~ START MICROFILMED 1985 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA - BERKELEY GENERAL LIBRARY BERKELEY, CA 94720 COOPERATIVE PRESERVATION MICROFILMING PROJECT THE RESEARCH LIBRARIES GROUP, INC. Funded by . THE NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES THE ANDREW W. MELLON FOUNDATION Reproductions may not be made without permission. - CU-B SN oos20-% THE PRINTING MASTER FROM WHICH THIS REPRODUCTION WAS MADE IS HELD BY THE MAIN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BERKELEY, CA 94720 FOR ADDITIONAL REPRODUCTION REQUEST MASTER NEGATIVE NUMBER g5-3¢0 2 AUTHOR: Deady A Matthew q35 Pavl, 1324-1 TITLE : Oration delivered at Rose burg... pLace: Portland, Or paTE: 1917 VOLUME F885.5 f5 - CALL D4 x MASTER 3402 NO. NEG. NO. eq Ya HE es s ” NA 6 ta Veady, Natthew Poul, 1834.18223, Crution delivercd at Foseburg, by Latthew PF. Yondy ees July 4, 1877. Published by Lhe > 3 todo imi on Nip Sipe ny St . a X Lormitice of arranpomnunis. Portlama, Ore, Tend yl x os 3 - ou > on eS Printing establsivront of G6. E.Himen, 1877. : aN ne * ® ~L Doe num. 184273 p= wa wer - — 6 0 hl ARIS cmt, WEA, YL, at Ty mene eee CANE Saar MAR TNR TIAN CL SAE OT AES age fe SPE PE WP Sale WN 00 rt FILMED AND PROCESSED BY LIBRARY PHOTOGRAPHIC SERVICE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BERKELEY, CA 94720 8/6 05 2/5 JOB NO. y pate 1/1 8/5 REDUCTION RATIO Q DOCUMENT aq] "SOURCE THE BANCROFT LIBRARY Is ze lz i [122 fl22 lez a ha de [22 Oo fle 22 lis fee MICROCOPY RESOLUTION TEST CHART NATIONAL BUREAU OF STANDARDS STANDARD REFERENCE MATERIAL 1010a (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) LE pp LL | ! 1l ! | ! ! | Y 4 ] | r=" 80 ' | T 7 METRIC WN A 8 4 5% 6 Gy "Ont 2 0a he HS) TIT TTT TIT TTT TT TTT TT TTT TTT TT TTT TTT ITT TIT TT TT TTT TTT Retake of Preceding © / 7 "ROS BY Marrew P. Peavy, LL D. U. S. DISTRICT JUDGE, OREGON. ORATION DELIVERED AT A 1 9 ROSEBURG, 2 wt MATTHEW P.DEADY, LL. D., |$244-18493 ay U. S. DISTRICT JUDGE, $ eeem—— x / . J OREGON, PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS, PORTLAND, OREGON: ‘PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT oF Geo. H. HiMmEs. 2827. Te Lunesyr Ca / iF r 2 CL ilynry Retake of Preceding Frame ORATION DELIVERED AT ROS. MATTHEW P DEADY, LL. D,, [f= U. S. DISTRICT JUDGE, OREGON, PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS, PORTLAND, OREGON : PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT OF Gro. H. HIMES. 1877. i oe " { gw Sit 23/7 Tr Retake of Preceding Frame ORATION DELIVERED AT BURG, 3 MATTHEW P.DEADY, LL, D.,, - U. S. DISTRICT JUDGE, OREGON, JULY 4, 1877. PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS, PORTLAND, OREGON: PRINTING EsTABLISHMENT oF Geo. H. Himes. 1877. F 824 t ) i DH 15427 6 Bancroft Library ORATION. SANCROFT LIBRARY Fellow Citizens, Friends and Old Neighbors of the Umpqua Valley : Westward the course of Empire takes its way! But little more than a quarter of a century ago this beau- tiful and picturesque aggregation of hill and vale, mountain and stream, forest and prairie, now called the Umpqua, was almost an unknown and unoccupied coun- try. Occasionally the camp fire of the traveler was kindled along the trail which led through it from Ore- gon to California. Late in the year, when the beauty of its matchless verdure had partially disappeared, a few immigrant trains had passed over it on their weary way to the far-famed Wallamet. The very spot where we are met to celebrate this one hundred and first anni- versary of American Independence—now a busy thriving town and commercial centre—was still a silent grove. The stately oaks which adorn the site, were then only the shelter of the wild deer and the aborigine. Where now from the center to the circumference of this favored land ascends the curling smoke from many a comfortable farm house and growing village, nothing then marred the face of nature but the dull camp fire and dirty wigwam of the Indian. Where now may be seen the Briarean reaper and thresher, gathering: the 4 Oration by heavy harvest of golden grain upon which the people of the Old World rely for their daily bread, the squalid squaw with much ado, then gathered acorns and camas sufficient to satisfy the demands of hunger. Where now are reared and maintained the temples of Religion, Law and Learning for the cultivation and government of a free and civilized people, knowing no superior ‘but the law, before which all are equal, the savage roamed houseless, in groveling ignorance and superstition—a hopeless slave to the law of brute force, and living with no higher aim than to satisfy the wants and appetites which were common to him and the beasts of the field. ? Look now abroad—another race has filled These populous borders—wide the woods recede, And towns shoot up and fertile realms are tilled; The land is full of harvests and green meads. Yes! Well may the prophetic Berkeley have said: — Westward the course of Empire takes its way. Only about two hundred years ago the wave of immi- gration from Europe first broke upon the Atlantic coast of North America, and to-day we are keeping the anni- versary of American Independence within the sound of the Pacific's surge. During these two centuries the pro- gress of population has steadily followed the course of the sun—across the Alleghanies, up the Mississippi and over the Rocky mountains down to the shore of the Pacific. Here, this European wave seems to have spent its force and reached its limit, te be confronted by a counter wave from Asia, whose future course and career we can only surmise. Matthew P. Deady. J The progress of European immigration upon and across this continent has not been caused by the mere enlargement or growth of an ori ginal settlement, so as to constitute a solid and continuous Empire from ocean to ocean, but rather by the successive formation and growth of distinct, though kindred communities—the younger being an outgrowth of the elder. Substantially, these communities spoke the English language and governed themselves as best they could after the parliamentary method of the mother country—by a deliberative body representing the whole people—and according to the tra- ditions of the Common law. Among the last additions to this aggregation of communities and Union of States is the Pioneer of the Pacific—the great State of Oregon, It was originally formed by the voluntary and inde- pendent immigration of families and individuals from the older communities on the Atlantic slope, while yet the territory was in the occupation of, and claimed by Great Britain. Time’s noblest offspring is the last. Notwithstanding the separate and independent ex- istence of the earlier of these American communities there was from the beginning a tendency to Federation and Unity. The origin of this tendency, which with favoring circumstances afterwards produced the National constitution and government, was the common origin, speech, law, polity and tradition of the far greater num- ber of the Colonists, together with a certain degree of proximity, convenience and similarity of interest. Still in those days, when time and space were not yet annihi- lated by steam and electricity—when a journey from 6 Oration by New York to Charleston or Boston occupied much more time and was attended with greater hardships and in- conveniences than one between New York and San Francisco to-day, it is not probable that the Colonies would have voluntarily consented to the establishment of any central authority among them. There were also points of difference and discord among them, growing out of differences in locality and interest, besides those which, as Cavaliers, Puritans, Jacobites and Huguenots they inherited from the strifes and contentions of the Old World. If under these circumstances they had been left to grow up and mature without any recognized bond of union or central authority it is probable that they would have become distinct and rival States, incapable of any political union, or of becoming component parts of a common but superior government. Fortunately, as it now appears, an external pressure came, sufficient to produce a degree of coalition while yet the respective peculiarities and idiosyncracies of Virginia, the Carolinas and New England were in the gristle of youth and before they had hardened into the bone of maturity. This pressure was the attempt of the British Parliament, in which the Colonies were not di- rectly represented, to tax them. Undoubtedly there were already some adventurous and dissenting spirits in favor of Independence, and all such eagerly clutched at this cause of contention, in the hope of provoking a strife which should end in a total separation between the mother country and the Colonies. But the great ma- jority of the people were still true to the political tra- ditions and principles which they had brought with them from Great Britain. They admitted that they Matthew P. Deady. 7 owed allegiance to the King, but they stoutly denied the right of Parliament to tax them—or in other words, to bind them by legislation. Opposition to this claim of Parliament, which affected all the Colonies alike, led to consultation between these separate communities. Soon, the common idea of the right of the matter was for- mulated in the expression—¢No taxation without repre- sentation,” —which thenceforth, until the Declaration of Independence, became the watchword and ebattle cry of the controversy on this side of the water. As the claim of the Parliament was insisted upon and steps taken for its enforcement, the necessity for united action upon the part of the Colonies became more and more apparent. In 1773 the House of Burgesses of Virginia approved a plan for the formation of committees of cor- respondence by the Colonial legislatures. This led to a convention of delegates from the Colonies—afterward called the Continental Congress—which first met at Philadelphia, on September 5, 1774. These delegates had no legislative power, but they were charged with the duty of censulting together and making common cause with one another, to procure a redress of griev- ances and an acknowledgment of their rights under the British constitution. And now the idea of Union and Federation had found form and expression! The delegates from the hitherto isolated Colonies had met in Convention by authority of the “good people” thereof. Then was laid the founda- tion of that National government which has since pre- served and extended the Union from Maine to Florida, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and carried the yet 8 Oration by unborn flag of the American Republic in triumph around the globe. The Congress of 1774 though confining its action to remonstrance and recommendation, nevertheless, styled itself ‘‘the guardian of the rights and liberties of the People of the Colonies.” Still, it was without any de- fined governmental functions. At most, it was a mere advisory hgdy in which the Colonies—each having one vote without regard to size, wealth or numbers—delib- erated and expostulated with a view of restoring har- mony between the mother country and themselves. Another Congress was appointed in 1775 which from the necessity of the case soon became a revolutionary gov- ernment. This body was a continuous one—vacancies therein being filled as they occurred by the local legisla- tures—and lasted until March 4, 1789—the meeting of the first Congress under the present constitution of the United States. War, which was to last seven years and drench the land in fraternal blood, was—without any formal declaration thereof and while the Colonies were professedly seeking only a redress of grievances—already commenced by the unpremeditated and casual affairs of Lexington and Bunker Hill and the formal siege of Boston. But as the controversy waxed warmer, the coming conflict of arms became more and more apparent. Com- pelled by the necessities of the case, the Congress as- sumed the powers of government and proceeded to cre- ate a Continental currency and army. On June 15, 1775, it appointed Colonel GEorGE WASHINGTON, one of the delegates in Congress from Virginia, commander-in- Matthew P. Deady. 9 chief of the Continental forces of ¢ The United Colonies,” for the defence of the ‘liberties of America.” Events, all tending to produce a formal separation or subjugation of the Colonies followed fast. The petition of Congress to the King was refused a hearing in Parliament, as coming from an illegal assembly in arms against their sovereign. An act of Parliament prohibited trade and commerce with the Colonies and subjected American vessels with their cargoes to capture and condemnation. Open preparations were made to reduce the refractory Colonies to submission, with the odious aid of foreign mercenaries. On the other hand Congress declared that the exercise of authority in the Colonies under the Brit- ish Crown ought to be suppressed; and recommended to the People of the several Colonies the establishment of local governments, independent thereof. At last, that separation and Independence to which all that had gone before was only the prelude, was actually “declared. On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved in Congress, ¢ That these United Colo- nies are, and of right ought to be free and independent States; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be totally suppressed.” On July 2 the resolution received the assent of all the Colonies save Pennsylvania and Dela- ware; and on July 4, just one Century and a year ago, to-day, the Continental Congress by the vote of every Colony, adopted and published to the world, that Dec- laration of Independence which hasgjust been read in your hearing; and which has annually, ever since been re-proclaimed to the uttermost bounds of the Republic and wherever the Stars and Stripes have floated. 70 Oration by The closing scene—the signing of the Declaration which severed the political bands that united the mother country and the colonies, is thus graphically described by Simpson, Oregon’s most melodious poet : * * In Congress Hall The patriot chiefs are gathered all, This day a hundred years ago; And bold John Hancock, rising up, Like one who waves a wassail cup, Lifts o’er his head where all can see, The ringing ritual of the free, And with his pen just freshly dipt, Points to his own gigantic script, That e’en our lisping children know; ¢ The King can read that name,’ he said, ¢ And set his price upon my head!’ Honor to him, and let his name Shine forth as fair in deathless fame! Honor to him, and God bless all Who sat that day in Congress Hall, And pledged their lives and honor bright To stand for freedom and the right. On this occasion the colonies were first designated as, ““the United States of America; and from that day the several communities that had only lately assumed to call themselves ¢ United Colonies’ of Great Britain, have been known both at home and abroad by the significant title which they then assumed, ¢ The United States of America.” Long may they bear it and deserve it ! During the centyry that has just elapsed there has been a more or less active tendency to disintegration and sepa- ration. This tendency has proceeded from causes that are inherent in all Nations and Federations which ex- Matthew P. Deady. }7 tend over large areas, and include many and conflicting local interests. But the strong tendency to Unity and the great utility of Federation have hitherto prevailed to keep intact this political fabric of the United States— even at the cost of a gigantic war and the sacrifice of a million of lives. ‘ But the Continental Congress having now assumed the right to levy war, make treaties and exercise all other powers belonging to a National government, there arose an urgent and logical necessity for some defined govern- ment of the United States, rather than a mere convention of delegates exercising such powers as they felt justified from time to time in assuming. To this end, Congress commenced at once to deliberate upon a scheme of gov- ernment. But such was the difficulty in agreeing upon any plan, that the « Articles of Confederation and Per- petual Union between the States,” as the scheme was called, were not settled and submitted to the States for ratification until November 15, 1777. InJ uly of the fol- lowing year, the ratification was signed by the delegates from eight States, but the remaining five did not all give their adhesion until March, 1781—nearly five years after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. On the next day Congress convened under the Articles of Confederation; and from that day to this, there has been no government of the United States except in pursuance of a written constitution made by the States or the Peo- ple thereof, defining and prescribing its powers and duties. But the government established Ly the Articles of Confederation was only one in name. In fact, it was only a mere league or compact, between independent 72 Oration by political communities. It had no power over individ- uals and the execution of its measures depended upon the several States, whose action could not be constrained except by a resort to arms, and that would have been civil war. But nevertheless, the Confederacy was a long step in the direction of an adequate National govern- ment and a more perfect Union. It was established un- der great pressure, as a necessary means of accomplish- ing the Independence of the States. But it proved the fact, and familiarized the People of the States with the idea, that in some form and for some purpose, a Union of the States was both possible and necessary. It also furnished a larger field for statesmanship, by creating larger interests that attracted and developed a higher order of men, capable of rising above mere local con- cerns and sectional prejudices, and of including within the scope of their vision, the happiness and welfare of a Continent. In the language of another, ¢ It introduced to men’s minds the great ideas of National power and National sovereignty, as the agencies that were to work out the difficult results, which no local power could ac- complish ; and although these ideas were at first vague and indefinite, and made but a slow and difficult progress against influences and prejudices of a narrower kind, they were planted in thé thoughts of men, to ripen into ma- turity and strength in the progress of future years. ‘When on June 20, 1782, the Eagle grasped in his talons the united shafts of power, and unfurled the scroll”’— - E pluribus unum—:<¢ which taught that one people could be formed out of many communities, the destiny of America was ascertained.” But with the peace of 1783, the external pressure of the war for Independence, that had hitherto held the Matthew P. Deady. /3 Confederacy together, was removed, and that weak fabric commenced to give way and decline. During the war, a debt of forty-two millions had been incurred by the Union, but it had not the power to raise a cent by taxa- tion. The Congress had dwindled down to a junta of about twenty indifferent persons, who, unable to agree upon a seat of government, were exercising the powers of the Confederacy, here and there, as they might find shelter and countenance from the local authorities. In this condition it lingered along until by the sheer force of outside pressure and opinion it authorized the conven- tion which met at Philadelphia, on May 14, 1787, to form a constitution for the Umted States, and on Septem- ber 28, 1787, it submitted the work of the Convention to the people of the several States for their approval or re- jection. This Convention was a new spectacle in the history of’ the world. States and kingdoms had before this entered into leagues and compacts in their corporate capacities, for some specific purpose. But this was the first time that the representatives of the People of independent communities ever met together and deliberately formed a National government for the whole. By March 4, 1789, the new Constitution was duly rati- fied by the States, and the government formed under it, successfully launched upon the ocean of experiment. Then the worn out Confederacy, born of the early en- thusiasm for Independence and the throes and the neces- sities of the war for its attainment, was no more. But it had borne fruit. As the apostle to the Gentiles said of the Law, it was our schoolmaster to bring us unto the Constitution. The feeble and inefficient Confederacy 74 Oration by gave place to ‘‘a more perfect Union,” maintained by a National government, supreme within its sphere, over both States and People, and armed with all the powers necessary to uphold and enforce its lawful au- thority. . At the head of the new government was GEORGE W ASH- INGTON—the one man whore both contemporaries and pos- . terity have united in pronouncing, ¢ First in wor, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his eonpiTymen.” And still his i1s— * % % fhe high aspiring name Whose glory all the world has rung— Till every virtue ’neath the sun Is named in naming WASHINGTON. To his ability, wisdom and valor, the. country was largely indebted for the successful issue of the war for Independence. By his force of character, sound judg- ment and admitted patriotism, the new government, in spite of the doubts and croakings of half-hearted friends and the bitter oposition of open and concealed enemies, was inaugurated, upheld and firmly established. Tt is easy to believe, that God in his overruling Providence, had specially endowed and raised up WASHINGTON to command the armies, preside over the deliberations and guide the councils of this country in its long struggle for Independence and Constitutional government. Wanting, it fnay be, in some of the poetical elements, which so easily captivate the multitude, he was, in the lgnguage of his best biographer, ¢singularly well balanced and eminently distinguished for prudence, firmness, sagacity, moderation, and overruling judgment, an immovable justice, courage that never faltered, patience that never Matthew P. Deady. 15 weariéd, truth that disdained all artifice, and magna- nimity without alloy.” The great Defender of the Con- stitution has we¢ll and truly said of him:— ~ ¢ His principle, it was to act right and to trust the Peo- ple for support; his principle,it was not to follow the lead of . sinister and selfish endsand to rely onthe little arts of par- ty delusion to obtain public sanction for such a course. Born for his country and the world, he did not give up to party what was meant for mankind. The consequence is that his fame is as durable as his principles, as lasting as truth and virtue themselves. While the hundreds whom party excitement and temporary circumstances and casual combinations have raised nto transient noto- riety, have sunk again, like thin bubbles, bursting and s dissolving into the great ocean, WasHINGTON’S fame is like the rock that bounds that ocean, and at whose feet its billows are destined to break harmlessly forever.” In the inauguration and administration of the new government, by the side of WasniNaToN stood his most tried and trusted friend, ALExaNDER Hamrirvton. His comprehensive and active mind took in the whole fabric of civil society. The whole period of the revolution and the formation and establishment of the Constitution ¢is . marked by his wisdom and filled with his power.” From the first he perceived the necessity of a National govern-. ment for the Colonies. So early as the year 1780 he sketched the outline of such a government which strong- ly resembled the one long afterwards established. In the Congress of the Confederacy his admirable exposi- tion of the revenue system, the commercial power, and the ratio of contribution, are justly thought to have saved the incipient Union from dissolution. He was the lead- /6 Oration by ing spirit in bringing about the Convention of the States that formed the Constitution. In the language of another—¢ He did more than any other public man of the time to lessen the force of State attachments, to create a National feeling, and to lead the public mind to a comprehension of the necessity of an efficient National government.” While the constitution was before the people of the States for ratification, he wrote—“A nation without a National government is an awful spectacle. The estab- lishment of a Constitution in a time of profound peace by the voluntary consent of the whole People, isa prodigy, : to the completion of which I look forward with trembling . t » , anxiety. As Secretary of the Treasury, he was specially charged with the management of the finances, commerce and navigation of the country. These subjects, and every- thing pertaining to them, were simply without form and void. The country was deeply in debt, without revenue or credit at home or abroad. How HAMILTON in spite of personal jealousy, conflicting interests and selfish ig- norance, both in and out of Congress, brought order and solvency out of this chaos and bankruptcy, has passed into history. In the language of another— He touched the dead corpse of the public credit and it sprang to 1ts feet. He smote the rock of the National resources, and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth.” The record of his labors and achievements will over remain a monument of his comprehensive patriotism, his freedom from sectional prejudices and his taaichless ability as a statesman and jurist. No celebration of this Matthew P. Deady. 717 day—no commemoration of these events—is just or com- plete without the grateful mention and remembrance of these two names—WasHINGTON and HamriLToN—the two men who, more than any others, not only achieved the Independence of the Colonies, but saved them from sub- sequent anarchy and discord—gave them a Constitutional and free government, equal to the exigencies of peace or war—and made them in fact as well as name—TaE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, one and indivisible, let us hope, now and forever! But between this day and the auspicious hour when the Father of his country first vowed to ¢ preserve, pro- tect and defend the Constitution of the United States,” great changes have occurred. The King, Lords and Commons—Hancock and his patriot compeers of the Continental Congress—the sturdy British soldier and his heavy Hessian comrade—the brave Continental army and its gallant French allies—together with all the actors in this important and far-reaching drama, have long since been numbered with the dead. During the century, of which time is now marking the last days, the untried and almost unknown United States, has become the great Republic, under the broad eegis of whose Constitu- tion the People of all nations have been gathered, until the original Sisterhood of States has been trebled and the population four times quadrupled. LY now Gigfntic daughter of the West, has long sipde disputed the supremacy of the seas with her otherwise invincible Mother, and taken her place, in war and peace, in the front rank of the family of nations. To-day, within her far-reaching borders, forty 76 Oration by ing spirit in bringing about the Convention of the States that formed the Constitution. In the language of another—¢ Ile did more than any other public man of the time to lessen the force of State attachments, to create a National feeling, and to lead the public mind to a comprehension of the necessity of an efficient National government.” While the constitution was before the pecple of the States for ratification, he wrote—¢“A nation without a National government is an awful spectacle. The estab- lishment of a Constitution in a time of profound peace by the voluntary consent of the whole People, is a prodigy, - to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety.” As Secretary of the Treasury, he was specially charged with the management of the finances, commerce and navigation of the country. These subjects, and every- thing pertaining to them, were simply without form and void. The country was deeply in debt, without revenue or credit at home or abroad. How HAMILTON in spite of personal jealousy, conflicting interests and selfish ig- norance, both in and out of Congress, brought order and solvency out of this chaos and bankruptcy, has passed into history. In the language of another——¢ Ie touched the dead corpse of the public credit and it sprang to its feet. He smote the rock of the National resources, and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth.” The record of his labors and achievements will ever remain a monument of his comprehensive patriotism, his freedom from sectional prejudices and his matchless ability as a statesman and jurist. No celebration of this Retake of Preceding Frame Matthew P. Deady. 17 day—no commemoration of these events—is just or com- plete without the grateful mention and remembrance of these two names— W asHINGTON and IHaMILTON—the two men who, more than any others, not only achieved the Independence of the Colonies, but saved them from sub- sequent anarchy and discord—gave them a Constitutional and free government, equal to the exigencies of peace or war—and made them in fact as well as name—TuE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, one and indivisible, let us hope, now and forever! But between this day and the auspicious hour when the Father of his country first vowed to ¢ preserve, pro- tect and defend the Constitution of the United States # great changes have occurred. The King, Lords and Commons—ITancock and his patriot compeers of the Continental Congress—the sturdy British soldier and his heavy Hessian comrade—the brave Continental army and its gallant French allies—together with all the actors in this important and far-reaching drama, have long since heen mubered with the dead. During the century, of which time is now marking the last days, the untried and almost unknown United States, has become the great Republic, under the broad segis of whose Constitu- tion the People of all nations have been gathered, until the original Sisterhood of States has been trebled and the population four times quadrupled. The now Giga daughter of the West, has long sipce disputed the supremacy of the seas with her otherwise invircible Mother, and taken her place - o ) in war and peace, in the front rank of the family of nations. To-day, within her far-reaching borders, forty /8 Oration by millions of people keep joyfully the Anniversary of her Independence, while in hamlet, town and city, through- out the civilized world, sympathizing and admiring friends join in the loud acclaim—Hail Columbia, happy land ! When the Bell at Philadelphia rang out the Dec- laration of Independence in tones befitting the sacred injunction engraved upon its surface—¢¢ Proclaim liberty throughout the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof "— the Colonies were yet comparatively poor and obscure, and their industries and productions of the fewest and simplest kind; but on the first Centennial of that Dec- laration the representatives of all nations, and the elite of the world were thronging into the same city, to wit- ness and participate in an exhibition of the products of science and art in honor of this memorable event, such as the world has never seen. To such a rich heritage of country and institutions have we of this generation succeeded. How different from the condition of those who ventured upon the ex- periment of Independence and self-government a hundred years ago. And yet who will say, we are not upon the very threshold of our National existence. Imagine, if you can, what will be the result of the continuous existence of the American Union upon this continent for the next thougand years, and you have an idea of the wonderful possibilities of the future of this country. To-day, England is in the nicth century of her existence since the Norman conquest. During all this time she has maintained substantially the same form of government—the changes therein, however numerous, being gradual and consisting mostly in the application Matthew P. Deady. 79 of established forms and recognized principles to new conditions and circumstances of society. So, the Independence of the American colonies and the criatilish ment of representative governments, State and National therein, was only the result of an adaptation of the fundamental principles of the English law and constitu- tion by a people of" that lineage, to the changed circum- stances of their existence in the New World. Shall we not, then, show ourselves worthy of our lot by preserving and improving this heritage for those who come after us, to be by them transmitted to their suc- cessors to the last syllable of recorded time? How shall we best do this, 1s the question of the day. The answer 1s, by promoting and encouraging that individual integ- rity and intelligence, without which civie virtue is i possible, and preserving, according to the circumstances of the times, the proper balance, proportion and har- mony between the National government and those of the States—the centripetal and centrifugal forces of the Union. Any form of government in which the People have any considerable voice or power imperatively requires a corresponding amount of individual integrity and in- telligence. The decay and downfall of popular govern- ments have always arisen from and always will be the re- sult of a lack of public virtue—a failure on the part of the majority of the people entrusted with power and in- Saas, to exercise the same for the highest public good. The nursery and seed plot of the civic virtues is the home government—the government of the neighborhood —the ‘State. Here the mass—the People—participate 20 Oration by with a large degree of directness in the management of public affairs, and by actual experience and observation acquire political insight and wisdom. In the selection of their immediate rulers and representatives, they are able to act upon a considerable observation and knowledge concerning the merits and fitness of the respective can- didates. Then, out of these circumstances of contact and acquaintance, grows up a relation between officers and people of personal trust and confidence, that is a ~ surer guarantee against official negligence or misconduct than any pecuniary bond or pledge. Patriotism—that love of country which puts the common-weal before self, the People before the individual—that lofty and dis- interested sentiment which led Curtius and Decius to devote themselves to certain death for the safety of Rome; that moved— The patriot Tell, the Bruce of Bannockburn; and that impelled Arnold Winkelried to impale his body upon the hostile spears of the Austrian invaders and thus “make way for liberty,” is generally the growth of a limited and well defined locality—one having a marked natural boundary and identity or long established separate existence. When the city of Rome made itself mistress of the civilized world and extended the boasted privilege of Roman citizenship to all the nations of the earth, the identity and individuality of the city was proportionally destroyed. The sentiment of patriotism diffused over so large and ill-defined a sur- face as the Empire, became too attenuated and in- distinct, to be of any avail as a motive power or in- centive to noble and disinterested action. So, however powerful and extended this American Union may yet Matthew P. Deady. 21 BANCROFT LIBRARY become—and with a people sufficiently honest and in- telligent, it might well embrace the whole of North America—its beneficent duration must primarily rest on and depend upon the character of the local communities and governments out of which it is constituted, and upon which its Arch, however expanded, can only safely rest. Whatever danger there may be or has been of the triumph of anarchy and disunion because of the com- parative weakness of the central power—the National government—still it must never be forgotten, that this Union—the Republic of the United States—is not and never was intended to be a Roman Empire. No, it is not, and may it never become, a single, solid government, to which all political action and opinion must bow and’ conform. Letitratherremainanaggregation of local com- munities with a certain amount of autonomy or self-govern- ment, but still bound together and held in place by a central government, which, though supreme within its sphere, is itself subordinate to their combined wills and di- rection. Within these communities and governments, the great bulk of local interests and affairs, concerning which, the general government is usually neither directly concerned nor well advised, may be best promoted and administered. Among them will also be found more or less shelter, freedom and opportunity for those, who for conscience or other sake are excluded from the councils, honors or emoluments of the Union. This itself is a great safety valve for what might otherwise develop into sedition and rebellion. Besides, the very existence of these distinct communities or States, within the Union, provokes and promotes a healthy rivalry and emulation in the conduct of whatever pertains to their domestic or social affairs, which, though often attended by disap- 4 Oration by pointment and failure, gradually increases the general stock of political knowledge and thereby improves the condition of the whole. When in 1867 the National government undertook to establish a system of bank- ruptey, it found the leading features of the enactment in the well tried and long established insolvent laws of Massachusetts. The experiment of doing away with im- prisonment for debt was first tried in one State and then another, until the general experience and opinion in its favor, induced the National government to make it the law of the Union also. The modern codes of procedure in the United States, are the results of a certain move- * ment and experiment upon the subject commenced many years ago in the State of New York. But were this vast country once subject to one great central government, without political division other than departments for the convenient administration of the laws and rescripts of the Empire, instead of this local activity and emulation, producing self-respect, inde- pendence and patriotism in the citizen and educating him to a right understanding of his duties and privileges, we should have a dead level of political monotony over which the arbitrary breath of Imperialism might sweep uninformed and uncontrolled by the light of local opinion or the force of local authority. The Empire being the only source of power and fountain of honor, its capital or court would become to the rest of the country what Paris is to France. Thither the enterprise, ambition, wealth and culture of the departments would continually flow, in search of place, power and enjoyment, leaving the country at large—particularly the remoter and less opulent portions of it—with only the more ignorant and Matthew P. Deady. 23 poorer sort to constitute its people and conduct 1ts bus- iness and affairs. Without the State the Union of States is impossible. Abolish the State or allow it to fall into contempt or be- come imbecile and you supplant the Union built upon. antonomous States, with the Empire, divided into ad- ministrative departments and ruled by a Prefect or Briga- dier, responsible only to the central authority. It is absolutely necessary, then, to the preservation of the harmony and proportion of our admirable system of gev- ernment, that the pillars of the Union—the States—be maintained in the position which the Constitution has prescribed for them and long experience has proven necessary. For if they are ever destroyed or thrown out of line, the superincumbent Arch of this glorious Union must become a ruin incapable of reconstruction. But the maintenance of the State in all its integrity and usefulness depends upon the People thereof. As they are so will the State be. What constitutes a State? Not high raised battlements or labored mound, Thick wall or moated gate; Not cities proud with spires and turrets crowned Not bays and broad-armed ports, Where, laughing at tHe storm, rich navies ride; Not starred and spangled courts, Where low-browed baseness wafts perfume to pride. No ;—men, high-minded men, * ok * * xk Men who their duties know, But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain, fk. ge oR ® % These constitute a State; 24 Oration by And sovereign law, that State’s collected will O’er thrones and globes elate, Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill. Oregon! The matchless land of snow-capped moun. tains and verdure clad valleys—of swelling rivers and placid lakes—of majestic forests and broad prairies—of rich harvests and luscious fruits—of fair women and brave men. Oregon!—Our own loved land! The first American community on the Pacific coast—may she ever be such a State! A pillar of this Union, firm and unswerv- ing as her everlasting hills. Upon her patriotic sons and daughters is devolved the duty of keeping this pil- larin position. They must see toit that their State keeps step to the music of the Union—that she yields a willing obedience to the paramount authority of the National government as declared by the pre-ordained and final arbiter between the State and Nation—the Supreme Court of the Republic—and that she also contributes by her example and her Representatives in the National councils, to maintain the Union in its sphere, undisabled by weakness, and untarnished by corruption. The stream rises not higher than its fountain. The usefulness and perpetuity of the Union depend upon the strength and character of its foundations—the People of the several States. If the Senators and Representatives in Congress from Oregon are honest and capable, so far will the deliberation and action of that body promote the public good and the perpetuity of the Union. But “we will not and cannot be so represented unless the tone of political morality and the standard of public virtue in the State, is sufficiently firm and elevated. Nothing tends to lower the character and qualifications of mem- Matthew P. Deady. 25 bers of Congress more than the too prevalent idea that he is the best member who, either by hook or crook, gets the most out of the National treasury or domain for his State or constituents. Pushed to its logical conclusion this theory would make Congress a mere contrivance for the division and distribution of the revenues and assets of the Union among its members, in proportion generally, to their ability to get what they are not entitled to. To aid in inculcating and maintaining a proper stan- dard of public virtue is the bounden duty of every good citizen of Oregon. In the performance of this duty, it is of the first importance to commence at home. In the election of precinct justices and constables, you are help- ing to form the standard of public virtue which will ob- tain in the selection of governors, judges and members of Congress. Remember, the elective franchise is not a per- sonal right but a trust conferred upon you by law, with the implied understanding that you will only use it accord- ing to your best judgment, for the public good. A vote given upon any other consideration is a breach of this trust and an abuse of this franchise. Always vote so as to honor and reward virtue and merit, and dishonor and repress vice and incapacity. Public virtue cannot exist without private virtue. On the contrary the former is only the reflex of the latter. In the long run, the man who is immoral and dishonest in his private life will be so in his public one. Therefore let no nomiration or dictation, by any party or body of men, constrain you to support a candidate, however smart or popular, whom you have reason to believe is unworthy of your confi- dence and esteem as an individual. Insist upon a good character and an upright life as a qualification for office 26 Oration by and as a rule your offices will be filled with none other, In this way every citizen can materially contribute to the integrity and durability of the State and National gov- ernments. The indifference of the public, to the character and conduct of those who make and administer the laws, is one of the most unfavorable symptoms of the time. Un- Jess there is a change for the better in this respect, the time will come, when the property of the country will be compelled to seek shelter from popular misrule and confiscation in the Empire or its equivalent. The gross robbery of the taxpayers of New York was perpetrated by Tweed and his accomplices under the forms of popu- lar government, based upon universal suffrage. It was mainly accomplished by the votes of a large number of indigent and ignorant Or unscrupulous and careless electors who voted either as they were bought or bidden. The celebration of the Fourth of July, however proper, will not of itself produce honest government and good laws. The People must be educated—not intellectually alone—but morally and industrially as well. The test of right and wrong must not be mere success or counven- jence. A living, not truly and honestly obtained, must be regarded as a larceny. Our precious, but dangerous gift of freedom, must be kept within the safeguards of God's righteous law. The Decalogue and the Sermon on the Mount must once more furnish the standard of morality in both public and private life. The youth of the country, upon whom its future depends, must be taught to respect and emulate— The austere virtues strong to save Matthew P. Deady. The honor proof to place or gold— The manhood never bought nor sold. Europe and Asia are growing old! Their avenues to wealth and distinction are filled with long preferred can- didates. The lives of the masses are so circumscribed by circumstance, that the majority of them must live and die in the place and status where they were born. But the United States is still in the flush and vigor of youth. 'The opportunities for self-improvement, ad- vancement and distinction are within the reach of the greater number. : Yes; America! Land of WasHINGTON and HawMmivTon! The newly risen Star of the West! The youngest daugh- ter of Time! Thy history is not in the past but the future. Thy career is yet to be run. The fame of thy greatness and achievements may yet fill the world, and endure forever. Then— Look up, look forth, and on! There’s light in the dawning sky; The clouds are parting, the night is gone; Prepare for the work of the day! Fallow thy pastures lie, And far thy shepherds stray, “And the fields of thy vast domain Are waiting for purer seed Of knowledge, desire and deed; The keener sunshine and mellower rain! But keep thy garments pure: Pluck them back with the old disdain, From touch of the hands that stain; So shall thy strength endure. Transmute into good the gold of Gain, 28 Oration by Matthew P. Deady. Compel to beauty thy ruder powers, Till the bounty of coming hours Shall plant, on thy fields apart, With the oak of Toil the rose of Art! Be watchful, and keep us so: Be strong, and fear no foe: Be just, and the world shall know! With the same love, love us, as we give; And the day shall never come, That finds us weak or dumb To join and smite and cry In the great task, for thee to die, And the greater task for thee to live! OF TITLE