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AUTHOR: Dwinelle , John Whipple,
1816-1881 -

TITLE: A history of the vise ---

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» John Whipple, 1816-1881,

A history of the rice, decline, and fall, of the Independent
Party of 1873, in California: by John W. Dwinelle, one of that
Party, [San Francisco, 1875]

12 p, (incl, cover) 22cm,

Caption title,

Previously published under tite: An open letter to the Inde-
pendent Republicans of California, and especially to those of the
City and County of San Francisco,

"People’s Independent Party, Meeting of the State Central

Dwmefle Committee of the Party, * p, 4-5 as quoted from The Daily San

Francisco Bulletin of January 21, 1875,
Cowan, A bibliography of the history of California, 1510~1930,
p. 1389,

3 See next card,
7 CU=B 69

 
 

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A HISTORY

OF THE

Rise, Decline, and Fall, of the Independent
in California;

Party of 1873,

BY

{

FLn 2
i DW.?
¥ T —~N\

JOHN W. DWINELLE,

One of that Party.

 

[The following letter was published before the
late election under the title «« An open letter to the
Independent Republicans of California, and espec-
ially to those of the City and County of San- Fran-
cisco.” It is now republished as a permanent con-
tribution to the political history of the State, with
some additions and corrections, which, if of any
great extent or importance, are enclosed in brackets. ]

I think it is well, occasionally, tor people who de-
vote some thought to politics and to political events,
to address their fellow citizens on those topics, and
present thelr views, not in an oratorical form, but
in a conversational way, to be read rather than
listened to. I am no politician in any practical
sense; I never presented myself to the electors to
be chosem to any office of profit, but I have given
much thought to politics, for the welfare ot all thas
I hold most dear is involved in the existence of a
good Government. I have sometimes gone to Btate
political Conventions, when matters of great im-
portance were agitated, but not more than once in
seven years on the average since I became a voter.
I have never neglected an opportunity to vote at a
political election since I came of age. I have there.
fore been thoughtful and faithful in the discharge
of my duties as a voter. Whether my thoughts are
of any value or not I do not presume to say. But
intelligent citizens do not accept dogmas a8 po-
litical principles, and the crude fallacies of one
man’s reagoning may guide another to the truth. I
shall use the first person as being the most familiar
and emphatic : egotism is a matter of fact, and nos
of manner,

THE SCIENCE AND THE ART OF POLITICS.

To be a politician, in the highest sense of the
term, is to be a statesman. Politics in its broadest
sense is the science of Government. In its actual
working it is the art of Government reduced to praoc-
tice. If we were not citizens and voters, politics
would not interest us a8 it does. But being both
citizens and voters it is a matter of duty and of in.
terest to us to study politics, both as a science and
as an art,

THE DUTY OF EVERY VOTER

Is to determine by the light of his intellect and
morals what political measures ought to be adopt-
ed ; and then, as a practical question, to decide how

 

he can best aid in the accomplishment of that pur.
pose. For to every talent, right and privilege that
one posiesses, is attached a corresponding duty.
Every thing on earth is limited by some qualifica-
tion. Even the completest liberty of action is not
perfect freedom, but is limited by responsibility,
and so the right of every citizen to vote is limited by

THE DUTY OF EVERY CITIZEN TO VOTE AT ELECTIONS,

For, as the elective franchise is one of the most
precious privileges which a citizen can enjoy, it is
also the most sacred trust confided to him, and in.
volves the highest degree of responsibility. The
most important measures of legislation, the ques.
tion of war or peace, nay, the very existence of a
nation, may depend upon a single vote. Every citi-
zen, then, ought to exercise the elective franchise as
a sacred duty, and for his honest, intelligent and
faithful fulfillment of this duty he is responsible to
God, to his fellow citizens, to his children and to
mankind. We have no right, then, to shrink from
the discharge of this duty, and we become criminal
if we discharge it in a careless manner. Among some
early Athenian democracies there was a law requir-
ing every citizen to vote at every election, and also
to take sides in every political movement ; and even
if there were a forcible attempt to overthrow the
Government, he must enlist on one side or the other
or be deemed guilty of treason. I hold that a voter,
who will not vote except when he pleases, should
not be permitted to vote at all. There is

A LAW ON THE STATUTE BOOK OF CALIFORNIA
Providing that the County Clerk shall strike off from
the Great Register of Voters the name of a party :

«When it appears, by the returns made by the
Board and Olerks of Election, that the respective
party did not vote during the next preceding three
years at any general or judicial election.”

I was the author of that provision. It was enacted
with general applause. Surely it is a very slight
penalty to inflict upon a voter who has neglected to
vote for three years, to presume that he is dead, and
strike his name from the list of voters, and compel
him to make application to have it restored, in case
he wakes up to a sense of his duty. It is one of our
great privileges, not accorded to the mass of voters
even in civilized nations where universal suffrage
exists, as in France and Germany, to discuss politi-
cal questions in public assemblies and in the public
press, so that we may intelligently and conscien-
tiously determine how we ought to vote. The ques-
tion

 
A History of the Rise, Decline, and Fall,

HOW INDEPENDENT REPUBLICANS OUGHT 70 YOTR

At the coming election is a very serious one, and
involves many thousand votes.
cial election held in October last, 25,600 votes
were cast for the Independent candidates, of which
it may be taken for granted that ome balf, or 12,800
votes were cast by those who had been up to
that time Republicans. They are all interested, and
the country is interested, in their voting right, both
in principle and in fact.
1 HAVE A BIGHT TO DISOUSS THE QUESTION

How an Independent Republican should vote. On
August 23d, 1875, being then a resident of Alameda
county, I nominated myself as a candidate for the
Assembly from that county, on a platform of my
own. I was afterwards nominated by an Independent
County Convention in that county, and wus defeated
in the canvas. Inasmuch as my candidacy and
defeat have been sneered at in the Bulletin because
I publicly asked Hon. John F. Swift some ugly
questions, I feel permitted to say that Iran 932 votes
ahead of the average of my ticket; that I was treated
with perfect fairness by the Democrats who acted
with the Independent party ; znd thet I recognize
the right of such Democrats to resume their place
in the Democratic party when the State orgsnigation
of the Independent party was forcibly seized by a
few professional politicians and perverted to their
own private purposes. Afterwards I went to the In.
dependent State Convention, held at Sacramento on
meptember 25th, 1873, a8 a delegate from Alameda

County. But I was not a shaw delegate ; 1 did not |

obtain a seat in the State Convention by false pre-
tences ; I was actually sent there by a representative
body of Indepenients, culled pursuant to public no-

tice, who furnished me with credentials, upon which |
1 obtained my seat. I have been attacked in the |

public prints during the present campaign on the |
ground that 1 have abandoned some of the political
opinions expressed in my own platferm, published
when I announced myself as a candidate for the As- |
sembly, and in the resolutions of the State Inde- |
pendent Convention of 1873.

CHANGE OF POLITICAL OPINIONS,

It is a favorite way of replying to an argument, to
accuse the proposer of inconsistency, because he has
at some previous time entertained quite different

lar argument to be addressed to an imperfect being
whose normal condition is that be must live and
learn. When Nathaniel Macon boasted that he had
never changed an opinion, it was an apt reply to
him, «Then you have always been a child.” When
an old speech had been flung into Lord Palmersten’s

face in Parliament, his only reply to that argument |

was : «I have changed my mind since I made that
speech.” The science of politics requires the appli-
cation of fixed principles to the ever varying con-

ditions of society, The science of politics does not
vary with conditions, but the practical application |

does ; 80 that a measure which to-day is desirable,

next year may become ruinous. Wellington changed |
front on the Catholic question ; Peel receded on |
the Corn laws; Gladstone gave up the Established |

Oharch in Ireland ; Disraeli altered his opinion on
the 8uffrage question ; and all these with generslap.
probation. But

I HAVE CHANGED NO POLITICAL OPINIONS

On any subject. I have changed my belief on some |
matters of fact. I do not now believe that Presidens |
Grant is scheming for a reélection; nor do I now |
think that he could, with propriety, have made any |

public announcement on that subject, except at the
time and in the manner in which he did make it. I
do not now believe that President Grant is at the

head of a Federal Ring : I do not now believe that |

At the State Judi- |

the political reforms which I think desirable are to
be accomplished by an Independent party, or by any
party, but only by an amendment to the Constitution
of the United States, which cannot be made by &
party vote.

| I DO NOT THINK THAT CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS

Have within the last few years presented a safe
method of enacting reforms. They have seemed to
contain more destructive than conservative elements,
and judicious observers have come to prefer amend-
ments prepared and approved by successive legis-
atures, and then submitted to the people, a8 secur-
ing that mature and dispassionate deliberation
which ought to accompany such organic legislation.
I am of opiniou that if the present constitution of
California were amended by the creation of a Supe-
rior Criminal Court which ghonld relieve the
Supreme Court in all criminal cases, and the District
Court in all capital cases of felony; restrict the
power of the legislature in special cases; enlarge
the jurisdiction of Boards of Bupervisors; and
perhaps make three or four clauses gelf-executing,
which are now construed to be only directory, we
should have a constitution which would answer our
purpose for the next fifty years, without such an
overturn of the organic laws as would result from a
constitutional convention. I think itis a good to-
ken of a wise thoughtfulness on .this subject, that
the proposition to call a convention to amend the
Constitution of the State, was defeated by the vote
of the people at the late election. The same reasons
apply with a double force to any attempt to amend
the Uonsiitution of the United States, except by the
mode in which it has hitherto been amended.
CONDITION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES,

I do not believe that the war at the Bouth
is entirely ended. I did think go until the
Democratic party bad carried so many of the Btate

| elections last Fall at the East. Since that time Iam

satisfied, from the declarations of leading politicians
at the East, and from events at the South, that it is
necessary to continue a Republican administration of
the General Government in order to protect the emaa-
cipated negroes from the whites, and possibly to pro-
tect people of our own color from that general mas-

| sacre of the whites by the negroes, which recent telegrams

are intended to convince us has been organised by the

opinions on the subject. This is certainly a singu. | negroes at the South!!!

I have changed my opinion in relation to the con-
dition of things at the South. I myself heard natives
of the South say last Fall, when the news came
of Democratic successes at the East: «Now we'll
burst the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend-
ments like a row of buttons off an old coat,”
Ido not believe that this is the prevailing sentiment
of the Democratic party, either in California or else-
where; but it is the sentiment of a portion of it, and
of a portion which is as energetic as it is bigoted
and fanatical ; and it has often been the misfortune of
of the Democratic party to be controlled by precisely
such a minority as this. The Democratic party is
laboring, just at this moment, under a still groater
misfortune, and that is, that it dares not put in its
platforw, as cardinal principles, the political senti-
ments of the majority of that party. Meet the
average Democrat on the street, and he will tell you
and tell you truly, in answer to questions: « I am
in favor of paying the National debt in coin; Iam
opposed to assuming any portion of the Confederate
debt; I am opposed to making any compensation for
the loss or emancipation of slaves, or of the property
of confederates taken or destroyed in the war; I am
in favor of sustaining the thirteenth, fourteenth and
fifteenth amendments to the Constitution, and of
carrying them out by appropriate legislation; I am
opposed to protective tariffs; I am in favor of a
currency equivalent to coin.” But no convention of

Of the Independent Party of 1873, in Californie. 3

|

the Democratic party, from a school-district caucus |
up to a national convention, dares put one of these |

propositions into a series of resolutions or into a

platform. They are afraid that they would lose |
| value in the great money marts, and every time that

votes by doing 80; they are afraid of Democrats of

the so-called « conservative’ class, who encouraged |

the South te secede, and then abandoned her in her
distrees. ]

I make these explanations not for my own vindi-

cation, for I am not a candidate for any office, and

no one has a right to ask me for an explanation, | . iP 3
still less to attack me as I have been net in the private citizens before the public, 1 am satisfied that

public press, because I asked some pertinent ques-
tions of a person who wanted me to vote for him.
But I do this to ease the conscience of any Inde-
pendent Republican who may be afraid of doing

what be thinks is right, because he fears being | I have looked upon him with great interest during

charged with inconsistency.
But there is one political opinion which 1 have
not changed either in matter of theory or of fact,

which i8 expressed in the words of Abraham |

Lincoln :

«The Government of the United States is a Gov-
ernment of the people, by the people, and for the
people.”

I am not yet sorry that the Independent party
made the effort it did two years ago, nor shall I

ever regret it, unless the remote consequences of |

that movement shall place a Democrat in the Presi-
dential chair, upon such a negative platform as will

probably be adopted by the next Democratic National |

Convention. 1 am sorry that the movement did |

not become national, and that it failed as
a party movement.

failure was because pretended reformers at the

I think that the cause of its |

East did not join hands with us and form a National |

Independent party, embracing the Republican party
and a large part of the Democratic party
in the movement. Instead of doing this they or-
ganized themselves into bodies of mercenaries, hold-
ing the balance of power between the two great par-
ties, and receiving ottice as the price of their vote.
The result was that they gave a temporary majority
to the Democrats in several States. It was well to

make the effort to organize a National Independent |

party if only to know that it could never succeed.
IF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY WERE BOLD ENOUGH

And honest enough to put in its platform what the

of the Government as established by Jefferson, Jack-

erate claim or indebtedness shall be brought into
competition with it? Verily, among its serpentine
qualities, the Democratic party has not that of wis-
dom. Meanwhile, Confederate bonds have a quotable

we «bury the hatchet,” they rise one per cent, in
value. The name of the

HON. JOHN F. SWIFT

Will be often mentioned in this letter. From the free-
dom with which he himself brings the names of

he will find no fault with me for thus using his

| name, but on the contrary will rather be pleased at

it. But I shall speak of him in his political char-
acter only, and exclusively in reference to his poli-
tical acts and position. I know Mr. Swift very well.

the last twenty years, while by hard study and un.

remitting labor he has completed an imperfect edu-

cation, and acquired an intellectual profession. I
like him personally, and it has been a great pleasure
to me to meet him often at the lunch-table of the
Bar Association. But as a practical politician I con-

| sider him a complete failure, and the most unscru-
| pulous manipulator that I ever knew.

I DO NOT BLAME GOVERNOR BOOTH,

Or any other R2publican, for what he or they
did as members of the Independent party two years
ago. What they did, I myself fully concurred in,
and still fully approve. But I did not understand
that our action there committed any one to any ab-
golute finality. I understood that we were trying
an experiment, and that if it failed, we should deter-
mine at future Conventions what course to pursue.
7 did not break down the bridges behind us, but
rather assisted to throw a bridge from the camp of

| the Republican party to occupy a better base of op-

erations on the other shore; yet I understood that
if we found ourselves too weak to maintain our posi.

| tion, and were not reinforced from the Republican

army, we would retreat back to it. I did not under-
stand that the supply of San Francisco with cheap
water or gas, or the electicn of any par-
ticular person to Congress was to become our plat.
form, destroy our organization, or convert it into an

; oligarchy, or originate an attempt to impose upon

the people by false pretences. But one

¢ | thing I did understand, and that was that
rajority of Democrats say they profess—the policy |

son, Van Buren and Polk; free trade; hard money ; |

free homesteads; the elevation of the laboring
classes : and would add to it the payment of the
National debt in coin; early resumption of specie

payments; contraction of the currency instead of |

inflation ; the full recognition of the Constitutional

amendments ; a declaration that no compensation |

shall ever be made for property of the enemies of

the United States, destroyed or confiscuted during |

the civil war, or for slaves emancipated ; and that

no portion of the Confederate debt shall ever

be assumed or paid by the United States, it would
carry the elections, place itself in power, and remain
there so long as it was faithful to its pledges. But
it dares not do this. It is afraid of Fernando Wood,
of George Pendleton, and of a spectral army of buga-
boos at the South. Can it not see that in England
every holder of consols is a friend of the Govern-

| THE INDEPENDENT PARTY WAS ORGANIZED COM-

PLETELY

By that Convention, and that I, myself, had as much
right title, interest and estate in that organization
as any other voter in California. It did not belong
to John F. Swift, although it must be confessed he
acted at that Convention as if it belonged to him;
telling us what to do ; making most of the motions ;
writing the platform ; indicating to us whom to nom-
inate for Judge, and «bossing the job” generally. I
thought at the time:

«Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world

Like a Colossus ; and we petty men

Walk under his huge legs and peep about

To find ourselves dishonorable graves.”

I never had seen Swift—Hon. John F. Swift says
Ralston, Stanford, Latham, Haggin, Tevis, Colton

| and Carr in his speeches, and why should I not say

ment, and is ready to fight for it; that Alexander |

Hamilton was wickedly wise when he wished to

create a funded national debt, so that its holders |

would join their fortunes to the Federal party and
keep it in power; that although not one of the 50,-
000 forehanded voters who holds a $500 national
bond would sell his vote for $500, yet he is very
prone to vote for the party which assures him that
his bond shall be paid in coin, agd that no Confed-

|

Swift, just as we say Cesar, Napoleon, Wel.
lington, Washington, Lincoln, Butler, Barnum,
Billy Birch and George F. Train? I had
never before seen Swift enacting the part
of a leader, and not being, as I trust, of an en-
vious turn of mind, I did as the rest did, and voted
for whatever he proposed. The State Independent
party was organized by that Convention, by the ap-
pointment of a State Central Committee, composed

 
4 A History of the Rise, Decline, and Fall,

 

of three members from each of sixteen Judicial Dis-
tricts of the State, and of an Executive Committee
of nineteen members from the State at large.
The members from the Judicial Districts
were nominated by the delegates then pres-
ent from the reapective districts ; and
the nineteen members of the Executive Committee
were nominated by John F. Swift, and approved by
the Convention. This is a list of that Executive
Committee, arranged in alphabetical order, a8 I shall
arrange all the lists I give, for facility of refereuce :
«« T. B. Bishop, M. C. Conroy, 4. P. Catlin, of Bacra-
mento; Albert Dibblee, of Marin; John 8. Doe, W. W.
Dodge, M. M. Estee, A. J. Gunnison, A. Hebling,
William Hollis, James H. Hardy, E. B. Mott, Jr., of
Sacramento; W. S. Manlove, of Sacramento; M. J.
O'Connor, John M. Peck, J. R. Sharpstein, Dr.
Stockton, of Stockton; Thomas Tobin, C. C. Terrill
the gentlemen whose names are in italic, being, as
will be noted, non-residents of San Francisco ; a
fact which will hereafter prove to be of some im-
portance.

Considering the subsequent action of this Execu-
tive Committee, it must be admitted that John KF.
Swift put out an anchor far ahead for his nomination
to Congress. Having pretended to complete au or-
ganization for the Independent party, and
nominated a candidate for the office of Jue-
tice of the Supreme Court, the Convention ad-
journed. The election for Justice of the Supreme
Court was had with the result that our candidate,
Judge McKinstry, was elected. The terms

STATE CENTRAL AND EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES

Do not need any definition, Such Committees have
no legislative power. Their functions are only ex-
ecutive—to call Conventions; conduct the campaign
when candidates have been nominated ; collect and
disburse moneys for election purposes; provide
speakers ; distribute campaign documents and news.
papers; but never to legislate for the party, even
upon a question of policy. Yet the very first thing
we heard from the State Executive Committee was
the anncuncement of
A FLAGBANT ACT OF USURPATION,

As follows : «A meeting of the Executive Commit-
tee was held this 30th day of March, 1875, and the
following resolution was passed :

«WHEREAS, At a Convention of the People’s Inde-
pendent Party of California, meeting jointly with the
State Central Committee, at the city of San kran-
cisco, on the 21st day of January, 1875, the follow-
ing resolutions were adopted :

«Resolved, That the People’s Independent Party of
California will nominate candidates for all the offi.
ces, State, district, county, city and townehip, as
well as members of Congress authorized to be voted
for at the general elections to be held in the year
1875, and will place such ticket before the people
for their suffrages, and will use all lawful and hon.
orable means to secure its election.

« That the delegates to said convention from the respective
Congressional Districts will also constitute Congressional
Conventions for the nomination of candidates Jor Con-
gress.”

This last provision will be found to contain the
key to all the usurpations of the State Central Com.
mittee and Executive Committee; the list
of the Executive Committee having been
prepared by Hon. John F. Swift and adopted on
his motion by the Independent Btave Convention of
1873, as we have already seen, and most undoubted.
ly with a view to his own subsequent nomination for
Congress. But it was not passed at all, a8 will be
seen further on.

Then followed resolutions calling a State Conven.
tion to be held at Sacramento, on-July 22d, 1875, to
nominate State officers, and apportioning ¢represen-

tative delegates’ among the respective counties, of
whom 77 were allotted to 8an Francigco.

This first action of the Executive Committee was
a fraud. First, There was no «Convention of the
People’s Independent Party cf California’ held on
January 21st, 1875. No ruch Convention was called
nor advertised, nor were any representative Dele-
gates elected and sent to it from the respective
counties. If any persons appeared before the State
Central Committee and claimed to be such repre-
sentative Delegates constituting a Convention of
«The People’s Independ nt Party,” they wera sim-
ply impostors. Secondly, If such a Convention had
lawfully convened, it would have superseded the
State Central Committee. Thirdly, The State Cen-
tral Committee could not lawfully permit such a
spurious Convention to share in its deliberations, or
participate in its votes Fourthly, The State Cen-
tral Committee had no power to legislate on the
subject at all; no power to determine that the Inde-
pendent party should nominate State, district,
county, city or township ofticers, or Members of
Congress. They did not know, nor could they
know, but that candidates perfectly acceptable to
the Independents would be nominated for Btate,
county and other local offices, a8 well as for Con-
gress, by conventions of the other two parties.
All the power -that the Btate Central or Ex-
ecutive Committee had was to call a State Conven.
tion to deliberate on and decide these questions,
Who it was that followed the example of the famous
Anachasis Klootz, the friend of Robespierre, dressed

| themselves in appropriate costume and assumed the

 

role of a Convention of the People’s Independent
Party on this occasion, it cost me no small trouble
to ascertain, but I suppose the solution of that
question is to be found in the following, from The
Daily San Francisco Bulletin of January 21, 1875:

« PEOPLE'S INDEPENDENT PARTY.

«« MEETING OF THE STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE
OF THE PARTY,

« The members of the State Central Committee of
People’s Independent party, met in the rooms of the
San Francisco Commercial Association, at 12 o'clock
to-day.

«« MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE.

« The following named members of the committee
were either present or represented by proxy. Nearly
every gentleman named, however, was present:
Governor Booth, B. F. Myers, Placer; S. T. Leet,
Alvarado; F. S. Freeman, Yolo ; A. C. Paulsell, Stock-
ton ; Dr. E. Gibbons, Alameda; A. J. Snyder, Alameda;
Wm. Gibbons, Alameda; J. L. Love, Sacramento; J. K.
Doak. Stockton; feorge Castle, Solano; Tipton Lindsey,
Tulare; William Meek, Alameda; A. Ww. Hammit,
Contra Costa; A J. Ables, Marin; John Krk, Ei
Dorado; J. L Heald, Solano: G. P. Plaaster,
Judge D. B. Arnold, Placer; C. J. Brown, Placer; A
8 Hallidie, Ban Francisco; T. A. Talbot, San Fran.
cisco; Dr. Sposalt, Stockton ; W. F. Brown, —
D. W. Welty, Bacramento; H. S. Oravens, Solano;
Dr. J. F. Boyce, Sonoma; Wm. Jones, El Dorado;
William E. Stewart, San Francisco; D. J. H.
Carothers, Pacheco ; W. A. Winder, D. B. Hoffman,
San Diego ; DR. STOCKTON, BTOCKTON ; E B. Morr
and A. P. CATLIN, SACRAMENTO ; JoEN 8. DoE, W. W.
DODGE, M. C. CoNROY, C. C. TERRILL, M. M ESTEE,
J. M. Peck, T. B. BisHop, J. F. Swift, Peter Dean, J.
B. Maholmb, tan Francisco; W. C. Norton, G. W.
Applegate, Placer; W Canfield, Bakersfield ; Elijah
Steele, Yuba; E. C. Kirkpatrick, Antioch; H. 8.
Habbitzel, Marysville; B. P. Rankin, San Jose;
Edgar Briggs, San Francisco.

« The resignation of Judge J. R. S8harpstein, on
aecount of his judicial position, was read and ac-
cepted.

 

>
.

 

 

Of the Independent Party of 1873, in California. 5

« Assistant Secretary, M. O. Conroy, was requested
to act as Secretary of the meeting.

«¢ A PLAN OF ACTION DECIDED UPON.

«JorN F. BwWIFT offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, That for the purpose of nominating
candidates for Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, State
officers and Members of Congress, a State Convention
of the party is hereby called, to be held at the city
of Sacramento at such time during the coming sum-
mer, and in such manner as may hereafter be deter-
mined upon by the Executive Committee, which is
hersby intrusted and charged with the duty of
carrying out and getting in force the resolutions offered
by Swift.” ‘

« The resolutions were discussed at considerable
length by Governor Booth, Dr. Gibbons, M M. Fstee,

 

A. G. Snyder, A. C. Paulsell, Col. Jones, of Placer-

ville and others, and they were finally adopted with
but one dissenting vote.

« The meeting adjourned, subject to the call of
the President. The Executive Committes was in-
structed to take measures to forward the interests of
the party, and put its machinery in active opera-
tion.”

There were 53 persons present, of whom 26 were |

pot members of the Stare Committee, which con-
gisted of 49 members; nor of the Executive Com-
mittee, which consisted of 18 members after the
death of Hon. James H. Hardy, but were simply
interlopers ; their names are indicated by italics. Ot
the Executive Committee 10 members were present,
whoSe names are 10 SMALL CAPITALS. The other 17
in common type were members of the State Central
Committee. :

seventy-seven delegates to the Independent State
Convention. But such was not the purpose of the
political schemers who had usurped the legislative
powers of the P:ople’s Independent Party, and had
got control of the ttate Central Committee. They
were determined that the Independent party in the
City and County of San Francisco should have no
voice or vote in the matter; should not « author-
ize or send delegates to the Convention,” but that
seventy-seven spurious delegates should appear in
the Convention, claiming to be genuine delegates,
and cast in the Convention the seventy-seven votes
to which the Independent voters of the City and
County of 8an Francisco were justly entitled.

THIS RESULT WAS ACCOMPLISHED

By the following announcement :

«« The Executive Committee of the People’s Inde-
pendent party of California, hereby appoint the fol-
lowing nawed citizens of San Francisco to repre.
sent 8aid City and County in the State Convention of
said party, to be held at Sacramento on the 22d day
of June, A. D., 1875.”

«In accordance with the resolution of tae State
Convention of the party, held at San Francisco on
the 21st day of January, 1875, the above delegates,
after the adjournment of the State Conveoution at
Sacramento, to which they have been appointed,
will re.assemble at San Francisco and proceed to nom-
inate a candidate for Congress for the First Con

| gressional District. Done at San Francisco, this 28th-

This was no convention. Of the 20 judicial dis-

tricts, only twelve had any pers ms there to repre-
sent them ; and of the 52 counties in the State, only

twelve had any of their voters there. Itwasa secret |

caucus, which usurped all the powers of a State

Convention actually in session; all the powers of

the State Central and State Executive Committees ;
mingled the two Committees together, in joint ac-
tion, when they could never lawfully act together;
and over-rode them both by a body of interlopers
nearly as large as all the Committeemen present
of both Committees.

Thus stands the composition of the

INDEPENDENT STATE CAUCUS.

State Central Committeemen,................. 17
State Executive Committeemen. ........ ....... 10
INterloPers ......ovoviivcoeen cua 26

Total present ......................vun ) 53

Hon. John F. Swift was one of the interlopers,
and of course offered all the resolutions. It will be
observed that the second of the above resolutions
provides that candidates for Members of Congress
shall be nominated by the State Convention; but the
second resolution, the one in italics, published by
the State Central Committee, and declarei by them
to have been passed on this occasion, states that
only the delegates from the respective congressional dis-
tricts shall make the congressional nominations. If
the caucus had any right to pase a resolution on the
subject, what right had the Executive Committee to
change it? And why should the Executive Com-
mittee make any untrue representation in the matter?

THE CONVENTION CALLED FOR JUNE 22, 1875,

Convened persuant to the call. The call itself con-
tained this direction :

« The People’s Organizations in the Counties of the
State, will, without further advice, take the
necessary steps to authorize and send delegates to
the Convention.”

We expected, then, that some county organization
in the County of San Francisco would choose

day of May, 1875.”

The names of the Representatives thus desig-
nated, alphabetically arranged, are as follows :

«W. A. Aldrich, LL 8S. Adams, Monroe Ashbury, J.
C Bates, Joseph Britton, Columbus Bartlett, W. C.
Burnett, E. Bauer, M. C. Blake, A. Booth, C. 8. Capp.
I. C. Carey, John W. Cherry, H. M. Cleveland, A. M.
Comstock, E. W. Corbett, Samuel Cowles, J. F. Cow-
dery, John Currey, J. M, Currier, Horace Davis, Pe.
ter Deane, W. W. Dodge, J. S. Doe, Abner Double, H.
8. Doland, A. D. Drown, J. S. Dyer, M. M. Estee, O.
P. Evans, D. Friedenrich, Arnold Fuller, Jas. Glea-
son, A. M Gray, Jacob Greenbaum, John Hamill, J.
W. Harding, J. B. Harmsted, 8S. C. Hastings, Alvin-
za Hayward, A. Hebling, M. Heyneman, Joseph Hol.
den, T. H. Holt, A. S. Iredale, D A. Jennings, A. G.
Kinsey, William L. LaRose, William Loewey, Coarles
A. Low, Alexander McDonald, Robert Merriil, Thomas
I. Miller, W. J. Miller, A. O. Milne, J. L Moody,
J. B. Norton, N. B. Mulville, George Parkinson,
Edward Peterson, Christian Reis, Gus. Reis,
8. F. Reynolds, Robert C. Rogers, Daniel Rogers, H.
Rosecrans, J. R. Sharpstein, William Shiels,
Samuel Soule, John Sproufe, JoHN F. S8wiFT. B, C.
Vandall, Columbus Waterhouse, William F. Wells,
J M. Woop.”

Messrs. J. S. Doe. W W. Dodge and M. M, Estee,
tnen, of the Executive Committee, are thus made to
appear as if appointing themselves «representatives to
the State Convention, and the Executive Committee
which Swift appointed, naturally enough appoint him
and Wood, his brother-in-law, ««Representatives.”

THE DELUSIVE CHARACTER

Of the whole manceuvre is apparent at a glance. One
is struck with wonder at contemplating sach a pro.
ceeding. It is not only a sham, but it is not consist

ent with itself. The call was for Represen‘atives to

| State Convention of

be chosen «by the People’s organization of the
county ;”* whereas the Representatives are chosen by
the Executive Committe of the State Convention of
1873. Five of them, moreover, Messrs. Catlin,
Dibblee, Manlove, Mott and 8tockton who thus assume
to dictate to San Francisco whom she shall nominate
for State officers and for Congress,were not
residents of the city and county of 8an Francisco.
It was an Executive Committee appointed by the
1873 which designated

 
A History of the Rise, Decline, and Full,

these ¢« representatives.”
that the State Convention of 1873 could
appoint delegates to the State Convention of 1875,
and if the State Convention of 1873 could not itself

|

Nobody will pretend |

appoint delegates to the State Convention of 1875, |

and so make itself perpetual, still less could it au.

thorize an Executive Committee appointed by itself |

to appoint such delegates. If the Executive Com-

mittee could do this for San Francisco, it could do |

it for every county in the State. So, starting with a
genuine Convention in 1873,things would move per-
petually in a circle ; the Convention appointing the

Executive Committee ; the Executive Committee ap- |

pointing delegates to the Convention ; the Conven- |
| of the Independent party. There was no longer any

tion again appointing the Executive Committee, and
go on, and the people never consulted again.

It is reported currently, charged in the public
press and never denied, that John F. Swiit prepared |

this list of «representatives ;” that the Executive

Committee never considered it ; never met and de- |

liberated upon it ; never acted upon it; but that it

was passed around from hand to hand and signed by |

the members of that Committee in the street, at
| resented nobody but himself. As a representative

their offices or wherever they could be found. Mr.
Swift has publicly admitted that he «iaggisted’” in
making up the list, and that is enough for the pres-
ent purpose.

A HALF-MILLION DOLLAR OFFICE-SEEKING POWER.

On looking over this list of 77 «:representatives’
from Ban Francisco, I am not surprised to find it |
composed, in a large degree, of persistent profes- |

sional politicians, chronic office seekers, and veteran

office holders; and where one of any of these classes |
was too modest to be appointed as «representative’ |

himself, they sometimes put forward his brother
to represent him.
modesty ; he put himself on, and also J. M. Wood

Swift had none of this false |

his brother-in-law, and they both held proxies for |

others, besides. I have made a list of these chronic
cases, and on charging each person with the salary

of the offices he has had, or has now, and of the

offices which he has sought for, 1 find that the roll
of these 77 delegates represents an office-seeking power
of half a million dollars, United States gold coin!
Byron sang :
« Oh for a forty-parson power to sing
Thy praise, hypocrisy !”
If he had been here now, he could have been fur-
nished with a
« Half million dollar office seeking power,
To sing thy praises, INDEPENDENCE !”

The convicted felons of England used to march tothe |
ships which transported them to Botany Bay, singing |

to the tune of the ««Rogue’s March” :

« True patriots we, for be it understood,
We leave our country for our country’s good.”

Our modern office-scekers vary the lines :

« True patriots we —we make no loud pretence;
We save our country at her own expense !”

One reason why I have cast the lists of « Repre-

gentatives” and committees 1n an alphabetical form
is, 80 that if one wished to know whether they con-
tained the names of old office-seeking hacks whom
the Republican and Democratic parties had sloughed
off, as beyond further endurance, they might more
easily consult the lists, and find them there!

THE INDEPENDENT BTATE CONVENTION OF 1876

the representation in that Convention will satisfy
any candid inquirer that there were enough other
spurious ¢¢ Representatives” in it, which added to
the suppositions representation from San Francisco,
would run up the fictitious representation to
over 100 in a Convention of 184 members. That is,
more than one-half were spurious members. Yet

| these spurious «representatives’” went to work in

the Convention, snd not only usurped the vote of
the Independents whom they pretended to
represent, and neutralized every honest
delegate who came there ‘by overbalancing
his genuine vote with a counterfeit one,
but also completely destroyed the organization

Independent party for me, nor for any other Inde-
pendent who had any decent self-respect. [I had no
representative there, no opportunity to join in send.
ing one there, nor had thousands of other Independ-
ent voters who resided in San Francisco. No one
residing in San Francisco was represented in that
Convention except the 77 persons who went there
from San Francisco, and each of these persons rep-

body
THE CONVENTION WAS A SHAM,

Yet it went to work, organized as a Convention of
the Independent party of the State, passed resolu-
tions, appointed a State Central Committee, nomi.
nated State officers, and adjourned. Next came

JOHN F. SWIFT'S NOMINATION TO CONGREES

By these same 77 ¢« representatives” who were ap-
pointed by an Executive Committee which Mr, Swift
had himself selected, some of whom did not reside
in San Francisco, Mr. Swift himeelf ¢« assisting’ the
Executive Committee in making the appointment of
the famous 77. Under the circumstances it was cer-
tainly to be expected that Swift would be nominated
unanimously, yet two of the « representatives” ac.

tually objected to it, and strenuously and ungrate.

fully persisted in their objections, although perti-
nently and significantly asked by other menibers,
«who put you here?” Yet Mr. Swift was unani.
mously ratified, the two recalcitrant votes not being
counted ; and he accepted the nomination ; admit-
ting that he had aided in getting up the Convention,
but spitefully adding that « it was evident that some
mistakes had been made,” obviously alluding to the
obstreperous protestants ; whereat the Convention
broke out into an uproarious guffaw of laughter, at
the idea of Swift making a mistake in a matter of
his own self-interest.

SECONDARY ELECTIONS.

The American people are not fond of secondary
elections. They would rather vote for their officers
directly, even for President and Senators in Con-
gress, and not vote for electors or other officers to
choose Presidents and Senators by election - at
second hand. Let us see how far Mr. Swift stands
from any representative constituency.

First—The Independent electors send delegates to
a State Convention in 1873. Secondly—The State
Convention appoints an Executive Committee, nom-
inated by Mr. 8wift.  Zhirdly—The Executive Com-
mittee. assisted by Mr. Swift, appoints 77 « Repre-
sentatives.” Fourthly—The 77 Representatives nom-

| inate Mr. Swift for Congress.

Was held according to the call for it. These seventy-
seven spurious « Representatives ” attended it either |

in person or by proxy, and were admitted as delegates
from the Independents of the city and county of San
Francisco. Others were admitted as delegates from
counties where no conventions or committees had
appointed them, and where there was never any In-
dependent organization at all. An analysis of the

Thus we are compelled to go back four succeesive
stages before we find any constituency to which we
can refer Mr. S8wift’s nomination. This is something
worse than election in the second degree.

THE INDEPENDENT MUNICIPAL TICKET

For the city and county of San Francisco has the
same kind of origin; but this precious butterfly

| worms itself through even more successive stages :

First — The Independent electors send delegates to

| a State Convention in 1873.

 

Of the Independent Party of 1873, in California. 7

te eee se me rte eet tee:

Secondly—The Independent State Convention of
1873 appoints an Executive Committee nominated by
Mr. Swift.

Thirdly—The Executive Committee, «agsisted” by
Mr.Swift, appoints 177 ¢« Representatives ” to the In.
dependent State Convention of 1875.

Fourthly — The 77 «Representatives’” direct their
Chairman to appointe«a Council of Ten to make nomi-
pations for Municipal officers for the City and
County of San Francisco.

Fifthly—The Chairman of the 77 «Representa-
tives” appoints the Council of Ten to make Munici-
pal nominations.

Sizthty—The Council of Ten make Municipal nom-
inations for the City and County of 8an Francisco.

Here we are compelled to go back through six
successive stages before we meet a body of Inde-
pendent voters who can be called a‘*constituency.
What is secondary election compared to this? There
are some excellent men on this Committee, but
they ought not to be here. They are in a false posi.
tion. Certainly they could not have known how
they came to be appointed, or what use was to be
made of their action. But there are some three or
four whom nobody would consult about nomina-
tions. The irrepressible J. M. Wood is there,
Swift’s brother-in law, a young lawyer of good char-
acter and fair average talent, but not fit to be on such
a committee, even as a tail piece. Nobndy would
ever ask him how to vote. But being Swift's broth.
er-in-law, he was inevitable. His position there
among older and better men, makes him notorious,
but not more respectable. We must have him once,
at least, I suppose, and perhaps it is well to inoculate
for him now a8 we do for the small.pox, and never
have him any more.

THE TICKET OF THE COUNCIL OF TEN

Is a moderately fair ticket. Judges Wright, Sharp-
stein, Blake, Myrick and Louderback ought to be
reélected, not because they are on this ticket, but be-
cause they are good judges, and that such judges ought
to be reélected without regard to politics. They
have been put on other tickets and will be elected.
But we need say nothing more about them now, as they
are not to be voted for until the judicial election in
October. But all the nominees whom I have named
do not offer a bait which should tempt any defrauded
Independent Republican to vote the whole of that
ticket. On the contrary, the mass of the ticket
should be voted down, because it is the exponent of
an act of usurpation, and John F. Swift, in par-
ticular, should be defeated, because he has partici.
pated in this action from the beginning, if he was
not, as is generally believed, the sole contriver of it,
and because, if it be successful, he is to reap the
greatest benefit from it, by being elected to Congress.
I acknowledge

THE BIGHT OF ANYBODY TO NOMINATE A TICKET.

Any man, or set of men, has a right to make, print
and propose to the public a list of officers to be
voted for at any election. But no man or set of men
has a right to seize a political organization which
I and thousands of other independent voters have
constructed, exclude us from participating in it, de-
prive us of all representation in it, and then appoint
an outside Council of Ten to make nominations for
us in its name, and in our name. Of the Independ-
ent voters who voted the Independeat State Ticket
in San Francisco in 1873, and whose votes helped to
elect that ticket, only the 77 who appeared as spurious
« representatives” in the Independent State Conven-
tion of 1875 had any representation in that Conven-
tion, and then each represented only himself. It is
because these nominations are issued as coming from
the Independent party, when in fact they come from
mere individuals, who call themselves Independents,
that they are spurious, and ought to be voted

down. ¢ Independent,” forsooth ! Yes, they are
« Independent. ” Independent of the Independent

\ party!

PRIMARY ELECTIONS.
Much has been said against party nominations

| made by the machinery called primary elections, and

| their results

But the system is framed on the same

| model as election by univeral suffrage, and if the
results of primary elections are some times unsatis-

 

factory, so are those of election by universal suffrage,
and for the same reason only—because those who are
entitled to vote at them do not and will not do so.
The one system is just as perfect as the other, and
subject to the same objections and to none other.
If those who are entitled to vote, will vote, each 8y8-
tem is absolutely perfect. He who will not vote at
the primaries, has no right to complain of the nomi-
nations. He who will not vote at the political elec-

‘tions, must accept the officers who are elected. He

who shirks service on juries, must expect, when his
own case comes to be tried, to submit it to twelve
professional jurymen, more or less corrupt and open
to evil influences. But even if the primary election
system has failed, that was no reason for creating

A VENETIAN OLIGARCHY,

To usurp the organization of the Independent party,
and to dictate to it for whom it should vote. 'rhis
was the very way in which the Venetian Despotism
was created. «The Senators of Venice, originally
representatives of the different islands of the Repub-
lia, are negligent, and we must have an efficient
Council of Thirty;” (in San Francisco 77). «But
this Council is too large; let us have a Council of
Ten ;” (10 ih 8an Francisco, also). «But this Coun-
cil of Ten is still too large; let us have a smaller
Council of Three, whose names shall not be known,
but who shall control every thing.” (The same in
San Francisco.) But one of these three
names did leak out at Venice, that
of Signior Giovanni Fariltutto di Suifto; and
one name also has leaked out in San Francisco, that
of the Hom John F, Swift. What a wonderful coin-
cidence! I have no doubt that our Swift is a lineal
descendant of the other, and that he will find the
names of his ancestors inscribed in the Libro di Oro
__the Golden Book—the Great Register of the Vene-
tian nobility.

We have had enough of this oligarchical system.
The time has gone by when two persons who wished
to elect certain other persons to office, could get to-
gether in a back room at night, make out a list of per-
sons who would carry out their purposes, and
then rush out into the streets and get a petition of
«numerous and respectable voters,” asking this
packed list to make nominations, and thus elect the
persons for whom the movement was created. If
this system gave us some of our best officers, it also
gave us some of our worst. It once almost para-
lyzed the administration of justice in our city for a
period of years But it has had its day, and the peo-
ple at this election must trample it down, down
into the mire, forever. Better any system than that
of an oligarchy.

NOMINATION OF BIDWELL FOR GOVERNOR.

I have little to say of General Bidwell, and should
be glad if I were not required to say anything. But
it has often been said that he was «cheated out of
his nomination for Governor in 1867,” at the time
when George O. Gorham was nominated by the Re-
publican State Convention; and General Bidwell has
publicly said, during the present political canvass,
that he believed that such was the case. I know
personally that this assertion is not true, and I am
not afraid to bear testimony to the fact. I was a mem-
ber of that Convention ; one of the 7 delegates from
the county of Alameda. We were elected by town-
ships, that is, the County Convention allotted the

 
 

8 A History of the Rise, Decline, and Fall,

representation to the several townships, permitted
the representatives from the townships to select
their delegates to the State Convention, and then
elected them. The Hon. B. F. Ferris was my as-
sociate from Oakland township, and B. 8. Marston,
Esq., from Washington township. We met at Bacra-
mento on the day for which the Convention was
called. Messrs. Ferris, Marston and myself went to
call upon General Bidwell. At the entrance to his
rooms we were met by a colored servant in white
gloves, who demanded our cards to take into the Gen-
eral, and return with his decision as to whether he
would see us ornot. We did not sendin our cards. We
returned «ssorrowing that we could not see his face.”
We determined then and there that we would not
vate for a candidate whom we could not see when
we called upon him, but would vote for Mr. Gor-
ham, whom we had seen at various times before his
name was mentioned a3 a candidate. We did not
call upon Mr. Gorham, but we all knew him by
sight. We were under no pledges ; we could vote
for whom we chose. I hardly knew Mr. Gorham ;
in fact, I did not like him, tor I then thought that
he had induced Governor Low to veto a bill for dis.
tributing the Outside Lands of San Fraacisco,
which the Legislature had passed, and which
I thought ought to become a law. AB Wwe
three sat under the awning of the Orleans Hotel,
other delegates came by, and the following colloquy
took place : «Have you been to see the General?”
«Yes, by dash!” «Did you get in to eee him?”
«No, by dash !"” «Are you going to vote for him?”
«No, by dash ; we intended to, but we’ll see him
dashed to dash before we'll do it now.” Other
delegates who went to Bee him, and succeeded in
that difficult manoeuvre, and afterwards went to see
Mr. Gorham, voted for Gorham. I cannot say that
the three votes which Messrs. Ferris, Marston and
myself cast in the convention gave Mr. Gorham the
pomination, but we cast them for his ticket on the
organization of the convention when the vote stood
141 to 189, and if they had been cast the other way,
it would have been defeated, and he would have lost
the nomination. This was the way in which Gen.
eral Bidwell was ««cheated” out of his nomination.

I understand very well that the rules of etiquette
are mostly wisely devised for the protection of one’s
tamily and privacy from improper and unreasonable
intrusion. I know that a person in public life at

Washington, for example, could not write
a letter, or engage in a private confer.
ence, or eat a meal, or have a single
night's refreshing sleep, without interrup-

tion, if any one and every one could rush to his
house at all hours, and gain instant admittance.
He has a right to protect himself by having cards
gent in, 80 that he may decide whether he will see
the applicant, and if so, when and where. But
when a candidate for the office of Goveraor of Cali-
fornis, in a land where we ara accustomed to « inter.
view” those who want our votes; to inquire about
their families, their grape-vines and their « views »
in general ; to interrogate them about their opinions,
as well as their sentiments; and where whiskey is
more abundant than cherries; when delegates to a
Oonvention wishing to see a candidate are mel at
the door by a servant in white gloves, with a server,
asking for cards to be taken to the great man, and
they are disgusted, and vote for the other candidate,
it is Dox PoMP0Os0 who cheats himself out of the nom-
ination, if there is any cheating in the case. I have
never regretted voting for Me. Gorham on that occa
rion ; I would do it again, with a full knowledge of
all the consequences. Better defeat then, now and
always, than submit to guerrilla dictation. I have
said that we were

 

 

 

 

UNDER NO PLEDGES TO VOTE FOR BIDWELL.

Judge Ferris and myself understood that our con-
stituents were well inclined to the nomination

of Mr. Gorham, but that we were to
exercise our own judgment in the conven.
tion, and Mr. Marston understood that

that was his*position ; but we were not instructed
nor gave any pledges in the matter. That our ac-
tion was approved by our constituents is evident by
the fact that two months afterwards I was nominated
unanimously for the Assembly by the Republican
County Convention of Alameda county, and elected
by the full strength of my ticket. Judge Ferris has
since been elected to the City Council of Oakland,
by the full Republican vote, and Mr. Marston three
times elected Recorder of Alameda county, on the
regular Republican ticket. I have always thought that

BIDWELL'S LAND TITLE

Ought to have been confirmed. I think that all the
grants held under the Sutter General Title, and Gen-
Bidwell’s title also ought to have been confirmed..
But the Suprsme Court decided that all titles of both
classes to which Gen. Bidwell’s belonged were inval-
id. And when General Bidwell tells us how he
got his title confirmed, and moreover tells two con-
tradictory stories about it, what are we to believe?

Now when General Bidwell tells us that he em-
ployed Harry McGraw to put his case in shape,
after Montgomery Blair threw it up, every lawyer
in Oalifornia knows what that manceuvre meant,
and will make up his mind readily how the appeal
came to be dismissed. I do not believe that Attor-
ney. General Black is corrupt, or was ever corrupted ;
but I do believe that he was often betrayed by those
whom he trusted, and that they sometimes sold the
secrets of his office for money. If Attorney General
Black believes that E M. Stanton was en honest
and truthful man, many of Mr. Btanton’s friends,
and myself among the number, would like to see
his public statement to that effect, for we have
heard that he has often stated the contrary, with
some pious warmth of expression. The fact is that
Attorney General Black has been fearfully imposed
upon in relation to California land titles. We used
to have several « gangs *’ here who offered to fur-
nish the testimony to prove a title up or to defeat
it, and the Attorney General was misled by them,
and so contributed to defeat som» of the best titles
in the State, and to confirm some of the most fraudu-
lent.

Attorney General Black has been induced to be.
lieve, and has got the Supreme Court of the United
Sates to decide that if a Mexican Grant is not on
Jimeno’s Index, if bearing date before the
time when he left office, it is presumed that it is
fraudulent ard that it ought to be rejected. But every
lawyer in QOalifornia knows that Jimeno
included in his Index only the grants which
he found in the archives when he came there,
and then added to it the grants which were made
during his service at the office, and that
there were genuine grants already made
which were not in the archives when he
made his Index, but were o:t in the hands
of Judges who were giving judicial possession
to the interested parties, or in the bands of two or
more owners of adjoining lands, who were endeavor-
ing to fix their boundaries by a judicial act, and
gome of which were not returned to the Archives
for many years. So of Hartnell’s Index. And what
shall be said of the Zoma de Razon, or Index for 1845
and 1846, which the United States failed to recover
from the Mexico California Government, and yet the
United States Supreme Court reject all grants for
those two years because they are not on that Index,
that is because that Index cannot be found to see
whether they are on it or not! Attorney General

 

 

 

Black does not know to what extent he has been

deceived in the matter of (lalifornia Land Titles nor |

the consequences to the people of California. But

that he ever connived at any proceeding which was |

wrong I 40 not believe.
THE PERSONAL VITUPERATION

Of the present campaign has been unprecedented in
California, but it all began with those who have
usurped the organization of the Independent party,
and pretend to control it. When Messrs. rargent
and Gorham attended the Republican State Conven-
tion in June last, and assisted in making the resolu.
tions of the Republican State Convention of 1871 on
the subject of railroads somewhat more explicit—for
they announced nothing new, nothing which the
resolutions of 1871 did not in substance contain—
and then nominated for Governor Mr. Phelps, and
endorsed the measures ot financial reform which he
had so admirably elucidated, and whose necessity
he had so clearly demonstrated in his addresses to
the people, there was then no distinct State or Na-
tional platform left for the Independent party, and
no further necessity for an organization separate
from that of the Republican party. Its active man-
agers found their occupation gone, and thcy vented
their spite and rage by traducing Messrs. Sargent,
Gorham and Phelps. I will venture to say that
there gentlemen are above the reach of slander. 1
have known Mr. Sargent nearly twenty-five years,
and often at the East have pointed to hind as one
who, here in California, : 8 did Franklin in Pennsyl-
vania, raised himself fro.1 the printing.case to the
third position in our Governmeat, and whose char-
acter was unblemishea = The oaly unrefuted
charge that I ever heard made against him is, that
having in response to the urgent solicitation of the
thousands of miners upon the public lands of the
United States, prepared and perfected a bill by
which they could secure a title to their lands,which
he, by the application of the greatest energy and
perseverance, got enacted into a law by Congress ; he
actually got a title, under that same law, for himself
and his partner, for mining lands which they
had purchased, paid for and then occupied, just the
same as other citizens did. This is an entirely
novel proposition, that a citizen, who is also a leg-
islator, cannot, in common with other citizens, en-
joy the benefit of the laws which, as a representa-
tive, he helps to enact. Washingtos, Jefferson,

Hamilton and Adams were poor, ignorant, imperfect
creatures, who had not the benefit of this new po- |

litical mor. lity ; -for they actually took salaried offi-
ces under the Government which they assisted in
constructing. When asked on the Atlantic Coast
what kind of school and what opportunities Califor-
nia presented for indigent young men, I have poiut-
ed to Mr. Gorham, who came here a poor hoy, who
has sustained himself, educated himself and
reached eminent positions, without stain and with.
out reproach. And of Mr. Phelps I have said what
every one who knows him must say, that, clinging
to the agricultural pursuits of his youth, he has
still held high office, discharged its duties accepta-
bly, and that his character is above suspicion.
I would ‘like to see the histories of there
three gentlemen and of General Bidwell
for the first twenty years of

we could tell for which of them his friends would
have to blush. I have before me an article in a
newspaper published in this city, over the genuine
signature of a citizen, accusing John F. Swift of
extortion and other crimes in office. Iam glad to
ray that I do not believe these accusations. But 1
am satisfied that they are as true as the charges he
makes against the three Republican gantlemen whom

the residence |
ot each of them in California written out, and then |

Of the Independent Party of 1873, in California. 9

| I have named, Yet they have not taken up these
¢harges and reiterated them publicly againet him.

[MESSRS. SARGENT, GORHAM, AND PHELPS

| Have the confidence of the Republicans of Oalifor.
nia. Not only the Republicans, but citizens of all
classes of political opinions, corhe in crowds to hear
them speak. The public assémbles of this State are
superior, I think, in average intelligence to those of
apy other state. The style of pubiic speaking which
pleases them is not of the « spread eagle ”’ kind, but
the discussion of fundamental, political principles,
of sharply defined propositions, sustained by facts
and argument. I was present as a spectator, at the
Republican State Convention which nominated Mr.
Phelps for Governor, over which Mr. Sargent pre-
sided, and in which Mr. Gorham, a8 Chairman of the
Committee on Resolutions, reported the Resolutions
which were adopted as the platform, and the Resolu-
tions which wereadopted by the Convention without
amendment. It was composed of the best material
that has appeared in our Republican Btate Conven-
tions ; largely of the same men who nominated
Stanford, Low and Booth ; of the men who raised
the Flag of the Union in California, in July, 1861,
two months after it had been lowered at Fort S8ump-
ter, and carried it triumphantly through the civil
war |

PERSONAL ABUSE 18 NOT ARGUMENT.

The plan of the so-called Independents, in the
present campaign, seems to be to answer everything
with personal abuse. If any notice is taken of this
letter, I presume it will be by personal assaults. I
asked Mr. Swift some questions in the public prints,
which I thought I had a right to ask of one who
solicited my vote, and the only reply that I have got
has been personal abuse, part of which was false, and
that which was true was only to the effect that I had
changed my opinions. But when I shall have con-
fessed to the fact that I have committed treason,
murder, forgery, burglary, and all other possible
and impossible crimes, and am being led off to
instant execution, permit me, even then,
to say : ¢« Mr. Swift, two and two make four,
and do not make five after all,” It would have been
much better for him to have attempted to answer
the figures of Messrs. Sargent, Gorham and Phelps,
thar to have broyght personal charges against them
which he did not know to be true, and which are not
true in fact. But this campaign could not te con.
ducted in San Francisco without

 

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AN UNPRECEDENTED ATTACK.

Having no other platform, the usurped Independ-
ent State Convention of 1875 made one upon cheap
water and cheap gas in the city and county of San
Francisco. In vain did some of the country mem-
bers object ; the epurious brigade, under the leader-
shi» of Swift, prevailed, and water and gas went into
the platform. And water and gas form the great
burden of Swift's speeches. We all remember the
story of the fellow who was on trial for stealing
ppoons, whom his lawyer directed to cry out«gpoons”
to whatever was said to him. <«Bpoons,” said he,
when asked to plead to the indictment. <«8poons,”
he yelled, whenever a witness testified against him.
And when acquitted on the ground of insanity,
«Spoons” was all tbe lawyer could get from him,

| when he wanted his fee. So of Bwift. «What
| do you think, Mr. 8wift, of the Tariff?”
«8poo— Water.” «What do you think, Mr. Bwift, of

inflation ?”* « Water.” «What is your opinion, Mr.
Swift, of the conditien of the South ?”” «Oh, bother.
Water, WaTER, WATER | | |”

1 said the burden of his speeches, but not ail of
them. In order to give piquancy to his canvass,
| something more was wanting, and that was readily
| invented, A report was put in circulation to the effecy
   

10

A A pam of ! the Rise, Decline, and Fall,

|
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that Wm. C. Ralston, President of the Bank of Cal- | the right of public discussion.
ifornia, had purchased a large interest in the San
Francisco Water Works, and was trying through the
elections to force them upon the city at a price of | need not instance the reputation of men or the honor
$15,000,000. On this assumption a war was organ. | of wom-n. The financial credit of individuals
ized and carried on upon Mr. Ralston, which meant and of corporations presents an illustration ;
a war upon the Bank of California, for the credit of and this credit depends so much upon public confi.
the two could not be separated, and this assault re. | dence for its support, that it lies out of the ordinary
sulted in the temporary suspension of the Bank, legitimate sphere of public debate. A public speak-
and was the proximate cause of Mr Ralston’s death. er, or the public press, has presumptively no right to
I have before me a aaily newspaper of this city, propose this credit as a subject of public discussion.
published less than a week ago, containing four.een Public events which come within the legitimate de-
editorial articles, of which eleven commence with | finition of news, may be published as such ; but ise-
«One of Ralston’s hirelings,” or something of that | lated facts, prima facie as capable of an explanation
kind. And I boldly charge that the editor of as favorable to solvency and credit as to the contra-
that paper baa no sufficient evidence of | ry, cannot be taken up for the purpose of raising a
what he thus assumed to be true; and that he can- | public debate on the question of solvency or
not produce any evidence that it was true. It wasa | insolvency. [Especially is this true of Banks
matter of pecuniary interest to me and to other per. | of circulation, discount or deposit. Their
sons, who are gentlemen of wealth and position | safety is so dependent upon their credit, which
in this city, intimate friends of Mr. Ralston, who rests so entirely upon public confidence, that it
could command the best sources of information in | must be a most extraordinary conjuncture of well-
the matter, to know whether.or not he had any per- | established facts that would justify a departure from
sonal ownership of any of the water stock, | the rule. Public speakersor the press have no right to
and the assurances came from himself that he had | talk of the style of living of the manager of a bank, or

|

 

I shall not attempt
to define its limits, but it is enough for my purpose
to present some illustrations of the principle. I

not, except as a mere tru stee, and that it was a mat. of his palatial residence, or of his legitimate opera.
ter of complete indifference to him whether the | tioms of business, with the purpose of insinuating
Water Works were sold to the city for six million | that he is embezzling the moneys entrusted to him ;
dollars or fifteen millions, or were not sold at all. | nor have they a right to accuse him of ille-
For we claim that we, as stockholders of the ori- | gitims*e flnancial enterprises, unless upon
ginal Alameda Water Company, have the first right | the cl.srest, most unequivocal and conclusive evi-
to appropriate all the waters of the Alameda Creek, | dence, which ought to be presented at the same
and of all its tributaries, including those of the | time that the charge is made. To act otherwise is
Calaveras Valley, which we intend to enforce, not not only an outrage, but morally a crime of the great.
for the purpose of selling our right or of offering it | est turpitude. For financial credit is so difficult to
for sale to the city of San Francisco, but for the pur- | establish, 8o hard to maintain, so fragile, and so easily
pose of supplying the city of Oakland with water. | blown away with a breath, that he who needlessly
These gentlemen believed these assurances, and I be. destroys it is guilty of treason to the cause of the
lieved them, and we all acted upon them ; and Mr. poor and helpless, to the claims of labor, to the
Ralston Xow wy he gave thew that we should act | rights of property, and to society itself.
upon them in such a manner a8 to injure him pecu. |
niarly if he were indeed the owner of or and un THeoy OF BANKING OF DERMIS
that we would not take that course if we knew that he | 1 +m Weiting Bow abont What 1 undergtand, 1
owned it. Yet, Mr. Swift, without having our sour. | look the Presidency of a bank Jp a large Eastern
ces of information, and upon a mere suspicion, as- | city in 1857, half of whose capital bad been embez-
sailed Mr. Ralston in all his speeches upon the | zled; we sustained a run upon it in its crippled condi-
charge which I had mentioned. If it had not been | tion ; carried it through the financial crisis of that
for these assaults, the Bank would not have tempo. | yeat 5 saved it from bankruptcy ; paid its debts, and
rarly suspended, as it was -forced to do, | turned it over to my successor in a solvent condi-
and Mr. Ralston would have been still alive. He wouid | ‘0B If this Was nop a school in which to learn the
not have beeu where he was, and in the excited theory and gractice of banking, I do not know
end prostrate condition he was in when he met his | where one should go for such instruction. The,
death. theory of receiving deposits is, that a certain aver-
Let Mr. Swift, who has accused Mr. Ralston of A 28® portion of them will always semain on hand
buying vp stock of the Water Company, answer | after current demands have been paid, and that this
these questions, which he can answer at once if he | 2Ye€rage portion of deposits thus always remaining
has that knowledge which, ana nothing but which, | on hand can be safely loaned to customers of the
could have justified him in making the charge : bank. At the East, where banks have a circulation
How many shares of such stock did Mr. Ralston | of bank notes nearly equal to their capital, and
own in his own name? What is your proof ? their notes are not only dispersed over a large terri-
How many were held in trust for him, and by tory, but for tbe most part redeemed at the
whom ? What is your proof? Bank Agency in New York, or other large cities, and
I assume that he cannot answer either of these | taken up by the Bank itself after a fortnight’s no-
questions, or he would have done 80 long ago. The tice, and where the bank-notes on hand are so well se-
charge ie then made at random, and on no higher cured by National and State bonds that other Banks
evidence than mere conjecture or suspicioh. will advance the cash upon them ; it is evident that
Again I ask. Can you prove that Mr. Ralston Lag | * TUR upon a Bank does not involve such conse-
ever done for Mr C N. Felton, or for any one else quences as a ron by depositors does here, where
in this matter, more than what in his impulsive and Banks of deposit have bo circulation except certifi.
hazardous generosity he has often done for others of cates of deposit, which can be presented In a fow
his friends in matters in which he had no pecuniary bours or days. General Sherman, who managed
interest whatever? And Mr. Swift must answer, the Banking House of Lucas, Turner & Oo. in this
«No,” for he cannot do otherwise. city for several years, says, in his recently published
LITTe0% OF TE BOAT OF DISCTESIoN. memoirs, that he could not keep any average amount

whatever of deposits on hand to loan out to
I have already said that every right and privilege,

customers, because on steamer days the de-
and even freedom and personal liberty itself, bas posite were gll drawn out. More than twenty years
some limitation of duty, morals or responsibility,

ago, Mr B. Davidson, the representative of the
and among other rights which are thus limited, is | Rothschilds on this coast, requested his depositors

  

   

~O

ur the depen Party of Sidi in California. 11

to withdraw their accounts, for the same reason that
he could keep no average line of deposits on hand all
the time, 80 that he could loan them, and that he
could not afford to pay a squad of bookkeevers to
keep the cash accounts of his customers. We have
no steamer days now but still have collection days
twice a month; and I apprehend that the sim-
altaneous rise or fall of a few leading stocks of
twenty or thirty dollars per share, produces a de-
mand for money very like that of the old steamer
days, Bat, above all things, what is mneces-
sary to the security of a bank is pub.
lic confidence. If that is impaired, and
s run is made upon a bank, no matter how great or
how small the average of deposits which is loaned out,
the money cannot be both loaned out and at the
same time be in the vaults of the bank ready to be
returned to deporitors. If Mr. Ralston had not
loaned millions to be sent into the country to movg
the wheat crop, he could have stood the run upon

 

his bank by depositors, no matter whether i's capital |

war gone or not; but he would have been followed
by a howl of cursing from all parts of the State,
excited by the very persons who had assailed him.

[The capital of a Bank is not what depositors rely

upon for the payment of their current demands, al-
though it is a portion of their final security. A
Bank of deposit may not have any cash capital at all

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vsed in the banking business, but only the credit of |

its owners
bankers of Great Britain, France and Italy, bank
wholly upon their credit.
a Bank has a cash capital it will all be kept loaned
out if possible; and consequently it was of no inter-
est to its depnsitors so far as their current drafts on
the Bank of California were concerned, whether the
capital of the Bank was all loaned out, or te
whom it was loaned. If an organized assault had
not been made for political purposes upon Mr.
Ralston, and through him upon his bank,
it would not have been discovered that
be had sent too much money into the country to
move the wheat crop to market, which was an oper-
ation hazardous to the safety of the Bank indeed,
but a safe and profitable transaction as a loan ; the
creditors of thp Bank would still have been secure,
as they are now, and have been all the time,
and the money would have heen in the Bank again
in afew weeks.]

BANKS OF CIRCULATION.

[The first thing which a National Bank dces, {8s to
lend all its capital to the Government of the United
States, that js, invests it in government bonds,
which it deposits with the United States aathorities,
and receives in return of the face of the bonds, 80 to
90 p-r cent of the face of the bonds in Bank notes
which it puts in circulation.

The Bank thus gets the interest on its bonds; in-
terest on its circulating no.es loaned out; and expects
to loan a8 much of its deposits as it can do safely.

I apprehend that all our present disturbance
comes from the fact that our Commercial Banks of
Deposit have over-estiinated the percentage of depos-
its which it has been calculated would always be
on hand, and so could be safely loaned. The real
existence and the amount of such a percentage can
be ascertained only by experienca, to which the pres.
ent condition of things will no doubt largely con.
tribute. If the Bank of Oalifornia, its Directors, or
its late President miscalculated on this point, it is
not to be im uted to them as mismanagement, still
less a8 a crime. |

[SAVINGS BANKS

Are organized upon the theory that a very large ver- |

centage shall be loaned out or invested in interest-
bearing securities ; since otherwise it is impossible
that satisfactory dividends can be earned for the de-
positors. The semi-annual deposits of the Bavings

      

The Rothschilds and the other great !

It is expected that where

|

 

 

   

Banks of the City of San Francisce, from 30th of
June 1872, to 30th June 1876 inclusive, show that
they collectively have held upon an average about
4 per cent. ¢f their deposits in coin ; the extreme
range being from 2%; to 6!4 per cent. during that
time.

The continued prosperity of the Banks, uuninter-
rupted by suspensions, would seem to demonstrate
that a holding of coin to the amount of 4 per cent.
of the deposits was ample in all usual conditions of
the money market.

In the way of reserves, the Savings Banks are large
holders of United States bonds, many of which are
kept in New York City, where they can at once be
sold, in case of a local panic in Ban Francisco, and
the money transferred to the latter city by the
United States Treasury, on telegraphic tranfers.
Even if the money market should be close in New
York, the securities could be sold at once in London
by telegraph, and the gold come all the way by
steamer and rail within 30 days.

In addition, the banks have loans upon United
States bonds and similar undoubted securities—say
California State and San Francigco City and County
bonds —which they hold with power to sell, and
which are available to produce at short notice large
sums of money in cases of unusual demand.

The position of these banks is further strengthened
by the fact, that a large part of the aggregate
amounts held are upon term depoegits, which can be
called for, (unless with the consent of the bank)
only at the expiration of a notice of not less than six
months ; and by the right, which they enjoy by vir-
tue of their respective By-laws, to demand {rom
three to thirty days notice by the depositors, before
withdrawing even their ordinary deposits. Again,
the monthly payments by borrowers upon both in-
stallment and other loans, which are made with
considerable regularity, howsver scarce money may
be in commercial circles, affords a large resource,

In case of special demand for momey, a pressure
can be brought to bear at once by the Savings Banks
upon the borrowers whose loans are due, because
the loans are made almost emtirely te residents of
San Francisco, or of coumties in the vicinity;
while the depositors are scattered over the whole
civilized world, and but few of them can make a
simultaneous demand for their funds.

In view of these facts, I think it may be claimed,
that the Savings Banks of S8an Franoisco are the
strongest in the world, though, at the same time, it
is true that there is not coin enough in Oali-
fornia to repay {immediately the $60,000,009
of gold coin deposited in these banks; ana
if large drafts were made upon them, and they
were forced to make larger collections than usual, is
would cause a general distress, interfere with trade
and manufactures, and throw people out of emplcy-
ment. The only safe course is to deal with the
Savings Banks precisely as we did three months ago,
that is to say, to call upon them only for such sums
as may be needed for current use. |

No Bank whatsoever can withstand such assaults
a8 were made upon the Bank of Oalifornia and its
late president for political purposes. The
same persistent assaults if now directed againet any
other Bank might not cause its suspension, but it
would certainly cause it either to refuse to receive
deposits, or to be excessively careful as to the charac-
ter and personal qusigep of its depositors, and to
reduce to a low marg e loan of deposits.

But Swift, apparently, neither knew the principles
on which banking is conducted, nor thought of the
ruin which he might wreak. He wanted an object
to attack, over which he could work himself into a
patriotic rage, and Mr. Ralston and the Bank of Oali-
fornia supplied the pressing need. Not only were
assaults made upon them, but Mr, Ralston, with the

 
 

  

Of the Independent Party of 1873, in California.

 

greatest indecency, was placed by Swift, in a public | its ticket from Reformers pledged to its principles
speech, upon a burlesque ticket, as candidate for | taken from the candidates already nominated by the
Mayor, followed by twelve other distinguished citi- | Democratic and Republican parties, it would have
zens a8 candidates for Bupervisors, to whom ths | shown that its leaders were actuated by a pure de-
only crimes imputed were that they were honest | votion to principles, and not by selfish ambition and
men, and paid their debs, but were unfortunatel, a desire for office. All its candidates would have
rich. It was intimated that they were willing t> | been elected, and it could have claimed the honors
become manipulators of municipal politics for IF - of the victory. It would have preserved its organig-
vate gain; not to become members of Qongress, t ation, invigorated by the prestige of success. But is
be sure, but to make money. Well, Mr. Swift, th» | was Bot to be. We are to have a Democratic State
most prominent of these gentlemen is dead. You | Administration for the next four years. But Mr.
will hardly venture to attack him any more, for he | Irwin is a gentleman of education and culture, of
ltes cold in his grave, beyond the reach of your | large legislative experience, of more than average
assault. Btep forward, then, over the body of one | ability, of sterling character, and in every respect a
of the best friends you ever had, and carry on the polished and presentable gentleman. The adminis-
fight with the other twelve as long as you please; | tration of the State will be safe in his hands. Know-
and with the same excellent taste which you have | ing him personally very well, I am happy to give
hitherto displayed. | this testimony. California has been unusually for-
| tunate in the series of her Governors. Our first gov-
i ernor under the State Constitution was Gov. Burnett,
That in his course of political self-seeking he 1s one a gentleman of large experience, diversified culture,
of the principal authors of the temporary calamity | and spotless characier. And those who have filled
which has fallen upon the Bank of Cali. | that chair for the la t twenty years, although some of
‘fornia; of the presen: stringency in the money | them were strongly partisan, have all been above the
market and of all the evils which may result from it. | suspicion of being corrupt, or of being swerved from
And I adjure every voter who shares | the conscientious discharge of their duties by any im-
|

I CHARGE UPON JOHN ¥. SWIFT

in this calamity, every reputable citizen, | proper motive.
every Independent Republican, to go to the
polls on Wednesday, and pass judgment upon Johan
F. Bwift’s candidacy for Congress, and upon the | It ir perfectly evident that if the Republican tick
spurious ticket which he and his associates have | et had received all the Republican and Independent
foisted upon the public as «The People’s Independ. | votes, it would have been elected. Not only were
ent Municiral Ticket.” | thé so-called Independent votes diverted from it
And you who have heard Mr. Swift's speeches, in | evéry where, and especially in San Francisco, but the
Which he has given no reason why he should go to | Democratic ticket received a large Republican vote,
Congress, but every reason why he should remain | from the fear excited by false telegrams, that the
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NEXT YEAR.

here to protect us from the monster monopolies of | contest was between Irwin and Bidwell If the old
Water and gas, goand vote that he shali remain here Republican elements work together next year, the
at home as our defender. vote of the State is safe for the Republican candidate
for the presidency, unless the Democratic National
Convention does what there is no probability that it
will do,

TO THE INDEPENDENT REPUBLICANS

I say that the contest is evidently between the
Democrats and Republicans throughout the |
Btate, notwithstanding the lying telegrams |
which have been systematically sent us from the
country. There are dozens of counties in which

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| THAT THE PRECEDING VIEWS OF FINANCE
|

there i8 no Independent organization at all ; even in |
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Are correct ie shown by recent events. The one or
two National Gold Banks which closed their doors
have re-opened them, but their notes were already
again in carrent circulation before that took place.
The’ Bank of California has already resumed its
business with the old Board of Directors. The Syn-
dicate, as it is called, is to have no control over the
Bank, but it guarantees that there shall be money
on hand to pay the depositors and other cowmer-
cial creditors : moreover there are enough assets of
| the Bank to pay them, 80 that they have the addi-
tional security of the syndicate. There has been no
| panic, no run upon the banks generally, and no run
at all that lasted six hours. The injury that has
been done is to those who had engagements that
matured at the very time of the crisis, and which
could not be postponed even for a day ; and to those
who suffer from the interruption of business enter-
{ prises from comsiderations of prudence rather than
from necessity. The drafts upon the Savings Banks
which many expected, have not been made. Gen-
eral confidence exists, because everybody knows that
what is due him will be paid to him when he wants
it, in aclual gold.

the County of Alameda they could not run a separate
ticket. If the Republicans are beaten in the State, |
it will be only because Bidwell diverts just votes |
enough to defeat it, as Ualeb T. Fay did in 1867.
But if all those Independent Republicans who re-
sent the fraud which has been practised upon them
vote for the Republican ticket, we can carry the
State. In any event, we shall-give to the friends of
the Union at the East assurances that California has
not deserted the cause of freedom, but will be
found in her proper place at the mext Presidential
election,

 

AFTER THE ELECTION,

THE BESULT,.

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|
William Irwin, the Democratic candidate, has |
been elected Governor by a plurality vote. Mr,
Phelps, the Republican candidate, had the next |
highest vote. Gen. Bidwell, the nominee of the so.
called Independent State Convention, received the
smallest vote of all. He has carried only three
counties of the 52 counties of the State, and those
three the smallest of all. Tbe Muni.
cipal Ticket, nominated by the Council of Ten for the
City and County of San Francisco is defeated. Mr.
Swift is not elected to Congress, being third in the |
count.
If the Independent Party, in a State Convention |
composed of real and not sham delegates, had formed

IF OUR CURRENCY HAD BEEN ONE OF
PAPER BASED UPON OTHER IRREDEEMABLE
PAPER, WE SHOULD HAVE HAD A GENERAL
COLLAPSE,