, if at all, in the most remote regions, . and the writer was unable to obtain any specimens of it. ~ Gardens.—Around all the villages garden patches may now be seen. The principal vegetable cultivated is the potato, although turnips and a few others are found occasionally. The Haida in particular cultivate potatoes in large quantities to trade on the mainland. LOCOMO TION: CANOE TRAVEL. From the diversified nature of the country and the numerous inland water-ways, travel is of necessity by canoe. It is unnecessary to treat of the subject here after what has been said under the titles of tents, tents, p. 304, and canoes, p. 294. WEALTH: CURRENCY, PROPERTY, SLAVES, LAND. Primitive wealth—Before the advent of the whites, wealth consisted in the possession of sea-otter skins, hunting and fishing grounds, slaves, and household and personal property, such as dance paraphernalia, household furniture, hunting and fishing implements, canoes, houses, and articles of trade. Practically, however, the unit of value was the sea-otter skin, as it was also the basis of wealth. As the Haida were the most expert hunters of this animal in this region, they became in time the most wealthy and influential people on the coast. The prin- cipal changes in the forms of wealth have been in the substitution of blankets for skins and furs and the abolition of slavery. Otherwise the enumeration of articles of wealth is as given above. Currency—Amongst the interior Indians of North America the beaver skin was the medium of exchange. In the trade between the coast Indians and those of the interior, the dentalium shell was valued by the! latter, who gave in exchange the abalone shell so highly prized by the former. Amongst the coast Indians themselves, as stated, the sea-otter skin was the basis of exchange, although the shell currency seems to have had a relative value. This latter lost its function when the whites began to import Such quantities of shell later on. These have, however, remained as a favorite ornament, occupying somewhat the place of jewels amongst civilized people. With the almost total dis- appearance of the sea-otter through the greed of Indian and white man alike, a new currency sprang up. It happened that, through the com— petition in trade between the French, English, Americans, and Bus— sians, success crowned the English through the superiority of the material which they ofl'ered in trade, and with the establishment of the Hudson Bay Company their blankets, through uniformity and excel- lence in grading, became the recognized currency. These vary from THE INDIANS on THE NORTHWEST COAST. 335 “one point,” the poorest, to “ four points,” the best. These “points” are woven into the texture on the edge, and it has happened that the “ two-and-a-half point” has come to be the unit, valued now at about $1.50. Just as in former times, as the sea-otter skins were stored away representing so much wealth,so today the blankets are folded and packed away in their boxes. They are generally received at face value by all traders when unused and in good condition. The value of every- thing is referred to the unit blanket. A four point blanket is worth so many blankets (twoand-one-half point), and the cost of everything is reckoned in the same way. Property in Janet—Throughout this region the coast line, streams, estuaries, and adjacent lakes are divided amongst the different families, the right of possession descending from one generation to another as personal property. The larger salmon streams are sometimes jointly owned by several families, or owned by one family and leased for a consideration to one or several others. Stranded marine animals, or other debris washed by the tide, belong to the family owning that por- tion of the shore line, the boundaries of possessions being definitely marked and respected accordingly. Nor is this boundary confined to the strip of coast, but extends well out to sea, carrying with it the right to shoot seals and gather birds’ eggs on outlying rocks, hunt sea- otter, and to fish on well-known halibut or cod banks. Major Powell says: “ Land tenure does not begin in grants from the monarch or the feudal lord, but a system of tenure in common by gentes or tribes is developed into a system of tenure in s‘everalty.” * This is admirably illustrated in this region, for the ownership of a tract of land by a family has come, through being vested in an individual or the head of that family, to mean practically individual ownership. Dawson gives an instance on Queen Charlotte Islands where a rich tract of country called Tl-ell, which had come into the possession of a former Chief of Skidegate as the property of his wife, “ was afterwards given by him to the Skedans of that day as a peace-offering for the wounding or killing of one of his (Skedans) women. The tract thus now belongs to Skedans, and is valued as a berry ground.” 1‘ Disputes over ownership of land, boundaries, etc., have been the cause of many feuds. At Thom Bay, adjoining Tolstoi Bay, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska, a valuable tract of hunting and fishing ground is in dispute between the Stikines and Kaigani, both tribes in true American style having up “No trespassing” signs on the trees. 00ppers.—Throughout the Northwest coast copper plates or “cop- pers” of a conventional pattern are valued as emblems or tokens of wealth, and have been handed down for generations. They originally came from the Ohilkat country, where virgin copper is found' 1n consid- erable quantities, and are made in the form of a shield from 2g. to 3;- " Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology. 1879-’80, p.83. iDawson, Repor,t B, p. 165. 5336 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. ifeet in length, 12 to 25 inches in width, and one-sixteenth to One-eighth 10f an inch in thickness. They have a groove running vertically in the llower half and transversely across the middle at the narrow part, form- - ~.ing a figure like the letter T. They are sometimes painted, but more}. anew-new r tcommonly etched on the outer surface with the design of the crest or " 'totem of the owner. If they ever served as shields in battle such use ’ has long since disappeared, and now they have only a ceremonial or emblematic significance. To be of great value these plates must be large, of virgin copper, worked by hand, of native manufacture, of uniform thickness, except at the edges, where they should be thicker than elsewhere; and, finally, when struck should give forth a dull sound and not ring. Totemic etching on the outer surface also adds value to them. Modern “coppers” of European manufacture are not , very highly prized, as compared with the ancient ones. Lisiansky (1804) says that amongst the Tlingit they were “ only possessed by the rich, who give for one of them from twenty to thirty sea-otter skins. They are carried by their servants before their masters on different oc- casions of ceremony, and are beaten upon so as to serve as a musical in- strument. The value of the plate depends, it seems, on its being made of virgin copper, for the common ones do not bear a higher price than j a single skin/”F The best, according to Dunn (1834), were worth around Dixon Entrance nine slaves, and were transmitted as a precious heir-loom.’r Now they are valued at from forty to eighty blankets. They are called by the Kaigani T’ow, and are shown in Plate LXVII. , Dr. Boas says of them : “ They are given as presents by one tribe to another. The Indians value a copper- 2 plate the more the more frequently it has been given as a present. Every single “ plate has its name and its own house, and is fed regularly. No woman is allowed to ‘ enter its house. Almost every tribe has a tradition referring to their origin. Some f say that a man who visited the moon received it from the man in the moon. Others f‘ say a chief living far into the ocean gave it to a man who came to visit him, etc. i Similar legends refer to the haliotis shells which are used for ear and nose ornaments and bracelets.”t This may be the custom with regard to copper plates amongst the southern coast tribes, but it differs materially from that of the Tlingit, 7., Haida, and Tsimshian. With them they are simply tokens of wealth. é These are shown in Plate LXVII as forming no inconsiderable portion f;‘ of the wealth of Chief Skowl, amounting to hundreds of blankets. Dawson says that amongst the Tsimshian these coppers are exhibited ,f in a circle in upright position at the ceremony of “bringing out” a _ young girl, who sits within the circle and sings.§ Amongst the Kaigani these t’ow are often displayed over the grave of a deceased person of wealth. One is shown in Plate III, left of .j‘ upper view. Some miles below the village of Kasa-an, on Prince of 1‘ *Lisiansky, Voyage, p. 150. 1; Notes on the Ethnology of British Columbia (Amer. iDunn, Oregon, p. 288. Philo. Society, Nov. 18, 1887), p. 427. §Dawson, Report, B, p. 131. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 337 Wales Island, one is nailed to a tree on a point of land to mark the 10- ) cality Where a canoe was upset and the occupants drowned. Lisian- E sky, as quoted, shows that they were occasionally used by the Tlingit 3" as a sort of gong or musical instrument, being carried before the chiefs by the slaves and beaten upon. The change in the articles of value accumulated and stowed away as wealth is illustrated by an incident in the summer of 1886, where some white men robbed a cache of the Klawak chief Tin-ga-atc of all its con~ tents to the value of over $2,000. The booty included five hundred blankets, fifty wash-bowls, thirty-six mirrors, six valuable dancing robes, and many other articles. It may be mentioned in this connec- tion that the wash-bowls are used as receptacles for food, and are taking the place of the native wooden bowls. : Wm...” en...“ TRADE: EXCHANGE OF COMMODITIES. Port Simpson, from its central location at the head of Dixon En- trance, has come to be the great emporium of trade for the surrounding region. Dunn says that, in 1834, the Haida, Nass, Kaigani, Tongass, Port Stewart and Stikines generally rendezvoused there in the month of September to tradefi“ Simpson estimates that, in 1841, about four- teen-thousand from the various tribes of Stikines 011 the north to the Sebassa on the south, resorted there, although many of them merely paid passing visits en route to the N ass River to fish for eulachon.’r In earlier days, previous to the advent of the whites, the trading was carried on less systematically and with more formality 011 account of the feuds between the different tribes. The Indians of this whole region are expert traders. Every article purchased undergoes the closest scrutiny. Every defect is discovered and the value scaled down accordingly. If once a certain price is obtained for a commodity of theirs it is adhered to thereafter as the set price, and the knowledge of such value travels fast. Time and distance are unimportant factors in a bargain. If 200 miles farther on the price paid for a commodity is considerably greater, the distance is reckoned as nothing in going there to get the difference. On the other hand, in purchasing goods from the traders, they show rare good sense in their selection of the better qualities, mere cheapness being in itself no recommendation. From the earliest times they have preferred articles of use to trinkets. Dixon (1787) says that they refused beads with contempt. What Van- couver said of the Tlingit or the Kaigani of Prince of Wales Island, in 1794, applies with equal force to- day: In all the commercial transactions the women took a very principal part, and proved themselves by no means unequal to the task; Nor did it appear that either in these or in any other respect they were inferior to the men; on the contrary, it should rather seem that they are looked up to as the superior sex, for they appeared in general to keep the men in awe and under subjection. .+ *Dunn, Oregon, p. 281. iSimpson, Journey Round the VVo11d, Vol. I, p. 206. iVancouvcr, Voyage, Vol. II, p. 409. , H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 22- 338 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Dixon (1787) says of the Sitka Indians: The chief of the tribe has always the entire management of all the trade belonging to his people, and takes infinite pains to dispose of their furs advantageously. * " ’ The moment a. chief has concluded a bargain he repeats the word Coo coo'twice, with quickness, and is immediately answered by all the people in his canoe with the word Whoah, pronounced in a tone of exclamation, but with greater or less energy, in pro- portion as the bargain he had made is approved. * In general notes on the northwest coast the same author says: Whenever any large party came to trade these treasurers [dance paraphernalia] were first produced, and the principal persons dressed out in all their finery before the singing commenced. In addition to this, the chief (who always conducts the vo— cal concert) puts on a large coat, made of elk skin, tanned, round the lower part of which is one or sometimes two rows of dried berries or the beaks of birds, which make arattling noise whenever he moves. In his hand he has a rattle, or more commonly a contrivance to answer the same end, which is of a circular form, about 9 inches in diameter, and made of three small sticks bent round at different distances from each other; great numbers of birds’ beaks and dried berries are tied to this curious instrument, which is shaken by the chief with great glee, and in his opinion makes no small addition to the concert. Their songs generally consist of several stanzas, to each of which is added a chorus. The beginning of each stanza is given out by the chief alone, after which both men and women join and sing in octaves, beating time regularly with their hands or paddles; meanwhile the chief shakes his rattle and makes a thousand ridiculous gesticulations, singing at intervals in differ- ent notes from the rest; and this mirth generally continues near half an hour with- out intermission.f I The song which was usually sung on such occasions is reproduced from the same volume (p. 243), in Plate LVI. As mentioned, the course of the slave trade was from the south to the north and from the coast inland. The Tsimshian were the middle men, and were, and are still, the great traders in oil and grease, of which they prepare large quantities from the eulachon, seal blubber, deer and goat flesh. Computed in blankets, the euiachon grease or oil now brings one blanket for from 10 to 15 pounds. With the disappearance of the sea-otter, the Haida, with great foresight and judgment, began the cultivation of the potato, which was first introduced amongst them by an American ship-captain. Dunn (1834) says: “Ihave known from 500 to 800 bushels being traded in one season from these Indians (Haida) at Fort Simpson”): It is not unusual now to see fleets of canoes coming in from the Queen Charlotte Islands bringing pota- toes, etc., and towing new canoes to trade or sell. The Hudson Bay Company now has a “guest house” near its post, to accommodate the visiting Indians who come to trade with them. Ordinarily, however, the visiting Indians are the guests of their own gens at the Tsimshian vil- lage near by. Large fleets now also visit Victoria each spring and fall from the north, not only to trade, but too often, unfortunately, for im- moral purposes. * Dixon, Voyage, p. 189. ilbid., pp. 242, 243. ,tDunn, Oregon, p. 204, THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 339 SUMMARY. Rank and social standing amongst these Indians being based largely upon the possession and distribution of wealth, it is not surprising to find a uniform currency amongst the different tribes, and a regular system of exchange or trade based on considerations both of supply and demand, and of the adaptability of certain tribes or regions to the production of certain things needed in other parts of the coast. The advent of the whites and the abolition of slavery have destroyed in a measure the tendency towards feudalism in the village communities, due to the possession of property and lands by a few families, and practically changed the development of their tribal organization into a tendency towards industrialism or division into trades crafts. This tendency is seen to-day in the adoption of certain trades by the Indians and the gradual breaking up of the old system of household organiza- tion for industrial purposes. The writer once asked an Indian who was loafing around Fort Wrangell in the summer doing nothing, while most of the other Indians were off in summer camp or working in the can- neries, how business was, and he answered “ very dull.” When asked what his business was, he replied “Oh, eberyting.” As a matter of fact he was a canoe-man, carrying freight up the Stikine River, and at odd times chopped wood for a living. The capabilities of these Indians in a business way is well illustrated by an incident which the writer wit- nessed at Port Townsend, Washington Territory, early in October of 1886. It was just at the end of the hop-picking season around Puget Sound, and hundreds of Indians were coming in to Port Townsend en route to their villages to the north. A party of young Haida stopped, and one of their number telegraphed over to Whidby Island to offer the services of the party to a farmer to dig potatoes for him. In view of the glut in the labor market, due to the presence of so many idle In- dians just then, this clever bit of enterprise showed an appreciation of the telegraph in a way that needs no further comment other than that they secured the job ahead of all rivals. ., r .-........ “um; - mam?! IX. WAR AND PEACE. As a rule, the feuds between gentes, phratries, and tribes in this re- gion have originated from such causes as gambling quarrels, failure to pay indemnity for wrongs done, or breaches of custom or etiquette, for the observance of which all are great sticklers. Their wars have been characterized by treachery, surprise, ambush, night attack, superior numbers on the aggressive side, massacre of women and children, im- pressment into slavery of the prisoners of war, and scalping of the . slain enemies. Fair fight, excepting in duels, seems to have been un- known or unrecognized. The ceremonies attending both warlike and peaceful demonstrations have always been of an elaborate character, and, as has been pointed out, many of the existing elaborate ceremo- nials, With the accompanying paraphernalia, are survivals‘ of practices originating in war. Since the military occupation of Alaska by our Government, and the suppression of slavery throughout the north- west coast, Indian wars have practically ceased; and, in describing the practices of war, it becomes necessary to speak in the past tense. WAR CUSTOMS. In preparation for war the men painted the body, powdered the hair with eagle’s down, and got themselves up in the most hideous attire. The wooden masks, helmets, and armor were carried in the war canoes, ready to be put on for an encounter; and the war parties con- sisted usually of both freemen and slaves. The war canoes were gen- erally steered by some old crone whose courage and influence had been found oftentimes to be of the greatest incitement to the warriors. From various accounts, it would appear that, in early times, when two hostile canoe parties met accidentally, preparations for the encounter consisted in putting on the masks and war garments, throwing over- board the dogs, and cautious advance, accompanied by songs, men- acing speeches, and gestures. Arrows, missiles, and even bullets (after the introduction of fire-arms) were avoided by gently heeling the canoe and interposing its gunwale as a protection. In an encounter, the victorious usually slaughtered their opponents, scalped them, and cut 011' their heads, either sticking up the latter on poles to grace their triumph or carrying them off to prevent the friends of the deceased from recovering them. In the first encounter of the Russian com- manders Lisiansky and Baranoif with the Sitka Indians, in 1804, the latter remained in possession of the battle-field, and the bodies of the 340 THE lNDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 341 slain Russians and Aleuts were displayed by the Indians, borne aloft on spears. Subsequently they were compelled by the Russians to - abandon their fort, which they did secretly at night, first killing their 4 dogs and young children to prevent their noise giving notice of their flight.”‘= Vancouver (1794) mentions an encounter between some Kaigani In. dians, who were on board ship trading with him, and some Stikine who suddenly appeared, coming around a point of land. The former rushed into their canoes, which were alongside, put on their war gar- ments, and rested their spears on the gunwale. Thus prepared, they advanced slowly to meet the new-comers, meanwhile making the most violent and passionate speeches, which were answered in a similar tone V by some persons who stood up in the Stikine canoe. After a parley, lasting some moments, an amicable understanding was reached, and both parties returned to the ship, though on their guard towards each other. At the head of the Stikines was the great chief O-non m‘s-toy, who, with all his party, for safety, slept on board the Discovery, while the Kaigani went to their camp on shore. In the morning the Stikine went on shore with great ceremony and arranged with the Kaigani a combined entertainment for the benefit of Vancouver, which they gave alongside in their canoes. “It consisted in singing and a display of the most rude and extravagant gestures that can be imagined. The principal parts were performed by the chiefs, each in succession becom- ing the leader or hero of the song; at several pauses of which 1 [Van- couver] was presented by the exhibiting chief with a sea-otter skin. ” ’r SCALPING AND OTHER WAR CUSTOMS. The scalps of the slain were usually removed by the medicine men, or shamans, who accompanied the war party. Poole (1864) says that he saw “at least a hundred scalps in Chief Klue’s lodge, on a pole”: Dall states that, amongst the Tlingit, the scalps were woven into a kind of garter by the .victor.§ On the- death of a chief of great prowess, the scalps which he had taken were sometimes used to decorate his tomb. || “Once I saw a party of Kaiganys of about two hundred men returning from war. The paddles of the warriors killed in the fight were lashed upright in their various seats, so that from a long distance the number of the fallen could be ascertained; and on each mast of the canoes—and some had three—was stuck the head of a slain foe.” ll Simpson thus describes a feud at Sitka (1841), growing out of a drunken quarrel between a chief and a man of rank, in which the former stabbed the latter to death: The party of the deceased, to the number of about a thousand men, immediately turned out, with horrible yells, to revenge his death, painted in the most hideous *Lisiansky, Voyage, pp. 158 and 162. ll Whymper, Alaska, p. 79. t Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, p. 393-4. 1i Bendel’s Aleutian Archipelago, p. 30, 1 Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 116. quoted by Bancroft, Vol. I, p. 164. § Dal], Alaska, p. 417. 342 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. manner and armed with all sorts of weapons, such as spears, bludgeons, dirks, and fire-arms; while the women, more ferocious, if possible, than the warriors themselves, were exciting the tumultuary band to actual violence by the most fiendish screams and gestures * * "“ The chief’s life was demanded in atonement, but refused by his party as being of more value than that of the person slain. ’ * * The parties met with a loud war-whoop‘; for a minute or two a clashing of arms was heard ; and when both sides simultaneously receded from the spot, we beheld the bodies of two slaves that had been sacrificed in lieu of the chief. * This atoued for the outrage and satisfied the requirements of blood revenge. Dunn (1835) mentions a feud between the Port Stewart and Tongass Indians, in the course of which the latter cut off a war party Of thirty of the former and massacred them.i In the Port Stewart region, Vancouver (1793) has left a record for all time Of the character of this tribe in the names given to Traitor’s Cove and Escape Point, commem orath e of his hostile encbunter with them, and his narrative makes them out to have been the most villainous Indians on the coast: Simpson (1841) says that between the Haida Of Queen Charlotte Isl- ands, and the Bella Bella, a deadly feud had long subsisted : About six weeks before our arrival, the latter, to the number of three hundred, had attacked a village of the former, butchering all the inhabitants but one man and one woman. These two the victorious chief was carrying away as living tro- phies of his triumph ; * " * while standing in aboastful manner on the gunwale Of his canoe, and vowing all sorts of vengeance against his victims, he was shot down by a desperate effort of his male prisoner. The Bella Bellas, their joy being now turned into grief, cut the throats of the prisoners, threw their spoils overboard, and returned home rather as fugitives than as conquerors. t Poole ( 1863 ), speaking of the ravages Of Small-pox on the coast, says: The Bella-Bella tribe, though not to be despised, were formerly by no means a match for their born fees the Bella Coolas, who used always to cut off a great num- ber of the Bella-Bella whenever these ventured from their own territory. But now the Bella-Bella, though deplorably reduced in their own tribe, found themselves in A numbers and force far ahead of the Bella Coolas, and were accordingly preparing, might and main, to administer condign punishment to their ancient enemies. ll DUELS. Duels or trials by combat were sometimes resorted to not only in case of dispute between indivduals, but to settle feuds between families or gentes. The combatants protected their bodies with thick leather shirts and wooden armor outside; wore masks and helmets Of wood; and, armed with daggers, stepped forth to the encounter, encouraged by the songs and cries of their friends. PEACE CUSTOMS. On the approach Of a canoe or party the intention of which is at first ' doubtful, the token of peace was the blowing in the air of white feath- * Simpson, Journey, Vol. 11, p. 205—6. 5) Simpson, Journey, Vol. I, p. 203. i Dunn, Oregon, p. 290. II Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 185. i Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, pp. 358 to 366. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 343 ers plucked from an eagle’s skin, or by the display of a tuft of white feathers on the end of a pole or at the mast head of the canoefi‘ In the friendly dances and ceremonies of welcome a fan or tuft of white eagle feathers was carried in token of friendship and peace. TREATIES OF PEACE. At a conclusion of peace it was the custom to exchange hostages in token of good faith. Dall says of them: These are obliged to eat with their left hands for a certain period, as they carried weapons in the right hand during combat. Each hostage has two companions of equal rank assigned to him by the tribe which holds him.i Lisiansky (1804) says of the hostages sent by the Sitka to the Russian forces : They were in one canoe, and sung as they approached a sort of song of a melan- choly strain. 011 landing, the hostage threw himself flat on his back in the shallow water, according to the custom of the country, and continued in this posture till some of our people arrived who were sent to lift him up and conduct him.t In general the treaties of peace were ratified by feasts and elaborate ceremonies often lasting many days. *Vanconver, Voyage, Vol. II, p. 389; and Dixon, Voyage, p. 180. iDall, Alaska, p. 417. iLisiansky, Voyage, p. 156. VICES AND DEMORALIZATION OF THE INDIANS— GAMBLING—RUM— ' TOBA CCO—IMMORALITY. Before the advent of the Whites gambling, immorality, and the use of tobacco, although not unknown, were at least not such pronounced vices as they have come to be under the stimulus of contact With civil- ization. The use of liquor was, however, quite unknown. Langsdorff, who was at Sitka in 1805, says of the Tlingit: “Brandy, which is some- times offered them by the Russians, they reject as a scandalous liquor, depriving them of their senses.” * It would have been of great advan- tage to them if they had continued to so regard it. Unfortunately the example of the Whites and the deliberate corruption of the Indians by unscrupulous traders have made them in recent years only too well acquainted with the evils of rum drinking. Just now they are begin- ning to rally from the demoralization due to contact with the whites and to adjust themselves philosophically to their changed environ- ment. The former custom of chewing tobacco, in vogue from the earliest times, has now given way almost entirely to that of smoking the weed which they buy from the traders. In Chapter VIII, “Rearing and Cul- tivation,” the production and preparation of the native tobacco has been fully described. Although in one sense a vice, the use of tobacco can hardly be said to have contributed much to the real demoralization of the Indians. GAMBLING. The Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit are inveterate gamblers. Dur- ing the winter leisure or whenever, for any reason, they are gathered together in considerable numbers, gambling is the invariable and con- stant amusement, often continuing for several days on a stretch With- out rest or intermission. These bouts are usually conducted on the platform in front of the houses in good weather, but indoors in bad. The gamblers sit on the ground or squat about the platform in a circle, in the centre of which a clean mat of the inner bark of the cedar is Spread. Each man produces a bag containing from thirty to fifty round sticks or pins about 5 inches long by three-eighths or one-half of an inch in diameter, and beautifully polished and carved in totemic design or painted in black, blue, and red rings. One of the players, selecting a number of these pins from his bag, covers them up in a heap of finely 544 *Langsdorfi‘, Voyages, pt. 11, p. 131. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIII. GAMBLING STICKS; MORTARS AND CARVED PESTLE FOR PREPARING NATIVE TOBACCO. Fig. 335. GAMBLING STICKS. Of wood; twenty-four in number. with deer-skin bag. Each stick is carved with a totemic design. Cat. No. 6556, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by Dr. T. T. Minor. U. S. Army. Fig. 336. GAMBLING STICKS. Of wood; thirty-four in number; polished and inlaid with abalone. Cat. No. 20789, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by James G. Swan. Fig. 337. STONE MORTAR. Ancient pattern; for grinding native tobacco for chew- ing. Cat. No. 45961, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean. Fig. 338. STONE PESTLE. In shape of the raven; for preparing native tobacco. Cat. No. 67849, U. SN. M. Tlingit, Hoodsinoo, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean. ‘ Fig. 339. STONE MORTAR. Of calcite, with totemic designs on the exterior; for preparing native tobacco. Smaller examples used in grinding paint. Cat. No. 88823. U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nlb|ack. PLATE LXHL GAMBLING STICKS; MORTARS AND CARVED PESTLE FOR PREPARING NATIVE TOBACCO. THE INDIANS‘ OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 345 Out bark tow. The workings and 'significances of these sticks is per- fectly understood, and the game is either odd or even, or to guess in which of two piles a certain stick is hidden. Poole thus describes the game among the Haida: , One of the players. selecting a number of these pins, covers them up in a heap of bark cut into fibre-like tow. Under cover of the bark he then divides the pins into two parcels and having taken them out passes them several times from his right hand to his left, or the contrary. While the player shutlles he repeats the word I-E-Ly-Yah to a low monotonous chant or moan. The moment he finishes the in- cantation, his opponent, who has been silently watching him, chooses the parcel where he thinks the luck lies for odd or even. After which the second player takes his innings, with his own pins and the same ceremonies. This goes on till one or the other loses all his pins. That decides the game. " ' Another form of this is for the player to shuffle together all the pins and count out seven. The game is to guess in which pile a certain pin is, say the one carved like a beaver, or whale, or eagle. The fortunate guesser gets one or more pins according to rule, or, if he fails, pays a forfeit of so many pins. The Indians stoically sit for hours conning over the melancholy chant, apparently indifl'erent to loss, gain, time, or hun- ger, often losing everything he owns in the world Without the slightest expression of emotion. Poole mentions the case of a Haida chief who continued playing for three days without eating a mouthful of food, but perpetually losing. By the fourth day he had even parted with the blanket on his back, when a woman of his tribe, taking pity on him, loaned him her only blanket, and be renewed the contest, this time suc- cessfully, not only winning back what he had lost, but finally getting all his opponent’s property, consisting of powder and shot, muskets, revolvers, blankets, skins, paints, tobacco, fish, etc. * Two sets of gambling sticks are shown in Plate LXIII, Figs. 335 and 336. For convenience of illustration they are laid out on the wrapper " of the wallet in which they are usually kept. The carving on some of the more expensive sets is of the very highest order. Rum.—Impure, monstrously vile liquor has been the greatest curse to the Indians of this region. Having furs and other valuable products sought by the traders, the latter have been only too ready to debauch and despoil them. In all the criminal record of shameless commercial conquest of a rich and prosperous territory, no region has suffered more unless it be the Aleutian Islands in earlier days. This can not be laid at the door of any of the large commercial companies, for in the main such a policy is suicidal to their own interests. With the small dealers, the owners of small trading craft, those whose only thought and inter- est has been the business in hand, the policy has been one of unscru- pulous rum selling. Poole (1863) says: The so-called whiskey which is shamelessly sold to the Indians by traders along the coast or even by certain unprincipled merchants of Victoria, contains very little of what is wholesome or genuine liquor. What it really does contain is not generally * Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 319. 346 , REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. known, but I hear on good authority that the bulk consists of water flavored and colored with grain whiskey in the smallest possible quantities. Its strength proceeds wholly from the blue-stone, vitriol, and nitric acid which the manufacturers largely infuse into it. The consequence is that when the Indians imbibe this drink freely-— and they always do so whenever they can get it—their naturally fiery temperaments are wrought up into a state of savagery so intense as to leave no white man’s life safe in their presence while they remain under its influence. ‘ The orgies and debauchery of the Indians up to recent years have been something to shock even the most hardened trader. Liquor being obtained in quantities, either by the distillation of sugar or molasses or purchased from the traders, a systematic plan of getting drunk in de- tachments was practised and is today in certain regions when they can get the liquor. It is the duty of those sober about the village to look out for the drunk and tend to the various household duties, look after the canoes, children, etc. When the first detachment has sobered up the others sometimes take their turn. Pandemonium reigns, and it often takes the intervention of the whites to get things going smoothly again. Unfortunately the women are worse drunkards than the men, and it is in their demoralization that the Indians have suffered most. The hoochz’noo, which they make themselves, is not a native invention, as the process has been picked up from the whites. It has flourished amongst the Tlingit since our acquisition of Alaska in 1867, and common report credits its introduction to American oflicials. Hoochinoo is simply a distillation from potatoes. The still generally consists of a square tin kerosene can, with a worm, made either of tin pipe or the stems of the giant kelp. The worm is either packed with snow or placed in a stream of fresh water. The mash is made from potatoes, which are cooked, dumped into a tub, and allowed to ferment, a little sugar or very cheap molasses being added to produce the alcohol. It sufl'ers only one dis- tillation, and the horrible product is taken in its raw state, the effect being to almost instantly rob an Indian of his senses. Largely through the influence and authority exerted by the commanding officers of our men-of—war before the establishment of the civil government in Alaska the practice of distilling hoochinoo has been greatly broken up and de- cidedly discouraged. l Immorality.—The chief dcmoralization in this region has been amongst the women, brought about by the independent position they occupy in the social organization of the tribe, by the peculiar laws or customs re- lating to marriage by purchase, and by the right to return a female to her people in case she proves unsatisfactory or undesirable. Through the influx of whites, due to the establishment of industries, the pros- ecution of trade, and the development of mineral resources, the Indians have been brought in close contact with most unrefined elements of our civilization. Money earned in the summer months by these adventurous * Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 313. iNotes on the distillation of hooohinoo were kindly furnished the writer by Lieut. N. R. Usher, U. S. Navy. THE INDIANS\OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 347 spirits is squandered in the most reckless dissipation about the various settlements in the winter months. Jealousy being unknown amongst the Indians, and sanctioned prostitution a common evil, the woman who can earn the greatest number of blankets or the largest sums of money Wins the admiration of others for herself, and a high position for her husband by reason of her wealth. It is not an uncommon thing for whole families to resort to the settlements for the winter, and return to their villages in the spring to give grand potlatches with their ill gotten gains. The influence of the missionaries and of the respectable element in the settlements has, from the first, been used against the extension and growth of this evil, but it can not be said that, until in the last few years, much progress has been made in stemming this tide of reckless physical and moral debasement. Its effects are seen in the alarming number of deaths due to dissipation, and the great decrease in the ratio ‘ of births to deaths throughout this whole northern region. The part which rum has played in causing this havoc is not to be underestimated, and it is fortunate that a steadily growing sentiment is making itself felt towards the suppression of these two alarming evils. SUMMARY. The native vices of these Indians are simply those due to savagism. Contact with the whites has, through the greed for wealth operating on both sides, produced an abnormal departure from primitive ways. Gambling is found almost universally amongst savage tribes, and with progress in civilization, the first steps are always in the direction of the aggravation of primitive and the adoption of foreign vices. Rum drink- ing has been nowhere so disastrous as in this region. With the smok- ing of tobacco by the Indians of the Atlantic coast region, and the chewing of it by those on the northwest coast, it has remained for our civilization only to invent the snufling of it. Peculiar marriage cus- toms and the greed of wealth have here contributed more to the alarm- ing increase of immorality than any inherent love of vice on the part of the Indians. XI.‘ ' WITCH ORA FT—S UPERST I TI ON—SI CKNESS AND DEA T H—MEDI CINES— TREA TMENT OF THE SICK. WITCHCRAFT. All severe diseases or illnesses are ascribed to the evil influence of enemies, and, in case of the death of an important personage, a victim is usually found who has presumably charmed away the life of the de- ceased. The Indians are intensely superstitious and have naturally been encouraged in ideas of this kind by both the chiefs and the shamans, whose sway over the tribe depends largely upon the fear and respect excited by belief in their influence and power over good and evil spirits. Largely through the action of the commanding oflicers of our men-of-war stationed in Alaska, this hold of the chiefs and shamans on the people has been broken. By the bombardment and de- struction of several villages the Indians have been compelled to abandon the punishment of victims accused of witchcraft, but the chief stumbling block has been the surprising admission of guilt which nearly all of the accused Indians make when charged with charming away life, and this, too, in the face of the death pen alty. Such is their credu- lity that when accused they believe theymust be guilty. Amongst the Haida the guilty Indian, according to Judge Swan, is discovered as follows: The mouse is the judge by which the Haida detect the persons who work bad magic and cause sickness and death. When a person is taken sick or dies, three men are selected who prepare themselves by pulverizing a dried frog, mixing it with salt water and drinking it. This decoction produces vomiting and purging, and when their systems are thoroughly cleansed their minds are supposed to be clear and bet- ter able to judge of the merits of the case about to be submitted to their decision. They next catch a wood-mouse and put it in a little cage, which is set on a raised platform in front of the judges. The little mouse, sadly frightened, retires to a cor- ner of his cage and eyes the judges. They then commence naming over suspected persons, and presently the little mouse nods its head. The victim has to pay money or blankets to get clear. " * * (West Shore, August, 1884.) A narration of the superstitious beliefs of these Indians would in itself exceed the limits of this paper. Charms of all kinds are worn and the most implicit faith is placed in the significance of dreams, signs, and omens. Certain forms are gone through with to propitiate the vari- ous spirits and invoke their aid in all enterprises. A consideration of this subject belongs properly to a study of the religious beliefs and practices of these Indians, which must come later. 348 THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 349 SICKNESS. In cases of serious illness chief reliance was, up to recent years, placed upon the incantations of the medicine men, who were paid liber- ally if the patient lived, or, if he died, were compelled to restore the goods he had previously received on account. If any one other than a shaman attempted to do anything to cure a sick person and the pa- tient died, the self-constituted doctor had to pay a heavy indemnity to the person’s relatives. In out-of-the-way villages the shamans still have a hold on the Indians, and in case of sickness one is called in by the head of the household. If the latter falls sick it devolves upon his brother or nearest male relative to call in the Indian doctor. On all such occasions friends are invited in to see the evil spirits exorcised. While these shamans possess some knowledge of the medicinal proper- ties of herbs and are not slow to avail themselves of them, their duty is to drive out the evil spirit which haunts the sick man. Any virtue, that medicines may in themselves have are ascribed to the charm sup- posed to be wrought by the doctors in their decoction or preparation. The incantations and exercising consist in beating drums, dancing, making passes with subtle charms, blowing in the patient’s mouth and nostrils, kneading and pounding his body, chanting, swinging to and fro, frothing at the mouth, and every conceivable practice foreign to . our own ideas of the treatment of the sick. As a rule the patient that survives the din, foul air, and excitement of such a visit must needs have been on the high road to recovery, for the shaman usually con- tinues this performance until the patient declares himself better or well. The initiation, practices, rites, exhibitions, dances, and incantations of these medicine men deserve separate consideration as connected in- timately with their religious beliefs and customs. In connection with witchcraft, it may be said that the shamans are supposed to possess the power of charming away life by incantations and the use of certain charms. In such cases, where the charge can be reasonably laid at their door, they are not beyond the reach of a kinsman’s revenge. MEDICINES. The internal administration of native medicines is rarely practiced. Wounds and injuries are treated locally with several specifics known to them, and scarification is sometimes resorted to. Hemorrhages are stopped by the application of bird’s down to the wounded parts. The healing qualities of pine and cedar are recognized, and pine-tree gum is applied as a poultice to wounds by some tribes. Salt-water taken as an emetic is a favorite remedy for those not feeling well. This is also taken when they wish to produce quickly that profound impression on body and mind which fasting brings about in preparation for some or- deal or ceremony. As stated, the virtue of any medicine administered 350 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. is supposed to be due to the charm wrought in it by the shaman or " other person in its preparation or decoction. Preparations of bark are the principal specifies, but Langsdorfl' (1804) says of the Tlingit, “the root of a particular species of valerian is considered as the most efl'ectual remedy that can be administered. * * * The wing bones [of the ’ eagle], particularly the radius and ulna, are used in illness as tubes for sucking up fluids.”* Around Sitka, the virtues of hot sulphur baths were recognized by the Indians long before the advent of the whites. Near that settlement are some natural hot springs impregnated with sulphur, salt, and magnesia. In addition to these, hOwever, the In- dians take steam baths by pouring water on red-hot stones in an in- closed tent or shed. In bathing and in some attempt at personal cleanliness, the Indians of the northern region of the northwest coast compare favorably with any of those in the world living in the temper- ate zone, but their ignorance of the simplest laws of health is child- like and lamentable. *Langsdorff, Voyages, Pt. II, pp. 107 and 134. i' E t i XII. MORTUARY CUSTOMS—ANCIENT SEPULTURE—DEPOSITORIES 0F ASHES—MORTUARY COLUMNS—CUSTOMS OF THE TLINGIT, HAIDA, AND TSIMSHIAN—MODERN CUSTOMS—CHRISTAN BURIAL—SHAMAN BURIAL. ANCIENT SEPULTURE. The earliest historical accounts are those of the early voyagers, and it is from these that we must get our descriptions of primitive methods of sepulture. Dixon, who was amongst the Yakutat in June, 1787, says: The manner in which they dispose of their dead is very remarkable. They sepa- rate the head from theborly and wrapping them in furs, the head is put into a square box; the body in a kind of oblong chest. At each end of the chest which contains the body a thick pole, about 10 feet long, is drove into the earth in a slanting posi— tion, so that the upper ends meet together, and are very firmly lashed with a kind of rope prepared for the purpose. About 2 feet from the top of this arch a smali’piece of timber goes across, and is very neatly fitted to each pole; on this piece of timber the box which contains the head is fixed, and very strongly secured with rope; the box is frequently decorated with two or three rows of small shells, and sometimes teeth, which are let into the wood with great neatness and ingenuity; and, as an ad- ditional ornament, is painted with a variety of colors, but the poles are uniformly painted white. Sometimes these poles are fixed upright in the earth and on each side the body, but the head is always secured in the position described.* Dixon also describes a grave discovered by one of his officers near Sitka: In a cave “he found the object which attracted his attention to be a square box with a human head in it,” etc., beautifully orna- mented with small shells somewhat like those at Yakutatfi“ Portlock, who was also in this region in 1787, describes a grave just above Sitka as follows: This edifice was composed of four posts, each about 20 feet long, stuck in the ground 6 feet distant from each other, and in a quadrangular form. About 12 or 15 feet from the ground there was a rough-boarded floor, and two of the sides were boarded 4 feet higher up ; the other sides were left open. In the middle of this floor an Indian chest was deposited, which most likely contained the remains of some person of consequence; and on that side of the edifice to the westward, and which pointed up the sound, there was painted the semblance of a human face. It is further described as showing evidence of having been recently repaired and the painting touched upfi‘ ”Dixon, Voyage, pp. 175, 176. +1bid., p. 181. tPortlock, Voyage, p. 280. 351 352 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Vancouver describes a Kootznahoo grave (Tlingit) which they saw on Admiralty Island, near Point Caution, in 1794, as follows: They rested for the night in a small cove under a high hill, where a box was found about 4 feet square, placed on wooden pillars about 6 feet from the ground. This box contained the remains of a human body very carefully wrapped up, and by its side was erected a pole about 20 feet high, painted in horizontal streaks red and white; the colors were fresh and lively.* Vancouver also describes as follows Kake Indian graves on Keku Strait, Kupreanofl' Island, which he saw in 1794: In the vicinity of these ruins were many sepulchres or tombs, in which dead bodies were deposited. These were made with a degree of neatness seldom exhibited in the building of their habitations. A wooden frame was raised about 10 feet from the ground, the upper half of which was inclosed, and in the open part below in many, though not in all, of them was placed a canoe. The flooring of the upper part was about 5 feet from the ground, and above that the sides and top were entirely closed in with boards, within which were human bodies in boxes wrapped up in skins or in matting. These repositories of the dead were of different sizes, and some of them contained more bodies than the others; in the largest there were not more than four or five, lying by the side of each other, not one appearing to be placed above the rest; they were generally found near the water side, and very frequently on some conspicuous point. Many of these sacred monuments seemed to have been erected a great length of time, and the most ancient of them had evidently been repaired and strengthened by additional supporters of more modern workmanship. Hence it would appear that whatever might be the enmity that existed between the several tribes when living, their remains when dead were respected and suffered to rest quietly and unmolestedJ An earlier description (1793) by Vancouver of some graves up Behm canal, near Point Nelson, is as follows: Near the ruins of a few temporary huts of the natives we found a box about 3 feet square and 11} feet deep, in which were the remains of a human skeleton, which appeared from the confused situation of the bones, either to have been cut to pieces, or thrust with great violence into this small space. These were not numerous, and from the circumstances they con- cluded that only “certain persons” were thus entombedfit Another description by the same author (August, 1793) of a grave at cape Northumberland, Graving group, South Alaska, is as follows: On a high detached rock were the remains of a large village, much more exposed to the inclemency of the weather than any residence of the natives I have before seen. Here we founda sepulchre ofa peculiar character. It was a kind of vault, formed partly by the natural cavity of the rocks and partly by the rude artists of the co untry. It was lined with boards, and contained some fragments of warlike imple- ments, lying near a square box covered with mats, and very curiously corded down.§ This description is similar to one given to the writer by Judge J. G. Swan, of Port Townsend, Washington Territory, as found by him in 1883, in a cave on North Island of the Queen Charlotte group. From the descriptions that have been given it would appear that the primitive methods of sepulture in this region were far from uniform in their character. However, amongst those tribes which practised cre- *Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. III, p. 260. :t;1bid., Vol. II, p. 351. +.1bid., p. 290. t;1bid., ,p‘. 370. Fig. 340. Fig. 341. Fig. 342. Fig. 343. Fig. 344. Fig. 345. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIV. ‘3 w . . 3443 HAIDA MORTUARY AND COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. From photographs by the author and from sketches in the U. S. Natlonal Museum. KAIGANI MORTUARY COLUMN, containing a box holding the ashes of the dead, at the ruins of the abandoned Kaigani village of Chasina, at the entrance to Cholmondeley Sound, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. KAIGANI MORTUARY ('OLUMN, with compartment boarded up. This con- tains the remains of the dead in a box, and represents a departure from cremation to inhumation, or aerial sepulture. in imitation of the former custom of thus depositing the cremated remains. At Kasa-an, Prince of Wales Island. Alaska. KAIGANI MORTUARY COLUMNS (aerial sepulture), supporting a box con- taining the body of the dead. At the partially abandoned village of Kaigani, Dall Island, Alaska. Same as Fig. 340, but slightly different in form. HAIDA COMMEMORATIVE COLUMN, with sign-board-like attachment at the top. This is imitation of the style of post shown in Fig. 341, and as such is a survival of, or emblematic of, the former custom of crema- tion. This style of post is erected in front of the horse of the deceased, while the body is deposited at some distance from it. It is erected to commemorate the dead, as explained in Chapter VII. HAIDA COMMEMORATIVE COLUMN, of same type as Fig. 344, but with two columns, in imitation of the type shown in Fig. 342. Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack. PLATE LX|V_ arr HAIDA MORTUARY AND COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXV. 346 7 347 348 349 MODERN TLINGIT GRAVES, ALASKA. From photographs and sketches by the author. Fig. 346. SHAMAN’s GRAVE. Of the general type found amongst the Tlingit. Fig. 347. GRAVE OF CHIEF SHUSTOCKS. On Shustocks Point, opposite the village of Wrangell. The pole is surmounted by the carved figure of a black bear. ' Fig. 348. NORTHERN TLINGIT DEAD-HOUSE. Containing the carved and orna- mented boxes in which are deposited the cremated ashes of the dead. From~ a sketch made by the writer, Sitka, Alaska. ~ Fig. 349. GRAVE OF INDIAN CHIEF. Surmounted by the carved wooden figure of a wolf, indicating the totem of the deceased. Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Report of National Museum, 1888.—-Niblack. PLATE LXV, /,,/_ ~ MODERN TLINGIT GRAVES, ALASKA. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXVI. ' 350 357 352 . MODERN TLINGIT GRAVES, ALASKA. Drawn from photographs in the U. 3. National Museum. Fig. 350. GROUP 019‘ MODERN TLINGIT GRAVES. Naha Bay. Method of sepulture under missionary influence. The body is inclosed in a casket and buried in the ground. Over it is temporarily erected a cotton sheeting tent, as shown on the left of the View. Later on a wooden monument, surmounted by a cross, is erected, or a picket fence built around the grave site. - Fig. 851. GROUP OF TLINGIT GRAVES. On a small high-water island off the village of Tong‘ass, Alaska. A curious combination of customs is shown in the left center of the view, where the grave is inclosed by a picket fence, but marked by a carved figure of an eagle. the totem of the de- ceased. . Fig. 352. GROUP OF TLINGIT GRAVES and dead-houses at Sitka, Alaska. The graves are of the general type where burial is practicedfl but in the dead—houses are deposited the remains of those cremated. aS'in Fig. 348. Plate LXV. Report of Natlonal Museum; lB88.—~Nlb|ack. PLATE LXVI. :m. A HI :1“ .ul \{xr‘fl‘i‘” MODERN TLINGIT GRAVES, ALASKA. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 353 mation, the custom very generally obtained of depositing the ashes in boxes mounted on columns or on shelves or compartments in the col- umns themselves. DEPOSITORY OF ASHES. Vancouver describes a method which he saw at Cross Sound, in 1793, as follows : ' Here were erected two pillars, 15 feet high and 4 feet in circumference, painted White; on the top of each was placed a large square box; on examining one of them it was found to contain many ashes and pieces of burnt bones, which were considered to be human. These relics were carefully wrapped up in skins and old mats, and at the base of the pillars was placed an old canoe in which were some pa(ldles.* Plate LXIV., Figs. 340 and 343, show two types of primitive Haida sepulture of cremated ashes, on the site of the ancient and abandoned Kaigani village of Chasina, at the entrance of the Cholmondeley Sound, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. The boxes containing the ashes have somewhat fallen into decay, but are seen on the shelves. This is the most primitive form of the sepulture of ashes. Fig. 341 is the sketch of a column at Kasa-an, Prince of Wales Island (Kaigani) in which the shelf and compartment containing the ashes are boarded up. This was generally the custom, and a curious survival of it is shown in Fig. 344, from Masset (Queen Charlotte Islands), in which the boards are simply nailed across the top of the post or column in the semblance ofa box, while the body itself is deposited elsewhere in some other form of sepulture. In this we have both a commemorative column and an imitation of the ancient or former method of depositing the ashes, very much as today the funeral urn in marble marks with us, in some instances, the site of a grave in which the body is inhumed. The form given to the cross boards is that of an end or one side of a funeral box carved with the totem of the deceased. Fig. 342 of the same plate represents another form of depositing, in which the compartment con- taining the body of the dead or the boxes of ashes is borne between two plain columns or posts from about 6 to 10 feet apart, there being room for the body or two or‘more boxes on the shelf. This is also boarded up. The sketch is from one by the writer, made at the village of Kaigani, near Cape Muzon (latitude 540, 38’ N.), the southernmost village of Alaska; There is every reason to believe that at this now almost abandoned village we find the most primitive form in which these depositories existed. Marchand, who visited the Queen Char- ‘ 'lot-te Islands in 1791, says: I These monuments are of two kinds; the first and most simple are composed only of a wooden column about 10 feet high and 1 foot in diameter, on the summit of which planks are secured, forming a platform. In some this platform is supported by two columns. The corpse, deposited on this platform, is covered with moss and large stones. The graves of the second kind are more elaborate; four posts plan ted in the ground, and supporting, only 2'feet above the ground, a sarcOphagus artistically or- namented and hermetically sealed.t *VancouveflWVoyage, Voll—III, p. 242. 'iMarchaud, Voyage, Tome II, pp. 1335,1376: H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 23 354 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. As cremation preceded aerial deposit with the Haida, it is to be pre- sumed that the forms of sepulture illustrated in Figs. 340 to 343 in— elusive, from the Kaigani villages, antcdatc in type those described by Marchand. According to Lisiansky (1805) the same forms as described by the latter were found amongst the Tlingit at Sitka, excepting that the ashes were deposited instead of the corpse: The bodies here are burned, and the ashes, together with the bones that remain un- consumed, deposited in wooden boxes, which are placed on pillars, that have differ- ent figures painted and carved on them, according to the wealth of the deceased. On taking possession of our new settlement [Sitka] we destroyed a hundred at least of these, and I examined many of the boxes.* Fig. 345 represents a survival of the form of depositin which the box is supported by two posts from the village of Skidegate, Queen Char- lotte Islands, the boards from post to post having the semblance of the end of a huge box, in which the ashes or remains were formerly de- posited. This is similar in significance to the one shown in Fig. 344, being a survival of the semblance of a former custom. Wherever cre- mation was practised in this region, it seems to have been the earlier custom to deposit the ashes in boxes on columns. These latter must however be distinguished from the strictly commemorative columns erected to “glorify the dead.” The carved columns, erected at the end of the village, as in Plate 111, stand somewhat between the two, having the double purpose of “glorifying the dead” and serving as mortuary col- umns, to symbolize the old and mark the new form of the interment of the remains. While they do not in themselves serve as a sepulchre or receptacle, they seem in a vague way to have had their origin in the ancient custom of depositing the dead in boxes on or shelves in these carved columns. The origin of the custom of cremation amongst the northern tribes of this region seems traceable to the belief that a piece of the flesh in the possession of an enemy gave him the power to work evil to his spirit and to his kin. This belief in witchcraft is general throughout the coast. Dunn gives‘a curious illustration of this amongst the Kwakiutl. He says of his dealings with them : This exasperated the Indians against me; and they gave me the name of shloapes, i. 0., “stingy :” and When near them, if I should spit, they would run and try to take up the spittle in something; for, according, as they afterwards informed me, they intended to give it to their doctor or magician; and he would 'charm my life away.t The bodies of warriors killed in battle were formerly cremated, the head being severed from the body and preserved in a box, supported by two poles over the box holding his ashes. This was the form of sepulchre described by Dixon amongst the Yakutat, as previously quoted in this chapter, the idea of cremation being to prevent an cnem y from mutilating the body. It is believed also amongst the Tlingit that the souls or spirits of those whose bodies are cremated will be very comfortable in the spirit world. Whatever may have been the origin *Lisiansky, Voyage, pp. 240, 241. ’rDunn, Oregon, pp. 246—247. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 355 ‘of cremation, with them it would seem that the reasons for it were not convincing to the larger portion of the southern Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, where sepulture by interment is practised similar to our method of burial. , Amongst the northern Tlingit, where cremation is still practised to a considerable extent, the present form of sepulture is that shown in Fig. 352, Plate LXVI, which represents a group of graves near Sitka similar to the type found in other northern Tlingit villages. They are simply frame houses, with a small window or opening in the side, through which the boxes containing the cremated ashes of the dead are introduced. The funeral boxes containing the ashes of the differ- ent members of a family rest side by side on the floor, raised a few feet above the ground, and are generally visible through the window. The form of construction and interior arrangement is illustrated in Fig. 348, Plate LXV. The window is sometimes covered with a Chilkat blanket, as in the illustration, serving to adorn the outside, and to in- dicate that the remains of persons of wealth repose within. The wooden knob or ball on top is frequently replaced by a carved totemic figure. The (lead houses are often painted with totemic designs on the outer walls, and ornamented with scalp locks and other trophies of the deceased. Cremation is not the universal practice even amongst the northern Tlingit, a large proportion of sepulture being by inhumation. Langs- dorfl' (1805) says that sometimes at Sitka, “ The corpse is laid out in a new chest, and interred in a remote part of the forest, commonly be- tween four trees forming a square.” Figs. 347 and 349, Plate va, illustrate modified forms of sepulture at Fort Wrangell (Stikine) Alaska. The former is the grave of Chief Shustack, on Snustack Point, at the south entrance to Wrangell Anchorage, directly opposite the town. It represents a form of aerial sepulture, in that the remains are not actually buried in the ground, but remain above the surface c11- closed in a box. Fig. 349 is that of an Indian chief of the Wolf totem, the form of construction being similar to that of Fig. 346, the grave of a shaman or medicine man. SHAMAN GRAVES. These are uniform in type amongst all the Tlingit, and have been the same from time immemorial, as their bodies have never been burned, for the reason that it is acommon superstition that fire will not touch them. The bodies are doubled up with the chin near the knees and the upper part covered with a bark or basket-work mat. The graves are of the type shown in Fig. 346, Plate MW, and are invariably located at some little distance from the village on a small island, conspicuous point, or high promontory, sometimes selected by themselves before death. The sepulchre itself consists of a small pen or enclosure of logs, usually ele- vated above the ground on four short posts, and facing towards the 356 . REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. water, the roof sloping back in the other direction. The body is borne to the grave in the canoe he used in life; is lowered into the sepulchre through an opening in the roof, and depoSited on its side on the floor. \ With it are placed the talisman, charms, and paraphernalia which served in life to give the power of evil to their possessor. The canoe is hauled up on the beach near the grave with the paddles in it, in preparation 'for launching, and sometimes placed on rollers or skids. it These graves are usually along some frequented water-course, and are very conspicuous. Whenever an Indian passes one of them in his canoe he drops an offering of some value (usually a piece of tobacco) into the water to propitiate the yake of the deceased and bring fair winds and good luck to the superstitious donor. Amongst the Haida and Tsimshian, the shaman graves are usually small and made of split boards instead of logs, but are substantially the same in form as the Tlingit ones here described. The body is, how- ever, more usually deposited in a sitting posture. The only ones who have the privilege of looking into these graves are the other shaman, who sometimes, under the inspiration of a dream, can go to them and remove certain charms of the deceased for their own use. The ordinary Indian, however, has a most wholesome dread of these graves, and be- lieves that if in passing one he sees any part of the bones protruding through the flesh either himself or some member of his family will soon _ die. SLAVES. The custom with regard to slaves that died a natural death was to throw the bodies into the sea or otherwise cast them aside. Certain slaves, however, were selected by a master to be killed or sacrificed at his funeral ceremonies, in order that their spirits might accompany his in the next world and minister to it as they did to him in life. These so selected esteemed it a great honor, as their bodies were accorded the same sepulture as their master’s. In case of cremation the bodies of the slaves were cremated with that of their master, or in case of inter- ment were buried with it, thus securing to their spirits a comfortable time in the next world. Slaves killed on the occasion of a person of consequence building a house or giving a great feast were accorded also the right of burial of a freeman. There is, therefore, no special form of sepulture for slaves. CHRISTIAN BURIAL. Under the religious influence of missionaries the Indians have been led to give up many of their former customs, and inhumation or inter- ment is gradually supplanting all other forms of sepulture. Fig. 350, Plate LXV 1, is a characteristic group of modern Tlingit graves at N a- " Thistis the case at a grave near Point Nesbitt, Zarembo Island, described for the writer by Lieut. l). W. Coll'man, U. S. Navv. THE INDIANS 01‘ THE NOR’I‘HWI s'r (OAS’L‘ 357 ah Bay (Tlingit), in southern Alaska. The body is; enclosed in a rough casket and buried, a temporary tent of white sheeting being erected over the grave. Later this is replaced by either a fence, as shown in Fig. 352 ,or apyramidal structure surmounted by a cross, as in Fig. 350, or an eagle or other totemic carving g, as in Fig. 351. This fencing in of the grave is now quite generally practised tlnoughout the region ofthe Tsimshian, Kaigani, and southern Tlingit. Fig. 351 is a group of 1 graves near the village of Tongass (Tlingit). Plate III presents a view in two sections of the grave-yard at the Kaigani village of Kasa-an, Prince of Wales Island, and, with Plates LXV and LXVI, gives a general idea of the graves seen to-day in this region, being sketches, 0r sketches from photographs, with one exception, taken by the writer in 1885—787. IN GENERAL. As a summary, it may be stated that Christian burial is rapidly sup- planting all other forms. Cremation is still in vogue amongst the north- ern Tlingit, the ashes either being deposited in boxes in a small house, or, according to Dunn, in boxes in a secluded spot in the woods. * Amongst the other tribesinterment is now pretty generally practised, the spot being marked either by a carved column, or by an enclosure in the form of a fence. MORTUARY CEREMONIES. Although the methods of sepulture have changed in recent years, the attendant ceremonies have not altered much. 011 the demise of an im- portant personage in this region, it is customary to array the body in ceremonial apparel and surround it with the tokens of his or her wealth. Thus laid out in state, the relatives and friends of the deceased View the remains. In the case of the death of a great and well-known chief, In- dians come from other villages, and the body is thus displayed until in an advanced stage of decomposition, when the final rites take place. Dunn (1835) says of the Tsimshian, “ When a chief dies, he is, before i11- terment, dressed up, his face painted, and placed, sitting up, in a canoe, and paddled round the maritime village, looking almost lifelike.” * Amongst the Haida, Tsimshian, Kaigani, and southern Tlingit, when cremation was practised, the attendant ceremonies were about as fol- lows: The members of families belonging to the wife’s totem, and to totems other than that of the deceased, were invited to a mourning feast, last- ing usually four days. The feasting and display of the body in state were accompanied by the dismal lamentations and wailing of the mourners, who, after the guests had entered and were seated, came in dressed in mourning costume and leaning on long stax es 01 carved ce1emonial sticks. Arriving in the middle of the floor, they wept, moaned, wailed, ”Dunn (18‘; 1), 0“ gen, 11. 280. 358 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. and sang in a most dismal manner. In the intervals of mourning the :3 feasting took place, and it was then also that the slaves were sacrificed. *3: The nearest relative or leading man who gave the feast despatchcd the 1 slaves by a sharp blow on the head with a “ slave-killer,” a variety of 5 which instruments is shown in Plate XLVI. The most elaborate kinds were carved from deer antlers, but the points were sometimes of copper or stone. ' Usually the body of the deceased was borne to the pyre and burned at the beginning or on the first day of the ceremonies, the feasting and mourning following that event.- In any case, the bearers of the body are the invited guests. The funeral pile is usually built just back of the house of the deceased. The mourners range themselves around the funeral pyre, their faces painted black, their hair cut short, and some- times their hcads covered with eagle’s down. It was the early custom amongst the Tlingit to disjoint the body before burning it. Sometimes the pipe was passed around before the fire was lighted, which last was done at a signal'from the master of ceremonies. As the fire was lighted, drums were beaten, and the mourners wailed and cried until the pyre was consumed. The ashes and burnt bones were collected in an elabo- rately carved wooden box, which was deposited in the mortuary houses, or on the columns described. The relatives washed and repainted their faces, presents were made to the guests who had assisted, and a feast took place, terminating the ceremoniesfi“ An anonymous writer in the American Naturalist thus describes a Tlingit funeral which he witnessed . In one corner of the room we found the corpse, completely encased in blankets, which in turn were enveloped by a large woven Sea-grass mat, and tied up in such a manner as to bring the knees nearly to the chin, and, thus enshrouded, it was placed in a sitting posture. The house was about half filled with Indians—men, women, and children. On one side of the room a young brave was busily engaged with a pair of scissors in cutting off the long black hair of all the near relatives, male and female. This seems to be one of the usual mourning customs among these Indians. After he had -. completed‘this tousorial duty, during which he had been frequently interrupted by their sudden outbursts ofgrief, a procession ofabont twenty Indian warriors, headed by old An—a-hoots, the war chief of the tribe, filed through the small portal. Each carried in his hand a long slender staff made ofa hard wood and carved all over with fantastic figures, while bright-colored Hudson Bay blankets fell in not ungraceful folds from their broad, square shoulders. These sta ves bore evidence of their great age by the high polish which they possessed, as well as by their smoky color and pungent odor. The warriors ranged themselves in line along one side of the house, facing the center, and immediately began a lugubrious death chant, keeping time by raising their staves about three inches from the floor and letting them drop together. This doleful air was much more monotonous than musical. All this time the relatives of the deceased were rending the air with their lamenta- " Simpson, Journey, Vol. 11, p. 206; “all, Alaska, p. 417 , Portlock Voyage, p. 290: Frazer, 'l‘otemism, pp. 81 and 623, quoting Holenberg, p. 324, and Klause, Die Tlinkit- Indianer, p. 223. 2; e j‘ 32 r. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 359 tions. Every Indian present had his lace thickly smeared with a fresh coat of seal oil and black paint, thus rendering himself inconceivably hideous At the close of the death song two stalwart young braves mounted to the roof and lowered bark ropes through the aperture, which were made fast to the matting that enveloped the corpse. An-a—hoots made a sign to the young men, and they began raising the body toward the opening in the roof. They always remove their (lead from their houses in this manner, instead of through the door, on account of a super- stition they have that the spirit of the defunct made its exit in this way. But just as it arrived at the roof one of the ropes broke, precipitating the lifeless bundle upon the fire below, scattering the burning coals in every direction. For a moment all was ter- ror, confusion, and dismay. The shrieks and yells of superstitious horror that went up from the women and children baffle description. The body was hastily snatched from the fire and hurriedly carried out through the door to the funeral pyre, which was about 40 yards in rear of the house.’6 The following is a description of an Indian cremation witnessed at Sitka, Alaska, during the winter of 1886—’87, as described for the writer by Lieut. George Barnett, U. S. Marine Corps: For several days after death the body was lying in state, surrounded by all articles of value which had been the property of the deceased. The face was covered with a mask, and on the head was a handsome head-dress trimmed with ermine skins which hung down the back; the body, which was in a sitting posture, was covered with Chilkat blankets. During the time the body was lying in state some of the friends of the deceased kept up a doleful chant, keeping time with carved mourning sticks, while others pre- pared the funeral pile in rear of the house; this pile was made of yellow cedar legs so arranged that a solid mass was formed about 3 feet high and then the sides and one end were continued for about 2 or 3 feet more, thus forming a box open at one end and on top, extra logs being on hand to cover the top and fill the open end after the body was in place. When all was ready four men took hold of the corners of the blanket, which had been placed on the floor under the corpse, and carried all to the window, resting it on the window-sill, where it was held by four women, while the men went out through the door and again took hold outside of the window; they then carried the body toward the pile, while an old woman, who was left in the house, took a tin pan and gathered up some coals and ashes from the fire in the center of the house; she car- ried the fire to the window and threw it out after the body, as she said, to purify the house; she then took up a small dog and likewise threw it out of the window to ac- company the departed. Under no circumstances will the Indians take a corpse out through the door; if there is no window, they will make a hole in the side of the house or take it out through the smoke-hole in the roof. , The body was then placed in the hollow part of the pile and the top and end logs put in place, after which all was covered with seal oil and the fire started. During the burning two men used long poles to stir the fire, so that all would be burned; at the same time about a dozen mourners with their faces blackened kept up a funeral chant. keeping time by beating on the ground with their funeral sticks. About 30 or 40 feet from the fire a hole had been dug in the ground and partially covered with brush, and here the widow was attended by several female friends, who combed her hair and changed her clothes, as they said, to cleanse her and make her eligible for matrimony again. After the corpse was consumed the bones and ashes were collected and placed in Quoted in Standard Natural History, Vol. VX, Man. , pp. 134 13.). 360 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Indian boxes, which were deposited in the dead house in rear of the former house of the deceased. Although large quantities of unburned wood remains after a cremation, the Indians will not use it, but will go miles for their fuel rather than act contrary to custom founded on superstition. The tribes that now do not practice cremation, such as the Haida, Kaigani, and southern Tlingit, enclose the corpse in a sitting posture in a large covered box, similar to those ordinarily used, and stow it away in the dead house, which is usually a shed or small house behind the lodge of the deceased or at one end of the village. Some of these dead houses contain three or four bodies. After the ceremony of de- positing the box, the brother, or other near relative, gives. a potlatch and a feast to repay those who have contributed to the ceremony, either in helping construct the box, or the dead house, or in carrying the body. This practice is not very different where the body is interred according to the rites of Christian burial or in imitation of it. The mourning, feasting, and painting of the face is still generally practised with any form of burial, save that directly under the supervision of the missionaries. It is the present custom, however, amongst the Kaigani, Haida, and southern Tlingit when a chief or very wealthy person dies, to display the body in state for awhile and then enclose it in a casket, which re- mains in the house in which the deceased lived, the other occupants moving out and finding quarters elsewhere. The casket is surrounded by the boxes containing the ceremonial apparel of the deceased, his household utensils, personal property, and tokens of wealth in general, and thus left for several years, admission being given from time to time to visitors to View the spectacle. Plate LXVIT is a view of such a disposition of the body of the famous chief Show], at Kasa-an village, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska, from a photograph by the writer. Plate LXVIII, Fig. 353, is a view of chief Shakes lying in state at Fort Wrangell, Alaska. ‘ The grandest feasts and ceremonies in this region are in honor of the dead, and in celebration and commemoration of the prowess, good birth, and wealth of the deceased. SHAMAN BURIAL. Dall, speaking of the customs at the death of a shaman, says: For the first night he remains lying in the corner where he died ; but on the fol- lowing day he is removed to the opposite corner, and this is continued until the body has Visited each of the four corners of the house. All the inmates of the house fast meanwhile. On the fifth day the body, dressed in the garb of his profession], is bound to a board. Two ivory or bone wands. which the shaman used in his performances. are placed, the one in the cartilage of the nose, and the other in the hair, which is tied together. The head is covered with a piece of basket-work, and the body is carried to its final resting place.’ " Dally. Alaska, p. 426. EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXVII. MORTUARY DISPLAY OF THE BODY OF CHlEF SKOWL, LYING IN STATE IN HIS HOUSE AT KASA-AN, SURROUNDED BY HIS PERSONAL EFFECTS AND THE TOKENS OF HIS WEALTH. From a photograph by the author. Chief Skowl died in the winter of 1882—’83, and, according to the custom of the region, his body was first displayed in state dressed in the ceremonial robes of a chief. Later it was inclosed in a casket and deposited, as shown, on a pile of boxes containing his clothing and ceremonial dance paraphernalia. The group is at the end of the building. opposite the entrance, between the two carved posts holding the rafters of the house. The piles of boxes, all full of valuables, the row of cop- pers, the bronze howitzer, etc., all indicate the rank and wealth of the deceased. Just below the casket are grouped his personal household utensils, consisting of porcelain bowls, platters, wooden buckets, spoons, etc., which are cared for as per~ sonal relics of the deceased. The figure on the left is that of a former slave of the chief; that on the right a Kaigani in full dance regalia, with painted body and hair bedecked with eagle’s down. MORTUARY DISPLAY OF THE BODY OF CHIEF SKOWL, ‘INCLOSED IN A CASKET AND LYING IN STATE IN HIS HOUSE AT KASA—AN, SURROUNDED BY HIS PERSONAL EFFECTS AND THE TOKENs OF HIS WEALTH. '>138|qIN44‘888[ ‘wnasnw |euoueN ;o uodea 'IIAX-l ELUV/"1d EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXVIH. 353 354 THE BODY OF CHIEF SHAKES LYING IN STATE, AND A SCENE FROM A THEATRICAL ENTER— TAINMENT COMMEMORATIVE OF THE LEGEND OF THE ALLIANCE OF SHAKEs WITH THE BEAR FAMILY. From a sketch in the U. 5. National Museum and a photograph by the author. Fig. 353. Tlingit and Haida custom on the death of a chief. The body is dressed in ceremonial attire and surrounded by the emblems of the wealth of the deceased; is displayed in state as long as possible. Indians from far and near gather to View the remains. When decomposition sets in the body is inclosed in a casket and either interred with great pomp 0r cremated, or else displayed, as in the case of Chief Skowl. This view represents the body of the head chief, Shakes, lying in state at Fort, Wrangell, Alaska. Fig. 354. Tlingit theatrical entertainment, as explained in the text. Chapter XIII, p. 376. 377. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nlblack‘ PLATE LXVIII. : \\ “n u / u U .IIIIIIIHmIIII1II WV“ llln‘mIIII/IIIIII/U‘I/ 2{/| MI". /’l\}\\}r;":m:m lily” I IMQWWMI' \ uh‘ '.' an ‘, y (1177749 , 41W ¢/#////, ,m ,/ THE BODY OF CHIEF SHAKES LYING IN STATE, AND A SCENE FROM A THEATRICAL ENTER— TAlNMENT COMMEMORATIVE OF THE LEGEND OF THE ALLIANCE OF SHAKES WITH THE BEAR FAMILY. i i 1 | EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIX. 355 356 357 358 359 360 WOODEN COMMEMORATIVE 0R MORTUARY COLUMNS OF THE TLINGIT AND HAIDA INDIANS. From photographs and sketches. Fig. 355. MORTUARY 0R COMMEMORATIVE COLUMN at Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Fig. 356. MORTUARY 0R COMMEMORATIVE COLUMN in front of Chief Shake’s house at Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Figs. 357, 358. and 359. MORTUARY COLUMNS near Howkan. Alaska. Fig. 358, with the spruce tree growing out of the top, illustrates the decay of these wooden carvings through the encroachment of the vegetation, which flourishes wherever it can get the least foothold. Fig. 360. MORTUARY 0R COMMEBIORATIVE COLUMN at Fort Tongass. Alaska. Report of Nationa! Museum, 1888.——Nlblack‘ ‘ PLATE LX|X_ WOODEN COMMEMORATIVE OR MORTUARY COLUMNS OF THE TLINGIT AND HAIDA INDIANS. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST comm. 361 SUMMARY. It is impossible to generalize with regard to the mortuary customs of the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian. The methods of scpulture differ in different localities, and have undergone many changes since the ad- vent of the whites. Around Sitka the custom of burning the dead has obtained from the earliest times, but the sepulture of the ashes has radically changed; Whereas, cremation has now been almost entirely given up by the Tsimshian, Haida, and southern Tlingit, having been originally somewhat the prevailing custom. With regard to the burial of shamans the custom seems to have been from the earliest times the same as now, and quite uniform in character throughout the northern region of the coast. XIII. IV‘EAS’I‘S, DANCEs, oEREMONIEs, I’OTLATCHES, THEA TRICALS. I. INITIATORY CEREMONIES: MARRIAGE—CHILD-BIRTH—NAMING— PIERCING THE EARS AND NOSE—TATTOO[NG—PUBERTY—BRINGING OUT—SELF-NAMING—CHIEFTAINCY~GLORIFICATION OF THE DEAD. II. FESTIVE CEREMONIES: VVELCOME—TRADE—HOUSE-BUILDING— POTLATCHES—CEREMONIAL DANCES—“CULTUS” DANCES—THEA’J‘RI- CALS. Festivities in general in this region consist in singing, dancing, feast- ing, and in the distribution of presents; in the parade of ceremonial paraphernalia, and in elaborate ceremonies, accompanied by all the pomp and display that native wealth, ingenuity, and resource can add to make them effective. Invitations to attend are sometimes extended only to the people of certain totems in the settlement; sometimes the whole village is invited; often all from distant tribes are summoned. The host invites according to the significance of the entertainment, or to his resources and abilities to bear the expense. People of small means do not as a rule go outside of their own village, while a chief, from his wealth and the dignity due his position, extends his summons to the people of distant villages. Long before the occasion messen- gers are sent out to notify the guests, the invitation being general, to men, women, and children. Some of the ceremonies are initiatory in their nature, celebrating the advance of children towards manhood or womanhood; some mark the endeavor of men to attain respect and consideration by the display of wealth, by the giving of presents, and by lavish entertainment; while others are obligatory on aspirants for rank or authority. Running through it all are the regard for wealth and show; the petty envies, jealousies, and rivalries of ambitious indi- viduals and families; the tricks, fictions, and debasements to attain ends; the love of applause, power, and advancement; and, above all, a nicety in the gradation of presents to correspond with the abilities of the recipients to return in kind. This marks a great step in the evolution of the sentiment of gratitude, which is purely a product or attribute of civilization. In fact, in this curious social organization, based on wealth and family, we recognize so many touches of nature, that our kinship with them is too apparent to admit of our judging 362 THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 8 3 them harshly. Time and whitewash have accomplished wonders for us, but the coating is too thin in places to entirely conceal our savage selves of yesterday. On all festive occasions, which are numerous, singing and dancing are indulged in, the social proclivities being strong within them. The dancing usually takes place indoors, and is accompanied by the singing of a selected few, who sit apart and beat on a drum similar to that shown in Fig. 302, Plate LVII, the time being still further emphasized by the leader or others, who carry rattles or thump on the floor or ground With batons similiar to those shown in Plate XVII. Dancing.——Some of the dances are stately, dignified, and formal ; some are wild, passionate, and furious ; others are ludicrous; but in general the method of dancing them is the same, the movements simply being slow or exaggerated, as the case may be. It consists mainly in contor- tion' of the body and hips, with the feet firmly planted and the knees slightly bent. The body is wiggled and swayed from side to side or forward and backward, the legs remaining bent at about the same angle. The dancers advance or change about, by a spasmodic hop or shuffling of the feet, but the movements of the feet play only a small part in the so-called dancing itself. Now and then, with the in- troduction of a new figure or movement by the leader, or the interjec- tion ofa witty remark by one of the dancers, the audience will laugh or express its approval by grunts and cries. As the dance proceeds the movements gradually become more and more animated. The leader now and then addresses remarks and ejaculations to the singers and to the other dancers, and the din and contortions are redoubled in fury. Suddenly the music stops and the dancers rest. The costumes worn are various, depending upon the signifiance of the dance; head dresses of cedar bark, and the tall chief’s head dresses (Fig. 3.3) filled to the top with birds’ down; Chilcat and cedar blankets ; masks of various kinds and devices; cedar-bark girdles; ceremonial coats and leggings ; rattles and whistles; dance wands and mechanically working snappers ; wooden helmets; ceremonial bows and arrows; wooden spears and batons of rank; to all this add the painted faces and bodies, the eagle’s down on the heads and over the paint, and the clouds of birds’ down blown from tubes and scattered by the dancers, and one has an outline of these picturesque and interesting gatherings. Some members of the tribe become famous as dancers and as wits. Their antics and center- tions are always watched with interest, and their sallies greeted with laughter by the women and children. This individual may be a woman or man, or formerly might have been a favorite slave, who posed as a clown or fool to amuse the multitude, and who was granted many priv- ileges not given to other slaves. Amongst the Tlingit the men do most of the dancing, whereas amongst the Haida and Tsimshians both sexes participate alike, sometimes one or the other, or both, taking part. 364 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM,.1888. Dawson, in a recent magazine article, thus describes a dance which he saw at Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands: The performers, about twenty in number, were dressed according to no uniform plan. * * * Some had rattles, and added to the din by shaking these furiously at the accentuated parts of the song. Five women took part in the dance, standing in front in a row, and were dressed with some'unil’ormity, several having the peculiarly valuable cedar bark or goat’s wool shawls made by the Tsimshians. The head dresses of the women were all alike, consisting in each case of a smzul mask or semblance of a face carved neatly in wood and inlaid with pearly haliotis shell. * * * 9‘ The drum was beaten very regularly with double knocks—thus, tum tum, tum tum, tum time-and with the sound the dancers kept time in a sort of chant 01' song to which words are set, and which swells into a full chorus or dies away according to the notions of a leader, who stood among the dancers, who, besides marking time, now and then gave a few words of direction or exhortation. " * * T0 the drum— ming and singing the dancing also keeps time, following it very closely. At every heat a spasmodic twitch passes through the crowd of dancers, who scarcely lift their feet from the floor, but move by double jerks, shuiiiing the feet a little at thesame time. After the performance has continued for ten minutes or so the master of the ceremonies gives a sign and all stop with a loud hugh .' The dance is resumed by the perspirhig crowd at the signal of the drum, which strikes 11p after a few moments’ rest has been allowed. Langsdortl’ (1805) thus describes a dance which he saw at Sitka: The dance itself consists chiefly in a very eager spring, in executing which the dancers scarcely remove at all from one spot. They are all barefooted, and wear a single garment only, commonly the woolen carter’s frock mentioned above. One of the dancers seems, as it were, to lead the rest, carrying in his hand a thick sort ofa staff ornamented with the teeth of sea-otters; with this he strikes upon the ground to mark the measure. All, without exception, hold in their hands either the tail or wing of the white-headed eagle or a piece of ermine. The latter is valued by them very highly as an article of luxury. They not only ornament their heads with it, and hold it in their hands, but sew it about their garments. The women sit upon the ground at the distance of some paces from the dancers, and sing a not inharmo- nious melody, which supplies the place of musici‘ This description of a dance answers very much to one seen by the writer at Fort Wrangell, in September, 1887, called the “stick” dance, in imitation of the Tiune Indians of the interior, up the Stikiue River. It consisted in raising the feet alternately in quick succession as high as possible, without moving the body, to the sound of a drum, chorus, and rattle. It differs radically from the usual coast Indian dancing. From the details given by Langsdorfl' it would appear that the carry- ing of white plumes indicates that the ceremonials which he witnessed were those of welcome and friendship or peace, as they took place after strained relations between the Russians and Indians. In the “stick” dance, witnessed at Wrangell, the Indians wore the buckskin costume of the Tinne, and it was given only for the amusement of the guests. As a summary it may be stated that amongst the Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit the form 0t most dancing ceremonies is as follows: The guests sit around on the elevated ledges on the sides, as does also the chorus, which latter keeps time to the beating of a drum or " Langsdorfl", Voyages, Part II, p. 114. “Momma-“rated. ' THE INDIANS or '1‘an soaruwesr COAST. 365 tambourine. There is a master of the ceremonies, who leads off the chorus, and who may himself participate in the dance. The song is usually in praise of the strength, riches, and proWess of the host, and to this the dancers keep time with rattles, grunts, .contortions of the body, and shuffling of the feet, or spasmodic hopping, with knees con- stantly bent. Dancing is an invariable accompaniment of potlatch ceremonies, but may take place without the distribution of gifts. Thepotlatch.'—This is one of the most wide-spread and curious cus- toms on the northwest coast. It has its origin not only in the custom of the exchange of gifts, but in securing the good-will of others by presents. To procure a wife; to enter the ranks or obtain the influ- ence of medicine men; to become a great chief; to give social standing to one’s children; to take on oneself the name of a paternal ancestor; to build a house; to become a respected member of the community ; to atone for a wrong done; to resent an insult—property in some form or other must be sacrificed either by destroying it, to show one’s rage, ’ grief, or disregard of wealth, or by giving it away to obtain the good- will of others. The accumulation of property is a necessity in these Indian communities in order to stand well in them, and wealth becomes primarily the basis of social organization. Under the head of wealth the general question of property has been discussed. In a potlatch all kinds of personal and household property—blankets, dishes, bowls, canoes, guns, ammunition, money, mirrors, knives, garments, spears, furs, robes, pots, kettles, spoons, etc—are given away. Discrimination must,_however, be made between a reward for services rendered, dain- ages mulcted, or the dot paid to the wife’s parents, and the ceremonial distribution of gifts, which last is the potlatch proper. The custom is a very widely-spread one, and is practised by some tribes of the inte- rior, even east of the Rocky Mountains, particularly amongst those of the Dakotan stock. Amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian the potlatch is a per- fectly systematized distribution, involving much more thoughtful con- sideration and balancing of obligations than the giving of a select german or limited entertainment by a well-recognized leader of society in any of our large cities. The occasions on which they are given will be enumerated later on in the description of the different ceremonies. In general, the more frequently and liberally an Indian distributes property the better his standing with the others, the greater his chances , of reaching the dignity of chief in his village, and the more is due him when some other member performs the same ceremony. An ordinary man confines his potlatch to those of his own village, while a chief usu- ally sends out to certain individuals of distant villages by name. Often a chief is assisted by his people, whom, in this case, he invites to a feast, and from whom afterwards he receives gifts which, with those of his own, are given away subsequently at the grand potlatch. When- ever it is the intention of an individual, other than the head chief, 366 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. to make such a distribution, he calls together his friends and rela- tives, makes an inventory of his property, and, with their help, makes * out a list of persons to whom he intends giving presents and what articles go to each. It is often the custom, however, previous to call- ing together the friends, for the host to quietly distribute his property among his friends and the principal people of the village, who by ‘eti- quette are required just before the time set for the potlatch to return the presents with interest or increase—that is, for four blankets to re- turn six, or in some such ratio. In this way all the tribe immediately concerned know what they are to get, and the immediate friends and relatives know what the visitors are to receive. The inventory being made out and the council of advisers assembled, the list is read out name by name. As soon as a name is read, the friends present ex- press their approval or disapproval of the intention to give the indi, vidual named such and such present. The list being finally made out, the messengers are sent out to announce the date and to invite the guests. On the assembling of the guests, on the date fixed, feast. ing and dancing are indulged in. If the occasion is for the purpose of raising a house, cutting out and erecting a new carved column, or undertaking some industrial enterprise requiring the combined efl‘ort of many, the feasting and dancing alternate with the work, gambling being indulged in during spare times, and the distribution takes place when the work in hand is finished, after which all disperse. In this case, however, the gifts are in the nature somewhat of reward for serv- ices, and go to the guests pure and simple, the relatives receiving none; but in case of a grand potlatch, unconnected with the industrial idea, all receive presents according to the list made out. In any case, how- ever, the distribution is the final ceremony, and is conducted as follows: The guests all being assembled, the goods are displayed about the walls and on poles and cords or piled up on the floor in a great mound. The host stands or sits arrayed in ceremonial attire, and presides over the affair with the ceremonial baton in his hand. The herald blows a call similar to that shown in Fig. 334, announces the opening of the ceremony in a speech, extolling the liberality and prowess of the host, and calls a name, giving the present he is to receive. An attendant takes the present and deposits it in front of the person who is to re- ceive it, where it remains until all are thus honored, the names being called out one by one. On the announcement of each name, the host solemnly nods his head and thumps on the floor with his baton. The whole ceremony forcibly reminds one, in a general way, of a Sunday- school Christmas-tree distribution. Formerly slaves were given away to the rich and powerful visitors, but to the poorer guests worn-out blankets, or even pieces or strips of blankets were and still are given, on the principle that to those who have shall be given. A song is sung, a dance performed, and the guests disperse, but frequently a repetition of the whole affair occurs‘in the next lodge, and so on until the whole THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST comr. 367 community has‘contributed to make the affair one long to be remem- bered, and handed down by tradition as an epoch in the history of the village. Feasts—So far we have considered 111 general dancing ,singing, and the distribution of presents. I11 preparation 1'01 a feast the northern Indians (Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit), if not now at least formerly, washed off all the old paint, and, after smearing their bodies with- fresh grease, repainted their faces, chests, and arms red, etching on their totemic designs, and sprinkling it all with white down in a full- dress but polite coating of tar and feathers. The feasts consist of all kinds of food, quantity being the chief requisite. This, however, is served on large feast dishes and eaten with ceremonial spoons, both of which have been illustrated in the accompanying plates. The guests sit around 011 the ledges or surrounding platforms, and all eat out of the dishes nearest at hand. The feasts are usually kept 111) as long as there is anything to eat. L—INITIA’I‘ORY CEREMONIEC. In this class are included all the ceremonies that mark the different steps in life from birth to death. Funeral ceremonies have been de- scribed. The most important voluntary step in life, and one that has the greatest significance in our higher civilization at least, is matri- mony. Marriage.—As a rule the Indians marry young. Polygamy is the natural result of the custom by which a sister’s son or a brother falls heir to the relict of the uncle or brother, in addition to his own wife. While the custom is 110w dying out, yet it is in the relations of the sexes that the Indians most tenaciously cling to old- time customs. Polygamy is rare, but the number of wives is regulated purely by the ability or desire of the husband to maintain them. Dunn (1834) men- tions a Sebassa (Tsimshian) chief who had twenty wives and hosts of slavesfi“ The first wife has precedence. It is not uncommon amongst the Tlingit for “rich and substantial men to have two Wives, an old and a young one.”1L Sometimes there is a great deal of sentiment in the selection of a bride; sometimes a match is arranged or schemed for by the families; but more often it is a commercial transaction of buying and selling. A man desiring to marry a girl sends his mother or a middle man to her parents to negotiate. An understanding having been arrived at, he sends as many presents as he c111 get together to her father. The ceremony is about the same throughout the northern region, consisting mainly in the assembling of friends, the exchange of presents, feasting, and dancing. The father invites all the daughter’s relations to the ceremonv. On the day appointed the man invites his friends to accompany him, and going to the house of the bride- elect *l)11nn, 01egon, p. 974. illangsdmfi‘, Voyages, Part II, p. 133, 368 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. they enter and sit down at one end of 4 the room, the girl and her rela- tives being at the other. The young man’s friends make a speech in his favor, and the girl’s relatives sing a song, after which the bride goes over and sits down beside her to-be-husband and takes his hand. Dall, thus describes the further custom amongst the Tlingit: All the guests dance and sing; when tired, diversifying the entertainment by eat- ing. The pair do not join in any of the ceremonies. That their future life may be happy they fast for two days. Then taking a little food to sustain life, they fast for two days more. Four weeks afterwards they come together and are then recognized as man and wife.“ When the ceremony is complete the father of the girl gives her a dowry equal in value to that received from the husband, and she goes to live with her father—in-law. If they afterwards separate through dissatisfaction the presents are all returned; but if a wife is unfaithful, the husband can send her back with nothing and get his own property from the father. In any case the children go with the mother. The husband may claim indemnity from his wife’s seducer. When the mar- riage festival is all over, the fact is marked by the removal from the bride’s‘lower lip of the button or pin, and the substitution of the plug or labret. Childbirth—It appears that only amongst the Tlingit are peculiar customs in vogue in the treatment of women at child-birth. Petroff says in his report: ' ' The special suffering imposed upon all womankind by nature is increased here a hundred fold by ancient custom and superstition. At the time of child-birth, when women more than at any other time are in need of assistance, the Tlingit females are driven out of the house and left to their fate, shunned by everybody as unclean- The child is born in the open air, no matter at What season, and only some time after the birth is the mother allowed to enter a rude shed erected for the purpose, where she is confined for ten days. * " "' A new-born child is not allowed to taste its natural food until it has vomited, and if this does not occur naturally its little stomach is pressed and squeezed until the desired effect is secured. At the age ofa few weeks the babe is wrapped in furs and strapped upon a board, and is always car- ried about by the mother. The infants are given the breast from ten to thirty months, but they are accustomed to other food after they are a year old. The first strong nourishment given them is generally the raw blubber of marine animals, except that of the whale. As soon as the child begins to walk it is bathed daily in the sea, without regard to the season, which accounts to some extent for the robustness of the body of the Tlingit after he has once passed the tender age.i This custom relating to women at child-birth is much less rigorously carried out now than formerly, and diligent inquiry by the writer has failed to discover that such practice was ever in vogue amongst the Haida or Tsimshian. The cradle-board has been very generally aban- doned in this whole region, the child being slung in a blanket or carried in the arms, as with us. When used formerly the board was padded with moss, which was renewed daily. Children are treated with grea kindness and leniency and rarely chastised. ' 7 A 7 7* Da11,'A1:i‘si;;,nf£7deW 7' iPetroff, Report, p. 169. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 369 Naiiling.40hildrtan are given more than one name, but the custom varies somewhat in different localities. The first is applied soon after birth by the mother, and is usually that of a maternal ancestor or near male relative of the mother. Ancestral names are preserved with the greatest care, this being favored by the custom of erecting mortuary columns and preserving traditions of the prowess of ancestors. The first name is conferred without any ceremony. An exception to this has been noted in the adoption of a son as an heir by a wealthy chief, where his sister takes the child and figuratively adopts it, the name of a paternal (or adopted maternal, which is the same) ancestor is applied to the child. The chief makes her a present, and when the boy grows up it becomes his duty to also suitably remember or reward her. Where parents are too poor to prepare feasts for their children they retain their first name; but with families of wealth there are several ceremonies Which must be complied with to insure social standin g to their children. The first ceremony is a very expensive one, involving in former times for the parents an enormous outlay. Piercing the nose and care—This most important ceremony is intended to give social standing to the children, and involves, or formerly in- volved (for the practice has almost gone out of date), the following de- tails: (1) Alhouse-building “ bee”; (2).a potlatch ; (3) the bestowal of a second name on the child or children; (4) the freeing of slaves, and (5) the piercing of the nose and ears, although not in the exact order named. A new house is first built for its express celebration, feasts ' being given during the progress, and dancing, singing, and gambling being indulged in. The relatives and guests being all assembled, the final ceremonies take place as follows: (During the period when slaves were held a number of them equal to that of the children for whom the celebration was given at this point received their liberty.) The children are brought forward according to their age, and the incisions made in the septum of the nose and the lobe of the ear with a sharp instrument or awl of copper, bone, shell, or iron. A second name is bestowed on each, which amongst the Haida is (according to Dawson) for male children determined as follows : With the Haidas a first-born son may be called by the name of the mother’s eldest brother; the second born after the mother’s second brother, or by one of the addi- tional names of the first. Should the mother have no brother the name of some dead friend is chosen. or in cases where the medicine man reveals the return of some one formerly dead in the new-born child, thename ofthe person supposed to be thus return— ing to the tribe takes precedence ofall others. A chief’s son is named by its mother af- ter consultation with a medicine man, whom she pays. He takes a night to think, and mayhaps dream, about it. Thereafter he gives the name ofa deceased male relative on the mother's side. which is adopted. The ceremony of naming is witnessed by many, and presents are given. " * " Fourtimes in all a youth changes his name, always taking one from his mother’s t"a1nily.* After the naming a feast takes place, followed by singing, dancing, and a grand potlatch, when all disperse and the festival comes to an ”Dawson, Reportjp. 131. H. Mis. 42, pt. 2—24 370 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1858. end. At the potlatch it may be well to mention, all the assembled We 4 ple, both relatives and guests, receive presents, which is difl'erent from a simple house-building or other industrial. “bee,” where only the guests are rewarded. Tattooing—Amongst the Tlingit and Tsimshian, where tattooing is not practiced, the child receives simply the birth name, the second name as in the preceding, and‘either one or two other names later on, as here- after explained. With the Haida, however, the ceremony of tattooing, which occupies three separate occasions or gatherings, a name is each ' time bestowed or assumed. According to Dawson’l‘ a house-building bee and potlatch is given by the parents on the first two occasions of the tattooing of a child or several children, and on the last occasion the young man, aided by his mother’s people, makes the potlatch from his own house and adopts formally the name of a maternal relative'or ancestor. On this occasion the tattooing is finished; but the ceremony will be spoken of under the head of Last naming. The process of tat- tooing has been described. - ‘ Puberty—The ordeals through which a young girl was required to pass on attaining the age of puberty were formerly very severe, but in recent years have been almost entirely relaxed. Amongst the Tlingit , they were peculiarly trying, but the custom varied in different localities. According‘ to Langsdorff, who was amongst them in 1804—’05,it was not “uncommon when a young girl is grown up to shut her up, even for a whole year, in a small house by herself at a distance from her family and acquaintance, where she is kept constantly employed; the idea is that by this means she acquires habits of industry and diligence, reserve and modesty, which will afford the better chance of her becom- ing a good wife, and lay a solid foundation for wedded happiness/’1L This exclusion, however, had a deeper reason, in that young girls were at this period considered unclean, and both among the Haida and Tlin— git were compelled to wear a peculiar cloak, hood, or hat as a badge of seclusion, and to protect the sky from pollution. The face was painted with charred fungus, and the girl required to fast more or less, only her mother or a female slave being allowed to carry her food. Amongst the Tlingit she was confined to a small but for six months or so, but amongst the Haida it was customary to screen oif a corner of the house and give her a separate fire and a separate exit out of a small back door cut for the purpose. According to Dawson, if it was necessary for her to pass out by the front door, preparations were made by remov— ing everything with which there might be danger of her coming in con. . tact. In meeting men she was required to avert her face and cover it with a corner of her blanket. The hoodor cloak she wore was made of "woven cedar-bark, nearly conical in shape, and reached down below the breast, though open before the face. " Dawson, Report, p. 131. iLangsdorfl’, Voyages, Part II, p. 1.33. “THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 371 These or‘other similar customs were also in vogue among the Tsimshians, whose ”practices so closely resemble the Haida’s in most respects. Among these people great care was taken to teach the girls submission, contentment, and industry. At certain times they were not allowed to lie down to sleep, but if overcome with drowsiness must prop themselves in a sitting posture between boxes. Before drinking the cup must be turned round four times in the direction of movement of the sun. It was also usual for the mother to save all hairs combed out of the girl, and twist them into cords, which were then tightly tied round the waist and ankles, and left there ti ll they . fell to pieces of themselves. This was supposed to give a fine shape to the body. In eating, the girl must always sit down to prevent a too great eorpulence. If orphaned, '_ the various ceremonies must be again performed by the girl, even though already attended to.” If the parents were rich or important people, on releasing the girl a great feast was given by the relatives in her honor by way of bringing her out or making her .début. Bringing out—On the occasion of the feast or ceremony celebrating the release of a- girl from her seclusion, she was richly dressed (formerly in sea-otter skins) and the garments worn during her restriction burned up or otherwise destroyed. As a rule this ceremony was accompanied with more or less theatrical effect, in that the girl was seated on a divan surrounded by borrowed wealth, and a curtain arranged to be removed at a given signal. Dawson says: Among the Tsimshian peculiar ceremonies exist in connection with the “bringing out” of young women, and it is the occasion of public feasting. In case of a young woman, the peoplebeing all collected, a curtain is raised, and she is seen sitting with her‘ back to the spectators, peculiarly dressed, and surrounded by a circle of upright “coppers,” if enough can be mustered. She then begins to sing, or if she does not, an old woman begins to sing near her, and she becoming encouraged joins. The old woman then gradually drops her voice till the novice is singing alone. She then eventually makes a dance before all the people. The songs and dances are practised before the/time for the rite arrives. Similar customs probably exist among the Haidas, though I did not learn any detail concerning thcmj A girl being thus launched forth into the social life of the commu- nity became eligible for marriage. In the general idea we see the be- ginnings of similarcustoms with which we are familiar in our own more complex social organization. Self-naming—Among the Tlingit and Tsimshian a child receives (1) a birth name, (2) an ancestral name, (3) one other name as here ex- plained, and (4) possibly a name late in life when a chief has a son who becomes distinguished, and a name is bestowed on the former im- plying that he is the father of this distinguished son.‘ Among the Haida two names are bestowed other than the first and second as above, one each on two occasions when a youth undergoes the preliminary tatf tooing. On the third and final tattooing the youth himself assumes a fifth name after‘due ceremonies. , . It 'is of this self- assumed name, the third amongst the Tlingit and Tsimshian and fifth amongst the Haida, that we shall here speak. As * Dawson, Report, p. 130, B. thid., p. 131. ., ,_ ‘msamxsf. .. -..-.;,.\.~ r 372 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. a youth of good family approaches man’s estate it becomes his duty to accumulate all the property possible, and, with the help and material contributions of his mother’s people, to make a grand feast and potlatch from his own house. Practicallyit is simply a house-building “ bee,”in which the young man erects his carved column and the rafters of his house, takes on himself the name of an ancestor (usually maternal); and becomes a petty chief or man of influence in the village. It is on this occasion that the tattooing of the young Haida is finished and when the aspirantfor honors drinks down the oil from the great wooden spoon as shown in Fig 27 andPlate LI. These ceremonies are no- where accurately described, and the writer gathered but a meagre out- line of them at Port Simpson, British Columbia. The significance of the affair is similar to that of the “bringing out” of girls, in that it marks the arrival of the youth at man’s estate. At the conclusion of the grand feast and potlatch, the young man is known by his newly adopted name. Ohicftm'ncy—Chieftaincy is to a certain extent hereditary, but as it de- pends upon wealth, any freeman who can accumulate property may, by ’ erecting a house and giving potlatches and feasts in honor of his ances- tors, come finally to be the head of a household and be regarded as a petty chief or one of the principal men of the village. Good birth and wealthy and influential family Connections are the first requisites of an aspirant for the highest rank. To be a petty chief in the village a man must practically be at the head of a household, hence the necessity for building a house and for marrying. To build a house the united labor of many people is required, hence the house-building “bees.” To re- ward those who participate and to gain the good will of others, feasts must be given and presents distributed; hence the potlatch. To retain the respect and esteem of others these feasts and potlatches must be re- peated at intervals. By an alliance with medicine men, whose influence is purchasable, various deceits and tricks may be resorted to in order to impose on the credulity of the vulgar herd and increase the respect they have for the rank and power of the aspirant for honors. In order to strengthenthis feeling of respect it is necessary to brush up the coat- of-arms, so to speak, and give a grand feast in honor of some departed ancestor. This is called “ glorifying the dead,” and may take place a few years after the decease of the relatives or many years afterwards. Finally, by dint of giving feasts, potlatches, and “ bees; ” by intrigue, display, and prowess; by push, energy, and enterprise, the aspirant finds himself in the front rank of the chiefs, a respected and influential elder in the village. Glorification of the dead—In Chapter XII the mortuary customs of the different tribes of this region were discussed. On the death of a chief, or other very important personage, the body, after lying in state for a' year or more, is finally interred with great ceremony, or, as amongst the northern Tlingit, burned on a funeral pyre. It then devolves upon Wm ”mama‘s ”Ext agayficgfié ‘ ~ mam—y THE INDIANS OF THE N(_)R’l‘HWES’l‘ COAST. 373 the brother or other relative to whom the estate of the deceased has come down to erect a carved mortuary column in front of his house, ‘ and give a grand feast and potlatch to glorify the dead. This is by far the most elaborate and important ceremonial of these Indians. The carved columns are shown in Plate LXIX, and in Figs. 1, 179, 294, 344, and 345, as well as in Plates I and II in the general views of Kasa-an village. These are carved usually by one of the experts of the village, and, although less costly than the large columns, are quite expensive. The time being set for the ceremony, guests are invited from far and near and entertained by the host and his relatives. The monumental column is erected, and at the feast which follows speeches are made extolling the virtues of the departed, but dwelling particularly upon those of the giver of the feast. Although the latter practically squan- ders his substance in thus entertaining his visitors, he feels well repaid in receiving their expressions of approval and high esteem. Gambling, feasting, and dancing occupy, as in all such gatherings, the leisure time not devoted to the work or entertainment in hand. Sunnnary.—In these initiatory or commemorative ceremonies we see the gradual identification of the individual with his totem and the cele- bration of the different steps in the progress of the child from birth to womanhood and manhood and in commemoration after death. The initiatory ceremonies of medicine men and of the four religious orders of the Tsimshian are reserved for aspecial chapter, which will not appear with this paper, being Withheld, with several others, on account of the incompleteness of the data, and the hope on the part of the writer that the task will be undertaken by some organized department of the Gov- ernment. (See Synopsis of Contents.) IL—FESTIVE CEREMONIES. In the exchange of social amenities and in the round of ceremonial gatherings which take place as just described there are many forms of etiquette to be observed. In one sense these are not rigid, but are, however, sufficiently uniform in their character to admit of classifica- tion and description. Welcome.—These Indians welcomed the arrival of the early European navigators and traders by paddling their canoes several times around the ship, making long speeches, scattering bird’s down and singing. The significance of bird’s down has been alluded to as an emblem of friendship and peace in Chapter IX. Two parties of Indians meeting in canoes exchange civilities very impassively by talking or shouting out. Poole (1867) describes the meeting of two friendly canoe parties which had been separated by stress of weather and each believed the others to have been lost. They danced in a circle together, the two chiefs capering about madly while the air rang with shoutsfi‘ The cere- " Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands. p. 279. 874 REPORT or NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. mony of welcome at a. village is rendered practically in the assistance which they lend in helping to unload and haul up the canoe of the vis- itors. Official ceremonies of welcome to guests by a chief consists in the reception of the visitors in state in his house or lodge. To make it impressive he sits cross-legged on the ledge or platform, surrounded by his friends and relatives, who squat about. On the arrival of the guests the chief delivers a long speech, interspersed with sudden outbursts and grunts of approval by his people. After that an exchange of pres- ents takes place and a feast or dance is given in honor of the visitors. When a party of friendly Indians arrive at a village the chief receives them in a dance ceremony performed by himself. Their canoes are hauled up on the beach by the villagers, but the chief does not come down to meet them. He stands near the fire in the back of the house dressed as in Plate IX, with the top of his head-dress filled with swan’s down. As the visitors enter, the people sitting about the fire break forth into a song, accompanied by a drum, and the chief makes his pas seal, scattering the down, filling the air, and covering the spectators. In the case of an Indian arriving at a strange village, he goes to the house of one of his totem as indicated by its totemic column. The owner comes out to welcome him, and if he likes makes a dance and a feast in honor of his Visitors. Guests arriving to take partin some gen- eral ceremony are entertained by the relatives of the host and of his wife. Trade—The ceremonies attending trading in the early days of the intercourse of the Europeans and Indians have been described in Chap- ter VIII. They really differed little from the general ceremonies of wel- come, but were intended to impress the visitors with a due sense of the rank and importance of the head of the household. The time thus spent by the Indians in dancing, singing, etc., was a source of great an- noyance to the traders, who were generally eager to transact their busi- ness and seek other villages while the good season lasted. House.building.—In Chapter VI, under the head of “Haida perma- nent dwellings,” the process of erecting a 'house is described in detail. Through the kindness of Mr. Henry Elliott we have in Plate LXX an excellent sketch, made at Fort Simpson, British Columbia, in October, 1866, illustrating a house-raising by a party of Haida who had secured permission from the Tsimshian Indians to erect it near their village for the accommodation of visiting Haida. This Spirited sketch by Mr. El- liott has remained in his portfolio for twenty—two years, and is now published for the first time. The immense size of the beams and planks used necessitates the cooperation of many individuals, and the occa-V sion of their gathering from other villages is made as enjoyable as pos- sible. The great labor and expense involved requires the whole proc- ess to extend over a period of several years. The cutting and rough- ing out of the timbers in the forest, the launching of these and towing t0 the village, the carving of the totemic column and supports for‘the EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXX. A BAND OF HAIDA ERECTING A HOUSE AT THE TSIMSHIAN VILLAGE OF PORT SIMPSON, BRITISH COLUMBIA, IN OCTOBER, 1866. From a sketch by Mr. Henry W. Elliott. The scene is that of the co—operative building of a house, a band of howling, yell- ing, half-naked Haida being engaged in hauling up a huge rafter on skids by means of ropes of spruce-root or twisted cedar-bark. The canoes on the beach, and the village in the distance, lend to it the characteristic features of a View in this region. - I ' \ .. “fig/3y)" *fi . ~/ - {Qt . nyfi'filfihhffl i, f it ’| . .g I ‘ 27’; H .2 Cm M . - $2; who». A BAND OF HAlDA ERECTING A HOUSE AT THE TSIMSHIAN VILLAGE OF PORT SIMPSON, BRITISH COLUMBIA, IN OCTOBER, 1866. 'noeiq!N~'9891 ‘umasnw leuoneN w nodau 'XX'I 3iV1d THE INDIANS on THE NORTHWEST COAST. 375 huge beams or rafters, and their final erection into the frame work of a house, all require not only the expenditure of much time and labor, but a very extensive outlay of wealth. The, gathering is an occasion of much ceremony, but the work in hand, conducted always with dire con- fusion, shouting, and yelling, occupies but a small portion of the time, the remainder being filled in with gambling, feasting, dancing, speech- making, and dissipations of various kinds. Formerly the custom ob- tained of killing several slaves when a person of consequence built a house, the victims being selected sometime before the ceremony. The bodies of those slain were accorded the right of burial, and in this much were deemed very fortunate. Petrofl‘ says: If an intended victim managed to escape or to conceal himself he was allowed to live, and might return after the conclusion of the festivities at the house of his master without incurring punishment. It frequently occurred that powerful chiefs assisted favorite slaves on such occasions to make their escape.* After the house has been finished all these ceremonies take place therein. The dancers paint their faces, and, attired in their best, go through with a dance lasting an hour or so. Amongst the Haida the dancers are the relatives of the host’s Wife. At its conclusion speeches are made (and formerly the slaves sacrificed) and the potlatch takes place, the host presiding. After that they disperse. .Potlatches.—~The potlatch, as entering into other ceremonies, has been described in the first part of this chapter. It is the accompaniment of every gathering designed to elevate the host in the good will of the community and advance him in rank by increasing the respect felt for him in his own and other villages. The potlatch in itself as a separate ceremony is, however, practiced. Invitations to it are sent out as for other gatherings. Usually they are given by chiefs or persons of wealth well-established in the community. According to Dawson, Each chief with the Tsimshians had also [in former days] his jester, who is sent on errands ofinvitation, announces the guests on their arrival, and makes jokes and endeavors to amuse the company, though preserving his own gravity. The jester is not, of course, always in attendance. He receives nothing for his trouble, appar- ently looking on the position as honorable, and inherits nothing on the chief’s death.+ The object of the potlatch thus given as a separate ceremony is to strengthen the giver’s position in the community and to increase his reputation at home and abroad. Ceremonial dances—Sufficient data is not at handlto classify the vari- ous dances of the northern _ Indians of this region. The weight of evi- dence seems to be that amongst the Haida the Tsimshian language is used in the'songs accompanying their dances, and that in all probability most of the religious and winter-dance ceremonials of the Haida were originally borrowed from their Tsimshian neighbors. Little is known on this subject, and it presents a most interesting field for future investigation, particularly in the relation of these to the winter dances of the Kwakiutl and other southern tribes. " Petrofi‘, Report, p. 172. ‘ tDawson, Report, B, p. 120. “a...“ __:_ . 376 REPORT or NA'I‘IONAL_MUSEUM, 1888. ~ Cultus dances.——-This is a term usually applied to dances carried on without any apparent motive other than amusement in imitation of the actions during the greater festivities, possibly, however, as much for practice as‘anything else. Theatricals.—Portlock (1787) gives an interesting account of the cere- monies of the Tlingit with whom he traded. After an elaborate enter- tainment of welcome by singing and dancing in the canoes alongside the Indians adjourned ashore, and returning again began their song. This time, by way of varying our amusement, the chief appeared in different characters during the time his people were singing, and always changed his dress when he varied his character, in doing'of which smne of his companions held up a a large mat, by way of a screen, to prevent us from seeing what was going on behind the curtain. At one time he appeared in the character of a warrior, and seemed to have all the savage ferocity of the Indian conqueror about him. He showed us the manner in which they attacked their enemies, their method of fighting, and their be- haviour to the vanquished enemy. He next assumed the character of a woman, and to make his imitation more complete he wore a mask, which represented a woman’s face with their usual ornaments; and indeed it so exactly resembled a woman’s face that I am pretty certain it was beyond the reach of Indian art, and must certainly have been left by the Spaniards in their last visit to this part ofthe coastf‘ The type of mask referred to is shown in Fig. 56, Plate XVI, and in spite of Portlock’s doubts is a veritable product of Indian art. Dunn says of the Kwakiutl: In the winter months these, as well as the neighbouring tribes, assemble in great numbers in the chief’s house for the purpose of witnessing the chief imitate difi'erent spirits, whom they are supposed to worship. He puts on at intervals different dresses and large masks of different kinds, entirely covering his head and neck. The masks are made to open at the mouth and eyes by means of secret springs, invisi- ble to the'spectators and different noises are sent forth. He dresses for each char- acter behind a large curtain, drawn quite across the room, like the drop curtain in a theatre, and then comes forth and stands on a sort of stage in front of it, while the spectators are ranged on benches placed along the side walls. In one of the charac- ters he imitates the rising sun, which they believe to be a shining man, wearing a radiated crown, and continually walking round the earth, which is stationary. He wears on this occasion a most splendid dress of ermine and other valuable furs, and a curiously constructed mask, set round with seals’ whiskers, and feathers which gradually expand like a fan, and from the top of the mask swan-down is shaken out in great quantities, according as he moves his head. The expanding seals’ bristles and feathers represent the sun’s rays, and the showers of down, rain and snow; the Indians chanting at the same time in regular order and in a low key showing rev- erence, devotion, and awe. " * * Sometimes the various divine personages are represented by one man; sometimes there are two or three personators on the stage all at once, representing different divinities.’r In Plate LXVII are shown some of the masks belonging as personal properties to the late Kaigani chief Skowl. In the boxes are the cere- monial vestments worn on occasions. In Plate LXVIII are two views of the paraphernalia belonging to Chief Shakes of Fort Wrangell (Tlingit), the upper one, Fig. 353, representing the body of the late chief lying in state, and the lower, Fig. 354, a theatrical group representing-a legend " Portlock, VoyagZpIQBB; iDunn, Oregon (1842), pp. 253, 254. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 377 tracing the descent of Chief Shakes from the lear. Amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian these theatrical entertainments are also given by the chiefs, but have more of a totemic than a religious sig- nificance, as in the south. It was formerly and is now somewhat the custom in the more out of the way Villages for each chief to have a helper or principal man, who enjoys the confidence of the chief, has :onsiderable authority, gives advice and instruction to the chief’s successor, and has the care and keeping of certain secrets and prop- erties belonging to the chief. These last duties pertain largely to assistance rendered in the production of the theatrical representations of the traditions and legends relating to the chief’s totem. On such occasions, the guests being assembled, the chief presides, while the prin- cipal man directs the entertainment. F iO‘. 354 represents a scene taken from a representation witnessed by the writer at Chief Shakes’s, Fort Wrangell, Alaska. The figure of the bear is a mannikin ot' a grizzly with a man inside of it. The skin was obtained up the Stikine River, in the mountains of the interior, and has been an heirloom in Shakes’s family for several generations. The eyes, lips, ear lining, and paws are of copper, and the jaws are capable of being worked. A curtain screen in one corner being dropped, the singing of a chorus suddenly ceased, and the principal man, dressed as shown, with baton in his hand, nar- rated in a set speech the story of how an ancestor of Shakes’s rescued the bear from drowning in the great flood of years ago, and how ever since there had been an alliance between Shakes’s descendants and the bear. This narration, lasting some ten minutes, was interrupted by frequent nods of approval by the hear when appealed to, and by the murmurs and applause of the audience. In these various representations all sorts of tricks are practised to impose on the credulous and to lend solemnity and reality to the narration of the totemic legends. The masks shown in Plate LXV II are ‘ those worn by the different characters in the entertainments offered by Chief Skowl. . XIV. GENERAL CHARACTER 0F TRADITIONS, MYTHS, AND FOLKLORE— BIBLIOGRAPHY. The traditions and myths of the northern group of the northwest coast (Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian) are very similar, but with pecul- iar local variations. No attempt can be made here other than to out- , line the principal tradition of the creation and ‘of the origin of man, and that only to illustrate the general character of their beliefs and ideas. In their legends and traditions we have the unconscious ex- pression of their religious, moral, and aesthetic ideas, their views of life and death, their cosmogouy and astrology, their fanciful biographies and history, and their explanations of all the phenomena of nature. Related around the log fire in the family circle, with loud and confident voice, with labored and dramatic imitations and gestures, and listened to with wrapt attention by the inmates of the lodge, they represent the history of human thought—the blind gropings of the mind to know— in this narrow pocket of the world, and as such are as worthy of care- ful compilation and study as if they were facts of veritable history. The creator of all things and the benefactor of man was the great raven called by the Tlingit Yetl, Yeshl, or Yeatl, and by the Haida Ne- kil-stlas. He was not exactly an ordinary bird, but, like all old Indian mythical characters, had many human attributes, and the power of transforming himself into anything in the world. His coat of feathers could be put on or taken off at Will like a garment, and he could as- sume any character whatever. He existed before his birth, never grows old, will never die. Numerous are the stories of his adventures in peopling the world and giving to man the earth, fire, fresh water, life, 4 fish, game, etc. According to the Haida and Kaigani the first people sprung from a cockle-shell (Ca/rdimn corbis, Mart). Nehru-swat: became very lonely and began to look about him for a mate, but could find none. At last he took a cockleshell from the beach, and marrying it, he still continued to brood and think earnestly of his wish for a com- panion. By and by he heard a faint cry in the shell, which gradually became louder till at last a little female child was seen, which by de- grees grew to be a woman and married the raven. From this union came all the Indians of this region, who at first lived in darkness and want. As they multiplied Yeti or Ne-ln’l-stlas endowed them with the various gifts of light, fresh water, fire, etc. All these were in the pos- 378 1E % E. THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 379 session of the chief evil spirit, a great chief, the uncle of Yetl, who lived on the mainland where the N ass river 110w is. He was master of the tides and had great power, and the stories of how Yetl circumvented him are numerous and interesting. The Haida name for this uncle is Setlm-kijash, the Tlingit designation being Kees-duje-al-t'ty Kah or Keesshusaah Ankow. He had a wife and sister, or according to some versions a wife and daughter. Of his wife he was very jealous, and whenever for any reason he was away from home, hunting, fishing, or working, he imprisoned her in a box or basket, and tied her up to the rafters in the lodge, setting a number of little red birds to watch her. If by any chance the box were opened the birds would fly to him and warn him. He was also very jealous of the posterity of his sister (or daughter), whose children he killed for fear that when they grew up they would prove rivals to him in his wife’ s afi'ections. * According to the Haida tradition, he threw her progeny into the fire; according to the Tlingit, he drowned them. This sister (or daughter) was not al- lowed to eat or drink anything until the chief had examined it, as she had become pregnant from eating certain things many times before. As every part of the house was so jealously guarded, Yetl or Ne-kil- stlas did not know how to get in to steal the various things he wanted for the good of man, but finally he hit upon the plan of being born into the family. One day he saw the sister (or ‘ daughter) go to the brook to get a drink, so transforming himself 1 into a drop of water (or spear of cedar or blade of grass), he eluded the Vigilance of the chief and was swallowed by the girl, and in due time Yetl was born to her as a son.l She concealed the fact of his birth from the chief for some little time. In ten days’ time he grew to almost man’s size. His mother taught him many things, amongst others the use of the bow and arrow, and he became an expert shot. With his arrow he killed the magical crane whose skin enabled the wearer to fly, and the diver with whose skin he could float. One day the chief discovered Yetl and pretended to be pleased with him, but he took him out in a canoe and threw him overboard. Yeti, having on his diver’s skin, walked along the bottom and met his uncle on shore. Next the chief threw him into the fire and piled logs on him, but hav- ing on a magic cloak he came out of the fire unharmed. One day when the chief was aivay, he opened the box in which his wife was confined and released her, but the little birds flew to him and informed him. - The chief returned in a great rage, but Yeti sat calmly without noticing/7 V him. This was too much for the master of the tides, so he commanded the floods to 1ise and destroy this impudent meddler, but Yetl, giving " "l‘his is on a parallel with the habits and n1o1als of these Indians. We have here, as in all traditions, an expression of the moral ideas of the people. tIt is interesting to note in this connection the widespread belief both among sav- age and civilized peoples in the possibility of pregnancy through indiscretion in eating. 380 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. 5 his mother the skin of the diver to enable her to swim, himself put on the skin of the crane. The salt water rose until it began to come in the door, when the chief put on his tall dance hat which made him amphib- ious, and Yetl flew out through the smoke-hole. As he flew, he began to tire, and was compelled to come back from time to time to rest on the chief’s dance hat, which was the only thing visible, till finally he gained strength enough to fly to the sky, which he pierced with his beak and hung to until the tide reached to his wings, when it began to subside. Finally he let go of his hold and, flying for some days, he lit on a bunch of kelp to rest. At this point the story varies so much in different localities that it is diflicult to make it at all general. According to the , _ Kaigani thl descended into the sea and rescued his mother from the lord of the tides; according to the Tlingit a sea-otter carried him ashore from the kelp; according to the Stikine Indians he lit originally on the [Queen Charlotte Islands, and picking up pieces of the wood of the [Douglas pine in his bill ‘he flew all over the other islands. and where- ever he let fall a piece of this wood, the Douglas pine is now found. Fresh water he stole from the lord of the tides by strategy; also the new moon. In the carved column shown in Fig. 179, Plate XXXV, one of the figures represents Yetl with the new moon in his bill and the dish of fresh water in his claws, in illustration of this part of the legend. He also stole the sun and the stars from the boxes in which they were imprisoned by the lord of the tides.* When the sun shone forth for the first time all the people were frightened and ran in all directions; some of them into the mountains, some into the woods, and some into, . the water, and all of these were transformed into animals according to their hiding place. Fire he obtained from an island in the sea. He reached there by the help of his magic bird skin, and seizing a burning . brand in his beak he started back, but the journey was so long that nearly all the wood burned up, and even the point of his bill was scorched black and he had to let it drop. The sparks flew over the ground in all directions. From this time both the wood and stone con- tain fire. which can be obtained from the one by striking it and from the other by rubbing. Endless are the details of the adventures of Yetl, not to mention the other traditions and myths which no one In- dian can ever learn. Many of them are remembered simply as bearing on or relating to the totem of the individual. In general their belief is in indwelling spirits. The sea, the woods, and the air are peopled with them. All the phenomena of the universe are attributed to their action and most of the rites of these Indians of a religious nature are in the direction of propitiating them. It is not the purpose here to treat of the traditions, myths, and beliefs of the Indians. The subject is worthy of special study and will undoubtedly receive the attention it merits. * This idea of different valuables being stored in boxes naturally arises from their own time-honored custom of storing things in this way. THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 381 The Writer appends here a bibliography of the myths, traditions, folklore, and vocabularies of the‘ Indians about Dixon Entrance, south- ern Alaska and northern British Columbia. It is however very in- complete, and only illustrates the poverty of the literature on these subjects. ‘ Dall (W. 1—1.), Alaska and its Resources, pp. 421—427. Boston, 1870. Petroff (Ivan), Report on the'Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska, pp. 172—176. Washington, 1884. The Glacier, a monthly paper published at the Tlingit Training Academy, Fort Wrangell, Alaska. The North Star, a paper published at Sitka, Alaska, under the editorship of Mrs. ' Lily Paul. Dawson (G. M.), Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Report B. Geological Survey of Canada (1878). Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of British Columbia, by W. Frazer Tolmie and George M. Dawson. Montreal, 1884. Papers by Dr. Franz Boas in Globus, 1888 (a series of seven articles). Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 1885, p. 231, by Dr. Franz Boas. XV. GENERAL NOTES. RELATIONS AND AFFINITIES OF THE TLINGIT, HAIDA, TSIMSHIAN, AND KVVAKIUTL—THE HAIDA. REMARKS ON THE MAORI OF NEW ZEALAND——TIIE KAIGANI. ETHNOLOGICAL WORK TO BE DONE. A thorough study of the ethnical affinities and mutual influences of the various Indian stocks of the northwest coast is out of the question with the data at hand, yet many attempts have been made to isolate the Haida and to give them an origin different from the others. It is- held by some that this stock is an offshoot of the Asiatic Mongoloid group, particularly of the Japanese branch, and by others that they are of Aztec origin. The supporter of this latter theory is Mr. J. G. Swan, of Port Townsend, Washington Territory. A comparative study of the languages, customs, habits, and traditions of the different In- dian stocks of this region even with the meagre data at band; would, however, seem to locate the Haida as (if near kin to the Tsimshian and Tlingit. Difl'erence in environment would seem to account sufficiently for the physical and linguistic differences. Along with much originality, the inhabitants of.the Queen Charlotte Islands have shown so much genius and receptiveness in adapting and adopting the customs of others, that they present some very puzzling affinities with distant stocks, giving color to these various theories as to their origin. In their legends the Haida are at one with the Tlingit, and the totemic organization of the two stocks do not differ very materially, although this needs further study. Their languages are, according to Dr. Franz Boas, very much alike in structure, while their vocabularies show great differences. In their arts the Haida have borrowed so largely from so many sources, that they are considerably in advance of the Tlingit. All things con- sidered, the Tlingit and Haida show evidences of near relationship and of intercourse at a remote period. A consideration of the mutual influ- ences of the Tsimshian stock and the northern Kwakiutl tribes of the Haeltzukan stock will throw much light 011 the origin of certain cus- toms amongst the Haida, for the last named have been considerably influenced by the Tsimshian. Indeed, the Tsimshian seem to have been the middle men or center of distribution in this region. I The Tlingit present the simplest problem. Confined to the northern end of this region and only slightly influenced by adjacent tribes, their 382 inn 7 ‘ .33; 'gtemie Organization into phratries, totems, and subtotems, their ‘igends and their matriarchal organization, all bear a distinct and orig- ial stamp. The Tsimshian, on the other hand, have been greatly influ- need by the northern Kwakiutl tribes, who have been, by the reciprocal ifluenee of the former, in turn drawn away from the southern tribes '5 their own stock. In the legends of the Tsimshian we find much that . peculiar to themselves, much in common with those of the Tlingit and ‘2 Caida, and a good deal borrowed from the northern Kwakiutl. 0n the usher hand, their totemic organization is according to Boas a modifica- ion of that of the Kwakiutl, and radically different from that of the . iiaida and Tlingitfi‘ The t'otenis of the Tsimshian are the wolf, raven, xagle,_and the bear, with no phratries; those of the Kwakiutl the raven, agle, and the bear, with no phratries. It may possibly be that the Haida have been the centre of impulse on the northwest coast and that in ‘a‘heir development they may have influenced the adjacent tribes to a "reat degree, but the weight of evidence is that, with no great origi- nality in themselves, they yet present the curious and puzzling circum~ ‘ tanee that they extensively borrowed their ideas from the other stocks Rut developed what they have borrowed with a marvelous skill and ' -1dependence. They seem in themselves to have typified or intensified be representative characteristics of the Indian stocks of the northwest roast. Whether they have originated or borrowed their ideas can not ‘ie made apparent with the data at hand, but it may be well to here tate briefly the peculiarities of the Haida as they have struck the writer n their relation to the other Indians of the region. Tattooing, found hardly at all amongst the other tribes and then without much importance attached to it, is with them a fine art, and as both a bearing on their totemic system and the deepest signifi- yaneein their ceremonies. The Tlingit and Tsimshian only occasion- llly etch the tot-emic figures on their painted bodies on ceremonial occa- llODS, while their neighbors of whom we are speaking take every possi- Jle occasion to display their family crests. The carved totemic columns, stunted and dwarfed in the south amongst the Kwakiutl and also in :he north amongst the Tlingit, here become the most elaborate and striking characteristic of the Indian village, so much so that a Haida settlement looks at a distance like a forest of stripped, bare tree runks.’r The mortuary and commemorative columns are also more laborate here than elsewhere, and the memory of the dead is celebrated n feast, legend, and carving with the greatest pomp and ostentation. The Ohilkat blankets pictured in Plates IX and X, and the copper hields from the Ohilkat region are nowhere so numerous and elaborate sin the Queen Charlotte Islands. The art of basket-making, first * Science, vol. M1, N0. 299, p. 195. lBoas is of the opinion that the carved heraldic columns originated amongst the wakiutl, and were adopted and developed amongst the Haida. Science, Vol. x11, 195. REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1889. developed amongst the northern Tlingit, has been taken up by the Haida with marked success. This is true also of; metal-werkihg. The conical-shaped basket-work hats so common about Dixon Entrance are“ ' particularly abundantin this group. The primitive copper and shell ornaments were nowhere in such demand as amongst the Haida. Labrets of the largest size are worn by the Haida women, who are the last on the coast to cling to this custom. The origin of the tobacco plant in this region is credited to the Queen Charlotte Islands, where the first potatoes were also raised. While the Haida are the most ex- pert canoe builders on the coast, they have sensibly adopted the Sa- ' lishan or Wakashan type for certain purposes where strength has been the prime consideration. Cedar-bark mat-making developed amongst the Kwakiutl and practised by the Tsimshian is here also successfully imitated. Nowhere is the art of carving and painting amongst savage tribes so highly developed. Their houses are exceptionally well con- structed, and the custom of erecting the carved column in contact with, the front of the house and cutting a circular door-way through both, seems to be nowhere so universally practised. It is in their elaborate ceremonials that the most puzzling instances of foreign influence occurs. The cedarbark rope head-dresses, sashes, and girdles amongst the Kwakiutl play the most important part in their winter ceremonial dances, and are only worn by certain people on special occasions and with special significance. Amongst the Haida the cedar-bark para- phernalia is just as elaborate and worn without any special significance. The whistles, trumpets, and other sotcalled musical instruments have more of a Tsimshian than a Haida origin, butare found in equal abundance and variety amongst both. The wearing of masks peculiarly enough. has no especially deep significance amongst the Haida other than re- , ferring to and illustrating their totemic legends, yet nowhere inthe}: world are such elaborate ones made and worn. Wooden masks are worn by the Eskimo of southern Alaska on ceremonial occasions, but it would seem that the custom of wearing masks in ceremonies amongst the Haida and Tlingit really originated in the wearing of them for pro- tection in war, and that this custom was in no way borrowed or derived from'the Eskimo. The number of masks in the collections of the U. S. National Museum is out of all proportion to their importance or their use by the lndiansk There are only one or two ceremonial dances in which they are worn, which is quite contrary to the accepted opinion. In most of the songs accompanying the Haida dances the Tsimshian" language is used and many customs of the Tsimshian are avowedly followed. ,In this way, through the latter, probably some of the practices of the _Kwakiutl~ reached the Haida. From all this it would appear that the latter have been influenced in a not remote period largely by others through the Tsimshian, but that the original affinities and relationship of the Haida .were with the Tlingit. .... ‘. H. ‘V’Jlx‘yk' ” .vaxrmsaamw .‘< : a a i E .23.». mm «mm 'v‘d- ,A- .e.‘ 1ft new." ‘ ”I , Wf’“'~‘xer ~ ,5. ”.THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 385 ‘.:1 my resemblances of the Haida to widely remote stocks have been 31111111111 out by writers, but to illustrate how futile such clues are in 11 11 mg the eiigin and relationship of the tribes of the world, a paral- 111 is here briefly drawn between the Maori of New Zealand and the liwia. In point of physical resemblance both are of the Mongoloid :;. 1.3 and both live on groups of islands whose climates are remarkably :inmar. Poole says of the climate of the Queen Charlotte Islands that 11:11 most graphic comparison he could draw was with that of the north- 1sland of New Zealandf" Their political organization of the tribe, 11.151 ownership of land, and their laws of blood-revenge are similar. l‘i. ~ men tattoo with designsintended to identify them with their sub-tribe 111 household, and they ornament their canoes, paddles, house fronts, iii"... in Somewhat the same manner as on the northwest coast. In 1 {water IV, I). 267, under the head of “Rain Cloaks,” Dixon (1787) is 1.11111: ed as saying that the cloaks of the Haida and Tlingit were the same 1,1nose worn by the New Zealanders. In Chapter VI, p. 303, is also 1.1 1d from Dixon a statement that a Haida fortified house on an isl- :~1.:. 1f the Queen Charlotte group was “ built exactly on the plan of 1‘1 .1 ;.:ippah of the savages of New Zealand;” and in Chapter V, p. 279, 13:.- the adzes of the Tlingit and Haida, made of jasper, were “the sumo as those used by the New Zealanders.” The cloaks of shredded 3.1-: -.r bark in the National Museum from New Zealand and the Queen 1171017136 Islands are so much alike, that it takes a close inspection to ri‘ .nguish them. In Plate XXXII, Fig. 167, a New Zealand paddle is 1 ioduced, with a few from the northwest coast. The resemblance a arked and interesting. In Plate LV, Fig. 295,a aMaori tilci 1s illus- * ' “ Id along with several Haida carved wooden columns. The carved 1. v, ien mortuary columns erected in front of the Maori houses are also mestive, but it is safe to say that while all this is not in one sense dental, yet the resemblances and similarities are as likely to have .1. 1 an from the like tendencies of the human mind under the same ex- aal conditions. or environment to develop along parallel lines as w ugh contact of these tribes or through a common origin. ’ ’16 Kaigani.—The Kaigani are a branch of the Haida onueen Char- : 1 Islands, having for some cause or other split 011' from their breth- 1-1-and settled across Dixon Entrance on the southern end of Prince ”Vales Island and adjacent archipelago. As near as can be figured “1-1111 the Indian accounts, this must have happened at the least one- ‘wzzdred and fifty years ago. Their three principalvillages now are " Hvkan, Kliuquan and Kasa-an. Howkan is a thriving village, with inter population of about three hundred. Under the ministration w the Rev. J. L. Gould, 0f the Presbyterian Board of Missions, it is =1; losing its native characteristics. A saw-mill is run in connection 1 -f h the mission, and the Indians are gradually building an American ‘age in rear of the old time lodges. Many of the totemic columns 6 been cut down, and the native characteristics are fast disap- "‘ Poole, Queen (thailotte Islands, p. 237. H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 23 $43 .. \IésW rfifi’n‘a‘gw 1‘ . , , _Muzon (the extreme southern point of Alaska) is the small village of ' Linguistically, considerable has been accomplished. But with regaid 386 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. pearing. It is to be said in favor of the new order of things that Mr. E\ Gould has fortunately impressed upon this villageythe stamp'of his I ,, own personal qualities, thriftiness. industriousness, fair dealing, sobri- ety, and enterprise, Just below Howkan is the village of Koianglas, consisting of three houses and several interesting totemic columns. 4 The population, made up of a few families, will soon be absorbed in that of Howkau. Nearly opposite Ko1anglas, on Dall Island, and also situated on Kaigani strait is the site of the old time village of Dat- ghaya. 0n the southern end of Bali Island, just north of Cape .- Kaigani. The winter residence of the former population is now at . Howkan. There are seven or eight houses, which are occupied only at 1 certain seasons of the year, but there are no totemic columns. Klieu- quan or Kliuquan is said to be about half as large as Howkan, but to have retained its native characteristics almost intact. At the south- , ern entrance to (lholmondeley sound is the site of the abandoned vil- w lage of Chasina or Ghachina. There is only one house there now and I the stumps and remains of mortuary columns. Early voyagers de- scribe it as a populous village in the early part of this century. At the head of Kasa-an Bay, at what is called Karbo Bay, is a small village, ’3 'k‘ called by some authorities Kasa-an. Kasa-an proper is, however, on , Skowl Arm,‘a branch of the bay. Being somewhat off the steamer route, and the missionaries never having settled there, Kasa-an has preserved its native characteristics more markedly than any other vil-. lage in Alaska. Just above Kasa—an Bay, at Toistoi Bay, is the north- , ern limit of the Kaigani territory on Prince of Wales Island, as the , adjoining arm, Thorne Bay, is in dispute between the Stikines and Kaigani. Tlevak straits, 011 the other side of the island, is the northern limit 011 the west sh01e. The hunting and fishing grounds, as claimed by the difl'erent tiibes in Alaska, are as accurately plotted in Chart ILLS as the data at hand will admit. F1om Admiralty Island south the writer has relied on his peisonal knowledge, based on inquiry in that region. The duty of the government in recognizing the Indian titles to these lands held by them for generations in the difi'erent families seems very clear. and an inquiry into the subject would not be amiss in con- nection with all governmental investigations and reports on this region. As outlined in the synopsis of this paper, there are several chapters i" which ought to be added, to complete the study of the ethnology of ‘ this region. The character of the work yet to be done is such as to call for action by the government in undertaking it on a large scale. 3‘ to the traditions, 1eligious beliefs and practices, folklore myths, totemic subdivisions, shamanistic practices, fetishism, particularly all the local or t1ibal variations of each, there is a vast deal to be done. If what is here submitted will accomplish no more than to call atten 3 tion to the little known concerning the Indians about Dixon Entrance,; the author’s effort will not have been in vain. 5’ l K! 3‘ Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nib|ack. . Alb/woma- zi’) , um, CHART I. BASED ON U. S. COAST SURVEY SHEET No. 701. ~ -——4 O 0———-—~ NORTHWEST ‘ COAST OF AMERICA, DIXON ENTRANCE TO CAPE ST. ELIAS. wawab‘ Miles. Cbmpded fmm/ Bancrofbls ”brim, Nara/e) Races, IbLI. Pob'of‘f's Report, Census of‘ 7880. Notes by the Author, 1885, '86 and ’87. I Tlmgz't, (Kolas/zan). I. Aimed . 2. Yakumc. 3. Lituyw. 1r. Clzdlcac. 5. Taboo. (Link. 7. Hoonya. 8. 5m. 9 [foolznalwa IO. Kala}. Ilsa/cine. {Xi/(Inga. 13130,? SLcwarlI. 14. Tongchlfgggf’v II. Haida. (Hazdan) 15. Kaigaml: 2/.Haiolw (proper) H. Tsimshian, 76. Muse. IZ Tsimshian (propel). f8.Skc-ena. l9. Sebassa. . 20. New Motla/r-Katla/z. ‘. v Jan “my 7%" 1889. ~ 5' Q'o w ftp-(- wit/9'6 \‘ Report of National Museum, 1888.—Niblack. CHART H. BASED ON U. S. COAST SURVEY SHEET N0. 700. w,“ _ __ 44., ._._ ____. NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA, CAPE FLATTERY TO DIXON ENTRANCE. WW. ' Mass. "W“ Camdedfivm I. Géological and Naau‘abfiiswry Surveyaf szadeap by WFTolnu'e a GMDan/sam H. Dédbzdiwwrstdnm erVa/rwowyer Id. and aruder/fl‘istza yomfi’rdishébamwm, .Dr: F BO“. MCAarb of Department ofE‘t/mologyj '(l 8 Nat. zbnaLMuseum. Prof. 0 TMason, Curator. Showing location oflrzflan Stocks. 1. Coast Salish/IV. I Wahwhan (Nut/can). HKwalu'ule‘ Waelvzu/cwz). IKBL'lqulal. (Salas/tan). MYEiankiaIU‘.’ W. Ham .“ . % Tlingib.‘ fKoLoshaIv). _ * .566 Chart 1'. 5* January I ”P [889. O Repor't of National Museum, 1888.—-Niblack. 5.A.BARRETT. 3053 HILLEGASS AVE., BERKELEY, CALIF. CHART I. BASED ON U. S. COAST SURVEY SHEET No. 701. _____Wq .., HHE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA, DIXON ENTRANCE TO CAPE STEELIAS. Nautical #3195. ”06010 )0 10 1* Compiled from Bancrofbis Works,ch Races, 1b”. [’anst Report, €6le of 7880. Notes by the Author, 1885, '86 aIwL ’87. I. Tlmgz't, (Koloslum). I. Maxed . 2. Yakamt. slit-«ya. 4. CALL/sac. 5. Ta/wo. 61/! wk. ’Zlfoonya. 8. 811.641,. 9. Kootz naon. 10. Km. 1/.56Lkiaze. fZJfanch. I3f’ort Sun/art. 14. Tongass. {wifh ZZ Haida . fh’az‘dan) 15. Kaiganéz 2/.Iz’ou'olw (preper) 1H. Tsinwlvian' 16. Name. /Z Tsimshian f proper). 18.5kcena. 79. Selma-soc. 20. New Métla/r-Ka[Za/2. Jam ualy 1‘53" 188.9. Report of National Museum, 1888.—Nib|ack. Clpa Std-nu CHART H. BASED ON U. S. COAST SURVEY SHEET No. 700. w , »—~4 0-97 ~-—~»~v» NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA, CAPE FLATTERY T0 DIXON ENTRANCE. NW ‘ M1103. m'ocuo _fi ‘20 go so so so Compiled fl'om I. Geological and Naturab'lfiswry Surveyof Canaan/Wage lgy Wfi7blmie a GMDau/som H. Dbbuizanenstdmnw van Vancouver/d. and, an/der/{L'tbte wrufi’rilwh‘é'olwnbia/J Dr F 30096. m Chart offlepartgnent ofE'z‘hnology: 'l/ 5 Nat. LbnaLMuseum. Hof 0 TMasoro, Curator: Showing Zocalz’on oflndum' Stocks. 1. Coast, Saldshan. I Walrus/2m (Nutkan). flKrvach'uzL, Waelvzu/can). [KBquula (Jada/tan). Vflsinw/ziaru? Ill-[aimf‘ m Tlirzgic.’ fKoloshalv). _. '* See Chart I. January lit/88.9. O f what 18 here submtttéd w111accon1phs no u the little known concerning the Indians about D ”Amalgam-v ANTHROPOLOGY llBRARY This publication 18 due on the LAST DATE - . and HOUR stamped below A Q RmB17—40 8’,72 Gen en! Libnry (04186810 ) 41 88—A— 32 University of Californil Berkeley * . 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