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J = % ( C 4 / 70.77 . 7, 7 SECOND and THIRD BOOKS Fg OF THE HISTORY OF THE Life of King Henry the Second. an APPENDIX to each. o By GEORGE Lord LYTTELTON, Printed by and for GEORGE FAULKNER. & M DCC LXVHI. | A NN OIT ES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF THE Life of King Henry the Second “< AGE 10. He therefore fummoned a parliaments P awberein almoft all bis nolles were prefents and bav- ing properly laid before them the wants of the crown, the loffes it- bad f[uffered, the illegality of the grantsy and the urgent neceffity of a [peedy refumption, obtained their concurrence to ity and proceeded to put it in imme= diate execution. | It does not appear that this fecret article of the treaty of Wincheffer had received the fan&ion of parliament. as the three others had done, during the life of King Stephen. ‘That prince (one may prefine) delayed to afk it, for fear of offending the nobles of his own faétion 3 and Henry durft not prefs him (as he did in other inftances) to. execute this part of the agreement between them, leit he fhould take advantage of it to excite new commotions in England, before he himfelf had obtained a peace from Louis. It was therefore neceflary to afk the concurrence of parliament to this refumption, after he came to the ! crown: and he feems to have ated wifely. in not propofing it to them, till the expulfion of the foreign troops, and demolition of the caftles, had been fully executed. P. 15. The caufe affigned for thefe refumptions was nok a defect in the title of the grantor, &c. | ~ Some hifforians have indeed given that reafon for them; but the fa&t itfelf proves the contrary. For, in that cafe, only the grants which Stephen had made would have been Yor. 1V, A refumed M855940 Neubrigen. Gerv.Chron poverty of the crown, NOTES TO THESECOND BOOK OF refumed by his fucceflor, not thofe of Matilda. Befides we are affured, that Stephen himfelf had confented to thefe refumptions at the treaty of W inchefter, which he would never havedone upon the foundation of the grants be- ing illegal, becaufe made by bim. The true reafon was the (or to ufe the words of William of Newbury) quod regi redditus breves effents qui avito tempore uberes fuerants and the danger of leaving in the hands of the barons fo many of the royal fortreffesy: which Gervafe calls, with great propriety, Rebellionum materiams et [i ufpicionem cau fas. He therefore joined two laymen in the commilfiony "P. 19. the earl of Leicefler and Richard de Lucy. It feems that the earl of Leicefter had the precedence of | Richard de Lucy, though both are ftyled equally Fufti- ciarii Anglic, in the records of thofe times. Dugdale, in his Baronage, fuppofes that the latter was not made Jufticiary till the eighth year of Henry II, and quotes for it Roger Hoveden, who fays mentions him as Jufticiary in fome of the tranfactions which paffed in that year. Indeed this work of that learn- ed author is much more inaccurate than moft of his other Writings, and ought to be read with caution. P. 23. And juft before the death of Stephen the archdea- conry of Canterbury was likewife given to bim by the [fame prelate. Fitftephen fays that the archdeaconry of Canterbury was the firft dignity in the church of England, next to bithops and abbots, and was worth to Becket a hundred pounds per ann. equivalent to a benefice of fifteen hun- dred at prefent. FPoft epifcopos et abbates, in ecclefia An- glorum bic. primus et dignior eft perfonatus; et ei valebat centum libras argenti. no fuch thing, but only THE LIFE OF KING HENRY 11. | And Mr. Madox fays; that, till the reign of King John, the chancery was ie fually holden at the Exchequer, the great feal being commonly kept, and many or moft of the chancery writs idifpatched and fealed there. But the fame author has W¥Dugdale’s Origin. Juridiciales). ] 3 3 ewn, that, in the reign of Henry the Second, pleas ere held in the county of Kent, before the king’s Chan- cllour, and the earl of Leicefter, chief-juftice, and alfo before the Chancellour and Henry de Effex, high-confta- ble (fee Madox’s Hiftory of the Exchequer, c. il. P. 42543- We have a defcription of the office of Chancellour in he following words of a contemporary writer of Becket’s ife : « Cancellarii dignitas eft, ut fecundus a rege in regno ) habeatur; ut alterd parte figilli regii, quod et ad ejus _¥¢ pertinet cuftodiam, propria fignet mandata : ut capella #¢ regia In illius fit difpofitiene et cura: ut vacantes _ #¢ archiepifcopatus, epifcopatus, abbatias et baronias ca- “#¢ dentes in manum regis ipfe fufcipiat et confervet: ut “4¢ omnibus regiis adfit confiliis ; etiam non vocatus acce- #¢ dat: ut omnia figilliferi clerici regii fua manu fignentur”? H(fee Dugdale’s Origin. juridicial. & Selden. upon the office of Chancellour). But the dignity of this office is exag- rated by this author, probably from a defire of doing onour to Becket. For the Dialogus de Scaccario exprefly ys that the Great Jufticiary had the precedence in the sourt of Exchequer before the Chancellour, and it appears from many other proofs that his power and dignity were | greater at this time. - Nor is it true that the cuftody of Wacant prelacies or of baronies efcheated to the crown «belonged officially to the Chancellour. For it appears evidently by the rolls, that the king committed it to whom he pleafed (fee Hift. of the Exchequer, ¢. 10.) Some of Uthefe had been granted to Becket, but not in right of his fice. Upon the whole, this paffage deferves little re- ard. There are fome verfes of John of Salifbury, in his SeeDackde "reface to his Policraticon, which have made fome perfons had r. Civ, P. 25. The Chancellour of England, at this time, had no diftinét court of Fudicature in which be prefided 5 but Sh; : co oo be alled together with the Fufticiary and other great Sn (05 us carly as in the TE mser ang mo- c. viii.p. 308, "officers, in matters of the revenue, at the Exchequer, Se : : : . . . : . erate the com . ] and [ometimes in the counties upon circuits. mon law by equity. The verfes are thefe : Beeson who flourifhed in the reign of Edward the Firft, “ Quarendus regni tibi cancellarius Angli, writing of all other courts, from the higheft tribunal to = Primus follicita mente petendus ert. . €€ . } - - . . - the court-baron, makes no mention of the chancery (les Phe ot qui regni leges cancellat Imiquas, ug- : t mandata pu principiis xqua facut. al Sy BE a | 2 SA NRG TN = NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF «¢ Si quid obeft populo, vel moribus eft inimicum, «¢ Quicquid id eft, per eum definit efle nocens. ~ But, from other proofs, it appears, that this was not a Si, the Chincetlours office, as 1t va in oe days; but a perfonal compliment paid to Ee et, ya fuch exaggerations as poetry may admit of, and a qui | the words cancellat and cancellarius. . a of the inaccuracy of Monfieur Rapa Thoyras, in his hiftory of this reign, and of the LHe knowledge he had of our ancient conftitution, 4 tranfcribe a paffage out of him, as tranflated oy iE Tindal, who has faithfully rendered his fenfe: ¢ iss he “ king (fays he) had taken all the precautions he t oug ¢ proper, for the reftoring tranquillity in the kingdom, “ he chofe a council out ot the moft eminent perfons, 2 “¢ well among the clergy as the nobility. T heobald, set 4 “ hithop ‘Thomas Becket, archdeacon of Canterbury, who ¢ was juft made Chancellour ; Robert, earl of Ife ¢ great jufticiary of the realm, heldthe firft rank in it. At « the head of the cabinet-council was Matilda his mother, ¢ whom long experience, and her own misfortunes, had “ rendered wife at her own coft. Thefe two councils be- “ ing eflablifbed, Ec.” There was not, in thofe days, or for many centuries after, any fuch thing in this coun- try as a cabinet-council; and after Henry the Second came to the crown Matilda was never in England. But Rapin makes perpetual miftakes of this nature ; and, except in what relates to ecclefiaftical matters, about which he feems to have taken more pains, is a moft carelefs and fu- perficial writer of the hiftory of this country, till he comes down to the times of Henry the Seventh. His fenfible and learned tranflator, Mr. Tindal, has correfed many of his errors ; but was forced to leave many more, which any reader will fee, who will compare Rapin’s work with cur ancient hiftorians, or with the cleareft accounts of our ancient conftitution. P.36. He litewife infifted, and not without an ancient - claim, that Malcolm Should acknowledge bimfelf bis - waffal for Lothian. Some of the modern Scotch hiftorians having denied the fad here afferted, I think it proper to give my autho- rities, with fome fhort obfervations. The words of Diao mag THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL. - (Imag. Hiftor.) under the year 1157, are thefe: « Meck “ chomus rex Scotorum' reddidit ei (Henrico, fcilicet) “ civitatem Carleul, caftrum Baenburg, Novum caftrum * fuper Tinam, et comitatum Lodonenfem.” The Nor man chronicle of Robertus de Monte has alo thefe words: Hoc anno Malcolmus rex Scotorum reddidit Henrico “ regi quicquid habebat de dominio fuo, id eft, civitatem *¢ Carlcuith, caftrum Baemburch, Novum caftrum {uper “ "I'inam, ef comitatum Lodonenfem.” As thefe are both contemporary teftimonies, they are of great weight ; and [ may add to them the annals of Waverley and Matthew Paris. Yet, I prefume, they are all inaccurate in giving the reader to underftand, that the county of Lothian was reftored to King Henry in the fame manner as the other places there mentioned. For only the Sovereignty of it was yielded to him ; the country being ftill poflefled by Malcolm, but held in fief of the Englith crown, as it had been by Keneth the Third and other kings of Scot- land. And for this reafon it was, that, in paying his ho- mage, he did it with a faving to bis royal dignity ; that it might appear, it was only for this part of Scotland, not for the whole kingdom. Had he doge homage only for the earldom of Huntingdon, there would have been no need of this faving ; fince his being a vaflal for a county of England could not juftly be fuppofed to impeach his royal dignity, as King of Scotland. And this alfo accounts for the filence of William of Newbury, who mentions only the three Northern counties, as now reftored to Henry ; becaufe Lothian was pot upon the fame foot with them, but {till remained in the pofleflion of the Scotch, though under condition of homage and fealty to Pngland. That; in fome way or other, it was fubje& to Henry, a proof may be drawn from the words of Henry himfelf, in the Letters patent he gave to Dermot King of Leinfter, the preamble of which is as follows : ¢ Henrieus, rex An: V. Girald. “ glie, dux Normannie et Aquitaniz, et comes Ande- Shan. gavie, univerfis Jfidelibus Suis, Anglis, Normannis, pugnat. lib.i, ¢ Gwalenfibus, et Scotis, cunétifque nationibus fuse di: cap. 1. “ tioni fubditis, falutem.” ‘The three Northern counties having before been recovered, the only Scotch fubjeéls, or liegemen, Henry could have at this time, were the Scotch inhabiting Lothian, unlefs we fhould fuppofe that fome of that nation had fiefs in England, of which I find . | ~~ Bj ne L. et ie” 6 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF no evidence in records or hiftory. It does not well ap- on) why Diceto, the annals of Waverley, and the ates chronicle, in the paflages cited above, mention only Carlifle, the caftle of Bamburg, and Newcaftle upon Tine, as yielded now to Henry by the king of Scotland ; whereas it is certain, from the teftimony of William of Newbury, and other good evidence, that all the three Northern counties were delivered up to him. Thefe were indeed the chief places of Cumberland and Northumberland ; but the counties fhould have been ¥. Neabrig. mentioned, as they are very diftinétly, by William of ii. c 4 Newbury, a contemporary hiftorian. . With regard to the claim which the kings of England V. Chronic. had of homage for Lothian, thefe are the words of the ehan. Wal- Wj |lingford chronicle, written by an Abbot, who lived fog ford, - under Henry the Second: « Suggeflit rex Kineth reg #¢ Eadgaro Louthion ad fuum jus debere pertinere, et ¢¢ hereditari€ 4 regibus Scotorum poffideri. Rex nolens ¢ aliquid abrupté facere ne poft factum pceniteret, regis ¢¢ Kineth caufam curizz fuze intimavit, _Proceres vero, « qui a progenitoribus erant eruditi, nifi fub nomine ¢ homagii regi Anglie a rege Scotorum impenfi, et pre- ¢¢ cipué quia ad tuendum terram illam difficilis eft acceflus - ¢ et parum proficua ejus dominatio, affenfit autem af- #¢ fertioni huic Kineth, ef fub nomine bomagii eam petiit €¢ et accepit, fecitque regi Eadgaro bomagium fub cautione ¢ multa promittens, quod populo partis illius antiquas ¢ confuetudines non negaret, et fub nomine et lingui «¢ Anglicani perraanerent. Quod ufque hodie firmum ¢ manet. Sicque determinata eft vetus querela de Lou- ¢ thion, et adhuc nova {pe intentatur.” oo ~ Though the paffage is evidently mutilated in two places, enough of it is clear, to prove a very ancient de- pendence of Lothian on the Englifh crown. Which 1s alfo confirmed by Matthew of Weftminfter, with this remarkable circumftance, ¢ Dedit infuper ei rex (Eadga- « rus) manfiones in itinere plurimas, ut ipfe et ejus ¢ fucceflores ad feftum venientes, ac denuo revertentes, ¢¢ hofpitari valuiffent, qua ufque in tempora regis Hen- ~ ¢¢ rici fecundi, in poteftate regum Scotiz remanferunt.” Florence of Worcefter alfo fo far confirms it, that he reckons Keneth among the kings and princes who fwore fealty to Edgar. ‘The flory told by this hiftorian of Keneth and feven other princes of the Cumbrian Britons or ~ THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IT. or Welch having rowed the barge of Edgar on the river Dee, I much doubt of : but his evidence as to the vaffa- Jage of Keneth is not liable to the fame objections. P. 37. and the Englifb monarch conferred on him the earldom of Huntington, againfi the claim of the ear] of Northampton, to whofe father it bad been given by Stephen on the death of Henry prince of Scotland, No mention is made, in any hiftory or record, of the county of Cambridge being ‘annext to this grant of the earldom of Huntington. Yet it appears by records, thatSee Cam- - David, the grandfather of Malcolm, received the third dens Bri- penny of the county or earldom of Cambridge, when he o> was earl of Huntington. Poffibly the two counties were sripaz- then united, We alfo find that the young King Henry s#!®= added it to the grant of Huntingtonthire, which he made to David the brother of William King of Scotland, when he confederated with that prince againft his father, in the year 1173. After this we hear no more of this earldom, till Sir John of Haynault brother of William earl of Holland and Haynault, was made earl of Cambridge by King Edward the Third. P. 38. but, from [ome remains of it, which are Sill to be Jeeny and for [everal other reafons, I Should judge that it (viz. Offa’s Ditch) was rather intended for a boun- dary, to [eparate the territories of the Englifb from thofe of the Welch, than to protec? the former, as a Sfortification. A law of Harold Harefoot is mentioned by Mr. Selden, which enafts, that if any Welchman, coming into Fn- gland without leave, was taken on this fide of Offa’s Ditch, his right hand fhould be cut off by the king’s officer. This ftatute fhews, that, fo late as in the reign of that Danifh monarch, this ditch was confidered as a difcriminating limit between the two nations; but after- wards, when all the borders of Wales beyond that ditch were filled with Englifh colonies, and the Welch them- felves had fubmitted to the fovereignty of the Englith under feudal bonds of allegiance, it was neceflarily abro- gated, and fell into difufe. | Bs P. 40. Vid. Pre- fat. Gul Clarke ad Leg. Wal. Vid. Prefa- tiones IV, ad Leg. Wall, ‘NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF . 40. but the two younger were fubordinate to the eldeft, ? bie bad North i¥ales, and held bis royal [eat at here firaw in the ifle of Anglefea, which was the Mona of the Britons. | : The very intelligent and fenfible author of the general Preface to Wotton’s collection of the Welch Laws Is of opinion, that the fovereignty of the kings of North-Wales over thofe of South-Wales and Powis-land did not exift in thefe times, but was a claim fet up afterwards, about the days of our Henry the Second. Though I perfeétly agree with him in moft other points, Ido not think his arguments here are fufficient to overturn the authority of fo many writers as are unanimous in the other opinion, which I the rather incline to, becaufe it feems that the Welch would hardly have continued without a head, or ander princes independent the one of the other, when they had a conftant war to maintain with the Saxons. It is therefore very probable, that they gave a pre-eminence to the king of North-Wales, whofe country was the ftrongeft ; and that the two others were fubordinate to, and dependent on him; as, in each royal family of the three kingdoms, the younger fons were on the eldeft. P. 40. and made a reformation of their political, civil, and municipal laws, which were digefled by him into three books. In the four prefaces to thefe laws, as publifhed in En- gland, I find a great difference with regard to the manner in which Howel Dha made this reformation. The firft fays, he convened out of every commote (which was a lefler divifion of cantreds, or hundreds ) fix men, among whom were perfons of dignity in the church, bifhops, archbifhops, abbots, and doors; that out of the whole number of thefe, when aflfembled together, twelve of the wifeft laymen were chofen, and one clergyman of the greateft reputation among them for knowledge: in the laws, to whom the king gave authority to abolifh fuch laws as they fhould judge to be bad, and fubftitute others in their place; which work, being finithed, received a fangion from all the affembly. Blegored (who at that time was archdeacon of Landaff ) is afterwards mentiop- ed in that preface, as having had a principal hand in this reformation. ERA * The THE LIFE OF KING HENRY 11. The fecond preface fays, that, out of the wifeft men in his territories (7x principgty fuo) Howel affembled fix from every cantred (not commote ) in all Wales, of which four were laymen, and two were ecclefiafticks; that thefe examined the laws. then in ufe, alleviated what feemed too fevere, and aggravated what was too light 3 left fome unaltered; amended, or abrogated others’; and enacted fome new ones.. With this account the fourth preface perfectly agrees. ea But the third agrees with the firft, that the fix men were chofen from every commote in Wales 5 and that they delegated their authority to twelve laymen, and one cler- gyman, namely, Blegored, of whom no mention is made in the other two. EE CT . It is plain, from thefe differences, that none of the four prefaces were affixed to the laws by Howel Dha, but were added in later times. poled to be the moft ancient. confirmation of the Jaws he had compiled. ‘But none of the prefaces mention this circumftance and (as an au- thor who underftands the Welch language affirms) The firft of them is fup- yu.Die: Some authors report that Clarice ag ‘Howel went in perfon to Rome, and obtained the pope’s Leg. Wa IL. It 1S Vid. Prefat. not to be found in the original hiftory of Caradoc of predic, Lancarvan, though it is in the tranflation of Humphrey Llwyd, publithed by Dr. Powel : that tranflator having added, not very judicioufly, fome things of his own ta the text of his author. The fa& in queftion is evidently falfe : for it is impoffible that the Pope could have given his fan&tion to fome of thefe laws ; particularly thofe concerning divorces, in which a much greater liberty is allowed than the fee of Rome has ever admitted ; a ftink- ing breath in the hufband being accounted there a good reafon for a divorce, befides other caufes, which it Will not be neceffary or decent to enumerate here, P. 50. Twelve knights, of confiderable note and diflinétion were retained in bis fervice, &ec. Their names were William de Londres, Richard de Greenfield, or Granville, Paine de Tuberville, Robert de St. Quintin, Richard de Syward, Gilbert de Hum- freville, Roger de Berkrolles, Reginald de Sully, Peter le Score, John le Fleming, Oliver de St. John, William le Efterling, called for fhortnefs Stradling. P. 76. Pr TE Ri = a — ‘10 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF P. 76. He therefore refolved to attempt ity and having drawn out of the whole militia of England a very great army, be led 1t through Chefbire into Flintfbire, &c. Vid. Chron. According to the Norman chronicle of Robertus de Norrn. {ub ann, 1156. See Cam- den’s Bri- tannia, FrLiur- SHIRE, Monte, there was fomething very particular in the manner of raifing this army. His words are thefe : « Rex ¢¢ Henricus praparavit maximam expeditionem, ita ut «duo milites de tota Anglia ter{ium pararent, ad op- ¢ prnimendum Gualenfes.” Mr. Madox has fhewn, in his Hiftory of the Exchequer, that a fcutage was raifed for this war on the clergy that held of the crown by knight-fervice. "We muft therefore underftand the words above-cited, as only extending to lay-fees. But I rather doubt the truth of it, as it is not confirmed by our records, or by any Englith writer who lived in thofe times. I find indeed the fame words in the annals of Waverley ; but as it is probable this part of thofe annals was not compiled till long afterwards (for the words of the Norman chro- nicle are often tranfcribed in them) I think it does not add much to the credit of the original author, P. 79. But this appearance was only an artifice to draws the Englifb into a narrow and difficult pafss between two ranges of bills, &c. Camden, in his Britannia, fays, that this pafs is near the river Alen ; and it appears to have been formed by fome hills, which, in the map he has given of Flintfhire, are placed to the north of that river between Kilken and Flint. Dr. Powel, in his Notes to the Welch chronicle, mentions this ation, as it is defcribed by William of Newbury ; and fays, that the ftreights, which the En- glifh army were then attempting to pafs, were at Coun- fylth, near Flint. Probably they mean the fame place. ‘There was another road on the fands along the fea-fhore, which Henry, it may be prefumed, avoided at firft, from an apprenenfion of fome danger in pafling thofe fands, though he afterwards took it, as fafer than the former from the ambufcades of the Welch. Giraldus Cam- brenfis, in his account of this country, has mentioned both. His words are thefe: ¢ In cellula de Bafinwerke “ perno&avimus. In craftino vero longum vivumgque ¢ per loca fabulum, non abfque formidine, permeantes, ¢ {ylveftria de Colethull, id eft, Carbonis colle, 4 dextra “ reliquimus, ub! Anglorum rex, Henricus fecundus, | ¢¢ noftris Jd a THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL $¢ noftris diebus, cum primo Walliam hoftiliter intravit, * juvenili impetu et inconfulto calore ar&um illud fyl- ¢¢ veftre penetrare preefumens, cum detrimento fuorum et ¢ damno non modico, ambiguam bellorum aleam ex- ¢¢ pertus eft.”” The place which Camden and Giraldus call Colefhull, or, in modern Englith, Colefbill, is called in the Welch chronicle Coed Eulo. But it is obfervable, ‘that, by the account which is given in that chronicle of this engagement, it feems that the king was not prefent in it himfelf, but only a detachment from his camp near Chefter. Neverthelefs, the clear teftimony of Giraldus - Cambrenfis, William of Newbury, and Gervafe of Can- terbury, contemporary writers; and the duel and con- aemnation of Henry de Effex, in confequence of it, leave us no room to doubt that he was there in perfon. Per- haps the error is not in the chronicle, but in Humphrey Llwyd’s tranflation, which, not underftanding the ori- ginal language, I am forced to make ufe of, as publifhed by Dr. Powel, and fince, with fome alterations, by the Rev. Mr. Wynne. P. 84. and this fufficiently accounts for none of thofe coins baving ever been found. Mr. Folkes, in his book on Englith coins, mentions {fome pennies coined at York with the name Euftacius, But as Euftace was the king’s eldeft fon, and as his father defired to have him crowned in his own life-time, I do not reckon thefe among the coins above-mentioned ; though thefe alfo would undoubtedly have been melted down and deftroyed by King Henry the Second, if they had not been loft, or fecreted. Mr, Folkes alfo mentions another coin he had feen in the earl of Pembroke’s collec- tion, that has the name of King Stephen only on the re- verfe, and on the forefide a profile head with a crofier and »}s HEN... vs EP. c. which he fuppofes to be the head of Henry bifhop of Winchefter, brother to the king (fee Folkes’s Table of Englith Coins, p. 5.) But probably this was coined at one of the Royal Mints. P. 8g. Some accounts that are given of the luxury and expence of bis table are incredible, &c. Fitftephen tells us, that one day there was ferved up to “Becket, during this embafly, a fingle difh of eels, which cot five pounds ferling (centum folidis [flerlingorum | emptum), i i! it i h | i i NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF emptum). He adds, that it was talked of all over the country ; and well ‘it might; for, twenty fhillings in thofe days containing in them as much filver as fixty in thefe, or little lefs, if we eftimate filv-r at only five times above the prefent value, as much was paid for this fingle difh of eels, as if we now bought one for feventy five pounds fterling, or thereabouts. But fuch a price ex- ceeds all belief. And it muft be obferved, that this au- thor is very apt to exaggerate in his accounts of thofe times; but more efpecially in what he writes to the honour of Becket. P. 99. Nor does it [eem that the policy of thofe times ever regarded bis dominions upon the French continent as prejudicial to England. Thofe which were maritime provinces (and moft of them were fo) appeared very commodious to the Englifb, on account of their trade e/p cially Normandy and Bretagne ; which, lying op- pofite to their coafts, fecured to that nation the fove- reignty of the whole Britifh ocean. There is a fine paflage in the fpeech, which Lord Bacon, in his Hiftory of King Henry the Seventh, puts into the mouth of Thomas Morton, archbifhop of Can- terbury and chancellour of England, as delivered to the parliament called by that prince in the third year of his reign, on the war which the king of France was then preparing to make againft the duke of Bretagne. ‘The words are thefe : < If the French king fhall make a pro- ¢¢ vince of Bretagne, and join it to the crown of France, « then it is worthy the confideration how this may im- « port England, as well in the increafement of the great- « nefs of France by the addition of {uch a country, whi-h “ ftretches its boughs unto our feas, as in depriving this ¢¢ mation, and leaving it naked of fo firm and affured « confederates, as the Britons have ever been. For then ¢ it will come to pafs, that whereas, not long fince, this “ realm was mighty upon the continent, firfl in territory, “ and gfter in alliance, in refpel of Burgundy and Bre- “ tagne, which were confederates indeed, but dependent “« confederates 3 now the one being already caft, partly ¢ into the greatnefls of France ard partly into that of ¢« Auftria, the other is like wholly to be caft into the « gteatnels of France; and this ifland Shall remain con- 4° és fined THE LIFE OF KING HENRY Ii. s fined in effelly, within the falt-waters, and girt about “¢ with the coafl countries of two mighty monarchs.’ On this [ would obferve, that a more dreadful evil than Lord Bacon makes Chancellour Morton exprefs his apprehenfions of, in the foregoing paffage, would have come upon England, if the ambitious defigns of France had not been checked by the two grand alliances formed in the laft century. For, without the refiftance they made, not only Bretagne, but a// the territories of the houfe of Burgundy, which flretch their boughs unto our feas; would have been added to her empire ; and we Should have been girt about with the coafl-countries of OXF, mighty monarch, inflead of two. The prefen ftate of the Dutch and the Auftrian Netherlands is not fuch as will abfolutely remove that fear from any thinking man : but there will be much more reafon to dread it, if we either become indifferent to the ftate of the continent, or, from the Joad of our debt, fhall be unable to affift our confe- derates there againft the invafions of that power, which hitherto nothing has been able to reftrain, but the wealth and valour of this nation exerted in defence of the liberty of Europe, wherein its own is comprifed. P. 105. Inflead therefore of baftening tolay fiegeto Toulon, while Louis remained in that city, be declared bis re- Solution, that, out of refpecl to the perfon of that king, be would not befiege it. | For this I have the authority of William of Newbury, the Norman chronicle, Diceto, Brompton, and two contemporary writers of Becket’s life, Fitftephen and John of Salifbury, the latter of whom, from his very intimate conne&ion with that prelate, muft have per= fectly known all the circumftances of this affair. But Gervafe of Canterbury and Hoveden fay, that King Henry befieged Touloufe, and lay before it fome months. 13 Father Daniel, to reconcile as well as he could thefe pere pan, contradiftory accounts, has fuppofed, that, after theHiftoire de , n town was invefted by Henry, and ready to furrender, "1h Louis forced one of the enemy’s quarters, and made’; 8. his way into it ; upon which Henry raifed the fiege. But - for this manner of bringing the king of France to the. relief of the town he has not a word of contemporary authority. ‘The account given of it by William of New- bury is much the moft probable, and confiftent ar oC itfelf. 14 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF itfelf. ¢ Idem vero comes, tanti exercitls impetum per- «¢ timefcens, regis Francorum, qui uxoris fue germanus «gt filiorum avunculus erat, auxilium imploravit. Qui ¢¢ Zelando pro nepotibus feffinus adveniens cum ali « quanta mulitid Tolofam intravit. Quod cum 1nno- « tuiffet regi Anglorum, perfonz regis ibidem confiften- « tis deferens civitatem oppugnare diftulit, et ad perva- ¢¢ dendam provinciam expugnandafque munitiones con« s¢ vertit exercitum.” P. 108. 109. but in that month they concluded a treaty of peace, the terms of which were very advantageous and honourable to Henry : &c. : This treaty is not in Rymer, nor any printed book. But there is a very old copy of it among the Harleian Manufcripts in the Britith Mufeum, which, I believe, 1s the only one extant. It is joined to fome felect epiftles of Becket, which feem, by the hand, to have been colle&- ed foon after the death of that prelate. This I prefume was added to that colle&ion, becaufe Becket, whofe name is among the witnefles to it, had a principal fhare in negotiating it on the part of his mafter. Not only it appears, that no modern hiftorian has had any knowledge of it; but there is reafon to think, that fome of thofe who lived in that age did not know the contents of it; ef- pecially of the firft part concerning the Vexin, which ab- folutely juftifies King Henry the Second from any impu- tation of fraud in the method of acquiring that province. A tranfcript of it may be feen in the- Appendix to this book. P. 110. It is obfervable, that the firft mention we meet with in biftory of this impofition on knight's fees, which became afterwards very frequent, is upon this occafton, ‘The words of the Norman chronicle about it are thefe : ¢ Rex Henricus iturus in expeditionem predi&am, ef con- ¢ fiderans longitudinem et difficultatem vie, nolens vexare ““ agrarios milites, nec burgenfes, nec ruflicos, fumptis ““ 1X folidis Andevagenfium in Normannia de feudo uni- “ ufcujufque lorice, et de reliquis omnibus, tam in Nor- ““ mannia quam in Anglia, five etiam aliis terris fuis, « fecundum boc quod ei vifum fuit, capitales barones [uos “ cum paucis [ecum duxit, folidarios wero milites innu- meres.” (V. Chron. Norman. p. 995.) “This THE LIFEOF KING HENRY II. This paffage exprefles with great clearnefs and precif:on both the motive and manner of introducing this com mutation for perfonal fervice in foreign wars, Gervafe of Canterbury alfo mentions this {cutage in the “ following words: ¢ Hoc anne (1159) rex fcotagium, ¢ five {cutagium, de Anglia accepi, cujus fumma fut ¢¢ centum millia et quater-viginti millia librarum argenti “ De aliis vero terris fibi fubje&is inauditam fimiliter oy ¢¢ {us fecit exaélionem.” Neverthelefs Mr. Madox has fhewn, in his Hiftery of the Exchequer, that a levy of fcutage had been made in this kingdom, before the war of Fouloufe, viz. in the fecond year of this kino : but it was only affeft upon the bithops and abbots who held 722 cap:te of the crown ; whereas this was general. | Toes : a paflage in the ancient treatife, called Dia- ogus de OScaccario, written in the reisn of : Second, and publifhed by Mr. Madox. from the Ble and Red books of the Exchequer, which makes a par. ticular mention of fcutage ; ¢¢ Fit interdum, } ¢ folvi, marcam (fcilicet) vel libram unam, unde militi- “ bus ftipendia vel donativa fuccedant. Mavult enim ¢ princeps ftipendarios quam domefticos bellicis opponere “ cafibus. Her itaque fumma, quia nomine feutorum “ folvitur, fcutagium nuncupatur.” From thefe words one fhould think, that fcutage had been raifed for the defence of the kingdom againt invafions. But, befide that the Norman chronicle, which, down to the year 1161, was written by Robert de Monte, a contemporar author, fhews us the contrary; the ancient form of charging it was, pro exercitu, de iis qui non abierunt cum rege (fee Hiftory of the Exchequer); and, during this reign, I never find it taken but for fome war beyond the Englifh borders. And Lyttelton in his Tenures fays that thofe which hold by efcuage (which is a French tran- flation of the Latin word Jeutagium) ought to ds their Jervice out of the realm (fee Lytielion’s Tenures, Grard Serjeantie, fed. 153.) He allo fays, that they who bold ty caflleward, pay no efcuage (tenures of knight-fervice | fect. 111.) the reafon of which, fays lord Coke, was be- caufe caftleward was a fervice within 14s recim, There fore the words imminente vel infergente in vegnum kofl um ma- : : utimminente .,. € : . - eo de No a ¢ vel infurgente in regnum hoftium machinatione, decer- bc. 22. “ mat rex de fingulis feodis militum fummam aliquam Bum. imme a ee er TT TT (6 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF inachinatione, cited above from the Dialogus de Scacea- rio, muit be confidered as loofe and inaccurate. Mr. Madox fuppofes, in the Hiftory of the Exchequer, that; till the times of King Henry the Third, whenever any fcutages were to be levied, the barons and tenants iz capite did, by the king’s command, fend in certificates of their refpe&ive fees, either toties quotiess or, at leaft; moft ufually. For it appears by a record, that, in the eigh- teenth year of Henry the Second, fome perfons were charged with the’ fcutage of Ireland, under the title, De iis qui cartas non miferunt. (See Hiftory of the Exche- ~ quer, p. 440.¢. 16.) In the paffage quoted above, from the Dialogus de fcaccario, 1t is faid, that a mark, or a pound; was the fcutage ufually charged upon every knight’s fee. No computation can be made at what rate each knight’s fee was charged to the fcutage for the war of ‘Touloufe, be- caufe, though we know the whole fum produced by it, we are not aflured from how many knight’s fees 1t was raifed. But, by the greatnefs of the fum, the rate muft have been confiderably more than a mark, or a pound. I thould fuppofe that the {cutages varied according to the fervice for which the military tenant commuted. performing that fervice was higher. taken for a war on the borders of England, a lighter might fuffice. The firft {cutage raifed by King Henry the Second for the army ferving in Wales, was at one pound This was in the fecond year of his reign, a knights fee. n t i when the prelates only paid it, as appears by a’paflage L. Rub. fol. in the Red book of the Exchequer. Yet Alexander de not. 47. col. Swereford, who made the colle&ions in that book, under 2. pacer Henry the Third, mentions another fcutage for Wales, chequer, "in the fifth year of Henry the Second, which amounted Efcusge, ¢. to two marks for every knight’s fee. 16.P- 435 charged at the latter end of that year, when we find that fome commotions arofe in Wales, the king being fill abroad in the war of Touloufe. And it is very furprifing, that in the abovementioned book there fhould be no notice taken of the great fcutage for that war, but only of this for Wales. I doubt whether this was a fcutage. Alexander de Swereford fays himfelf, thatit was entered upon the rolls, . mot fcutagium, but denum ; and that fome paid it, who dd no If he was required to follow the king to a very diftant country, the compofition to exempt him from the obligation of But where it was’ It muft have been: THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. not hold by military tenures. It alfo appears, that it was determined by the Chief-juflice of the Common- pleas in the reign of Edwaid the Third, tha? efcuage Jball not be granted but where the king goeth in proper perfon (fee Lyttelton’s Tenure, p. 20. tit. Efcuage). As therefore Henry did not go himelf to this war, this could not be taken as efcuage, but muft have been granted as an auxilium or donum. Mr. Madox oblerves, that, in Henry the Second’s time, aids were called dona. (V. Prefat. ad Dial. de fcaccario.) | The werds of Alexander de Swereford are very ex- prefs to prove, that no fcutage had been raifed in F ng- land, before the reign of Henry the Seccnd. Primum L.Ruber, & omnium [cutagiorum, prout rumor ex ro'ulis ad me de- pa dox, pt venit, affifum Suit anno regni regis Henrici, flii im- pra. peratricis, fecunds. Neverthelefs there is an article in the printed copies of King John’s Magna Charta, tuken from Matthew Paris by Dr. Brady, and by Wilkins, in his Collection of Anglo-Saxon laws ; which, if it were genuine, would contradi& this affertion. It {lands thus : ¢ Scutagium de cztero capiatur, ficut capi tempore regis ““ Henrici avi noffri confuevit.” Now, as zvs nofiri cannot figmfy the father of John, but may his great- grand-father ; this would be a preof, that fcutage was taken in the time of King Henry the Firff. But this See the Fdi- article is not found in the moft authentic copies. And [ton of it by make no doubt, that it got into Matthew Paris’s copy Blackfiece, from the charter of Henry the Third, where it ffands very properly, becaufe Henry the Second was grandfather to that king. Mr. Madox indeed has mentioned a writ, which he fourd in the private Archives of Weftminfter-college, and by which Henry the Firft grants to the abbot and monks of Weftminfter an exemption from fcuiage, for an eftate they held of the earl of Chefter: but, even admit- ting the writ to be genuine, it will be no proof againft the opinion of Alexander de Swereford ; becaufe Jeutagium (as Mr. Madox himfelf tells v:s) when ufed in an extenfve Jenfe, did anciently fignify any payment made upon knights Sees. We allo know, that it fignified frrvitium Jeuti, or knights-fervice. And therefore the words of the Writ, Quiete de [cutagio et omnibus fecularibus confuetudinibus, may be well underflocd to mean an exemption from mili- tary fervice, and all other fecular cufloms. Vor. 1V. C If 4 RRR TN Cl heel - g = CR a ET TERT 18 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF ili ] 1 ith the king litary tenant either went in perfon with the ki to Pan of England, or fent another to ferve for hi he paid no fcutage. Thus, in the eighteenth year o Henry II feveral perfons are charged to efcuage, under his title, De [cutagio militum, qui non abierunt in Hy- Tr nec fr pro fe miferunt. See Maly a Efcuage, Hift. of Excheq. c. xvi. Pp. 438, 439- ndee efcuage in the fenfe of a pecumary payment, cing 4 commutation for a [ervice arifing out of a tenure, Viz. the tenure by knight’s-fervice, when that {ervice was per- formed in another manner, by the military tenant’s fen ng a man to ferve for him, fuch commutation could not take lace. ‘There was alfo a difference between this compo- fition by efcuage, and the fines paid to the king by barons and knights holding in chief of the crown, for not ferving abroad, when they had been ordered to do fo by fummons from the king. Earl William de Vernon fined to King John, pro Jicentia remanendi, and that the king would re- ceive the fcutages of bis knight’s-fees which be beld ye capite. In the reign of King Henry the Third, fevera tenants by knight’s-fervice paid fines to the king, that they might not take the voyage into Gafcoigne, befrdes the feutages which they voluntarily granted to the king for that woyage. (fee Madox, ut fupra, c. Xvi. Pp. 459.) Thele inflances thew, that fcutages were not always ac- cepted by the king, in lieu of the duty of perfonal fervice from his military tenants. Nor indeed could they ; be- caufe mercenary foldiers, and chiefs of experience to com- mand them, were not always to be had at the time they were wanted. And it feems to have been in the option of the king, whether he would accept them or not. Mr. Madox has given it as his opinion, ¢ that per [onal fervice ¢ was required moff chiefly, if not folely, of the tenants ¢ holding by knight’s-fervice in capite, ut de corana, «¢ For, if a man held his land of the king by knight S- « fervice, as of an honour then being in the king’s ¢¢ hands, and not of the crown, fuch tenant was « not indifpenfably obliged to do perfonal fervice in «< the king’s army, but was to pay the king efcuage « when it was affeft. At leaft this was alledged to be « the ufage in the reign of King Edward the Second in ¢¢ the cafe of Gerard de Wachetham, and Thomas de « Ingleftorp” (fee-Madox, ut fupra, p. 454-) I much doubt whether it ‘was fo in the times of King a he Er ae! | econd ; € THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II Second 5 as I fee no reafon for it in the feudal policy 3 the tenants of an efcheated barony being obliged to perform the fame fervice to the king, that they would have per- formed to the baron. The fame author fays, ¢« Some- “ times the barons and tenants by knight’s-fervice were ¢ amerced, for not fending their knights to ferve for ¢¢ them in the king’s army ; and fometimes they were ¢ difleifed of their land for not doing their fervice;”* of both which he gives feveral inflances from the rolls (fee Madox, ut fupra, p. 461.) ¢ But when barons or knights, hold- “ Ing in capite, did altual fervice in the king’s army, for “¢ {o many fees as they were anfwerable for; or if they “ fent knights in their flead, or if they made fine for the “ fame, they were wont to be acquitted of efcuage :”’ (fee Madox, ut fupra, p. 462.) It muft be obferved, that, as fome knight’s fees were fmaller than others, the {cutage upon them was alfo lefs in proportion. P. 111. whereas we find it declared, by the charter o King Fobn, that fcutages ought to be affeft by the te- nants in chief of the crown affembled in parliament. Although this claufe be left cut of all the fubfequent charters, yet it appears, by a writ of King Edward the Firft’s reign, cited by Mr. St. John, on the behalf of M. Hampden, in the cafe of fhip-money, that fcutage was granted by Parliament : ¢ Datum eft nobis intelligi, quod “ plures funt qui tenent per fervitium militarium de nobis, ¢¢ qui contradicunt folvere Jeutagia, que nobis [unt con- ““ ceffa per commune concilium regni noftri”> And man procefles, iffued for the levying of efcuage granted in Fd- ward the firft’s time, were rcleafed by Edward the Se- cond 5 Quia dictum fervitium non fuit communiter fallum that is, fays Mr. St. John, that it was not done per com- mune concilium regni. The words of Sir Thomas Lyt- Coke upon telton, concerning this matter, require {ome obfervation : Lyttelton, And after fuch a voyage royal into Scotland, it is com- 97- € monly faid, that, by authority of parliament, the efcuage fhall be affefled, and put in certain; that is to fay, a certain fum of money, how much every one “ which holdeth by a whole knight’s fee, which was nei- ‘ ther by himfelf, nor by any other for him, with the king, fball pay to his lord, of whom he holds his land “ by efcuage. As, put the cafe, that it was ordained by - 2 « the -. ¢ €¢ o™ ¢ oN I9 ‘NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF i ie which ¢¢ the authority of the parliament, that every one Ww | 5 holdeth by Y whole RIDES So who rasa gp < ki thall pay to his.lord 40s. | ‘ i by = Md of a knight’s-fee, "rh pay {0 ¢ his lord but 20s. and he which holdeth by . = fost) ¢ part of a knight’s-fee, hall pay but 10s. an Jie wp ¢ hath more, more; and which lefs, on a See « hold by the cuftom, that, if efcuage be afle > ! fi ¢ thority of parliament 3 any wh of moneys ‘ * he “ but the moiety of that ium, “ Po part of that fam. But becaufe the clovage that ¢ they fhould pay, is uncertain 3 for that 1t 1s A ce ny ¢ how the parliament will affefs the efcuage, : cy hi « by knight’s-fervice. But otherwife 1t is OF €iC ge « certain, of which fhall be fpoken in the tenure o « focage.”” The fame author fays, in his chapter, of focage, fe&. 120. ¢ Allo if a man holdeth © | 1s ox « by efcuage certain, i. e. 1n this manner, When e « efcuage runneth, or is affeffed by parliament, to « greater of lefler fum, that the tenant fhall pay to is « lord but half a mark for efcuage, and no Hors nor lefs, ¢ to how great a fum, or to how little the clcuage run- ¢ peth, &c. fuch tenure is tenure in focage, and no ight’s-fervice.” er chapter on efcuage further ochre fect. roo. ¢ And it is to be underftood, that, when ‘ cuage ¢¢ is fo affefled by authority of parliament, every lor ° «¢« whom the land is holden by efcuage, {hall have ! ¢ « efcuage fo affefled by Parliament ; becaufe it is inten ° « by the law, that, at the beginning, {uch tenemen : ¢: were given by the lords to the tenants to hold by uch ¢¢ fervices, to defend their lords, as well as the king an ¢ to put in quiet their lords ard the king from the Scots ¢¢ aforefaid. And becaufe fuch tenements came firft from ¢ the lords, it is reafon that they fhould have the efcuage ¢ of their tenants. And the lords, in fuch cafe, may « diftrain for the efcuage fo affeffed ; or they, mn fome « cafes, may have the king’s writs directed to the fherifs ¢¢ of the fame counties, &c. to levy fuch efcuage for them, ¢¢ a5 it appeareth by the regifter.” All ot 1s faid about rats in the paffages here re- cited, relates to the methods in which it was raifed upon the fub~vaffals : and it is declared that they pay it by right THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL. of their tenure, becaufe it is intended by the law, that, at the beginning, fuch tenements were given by the lords to the tenants to hold by fuch Services, &c. And though mention is only made of a war againft Scotland, as if the had been bound to ferve no where elfe, Lord Coke ob- ferves very rightly, ¢¢ that Scotland is only put for an ¢¢ example ; for that, if the tenure be in Walliam, « Hiberniam, Vafconiam, Pi&aviam, &ec. it is all € one.” But it is further obfervable, that, from the words, after [uch a voyage royal into Scotland, it is commonly Said, that, by authority of parliament, the efcuage fball be af- Jelled, and put in certain, it feems as if the afleffment b parilament was poftericr to the expedition for which the efcuage was to be paid. Whereas it is faid by R. de Monte, that Henry the Second took efcuage on account of his expedition againft Touloufe, before he went thi- ther : « Rex Henricus iturus in expeditionem prediGam, ““ ct confiderans longitudinem et difficultatem vie, nolens ¢ vexare agrarios milites, nec burgenfes, nec rufticos, “ fumptis LX folidis Andevagenfium in Normannia de feudo “ uniufcujufque lorice, et de reliquis omnibus, €9c. Je- “ cundum boc quod ei vifum fuit, capitales barones fuos “ cum paucis fecum duxit, Jolidarios vero milites innu- “ meros > (V. Chron. Norm. p. 993.) Probably it was found more convenient to make the afleffments after the fervice, than before, as it could not be previoufly known from what number of the tenants by knight-fer- vice it was to be taken, becaufe the payment of it might be avoided by thofe, who either went in perfon themfelves, or {ent men to ferve for them. But the declaration, that the king would accept it in lieu of perfonal fervice, muft have been prior to the time of performing the fervice ; for, otherwife the perfons concerned would not have known, whether they might have the benefit of fuch a commutation. Perhaps noice of this may have been given by the fummons. It appears, from the paffages above-cited, that fome military tenants held under condition of paying but half of the efcuage affefled by the parliament, and others but a fourth. Nay, fome there were, who fo held, as that they were only to pay half a mark to their lord upon an alfefTment of elcuage, whether higher or lower; which 3 was 4 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL 5 was called -efcuage certain; and. fuch tenants were not Exchequer. Mr. Madox adds, e that, in the elder times, underfiood to hold by knight’s-fervice, but their tenure “ in cafe the lord was entitled to receive efcuage of his was focage. This was a great deviation from the firft ne ¢ tenants, fuch efcuage was ufually colle Bod bor hie Yor {titution of military fiefs; fo great, that it entirely al- per manum fuam, who ufed to jufticiate or diftrain his . tered their nature. But I find no trace of any fuch thing « tenants to pay it. Whether it was all along neceflary V. Madox in the times that I write of ; nor does it appear, that it « for the lord to have the king’s leave or authority to HR Rackey. extended to tenants in chief. All that Sir Thomas “ colle@t his efcuage, per manum fiam, or no; fuch Sea a Lyttelton fays of fuch tenants 1 towards. the lane! ¢ leave or authority was fometimes granted to particular end of his chapter on elcuage, alter having treate | « lords.” But he fhews, that afterwards efcuage was of the marner in which it was paid by the vaflals ; colle@ed by the fheriffs of the counties. ¢ In the twen- ¢¢ But of ‘fuch tenants, as bold of the king by efers ¢ty-feventh vear of Henry the Third, when efcuage « gge, which were not with the king i Scotland, the “ was granted to the king by the common-council of the « king bimfelf hall bave the efcuage. Sel 101 “ realm, writs were awarded to the theriffs of the coun- Lord Coke fays in his nantes to (ect. 07. of the fume “ ties, commanding them to take inquifition by oath of chapter, ¢ Here is a fecret of low incuuded, trots il « knights, and lawful men, to find what lands were cc Feit ofenage uncertain be due by tenures yel becaufe toe “ holden of the king, or of others, who held of the king cc gfiflacnt thereof concerned fo many, und J 0 great 4 “ in capite, whether of the new feoffment or the old, & gmuiber of the [ubjecls of the reals it could a be af- ¢ and to diftrain the tenants of fuch fees, to ay their ss feffed by the king, or by any other but by parliament 5 “ efcuage for the fame.” «“gnd this was by common law.’ He adds, No ef- | « cyage was affffed by parliament [ince the reign of Ed- P. 117. But as Vilor came, and [ubmitted bis caufe to c¢ quard the Second.” Neverthclels itappears, that, when the council, it gave a reafonable prejudice in bis behalf: : Lyttelton wrote, it was the common opinion, that 1t bis adver [ary was cenfured as guilty of contumacy ; and, 3 thould be fo affcfled. And he feems to [peak of it as after a proper examination of witneffes, be was de- law. | clared to have been duly clefied. sett. g7, & Lord Coke allo fays, ¢ And itis to be obferved, that, That he was duly elected, I will not affirm ; but cer- fequent. ¢¢ if he that holds of the king by efcuage goeth, or find- tainly the pre-engagement, which it appeared that the « eth another to go for him, with the king, &c. then cardinals of Alexander’s party had laid themfelves under ¢¢ he fhall have efcuage of his tenants, that hold of him before the elettion, was contrary to the liberty required « by fuch fervice, which muft be aff+ffed by parliament. by the canons. (V. Radevicum, Lii. c. 52. 71.) And if ¢¢ But, if the king’s tenant goeth not with the king, then the nobility, people, and clergy of Rome had a right to « he fhall pay for his default efcuage, and [hall have no interfere in it (as, notwithftanding the Bull of Pope In- ¢¢ efcuage of bis tenants” "This latter affertion is falfe; nccent the Second, 1 prefume they had) Vitor, whom, for Mr. Madox f{ays, in his Hiftory of the Exchequer, it feems, they all inclined to fupport, may, upon the that « when the lord, holding in capite, did perfonal fer- whole, have had a majority of votes in his favour. But « vice in the king’s army, or paid, or became duly though mention is made, in fome of the letters which « charged with bis cfcuage to the king 5 be was entitled juftify his election, of their having very ftrongly declared « 15 have efcuage of bis tenants for the fees which they themfelves on his fide, yet the principal flrefs was rot ¢ held of him, and which be beld of the king in capite.’’ laid upen that, but upon the difqualification of the cardi- And this he proves by records. For inftance, “in the nals his opponents, by the oaths they had taken ; becaufe, reicn of Henry the Third, Henry de Braybrok had a I fuppofe, to deny the authority of a papal decree was not writ of aid dire@ed to the theriff, to diffrain the knights thought prudent ; ard the other plea was {ufficient to pre- who beld of him the fees, which be beld of the king in vail on the council to determine for Viéter, capite, for the efcuage which be flood charged with at the cap ) Jf feuag flood Exchequer, | Ca #0 24 . Vid. Diceto Imag. Hift. fub ann. 1160. & 1153. V. Stepha- nid. in vita S.T. Vv. G. Cam- brent. de Vie tis fex Epif- copor. coe- taneor. in Angl. facra, par. il. p. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF P. 124. and prevailed upon them to celebrate the form of a marriage, of public and Jolemn efpoufals, between Henry his fon, not yet fix years old, and Margaret of Frances wha was fill a younger infant. Diceto fays, that Prince Henry at this time was feven rears old 3 but this muit be a miftake ; for (as he tells us himfelf in another place) that prince was born on the laft day of February, in the year 115s; with which date of his birth the other contemporaiy hiftorians agree. The fame author fays, that the prince! of krance at this time was three years old; but I {heuld {fuppole her older ; becaufe I think, that King Henry would hardly have defired to have her ient into Normandy, while the was at the brealt of her nurfe, as {he muit have been in the year 1158 if fhe was but three years cld in 1160. P. 137. who remained in ihe monaflery of Bourgdieu, in | | Berry. This convent is called, by the hiflorians of thofe times, Monaflerium Dolenfe 5 and Pope Alexander’s letters from thence are dated apud Dolum ; becaufe it was founded by the lords of Decls : (V. Boulanvilliers Etat de la France, t.ii. p.201.) A caftle adjacent to it is, for the fame rea- fon called Caftrum Dolenfe. It mufl not be confounded with Dole in Franche Compt. P. 143. Nay even thefe biographers themfelves acknows- ledge, that one reafon, which induced Henry to pro- mote him to Canterbury, was, becaufe be hoped, that, by bis means, be fhould manage ccclefiaftical, as Secular affairs, to bis own fatisfaition. "This is confirmed by Fitftephen, another of Decket’s hiftorians, in the following words: ¢ Statuit ergo rex ¢ Anglize cancellarium fuum in archiepifcopatum promo- « vere, intultu meritorum perfonz, confidens, quod fibi ¢¢ gd placitum et nutum, ut cancellarius fecerat, archie- “ pifcopus obfequeretur.” P. 156. they did not deny the words which were Jaid to their charge; but alledged, that they were [poken when their minds were beated and difordcred with wine. Giraldus Cambrenfis, from whom I relate this particu- lar, tells us, that one of the company faid to Henry, 5 oo | «¢ Perbaps THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL «¢ Perbaps we did fay the words we are charged with; <¢ and we fbould have [aid [lil] wor fe, if our wine bad not ¢ failed us.’ As Plutarch afcribes the very fame anfwer to fome f{ubje&ts of Pyrrhus, in his Life of that prince; I rather fuppofe, that this hiftorian applied the expreflion he found in that author to a fimilar cafe, than that it was ufed in this inflance. But as it 1s certain he was far from being di{pofed to invent any fiction to King Henry’s advantage, I make no queftion that this ftory is true in the main ; to wit, that fome perfons, accufed before that monarch of having talked of him too freely, over their cups, pleaded their ebriety in excufe of it, and were ge- neroufly forgiven. It is obfervable, that Giraldus parti- cularly mentions the bithop of Worcefter, as implicated in this affair; a prelate whofe name he would hardly have made ufe of, without good authority, upon fuch an occafion. | Another remarkable inftance of Henry’s clemency and good-nature towards the fame prelate is given by Fit- 25 ftephen. He tells us, that the bithop, who was fon to P-64, 65. Robert earl of Glocefter, and had been bred up with the king under his father’s tuition, reproached that monarch, in an angry converfation between them, with having a&ted unkindly towards his brothers and himfelf, which was an ill requital of the great fervices done by that no- bleman to him and his family ; and alfo with detaining the revenues of the church. Thefe complaints being made in the hearing of many perfons, with great freedom and fharpnefs, a knight of Aquitaine, who was prefent, and did not know the bithop, enquired, who it was, that fpoke to the king in fuch a manner ? And being told, he made an{wer, that it was bappy for the king the man was a prieft 5 for bad be been a foldier, be would not have left that prince two acres of land. Whereupon another of the court, thinking to recommend himfelf by it to Henry, chid and threatened the bithop. But the king took his part, and feverely reprimanded the officious zeal of the courtier. / P. 158. The king’s good humour fecms indeed to have been v. stepha- Sometimes too playful, in the eye of the public. \ nid. in vita Of this Fitftephen has given us an extraordinary in- E, T, Cas. france. He tell us that one day, as the king and Becket his chancellour, were riding together through the ftreets of tuarienfls, p, 9 16, 17. 25 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF ‘of London, in cold and ftormy weather, the king faw coming towards them a poor old man, in a .thin coat, worn to tatters. Would it not be a great charity (fad he to the chancellour) to give this naked wretch, who 1s fo needy and infirm, a good warm cloak ? Certainly, anfwered that minifter, and you do the duty of a king in turning vour eyes and thoughts to {uch objets. While they were thus talking, the man came near ; the king afked him, if he withed to have a good cloak ? And turning to the chancellour faid; You fhall have the me- rit of this good deed of charity: then fuddenly laying hold on a fine new {carlet cloak lined with furr, which Becket had on, he tried to pull it from him, and, after fome ftruggle, in which they had both like to have fallen from their horfes, prevailed. ‘The poor man had the cloak, "and the courtiers laughed, like good courtiers, at the V. Monall. t. i. p. 525. ad g29. Ad- ditament. ad t. 1, il. P. 834. pleafantry of the king. P. 160, Before ber death fhe retired to the Nunnery of Godftow, near Oxford, and there fhe died.—Henry beftowed large revenues on the convent, &c. In the Differtation concerning Fair Rofamond, annex- ed to the fifth volume of Rapin’s Hiftory of England, tranflated by Mr. Tindal, fourth edition, the authority of Nicholas Trivet is quoted to prove, that the Nunnery of Godftow was founded by King John. But that it was founded in the reign of King Stephen, and that the body of Rofamond was depofited there during the life of her lover, King Henry the Sccond, apppears undeniably from feveral records, that are publithed by Dugdale, in the firit volume of his Monafticon, and in the additions to it annexed to the fecond. Another miftake made in the Differtation above mentioned, is the {uppofing that the bithop of Linceln, who ordered the body of Rofa- mond to be removed out of the church, was the famous Grofteft, who held that fee under Henry the Third; whereas it was done in the reign of Richard the Firt, anno dom. 1191, by Hugh, bithop of Linceln; as we are informed by Roger de Hoveden, who lived at that time. (V. Hoveden, f. 4035. b. lin. 20. fub ann. 11971. ann, pars pofter.) ‘There is in the Monafticon a frag- ment from Leland, which fays: ¢ Rofamonde’s Tombe s at Godeftowe Nunnery was taken up a late: it is a ¢ {lone with this iffcription, Tumba Rofemunde. Her ¢ bones THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL «¢ bones were clcfed in lede, and, withyn that, bones were «¢ clofed yn letter [leather]: awbhen it was opened there ¢ was a very fwete [mell came out of it.” P. 171. A late ingenious French writer bas very jufily obferved, that wearing [uch enfigns on their fbields and eppropriating them to diftinguifb particular families, could not bave been the general praciice in Europe till after the death of William the Conqueror : for, if it bad, bis fon Robert muft have known him by bis ar- mour, and could not bave ignorantly thrown bim to the ground, as bath been related in the book prefixed: to this biflory. To this obfervation I will add, that the laborious Herald, Mr. Sandford, fays, in his Genealogical Hiflory of the Kings and Queens of England, that « Gules 2 <¢ Lions paffant regardant or are the arms affigned to « William the Conqueror, as allo to Robert duke of ¢ Normandy, King William the Second, and King ¢«¢ Henry the Firft, derived (‘as tradition tells us) here- ¢¢ ditarily from Rollo, the firft duke of Normandy ; ¢¢ who is faid to have borne in his efcocheen or thield the « fame charge, affecting, as feveral other Norman princes ¢¢ did, that fovereign beaft, the lion.”” But then he adds, ¢¢ 1 term thefe arms attributed, or affigned, becaufe I « cannot find either by monuments, coins, feals, or any ¢¢ contemporary author, that fuch were in ufe with thefe ¢¢ f{everal princes ; but that following ages did aflign or ¢¢ fix them upon the Norman line, to diftinguifh it from ¢¢ the fucceeding Plantagenets, that did bear Gules 3 ¢ Lions paffant guardant or (King Henry the Second, ¢¢ the firfl of that race adding to the Norman arms the - ¢ lion of Aquitaine of the fame metal, in a field of that s¢ colour, in the right of Eleanor his wife, heir of that ¢¢ country) and for this caufe are they painted for the ¢¢ conqueror, upon the tomb of Queen Elizabeth, in ¢«¢ Henry the Seventh’s chapel at Weftminfter, impaled «¢ with thofe of Queen Maud of Flanders his wife ; arms ¢¢ attributed to the forefters and firft earls of Flanders to ¢ the time of Robert the Frifon: and the arms alfo of «¢ King Henry the Firft, impaling them of Queen Maud ¢¢ of Scotland : when indeed impalements were not known <¢ before the time of Henry the Third, if fo foon; as I ¢¢ fhall prove in its proper place.” Yet the fame au- thor NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF thor fhews, that devices were ufed in the time of the conqueror, but taken up and laid down at pleafure. And fays, '«¢ "Tis probable the reafon why the fbields of that age «¢ quere let blanks, or of one fimple colour or metal, was ei to receive the imprefs of every fancy, that either pleafed s¢ the bearer or the painter.’ - | THE LIFEOF KING HENRY IL 29 “ feodaret quadraginta milites.” (V. Spelman’s treatiie on Feuds and Tenures, c. 27. But it appears from V. Madox the rolls in the reign of Henry the Second, that two fr, of the knights held five hides of the bithop of Chichefter for two a. knights-fees, ard ten hides had been taken from the demelne of that fee, to enfeoff four knights, foon aiter the Norman conqueft. By the Red Book of the Exche- quer it appears, that in Henry the Second’s reign a dif- tin&ion was made between knight’s-fees of the old and of the new feoffment. 'Thelatter were thofe that had been granted after the death of Henry the Firft ; and fome of them, being fmaller than the former, paid only twelve fhillings for fcutage, when the former paid twenity. But others of them were charged at the fame rate to thofe payments, and muft therefore have been nearly of the fame value. 1 likewife obferve in the rolls, that {everal barons, who had fees of the old feoffment, were alfo pof- {eflors of fome of the new feoffment ; and, upon the whole; V.Mag Rot. I fee no reafon to believe, thata diftinct and inferior order hy Jee. 3X of barons was conftituted by thefe tenures, as fome have Apion thought, tilde filiz regis Earl of Warwick P. 182. This feems to bave been the conflant [upport of the navy: but upon extraordinary occafions danegeld was Jevied 3 and, although at the end of that century the name was lof?, a like provifion was often made, in cvery age, by our parliaments, for the defence of the Britifb feas and fecurity of the kingdom. Rot. Parl. 45 Iidw. III. the commons pray, that the franchifes of the fea towns and havens may be allowed to them as heretofore and fay, that ly default thereof the 9 navy of England ic much decayed,” &c. Thefe franchifes were, the being difcharged of armies and defence at land, and of all fubfidies granted in parliament. But Mr. St. John, in his {econd day’s argument for thip-money, ob- ferves, that thefe were for ordinary fervice : bidage and danegeld for extraordinary. Braéton {peaks of hidages as not being feudal dues, but among thofe grants that were de neceffitate ef ex communi conferfu totius regmi intro- dudla. (V. Brafton, L ii. p. 37.) Danegeld was a bidage, being laid upon hides of land. Fortefcue {ays, ~ that in his time (under Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fourth) the king had the fubfidy of tonnage and poundage for the keeping of the fea, and that it ought to be applied to no other purpole. P. 101. A knight's fee [rems to have been ufwally com- pofed in thofe days of two bides of land, or of two bides and a balf. | Sir Henry Spelman fays, ¢ that the Normans changed the name of a hide of land, and called it carue, a ploughland 5 and, as it feemeth, in ere&ing and laying forth their knight’s-fee, affigned ordinarily two carues or ploughlands to a knight’s-fee. For tis noted out of the Black regifter of St. Edmond’s-bury, that William ¢ the Conqueror gave to Baldwin, then abbot there, eighty ploughlands, from which he might conftitute « forty knights-fees, ofloginta carucatas terre, unde ¢¢ feodaret P. 191. Sir H. Spelman [ays; that a mefne tenant,’ who 04 Witiiam bad more than a fingle knight’s-fee was called a vavafor, de Albiney. awbich, be thinks, was a degree above knights : yet we generally find that name applied to any vaflal, who “beld a military fief of a tenant in chief of the crown. Many proofs might be given of this from books and records of that age. Mr. Selden fays, in his T itles of Honour, part IL c. v. fe. xvii. ¢ There were two « kinds of knight’s-fees (as to this day alfo there are); « thofe that were held in chief of the king ; and thofe that «¢ were held by a mefne tenure, called alfo anciently @a- « gafories. Of the firft kind only, thefe baronies (as « gl{o the baronies or honours of earls) were made ; and «they, by fubinfendation for the moft part, made the ¢¢ fecond. And by themfelves and others provided at ¢ their own charge, or by the tenants (whem they made « by fuch fubinfeudation), they performed the fervices «« réferved by the king. As, if the king gave twenty ¢¢ knights-fees to be held in chief, or lands to be held by ¢¢ the fervice of twenty knights or men at arms (which « was the fame kind of gift), it the patentee infec fled ¢ others of part to be held under him (for example) bv ¢ the 30 See note to p- 159: NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF «¢ the fervice of fifteen knights, then the king was ferved, « at the charge of his baron the patenice, with five « knights ; and the other fifteen were fupplied by thofe ¢¢ that held the reft by mefne tenures ; yet fo, that, if « they failed in their fervice, the baron was to pay efcu- « age, according to their number, to the king, and to « have his like remedy againft them.” Concerning efcu- age much is faid in other places of this word ; but I would obferve here, that, in ufing the word patentee, Mr. Selden could not mean, in the times when this military policy was eftablifhed, there were any barons by patent, but it is figni- ficant of the terms on which the lands were granted. P. 191. but thefe inflances were extraordinary 5 the far greater number of the military tenants in chief having many [ubvaffals. The learned Mr. Juftice Wright has well obferved, in his Introdu&ion to the law of tenures, that, {ince it 1s clear that fubinfeudations were warranted by the feudal law, and that they were an original and neceflary branch of the feudal policy itfelf, the doubt whether the king’s tenants had a liberty of difpofing of any of their lands to hold of them- felves could not be very ancient: and he argues ftrongly to thew, that the firft commencement of it was not earlier than the time of Henry the Third, from the ftatute 34 Edw. III. cap. 15. which makes good all fuch alienations (or fubinfeudations) made by thofe who held of the king’s great grandfather, or of other kings before him, exprefly faving his prerogative of the time of his grandfather, fa- ther, and of his own time. It will be well worth the reader’s while to fee all that is faid by the above mentioned writer concerning the re- ftraint laid by Magna Charta, c. 32. on the praltice of alienating fo much of a fief, as not to leave enough for the performance of the fervice due to the lord from his vaflal, and afterwards by the ftatutes, Quia emptores ter- rarum, and De prevogativa regis. 1 will only obferve, that, though the power of fubinfeudation feems to have been confonant to the original policy of fiefs, without any diftin@ion between thofe who held of the king, or of other inferior lords, yet the limitation of it, in all cafes, within the bounds prefcribed in tho'e laws, for the fecu- rity of the fervice on which the tenure was founded, ap- pears alfo to have been a neceflary and inherent condition of THELIFE OF KING HENRY IL of all fuch grants, the departure from which, if not checked, would have been finally deftruétive to the whole feudal fyftem. | P. 193. But, inthe cafe of invafions, the common law of the land continued undoubtedly to oblige, not. only thofe tenants, but all the other freebolders, to affiff in re- pelling and driving oul the invaders. The limitation exprefled in the ftatute of 1 Edw. III. viz. that no man be compelled to go out of bis fbire, but where neceffity warranteth and fudden coming of [range enemies into the realm, 1 take to have been always the law of England. The ftatute concludes with a’reference to the ancient practice of that law, And then it fball be done as bath been ufed in times paft for the defence of the realm. ‘The firft claufe of the fame a&, viz. The king wills that no man from henceforth Shall be charged to arm bimfelf otherwife than be was wont in the time of bis progenitors, kings of England, refers allo to ancient ufage, and to the aflife of arms in the reign of King Henry the Second, which is again referred to and confirmed by the ftatute of Winchefter in the 13 Fdw. L C., VL Ibid. During the government of the Saxons (if we may be- lieve what is [aid by the compiler of fome laws afcribed to Edward the Confeffor) the militia of every county was commanded by an annual officer called Heretoch, whe was chofen into that office by all the freebolders, in the folkmote, or county court. The authority of that colleion of laws, in which this paffage occurs, I think indeed very flight; but what makes me believe, that the compiler of it did not err in this point, is its agreement with the ancient German laws, which Sir H. Spelman takes notice of, and feems on that account to confider it as authentick. (V. Spel- man’s Glofl. p. 288. Dz HerrrocH1TS.) Ibid. Sir H. Spelman fuppofes, that, after the Normans came in, this command devolved to the earl. And there 1s great reafon to think, that the military power of every county was principally in the earl, during the times of which I write, though it was occafionally excrcifed by the fheriff, or vifcount. : 1 ? i Spelman’s NOTES "TO THE SECOND BOOK OF Spelman’s words here referred to are In 8 Cand under Comes, ¢¢ Quo edottus exemplo Gulielmus 1, «¢ novi utique apud Anglos regni fundamenta panses; « commilitones fuos feodalibus exornavit dignitatibus, « forte etiam auftioribus quam vo Saxonum. Nam « ceffiffe jam widetur manis Heretochii comitatus in 3% e¢ manu ipfius comitis.”? That the earls had the chief i the militia of the county in the reign of William the Firft, and till after the deceale of Henry the Second, appears, 1 think, from many clear hiftorica proofs: and in all the accounts of thofe times I mee with no trace of any officet elected to fuch a com- mand. Ibid. But, whether even the Saxon Heretoch was not [ub- ordinate to the earl in his military functions, appears to very doubtful. duce me to this doubt, and among others v. Fl. Wig. this paffage in Florence of Worcefter, Talia gerl in fub ann. ¢ {uo comitatu Godwinus graviter ferens, nimiaque com 1054 ¢¢ motus ira, de tota [uo comitati, {cilicet de Corn &c. « et flius ejus primogenitus Swanus de fuo &c. alterque ¢¢ Filius Haraldus de fuo &c. innumerabilem congregave- « runt exercitum.’ From hence it {hould feem, that the power of the earls over the military force, in their feveral counties, was, in the Saxon times, fuperior to that of the Heretoch eleGed by the people. Perhaps that Titles of officer was no more than lieutenant under the ext}, ou Honour, ¢. indeed (to ufe the words of the learned Mr. Se fen) 5 Patil moft parts of the fate of the Saxon government are {o « obfcure, that we can fee only fleps or torn relques « of them, rather than fo much as might give a full fa- « tisfattion.”’ P. 166. Archers were drawn from the yeomanry, and Jeem to have ferved on foot, as attendants on the waffals who beld by knight’s-[ervice, and af their charges or) Jfome- times, under the pay and at the charge of the king. SeeCotton’s | read of no archers on horfeback in the age of which I signs write, unlefs they were comprehended under the term cords in the sroientes, fome of which were light hor{emen : but mn Tower, p. Fdward the third’s reign mention is made in a roll 8 par- oo 1 y liament of two hundred archers on hrorfehack 3 2G 281.7 R.IL the feventh year of Richard the Second, the ifbop 0 In Henry the Sixth’s reign the commons granted to the THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL Norwich offered to ferve the king abroad with 3000 men at arms, and 2500 archers, well borfed and appointed. And when Lionel earl of Clarence went with an army into Ireland, he carried with him thither many archers on horfeback, whofe pay was fix-pence a man per diem, the {quires in the fame army being rated at one fhilling a man per diem; the knights, at twe fhillings, and the ban- nerets at four fhillings. There were likewife fome arch- ers at four-pence per diem, who, I prefume, ferved on foot. The earl of Ormonde had under him, befides his knights and fquires, twenty boblers armed, and twenty not armed ; the pay of the former being fix-pence a piece per diem, and of the latter four-pence. ‘Thefe boblers were Irith horfemen, fo called becaufe they ferved on hobbies. How much the ftrength of the nation was then thought to depend on the {kill and valour of its archers appears from a letter of the duke of Guelderland to King Richard the Second, in which he ufes this expreflion. « The tried valour of your people, and the fbarpnefs of €¢ their viftorious arrows, have {fo far advanced the fame ¢ of your magnanimous nation above any of the Weft, ¢ that terror and dread cannot but feize your adverfaries.’” See Cotton's abridgement : - > of the re- king twenty. thoufand archers for half a year in his cords in the fervice. And Fortefcue fays, in his treatife of Abfolute Tower p and limited monarchy, written in the reign of Edward 3” 3" the Fourth, that the might of the realm of England moft C. 1a. Slandeth upon archers. P. 197. Father Daniel obferves, that this eftablifbment paffed from the demefne of the kings of France into thofe of bis greateft waffals, the dukes of Burgundy, the dukes of Normandy, and feveral others. It muft not from hence be fuppofed (as it has been by fome writers) that, till thefe privileges were granted by Louis le Gros, none had been enjoyed by any cities 1n France or Normandy. Ordericus Vitalis takes notice, | that in the year eleven hundred and fix King Henry the kX P-825> . y even LL g y 822. apud Firft, being favourably received by the citizens of Rouen, Duchefne. reflored the ancient dignities of that city. “ Rex fiqui- “ dem cum duce Rotomagum adiit, et a civibus favora- ‘ biliter acceptus paternas leges renovavit, priffinafque “ urbis dignitates refloravit.”” The fame author fays of the fame king, that, in a treaty with his brother, the Vor. IV. Ibid. p. 788. fub azn. duke 11Q1. 34 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF "duke of Normandy, he retained only the town and caftle of Dumfront in that dutchy, becaufe he had promifed the citizens upon oath, that he would never feparate them from his demefnes, nor change their laws and cuftoms : « Quia Damfrontanis, quando illum intromiferupt, jure- « jurando pepigerat, quod nunquam eos de manu {ua «¢ projiceret, nec leges earum vel ‘confuctudines mutaret.’”’ "Thefe laws and cuftoms muft have been privileges grant ed to the townfmen, which others did not enjoy ; as they were fo defirous to prevent their being changed. The enfrancifements of ferfs in towns, and the eftablithing therein of a new military power independent of the nobi- lity, were indeed innovations, which took their rife from the inftitutions of Louis le Gros, and came from France into Normandy, and even into England. Some corpora- tions which did not before exift, might be alfo created at that time ; but many others, I prefume, were only new- modelled. This feems to have been the cafe of the city of Rouen at flill a later period. For Duchefne has given us a charter, which direéts in what manner a mayor fhall be elected, and eftablithes other regulations for the go- vernment of that city, but with a reference to the confti- tution of a former community upon a different model. It is without date, but feems to be from Philip Auguftus, by fome of the terms therein ufed. (See Duchefne H. Norm. p. 1066.) [It is certain, that in England many ci- ties and towns were bodies corporate and communities long vcfore the alteration introduced into France by the char- ters of Louis te Gros. P. 199. But thefe the courfes of elder times were about this time much altered, and the kings for the moft part, was fupplied in bis wars by contrall with the nobility and gentry, to Jerve him with fo many men, and fo long and at [uch a rate, as be and they by indenture ac- corded. Sir Robert Cotton feems to date this alteration from the reign of Richard the Second ; but we find, by the See Cotton's records of parliament, that, in the thirteenth year of Ed- abridgement ward the Third, feven thoufand four hundred men at of the re- ) cords in the ATMS; tWO hundred archers on horfeback, and two thou- Tower, p. {and halberters, were fet out by certain nobles of the coun- n E. ties of York, Nottingham, Derby, Lancafter, and Cum- berland, by particular rate. Ibid. THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. Ibid. Indeed the practice varied much in different ages ; though it is plain, from our law books, that the princi- ple of knight-fervice, due, by the nature of the feudal policy, from all the poffeffors of military tenures, re- mained much the fame, from the reign of William the Firft to that of Henry the Seventh ; nay, even till Charles the Second abolifbed thofe tenures. Among the variations from the cuftom of the ancient feudal tenures we may reckon a claufe in the ftatute of the eighteenth of Edward the Third, which fays, that men of arms, hoblers, and archers, chofen to go in the king’s fervice out of England, fhall be at the king’s wages, from the day that they depart out of the counties where they were chofen, till they return. 'Thefe, I apprehend, were not men, who ferved on the ancient plan, accord- ing to the duty of their tenures ; but were raifed by the new pradlice of agreements and covenants between the king and his barons, er tenants in chief by knight-fer- vice, and picked from the feveral counties. They were not therefore bound, as under the ancient eftalifhment to ferve forty days at their own charges. Yet no changes in the mode produced any in the nature of feudal militar fervice, on which foundation and principle all thefe con tralts were made. By the a& of the twenty-fifth of Ed- ward the Third, ¢ it is accorded and aflented, that no “ man fball be conflrained to find men of arms, hoblers, or py archers, other than thofe which bold by [uch fervices, if it be not by common affent and grant made in parlia- ¢ ment: which is confirmed by a ftatute_of the fourth of Henry the Fourth, with the foliowing provifor, « fo that “ the lords nor any other, that have lands or poffeflions « of the country of Wales, or in the marches thereof, “ Shall in no wife be excufed of their fervice and devoirs, “ due of their [aid lands and poffeffions, nor of any other “ devoirs or things, whereto they or any of them be bound ‘““ to our lard the king; though that the [ame lords and “ other have other lands and poffeffions within the realm “ of England. And that the lords, er other, of what ef- y tate or condition that they bey, which bold by efcuage or y other Jervice due to the king, any lands or poffeffions ) within the [aid realm, be in no wife excufed to do their py Services and dewoirs, due of their [aid lands or poff:[fi- ) ons. And that the lords, knights, efquires, nor other perfonsy of what eftate or condition they bey, which bold 2 “ and 35 36 See this charter in the Appen- dix to the firft volume, NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF <¢ and have of the grant, or confirmation of our lord the « king, lands, poffeffions, fees, annuities, penfions, or « other yearly profits, be not excufed to do their fervice to « our lord the king in [uch manner as they are bounden s¢ becaufe of the lands, &c.”” which was not repealed till the 2& of the twelfth of Charles the Second. P. 203. The treatife afcribed to Glanville Ec. tells us, that the relief of a knight’s-fee was then fixed at a bun- dred billings, and of lands beld in focage at a year’s va- lue, by the cuflom of the kingdom ; but that, with re- ard to baronies and to ferjeanties, there was no deter- minate rule of lat, thofe who beld by [uch tenures Jatif- fying the king, for the relief due to him from them, at bis difcretion. This difagrees with the charter of Henry the Firft, which Henry the Second had confirmed : for there it 1s faid, that, upon the death of a baron, or any other te- nant who held in chief of the crown, his heir fhall not redeem his land, as had been done in the reign of William the Second, but fhall only pay a juft and lawful relief ; words which evidently imply a known rule of law to di- re@ and afcertain the payment. It is likewife declared, in the moft authentic original manufcripts of King John’s Seethechar. Magna Charta, that one hundred pounds thall be paid, on terin Black- the death of a baron, by the heir, as the ancien relief. ftone’s edi- tion from the Cotton ‘We alfo find by the Norman law-book called Le Coutu- mier, that this was agreeable to the practice in Norman- and Durham dy, from whence thefe feudal payments were derived to manufcripts. ho Fnolith, How then did it happen, that, with regard V. Coutum. de Norm, to the reliefs of the baronies and ferjeanties, the courfe of law, in the reign of Henry the Second, was different from that pra&tice, and from the charter of his grandfather, which he had confirmed ? The beft folution I can give of this difficulty is fuggeft- ed to me by obferving, that, from the records which Mr. See Hift. of Madox has given us in his Hiftory of the Exchequer, it the Excheq. c. 10. See p. 213. feems that Henry the Second took no more for any barony than one hundred marks, which being lefs than the re- lief referred to in the charter, the barons could have no reafon to complain of his departing from that rule in this point. Another reafon, which is mentioned in another part of this book, might induce them to leave it difcretionary in the crown, fo long as that difcretion was favourably ufed. THELIFE OF KING HENRY IL ufed. But theabufe, that was made of their confidence by King John, may have obliged them to deny it to him and his fucceflors. For many other inftances are to be found in the hiftory of the Englifh Contftitution, that ancient laws, or cuftoms, which, in the reigns of good princes, had given way to beneficent alls of prerogative, have been claimed and reftored, in after times, as neceflar bulwarks to the people againft oppreflion. "The words of | King John’s charter, as they ftand in the two Cottonian See Pine’s manufcripts and in that of the church of Sarum, by which Engraving Mr. Tyrrel correGted Matthew Paris’s copy, are thefe. 25¥ Magma s¢ Siquis comitum vel baronum noftrorum, five aliorum Johan. in “ tenentium de nobis in capite per fervitium militare, Dr. Black- ¢¢ mortuus fuerit, et cum deceflerit hares fuus plenz Snes ¢¢ mtatis fuerit, et relevium debeat, habeat hareditatem See alfo «¢ fuam per antiguum relevium ; fcilicet heres vel here- Tyrrel’s « des comitis de baronia, comitis integra, per centum Jibras ; Append, wo ¢ heres vel heredes baronis, de baronia integra, per cen- Volume. « tum libras ; hzres vel heredes militis, de feodo militis ¢ integro, per centum folidos ad plus; et qui minus de- s¢ buerit, minus det, fecundum antiquam confuetudinem « feodorum.” The two Cottonian manufcripts are the only originals of this charter now extant, that of Sarum being mifling, But the copy of it, which is entered in the Red Book of the Exchequer, agrees with thefe, only inflead of /ibras it has libram in the feftion concerning the relicf for a barony ; which is plainly an error. ‘The charter of the firft year of Henry the Third, which Dr. Blackftone has printed from the only original extant, viz, that in the archives of the cathedral at Durham, agrees entirely with King John’s in the claufe here re- cited, and fo does the entry of it in the Red Book of the Exchequer at Dublin, only that, inftead of the words de baronia integra, it has de baronia baronis integra, but the relief is the fame, viz. centum libras. The fecond charter of Henry the Third granted in the year 1217, which Dr. Blackftone has printed from the original in the Bodleian library, the only one extant, has the fame claufe word for word ; and fo has the Talbot manufcript, from which Dr. Blackftone has publifhed the charter of the ninth year of that king, and alfo the Durham manufcript, which the Do&or calls an original of ineflimable value. But the entry made in the ancient kook at Guildhall of the charter of the year 1217, inftead D3 | of Blackftone’s NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK QF of Jibras has marcas, in the feGtion which relates to the relief of a barony; and the fame reading is found in See thefe gal] the charters of infpeximus of the twenty fifth and twenty eighth of Edward the Firft, which’ have been collated by Dr. Blackftone with the Talbot manufcript of the charter of the ninth year of Henry the Third, and alfo with that of Durham. What gives fome authority fo this alteration of pounds to marks is a record which Mr, Madox has cited, and by which it appears, that, In the quer, c. x. thirty fifth year of King Edward the Firft, John de Ratynden, coufin and heir of Alice Mucegrofs, paid «il 11s 11d. ob. q. relief, for all the lands which Alice held of the king in capite, viz. for the fixth part of the barony which Hugh Dyve formerly held. In the twenty firft year of King Edward I, Alice was charged with xxv marks relief for the faid fixth part of a barony; the relief for a whole barony being then charged at ore bundred pounds. But now, by the Magna Carta, regis de libertatibus Anglie (which charter the king by his writ, quod eft inter communia de anno XX1X, commands to be obferved in all points), the King would take but one hundred marks for the relief of a barony and therefore John de Ratynden is charged for the fame portion of the {aid barony at the rate of a hundred marks, et non de tanta fumma pecunie, as Alice was charged at, viz. 3 See Titlesof hundred pounds. Mr. Selden alfo cites in his Titles of Honour,c. v, par. ii. fect. Honour, a roll of the fixth year of Edward the Third, by which it appears, that, in the twelfth year of Edward the Firft, Humfrey de Bohun was charged with fifty marks for a third part of the fiefs which had belonged to Ada.de Portu, and with fifty marks for a third part of the honour of Breghnoc, which was a greater {um than was paid by John de Bohun to Edward the Third, ¢ eo quod << relevium predictum oneratum fuit tanquam pro tertia “« parte pradiflarum baroniarum ante confectionem Magne ¢¢ Curt, de libertatibus Anglie, quo tempore relevium <¢ pro baronia affefTum fuit ad c Jibras, et poft confe&tio- ¢¢ nem ejufdem Carte ad c marcas tantum, juxta quarum ¢ ¢ marcarum ratam pradiGus Johannes de Bohun «¢ oneratur fuperius de relevio di&i avi fui pro partibus ¢« di@arum baroniarum, &c.” In this record the words ante et poft confeldionem Magne Carte de libertatibus Anglia, can mean nothing but before and after the con- Sirmation | THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL Jfirmation of the great charter of Henry the Third, which {as it is exprefled in the other record cited by Mr. Madox) the king, by his writ quod ¢ff inter communia de anno xx1x, commands to be obferved in all points. For by this re- cord it appears, that, in the twelfth, and -by the other, that, in the twenty firft year of Edward the Firft, the relief for a barony was a bundred pounds. ‘The alteration therefore was made by the charters of infpeximus, but how they came to vary from the original charter of the ninth of Henry the Third, fo much to the prejudice of the royal revenue, it is hard to conceive. On the other hand, many reafons forbid one to fuppofe that it ftood fo in that charter. For, befides that the two original manu- {cripts, cited before, have it /ibras, the fame reading is found in the authentic entry of it in the Red Book of the Exchequer at Weftminfter : and it likewife appears by the rolls, that in the very year when the faid charter was granted, viz. the ninth of Henry the Third, Walter See Madox’s de Clyfford was charged with a hundred pounds for his re- Hine lief as for a barony. 1have fhewn before that the authen- quer, c. x. tick tranfcripts of all the former charters have /ibras, not p. 218. marcas. And if in King John’s time the ancient relief was a hundred pounds,, it was fo in Henry the Third’s and Fdward the Firft’s. But further, it is evident by the great rol] of the tenth year of Richard the Firft, that a hundred pounds was then thought the reafonable relief for a barony. Edward the Firft muft have been there- fore deceived in this matter by thofe. who made the char- ters of infpeximus for him. There being no ftops in the manufcripts, it is hard to determine, whether the words ad plus after centum folidos relate only to them, or to the preceding reliefs of earldoms and baronies in the fame claufe ; but I rather think that they only belong to the centum folidos. ‘By the laws of William the Conqueror, the reliefs of earls, barons, and vavafors, are to be only their horfes and arms, like the Heriots of the Saxons: which feems to have been injoined by that prince to accommodate the Norman cuftom in this refpe& to the Saxon ; fora‘much, as many of thofe laws are Edward the Confeflor’s revived and confirmed. (See Ingulph. and Wilkins Leg. Gul. Conq. p. 22, 23, 24.) But it is obfervable, that the number of horfes and arms. required thereby as the lawful relief for an earl, is double to that for a baron, and | D4 that ’ TE at C. X. p: 22.0. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF that for a baron is double to a vavafor’s : whereas it has been fhewn, that the charters make the relief for a baron the fame with that for an earl (or but a third lefs, even if we read marks inftead of pounds ), and allow no more than a hundred fhillings for any knight’s-fee, which falls very thort of one half of the baron’s relief. I therefore pre- fume that thofe laws were repealed, and that the juft and lawful relief in the charter of Henry the Firft did not refer to what they had eftablithed, but to the Norman relief, which was the fame as the fubfequent charters de- clare. Mr. Madox takes notice, in his Hiftory of the Exche- quer, that, although baronies differed much in the num- ber of fees whereof they confifted, the relief of each was the fame : which proves, that it could not be a fourth part of the value of the annual income arifing out of the barony ; as fome have fuppofed. According to the author of the Dialogue de Scaccario, the relief of a hundred fhillings was only fixed in his time (under King Henry the Second) for knight’s-fees held of the barons, or efcheated to the king ; not for thofe that were immediately held of the crown. But no fuch dif- tin&ion is made by Glanville, and in the charters of King John and Henry the Third it is faid, ¢ that the heir or charters of ¢ heirs of an entire knight’s-fee, which was beld in chie Blackftone's ¢c of the king, fhould pay the ancient relicf, which was «¢ but a hundred fbillings at moft, and that he who owed “ lefs thould pay lefs, according ta the ancient cuftom of 6c Jiefs.? P. 208. He tells us alfo, that it was aduty incumbent on the lord, to offer a proper match to a female ward in bis cuftody, as foon as [be was of an age to marry, and alfo to pay ber a reafonable portion. Thefe regulations, and the profit given, by a feudal cuflom in thefe times, to the king and inferior lords, on the marriage of their vaffals, conduced to promote propagation, and the en- creafe of the people ; for it is probable that few re- mained long unmarried. "The duty of the lord to offer a proper match to a fe- male ward in his cuftody is enforced by the ftatute of “Weftminfter, in the third of Edward the Firft, c. 22. which fays, that if the lord, to whom the marriage be- langeth, THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL ongeth, will not marry beirs female, after they bave ac- complifbed the age of fourteen years, but for covetife of the land will keep them unmarried, be fball not keep, by reafon of marriage, the lands of Such beirs female more than two years after the term of the [aid fourteen year:. And if be do not marry them within the faid two years, then fball they bave an aclion to recover their inheritance quite, without giving any thing for their wardfbip or their marriage. And if they, of malice, or by evil counfely, will not be married by their chief lords (where they fball not be difparaged) then their lords may hold their land and inberi- tance until they have accomplifbed the age of an beir male, to wit, of one and twenty years, and further, until they have taken the value of the marriage. The foundation of this power, given to the lords of heirs female refufing to marry where no difparagement would enfue, was the profit that fuch lords would have made of their marriage; - and the reafon of allowing fuch profit was the lofs fuf- tained by their lords in giving up their lands, on the mar-- riage of the wards, before the wardthip was determined. With regard to Leirs male, it had before been declared by the ftatute of Merton ; ¢ that if an heir (of what age C. vii, «¢ -foever he be) will not marry at the requeft of his lord, ¢¢ he fhall not be compelled therevnto; but when he « cometh to full age, be fhall give to bis lord and pay 4 him as much as any would have given him for the mar- ¢¢ riage before the receipt of bis land 5 and that, whether «¢ be will marry bimfelf or not : for the marriage of bim ¢¢ that is within age of mere right pertaineth to the lord 4 of the fee.” The fame ftatute alfo faid, ¢ that if an heir, being c. vi, %¢ fourteen years old, or above, unto his full age, fhould ¢¢ marry without licence of his lord to defraud him of the “¢ marriage, and his lord offer him reafonable and conve- ¢ nient marriage, without difparagement, then his lord ¢ fhall hold his land beyond the term of his age, that is “ to fay, of one and twenty years, fo long that be may “ receive the double value of the marriage after the effi- “ mation of lawful men, or after as it bath been offered before, without fraud or collufion, and after as it ‘may “« be proved in the king’s court.” | From hence it is evident, that what may be concluded, from the filence of Glanville, not to have been law in the reign of Henry the Second, was now become law, namely, that 41 it a _— = — br NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF that the marriage of a male ward, within age, of mere right pertaineth to the lord of the fee; and was fo far confidered as a profit due to bim, that, although he could not compel his ward to marry, yet he might demand as much as any would have given him for the marriage, and the ward was to pay it to him, whether be married or not. It appears alfo, that, when the fatute of Merton was made, the walue of fuch marriage might be legally eftimated 5 and it was declared, that the penalty of defrauding the lord thereof, by a marriage without his confent, if a reafon-~ able and convenient one was offered by him, fhould be double that value. But if a female heir was married, though with her father’s confent, without that of her lord, the penalty was a forfeiture of the whole fief for ever, fecundum jus et confuetudinem regnis fays Glanville, I vii. 'c. 12. which ftill continued to be law under Henry * the Third. : ~ P. 209. Glanville takes notice of only three kinds of aids, which the feudal lord bad a right to demand from bis vaffals, &c.¥ There is a remarkable conformity between the ideas of ancient Rome, on the reciprocal duties of patrons and clients, and thofe of the feudal law on the reciprocal duties of lords and vaffals. 1 cannot better fhew this thah by re- ~ peating the words of the learned Dr. Chapman, in his Effay on the Roman fenate. He fays (p. 10, 1 1.) that, by the snftitutions of that common wealth, the patrons were oblig- cc ed to ailift their clients gratis with their advice and cre- ¢¢ dit upon all occafions, and defend their perfons and pro- « perties in all civil and criminal profecutions : in return « for which, the clients were dire&ed to contribute to the « fortunes of their patron’s daughters, if their own cir- « cumiftances did not enable them to marry them fuitable ¢ to their birth ; to their ranfom, or that of their chil- « dren, who happened to be taken by the enemy ; to the ¢ payment of any fines, or cofts of fuit, they might be « caft in; or the expence incurred by canvafling for « any public office.” Agreeable to thefe in a great de- gree are the obligations of defence, protedtion, and war- ranty, on the part of the feudal lords, and the aids men- tioned by Glanville in the paffage referred to above, to- gether with the aid of ranfom, on the part of the fendal vaffals. Yet it muft be obferved, that the whole fyfiem of THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL of feudal duties arofe from the tenure of lands; whereas thofe eftablifhed between the Roman patrons and their clients were neither founded upon any territorial con- nexion, nor were of a military nature, as all feuds origi- nally were ; nor was any jurifdi&ion inherent in. the pa- trons over their clients, as in the feudal lords over their vaflals ; nor was any oath of fealty due from the clients to their patrons, as from the feudal vafals to their lords. On which accounts the learned Craig has juftly re- v.cCraig, De * * 3 4; jebied fhe nition of the policy of feuds being derived from thefe inftitutions. €rve P. 209. Another was to contribute towards bis expence in making bis eldeft fon a knight, &c. } 43 Jur. Feuda- li, L 1. tit. 5. c 6. According to Britton, no lord could demand this aid of Chap. des prifes- des * his tenant, if he were not himfclf a knight. P. 2131. which ceremonies denoted (according to Bralion) on the part of the lord, protection, defence, and war- ranty ; &c. | Warranty fignifies an obligation on the feoffer to war- rant the feifin or pofleffion of the feoffee in his land : or if he could not maintain it, to make him fatisfaétion by rendering to the value of the fee if it was evicted. (See Wright on Tenures, p. 1§3, 154.) Ibid. After the vaffal bad faid this, be was to receive a kifs from bis lord, and then rifing up was to take the oath of fe J wi : ’ >. f o y in the following words: ¢ Hear this, my Lord Hale fays, in his Hiftory of the Pleas of the Crown, c. x. p. 62, 63. The oath of fidelity or fealty s¢ is of two kinds, that which is due by tenure, whether s¢ of the king or mefne lords, which is ratione feodi wel ‘s vaffallagii, and hath a fpecial relation to the lands fo ¢ held, and is fet down by Lyttelton, c. 19. Hear you, ¢ my lord, &c. ‘Touching this feudal fealty, or fealty “¢ by reafon of tenure, I have not much to do in this §¢ place. The other kind of fealty is that oath, which « is called fidelitas ligea, or alligiance, and performed s only to a fovereign prince, and therefore regularly ¢ ought to be performed by all men above the age of # twelve yedrs, whether they hold any lands or not. The €¢ teno ~ avres. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF «¢ tenor of this eath, according to Fleta, 1 iil. c. 16. fect. « 52. runs thus : Hoc auditis, circumflantes, quod fidem. “ regi portabo de vita et membrisy et terreno bonore, et. « arma contra ipfum non portabo : Sic me Deus,” &c. Thus Lord Hale — but I would obferve hereupon, that I find no proof that the words ef arma contra ipfum non ortabo were in any oath of allegiance till after the times of King Henry the Second. His lordthip goes on, « According to Britton, who wrote about the fifth of « Edward the Firft, c. 29. (which is alfo mentioned in ¢ Calvin’s cafe, 7 Co. Rep. 6.) the common form of the « oath of allegiance taken in Leets, runs thus: Ceo oyez «¢ wouss N. bailifes que jeo A de ceo jour en avant ferray "« feal et leal a notre feigniour E. roy d’ Angleterre et a “fos heiress et foy et Jealte luy porterai de vie et de sc ‘numbre, et de terrien bonour, et que jeo lour mal ne « Jour damage ne [averai ne ovray, gue jeo ne le defendray « g mon poyer, [i moy ayde dieu et fes faynts. 'Thisis the « form of the ancient oath of allegiance or fidelity to the ¢ king, and as it is ufed at this day, &c. It 1s compre- ¢ henfive of the whole duty of a fubje& to his prince, « and therefore hath obtained for above fix hundred years «cin this kingdom.” For the better explaining of the difference between the two kinds of fealty; I will fuppofe, that, in the times when the feudal law was in its vigour, a fubje& of England, who had held a fief of the king, fhould, by fome offence or defect of his duty as a vaffal, have incurred a forfeiture of that fief, and have actually foft it ; in that cafe it is evident, the feudal connetion between him and his fovereign would have ceafed and determined ; but he would ftill have been under the bond of fealty and allegiance, which he owed to -the king as his fubje. P. 212. Homage done to the king was called lige bom- age, Oe. I do not mean to affert (as fome very eminent writers on feuds have done), that there was no other lige bomage than what was done to the king. For the contrary ap-- pears by many ancient records, particularly by the charter containing the agreement between King Stephen and Henry Plaritagenet, then duke of Normandy, in which it is faid by the former, « Comites etiam et barones mei « Ligium bomagium duci fecerunt, falva mea fidelitate, 6c quam I LIFE OF KING HENRY IL . ¢¢ guam diu vixero et regnum tenebo.”” Which words alfo demonttrate that there might be a referve or faving in lige homage. A late French hiftorian mentions a charter, he) in which the Sire d’Apremont engages to do lige homage Abbe Veli - | to the king of France for his land of Briente fur Meufe, Hiftor. de and promites 0 ferve bim againft all men, except the bifbop Ppa of Metz. ‘The fameauthor fays, on the authority of the Louis IX. Affifes of Ferufalem, that, in the cafe of a war between twa liege Jords of the fame vaffal, {uch vafial was bound to 2id and fuccour him to whom he firft had engaged his allegiance, becaufe (fay the Affifes) be could not do homage to the fecond, but with a faving of bis fealty to the ff. P. 214. We are affured by contemporary writers of the greateft authority, that, in the reign of William the Congquerary lige homage was done, and fealty was [worn to that king, not only by bis own immediate tenants, but all the confiderable fubvalfals : &c. Ingulphus fays, ¢ Reverfufque in Angliam (Rex Wil-p. 79. helmus fcilicit) apud Londonias bominium fibi facere “¢ ot contra omnes bomines fidelitatem jurare omnem Anglice “ jncolam imperans totam terram defcripfit,”” &c. What we are to underftand by omnem Anglie incolam, Is ex- plained by other hiftorians. Florence of Worcefter andy. pior Simeon of Durham fay, ¢ In hebdomadi Pentecoftes Wig. &S. ¢ fuum filium Henric. ap. Weftm. ubi curiam fuam te- Dc fd ¢¢ nuit armis militaribus honoravit. Nec multo poft map-"" 1 ¢¢ davit ut archiepifcopi, epifcopi, abbates, comites, “« barones, cum fuis militibus, die cal. Aug. fibi occurre- ¢¢ rint Sarefbiriz. Quo cum veniflent, milites illorum “ fibi fidelitatem contra omnes bomines fjurare coegit.”’ And Hoveden has the fame words ; only, after barones,V. Hoveden he adds wice-comites. The Saxon chronicle alfo fays, Ano. fub {peaking of the fame affembly held at Salifbury, by*™ 1255. William the Firft, ¢¢ Ubi ei obviam venerunt ejus Pro- Chron. Sax “ ceres, ef omnes predia tenentes, quotquot effent mote fub ann, melioris per totam Angliam bujus wiri fervi fuerunt, 108g. ““ omnefque fe illi fubdidere, ejufque falli funt vaffalli, “¢ ac ei fidelitatis juramentum prefliterunt fe contra alios “ guofcunque illi fidos futures” Henry of Huntingtonv. Hun- fays, « Wilhelmus rex fortis, anno decimo nono regni tingd. Hiftor. ¢ fui, cum de more tenuiffet curiam fuam in natali apud; ;'5; fo « Gloceftre, ad Pafcha apud Winceftre, ad Pentecoften ig Wit 9s ¢ apud cc ! ih i i re Es AS EA rar SRE I 07 ob ss a ETE === V. Malmfib, NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF « apud Londoniam, Henricum filium fuum juniorem «¢ vyirilibus induit armis. Deinde accipiens hominium om- « nium terrariorum Anglie, cujufcunque feud: effenty « juramentum etiam fidelitatis recipere non diftulit.” We are therefore to underftand omnem Anglie incolam in In- gulphus to mean all the military tenants of the barons, and all the confiderable landholders in England, of what- ‘ever lord they held their fiefs. For, though Ingulphus mentions London as the place where this was done, and Henry of Huntington feems to confirm that account, } make no doubt it was at Salifbury, as is affirmed by the other hiftorians above mentioned, and that he and Henry of Huntington have confounded that affembly with the -curia held at London a little before. Thid. It alfo appears from the words of William of Malm/- bury, thaty homage was done and fealty {worn to the heir apparent of the crown, in the reign of Henry the Firft, by all the freemen of England and Normandy, * of whatever order or rank they were, and to whatever lord they were vaffals.” "The words of Malmfbury are thefe : ¢ Filium habuit deH LL v.¢ Rex Hen. ex Matilde, nomine Wilhelmum, dulci fpe f. 93. é et ingenti curd in fucceflionem educatum et pervectum. ¢¢ Nam et eis vix dum X11 annorum effet, omnes liberi <¢ bomines Anglie et Normannic, cujufcunque ordinis et ¢¢ dignitatis, cujufcunque domini frdeles, manibus et facra- _ ¢ mento fe dedere coalit Sunt.” Certainly thefe words, like the omnem Anglie incolam, in the citation from Ingulphus given in the laft note, muft not be conftrued too literally, but mean the omnes predia tenentes, quot- quot effent note melioris, the moft confiderable landholders of every order and degree. For the numbers of the /ibers bomines Anglie et Normannie were too great to be brought all together, in either country, without ex- treme inconvenience ; and the performance of the cere- monies of doing homage, and {wearing fealty, would have taken up too much time, and been too fatiguing to the prince who received it from them. Ibid. Glanville tells us, that women could take the oath of fealty, but could not do homage; and that, if they were married, their bufbands were to do homage for them. | Sir THE LIFE OF KING HENRY iL 47 Sir Thomas Lyttelton fays, in his Book upon Tenures, i. fee. ¢ that if 2 woman fole fhall do homage, fhe fhall not s;. « fay, I become your woman ; for itis not fitting that a «¢ woman fthould fay, that fbe will become a worman to any man but ber bufband, when [be is married: but fhe s¢ fhall fay, I do to you homage, and to you [ball be faith- ¢ ful and true,” &c. Upon which Lord Coke remarks, ¢ that when Glanville fays, « woman fball not do homoge, ¢¢ he is to be underftood, that fhe fhall not do compleat «¢ homage.” ButI fhould rather believe, that, in Glan- ville’s time, {ingle women did none; and that the alteration in the form, which is mentioned by Lyttelton, was an expedient found afterwards, to avoid the objeétion of an indecency in their homage ; as it was alfo in the "cafe of ecclefiafticks. From the obligation laid on thehufband toda homage for the wife it naturally followed, that the barony of a wife, as well as every other fief requiring homage, was, in effe@, made over to the hufband ; and therefore in thofe days many barons came to parliament in right of their wives, and by virtue of their marriage were ac- counted peers of the realm. It has been obferved in this Hiftory, that the fame noticn extended to dukedoms and principalities in many parts of the continent. « P. 218. Ard it was a general maxim of the feudal law, that a forfeiture of the property of the lord in the fiefs and of all bis dominion over bis wvaffal, was as the duty which be owed to the waflal, as a forfei- ture of the fief was of a fimilar crime or neglect in the vaffal. The learned Craig, in his excellent book on the Feudal Law, has thefe words: ¢ De dominorum autem offenfa ¢¢ hac generalis regula obfervanda eft, ubicunque vaffallus «¢ ex {ul offenf3, five delio in dominum, feudo privatur, « e regione dominus, fi idem in vaffallum deliquerit, « dire@o dominio privatur, etiamf{i dominus offenfum « commiferit antequam vaflallus five vaffalli heres ju- ¢¢ raverit, nifi forte jurare requifitus non juraverit.”” And then he enumerates feveral offences, which if the lord committed againft the vaffal, he was thereby deprived of his fuperiority or dominion over him. (V. Craig, de Jure Feudal. lib. ii. tit. 6. fe&. 13.) Lork Coke, in his learned notes on the chapter con- cerning neceflary an effect of any great breach or negleét of —_— eC # 48 V. Mat. Paris. Hift. Angl. H. IIL p- 388. V. Mat, Paris, Hift. Angl H.IIL p- 391. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF cerning Homage in Lyttelton’s Tenures, calls fealty and homage a perpetual league between the lord and the tenant. « And fo firm and ftrong (fays he) was this league, that « by the ancient law of England, Nil facere poteft tenens « quod vertatur dominoad exbereditationemveletiamatrocem «¢ injuriam. Nec dominus tenentie conver fo. Quod fi fece- 6 ritydiffolvitur et extinguitur bomagium omning, et homagii << connedtio et obligatio, et erit inde juftum judicium cum “ wenerit contra homagium et fidelitatis facramentum, quod “ in eo in quo delinguunt puniantur, fc. in per fond domint, <«¢ guod amittat dominium, et in per fond tenentis, quod amit- ¢¢ tat tenementum.” (V.Bra&on Fol. 8o. BrittonFol. 174.) From hence arofe the feudal term fo defy (diffidare) ; that is, -to declare the diffolution of the faith reciprocally pledged between the lord and the vaffal. And thus we find, that, in the times when the feudal law was in its vigour, not only the vaflals defied their lords, upon cer- tain occafions, but the fame ceremony was ufed by the lords to their vaffals, nay even by the king himfelf. For Mathew Paris fays, that in the year 1233 King Henry the ‘Third defied the Earl Marefchall. His words are thefe : « Et his ita geftis, rex, de confilio epifcopi Win- « tonienfis, Marefcallum diffidavit per epifcopum Me- « nevenfem, et fic juffit contra eum arma movere, et ejus « cafteila obfidere.” Nor can any thing better fhew the opinion of that age concerning the right of refiftance in the vaflal againft his lord, tho’ that lord was the king himfelf, than the account which the fame author gives us of a dif- courfe between the above-mentioned earl, and one fent from the king to expoftulate with him, and fhew that he ought to fubmit himfelf to the king’s mercy. I will therefore tranfcribe here fome paffages from it, and add a few remarks. The meflenger {aid, that he had heard feveral of the court declare, it was the duty of the ma- refchall to make this fubmiffion, ¢¢ guia fecit injuriam « domino fuo, qui, antequam rex invaderet terram aut « perfonam mare[challi, ipfe invafit terram domini regis, combuffit, deflruxit, et bomines interfecit.” Here the complaint of the earl’s having committed an of- fence in taking up arms againft the king is made to confift entirely in his being the aggreffor. But he goes on to fay, « Et {iille dicit, fe hoc fecifie ad tuitionem corporis fui « et hereditatis fuze, dicunt quod non; quia in ipfius « corpus et exhzredationgm non fuit unquam aliquid | ¢¢ machinatum. THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II s¢ machtnatum. Nec 0b boc tamen debertt prorumpere con-. “ tra dominum fuum, donec oculata fide cognofceret regem “ contra ipfum talia cogitare, et ex tunc liceret talia at- ¢ temptare.”” In thefe words, theonly limitation put to the right of the earl to defend his perfon or property againft the king is, that he ought not to break out into an open revolt, till he had ocular proof of the king’sdefigning fuch things againft him. His anfwer (as given us by Mat- thew Paris) was firft to deny the charge of his being the aggreflor : < Noneft verum, guia rex ipfe, cum [emper ¢< paratus effem flarejuri et judicio parium meorum in cu- “ ria fua, et per internuntios plures pluries petit illud, “ guod ab ipfo mihi [emper extitit demegatum, terram < meam violenteringrefJus contra omnem juflitiaminvafit.”’ He pleaded, that the king had denied his petition to be brought to a legal trial in the king’s court by the judg- ment of his peers ; and had, againft all juftice, invaded his lands ; notwithftanding which, he had made peace with him to his own prejudice ; but conditionally, that if the king thould not obferve the articles of that peace, he thould be free of homage to him, as he had been before : Quod ego effem extra homagium [uum et diffiduciatus ab “ eg; ficut prius fui per dominum epifcopum Meneven- « fem.” Wherefore, the king having broken moft of the articles of the peace or agreement between them, and ea- gerly defiring to deprive him of his eftate and liberty (as he could prove,) he had a right to recover his own, and to weaken the king’s power by all poffible means : « Unde cum fere in omnibus articulis in forma pacis deficeret, “ licuit mihi, juxta conventionem meam, quod meum erat recuperare et poffe [uum modis omnibus debilitare ; “ maxime cum ad meam deftructionem et ex bereditationem “ et corporis captionemn anbelaret : et boc pro certo didici, et “ fi neceffe eft, probare poffum.” He goes on to fay, that foon after the peace, before he had taken arms to defend himfelf, the king had deprived him of his hereditary office of marefchal, without judgment of law, and refufed to re- ftore it to him : which fhewed a determination to keep! no peace with him ; for which reafons be thought bimfelf ab- foled from bis homage by the king bimfelf, ashe had been before their late agreement ; and alledged, hat it was law - ful for bim to defend bimfelf, and by all means to refift the malice of the king’s counfellors : « Et quod. magis eft, “ poft pacem per dies quindecim, antequam- Walliam in- trarem, aut ab aliquo me defenderem, fine judicio Vou. IV. ¢ fpoliavit, 43 Feogdp oH i ik PC —— $0 Vv. Mat. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF « fpoliavit me ab officio Marefchalli, quod jure heredi- ¢ tario ad me pertinet et poffedi ; nec aliquo modo ad « illud me reftituere voluit requifitus. Unde aperte di- « dici, quod nullam pacem voluit mihi obfervare, cum « poft pacem deterius qiiam ante me pertraQtarat. Unde « homo fuus non fui, fed ab ipfius bomagio per ipfum ab- « folutus 3 cum ad primam diffidationem redirem, juxta « “diftam conventionem, ut predictum eft. Quapropter ‘«¢ Jicuit et licet me defendere, et malitie conftliatorum fu- ¢ orum modis omnibus obviare.”’ Being told of the great wealth and power of the king, which would enable that prince to bring againft him ‘more foreigners than he could procure to aid him, he an- {wered, that theking was richer and more powerful than he ; but lefs powerful than God, in whofe juftice he trufled, while be maintained and vindicated his own rights and thofe of the nation : That he did not confide in fo- reigners, nor feck their confederacy ; nor would he afk their affiftance, if not compelled thereto by an unfore- feen and immutable neceflity : Rex ditior me eft et po= ¢ tentior : verum eft. Sed non potentior eft Deo, qui eft in confervatione et perfe= “¢ ipfa jufiitias in quem confido i This was not a charter of creation to an earldom, like that before re- cited: for William de Albiney is ftyled in it earl of Arundel : but it gives or confirms to him the caftle of Arundel with the honour (or barony) thereunto belonging, and all its other appertenances, together with the third penny of the county of Suffex, which is faid to be his ‘earldom, though his title is taken from the caftle. Note, that in this record the caftle appears to be an appendix to the earldom, not the earldom to the caftle. Mr. Selden obferves, that this lord was fometimes {ty- led earl of Suffex, and fometimes of Chichefter, which denoted the fame perfon. Yet he was more ufually called earl of Arundel, the reafon of which I have given in another note to this book. P. 234, 235. and as other baronies differed in the number of knights fees by ‘which they were beld, fo likewile did thefe. For inftance, it appears by records, that, during King Henry the fecond’s reign, the barony of the earl of Corn- wall comprifed two hundred and fifteen knights fees, and E 4 a third T.L p. 8. See Selden’s Titles of Honour, Part Il. c. v. fet, 10. » crm mt err a = oo Tr ne naa se na a en A «6 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF a third part of a fee; that of the earl of Norfolk one hun- dred and twentv five fees ; and that of the earl of War- wick one hundred and two fees and a fraction, P. 235. We find in fome charters, that the magiftrates or chief citizens, of London, York, Ww arwick,’ and other principal cities, were honoured with that title. In King Henry the Firft’s charter to the city of Lon- don it is faid, «¢ Ecclefiz et barones et cives teneant et ¢c habeant bene et in pace focnas fuas cum omnibus con- an «¢ fuetudinibus, &c.”” ¢ In'which” (fays Sir H. Spel- sons pr man) ¢ I underftand barones procivibus przftantioribus Loxpo¥. ¢¢ qui focnas fuas et confuetodines, id eft, curias habent ¢ et privilegia, eorum inftar qui in comitatu barones comi- ¢¢ tatis dicuntur, et liberi tenentes, quique de re feudal ¢¢ cognofcebant in civitate, ut alii illi barones 1n co- ¢¢ ‘mitatu.” He mentions alfo another charter, viz. that of H. III. de libertatibus London, which fays, Barones civitatis London eligant fibi fingulis annis de [e ipfis ma- jorem. Anda writ of H. I. addreflfed, Fulchero filio Wal- teri, et Euflachio wicecomiti fuos et omnibus baronibus de London. After which, he fays, ¢¢ Sic barones de E- «¢ boraco, de Ceftrid, de Warwicd, de Feverfham, et ¢¢ plurium villarum regiis privilegiis infignium, &¢.” Matthew Paris, {peaking in general of the Londoners, fays, « Londonienfes, quos, propter civitatis dignitatem, ¢¢ et civiur antiquitatem, barones confuevimusappellare.”’ Yet I hardly think the inferior citizens could ever be called barons, but only the magiftrates, or thofe in whom See the Par- the power of the city refided. In the poll tax of the popenss a. firft year of King Richard the Second, each of the a/- 369. dermen of London was rated as a baron ; the mayor of London as an earl; and all other mayors of great towns in England, each as a baron. ; P. 238, 239. Madox fays, be (the conflable) was a high officer both in war and peace, and obferves that the word frgnifies acaptain or commander. The author of the Dialogue de Scaccario ufes a ftrange expreflion in defcribing this officer at the Exchequer: He fays, that next to the chancellor fat «¢ miles gregarius, « quem conteffabulariumdicimus.” It is amazing that he thould call {o high an officer a common foldier, efpecially as he tells us in the fame place, that the conftable had the precedence of the king’s marefchall, <«¢ poff bunc duo ca- merariiy &c. < poft hos miles, qui vulgo dicitur maref- ¢ gallus 3” and (in another part of his bock) that or could | 6 dignity anciently were fometimes fubjefts (and thefe THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL could not eafily be drawn from the king to attend the lefler affairs of his office at the Exchequer, becaufe of greater and more urgent bufinefs; guia conteflabula- “ rius a rege non facilé poteft avelli propter majora- et “ magis urgentia: >> (V. Dial. de Scaccario in fine Madox Hift. of the Excheq. I. i. p. 8 and 10.) Sir Wil- liam Dugdale takes notice that heis ftyled in fome records princeps militie domus regie. ) P. 241. In its firft fenfe it fignified mafler of the borfe to the king. There were alfo inferior a in the king’s See Madox’s {tables and employed in the care of his hawks, &c. over Baronial i. all whom the great marefchall prefided ; and therefore “6 Pe 145s his office was called in a charter of King John magiftra- tus marifcalcice. P. 246. In the reign of Henry the Sixth Fobn Baker held certain land in Kent of the king, by the fervice of hold- ing the king’s bead in the Jbip, which carried him in bis paffage between Dover and Whitfand. This was adjudged to be grand-ferjeanty ; &J. oo Madox mentions a record of the reign of Edward the Second; by which it appears that Thomas de Warblyn- ton held the manor of Shirefeld in Hampthire of the king in chief, by the ferjeanty of being marefchall of the whores in the king’s boufbold, and of difmembring male- faliors condemned, and of meafuring the galons and bufbels in the king’s houfebold. But he very improperly places this tenure among the grand-ferjeanties, which the re- cord does not warrant. The words are: “¢ Per ferjen- “ tiam effendi marefcallus de meretricibus in bofpitio “ regis, et difmembrare malefactores adjudicatos, et men- «“ furare galones et buffellos in bofpitio regis.” Certain Sir H. Spelman would not have called this the bighe/? and moft illuftrious feudal fervice, as he defcribes grand-fer- jeanty. It was a petty ferjeanty of the meaneft and moft difhonourable nature, ~The record traces it up as high as to the reign of King Henry the Second. P. 253. and other examples occur of the fame power being exercifed, for [everal ages, by private perfons in Eng- land, without the authority of a royal commiffion. I do nat mean that it was fo exercifed for feveral ages Titles of after the. times of whieh I write, but in thofe times, and Honour, be gy ) » i. . 2 fore. Mor. Selden fays, <¢ the perfons that gave this Be ly ’ gave NOTES TO THE SELCOND BOOK OF #¢ gave it without any {fuperior authority granted to them) « os well as fovereigns. Though Jong fince it hath grown ¢¢ to be clear, none gives it with us but the fovereign, of & fome other by his commard or commiffion.” It ap- pears that the liberty of receiving it from 2 {ubje&t, un- commiflioned by the kings was fooner taken from the 58 king’s immediate tenants “a chief, than from others. Mr. Selden mentions a writ of the twenty ninth of Henry the Third, in which thofe of the fecond kind (that 1s, {uch as held military fees of fubjedls) were 10 be diftrained, quod tunc [int ibi parali ad yecipiendum arma de quibuf- cunque voluerint. In which form the writs went to all the fubje&ts of England. He likewife cites writs of fum- mons or diffringas from ‘he clofe rolls of the forty fourth of Henry the Third, of the fixth of Edward the Firft and of the fixth of Edward the Second, in which a dif- tin&ion is made, that fome were to come and receive knighthood from the king 3 and others, being mat tenants to the king, fhould be fummoned or diftrained ad fe milites faciendos, OF» ad arma fufcipienda, ibid. Nay, our kings them elves have been knighted by the bands of their fubjectss af Henry the Sixth by the Duke of Bedford's, and Edward the Sixth by the duke of So- mer fet’s. In France, the great reftorer and patron pf chivalry, Francis the Firft, chofe to receive the order of knight- hood from his fubje&, Monfieur Bayard, illuftrious only by his valour and condu& without reproach, Mr. Selden \lotes a paffage from M. Paris, in which it is faid, that, Senet in the year 1252 Alexander the Third, King of Scotland, part i. c. v, having been knighted by Henry the Third, king of Eng- fect. 34. land, the Earl Marefchall demanded the king of Scotland’s horfe and accoutrements, as a fee due to him by ancient cuftom : but that prince anfwered, that he conceived no {uch fee could be due to the Earl Marefchall from him, becaufe, at bis own pleafure, be might have received bis knighthood, either from any other catholic princes or from any of bis own noi Jes. Mr. Selden by nobles underftands gentlemen, and I, believe, very rightly. P. 254. The poet Gunther, who was contemporary with Henry the Second [ays in_a Latin poem, that the Em- peror Frederic Barbaroffa, the better to repel the enemy from bis borders, and defend bis country by the fuperior force of bis arms, granted knighthood to man) Bis per fons » THE LIFE OF KING HENRY If. per fons of low and vulgar birth, which in F alo ran a flain to that dignity. pene y fome old laws of France, if any man who w ; | who was not . Sogn by his father (though he was fo by his ome ae ad been made a knight, his lord might degrade him by Honous cutting off his fpurs on a dunghill. Du Cange ers 5 He that it was neceflary for a perfon, who afpired to the fo 22 order of knighthood, to prove, th t oply hi .. V.DuCange ind mother, t PI €, that not only his father piffertat. x 1 ue er, but his grandfather and grandmother, were fur PHiftoire iy y born : which Father Daniel] confirms, but obferves de St. Louis. thas 10 anes 47 bv countries, this rule in time was Vib dela ed, and that the French ki fore " : ilice I'rans may ecco. am bid. And in the nineteenth ine ( er ind. ? nth year of the Jame king (Henry th Zoo ) all the Sheri s of England were Le G el e proclamation in their refpeciive counties, that all a beld of the king in chicf one knight’ s-fee or more, er were not yef sknighted, f[bould take arms and get : cofanss knighted before the next Chriftmas, as they ove ; tine. e tenements, or fees, which they held of the At feems that this injunfion was afterwards thought 59 too hard on the poorer knigh or i | on rer knights. For it was decl alt of parliament in the firft year of King yay hd Second, ¢¢ that none fhould be forced to take upon them 111 the order and arms of a knight who had | pounds yearly in fee, or for etn of life; I "before “ they Seng to the age of one and twenty years. And fos 2 ad holden their lands but a fmall time, or al- fe edged great age or defaplt of their members, or any other incurable difeafe, or charge of their children, or fuits, or “ any other fuch neceffary excufes, were only to pay area- onable fine.” . But it muft be obferved, that this a& fines not confine the obligation of receiving knighthood See Breton 12 in chief of the: crown. Breton, who wrote ¢ des prifcs me of Edward the Firft, fays, that a lo d des avoirs could not legally compel his tenant to give him the aid Nes ot 1 o due by tenure for making his fon a knight, if he w ponty i 2 knight himfelf. oo | rete wie. 3. . 284, 255. Whether, in the times that I wri compulfron was ufed to oblige men to be re not pofitively affirm: but, as Mr. Madox, in bis Hiftory of the Exchequer, bas given no records of an | Jines baving been levied on that account, or itn iffued to injoin ity till the reign of Henry the Third, and €¢ €c 6o See his Bri- tannia, States and Degrees of England, NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF and’ may in and after that reign, the prefumption is [irong, that it bad not been the praflice before the death of King Fobn. . Camden dates this compulfion from the reign of Henry the Third, and obferves, that from that time it feemed a title of burthen rather than of honour. Indeed we may reckon a pratice, fo contrary to the fpirit and policy of knighthood, among the bad methods made ufe of, by the rapicious minifters of that king, to draw money from the fubjedl. P, 236. Every knight bad bis lady, to whom be vowed faithful fervice, whofe favours he wore in tournaments and in battles, and for whofe honour he was always repared to combat, with no lefs zeal and enthufiafms than for the defence of the catholick religion itfelf. Even in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 2 challenge was {ent by the earl of Effex, to the count de Brancas Villars, who was governor of Rougn, then befieged by king Henry the Fourth of France and his Englifh con- federates under the command of that earl, in which he offered to maintain, among other points, that he bad a more beautiful miftrefs than Villars, It muft however be obferved, that, in doing this, he fhewed himfelf, not . only a good knight, but a good courtier: forhe knew’ the queen would think, that fhe was the miftrefs of whole beauty he propofed to be the champion. ‘This, and fome other fimilar paflages of that reign, fhew us the reafon why 8penfer, who was a man of good fenfe, as well as a fine poet, thought he could not make his court more agreeably to his fovereign, who loved the notions of ro- mantic gallantry and honour, than by reprefenting her, in his Fairy Queen, as the patronefs of the moft {ublime ehivalry, and as fending forth the moral virtues, illuftra- ted under the chara&ers of different knights, to free the world from vice and oppreflion, and to merit her favour by heroick a&ions. In this light the Fairy Queen 1s as much a ftate poem, as the Aneis of Virgil. P. 260. The ranfoms paid to knights for the prifoners they took, and the [bare affigned to them, by cuftom, of all the booty and [poils that were gained from an enemy, fur- nifbed them with ample means of advancing their for- tunes : but they bad.moreover rich prefents made to them by the princes or nobles they ferved, upon the per formance of any eminent feats of valour. After fay, that Don THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. After the battle of Poitiers the Englifh fai \ glith faid, tbat the would not fet Jo bigh a price upon-a knight or itd but that be might ftill be able to live according to his rank and to follow the wars inan equipage agreeable to bis qua- /ity. ‘This is mentioned by Froiffard as an a& of gene- © rous courtely. Mr. Selden fays, that, by the law of arms, thofe captives’ whofe ranfom came to above 10,000 crowns belonged to theking. Barnes tells us, after Fro- iffard, that by their vi€tory at Poifters all the prince’s men were enriched, as well by ranforming, as by the fpoil they found there, confifting of gold, filver, plate, and jewels, befides horfes, armour and what they found about the dead. At the end of the ation the prince embraced the Lord Audley, and faid to him, Sir Fames, both 1 my felf and all others acknowledge you, in the bufinefs of 3his day, to have been the beft doer in arms. W. berefore, with intent to furnifb you the better to pur fue the wars, I retain you for ever to be my knight, with five hundred marks yearly revenues, which 1 fball affign you out of my inberitance in England. Five hundred marks per annum in thofe days was a very noble eftate. But the generous knight, though much pleafed with the honour of the gift, divided it all among his four efquires, who had fer- ved him well in the battle. ‘When the prince knew this he confirmed the grant to them, and fettled on him a further penfion of fix hundred marks, which was con- firmed to him by the king for the term of his life, and for a twelvemonth after, to be received out of the coyn- age of the ftannaries in Cornwall, and the prince’s lands in that country.- Many more inftances might be given to thew the profits that knights might gain by their chi- valry, when thefe inftitutions were in force. ‘The trade of war feems at prefent to be more gainful to the general but much lefs to the officers, or private foldiers of an army, than it was in thofe days. | P. go fend it never quite funk, till the fpirit of chivalry began to grow out o C1 Ve rendered the objedl of ey Japetens hl et The fear of oy confequence made the duke d’Alva 1 Quixote would ruin Spain; though, | truth, the ridicule of that ingenious toc 1s a againft the fpirit of chivalry, but againft the abfurd re- prefentation of it in the Spanifh romances. P. 263. 61 ' ie ERO foe Se ey Pret ra BT + SS ee PR rE | 62 See Sir F. Greville, Lord Brook's Life ¢ ber majefty bad one of of Sir P. Sidney, c. il. p. 31. P. 34. Lip. 3 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF P, 263. 1 will add, that the two laf? who appear to have fafbioned themfelves upon the fame model, and to bave poffeffed in perfection all the wirtues of their order, were, in France, the Chevalier Bayard, and, in Eng- land, Sir Philip Sidney. In valour, courtefy, generofity, and 2 high and ‘noble fenfe of honour, the peculiar virtues of chivalry, thele her ; but Sir two knights may be well compared toget Philip Sidney’s chara&er, upon the whole, 1s much fu- perior to Bayard’s, becaufe he not only excelled in wit and learning, but was alfo endowed with great talents ‘and abilities for ftate affairs, as we know from the tefti- mony of the greateft ftatefman of that age, Willian rince of Orange, who fent this meflage to Queen Eli- zabeth by Sir Fulk Greville, © that (in bis judgment) the ripeft and greateft counfel « Jors of flatein Sir Philip Sidney that then lived in « Europe, to the trial of which he was pleafed to leave «bis own credit engaged, untill her Majefty might pleafe ¢¢ to employ this gentleman either amongft her friends or ¢¢ enemies.” The credit of the prince of Orange wants no fupport 3 but I will add, from the fame author Sir Fulk Greville, the teftimony of the earl of Leicefter, who faid to Sir Fulk, « that when he undertook the government of the « Low-countries he carried his nephew (Sir Philip Sid- ¢ ney) over, with him, as one amongft the reft; not « only defpifing his youth for a counfellor but withall ¢ bearing a hand overhim as a forward young man. Not- « withftanding, in fhort time be Jaw “this fun forifen « above bis horifon, that both be and all bis flars were « glad to fetch light from bim. And in the end ac- « knowledged, that be beld up the bonour of bis cafual au- « thority by him whilft be lived, and found reafon to « aithdraw bim[elf from that burthen after bis death.” But left this praife might be fufpedted, as coming from 2 relation, Sir Fulk fays further : ¢ In what extraordinary « eftimation his worth was, even amongft enemies, will =n ¢ appear by his death ; when Mendoza, a fecretary of « many treafons againft us, acknowledged openly, hat « bow foever be was glad King Philip, bis mafter, bad « Joft in a private gentleman a dangerous enemy 10 bis « flate; yet be could not but lament to fee Chriftendom « “deprived of forarea light in thefe cloudy times, and ¢¢ hewail THE RIFE OF KING HENR Y II. ¢ bewail poor Widow England (fo be termed ber) that, € 7 ] ] baving been many years in breeding one eminent [pirif, “ was in a moment bereaved of him by the bands of a vil- «¢ Jain’ (or low common foldier 5 for that is the meanin of the word wi/lain in this place). 3 W e may therefore conclude, that, in the faculties of his mind, Sir Philip Sidney rofe above the higheft pitch of knightly accomplifhments, and was not only un Che- walier fans peur et [ans reproche, but fit for the greateft offices of {tate and government. It feems indeed no lefs dithonourable to the memory of Queen Elizabeth, that fhe thould have let fuch a fpirit and fuch talents as his remain fo long unemployed, than that fhe fhould have trufted fo much of her moft arduous bufinefs to her un- worthy favourite the earl of Leicefter! As for the Che- valier Bayard, he does not appear to have any extraor- dinary parts, or to have been ranked among the ffatefmen of the times in which he lived : nor had he any fuperior degree of knowledge, todiftinguifh him much from the ignorant nobility of his country: whereas Sir Philip had acquired fuch a reputation for {cience and tafte in the fine arts, that (to ufe the words of the above-mentioned au- ther) “ the univer ities abroad and at home accounted him a ‘ general Mecenas of learning 3 dedicated their books to “ ir and communicated every invention or improvement “ of nowledge withhim. There was not a cunning painter, “ a fkilful engineer, anexcellent mzficianyor any other artifi- “ cer of extraordinary fame, that made not bimfelfknown to " & famous [pirit and found him bis true friend without bire, and the common rendevous of worth in bis time.’ Since I wrote this, the publick has been entertained with ‘the life of a very extraordinary man, the Lord Herbert of Cherbury, written by himfelf, from which he a to have been as ftrongly poffeffed with the high font "of chivalry as Sir Philip Sidney, and was alfo a man of parts and learning. But he feems to have had weaknefles and defe&ls in his chara&er, arifing chiefly from vanity, which are not to be found in Sidney, none of whofe actions were improper, and much lefs were they ridiculous. Yet it muft be owned, if thefe gentlemen are compared as wri- br opt Loe Herbert’s Hiftory of King Henry the PTD > 4 a upon the whole to any work of Sir P. 264. 64 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF P. 264. Whether, in the times of which I write, we bad any knights bannerets is not very clear. The name does not occur in our hiftories or records before the reign of Edward the Firft. | Hitory of ~~ Mr. Madox has cited a roll of the twenty fifth year the Exche- of that king, in which they are mentioned, together with Jaen2 614 knights bachilers, which latter denomination was relative to the former, fignifying knights of an inferior rank to the bannerets. But milities vexilliferi are mentioned by Matthew Paris before that time, and one can hardly doubt that thefe words are a Latin tranflation of knights bannerets. Father Daniel fays, in his Treatife on the Militia of France, that he can find no mention of them in any hiftorian before the reign of Philip Auguftus. But he obferves, that the writers of that time donot fpeak of them as a novelty ; and therefore he fuppofes, that this inftitation commenced when the regulations for tourna- ments and other matters of chivalry were made in France. We probably received it from thence : but under what reign is uncertain. Mr. Camden erred much in fuppo- fing it fo late as Fdward the Third’s. (See his account of Degrees of States in England, prefixed to his Bri- tannia.) | Ibid. In reality this was not a new order of knighthood, but only a higher rank, conferred by the [overeign, or by the general of a royal army, on fome of that order, who Svere richer than others, and were followed into the field by a greater number of wvaffals. | Titles of It appears by a record, which Selden has cited on this Honour, fubjeét, that in Edward the Second’s reign the pay of a part ii. ¢. v. banneret was four fhillings a day, the pay of each of the Sec Ma. Knights, whoferved under his banner, two fhillings, and dox’s Baro. Of eachefquire one fhilling. Inthe great roll of the fix- sia p. 160. teenth of Edward the Third, the fame {ums -are allowed by the king to a banneret, for his own pay, and for that 5 of three knights and thirty-fix men at arms. Camden yr. cites a charter of the fame king, by .whichhe advanced old edition, Sir John Coupland to the ftate of a banneret, becaufe, in a battle fought at Durham, he had taken prifoner the king of Scotland, and it rans in thefe words: ¢ Being ¢¢ willing to reward the faid-Jehn, who tock David de ¢ Bruce prifoner, and frankly delivered him unto us, for ¢¢ the deferts of his honeft and valiant fervice, in fuch «¢ fort as others may take example by this precedent todo cs THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL. « us faithful fervice in time to come ; we have promoted « the faid John to the ftate and degree of a banneret : and « for the maintenance of the fame ftate we have granted « for us and our heirs to the fame John five hundred « pounds by the year, to be received for him and his heirs, &c.”” | Here we fee that the means of maintaining the dignity was a grant from the crown made after the premotion : but generally the knight fo promoted was qualified with 2 {ufficient eftate before his advancement. Mr. Selden quotes an ancient book, to fhew, that, in France, it was required that a banneret fhould have a fufficient eftate to maintain fifty gentlemen to accompany his banner. (‘Titles of Honour, partii. c. iil. fe. 23.) But another, which he alfo cites, informs us, that, in Burgundy, it was enough if he was attended with twenty five. From the grant having been made to Coupland and bis beirs, and from the mention of inberitance in the fpeech of Sir John Chandos to the Black Prince, which 1 have recited Tn this book, one fhould think that the dignity of ban- neret was hereditary : but Mr. Selden affirms it never was fo in England. ‘The difficulty may perhaps be folved in this manner. The honour of knighthood was perfonal, and never defcended to the heir of a knight without a new creation: but when the heir of a banneret was made a knight, he was intitled to the ftate and degree of a banneret by right of inheritance. Thus it appears by “a writ, that, under Richard the Second, Thomas Ca- moys was a banneret, as many of bis anceflors bad been before bim ; and for that reafon he was difcharged from being knight of the fhire for the county of Surrey. ¢ Rex « Vicecomiti Surrizz falutem : Quia, ut accepimus, tu ¢¢ Thomam Camoys Chivaler, qui bannerettus eft, ficut “¢ guamplures antecef[orum fuorem extiterint, ad eflfendum ¢ upum militum venientium 3d proximum parlamentum ¢ poftrum pro communitate comitatus predict, de af- « fenfu ejufdem comitatus, elegifti; nos advertentes quod t¢ hujufmodi banneretti, ante hac tempora, ratione alicujus ¢ parlamenti eligi minimé confueverunt, ipfum de officio ¢¢ militis, ad diGum parlamentum pro communitate co- « mitatds predi@i venturi, exhonerari volumus.” But there is much obfcurity in this matter. For Mr. Selden fhews that this Thomas Camoys was a baron and a peer of that parliament, and that many of his acceftors had Vou, IIL F " likewifs Nhe 66 Titles of Honouryc.v. 1bidem, c. iii, fet. 23. V.Hift.dela Milice NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF likewife been peers. (Titles of Honour, part heey: fe& 25.) It is therefore equally ftrange that he : a have been ele&ed knight of the fhire, or difcharge oo that fervice as a banneret, and not as a baron. Mr. Selden indeed obferves, that the name of banneret 1s given to fome temporal barons as if in them it were Wy and fynonimus to baron. In the firlt of Richard the e- cond divers earls and barons are mentioned by name in the parliament roll, « ef pluficurs autres Jeigneurs barons Mr. Madox has fhewn, they were was not a demefne city or burgh of the king in the twenty Ai) ie not tenants in chief § and yet it is proved, by the records third year of Edward the Second. It bad no charter a above-cited, that their right of coming to parliament from the crown, nor did it pay a fee-farm rent in lieu li ¥. Hitt. of Was allowed as a privilege, which they bad poffe[fed from of the cuftoms, &c. that belonged to the crown. The Al (he Excheq. $ime immemorial. Mr. Madox indeed fuppofes, ¢¢ that hypothefis of the Do&or is therefore evidently as falfe i P.§23.S17. « the town of St. Albans was granted to the abbey by with regard to the right as to the zime of citizens apd pi o one of the ancient kings of England : the abbot and burgefles coming to parliament. And it cannot be fup- Aa ¢ convent beld the town in capite, or immediately of the pofed, that the burgefles of this town were fummoned to a ¢ king (in burgage) as parcel of the endowment of the Yamane withou! any right, by the favour of the theriff, oh «¢ gbbeys and they'beld the town or burgeffes in demefne, after the eighth of Edward the Second ; becaufe it ap- il « or (if you pleafe) the burgeffes were demefne-men of pease by the records above-mentioned, that their claim A « the Abbey.” But admitting this fuppofition, which is b been difputed, and judicially determined : fo that at only a mere conjeure (for he had faid before, that be Ie was no room for partiality in the fheriff, as in Ll ound no proof in any of the moft ancient Revenue-rolls other cafes, where no difpute had arifen.. The king’s ant that it was a deme[ne-town belonging to the king) it fill council, before which the caufe had been tried, would ib appears, that, although the abbot held immediately of bi refufed to admit the return of fuch burgeffes to A the king, and might have a right to fit in parliament on ubfequent parliaments, if their right to be fummoned ! | iis I of bim, and not immediately of the king : th were bis demefne-men, not tenants in chief, or deme[ne- men of the crown. And therefore this tranfation, not tit : only difproves the affertion of Dr. Brady, that none bi ition they fay, they beld their town in chief of the bot tenants in chief had a right of fitting in parliament * ng, and {peak of their coming to parliament as a fer- before Vice that was incident to their tenure: but, though H 2 this tis evident, that they could not have bad any fuch right, as they were not Such tenants. It is true, that, in their 108 "NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK oF this was a falfe fuggeftion, yet their right to come to parliament by ancient ufage and prefcription, Sicut caters burgenfes regniy prout fotis relroaltis temporibus venire confueverunt, might be very gocd. And therefore the aniwer was, Scrutentur rotull, &c. de cancellarii Jt tem- poribus progenitorum regis burgenfes predicti folebant wenires vel non. [Et tunc fiat eis Juper boc juftitia, voca- tis evocandis, fi neceffe fuerit. "This was putting the caufe entirely on prefcription, not on their being proved to be tenants in chief of the crown. Domefday-book and the Exchequer records fhould have been fearched, in- ftead of the Chancery rolls, if that had been the queftion. In fa& it appears, that they continued to hold imme- diately of the abbot, not of the crown, and yet came to parliament, with other burgeffes, after this time; the abbot himfelf being obliged to allow their right to the privilege, which in all probability he would not have dif- puted, if they had not involved it with another unwar- rantable pretenfion, which y Son Set gems Dre ; ox f{ays, be bad not yet found, tbat any Lown, ily, fe ee i” England, fH in ancient time hold of the cheq. p.522: king, or of any other lord, upon thefe terms, viz. to be note. 2 of all preftations and [ervices by [ending burge(fes y ay Me might [erie have added, that no tenant in capite held on fuch terms. And therefore the claim of thefe burgeffes to held 7n capite of the king by the fervice of coming to parliament pro omnimodis fervi- tiis regi faciendis,; Was undoubtedly falfe. Accordingly it was reje&ted ; but yet their right to come to parlia- ment was allowed and eftablifhed. 1 would alfo obferve, that their complaint to the council againft the fheriff of Hertfordfhire, for having refufed to return them, though the names of the burgefles fent by them to parliament had always been enrolled in the Chancery rolls, overturns SeeBrady on the pofition advanced by Dr. Brady, and fupported by Boroughs, many others, that it was left to the Sheriff of every countyy P- 5% to name and direll which were boroughs, which nots by | thofe indefinite and ‘ general words in the writ, de «¢ guolibet civitate duos cives, et de quolibet burgo duos « burgenfesy &c. eligi facias”’ Forif theriffs had really, - a right to do this, and no rule to proceed by, but their own arbitrary difcretion, the townfmen of St. Albans had no reafon to complain, that the fheriff of Hertford- (hire had refufed to return any burgefTes from their ves eve ‘ward the Firfl, from that time to the fifth of Richard THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL - even though it had been true that they held it of the king. But they fpeak of his refufal as a grievous offence, in contemptum regis, et burgenfium prediclorum preju- 101 dicium, et exheredationis periculum manifeflum, [uper quo petunt remedium opportunum. Indeed to fuppofe fuch a power in that officer is repugnant to reafon, and exprefly contradi@s the words of a ftatute made in the fifth of Richard the Second, which declare, that if any ftheriff fhall from thenceforth be negligent in making his returns of writs of the parliament, or Jeave out of the faid returns any cities or boroughs, which be bound, and of old time were wont to come to the parliament, be Shall be punifbed in the manner as was accufiomed to be done in the [aid cafe in the [aid time paft. The fheriffs, in fa&, did frequently negle& to return any burgefles for the poorer and meaner boroughs, which could not eafily bear the charge of their wages ; and this was con- nived at, when it was done on good reafons ; but ftill it evidently appears by the ftatute here-cited, tbat they bad no right to do fo, and that when they ventured to do it improperly or injurioufly, they had been often com- plained of and punithed for it, before the making of that flatute. They muft therefore have had fome rule to "dire& them therein: and as they certainly had no power to create a new borough, fo they could not be juftified in not making a return from any of thofe, which were bound, and of old time were wont to come to ‘the parlia- “ment, unlefs by lofs of trade, or from any other caufe, they were fo much decayed, as not to be able any longer to fupport the expence of maintaining their members. In that cafe alone it might be equitably judg- ed, that they were not bound to come to parliament, propter ‘debilitatem eorum et paupertatem. And the theriff might be allowed to determine of this exemption, upon his own knowledge, but at his own peril. Mr. Tyrrel has seeTyrrer’s well obferved on the words of the ftatute above-cited, Appendixt> that if the firff conflant appearance of citizens and bur- Ay geffes in parliament were but in the twenty third of Ed- p, 03. the Second, was not eighty five years; and THAT, being within the memory of many men then alive, could not be called OF OLD or ANCIENT TIME, in the French, p’aANcIENTE. Neverthelefs there is reafon to believe, that the fame form of fummons had not always been ufed; H 3 becaufe “NOTES TO THESECOND BOOK OF 102 ERY ¥ 2. 3 wv - { " becaufe it appears, that, in the forty ninth of Henry the See Efcheat Bundle 18 Edw. IIL dated June 23.Regn.14. n. 100. Ibidem. Third, the writs were not fent to the fheriffs, but di- rely to the cities and boroughs. Having now confidered the claim of the town of St. Albans, I fhall tranfcribe fome records in the Tower of London concerning a petition in parliament to king Ed- ward the Third, from the town of Barnftaple in Devon- fhire, wherein they fet forth, that, among other privileges granted to them by a charter of King Athelftan, they had from that time enjoyed the right of fending two bur- gefles to ferve for them in parliament. And firft I fhall give an extra& from the writ of inquifition founded on that petition, which is recited therein. ¢ Sciats, quod, ¢¢ cum nuper ad: profecutionem burgenfium ville de « Barnftaple in com. Devon. per petitionem fuam co- ¢¢ yam nobis et confilio noftro exhibitam nobis fupplican- « cantium, ut cum villa predifla, a tempore cujus con- ¢¢ trarii memoria non exiftit, liber burgus fuerit, iidem- «« que burgenfes, et eorum anteceffores, burgenfes. ville ¢« predifle diverfis libertatibus et liberis confuetudini- “ bus, per cartam celebris memorie D. Athelftani, du- “¢ dum regis Anglie, progenitoris noftri, que ad liberum ¢ burgum pertinent a tempore confectionis diéle carte ufi ¢¢ fuerunt et gavifi, in hoc, viz. quod tenementa fua ¢¢ in eodem burgo in teftamento fuo in ultimd voluntate ¢¢ fui quibufcunque voluerintlegare, et majorim de fe ipfis, ¢¢ coram quo omnia placeta dictum burgum et fuburbium ¢¢ ejufdem tangentia placitari et terminari debeant,eligere, “¢ gc ad fingula parliamenta noftra, et diflorum anteceffo- LY “ yum noftrorums, duos burgenfes pro communitate efuf- ¢ dem burgi mittere, nec non in fingulis taxationibus, &c. “¢ confueverunt :” therefore the king ordered an inqueft to be made into the truth of the fats therein alledged, and particularly fi carta illa fuerit amiffa, a the peuti- oners had fet forth, and whether it would be proper to grant them another, confirming to them the fame liber- ties, as they had defired. “In the return to this the jurors fay, « Burgenfes dic- te ville ad fingula parliamenta duos burgenfes pro 6¢ communitate dilli burgi mittere folelant ; item dicunt, «¢ quod nibil eis confiabat de carta D. Athelftani, dudum ¢¢ regis Anglie, pradiflis burgenfibus, feu eorum pre- “ decefforibus, de diverfis libertatibus [eu confuetudini- “¢ bus pradillis, ut afferunt, conceffis.”’ This not fatis- fying the burgefles, they obtained a writ ad quod dam- num, THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL num, to enquire f; predict burgenfes diflas libertates eis Dated 18, per cartam predicti Atbelflani, ut predicitur, conce ass a tempore prediflo ufi fuerunt et gavifi, et fi carta illa in formd pradifti fuerit amiffa 5 nec non ad quod dam. num feu prajudicium noftrum aut alteriuscujufcunque cede- rety fi nos diclas libertates eifdem burgenfibus per cartam prediéti Athelflani, ut afferunt, conceffas, nec non pre- dillas libertates per eos de novo petitas, prout Sfuperius continentur, per cartam noftram concedamus fib: et bere- dibus et fuccefforibus fuis in perpetuum poffidendas ; et ideo vobis mandamus, quod ad certos dies et locos, quos vos tres, vel duo vefirum, ad boc provideritis, inquifitio- nem illam fuper premiffis et ea tangentibus in forma prediéli faciatis, &c. The return of this writ is as follows: « Inquifitio pated ty “¢ capta apud Barnftaple coram Hamone de Derworthy Edw. IL. « et Joan, de Baumfeld, jufliciariis D. regis ad ingui- s¢ fitionem i}lam capiendam una cum Joanne de Stonford ¢¢ et Ricard. de Hankefton, in przfent. Walteri de Hor- &¢ ton, Vicecomitis Devon. die Sabbat. &c. an. regni Edw, regis Angliz tertii 14, &c. per facramentum R. de « Wolfe, &c. qui dicunt fuper facramentum fuum, quod ¢¢ villa de Barnftaple eft liber burgus, et fuit a tempore “¢ quo non extat memoria. Item dicunt quod burgenfes “ ville prediéle, et corum anteceffores” diverfis libertati- “¢ bus et liberis confuetudinibu’s per cartam celebris memo- ““ rie D. Athelftani, dudum regis Anglie, progenitors D. regis nunc, que ad diftum burgum pertinent, a “ tempore confellionis carte predifle femper baffenus “ ufi fuerunt et gavifi, et adhuc gaudent et utuntur, vi- “¢ delicet quod tenementa fua, &c. &c. ar ad fingula * parliamenta D. regis duos burgenfes pro communitate “ ejufdem burgi mittere, nec non in fingulis taxationi- ¢¢ bus, &c. confueverunt. Dicunt etiam, quod predilia “ carta, de predifiis libertatibus et confuetudinibus, eif- “ dem burgenfibus per predictum D. Atbelftanum fafa, “ cafualiter fuerit amiffa. Item dicunt quod non eft ad ¢ damnum feu przjudicium D. regis aut alterius cujuf- “ cunque, licet D. rex per cartam fuam omnes liber- | “ tates predi&tas eifdem burgenfibus et heredibus, &c. per cartam predi&. Athelftani prius conceflas con- “ cederet in perpetuum poffidendas.’? Neverthelefs another writ of the following year, after reciting the proceedings had upon the two former writs, ’ H 4 fays, . “NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF ‘THE LIFE OF KING HENRY ff; 165 ~~ fays, that, upon complaint having been made, that the from publick notoriety ? ‘The “ablurdity would be fill latter return had been artfully and unduly obtained, greater, if the practice of fummoning burgefles to par- «c Nos advertentes, quod hujufmedi libertates abfque grav liamentary meetings be dated from the twenty third of «c. preejudicio noftro et damno et prejudicio aliorum non Edward the Firft, as it is by many writers. But the ~ « poflunt concedi hominibus fupraditis, preefertim cum clear inference from thefe proceedings appears to be, < Jifla villa de nobis teneatur in capites ut accepimuss that the cuftom of fending members from cities and «et cuftodia ejufdem, nomine cuftodiz, ad nos et hae- towns to parliaments, or great councils, was then known cc redes noftros devolvi, firmaque comitatus predifti in to be ancient; and the queftion was whether Barnftaple «parte diminui, et alia incommoda tam nobis, quam was entitled to that privilege, either by charter or pre- cc aliis, evenire poffent, volentefque eo prtextu {uper fcription. In the final iffue we find, that, with regard ¢_hiis plenius informari, aflignavimus,” &c. : to the charter, which the burgefles of that town pretend- The return to this inquifition finds, that Foannes de ed to have loft, fufficient proof was not given; and Audley held this borough of the king:in capite per bare- therefore the other privileges which they claimed in vir- niam, contradits the finding of the former returns in tue thereof, were not confirmed or renewed : but this of many points; and particularly fays, Quod. nichil eis fending reprefentatives to ferve for them in parliament s¢ canflat nec conflabat de carta D. Aibelftani dudum R. was admitted to be good, from long ufage and prefcripti- “c Anglia, per quam pradidli burgenfes pretendunt fibi on, though it was determined that they did not hold «of eorum predece(foribus quafdam fuiffe libertates con- immediately of the king, but were the tenants of John « ceffas.”. But with regard to their right of fending de Audley, one of his barons, who held the borough of burgefles to ferve for them in parliament from time im- him in capite by baronial fervice. From whence ey memorial, which the two former returns had acknow- evident, that the right of fending members to parliament ledged and confirmed, it fays nothing. And we find that was not confined to a tenancy in chief of the crown, but they continued to fend them uninterruptedly after this might belong to fubvaffals. time, without any new charter or franchife granted to I fhall conclude this note with a paffage from the them, but purely "by prefcription, great antiquary, Mr. Lambard, in his Archaionom. Now, granting that the pretended charter of Athel- s¢ Now as thefe written authorities” (viz. the Saxon {tan, the exiftence of which is admitted by the fecond of laws he had quoted) ¢ do undoubtedly confirm our af- thefe returns, but left doubtful by the firft and laft, did «¢ fertion of the continuance of this manner of parlia- never exift, yet ftill thefe records are of great impor- « ment, fo is there alfo unwritten law, or prefcription, tance to the queftion of which I am treating. For, if ¢¢ which does no lefs uphold the fame : for it is well no burgefles had been fent to parliament before the forty ¢¢ known, that in every quarter of the realma great ma- ninth year of King Henry the Third, how is it poffi- “ ny boroughs do yet fend burgefles to the parliament, ble that the Concilium Regis, within fourfcore years af- «¢ which are neverthelefs fo antient, and fo long fince ter that remarkable epocha, viz. in the feventeenth of ¢¢ decayed and gone to ruin, that it cannot be fthewed they Edward the Third, fhould have fuffered that prince to ¢¢ have been of any reputation fince the conqueft,and much order an inquifition to be made into the truth of an alle- ¢¢ lefs that they have obtained this privilege by the grant of gation fo apparently falfe, as that the burgefles of Barn- ¢ any fucceeding king: fo that the intereft which they bave ftaple had enjoyed a right of fending two members to «in parliament groweth from an antient ufage before the ferve for them in all the parliaments of his royal pre- s¢ conqueft, whereof they cannot fbew any beginning.” deceflors from the time of King Athelflan ? or what evi- dence could induce jurors, upon the fecond inquifition P. 301. By a flatute of the fifth year of Richard the Second before ‘two of the king’s juftices and the fheriff of De: it is enafled, “ that all and fingular per/ons and com- von, to find a fa& which the whole county, and indeed ¢ monalties, which from benceforth ball bave the [um- the whole kingdom, muft have been able to contradict “ mons of the parliament, [ball come from benceforth gy, Despre from , 5 10 the parliaments in the manner as they are bound €¢ ie SecHarley’s . Britith Mu-¢<¢ their libertie and freedom, that there fhould no. fta- feum. clafs ¢¢ (30e or law be made, unlefs they paft thereto their af- Vv. Rot. Pat. 7 » I oo reign of William the Conqueror all ecclefiaftical digni- “NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF ¢ to do, and have been accuflomed, within the realm «¢ of England, of old times,” &c. Befides this remarkable teftimony of the whole legifla- ture in the reign of Richard the Second, to the anti- quity of the cuftom of the commons coming to the par- liament, we have a petition’ of the commons in the fecond pasliament of the reign of Henry the Fifth, which fets forth to that prince, ¢ that, asit hath ever been « fent, confidering that the commune of your land, the «¢ .which is and ever hath been a member of your parlia- ¢¢ ment, be as well aflenters as petitioners,” &c. Ibid. * And if any perfon of the [ame realm, which from « benceforth [ball have the [aid [ummons, be be arche s¢ bifbop, bifbop, abbot, prior, Ec. do abfent bimfelf, s¢ and come not at the [uid [ummons (except -be- may ¢ yeafonably and boneftly excufe bimfelf to our lord the ¢¢ king) be fball be amerced and otherwife punifbed, ¢¢ gccording as of old times bath been ufed to be done - «¢ within the [aid realm in the [aid cafe.” In the twelfth of Richard the Second, the abbot of St. James’s Northampton, being fummoned to parliament, petitioned to be difcharged, becaufe he was not a tenant by barony, nor in chief of the king. "The words are thefe; « Non tenet per baroniam, nec de vege in capite ; fed « tantum in puram et perpetuam eleemojynam ; et nec «¢ ipfe abbas, nec predeceffores fui, fuerunt ad parlia- « mentum citati huc ufque. Unde petit remedium et ba- < pujt.” Again, in the twenty fixth year of Edward the Third, the abbot of Leicefter was difcharged from all attendance in parliament on the like fuggeftion, becaufe he held not of the king per baroniam feu alio modo, per od ad parliamenta feu concilia nofira venire teneatur. I would obferve on thefe records, that, as before the ties, as well thofe which held of the king as others, were ad puram et perpetuam eleemofynam ; and as the alterations made by William affe@ed only thofe which held immedi- ately of the crown, it is no wonder that men who were pof- feft of fuch dignities not bolden of the crown,and who much defired an exemption from all fecular fervices, fhould not acquiefce in an extenfion of that alteration; and therefore thefe abbots very properly petitioned againft being fum- moned toparliament contrary tothe privilege of their tenure 3 | an “pr £1 ap Fp a a THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II © and the king an{wered very juftly to the petition of the latter, that nolentes illum indebite wexari he difcharged him from that fervice. But nothing can be inferred from hence to prove the pofitions, which fome writers have laid down, that no freeholders had antiently ‘a fhare in the legiflature, except tenants in chief, and that all fervice in parliament was then confidered no otherwife than as a trouble and burthen, which every member of parlia- ment defired to be exempt from, and endeavoured to avoid. The flatute itfelf, which is the fubje& of this note, has been alledged as an argument, to fhew how unwill- ingly our parliaments were attended, when it was necef- fary to enforce the performance of that duty by a par- ticular law : but the difturbed and tumultuous ftate of thofe times, when it was dangerous to pafs from one part of the realm to another, may better account for this fta- tute; and that the chief objet of it was to enforce the attendance of the /piritual barons, 1 think very proba- ble; as we know, that their defire of a total feparation from the laity in all a&ts of government, made them remifs in the performance of their duty. | Indeed, fome time before, namely, in the eighteenth year of Edward the Third, notice is taken in the record of parliament, that fundry of all eflates were abfent Srom the parliament and convocation then affembled : < at “ which (fays the record) the king did no lefs mufe, than ¢ be was thereat offended: wherefore he charged the “¢ archbifthop, for his part, to punith the defaults of the “ clergy, and be would do the like touching the parlia- “ ment.” (See Cotton’s Abridgment of the Records, P- 43.) But the king’s furprife on this occafion, as well as the offence that it gave him, thews, that fuch abfence was unufual, and muft certainly have had fome extraor- dinary caufe. It was cuftomary in thofe times, if the parliament was not quite full at the firft meeting, to ad- journ for a day or two, till the abfent members came in ; and by the records it appears, that the lords fometimes, 107 and the commons frequently, were called by name the &: Eryane’s firft day of the parliament’s fitting, and fuch of them as Benet e : 1 otton's A. were abfent without juft caufe were both blamed and fin- b ridgment ed. Even in our days it is neceffary to enforce the attend- ° the Re- " > cords in the ance of members by calls of ‘the boufe, and fometimes by Tower. the punithment of thofe who difobey them. P. 301, \ kes ) 48 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF 'P. 301, 302. But befides thefe authorities, drawn from fla- futes and records, very evident indications of the pre- fence of the people in the national councils, and of their being conflituent parts thereof, though, indeed, in a confufed, diforderly manner, are to be found in [ome ancient biflories, and contemporary accounts of tranf- afions in parliament, during the times which I write of 3 viz. from the death of Edward the Confe[for to that of Henry the Second. Gervafe of Canterbury, fpeaking of the promotion of Lanfrac to that metropolitan fee, in the reign of William the Conqueror, fays it was done, ¢¢ Eligentibus eum fe- « nioribus ejufdem ecclefi®, cum epifcopis et principibus, s¢ clero et popule Anglie, in curia regis”. Here the cle- ‘rus et populus are mentioned feparate and diftinét from the epifcopis et principibus, and therefore cannot, by any natural conftrultion, be underftood to mean the fame perfons. Moreover, in the account of the fame tranfa&ion, publithed at the end of Taylor’ Gavelkind, it is faid, that the king committed to Lanfrac the church of Canterbury, ¢ confenfu et auxilio omnium baronum « fuorum, omniumque epifcoporum et abbatum, totiuf- « gue pepuli Anglicani.”” ‘Thele words feem to afford a very evident teftimony, that the people were prefent in thefe parliaments, and afled therein, conjointly with all the [piritual and temporal barons. But in the Chro- “nicle of Litchfield, and likewife in Roger de Hoveden, Wilkins Mention is made of one that was very particular. The Leg. Anglo- words of the Chronicle of Litchfield are thefe : ¢¢ Anno Bupanp aig « Gulielmus regni fui quarto, apud Londonias, confilia Not. ad baronum [uorum fecit fummoneri per univer fos Anglie Eadm.p.171 €¢ comitatus omnes nobiles, [apientesy et [ud lege eruditos, « ut eorum leges et confuetudines audiret, &c. Under “¢ per precepium regis Willielmi eleéli [unt de Sfingulis «¢ totius Anglie comitatibus X11 viri fapientiores, quibus ¢ jurejurando injunctum fuit, coram rege Willielmo, ut «¢ ‘quoad poffent reo tramite, neque ad dextram neque « ad finiftram partem divertentes, legum fuarum confue- Vv. Hoved. “ tudinem et fancita patefacerent, nil pretermittentes, Anmal. f. « vel pravaricando mutantes.”” The account in Roger P43 de Hoveden is to the fame effe&, with very little differ- ence in the expreffions. The Lord Chief Juftice Hale P. 104.107. fays, in his Hiftory of the Law, This appears to be as fufficient and effellual a parliament as ever was beld in England, THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL England. Neverthelefs it muft be noted, that the eleftion of twelve men from every county does not appear to have been ufual in parliaments, or great councils: at leaft we have no account, in any record or hiftory, of juft that nuniber having been fent upon any other occafion. “ Eadmer, who lived in the reign of William Rufus, hasV. Eadm. given an account of a parliament held under that prince, iy % . 1. p. 26, on an extraordinary occafion, viz. for the determining of a , difpute between the crown and Archbifhop Anfelm, on a queftion of great importance to the church and the ftate. He calls it placitum, quod totius regni adunatione apud Rockingham babitum eff. He was prefent in it himfelf, and has fet down all the particulars of what was done there. The general defcription of the affembly is in much the fame terms, as other Hiftorians of that age were ac- cuftomed to ufc in defcribing our parliaments : Epifcopis abbatibus, cunélifque principibus una coéuntibus, &c. But befides thefe he takes notice of a great multitude of monks, clergymen, and laymen, who were prefent, and affiftant, and to whom, as well as to thofe of a fuperior rank, the archbifhop addreffed his difcourfe. ¢¢ Anfel- « mus autem epifcopis, abbatibus, et principibus ad fe a re- «¢ gio fecreto vocatis, ¢ cos et affifientem monachorum, cle- “¢ ricorum, laicorum, numerofam multitudinem hac voce “ alloguitur.” From what follows it is evident, that he fubmitted the queftion, for the difcuflion of which the par- . liament had been called to the determination of the whole affembly. ¢¢ Omnes, dico qui bic congregati eftis, pro vi- ¢ ribus opem wveflri confili ferte”? $ He Re more particularly to his brethren, the bithops ; « Om- “nes itaque, fed vos precipue, fratres et coépifcopi mei ¢ precor et moneo, quatenus iftisdiligenter infpectis, ftu- “ diofius, ficut vos decet, quo inniti queam mihi confilium ¢¢" detis.”” But this no more excluded the reft of the af- fembly from giving their opinion on the queftion in dif- pute, than it did the temporal barons. On the contrary, the beginning of this paragraph fays that 4// were defired to hear and confider ity in order to form their advice to Anfelm upon it. It appears, that, at firft, all the fpiritual and temporal lords, and perhaps other chief men, com- prehended under the word principes, here ufed by Eadmer, were with the king in an inner room : from whence the were called into the church of the caftle, which was the place me — nar RE I eS os nr - i = = - — —— — caus oN asa a Sn aS. ee a — x 110 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF lace of the general affembly, to hear the queftion propo~ Fed to them byAnfelm. « Anfelmus autem epifcopis; abbati- « bus, et principibus ad fe d regio fecreto vocatis, eos et aflif « tentem monachorum, clericorum, laicorum, multitu- ¢¢ dinem, hac voce alloquitur.”” And they occafionally went backwards and forwards, feveral times, in the courfe of the deliberation. ¢ Omnes igitur affidentes oppido tur- ¢ bati, cum magno tumultu furrexerunt, 8c. Quibus dic- « tis ad regem reverfi funt.”’ And afterwards, , F acti ¢ itaque longi mora redeunt epifcopi cum nonnullis prin- “ cipibus o rege decentes,” &c. And again, reverft ad « regem perfuaferunt inducias nulld ratione dandas, &c. «¢ Cum igitur (epifcopus Dunelmenfis) regi perfuafiffet ¢ quefitas inducias Anfelmo non effe dandas, commitatus «¢ guam pluribus, qui verba fua fuo fulcirent teftimonio, ¢¢ ad virum ingrediens ait, Audi querimoniam regis con- « tra te,” &c. And upon hearing Anfelm’s anfwer, they again returned to the king, ¢ Quibus auditis, afpicientis « fe invicem, nec invenientes quid ab ifta referrent, ad s¢ dominum [uum reverfi funt.”> While they were with the king, they, at firft, confulted together with fome re- gularity ; but afterwards talked to one another, without order, and in fmall, feparate parties. ¢ Ad que rex ve- « bementer iratus cum epifcopis atque principibus intentiffi- « me querere capit quid 'diflis ejus objicere pof- 6 Jet nec invenit. Scandalizati ergo inter Jeab invicem « funt in partes divifiy et bic duo, ibi tres, illic quatuor « in unum confiliabantur,”’ &c. ‘Thefe Eadmer calls af- terwards conciliabula, and certainly they were not agreea- ble to the regular forms either of a council or a parliament. But when, in confequence of what had been thus irregular- ly determined, the bifhop of Durham, with all his bre- thren, and many of the temporal nobles, had fpoken very ftrongly before the whole affembly, againft Anfelm, and af- ter hearing his anfwer had returned back to the King, a murmur arofe, from all the mulditude in the church, upon the wrong done to that prelate. Yet they only complain- ed of it, in a low voice to each other, none of them dar- ing to {peak openly for him, out of fear of the king, whom Eadmer calls tbe Tyrant. But at laft a knight, or military tenant, miles unus, coming forth from the multi- tude, which feems to have been thronged promifcuoufly together, knelt down before Anfelm, and iz the name of them all entreated him not to be difturbed at what had bee] al THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. faidto him, &c. whereupon (fays the Hiftorian) Anfelm underftood, that the opinion of the people was with him at which he and thofe who belonged to him were much rejoiced and encouraged, trufting, to the Scripture, tbat she woice of the people was the voice of God. << Ortum ¢ interea murmur eft fofius multitudinis pro injurid tanti “ viri fummiffa enter fe voce querentis. Nemo quippe “ palam pro eo loqui audebat, ob metum tyranni. Verunta men miles unus, de multitudine prodiens, viro aftitit, ¢¢ flexis coram eo genibus dicens, Domine pater, rogant “ te per me fupplices filii tui ne turbetur cor tuum ex iis ¢ que audifti, &c. Qu= verba dum pater comi vultu * accepiflet, intellexit animum populi in [ua fententia fecum effe. Gavifi ergo exinde fumus, et @quanimiores effelti, “ confidentes juxta [cripturam, vocem populi vocem effe ¢¢ Dei?” Whether, in the multitude, from which this miles came forth, and in whofe name he {poke to Anfelm, any or all the reprefentatives of counties, cities, and bo- roughs, were comprehended ; or whether any fuch were included in the general denomination of proceres et prin- cipes regni, is not fufficiently clear from this paffage. It appears, that Anfelm fat in the midft of the proceres and of the multitude thronged together. < Anfelmus in medio “¢ procerum et conglobate multitudinis [edens ita orfus eft,” &c. Eadmer, who was chaplain to Anfelm, feems to have had a feat near him, ¢ Mane autem reverfi fedimus “¢ in folito loco expe€tantes mandatum regis :’” but this feat might be granted to him, upon this occafion, rather for the convenience of that prelate, than in his own right. However this may have been, it is evident from the pafla- ges recited above, that many regular and fecular clergy- .men, and many laymen of a degree inferior to the proceres et principes regni, were prefent and afliftant in this great council. I need not obferve that even now, when the two houfes are together in the fame place, the peers fi, and the commons fand. The fame contemporary author gives us alfo an account of a parliament held in the year 1100, by King Henry the Firft, wherein ¢¢ tota regni nobilitas cum populi nume- rofitate Anfelmum inter fe et regem medium fecerunt, ¢¢ quatenus ei, vice fui, manu in manum porre&i, pro- ¢ mitteret juftis et fanlis legibus fe totum regnum, ¢¢ quoad viveret, in cunélis adminiftraturum.” This pro- mife which may be called a confirmation of his charter un- der 4 EN A RA A Ea A hs TL SP A i FR TR ——— = EW 2 hia x — a 8 - ES A Sc —— ee — - po oe at me ea age EE ee te ME Era rs Ei SR a #* & ————————————————S = we —— WV. Eadm. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF der the guarantee of Anfelm, being {olemnly givenin parlia- ment, at the defire of the whole nobility of the kingdom and of a numerous affembly of the peaple, who are fpoken of as prefent and concurring with the former, is another ftrong evidence, not only of the attendance of the commons in the parliaments held during thofe times, but of their taking part in the bufine[s tranfalled therein, and being confidered as members of the great council of the nation. It appears, that this meeting was in folemnitate Pentecofes, when the nobility met of courfe ; but I have obferved before, that it was frequently the pradtice of thofe times to convert thofe lefer aflemblies into full and compleat parliaments, by fummoning the commons to attend them. In the year eleven hundred and fourteen a great council ‘was convened by Henry the Firft, in which Radulph bi- fhop of Rochefter was eleGed archbifthop of Canter- bury. The monks of Canterbury, in their epiftle to the pope on that fubje&t, which the before-mentioned hift. nov. L 'Hiftorian has given us, wrote thus: « Adunato con- Vv. P. Il, 113. V. Epift. Hen. reg. tn Chron. Brompton, P- 999- « wentu totius Anglici regni in prefentid gloriofi re- « gis noftri, Henrici, elellusa nobis, et clero, et populo « oft ad regimen ipfius ecclefie Radolphus, &c. Huic elec- « tioni affuerunt epifcopi, abbates, et principes regni, ef « ingens populi multitudo, confentiente domino noftro « rege, et eandem ele&@ionem laudente, fuaque auétori- ¢ tate corroborante.”” The mention here made. of mul- titude of people affifting together with the bithops, abbots, and nobles, or chief men of the kingdom, in eleGtion of a primate, which appears to have been made in full parlia- men or (to ufe the words of the letter) in an affembly of the whole kingdom, is an authority which much corroborates the paffages above-cited. 1 will add, that we have a let- ter from King Henry the Firft to the pope, on another occafion in which he fays, ¢¢ Notumque habeat fanétitas ¢ veftra, quod, me vivente, Deo auxiliante, dignitates « et ufus regni Anglia non minuentur. Et fi ego, quod 4 abfit, in tanta me dejeCtione ponerem, optimates mely « jmmo totius Anglie populus id nullo modo pateretur.”’ From thefe words it appears, that this king himfelf was of opinion, and made no difficulty of declaring to the pope, shat be could not give up the dignities and cuftoms of bis kingdom without the confent of the nobility and people of England : a very ftrong proof, both that our monarchy was not then abfclute, but limited by the parliament ; and | : that THE LIFEOF KING HENRY IL that the limiting power was vefted in the people, as well as in the nobles. I come now to confider the reign of King Ctephen with relation to this point. Of a great council, or parliament, held in the firft year of that king, Henry of Huntingdon, a contemporary hiftorian, writes thus: “ Rediens autem ¢ inde rex Stephanus in Quadragefima- tenuit curiam ¢ {uam apud Lundoniam in {olemnitate Pafchali, qui ¢ punquam fut fplendidior in Anglia multitudine, mag- £¢ nitude, atro, argento, gemmis, veftitu, omnimoda ¢ dapfilitate.” By thefe words it appears, that this was -a council held as ufual, at Eafter, and one of the fulleft that had ever been {cen inEngland. The contemporary author of the A&ls of King Stephen fpeaks alfo of the fame affembly in the following words: ¢ Omnibus igitur Sn V. Gett. Stephan, regis apud Du Chefne, ¢¢ regni fide et jurejurando cum rege conftrictis edo per P: 93% 933: ¢¢ Angliam promulgate, {ummos ecclefiarum dullores << cum primis populi ad concilium Londonias confcivit « Illis quoque quafi in unam {entinam illuc confluentibus, “ Ecclefrarumque columanis Jedendi rdine difpofitis, vulgo “ ctjan confufe et permixtim, ut folet, ubique fe ingercnte, “ plura regno et ecclefie profutura, fuerunt et utiliter of- 3) tenfas et Jalubriter pertraciata. De ecclefie figuidem “ Satu in melius componendo, de ejufdem libertate multi- > plicius reflaurand a [plendide non nulla in ipfi regis pre- [entia perorarunt,” &c. This is a very remarkable paf- age. Itappears by it, that the king had fummoned to this council the prelates or governors of the church, with the chief of the people ; ecclefiarum duclores cum primis popu- Ji. But there was in the aflembly a lower order of people called, by this writer, vulgus, who did not fit, as the pre- lates and nobility did, in an orderly manner, but crou- Sod In snjuliny and promifcuoufly, according to cuftom. 4 cclefiarumque calumnis fedend ordine difpofitis, vul- i go etiam confufe et permixtim, ut folet, ubique fe inge- rente,”” &c. Now this perfectly well agrees with the expreflions of populi numerofitas, conglobate muliitudinis et affi iflentem monachorum, clericorum, et laicorum pire Jam multitudinem. Butl fufpe& there is an error, either of the prefs or of the manufcript from whence it was prin- ted, in the firft part of the fentence. _Inftead of iis quo- que, quafi in unam f[entinam, illuc confluentibus, 1 chink it fhould be aliis. And then it will run thus: « LdiQo per Angliam promulgato, fummos ecclefiarum duéto- € . » “ge . # res cum primis populi ad concilium Lundonias confcivit. Vor. IV, « Alls EE aaa . . J. Ey NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. « Aliis quoque, quafi in unam fentinam, illuc confluenti- oris ordinis per fone, mentioned here after the prefules et ¢¢ bus, ecclefiarumque columnis fedendi ordine difpofitis,”’ principes regni, as convened by the king, were, I prefume, - &c. This is much better fenfe ; and then 1t will appear the inferior tenants in chief of the crown, and fuch repre- from the whole paffage fo corre&ted, that the chief of the fentatives of the commons as were fummoned to parliament, clergy and laity having been fummoned to attend this coun- but were not of a rank and dignity to be reckoned among cil, by the king’s edict, or mandate, publifhed over all | the nobility. 0. +" England, others of an inferior degree came 1n alfo, con- Matthew Paris mentions a controverfly between. theP. 8; fufedly and promifcuoufly, as they had been ufed to do bithop of Lincoln and the church of St. Albans, which on {uch occafions. This, hiftorian indeed has mentioned was decided in a great council held at Weftminfter under only the prelates 2s fitting in the affembly ; but it muft King Henry the Second, in the year 1162, at which were be underftood that the lay nobility, of all ranks and de- prefent the king himfelf, the two archbithops, nine bi- grees, enjoyed the fame diftinCtion. We alfo find, that fhops, the earl of Leicefter jufticiary, with earls, barons, in this parhament the king was perfonally prefent at all the abbots, archdeacons, et innumera turba regni. debates, and not, in fecreto regio, with the nobles alone, Soon after this was held the famous council of ‘Claren- as in that defcribed by Fadmer, ‘but together with the don, which Mr. Selden calls that great parliament. It is v. Stepha- wulpus. ¢¢ Vulgo etiam confufe et permixtim, ul Jolet, termed by Fitftephen, a contemporary writer, generale nid. in vit « ybique fe ingerente plura regno et ecclefie projutura fu- concilium. Matthew Paris, in reckoning up the feveral 5. T cc erunt et utiliter offenfa, et falubriter pertraciata. De perfons in this council, who fwore to obferve the laws ¢¢ ecclefiz fiquidem fiatu in melius componendo, - de ejuf- there enalted, fays, ¢ Archiepifcopi, epifcopi, abbates, prio- ¢¢ dem libertate multiplicius reftauranda fplendidé nonnul- « res, clerus, cum comitibus, baronibus, et proceribus cunc- « la in ipfd regis prefentid perorarunt.”’ Nor 1s any « tis juraverunt,” &c. Now clerus, being thus named after diftin&ion made, or intimated, as if the decifion, or even archbifhops, bifhops, abbots and priors, fhews that other the difcuffion, of the matters agitated before him, in this clergymen of a rank inferior to thefe were prefent in that mixed affembly, was confined to the nobles. Yet they council. ‘The fame hiftorian fays it was held in prefentia were points of the higheft nature and, if the conftituti- regis Henrici, prefidente Jobanne de Oxonia. 'Thisis the on in thofe times admitted the vulgus to participate 19 only mention I meet with, of the perfon who prefided in {uch confultations, we may confidently affert, that a po- any parliament of thofe times. John of Oxford was then pular power was mixed with the ariftocratical in the great of no higher dignity than king’s chaplain. councils of the nation. But we muit not fuppofe that this In the preamble or preface to the Conftitutions of Cla- V. Confti- wulgus, or the populi - mumerafitas before-mentioned, rendon, 1t is faid, « Falta eft ifta recognitio coram ar- Poy included any perfons who were not free members of the “ chiepifcopis et epifcopis, ef clero, et comitibus, et ba- fpese community 3 luch as originally had a right to aflift in great “ ronibus, et proceribus regni. Et eafdem confuetu- councils. Our parliaments under the government of the “ dines recognitas per archiepifcopos, et epifcopos, et co- Normans were coniralled images of the general affemblies « mites, et barones, ef per nobiliores et antiquiores regni, held in open plains by the firft founders and lawgivers of « Thomas Cantuarienfis, &c. concefferunt,’” &c. And at the Englith nation. And they till retained a great deal of ¢ the end of them, ¢ Fa&a eft autem predi&arum the confufion and irregularity natural to thofe affemblies. “ confuetudinum et dignitatum recordatio regiarum, a Vv. Gerv: In the year 1157, a parliament was called to meet at “ preefatis archiepifcopis, et epifcopis et comitibus, et baro- Chron. fub Northampton by King Henry the Second, of which Ger- ~ & nibus, ef nobilioribus et antiquioribus regni, apud Claren- =n 1157. yafe of Canterbury, a contemporary writer, gives this « donam,” &c. In thefe defcriptions, which are fhort and defcription. “ Convocati Sunt ad eum pr et princt- general, like all the others of our ancient laws and ftatutes, sc pes regniy alieque inferioris ordinis per [one apud Nor- the words of the moft uncertain fignification are the pro- « thamtoniam. Poft varios autem fermones, ef regnt ne- ceres and the nobiliores et anmtiquiores regni, mentioned « gotia, alum eft etiam de profeflione Silveftri abbatis after earls and barons. Iam inclined to believe, from the fé archiepifcopoCantuarienf facienda.” The alieque pry Ia authorities pe THE LIFE OF KING HENRY I. ob NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF as a proof that none were in it, that proof will hold as . rong to fhew, that no tenants in capite o ing infe- authorities before-cited, and others that will hereafter be Se 2 Sai; ita prefent He bof ge ng ne given on this fubject, that thefe proceres et nobiligres 4 held of the king in capite had a right to be prefent in ge- ni were the lenantg ah chief of the king belo v the bans o nerali concilio, which this 1s {aid to have been, has before barons, the knights of fhires, and the ep! i ne been proved from old Records. Among thefe tenants there See the principal cities. But whom are we to under an : J b | ‘were many, who, in Kirg Henry the Firft’s charter, are Bote on the tiquiores regni # The Saxon word ealdormen, of Whit diftinguifhed from barons. « Siquis baronum meorum, ye or thefe Latin words appear to be a tranflation, fgets Te 4¢ comitum, vel aliorum qui de me tenent, mortuus fuerit,” King Joba fenior or fuperior magiftrates In any community M . I ~ ¢ &c. And again, in another claufe, ¢ Siquis baronum Sted by Spelman, in his Gloffary, explains 1t thus : Eph ¢¢ velaliorum hominum meorum lium fuum nuptum tradere Brady. ¢¢ citer autem occurrit apud Anglo Saxones, pote F 7 ¢ voluerit,” &c. And a contemporary author fays, feniore vel fuperiore in quavis prefectura. Of Yale re that to the parliament of Northampton, where Becket gives many proofs. It may then be thought, that, by the was arraigned, all the tenants in chief were fummoned. antiquiores regni here mentioned, {ome fuch are deno- ¢ In caftro Northamtoniz folemne ftatuens (rex) celebra- Y- Stephan. ted 3 and that, as they are named ated her they “¢ re concilium, omnes qui de rege tenebant in capite man- ay probably were not of high rank. But other te bolo old 4¢ dari fecit.” Whereas many other writers, in defcri- tles of Ho- fhew, that they have a particular reference to tbole od bing that parliament, mention only prelates, earls, and?®°u5 Parti. men, of different orders and degrees, who were rere barons. Indeed the hiftorians of this and the following S33: to recollect, and fet down in writing, the ancient cultoms century {eldom take notice of any but the greater nobility Rot. Clauf. of the realm. For, in the account that is given of this y ] : ; : - 1g H. [11 council by Gervafe of Canterbury we find thefe words: in parliamentary councils. And from. this filence a negative jo og 11% BE - eS ET a Es nie Cnt gna rims onto A rr pe tg ry ee = a CET PR ee gia Remi - - pt argument has been drawn againft the exiftence of any Brady’ : : et de hef- : : : : Y Brady’s an- cs Craftino autem, cum in unum conveniffent, h others in fuch aflemblies. But this proof is overturned by fwer to Pe- « ternz diei ferie pauca retuliffent, {ciens rex quod qu: etui : ofitive teftimonies from other contemporary hiftorians, © P 69- 13 major «late major eft et iniquitate, Ite, ait, @tate et fa- P P y 2 gor / CC etndines difquiri- and fometimes from themfelves. “ flenita proveliiaris, © a9 RS —- ot Rc Thus Matthew Paris, in the defcription he gives of a Vv. M. Pa. See it In "ly Ln feniptum recs i fays, in a letter to Becket parliament, which he terms a moft general one, in the I's tb ann, Appendix 1B0p Ol : +h rt cuftoms of the thirtieth year of King Henry the Third, mentions nope to the next concerning this tranfadtion that the ancient cu : of the laity, but earls and barons, and none of the clergy, book. Epift. kingdom were fet forth and put into writing antiquorum : 126. ¢ Cod, via. And in another epiftle, from all the clergy of but bifhops, abbots, and priors. ¢ Medio vero Quadra- i “ gefime, edifto regio convocata, convenit ad parliamen- Cottoniano, : hefe gchimz, ediC glo C a, aa pariliamen v.Epitt. the province of Canterbury to the pope, we find tum generaliffimum totius regni Anglicani totalis nobili- gg «Cod words : ¢ Adjuratis itaque per fidem, et per cam qu tas Londini,videlicet, prelatorum, tam abbatum et pri- uo. I ¢ erum, quam epifcoporum ; comitum quogue et baronum, Vatican, ut de flatu regni, &c. contretarent”” A ftronger paf- ¢¢ tates requifite palam prolate funt, et [ummorum in wi fage can fcarce be found in any writer, to countenance : no eo a propalate. tis fet the the opinion, thatfo late, as in .the thirtieth year of King ble, that fome old magiftrates, well acquainted wi i’ hed. | re es foi oo al ceedings. were fummoned Henry the "Third, our mot general parliaments corfifted dace Cultoms ? } E ; yf enquiry, name only of the nobility of the kingdom, and that by the nolbili- o paritament with a particuiar view to tnis ry, - t ‘ the [éniores in ots prefefura: and very poffibly the y none were meant but prelates, earls, and barons. Yet y the Jeno gualis pre, 1 boroughs may have been this very author will himfelf fucnifh an evident proof, that oldeft PRE Tatey ow on ’ Deg £ He % the Se- in this fame parliament, not only all the tenants in chief, heit inp Eu I the yon of but the whole clergy and people were prefent, and partici-P. 465. os as of ornies cities, or bo- Pant in the ats done Sheen, For he tells us, that when | | es. : the roughs, in the defcriptions of this council, be taken 3 6 co ——————— — rs i x RC IR ES a = : om il - iat = ail BSS 8 5S LE 2 L 14 ¢ in Deum fpes eft, majoribus natu epifcopis, aliifque reg- “ <¢ ni majoribus, retroalli temporis infinuato flatu, digni- —— 14 SEE a 5 5 5 A RTO RR A TAT Pe I a EE Se 2 pe — = ed Emme ee — ee - & NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF the king had laid - before his parliament feveral articles, « fuper gravaminibus et oppreffionibus ecclefie et regni « fui, &c. Hzc attendentes univerfi ac finguli unanimi- « ter confenferunt, ut adhuc, ob reverentiam fedis apof~ ¢ tolicee, D. Pap humiliter ac devote; tam per epifto- ¢ las, quam per folemnes nuncios, fupplicarent, ut tam in- ¢ tolerabilia gravamina et jugum fubtraheret importabile. « Scripferunt igitur D. Papz in heec verba.” He then re- cites the letters they wrote to the pope, of which the firft is from the bifhops of the province of Canterbury ; the fecond from all the abbots and priors of England in the name of themfelves and their convents; and the third runs in thefe words : Sanétiffimo, &c. « Devoti filii fui, ¢¢ comes Cornubiz Richardus; Simon de Montiforti, ¢s comes Legreceftriz, de Boun comes Herefordie et « Effexiz, R: le Bigod, comes Nortfolki, R. comes « Glovernie et Herefordize, R. comes Wintonie, W, «¢ comes Albemarliz, H. comes Oxonienfis, et alit totius & regni Angliz barones, proceres, et magnates, ac nobi- ¢ les portuum maris babitatoress mec non et clerus et po- ¢ pulus univer us, {alutem,’’ &c. Here the inbabitants of the Cinque Ports (of whom no mention was made in the defcription above given) are added to the barons and other mobles and chief men of the kingdom, as concurring in this epifle ; and over and above all thefe, the whole clergy and people. Many other inftances may be given, how little ftrefs ought to be laid, for the determining of this queftion, on the filence of writers abcut the commons, in the thort and inaccurate accounts of great councils or par- {iaments, which we commonly meet with, during this period of our Hiftory ; but I will only produce one more, from the Annals of Burton, which fpeaking of a parlia- ment held in the thirty ninth year of Henry the Third . Ann. Bur- defcribe it thus: ¢ Poft feftum S. Michaelis autem ten- ton. fubann. ¢¢ yit rex parliamentum fuum apud Weftmenafterium, Jias ae «¢ convocatis ibidem epifcopis, abbatibus, et prioribus iit.or on 0: . . . « 6 comitibus et baronibus, et ‘totius regnmi magoribus.” t.p.345. ¢ ¢ vocat.p345. From whence (fays Dr. Hody) one would at firft fight ¢« conclude that the inferior clergy were not prefent. « But from hence it appears, that we ought not to rely « on fuch kind of enumerations.”” For immediately it fol- « lows, ¢ In quo pretebat a clero de laicis feudis fuis fibi « fuffragium exhiberi, &c. difponens, de fuo confilioin- $¢ iquo,-hoc prius a clero, et poftmodom a popule na THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. « of minori extorquere. Epifcopi vero, abbates, priores, «ot procutatores qui ibidem pro univer fitate affuerunt, ¢ polentes hujufmodi exactioni adquiefcere,” &c. | If thefe proctors, who were there for the whole body of the clergy, had not been thus exprefly named in the following paragraphs, together with the populus minor, or commons, the foregoing defcription might have been brought to confirm Dr. Brady’s affertion, that none but tenants in chief were to be found in our parliaments before the forty ninth of Henry the Third : whereas now we are affured by the teftimony of thefe annals, that even this mode of reprefentation had taken place before that time. Indeed the learned Dr. Wake, in his book againft At- terbury, on the State of the Church and Clergy of England (p. 202.) fuppofes, that the pro&tors here mentioned were not prefent in parliament but only in a legatine council held at the fame time. This is fetting afide the authority of thofe Annals, becaufe they difagree with his Fiypothe- fis. But how could the writer of them, who lived bim- Jelf at that time, have made fuch a miftake, if no proc- tors for the clergy had ever come to parhament before the twenty third year of Edward the F eft ? Having thus fhewn the infufficiency of the argument drawn by many eminent writers, againft the prefence of the commons in our ancient legiflatuye, from the general filence of hiftorians who lived in thofe times, I fhall pro- ceed to lay before the reader fuch defcriptions of parliaments in the reign of Henry the Second, as feem to contain a degree of pofitive evidetice which may give light to thisv. Append. queftion. Gilbert Foliot, bithop, of London, in the let- to the next ter to Becket before-mentioned, where he is fpeaking of book, Epift. the parliament convened at Northampton, for the trial of that prelate and other bufinefs of the kingdom, fays, cc Convenit populus ut vir unus:” It would be a great force on the natural meaning of the word, to conitrue populus here as comprehending only the nobility and ten- ants in chief of the crown. At the fame time it is evident that the whole body of people (which is the proper and ob- vious fenfe of the term) could not have affembled in that “town or caftle, otherwife than by fome mode of reprefen- tation. Such indeed of the inferior clergy, or lay-freg- holders, as refided in or near Northampton, might be perfonally there, confufe et permixtim ; but they wh fe abode was far diftant, and large communities of men, I4 | could i | ENE FRE : EE EE FE Sr Tees Pe mepii —_ A a PE ERE EE SR A CR ae SES RR ee A Ta EE wr , = ne Ca: _ - SE — a — ————— RE 120 . yo NO TES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF could only come thither by procurators, or reprejentatives. And in this way the expreflion, conven: populus ut vir unus, is intelligible and juft. The bithop of London, af- ter having mentioned this great attendance at Northamp- ton, in confequence of the king’s fummons, goes on in V. Brompt, Chron. fub, ann. 1165: V. Stepha- nid. in vita S. Thomz, thefe words: « Et affidentibus Sibi, quorum id dignitatt « congruebat et ordiniy qued dictum eft fuper exfpreto ¢¢ mandato fuo, in querclam adver [us vos, ufus qui decu- ¢¢ it modeftid et venuftate, propofuit.’’ A diftinétion 1s here made between the different tanks and orders of men comprehended before under the general word populus. It is faid, that thofe, fo whofe dignity and rank it belonged, fitting near to the king, he modeftly laid before them his complaint againft Becket : which implies that others were prefent, who were not of a rank and dignity to be feated in this affembly. Of ihe courfe of the proceedings I fhall fay more in another part of this work. It will be fuffici- ent here to obferve, that the bufinefs of this affembly, which Brompton exprefly calls parliamentum, and which certainly was more than the ordinary cura regis, appears not to have been confined to the trial of Becket: for a con- temporary author informs us, thata {cutage was fettled in it, for raifing foot foldiers to be employed againft the Welth. And it is probable, that other matters were alfo confidered in it, as the meeting was fo general ; though the hifforians, being monks, are fo taken up with the af- fair of Becket, that they have omitted to mention them. In the author laft-cited we find thefe words: ¢ Confu- «¢ lentibus epifcopis, comitibus, et baronibus Anglie om- “ nibus, Normannie pluribus.” I prefume that thefe Nor- man barons, who are mentioned hear as confulting with thofe of England in this parliament, had lands and honours in the kingdom: for the writer takes no notice of it as an irregularity. Roger de Hoveden, in his account of the tranfa&ions in this council relating to Becket, has thefe words : ¢ Et cum veniflet ad aulam regis defcendit et ipfe, ¢ crucem fuam bajulans, et intravit domum regis. De- ¢¢ inde intravit exteriorem cameram folus, portants crucem « yam. Noullus enim fuorum fequebatur eum. Et cum «¢ intraffet, invenit plebem maultam in ed, [editque inter il- <¢ Jos: rex autens erat in fecretiori thalamo cum [uis fami- « Jigribus.”” ‘This is exa&ly agreeable to Eadmer’s ac- count of the parliament at Rockingham cattle, where the king was in fecreto regio cum principibus, and the multi- tudo THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL tudo populi was in the body of the chureh belonging to the caftle. Hoveden afterwards calls this outward room curia, And in the paflage above-cited he fays the archbifhops fat down among the commons, invenit plebem multam in ed, feditque inter illos : which he furely would nct have done, if they had been a mere mob. Another awthor of that age (Alanus in Quadrilogo) fays, that the king expedted him in this outward chamber, where Roger de Hoveden tells us the multa plebs was affembled, but, that, upon his coming in armed with the crofs, the king retired into an inner room. ¢ Intraturus cameram regis, ubi eum rex ¢¢ preftolabatur, ad oftium ipfum 4 crucis bajulo crucem “¢ accepit, et palam, canétis videntibus, ipfe eam bajula- ¢ vit, &c. Aduiens autem rex archiepifcopum armatum ce venire, &c. citius receffit in conclave interius.” It is of no importance to the point I am confidering now, which of thefe authors is right in this particular : but from both accounts it appears, that the chamber, in which Hove- den {ays the plebs was aflembled, was the great chamber of the parliament. And the words of Gervale of Canter- bury are much the fame with thofe above-cited. In the year 1788, a great council, or parliament, was held by Henry the Second at Gaintington near Northamp- ton, in which a very heavy tax was laid upon the whole nation for the Crufade againft Saladin, Hoveden fays. ¢ Rex magnum convocavit concilium epifcoporum, abbas ¢“ tum, comitum, et baronum, et aliorum multorum, tam “ clericorum quam laicorum.” From thefe words compared with, and explained by other paflages, which I have ci- ted before, we may fuppofe that this parliament, the laft of Henry the Second, had in it all the inferior orders of owen, both clergy and laity ; that is, fome of each or- er. oo The reader may enquire, in what manner the opinion of the people was taken, when they were affembled in the confufed and irregular multitudes before defcribed. Of this I find no account that is abfolutely certain ; but a ver probable conjeture may be drawn from a paffage in the Continuation of the Hiftory of Florence of Worcefter by another ancient writer. Defcribing a fynod held at Weft- minfter, in the year eleven hundred and twenty five, he fays, ¢¢ that all the prelates were there cum innumerd cle- ‘“ ri et populi multitudine.” He then recites the feveral canons, or decrees which they made, and concludes them all . rn — —_—__ ama er a - RR he - CR SS RT I A ARO SR AR - as et ms — TT - I I EE EE Er - . IE SEE === A — a Eo Re = - = me —— PE SR 122 See Parlia- mentary Hiftory, p. 301. V. Spel- man’s Glofl. MAGNUM CoNcCILI- UM. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF all with this form of words thrice repeated, « Flacet vo- bis? Placet 2 which undoubtedly was the manner of afking and giving votes made ufe of in that fynod ; from “which we may reafonably infer, that the fame was ufed in our parliaments, the refemblance between thofe and fy- nods being then very great. So late, asin the twenty eighth year of King Edward the Third, we find, that the commons were told by the lord chamberlain, in the pre- fence of the lords, that there were great hopes of bringing about a peace between England and France, by means of certain commiflioners appointed, on both parts, for that purpofe ; but yet the king would not conclude any thing without the confenit of his lords and commons, where- fore he demanded of them, in the king’s name, ‘whether they would affent and agree to a peace, if it might be had by treaty? to which the commons anfwered with one ac- cord, that what fhould be agreeable to the king and his council in making of this treaty would be fo to them : but being afked again, whether they confented to a perpetual peace, if it might be had, they unanimoufly cried out, Ouy, ouy, Ay, ay. Mr. Tyrrel obferves upon this, that parliamentary proceedings were not then reduced to that form and regularity which they have been brought to fince that time; the commons here giving their opinion viva voce, and in the prefence of the lords, to what the Kirig deman- ded. P. 302. But the affembly of the nobles was convened with mare eafe, and appears to bave alled not only as a coun- cil of flate, and fupreme court of judicature, but, as be- ing authorifed, by permiffion and common confent, to exercife [ome degree of parliamentary power, the limi- tations of which were not accurately defined. The words of Sir H. Spelman on this fubjett are re- markable : « Magnum concilium plerunque intelligitur ¢ de fummo illo concilio totius regni (quod parlamentum ¢ yocant) € tribus ordinibus conftitutum. Sub hoc autem ¢« nomine continetur alias ariffocraticum illud, quod ad “ ardua etiam regni negotia cogebant aliquando reges vete- « yes confimili brevi quo et ipfum parlamentum, [ed pre- « termiffa plebe, et minori folennitate. In magno enim « concilio quod tenuit 'Edwardus III, anno regni {ui 15. « circa feftum tranflationis Thoma Martyris (quod erat « 4 die Julii), nec 40 dierum ratio in ejufdem fummoni- ¢ tone THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL. « tione habebatur, nec daronim omnium convocatio: fed ¢¢ cum in parlamento Weftmonafterii imniediate jam tum « precedente, 54 enumerati eflent (preter epifcopos) fe- «¢ culares proceres, hic Londini evocabantur 23 tantum- ¢ modo. De magno concilio fit {Zpe mentio in annalibus « noftris; fed de quo predifforum genere intelligendum “¢ fuerit [expe etiam dubitatur. Archiva confule. The uncertainty how to diftinguifh thefe different councils in the account of ancient authors, which Sir H. Spelman here mentions, has occafioned much of the per-. plexityand variety of opinions among learned men about the fhare that the commons had in the parliaments of this king- dom before the forty ninth of Henry HI. For a long time we can have no affiftance from our archives, to which he refers us; nor, when they can be confulted, do they al- ways afford fo clear a light as might be defired. P. 303. The fame magnificence in feafling was continued by . bis fucceffors but dropped by Henry the Fir fl, The words of Malmibury, from whence l take this 1 ii £6; account, are as follow : «¢ Convivia in precipius feftivita- ¢¢ tibus fumptuofa et magnifica inibat. Natale Domini apud « Gloceftriam, Pafcha apud Wintoniam, Pentecof- ¢¢ ten apud Weftmonafterium agens quotannis quibus in « Anghad morari liceret. Omnes eo cujufcunque profef- ~ ¢¢ fionis magnates regium edi&um accerfebat, ut extera- “ rum gentium legati {peciem multitudinis, apparatumque ¢ deliciarum* mirarentur. Nec ullo tempore comior ¢¢ autindulgendi facilior erat, ut qui advenerant largita- “ tem ejus cum divitiis conquadare ubique gentium jac- « titarent. Quem morem convivandi primus [ucceffor ob- * flinate tenuit, fecundus omifit.” | By the laft paragraph I do not underftand that Henry the Firft laid afide the ufual meetings of the nobility for the difpatch of publick bufinefs at Chriftmas, Eafter, and Whitfuntide; but only that he omitted the cuftom of feafting with them in the liberal manner that had been pradtifed by his father and brother, or, at moft, that he did not conftantly fummon thofe affemblies as they had done. Co P. 303. although, in the twenty firft year of Richard the Second, the commons bad fbewn, in a petition to the king, bow that before thofe times many judgments and ordinan- ces Ee eo tr—— ES —— Sem E- Se = = = EE ————— EE a NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF made in the times of the progenitors of our lord the kine vi parliament, bad been repealed and difannulled, becaufe the flate of the clergy were not prefent in parlig- ment at the making of the judgments and ordinances. In this petition the judgments may be underftood to refer more particularly to the prelates, who had abfented them- felves from trials in the houfe of lords; but in the making of ordinances the clergy of the lower houle were concerned, as well as thofe of the upper. Accordingly it appears, that, in confequence of this petition, a proc- tor was appointed to al for them, as well as for the pre- lates. And Bifhop Burnet takes notice, that, in the fe- THE LIFE OF KING- HENRY IL was compofed of the King, cum omnibus fuis fenatoribus, which fenators I take to have been the. mobility of the kingdom, {uch as afterwards formed the ordinary council of lords under our kings of Norman race; et cum feni- oribus fapientibus populi fui, by whom I underftand the deputies or reprefentatives of the people, either by elec tion or magiftracy ; et cum multa etiam Jocietate mini- firorum Dei, which words evidently denote the inferior. clergy, mentioned by Eadmer as prefent in the parliaments of his times. | . Lee, 5 In the year 855, Ethelwolph, king of the Weft- V. Spel- cond a& of the fame parliament (viz. in the twenty firft Saxons, gave to the church the tythe of his kingdom, i sCoug. of Richard IL ) it is faid, « "That it was firft prayed by “ cum _confilio epifcoporum et feincipum, prefentibus et ann, 8gs. « the commons, and that the lords fpiritual, and the proc- ~%¢ {ubfcribentibus archiepifcopis et epifcopis Angliz uni- “ tors of the clergy, did aflent to it; upon which the ¢¢ verfis, nec non et Beorredo R. Merciz, et Edmundo « king, by the aflent ofall the lords and commons, did | #¢ Eftanglorum R. abbatum et abbatiffarum, ducum, co- «.ena& it.” Headds, « That the twelfth a& of that € mitum, procerumque totius terr®, aliorumque fidelium Ee a = pn a = = Sn == it — = eo —— a a « parliament was a repeal of the whole parliament, “ ¢¢ that was held in the eleventh year of that reign, «¢ and concerning it, it is exprefled, that the lords « fpiritual and temporal, the proctors of the clergy, and « the commons, being feverally examined, did all agree « toit. From hence it appears, that theje proliors were «not only a part of the parliament, but were a diftinci bo- « dy of men, that did feverally from all the reft deliver « their opinions.” | . 206. The prefence of the people in the Saxon’ councils, P 2k their eo bad / Share in the higheft alls of legifla- ture and government, even till the entrance of the Nor- mans, [eems to be proved very firongly, from the pre- ambles of laws and other proceedings of thofe councils 5 and from the words of the beft biftorians, who lived near bofe times. The Je to Ina’s Laws is thus tranflated by Wil- kins, ¢¢ Ego Ina occiduorum Saxonum rex, cum confilio “ et cum do&rind Cenrede patris mei, et Heddz epif- « copi mei, et Erkenwoldz epifcopi mei, et cum omni- « bus meis [enatoribus, et [fenioribus [apientibus populi “ mei, et multa etiam [ocietate miniftrorum Dei, conful- « tabam de falute anime noftr, et de fundamento regni « noftri, ut juftz leges et jufta ftatuta per ditionem nof- ¢ tram flabilita et conftituta effent,” &c. “By thefe words it appears, ‘that the Saxon legiflature was infinita multitudine, qui omnes regium chirorgraphum ¢¢ laudaverunt, dignitates wero fubfcripferunt.”’ By this laft paragraph it appears, that the a& or decree of the council was approved by all prefent, though fub- Jferibed by none but the nobility, or dignified perfons. The Saxon conftitution therefore reauired, not only the prefence, but the approbation, of the people, to the ena&t- ing of a law : yet to mark the diftin&ion between thefe, and the higher orders of the ftate, the nobility alone fet their hands to the a&. The proceres totius terre here mentioned will take in all the Thanes, and perhaps the Jeniores [apientes regni. By the words, aliorumque fide- lium infinita multitudine, I underftand an unlimited num- ber of freeholders, the fame as the populi numerofitas, et affifientem monachorum, clericorum, laicorum numero- fam multitudinem, mentioned by Eadmer, and the 7 ulgus fpoken of by the author of the A&s of King Stephen. The late Sir John Fortefcue Aland, one of the juftices of the King’s Bench, who was very learned in the Saxon language and legal antiquities, fays, in his Preface to the Book of Chancellor Fortefcue on the difference between an abfolute and limited monarchy, ¢ that whoever care- “ fully and fRilfully reads the Saxon laws, and the pre- “¢ faces or preambles to them, will find, that the commons “ of England always in the Saxon times made part of $¢ that auguft affembly.” There V.H. Hunt. Hitt. hb. iv, Lib. iii. f. 56. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF There is a remarkable paffage in Henry of Hunting- ton, concerning the depofition of Sigebert, king of the Weft-Saxons. ¢ Sigebertus rex, in principio fecundi ¢ anni regni fui, cum incorrigibilis fuperbiz et nequi- « tie eflct, congregati funt proceres et populus totius « regni, et provida deliberatione, et unanimi confenfu “¢ omnium, expulfus eft a regno. Kineweli vero, juve- « nis egregius, de regia ftirpe oriundus, elecus eft in « regem.” Here we fee that the Saxon people concurred with the nobility, both in depofing and eleting a king, and that it was not done in a tumultuous manner, but provida deliberatione et unanimi confenfu, words which exprefs a parliamentary deliberation and confent. Henry of Huntington wrote early in the reign of Henry the Second, when the memory of the Saxon cuftoms could not be worn out in England, and certainly took this ‘part of his hiftory from fome more ancient chronicle, The words are alfo tranfcribed by Roger de Hoveden, in his Annals, without any correction, Sir H. Spelman fays, ¢ it feemeth by thofe {ynods ¢. that were holden in the times of the Saxon kings, and « by fome after the conqueft, that great numbers of the « common people flocked thither.” For 1t is faid in ann. 1021, ¢ cum quamplurimis gregariis m:litibus, ac cum populi multitudine copiofa.’” And ann, 1126, innu- «¢ ‘meraque cleri et populi multitudine:” and fo likewife in ann. 1138, and other fynods and councils. By what order or limitation this innumera populi multitude came to thefe affemblies appeareth not.” (See Spelm. of Par- liaments, p. 64.) William of Malmfburv, in a paffage I have cited before, relates an anfwer fent by Harold to the duke of Nor- mandy’s charge of his having broken the oath, by which he had promifed to aid that prince in his pretenfions to England. The words are thefe : « De regno addebat « praefumptuofum fuifle, quod abfque generals [enatus <¢ ot populi conventu et ediclo alienam illi hereditatem ju- « raverit.” This is a plain declaration, that, by the Sax- on conftitution eftablithed in England, fhe people, as well as the nobles, had a right to be called to the general affembly, upon affairs of great moment, and to join in the edifis made there; fo that, without their confent, the fucceffion to the crown could not be difpofed of. It is obfervable, that the hiftorian ufes the word fenafus in the THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL the fame fenfe as we find it in the before-cited pream- ble to the laws of King Ina, for the ordinary affembly of the nobles, which he diftinguithes from be people but fuppofes that the latter ought to be joined tothe for mer, in order to compofe the entire tetris and great council of the nation, upon extraordinary occafions. This was agreeable to the cuftom afcribed by Tacitus to the Germans, from whom they fprung: ¢ De minoribus - “¢ rebus principes confultant, de majoribus omnes 5 ita S¢ tamen, uf ea quoque, quorum apud plebem arbitrium ¢ eft, apud principes pertralientur,” And I think it appa- rent, that the fame form of government continued in England, during the reigns of all the kings_ treated of in this work ; fome clear traces of it remaining.till much later times. But, as the feudal fyftem was more favour- able to the ariftocratical than to the popular power, the leffer fenate by degrees ufurped much of the authorit that belonged to the greater ; and even in the general vd femblies the nobles were {fo predominant, as to leave the people little power, till the relaxation of that fyftem, the encreafe of wealth among the commons, and other changes in the political ftate of the kingdom, which it would take up too much time to enumerate here, gave more regularity and a better balance to the whole legiflature. | We are told by the Book of Ely, that, in Edward Vv. Hittor the Confeffor’s reign, the brother of an abbot, though Elient. lib, nobly born, could not be reckoned among the nobili io. of the kingdom, becaufe he had not an eftate of forty por. Sear. hides of lands. _““ Quoniam ille quadraginta bidarum do Volipsi3. minum minime obtineret, inter proceres tunc numerari ¢ non potuit :” and theretore he was refufed by a lad whom he fought in marriage, till his eftate was a] to that magnitude by grants of land from his brother. This paflage is remarkable, becaufe it thews that a cer- tain portoin, and that a very large one, of landed pro- perty in dominio was a neceflary qualification, under the Anglo-Saxon government, to admit any perfon to #5e rank and degree of nobility. Whether this continued un- der the Normans I find no proof ; but it muft be ob- ferved, that no argument can be juftly drawn from hence that, to be qualified for a place in the Saxon great cou Or witenagemot, it was requifite to be lord of forty ides of land. Nothing like it is faid here, nor does fuch a notion a ESET ia ee = RE Fo — — — ee ee x = ES Tr EAT tia NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF a notion agree with any accounts that are given us of that aitembly 10 the writings or records of thofe times. But it the Jeffer fenate was compofed of none but the proceres, as there is reafon to believe, this paflage will be a proof, that, without fuch an eftate or lordfhip, no perfon could fit there. P. 307. For, the property of the commons was fo unequal fo that of the nobles, and the feudal obligations of the’ inferior landholders to the lords they beld under created Juch a dependence of the former on the latter, that, al- though in the idea and [cheme of the government, a popular power was mixed with the regal and ariflo- cratical, yets in reality, the fale of the people was not weighty enough to make a propcr counterpoife to either of the other. All this muft be very evident to any perfon who reads the hiftory of this k ngdom, or looks into its laws. But another reafon may be added to account for what appears in many rolls of parliament, long after the period contain- ed in this work, that the commons declined to give their opinion or advice to the crown, in certain matters of ftate, and fubmitted their judgment thereupon to the king and his council, or to them and the lords. While the re- prefentatives of cities, towns, and boroughs, were chofen only out of perfons refiding therein, they were, for the moit part, people of low degree and condition, whofe education and way of life rendered them very unfit to judge of arduous queftions concerning foreign affairs, and treaties with foreign ftates. Accordingly we find, that, in the feventh of King Richard the Second, the commons being much preffed to give their opinions on a treaty of peace with France, before the conclufion thereof, declared, they knew not what to fay ; becaufe in the arti- cles were contained many terms of the civil law which they under flood not 5 and, in the feventeenth of the fame king, they pleaded want of capacity to give their judg- ment or advice on the articles of a peace, in which were contained the law-terms of bomage lige, fouveraidté, ef reffort, for which they referred themfeclves to what the lords, knights, and judges had before agreed upon. Here we fee that the knights of [hires were not fuppofed to be under the fame_incapacity as the reft of the commons. It was therefore an alteration very beneficial to the im- | portance EB wy mo > ba : THE LIFE OF KING HENRY iI. portance of the commons in parliament, when, gentle- men of liberal education were admitted to ferve for ci- ties, towns, and boroughs. The revival of learning in the fixteenth century, and diffufion of it among the gen- try, during the next hundred years, contributed alfo to fill the houfe of commons with able and knowing men, who had no need to have recourfe to the other houfe ot par- liament, or to the king’s council, for the explaining of terms of law, or the articles of a treaty with any fo- reign power. But it will be proper to obferve, that even in the earlieft times, fo far back as we have any rolls of the parliament, all the commons appear to have given their advice with great freedom in matters concerning the internal government and order of the kingdom. What they declined to advife in, upon fome occafions, were queftions that related to the making of peace or : wes wl » BW ok 29 war, as, for inflance, in the twenty firtt and twenty geetheRolls eighth years of King Edward the Third, and fixth, fe- of thofe venth, and feventeenth of Richard the Second. In one Y¢** of thefe, namely, the feventh of Richard the Second, they were told by the chancellor, ¢ that he was to thew ¢¢. them certain articles, wbercin, although the king bim- $¢ felf might well conclude, yet, for good will, he would “ nots without their knowledge and confent.’”” To this they anfwered, not imprudently, that it befeemed not them to intermeddle with their counfel therein, and refer- red it to the king and council. Certainly there was a great difference between exercifing the proper parlia- mentary power of judging of the articles of a peace con- cluded, and of calling the minifters to account if they had advifed the king ill in the exercife of his prerogative, or authorifing them to conclude particular articles by a pre- vious advice. But in all thefe inftances it is remarkable, how great a regard was fhewn by thefe kings to their par- liamerits, even in points which belenged to the royal prero- gative! Such a condu& in fuch a prince .as Edward tte ‘Third, crowned with victory and with glory above all other monarchs, is an evident indication, .that fo govern by parliaments has been the policy of this kingdom under the wifeft and beft kings, from the earlieft times. A late author has cited Sir Robert Cotton’s Abridge- See Humes g ment of the Records in the Tower, to fhew that the Jegiflators. He fays, ¢ the king told the commons, that “ they were only petitioners, that is, they bad not any Vor. IV. K. ¢ preper Hift.of Eng- > : . land, p. gi. commons, in thofe times, were much below the rank of vol ii. note. cighoigi mosis adi —— g Bee ese a ms — as es es we —— ——————————— ee ——— i - ——— a ———— A —— a RS 2S Lala EL ua BG RA TNS ST - Sr 130 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF « proper legiflative authority.” But I will give the whole paffage as it ftands in’ the book itfelf, that the SeeCotton’s reader may judge on what authority this conftruion is Abridge- founded. The words are thefe : ¢ The duke of York, “ent of the ¢¢ and earl of Northumberland, and others of the blood ¢ of the archbifhop of Canterbury, pray the king, that the Tower, h P-392. __ ¢ the fame archbifhop might have his recovery againit THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL ¢ . . . ¢ fitione, Heu, heu, hos ut quid dies expe&avimas ? Ecce “ jam civilis curia exemplo ecclefraftice coinquinatur et “ 2 Julslute: fonte intoxicatur.”” The parliament like wife complain nea ; prs i ed, that the church and kingdom Suffered V. Parliam. infinitely by reafon of the claufe of non obftante, zwpscp Hitt: vol i o weakened and enervated all oaths, ancient cufloms, writ 46. 131 Hen. 1 IV. ¢ Roger Walden, for fundry waftes and fpoils done by ~ ¢ the {aid Roger, in the archbifhoprick aforefaid, whereto « the king granted, and thanked them for their motion. ¢ The commons on the 30th of November pray, #hat « forafmuch as they were not made privy fo the judge- ““ ment aforefaid, no record be made to charge or to make “ them parties thereunto 5 whereunto the archbithop of ¢¢ Canterbury, by the king’s commandment, anfwered, ¢ that the commons were only petitioners, and that all “ judgements appertain to the king and to the lords : un- ¢¢ lefs it were in flatutes, grants, [ubfidies, and Juch like, ¢¢ the which the king would from that time to be ob- « ferved,” It is evident, that the legiflative power of the commons, inftead of being denied, is exprelly confirmed by this anfwer. ‘They are truly told, that the power of judicature appertains not to them, but to the king and the lords ; and this was the queftion to which their prayer related : but in flatutes they were to judge, as ‘well as in grants, fubfidies, &c. Certainly their being petitioners was no argument of their not being legifla- tars : {ince the courfe of proceedings then was, that their petitions if aflented to by the lords and the king, fhould be turned into flatutes, as all the old records of parliament unqueftionably thew. tbid. The execution of all laws was entrufted to the king, and none could be made, repealed, or altered, with- out bis affent. This has been always the royal prercgative in this kingdom : but the difpenfing with laws began no ear- lier than the reign of Henry the Third, by an infertion of the claufe of non obffante into grants and patents, after the example of the papal power. Matthew Paris calls this deteflabilis adjeltio, and what the king’s judges at that time thought of it appears from this paffage in the fame contemporary hiftorian, ¢ Quod cum comperiffet quidam: «vir difcretus, func jufticiarius, Rogerus de Thurkeby, “ ab alto ducens fufpiria de prediGtz adjeCtionis appo- . ¢ f{itione, fen laws, grants, flatutes, and privileges.” Whe Richard the Second faid (as A Cre es ins in one of the articles exhibited againft him in arlia- ment), that bis laws were in his mouth, or in bis bref : and that be bimfelf alone could make and change the Lois of bis kingdom, he totally departed from all the notions of the ancient conftitution, and by acting upon fuch principles, infufed into him by foreigners, he diffolved the bonds of allegiance, and depofed bimfelf. During the violence of the civil wars between the two houfes of York and Lancafter, and the frequent re- volutions that happened in the government, the whole frame of the conftitution was thaken and injured : but how ftrongly the fundamental notions fill prevalent in the breafts of hone} nd knoe) Wily appears from the admirable treatife of Fortefcue 2 ab- folute and limited monarchy. He, who had been raifed to the higheft offices of the law under Henry the Sixth was not afraid to affirm under Edward the Fourth with the fame freedom as in another part of his writings he had fpoken to his royal pupil, the fon of Henry the oth, that ““rex datur propter regnum, et non regnum See Forte- ‘ ? opter regem. Wherefore all that he doth ought to fcueonabio. e referred to bis kingdom. For though bis eflate 3, Jute and li- ¢¢ , the bigheft eflate temporal upon earth, yet it is an of~ narchy.” o cc ° . oe . . fice in the which be minifireth in bis realm defence and Vii: ba juftice. And therefore he may [a : y of bimfelf, as th « pope Jaith of bimfelf and of the Drala be writeth fervus fervorum Dei.” This author alfo founds the original of our government on a number of people incorporating and uniting themfelves into a realm under one bead, or king ; fays, ¢ they ordained the [ame Ci 11 “ realm to be ruled by [uch laws as they wo “ fent 103” which he affirms to be the only pati government, and abfolute monarchy to be mere tyranny. Such ony the notions of our anceftors, in the reign of Fdward | $ Fourth. | Nor does Bra&on, or Glanville, {peak a literent language. But, on the other hand, they had 2 | no L.iv.p. §23. apud Du- chefne. NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF no idea’ of degrading our Kings into mere doges of Ve- nices divefted of reyal power. And fome of our over- zealous whigs would do well to confider, that, by thus lowering the monarchical part of our government, they would as much deftroy the fymmetry and ftrength of the whole, as thofe who {eek to raife it higher than the juit proportions of a mixed and limited monarchy will admit. Even allowing, what I think can never be allowed, that a republick in itfelf 1sa better form of government for a great and opulent country, than a mixed and limited monarchy, it does not follow from thence (as thefe gen- tlemen feem to believe), that by bringing the latter nearer to the former they {hall make the latter more per- fe@. For the perfeétion of it confifts in the equal poife of the three conftituent parts. Whether that pofe be deftroyed by throwing too much weight on the fide of the king, or of the mobility, or of the people, the mil- chief is the fame, P. 309. The wealth of the crown, in the times of which I write, was a great fupport of its power. Ordericus Vitalis; a contemporary hiftorian, fays, that out of the fettled revenues of England one thoufand and fixty pounds of fterling money, thirty fhillings, and three farthings, were reported to be paid every day to William the Yirft, befides the gifts, fines, or amerce- ments, and many other articles, which continually en- creafed ‘the roval treafure. ¢¢ Ipfi vero regi (ut fertur) « mille et fexaginta libra flerilenfis manete, folidique this grant, I prefume he does not ARE 2% Y ut the grant referred to therein. I Sonny ~ the learned author of the Introduction for to the br pire; In thinking that both thefe laws re- oa hay econd of that king, which runs in thefe Yon ui etiam ut omnes liberi homines Sfaedere « reanum An py affirment > quod intra et extra univer fum « Willielmo yree (quod olim vocabatur regnum Britanniz) % Junires Fin g* domino Juo Sfideles effe volunt, terras et bears ils om fle ubigur fran cum co of in etapa gs alienigenas defendere.”” On this law ir, Sears made fome oobfervations, p. 192. book ii. hil purport of it feems to be, the impofing of of confederacy, or affociation, for the defence of ¢ the 6 oned in his opinion, the Norman feudal tenures, fifth and fifty eighth laws with him, that the /iber: A THE LIFE OF KING HENRY-IL the king, and of all his territories and digpities both in and out of Great Britain. But. it does not appear to,give any thing ; nor 1s there the leaft mention in it of the great al- reration made in the tenures of lands and the policy of the realm by this king and his parliament, in rendering the Englith hereditary fiefs, to all perpetuity, which is expref- ly taken notice ofin the two other ftatutes, and called 2 grant or conceffion. The words of it are likewife very dif- ferent from thofe of the ufual oath of fealty. 1am there- fore obliged to differ with the learned writer above-menti- that this law introduced into England and is referred to in the fifty before-recited ; nor ean I agree homines mentioned in thofe laws were no others but the tenants in chief of the king. Ibid. Whether this difference arofe from any other Slatute made by William he Firft, after the two above-mentioneds or from a narrow and un avourable conflruction thereof, by a fubfequent ufage; I cannot fay. There ‘is much obfcurity in this matter : but by the Inquifitio Gheldi, which is found among the Exeter ma- nufcripts mentioned in a former note on Domefday-book, and no where elfe in the kingdom (being an account of the money levied for danegelt, in the five weftern counties at the time when the furvey was made by William the Conqueror) it appears, that among the demefne lands ex- empted from that tax were the lands of all the fervientes regis, under which defcription are contained, not only thofe who held of him by knights-fervice, but prepofiti, camerariiy boftiarii, marefcalli, cociy focarii, carpentarii, venalores, parcarii. In four of the weftern counties the exempted demefne amounted to one third, and in the fifth, viz. Somerfetfhire, to one fourth of the whole land. P. 326. However this may bave been, it is declared, moft explicitly, by King Edward the Firfl, in bis confirmation of the charters, that the aids, free gifts, and other im- pofitions, irregularly taken or levied by him or bis mi- niflers, before that time, for bis wars or other neceffi- ties fbould not be drawn into precedent becaufe they might be found recorded on the rolls: and be therein grants fo the nobility and commonalty of the realm, that, for the Suture Em a aa ek Br TH. — ree ve. ve rrr A re. J ” ibid 4 Cuba i! 3 j 4 oN Ri: i \ § NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF future; bewould not, for any neceffity what foever, take any [uch aids or impofitions, without the common affent of the whole kirigdom, and to the common benefit thereof ; with a referve of the ancient aids and impofitions due by cuftam, = 5 nl can be more exprefs than this declaration. Neverthelefs, in the fifty firft of Edward the Third, upon See Cot- the parliament’s renewing their claim to the kings that in iL the time to come the prelates, earls, barons, commons, citi- oe Re. ‘Zens, and burge[Jes of bis realm of England may not bence- cords in the forth be charged, molefted, nor grieved to make, any com- Tower, p. “mon aid, or fuftain any charge, unlefs it be by common af- oS Sent of the prelates, dukes, lords, and barons, and other people of the commons of bis realm of England, and that in full parliament ; his anfwer was, < that he is not at all wil- ling to do it, without great neceffity, and for the de- fence of the realm, and where be may do it with reafon.” “Thefe favings, the laft efpecially, fet the whole loofe. On this I would obferve, that although 1t was dangerous to allow .any latitude of this nature in the rdifing of money without confent of parliament, yet there was alfo a danger, which might attend the reftraint in cafes of real and urgent neceflity, or even where advanta- ‘ges of importance might be loft by waiting till the time when the parliament fhould be fitting; and the fupply could be granted there in the ufual form. This feems to have been one caufe of the too frequent violations of this great and acknowledged right of parliament, as well as a fpeci- ous pretence for them on many occafions ; efpecially under the Tudors, and the two firft kings of the Stewart family : but the difficulty has been obviated by the expedient re- curred to in later times of making provifion for fuch con- tingences by votes of credit in time of war, and even, on fome occafions, in time of peace, when there appears to be caufe for apprehending danger, or much inconveni- ence to the publick, from tying the government up by the ufual reftri@ions. But great care ought to be taken, that this truft, which the parliament repofes in the govern- ment, fhould be limited as to the fum, and given under ‘the: obligation of being fubjec to account. Nor ought fuch votes to be ever pafled in time of peace, Without amoft ~ apparent reafon, upon fome clear profpe&t of great bene- fit from enabling the government to make fubfidiary trea- “ties ‘with foreign powers during the recefs of parlia- ment, or other fuch weighty motives. Under thefe cau- | tions; | «¢ eftates durft not affemble. Ew THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL tioris, the ufe of woes of credit and confidence is a means of delivering that great fecurity of our property and free- dom, the ancient claim of cur parliaments that no aids or taxes [ball be levied without their affent, from thofe objections of inconvenience and danger to the ftate, which many writers on the {ide of abfolute monarchy have for- merly brought againft it with fome thew of reafon. . I cannot better end this note on this very important fubje@, than by tranfcribing fome paflages from that ex- cellent treatife of Lord Chief Juftice Fortefcue on Abfo- jute and limited monarchy, which, next to the laws re cited in the Bill of Rights, is one of the nobleft monu- ments we have of the liberties enjoyed by our anceftors. In his third chapter he fays, that ¢ on account of the ¢ great wars which the Englifh made in France the three | And then, for that caufe, « and for great neceflity which the French king had of ¢¢ goods for the defence of his kingdom, he took upon him ¢ to fet tailles and other impofitions upon the commons « without the affent of the three eftates; but yet he | « would not fet any fuch charges, nor has fet, upon the $ nobles, for fear of rebellion. And becaufe the com- ¢ mons, though they grudged, have not rebelled, or be ¢¢ hardy to rebel, the French kings have yearly fince fet « fuch charge upon them, and fo augmented the fame « charges, that the [aid commons be [o impoverifbed and & deflroyed as they can [carce live. "They drink water, ¢ they eat apples, with bread very brown made of rye. « They eat no flefh, but very rarely, a little bacon, or of « the entrails or heads of beafts flain for the nobles and ¢¢ merchants of the land. They wear no woollen, but a «poor coat under the outermoft garment made of broad, ¢ canvafs, and call it a frock. Their hofe are of like can- « yafs, and reach not above their knee ; wherefore they « be gartered, and their thighs bare. They can live no « otherwife : for fome of them, that were wont to pay. « to their lords for their tenements, which they take by See Barclay and others, « « the year, a crown of gold, pay now to the king, over « and above that crown, five crowns. From whence « they are preft by neceflity fo to watch, labour; and ¢ grub in the ground for their fuftenance, that their « nature is much wafted, and the kind of them brought “ to nought. They go crooked, and are feeble, not “ able to fight nor to defend the realm; nor have they Vou. 1V, “ money te EET = A ——— oa A I IN meni SES SE a ST aT Aor ri am Ig 1 NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK OF <¢ money to buy them weapons withall : ‘but verily hey « Jive in the moft extreme poverty and mifery ; and yet ‘¢ they dwell in one of the moft fertile realms of the ¢ world : through which it happens that the French ¢¢ king has not men of his own realm able to defend it, « except his nobles, who endure no fuch impofitions, ¢¢ and have therefore ftrong bodies. By which caufe the « faid king is compelled to make his armies and retainers é for the defence of his land, of [irangers, as Scots, ¢¢ Spaniards, Arragonefe, Germans, and other nations ; ¢¢ or elie all his enemies might over-run him. For he ¢¢ hath no defence of his own, except his caftles and ¢ fortrefles. Lo! this is the fruit of bis Fus regale. ¢¢ If the realm of England, which is an ifland, and there- «8 fore may mot eafily get fuccours of other lands, were « ruled under fuch a Jaw, and under [uch a prince, it ¢¢ auould be then a prey to all other nations, that would ¢¢ conquer, rob, and devour it.” s,s It will not be neceffary to enter here into any difqui- tion, whether the time when, and the manner bow, the kings of France obtained an abfolute monarchy, called here Fus regale with a power of taxing their people without the affent of the three eftates, be rightly fixed by this writer. It is fufficient to obferve, that, as he had lived many years in France, where he took refuge with the fon of King Henry the Sixth, his pupil, we cannot doubt the truth of the defcription he gives of the po- verty and mifery of ‘the people there from fuch arbitrary impofitions. And with relation to the peafants and til- lers of the foil much of it fill continues. He thus pro- ceeds in his comparifon of the kingdoms of England and France, *¢ But, blefled be God, this land is ruled under «¢ g better law, and therefore the people thereof be not in <¢ fuch penury, nor thereby burt in their perfons 5 but cc “they be wealthy and bave all things neceffar= to the fuf- « tenance of nature. Wherefore they be mighty, and able one of the writers of the Hifloria Quadripartita tells the fag in thefe words : ¢ Circa idem tempus Philippus ¢ quidam de Lidrois, canonicus, jufticiarium regis ar 6 dam contumeliis affecit,”” without any mention of his being at the bar before the king’s juftices, on a charge of fo heinous a nature. Probably, the account that is given by Diceto is the truth, which the other writers have foftened. They alfo differ in their accounts of his punith- ment. Fitftephen fays, « Clerus ad regem mitigandum «_decrevit, per annum beneficio prebend= fuze, fimul et « regni inhabitatione, Philipum privandum. Ita fatum x eft, nec tamen regi fatisfaGtum eft.” Diceto fays, Pre- bend fue multatus eft beneficio, pulfus eft a regno ¢ per biennium.’ In the Hiftoria Quadripartita, or Quadrilogus, it ftands thus: « Quereld” ad archi- # prefulem delatd dictus clericus, etiam f[upra mo- “ dum delifii, ut vel fic facilius quiefceret regis indigna- tio, eft punitus, publice [cilicet virgarum difcipline ¢ adjudicatus, et per annos aliquot ab omni officio et eccle- « fraftico beneficio, quod in regno babebat, [fu P» In the copy of this book prefixed to Becket’s {llr ftead of Philipus de Lidrois it is Philippus de Brois. P. 383. 384. It is my mafler’s pleafume I [bould for[we. my [elf and at prefent | Jubb oe 2 do pe incur a perjury, and repent afterwards as I may. 3 The words in the original are, *¢ Eff domini mei volun- tas ut pejerem, et ad prefens Sfubeo, el incurro perju- “ rium, ut potero peenitentiam alturus in pofterum.’’ It is not quite clear whom Becket meant by the word domini’ mei, whether the King or the pope. If he meant the pope (whom in his letters he often calls bis mafler ), the reafon mut have been, that the friends he had gone to confult with had perfuaded him te think, that his diffem- bling on this occafion, even fo far as to take an oath he was determined to break, would be more agreeable to Alexander, than that h of refu fing to pan a e fhould ftand the prefent danger P. 18, It muff alfo be obferved that Barcnius, who, in 2 he /S, thefe times, bas tranfcribed [everal letters “9 e Vatican manufcript of the [ame colleflion, and particularly that to which this appears to be an anfwers bas EE I ON PR ETE OMatnorints Y , Sr — CEE i TR IE EE et a ma = - Lb Si prem wt ea iy or Vireo may ors [ed maxima partu Hic jacet Henrici Filia, [ponfa, parens. een But he names not the writer. Another, faid to have ia written by Arnulph bifhop of IL.ifieux, is given by Moulin in his Hiftory of Normandy. Tu Regia Progenies, [lirps regia, Cefaris xor ~ Hic eft magna brevi claufa Matilda loco. Virtutum titulis bumant culmen Honoris Exceffit mulier nil muliebris habens, Septembris decima : ren? ro regna recepto, (tur eternum continuafje . One eo ry think that the two laft of thefe verfes were by the fame hand as the former, which, as we o the diffich tranfmitted to us by Matthew Paris, are fo of the beft of that age. iam of Malmfbury tells us, that King Henry P. uf J lten of Mainfonr Second, Earl of Pande arrogantly demanded of bim a penfion, or annual Js 4 } of three hundred marks, which the Earls fat er received from William Rufus, returned this anfwers «¢ that the kings of England were not accuftomed to pay be Flemings 3° &c. " in Preface to his Faedera, blames Wilken of Malmfbury for calling that ¢ribute, which was only i 1 ies. But there payment in confequence of fubfidiary treaties HIS ~ {8 1a it ih So Fg a i VR 248 ih: 148 3 Fr 4 a a kid ny Es THE LIFE OF KING HENRY II. was no impropriety in Henry’s making the anfwer reported by that hiftorian, it a renewal of thofe treaties was im- perioufly demanded, guafi pro imperio, as Malmfbury ex- prefles it. He might be willing to pay it as a fubfidy, when occafion fhould require a ftipulation of that nature, though he would not fuffer it to be afked or exalted as a tribute. Neverthelefs the Flemifh annals, and other mo- dorn hiftories, are juftly cenfured by Rymer, for {peaking of thefe fubfidies as a real tribute paid by feveral fucceffive kings of England to the earls of Flanders ; which is fuf- ficiently difproved by the treaties he has publithed from our records. P. 502. Yet it was believed that bey, with Mofes, bad the angel of the Lord, that is, the boly [pirit, going before bim in the law, who would always prote? him, and not Suffer bim to have another God, or to prefer either re- wards, or perfon, or caufe, to the divine word. The word caufe is remarkable. Becket was fo fenfible that his caufe with the king would not bear an examination, that he endeavoured to poffefs the legate with an opinion, that no regard was to be paid to the merits of that, but only to the privilege he laid claim to, of not being quef- tioned on this matter, by virtue of the immunities given to the clergy (as he fuppofed) by the divine word, that is, by the fcriptures as interpreted by the pope and the canonifts, The Latin original is as follows : « Nomin ¢ tum in lege preevium habeatis, qui cuftodiat vos femper, 8 « et Deum recentem habere non patiatur, ut verbo Dei 8 ¢“ aut munus, aut perfonam preferatis, aut caufam.” In Ibidem, like manner he tells the pope in another letter, “that, from epitt 22. the tenour of the letters, which he and the king of France had received from his Holinefs, he had rather expelled the confolation of peace, than the confufion which would arife from the decifion of queflions between him and the king of England. “<¢ A” quo ‘magis fperabamus, juxtad te- ¢¢ norem mandati veftri ad dominum regem Francorum et ad nos emiffi, folatium de confolatione pacis, quam confufionem de queaflionum decifione inter regem An- glorum et nos.” N 3 P. 517. . V.Epift. S. SA ONS Te Cod, “¢ tamen veftri (virtutum reétius dixerim,) clarefcit opinio, Vatic. 1. ii. ¢ ut angelum Domini cum Moife, id eft, Spiritum fanc- epift. 18. rl T gp 4 ot V1 182 NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK OF P. 517. No regard was paid in Germany to the fentence of Vv. Effai fur I’ Hiftoire Generale, t. d€NCEs becaufe, ipod emperour, red, 0. ; \ red. Barb. ode are thefe: «11 eft trés remarquable, ¢¢ longues diffenfions, le Pape Alexandre II, i. p. 293. excommunication and depoftion pronounced againft him by Alexander, the fummer before. Monfieur Voltaire, in bis Effay on General Hiftory, praifes Alexander the third for his moderation and pru- though he had often excommunicated the he never went fo far as 0 depofe him. His que, dans ces qui avoit ¢¢ fait fouvent cette ceremonic d’excommunier I’emperegr, ¢ palla jamais jufqu’ 2 le depofer. ¢¢ prouve telle pas non feulement beaucoup « dans ce Pontiffe mais une condemnation Cette conduite ne de fagefle generale des « excés de Gregoire VII?” But that all this is erroneous appears fr apprifed of Alexander’s om two letters written at that time by one well proceedings. John of Salifbury wrote thus to the bithop of Poitiers: « Fredericus ille cc {cifmaticus infignis, « crudelius f2vit factus eft another letter to one of his friends in England, « Vicarius Petri a Domino conftitutus fuper gentes et fuper Becket, 1. ii. dum in ecclefiam maliciofius et EX-AUGUSTUSs &c. And in he fays, epift. 65.80. ¢¢ regna, [talos et omne! qui ef (Frederico (cilicet) ex caufi « imp rii et regnis religione jusjurandi tenebantur adfirictiy « g fidelitate cf us abfolvit, et Italiam jam totam a facie fu- V. Epift. T. Becket, 1. v. epift. 4. ¢¢ apather cc aires ullas amedo in bellicis congre cc ypentis et prefentis tantd felicitate et celeritate excuffity « yt in el nibil babere videatur, « jnterdams €t anguft nifi tortores, te condemnavit, ef inbibuit authoritate Dei, nt ronibus babeat, aut de ¢ Chriftrano aliquo vildoriam confequatur , aut alicubi quicle ¢ ¢t pace gaudeat, donec fructus panitentic condignos oper: «tur. In quo fecutus oft exemplum Gregorii [eptimis deceff- « ris [ui qui noftré etate [lenricum imper atorem, ecclefie « privilegia convellentents deponens in concilio Romano fimil « fententid condemnavit?? Thefe proofs are decifive ; a0 there is a further confirmation of them himfelf in a letter he wrote fome time afterwards to the bifhops of Rouen and Nevers, his legates to Henry. Speak [8 ¢«« Quod fi nec fic refipuer 4 «¢ perfonz fuze, Geut nec Frederico di &lo imperatori fecimus | The word dito exprefles ing of that prince, he fays, ¢¢ pequaquam parcemus,”’ &c. that he neld Frederick to be no longer emperour, but only fo called. Nor was it from any moderation of pruden »- quos evitat | i jarum, quas evitare non poteft, juge | 5 sc fupplicium. Abftulit ei etiam regiam dignitatem, ipfumque | from Alexander | ) in = THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL. in him, that the fentence of depofition, which he had p | ro- 183 | nounced, had not fo full an effe& agai ect a lite Gregory the Sven's ad aint Fry the Fours bt y from his want of power to enforce it a pre- deceflor had done. P. 519. He bad written in the fame Sil cardinals, &c. + esp the college of manufcript, being there in th {fecond, to which they SEL ork I. fe g 5 f g / Im A a F and others of the fame family. » inftead of the g,, epif 3 13, 14, 18,. ] 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22.51. . Benedic. bb. p. 443. Hoveden » who has corre&ted fome miftakes in that TS at any- V.Hoveden - 9 thor, afcribes i thor, aft Rives v to Guy From other writers it a that of he 1 de of that family were concerned Fe a rs at certainly was committed by the hand ng su, Who fie and went to the Holy Land inet oy ne A illiam of Newbury, fpeakin ed daughter of malarick, king of Jerufalem, fa Ee wy pore fratris regis, voto proprio ta erat £¢ : nuptias cum : . “ op Pitta pur peregrino, Guidone [cilicet > qui @ facie regis Anglorum Henri 7 fci [e- €¢ cundi de Agquitanié quitania Jugerat, et : : et regi ferofolymor um “ egregié militabat.” P. . 539. The articl-s were, firfl, that Henry fbould renew bis bamage and form. ge and fealty for Normandy in the accuftomed fub ann, 1168, Some auth ors fay, that th confequence J € young Prince He . Bretagne havi He treaty, did homage to Rent > IN Chron, > having done it before for Normandy 'B for Nora, & . ut 1t ervale, a . overs ond oo epiftle of the fecond book of Becket’ at Paris in 6) Sr of John of Salifbury’s ecket’s did homage for Normandy He nry himfelf, v. 3 his oa t . OG $ an ’ 0 demand it for Bretagne of ee hace on he pinion ’ aim 3 to Breta WwW 1 f ] - P s Un a e * pendence either upon Anjou or Maine N 4 P. 530. Vv. Quadt Gervafe, NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK OF P. <29. That be [bould give up the earldoms of Anjou 3B res the fealty of the wvaffals thereof to Prince Henry, bis eldeft fon 5 who fbould pay bomage "and fealty for them to the king of Frances and owe no-, thing more either 10 bis father or brothers, with refpect to thefe earldoms, than merely that which their merit or nature might require. The reafon of the latter part of this article I take to be, that, whereas the dukes of Normandy had formerly laid claim to Maine, and thofe of Aquitaine to fome diftri@s belonging to Anjou, the young prince Was now to hold thefe two earldoms without any dependence on either of thofe dutchies, and alfo free of any claim, which the dukes of Bretagne may have had to any diftri€ts therein. P. ¢46. But be replied, © It was true, many of bis pre- ec deceffors were better and greater than be : but every é¢ one of them bad, in bis own time, cut off [ome things, «c abich raifed themfelves up againft God, though not « all. For if they bad then entirely eradicated all, he «¢ fhould not be mow expofed to this fiery trials by « “which being proved; as they had been, and partak- “ ing their labour, be might alfo be found worthy of «6 their praife and reward. Nor, if any one among them «¢ had been too cool, or 100 immoderate in bis zeal, was « be bound to follow bis example, one way or another. He added other arguments to the [ame purpafes con- cluding, ¢¢ that the primitive fathers bad fuffered mar- ¢¢ tyrdom, becaufe they would not fubject the name of « Fefus Chrifl to any other name : nor would be that «¢ he might recover the favour of a man, give up the ¢¢ honour of Chrift.” This anfwer is fo much in Becket’s ftyle, that 1 am in- clined to believe it is genuine ; becaufe, though none of ‘he letters concerning this meeting report either thefe ' words, or thofe of the king to which they were a reply; yet one of them plainly intimates, that more was faid on ® both fides than is there told. But what the fame hifto- ? rians who mention thefe particulars add about Becket difgrace with Louis, on account of his behaviour upof = this occafion, and the univerfal outcry againft him, , that even the monks themfelves entirely condemned an . . *l | . e : reproached him for it, I think cannot be true; bead! ; the THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL the monks in what they wrote on this fubject to the pope exprefled no difapprobation at all of his condué&t, but rather approved it, only faying, that many preffed the arch- bifbop to comply with the king. And it can fcarce be {fuppofed that they would have omitted to mention a Cir- cumftance of fo much importance as the French king’s difpleafure, or that Becket himfelf would have been filent, 184 about it in what he wrote to the pope concerning this v. Ep. 12. conference. Whereas, on the contrary, he feems in that letter to depend entirely upon the proteion of Louis, and triumphs in the alcendant which this monarch ap- peared to him to have gained over Henry, Indeed we are told by the above-mentioned hiftorians, that this dif- grace did not continue long ; for that, after a few days, Louis repented on a {udden, threw himfelf at his feet, and begged his pardon. But not to infift on the great improbability of this account, Becket’s letter to the pope was certainly written immediately after the conference 3 and even fuppofing that the king had been reconciled to him before he wrote it, he would undoubtedly have given that pontiff information of fo material an event. P. 563, 564. But at the fame time he tells the pope, that the king now declared, be did not demand of bim any account of bis adminiftration as chancellour, nor the money be then bad received or flood engaged for, but only what be bad received that belonged to the crown fince be was made archbifbop of Canterbury ; for which (be fays) it was univer [ally known that be bad accounted. This, 1 fuppofe, led Hoveden into the miftake of fay- ing, that Becket had accounted for all the money with which he was charged : an affertion contradited by all the other contemporary hiftorians, and (what is of more weight) by the letters of that prelate himfelf. P. 569. Or to the judgment of the Gallican church, or the univerfity of Paris. The words in the original are, ¢ paratum effe ftare « di@o curizz Domini fui, regis Francorum, vel judicio ¢¢ ecclefie Gallicanz, aut jcholarium Parifienfrum.”” It may be doubtful whether the term Univerfity was yet applied to the fchools of Paris; but I have ufed it as conveying the fame fenfe to the reader which that word now NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK OF now imports. And this paflage fhews, that the reputation of thofe febools was very great in thofe days, P. 573. Nay, fuch was the inbumanity of the Roman civil laws, even under Chriftian emperors, that 1n one of Arcadius and Honorius it is called a [pecial afl of imperial mercy to grant to the fons of a traitor their lives 3 and they are declared thereby 1ncapable of any in- eritance, not only from their father, but from any other relation, or of receiving any bequeft from a flranger, or of attaining to any honours and dignities in ibe flate. The words here referred to are thetic: £ Filii vero s¢ ejus, quibus vitam Imperatoria fpecialiter lenitats con- «¢ cedimys (paterno enith doberent perire fupplicio in qui= « bus paterni, hoc eft, hereditarii cr minis exempla me- cc fuuniur) a materni, vel aviti, omnium etiam proxi= cc morum bereditate, ac Succeffione, babrantur alient, tefia- « mentis extraneorum nibil caprant, fint perpetuo egentes « et pauperes, infamia eos paterna [emper comitetur, ad « nullos prorfus hbonores, ad nulla facramenta perveni= ¢ ant. Sint poftremo tales, ut bis perpetud egeflate for «¢ dentibus [it et mors folatium et vita [upplicium.” (Co- dicis I. ix. tit. 8. ad legem Juliam Majeftatis, 1. v.) Yet even in the fame Code of Juftinian, from whence I have cited the foregoing paffage, an imperial conftitution is to be found of the fame emperors, containing maxims en- tirely oppofite to thofe of the former, and agreeable to the juftice and lenity of a good government. Sanci- ¢ mus ibi effe poenam ubi et noxia eft. Propinquos, «¢ notos, familiares procul 4 calumnia fummovemus, quos « reos fceleris focietas non facit. Nec enim adfinitas vel « amicitia nefarium crimen admittunt. Peccata igitur « {aos teneant autores ; nec ulterius progrediatur metus, ¢¢ quam reperiatur deli@um. Hoc fingulis quibufque ju- « dicibus intimetur. (Codicis I. ix. tit. 47. 22. De Pee- nis.) But thereis a doubt whether this abrogated the former law, or extended to cafes of treafon. Some of the beft civilians affert it did not, but only to other capi- tal crimes. Indeed the laws of treafon, or lefe majefta- tis, made under the emperors, are by much the worft part of the civil law. | P. 576, g77. The bifbop of Norwich, though exprefly forbidden by particular orders from the king, publifbed a [entence THE LIFE OF KING HENRY IL a fentence of excommunication againft the earl of Chefler and feveral others; conformably to injunctions laid upon him" by Becket, even in the prefence of the officers who brought the probibition. 1 make no’ doubt that this prelate would have been punifhed for an a& fo highly contumacious (whatever good reafons may have determined the king to conmive °. the difobedience of the other prelates to his orders re- lating to the articles he had fent over), if the bifhop of London had not been alfo involved in the offence of pub- lithing the cenfures fulminated by Alexander againit the earl of Chefter; as we find he was by an article added to thofe above-mentioned, which the reader may fee in the appendix to this book. It appears from thence that both thefe prelates were declared to be in mifericordia regis, at the mercy of the king, for having, in obedience to 2 mandate from the pope, put the lands of the earl of Chefter under an interdiét, and publifhed the fentence of excommunication, which the pope had pafled againft him, with leave of the king’s juftices, againft the ftatutes of Clarendon. ‘That the bifhop of London fhould concur sn fuch an a& is furprifing | but his merit to the king in other parts of his conduét atoned for this ; and, to avoid an appearance of partiality in a matter of juftice, the {ame pardon was extended to the bifhop of Norwich. P. 593. Upon the report of the commiffioners, Henry turned out at once almoft all'the fberiffs in the kingdom, and their bailiffs, or deputies; for oppreffing bis people, &c. 18% | THe words of Benedi&, abbot of Peterborough, inp, 3. fub his Hiftory of the Life of King Henry the Second, are ann. 1179. thefe: ¢¢ Eodem anno rex tenuit curiam fuam in folem- « pitate Pafchali apud Windefhovres (Windfor) cui fefto « Pafchali interfuerunt Willelmus rex Scotize, et David ec Frater ejus, ef fere omnes nobiliores et majores Anglic, « tam epifcopi, quam comites et barones. Pera igitur ¢¢ folemnitate Pafchali, perrexit inde Lundonias, et ibi «magnum celebravit concilium de coronatione Henrici filit « fui majoris 3 et de [flatutis regni fui: et ibidem depo- « fuit fere omnes wicecomites Anglie, et ballivos eorum, « pro eo quod male traclaverant bomines regni fui. Et ¢¢ unufquifque vicecomitum et ballrvi eorum plegios inve- « nerunt de fe ipfis, quod ad reclum flarent et ad adre- « feiandum D. regi et bominibus regni quod eis adrefciare ¢ deberent de prifis fuis, Et poflea fecit rex omnes bo- € mines ee a Sasi 188 NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK OF <¢ mines regni fui, fcilicet, comites,barones,milites,francafie- « nentes, et etiam villicanos, per fingulos vicecomitatus Ju- ¢¢ rare, tallis facroifnaltis evangeliis quod verum dice- ¢¢ rent,” &c. By this account it feems that the inquifi- tion was made after the parliament held at London, wherein the fheriffs were turned out for the malverfation and oppreffion’ of which they had been guilty ; which fuppofes that their punifhment preceded the enquiry in- to their guilt. But Gervafe of Canterbury relates the falls in their proper order. ¢ Rex autem, convocatis optima= s¢ tibus [uis, inflituit abbates et clericos, comites et milites, ¢¢ qui circumirent terram, &c. ef bee inquirere debuerunt. « In primis exigent barones errantes vadium et plegium ¢¢ ab omnibus vicecomitibus,” &c. And afterwards (when he has given all the articles of the enquiry, which the reader may fee in the appendix to this book), ¢ Falla « qutem bac inquifitione mirabili omnes juffi [unt ut effent s¢ coram rege in civitate Londonie xviit kal. Fulii, &c. ¢¢ Convenerunt interim die Slatuto, ex mandato rerisy ad « Londoniam totius Anglia epifcopi, abbates, comites, ba- “¢ yones, vicecomites, prepofiti, aldermanni, cum defuf- s¢ foribus fuis, timentes valde omnes.”> ‘This is not a full defcription of all the members of the parliament, but only of thofe whe were ordered to appear with their fureties, cum fidejufforibus fuis, being all fuch as had ex- ercifed fome kind of judicature. But it appears that the enquiry was ordered in one parliament, and the proceed- ings upon it carried on in another. ‘The abbot of Peter- borough, in the paflage before-recited, fays, the king held the great council at London, ¢ de coronatiene Henrici ¢c filii fui majoris, ef de flatutis regni fui”? We have no account of any ftatutes made in that parliament ; but from thefe words one fhould imagine that fome were made. Probably the meeting at Eafter, in which the enquiry was ordered, had not been fo full and general as this at London. ‘The abbot fays afterwards, that the proceed- ings on this matter proved in the iffue detrimental to the nation, ¢¢ quia, poft fallam inquifitionem, rex repofuit «¢ guafdam wicecomitunt’ illorum iterum in locis fuis ; et « jpfi poft ea multo crudeliores extiterunt quam antea fu- « erunt.”’ If this was true in any inftances, it may have arifen from the diforder and confufion of the following civil war, in which fome of thofe, who had been turned out from sheir fhrievalties, might, in recompenfe for fervices done to the king againft the rebels, be reftored to "4*HE LIFE OF KING HENRY II to their offices. ButRoger Hoveden, who menti ing out of the fheriffs, takes no notice of re mom. nor is it mentioned by any other contemporary author ° P. 594. When be bad thus re-eflablifbed the good order of the [late, and made bis people the befl reparation in bis power Lr what they bad [uffered by bis abfenc be propofed to bis parliament, which bad been Su moned to meet him on the feaft of St. Barnabas 3 aftr of bis fon’s coronation.” 2.22 n relating thefe tranfaltions concerning t i Gervafe of Canterbury confounds the voy SAE things, - which were done at confiderable intervals had happened on the fame day. He alfo feems to fup ofe that the members of this parliament were quite 1 : prifed of the intention of Henry to caufe his fon to be crowned, till he mentioned it to them in form: b . there are many clear indications in the letters to and from Becket, that this defigh was made publick befor he came from France. No notice is taken by Gervafe of the: fheriffs being turned out ; but, on the contrary. one would think, from what he fays on the fubje& that all offenders conviGted on this extenfive inquifition had gone off unpunithed, in which he is contradi@ed by Be pedis Abbas, and by Roger de Hoveden, TBE . 620. Henry was now returned into Normandy, wher. be was: Jeifed with an illnefs fo violent, ore bimclf 2 danger be made bis will, &c. ~~ "4 ~ It: was “about the feaft of ‘St Laurentius Auguft) ‘that Henry fell fick “of this ee ron Rapin ‘Thoyras afcribes his “reconciliation with Becket which was made on the 22d of July in the fame year. Soi > accurate'is that author in the account he gives of this rej 1 P. 638. That be was very unfortunate to have aintand rs mary cowardly and ungrateful men in bis court, none would revenge bi injuri ‘fultair from an a ge oe of the injuries be Juflained ele are a tranflation of the words of King Hen-' rr Deed Ww he Quadrilogus and Corvee 5 Et yj. ‘but Edward Grime (or Grim) in his manufcrip: iv sl, hiftory of this event, fn In Ek ol : Royal Society at London, reports them thus'’s'«c Jy. . ertes ac miferos bomines enutrivi et Wrexi in regns meo ‘. ol he Sidem ferunt domino Jue, quem a plebeio” quo : cierico tam probrofe patiuntur illudi.” P. 641. 18g MSS. fol. 36. NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK, &c [aa x a 190 P. 641. The wards he repeated there, as [poken by Henry; a ns even admitting that ‘they were given without any exag- A P : 1 1 of geration, would not autborife the conflruction be now : P E - N D I X hut upon them. | ; “He there fays only that Heory had promifed in general terms fo redrefs the wrong that bad been done to thechurch of % thofe who bad g : S Ek “CG oO N -D B O OK Canterbury, and make Such an anfwer to trayed the archbifbop and him; as the deferts of traitors required. But thefe words rather referved to Henry him- felf the fole right and power of doing bim juftice with ... = | - regard to-that affair. Neverthelefs the earl ‘of Blois; in | % Hiftory of the Life of King Henry the Ségond a letter he J o 8 pope on the fubjeét of Becket’s | & | ; kT tou . Re death, affirmed to .s Holinefs, ¢¢ that the king bad, in | sean (oir yD Li « his bearings upon the day of bis reconciliation with Co ed AE VOL U ME IL « Becket, granted him free and full power to pafs fen- F5 Cie Si T « tence upon the bifbops who bad prefumed. fo crown the | on Sn « young king, at bis sewn and the pope’s diferetion.”’ This f° | | N of, 0 OF TH E teftimony is ftrong : but how can one account for Bec- | § a vy oH Doom Srey aid ket’s {ilence upon it, in his letter to the pope, wherein : Carta Libertarum Angliz Regis Henrici It he relates the particulars of what had paffed on that day? f° a “eTIng. 1a ha He fays there, that the converfation he had with the king 4 “' From the Red Book of 3he Encheauer: For Tat concerning that matter,-and of which be gives a very par- 8 5 quer. ore ticular detail to his Holinefs; was apart from all thecom- | 8 XW W ENRICUS, Dei gratis, Rex Anglize, D RL V.Epift. 45. P47): . « Ft habitis 'paucis fermonibus, folis nobis pre- | 2 mapniz et Aquitaniz ? BS ne Ux NOr- This is re 1. v.Append. ¢¢ [entibys. cum domino Semanenfi, nos; illo diveirtentes flu- 2 RB rombus et felis he Fr ? J ba- ferred to in ot “pentibus. univerfss traxit in partem?’ The earl of |° 7 Balutem. CR rancis et Anglicis, p- 16: vol. i Blois therefore could not poflibly have heard this con- | ® Sciatis me, "ad honorem Dei et San&e Leclefie, © verfation ; ‘nor does the archbifhop take motice £0 Alex- | | Pro communi emendatione totius Fe Te gL che et ander of any other .on this fbjeét. 1 fhould therefore | 1 reddudiffe, et prafenti carta Ne aki ie Le et fuppofe, that the earl, who flood at a diftance, feeing | Sante - Eeclefie, et omnibus comitibus a Deo. et Becket throw himfelf at the:feet of the king, and being “ omnibus hominibus, eS, ozs GOAT ok baronibus; et afterwards told by Henry, that this aGion was the effe@t | Henricus, avus meus, eis ‘didit. et con a as, Jex ierard oY ute for. the promi he had made, JY CUED comes a % Join ng to him. and his church concerning the pas b SEosRgutto et delericoncedo, pro me, et here di- young king’s coronation, gave this fenfe to Qu «i Wohi id the words, and repeated them upon memory, Bot very § = Quare volo et firmiter préecipic | Tg BI ITY dB oe raecipio, quod Xe accurately 3 which might naturally happen at fuch a dif- et omnes comites et barones,, pT a 8a be sls y A ad 2 ! MH Sy bh tance. of time, and when his mind was inflamed with anger | nes illas confuetudines et, donation I pI upon the. murder of ‘Becket. - For, if Henry had really | eras, confuetudines, Sea = Metates & bn fpoken thefe words, -his, rage. againft Becket for ‘having ene-et in. page, et integres de.me et ane HORS: 2 dues fpoken ie be had given him leave to do would-be que ro unaccountable, 3s avell as that prelate’ continued filence omnibus,; fieut. rex ly =n ye) eq pl a, n. upen it through his whole casrefpondence. onsets, et carta ful confirmavit,. us, eis sfedit, ¢ t Endof the Notes to the THIRD Book of the Hiftory of neUDot fi OHNE A the Life of King HENRY the Second. No. IL This 1s re- ferred to in p. 17. 154 186. 187 138: vol. il. cyltates excedit: APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. Ne IL Petri Bleffenfis Epis. Ep. 1xvi. Ad Gualter Atchiepifcopum Panormitahum: ENEDICTUS Dominus Deus, 8c. &e. kad | Quod autem a me cum omni inftantia poftul oo ut formam et Mores domini regis Anghz vobis * Certa defcriptione tran{mittam, meas quidem fa- ad hoc enim. fatis infufficiens videretur Mantuani vena ingenii. Ego _tamen quod ih vous fine -naidia et detra@tione communico. De Do cg! u su commendationem decors €Juss quoniam rufus ar m regem fubrufum ha&enus extitiile nove- utem dominut fu Erenus : olorem hunc venerabilis fene&us, et fu ritis, nifiquia € : Sen [ tin canities ‘aliquantulum alteravit, - Statura €jus mediocris eft, ut et inter parvos magnus appareat, ” in ter majores minimus videatur.. Caput ejus fp hor Beh Fa Sep a es OE ee a ello et rarium. a vero eft capitis 2s, UL COO. = oe por proportional moderatione refpondeat. Oct ejus orbiculati funt, dum pacatt eft animi, a han fimplices : fed n ira et turbatione cordis quafi cin jens ignem et in impetu fulminantes. Si calvitii nonveretur, fuperveniente tamen arti a Eu tonfura. L.eonina facies quafi in quadrangultim y oe, Eminentia naris ad totius COrporis venuftatem $n hy moderatione propenfa. Arcuati pedes, os ves i thorax extenfior, lacerti pugiles virum i oy 2g! " ot suddcem denunciant :°1f quodam tamer oy = dis'etas pars unguis innafcitur carnl atque in'co rn flen totius pedis vehementer inicrefeit. Manus es aw a roffitie fua hominis incuriam proteftantur. sri oe dltim- proriiis negligit 5 "nec u iquam, nil oe. hai ufit@r “chyrothecis. jis Li diebus in mt 15, “10 €O lis, et aliis; publicis acti nibus Seitiper 8 mE ufe ad vefperam ftit‘in pedes. Et licet bids RET frequenti percuffione calcitrantium quot u w wip valneratas et lividas, nifi tamer equitet, ‘ve com hd quam fedet. © Una die,’ fi opus fuerit, quatlior a vd que diztas excurrit, et fie; immmicoruim mac sation prveniens, artes eorum frequenter inopinata w 3 deludit: ‘regni. Semper A ‘mane | APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. “deludit, Ocreis fine plica, pileis fine faftu, et veilibus utitur expeditis, Vehemens amatur némorum, dum cef- fat 4 preehis, in avibus et canibus fe exercet. Caro fiqui- dem ejus {e mole pinguedinis enormiter oneraflet, nifi quia ventris infolentiam jejuniis et exercitio domat, atque in afcendendo equum, et in excurrendo, levitatem adolefcentize fervans potentiflimos ad laborem fingulis fete diebas itine- rando fatigat. Non enim, ficut alii reges, in palatio fuo jacet, fed per provincias: currens explorat fata omnium, illos potiffime judicans, quos conftituit judices aliorum. Ne- mo eft argutior n confiliis, in eloquio torrentior, fecurior in | periculis, 1n profpetis timidior, conftantior inadverfis. Quem femel dilexit; vix dediligit : Quem vero femel exofum habuit, vix in gratiam familiaritatis admittit. Semper in manibus ejus funt arcus, enfes, venabula, et fagitte ; nifi {it in confilis; aut in libris. Quoties enim poteft a curls et folicitudinibus refpirare; fecreta fe occupat letione, aut in cuneo clericorum aliquem nodumquzftionislaborat evol- vere, Nam cum rex vefterbene literas noverit, rex nofter longe literatior eft. Egd enim in litterali fcientia facultates utriufque cognovi. Scitis, quod dominus rex Siciliz per annum difcipulus meus fuit, et qui 4 vobis verfificatoriz atque litteratori artis primitias habuerat, per induftriam et folicitudinem meam beneficium fcientiz plenioris ob- tinuit. Quam cito autem egreflus fum regnum, ipfe libris abje&tis ad otium fe contulit palatinum. __ Verumtamen apud dominum regem Anglorum, quoti- diana ejus fchola eft literatifimorum converfatio jugis, et difcuflio quaeftionum. Nullus rege noftro eft honeftior in loquende,- * in comedendo urbanior, moderatior in bi- bendo. _ Nullus magnificentior ih doris, nullus mu- nificentior in eleemofynis: 1deoque quafi unguentum effufum eft nomen ejus, et eleemofynas illus enarrat omnis Ecclefia Santorum. Rex nofter pacificus vi&oriofus in bellis, gloriofus in pace: fuper omnia defi- derabilia hujus mundi zelatur et procurat pacem populi fui. Ad pacem populi fpe&tat immenfitas illa pecuniarum, quam donat, quam recipit, quam congregat, quam di- fpergit. In muris, in propugnaculis, in munitionibus in foffatis, in claufuris ferarum et pifcium, et in palatio- rum zdificiis nullus fubtilior, nullufque magnificentior in- i Pater ejus, potentiffimusetnobiliffimus comes, fines uos ampliffime dilatavit: fed ite patris facultatibus {uperad- densinfortitudine manus fuze ducatum Normannize, d Aquitanize, d fro a q ®, ducatum Britanniz, regnum Anglie regnum Cia Ls regnum Walli, paterne mag- AV, nificentigs * APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. nificentie titulos ineftimabiliter ampliavit. Nullus manfuetior eft afflicts, nullus. affabilior pauperibus, nullus importabilior eft fuperbis : quadam enim divi- nitatis imagine femper {tuduit opprimere faftuofos, oppreflos erigere, et adverfus fuperbiz tumorem continuas perfecutiones et oxitiales moleftias fufcitare. Cum autem juxta regnl confuetudinem in clectionibus faciendis potif- “fimas et potentiflimas habeat partes, habuit tamen {emper manus ab omni venalitate innoxias et immunes. Has et alias tam animi quam corporis dotes, quibus ipfum natura egregie pre ceteris infignivit, tango fummotenus, non de- (cribo : meam enim profiteor .nfufficientiam, crederemque fub tanta fudare materia Tullium, aut Maronem. Tllud {ane tantillum, quod de forma et moribus €jus, ad inftan- tiam veftram, breviter delibavi, nithi temeritatl a -pluri- bus adfcribetur : videbor enim, aut onusimportabile pre- fumpfiffe, aut plurimum de magnificentia tantl Vvirt per nvidentiam recidiffe. Ego tamen veftre ferviens caritath quod poffum facio, et quodicio veftra poftulationt promp- ri{fima voluntate communico, atque inter caeteros magni- ficos viros, quide laudibus domini mei fcribunt, €go cum paupere vidua minutum devotions gazophylacium mitto. Quod autem de morte beati martyris quéeritis, 1n verbo domini et in ordine diaconi vobis dico, me nullo modo habere in confcientia, ipfum hujus ret culpabilem ex fhitiffe: hujufque fidem pleniflimam vobis facient dominus 'T heo- * dinus Portuenfis epifcopus, €t dominus Albartus Cancel- larius, qui propter hoc in partiQus noftris legatione fur- gentes exploraverunt, et innocentiam Viri cognoverunt, atque fub umbra lins hoc a quibufdam attentaturm fuiffe, totamque hanc iniquitatem a fan&uario procefliffe. Ac- cepta fiquidem ab eis canonica purgatione illius, illi de - mandato fummi pontificis publice {ententiaverunt, eum ab - hoc crimine. coram Deo et hominibus efle innox1un et in quofdam magnates, quorum malitiam in hac part manifefte convicerant, notam infamiz retorferunt. Tllud quoque noveritis, dominum regem gloriofum martyren - omnibus anguftiis fuis patronum habere pretipu™ ~ Fadem fiquidem die, qua primo tumulum martyris vifi tavit, regem Scoti® perfecutorem et impugnatorem or tifimum, captum vinculis carcelaribus mancipavit. Con- tinuatoque deinceps favore fuccefluum op€ martyris 0 univerfis hoftibus gloriofiffime triumphavit. Sciatis igi certiffime, quod caritatem illam, qua fe olim rex €t mart)’ mutuo dilexerunt; neque mors neque gladius abolevit : je / APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. tis enim eft dile€tio, ut MOIS: et cum omnia tranfeant, caritas nunquam excidit. Hec eft porta {peciofa, que in fubverfione Hierufalem integra et intaCta permanit : cumque omnia evacuentur 1n morte, dile&io in morte non moritur, cujus fortitudini mors fuccumbit, Regnum qui- dem Angli®, quod adverfus regem Stephanum armis ftre- nuiffimum fudoribus obtinuerat bellicis, licet adolefcen- tulus et contemptuss fli ejus, .confilio et auxilio regum “et principum circumjacentium, gravi feditione turbave- rant. Ipfe autem deftitutus fuis, etab extraneis Impug- natus, illo afpirantes in cujus virtute unus fugat decem milli, preevaluit univerfis, deditque in manus ejus hoftes fuos Dominus, ad alligandos reges eorum in compedibus, _et nobiles eorum in manicis ferreis. lle, qui convertit _corda filiorum ad patrem, ipfos in affeétione filiali nutriens . fedem patris in tempora longa ftabiliat, et faciat pacem. Scio enim, quod fi bella .terum fufcitaverint in parentem, + fuccidet eos dominus. Nam Dei judicio et lege fatali {ancitum eft, ut quicunque de confanguinitate illius bellis ipfum impugnare preefumpferit, non dimidiet dies fuos. Hoc autem in libro experientize jam de multis legimus, et fide oculata cognovimus. N° IIL ‘Harley, part 215. fol. 2. 6---36. OTUM fit omnibus tam prefentibus quam futu- This is re- ris, quod hoc modo fa&a pax inter Lodow:icum ~ Rex Lodowicus reddidit regi Anglie omnia ju- ra, et tenementa Henrici regis avi fui, que tenebat die, qua fuit vivus ac mOrtuus plene et integre; excepto Wilcaffino. Et de Wilcaffino remanfit regi Anglie feodum archiepifcopi Rotomag’, et feodum comitis ligi- cum de feodo Britollii, et feodum comitis Ebr’, Et to- tum remanens Wilcaffini regi Francie ; hoc modo, quod ipfe illud remanens dedit, et conceflit maritagium cum fi- lia fua filio regis Anglie habendum. Et eum inde feifi- endum, ab affumptione beate Marie proxima poft pacem f2&am, in tres annos, €t fi infra hunc terminum filia regis Francie filio regis Anglie defponfata fuerit, affenfu et confenfu Sancte Fcclefie, tunc erit rex Anglie feyfitus de toto Wilcaffino, et de Caftellis Wilcaffini, ad opus O 2 filn ferred to ia regem Francie, et regem Anglie Henricum. P 4 vol, be fon APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. Gli fii. Tt fi filia regis Francie infra hunc termintif obierit, Caftella et Wilcaflinum redibunt ad manum re- gis Francie ; exceptas tribus feodis, que femper remane- bunt regi Anglie foluta et quieta. Et ifta conventione, quod Caftella remanebunt in ciftodia militum ‘Fempli, afque ad przdi&tum terminum: et habebunt red- ditus ad Caftella cuftodienda, que rex Francie in do- minio habebat. Et interim, rex Francie habebit inde juf- ticiam, et homagia, et fervicium. Et Gocelinus Crifpr- nus, et Goellius de Vaudemonte reverfi funt in homagia regis Francie, de eo quod habent in Wi ilcaflino, et debent habere de ipfo. Et fi rex Francie habuerit querelam verfus eos, que fit 4d jufticiam corporis, vel membrorum, five exheredacionem; five magnum gravamen pecunie, per confiium regis Anglie deducetur. Per iftam con- vencionem Caftellum Stipinnei profternetur, infra feftum San&i Johannis. Comes Ebr’ Simon reverfus eft in ho- magium regis Francie ; et fervicium quiete in hominibus et caftellis fuis, et caftella fua ei quieta remanebunt ; ficut ceteri barones Francie caftella fia quieta habent. Et rex folvit, ex quictos clamavit homines ejofdem comitis omnes, 3 juramento quod ei fecerunt:-ét ipfam comitem fimi- liter abfolvit, de eo quod ad regem Francie pertinet. Et idem comes Ebr’ habebit 6mnia jura fua de forefta Aqui- fine, ficut jurata fuerunt per fervientes regis Francie, et tpfius comitis. Sed {i inter eos orta fuerit quérela, per juramenta hominum et regis et comitis, qui hoc ju- raverunt, ex precepto regis, et fine mala voluntate ejus fecognitum erit. Ft de domo San&i Leodegarii, {i comes eum requ‘fierit, de cuffodia ejufdem domus rex ei re€tum tenehit. Praeferea rex Francie reddidit regi Anglie omnia jura et tenementa comitis Pi&avenfis, excepta Tolofa ; hoc modo, quod rex Anglie conceflit de Tolofa treviass ufque die primo Pentecoft poft paeem, in unum annum, pro amoreregis Francie, comiti San&i Egicii ; falvohonore fuog fine malo ingenio, et fine fua et fuorum heredum exhereda- cione. Kt quicquid rex Anglie habebant de honore Tolofe, et Cadurco et Cadurcino, ea die qua pa x fatto fuit, eidem regi Anglie remanebit; et fi comes Sanéti Egidii infra hunc terminum regi Anglie, vel fuis hominibus, de predito ho- nore Tolofe, vel Cadurdi, forisfecerit, et ad marchia in ter- mino convenienti non emendaverit, rex Francie inde ulte- rius fenonintromittet. Et ficomesde Bargelim’et Trencavel’ et ceterihominesregis Anglieillius patrie, nolueruntin trewis iftis efle, et gwerram fecerint comiti San&i Bgih, re nglie APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. Anglie non juvabit eos infrahunc terminum contraiftam convencionemn. Concedo et confirmo hiis teftibus ;- Petro Parifiac’, Hu- gone Suefionen{”, Roberto Ebroic’, Ernaldo Exc’, Phi- lippo Baiocenf’, Rogero Sagienfi, Hugone Dunelm’ Epif- copo, Thoma Cancellar’, Comite Flandren{”, Teodorico Comite, Henrico Comite Suefionenf’, Comite Belli Mon- tis, Teodor> Wilerianng, Willelmo Pavet, Magiftro Templi et Fratribus, Otton’. de San&to Ludonir’, Gili- berto de Laci, Ricardo de Halting’, Petro Epifcopo, Ro- berto de Piro, Willelmo fratre regis Anglie, Comite Millet’ino, Ricardo de Humet, Jordano Taxo. Ne IV. Fudicia Civitatis Lundonie, p. 91. Wilkins Leges Anglo Saxonice. T fi mercator tamen fit, qui ter trans altum mare This refers per facultates proprias abeat, ille poftea jure ‘Thani fit dignus. or ’ N° V. Madox’s Hiftory of the Exchequer, p. 174. ch. vii. note e. OHANNES Dei gratia, &c. to p. 184, vol. ii, Sciatis nos conceflifle Ty; refers omnibus Judzis Angliz et Normanniz libere et bo- top. 331, norifice habere refidentiam in terra noftra, et omnia 33%: vol ii _ illa de nobis tenenda que tenuerunt de rege H. avo patris noftri, et omnia illa quae modo rationabiliter tenent, In terris, feodis, et vadiis, et akatis fuis, et quod habeant omnes libertates et confuetudines fuas, ficut eas habuerunt tempore praediéti regis H. avi patris noftri, melius et qui- ctius et bonorabilius. Et fi querela orta fuerit inter Chriftia- num et Judzeum, ille qui alium apellaverit, ad querelam fu- am dirationandam habeat teftes, {cilicet legitimum Chriftia- num et legitimum Judzeum. Et fi Judeeus de querela fuabre- ve habuerit, breve fuum erit ei teftis. Et fi Chriftianus ha- a querelam adverfus Judeeum, fit judicata per pares Ju- gu Et cum Judzus obierit, non detineatur corpus fuum per terram, {ed habeat hares fups pecuniam fuam et et AR "2 ita quod inde non difturbetur, fi habuerir he- AE a ! 5 ipfo refpondeat, et re&tum faciat de debitis Hu nsfaltofuo. Et liceat Judzis omnia que eis O 3 ~ appor- APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. apportata fuerint {ine occafione accipere et emere, €x- ceptis illis qu de ecclefia funt et panno {anguinolento. Et fi Judeus ab aliquo apellatus fuerit fine tefte, de illo apellatu erit quietus folo (acramento fuo fuper librum fu- um. Et de appellatu illarum rerum qu ad coronam noftram pertinent {imiliter quietus et {olo facramento fuo fuper rotulum fgum. Et fi inter Chriftianum et Judeum fuerit diffenfio de accommodatione alicujus pecuniz; Ju- deus probabit catallum fuum et Chriftianus lucrum. Et liceat Jud=o quiete vendere vadium {uum, poftquam cer tus ent eum 1llud unum annum integrum et unum diem tenuiffe. Et Judi non intrabunt in placitum nifi coram nobis, vel coram illis qui turres noftras cuftodierints in quorum ballivis Judeel manferint. Et ubicunque Judi fuerint, liceat eis. ire quocunque voluerint cum omnibus catallis eorum ficut res noftree propriz, et nulli liceat €0s retinere neque hoc ‘bere. [Et pracipimus quod ipfi quiet {int per ngliam et niam de omnibus confuetudinibus, et theloniis, tione vini, ficut noftrum proprium catallum. mus vobis et precipimuss quod €os cuftodiatiss ¢ datis, et manuteneatis. Et prohibemus ne quis contra cartam iftam de hiis fupradiClis eos in placitum ponats fuper forisfacturam noftram, ficut carta regis H. patris noftri vationabiliter teftatur. eftibus Gaufrido filio Petri Comite Eflexiz, Willielmo Marefcallo Comite de Penbroc, Henrico de Bohun Comite de Hereford, Ro- berto de ‘Turnham, Willelmo Briwer, &¢. Datum per manum S. Wellenfis Archidiaconi apud ‘Merleberg; decimo die Aprilis, anno regni noftri fecundo. Rot. Cart, 2. Job. n. 49: titulo Carta Judeorum Angliz. N° VI. Charta Regis W lielmi Conqueft. de legibus bom Regis FEdwardi Conf. fabiliendis ; fatla in vit, ante ann. EJus 4. Domini noftri 1070; precibus : 2 illielmi London. Epifcopi, qu ditto anno eu ~ obut. oe Wain a Ga Rex falutat Willielmum Epifco- two follow- pum, et Godfridum Portegrefium, et omnem ing charters of Hen. L : . oy Burghware, infra London, Franc. et Angl = amis and Hen. IL. are referred to in p. 337. vol. il APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. amicabiliter. Et wobis “notum facio, quod ego volo quod wos [itis omni lege illa digni qua fuiftis Edwardi diebus regis. Et volo quod omnis puer fit patris [ui bares poft diem patris [ui *. Et ego nolo pati, quod aliquis homo aliquam injuriam vobis inferat. Deus vos falvet. N° VIL Wilkins Leges Anglo-Saxon, P- 235: ENRICUS Dei gratia rex Angliz, Archiepifcopo 3 Cantuari®; et Epifcopis, et Abbatibus, et Comi- tibus, et Baronibus, et Juftitiariis, et Vicecomitibus, et omnibus fidelibus fuis Francis et Anglicis totius Angliz, ‘Salutem. Sciatis me concefliffe civibus meis London te- nend’ Middlefex ad firmam pro ccc. libr’ ad compotum- ipfius et heredibus fuis, de me et heredibus meis, ita quod-ipfi cives ponent vicecom’ qualem yoluerint de feip- fis et juftitiar’ qualem voluerint de feipfis ad cuf- todiend’ placita coronz MEX et eadem placitan- da, et nullus alius erit juftitiarius fuper ipfos. hemines London, et cives non placitabunt extra muros civitatls pro nullo placito, et {int quieti de efchof et de danegildo et de murdro, et nullus eorum faciat bellum T. Et {i quis civi- um de placitis corona implacitatus fuerit per facramentum quod judicatum fuerit in civitate, fe difrationet homo London, et intra muros civitatis nullus hofpitetur, neque de mea familia, neque de alia, vi alicui hofpitium libere- tur. Et omnes homines London int quiet et liberi, et omnes res eorum per totam Angliam et per portus maris de thelonio et paffagio €t leftagio ( laftagio;) et omnibus aliis confuetudinibus ; et ecclefiz et barones, €t cives teneant et habeant bene et in pace focnas fuas cum omnibus con- fuetudinibus, ita quod hofpites, qui in foccis fuis hofpi- tantur, non dent confuetudines fuas, nifi ili cujus focca fuerit vel miniftro fuo quem ibi fibi pofuerit. “Et homo Londoniarum non judicetur in mifericordia pecuniz, nifi * By the claufes marked in Ttalicks I underftand that the benefit of all the laws of King Edward, or thofe they enjoyed in his time, was confirmed to the magiftrates and citizens ‘of London, and the right of imheritance to their children, fo as not to be forfeited by any offences of the fathers They ace firangely ¢ranflated by Dr. Brady. : : + This means exemption from the Norman trial by Duel, O 4 AT a EE AE 200 APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. in fua Were, fcilicet ad c folid. Dico de placito quod ad pecuniam pertineat. Et amplius non fit mifkenninga in buffenge, neque in folkefmote, neque in alis placitis intra civitatem, Et buffing ledeat femel in ebdomada, vi- delicet, die Lunz . et terras fuas, et wardemotum, et ‘debita civibus meis habere faciam intra civitatem, et extra, Et de terris de quibus ad me clamaverint reGtum eis tene- bo lege civitatis. | 3 civibus London ceperit, cives London capiant de burgo, vel de villa, ubi thelonium vel confuetudo capta fuit, quan- tum homo London pro thelonio dedit, et proinde de damp- no ceperit. Et omnes debitores, qui civibus debita debent, eis reddant, vel in London fe difrationent quod non debent. Quod fi reddere noluerint, neque ad difrationandum venire, tunc cives quibus debita fua debent capiant intra civitatem namia fua, vel de comitatu in quo manet qui debitum de- ‘bet. Et cives habeant fugationes fuas ad fugandum, ficut melius et plenius habuerunt anteceflores eorum, fcilicet Ciltre, et Midlefex, et Sureie, Tefte Epifcopo Winton’, Rob. fil’ Richer, et Hug. Bigot, et Alver’ de T onels et Willielrio Albini, et Huberto Regis Camerar’ et Williel- mo de Montfichet, et Hagulfo de Tani, et Joh’ Delet, et Rob. fY, Siw, © i anata to " : Dat apud Weftm?. N. B. 1 have corrected fome words of the tranfeript of this Charter as it is given by Wilkins in his Anglo Saxon Laws, from the various readings in his notes; and in fome places I have altered the ftops which he has put to it, or inferted a copulative, in order to make a better and clearer fenfe, Some paffages feem ftill to want a further corretion. N° VIL, Ibid. p- 319. Carta Libertatum Regis Henrici fecundi, Londonien- I 3 fibus conceffarum. ENRICUS Dei gratia, &c. Archiepifcopis, Epifco- H pis, - Abbatibus, 'Baronibus, ' Juftitiis, Vicecomiti- bus, Miniftris, et omnibus fidelibus fuis, Francis et Angl's, Salutem. 9 ont fmt " Sciatis me confirmafle civibus meis London. quod nul- lus eorum placitet extra muros civitatis London. de ullo placito preter placita de tenuris exterioribus, exceptis me % monetariis, et miniftris mes. | Con- Et fi quis thelonium vel confuetudinem APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. Concefli etiam eis quietantiam mardri infra urbem et portfocna : et quod nullus faciet bellum : et quod de pla- citis ad coronam fe poffunt difrationare fecundum antiquam confuetudinem civitatjs : et quod intra muros nemo capi- . Ly . . at hofpitium per vim, vel per. liberationem marefcalli. " "Hoc etiam eis concefli, quod pmnes cives Londoniarum fint quieti de thelonio et leftagio per totam Angliam, et | per portum maris: et quod nullus de materia pecuniz- judicetur, nifi fecundum legem civitatis, quam habuerunt debeat ; et de terris fuis et tenuris, que infra urbem funt, re&um eis teneatur fecundum legem civitatis, et de omni- bus debitis fuis qua accommodata fuerint apud London. et de vadimoniis ibidem fa&tis, placita apud London. te- neantur. Et fi quisin tota Anglia theloneum vel confue- tudinem ab London. ceperit, poftquam ipfe a re&o defece- rit, vicecomes London. namium inde apud London. capiat. Concedo etiam eis, quod habeant fugationes fuas, ubicun- que eas habuerunt ‘tempore regis ey avi mei, Infuper etiam ad emendationem civitatis eis concefli, quod fint quieti de Brud toll, et de Childwyte, et de | Yarafgive, et de Scotale; ‘ita quod vicecomes meus London. vel aliquis alius Ballivus Scotale non faciat. "Has przditas confuetudines eis concedo, et omnes ali- as libertates quas habuerpnt tempore Hlenrici regis, avi mei. oo Quare volo et firmiter precipio, quod ipfi et hzeredes eorum hac predi@a omnia hereditarie habeant et teneant de me et heredibus meis. . Hiis teftibus, Archiepifcopo Cantuariz, Epifcopo London, ~~ 8 tempore Henrici avi mei: et quod in civitate in nullo pla- ito fit mifkeninga : et quod buffingus femel tantum in | hebdgmada tenéatur : et quod terras fuas, et tenuras, et vadimonia, et debita omnia jufte habeant, quicunque eis 201 -: a rs APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. N° IX. APPENDIX TO THE SECOND BOOK. Madox’s Hiftory of the Exchequer, P- 246. ch. x1, Ne X. : | note g. Sr | dition ii | Royal 4. 1. x1. Mafter Wace writes thus concerning Thi is rex OHANNES Dei gratia, &c. Sciatls nos she Fleet of William the Conqueror. Fol, 19. b. : lt J conceflifle, et prefentt carta confirmaffe, = bur- ® i. ¥ genfibus noftris de Dunewichge quod burgum N E vos voil mie metre en etre, | Dunewichge. fit liberum | burgum noftrum ; et habeat Ne io ne men voil entremetre : Quels barons et quanz chevaliers foccam, et {accam, et toll, et theam, et infangenthef ; et quod ipfi per totam terram noftram quieti fint de thelo- Quanz vavafors et quanz {oldeiers nio, et leftagio, et paflagio, et pontagios et {tallagio, et Out li ducen fa compaignie, de leue, et de danegeld, et de ewagio, de wrec et lagan, | Quant il out prift tout fon navie. et de omnibus aliis confuetudinibus ; falva libertate civita- Mais io oi dire 3 mon pere, tis Londoniz ; et quod ipfi reCtam et {olitam firmam {uam «Bien men fouvient, mais vaflet ere, per manum fuam reddant ad fcaccarium noftrum ; et quod Que fept cenz nes, quatre moins, furent nullam feGtam faciant comitatuum vel hundredornm, nif Quant de Saint Valeri Sefmurent, coram jufticiariis noftris 3 et cum fummoniti fuerint effe Que nes, que batels, que efqueiss coram jufticiariis, mittant pro fe x11 legales homines de A porter armes et hernelis. burgo {uo, qui {int pro eis omnibus 3 €t {i forte amerciarl | Ft io aien efcrit trové, debuerint, per fex probos homines de burgo uo, €t per fex FOR (Ne fais dire Seft verité :) probos homines extra burgum ‘amercientur,. Concefli- BS Quel y out treis mil nés. mus etiam eis, quod flios et, filias fuas. poffunt li- Qui porterent voiles et res. bere ubi voluerint in terra noftra maritare, €t viduas | A tantes nés pout lon {avoir : fimiliter per confilium amicorum fuorum; et per | Que mult i pout grant gent avoir. quifitiones fuas de rerris et edificiis in villa fua poffint dare [8 i aut vendere, aut facere inde quod voluerint et quando vo- | Speaking of Taillefer, be Jays, luerint. Conceffimus etiam eis Hanfam et Gildam mer oh catoriam, ficut babere confueverunt. Quare volumus ¢ Devant le duc aloit chantant firmiter preECiPimUss quod prediél! burgenfes noftr pre- De Karlemaigne, et de Rollant ‘pominatas ibertates et liberas, confuetudines habeant €t D’Olivier, et del vailals teneant, libere pacifice et integre, {ine omni impedi- Qui moururent en Roncevals. mento, | A i T. E. Elyenfi Epifcopo. Williclmo Marefcallo, &¢ Dita per manum H. Cantuarienfis Archiepifcopi, Can- cellarii noftri, apud Rupem Aurivallis xx1x die Junii anno r. I. primo. Rot. Cart. 1. Fob. p. 2. n. 104. APPENDIX TQ T.HE THIRD BOOK OF THE Hiftory of the Life of King Henry the Second, VOLUME IL N° LL | Extraél- from the Remonfirance of the Parliament of Paris to the King of France, of the gth of April 1753. Se 2 ¢ This refers ES FEcclefiaftiques redoublent leurs efforts pour to the firft D affermir un fyfteme d’independance, dont les fon- Bei # demens ont eté pofés il y a pres de mille ans, dont "les principes ont eté liés, developpés, et fuivis, de fiecle en {iecle, dans 1a conduite de plufieurs miniftres de Peglife; et dont les effets inevitables, fans la vigilance et la fermeté des magiftrats, feroient 1’2bus le plus enorme de votre au- gufte nom, ainfi que de la religion, I’aneantiffement du bon ordre et du repos public, des jurifdi€tions reglées, des loix, de votre fouvairainté meme, et, par confequent, de etat entier. A | | Ne +I, Conflitutions of Clarendon, from the Cottonian Ms- nufeript of Becker's Life and Epiftles, which 15 probably the moft ancient and correct Copy of thof Statutes. | MS. Catton. Claud. B. fol. 26. NNO ab Incarnatione Domini millefimo centefimo fexagefimo quarto, papatus Alexandri anno quarto, and 428. jlluftriffimi regis Anglorum Henrici IL anno decimo, in prefentia ejufdem regis, falta eft ifta recordatio vel recog | : nit1o This refers ¢o book iii. page 381. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. hitio cujufdam partis confuetudinum, et libertatum, et dig- nitatum anteceflorum fuorum, videhicet regis Henrici, avi fui, et-aliorum, quez obférvari et teneri debent in regno. Et propter diffenfiones et difcordias, quae emerferant inter ¢lerum et jufticias domini regis, ét barones regnt, de ¢on- fuetudinibus et dignitatibus regni, facta eft ifta recognitio coram archiepifcopis et epifcopis et clero, et comitibus et baronibus et proceribus regni. Et eafdem confuctudinés recognitas per archiepifcopos et epifcopos, et comites et barones, et per nobiliores et antiquiores regni, ‘Thomas | Cantuarienfis archiepifcopus et Rogerus Eboracenfis archi- epifcopus, et Gilbertus Londonienfis epifcopus, et Henri cus Wintonienfis epifcopus, et Nigellus Elienfis epifco~ pus, et Wilhelmus Norvicenfis epifcopus, et Robertus Lincolnienfis epifcopus, et Hilartus Ciceftrenfis epifcopus, et Jofelinus Sarifberienfis epifcopus, et Richardus Cef- trenfis epifcopus, et Bartholomeus Exonienfis epifcopus, et Robertus Herefordenfis epifcopus, et David Menevenfis epifcopus, et Rogerus Wigornenfis ele€tus, conceflerunt, et in verbo veritatis viva voce firmiter promiferunt, tenen- das et obfervandas domino regi et heredibus {uis, bona fide, et abfque malo ingenio, prefentibus iftis : Roberto co- mite Legheceftriz, Reginaldo comite Ceornubie, Conano comite Britannie, Johanne comite de Augo,Rogerio comite de Clara, comite Gaufredo de Mandevilla, Hugone comite Ceflrie, Wilhelmo comite de Arundel, comite Patricio, Wil- helmo comite de Ferrariis, Richardo de Luci, Reginaldo de San&o Walerico, Rogerio Bigod, Reginaldo de Waren- nis, Rogerio de Aquila, Wilhelmo de Braofia, Richardo de Camvilla, Nigello de Mobrai, Simone de Bello- Campo, Hunfrido de Boun (Behun), Matheo de Here- fordia, Waltero de Meduana, Manaflero Bifeth dapifero, Wilhelmo Malet, Wilhelmo de Curci, Roberto de Du- neftanvilla, Jofelino de Lanvalis, Wilhelmo de Caifneto, Gaufrido de Ver, Wilhelmo de Haftinges, Hugone de Moravilla, Alano de Nevilla, Simone filio Petri, Wil- helmo Maudut camerario, Marifchallo, Petro de Mara, et multis aliis prdceribus et nobilibus regni, tam clericis quam laicis. - Confuetudinum vero et dignitatum regni recognitarum quedam pars prefenti {cripto continetur. Cujus partis capitula hac funt. (Incipiunt confuetudines quas avitas vocant*.) I. De * Thef : trantiripe words feem to have been inferted by the Monk who made the Johanne Maudut, Johanne 204 | \ ————— —_— E—————— a — re a I Fe — 1 Bros, ~~ Ae er — i wv . APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. 1. De advocatione et preefentatione ecclefiarum, fi con. troverfia emerferit inter Jaicos, vel inter clericos et lai cos, vel inter clericos, 1n curia domini regis tratetur vel terminetur. i 11. Ecclefiz de feudo domint regis non poffunt in per. petuum dari fine affenfu et conceflione ipfius. ig 111. Clerici reQtati, et accufati de quicunque re, fum. moniti a jufticia regis venient in curiam ipfius, refponfui :bidem de hoc unde videbitur curiz regis quod fit ibire. {pondendum, et in curia ecclefiaftica unde videbitur, quod :bidem fit. refpondendum, ita quod jufticia regis mittet in| curiam fan&® ecclefiz ad yvidendum qua ratione res ib cralabitur. Et fi clericus conviétus vel confeffus fuer, non debet de cetero eum ecclefia tuert. IV. Archiepifcopis, epifcopis, et perfonis regni non |: cet exire de regno abique licentia domini regis. Eti exierint, fi domino regi placuerit, affecurabunt quo! nec in eund, nec in moram faciendo, mec in redeund perquirent malum vel dampnum regi vel regno. V. Excommunicati non debent dare vadium ad rem: néns, nec preftare juramentum, {ed tantum vadium et pl gium ftandi judicio ecclefiz ut abfolvantur. VI. Laici non debent accufari nifi per certos et legals accufatores et teftes in prefentia epifcopi, ita quod arch: diaconus non perdat jus fuum, nec’ quicquam quod ink habere debeat. Et fi tales fuerint qui culpantur, quot non velit vel non audeat aliquis €0s accufare, vicecome requifitus ab epifcopo faciet jurare duodecim legales ho mines de vicineto, c€u de villa, coram epifcopo, quot inde veritatem (ecundum confcientiam {uam manifeftabunt ~ VIL Nullus qui de rege tenet in capite, nec aliqus dominicorum miniftrorum €jus, excommunicetur, 0% terre alicujus eorum (ub interdi&o ponantur, nif prius do minus rex, {i in terra fuerit, conveniatur, vel jufticia eft {i fuerit extra regnum, ut rectum de ipfo faciat, et 1t4, u quod pertinebit > d curiam regiam ibidem terminetur, © de eo quod fpeQabit ad ecclefiafticam curiam ad eandes mittatur, ut ibidem terminetur. i VIIL De appellationibus, {i emerferint, ab archidiacow debent procedere ad epifcopum, et ab epifcopo ad archi pifcopum. Et fi archiepifcopus defecerit in jufticia r benda, ad dominum regem perveniendum eft poftrem’ ut precepto ipfius in curia archiepifcopi controverfia i ‘minetur, ita quod hon debet ulterius procedere abfque? fenfu domini regis. i. q —- _ APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. IX. Si calumpnia emerferit inter clericum et laicum, vel inter laicum et clericum, de ‘ullo tenemento, quod clericus ad’ eleemofinam velit attrahere, laicus vero ad laicum feudum, recognitione duodecim legalium homi- num per capitalis juftici® Tegls confiderationem termina- | bitur, utrum tenementum fit pertinens ad eleemofinam, five ad feudum laicum, coram ipfa jufticia regis. Et {1 * recognitum fuerit ad eleemofinam pertinere, ‘placitum erit in cura ecclefiaftica ; fi vero ad laicum feudum, nifi ambo tenementum de eodem epifcopo vel barone advoca- verint, erit placitum in curia regia. Sed, fi uterque ad- vocaverit de feudo illo eundem epifcopum vel baronem, erit placitumi in curia ipfius. Ita quod propter fa&am re- cognitionem {eifinam non amittat qui prior feifitus fuerat, “donec per placitum dirationatum fuerit. X. Qui de civitate, vel caftello, vel burgo, vel do- minico manerio domini regis fuerit, fi ab archidiacono vel epifcopo fuper aliquo deli&to citatus fuerit unde de- beat eifdem refpondere, et +d citationes eorum fatisfacere noluerit, bene licet’ eum {ub interdi&to ponere: fed non debet excommunicari priufquam capitalis minifter domint regis ville illus conveniatur, ut jufticiet eum ad fatis- fa@ionem venire. Eth minifter regis inde defecerit, ipfe erit in mifericordia domini regis, et exinde poterit epifco- us accufatum ecclefiaftica jufticia cohibere. XI. Archiepifcopi, epifcopi, et univerfe perfonz regni qui de rege tenent in capite, habent poflefliones fuas de domino rege ficut baroniam, et inde refpondent jufticiis et miniftris regis, et fecuntur [fequuntur] et faciunt omnes re&itudinesiet ~onfuetudined regias, et; ficut barones ceteri, debent intereffe judiciis curie domini regis cum baronibus, ufque perveniatur in - judicio ad diminutionem membro- rum vel mortem. XII. Cum vacaverit archiepifcopatus, vel epifcopatus, vel abbatia, vel prioratus de dominio regis, debet effe in manu ipfius, et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus, ficut dominicos. Et cum ventum fuerit ad confulendum eccle- fiz, debet dominus rex mandare potiores perfonas eccle- fiz, et in capella ipfius domini regis. debet fieri ele&tio affenfu domini regis et confilio perfonarum regni quas ad hoc faciendum voeaverit. Et ibidem faciet eleGtus homa- glum et fdelitatem domino regi, ficut ligio domino, de vita fua, et de membris, ‘et de honore fuo terreno (falvo erdine fuo) priufquam {it.confecratus. XIIL St a08 This refers to book iil. page 465, . and other paflages in this hiftory. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. XII. Si quifquam de proceribus regni defortiaverit ar. chiepifcopo, vel archidiacono, de fe vel dé fuis jufticiam ex. hibere, dominus rex debet eos juftictare. Et {i forte aliquis diffortiaret D. regi re&itudinem fuam, archiepifcopi tar. chidiaconi debent eum jufticiare ut dom. regi fatisfaciat. XIV. Catalla eorum qui funt in foris fa&to regis non detineat ecclefia vel cemiterium, contra jufticiam regis, quia ipfius regis funt, five in ecclefiis, five extra fuerint inventa. as Ri PY XV. Placita de debitis, que fide interpofitd debentur, vel abfque interpofitione fidei, fint in jufticid regis. XVI. Filii rufticorum non debent ordinari abfque affen. fu domini de cujus terri nati effe dignofcuntur. Fada eft etiam predi@arum confuetudinum et dignita. tum recordatio regiarum a przfatis archiepifcopis, et epif- copis, et comitibus, et baronibus, et nobilioribus et an- tiquoribus regni, apud Clarendonam, quarto dieante purifi cationem S. Mariz, perpetuz virginis, domino Henrico, cum patre fuo domino rege, ibidem prazfente. Sunt autem et alie mult et magnz confuctudines ¢ dignitates S. matris ecclefiz, et domini regis, et baronum regni, que in hoc fcripto non continentur. Que falve fint S. ecclefiz, et D. regi, et heredibus fuis, et baron bus regni, et in perpetuum inviolabilitér obferventur. N° TIL Bibl. Cotton, Claudius, B. ii. 3. folio 92. Thome Cantuarienfi Archiepifcopo, Gillebertus Lon- donienfis Epifcopus 126. ENERABILI Domino et Patri in Chrifto Thome Cantuarienfi Archiepifcopo, Gillebertus Londonienfis ecclefie minifter, {alutem. Multiplicem nobis et diffufam late materiam, profunde Pater, et copiofe refcribendo proponitis, et nos, licet fuper appellatione ad dominum Papam profequenda {olli- citos, veftre tamen fublimitati refcribere gravi quidem €t nos . APPENDIX TO THE THIRD-BOOK. nos graviter urgente neceflitate compeltitis, Emiffis enim fparfim elogiis nos de toto fratrum neftrorum collegio feor~ fum ponitis ad convitia, ut fingulariter in nos, etfi immeritos, _ignominiofa congeratis et probra. Sobrii fenfus hominem, gravitatisreverende perfonam,magiftrum,ratione prelation- 1s ef dogmatis; veritati reverenter obnoxium, mirum eft ad verba veritatis exarfifle tam graviter, et, velut evocatum ad coleras, innocentiam filii pié patri confulentem non fo- lum non admififfe, fed et ipfius opinionem nota quadam inalitie, cujus fibi minime confcius eft, ejus non id exi- gente merito, refperfiffe : unde, cum ecclefiam Dei fub- vertere, fas nefafque confundere, montem illum, qui ec- clefia et columptna Dei viventis eft, non fano capite velle dejicere, ad ea que veftra funt ambiffe, et quod ab his obtinendis repulfi fuerimus, ob id veftram ecclefieque Det pacem temere perturbaffe, in bello domini terga dedifle, emiffis fcriptis publice denotemur, difficile eft ut fileamus, ait hanc adverfum nos opinionem, vel a prefentibus admitti, vel indefenfam future pofteritati tranfmitti, confeflionem innuente filentio, permittamus, Cum fit itaque malorum radix et origo cupiditas, ne nos hujus fufpettos habeant quibus prava fuadentur e facili, nos hinc jubeét neceffitas exordirt. Ait apoftolus, Quis fcit hominum-occulta ho- “minis, nifi {piritus hominis qui eft in ipfo ? Latent quidem homines occulta hominum, et abyflum .cordium de celo dominus inus intuetur. Ipfum ignota non tranfeunt, oc- culto non fallunt. ‘Eft enim fermo Dei vivus et efficax, penetrabiliorque omni _gladio ancipiti : nec eft ulla crea- tara invifibilis in confpe@u ejus. Ipfi et coram ipfo lo- quimur, Sub ipfius examine non vana aut ficta, fed que veritate confcientie fubnixa funt, confidenter et liber: re- fpondemus; afferentes utique, quoniam ad ea qua veftra funt ambitionis ftimulos nunquam vel momento fenfimus. Honorem hunc nulli unquam invidimus. Nulli'adhanc gra- tiam muriere vel obfequio, gratii vel favore, defervivimus, ut ad hujus faftigia culminis accefflum nobis facrilegum, quibufcunique modis aut adminiculis, aptaremus. Quis hoc mielius, pater, quam vos, quis poterit liquidus efti- mare, quem ipfius ecclefie tunc temporis archidiaco- num, et domini noftri regis ele&um e milibus, non con- filiarium folummodo, fed cor fuiffe conftat et confilium; fine quo non quidem facile, fed nec erat poffibile, ad hc omnino quempiam obtinere progreffum ? nobis itaquequam apud vos gratiam collocavimus ? num per nos, aut per Vor. IV. pian alium, I Im S577 _ APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. - alium, veftram unquam gratiam veniis aut EN Ho “temptavimus, ut ad quod nifi per vos attng: non pists in id ope veftra fublevaremur ? Hinc vefirasm, P ’ juftum eft metiri prudentiam, quales nos aliis hy 1 es “mus, qui nec veftre celfitudini, quam rerum ag e quebatur, ad turpe fupplicare compendium, nec aliq "favoris gratia unquam vel in modico blandire curavimus. * Rem hoc fine concludimus, hoc nobis onus ipfi con de ter imponimus, ut fit nobis illa die repofitum, fi nos hujus culpe confcios in aliquo reprehendit cor noftrum. > noftram itaque, pater, non noftrorum In veftra proses. one repulfam planximus lilo quidem die non Hof querere, fed que Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti ; non nools, fed ejus nomini in omnibus gloriam exhiberl, toto cordis Affeétu defideravimus. _Attendentes rem fecus fieri, cor- doluimus. Cernentes jus ecclefie fubverti, fas nefasque, confundi, montis illius magni quem dicitis deorfum cacu- men infle@i, fponfam Chrifti libertate priftind, fibl fem- per ufque tunc obfervati reverenter et exhibitd, invere- unde privari, alts utique In Domino fufpiris Ingen mus, et dolorum quos nunc experimur affidue preliba- tiones et prefagia certa, quadam divini_fpiritus infinua- tioge, multi quidem in ecclefid Det prefenfimus. Oper tebat equidem ejus, tunc ‘meminiffe quod feriptum ci, « Difficile eft ut bono peragantur exit, que mals fue- rint inchoata principiis.” Ad ipfa quidem fi recurramt: ‘initia, ‘quis toto orbe noftro, quis ignorat, quis tam refu- sinus ut nefciat, vos, certa licitatione propofitd, cancellariam ~illam dignitatem multis’ marcarum ‘milibus obtinuiffe, g aure hujus impulfu in portum Cantuarienfis ecclefie I lapfum ad ejus tandem fic regimen acceffiffe ? quam pI “quam fan&té, quam canonicé, quo Vite merito id exigent?) © multis quidem notum eft, et filo quodam doloris infim! Bonorum eft cordibus exaratum, Diem fuum clauferat ile bonus et bone memorie pater nofter, Theobaldus ec: clefie Cantuarien{s dudum archiepifcopus ; et vos, qu cordisoculos in cafum hunc pervigiles minime claudebats, * confeftim a Normannid celeres in Angliam reditus ha- * buiftis. Ex intervallo direus eft a domini noftri regs 1atere vir magnus, et fapiens moderator regi, Ricard ‘de Luci, quem laqueis anathematis innodatum hos ~ digné fic merito honoraftis, Regis hic ad omnes habe ¢ ~ imperium, ut Cantuarienfes monachi et ecclefie ipfius : ~pifcopi fuffraganet vos expeterent, VOS eligerent, ves © © patrem et paftorem, negotium nulla deliberationum mo protré fiden- APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. protrahentes affumerent; alioquin iram regiam non un- adm decliiarent ; verum fe regis hoftes et fuorum, pro- cil dubio, ipfis rerum argumentis agnofcerent. Quod loquimur experto novimus, attendentes ecclefiam Dei fuf- focari graviter, ob quod in €jus libertatem quodammodo proclamavimus, verbum ilico profcriptionis audivimus, ‘et exilio crudeliter addi@i fumus : nec folum per fona nefira, fed et domus patris mei, et conjunéla nobis affinitas, et cog- natio tota. Hoc quidem calice et aliis propinatum fF. Scriptum vero eft; Leo rugiet, quis non timebit? Et itd, Ut rugitus leonis, fic terror regis. Quod tanto vo- lintatis impetu precipiebat rex, quod effe@um compleri tanto nuncio perurgebat, in quod ¢ordis oculos vos omnes injeciffe noverant, in quod omnes veftri minis et terroribus, promiffis et blanditiis, vigilanter inftabant, quis negaret ? Forfenti huic voluntatis et precepti regii quis refifteret ? Stabat regni gladius in manu veftra, {i in quem torvos o- culos habebatis, terribilis in hunc et importabilis ire quo- dam velut igne corufcans : Tile quidem gladius quem in fanéte matris ecclefie vifcera veftra manus paulo ante im- merferat, cum, ad frajiciendum in Tolofam exercitum, tot ipfam marcarum milibus aperuiftis. Qui ne limatus denuo per vos aptaretur ad vulnera, juffis obtemperavit ecclefia, et; declinando que metuit, fimulavit fe velle quod noluit. O'! quam longe erant omnium corda bono- ram ab hoc ipfo, quam diffidentia vota! Metu tamen et impreflione completum quod interminatione diriffim? fue- rat imperatum. Sic in ovile 6vium, non utique per oftium, fed afcendens aliunde, introiftis ; et hoc, pater, introitu libertatem ecclefie, tot fibi temperum confervatam curri- culis, ademiftis. Que fi ejus vita eft, ut {cribitis, 1pfam utique exahimem reddidiftis. Deus bone! quis horror illa die, quis omnes horror invafit, cum prognofticum illud de nore confpe@um, et circumaftantium oculis eft oblatum: illud, inquam, prognofticum,quod, in futuri cafus indicium, evangeliftd Mattheo qudft vaticinante, prolatum eft! Ait enim Dominus ficulno’ non habenti fru&um, Nunquam ex te frutus nafcatur in fempiternnm: et arefala eft con- tinuo. Oportuiffet,igitur illo die non re&ta mandanti prin- cipi refpondiffe, quod oportet Deo obedire magis quam hominibus. lo utinam die corda noftra plene timor ejus otcupaflet, qui poteft animam in gehenna perdere, et non folum corpus occidere. Quod quia fecus acum eft, parit nobis enormitas hec erubefcentiam, erubefcentia confufio- ném;, confufto pénitentiam, que condignam inferet opem, | P 2 ferente APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. ferente Domino fatisfattionem ; adeo ut in maxillis noftris juges lacrime perfeverent, donec convertat Dominus cap- “tivitatem Syon et confoletur merentes in Jerufalem, et clementie reducat oculos in defolatos Jerufalem. - Inte- rim, ut quod attum eft currente ftilo profequamur, fu- blimationis veftre quis fructus extiterit audiamus. A pio rege noftro fufcepto regni gubernaculo, ad illum uique diom ecclefia quidem fan&a altd pace floruerat, excepto quod ut diximus, ad inftaurandum in Tolofam exer- citum manus veftras nimis in fe graves agnoverat. De cetero, {ub bono principe cun&ta gaudebant, jocundiffi- me letabantur univerfa ; regnum facerdotio devotum fan&é preftabat, obfequium, et facerdotio firmiflime ful- ciebatur ad bonum omne regis imperium. Exercebantur in ecclefid gladii duo, devoto Domino Jefus famulantes obfequio. Nec fibi ftabant ex adverfo, nec tendentes in coritrario repugnabant alterutro. Unus erat populus, et, ut fcriptum eft, unius labii, ftudens peccata perfequi, gaudens vitia fortiter eradicari. - Hec regni fuit et ecclefie pax ; alternd fic gratia fovebantur, et unanimi voluntate jungebantur. In veftrd vero promotione gratiarum {pera- bamus et expeftabamus augmenta : et ecce, peccatis exi- gentibus, illico turbata funt univerfa. Virtus eft, peccato, cum exfurgit, occurrere, mentifque finiftros fetus ad pe- tram, que Chriftus eft, ftatim, cum nafcuntur, allidere. Oportebat itaque veftram providiffe prudentiam, ne dif- fenfiones inter regnum et VOS paululum in immenfum ex- crefcerent, ne de fcintilla tenui in multorum perniciem tan- tus ignis exfurgeret. A&um fecus eft, etob caufas, quas enumerare longum eft, diffenfiones adau&e funt, inflam- mata eft ira, et odium fortiter obfirmatum. Hec caufa fuit, hinc emerfit occafio, cur ad requirendas dignitates regias, et in commune commemorandas, {uum dominus rex animum applicaverit et confilium. Quarum obfervatio cum a nobis, et a fuffraganeis ecclefie veftre exigeretur epifcopis, €o quod In quibufdam earum ecclefie Dei vide- batur libertas opprimi, affenfum dare recufavimus, pre- terquam his que falvo honore Dei et ordine noftro poterant obfervari. [Exigebat inftanter dominus nofter rex obfer- vationes earum abfolute fibia nobis repromitti, Sed quod libertati repugnabat ecclefie et domini pape fidelitati, 2 nobis nequaquam potu {unt cetus, et convocata concilia. Quid meminifle opus eft que funt alta Londoniis, que denuo Oxenefordie ? que gefta funt Clarendonie ad memoriam revocemus. Ubi con- \ it optineri. Ob caufam hanc coaéti . - APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. continuato triduo id folum a& a ; im altum eft, ut obfervanda regn i et dignitatum a polis fieret a fiom! io. Ibi quippe vobifcum ftetimus quem in Domi 3 Pm ftare fortiter eftimabamus. Stetimus quidem i ry oi = ftetimus imperterriti, ftetimus in Re yg pest; in cruciatum corporum, in fubeundum exi lad oo gi quoque, fi fic Dominus permififfet et . uls’ unquam ios 1 A Po ey B au pater filios in fud plus habuit oo oncordes? quis unquam plus unanimes ? In : ia 1 eramus omnes conclavi uno. Die vero tertio cu 1 ! A yop prise pos et omnes quidem nobiles in tne OO 5 Starjients fatto quidem fremitu et ftrepitu, con lov quo fedebamus ingreffi, rejeflis palliis Keil 9. iis, nos taliter allocuti funt, Attendite, qui Ths ftatuta contemniti ; ronis ie nas, Gai repr noftre funt m 15, Ju regh jufla non f{ufcipitis, Non TO anus ifte quas cernitis, non noftra brachia a bern Jorpors noftra : Verum domini noftri re- had sd ompen) es Tam, 7d omnem jus CRA Injuriam, ad omnem é¢jus voluntatem, que- Wie rit, ho nunc applicari promptiffima. ’ Ipfius ejus erit fifi cunque fuerit, ex folo nobis voluntate mos ad Ya imum. Revocate confilium, inclinate ani- sa preceptum, ut declinatis, dum fas eft, quod j it terit evitari pericalum.” Quid ad hee? Qi on : ps ? Quis fu- git? Quis terga vertit? Quis animo frallus eft ? Veftra Fopis AE probaly epiftola, quod in die belli converfi fi ph. 2 fo adverfo non afcendimus, quod nos m u ter moss Ipfo judi Sproat Judes: Dominus in. NOs: icet ob quem ftetimus, ob ll principum fle&ti nequivi Tas, 03 Gash ad mings ne utvimus : Judicet ipfe qui : quis in bello Filer, et ipfe quis fugeri i wo defertor extiterit. Stetit procul dubs geri, s Ct piritus n Domino conta : | a 10 VIT nO- Henricus. Stetit Elienfis Nigell fanfi, Winionienls bertus. Cvceft gellus, Stetit Lincolnienfis Ro- us, Cyceftrenfis Hylari S : iso Exonienfis Brame Cet oh sents Joustinn, nienfis Rogerus, Hereforde eftrenfis Ricardus, Wigor- leb rus, Herefordenfis Robertus, Londoni : lebertus. His omnibus percufl bs, Londonienfis Gil. PAE Seb P cuflor defuit. Hii itaque, tem- pofuerunt fe et {ua Dicatur it. pe Trin fheeten) y LJ u L fole quod prefentibus nobis et 00 gus vai Sk hat i deditd Nr et cernentibus a&um-eft ux militie, ipfe campi d : eft. Terga rum collegio fimul et confilio Suir aufugit; a fratrura fuo- fit, et tra&atu feorfum habit ons Cantiariontie shinef in hec verba prorupit, £ 102 ex intervallo reverfus ad nos, rupit. Eff domini mei voluntas ut pe erem, et P3 ad APPENDIX TO THI THIRD BOOK. ncurro perjurium, ut potero penitentians adiurus in poflerum. Auditis his, obftupuimus, et, mutuls herendo confpe&tibus, ad lapfum hunc, a fummo, ut efti~ mabamus, virtutiset conftantie viro, fufpirantes ingemul- mus. Non eft apud Dominum Eft et non; mec jus fperaba- mus fic moveri poffe difcipulum. Languente capite languent cito cetera membra, et ipfius infirmitas ad cetera {tatim membra dilabitur. Tpfe quod exigebatur annuens, et dig- iquas regni confuetudines, antiquorum npitates regias et antl J memoria in commune propofitas et fcripto commendatas, de cetero fe domino noftro regi fideliter obfervaturum 10 verbo veritatis abfolute promittens, 1n vi nobis obedienti€ precepit, {fponfione {imili nos obligare. Sopita eft hoc fine contentio, Sacerdotio fic eft pax conciliata cum regno. Defcendit Ifrael in Egiptum, unde cum multd gloria legitur poftmodum afcendiffe.. Nobis quoque {pes magna refede- rat, id quod dominus nofter rex ad tempus ira motus €xe- gerat, {edato sipfius animo, ad Dei gloriam et ipfius ho- norem, in bonum denuo effe reformandum. Invidit pact tenere pacis ille turbator priftinus : et qui, procellis ena- vigatis, {perabamus tenere tum portum, aquilonis ecce ad prefens fubeo, ef i flatibus compellimur in profundum. Recens erat illa in verbo veritatis regi facta promiffio, vos nifi ab eo impe- crata licentia non difceffurum a regno. Scriptum eft, ¢ Verba facerdotis comitem {femper habeant veritatem.” Illud quoque, Quod quis dicit veritati debet, et quod ¢ promittit fide”? Emenfis tamen diebus paucis, ventis vela commififtis, et egreffum a regno, rem rege penitus ignorante, procuraftis. Quo audito nemo rege plus ftu- uit, nemo plus doluit. Stupuit non effe completum quod fucrat 2 pontifice quafi juramento promifflum. © Do- luit in fe grave fciens (candalum fufcitari, et illefam hac- tenus opinionem fuam €X fuga hac apud gentes et regna gravifime laceffire. Quid enim veritatis ignari, quid po- terant ex his aliud fufpicari, quam regem regie pietatis . ymemorem in tyranni rabiem exarfiffe, et odio Chrifti miniftrum ejus a regno fuo et dominationis {ue finibus expuliffe. Mallet in carne fua manu ve- tri vulnus gravifimum excepifle, quam hoc fame {fue difpendium toto orbe Chriftiano per vos et vel- tros incurriffe. Quid plura ? Aquilonc vela perflante completa fuiffet jam navigatio, nifi flatu meliore ceptis Aufter obftitilfet. Quo flante profpere, navis ad litus, unde cepit navigare, perduda eft. In manus itaque regis “3 cum APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. cum vos rei deduxiffet eventus, nunquid iram. fecutus aut potentiam, in vos aut exceflit opere, aut eft quicquam locutus afpere ? Abfit. At benigne fulceptum et venera- tione quam decuit honoratum remifit ad propria, et vos in regno manere, commiffam yobis ecclefiam regere, animi veftri dileCtionem et dulcedinem fibi rebus ipfis oftendere humiliter et benigne fupplicando commonuit. Vix Aufter detonuerat, et jam Circius fulminabat ; motus animorum vix utrimque refederant, et ecce de novo emerfit unde ferventius ebullient. Perlatum eft ad vos mandatum regium, ut cuidam regni nobilium, fuper predio quod 2 veftra vendicabat ecclefia, quod juftum foret exhiberetis. Qui poft ftatutos dies ad regem reverfus afferuit, fe penes vos jufticiam affequi nequiviffe, et fe id ipfum, juxta regni ftatuta, coram vobis, fuo congruoque teftium jura- mento, comprobafle. Quo regem profequente diutius et fuper exhibenda fibi jufticia quotidie fupplicante, domini noftri regis ad vos eft emifla citatio, ut ftatuto die fe vef- tra {ublimitas fibi exhiberet, ut quod ipfo mandante non egerat, eo cognofcente litemque judicio dirimente com- pleret. Non eft a vobis hec admifla citatio, verum vos in boc fibi minime pariturum declaravit a vobis ad ipfum delegata refponfio. Arbitratus hoc ipfo dominus rex juri fuo detrahi graviter et poteftati, ecclefiam regni juffit ad concilium Norhamtoniam convocari. Convenit populus ut vir unus; et affidentibus fibi quorum id dignitati con- gruebat et ordini, quod di€tum eft fuper exfpreto mandato yg in Japeelany adverfus vos, ufus, qua decuit, modeftii venuftate, propofuit. Porro quod intendit, fratrum veftrorum non expe&tato vel expetito confilio, veftra in continenti confeflio confirmavit ; adjiciens vos ob id non paruiffe mandato, quod Johannes ille, qui regis ad vos nas pertulerat, in veftra prefentia, non evangelio, = “fogerio quali propofito, juraviffet. Eft 1taque sgn mune, caufam non eam effe, ob quam atum regium oportuiffet omififfe : regnique fore Sonngdinem in offenfis hujufmodi mul&4 pecuniarid em hi taxante mifericordid placari regem. Paruit regie fublimitas veftra fententie, ad plenum cavens fuper Yedhea folutione. Veftram tamen non latebat prudentiam dseretton Jd apofiofieum, quod in hunc modum expre{l- a us op! copus, neque pro civili neque "pro Set 3 apud quemvis judicem, five civilem, five , producatur vel exhibeatur.” Et illud, Clericus Py apud APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. apud fecularem judicem, fi pulfatus fuerit, non refpon- deat aut proponat.” Et illud Gelafii pape ad Elpidium epifcopum, “ Quo aufu, qua temeritate refcribis ad Ra- vennam te parare proficilci, cum canones evidenter pre- cipiant, nullum omnino pontificum, nifi nobis ante vifis aut confultis, ad comitatum debere contendere.” Sed. hec altiori forte fcientia et {piritu clariore difcernitis ; et quia regem unéio divina {an&ificat, ungitur ei manus in {an&itatem operum, brachiorum nexus in caftitatem complexuum, peétus in cordis munditiam, fcapule in laborum pro Chrifto tolerantiam, crifmate caput infundi- tur, ut fecundum Chriftum, a quo crifma diGum eft et ejus nomine confecratum, apto femper moderamine ftu- deat fibi credita difpenfare, ipfum a ceteris fecernitis, et judicem, non fecularem tantummodo, fed et ecclefiafticum reputatis. Ad quod roborandum, id fortafle. proponitis, quod imperiali judicio papa Leo quartus emendare voluit, fi quid in fubditos injufte commifit, Ludovico Augufto fic fcribens : ¢¢ Nos {i incompetenter aliquid egimus, et in fubditis jufte legis tramitem non confervavimus, veftro aut mifforum veftrorum cunéa terminentur examine ; ne fit in pofterum quod indifcretum valeat permanere.” Si vobis mens ifta eft, difcretioni veftre quam plurium in hoc confentit opinio, ut, ob facramenti reverentiam, regem effiment, non omnes, fed quas diftinguunt, ecclefia et perfonarum ecclefie caufas oportere difcutere, et regie jurifdi&ionis examine terminare. Habet enim ecclefia quedam divino tantur jure, quedam, ut teftantur, hu- mano. Gradus ecclefiafticos, ordines facros, et dignitates hiis coherentes et poteftates, divino tantum jure fortitur. Unde fi baptizat aut confecrat, folvit aut ligat, predicat et informat, hec tantum fpiritualia funt, collata defuper ab homine in hominem, non hominis dono, fed divino intus operante {piritu, propagata. Hunc {ibi nemo fumit honorem, fed qui vocatur a Deo, tanquam Aaron. AffeGaverunthzc Chorafh, Dathan, et Abiran, 2 Domino non vocati, et inaudita morte perierunt. Inmifcentes fe facrificiis Jeroboam et Ozias, alter manus ariditate, alter lepra, percuflifunt. Eft igitur in his omnibus facerdos quilibet, ut pater, ut paftor, omni rege fuperior : rex, ut ‘filius, ut difcipulus, longe inferior eftimatur. Si itaque rex delinquat in Deum, imitando Theodofium, conciliarl ftudeat opera facerdotum. Si facerdotes fe accufent _alterutro, hec fuo rex non rum verenda confpiciat, incedens retrorfum queque hujufmod ufurpet jufticio ; fed, ne pa-. ho? APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. hujufmodi pallio laudis operiat. Sunt et ecclefie corporalia quedam divino tantum jure poflefla. In his decime nu- merantur, oblationes, et primitie, quae fegregando fibi fan&ificavit dominus, et in ufus {ibi miniftrantium eterna lege fancivit, * Que quia divino tantum jure percipit, ad cognofcendum fuper his poteftas fe regia non extendit Humano vero jure multa poflidet, que fola vel fibi (unt hominum donatione concefla, non id precipiente Domino, vel legem fuper hoc ftatuente, ut jam non Leviticd folum portione fit limitata, verum donis eximiis et pofleflionibus ampliata. ‘Tranftulerunt ad eam ampla fua patrimonia reges, tranftulerunt eleéti principes, ut jam fit etiam corporaliter impletum, quod de filiis ecclefie dudum eft prophetd vaticinante predi€tum ; “¢ Fortitudinem gentium comedetis, et in gloria eorum fuperbietis.” Et illud ; Ut det illis hereditatem gentium. Item Yfaias Dilata tentorium tuum ; longos fac funiculos tuos ; d ¢¢ dextram et ad levam dilataberis.” Vetus qui habs ris. etus quidem habet hiftoria, in opus illud tabernaculi antiquum illum po- pulum ei devotione contuliffe donaria, ut compulfi artifices = dicerent Moyfi, Plus offert ’ populus iy necefle eft. Quorum quantacunque devotio, filiis tamen gratie non equatur, quibus fepenumero {itis non eft | donare Snguls, nifi {upererogent univerfa. Eft vero A cuique her, cum transfert donando quod fuum eft | donationi conditio 1 : nem quam velit anneétere, quantum nec legibus nec bonis conftat moribus - obviare. Hanc itaque donationi regum conditionem annexam eftimant ’ hoc confuetudine tot temporum obtinente curriculis affir- | mant, ut regibus ecclefie militaria, et annexa prediis alia quedam perfolvant obfequia, et pofleffiones ipfas a regibus perfone {ue principaliter hominio, et fidelitate,. oe evangelio, promiffd, recognofcant. Sic igitur ecclefie geminata poteftas eft, ut hinc regi celefti ferviat, hinc’ terreno principl quod ad eos fpectat exhibeat. Ejufque in efficit poteftas, hinc a Deo collata, pon hive : rege fufcepta, comites aut barones. Poteftas hec ord A pg in palatio obtinet ecclefia principatum, Sian, ! us gal Judictis, preterquam fi de vite peri- nung a HN locum habeat ip(a precipuum. de ye a igant, (ut affirmant) ut ab ipfo citati a i et fingulorum caufas univerfi difcutere a am qui in his que ad Deum funt gradu Jooqas nguimur, ut fuperiores quidam, inferiores al, reputemur et fimus, nos in hoc pares eftimant, ut fa | APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. ( indi m liberalitate regia devolutis, inter undis ad ecclefia libera ; f d pa in nos, fuerit oborta contentio, apud regem que J fpeCtant ad fingulos univerforum definiat pronunciatio, Nec mirum fi patrem teneat 2 filio lata fententia, et cum hominio fidelitas reverenter exhibita. Com B igo? + Deo gemina poteftas, hinc facerdotalls, Ing 2S 25 utramque fecundum quid preefle alteri, et 2 | fers cundum quid poffe judicari, patrum au&orita gon ne ' ut fit regum et prefulum viciffitudo hee, qué. j a hn judicant et judicantur a fe, forte quoddam gar vi fum, reverentie debitum, et utrique oe itudo 3 confervande pacis ad alterum. Hecet his altiora 20 1 Sra regem, quafi precellentem, prout noel apf clos, Tip raftis, et ejus parendo fententie as judice % 8 v 5 rm o ,, ner rov veftre Deu se Omni an creature props Deum fenka {e fubmittat humilitas, et quo b Saguns hos 2 juxt ini. meretur aitigs Ct : Bis tram humilitatis finibus WW; ipfa wiz Ria diffet, et, cum a yobis quedam debita repofceret LO pofter rex, cum de fumma pecunie, quam in manu veftra ex caducis quibufdam excreviffe memorabat, quod jus peteret exhiberi, ad declinandum regalis curie judicium tunc fe vefter ili zelus exis, Nam quid poterat inferre periculi danda fuper : : pet tione fententia ? Ad regimen ecclefie vos a au r jlerd voluit, et ab ipfius nexibus hoc ipfo vos, ut p res OP 2 tur. abfolvit. Quod fi ad debita minime re erendu hs ut evedus loco fic abfolvatur a debito, poterat nego! ” per exceptionem + rem verfum plurimum €Xpe iri 3 et, fi quid compoto nequivifiet includi, 018 mags Tepes fua quam avide, de reliquo poterat fatifdan ; wy 0 caufa, abfque hoc rerum turbine, pace potera p or fimi terminari. Sed inauditum dicitis, wt in reg 2 3 Goaumnionls Jone Li gn alte tranfity ixeritis inauditum, © tran i ccclefiam unquam ha&enus fic aheendifie, = hodie quis curiam, Cras difpenfaret ecclefiam, a bs et canibus ceterifque cure jocundis jas gto quis a he altaribus, et epifcopis totius Fen: {piritua a1 fais r rete facerdotibus. Ufus 1gitur in diverfa tendente Gi yi, crucem geftans in manibus, Irottte, a ro juidam. malitie fufpeGum regem omnibus di@aret id fibi folum execrande cuju ico APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. co reddidiftis. At ejus innocentiam fummis efferenda pre- oniis patientia declaravit. Illationem crucis adverfum le (i molefte tulerit, fines tamen regie modeftie non exceflit. Jon 114 motus efferbuit, non verbo malignatus aut opere, aufam, quam {ua repetens intenderat, fine ftuduit (ticie debito terminare. Af, declinando judicium, ad do- inum papam appellaftis, et, ficut in ingreflu, fic in egreflu eftro, fumimam regis manfuetudinem et tolerantiam vo- s obfervate pacis indiciis agnoviftis, Nam ut, in Ab- lonem prodeunte exercitu, paterna pietas exclamavit; Servate mihi puerum Abfalon”, fic, ejus mandato, bce ftatim preconarid cunélis innotuit, ut fiquis vobis it veflris cuiquam moleftus exifteret ultore gladio de- eriret. Addidiftis ad hc, ut, tanquam vite veftre vel nguini machinarentur infidias, fugd note 1i;1td, mutato abitu, poft latitationem aliquantulam, a regno clam tranf- .a{tis, et nemine profequente, nullo vos expellente, extra inationis fue loca, in regno vobis altero ad tempus fe- m elegiftis. Inde navem difponitis gubernare, quam fAuétibus et tempeftate, fubduéto remige, reliquiftis. inc nos veftra jubet autoritas, et hortatur, ut’conver- nur ad vos et falvi fimus, ut veftris inherendo veftigis o Chrifto mortem fubeamus, et pro liberandd ipfius ec- animas ponere non metuamus. Et utique fi atten- us quanta nobis promittantur in celis, ‘debeant animo lefcere quecunque poffidentur in terris. Nam nec Iin- ia dicere nec intelleCtus capere valet illa fuperne civitatis hanta fint gaudia ; angelorum choris intereffe, cum bea- imis {piritibus glorie conditoris afliftere, prefentem Dei ltum cernere, nullo metu mortis affici, incorruptionis € munere perpetuo gloriari | Paffiones hujus temporis inime condigne funt ad futuram gloriam que revelabi- rin fan&is; et quod modo leve eft et momentaneum libulationis fupra omnem modum eterne glorie pondus berabitur in eleis. Hec noftris jamdiu fenfibus infe- runt, noftra jamdiu ftudia hec poft fe promiffa traxe- nt. Caput utinam, quod mihi fcapulis infidet, li&oris adius projeciflfet in medium, dum tamen legitimo Deo- e placito certamine decertaflem. 4? martyrem non pena cit, fed caufs. Dura fan@e perpeti, gloria eft : improbé ertinaciter, ignominia. Pro Chrifto fubire gladium, con- mmata laus eft et viGoria ; hunc in fe temeré provo- are, laté patens infania. Et fi veftra, pater, non folum Qa, verum fafa penfemus, in mortem nec temer€ nec leviter APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. G de fundis ad ecclefiam liberalitate regia devalutis, tater nos, aut in nos, fuerit oborta contentio, apu regem qe fpeQant ad fingulos univerforum definiat pronusncia % Nec mirum fi patrem teneat 2 filio lata fententia, et cu hominio fidelitas reverenter exhibita,. Cum fit igitur 2 Deo gemina poteftas, hinc facerdotalis, pe regia ; utramque fecundum quid preefle alteri, et ab 2a ford W cundum quid poffe judicari, patrum audloritate 2 es ut fit regum et prefulum viciffitudo hec, qua le vicl i judicant et judicantur a fe, forte quoddam cesiuai an > lum, reverentie debitum, et utrique neceffitudo pe a confervande pacis ad alterum. Hecet his oss 1 ing regem, quafi precellentem, prout meer apofto i, raftis, et ejus parendo fententie ef ju es, 3 Wh, fibique fervando quod {uum eft, 1p a, in is que od Deum funt, veftre parere fublimitati prudenter € Br ide monuiftis,. Omni humane creature propter Deum an : {fe fubmittat humilitas, et quo fe dejicit inferius, €o, ux a yerbum Domini, meretur altius et gloriolns exa ok, Atque in his utinam humilitatis finibus res 1pla tota re e diffet, et, cum & vobis quedam debita repofceret rules nofter rex, cum de fumma pecunic, quam I manu y us ex caducis quibufdam excrevifle memorabat, quod J diQaret id fibi folum. peteret exhiberi,, ad decinendum regalis curie judicium tunc fe vefter minime zelus erexifiet. Nam quid poterat inferre periculi danda fuper hac peti- tione fententia ? Ad regimen ecclefie Vos a ew tranferrt voluit, et ab ipfius nexibus hoc ipfo vos, ut Pp res doiay tur. abfolvit. Quod fi ad debita minimé referendum eit, ut eveQus loco fic abfolvatur a debito, poterat negotium per exceptionem in rem verfum plurimum expe "y ct, fi quid compoto nequivifet includt, joais magis rope en 1 fua quam avidé, de reliquo poterat {atifdari ; et ae is be caufa, abfque hoc rerum turbine, pace poterat hone & fim terminari. Sed inauditum dicitis, ut in Teghe a Cantuarienfis unquam compelleretur ad talia. 3 dixeritis inauditum, officialem curie repping ange ad illam ecclefiam unquam haQenus fic afcen : 6, hodie quis curiam, Cras difpenfaret ecclefiam, a oi et canibus ceterifque curi€ jocundis ufibus cito i a ae altaribus, et epifcopis totius Fegn: ipidaglit mini raret o facerdotibus. Ufus igitur 1n diverfa tendente of ° domum regiam, crucem geftans in manibus, Introiftis, iti regem omnibus execrande cujufdam. malitie fufpeGum reg os APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. fico reddidiftis. At ejusinnocentiam fummis efferenda pre- coniis patientia declaravit. Iilationem crucis adverfum fe etfi molefte tulerit, fines tamen regie modeftie non exceflit. Non ir motus efferbuit, non verbo malignatus aut opere, caufam, quam fua repetens intenderat, fine ftuduit jufticie debito terminare. At, declinando judicium, ad do- minum papam appellaftis, et, ficut in ingreflu, fic in egreflu veftro, fummam regis manfuetudinem et tolerantiam vO- bis obfervate pacis indiciis agnoviftis,. Nam ut, in Ab- {alonem prodeunte exercitu, paterna pietas exclamavit ; 88 « Servate mihi puerum Abfalon”, fic, ejus mandato, voce ftatim preconarid cunélis 1nnotuit, ut fiquis vobis aut veftris cuiquam moleftus exifteret ultore gladio de- £4 periret. Addidiftis ad hc, ut, tanquam vite veftre vel “% {anguini machinarentur infidias, fuga no&te i;itd, mutato habitu, poft latitationem aliquantulam, a regno clam tran{- rig songs ge re pi ESR Ta jib : i Ta Ceram SOUR . = meaftis, et nemine profequente, nullo vos expellente, extra | ® dominationis fue loca, in regno vobis altero ad tempus fe- © dem elegiftis. "in fluGtibus et tempeftate, fubdu&o remige, reliquiftis. Hinc nos veftra jubet autoritas, et hortatur, ut conver- . tamur ad vos et falvi fimus, ut veftris inherendo veftigiis pro Chrifto mortem fubeamus, et pro liberanda ipfius ec- {iA animas ponere non metuamus. = damus quanta nobis promittantur in celis, debeant animo 8 vilefcere quecunque poflidentur in terris. Nam nec lin- = gua dicere nec intelle€us capere valet illa fuperne civitatis 1% quanta fint gaudia ; angelorum choris intereffe, cum bea- § tffimis fpiritibus glorie conditoris affiftere, prefentem Dei 1% vultum cernere, nullo metu mortis affici, incorruptionis Inde navem difponitis gubernare, quam Et utique fi atten- fue munere perpetuo gloriari! Pafliones hujus temporis 88 minime condigne funt ad futuram gloriam que revelabi- tur in fan&is ; et quod modo leve eft et momentaneum tribulationis fupra omnem modum eterne glorie pondus operabitur in eledtis. Hec noftris jamdiu fenfibus infe- derunt, noftra jamdiu ftudia hec poft fe promiffa traxe- runt, Caput utinam, quod mihi {capulis infidet, li&oris } gladius projeciffet in medium, dum tamen legitimo Deo- que placito certamine decertaflfem. At marfyrem non pena ® facit, fed caufa. Dura fan&é perpeti, gloria eft : improbé = pertinaciter, ignominia. 8 fummata laus eft et vi€toria ; hunc in fe temerée provo- Pro Chrifto fubire gladium, con- care, laté patens infania. Et fi veftra, pater, non folum IB dita, verum fafta penfemus, in mortem nec temer€ nec leviter \ APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. leviter impingemus. Nam genu Clarendone curvando, fugam Norhamtone ineundo, mutato ad tempus habity delitefcendo, a regni finibus clam emigrando, quid a&um eft ? quid hxc agendo procuraftis, nifi quod mortem, quam nemo dignabatur inferre, tam f{olicite declinaitis, Nos igitur ad mortem qui fronte pater invitaftis, quam vos et formidafle et fugifle indiciis tam manifeftis tot; mundo luce clarius oftendiftis? Que vos fuadet caritas nobis onus imponere quod abjeciftis ? Gladius nobis imminet quem fugiftis, in quem fundum jacere, non dimicare co- minus, elegiftis. Ad fimilem forte fugam nos invitaftis, At nobis mare claufum eft, et poft difcefflum veftrum na- ves nobis funt omnes et portus inhibiti. Infule terrarum clauftra regum fortiffima funt, unde vix evadere vel fe quis valet expedire. Si nobis pugnandum eft, de proxi- mo contendemus: fi cum rege pugna conferitur, unde portions gladio nos ibi gladius repercutiens inveniet, nde vulnus infligemus vulnera declinare nequibimus. Et annui veftri redditus nunquid vobis tanti funt, ut fratrum veftrorum fanguine vobis hos velitis adquiri? At Juda re- portante pecuniam, hanc judei refpuerunt, quam fangui- nis efle pretium agnoverunt. Sed aliam nobis caufam for- tafle proponitis.—Paululum itaque divertamus, ut mortis nobis fuadende caufam plenius attendamus. Gratias Do- mino, Nulla penes nos eft de fide contentio, de facramen- tis nulla, nulla de moribus. Viget reéta fides in principe, viget in prelatis, viget in fubditis. Omnes fidei articulos regni hujus ecclefia fané comple&itur. A fummi ponti- ficis obedientid prefentis fchifmatis infanid nemo dividitur. Ecclefie facramenta venerantur omnes et excolunt. Suf- cipiunt in fe, et aliis pi€ fan&éque communicant. Quod ad mores, in multis quidem offendimus omnes: Errorem tamen {uum nullus przdicat aut defendit; verum peni- tentie remedio fperat pofle dilui quod admittit. Tota igi- tur in regem eft et de rege contentio, ob quafdam confuetu- dines, fuis predecefforitus obfervatas, (ut afferit) et exhibi- tas, quas fibi wult et expetit obfervari. Super hoc a vel- tri fublimitate commonitus non defiftit a propofito, non renunciat iis que formavit antiquitas et longa regni confu- etudo. Hec eft caufa cur ad arma decurritis, et in fanc- tum caput et nobile gladium librare contenditis. In quo _ refert plurinum quod bas ipfe non flatuit, fed, ut tote regni teflatur antiquitas, fic eas reperit inflitutas. Nam difficilius ‘competenter achibita. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. difficilius evellitur quod altius radicatur. Heret planta tenacius que fuas in altum jam diu radices immiferat ; quam {i quis transferre defiderat, non viribus evellenda eft, ne protinus exarefcat. Circumtfodienda eft prius, et hu- mus eft ejicienda ; denudanda radix undique, ut fic pru- dens expleat diligentia quod vis commode non expleret, in- A bonis exempla {fumenda funt, et, cum tra&antur hujufmodi, ipforum funt opera diligen- tius attendenda. Predeceflor veftre ille pater Auguftinus multa a regno hoc extirpavit enormia, et ipfum regem fide illuminans pravas ab eo confuetudines, non quidem paucas, eliminavit, non maledi&tis equidem, fed benedi- Wcendo potius et predicando, exhortando f{alubriter, et po- Wtentum animos ad bonum fortiter inclinando. “Mille Johannes, diebus noftris, in partes has a fan&4 Ro- “mani ecclefid dire&us, regni confuetudines, in quibus jam Cremenfis fenuerat, immutavit: quod non malediétis aut minis, fed dotrind fani et exhortationibus fan&is optinuit 3; benedi- endo feminavit, de benedi&tionibus et meflem fecit. His, fi ad arma decurriffent, nihil aut parum profeciffent. A pio Francorum rege, optatd din prole fibi jam concefld divinitus, nuper illi regno multa funt remifla gravamina, gue firmaverat antiquitas hactenus inconvulfa. Hec, fug- | ®erente, ut audivimus, ecclefid, et monente, non eleGtum “principem minis impetente, {ublata funt. {Mguanteve dignitates, libertates, immunitates, poflefliones, ecclefie Dei, a piis regibus, orbe toto, pietate fold, non Smalediti neceffitate, collata {int, quis valeat explicare ! Que denique, tique tempus id volentem explicare deficiet. Hec nam- ue regum eft laude digna nobilitas : Ab ipfis fupplex op- net, quod erectus in minas nullis unquam conatibus op- ineret. Ipfis nummi pretium tam reputatur vile quam xiguum. Quod fi vi quifque violenter intenderet, mag- os in re modicid rei fue defenfores {pe cito fruftratus enofceret. Hec itaque, non fervore novitio, fed maturo erant attendenda confilio. Erant fratrum veftrorum et ~@liorum plurium in his exquirenda confilia, attendenda atrum prudentum opera, cum incommodis ecclefie pen- ‘anda commoda, et hec tum demum danda forte fenten- i2,- cum jam foret {pes nulla fuperefle remedia. Que, rofeCto, cum datur juxta facrorum formam canonum, Mttendendum eft in quem detur, cur detur, quomodo detur, expediat ecclefie quod detur, et obfuturum fibi fi | non APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. oe ih Gu | bls Jefe. detir. Is vero quem impetitis, (ut nota vo 1. A aiid non ipfe eft quem dulciffima pignora, no. biliffima conjux et honefta, fubje&a fib1 regna quam plu ima, amicorum cetus et fuis obfequentium nutibus tot populorum agmina, mundi queque pretiofa, vix detinent, vix blandiendo perfuadent, quin, fpretis omnibus, poft cru. | _ cem foam portantem Dominum Jefum nudus exeat, et | pau it, 1d facto ftudest aupertatemn contemplando quam fubut, id fad De plere quod docuit ipfe dicens, Qui non bajulat cru. | . ’ 9 4 ¢¢ cet fuam et venit poft me, non eft me dignus.” He mentis ejus obftinatio eft, hec maledi&tis opprinends em delitas, hec in ecclefid Dei toto orbe declamata malign ¢as? In hunc fi maledi€a congefleritis, partem fui nob {iffimam fuis ledi jaculis ecclefia rete condolebit. Iph famque vulnerato, lefam fe, non filiorum paucitas, fed populorum ampla numerofitas, ingemifcet. In hoc ven facra fic docet au&oritas. ¢ In ejufmodi caufis, ubi pu graves diffentionum fciffuras non hujus aut illius eft ho minis periculum, fed populorum ftrages jacent, detraher dum eft aliquid feveritati, ut majoribus malis {anand cdritas firicera fubveniat” : Et iterum, « Non poteft eft { falubris a multis corre&io, nifi cum ille corripitur qi | aon habet fociam multitudinem.” Medico namque qus afcribit induftrie, ut vulnus unum fanet, aliud longe mz jus, longe periculofius, infligat. Difcreticnii quis att buat, ob quedam; que poterunt et levius et expeditis optineri, ecclefiam fic deferere, in principem exurget et ecclefie totius regni, concuffa pace, animarum in i | ditis corporumque pericula non curare ? Auguftinus cefit: quem divino compun&um fpiritu in Chriftum ade noe { cat aghelare ? Ille confuetudines, temporalis commodi 3 protitis fibi conferentes quanti fibi funt, cui ipfa mound ig i bi 7 Ambrofius ecclefiam deferere non approbavit. Nam qui 1 og 8 a borio principe veftra pater prudentia poterat ron fperare, § gloria, uantamcunque fe offerat, jam tota fere viluit 3 ot 4 cordis fui defiderio tam procul eft, ut Domino loge fepius dicat quod feriptum eft, Infigne mei capitis of Domitie, tu / in ipfo nidificanti colambe fan&e dimittendus, donec ple i formatus in ipfo Chriftus occulta ejus 1n lucem traher) 8 | producetet, et libertates ecclefie, non tantum has de qu bus. agitur, j » propria, diftribuerit # In his quidem quod’ fcimus ol { % "This alludes to the Vow the King had made never again to Wea! Crown. fed et longe propenfiores, ipfe, quafi mar’; “i. Nunquid non hic fovendus erat of y APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. mur, quod novimus id confidenter afferimus. Confue- tudines, in quas plus candefcitis, dominus nofter rex jam pridem penitus expreviflet, fi non hoc propofitum duo gra- viter impediffent : Unui, quod fibi timet dedecori, a patri- bus ad fe devoluto regno, diebus fuis, {ubtrahi quicquam vel diminui : Aiterum, fi quid remittat ob Dominum, erube- fcit, ut hoc fibi vi reputetur extortym. Primum tamen illud jam fané&tiiatis pede calcaverat, et ipium in hac Dei timor, inpata boritas, domini pape fanéta monitio, multorumque in hoc fupplicatio continuata produxerant, ut, ob ejus reverentiam, per quem ultrd omnes fuos patres Jonge magnificatus eft, ecclefiam Dei convocare et regni coniuet: dines, que gravamen fibi nofcerentur inferre, multi devotione fpiritlls, immutare vellet ultroneus et corrigere. Et, fi penes vos cepta perfeveraflet humilitas, ecclefiam Dei in regno exhilaraffet jam diffufa laté jo- cunditas. Nam finem, in quem tenditis, vicerat jam fup- plicatio, cum male totum impedivit a vobis orta recens turbatio. Nam, cum fuis nondum Britannia titulis ac- cefliffet, et levaret in eum ufque tunc indomita gens illa calcaneum, cum produceret in turbatores pacis exercitum, terribiles in illum literas, devotionem patris; modeftiam pontificis, minimé redolentes; emififtis; et quod {fummi pontificis admonitio, multorumque elaboraverat fupplex et intenta devotio, fufpirando minas ilico fuftuliftis, et tam regem, quam regnum, in fcandalum cunétis retro actis feré gravius impuliftis. Avertat Deus finem, quem, negocio fic procedente, ‘metuimus ; qui ne noftris erumpat temporibus, ab hono- rem Dei et {ante ecclefie reverentiam, ob veftrum (fi placet) commodum, ob pacis commune bonum, ob mi- nuenda {candala, et que turbata funt ad pacem, juvante Domine, revocanda, ad dominum papam appellavimus, ut veftri curfis impetum vos in regem proné rapientis et regnum, ad tempus faltem cohibeamus. Qué in re bo- num eft, ut intra fines modeftie vefter fe velit zelus co- hibere, ne, ut regum jura fubvertere, debitam quoque fic domino pape reverentiam, appellationes ad ipfum inter- pefitas nen admittende, nimis e fublimi ftudeat exinanire, Quod fi placet advertere, ad Zacheum non divertifle Dominum, nifi cum de ficomoro jam defcendiffet, defcen- deris forfitan, et quem minis exafperaftis verbis aliquando pacificis mitigare ftuderetis, non folum exigendo, fed et fa- tisfaltionem humilem, etfi forte injuriam paflus, offerendo. Puerum apoftolis propofuit exemplo Dominus, qui lefus non 223 == eS .. l» IB A ——— — — m— = eee APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. non irafcitur, injurie cito non meminitS nec quicquam maliciofé molitur, dum magna non-affe@at, fibi totum hoc innocentis vite remedio viteque jocunditate pleniffima recompenfat. Singulare itaque virtutis exemplar ipfe eft, qut fe crucifigentes abfolvit, qui lata caritate perfequentes et odientes amar precipit, et, {1peccet frater in nos, veni- am non folum fepties, fed et feptuagies fepties, imperat impertiri. Ifta quid non poffet humilitas ? apud do= minum noftrum regem quid non optineret viarum ifta perfectio ? Callis ifte re€tus eft, ad pacem re&e perdu- cens, quem pater cum intraveritis, pacem ilico appre- hendetis, et diiperfis triftitie nebulis, cun&a pace, gaudio cuntla replebitis, et a rege piiflimo domino- que noftro karifimo, non folum que ad prefens peti- tis, fed et longe majora his, Domini fpiritu cor ejus ac- cendente, et in amorem fuum femper dilatante, feliciter optinere poteritis.* Ne IV. This refers Fpiff. .cxxvi. Lib. i. Thome Cantuarienfi Archi- top. 461. vol. IL. epyfcopo Clerus Anglie. Venerabili Patri et Domino Thome, Dei gratia, Cantuarienfy Archi-epifcopo, fuffraganei ejufdem ecclefie Epifcopr, et Perfone per eorundem Di- cefes locis varus conflitute debitam fubjeilionem et obedientiam. | UZ veftro, Pater, in longinqua difceflu, inopinati rei ipfius novitate turbata funt, veftrd {pera- bamus humilitate et prudentid in pacis priftinz fe- renitatem, co-operante Dei gratid, revocari, Erat quidem nobis folatio, quod poft difceflum veftrum, ad omnes ilico fami divulgante pervenit, vos tranfmarinis agentem nil altum fapere, vos in Dominum noftrum Regem aut Reg- ‘num ejus nulld machinatione infurgere, fed {ponte fufcep- ® The foregoing Letter is here mifplaced, its proper place being after Epitt. cviii. L 1. E. Codice Vaticano, to which it is an anfwer, ‘The ac- - cents denoting the Ablative Cafe are not in the manufcript, but are added here to help the Reader, as thereis fome obfcurity in the ftyle of the letter, ‘and from the old fpelling of the manufcript. The following letters are - taken from the printed Bruffels Edition of Becket’s Letters after the Vati- csn Manufcrips. : 241 : wt tum APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. tum paupertatis onus cum modeftia fuftinere ; letioni et erationi infiftere, preeteritorumque jacturam temporum jejuniis, vigiliis, lacrymifque redimere, et fpiritualibus occupatum ftudiis ad perfectionis apicem beatis virtutum incrementis adfcendere. Ad pacis bona reformanda vos ftudiis hujufmodi gaudebamus infiftere, ex quibus {pes erat vos in cor Domini noftri Regis hanc pofle gratiam defuper evocare, ut vobis iram Regié pietate remitteret, et illatas in difcefTu et ex difce{lu veftro injurias ad cor de cetero non revocaret, Erat Amicis veftris et Benevolis ad ipfum aliquis, dum heec de vobis audirentur, acceflus, et ob conciliandam vobis gratiam fupplicantes benigné quandoque fuftinuit. Jam vero quorundam relatione di- dicimus, quod ad memoriam anxi€ revocamus, vos {cilicet in eum comminatorium emififle, quo falutationem omittitis, quo nom ad obtentum gratis confilium precefve porrigitis, quo non amicum quid fentitis aut fcribitis, fed intentatis minis interdi@um aut precifionis elogium in eum jam di- cendum fore multi feveritate proponitis. Quod fi quam durée di@um eft, tam fuerit feveré compleum, que tur- bata funt non jam fperamus ad pacem redigi, fed in pe- renne quoddam odium et inexorabile pertimefcimus inflam- mari. Rerum verd finem prudentia fanéta confiderat, dans operam folligité, ut quod prudenter inchoat, bono quoque fine concludat. Advertat itaque, fi placet, dicre- tio veftra, qué tendat, - an conatibus hujufmodi queat. finem obtinere, quem optat. Nos quidem his aufis a {pe magna cecidimus, et qui pacis obtinendz fpem quandoque concepimus, ab ipfis jam {pei liminibus gravi quidam def- peratione repellimur. Et dum velut extra&to gladio pug- na conferitur, pro vobis {upplicandi locus utique non inve- nitur. Unde Patri {cribimus ex charitate confilium, ne labores laboribus, injurias fuperaddat injuriis, fed, omiffis minis, patientize et humilitati inferviat, caufam fuam di- vine Clementiz, Dominique {ui gratiz mifericordi committat ; et fic agendo carbones ignis multorum capita coacervet et congerat. Accenderetur hoc modo charitas, et quod min non poterant, infpirante Domino, benorum- que fuadente confilio, fola fortaffe pietas obtineret. Bo- num erat potius de paupertate voluntarid gloriofé laudari, quam de beneficii ingratitudine ab omnibus 1n commune notari. Infedit alté cun&orum mentibus, quam benignus wobis Dominus nofter Rex exftiterit, in quam vos gloriam ab exili provexerit, et in familiarem gratiam tam lat vos ‘You 1V, Q_ ments —e APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. mente fufceperit, ut Dominationis {uz loca, que a Bore- ali oceano ad Pyrenzum ufque porre&ta {unt, Poteftati cun@a fubjecerit, ut in his {oldm hos beatos reputaret opi- nio, qui in veftris poterant oculis complacere. Et, ne. veftram gloriam mobilitas poffet mundana concutere, in his que Dei funt voluit - nmobiliter radicare. Et diffua- dente matre fui, Regno reclamante, Ecclefia Dei, quoad licvit, fufpirante et ingemifcente, vos in eam, qui praeef- tis, Dignitatem, modis omnibus ftuduit fublimare, {perans fe de cxetero regnare feliciter, et ope veftra et confilio, fummi fecuritate gaudere. Si ergo fecurim accipit, unde fecuritatem f{perabat, qua de vobis erit in cunctorum ore narratio? Que retributionis ha&enus inaudita rememo- ratio? Parcatis ergo, {1 placet, fama veftrae, parcatis et glorize : Et humil:tate dominum, fililumque veftrum cha- tate vincere fludeatis. Ad quod {i noftra vos monita mo- vere nequeunt, debet faltem fummi pontificis, fan&tzque ecclefiz Romana dile&tio et fidelitas inclinare. Vobis enim fuaderi debet € facili, ne quid attentare velitis, quod laboranti jamdiu matri veftre labores augeat, quove mul- torum_inobedientiam deploranti in eorum qui obediunt amifTione dolor accrefcat. Quid enim {i veftrd, quod ab- fit, exacerbatione et operd Dominus nofter, quem, largi- ente Domino, populi fequuntur et regna, a Domino Papa recefferit, ipfumque fib fortaflis adverfum vos folatia de- negantem {equi de caxtero declinaverit? Ipfum namque, in hoc, qua fupplicationes, que dona, quot, quantave promiffa follicitant ? In petri tamen firmus huc ufque perftitit, et totum quod mundus offerre poteft victor alta mente calcavit, Unum nobis timori eft, ut quem oblate divitie, et totum quod in hominum gloria pretiofum eft, fleGtere nequiverunt, animi fui valeat indignatio fola fubver- tere. Quod fi per vos acciderit, in threnos totus ire po- teritis, et lacrymarum fontem oculis veftris de cztero negare nulld quidem ratione poteritis. Revocetis itaque, fi placet Sublimitati veftree, confilium, Domino quident Papz, fan&tzque Romanz ecclefiz, vobifque, fi placet advertere, modis omnibus, fi proceflerit, obfuturum. Sed qui penes vos alta fapiunt vos hac forté vitd progredi ncn permittunt. Hortantur experirt quis fitis, in Domi+ num Regem, et omnia que {ua funt, poteftatem exercere qui przeftis. Quez nimirum poteftas peccanti timen- da eft, fatisfacere nolenti formidanda. Dominum vero Regem ncn quidem non peccafle dicimus, fed femper Do- mine APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. ¥nino paratum fatisfacere confidenter dicimus et predica- mus. © Rex a Domino conftituius pact providet per omnia fubditorum ; et, ut hanc confervet ecclefiis et commiffis fibi populis, dignitates Regibus ante fe debitas et exhibitas {ibi vult ac exigit exhiberi, In quo fi inter ipfum et vos aliqua eft oborta contentio, 3 fummo f{uper hoc pontifice; paterni gratid, per venerabiles fratres noftresLoondonienfem et Herefordenfem epifcopos conventus et commonituss non in ceelum os fuum pofuit, fed de omnibus, in quibus vel ecclefia, vel ecclefiaftica quzcumque perfona, fe gravatam oftenderet, fe non alienum quezrere, fed eccle- fiz regni fui pariturum judicio; humiliter et manfueté ref- pondit. Quod quidem et faltis implere paratus eft, et dulce reputat obfequium, ut corrigat, fi quid offendat in Deum. Nec folum fatisfacere, fed etiam, fi jus exigat, in hoc fatifdare paratus eft. ~~ Igitur et {atisfacere, volentem, ecclefieque fe judicio, in his quz, {unt ecclefie, nec in modico fubtrahentem; colla Chrifti jugoe fubdentem, quo jure, qui lege quové canone aut in- terdiGto gravabitis, aut fecuri,” quod abfit, Evangelicd precidetis ? Non impetu quidem ferri, fed judicio pruden- ter regi, laudabille eft. Unde noftrdm omnium una eft in commune petitio, ne confilio precipitt mactare perga- tis et perdere, fed commiflis ovibus, ut vitam, ut pacem, ut fecuritatem habent, paterna ftudeatis gratid providere. Movet quidem omnes nos, quod in patrem noftrums Dominum Sarefberienfem epifcopum, et decanum ejui- dem, przpofteré, ut quidam exiftimant, nuper atum audivimus : in quos fufpenfionis aut damnationis poenamy ante motam de culpi controverfiam, caloiem, ut videtur; iracundize, plufquim juftitiee fecutus tramitem, intorfiftis. Ordo judiciorum novus hic eft, huc-ufque legibus et can- onibus, ut fperabamus, incognitus, damnare primum, et de culpi poftremo cognofcere. Quem ne in Dominum noftrum Regem et regnum ejus, ne in nos et comm: {las nobis ecclefias ‘et parochias, in Domini Pap% damnum; fan&teque Romanz Ecclefiz dedecus et detrimentum, noftraque confufionis augmentum non modicum, exercere tentetis et extendere, remedium vobis appellationis opponi- mus. Et qui contra metum gravaminum in facie ecclefiz vivid jamdudum voce ad Dominum Papam appellavimus, iterato jamnunc ad ipfum feripto etiam appellamus, et appellatione terminum diem adfcenfionis Dominic de- $gnamus, quanta quidem pofflumus devotione fupplican- Q. 2 tess 227 This Letter refers to p. 461, of the Hiftory. APPENDIX TO THE ‘THIRD BOOK. tes, ut, inito falubriori confilio, veftris ac noftris laboribus expenfifque parcatis, caufamque veftram in hoc, ut reme- dium habere queat, ponere ftudeatis. Valere vos opta- mus in Domino, Pater. Ne V. Epift. cxxvii. Lib. i. Thomas Cantuarien|. Ar- chi-epifcop. Univerfo Clero Anglie. * Thomas Dei gratia Cantuarienfis ecclefie minsfier humilis venerabilibus Fratribus fuis, untverfis Cantiz Provincie Dei gratia Epifcopts, fi tamen univerfi [cribunt, falutem, et id agere quod non- dum agunt. | RATERNITATIS veftrz fcriptum, quod tamen de prudentiz veftre communi confili non facilé cre- dimus emanafle, nuper exinfperato fufcepimus. Cujus continentia plus videtur habere mordacitatis quam folatii. Et utinam magis effet emiffum de pietatis ftudio, de charitatis affe@u, quim de obedientia voluntatis. Cha- ritas enim non querit quz fua funt, fed qua Jefu Chrifti. Erat quippe de jure officii, fi veritatem habet Lvange- lium, quod quidem habet, fi refs agitis ejus officium, {1 fideliter ejus negotium geritis cujus reprefentatis figuram, magis eum timere qui poteft animam et corpus mittere in gehennam, quim qui poteft corpus occidere ; magis Deo obedire quam hominibus, Patri quam Domino ; ejus exemplo, qui fa&tus eft Patri obediens ufque ad mortem, Mortuus itaque eft ipfe pro nobis, nobis relinquens exem- plum, ut fequamur ejus veftigia, Commoriamur ergo et ncs ei, ponamus animas noftras pro liberanda ecclefid a jugo fervitutis, et oppreflione tribulantis, quam ipfe fun- davit, cujus comparavit libertatem fanguine proprio ; ne, fi, fecus egerimus, merito comprehendat nos illud Evange- licum, ¢ Qui amat animam fuam plus qu m me, non eft me dignus.,” Qptime noffe debueratis, quoniam, fi juftum eft quod pracipit imperator, ejus debetis exequi volunta- ies tem; 2: * This Title is wrong, not being agreeable to the fuperfcription which follows : but it ftandéf 0 in the printed Edition of Becket’s Letters, and like- wife in the Cottonian Manufcript in the Britifh Mufeum. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. tem; fi vero contrarium, refpondere, ‘’Quoniam oportet nos magis obedire Deo, quam hominibus.” Unum vobisdico, ut falva pace veftra loquar, multo tempore filui, expectans fi forte infpiraret Dominus vobis, ut refumeretis vires, qui converfi eftis retrorfum in die belli: Si forte faltem aliquis ex omnibus vobis adfcenderet ex adverfo, opponeret fe murum .pro domo Ifrahél, fimularet faltem inire certa- men contra eos, qui non ceffant quotidie exprobrare ag- mini Domini. Expe&avi: non eft qui adicendant : Sufti- nui : non eft qui fe opponat : Silui : non eft qui loquatur : Diffimulavi ego, non eft qui vel fimulatione certet. Re- pofita eft mihi de reliquo querel aétio, ut merité clamare habeam ; « Exurge, Deus, judica caufam meam.” Vin- dica fanguinem ecclefiz, qua evifcerata eft, que facta eft oppreflione exanimis. Superbia enim eorum qui oderunt ejus libertatem adfcendit femper, nec eft de cztero qui fa- clat bonum. Utinam, Fratres dile@iffimi, is effet vobis affeftus in defenfionem libertatis ecclefiz, qui paret et propinatur no- bis in ejus confufionem, literis veftris, ut credimus, minus legitime appellatoriis. Verum fundata eft ipfa fupra fir- mam petram, nec eft qui eam pofiit evellere, etfi concu- tere. Ut quid ergo queeritis me confundere ? Immo vos ipfos in me; immo et me vobifcum ; Hominem qui fuf- cepi in me periculum, fuftinui tot opprobia, toleravi tot in- ~ jurias, expertus {um etiam profcriptionem pro omnibus vobis. Expediebat quidem unum affligi pro ecclefid ita ; ut vel fic excutiatur a fervitute. Difcutite mente fim. plici caufam iftam, examinate negotium, diligenter atten- dite quis ejus debeat effe finis; ut, deduct majeftate im- peril, poftpofitd penitus perfonarum acceptione, quarum Deus acceptor non eft, faciat ipfe vobis intelligere, quid eft quod egeritis, quidque quod intenditis agere. Auferat ipfe Deus velamen de cordibus veftris, ut cognofcatis quid agere debeatis, Dicat ex omnibus vobis qui noverit, fi unquam poft meam promotionem alicujus veftrim tuli bovem aut afinum, fi alicujus pecuniam, fi alicujus cauf-’ fam iniqué judicavi, fi alicujus veftriim difpendio compa- ravi mihi compendium : Reddo quadruplum. Si vers non eft quod offenderim, ut quid me folum derelinquitis in cauffa Dei? Quare vos ipfos vobis ipfis opponere curatis in causi iftd, qui nulla fpecialior eft ecclefiz ? Nolite, patres, nolite vos ipfos et ecclefiam Dei, quantum in vobis eft, confundere, fed convertimini ad me et falvi eritis. Do- Q3 minus WG " er RNR A A PI i “To - > C—O to St ir & a a gp se APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. minus enim dicit, ¢ Nolo mortem peccatoris, quantum ug convertatur et vivat,”” State mecum viriliter in preho, ap- prehendite arma et {cutum, et exurgite mihi in adjutorium, ‘Accingimini gladio verbi Det otent:flimi, ut fimul omnes ccing g potent:iiim 3 debito, adverfum malignantes, adverfum operantes iniqui- tatem, adverfum eos qui quaerunt tollere animam ecclefiz, que eft libertas, fine qua nec viget ecclefia, nec valet; adverfim eos qui querunt hzreditate fan&uarium Dei poflidere. Feftinemus ergo fimul omnes id agere, ne ira Del de- {cendat fuper nos, tamquam fuper negligentes paftores et defides ; ne reputemur canes muti, non ‘valentes latrare ne exprobretur nobis a tranfeuntibus, ¢ A fenioribus Baby- lonis egrefla eft iniquitas.” Revera fi me audieritis, {ci- tote quoniam Dominus erit vobiicum, et cum omnibus vo- bis in cun&is viis veftris ad faciendam pacem et defenden- dam ecclefiz libertatem. Alioquin judicet Deus inter me et vos, et ecclefiz confufionem requirat de manibus veftris. Quoniam, velit, nolit mundus, necefle eft ipfam flare firmiter in verbo Domini, in quo fundata eft, donec ve- niat hora ejus, ut tranfeat de hoc mundo ad Patrem. Ju- dicabit Deus de eo, quod reliquiftis me folum in certa- mine, nec eft qui velit mecum afcendere ad pugnam ex omnibus charis meis : Solum aded, ut cogitet quilibet vef- trim vel dicat, ¢ Ve foli ; quia, fi ceciderit, non habet fublevantem fe.”” Sed repofita eft mihi hac {pes mea in {finu meo, quoniam folis non eft cum quo Dominus eft, qui, cum ceciderit, non collidetur ; fupponit enim ipfe Dominus manum {uam. a | Ut itaque veniamus ad rem, dicite, patres mei, excl ditné 3 veftrd memorid, quid ageretur mecum, et cum ec-. clefid Dei, dum adhuc effem in Anglia; quid in exitu meo, quid poft exitum, quid etiam agatur diebus iftis 3 quid maximé apud Northamtonam, cum. iterim judica- yetur Chriftus in perfond mei ante tribunal Prefidis cum ar&aretur Cantuarienfis, ob injurias fibi et ecclefim Dei paflim illatas, et fine deleGtu, Romanam audientiam, appellare ; bona fua, que malé dicimus fua, cum fint bona pauperum, patrimonium crucifixi, que potiis ei {unt commendata quam donata, fub Dei ponere protetione et ecclefiz Roman ? Quis unquam, etfi aliquando injufté profcriptum divina declaravit clementia, vidit, audivit, Cantuarienfem judicari, condemnari, cogi ad fidejuflionem, in fortius et validé valeamus una refiftere, pro officii noftri APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. in curid regis, 4 fuis precipué fuffraganeis ? Ubi eft in- venta ifta juris ‘vel canonum authoritas adverfa, immo perverfa perverfitas? Ut quid enormitas ifta non parit vobis ‘erubefcentia non immittit confufionem, confufio non elicit peenitentiam, peenitentia non excutit fatis- faGtionem coram Deo et hominibus ? Ob tot quidem ‘et tantas Deo et ecclefie ejus illatas injurias immo mihi propter eum, quas fuftinere non debui falva confcientid mea, nec fine difcrimine vite mez potui emendare, nec diffimulare fine anime periculo, eligi potius declinare ad ‘tempus, ‘ut habitarem falubrius in domo’ Domini quam in tabernaculis peccatorum, donec completa effet iniquitas, revelarentur corda iniquorum,, manifeftarentur cogita- tiones cordium. - Ita tot injuriarum illatio fuit cauffa apel- lationis mez. Hac fuit occafio recefliis mei, quem 'di- citis inopinatum, qui mags, fecundim ea quz pro- ponebantur adverfum me, quz agebantur mecum,’ {1 ve- ritatem loquimini qui noviftis_debuiffet fuiffe inopinatus, ne impediretur preefcitus. Sed Domino vertente cafus adverfos in melius, profpe@um eft Domini noftri Regis honori et fuorum, ne quid fieret in me, in ipfius 1gno- miniam et generationis fuze. Melius etiam confultum -eft jis qui fufpirabant in necem meam, qui fitiebant fan- guinem meum, qui adfpirabant ‘ad faftigium ecclefize Cantuarienfis, ut vulga dicitur et creditur, in’ noftram perniciem, utinam minus ambitiosé quam avide. Appel- lavimus et appellati fumus ; rebus ecclefi Cantuarienfis, noftrifque et hoftrorum; ficut juris exigit ratio, in tuto ma- nentibus, noftram profecuti fumus ‘appellationem. Si, no- bis recedentibus, et in difceffu noftro, omnia turbato’ fin,’ prout dicitis,’ fibi imputet qui caufam dedit, qui hoc pro- curavit. 'Facientis proculdubio culpa hzc eft, non re- cedentis ; perfequentis, non declinantis injurias. Dam- num enith dediffe videtur qui caufam damni dedit. Quid plura ? Prefentavimus nos curie, noftras et ecclefiz ex- pofuimus injurias, adventlls. noftri caufam et appella- tionis expofuimus : non adfuit qui nobis refponderet vel in aliquo., ExpeQavimus, nec venit qui nobis aliquid objiceret. Nulla adverfum nos reportata fententia, ante- quam veniretur ad Regem, nobis adhuc de more expectan- tibus in curid, fi forté nobis aliquid exponeretur : ad no- ftros acceffum eft officiales; interdiCtum eft eis, ne in aliquo fuper temporalibus nobis obedirent, ne nobis vel noftris ‘quidquam miniftraretur ab ipfis citra manda- tum regis et confcientiam; te, frater Londonienfis, Q 4 cum 232 APPENDIX TO THE T HIRD BOOK. cum Richardo de Welcefter et Eboracenfi, fiout dicitur, di&ante fententiam. Feftinatum eft inde ad Dominum Regem. = Viderit ipfe, in caput ejus convertatur, qui hoc dedit confilium. Sine judicio, fine ratione, poft appella- tionem, nobis etiam adhuc in curia morantibus, fpoliata: eft ecclefia, fpoliati fumus et nos cum noftris, profcripti et ipfi clerici cum laicis, viri cum mulieribus, mulieres cum infantibus in cunabilis. Addi&a funt fifco bona ec- clefiz, patrimonium crucifixi: Pars pecuniz converfa in ufus regios, pars in tuos, frater Londonienfis, fi vera funt que audivimus, et tue ecclefie. Quam, fiitaeft, exigi- mus 3 te, precipientes tibi in virtute obedientiz, qua- tenus, intra quadraginta dies poft iftarum fufceptionem literarum, quidquid inde tulifti, vel in ufus ecclefiz tuz converfum eft, remotd omni occafione et dilatione, infra fempus prenominatum nobis integrum reftituas, Ini- quum enim eft, et juri valde contrarium, ecclefiam ditari de alterius ecclefiz incommodo. Si laudas au&torem, fcire debes, fuper rebus ecclefiz ablatis, eum legitim- non pofle praftare auGtoritatem qui violentam facit injuriam. Quo ergo jure perverfo, quo canonum ordine tranfpo- fito, poterunt fe tueri raptores facrilegi, bonorum eccle- fiafticorum invafores non reflitutis ablatis ecclefie ? Op- ponentng appellationis obftaculum ? Abfit. Que nova, immo qu juri contraria introducitis in ecclefias iftas? Videte quid agatis. = Certé excutitur in vos faba ifta, et in ecclefias veftras, fi non melivs vobis profpexeritis. Pe- riculofé enim ageretur cum ecclefid Dei, fi raptor facri- legus, alienorum bonorum invafor, maximé ecclefiz, tutus effet adverfus eam appellationis auxilio. Fruftra enim juris implorat auxilium qui juri non obtemperat, immo qui eft juri contrarius, Sunt ne ift injuriz quas ad- / alia enormia, que fiebant et que fiunt in ecclefid iftd, non fuftinuimus, quia gravati appellavimus, quia receflimus a curi4, quia aufi fumus fuper njuriis ecclefiz et noftris con- queri, et fuper his omnibus non tacemus, quia ifta paramus eqrrigere ? _Periculofé certé affligitur cui faltem conque- rendi folatium negatur. Vos, amici mei, qui altiora fapitis inter alios, qui geritis vos aliis prudentiores, quo- niam folent fli hujus fzculi prudentiores effe filiis lu- cis, ut quid decipitis fratres veftros et fubditos ? Quare inducitis eos in errorem iftum? Qu auoritas, que {criptura, contulit hanc principibus prerogativam In Co | eccle- dimus injuriis, labores quos laboribus adjicimus, quiaifta et “erubefcat. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. m vos vultis eis conterre ? Nolite, frae tres, nolite jura regni et ecclefie confundere. Difcreta quidem funt poteftates ite, quarum una vim et potefta+ tem fortitur ex alia. Legite fcripturas, et invenietis quot et qui periére reges, qui nifi funt fibi {acerdotale officium ufurpare. Provideat ergo veftra difcretio, ne ob iftam reflura divina vos atterat injuriam ; quam, fi venerit, non effugietis de facili. Confulite etiam Domino noftro Regi, qui ejus comparatis gratiam ecclehiz difpendio, ne, quod abfit, pereat ipfe, et domus €jus tota, ficut peri€re qui In confimili deprehenfi funt delicto. Si vero ab hoc 1incepto non defliterit, qui anim confcientid non puniemus 1fta, qui puritate confcientiz ifta diffimulabimus ? Diflimulet ecclefiafticis, qua quidem qui hanc habet diffimulandi au&toritatem ; non ego, ne veniat in animam meam ifta difimulatio, In- nuitis literis veftris, immo aperteé dicitis, me, regna reclamante, ecclefii etiam fufpirante et ingemifcente, fuiffe promotum. Scitis quid dicit veritas? ¢ Os, quod mendacium fcienter loquitur, occidit animam.”” Verba vero facerdotis femper comitem debent habere veritatem. Deus bone, nunquid erubefceret aliquis de plebe 1ta di-- cere? Confulite confcientias veftras, advertite. formam ele&tionis, confenfum omnium ad quos {petabat eleétio, ~ affenfum principis per filium fuum, et €os qui ad hoc miffi * funt filii etium cum omnibus primatibus regni. Si ali- quis eorum contradixit, fi reclamavit vel in aliquo, ~ loquatur qui noverit, dicatqui eft confcius. Si vero inde * turbatus fuerit aliquis, non dicat pro fua moleflia toti regno et ecclefiz faam fuiffe injuriam. Literas quoque Domini Regis, et omnium veftrim diligentius attendite, ~ poftulantes nobis cum multd inftantid pallium, et ob- ~ tinuiffe. Sic fe habet rei veritas. ‘Verum, {1 quem torfit invidia, fi quem afflixit ambitio, fi cui tam pacifica, tam | legitima, tam fine contradi&ione fata ele@io dolorem et amaritudinem impreflit animi, eatenus ut ob hoe machine- tur et velit turbari omnia, indulgeat ei Dominus et: nos, eo Lquod culpam fuam minimé taceat, {uamque animi indig- ‘natidnem in confpe&u omnium .publice confiterl ; non add Ginh Bo 4 Dicitis me de exili fublimatum ab ipfo in glorigm.;: Non , fum reveri atavis editus regibus. Malo tamen is efley in quo faciat fibi genus animi nobilitas, quam in quo nobi- litas generis degeneret. Forté natus fum de -paupere tu- gurio! Sed, cooperante Divind Clementid, ‘qug: novit facere APPENDIX TO ‘THE ‘THIRD BOOK. facere mifericordiam cum fervis fuis, que eligit humile ut confundat fortia, in exilitate mea, antequam acce- derem ad ejus obfequium, fatis copiofé, fatis abundan- ter, fatis honoricfié, ficut ipfi noviftis, prout abundantius ter vicinos meos et notos, cujufcumque conditionis fue- sint, converfatus fum. Et David, de poftfcetante aflump- tus, conflitutus eft ut regeret populum Dei ; cul auéta eft fortitudo et gloria, .quoniam ambu'avit in viis Domini. Petrus verd, de arte pifcaria elefus, factus eft ecclefiz princeps, qui fanguine fuo meruit pro nomine Chrifti in ocelis habere coronam, et in terris nomen et gloriam. Utinam et nos fimiliter faciamus. -Succeflores enim Pe- tri fumus, non Augufti. Novit Dominus, quo intuitu nos ipfe defideravit {ublimari, Refpondeat ei fua intentio, et nos refpondebimus ei pro officii noftri debito, fidelius, per mifericordiam Dei, in feveritate, quam qui blandiuntur el in mendaciis. Meliora enim funt verbera amici, quam fraudulenta ofcula inimici. Impingitis nobis ingratitudinis notam per quandam in- finuationem. Credimus quia nullum peccatum criminale eft, qui importet infamiam, nifi procefferit ex animo. Unde, fi quis homicidium invitus commiferit, etfi homi- cida dicatur et fit, non tamen homicidii reaturm incurrit, Sic dicimus : Etfi Domino noftro Regi obfequium debea- mus jure Dominii, fi ad reverentiam prazftandam jure Regio, -fi Dominum {uftinuimus, fi filium paterno affetu convenimus, fiin conventum, non auditi et dolentes, ne- ceflitate officii, cenfuram fervitatis exercemus, plus cre- dimus nos pro ipfo facere, etcum ipfo, quam contra 1p- fum ; plus ex eo promereri gratiam, quam ingratitudinis notam, ~ vel peenam. Sepifimé certé beneficium con- fertur invito. ' Unde commodils ejus profpicitur indemni- tati, qui etfi non alids, urgente neceflitate revocatur a perpetratione ‘deli@i. Przterea defendit nos ab ingrati- tudinis nota Pater nofter et Patronus, qui eft ipfe Chriftus. Jure Paterno tenemur ad ejus obedientiam, qui non ob- fervatd puniemur juftd exh&redationis peena. Poteft enim Pater exheredare filium ex" juftd caufd. Ipfe enim dict, « Si non annunciaveris impio iniquitatem {uam, et mo- rigtur’ in‘ deliGto’ fuo, fanguinem' ejus de manu tua re- quiram.” Ergo fi delinquentem non convenimus, {i non audientem non corripimus, fi pertinacem rion co€rcemuss committimus in mandatum, ‘et tanquam inobedienti® rei jure exhmredamur. Jure patronatlls, quo ejus fumes 1D€T1 APPENDIX TO THE THIRD ‘BOOK. {iberi, quoniam, cum effemus fervi peccati, fa&ti fumus liberi juftitiz per ejus gratiam, obligamur ei ad reveren- tiam et obfequium. Unde quoniam nemini, nifi falv: ejus fide, tenemur obnoxii, fi fit contra eum, in difpendium ecclefie, pertinaciter, merité, {i non punimus commif- fum, pro €i parte follicitudinis in quam vocati fumus, col- latum revocabit a nobis ob ingratitudinem ipfe folus bene- ficium, ex quo Vere apparebimus ingrati. Proponitis nobis periculum ecclefie Romane, ja&tu.- ram temporalium, periculum quidem noftrum et noftro- rum : nec fit mentio de periculo ‘animarum- Intentatis etiam comminatorium de receffu Domini Regis, quod ab- fit, a fdelitate et devotione Romanz ecclefie. Abfit, inquam, ut Domini noftri Regis devotio et fides, ob tem- porale commodum vel incommodum, 3 fidelitate et de- votione difcedat ecclefiz. Quod quidem criminale et. damnabile effet in privato, nedum in principe, qui multos fecum trahit poft fe. Abfit etiam, quod quis ejus fidelis hac unquam cogitare debeat, nedum dicere fubjeétus ali- quis, nedum epifcopus. Videat difcretio veftra, ne oris veftri verba inficiantaliquem . vel plures, in anime fuze dif- pendium et damnationem, ad inftar calicis aurei, qui dicitur Babylonis, interils et exterius veneno illiniti, de quo cum quis biberit, non timeat venenum, cum viderit aurum, et {ic in publicum veniat veftri operis effectus. Ille enim, qui non fallitur, opus furtivum producit in lucem et ma- chinationes denudat iniquas. In tribulatione quidem et fanguinis effufione confuevit ecclefia crefcere et multipli- cari, Proprium enim eft ecclefiz, ut tunc vincat cum lzedi- tur tunc intelligit cum arguitur, tunc obtineat cum deferitur. Nolite ergo, fratres, fuper ipfam flere, fed fuper vos ipfos, qui facitis vobisnomen, fed non grande, ex hoc faéto etdi&to ex ore omniunr; qui provocatis in vos Dei odium et’ uni- verforum ; qui paratis innocenti-laqueum; qui cuditis novas et ingeniofas Tationes in fubverfioner libertatis ecclefiz, Fratres, per mifericordiam Dei, iri vahum laboratis. ''Sta- bit enim ipfa’ ecclefia, etfi feepius' concufla, in ‘ed for- titudine et’ firmitate; in ‘quad firmiter fundata eft, do- nec filius lle perditionis furgat, quem non credimus de partibus « occidentalibus adfcerifurum, nifi perverfe. mutatus fuerit ‘ordo rerum, et feries feripturarum, Si vero de temporalibus agatur, plus timere ‘debemus anima ’periculum, quam - temporalium. Scriptura ve- 70 dicit, - Quid prodeft bamini totum mundum Iucrari, anime 236 APPENDIX ‘TO THE THIRD BOOK. anime vers fuz i fuflinere difpendium 2 Periculum itaque noftrum et noitrorum penitus abjicimus. Non enim timendus eft ille qui corpusperdit, fed qui corpus et animam, . Arguitis nos fuper. fufpenfione venerabilis fratris noftri Sarefberienfis epifcopi, et excommunicatione Joannis illius fchifmatici ex-decani, prils, ut dicitis, inflicta peenaliter, quam de cognitione procefla legitimé, quam de ordine ju- diciorum canonicé proditd. Refpondemus quoniam utrum- que iftorum notavit jufta pen fententia, illum fufpenfi- onis, excommunicationis iftum. Si perfecte tenetis nego- tii feriem, fi rede attenditis judiciorum ordinem, non erit, ut credimus, hac veftra fententia. Hoc quidem ha- ‘bet authoritas, quae VOs latere non debet, quoniam in ma- nifeftis et notoriis non defideratur ifta cognitio. Perpendite diligentius, quid acum fit a Sarefberienfi fuper decanatu poft domini papz prohibitionem et noftram, fub excom- municatione faGam, et tunc re&tivs intelligetis, fi de ma- nifefth inobedientid fufpenfio rete fequitur. Unde bea- ‘tus Clemens ; Si prelatis fuis non obedierint cujufcumque ordinis univerfi, omnefque principes tam inferioris quam Superioris ordinis, atque reliqui populi, non folum infames, vd etiam extorres a regno Dei, et confortiv fidelium, et a liminibus fandle Dei ecclefie alient erunt. = De Joanne de Oxeneford dicimus, quia diverfis modis ‘excommunicantur diverfi :. Alii lege eos denunciante ex- ‘communicatos, alii fententid notati, alii communicatione et participatione excommunicatorum. Illum vero, quo- piam incidit in heerefim damnatam communicando {chifma- ticis, et domini pap excommunicatis, reatumque et ma- culam excommunicationis in fe contraxit, qua peftis, more leprz, inficit et intingit, confimilique poend facientes et confentientes confundit ; et quoniam contra domini papa mandatum expreffum, et noftrum, fub anathemate, de- canatum Sarefberienfem excommunicatus; ufurpavit, de- nunciavimus, et excommunicavimus, et excommunicatum firmiter tenemus, ; Et quod de eo faQum eft in decanatu, et fuper decanatu, caffavimus et caffatum. tenemus, ficut et dominus papa jam ipfemet caflayit authoritate o&tave fynodi, cujus hc eft fententia : Si quis palam vel abfcon- fe cum excommunicatio locutus fuerit, aut junéius commu- nione, [fatim in fe contrabit excommunicatianis panam. Et concilium clare dicit : Qui communicaverit cum excommi- nicato, fi elericus eft, deponatur. Videat ergo difcretio veftra, ne quis veftrim cum.eo communicaverit Calixtus enim APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. enim Papa dicit : Excommunicatos quofque a Jacercotibus nullus recipiat ante utriufque partis examinationem juflam, nec cum eis in oratione, aut in cibo aut potu, aut efculo com- municet, aut ave eis dicat. Quia quicumque in bis vel aliis probibitis [cienter excommunicatis communicaverint, juxta Apoftolorum infiitutionem Sfimili excommunication: et pfs fubjacebunt. Hic eft ordo canonicus, non canonibus, ut credimus, incognitus, fed authoritate canonum fultus. Et ne miremini, {i quandoque condemnantur abfens. Legite Paulum, qui abens publicé fornicantem cum no- verca fua, non convi¢tum teftibus, non confeflum, etiam abfentem, cujus crimen omnes {ciebant, et non arguebant, ficut vos iftius, quem non de jure defendit regia poteftas, ejecit a ceetu fidelium, et judicavit eum tradi Sathano in inte- . ritum carnis, ut fpiritus falvus fieret, ficut nos iftum. Czterim quoniam hoc tempore in partibus noftris multa hujufmodi, et fatis gravia, in abfentia noftrd fiunt enormia, ue de cetero, ficut abfentes corpore, prefentes tamen gquthoritate, falvi animi noftri confcientid, praterire non debemus, nec poffumus, incorreéa, tibi, frater Londoni- ‘enfis, qui nofle debueras illud Gregorii feptimi, §iguis epifcopus fornicationi prefbyterorum aul diaconorum, vel crimini inceflis, in Sua parochid, pretio, precibufve, Sfrve gratii interveniente confenferit, wel commif[um authoritate ui officii non impugnaverit, a fuo fufpendatur officio. fy Illudque Leonis: 7 qui epifcopi talem confecraverint [acer- dotem, qualem effe non liceat, etiamfi aliqguo modo damnum proprii honoris evaferint, ordinationis jus ulterius non ba- bebunt, nec ulli unquam Jacramento intererunt, quod imme- vito prefliterunt. Quoniam in iftorum fententiam cano- num, ficut pro certo audivimus, deliquifti dupliciter, man- | damus tibi, et in virtute obedientie mandando injungi= mus, quatenus, fi ita eft, infra tres menfes poft ifta- "rum fufceptionem literarum, venerabilium fratrum veftro- rum coépifcoporum confilio, de tanto exceflu fic ftudeas te offerre corre&ioni et fatisfa&tioni ne caeterl tuo exem- plo in confimile deli€tum incidant, et nos pro regligentid | 1 tua debeamus tibi feveriis mandatum proponere Opponitis nobis contra metum gravaminum, non re- © medium per appellationem, fed impedimentum, quo 7 : \ . . . minds, ficut intelligimus, exerceamus adverfum malefac- tores, invafores bonorum ecclefiafticorum, difciplinz cen- 1 furam ecclefiafticze ; ne in dominum roftrum regem vel \ terram {uam, in perfonas veftras et ecclefias, aliquid ftatu- «mus APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. amus eo ordine, quo progrefli fumus contra Sarefberien=’ fem, ficut dicitis; et ejus decanum." - Abfit 2 nobis, ‘ut’ aliquid in eum ‘vel terram fuam, in vos et ecclefias veftras, jnordinaté: ftatuerimus vel ftatuamus. Sed quid eft, fi eo delinquitis modo, vél confimili, ‘quo jam deliquit Sarefbe- rienfis, numquid hac-appellatione poteftis fulpendere au- thoritatem noftram; ne in vos vel ecclefias veftras feverita~ . tis difciplinam exerceamus, Gi deli&i enormitas hoc exiget? Advertite diligentius, fi hec legitima appellatio, et qua fit hec appellationis forma. Scimus quoniam omnis ap- pellans aut fuo nomine appellaty aut alieno. Si fuo, aut a gravamine ‘quod ei infertur, vel quod - timet fibi inferri. Certum tenemus, quod nullum vobis gravamen, Deo gratias, a nobis illatum eft, unde debeatis ad appellationis confugere remedm. Nec credimus vos ad prefens ha- bere caufam adver{im nos aliquam, qua fpecialiter veftra it. Si contra metum gravaminum, ne quid de cztero fta tuam in vos vel ecclefias veftras, videte fi fit ifte metus qui debeat cadere in homines conftantiffimos ; fi hac fit appellatio quz debeat fufpendere omnem authoritatem et poteftatem noftram, quam habemus in vos ‘et ecclefias veftras. eam nullius effe momenti tum quia Creditur veré a fapientibus, credimus et noss formam appellationis habere non videtur, tum quia rationi confentanea non efts immo totius juris auxilio deftituta. Si alieno appellaftis nomine, aut Domini Regis, aut alte- rius. Sinon alterius, Domini Regis. St Domini Regis, certé nbfle debuerat: difcretio veftra quoniam introdu&z funt appellationes ad propulfandam injuriam, non ad infer andam ; ad fublevandos oppteffos, non ad amplius op- primendos. Unde fi quis, non confidentia jufte caufz, {ed caufd afferende mora, ne contra eum feratur fen- tentia, appellaverit, hujufmodi appellationem non effe re- cipiendam. Quis enim erit ecclefiz ftatus, fi, fubversi ejus libertate, i, rebus ejus occupatis ac detentis, epifcopis a propria fede expulfis, vel non pacificé cum omni {ecuri- tate-omniumque zblatorum reftitutione admiflis, raptoress occupatores, invafores, ne coérceantur, liberé appellaverint, et fe defenderint per appellationem ? Qu erit ifta ecclefiz Jedeftrudio? Videtequid agatis, quidque dicatis. Nonne vicarii Chrifti eftis, nonn€ vices ejus in terra geritis, nonne veftrum eft convenire, corripere, COercere male- faQores, ut vel fic defiftant ecclefiam Dei perfequi ® {Jt quid non nimis eft, fiipfi {evierint in scclefiam, nif: et NOS “quantum in ipfis * fimul gerere non re&té poteftis, + PhS quod eft Chriftus. & _eftis ?* En certamen eftne veftra, ut non coerceantur tio emifla. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. nos, pro eis, vobis ipfis et ecclefie in ejus perniciem oppo- natis ? Quis unquam audivit hzc mirabilia ? Et audietur et pracdicabitur in omni populo.et gente, fuffraganeos Can~ tuarienfis ecclefiz, qui cum metropolitano fuo, ob defenfio- nem ecclefize ejufque libertatis, deberent vivere et mori, omniaque fuftinere difpendia, velle ad mandatum regium, | eft, fufpendere poteftatem ipfius et autho= ritatem, ne feveritatis difciplinam exerceat in delinquentes . adverfus ecclefiam. Unum certé {cio : Duorum perfonam’ | ) appellantium et appellato- ‘rum. Vos eftis qui appellaftis, vos eftis adverfum quos’ appellatur. Nonne una eft ecclefia, et vos de corpore ejus’ fatis legitimum, fatis canonicum, ut ecclefiz ineant certamen cum capite fuo, Timeo, fratres, ne, quod abfit, di- catur de vobis, Iffi funt facerdotes qui dixerunt, ubi eft Dominus # Et tenentes legem nefcierunt eam. Praterea. difcretionem veftram latere non credimus, quoniam non folent audiri appellantes, nifi quorum intereft, aut quibus mandatum eft, aut qui negotium gerunt alienum. Inter- 1 delinquente ecclefiam ? Abfit. Immo certe er Si ors qu fubvertit ecclefiz libertatem, qui bona ipfius invadit et oc- cupat, ac in fuos convertit ufus, in fui defenfionem mini- me fuper hoc auditur appellans, mult minus et pro eo appellantes. Ergo nec Domino Regi fuffragatur 2 vobis pro ipfo edita, nec videtur vobis prodefle pro ipfo appella- Unde fi in hoc cafu appellare non poteft, ‘qui membra funt nec mandare, fic nec vos fuper hoc ab ipfo mandatum fuf- cipere. Adjicimus etiam Vos in parte ifta nullatenus ejus gerere poffe negotium, Nemo enim epifcoporum alterius contra fe negotium gerere poteft, maxime in oppreflione ecclefi, cujus ipfe defenfor eft ; et prefertim unde ge raliter leditur ecclefiz conditio. Ergo fi nec volley a tereft appellare, nec fuper hoc mandatum valetis fufcipere Tie alienum gerere negotium, nec auditur appellatio eftra, nec de jure tenetur. Eft-ne ifta devotio, confolatio eftra, paterna charitatis affe€us metropolitano veftro pro vobis omnibus exulanti, a fraternitate veftrd exhibi- | tus ? Indulgeat vobis Deus hanc inclementiam. An ig: noratis, fratres, quod chaos magnum, in frandemn le S et canonum, Inter nos et vos firmatum fit, ut non pois 1 aliquis de noftris finedifcrimine capitis, vel captionis trunca- ionis membrorum, ad-vos tranfire ; etfi de veftrisaliquilibe- | Fis APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. fds poffunt, fi vellent, ad nos jtibinesie} 5 idciro miramur, quem ordinem exigltis, ubt 2 us os : circa nos, circa ecclefias vel ecclefiafticas perionas, i ui utinam fempiternus non fit, et ij Wh uf ‘ cum fpoliati fimus, et noftri. Quorum a my 2% Eh rici quam’ laici, captl, redempti {unt po PP: Hatlons: fa&am apud Northamtonam, €t veftram b v fon nos Cum etiam, poft iftam, quam dicitis, appe atione » dic- tum generale fit propofitum, ficut dicitur, ut nem ; : nof- tris inventus fit in terrd Anglicana; qui non capia ur; 3s _yeftrim. vel aliorum amicorum noftrorum literas no as vel nuncios audeat fufcipere. Eft hac reverentia appe 2 tioni debita, exhibita, et obfervata, infra cujus i jufta eft, nil innovari oportet : Vos ip vi orig. Q 0 ergo jure, quo ordine defideratis a nobis i 5 hres nuncios benigné fufcipi et audiri ? Non 3 dec wi mus, -quidquid nobifcum agatur et cum no th . aud quam circa perfonam Domini Regis ve 2 jee perfonas et ecclefias veftras unquam inordinate fece ; vel per Dei mifericordiam fatturi fimus. eo wil Credebamus quidem, fi re@eé intelligtis, | cupit in liter ecclefiz fubvenire, de nimis ordinata et longa pa - entii magis a vobis culpari, quam de foveal ee commendari. Mora enim trahit ad fe periculum. Qua nimis ordinata patientia plus habet remiffionts quam om mendationis, plus vitii quam virtutis. Et inde 5 , a id breviter vobis dicimus et affirmamus conftanter, © inom noftrum Regem nullatenus fore injufté gravaturt, fi adver {us eum, 3a Domino Papa et a nobis ipfis, legit ter et nuntiis ac {epifimé conventum, filha cum p it nolentem, feveritatis cenfura proceflerit. on enim in- jufté gravatur, quem Jus punit legitimé. Et u ma breviflimo fine concludam, certum tencte,quoniar rap ores invafores, occupatores bonorum ecclefiz, ejuique ! cr tis fubverfores, nec tuetur juris authoritas, nec appe a ade fendit. Pratered, fratres, fi cupitis ei prodelle, prou jut tum eft, quod et nos cupimus, novit Deus, qu! cru or eft ‘cordium, procurate ei fubvenire illo mo 05 uO oa offendatis in Deum, non in ecclefiam, non in on ine yet trum ; quo etiam expeditius et falubrius Sima hee periet lum, quod jam in foribus eft, valeat eva os ww: circa _diximus, fi, infpirante ei divind demerzid; 42 confi vet tro fatisfecerit ecclefize, gaudebit ipfa de filii fui reverfioné i 1 ione multiplici parat: et cum gratiarum aGtione et devotione ! P ho APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BQOK. fuit et eft femper eum fufcipere. Gaudebimus et nos. Judicium vero veftrum, quo dicitis erum fatisfacere vo- veftrum, quo dicitis eum fatisfacere volentem, paratum etiam fatifdare, fi fuper aliquo de libertatibus ecclefiz in- ter ipfum et nos, ficut dicitis, orta eft contentio, quod quidem fatis miramur fi alicui veftrum hoc eft in dubium, cum toti fere mundo fit notum; quoniam non eft confen- taneum rationi, immo penitus juri contrarium, fi non fufcipimus, immo quia non fufcipimus, mn quo delinqui- mus? Eftne caufa ifta fufficiens, eftne peremptoria, quo minus fepiflime et canonice conventus, non fatisfaciens, injurias {fuperaddens injuriis, feveritate divina coerceatur ? Abfit. Scimus enim vos nulla ratione in hac caufa judicis officio inter ipfum et nos fungi poffe. Jam quia adver- farii ejus eftis et effe debetis in ed ob defenfionem liberta- tis ecclefize, cujus partis defendendz, officii veftri neceffi- tate, cura vobis commiffa eft, et follicitudo credita : Quam fi negligenter omittitis, fi periculofe difimulatis, vos ipfi videritis. = Tum quia non legimus fuperiores ab inferioribus, metropolitanos maxime a fuis fuffraganes, judicari poffe. Tum quia nobis et ecclefiz quidam veft- rm fufpe&i funt, utinam non omnes! diverfs rationibus, quas in prefenti tacemus. | Audiat itaque Dominus meus poftulationem fidelis fui, confilium epiteopi patris exhortationem, ut beneficiat ei Deus, et augeat dies ejus, et annos filiorum ipfius in tem- pora longa. Permittat ecclefiam frui pace et libertate fub ipfo, tanquam fub Rege Chriftianiflimo; ecclefiam Romanam uti jure et libertate in terrd fud, quam habere debet, et habet in ceteris regnis. Reftituat Cantuarienfi ecclefiz et nobis jura fua et libertates, et omnia ablata cum pace et fecuritate noftrd, ut libere et quieté poflimus Deo militare {ub ipfo, et ipfe debeat obfequio noftro uti, prout ei placuerit, falvo honore Dei et ecclefie Romana, et ordine noftro. Iftee funt dignitates Regie, leges opti- ma, quas petere debet Rex Chriftianiflimus et obfer- vare ; quibus gaudere debet et {ub ipfo florere ecclefia. Itz funt leges obtemperantes legi Divine, non dero- gantes, quas qui non obfervaverit, inimicus Del con« thitmitur. Lex enim Domini immaculata, convertens an imas. De legibus enim fuis dicit Dominus, Leges meas cuftodite. Et propheta, Ve qui condunt Jeges iniquas, et fcri- bentes [cripferunt injuftitias, ut opprimerent pauperes in judicio, et vim facerent caufe bumilium populi Dei. Non erubefcat Vor.lV. tur I a TT - - er ——————— re a ——— 2 Re -— - = ate : ~ = w RR we § . § H 4 # | ol fa 1 aS i n 3 | |] 1 * § | | 1 LN i of AY A LRU i i | i LE | h H {RA i HA J i a ) . 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X con fcribimus, ut facies veftras re le fed ut leds liters noitris et inteltectis, hi Ce ot elit officii veftri neceflitates fortius et vali TUS ie 0 to vos de caetero femper melius . agere, ut obi Sion et amplior libertas ecclefiz. Orate be gant a non deficiat in tribulatione 1fta fides noftra, Fed et fecuré poffimus dicere cum Apotelo, Ruin "eh “ mors, neque vita, neque Angeli, neque . qua reatura, for Br Jeperart ‘ shirgie® of Go Sacet nobi [cum mi- joni rat quit vei , / pa - ol on Ly duce nos in terram prom: fons, or om fuente Joéte et. melley quam non dabit nifi diligentibu ra “1 Domino ; et inftantius orets >. “Valete omnes femper in Domino ct petimus, Pro nobis tota Anglicana ccclelid. t iti f the forego- ¥ : | the printed Bruxelles Edition o : 3 fhe hi many fon en mended here from the manufcripts, pl par- Le heeihe Cottonian , but from the obfcurity of fome fentences 1 app y tious emain in all the copies that 1 have been able to hend that feme crrors TI confult. oi wT APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. N° VL Fp. cviii. Lib. i. Tho. Cantuar. Archi-epifc. Gilberto Londonienfi Epifcopo. Thomas Cantuarienfis Ecclefie humilis Minifter Gilberto This refers Epifcopo Londonienfi, quod f[emel boc iterum, fic iranfire ph 3p: per bona temporalia, ut non amittat eterna. IRANDUM et vehementer ftupendum, Virum prudentem, facris literis eruditum, prafertim Re- ligionem habitu preferentem, adeo manifefte, ne dicam irreverenter, et timore Dei, poftpofito, averfari veritatem, juftitice refiftere, et ad omne tas nefafque confundendum, flatum fan&tz Ecclefiz, quam ipfe fundavit Altifimus, velle avertere. Veritas eft que dicit; Porte inferi non pravalebunt adver fus eam. Non fani igitur capitis effe dig- mofcitur, qui intentat ei ruinam ; homini fimilis montem magnum fune circumligatum tentanti dejicere. Sed .nun- quid ird vel odio deferbui, ut exacerbatus jaculari com- pellar hujufmodi verba in fratrem meum, et collegam et cocpifcopum meum ? Abfit. Sed de literis tus, quas mihi per archi-diaconum tuum deftinandis accepi, talia collegi. Neque enim de {pinis uvas, aut ficus de tribulis colligere potui. Ut clareat an ita fit, proponamus eas, et continentiam earum in lucem proferamus. Finis collatus principio fimilitudinem f{corpionis conformat : Illo blandi- ens ad nos ingreditur, illo pungens nos acerbe filentium _ nobis imponere machinatur. Quid enim aliud eft primo recognofcere debitam no- _ bis fubjeQionem, et fubjeétioni cohzrentem obedientiam promittere, demum, ne obedire debeas, ad appellationem onvolare ? Nunquid apud me funt eff ef non, dicit Apof= olus. Sed neque apud. Apoftoli deberent effe difcipulum. | leceflario acceperunt difcipuli a Domino poteftatem _calcandi fuper ferpentes et f{corpiones. Habitat enim izechiel et hodie¢ cum fcorpionibus. Ft illud vide quo enfu dixeris: Ad appellationis remedium confugimus. hrifti fequelam te dicis: in hoc di&t fecus inveniris. Omnium enim malorum noftrerum efficax, immo effica~ eiffimum remedium commendavit nobis Chriftus obedi- R 2 entiam, APPENDIX TO T HE THIRD BOOK. entiam, non folum verbo, fed evidentiffimo exemplo, fall us obediens patri {uo ufque ad mortem. Et in qua om appellas remedium obedientize impedimentum £ % x remedium, fed detrimentum rectus debet nom ne 1. Sed et qué fiducia hoc prcfumis ; fperaine jo lis itufum | diendum illum, que defenforem ad non obe | : cand: in i et officium accepit et praceptuiil: omnem inobedientiam € 1m praceptum ¢ re d et in ipfum graviter als eft hoc fperare de €0; €! \ on te retardare ab hujufmod prafumprionc, 4 j 1m a reputho. : | Affos es, prima et fecun ox tua primum, et deinde liter tuz ad perfuadendurn ] t, quam lit vi- tee funt quam firmiter itet, compofite, €Xper : 1 fiet, quam 1 ] recibus, non donis, : carius Petri, quem non p dot - nationibus, vel promiffis, movere potuifti. Sed tertio at tentandus eft, iumphum reportet. Co > Porro, ut aibil deeffet gravaminis, defixifti termimnum tuze appellation anni fere fpatium: Nec mifettue, es rofl exilii, vel laboris fan&tz ecclefix, fpon'ee s a. i quan 3 ] ifivit. Et, ut hz ; (e fibi fuo fangumne acquit Son omittenda tamen, providere debueras, cul te favere dicis, Domino noftro Regi, qui quamdiu fic get n nov vel in eccleflam Chrifti, nec ad bella procedere, ace degere, fine anim fuze periculo poterit. Ad reliqus D anfeamus Quzdam commemoras turbata effe nm i - ceflu et ex difceffu noftro. Timeant urate hujus ~ : Ce e et ipfi turbentur. agnis authores et confiliaril, n urbe faudibus extollis, quafi de bono principio me® peregnit tionis. Eft quidem fapientis famam non neg Bees difcreti eft nulli mags de fe quam. fo aE e inje is illatis Domino noitro Sed, iis infimulor, quafi 1 0 , T uia nullum defignas ex nomine, nec €go {cio cul refpor dere debeam. Quia jgitur fuperficie tenus accu or, 1 C0 pefficie tenus in hac parte me excufo. Hoc tamen intern SR . ] ihi confcius fum, n¢ accipe refponfum, qui nuilius m propterea juftificatus fum. De comminators mints sod nos in eum mifimus. Quis pater videt liu & rare, et tacet? Quis virgd non percutit, ne gladiun he currat ? Defperat pater de filio, quem omy natiore or corripit vel flagello ? Abfit autem ut tecum fen ams ) minum noftrum Regem, impatientem correp of , exterminationem Apoftafiz lapfurum. Non enim Be o cxleftis plantatio eradicabutur. Navem concu 70CaS omnum me VOCa: , tempeftas Clavum teneo, et ad {i ongeris at Domini fui exemplo tertid attentatione APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. Congeris et {tatuis ante oculos noftros beneficia nobis a Domino noftro Rege collata, et de exili me commemoras ad fumma prove&tum. Ut autem his aliquantifper ref- pondeam, in infipientid med tamen, de quam exili, putas? {i tempus, quo me In minifterio fuo preftituit, sefpicias, archidiaconatus Cantuariz, prapofitura Beverlaci, pluri- me ecclefie prebendz nonnull, alia etiam non pauca, quz nominis mei erant pofleflio tunc temporis, adeo tenuem ut dicis, quantum ad ea qua mundi funt, co '1a- dicunt me fuiffe. Quod fi ad generis mei radicem et progenitores meos intenderis, civis' quidem fuerunt Lon- donienfes, in medio concivium fuorum habitantes {me que- rela, nec omnino infimi. Sed ut aliquando, mundi tene- bris femotis, judicemur 3 lumine veritatis, quid gloriofius, nafci de mediocribus vel etiam infimis, an de mundi magnatibus et honoratis ; cum dicat apoftolus, Inboneft:- ora membra corporis noftri abundantiori circumdamus bo- more? Stemmata quid faciunt, ait gentilis poeta. Quid habet dicere chriftianus, epifcopus, et religiofus ? Sed for- taflis de exiguitatis mez memorid notam confufionis mihi objicere voluifti. Confundere vero Patrem quantum ce- dat in reatum ipfe videris, ex precepto, quod de hono- rando Patre accepiftt. + Pro gratia vero Regis nobis commendanda, commemo- ratione beneficiorum ejus non multum fuit laborandum. Teftem enim Deum invoco, nihil fub fole me gratie ip- fius et faluti preponere : Tantum falva fint qua Dei funt et fan&tx ecclefiz. Non enim aliter poterit feliciter reg- pare vel fecure. FEfto, quia ita eft. Multo {unt plura, etiam ampliora, quam tua explicet oratio, beneficia ejus erga me. Debuine pro his omnibus, vel etiamfi centum- plicarentur, ecclefiz Dei libertatem exponere? Quanto minus pro fam® mez, qua {®pius a vero deviat, con- Aervatione? Si minus in aliis egi, in hoc nec tibi nec alii arco, nec angelo, fi defcenderit de clo; fed ftatim, ut audicro talla commonentem, audiet ex me; Fade retro, Sathana, non fapis que Dei funt. Abfit a me ifta demen- tia: Avertat a me Deus dementiam iftam, ut aliquatenus erfuadear aliquibus tergiverfationibus inire commercium Chrift1 corpore, unde ego Jude venditori, et Domi- pu meus Judes affimiletur emptoribus Chrifti. De promotione vero mea, quam fcribis factam matre Domini Regis difluadente, Regno reclamante, ecclefia, oad licuit, fufpirante, hoc tibi refpondeo; Quod Regni 3 reclama- 245 eS aa EE ET — reclamationem non audivimus, APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. fed potius acclamationem. Diffuafio vero genetricis Domini noftri, fi: fo, ufque ad publicum non prodiit. Potuit autem fren a iquas cc ; afticas perfonas, ad eandem preshoBeanies, u oles, 24 {pirantes, {ufpirafle, cum fe f{entirent a 2 q 5 oo - ceperant, {pe decidere : Qui et hodie fortafhs, in u io m 0 {entis diffenfionis authores funt et confiliari, ful re : : fur cafls, p {eandalum wvenit. Pretaxatis vero ili, per quem = ver St ie, fi 2 fuerunt, Divina prevaluit dif- nfatio, ut eft ipfa juftitia, nulli omnino eum poftponere, qui me ftatuit in gradu ifto fua miferatione. Reve ” Tiud etiam, quod ad juftificandum Domirurn Reg m videris_ propofuifles judicavi mon preetereuncum eviter, vel abique Sel Erna adverfus - eu ie Oe oom ad fatisfaciendum {emper full paratum Hoc te confidenter dicere, hoc te afferis pree care. ; v in igitur paulifper, et ad interrogata refponce ; ud qua dicis paratum ad fatisfaciendum, quo fenfu inte 8 : " quorum fe Deus dicit patrem et judicem, Orpnanos, Pp > illos, viduas, innocentes, et ompino, qu pos ey controverfie 1gnaros, vides profcribi, et taces; clerl : SE NN exterminari, et non reclamas; alios bonis fuis {paiari el contumeliis affict,” et mon contradicis 3 {ervientes meos In vincula conjici et tener, et obmutefcis ; matris tue Can- tuarienfis ecclefize bona dirpi, et non refiftis 3 me patre . . . . . . . - . ev < tuum gladios cervici me jam Jam imminentes VX €va fiffe, et non doles: fed quod deterius eft, cum perfecuto ribus meis, et in me Del et ecclefix ipfius, « 0c no in occulto, ftare mon erubefcis. Eftne: hoc fatis aca perpetrata mala non COITZETe, et malis deteriora os in diem adjicere ? Sed fortaffis illud in contrarium in i gis, ut fit hoc fatisfacere, fcilicet voluntatt impiorum a fervire, fecundum illud ; Inebriabo fagittas meas Jangui "Sed dicis mihi: Pater mi, de quibus me coluitsalih Jfolvo me paucis. Tunica mee timeo. Verum eft, ol m “et nimis verum refpondes. Et ideo gladium non ais Quod enim fcribis,ipfum paratum ftare judicio Regn us quafi condigna fatisfactio fit hee, quis eft in terra, ve etiam in clo, qui de Divina difpofitione prafumat jude care? Humana judicentur, Divina petiues Incomes a linquantur. Quanto melius, frater mi, ili falubrius, . Le . te 1bus ela- {fecurius, intimares terd:Gioms de- 47% portus cautiffime cuftodiantuf, ne liter re edibus : Ft fi aliquis regularis illas attule > pe va je . fi clericus, oculos amittat €t genitalia ; 1 lat trunce oe endatur fi Jeprofus, combutaliur. a ae ifcopus ejus interdiftum metuens rece! ere Vo ue ® > ni hi pen deferat pree’e’ Ign be of Ce Tus priven- {cholares repatriare cogantur, aut benct a tur; et qui remanferint, fine fpe remean ms i ¢ London, No. JTL. from the Cot- x fk of BP is ®tranferibed from the printed and {ome Faults are correéted nat * To this Lette tonian Manufcript, was an hlioen : Bruxelles Edition of Becket’s Letters, from her Copiese I APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOCK. Ft Prefbyteri qui cantare noluerint, genitalia amittent : cmnefque rebelles fibi omnibus bereficiis pilventur. N© VIIL Fp. cxxviil. Clerus Cantie Provincie Alexandre Pape. Patri fuo et Domino, fummo Pontificie Alexandro, Provin- ciee Cantuarienfis Epifcopis el Per [once per esrundem Dice- cefes locis pluribus conflitute, Doinino Patrique debitum charitatis et obedientie fomulotum. ESTRAM, Pater, meminifle credimus excellent- . : . Ca ) This refers iam, vos devotum filium veftrum, Dominumque ¢, p, jij. p, poftrum chariffimum, illuftrem Anglorum Regem, per 563. venerabiles fratres noftros, L.ondonierfem et Hereforden- fem Epifcopos, direclis jam dudum litterts convenifle, et de corrigendis quibufdam, que Sancttati vefire in ipfius regno corrigenda videbantur, paterna gratia commonuifle. Qui, mandatum veftrum debita veneratione fufcipiens, ut {atis notis rotum eft, ad veflra quidem monita non Iratus “intumuit, non elatus obedire contempfit, verum a- gens gratias paternz correptioni, Feclefie fe ftatim fub- mifit examini, aflerens de fingulis, qua juxta veftr1 form- am mandati fibi diligenter exprefla {funt, Ecclefiz Regn fui fe paritufum judicio, et que corrigenda decerneret, ipfius fe confilio, laudabili quidem et in principe digne gommendabili devotione correGturum. Ab hoc vero non Tecedit propofito, non mentem’ revocat a promiflo. Sit qui fedeat, qui cognofcat et judicet, divini reverentia ti- _oris, non majeftatem pre fe ferens, fed, ut filius obed:- ens, judicio fiftere, legitimeque parere fententiz, et fe ~ legibus alligatum principem prafto eft in omnibus exhi- ~pere. Unde nec interdi¢to, nec minis, nec maledi@ionum Jaculeis, ad fatisfactionem urgeri necefle eft divinarum fe “legum examini fponte {ubdentem. Ejus enim opera ne- ~ guaquam luci fe fubtrahunt, nec occultari tenebris ulla fatione depofcunt Rex namque fide Chriftianiflimus, in fopula caftimonice conjugalis bonefiiffimus*, pacis et juftitie COn~ : ¥ Mr. Carte has made ufe of this expreflion to prove a new opinion : of TO THE THIRD BOOK. ili renuus, hoc incomparabiliter ft fervet defideriis, ut de Regno fais eliminentur : ‘tia, et alta fecu- at atque juftitia, peccata, pax totum obtine Jdeant et refloreant u- . pp : ritate et quiete placida fub 1p’ {ui enormi infolentium u : Py enfiam .ognofceret, clero debitam exhib copes turbari cogn effus ad Ecclehiz Judices retult ry cbat ¢ eorundem ads fubveniret, et pacer gam ot Tolidare ut gladio gla lo fpirituals poteftas fundaret ite Epifco- fovebat 1n Bo i" re partis utriufque zelus ent uid bie in Clero. po ante judicio, ut homicidiuits otf > Reg: porum in * . thoratione [91d puniretur 1 chr re fi. jufmods eff oe nam banc non condigne refper ; Acol;- vero 6x: po paci bene profpict> / it is amiffion g1t10, nec fla erimat ut fold Jem dict or or! 1 defer thus quemquar Ps itaque {tatuto coelitus of me erat tutus exiftat 1. vero Rege peccatum jufto, = nent ente, oni te, et pacem altius radicare It oF wu odio perfequen borta eft contentio, quam exct no 0 fancta quedan “Dominum, fimplex utriuique Pe endz credimus, ap on Jdominationis ambitu, non oe ee raftice Iibertatis intuit, (ed folidandz pac! tcciel - ct ~+vdines et dignitates, ni fui confuetudings Co oo. © eo progre{fum eft, ut Reg Perfonis Feclefiafticl Regibus ante n : nglie a nis : SEE ti exhibitas, Dominus acificé ac I¢ obfervatas, et P nofter Rex er his com deduci vellet In medium, et, ne fupe rentiofus funis traheretur impoft : +o lde- erum, notiti® publics & im qu oe . dem, et per ca : . 1 itaque el fi : . ' eon legari. Adjuratis i Pa, Fpifcopis, aliffque Regn Deum fpes eft, MOND 7 finuato ftatu, digas Majoribus, retroacli tempor " oe morim in Rego ] € I yrolate funt, i poll equifite alam P! Tee eft Domi virorum Coftimontis propalata. FIX Nm ot to © ‘ : ‘cclefiam Del t© Regis in Lice perum €jus hee ab eo perfecutio Lec op rumufculis undique div APPENDIX tor ac dilatator totifque in hoc defic feandala, cum {purcitus conferva votis agits ejus tollantur ulgata mahgnitas \ d had | : ry the Second | (neal { his own, that after Rofamon, King Ponty brought againft ur Do O 1 ' Inco ’ . . y pro 75 } the charge 0 think it onl) miftrefs, and Da titers is not well founded. A or fcandalous amour, the contemporary o was written, he had no public that, when this etter Le true fubjed of the contro + This paragraph fates clearly t7€ fe the latter died a Martyr: iL ety @ iat cau tween Henry and Becket, and for Wi ata crudeltiad perverforu™ S8 ig 0 In his tame: po other 8 her (REE verly De Ha omnibus APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. omnibus, fi quid fuerit periculofum anime, fi quid igno- miniofum Ecclefiz, Regni fui fe confilio correcturum, de- votione fan&iflima jamdiu eft pollicitus, et conftantifhme pollicetur. Et quidem pacis optatum finem roftra, Pa- ter, ut {peramus, obtinuifiet jam poftulatio, fi non iras jam fopifas, et tere prorfus extinctas, patris noflrl Domunu Cantuarienfis de novo fufcitaflet exacerbatio. Verum hic, de cujus modefiia redintegrationem gratize huc uique fperabamus, ipfum, quem monitis emollire, quem me- ritis et manfuctudine {uperare debuerat, per tries et ter- ribiles [litteras, devotionem Pontificis patientiam minime redolentes, cum in pacis perturbatores exercitum nuper ageret, dure {atis et irreverenter aggrefius eft; in iplum excommunicationis fententiam, in regnum ejus interdict peenam, comminando. Cujus fi fic remuneratur humiii- tas, quid in contumacem ftatuetur? St fic eftimatur o- bediendi prompta devotio, in obilinatam perverfitatem quonam modo vindicabitur? Minis quoque gravibus fu- peraddita funt graviora. Quofdam namque fideles et fa- miliares Domini noftri Regis, primarios Regni proceres, Regiis fpecialiter afliftentes fecretis, in quorum manu confilia Regis et negotia Regni diriguntur, non citatos, non defenfos, non, ut aiunt, culpa fibi confcios, non convictos aut confeflos, excommunicationis innodavit fententia, et excommunicatos publice denunciavit. Adjecit etiam ut venerabilem fratrem noftrum, Dominum Sarefberienfem Ipifcopum, abfentem et indefenfum, non confeffum aut convitum, facerdotali prius et Epifcopali fufpenderit of- ficio, quam f{ulpenfionis ejus caufa comprovincialium aut aliquorum etiam fuiffet arbitrio comprobata. Si hic itaque judiciorum ordo circa Regem, circa Reg- num, tam prepoitere, ne dicamus inordinate, procefferit, quidnam confequi poffe putabimus, (Dies enim mali funt et occafionem habentes malignandi quam plurimam), nifs ut tenor pacis et gratie quo Regnum et Sacerdotium ufque modo cchaerent, abrumpatur, et nos cum commiflo nobis Clero in difperfionem abeamus exilii, aut a veftra, (quod abfit!) fidelitate recedentes, ad fchifmatis malum in abyf- {um iniquitatis et inobedientize provolvamur ? Compendio- {iffima quippe via hac eft ad omne religionis difpendium, ad Cleri pariter Populique fubverfionem ac interitum. Unde ne Apoftolatus veftri tempore tam mifere fubverta- tur ecclefia ; ne Dominus Rex et fervientes ei Populi a veftra, (quod abfit!) avertantur obedientia ; ne totum, quod privatorum confilio machinatur, poffit in nos Domini antuarien{is SE Ssh ec ie pant ee = ES ——————— te ——— — ES ——— ce — Cantuarienfis iracundia, Domino noftro ¢ nobis Ecclefiis gravamen 2 1q tatem veftram voce et termmum diem eligentes apud vos iInomne qu erit, humiliart, qua bl {tris non id exigentibus merits, regravart. on in longa tempora profuturam, HE THIRD BOOK. adverfus eum et ipfius mandata, bis aut commiffis aut Regno ejus, NOL, ffi ot hod jmportantia, ad Sublimi- APPENDIX TO T fcripto appellavimus, €t appellationis Dominic® defignavimus, : Adfero od Gan&litati veftre placu- i imi ipfius motus, No- yb o Fe die in diem tediofiffime {tram, Ecclefiz incolumitatem V€ Confervet St omnipotens Chrifto dilecte Pater. This refers NO. IX. MS. Cotton. Claudius, B. 2. Alexander Papa Henrico Regi Anglie. AGNIFICENTIE fuze nuntios, fcil. dile&tos filo M noftros Johannem Cumminum et magift. Radul- th, nobis et ecclefize Dei devotos et re- dimus fideliffimos, et Fol. 142. fum de Tammwor : AR , © cre ce {ublimitat1 per omnia ficu i teras quas nobis Excellentia tua tranfmifit, tanto benig for me lori gratia preves niori mente fufcepimus, €t tanto eos Majo Er co nimus et honore, quanto plenius novimus 1p:O gnifico HE ; 0° Cui principe €t Rege Chriftianifimo fuite seanfiobfis, ey iti m cum Deo poffumus, £5 : utique omnem, qua n L ora re cujus incrementum m mus et honorem, et ad : ’ 1ibus honefte poterimus nos et fratres nosy 2 hop Le ; aL, ; - me finceritatis tu alrecty clefia, quanto devotifli : wom tor erti, tanto ardentius ori fumus neceffitate €xpertl, EF © Apirare Non enim tu® devotionis infignia, nobis oo” pore tam opportuno exhibita, 2 oe mn PO redtu ne” ] ] cunt divelli, vel mn con moria ulla ratione poterunt \ confpe © clefize aliqua defuctudine inumbrari. Pethiohes quod » tuas, quas nobis per nuntios jam diftos mufif h In a ue cum Deo et honeftate noftra potuimus, ficut 10em en” ficentize tus viva VOCe plenius furans Oa jon] s fiquidem de latere NO cutioni mandare. Perfona : tere n ” quod rogafti, licet nobis gravifimum ac difficillimum, ®0- tempore Maxime, aliquos a nobis emitterc videatur, frat 0 1 el as fertim ues tu defid ’ ) APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. preefentia et confilio opus habeamus; illius tam recolendz ac magnifice devotions tue quam pradiximus non im- memores exiftentes, ad Sublimitatis tux prafentiam duxi- mus deftinandas, cum plenitudine poteftatis ecclefiafticas caufas, que inter te et venerabilem fratrem noftrum Thomam Cantuar. Archiepifcopum hinc inde vertuntur, et illam que inter eundem Archiepifcopum et Epifcopos Regni tui fuper appellatione ad nos fa&a movetur, necnon et alias caufas terre tuz quas noverint expedire cognof- cendi, judicandi quoque, et, prout fibi Dominus admini- {traverit, canonice terminandi. Eidem quoque Archiepif- copo, ne te, aut tuos, {eu regnum tue gubernationi com- miffum, donec caufz illz debitum fortiantur effetum, in aliquo gravare, vel turbare, aut inquietare attemptet, omnimodis inhibuimus. Verum, fi idem Archiepifcopus in te, aut regnum tuum tuz gubernationi commiffum, vel perfonas regni, interim aliquam fententiam tulerit, noseam irritam efle et non tenere cenfemus. Ad judicium autem hujus rei, in argumentum noftre voluntatis, litteras pree- fentes, fi articulus ingruerit neceflitatis, oftendas. Alio- quin Serenitatem tuam rogamus et attentius commonemus, ut literas ipfas, aut earum tenorem, a nullo fcirl permit- tas, fed eas habeas omnino fecretas. Illos vero familiares et confiliarios tuos, quos jam dictus Archiepifcopus fenten- tie excommunicationis fub’ecit, perfone de latere noftro tranfmifiz, Domino auctore, abfolvent. Si autem aliquis illorum interim metu mortis laboraverit, preiftito fecun- dum ecclefiz confuetudinem juramento, quod noftro, f convaluerit, debeat fuper hoc parere mandato, ipfum ab aliquo epifcopo vel alio religiofo viro et difcreto abfolvi concedimus. Porro fratribus noftris, quos illuc mittemus, poft inftantem Domini nativitatem eundi preeceptum dabi- mus, qui, au€tore Domino, in menfe Januario, iter, ficut Trans aggredientur. Data Lateran. xr. Kalend. anuar. This refers to B. ii. p. 452, 483 APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. N°. X. Ep. xuv. li. Alexandro Pape Thomas Cantuarierjis | Archiepifcopus. / Dei fimantifFimo Domino et Patri Sanctiffimo Eman ’ ~ roti Sande Romane Ecclefie fume pi oe ~~ Joi kb lo «eg 7: f mi _ ce Prelefie mintfier humilis, mifer ac ml Cantuarienfis Leclefie mi , Mi - I; Se of inter omnia pericula firmam et Ve hilis exuly faluteiiis ram obedientiam. TT TIMUS Sanéitatt veftre latorem prcfertiuer Te it t credimus, ndelem. fione ct capacitate, u ( pro cord Le ! bis, bentgne exaudiat Fum, fi placet, pro nobis et «ae nobis, | tre, clementia veflra, prout decet et expect mie yf fr. tie quse iam amicis noftris deiperatione fa a eft x io ores i J coq ‘« nmde magis dolemus, 1ncut 's + vobis, unde mags ¢ : nam non cdibilis 5 i ontempti- judicant, diffimulatione manifefta non utipam Ol p PN HL : ’ (a ty —— ~~ by Q HX- ‘1 VIC] fir am compafiione miferabilis. bills 3 1NiMICIS NCIS etiam comj « Tilumina faciem nrge, Domine; et nch tarderc amplus. iu a am am {fuper nos, et fac robifcum fecundum Im cilcorce tuam et cum miferis noftris pre nimia pretty a " en u 9 . . en A. tibus ; falva nos, qua perimus. Non confunc i : rid homines non infultent nobis adverfarn noftri, MMO. on . = 3 2 - * 1 3 Cc - ct Teclefie, non fiat fortuna noftra in derifur gents « po Co nvocav! er nos. - me m invecav:mus up Non 1 slo, quia nomen tuum av Pe ro 0 Domine non nobis, fed mn nomine Domini Jeu bis, LJOMINGs en. repara gloriam tuam, re- Chrifti, fac tibi grande nomen, repara £0048 17° 2 ~ romen, aux in reverfione illus excommn vela fama tus nomen, QUE H ie Oxeneford loquor, nicati et perjurl fehifmatici, Joannent. fh, Ixenelord . oat one in partibus Gallie veh {a 3 Pe) iicat one in part 11S Jali > alfa lus preedi ES on opel Novit Deus quia non mertior, et, {1 mihi nn creditur, queratur ab his de Gallia, qui boron i wus © clefi pro 1s affe ui amplius optant ec > pro : magis afieClant, 4% °F homines viguit inculpa- altenus apud homines Vig Fama, dico, que hall a um CRic- : ; ula fervata eft illxia, quae ¢Xt ‘ nia pericula icrvata € : ta, quae NCEE OX ubique locorum it] iptemerata remanfit, qua ubiq ris perditis fola inte ua BO cep Con habebatur et celebris. Refumat itaque vir N proce” | . ds 40 : ius C 3 . reformet nobile fattum, pi ca toris authoritas, ref : hos ile at garrulus 1p bile, fed male pofiea denigratum, ut fentiat g . . * ri- .. oredi ndacia. Experiatur feve {e falfa fparhile, predicafie mend p Cater I erit, Comes Theodor. et Comes Philippus, fi potueri a heod. vel Com APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. # tatem qui remiflionem demeruerat, perferat ultionem qui ® abufus eft benignitate, ut agnofcat mundus eum reperifle Chrifti vicarium fundatum in firma petra, non facile mo- bilem, non baculum arundineum, ficut magni fubmur- ‘murant, fed ®quitatis et juftitiz obfervatorem, ron ac- ‘ceptorem perfonarum, nemini parcentem in judicio, de juris =quitate fideliter et que difpenfantem Regi pariter ac privato. Valeat Santas veftra, ut valeamus et nos, et miferi noftr1. N°. XI. Rymeri Federa, etc. Tom. 1. p. 23, et feq. Conventio falta apud Doverbam inter Henricum Regem An- glie et Henvicum Filium ejus ex una parte, et 1 heodori- cum Comitem Flandrie et Filium ejus ex altera. A.D. 1163. 1. 255 A.C conventio fa&a eft et {cripta apud This refers Doverham 14 Kal. April, inter Henri- to p- 498 cum Regem Angliz, et Ducem Normanniz et Aquitaniz > et Comitem Andegaviz, et Henricum Filium et Heredem fuum ; et Theodoricum Comitem Flandriz, et Comitem Philippum filium et heredem fuum. 2. Theodoricus Comes Flandrenfis, et Comes Philip- pus, Filius et Heres fuus, fide et facramento aflecura- erunt Regi Henrico, et Henrico Filio et Hered: {fuo, vitam lam et membra que corporibus fuis pertinent, et cap- tionem corporum fuorum, ne Rex vel Henricus Filius {uns €am habeant ad dampnum fuum. 3. Et quod juvabunt eos ad tenendum et ad defender. dum Regnum Angliz contra omnes homines qui vivere et ori poflunt ; falva fidelitate Ludovici Regis Francorum ; quod, fi Rex Lod. Regnum Angliz {fuper Regem enricum, vel fuper Henricum Filium fuum, invadere vo- it, gem Lod. remanere facient, et qu®Erent quocunque odo poterunt, confilio et precibus, per bomam fidem, que malo ingenio, fine datione pecuniz, ut remaneat. 4. Et fi Rex Lod. in Angliam venerit, et Comitem eod. vel Comitem Philippum fecum adduxerit, Comes es Phil. (uter eorum cum eo venerit) tam parvam Xx TO THE T HIRD BOOX. APPEND parvam fortitudine hominum fecum addueet, quam mi norem poterit, ita tamer, NC inde feodum fuum erga Re” em Francie forisfaciat. 5. Et, ante necellitatem, infra 40 dies poftquam Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. ex parte Regis Henrici, vel ex arte Henrici Fill fui, legato, vel literis fuis, {fummonitus fuerit, idem Comes mille equites Labebit ad portus fuos, paratos transfretare in Angliam, in auxilium Regis Hen rici, vel Henricl Filii fui, quam ciiius potuerint. 6. Ft Rex Henricus vel Henricus Filius fuus inveniet eis ves, et mittet €as vel ad Gravelingas, vel ad Witfand. =. Et tot naves mittet, quod fufficiant tot militibus, ita ut unufquifque habeat fecum tres €quos : Ita tamen, quo fi Rex Henr. vel Henricus Filius {uus, has Naves fimul un vice non m.ferit, milites remanentes de mile ex petabun ad portum, ab illa die, qua naves cum militibus de port exibunt, ufque ad totum unum meniem, nifi infra ipfun menfem tranfiennt. g. Tt raves iitas {alvas faciet Comes Theed. vel Come Phil. de omnibus {uis, et de omnibus aliis hominibus, quibus eas {alvare potuerit, cundo, morando, et redeur lia erunt, fiduc i milites in Ang vel Henrico Filio fuo, aut legai na . Et poftquam dich m facient Regi Henrico, fuis, (fi requifit fuerin illo in Angha erunt, ad proncuum rict Filii ful erant, ricus Filius fuus perdat terram, bunt eos, per boram fdems, Regnum Angle contra omnes homines. ro. Ft, fi aliqua alia gens fuper Regem, vel fupd Herricum Filium {uum in Angliam venerit, fi Comé Thecd. vel Comes Phil. ex parte fui, ut prodiximus, remmonitus fuerits in terminum, et ante neceflitatem, Com n Anglam venient; t) dg boc, quod, quamdiu in 1tiner Regis Henrict et Her et ron querent quomodo Rex vel Her vel hominem, fed juve ad tenerdum et defendendun lem ful COrporis 1a manferint propter monitrab | vel Lodov. Regis Francorit 8 {fuam, LA is ibi fm vel terre {ue amiil:onem, expeditions (amimoniticrem per totam terram ipfe Comes 'T heod. vel Comes Phil. tunc tempor et ita, qued ruila preediCtarum fummonitionum invent? rer dolum, vel per alum ingenium, vel ad ejus ade tum et mille militum fuorum difturbandum. C1. Ft, aliquis Comes Anglia, vel alii homines 1 teri, Regi, vel Henrico Filio feo boifiaverint, Tilus fous, comitatuimn vel v Rex, vel Henricus nila u 1 nt. iy : L ( . €o . = vel de Comite Phil. i ful, in auxili uxilium Regi er ie am | gis, vel Henrici Filii fu; ji quamdia i Anglia fuerint erunt ad . enrici filn fui; et Re o ; x, vel Henricus Regs vel Henricl Filia fra praediCul | es Thead. vel Come Phil. cum mille militibus fi non ynfrmitater J remittet, ita quo qlens tuft APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOCK. Mitat iferi : mille a b Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil fv us In Angliam in auxilium Regis, vel H cum ; veniet ; nifi pro aliqua praditar i larum remanierit. arum quatuor cxo- 12. Et, fi quod neuter are Comes propter hoc remanferit, it Angliam, in oll venire pofiit, mittet mille milites in " fupra di > uxilium Regis, vel Henrici Filii fui mn upra diximus. nrict Filin fui, ut 12. Et . i» fui, AN per fummonitionem Regis, vel Henrici Filii gl s.quam mille milites adduxertt, vel i 1 Fil : mill dd letus in proximo fequenti ferviti Suit; Os e arson vel miferit 10, quot fupra 14. Et fiex mille Tie mlitibus defueri . ad centu : cluerint 20 ve non miter propter hoc Comes Theod. vel & 2 < uique ro ttet conventionem {uam erga Reg omes Phil, mum fuum ; {1 oft gem vel Henricu » poitquam eX parte Regis m egis, vel Henrici iln fui, Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. fummon; . onitus fer, infra 15 dies perficiet numerum Is. om : : fuum, venerint, vel nui ad Regem, vel Henricum Fil; “ibunt et ventent per 5 ab illis venient, falve et . lum . . otam terra [ ulete “mitis Theo CL rram et per omn Ir d ot Comitis Phil, (et lim ® forts Co ; decumaque s reps e Bolonefio) quicunque ipfl Go ? om : ant; nec naves defendentur eis vel un- 16. Et nec C : 0 Ficentiam Ba Lena. nec Comes Phil. d : Anghz, vel H us de terra fua, qui ad ferviti enegabit ’ enrici Filii ful, venire voluer: ittum Regis laerint ; et, {1 ve- feodum, nec 1 7 * — / . venerint els perdita fi pum Regis, vel ita . . 1 ua, fadta in Anglia, ficut mos eft roid Sos . reddere fa- i miliz Regis Angliz. 18. Et quamdi . ww illa necefl itas duraveri it, erunt cu m Rege, vel Henrico Filio fuo 1 » et el fideliter fervient; et 2 8 1 ’ . X, 1 H . {uu Vor. IV. . I») 10. APPENDIX TO THE T HIRD BOOK. . « ego {ul qui {ib wer- Te mimic Regis, vel Henrici Filu fut, Athy 19. Etimmici Reg vel per mare, facient, Putin in % | lum In terra tro Comitum habebunt; nec Jecoptaciin, Theod. pe ¢ in terra Boloneffi, nec alibi, quae offi abfque fos, ao os Phil. eis defendere, vel auferre, potlit, ve om . wa Coe : 1alo ingento. at itis pnt ae i "aTiquis TE um Comitis Thend hig) Poms | 1 hot uis foris- 2CReai, vel Henrico Filio fuo, vel hominibus Regi, vel Pe Qitudinem, pro neutro Comitum, Ke i; fecerit, et Jed! vel hominibus fuis, facere voluerit; » : S Henrico filo 80 nec in Comite Phil. nec 1n hom ll u 2 din habebit, nifi confenfu et voluntate Regis, eorum fduciam ia ici Filit fut. i” item vel Hepiaa o Rex, vel Henricus Filius {uus, Comit 21. NES ai Co Cenomania ne Normannia vel n T Comitem Phil. m 0 AS : _ heod. vel Co n auxilio, et eum inde fummo- : luerit 1 a Re- {fecum habere vO ille militibus ibit illuc, et - Comes cum mill€ nuerit, ipfe : qe m, per bonam fidem juva- gem, vel Boniieums Bip Je quo feodum ne bit, ficut Ami eat, donec Rex Francie judicari aciat nec rin a Co miti Phil. quod non debeat juvare Coat 1 ot Amicum fuum Regem Angli, ve en Dominum et foum, cujus feodum tenet ; et oc PE vm Sgt: Comitem Flandrie de jure d¢bent judt- pares > = a cars Ft iftas fummonitiones nec Comes ea, pi 22. hil ullatenus diffugient, nec ill, qui . Cer Comes F facient dampnum vel malum habe un per mono od vel ‘Comitem Phil. nec per aliqu ( Lone de quo cos Comites prediéti defendere po yomine fmt. d fi Rex, vel Henricus Filius, Comitem Thee, 2g, Que Phil In Normannia fecum 1n auxiio ha er vel Comuern ny literis, vel legatis fuis, immosserl voluerit, et § nitus, ad Regem, vel ad Henricum oh a. militibus veniet : qui, poRguam Comitis uum, . DA I unt ad Vv : oye hannia fours, olin, ox bh Rex, vel Henricus pilus hese, Sd oe in fervitio fuo retinere voluerit, mora ui: dors, ; ig {ervitio fuo: Et, quamdiu cos retinere : oe Se Jib tones {uas eis dabit, et perdita cere fa- iti foo F283, ¢is reftaurabit; ficut mos eft facere e : Ha ram, vel per terr miliee fuze. 24 APPENDIX 'TO THE THIRD BOOK. 24. Et fiillo tempore Rex Lod. fuper Regem, vel Hen- vicum Filium fuum, in Normannizm intraverit, Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. ad Lod. Regem Francie ibit cur 20 militibus tantum, et omnes alii praeedithi milites re- mancbunt cum Rege, vel cum Henrico Filio fuo, in fer- vitio et fidelitate fua. 25. Ipfe vero Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. veniet ad Regem, vel Henricum Filium fuum, in Normanniam, ficut predi@tum eft; nifi remanferit propter appareriem {ui corporis infirmitatem, vel terre fuze amiffionem, vel fuam expeditionem, vel Regis Francorum, vel Imperatoris Romani expeditionem, ficut fupra fcriptum eft. 26. Et, fi propter hoc Comes fummonitus remanferis, mille milites, ut praediximus, in Normanniam, ad fervi- tium Regis, vel Henrici Filii ful, mittet. 27. Et fiRex, vel Henricus Filius fuus, in Cenoman- nia eum fecum habere voluerit militibus femel in anno, et erit in familia Regis, vel Hen- nici Filii ful, per unum Integrum menfem, in Cenoman- nia, fi Rex vel Henricus Filius fuus eos tamdiu retinere voluerit ad liberationem Regis, vel Henrici filii fui, et ad perdita reddenda, ficut mos eft familie Regis. Et hoc idem faciet eis Rex, vel Henricus Filius fuus, ex quo mtrabunt in Normanniam, ad eundum in Czroman- niam, 28. Quod fi Comes Theod. vel Comes Phi monitionem Regis, vel Henrici Filii {uj milites in Normanniam, vel plures quam quingentos in Canomanniam duxerit, vel miferit, quot fupra mille in Normaniam, vel fupra quingentos in Ceenomanniam duxec- rit, vel miferit, de tot erit quietus in proximo fequenti fer- vitio horum duorum fervitiorum Normanniz vel Ceno- mannize. 29. Quodcumque Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. Regi, vel Henrico Filio fuo, femel in anno fecerit, per hoc quie- tus erit de altero fervitio in illo ecdem anno, nifi gratia amicitie fecerit, 30. Et, fi Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. tiore fuerit, quando hanc fum reditum de expeditione habebjt tres hebdomadas ; et eundem refpeGtum habebit, fi {um- monitus fuerit inter proximos o&o dies poft reditum de ex- peditione 5 et, fi infirmus fuerit, habebit refpeCtum mit- tend: milites ufque ad finitos 15 dies, S 2 » 1pfe ibit cum quingentis lL. per fum- » plures quam mille in expedi- monitionem habuerit, pol refpe¢tum ufque ad finitas 31. Fi, i E— ro » . 3 FB 4 1 A | | |] i | ! ! / 4 i | i A | : A | i AE | | # 0 od a |] i" } f } l | v ioe | 0 in i k ¥ o | A i | . 4 | A i i [i i {i i ¥ a i | IH i ahi 4 of (hh § {EH 1 5 Wa } 4 IB i Ji \ { i | ae 1h Ri " I | Y i i A { 8 bE | i hb | H | {4 ! i i ] i i y if] ¢ | ; § f | i ¢ ff! \ H 4 ’ | bs 3 aN ! | Rh i i ) M J] gl ) { | TEL | 4 i ] a4 t) 1] Bi ’ Bi fi | FRE BH ! i i iH { EME i. i 1A | Bl 1 | | ALY Ad i ieh ¥ ty 11 AE SLL ER | { fd? | IE (SRILA | Ri I } $1 1 3 i » , IRIE iL Rat d CRE \ 1 1 { i yi i= Ki i i ] 1 2 i { § ¥ y | { i i i | | 1 fh | Hi : REI ! HE iH 3 Ei TES x i { | t bi i it Be Lh a ru { { TRIN Sl HEE I | I} i i 1.1 i MN L y 4 i COE WEY bt i 4 i : il f 1 BA ~AORELS | il d) ¥ 5 4 4 § 4 °H 1 {1 iM | i i 4 ¥ Wo i . 1 IR | $1 hs H HH HB fo , SEs 11} f | i A TH t : 1 1 & (hy H Be AL! iif % uh FE } EER § Ii} A { 15 6% : A IF iE “ANE £4 5 : | } i J AREY ie : | 30 3 { i} Ad } iE CI ¥ 8 i 3 R 1 1H » 41 Hi ] CE } f FRI 3) Jab] { {84 4 A HE oA iH | 4 | H iL 3 1H ¥ AHR ) | il LE Li Bl | i LIV ir I SRR i ' PARI 3 2 w f | A { 3 fl y ] oe mamta Te RE NPAC — gee — 260 vitio fupradi&to, d poft eum, Comiti LI eum, quingentas mal {cilicet, comiti 400 M marcas. Lb {i Comiti perfolvetur. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. ventione et fecuritate, et Pro fer. a co Rex Henricus et Henricus Filius jue Theod. et Comiti Phil. Filio cue Fo cas, unoquoque anno, in fe 0 areas, et Comitiffz Flan "2 1 © Ma decefferit, tota pecunid om 21. Et, pro 1 f ] v . . In} 1 Henrico t quia Comes Theod. hominium fecerat Regi Henrico et q ] i inuny 1ft avo iftius Regis Henricls Comes Phil. fecit hom Regt Henrico. Ft, de omnibus itis conventionibus ig Jederunt C omes Theod. et Comes Phil. Hep man o Henrico filio fuo, iftos obfides ; Cron A a Brags pro 100 marc rnold. Comit. de Githnis, merarium, pro 1 co Sean meld, Berg, pro 100 Pe Ge Walter de Tenremunt, pro 100 marcis 3 Roger. Cattellan. de Curtrai, pro 100 marciss Rathonem . - 3 . in Dapiferum, pro 100 Marcis ; Balden de Ballolio, pro 100 Betonienfem, pro 100 elt Tout de Afro 100 marcis; Mich. Conftab. marcis 3 Lerrl , Pe Oe itis 1 2 obfidibus, debent {ex corum condi: 3: i dios milites in {ervitio Regis, vel Henrici 1 ; cere Come Thecd. et comes Phil. defuerint, propte I rediéiarum exoniarum. Et, {i {ex de obfidibus all | | 4 . : vel Henici Fil ie 12 obfides tali conditione {unt ob- fide 5- fi Comes Theod. et Comes Phil. de predic: car A ‘bus exierint, vel alter eerum, et 1ph curt, or vention u tenas reconciliare Regi, vel Henrico Fi lo, ue or oN urint quod unufquifque de prediéls obfidibus 1s " pe vel Henrico Filio fup, 100 marcas argent < ta R 6” infra tres quarentenas, vel in caption€ Bs Henici Filii fui, fe ponent, pro predicts marcis : I oo el Henricus Filius fuus, ab eis non plus exige q an go or dium eft; et ponent fe 1n captione in ‘Turn vr Pin lio loco, ubi Rex, vel Henricus Filius fuus €os bere poflit retinere ad proficuum fuum. 36. Ef, APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. 36. Et, fi aliquis de iftis obfidibus mortuus fuerit, vel a fidelitate Comitis Flandrize, aut a terra fua, recefierit, Comes alium ®quivalentem, in loco ejus, ad fummoni- tionem Regis vel Henrici Filii fui, reftatrabit. 37. Et, fi, dum obfides jam di&am pecuniam Regi mi- ferint vel Henrico Filio fuo, eis in Anglia ablata fit ab hominibus, quos Rex vel Henricus Filius fuus conftringere poflint, quieti erunt. | 38. Et, fi in mari eam perdiderint, habebunt refpectum per 40 dies, ad reftaurandam pecuniam. | 39. Et, fi Regi vel Henrico Filio fuo placuerit, Comi- tifla Flandrenfis aflecurabit Regi vel Henrico Filio fuo, fide fua, pro feodo fuo przdi¢to, quod ad omme pofle fuum, confilio fuo, et precibus fuis, faciet Comitem omnes prediftas conventiones tenere integre, et fervitia fideli- ter facere, per bonam fidem, ab{que omni dolo et malo ingenio. 40. Rex vero affecuravit Comiti Theod. et Comiiti Phil. vitam fuam, et membra qua corporibus fuis pertinent ; et captionem corporum fuorum, ne Comites eam habeant ad dampnum fuum, quamdiu Comes Theod. vel Comes Phil. predi@as conventiones Regi vel Henrico Filio fuo te- nuertit. | 41. Et, propter przdiftas conventiones et przeditum fervitium, dabit Rex vel Henricus filius fuus Comiti ‘Theod. vel Comiti Phil. praeedi@as quingentas marcas in natal Domini. 42. Et, fi predita pecunia in predio termino tota perfoluta non fuerit infra 40 dies, poftquam ipfe Rex fum- monitionem Comitis, per legatum fuum in Anglia vel in Normannia, fufceperit, illam perfolvet. 43. Si vero in aliqua alia terrarum fuarum fummoni- tionem inde a legatis comitis fufceperit, infra 40 dies, poftquam in Angliam vel Normanniam redierit, pecunia perfolvetur, fine malo ingenio. 44. Hujus conventionis ex parte Regis et Henrici Filii fui obfides funt, Rich. de Humez Conftabular, pro 100 marcis ; Reginald de San&o Valerico, pro 100 marcis; Rich. de Lufcy, pro 100 marcis; Henricus filius Gerald. Camerarius, pro 100 marcis; Bernardus de San&o Wa- lerico, pro 100 marcis ; Manaffer. Bi‘et Dapifer, pro roo marcis 3 Roger de Cailli, pro 100 marcis ; Hugo Comes de Norf, pro 100 marcis; Willielmus Comes de Arunde!, 53 pro ES Sr i APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. pro 100 marcis ; Robertus filius comitis de Legra, pro 100 marcis ; Galf, pro 100 marcis; Hug. Comes Cefn, pro 100 marcis. nal conditione Comitum © 43. Et ifti tali conditione fant obfides erga Comitem, bfides erga Regem et Henri- cum Filiom {fuum. 6. T't omnes obfides communiter a{lecuraverunt quod ron diffugient fummonitionem, et quod {ummonitores fe- curi erunt ab eis, et ab omnibus ques prohibere poterunt a rocumento 1picrum. ‘This refers to B. iii. p. 513. N°. XII Ep. xxxiii. 1. ii. Alexandro Pape Epijcopt et Clerus Anglice. Patri fu et Domino, fumme Pontifici Alexandro, Anglicana Ecclefia devotum et debitum charitatis et obedienticz famu- batum. UBLIMITATI veftre, Pater Reverende, venerande, gratias affeCtuofe referimus, quod ad petitionem flit veftri devotiffimi, Dominique noftri dilectiffimi, illuftris Anglorum Regis, filios veftros clariffimos, fummeque vo-- 1 d prefens eft, tempeftate neceflarios, a bis in ea, que a ipfum curaftis in longinqua tranimittere, affe¢tuque pg- terno, eorundem laboribus, noftris parcere, et gravamini- bus noftra pie gravamina fublevare. Habentes itaque mittenti gratias, miffos honore debite, totaque cordium alacritate, fufcepimus, f{perantes eorum adventu finem ma- lis diu jam protraélis imponi ; et qu turbata funt apud nos in pacts priftine ferenitatem, cooperante fib1 gratia, reformari. Inde eft quod eis, tanquam judicibus ad hoc 2 Sanéltitate veftra direétis, noftram una cum Domino noftro Rege prefentiam reverenter exhibuimus, optantes pariter ct expeltantes omnia, que inter Dominum noftrum Re- gem APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. gem et Dominum Cantuarienfem, quzque inter ipfum vertuntur et nos, in eorum prafentia palam fier, et, juxta veftri formam mandati, diffinitiva eorum fententia plenifi- me terminari. Ipfis in modum hunc reverentiam judiciarize poteftati debitam exhibentes adftitimus, et ecce | finiftro confufi nuncio, a prius concepta fpe gaudii in defperationis foveam lapfi, audita fatis nequimus admirari. Audito enim, et ipfa legatorum veftrorum confeflione recognito, €os ad judicandum cauffam hanc, ob quam venerant, po- ~ teftatem omnino non habere, et quod a San&itate veftra Domino noftro Regi conceffum, fcriptoque firmatum fu- ~ erat, id non tenere, Dominus nofter Rex, ultra quam dici poflit, ira totus incanduit, in tantum quidem, ut ad folitam erga vos animi manfuetudinem vix eum noftra etiam in commune fupplicatio revocare potuerit. Totum itaque, quod in 2dventu legatorum veftrorum conceperamus, gau- dii ceepit illico triftitiz nubilo fuperduci. Ad iram hanc fortius inflammandam incentiva prebebant ipfa nobilium colloquia, id Domino Regi feepius inculcantia, fibi Reg- noque fuo nulla jam adverfus Dominum Cantuarienfem Huperefle fubfidia, cum appellatio Regni dudum ad vos falta jam expiraverit, et ei legatorum veftrorum in nullo Cura fubvenerit. Hine apud Regni principes tanta exorta turbatio, ut, nifi juxta datam vobis fapientiam pericula jam erumpentia providendo pracluferitis, Chrifti veftem ~ {cindi miferrime de proximo doleatis, ‘Totis enim ftudiis | Dominus Cantuarienfis defudat, ut Dominum noftrum Re- gem anathemate, Regnumque ejus interdi&i pana con- Ci ftringat. Poteftatem, quam in =dificationem, et non de- ~ ftructionem ecclefiz, fufcepiffe oportuerat, fic exercet in ~ lubditos, ut omnes in Regis odium, et totius Regni nobi- lium tentet inducere, et eorum fubftantiis direptionem, cer- -vicibus gladium, aut corporibus exilium, intente ftudeat Procurare. Crebris literis graves eis mandatorum imponit farcinas, quas prefens ipfe non digito movere voluit, ne- ‘dum humeris fuftinere. Ad mortem nos invitat, et {an- guinis effufionem, cum ipfe mortem, quam nemo fibi dig- nabatur aut minabatur inferre, fummo ffudio declinaverit et {uum fanguinem illibatum confervando eins adhuc nee { guttam effundi voluerit. Pro Chri quippe mori glorio- ' lum eft: in mortem verd Impruderter irrumpere, Chrifto fcimus non placere. Libertatem pradicat ecclefie, quam fe Cantuarienf ecclefiz viribus intrudendo {ibi conftat ade-’ miffe. Regni confuetudines freqrenter Improperat, quas | S 4 longe 263 longe aliter, qua tudini manifeftat. thoritatem erga nos poft appellationem excommunicet, commonitione fufpendat; tate fubnixa {unt, qua poteft marcarum millia, of} exhibere detreclat s nec ethnico denegare gent Nos jam difta g indifcreta quad D ominum noftrum Regem, quentes populos, avert1, adverfus fufpectas nobis dverfus mandata ejus omnia, Regno €]us; Parochiis, gravamen aliquod im omnia commit This refers top. 514. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. fuis fcriptis veftr® celfi- {anSorum canonum au- cum appellantes ad vos alios fine citatione ‘aut notoria, qua nec nota nec vert- et in hunc modum plurima, poteftate, confundat. Ad hzc, quadraginta vel amplius, ut fui afferunt, bone [ux Regi [olvere, vel quod Juftum fuo negat et Domino, quod Unde, ne li- m fe res habeat, De caxtero, non obfervat, aflerat ; dei commif[as Domino noftro et Regs debuerat aut publicano. ravamina, ne taciturnitate noftra, et am conniventia permittamus id fieri, unde et Regnum ejus ipfum et fe- 3 veftra contingat obedientia prorfus D. Cantuarienf1s fententias, Domino noftro Regt et oftris et commifiis nobis Ecclefiis et portantia, veftro nos per rotetionl fubdentes, ad llationi terminum perfonis 1 tentes confilio ¢t P audientiam veftram appellavimus, et appe diem tranfitus Beatt Martini conflituimus. NO XIII . Alexander Papa Thome Cantuarienfs Ep. xlix. I Archiepifcopo. m judicare non poffit, et eum nofcitur pralations fubefle, et tam Divine quam fan&orum Pa- UOD minor majore prefertim, cui jure obedientiz vinculo tenetur adftrictus, humanz= leges demonftrant : et precipue trum ftatutis 1d manifeftius declaratur. Hac fiquidem nos, quorum intereft errata corrigere, et €a, qu in- correéta perniciofum pofteris exemplum relinquerent, {ol- licita confideratione penfantes, attendentes etiam, quod ex deli@o perfonz non debet ecclefia ja&turam aliquam ve :ncommodum fuftinere, fententiam ab Epifcopis et Ba- ronibus Angliz, quoniam ad primam Regs citationem ful copiam non fecifti, adverfum te preefumptuofe prolatamy in qua tibi jam di&i Epifcopi et Barones omit mobiliz | tua, NR 3 ~ puncios veftros, APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. tua, tam contra juris formam, quam contra Ecclefiaft; cam confuetudinem, abjudicarunt ; (praefertim cum n 1a mobilia praterquam de bonis Ecclefixe tuz habueris ) ire ritam penitus-effe cenfemus, et eam apoftolica autho te caffamus, ftatuentes ut nullas impofterum vires TL aut tibi vel fucceffori- us tuis five Ecclefiz tue ube can tioni commiflz, aliquod impofterum valeat pr 5 di Tha vel lefionem afferre. pr&jualcium NO XIV. MS. Cotton Fol. Claudius, B. 2. fol. 268. Henrico Regi Anglie Fobannes Neapolitanus. 263 PLAC i i P ET nobis plurimum, per omnia gratum This refers duxi imus et acceptum, quod ad executionem volun-to p- 479- tatis i i aw veltre noftra ftudia promptius advocafltis. Nos qui Een ) Bet abfque fummonitione etiam veftra, quotief Funan opportunitas fe offert, ftudiofi femper f{imus et oremus, quzcunque vobis utili ’ a : utiha, five ad ho- Bile, me cltrum cognofcimus proventura, ficut nobis poff- , re et promovere, et contraria propenfius de- \ pellere et longius | propulfare, cum eti Co veftrz : .. > etiam Magn ; litteris follicitamur, tanto fortius ir J { f petitionis veftre accurati -quanqu 1 ee ratius prepars . quanquam et ipfa fummonitio veftra et ollie pw mum pla i ofl placet, ct votl aque defiderii noftri eft, ut, quicquid a , totum ad veftre vol itri y ? u Wencdo exponamus. ntatis arbitrium omni Venientes igitur ad Ecclefiam Romanam honorabil Abbatem (videlicet) St. Auguftin, ~~ Archidi : jaconum Sarifberi | rienfem, Magift : i iftrum Simone m de Carcere, et Magi quas Excelle LE frum Henricum, cum liters veftris fice et lzte recipim per Ipfos nobis tranfmifit, honori- neplacita et fi r us. Attente atque follicite veftra be- ‘operam tudictam, of intelleximus, dedimufque cum eis ‘quod Dominus noter exaCtam diligentiam adhibuimus he fecundam execution mandaret. Ut Jolt, vol fal ‘na . , 5 tus nofter omneque ftudium et argumentofa Colliciado caflo APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. 265 tua, tam contra juris formam, quam contra Ecclefiafhi- cam confuetudinem, abjudicarunt ; (prefertim cum nulla mobilia preeterquam de bonis Ecclefie tue habueris 3) ir- ritam penitus-effe cenfemus, et eam apoftolica authoritate caffamus, ftatuentes ut nullas impofterum vires obtineat, aut tibi vel fucceffori us tuis five Ecclefix tue guberna- tioni commiflz, aliquod impofterum valeat prazjucicium vel lzfionem afferre. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. Jonge aliter, quam fe res habeat, fuis feriptis voli esif. tudini manifeftat. De cetero, fanctorum og a thoritatem erga nos non obfervat, Gb appe pe 3 bower { mmunicet, alios fine citatione “au oft appellationem €XCO ; 5 De monitione fufpendat; notoria, qu nec rot pay e ! tate {fubnixa {unt aflerat ; et In hunc modum plus or va potefl poteitate, confundat. Ad h=c, gu ginte Ln millia, vel amplius, ut Sui affernt wr; fi fide commiffa, Domino noftro Reg folvere, wd quoc Ju 01 fu sat et Domino, quo hi treflat 5 et Regi [uo nega ef} exhibere de ; ’ Domina, ii! debuerat aut publicano. , nec ethnico denegare i ano. » IE 1 r e taciturnitate noitra, am di&a gravamina, ne t fra, ¢ Py vent ttamus 1d fier1, unde indifcreta -onniventia permitta difcreta quadam connt sd i um noftrum Regem, et Regnum ejus. ipfum et fe entes populos, a veftra contingat obedientia prof Tar adverfus fufpe&tas nobis D. Cantuariens on ) oftro lata €jus Omnia, Domino © i adverfus mancata €] ; mino roftre Deg oF oftris et commifiis nobis L. cono ejus, perfonis not : ls ct Peoehit, gravamen aliquod importaniia, velo nos per i it filio ct protectioni iu , nia committentes coniilio fub Sudientiam veftram appellavimus, et appellation terminum diem tranfitus Beat Martini conftituimus. N° XIII Ep. xix. 1. 1 Alexander Papa Thome Cantuarienfi 7 | Archiepifcopo. N° XIV. MS. Cotton Fol. Claudius, B. 2. fol. 268. Henrico Regi Anglie Fobannes Neapolitanus. LACET nobis plurimum, per omnia gratum This refers duximus et acceptum, quod ad executionem volun-to p- 479- tatis veftrz noftra ftudia promptius advocaftis. Nos qui- “dem, licet abfque fummonitione etiam veftra, quotief- _ cunque opportunitas fe offert, ftudiofi femper {fimus, et folliciti elaboremus, quzcunque vobis utilia, five ad ho- norem veftrum cognofcimus proventura, ficut nobis pofii- bile, perficere et promovere, et contraria propenfius de- ~ pellere et longius propulfare, cum etiam Magnitudinis veftrz litteris follicitamur, tanto fortius accingimur, et ad complementum petitionis veftre accuratius prparamur; quanquam et ipfa fummonitio veftra et follicitatio pluri- mum placet, et voti atque defiderii noftri eft, ut, quicquid poflumus, totum ad veftre voluntatis arbitrium omni modo exponamus, Venientes igitur ad Ecclefiam Romanam honorabiles mE a cane imo. = 3 ae This refers UOD minor majorem judicare non pofft, € cum to P54 prefertim, cui jure nofcitur prelationis fubelle, —— 3 obedientiz vinculo tenetur adftri&tus, tam Divine quam human leges demonttrant : et precipue fandom on trum {tatutls 1d manifeftius declaratur. = que m nos, quorum intereft errata Corigere, et. , au hy corre&a perniciofum pofterts xp am, on » fol licita confideratione peniantes, 1, quod eX i fia ia&uram aliquam V¢ delito perfonz non debet ecclefia | turam a incommodum fuftinere, fententiam = p < P sot ronibus Angliz, quoniam ad primam egis cit nem {0 am non fecifti, adverfum te preefumptuoie P m, i Pua bi jam di&i Epifcop: et Barones omnia mobilia nuncios veftros, Abbatem (videlicet) St. Auguftini, Archidiaconum Sarifberienfem, Magiftrum Simonem de Carcere, et Magiftrum Henricum, cum literis veftris, quas Excellentia veftra per ipfos nobis tranfmifit, honori- fice et lzte recipimus. Attente atque follicite veftra be- | neplacita et fignificata intelleximus, dedimufque cum eis operam ftudiofam, et exaCtam diligentiam adhibuimus, quod Dominus nofter primam petitionem veftram, vel fal- tem fecundam executioni mandaret. Ut vero omnis co- | mnatus nofter omneque ftudium et argumentofa follicitudo HH i | il dd § t ' 01 HEA | thi |) HAH | J 1} 1 { } A NOE | [I i H 3A A H | [0 iil Fis ie | | { f 1 k Jiaet { [ | BY! i Hi ! {i i | boil: et | : i ". i ! [| [| A) MS ) | N V i SAT EE H wii ] 4 R i i iH 59 1 A ne | 1 f { 1 i | f ¥ & i { A \ i 14 8 ! Hi RURT | | - i | | i i 1 i i { i CFL i Hi a q : ¥ lad { ih | tH) 1 Hit | { h i 3 kl 3 1 Mm ¥ 3 he hf A i 44 L (A 1H 4 $ 5 Ri | 1 4 { + } h i Ru | i { ¥ " 14 | & ‘IH | Hi 3 { i § HH an \ AE Mu | i 1] A i DARL if Weed! Ll $1 i + 1 Ci! h { he] 3 ay | Fir ¥ 1 gE LE J ¥ 4 t f i 3 i { IE et { 3 1) i 4 |: : { H (EAT of \ Ml ih 8 if ! 5 b 8 ii ) ! ¥ 1 A 41 ! i { \ 4] g ie ’ { a caflo tua, = - er ——————— pe a a m= fr — — ee Se re = TR ST ep = ’ ce i —— - ps i ——— >= ns BE ——— Re 3 a tans — ———————— pret me war — APPENDIX 'TO THE THIRD BOOK. caflo labore defecit, nihilque obtinere potuit de hiis quz juxta petitionis veftree tenorem poftulavit, vifum nobis et complacuit quod ad aliud remedium noftra ftudia conver- teremus. Rogavimus igitur, et, licet cum mult inftanti, impe- travimus tum tales literas a Domino Papa, per quas te- meraria prefumptio et indifcreta audacia Cantuarienfis Archiepifcopi reprefla et conculcata creditur, et vobis ali- quatenus cognofcitur pro dualitate temporis fatisfactum, Preefati vero nuncii veftri, qui, ficut induftrii et probi viri vobifque fideliffimi, curare executionem mandati ftudio- {iffimi extiterunt, cum pro certo noviffent, quod nullo modo aliquam de petitionibus veftris obtinere valerent, ad confilium et exhortationem noftram, “et quafi compul- fionem, receperunt literas illas, quas Dominus Papa per £0s vobis mittit. Quamquam enim plurimum pertimerent et formidarent illas recipere, quia hoc de mandato veftro non habebant, indu&i tamen et complufi a nobis, ficut diximus, quod liquido cognovimus nullatenus expedire quod his temporibus literas tales dimitterent, aflenfum praebuerunt admonitioni noftree. Nos itaque, quia hono- rem veftrum puro corde et animo diligimus, et voluntat veftre in omnibus pro pofle noftro obtemperare defidera- mus, laudamus vobis atque confulimus, quatenus reci- pientes recipiatis, et gratum ducatis quod Dominus Papa ad praefens vobis concedit, fcientes et nullatenus dubitan- tes, quod, ficreditis fuggeftioni noftree quam per prefatos nuncios veftros vobis aperimus, Cantuarienfis ille videns fe omni deftitutum auxilio, et cognofcens certifime quod ad regimen Cantuarienfis Ecclefie non valeat ulterius aliqud ratione redire, et ipfe fpontaneus abrenunciabit, et in alid ecclefia, ubi vivere poffit, fibi provideri fuppliciter exora- bit. | Soy S IQUVIS inventus fuerit literas ferens Domini Papa, py; refers | vel aliquod mandatum Archiepifcopt Cantuarienfis, to p. 571. "Injunctions [ent over fi \ APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. NO XV. rom King Henry II. Ann. Dom. 1169. Cod. Cotton, MSS. Claudius, B. i. p. 27. _continens interditum Chriftianitatis in Anglia, capiatur, et de eo fine dilatione juflitia fiat ficut de traditore Regis et Regn. 2. Nullus Clericus, vel Monachus, vel Converfus, vel ~ alicujus Converfionis, permittatur transfretare vel redire in Angliam, nifi de tranfitu fuo habeat literas Juftitize, et de reditu fuo literas Domini Regis. Si quis aliter in- ventus fuerit agens, capiatur et incarceretur. 3. Ne aliquis appellet ad Papam vel Archiepifcopum. "4. Ne aliquod placitum teneatur de Mandatis Pape, vel Archiepifcopi, vel aliquod Mandatum illorum in Anglia ab ullo homine accipiatur. : Si quis inventus fuerit aliter agens, caplatur et incarceretur. 5. Generaliter quoque interdiGtum eft, quod nullus ferat aliquod Mandatum clerici vel laici Domino Papa vel Archiepifcopo. Si quis inventus fuerit, capiatur et ine ~ carceretur. 1 s : 6. Si Epifcopi, vel Clerici, vel Abbates, vel Laici, fi ententiam interditi tenere voluerint, fine dilatione de HES he 7 HE terra ejiciantur, ef fota eorum cognatio, ita quod de catal- {fuis nihil fecum ferant. | 7. Ut Catalla omnium Papz vel Archiepifcopo fa- ntium, et omnes poflefliones eorum, et omnium eis per- \ Binentium, cujufcumque gradus, vel ordinis, wel Sexus, e/ conditionis fint, capiantur, et in Dominica manu D .eg1s confifcentur, | L | 8. Ut omnes Clerici, qui reditus habent in Anglia, fint moniti per omnes Comitatus, ut infra tres menfes ve- lant in Angliam ad reditus fuos, ficut diligunt reditus 10s 3 et, {i non venerint ad terminum ftatutum, reditus d manu Regis capiantur, 9 Ut denarii Beati Petri non reddantur ulterius Apof-. tolico, Er ——— ge Ra. 2 y : a enon wm pint =. = — Lr ae i same SR = “ : n JH A h 8 i |] hii “olico, fed diligenter colligantur, et ferventur in Thefauro [8 Regis, et expendantur ad ejus praceptum. i "There is a tenth article concerning the Bifhops of Lon. S88 This refers to p. 590. “4 APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. don and Norwich, which I have not tranflated in my Hiftery becaufe from letters written at that time, I have reafon to believe it was added afterwards. It runs in thefe words. ¢ Lundonienfis et Norvicenfis Epifcop: fint in mifericordia Regis, et fummoneantur per Vice-comites et Bedellos, ut fint contra Regis Juftitias ad re€tum facien- dum Regi et Juftitiis ejus de co, quod contra flatuta de Clarendune interdixerunt ex Mandato Pape terram Co mitis Hugonts, et excommunicationem, quam de Papa n ipfum fecerat, per {uas Parochias divulgaverunt fine licer- tia Juftitiarum Regis.” N° XVI MS. Cotton Claudius, B. ii. fol. 288. Alexander Papa Rogero Eboracenfi Archiepifcapo. QC A per chariffimum filium noftrum, Henricur illuftrem Anglorum regem, ampliora incrementa ¢ commoda in hujus neceffitatis articulo Ecclefiz Dei per veniffe nofcuntur, et quanto nos eum pro {uz devotions conftantia majori affeétione diligimus et cariorem in noftrs vifceribus retinemus, tanto ad ea que ad honorem, incre mentum, et exaltationem ipfius et fuorum cognofcimus pertinere promptius afpiramus. Inde eft utique, quod ad €jus petitionem, dileGum filium Henricum primogenitun £lium fuum, communicato fratrum moftrorum, confilio ex aulloritate Beati Petri ac no 2rd concedimus in Anghi coronandum. ~Quoniam igitur hoc ad officium tuum per tinet, Fraternitatl tu per Apoftolica fcripta mandamus quatenus, cum ab codem flio noftro Rege propter hot fueris requifitus, coronam memorato filio fuo ex aucloritak [feds Apoftolice imponas, et nos quod a te exinde factum | fuerit ratum ac firmum decernimus permanere. Tu ver debitam ei fubje&tionem et reverentiam, Jalvo in omn Patris fui mandato, exhibeas, ct alios fimiliter commone®: exhibere. No LAA ihus | NO. XVIL Chron. Gervafe, Fol. 1410, 1. 50. © yMPRIMIS inquiratur de vice-comitibus et ballivis eorum, quid vel quantum acceperint de fingulis hun- dredis, et fingulis hominibus, poftquam Rex noviffime transfretavit in Normanniam, unde terra vel homines gra< ‘yati funt; et quid acceperint per judicium comitatus vel tundredi, et quid fine judicio. Et quod inquifierint cap- tum efle per-judicium {cribatur feparatim, et quod {ine judicio, fimiliter feparatim {cribatur, et de omnibus prifis Inquirant caufam et teftimonium. | Similiter inquiratur quot et quas terras vicecomites vel ballivi eorum emerint vel imvadiaverint. Similiter inquiratur de Archiepifcopis, Epifcopis, Abba- tibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Vavaforibus, Ci- vibus, Burgenfibus, et eorum fenefchallis, prapofitis, et miniftris, quid vel quantum acceperint per terras fuas, poft terminum fupradi€tum, de fingulis hundredis fuis vel villatis, et de fingulis hominibus {uis, per judicio. Et omnes prifas et caufas et occafiones eorum {cribant {epa- . ratim, Similiter inquiratur de omnibus illis qui poft terminum illum habuerunt aliquot bailias de rege in cuftodia, five . de Honore aliquo vel aliqua efchaeta, quid et quantum n bailia illa adquifierint. Similiter inquiratur de bailivis regis, qui per terram uam erraverunt pro negotiis regis faciendis, quid eis da- Et de catallis fugitivorum pro aflifa de Clarendune, et de catallis eorum qui per affifam perierunt, Inquiratur quid a&um fit, et quid inde exierit de fingul's hundredis, et fingulis villatis, et fingulis hominibus. Et inquiratur an aliquis in affifa illa injufte re€atus fucrit, pro premio, vel promiffione, vel odio, vel aliquo modo injufto; et an aliquis de rectatis Jrelaxatus fuerit, vel reverfus, pro pre- mio, vel promiflione, vel amore ; et quis inde premium acceperit. Et inquiratur de auxilio ad maritandam filiam regis, quid inde exierit de ifingulis hundredis, et de fingulis villatis, et de fingulis hemnibus, five in redditis, five in " pardonis, et cul illud traditum et liberatum fuerit. Et Iquiratur This refers to p- 592. a a A er mr x - pe = rE 5 TE ” Re ~ a TET PB I a = ER SR nl ES 535535 Sg nl PSH eae. —— Re = - = FEA PRA | TR A : a ra — — wo — Ee : . " = = pare mr = aba = po Tm = == ; E mans Te = a Es : : 3 = ae n e = a epee 2 = = = _— a = or = re —"— a a we == = —— — ~ ~~ - . " yo I po i — pe ——————— £3 idquiratur quid et-quantum acceperint foreftarii et bailivi occafione : Et fi quid pardonaverint de rettis Domip | APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. et miniftri eorum, poft terminum fupradi¢tum, in bailis | fuis, quocumque modo illud acceperint, vel quacumque | Regis pro premio, vel promifiione, vel amicitia alicujus. Tt de forisfa&is foreftarum, et de hiis qui in foreftis fui forisfecerunt de cervis et biffis, et aliis beftiis falvagis, = Ft {i foreftarii vel bailivi eorum aliquem acceperint ve| attacaverint, [leg. attachiaverint] per vadium et per ple. gium, vel re€taverint, et poftea fine jufticia per fe relax. averint, © Et omnes qui reati fuerunt de quocumque reQto ponantur per vadium et per plegium, quod fint cc. ram Domino Rege die quem eis ponat, et quod rectum facient, et adretiabunt ei et hominibus fuis quod adretiare debuerint: et quibus plegii defuerint cuftodiantur. Et inquiratur fi vicecomites, vel -quicumque bail eorurn, vel Domini Villarnm, vel bailivi eorum, aliquid reddiderint de hiis que acceperant, vel fi pacem aliquam cum hominibus fecerint poftquam audierunt adventum Domini Regis, pro difturbare, ne inde ante Regem vel * Tufticias querimonia veniret, ~~ Et de amerciatis inquiratur, fi aliquis relaxatus fuent pro premio, vel amore, de hoc qued primo fuit amercia- tus 3 et per quem hoc faGum fuerit. Et fimiliter mnqui- ratur per omnes Epifcopatus, quid et quantum et qua de caufa Archidiacani vel Decani injufte et fine judicio ce- perint 3 et hoc totum feribatur. Et inquiratur qui debent Regi homagium, et nondum fecerunt neque illi neque filio fuo, et inbrevientur. | The Preamble to this runs thus. Rex autem, convocatis optimatibus fuis, inftituit abba- tes et clericos, comites, et milites, qui circulerunt terram, dans forgpnam inferiptam, quomocdo ets eflet agendum. In Cantiam, Suthreiam, et Middlefexe, et Berkefcire, €t Oxenefordfcire, et Bukingechamfcire, et Bedefordefeire mifli funt Abbas Auguftini Cantuarize, Abbas de Chertel- cie, Comes de Clara, Wilhelmus de Abrancis Manefier de Dammartin, Geroldus filius Radulfi, Gilebertus de Pinkeni, Wiliclmus filius Helt, Willielmus filius Nigelli, | Williclmus filius Martini, Radulfus de Hofpitali, Radul- fus de Dene. Hi omnes fimul fupradictos comitatus circul= erunt. In hunc modum per alios comitatus Anglize 1n- quifitores miffi funt. Et hc inquirere debuerunt. . - Poltea ~ APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. Poftea capient facramentum ab omnibus Baronibus, militibus, et liberis hominibus de Comitatu, et cateris hominibus, et ab omnibus Civibus et Burgenfibus, quod verum dicent de hoc quod ab eis inquiretur ex parte Do- mini Regis, et quod non celabunt veritatem neque pro alicujus amore, nec prece, nec pretio, nec timore, nec pro aliqus promiffione, nec pro ulla re. N° XVIII. | Ex Epifiolis S. Thome Cantuar. Edit. apud Bruxell MDCLX XXII. Epiff. XL. lib. 1v. Thomas Cantuarienfis Archi-cpifcopus Roberto Vigornenfs Epifeop. X 7IR illuftris Robertus Comes Glouceftriz, Pater This refers Gav vefter, cum plures haberet filios, vos ampliori pre p- 593. ~ gaeteris affe€tu traditur dilexifie, ¢0 quod vos in {enettute genuerit, et totum, prout indcles pollicebatur, pruden- tic fuz et virtutum fomitem, Dei codperante gratia, transfudit in fobolem, quam utpote pretiofifimam ab ine- unte tate Domino confecravit. ‘dens, quan fidelis, quam magnanimus, quam conftans Afuerit ille, qui florentis, pugnacis, gratiofi, generofi Regis, et opulenti, ejufdemque Normannorum Ducts, et Bolo- . nie Comitis, vires aggreflus oppreflit: et non modo Reg- no privatum, fed et captivum, conjecit in vincula, adeo- Intuemini, quam pru- que fortunam indignantem, habiti fidet et virtutis ratione, contempfit, ut pro reparandd facramenti maluerit, quam 1 ~ foror ejus et Domina juris fu difpendium pateretur. Qui, i licet nvidia fortune captus fuerit, vinculatus tamen judi? cio fapientum tantus habitus eft, ut liberationem eius commutandam et emendam cenjucrint Rege et Regno, Contemplatio viri clariffimi vobis adjiciat antimos ; cun, qui vos generoft fanguinis titulo illuftravit, comtaneis et poiteris repraefentate moribus et virtute. Huc accedit colend= virtutis nobilior titulus, pontificalis apex, qui ficut cpifcopale officium fideliter adimplentes amplior gloria et honore corufcantes illuftrat, fic timidos et ignavos abje&- 1011 i i fi | } i i i 7 i { i \ h I Ee I) fT i J qi 4 ! / ) { iH i i \ gl 5 § { | Hh i) 1 i fi IL i { go the] 4 i 4 i | 31 1) I 3 § A ’ } 1 ; i oN \ f$ jf ‘ 18 d i i \ he tid i 8H ar A 4 \ ER hi} | ) i H CR © | i 8k ) | ¥ a f 1 s 'H a i | | di § 1 1 A & 1) 4 iH " 1 i | fi hi | FH | ) { i | ih H ] A ARE ) ! it HE: lh § } 4 i | Hl +h |] ] PL 4 4 \ _ APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. ori vilitate reddit inglorios. Sal enim infatuatom ad ni- hilum utile eft, fed tanta abje&tione vilefcit, ut nec fter- coribus comparetur, quibus agrerum infececunditas propul- " fatur. Nam ut ait Martyr Cyprianus, Epifcopus fi timidus cfty actum eft de eo: alum, inquit, quia cum ipfum timor mundanus effeetum reddiderit, fupereft ut ad omnia falu- briter agenda iputilis fit. Charitas ergo timorem hunc expellat, ut’ gpuli ducem expediat, quia deficientis timore ducis exhortatio nequaquam militum poteft animos ad for- ria roborare. Et quidem nutu divino credimus accidifle, ut vos, ad. propulfandam matris veftre, fan&z {cilicet Cantuarienfis ecclefiz, injuriam, diebus his contigerit cransfretare, ‘quo przfentialiter refiftere poflitis eis, ficut nobis promififtis, qui eam gratis diutius afflixerunt, adhuc {ine caufa quzerunt animam ejus, ut auferant eam. Quod ut, Dei preeunte gratia, commodius facere va- leatis, vos literls Domini Papa, tanquam armis bellicis, przmuniendos elle decrevimus, ut fratrum noftrorum corda poifitis efficacius Domino confirmare. Rogamus itaque et obfecramus in Domino Jefu Chrifto, et in virtute obedientiz, et in periculo officii, honoris, et benehci preecipimus, quatenus literas Apoftolicas, quas vooIs mit- \imus, oftendatis venerabili fratri noftro Rogerio Ebora- cenfi Archiepifcopo, et aliis fratribus et Coepifcopis no- firis, et inhibeatis authoritate Domini Papa, ne prefatus Fboracenis filio Domini Regis confecrationis munus dare, aut coronam, {i hoc ab eo petitum fuerit, prefumat im- ponere: Sub eddem interminatione praecipimus, ut {fimi- lier hoc inhibeatis Epifcopis Londonienfi et Sarefberienfi, et ceteris, fi quis hoc aufus fuerit attentare. Hoc autem, Deo tefte et judice, non in Domini Regis, aut fli fu, aut cujufcumquz vel Ecclefie vel Perfon®, ex confcientid roftra mandamus injuriam, fed ex neceflitate, qua cogi- cour Peclefiz Cantuarienfis jura pro viribus confervare: Parati enim f{umus, {I Domino Regi placuerit, filium fuum coronare pro debito officii noftri, et utrique honorem debitum et reverentiam exhibere. Non vacillet in his implendis, frater charifime, fides veftra, quia fidelis eft Deus, qui vos fupra vires tentari non patietur. Confdite ergo in ipfo qui vicit mundum, et memineritis quoniarn qui timet pruinam irruit fuper eum nix, et qui declinat arma ferrea frequenter incidit in arcum Eneum. Degeneres animos timor arguet, ct fortiter aufos juvabit gratia, gloria coronabit, Quidquid agant ali, nobis per- | {uafum APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. fuafum eft, quod conftantiam veftram nullivs turbinis im- petus franget, quod que de ore veftro proceflerunt, et tam veftro quam Epifcopi Lexoverfis fcripto continentur, et fub utriufque chara&ere imprefla funt et €xprefla Fon erunt irrita. Abfit enim ut generofus fanguis fit HEE patrum ob- degenerantis habitaculum, ut per vos literentur, ut quaecunque trepidatio mer operis, evincat Patris, qui vos omnibus errafle judicium, et antique charitatis exc Nam, ut pié creditur 2 fidelibus, ille felicius in Deo, * |, quam in liberis vivit, et ftudiofis operibus atif‘reprobis gra- _ tiam ejus promereri poteftis aut demereri. N°. XIX. Epift. x1. 1. 5. Thome Cantuarienfi Archiepifcopo quidam Amicus. AT ifcopos e diem ills pifcopos et Barones, ad diem illam, ex cmnibus terre _partibus convocavit. Sane ea die coropabit filium Regis b boracenfis, uxore ejus, filia fcilicet Regis Francorum, pud Cadomum dereli¢ta, et quafi repudiata in contu- mcliam Pairis et contemptum. Cororabitur cert ver Alle quem diximus, nifi Dominus mare clauferit he } olenti, vel manus contraxerit Eboracenfi, vel nifi Rex rancorum aliquo prohibitionis modo inhibuerit. Puer nim properai. Ws mare, et 3 patre expeftatur in adverfo re. a andato Regis, Baiocenfis et Sagienfis m pu ero vadunt. Ricardus de Humet non ibit. Regina or 1 Ahi donec gaudii hujus certitudinem ac- . Latere ergo Domini Papz fuper prohibitione con 1oni iy I iConfecrationis hujus diu eft quod mare tranfierunt; fed inutiles prorfus effeétze in manu illius cui traditee funt pe- - erunt, nec alicur oftenfze, nec ullatenus propalate. Quid it | gitur profunt que fic occultantur, per quas nec corona impofitio nec perfonz un&io ceflabit ? Certiffimeé enim 1atis hoc fine dilatior i tione futurum. Etfi non auderet Ebo- acenfis ; » manus cruentas apponeret carnifex Sagienfs. oc autem fit contra vos utius li : ph 0s, ut oe diutius liceat etiam fpe- rare 273 i) EX prima Dominica die Loondoniis debet effe, eoque This refe : Archiepifcopum Eboracenfem, omnefque Anglia to ; " B. p. 6oo. 3- 1 ~1 " {atur. APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. ori vilitate reddit inglorios. Sal enim infatuatom ad nis hilum utile eft, fed “tanta abje€tione vilefcit, ut nec fter- coribus comparetur, quibus agrorum infeecunditas propul- Nam ut ait Martyr Cyprianus, Epifcopus fi timidus cfty actum eft de eo: altum, inquit, quia cum ipfum tumor mundanus effeetum reddiderit, fupereft ut ad omnia falu- priter agenda iputilis fit. Charitas ergo timorem hunc expellat, ut pgp ducem expediat, quia deficientis timore ducis exhortatio nequaquam militum poteft animos ad for- ria roborare. Lt quidem nutd divino credimus accidiffe, ut vos, ad. propulfandam matris veftre, fanéaee fcilicet Cantuarienfis ecclefi®, injuriam, diebus his contigerit ¢ransfretare, quo prxfentialiter refiftere poflitis eis, ficut nobis promififtis, qui eam gratis dintius afflixerunt, adhuc {ne caufa quaerunt animam ejus, ut auferant eam. Quod ut, Dei preeunte gratia, commodius facere va- loatis, vos literls Domini Papz, tanquam armis bellicis, prazmuniendos elle decrevimus, ut fratrum notrorum corda poffitis efficacius 10 Domino confirmare. Rogamus s in Domino Jefu Chrifto, et in virtute periculo officii, honoris, et beneficin literas Apoftolicas, quas vobis mit- itaque et obfecramu obedientie, et In praecipimus, quatenus mus, oftendatis venerabili fratri no cenfi Archiepifcopo, et aliis fratribus et firis, et inhibeatis authoritate Domini Papz, ne "boracenfis filio Domini Regis confecrationis munus aut coronam, {1 hoc ab eo petitum fuerit, ponere. Sub eAdem intcrminatione precipimus, ut fimi- lier hoc inhibeatis Epifcopis Londonienfi et Sarefberienfi, fuerit attentare. Hoc autem, ot ceteris, fi quis hoc aufus Deo tefte et judice, non in Do cujufcurnquz vel Ecclefie vel Perfonz, roftra mandamus injuriam, cur Peclefie Cantuarientis jura pr Parati enim famus, {1 Domino Regi fuum coronare pro d debitum et reverentiam exhibere. implendis, Deus, qui vos fupra vires tentari non patietur. Confidite ergo in ipfo qui vicit mundum, et mem quoniam qui declinat arma ferrea Degeneres animos timor arguet, ct gratia, gloria coronabit. Quidquid agant ali, ftro Rogerio Ebora- Coepifcopis no- preefatus dare, prefumat im- mini Regis, aut filii ful, aut ex confcientid fed ex neceflitate, qua cogi- o viribus confervare: placuerit, fililum ebito officii noftri, et utrique honorem Non vacillet in his {rater chariffime, fides veftra, quia fidelis eft neritis | timet pruinam irruit fuper eum nix, et qui frequenter incidit in arcum zneum. fortiter aufos juvabit nobis per- {fuafum APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK: fuafum eft, quod conftantiam veftram nullius turbinis im petus franget, quod quz de ore veftro proceflerunt, etta : veftro quam Epifcopt Lexoverfis {cripto continentur ph {ub utriufque chara&ere imprefla funt et €xprefla rr : erunt irrita. Abfit enim ut generofus fanguis fit in degenerantis habitaculum, ut per vos tituli patrum oe literentur, ut quaecunque trepidatio meri auf i 1 operis, evincat Patris, qui vos omnibus TH erraflfe judicium, et antique charitatis exc 4 Nam, ut pi¢ creditur a fidelibus, ille felicius in De quam In liberis vivit, et ftudiofis operibus atit’reprobis a tiam ejus promereri poteftis aut demereri. | Bee Epift. x1. 1 5. Thome Cantuarienfi Archicpifcopo quidam Amicus. Aq Epifcopos et Barones, ad diem illam, ex omnibus terre partibus convecavit. Sane ea die ¢ bit fili i | partibus convo | a die coropabit filium Regis 1 Eber cenit uxore ejus, filia fcilicet Regis Francorum # api wom dereli&a, et quafi repudiata, in contu~ j iam Paris et contemptum. Coronabitur certe puer : lle quem diximus, rifi Dominus mare clauferit rs i yo entl, vel manus contraxerit Eboracenfi, vel nifi Rex on ncorum aliquo prohibiiionis medo inhibuerit. Puer Go proper ad mare, et a patre expelatur in adverfo © littore. Et, de mandato Regis, Baiocenf] Sagi cum puero vadunt. Ricard 5 H wi Tl : { . ardus de Humet non 1b: i § Cn PucTo vac non ibit. Regina t orabi ii huj itudi tur, donec gaudii hujus certitudinem ac- ceperit. Li Ini cep Literee ergo Domini Papz f{uper prohibitione ' confecrationis hui 1 {Jonerretoms hujus din eft quod mare tranfierunt ; fed prorfus effe€tz in manu illius cui traditee {unt pe- ~ rierun : alicut i t, nec alicut oftenf, nec ullatenus propalate. Quid 1git el i prin: que fic occultantur, per quas nec coronz po ho fee perfonz un&io ceflabit ? Certiffimeé enim Richy © ne dilatione futurum. Etfi non auderet Ebo- , manus cruentas apponeret carnifex Sagienfis. BB Hoc aut | em fit contra vos, ut nec diutius liceat etiam fpe- Vou. IV. | T rarc Pp. 3 273 RR: prima Dominica die Londoniis debet effe, eoque This refer | $ Archiepifco i pifcopum Eberacenfem, omnefque Anglia 3 600. Se eee meen APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. rare de pace, cul non folum. pax differtur, fed tota pes pacis et. reconciliationis qufertur. Dixit emm nobis Ri- chardus de Welceftre, gui pro accelerando tranfitu puert venit, altera die, ufque Cadomum, et ftatim reverfus eft cum illo; dixit, inquam, ille, quod pacem veftram om- aliter non potlet, non {folum nibus modis differret, et fi : Domino Pap. {ed etiam iph Deo inobediens Rex ufque ad mortem exifteret, ante guam vobifcum pacem ha- beret. Nollte ergo {perare in iniquitate, nec I emplariis iis credite, qui bon ambulant in fimplicitate, fed Regs otius, quam veftram voluntatem exequl CUpientes, vob!s nihil aliud quam mendacia, de Rege et Patre mendacil, adferunt, ut decipiant. Quicquid enim Rex agit vobif- cum dolus eft et nequitia. Sed, ut pace veftra loquor, ftultum decipit verbis inanibus, ut interim fibi magis provideat, et de trau temporis contra Vos majores infidias paret, et laqueos preparet fortiores. Quid igi- tur facies, Sub tem- poris brevitate fubfiraclum ad quod tantis temp pirafli : regnare de 0g Regem tibi confecravit 1nimicum, auxdium, quanto junior, Verum quid faciet contemnitur, cui regoum aufertur, ritas condemnatur ? Cur enim €jus waffle nafcetur, Regn gloriam confequeretur, coronz indigna. judicatur ? Forfitan non movebitu ile nimium juftus, { cabit, fed mags in fud juftitia penbit. :n Chriftum Domini, fed tamen pro Francie deferet qui CO Unicum ergo et fingulare eletv omni dilatione,, ad Reginam et a nuncios mittat, qui ex {ua parte pro faCtum fuerit, ab utroque cum diffiducia {eparentur. enim territi Richardus et Regina Regis impedietur voluntas. corum, vel vefter, dere. carcerem ; {i Regis F byerat 2 Immo quid facies, procederet, donec negotium 2a lS Currite ergo ftatim ad Regem, et advocate Senonenfem; bitaculum huic operi, quod, I" § ut aliquod opponatur © hominum miferrime, fi tib: fuerit oribus [uf fi per alium Rex fuerit affectus qui non nifs per le {i inimicus tuus ut contra te, in Patri tanto fortior, manus infurgat? Rex ipfe Francorum, cujus ita filia cujus {peranda pofte+ Filius, qui adhuc ei for- fi ipfa medo r Rex nec {uum filizque contemptum vindi- Moderate loquor nihilo el coronam ronam Angliz tam facile aufert. obis reraedium eft, ut, fine | d Richardum de Humet | hibeant ne fiat,. ty fi § of mittent ad: Regem, et i Nuncius enim Regis Fran- nullus poffet ad Regem noftrum acce- Tt, fi literas Domini Papz deferret, mitteretur mn | rancie, teneretur. honefle, fed non 8 d aures Regis pervenirel Perfon® = APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. : Perfonz Regis contemptum, et in cauflze veftre praejudi cium, nofcitur agitari, De cezetero {ciatis Thoma Br vum Archidiaconum Bathonenfem, nuper a Rege ad Av. chiepiicopum Rothomagenfem venifle, et a Nivernenfi I. pifcopo tranfeund: inducias impetrafle ufque ad fe sent . Dominicam. Publice enim Thomas ille “clamavit “ao multi alii quotidie clamant, @egem in proximo eff en turum : Quod penitus eft flfifimum. Per E feo atus ergo et Abbatias, et per domos Regias, ufque ad AA S. Michaelis formicino gradn Nivernenfis incedit, et a in terra fud quindecim eflet contentus, triginta {ex ie ras adducit. Dicitur ergo, quod mags {itit pecuniam Regis, quam pacem Regni; magis lucrum fuum, quam Wy modum veftrum. Et res fatis manifeftis indicts declaratur. Sets ani rg pott o&avum Pentecoftes venit Coton 1 nc filius Regis exierat, cum quo Ni : time, fi vellet, tranfire potuiflet. Sed oi & or cito eflfe venturum, aut navem Regiam venturam oer ipfum. Et fic homo ille, mores gentis veftre ore fallacis capitur, nec in manu ejus verbum Domini . profperatur. erum, 1 aftutias iftas intelligeret, fi con i cito gradu od mare properaret, oporteret Archiepiicopum . , et iftum Regis refponfum expeétare. Et, fi nino vellet tranfire, navem quidem et inftrument ’pavis in w veniret, fed gubernator nullus a pareret. Si oli emir . fugerent, vel fe nihil fcire di ont vengul: enim efle adverfum jurarent. S icerent, vel vertum penitus i Tr a Tenn | are t. tultus ergo fuit, fi veniendi per Pa Ts qui per Flandriam ire difpofuit. vettram, ad Nias eB, ct lueras Sencnenfls, et nuncium Regiam Cadomi moran irigite, ut cum omni celeritate Paret. Que fi nol cm conveniat, quatenus el tranfi- dS qon Fae oluerit ob manifeftam impofibilitatem piicopus ad vos revertatur, faCturus citi ’ rus eft. Nolite enimd : Sfb guad Fula. 1 e ceteroparcere; fed totum [piri ? ; ‘dite, totum gladium evaginat Jpiritum fjun- | Regis ulmi ee na i quoniam non refpiciet vos ocubus per over pace fo fo Selpiciat autem fuper vos et fu- principibus viorize devin out & Divas ct magis de veram, Ecclefize fuse confe , ro ror Valewe, Et, fi rre dignetur. Valete. Et, fi Padverfitas in ; Ww crebuerit lite ti . : » holt m . Fponit manum fuam. € timere, quia Dominus fup- T 2 Z 'R Thisrelers to p. 609, 610. B. iil. ie Ra Plt” APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. N°. XX. Ep. xv. Lv. Alexandro Papa Thomas Cantuarienfis Archiepifcopo. Sereniffimo Domino et Patri Chariffimo, Alexandro Dei gra- tia fummo Pontifici, Thomas S. Cantuarienfis Ecclefie minifier bumiliss [alutem et omnem cum fumma _ devatione obedientiam. M' SERATIONIS oculo refpexit Deus Ecclefiam fuam, et tandem triftitiam ejus in le titiam commu- Nec dubium, Pater, quin, {i nobis vera dicentibus _ab initio fuffet creditum, cornua retunderentur eorum, qu ventilabant, conterebant, €t variis plagis vulnerzbant Fc- clefiam, ut, exterminata prorfus libertate ejus, et €va- - cuata authoritate Divine Legis, vigerent confuetudines © cut potius abufiones veterum tyrannorum, Romanus Pontifex nefciretur in Angha, et fponfe Chrifti privilegia fine re parationis fpe delerentur. Ecce enim ad noviffimas literas veftras, quibus Domino Regi Anglorum innotuit, quod € ulterius non parceretis, ficut nec peperciftis Frederico dill Imperatori, cum intellexiffet terram ejus, {fubterfugiis, qui forte non o tavit. bedirent, fufpendendos et excommunicandos, | illico nobifcum pacem fecit, ad honorem Dei, et maxi- | mam, ut {peramus, Tcclefiz utilitatem. Nam de con- | fuetudinibus, quas tanta pertinacia vendicare confueverat, | nec mutire preefumpfit : Nullum 3 nobis vel aliquo noftro- | rum exegit juramentum. fenfionis hujus chartula exprefleramus, nobis conce ritatem, et reditum, omnibus noftris promifit, et ofculum, | ; tamen vellemus eum eatenus pe omnibus articulis villus a ab biis, qui audierant ip in ofculo recepiurus. ! tium confilio, et maxime Domini Senonenfis, qui pacen | noftram czteris follicitius et efficacius procurabats cum ipfo ad colloquium Regis acceflimus, quem, Deo facient¢ qui omnes illos amoverat qui (an&itatem veftram Te olis amotis omnibus interdito fubjiciendam efle, et Epifcopos, fi | Poflefliones, quas occafione dif < i ecclefie noftre abftulerat, prout eas tg flit : pacem, et fecu- | rurgeri: ut non moda 1 3 Ry EE areret, fed ut perjurus diceretur °8 um juraffe; quod non erat nos ea di [8 os autem, habito plurium fapien | APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. Jolis circumvenire foliti funt, adeo mutatum inveni : ut, quod fine circumftantium admiratione non co i i animus ejus in nullo videretur a quiet's confiliis i —~ Nam, ut nos procul adventantes confpexit, a circu i: i turba exiliens occurrit properus, et, capite dete&o a falutationis verba prorumpere geftientes flu glone ove nit, et habitis paucis fermonibus, folis nobis ie tibus cum Domino Senonenfl, ros, illo divertente a entibus univerfis, traxit in partem, et diu tanta rr i lo. cutus eft, ut vider1 poflet, nunquam inter nos Fo o> fuifle difcordiam. Omnes fere, quotquot hn lontifh ma admiratione ftupentes, plurimorum genis lacr i imbre madentibus, glorificabant Deum, et benedicobant owas in cujus folemnitate Rex Oe inis, ut toti terre fuze lxtitiam ref ° ot eI ormaret Ce SLT Sy ferat, et pericula que undique mmincbant | ats noel dims. Rogavimus et monuimus ut pte - ignos fructus peenitentize faciens, et Icclefiz, in 1 medi . - . | iocriter leferat, manifefta boni compenfatione fatis faciens, purgaret confcientiam, et redimeret famam : N ab iniquis confiliariis potius, quam a proprice volantati : inf nn, grave uuriuique difpendium patiebatur. Cum autem hoc a, non modo patienter, fed et benione , et emendationem promitteret, adjectmus fibi ne. © ceflarium e tberis {ui {Te ad falutem, et liberis fuis ad incolumitatem et indemni ro Co Santos Ce Uns Swen poteftatls, ut in eo pr enfs icclefie, Matri fuze, diligentius fa- um fourm, contra tus PUPET graviflime lcferat : Nam fili- cerat enormiter at antiquiflimum Ecclefiz noftrz, fe- racenfis, qui cont onart, ufurpatione Archiepifcopt Ebo- NE I oe vetuftiffimam confuetudinem, et poft fecrationem hanc ay et etiam in aliera provincia, con- tatus tamen ante {fe a ille paululum relu&ans, protef- animo contendendi & mh proponere vel propofiturum effe helmum, qu Quis, inquit, coronavit Regem Wil- dentes? N ib1 Angliam {ubjugavit, et Reges fucce- ats : onne Fboracenfis . neg ucce HB placehat Gul coromandus ent: alius Epifcopus, prout quod ex celebri gods weir Statin Regem ? Ad que nos, quod, eo tempere quo An ong ken re{pondimus, nade Meee Agha capts off a Norma, ey len Labebat Antiftitem, v3 {ed 277 £113 Hl 3 1 | i A i i | 1 he fit gh TE ; . pm wd ~ “APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. fed quafi captiva tenebatur a quodam Stigando, qui illam,- cut et Vintonienfem, et Londonienfem, et Vigornenfam, ct Tlienfem Ecclefiam, public poteflatis ct amicorum, viribus, contra inhibitionem Romani Pontificis, Eis verat, Apoftolicz fedis communione carchs et gratia. Unde, ct de mandato ejus a przfato Rege captus in carcere diem obiit. Qua neceflitate tunc, quod pec ante, ee poft, leGtum eft vel auditum, Archiepifcopus Eboracen hy qui. clarioris erat opinionis, illi Regi coronam impofuit. L.an- francus veto filium ejus, Regem Wilhelmum, cogromento et coloresRafum, confecravit in Regem, prafente hams F boraceff1Archiepifcopo, nec in €o {ibi officio a qu! vendicante. Poft cujus obitum, cum fanGus Anfe iy Cantuarienfis Archiepiicopus exularet, ex _eadem ow a, ua et nos, unus fuifraganeorum Cantuarienfis Tce e =, S. Girardus Herefordenfis, vice Archiepifcopt ful i; ab- fentis, Regem Henricum, non contradicente Arclyig copo Fboracenfl, confecravit. Revertente autem al exilio Beato Anfelmo, acceffit ad eum Rex Henricus, t1 dens diadema, et rogans ut eum coronaret, nec imputaret 3 t quod ipfum, neceflitate Regn preepediente, non expel a- verat. Fatebatur enim coram omnibus hence elle Lan- tuarienfis Feclefize dignitatem, ut Anglorum Reges mun- at et confecret. Et hac quidem fatisfactione placatus Sanctus Archiepifcopus approbavit qued a {fuffraganeo {uo fa&um fuerat, et Regi Cororam mpofuit. Quare Cree tunc {iluit Eboracenfis Archiepilcopus, ct fibi Cantuaricn is Feclefiz fuffraganeum preeferri fuftinuit © Nunqui ! c- mas Senior, qui Lboraceniem regebat Ecclefiam, et an franco Cantuarienfi, de liters et amicorum Copia intume- cens, multos labores teault, €t Ecclefiam fuam amp 1avit ‘n plurimis, hee obmutuiflet, pauper! cedens Epi copo, nifi fibi de Archiepifcopi Cantuarienfis Primatu et Digei- tate conftaret? Deinde, pot triginta et {ex aneos, e- em Stephanum, preedeceliorem veftrum, a decei ore 0; firo Wilhelmo fuiife confecratum; preefente T hurftano I- boracerdi Archiepifcopo, nec ie immifcente negotio, au! contradicente, certo certius eft. Quo poft novem et a cem annos in fata collapfo, bone memorie Theobaldus Cantuarienfis Archiepifcopus, qui, pro veftra promotionc cum f{uis omnibus, labores innumeros, damna irrepars bilia, et pericula plurirna, memoram et relatu horfenel, fuftinuit, et Regnum, quod in alam familiam jam tran erat. Avi veftri liberis reflituit, vos munxit et coronavit 1i ’ Regem, Bo, » - #0 Ne » Ty APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. Regem, przfente ifto Eboracenfi Rogerio qui nunc eft, et, ut fcitis, nec codperante nec contradicente, nec aliquid agente, nif eo modo quo minimus Epifcoporum, {acris in- dutus veftibus, audiens intererat folemnitati. Cum ergo tantd facilitate animi, aut potius confiliariorum veftrorum pravitate, matrem veftram, Cantuarienfem Ecclefiam, fine cauflze cognitione, jure antiquo fpoliaftis, quod pluf- quam o&uaginta annis inconcufle poflediffe dignofcitur, nunquid perpetuare voluiftis immicitias inter Ecclefiam et Liberos veftros ? Aut, fi tantum prefumptiongsi#boraceni Archiepifcopo fuerat indulgendum, ut novo..k gg munus confecrationis impenderet, cur provinciam fuam excedens invafit noftram ? cur tam ipfum, quam f{uffragancos no- {tros, in crimen inobedientiz impuliftis ? Receperant enim inhibjtionem Domini Papz, ne hoc in abfentid noftrd ali- quo modo prafumerent. Denique, fi fubftitutionem filii et confecrationem properabatis impleri, cur eos, quos ab ore Summi Pontificis nominatim, et 2 nobis, excommuni- catos effe conftabat, a tanti facramenti {folemnitate non cu- raftis excludere? Nunquid confecratio fine participio exe- crationis non videbatur implenda ? His, et pluribus aliis ad hunc articulum pertinentibus, que temporis brevitas . non admittit, diligenter et modefte propofitis, rogavimus _ attentius, ut hujus lefionis noftre jacturam, pro amore Dei, et falute fua, et liberorum indemnitate, repararet, et tante prefumptionis emendaret exceffurn. Ille vero fe de mandato veftro, quod pridem obtinuerat, adverfus hanc petitionem noftram tutum efle refpondit, et {u- per hoc literas protulit, quibus conftitit Epifcopis cele- braturis hoc munus fibi indultum eflfe, ut filiom fuum faceret 4 quocunque vellet Epifcopo coronari. Ad quod ei refpondentes fupplicavimus, ut reduceret ad animum quando et quare literas impetrafict, quibus fuum et Epifcoporum defendere nitebatur excefflum. Conftabat enim eas, quando Cantuarienfis Ecclefia vacabat, eo pro- pofito fuiffe impetratas, ne Eboracenfis Archiepifcopus, fi prefatam Cantuarienfem Ecclefiam diutius vacare contin- geret, ad innovandi Regis coronationem pre cateris province noftre Epifcopis auderit afpirare. Et ut, Do- mine mi Rex, hac fidelius et familiarius recollatis, nonne tunc palam folebatis afferere, quod filium veftrum mal- letis decollari, quam ut feepé di¢tus Eboracenfis capiti ejus hereticas manus imponeret ? Certum vero eft quod priori mandato per pofterius derogatur. Efto ergo quod tunc T 4 tales Ye, ER Wm ga yh ". i APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. (ales literas impetravefitis, noftrz, vero, qu Jig {unt, illis debuerart derogafle: nds oe OY ! pond ue fapientibus, cujus moment habendum 11 — A ufurpatum eft preferum cum a - ” on (ub. ¢ alia facramenta, de jure cauflam habeat, Fa a ¢am nancifcatur. Neque hxc di@ta videantur, quod degradari velimus fillum veftrum, aut bn Sligo Lo. quia fucceflus ejus et ampliationem 8 0 : p- Re 8 ad eam laborabimus modis omnibus In Domi yg Dh AECL fo, rt enti Eclefis requiteChy : Sod fier pofle non credimus, ce : OD ienam {atisfaltionem ; quia a {zculis inaudi- no Pe uod aliquis Cantuarienfem Ecclefiam hers ot non 2 orreius aut contritus a Chrifto Do flim bintulit ergo Rex, vultu hilari et voce tr. Nam et meum diligitis duplict ure acitis gues eT pote recepiftis de manu mea. Et ipfe vos hud affe vy 2h ul algae bulge aH i bile renerentia et vn continutfjets Ti or Co ur pom Sed [cio qtad vos gravis de eis, etiam . x hy perit. Nec dubito quin Ecclefia Cantuarienfis nobjliffima ceperit. Tomti ; ‘ure [uo pri- | fit inter omnes Ecclefias Occidentis, nee cam jure fuo pri- | ] aperam vare voloy quin potitis, juita confilium veftrums, dabo op , [L17 ‘n omnibus recu- ut et in boc articula relevetur, €? riftin.m in om 7 r0- cret dignitatem. [llis autem, qui me €t V0S badicrus pr Jiderunt, Deo propitios fu re[pondebo, ut exigunt 7 . TE ) d W roditorum. Cum ergo €quo defiliens me humiliarem 4 | ] ilachrymari ait: Quid multa? Domine Arcbicpifcopes re- elli y alterly | [tuamus nobis invicem weteres affeclioness € alter Cr pee fur wod potuerit, bonum exhibeat, et pnidentss wl pr J “ mus immemores. Sed mibi, quefo, nr “ i i ad [piciunt, bonorem exbibeatis. Tit trapliens a Sy . . . . . bat i acos ibi, quos lator prefentium indicabit, nde a en difcordiz, et odil incentores, ait, ut tam illo ] i ret: quam _omnium, nequid male dicerent, ora preclude & pif p : . : 2) : robabo. hominibuss et malas que de me dic unturs vera ¢ffe P Son No Cid confilium boneflius aut utniius cred werim, 4 see or ' ritale ) jot edere, ct tam cha ut ipfurn fludcam benignitate pre ’ quar * ¥ g PR L- PT ae APPENDIX. TO ‘THE ‘THIRD BOOK. quam beneficiis_ fuperare.. Cermonem Regis cum fumma gratulatione fere quotquot aderant, exceperunt. Mifit ergo ad nos Epiicopos {fuos, qui monerent ut petitionem noftram coram omnibus faceremus. Et, fi quorundam ex ipfis confilio credidiffemus, in arbitrium ejus contu- liffemus prorfus et nos et totam caufam Ecclefize. Nam ab initio ufque nunc a Scribis et Pharifzis fuis egreffa eft iniquitas, et de authoritate feniorum invaluit, qui debue- rant regere Populum. Sed benedi€tus Deus, qui non per- mifit, ut in confilium illorum tranfiret anima noftra, ct Ecclefize libertatem aut juftittam Der exponeremus cujuf- cunque hominis voluntati. . Illis autem dimuffis, habita de- liberatione cum Domino Senonerfi et Chrifti pauperibus, fociis peregrinationis et profcriptionis noftree, in eo firma- vimus propofitum, ut nec quecftionem confuetudinum, nec damnorum que Ecclefiz noftra intulerat, nec ufurpatz confecrationis querelam, nec Fcclefiaftice libertatis aut honoris mnoftri difpendium, aliquo modo conferremus In arbitrium ejus. Et fic accedentes ad Regem et fuos, cum omni humilitate rogavimus per os Domini Senonenfis, qui verbi neftri bajulus erat, ut nobis gratiam fuam reftitu- eret, pacem et fecuritatem, tam nobis quam noftris, Cantuarienfem Ecclefiam et poflefliones ejus, quas excep- tas in chartula legerat; et ut mifericorditer emenrdaret quod cortra nos et Ecclefiam noftram fuerat in filu ful coronatione pifumptum ; promittentes el amorem et ho- rorem, ef quicquid obfequii Regi et Principi potelt ab Arch.- epifcopo exhiberi in Domino. lle verbum acceptans annuit, et ros et noftros qui aderant recepit in gratiam fuam. It quia non praceperatis, ut ipfe nobis et noftris ablata re- flituerit, neque a nobis pcierat impetrari, aut poterit, Deo authore, ut ea remittamus, juxta mandatum veft- rum repetitio eorum dilata eft, non fublata. Nam fi, pree- cepifietis eo vigore, quem in roviflimis exprefiiftis, ut rec- fhtuerentur, haud dubium quin fatisfeciffet, et pofteris cediffet exemplum, toti Fcclefie Dei, et maxime Apofio- lice“ fedi, perpetuo prefuturum. Tandem itaque nobif- cum, multa et din corferens, cum nos duo fol fere ufque _ ad: vefperam collocuti eflemus, fecundum morem famili- aritatis antiqua, in hoc convenimus, ut, eo difcedente, rediremus gratias a&turi Chriftianifiimo Regi, et alus be- nefactoribus noftris, reverfuri ad ipfum rebus cempofitis, ct aliquamdiu moraturi circa eum, antequam redeamus in Argliam, ut omnibus innotefcat, in quantam faniiliarita- tein | 282 APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. tem et gratiam nos receperit. Expe&abimus autem in Francia donec redeant nuncit noftri, quos ad recipiendas . offefliones noftras deftinavimus; quia non eft in animo noftro ut redeamus ad ipfum, quamdiu de terra Fcclefize paffum pedis abftulerit. Nam in reftitutione pofleflionum facile advertemus, qui finceritate agatur nebifcum. Nec tamen veremur, quin impleat quod promifit, nift eum prepediant confiliarii, quos de pravitate confcientize flimu- lus quiefcere non permittit. Hi fiquidem, ne comprehen- dantur in operibus manuum fuarum, €rrores fuos impuni- tate donari moliuntur, authoritate et confortio Regie Ma- jeftatis. Hinos in fortem Balaamitarum conantur impel- lere, ut, vivificantes animas qu& non vivunt, criminofos in fcelere deprehenfos abfolvamus fine peenitentia et con- fefione erroris ; quam utique poteftatem Deus nec alii n- dulfit, nec retinuit fibi. Nit adquieverimus, pacem et concordiam cum Domino Rege initam inachinantur in- fringere. Sed, Deo quthore, nec fic nos inducent, ut, fedem ponentes ex adverfo Altiffimi, gloriemur inaniter nos vivificare aut juftificare quos ile non vivificat. Certum enim eft quanticumque Paftoris fententiam jure veraciffimo non tenere, fi Divino judicio reprobatur. Nos tamen fub ipfo difceffu noftro, five paci invidens, five amicis et fa- miliaribus profpicere volens, ad inftantiam, ficut dicitur, Gaufredi Cantuarienfis Archi-diaconi, Exonienfis Epifco- pus, fatis argute et ‘nftanter, Rege, Epifcopis, et Pro- ceribus przfentibus, follicitavit circa articulum iftun, di- cens cportere, ut, quemadmodum Dominus Rex fideles poftros in gratiam receperat, ita nos omnes qui cum illo {leterant in gratiam reciperemus. Cui refpondimus, ¢ hic, fi placeret illi, diftinCtionem neceffario admittendam. Nam in eis, quorum advocationem fufceperat, erant homines diverf conditionis, alii nocentiores, alii minus, alii in commurione Ecclefiz, alii excommunicaty, contraétu et participatione nathematis, aut fententia ; ali in fommi Pontificis conftitutionem inciderant; et fine authoritate ejus abfolvi non poflunt alii, ex variis caufis, 2 nobis vel ab Aliis Paftoribus fuis jufto funt anathemate condemnati. Pro- inde in perfonis et caufis tam diffimilibus ratio juris et &qui- (atis vetat idem effe judicium. Nos autem ad omnes, quantum in nobis eft, pacem et charitatem habentes, Do- mini Regis audito confilio, ad honorem FEcclefix Det fuum, et noftrum, necpon et {alutem eorum quibus reconciliatio queeritur, negotium Deo propitio modera- bimur, APPENDIX ‘TO THE THIRD BCOK. bimur, ut fi quis eorum, quod abfit, pace caruerit, recon- ciliationis expers, hoc {ibt, non nobis, debeat jmputare 3 Gum autem ad hxc prefatus Gaufredus Archidiaconus adhuc excommunicatus, ficut incentor difcordie, ita o contemptor jufte fententie, tumidus refponderet, Domi nus Rex, ne fuborientia hinc inde verba caufas oii et { y pita inimicitize fomitem inftaurarent, nos de turba a hens, rogavit ne curar e di , To | y 10g emus qué. dicerentur a ‘talibus, ct ut, pacato animo et tranquillo, et licentiam et benedi&ion em dantes,. cum gratia Del et fua rediremus sd hofpitiom noftrum. Poftea vero accepimus, quod venerabiles in Dominus Rothomagenfis et Epifcopus Nivernenfis irl, inter nes et Dominum Regem jufferatis effe mediatores, of qui de pace noftra folliciti extiterunt, Epifcopo Ca 5 ct tranfeunti In Angliam dederunt in mandatis, ut exc gienfi nicatos noftros abfolveret, {ed incertum eft ’ an el formam quam illis dederatis prefcripferint, aut, fi preefcri a oft an ean fit idem Epifcopus fecuturus. Verumta pta ck, illis mandare licuit, nifi quatenus poteftatem av a = Co > : a vobis acce- perunt, nec lle aliquid egit, {i fines, quos praefcripferatis exceffit. Unde fi placet, necefle eft, ut, fi aliter abfoluti 1 funt, prcipiatis eos fententia, qua tencbantur Gar donec fecundum Fcclefize formam jurent, ut ante Tor py fe veftro mandato parituros, et illis, qui taliter biol Erste ~ ruerint, wn virtute obedientize mjungatis, quatenus mande. f s manda- tum 100 eis e or ] ! {va , quod eis ex parte veftra taciemus, inviolabiliter oh i : {e ent 7 \ 1 i | 1. J L 7S 1 1f i ’ i dant, ut audiant veftrum, fubje@a peera, nifi parueri ut in priftinam {ertentia fiibl ; » DUI paruerin, reponantur. N itenttamy, fublato appellationis obftaculo ob , cum fcriptum cile noverimus, non queres il he , nec Jiemar eris injurie civium tusrum; fed ut oe cll ae Zh exemplo pofiit per Dei gratiam impo S ‘ Oe - ut Spiritus S. St pane paucorum multos ®dificet. Nam Neos: oO. aut or, Slagellato peftilente biens eri re ily oere poterit A 1 i A “ { @wrryur, o poitolicz fedis horit . lantur et hi - authoritas, nifi perc«}- ir et hi, qui Laicorum patrocinio abutente Pf | municati aut prohibiti HERES, CXCom- Quid enim f EL on! prefumpferunt Divina celebrare ~ i . ’ . mane devotus " Picop us, quantumlibet Feclefie Ro- potentum ’ Beri fi ab obedientid cjus, ad nutum enim eft quod Teclef facerdates et clerus fuus? Nihil LCCigiiam ma 1 Liepe , ’ gis debilitet, quam quod Apo- {ftoli ica {edes tal; AC la, cum emergunt, facile preterit impuni- ta. Hee dicentes {ci | icentes {cimus nobis in his exequendis, fi pla- cucrit 50 APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK: “pert vobis, magros, Deo tamen propitio vincibiles, im- minere labores: Sed precelegimus arflam et anguftam viam fequi, qua ducit ad vitam, quam latam et fpatiofam, que per illecebras (eculi trahit ad inferes. De mandato veftro, damnorum noftrorum ad prefens tacita eft reperti- tio. Placeat Serenitati veftre, qualiter vos ‘hic procedere oporteat a latore prafentium exaudire, et ipjuriam corri- gere, que nobis et Feclefiz noftre illata eft in corona- tone filit Regis, alio, contra morem antiquum et manda- tum veftrum, invadente jus noftrum et provinciam noftram. Nece{litas nos coegit excedere modum feribendi, timor et reverentia de dicendis plura reprimere compulerunt, fed Apoftolica Dignatio et Clementia Paternze Manfuetudinis -mmodcrationt, fi placet, veniam dabit, et que dicenda fucrant a latore preefentium folita pietate exaudiat, et pe- titiones, quas per eum porrigimus, -celerius jubeat ad- impleri. N° XXI. Ep. 1xx. 1. v. Thomas Cantuarienfis Archiepifcop Dilefle Filie fue ldonee. This refers HOM A S Dei gratia Cantuarienfis Archiepifcopus, top. 632. 633. et fedis Apoftolice Legatus, Dile&z TFilize fuz Tionez falutem, et perfe®rantem in virtute Obedientiz et Juititie zelo vigorem. Infirma mundi elegit Deus, ut fortia debellaret, intumefcentemque contra Deum auca- ciam Holofernis, viris deficientibus, Ducibus exanimatis, et facerdotibus fere deferentibus legem, feminz Virtus €x- anxit. Hefter ele€ta eft, ut exulantis et condemnata Ec- clefize falutem procuraret. Titubantibus Apoftolis, fu- gientibus, et, quod magis eft, in perfidiath lapfis, Do- minum paflioni addi&um perfecutz funt mulieres; ct, quod amplioris eft fdei manifeftum, etiam mortuo obfe- Satz meruerunt Angelorum vifu et alloquio confortari, €t. percipere Dominice Refurre&ionis primitias, et, latenti- bus Apoftolis et fere defperatione fubmerfis, redemptoris ¢loriam et Evangelil gratiam nunciare. Speramus autem te in illarum, Deo authore, tranficuram efle confortium, quarum APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. quarum Chrifti zelo fuccenfa: apprehendis exemplum. Quia {piritus charitatis, ‘qui a corde tuo timorem expulit, per gratiam (uam faciet, ut tibi, licet ardua videantur que neceflitas Feclefiz Feri conftantius et inftantius exigit, non modo poffibilia, fed facilia fint credenti. Hac ergo de fer- vore, quem habes in Domino, {pe concepta, tibi manda- mus, et in remiffionem peccalorum injungimus, quatenus li- teras Domini Pape, quas tibi mittimus, Venerabih Fratri noftro Rogerio Fboracenfi Archiepifcopo tradas, fi fier poteft, praefentibus fratribus et Co-epifcopis noftris; aut fi eos prefentes habere nequiveris, hoc ipfam facias in pre- fentia eorum quos adefie contigerit. Et, ne originale feriptum poffit aliqua tergiverfatione fupprimi, tranfcriptum ejus legendum circumitantibus tradas, ct eis, prout ple- nius te nuncius inftruet, mentem aperias literarum. La- bori tuo, flia, premium grande proponitur, remiffio pec- catorum, fruétus immarceffib:hs et corona glorize, quam tandem Beate peccatrices, Magdalena et Hgyptiaca, de- letis totius antealtze vite maculis, a Chrifto Domino rece- perunt. Aderit tibi Magiitra mifericordiz, Filium, quem pro mundi {alute edidit, Deum et hominem, rogatura, ut is fit dux, comes, et patronus itineris. Lt quiinferni clau- fra dirumpens D@monum contrivit poteftatem, licentiam coarQavit, ne tibi nocere valeant, manus cohibeat impio- rum. Vale, fponfa Chrifti, et cum cogiies femper efle prefentem #*, # N. B. Some faults in the printed Bruxelles edition of this, and fome other preceding letters, have been corrected from the Cottonian and other Manuicript copies. | “APPENDIX TO THE T HIRD BOOK. NO. XXII A Charter of King Henry the Third, in the old ‘Englifb of that Time, inforcing the late Provifions ‘of Oxon. | Rot. Br. 43 HL TIL m. 15. n% 40. This was HENRY thurg Godes fultome King on Engle- omitted in neloande Lhoauerd on Yrloand Duk on Normand. the A grea. on Acquitain ard Eorl on Anjou. ferd I, greting to alle second hise hclde illerde and ilewede on Huntindonn{chiere ; Book,where thet witen ge wel, alle thet we willen and unnen, that itought '5 ure redefmen alle other the moare del of heom, thet placed,as re- beoth ichofen thurg us and thurg that Loandes Folk, on jerring to p- ure Kureriche habbeth idon, and f{chullen don in the 3n0 of that worthnefs of Gode, and ure treowthe for the freme of the Loande, thurg the befigte of than to foren ifeide redef- men beo ftedefeft and ileftinde in alle thinge abutan nde, and the heaten alle ure treowe in the treowthe thet heo us cgen, that heo flede-feftliche healden and weren to healden and to fwerien the ifetneffes that beon makede ard beon to makien thurg than to foren ifeide reedefmen, ther thurg the moare dal of heom alfwo ; alfe hit 1s be- foren ifeid. And thet xhcother helpe thet for to done bitham ilche other agenes alle men [paucula quadam bic deeffe videnturs bec feilicet aut fimilia : mn alle thinge thet] ogt for to done and to foangen. And noan ne mine of Loande ne of egetewher thurg this befigte muge beon ilet other iwerfed on oniewife. Ard gif oni ether onie cumen her ongenes we willen and heaten, thet alle ure treowe heom helden deadlichiftan. And for thet we wil- len thet this beo ftedefeft and leftinde, we fenden gew this Writ open ifeined with ure Seel to halden amanges gew ine Hord. Witnefs us feluen zt Lundznthane egte- tenth day on the Monthe of O&obr, in the two and fowertigthe geare of ure crunninge. And thir wes don etforen ure ifworen redefmen, Bonefac. Archebifchop on Kacterbur. Walter of Cantelop, Bifchop of Wirechefter, Sim. of Montfort TForle of Leicheftre, Rich. of Clare Forl A APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. + 1 oo Glochefter and on Hartford; Roger Bigod Eorl 3 Nemhfolk and Marefcal on Engleloand, Perres of Sau- ueye Will. of Fort Eorl on Aubem, John de Plefle Eorl on Warwick, Joh. Gefferees-fune, Petres of Muntfort, Rich. of Grey, Rog. of Mortemer, lames of Aldithel, | thre moge. . | EN Dl po tho fhe worden is ifend in to atirichte othre Schire ouer al thare Kuneriche on Englencloanideand ek inter Irelonde.” Fa The fame in Modern Englifh, tranflated by Mr. Somner. ENRY, by God’s help, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy, and of Aquitain, and | Farl of Anjoy, Greeting to alt his faithful Clerks and Laics of Huntingdonfbire: This know ye all well, that we Will * and Grant that which our Counfellors all, or *Unnex. the moft part of them that be chofen by us, and the T + Loandef- 1 People (or Commons) of our Land, have done, and tfhallfolke fignifies do, for the Honour of God, and of their Allegiance to tbe Common le,call us, for the 1 Benefit (or Amendment) of the Land, by ee the Advice or Confideration of our forefaid Couriellors, be rbis day. ftedfaft and performed in every thing for ever. And we vid. Dr. Command all our Liege People in the Fealty that they orady Sit owe us, that they ftedfaftly hold, and {wear to hold [orp. 6s. keep] and to defend [or maintain] the Statutes [or Provi- | Freme. fions] which he made, and fhall be made, by thofe atore- {aid Counfellors, or by the more part of them, alfo, as it is beforefaid ; and that they each other affift the fame to perform, according to that fame Oath, againft all Men, both for todo, and caufe to be done: And none neither of my Land, neither from elfewhere, may for this be hindered, or damnified in any wife : and _it any man or woman oppofe them againft, we Will and Command that all our Liege People them hold for deadly Enemies; and becaufe we will, that this be ftedfaft and lafting, we fend you this Writ open, figned with our Seal to be kept amongft you in* Store ; witnefs our felf at London the * Hord’ 18th day of the Month of O&fsber, in the two and fortieth Year of our Coronation ; and this, was done before our fworn Counfellors, Boniface Archbifhop of Canterbury, Walter a . ——— a . = Rm oe 5 > - —_— a EEA - : = . E mm == APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK Cantelow Bifhop of Worcefter, Simon Montfort ye g Pw Richard of Clare Earl of Clk os of Hartford, Roger Bigod Earl of ‘Norfolk and Mare i of England, Peter of Savoy, William of Fort Farl o 2 ‘bemarle, Fobn of Pleffeiz Earl of Warwick, Fobn of feriffon, Peter of Montfort, Richgrd of Grey, Roger of Mortimer, James of Alditbly, and before-others more. , AND all in thefe fame words is fent into every on) er Shire over the Kingdom of England, and alfo into Ire- land. END OF THE APPENDIX TO THE THIRD BOOK. | OTES and APPENDIXES. BO OK II and III DRIAN, pope, the Lord’s prayer in Englifh rhyme, {21d to have been fent by him into England, page 149, 150. quzre, whether fo ancient? Rabid. | for making the King’s eld- ft fon a knight how long ar- ICrary, 142. ex onder 111, pope, letter to him from the clergy of the A province of Canterbury, 220 i —-223. letter of his to King Henry, 223, 224, letter to him from the Englifth bifhops and clergy, 232---234. letter of his to Becket, 234. to the archbifhop of York, 237, § 2133. bpeals, regulations concerning them, 161, 162. Fchdeaconry of Canterbury, how confiderable a dignity, 2. chers, account of them, 32, 33: B : rnflaple, petition of that town, claiming a very ancient right to fend burgefles to parlia- ment, 102. Baronies, were territorial, grt. yet not pofleflion of land a- lone, but other concurrent cir- cumflances, created nobility, $2, 53. the caitle, or chiet {cat of the barcn, was the head of the barony, 52. Becket, Fitz. Stephen’s account of the price of a dith of eels at his table incredible, 11, 12. a paflage from that au- thor concerning Henry’s mo- tives for promoting him to Canterbury, 24, the caufe he maintained had ro connexion with the liberty of the {ub- je&; what is faid thereupon in the late hiftory of the life of Cardinal Pole confidered, 136. different accounts of the cafe of a criminal ecclefiaf- tick whom he protected, 158. doubt whether he meant the king or pope, in the words, « Tt is my mafler’s pleafure that I fhould forfwearmyfelf,” &c. 1509. cvidence cercems- a Ing 2 ing his anfwer to the fum- mons fent by the king, and other matters preceding the the charges againft him at Northampton, 165---168. €- vidence concerning the pro- ceedings there, 1 68----172. on the banifhment of his friends, 174, 175. to an €Xa- mination of hi¥ caufe, 181. acdount of his difgrace with Louis falfe, 184. letter of the Englith clergy to him, 224--- 227. his letter to them, 228 2. to the bifhop of Lon- don, 243---249- tO the pope, 249. another, 252---253 to the bifhop of Worcefter, 254 25g. letter to him from a friend. 256---257. letter of ‘his to a nun. 284, 285. Blois, Peter of, his letter de- fcribing the perfon and cha- ra&er of Henry II, 192---125. C. Cambridgefbire, whether annex- ed to the earldom of Hun- tingdon, 7. Cathari, OF Albigenfes, an ac- connt of their tenets, 179. Ceorls, account of them, 68, 69. Chancellor of Tngland, account of the office in thofe times, 2-==4. : Charters, how early granted to cities in France and Norman- dv, 33, 34- fee Henry, Fobn, William. | Clarendon, confiitutions of, from the Cottonian manufcript, 204 -—-208. obfervations upon them, 160---162. Conflable of England, 56, 57. ) Crown, account of the revenues of it in ancient times, 132-- [8 137. which alienable, which not, 137---I4I. Crown-lands, the refumption of them by Henry 11. done with the affent of Parliament; on ‘what motives, I, 2. D. Defy, the meaning of the word, 48. Drefs, what Camden fays upon the modes of it in thofe time; 154. E. Earldoms, the Saxon ones ro hereditary, 54. earls, wh girded with a fword when i. vefted with their earldom {f ;bid. firft charter now extaiy for the creation of an eal, © ibid. earldoms differed in the number of knight’s-fees, 5). 56. ce Enfigns on fhields, to d:tingu: “families, beginning and pr grefs thereof, 275 2.8, F. Fealty, diftin@ion between feu- dal fealty and allegiance, 43 women could take the oath SHEE of fealty, but ‘could not co FEES i homage, 47- Females, a late {ucceffion to the crown ¢ France refuted, 175, exclufion itfelf not clearly ¢§ ftablifhed in thofe times, 176 Feudal policy, the ftatute whic firft eftablifbed it in England: § is none of thofe now extant; § 14% | account of the reafon of their exclufion from i I 70. the 3 i | (3 ) 142. paflages in Spelman, and in Wright's tenures on this matter confidered. WW Fitzhaimon, names of the twelve knights who ferved under him in the conqueft of Glamor- ganfhire--9. landers, earl of, true nature of the’ penfion paid him by Hen- ry, 180, 181. the treaty be- tween them, 226---232- ljot, Gilbert, Bifhop of Lon- “don, his letter to Becket, 258. Becket’s to him, 215---220. yrfeiture, might be incurred by the lord as well as. the vaflal, if breaking the ftipulation, 47 griefcue, lord chief juftice, quo- tation from his treatife on ab- folute and limited monarchy, 31---135---140. re derick, the emperor, a fen- ‘tence of depofition pronounced "againft him by pope Alexan- er, 182, 183. ebolders, the right they had ‘among the old German na- tions, 71, 72. G. rants made by the crown, a i petition of the commons on that head in Henry the IVth’s reign, 137---139. H enry 1, his charter to the city of London, 199, 200. enry II, words falfely faid to ‘have been {poken by him, 24, #25. an inftance of his | nature, 7bid. account of his ood § pleafantry with Becket, and ‘cenfure of it, as carricd too far in the fight of the publick, 26. did not ground his title on conqueft, 138. his proceed- ings with, ard punithment of, thofe officers of his, who had opprefled his people, 187, 188. the articles of ‘enquiry on that occafion, 138---240. his words which occafioned Becket’s death, otherwife re- lated, 190." fome promifes at his reconciliation with him, probably mifreprefented, 744d. his charter confirming the li- berties of England, 191. Co- py of the treaty between him and Louis of France, from an ancient manufcript in the Bri- tith mufeeum never printed be- fore, 195---197. his charter to the city of London, 197. the articles he fent over to England, to prevent letters of interdi® from being brought thither, 220. Injunction of like import, three years after, 236, 237. his treaty with the earl of Flanders, 226---232. a charter of his (in the old Englith language) inforcing the provifions of Oxon, 286 ---287. Peter of Ble1s’s let- ter, defcribing his perfon and charaéter, 192, Henry, prince, and Margaret of France, of what age they were efpoufed, 24. Heretach, an officer fet over the militia, 32. whether his of- fice devolved afterwards to the eari of the county, bid. whe- ther not always {ubordinate to him, ibid. Homage, what the ceremonies of it fignified. 43: a z Homage cen a A ( 4 Homage lige, done to the king, but not to him alone, 44. ¢€- vidence which proves it was done to the king, not only by his tenants, bys alfo by his fub-vaflals, 45, 46. Eowel Dba, his laws, and the prefaces to them, 8, 9. LL Tmpofitions without confent of arliament, the pretence for their neceflity, how obviated, 144, Ixvalins foreign, all frecholders were bound to affift in repel- ling them by the common law, 131. = | Fobn, king, his charter to the Jews, 197. tO the town of “ Dunwich, 202. ) John of Salifturysa paffage from | one of his letters, 153. Idi culous miracles afcribed by him to Anfelm, 155. Fofeph of Exciers citation from " “his poem, 150, 151. K. Knighthood, by whom conferred who qualified, and obliged to . receive it? §7, 58. more par- ticulars concerning knights mn ancient times, §8---02. Knights bannerets, 6.4---66. Knights of the Shire, fee Parlia- ment. Knights-fees, how large, 28. dif- - igh between thofe of the ) M. Magiftrates of principal cities, called barons, 55, 56. Marefchal, the King’s, what is (aid of him in the Dial. de Scaccario, 57. ; Matilda, {tone-bridge built by her at Rouen, 179. epitaphs on her, 180. Mapes, Walter de; citation from one of his poems, 152. Merchants, encouragement given to them, 197. Military fervice, alteration in the mode of performing it in En- gland, 345 35- Militia, manner of raifing it for Henry’s expedition againft the | Welch, 10. N. Naples, cardinal John of, hs | letter to King Henry, 23% | 236. Non obftante claufe, when fr | admitted, 150. complained ot | in parliament, 131. Norman titles, why fometim given to the Englifh nobility, § 53: % North Wales, kings of, had 2 8 re-eminence above the other Welch princes, 8. Norwich, bifhop of, why the King did not punifh him or publifhing the excommunica- SE tion againit the carl of Chel- BESS ter, 186, 187. old and new feoffment. 29 | o ’ 30- L. [.othian, its ancient dependence “on the Englifh crown, 4-7 Offa's ditch, 7 P. ; : 2rkable Paris, Mathew, 2 jag oe paffage cited from that hil torian, to thew the opinion of that age concerning the right of refiftance in the vaffal a- gainft his lord, 48---5T. Parliament, Englih, notes con- cerning the conftituent mem- bers thereof in ancient times, and the right of electing or of being elected, as appears from records, or from ftatutes, or from paflages in contem- porary hiftorians, 72---127. Patrons, the ideas of ancient Rome on the reciprocal duties of them and their c/ients con- formable to thofe of the feu- dal law on the reciprocal du- ties of lords and vaffals ; where- in they differed, 42, 43. Penance, impofed upon William the Conqueror’s foldiers, 66. Poetry, Latin, in that age, {pe- cimens thereof, 150---152. R. Rapin Thoyras, 2 miftake of his corretted, 4. another error of his, 1809. Relief of knight’s-fees, the fum thereof, whether and how fixed, 36---40. Rofamond, her body interred at Godftow, 26, 27. afterwards taken up, ibid. S St Alban’s, petition of that town, claiming an ancient right to fend burgefles to parliament, 95---102. Salifbury, earl of, by whom murdered, 183. Scutage, or elcuage, the firft in- troduction and nature of that (FJ impofition, '15—-19. ought ta be affefled in parliament, 19 —-—=22. ’ Serjeantry, 57. Support of the navy, what were the ancient provifions for that purpofe, 28. Sidney, Sir Philip, compared with the Chevalier Bayard. Great teftimonies to his ex- traordinary merit, and to his Iss as a ftatelman, 62, Sern, 68, 69. Stephen, King, coins of his, 11. Subinfeudation, warranted by the feudal law, 30. the limitation thereof, 757d. T. T ouloufe, authorities to thew that Henry avoided to befiege it, cut of regard to Louis, 13. treaty between the twokings, 14, 133, 204. Troparium, what? 168. U. Vavafor and Vavafories, mean- ing of thofe terms, 29, 30. Vexin, King Henry juftified in his proceedings concerning thatcquntry, 14. | Viclir, tus