WY or TS rae - me P= SST ETP 3 Sa i. dic J kp i 0 4 . a % oe Tr eh NI La A A Elaremdon (Press Devices GERMAN CLASSICS SCHILLER'S MARIA STUART BUCHHEIM London HENRY FROWDE OxrFORD University Press WAREHOUSE AMEN CorNER, E.C. Qew York MACMILLAN & CO., 66 FIFTH AVENUE Elavendon (Press Series GERMAN CLASSICS EDITED WITH ENGLISH NOTES, ETC. BY C. A. BUCHHEIM, Pun. Doc, F.C.P. Professor of the German Language and Literature in King's College, London Examiner to the University of New Zealand, the College of Preceptors, The Society of Arts, etc. Sometime Examiner to the University of London VOLUME XIII SCHILLER’S MARIA STUART WITH AN HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION A COMPLETE COMMENTARY, ETC. Oxford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1895 [All rights reserved) Oxford PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREVACE S$ ScuiLLER's Maria Stuart is one of his most popular plays both in and out of Germany, and it meets with great favour whether seen on the stage, read for amuse- ment, or studied in the school-room. The primary con- ditions of a full enjoyment of the drama are, of course, that the reader should possess a genuine love of poetry, that he should be able to peruse the drama in the original language, and finally that he should understand the tragedy in all its bearings. In the present edition I have endea- voured to furnish all reasonable help to the fulfilment of these two conditions. In general, I have followed the © principle adopted in all my former editions of German Classics in this Series, viz. to edit them in the manner in which the ancient Classics have as a rule been edited. First 1 have given a Zife of Mary Stuart in a short and compact form, partly for completeness’ sake, and partly for the benefit of those who may no longer remem- ber all the details relating to her tragic fate. The Genea- logical Tables of the Stuarts and Tudors will serve to supplement the biographical sketch, and help to make intelligible various historical allusions in the drama. An account of the commencement, progress, and com- 3 625947 G vi PREFACE. pletion of a great work of art is in all instances most desirable, but it is particularly so in the present case, since it shows what the poet's idea was from the begin- ning, respecting the nature of his drama. For this reason I have given a concise and connected History of the Composition which I have gathered from the poet’s own records on the subject. Of still greater importance is an exact knowledge of Schiller’s Sources for his Maria Stuart, as they form, in some respects, a key to his drama. It was indeed their ignorance of the authorities he had consulted, which led some critics to pronounce an adverse opinion on’ this dramatic masterpiece, since they often took objection to passages actually based on his sources. In order therefore not to fall into the same error, and well knowing that his dramas with an historical background are saturated with historical allusions, I un- dertook the laborious task of studying the extensive ¢ Mary Stuart literature’ as far as it existed when Schiller wrote his drama. These studies enabled me to discover some authorities of his—such as Jebb’s great collective work and others—of which no notice has hitherto been taken, and by means of which alone a number of his allusions could be explained. In my opinion the sources for an historical drama form the most reliable commen- tary, and guided by this conviction I came to the con- clusion that, as far as the historical element was concerned. the only reasonable way of annotating this play was, to follow strictly the poet's own authorities. To com- ment upon the allusions, as some critics have done, in the light of recent historical research—for or against Mary Stuart—would be the height of absurdity; in fact, it would resemble a criticism of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, based upon the objection that it was not PREFACE. vii constructed in accord with the results of Mommsen’s his- torical investigations. Here and there I have drawn special attention to ‘Schiller’s departure from history. This I have done, not with a view of correcting him, but in order to point out that he deviated from history for the sake of dramatic effect. Besides interpreting Schiller’s drama in accordance with his historical authorities, it seemed to me desirable not to judge it from my individual point of view, but from that of the author himself. It seems only reason- able and just to criticize a poetical work not from our own point of view, but from that of the author, in those cases where he has taken us into his confidence regarding the object of his productions. Schiller has done this most distinctly with regard to his Maria Stuari—as will be seen from my Critical Analysis—in his letters to Goethe. Nevertheless this most natural and most reliable guide to the play has been generally neglected, or at least not sufficiently brought into prominence, with the result that some critics have raised unjust, not to say preposterous, objections to this drama. It is therefore to be hoped that my critical estimate which, ds I said, is based on Schiller’s - own views about the drift of his tragedy, may tend to dispel a number of groundless strictures. I may add that ‘the reason why I have divided the Critical Analysis into- sections according to the various characters—not homo- genous, but contrasting—instead of giving a continuous abstract, was because the drama is pre-eminently a Characterstiick. The brief section on the Z7me and Place of the Action, about which topic there are also some erroneous opinions current, will enable the reader to form a correct notion of the progress and the locality of the action as the poet viii PREFACE. conceived it, and will contribute to rectify the groundless assumption that Schiller was ignorant of the course of events and of the physical aspect of the scene where it occurred. It also seemed to me desirable to devote a special chapter to the Language and the Metre (as 1 have done in some of my former volumes in this Series), for the benefit of the more serious students of German, and partly also in order to show in what a masterly manner the poet adapted the language to his present subject. Schiller’'s Maria Stuart ig been specially written for theatrical performance, it is a matter of course that a few words should be said on the Drama as a Stage-play. This brief chapter will at the same time serve as a correc- tive of those narrow-minded criticisms, which probably emanated from writers who had no practical experience of the effect it produces on the stage. This effect is indeed so great that some critics who had disapproved of the drama after having perused it in private, be- came enthusiastic for it after having seen it acted. The last chapter, headed Z%e Zext and the Transia- tions, will prove of interest from the point of view of German literary history. It also gives some informa- tion on the first English translation of the drama by Mr. Mellish’. ! I have abstained in the Zn#roduction from discussing the merits of Mr. Mellish’s version and of the subsequent translations of this drama, as I hope to do so in my projected monograph, German Books in English Versions, for which I am still collecting materials. I may be allowed, however, to state here that in my opinion only a master of melodious English verse, possessing the genius of a Tennyson, could do full justice to the original, since one of its principal charms consists in its beautiful form. To all other would-be translators I should say: Hands off! PREFACE. ix I have prefixed Arguments to the Acts, a practice which I first introduced into this country many years ago with reference to German dramas, and I have appended Notes, explaining, as I stated above, all the historical allusions contained in the Zexs. Here and there I have also given— where actually necessary—‘ Translation Notes,” and some linguistic information. To have burdened a poetical work like the present with a mass of grammatical and philolo- gical notes would have been most inadvisable. Not all text-books can be treated alike. Some lend themselves conveniently to grammatical annotations, whilst in those requiring many historical elucidations these would be quite out of place and spoil the intellectual enjoyment. I may add that for reasons which would be of no interest to the readers of this volume, I have not consulted any edition with English Notes, but have confined myself to reading only German Commentaries, criticisms, &c. Some of these works have been usefully consulted for their in- formation, but still more so for their suggestive criticisms. Whenever 1 have adopted a remark occurring in any of these works, I have stated it distinctly according to my invariable practice, and I trust it will be considered ex- - cusable on my part if I venture to ask future editors and translators of this drama, to act in similar fairness by me, and mention their eventual obligations to the work which has cost me so much research and labour. In order to make the present edition as complete as possible, I have added a List of the works, with their respective editions, to which I have referred in my Notes, and another List of the valuable German works to which I alluded above. A List of the English translations of this play will be found in my edition of Wilhelm Zell. As my sole object was to interpret Schiller’s drama, I have X PREFACE. considered it superfluous to swell the bulk of this volume by inserting Lists of translations into other languages, or of other plays on the same subject. The above description of my editorial work will show, 1 hope, that I have spared no pains in producing an edition worthy of the present drama. Various causes, among others my extensive historical investigations, have delayed the completion of this volume, and I feel impelled to express my cordial thanks to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for having exercised—as on former occasions—the greatest indulgence regarding the in- voluntarily slow progress of my work. In conclusion I cannot help adding that in Germany, as well as in some other countries, the admiration of and reverence for Schiller’s Maria Stuart is so great, that it is read there in educational institutions of all creeds; a fact which is highly creditable to the teachers and may serve as additional proof that this drama is not to be considered as a glorification or detraction of any par- ticular confession. It manifests neither a political nor a religious bias, and Palleske, the popular biographer of Schiller, has truly remarked :—Durch die Unabhingigkert vom konfessionellen Standpunkt, welche Schiller fiir die Tragidie in Anspruch nahm, wurde er in Wahrheit der Dichter des ganzen deutschen Volkes—Schiller’s tragedy is a purely poetical production, and it should be remem- bered that the sway of poetry is in the zone of those calms which are above the stormy region of denomi- national controversy. ; C. A. BUCHHEIM. King’s COLLEGE, LONDON, May 1, 1895. CONTENTS + HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION ; GENEALOGY OF THE STUARTS AND TUDORS LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION :— I. HisTORY OF THE COMPOSITION : 11. SCHILLER’S SOURCES FOR HIS MARIA STUART . IIT. CRITICAL ANALYSIS . . 3 IV. TIME AND PLACE OF THE ACTION V. THE LANGUAGE AND THE METRE VI. THE DRAMA AS A STAGE-PLAY VII. THE TEXT AND THE TRANSLATIONS : TEXT AND ARGUMENTS _ Notes. > . . . : . BIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX: A. LisT oF WORKS REFERRED TO IN THE NOTES B. SoME GERMAN WORKS CONTAINING AN ANALYSIS OF SCHILLER'S MARIA STUART . 5 PAGE X111 xxii og CORRIGENDA . 178, 1. 3835, for eine read ein ; . 189, L. 3, for ¢ James 1’ read ‘Charles I.’ . 190, note to 1. 47, for “Aug. 11° read ‘ Sept. 9. . 205, note to 1. 607, for * 1. 1077’ read ‘1. 1080.’ HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION LIFE OF MARY STUART. I [1542—1561.] NINE years after the birth of Queen Elizabeth a child was born in the Palace of Linlithgow who threatened to become her formidable rival for the English throne, and who harassed her life for nearly a generation. That child was MARY STUART, born on Dec. 7 (or 8), 1542. Her father was James V, a direct descendant of Henry VII, through his mother Margaret Tudor of England, and her mother was the French princess Mary of Lorraine, the eldest daughter of Claude, Duke of Guise. King James, mindful of the insecure “state of the country and lying broken-hearted on his sick-bed in consequence of his unsuccessful conflicts with England, is said to have greeted his daughter’s birth with an ominous utterance. He naturally would have preferred a son. Six or seven days after the birth of the unwelcome daughter, James V died, and Mary Stuart was crowned at Stirling on Sept. 9, 1543. The infant princess was only a few months ! The general outlines only of the life of Mary Stuart have been .given in the above sketch, as far as they are required for the under- standing of the historical basis of the present drama. All the his- torical allusions in the play, relating to her and the other dramatis persone, have been fully explained in the Nozes. xiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. old when Henry VIII came forward with a project of marrying her to his son Edward, but the then prevailing national jealousies between Scotland and England frustrated the plan. There was a strong party in the former country in favour of France, and after the birth of a son to the French king Henry II, by Catherine de Medici, in 1544, the Queen Dowager Mary of Guise worked so effectively on the passions of the Scots that they voluntarily offered the two years old daughter of James V in marriage to the infant prince Francis. The offer -was readily accepted by the French Court, and Mary Stuart was sent over to France (August 7, 1548) in her sixth year ; partly in order to protect her against the danger of falling into the hands of the English, and partly in order to fully prepare her for her future 7d/e of Queen of France. Mary was brought up with the royal children at St. Germain. The early impressions of the precociously gifted child amidst the corrupt and luxurious surroundings of the French court, which stood under the direct influence of Catherine de Medici, were not of a wholesome character. What made matters worse, the impressionable princess was entirely guided in political and religious concerns by her fanatical and ambitious uncles, the Dukes of Guise; by Charles, commonly called the Cardinal of Lorraine, and by his younger brother, Francis. The marriage between Mary Stuart at the age of sixteen and the sickly Dauphin who was only fourteen, took place with royal ‘pomp and circumstance’ on April 24, 1558, in the church of Notre-Dame at Paris. In November of the same year, the Scotch Parliament conferred upon the Dauphin the crown matrimonial, and he called himself henceforth ‘King of Scotland.” At the urgent persuasion of his father, Henry II, and of Mary’s uncles, the young couple also took the title of ‘King and Queen of England,’ assuming at the same time the English Royal Arms. When Henry II died, July 10, 1559, Mary Stuart and her husband, now Francis II, continued to proclaim themselves publicly LIFE OF MARY STUART. XV Sovereigns of England and Ireland ; which proceeding was a direct provocation of the English Queen. About three months after Mary Stuart's marriage with the Dauphin, Queen Elizabeth ascended the English throne. She was born Sept. 6, 1533, and she was not quite three years old, when two great calamities befell her. Her mother, Anne Boleyn, was beheaded in consequence of a charge brought against her by her husband, King Henry VIII, and the infant princess was declared illegitimate by Act of Parliament (1536). Eight years later Henry admitted her again, with the sanction of Parliament, into the line of succession, placing her in the same after his son Edward, bern 1537 by Jane Seymour, and his daughter Mary, born 1517 by his first wife, Catherine of Aragon. Next to Elizabeth Henry placed in the order of succession the daughters of his younger sister, the Duchess of Suffolk. He thus tacitly passed over the children of his elder sister Margaret of ‘Tudor, the grandmother of Mary Stuart, who was conse- quently virtually excluded from the succession. After the death of Edward VI in 1553 and of Mary I in 1558, Elizabeth was called to the throne, and her accession was greeted with satisfaction alike by Protestants and Roman Catholics. The latter grew, however, dissatisfied when the young Queen established the State Religion in 1559, and they soon began to impugn her legitimacy. They brought forward the well- known objection that her father, Henry VIII, not having received the Pope’s dispensation for his divorce from his first wife, Catherine of Aragon, was not legally married to Anne Boleyn, the mother of Elizabeth. Moreover, they referred to the above-mentioned Act of Parliament of 1536, by virtue of which Elizabeth had been distinctly declared ‘illegitimate.’ It was on these facts that Mary Stuart relied when she claimed, as a direct descendant of Henry VII, the right of succession, although, as stated above, he grand- mother had been tacitly excluded from it. To sum up, the conflicting claims of Elizabeth and Mary xvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. were based upon the following arguments. Elizabeth, as the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, was heiress by birth after the death of Edward and Mary 7/ Anne Boleyn was a legal wife of Henry VIII. If Anne Boleyn was not so, Mary was heiress in right of birth, being grand-daughter of the eldest sister of Henry VIII. Consequently Mary was bound to support the Papacy, as if the Pope’s claim to inter- pose in English ecclesiastical affairs were admitted, Elizabeth was illegitimate and Mary the. heiress by birth. Again the question would arise between Elizabeth and Mary out of the Parliamentary confirmation of Henry's will. If Parliament could dispose of the succession against hereditary right, Elizabeth had the succession whether she were illegitimate or not. If hereditary right was unassailable by Parliament then Mary had the succession. It results therefore that Elizabeth was bound by her interests to be antipapal and parliamentary, Mary to be papal and anti-parliamentary. The above arguments formed the gist of the conflict between the two Queens, which was aggravated by Mary Stuart's marriage with the French Dauphin. Since this marriage, momentous events passed in Scotland. Mary of Guise, the Dowager of James V, acting as Queen Regent of Scotland, called a French force into that country in 1559 against the malcontent Protestants who, on their part, were assisted by the English. After the death of the Queen Dowager in 1560, the French made peace with the Scotch as well as with the English. In the treaty, called the ¢ Treaty of Leith’ or of ‘Edinburgh,’ concluded between the French and the English (July 5, 1560), Elizabeth’s right to the Crown of England was fully acknowledged, and there occurs the provision ¢ that Francis II and Mary Stuart solemnly engage themselves, neither to assume the title of, nor bear the Arms of King and Queen of England in any time to come.’ Both Francis II and Mary refused to ratify this treaty, and Mary subsequently persisted in this refusal which formed the fatal turning point in her life. LIFE OF MARY STUART. xvii Mary’s husband, Francis II, died on Dec. 4, 1560, and being succeeded by his younger brother, Charles IX, who was entirely under the control of his mother, Catherine de Medici, Mary’s influence at Court was gone for ever. She retired to Rheims, which was later on to become the principal nursery of all the conspiracies in her favour. In 1561 Mary was invited by the Scotch to assume the reins of Govern- ment. She left France on August 15, 1561, arriving at Leith four days later—a widow of nineteen, who had already experienced a great reverse of fortune. “And this event con- cludes the First Period of her life. YL. [1561—1568.] The Second Period in the Life of Mary Stuart which extends over a space of eight years, was full of stirring events, hard struggles and grave disappointments. Not long after her return to Scotland she had to combat the rising of some Scotch nobles, and there also broke out dissensions between her and her Protestant subjects. Soon a number of suitors of exalted rank presented themselves for the hand of the royal widow, and it caused some surprise—and in some quarters disappointment—when her choice fell on her cousin, Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley (b. 1538), whom she married on July 2, 1565. Unfortunately his intellectual and moral qualities did not correspond with his handsome presence. Mary had conferred upon him the title of King, but she refused him the Crown matrimonial to which he aspired, after she had found out the shallowness of his mind and the wilfulness and depravity of his character. At the same time Queen Mary displayed great partiality for two other person- ages at her Court. The one was James Hepburn, Earl of b xviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Bothwell (b. 1536), one of the most powerful Scotch nobles, and the other the Italian upstart Rizzio (or ‘Riccio’), who had risen to the rank of the Queen’s confidential adviser; which circumstance aroused both the personal jealousy of Darnley and the political rancour of some nobles. These hostile elements combined in a conspiracy which resulted in the well-known assassination of Rizzio on the evening of March 9, 1566, in the presence of the Queen. About three months after the murder of Rizzio, Mary Stuart gave birth to a son, known in history as James VI of Scotland and James I of England (1603-1625). Mary's aversion to Darnley continued even after this auspicious event, and seeing himself exposed to contemptuous neglect, he left the court then residing at Stirling, and repaired to Glasgow, where he fell ill at the beginning of 1567. Mary paying him a tardy visit, induced him to repair to Edinburgh, and assigned to him a residence in a lonely situation at some distance from the town. There occurred the notorious catastrophe. The Queen stayed for two nights in the house where her convalescent husband resided, but left it on some pretence during the night from the gth to the 1oth of February, 1567. Shortly after her departure, the house was blown up by gunpowder, and the dead body of the King was discovered next morning in a neighbouring field. Public opinion universally attributed Darnley’s murder to Bothwell, and implicated the Queen as having connived at the deed. This suspicion was aggravated by the fact that Mary allowed herself-—as is generally assumed—to be kid- napped about three months later by Bothwell, who married her (May 15, 1567) after a hastily-managed divorce from his wife. The indignant Scotch nobility now levied an army, and so did the Queen and Bothwell. The two hostile forces met at Carberry Hill, near Edinburgh (June 15, 1587), but Mary’s troops would not fight for her cause, and /she was obliged to surrender ignominiously to her own rebellious subjects, whilst Bothwell escaped to the Continent. —- 4, 5&7 LIFE OF MARY STUART. . ix Mary was conducted as a prisoner, first to Edinburgh and then to the Castle of Loch Leven, situated in a small island. Elizabeth’s intervention for Her liberation proved futile, and Mary was compelled to resign the crown of Scotland in favour of her son James (July 29, 1567), and to nominate her half-brother Murray (or ‘ Moray’) Regent. Her enraged subjects were, however, not yet satisfied with the abdication. The Scotch Parliament declared ¢ Mary Stuart an accomplice in her husband’s violent death,” and besides ratifying her abdication, it condemned her to imprisonment. There was, however, still an influential party in Scotland in her favour, and after having made her escape, in the night of May 2, 1568, from Loch Leven, she joined her adherents, who soon numbered six thousand. The Regent marched against her with an inferior force. A battle ensued at Langside near Glasgow (May 13, 1568), in which Mary’s army was totally defeated. In order to escape a second imprisonment, and perhaps worse treatment, she resolved to fly to England. On May 15, 1568, Mary Stuart arrived at Dundrenan Abbey on the Solway, and informing Elizabeth that she had been driven from her kingdom by her own subjects, she implored her hospitality. On the following day Mary crossed the Solway in an open fishing-boat, and arrived in the evening at the market-town of Workington in Cumberland. On the next day she wrote to Queen Elizabeth asking for leave to visit her. From Workington she was escorted to Carlisle, thus closing the Second Period of her life as a prisoner in England. - 111. [1568—1587.] The 7hird Period in Mary's life extended, like the first, over a space of nineteen years, but it was devoid of any external stirring events. It was simply the life of a prisoner bz. XX HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, who is incessantly bent upon his escape, and upon the destruction of his captors. The only changes Mary now experienced were the removals from one prison to another, and occasionally a change of her custodians. Whilst she stayed at Carlisle and subsequently at Bolton Castle in Yorkshire—from July 1568 to February 1569—she received the homage of a number of Roman Catholic nobles and enthusiastic youths, ready to play the part of political knight- errants. These manifestations made the arrival of Mary very embarrassing to Queen Elizabeth. She could not set her at liberty because she would have been sure to gather around her a strong party, and a most sanguinary civil war would have been the consequence. Nor could she have sent her back to Scotland, as this would have been assigning her to a fatal doom. At the same time Elizabeth was unable to admit Mary to her presence, as long as she was not cleared of the charge of having been an accomplice in her husband’s murder. The attempt to have the cause of the Scottish Queen investigated by a Court of Commissioners was foiled through her refusal to appear, directly or indirectly, as a defendant before her own subjects and those of Elizabeth. The conspiracies to effect Mary's liberation began while she was imprisoned at Bolton Castle. She was then removed under the guardianship of the Earl of Shrewsbury to the strong and dreary fort of Tutbury. During the next sixteen years she was conveyed to several other places, until she was, in January 1585, again tranferred to Tutbury, where she was placed under the strict guardianship of Sir Amias Paulet. At the beginning of 1586 she was removed to Chartley near Tutbury, and her conspiracy for effecting her liberation and the destruction of Elizabeth having been discovered, a ruse was resorted to by means of which her secret papers and her keys of ciphers were secured. At the same time her two Secretaries, Nau and Curle, were arrested. Mary’s secret correspondence revealed, among other in- dictable facts, her participation in the great Babington con- LIFE OF MARY STUART. xxi spiracy for her liberation, and the assassination of Elizabeth. The latter was quite ready to consign Mary’s past conduct to’ oblivion if she only would acknowledge to her privately her guilt. Her doing so would, of course, have made it impos- sible for her to assert her pretensions to the English throne. No reply was vouchsafed to Elizabeth’s offer, and so the latter saw herself compelled to consent to an inquiry into the conduct of the Queen of Scots. A special Commission consisting of the first men of the realm was accordingly appointed, and the strong castle of Fotheringhay in Northamptonshire was selected for its place of meeting. Thither Mary was conveyed in September 1586. In the meantime her above-mentioned Secretaries confirmed her participation in the conspiracy of Babington, who was executed together with his principal accomplices. Public opinon was now strong against Mary, so that it was decided to bring her forthwith to trial. This trial took place at Fotheringhay in October 1586, and after her pleadings the Commissioners adjourned. On their reassembling Oct. 25, 1586, in the Star Chamber, Mary Stuart was found unani- mously guilty of having conspired against the life of Queen Elizabeth, and condemned to death. The latter hesitated to give effect to this momentous decision, but finally gave way when she was pressed by public opinion, which found expression in the urgent demands of Parliament that the sentence should be executed. On February 7, 1587, Mary was informed that the sentence of death against her would be carried out the next day. She is reported to have received the fatal intelligence with great firmness, and to have comported herself with dignity when she was led to the scaffold on the morning of Feb. §, 1587. Her body was removed with royal pomp on August 7 to the Cathedral of Peterborough, and in 1612, by order of her son, James I of England, to King Henry VII’s chapel at Westminster, where Queen Elizabeth had been buried nine years before. xxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. GENEALOGY OF THE STUARTS AND TUDORS. Henry VII (1485-1509) Margaret=(1) James IV of (2) Douglas, Earl Scotland of Angus (1483-1513) | James V (1513-1542) Margaret—ZEarl of Mary of Guise | . Lennox Mary Stuart==Darnley James VI of Scotland ; I of England Henry VIII==(1) Catherine of (2) Anne Boleyn (3) Jane Seymour (1509-1547) Aragon Mary I Elizabeth Edward VI (1553-1558) (1558-1603) (1547-1553) LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 1. HISTORY OF THE COMPOSITION. [1782-83.] The idea of dramatizing the fate of the Scottish Queen was an old one with Schiller. About three months after his memorable flight from Stuttgart in September, 1782, he settled down in the village of Bauerbach, near Meiningen, where he had found a temporary refuge’. A day after his arrival at that place he requested the Librarian of the Ducal Library of Meiningen, F. W. H. Reinwald, to lend him a number of books, one of which, at any rate—the German translation of Robertson’s Hzstory of Scotland—he evidently required for the subject of Maria Stuart. About three months later he informed the same correspondent that he had ac- tually promised a play of that name to a publisher, and added the request to lend him some more books on the sub- ject. Camden’s Annales he had already perused, for he adds, Camden ist herrlich; doch ist es gut, wenn ich mehrere habe. Still, he does not seem to have taken the drama in hand as yet. He had conceived at the same time the plan of writing another drama to be called Zm/of, and being perplexed as to which subject he should work out first, he ‘put back both plays until further order, and proceeded to dramatize the subject of Don Carlos. © 1 Cp. my ‘Life of Schiller,” p. xiv, prefixed to my edition of his Wilhelm Tell (C. P. S.). XXIV LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. [1799.] After the above mention of Maria Stuart, no further allusion was made to the subject by Schiller until sixteen years later, and it is chiefly i in his correspondence with Goethe that the ¢ History of ‘the Composition’ of Mary Stuart may be traced’. On March 17, 1799, he had com- pleted his brilliant tragedy of Wallenstein, and in a letter written two days later, there occurs the following well-known passage: Neigung und Bediirfniss sichen mich zu einem [rei phantasterten, nicht historischen Stoffy denn Soldaten, Helden und Herrscher habe ich vor jetzt saft. These words give the clue to Schiller’s decision to dramatise the subject of Mary Stuart. It is a passionale subject and a Auman one; and although it has an historical basis, it has been freely treated—/f7ez phantasiert, as it were—by the poet. The more he thought of the subject the more suitable it appeared to him fora tragedy, and so he diligently collected materials which, however, still lay before him in a ‘shapeless mass’ at the end of May. At that time it was that he wrote, in the midst of his arduous task, the significant and often-quoted words : Wiissten es nur die allzufertigen Urtheiler und die leichi- Jertigen Dilettanten, was es heisst, ein ordentliches Werk hervorzubringen ! In the meantime the poet had sketched out the plan of the first acts, so that he was able to write on June 4, ‘that he began on that day his opus mit Lust und Freunde! Encou- raged by his great friend, he worked on assiduously at the drama, so that he could affirm, nulla dies sine linea, and in spite of the difficulties offered by the first act, he completed it on July 25. The second act was finished about one month later, and at the beginning of September he brought down the third act as far as the meeting of the two Queens. He was now disturbed by some domestic occurrence, but never- theless he was able to read, towards the end of December, 1 Schiller’s letters of 1799 and 1800 referred to in this section were all addressed to Goethe. SCHILLER.S SOURCES FOR HIS MARIA STUART. XXV the first three acts, in their complete form, to Mr. John Mellish, the subsequent translator of the play; and as we learn from a note written on the last day of 1799, he had finished the tragedy on that very doy as far as the end of scene 4 of the fourth Act. [1800.] The beginning of the year 1800 was not very favourable to the progress of the drama. He had to finish his adaptation of Macbeth, and a severe illness, which be- fell him in the middle of February, prevented him for several weeks from proceeding with the tragedy. Thus it was only at the beginning of May that he was able to report that he had just finished the arrangement of the first four acts for the stage, and that he had taken up the fifth act. This act too offered him considerable difficulties, and in order to collect himself for the task, he removed in the middle of that month to the solitude of the Castle of Ettersburg, near Weimar. On his return to the latter place at the beginning of June, the drama was well-nigh finished, but it was only completed on the #ninih of June, 1800." 11. SCHILLER’S SOURCES FOR HIS MARIA STUART. An accurate knowledge of the sources upon which an historical drama is based, is in all instances most desirable, but it is quite indispensable with a play like Schiller's Maria Stuart, which is full of historical allusions. In fact, his sources form the best commentary on his tragedy ; they are, ! All the letters of Schiller relating to his Maria Stuart will be found in the K7itische Gesamtausgabe von Schiller's Bricfen, edited by Dr. Fritz Jonas, and published at the Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt of Stuttgart. Those written in 1782 and 1783 are contained in Vol. i, and those dating from 1799 and 1800 in Vol. vi. of the collection. "XXVI ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. in some respects, the piéces justificatives of the manner in which he carried out his task. It has been shown in the preceding sketch, that the poet was acquainted, as far back as 1782, with some works relating to the history of Mary Stuart, such as Camden's Annales in the Latin original, and Robertson's History of Scotland, in a German translation’. When he resumed, in 1799, the plan of dramatizing the fate of the Scottish Queen, he procured, as was his wont, all available books on the subject in question. The titles of most of them are known to us from the Library Registers—Auwusleihbiicher—of the Ducal Library at Weimar, from various letters and, indi- rectly at least, from a number of allusions in his drama which he could only have drawn from certain books. Thus we know that he perused, besides the above-mentioned Cam- den’s Annales and Robertson's History of Scotland, the following works :— Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia. Du Chesne’s Histoire d’ Ecosse, &c. Vol. II. of Hume's History of England, in a German translation % Vieweg’s Zaschenbuch fiir Damen fiir 1799, containing a life of Mary Stuart, by Friedrich Gentz. Goschen’s Historischer Kalender fiir Damen fiir das Jahr 1790, which contains a ‘Geschichte der Konigin Elisabeth von England’ by Archenholz. Rapin’s Histoire d& Angleterre, &c., which work he studied from the beginning of his task. Several ecclesiastical publications, such as a Roman Missal, a Breviary, &c., which he required for the seventh scene of the fifth Act. ! Robertson's History of Scotland was translated twice into German in 1762, by Mittelstedt and by Seiler. 2 Hume's historical work was translated into German in two volumes, by Joh. Jak. Dusch, in 1762-63. SCHILLER'S SOURCES FOR HIS MARIA STUART. XXVii Brantéme’s ¢ Vie de Marie Stuart,’ contained in his Dames Illustres, which work is included in Schiller’s Sammlung [franziosischer Memotren. Besides the above-mentioned works, Schiller must have used some other sources, as may be inferred from the following facts. In a letter which Miss Emilie Gore, a daughter of Mr. Charles Gore, the friend of Goethe and Schiller, wrote to the wife of the latter, there occurs the following passage in reply to a request for books relating to Mary Stuart: ‘Monsieur Schiller aura sans doute consulté Camden et Robertson. Mon pere me charge pourtant de les lui envoyer, ainsi que Brantéme et un volume d’un Biographical Dictionary, ou il y a beaucoup d’anecdotes’.’ In my opinion, the volume here referred to must have been the third of Goadby’s Dictionary of British Bio- graphy, which contains several anecdotes relating to the two Queens. The letter in question is, however, of still greater import- ance for us from another point of view. It shows that Schiller had, besides the Ducal Library of Weimar, another channel at his disposal for works relating to the subject of his drama. Mr. Charles Gore seems to have been in possession of a very extensive historical English library, and he must have lent to the poet some other works for his purpose, besides those mentioned in the above letter. Several of Mr. Gore’s books came, after his death, into the possession of the Weimar Library. Camden’s Annales, with his name inscribed, is still to be found there, and I venture to surmise that the copy of Raphael Holinshed’s Ckronicle (1586-87), standing, as I am informed, by the side of Camden’s work, also belonged originally to Mr. Gore, who ! Miss Gore's letter is given in the work Charlotte won Schiller und thre Freunde (ii. 359), and the editor, L. Urlichs, conjectures that it was probably written in April 1800; which date can hardly be correct, since Schiller actually finished the first four Acts by the end of 1799. XXVili LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. must have lent it to Schiller’. As an indirect proof of this assumption may serve the description of the Tournament at the beginning of the second Act, which is evidently based upon the account given of that remarkable event by Holinshed® The absence of any mention of Holinshed’s Chronicle, or of some other works by Schiller in his corre- spondence, proves nothing, as he did not keep any regular account, as it were, of the works used by him. He only mentioned them as occasion required. There is another notable instance of a work evidently used by Schiller as one of his sources, without having been mentioned, as far as I know, anywhere as such. I allude to the collective work edited by Dr. Samuel Jebb, under the title of De Vita et Rebus Gestis Marie Scotorum Regine, and consisting of sixteen memoirs, written in Latin, French, and Spanish, all relating to the hapless Queen. There are several allusions, especially in the fifth Act, which, as will be seen from my Nofes, the poet could only have made after having consulted the above Sammelwerk®. In addition to the above works, Schiller has evidently read ! T am indebted for the information regarding the presence of Holinshed and Camden at the Weimar Library to the Principal Librarian, Geh. Hofrath Dr. P. von Bojanowsky, who kindly made some researches for me. 2 Cp. IL. 1080-96, 2. The conjecture of the frequently unreliable Bottiger, that Schiller’s description of the Tournament is based on the account given of it by John Nichols in his Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth (1788), is, for various reasons which space does not permit me to enumerate here, untenable. Suffice it to say that Holinshed is on the shelves of the Weimar Library,.and Nichols is #ot. 3 Jebl’s work has been in possession of the University Library of Jena—as Dr. K. K. Muiller, the Oberbibliothekar, informed me—since 1763, and it is most probable that Schiller obtained the work from there, as he mostly resided during the composition of his drama either at Jena or at Weimar. In Schiller's time there were no Ausleihbiicher kept at the Jena University Library. CRITICAL ANALYSIS. XXIX the Memoirs of Sir James Melvil (or ¢ Melville’), pub- lished in 1752, and it is not unlikely that the Compleat Ambassador, etc., by Sir D. Digges, was also known to him. These then are the abundant sources which Schiller used for his play, and which enabled him to draw his masterly character-sketches, and to produce one of the most pathetic dramas of modern times. III. CRITICAL ANALYSIS, ‘Marie Stuart est, ce me semble, de toutes les tragédies alle- mandes la plus pathétique et la mieux congue.’—Mme DE STAEL. Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth. The clue to the spirit in which Schiller conceived the present drama may be found in his own letters, in the same way as we traced in them the history of its composition and the sources of which he availed himself. We have seen that after the completion of his Wallenstein, he was drawn ‘by inclination and an innate impulse’ towards a subject which was not to be strictly historical, but freely invented and at the same time ‘passionate and human.’ He consequently - selected the fate of Mary Stuart as the background of his new drama, but with the evident intention of treating it in no strict accordance with history. The subject appeared to him most suitable for tragic treatment, and he wrote with reference to it to Goethe,—ZBesonders scheint er (i. e. der Stofff) sich zu der Euripidischen Methode, welche in der vollstindigsten Darstellung des Zustandes. besteht, zu quali- Sizieren; denn ich sehe eine Miglichkeit, den ganzen Gerichisgang zugleich mit allem Politischen auf die Seite XXX LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. zu bringen, und die Tragidie mit der Verurtheilung anzu- Jangen?. : In presenting to us Mary in prison after the verdict had been pronounced against her, ‘one foresees,” the poet re- marked ? ¢ the catastrophe in the very first scenes, and the action, whilst apparently moving away from it, approaches it more and more ;’ and he adds, an der Furcht des Ari- stoteles fehlt es auch nicht, und das Mitleid wird sich auch schon finden. In order to produce a pathetic drama of this kind, Schiller was obliged to secure—more especially in the first act—* the mastery of free imagination over the historical element, although he adopted from history all he could make use of for his purpose®’ No clearer proof is needed to show that his object was to amalgamate history and fiction in his drama, using the former as a slight background only. In fact he could not proceed otherwise if he wanted to create a moving dramatic picture, so he simply made use of the ancient and well-known privilege of poets to mould historical facts in accordance with dramatic requirements °. In spite, however, of considerable deviation from historical 1 Cp. Schiller’s Ausgewdhite Briefe, edited by Pauline Buchheim (New York, Putnam’s Sons), p. 116. : 2 Letter to Goethe, June 18, 1799. * Schiller seems to interpret, like some other writers, the well- known Aristotelian principle regarding an impressive tragedy, that first apprehension takes place about the fate of the hero, and that that feeling is turned into pity when the calamity has actually occurred.” According to recent criticism, however, the requirement of Aristotle is ¢ pity and fear.” Cp. on this subject Prof. Butcher's learned remarks in his Ar#stotle’s Poetics, p. 243, seq. + Letter to Goethe, July 19, 1799. 5 T hope I may be allowed here to quote the remarks I made on the above topic with special reference to Schiller’s Jungfrau von Orleans, in my Introduction to his Wilhelm Zell (C.P.S. p. xxiii), first published in 1870, viz. ‘I do not think that it falls within the scope of criticism to determine the materials on which a poet should work ; but its principal function seems to me to be the investigation CRITICAL ANALYSIS. : xxxi details and the introduction of some new elements, the poet invested the drama, in general, with an historical character. Thus he wrote to Goethe (June 18, 1799) :— Weil es auch historisch betrachtet, ein reichhaltiger Stoff ist, so habe ick, ihn in historischer Hinsicht etwas reicher behandelt und Motive aufgenommen, die den nachdenkenden und instruirten Leser freuen konnen. We also learn from the same letter in what light Schiller wished to represent the character of his heroine, and what impression he intended that her fate should produce upon us :— Meine Maria, he says, wird keine weiche Stimmung erregen, es ist meine Absicht nicht; ich will sie immer als ein physisches Wesen halten, und das Pathetische muss mehr eine allgemeine tiefe Rithrung als ein personlich und indi- viduelles Mitgefiihl sein. Sie empfindet und erregt keine Zartlichkeit ; ihr Schicksal ist, nur heftige Passionen zu erfahren und zu entziinden. Bloss die Amme fiihlt Zéirt- lichkett fiir sie. The above general characterization of his heroine is completed by some remarks which Schiller is reported to have made on May 11, 1800, when he read to an assembly of Weimar actors the first four Acts of his tragedy. The narrator of that memorable meeting states that Schiller first observed in general ‘that his Mary Stuart was not innocent, since a heroine of angelic purity seemed to him untragical ;” and he immediately added,—Z's kabe lim ange- messener geschienen, gleich zu Anfang Mariens Schuld hervortreten zu lassen, die sich im Laufe des Stiickes immer mehr verrvingere, ja zuletst stehe sie fast makellos da; es miisse gleich deutlich werden, was in den Beschuldigungen dhrer Feinde wahr und was Verlewmdung sei. Judging of the problem :—The poet having chosen such and such materials, and having employed such ahd such means, has he succeeded in attaining the object he had in view?’ A similar remark will be found in Schiller's Leben und Werke, by Viehoff-Hoffmeister, published in 1875. XXXil LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. Schiller’s drama by the light of the above statement, we must acknowledge that it has been systematically con- - structed according to the poet’s preconceived plan; which circumstance disarms at the outset all cavilling criticism. Mary’s impending fate is seen looming in the distance at the very beginning of the play, and in the scene with her nurse Kennedy both her guilt and her deep repentance become manifest. At the same time we see that she still relies upon Leicester’s secret help, and that, although the recurrence of the anniversary of Darnley’s assassination has aroused deep re- morse in her heart and she appears with a crucifix in her hand, she has nevertheless concealed about her person a I letter and a portrait of hers, destined for the object of her new passion; which circumstance fully agrees with Schiller’s intention invariably to represent her as eiz physisches Wesen. In the scene between Mary and Burleigh the character of the former again comes out in bold relief. She has thrown off the subdued demeanour which she had assumed in the presence of her nurse, and assumes an air of defiance and of proud self-possession. ~ Her past history, the causes which brought her from the Scottish throne to an English prison, the reasons of her condemnation, the extent of her guilt, and above all her spirited, indomitable temper and ever-scheming mind, together with the passionate promptings of her heart, are all distinctly shown in the first Act, which thus serves as an admirable Exposition of, or an introduction to, the tragedy ; more especially as it reveals at the same time the precariousness of her life, and the fact that her character is the determining factor in her fate. The events of the second Act increase our apprehension for Mary’s safety. The French ambassador’s intercession on her behalf proves futile; Burleigh raises his powerful voice against her, and Elizabeth, whilst publicly wavering in her decision, privately conspires with Mortimer to take her life in secret. There now seems only the fearful alter- native left between execution and assassination; still there CRITICAL ANALYSIS. xxxiii is a slender thread of hope yet remaining in the projected interview between the two pees so shrewdly brought about by Leicester. The third Act forms the turning point in the fate of Mary, and the light and shade of her character are shown in it " with great intensity. Her exuberant, almost childlike joy at the ray of apparent freedom, arouses a sympathetic response in our hearts. * She is intoxicated with the unwonted aspect of the beauties of nature, and on hearing the cheerful sounds of the hunting bugle, her old instinct of chasing the game and roaming through open space, is stirred up in her. Her subdued mood seems to have vanished as if by magic, and the revulsion of her sentiments towards Elizabeth is thus psychologically explained. She feels herself Queen again, and the spirit of pride and vindictiveness animates her soul - once more. Still she conquers herself so far as to play the part of a supplicant, although the prayer for pardon contains some hidden stings against the English Queen. . When the latter, however, carried away by female jealousy, and abusing her position, taunts her beyond endurance, she loses all self-control and exclaims :— Das ist zu viel! Mary’s passion has now been aroused—no power on earth can restrain it—and she pours forth against Elizabeth all the pent-up bitterness of her heart until the climax i is reached in her impassioned exclamation : — Regierte Recht, so liget Thr vor mir Im Staube Jetst, denn ick bin Euer Konig! Mary is well aware that her enemy ‘carries death in her heart’; but nevertheless she entertains a feeling of relief at her triumph. A triumph it was, but one dearly bought, so that, reversing a well-known Latin saying, we might exclaim : Woe to the victor! Mary's momentary triumph receives a fatal sequel in the attempt, on the part of a conspirator, to assassinate Queen Elizabeth. Her doom is now sealed, since c nn —————, XXXIV LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. not only the deeds of her enemies but also those of her friends in her behalf, turn out fatally for her. Hypercritical pedants found fault with the third Act, vibich, by the by, forms one of the finest episodes in dramatic literature, because it is quite contrary to history. Fortunately Schiller has himself expressed his views on the subject. On Sept. 3, 1799, he informed Goethe that he had in the com- position of Mary Stuart arrived at the scene in which the two Queens meet, and he adds :— Die Situation ist an sich selbst moralisch unmaoglich; ich bin sehr verlangend, wie es - mir gelungen ist, sie moglich su machen. Die Frage geht sugleich die Poesie tiberhaupt an, und darum bin ich eppels begierig, ste mit Ihnen su verhandeln. Schiller having himself declared that the situation was morally impossible, we have only to investigate how far he succeeded in making it plausible or probable. The meeting between the two Queens was brought about by Leicester's cunningly devised plan, who shrewdly made use of Elizabeth's vanity for his purpose. The poet has thus. made ‘an impossibility probable,” and he has, moreover, ‘veiled the ‘impossibility by a poetic charm!’ Mary’s passionate cha- racter comes out forcibly at this meeting ; so much so that, as Bellermann justly remarks, her ebullition of temper may be regarded as an indirect proof of her guilt. ‘Schiller has; therefore, here represented her once more as a purely ‘ physi- cal being ’ with all its frailties. It is true she is horrified at the deeds of violence planned for her rescue; still she does not absolutely reject them, and we see from a subsequent passage (1. 3386-91) that she actually expected to be liberated by the conspirators. Nevertheless we cannot deny her our sympathy when we witness the mortification inflicted upon her by Martimer's outrageous conduct. His insulting treat- ment of her may be considered as a retribution for her past transgressions, which are thus mitigated. This then is another 1 Cp. Aristotle's Poetics, Butcher's edition, p. 9T seq. CRITICAL ANALYSIS, XXXV step towards her purification.” At the. same time our feeling of compassion with her sufferings is increased in intensity by the conviction that through the attempt on the life of Elizabeth her own life has been forfeited. Still the warrant of death had not yet been signed, and so all hope! 1s not yet lost. In the fourth Act Mary’s fate is decided. The two men on whose support she chiefly relied, seeing themselves betrayed, forsake her. The one takes his own life with self-denying stoicism, whilst the other abandons her ignominiously, in cowardly fear. Burleigh inexorably demands her death, and Shrewsbury's generous intercession proves futile; whilst Elizabeth, cut to the quick by Mary’s insults and Leicester's treachery—trembling for her own life, and urged by the people to safeguard it—signs the death-warrant. Queen Mary is now a doomed person, and the uncertainty how shé will bear her fate fills us with anxiety. Her inevit- able doom is made the more impressive by the preparations for her death at the beginning of Act v, and she herself rises in our estimation through the sympathy displayed on her behalf by those devoted to her personally. Her farewell to her attendants, which is acknowledged to be one of the ‘most touching scenes in dramatic literature, is at the same time the means of exhibiting her total resignation and calm submission to her fate. The past is obliterated for ‘her; her repentance has purified her soul, and she has regained her self-esteem to such a degree that she could «truly assert :— Die Krone fiihl’ ich wieder auf dem Haupt, Den wiird gen Stolz in meiner edeln Seele. When we witness her sincere repentance in the scene with Melville, and we learn more explicitly how far she was. guilty ‘and innocent, she appears to us purified and cleared of all earthly stains. And this is Zze Mary Stuart whom Schiller, Sepiding to his own statement, wished to represent. She was C2 XXXVI LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. innocent of the conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, and if she, nevertheless, must suffer for it, she meekly accepts ~ the punishment as an expiation for another ¢ guilt of murder,’ committed by her in bygone years. For this reason the poet puts into her mouth the words :— : : Gott wiirdigt mich, durch diesen unverdienten Tod Die friihe Blutschuld abzubiissen. ' When Melville hears this candid confession, he no longer withholds from her the comfort of absolution, and he fells her, with reference to her guilt :— So gehe hin und sterbend biisse ste. Mary, being now absolved of the transgression committed by her through the frailty of youth, is assured ord Melville that she will ascend to heaven as— Ein schon verklifler Engel. The so-called ‘Communion Scene’—which is the. most contested part in the play—was therefore absolutely necessary for the dénodiment of the drama. It gives the final touch to the portraiture of Mary, and through its agency alone, she ¢ appears at last almost stainless,” as it was the poet’s inten- tion that she should. ! The seventh scene of Act v, known as the ¢ Communion Scene,’ has proved from the beginning #%¢ stumbling-block of the present drama. It has formed, and still forms, the subject of animated, even embittered controversy, more especially on the part of those narrow- minded critics who judge even the finest poetical productions from a bigoted point of view. Goethe, ever anxious to spare the feelings of others, felt rather uneasy on hearing that a ¢ Communion Scene’ was to be brought on the stage, and in consequence of an intimation from the Duke Karl August, it seems to have been omitted at the first performance of the play (Letter to Schiller, June 12, 1800). Korner approved of the scene from a poetical point of view, but was of opinion that the feelings of the public, who are adverse to the dramatic representation of religious ceremonies, should be spared. The contested scene has, almost invariably, been left out on the CRITICAL ANALYSIS. xxxvii Apprehensive whether Mary will bravely pass through the last ordeal, Melville asks her :— Fiiklst du dich stark genug, wm jede Regung Der Bitterkeit, des Hasses zu besiegen? to which question Mary overconfidently replies :— - Ich fiirchte keinen Riickfall. Meinen Hass Und meine Liebe hal’ ich Gott geopfert. Her hatred she had indeed sacrificed to God; for she sends through Burleigh her sisterly greeting to Elizabeth, asks her forgiveness for her impetuous outburst on the day before, and prays for her happy reign (Il. 3781-86). Her love, however, her worldly passion, she has not yet totally eradicated from her heart; and Melville’s astute remark— Das Herz ist ein Betriiger, becomes. only too soon verified with her. After having com- mended her soul to God, she suddenly perceives Leicester, and her agitation proves that she had not yet fully sacrificed to God her ‘worldly love’; but it is the last flaring up of an stage in Roman Catholic countries, and in Protestant ones it is but rarely given. The eminent German actor, Herr Ludwig Barnay, informed me that under his theatrical management wurde die Scene ganz vollstindig aufgefiihrt und hat einen mdchtigen und nackhal- tigen Eindruck gemacht. It would be out of place here to discuss the subject in all its bearings, but this much I may be allowed to state without introducing a controversial element into these pages. First, without the confession and the subsequent absolution the tragedy would be—as has been pointed out above—incomplete. Secondly, the introduction of both those functions has been approved of even by some eminent critics professing the Roman Catholic creed. Thirdly, there are various notable precedents as to the per- formance of similar scenes in other countries, and Mme de Staél justly pointed out with reference to the Communion Scene :—*Le pays le plus catholique, I’Espagne, et son poéte le plus religieux, Caldéron, qui était lui-méme entré dans état ecclésiastique, ont admis sur le thédtre les sujets et les cérémonies-du christianisme.’ XXXViil LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. extinguishing flame. This. momentary revulsion, which is quite in accordance with human nature, was necessary for Mary's total purification. It impels her to give vent to her feelings for Leicester, but only in order to stifle them for ever. She has conquered herself, and she is able to ex- claim : — Jetst, da ich auf dem Weg bin, von der Welt Zu scheiden und ein sel’ger Geist zu werden, Den keine ird’sche Neigung mehr versucht, Jett, Lester, darf ich ohne Schamerrothen Euch die besiegte Schwachheit eingestehen. Remaining ezzz physisches Wesen to the last, she hurls one more bitter shaft at the treacherous man, by telling him with reference to Elizabeth : — Mig’ eueriLokn nicht eure Strafe werden ! Then she emphatically exclaims :— Jetst hab ich nichts mehr auf der Erden! and firmly proceeds to the spot from which her soul is to ascend in angelic purity. The above analysis of the character of Mary will show that Schiller consistently portrayed her in accordance with the plan he sketched out for himself at the beginning. Some critics, who were staunch believers in Mary's innocence, and also, those who considered her more guilty than she appears in the play, pleaded as an excuse for the poet—although from different points of view—that he merely followed in the delineation of her character the sources which were at his disposal. Such was by no means the case. He did not follow the respective sources because he believed in them, but because they suited him for the portraiture of his heroine. The same may be said of Schiller’s delineation of Elizabeth, who is represented in the drama as vain, heartless, and hypocritical, and inferior to her royal rival in every womanly charm. This characterization of Queen Elizabeth forms the principal objection of some critics to the present drama. CRITICAL ANALYSIS. XXXix They aver that Schiller lowered, in too painful a degree; the great English Queen, in order to represent, by way of contrast, the character of the Scottish Queen in a more favourable light. They contend that this proceeding was an ‘unjust impartiality.” Even Carlyle’, who, by-the-by, con- siders the present drama a beautiful tragedy, seems to have been of this opinion ; and Bulwer, in his Sketch of the Life of Schiller? went so far as to declare ‘that to an Englishman nothing can be less satisfactory than the poet’s character of our great Elizabeth.” Bulwer was evidently not aware that Schiller did not intend to write an /Azstorical tragedy, and that he only used the historical element, as has been pointed out before, as a slight general background. It would, there- fore, be absurd to characterize his drama, on the one band, as hostile to Protestantism in general and to Elizabeth in particular, and on the other hand, as a glorification of Roman Catholicism in general and of Queen Mary in particular. Schiller’s political” and religious bias is too well known to make it necessary to refute that charge, and besides, his admiration of Queen Elizabeth as a ruler may be inferred from his other writings. What he actually had in view with his drama was—as he intimated himself—the purely Zaman element only, and for this reason he discarded at the outset all controversies about politics and religion. If therefore he followed some of his sources in representing Elizabeth as an “artful hypocrite, it was not because he attached full credence to them, but because that assumption suited his dramatic plan. Queen Elizabeth’s double-faced dealings are the result of her fear lest Mary's public execution might cast a stain upon her with posterity, and for this reason she is described as being anxions that the life of her rival should be taken secretly. Such a proceeding is, of course, most reprehen- Y Life of Schiller, Part 111. 2 Prefixed to his Zranslations of Schiller’ Pogo: X| ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. sible; still we see from the conversation between Leicester and. Mortimer (Act ii, Scene 8) that the English: Queen was fully justified in taking, at any rate, ‘legal measures ’ against her dangerous enemy. In the following scene between her- self and Leicester a spark of human feeling glimmers forth from her stern, unwomanly character. It is her confession of a tender affection for him in whose sincere love she fondly believed. Our sympathy with her is, however, weak- ened when all the hardness and vanity of her character appear in her interview with Mary. This scene, the bear- ing of which seems to have been: misunderstood even by some eminent critics, was absolutely necessary in order to display to their fullest extent the respective characters of the two Queens, as the poet wished to represent them : the callousness of Elizabeth and—as has been observed above— the passionate temper of Mary. This celebrated Zankscene, which forms the climax of the drama, gives the final touch to ‘the portraiture of the two royal rivals. Mary has lost in our eyes by the impetuous outburst of her temper: still we feel no pity for Elizabeth at her -humiliation. It is only when we hear that an attempt has been made on her life that our sympathy is aroused on her behalf, and we become con- vinced that her own safety depends on the death of Mary. This feeling of sympathy is increased when we witness, in the fourth Act, her grief at Leicester's treachery. She still hesitates to sign the warrant, and we actually have a repeti- tion, or rather continuation, of the great State Council in Act ii. Left alone, she lays bare, in a soliloquy, the sen- ‘timents agitating her mind. This monologue, which has been almost as copiously commented upon as the celebrated one of Hamlet, serves as a faithful mirror of her character, and as a graphic sketch of her situation.. The point which touches us most painfully in her self-confession, is her asser- tion that she had never practised justice from a natural bent—from her own free will—but because it was imposed upon her by sheer necessity ; which statement is, after all, ~ CRITICAL ANALYSIS. Exli in direct contradiction of the one preceding it, ‘that she had hated arbitrariness all her life.’ Still we must remember that the poet wished to represent her as the embodiment of hypocrisy. Gradually she works herself up to the fearful resolution to sign the warrant, and on the appearance of Davison she leaves him in sheer perploaly as to What is to be done with it. : In the fifth Act we witness Elizabeth’s retribution. She has to hear that Mary's secretaries had borne false witness, and she is obliged to dismiss her most valuable servant— Lord Burleigh—in order to make it appear that the warrant had been carried out without her consent; and as a natural sequel she is forced to threaten loyal Davison with the inflic- tion of an undeserved punishment.” Nor is this all. Noble- minded Shrewsbury, seeing through. her feint, resigns his office, and when summoning, as a last comfort to her, the presence of the Earl of Leicester, she is curtly told :— Der Lord lisst sick Entschuldigen, er ist zu Schiff nack Frankreich. It is quite clear that the final scenes of the play, which form a kind of Nackspiel, were necessary for dramatic effect. To have ended with the terrible soliloquy of Leicester would have left too painful an impression upon the reader or spectator. It was, besides, necessary—for the sake of poet- “ical justice—to show Elizabeth’s punishment; for whilst Mary, repenting the past, suffers physical death, and is thus purified by it, the former is punished morally by being plunged into desolate loneliness, and by the consciousness ‘that her double dealings were seen through by the men around her. This punishment is the natural sequence of her character, and although we cannot hold her in abhorrence _ since, as Carlyle observes, ‘ she violates no law,” we can just as little bestow upon her a feeling of compassion, more especially as she only displays a slight commencement of repentance. Some critics find fault with Schiller for having presented us xlii ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. Sl in the drama with Zwwo heroines. Such, however, is not the case. The two Queens stand opposite one another in bold relief, and their characters are contrasted ; the one being passionate, impulsive, and appealing to our sympathy by the reversal of her fortunes ; whilst the other is represented as vain, self-collected, and deceitful, and whose fate does not move us when retribution falls to her lot. It is, however, the tragic end of Mary Stuart which stamps her as the prin- cipal, or rather only heroine of the drama. Burleigh, Shrewsbury, and Paulet. Next to the character of the two Queens, that of Lord Burleigh is the most prominent. He is the ‘man of blood and iron’ whose only consideration is the welfare of the State. He is the spokesman of the patriotic Estates and the echo of the voice of the people, which clamorously de- manded the blood of Mary Stuart. His very first words addressed to her— Ich komme als Gesandter des Gerichis, may be taken as the motto of his line of action. Stern, calm, and upright, he has personally no vindictive feeling against Mary, but he is convinced that the security of the State, the very existence of the Protestant religion, and the life of his Queen demand impetatively the death of the Scot- tish Queen, and he inexorably insists upon it. On the other hand, he is neither bigoted nor prejudiced, for he zealously advocates the matrimonial alliance between* Elizabeth and a Roman Catholic French prince —simply because he con- siders it beneficial for the English commonwealth. He is also endowed with diplomatic shrewdness. He sees through Leicester's deceitful dealings, and for this very reason he asks that the latter should assist at Mary’s execution. He is moreover well acquainted with Elizabeth’s vacillating character, and has therefore recourse to the somewhat "CRITICAL ANAL VSS. xliii violent proceeding of snatching the warrant from Davison] in “order to have it forthwith executed. On appearing before the Queen after the execution had taken place, he sums up his loyal and patriotic sentiments in the words :— Lang lebe meine konigliche Frau Und mégen alle Feinde dieser Insel Wie diese Stuart enden! Whilst Burleigh represents stern law and justice, Lord Shrewsbury may be considered as the exponent of grace and clemency. The poet puts into his mouth all the reasons “on behalf of Mary Stuart which the sentiments of humanity and generosity could inspire. He pleads in her favour with the eloquence of enthusiasm and the conviction of divine justice.. At’ the same time he is most anxious for the fair «fame of Elizabeth, and when he hears that the warrant had actually taken effect, he resigns his office and regretfully adds :(— : a Ich habe deinen edlern 7) heil i Nicht retten konnen. Shrewsbury’s genial character—for which there is some historical basis—is admirably drawn, and it is most gratify- ing to meet with such a generous and noble-minded man amidst the surroundings of conspiracy, jealousy, and hatred ". The figure which, next to Shrewsbury, most gains our respect and admiration is that of Sir Amias Paulet, the delineation of whom is mainly in accordance with history. Paulet combines all the good qualities of a stern -Puritan. He is righteous and straightforward, unflinching in the fulfilment of his duties, and Mary’s rigorous and inexorable ctistodian. At the same time he is adverse to any act of treachery, and he scorns the suggestion to have her secretly murdered. Believing her guilty, he does not plead on her ~ Y Talbot ist der einzige, den wir ehren und lieben . . . er vertritt gleichsam die Stelle des griechischen Chors. Korner to Schiller, July 9, 1800. —~——— xliv ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. behalf from sheer generosity ; still he is ready to contribute to her legitimate rescue, and he encourages her when she is about to have an interview with Elizabeth, ‘to use the most fitting words at her command.’ Mortimer, Leicester, znd Melville. The male characters representing the staunch and un- conditional adherents of Mary, are "those of Mortimer and Leicester. The first-named is the poet’ “reation ; but the character as such certainly existed in those days. Mor- timer is ‘the embodiment of that delirious frenzy which animated the young at that time to sacrifice their wealth and even their lives on. behalf of Mary. Mingled with an undefined feeling of personal adoration was an exaggerated | religious fervour, so that those excited youths may be said to have been knights-errant of fanaticism, engaged in a secret crusade. Mortimer is, besides, the living representa- tive of those Jesuitical doctrines. which were inculcated at Rheims in the minds of the young. It is generally assumed ‘that the famous conspirator Babington served Schiller as the prototype of Mortimer. Several traits of the former page of Queen Mary have been felicitously interwoven in the fictitious character of Paulet’s nephew, whilst others have, not less felicitously, been freely invented by the poet. The account of Mortimer’s conversion, though depicted in glowing, poetical colours, is quite psychological and perfectly consistent with the spirit of those days. An imaginative - and impressionable youth, more especially one coming from Der Puritaner dumpfe Predigtstuben, to the brilliant spectacle of Papal Rome, is very likely to be infatuated by the dazzling pomp and circumstance of the Roman Catholic rites. The subsequent aspect of the portrait of the ill-starred Queen whose sufferings were so touchingly described to Mortimer by the Bishop of Rosse, CRITICAL ANALYSIS. Lyle made the deeper an impression on him because, as Schiller Jhas truly said :— Sahest du nie die Schonhett im Augenblicke des Leidens, Niemals hast du die Schinheit gesehn'. When he saw the Queen herself, his fanaticism became complete ; and with the self-denial of overwrought enthu- siasm he is ready for any sacrifice, even after having dis- covered in Leicester a favoured rival. His chivalrous self- abnegation breaks down, however, when he beholds Mary amidst the romantic: surroundings of Fotheringhay Park with the flush of ‘royal anger’ still mantling her cheeks. Carried away by his unbridled passion, he exclaims : — « Du bist das schonste Weib auf dieser Erde! and treats the hapless Queen with the impetuosity of a demented mind. Being indignantly repulsed by her and subsequently betrayed by Leicester in a most cowardly manner, he stabs himself in a fit of exasperation, so that his death fully corresponds with the extravagant course of his life. His character is therefore, like all others in the drama, most consistently drawn, and at the same time one of the poet’s most original creations. : The main traits in Leicester's character are so far his- torical that. he was once proposed as Mary’s husband by ‘Queen Elizabeth, whose acknowledged favourite he was, | and that he, on the other hand, aspired to the hand of the ! The objection that Schiller committed a grave anachronism in representing both Mary and Elizabeth in the ‘bloom of youth,’ is | most unjust. He did so, with the poet’s divine right, intentionally, in accordance with the plan he laid out for himself at the beginning. In a letter to Iffland he distinctly declared :—Maria ist in dem Sticke nur 25 und Elizabeth hochstens 30 Jahre alt. Had Schiller not made use of this poetical licence, both the ¢ Mortimer episode" and the wooing of Elizabeth by the French prince, as well as Leicester's pretended love for her, would have been utterly absurd. ae qs I~ xlvi LZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. latter. It is also an historical fact that he was devoid of all the noble qualities which grace a man, and grave suspicion rests, besides, upon his character. Schiller did him therefore no poetical injustice in representing him as treacherous and characterless ; so characterless indeed, that a German critic appositely remarked ¢that his character was characterless- ness.” Some critics wondered how Schiller could represent a spirited woman like Mary Stuart as attached to an in- significant man like Leicester ; but they forget that the Leicester of history was, if possible, still more contemptible than the Leicester of the drama, and that he nevertheless was in Elizabeth’s good graces, who was not easily led away by her impulsive feelings. It is therefore quite plausible that a woman of Mary's passionate temperament should— admitting all other circumstances—conceive a warm affection for a man like Leicester, who is, moreover, represented as having returned that affection. ; The process of Leicester’s transition from ambitious pride to the appreciation of personal worth and loveableness, is admirably worked out. His affection for the captive Queen had been suddenly aroused when the phantom of ambition disappeared, and it was mingled with feelings of pity and regret. Still he lacked the moral courage to act openly in her favour, and he is bent upon rescuing her rather by intrigue and cunning. Fearing detection, he unscrupulously brings about the death of his Aizwisser» Mortimer, and even votes for the death of her to whom he is fondly attached. Retribution closely follows his treachery, however. He is commissioned to see that Mary's execution is duly carried out. He does not actually witness it, but he hears it, as it were, in all its fearful details; which fact only increases | his horror. His description of Mary’s execution produces a most harrowing effect, far more so than if we witnessed / \it on the stage. He is quite prostrated, and his contrition ‘and despair may be inferred from his disappearance from {the scene of action. CRITICAL ANALYSIS. xlvii Mary's’ steward, Sir Andrew. Melvil, or Melville, who appears in the fifth Act only, represents loyal devotion and simple-minded piety in an eminent degree. Whilst 'Lei- cester’s and Mortimer’s sole object is to free her from bodily captivity, he is above all anxious about the salvation of her soul, and for this reason he has recourse to a proceeding which enables him to administer to her the comfort of the Church in the last moments of her life. The character of Melville, which represents a type, is quite complete in itself, and it forms, moreover, an essential element in the dénoi- ment of the drama. The Minor Characters. The character of Davison is, on the whole, in accordancé with history. He is from the beginning represented as a man endowed with a strict sense of duty. When asked by the Earl of Kent whether he was present at the Grand Tournament, he simply answers— Mich hielt mein Amt. In the scene with Queen Elizabeth he fully displays his want of energy and his perplexity when he has to deal with a shrewd and resolute character like hers. We also have a proof of his loyalty, for he is submissively silent for the Queen. The minor personages in the drama, who do not actually interfere in the course of the action, are also most skilfully drawn, and the speeches put into their mouths are most appropriate to their characters. The French ambassadors, L’Aubespine and Bellievre, speak in accordance with their nationality and their diplomatic mission, like polished cour- tiers, whilst the Earl of Kent, who expresses himself briefly and tersely, represents the taciturn Englishman. The con- spirator Okelly is admirably depicted in the short scene in ‘which ‘he appears hd iii, Scene 7), and the report of the xviii ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. Officer of the Guard (Act iv, Scene 6) is given briefly and concisely in true military fashion. Mary’s physician Bourgoyn, or Bourgoing, who is an historical personage, is characterized by a short speech and a single act, which cor- respond with his profession and his peosoncl devotion to Queen Mary. Mary’s female attendants. It has been observed that the two: Queens stand alone, as it were, having no friend of their own sex at their side. Mary has at least two female attendants near her who were warmly attached ‘to her person. They are both historical personages—her nurse, Hannah Kennedy, and the waiting- woman, Margaretha Kurl, properly Barbara Mowbray. The tender and unalterable attachment of the former to the cap- tive Queen is an historical fact, and Schiller has most felici- tously adopted it by representing her—in accordance with. his plan—as the only person in the drama who ‘enter- tains affection for her.” The part of the nurse is, in fact, indispensable for the dramatic course of the action. She is, so. to speak, Mary’s secular confessor. She listens sym- pathetically to the confession of her transgressions, and even confirms it, but at the same time she palliates them by “representing them as the outcome of human frailty and youthful aberration, and by comforting her with the thought’ that she has long ago atoned for them by her sufferings, and that the Church has absolved her. The part which the nurse Hannah Kennedy plays is, therefore, although a purely passive one, absolutely necessary for the portraiture of Mary, and for displaying before us the process of her moral purification. Kennedy's character receives its final touches in the fifth Act, in which her appearance is essential for the course of the action. It is also in the same Act that Mary, in distributing her parting gifts, among her female attendants, emphatically acknowledges’ TIME AND PLACE OF THE ACTION. xlix Kennedy's affection towards her, by addressing to her the words— Dich, O meine trewe Hanna, reizet nicht Der Werth des Goldes, nicht der Steine Prachi, Dir ist das hichste Kleinod mein Gedichtniss. Next to the nurse Hannah Kennedy, in the display of her affection for Mary, comes the waiting-woman Margaretha Curle, and short as the part is she has to play, it fully answers its purpose and helps to complete the dramatic picture. The above analysis will, it is hoped, suffice to show that every character in the play is admirably sketched and com- plete in itself, and consistently sustained throughout the action ; that it is in its proper place and entirely fulfils all the dramatic conditions. It is, in fact, the delineation of the characters which constitutes, so to say, the plot, since ‘the action springs out of the characters and reflects them! They form, besides, an harmonious whole, and it is ewing to this circumstance that the otherwise severe critic, Aug. Wilh. von Schlegel, declared : ‘ AZ is wisely weighed... . we should hardly be able to take anything out of its place . without involving the whole in confusion’ IV. TIME AND PLACE OF THE ACTION. ~The eventful action of the play has been concentrated by the poet, with masterly dramatic skill, within the short space -of three days. The first Act begins at Fotheringhay Castle, ! Cp. Butcher's Aristotle's Poetics, p. 329. 2 Lectures on Dramatic Literature, Lecture XV, d I ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. a month after Mary’s trial (Il. 216-25), on the supposed anniversary of Darnley’s assassination (Il. 278-80), when the sentence pronounced upon her on the preceding day is com- municated to her by Mortimer and Burleigh (scenes 5 and 6). For the course of incidents during the second day a great stretch of imagination is required, as it comprises the events of the second, third, and fourth Acts. It must be assumed that the great Tournament mentioned at the beginning of Act II took place early in the morning, and that it was followed in rapid succession by the incidents represented in the same Act, and also by those passing in the two sub- sequent Acts, viz. by the deliberations at the ‘ State Council’ in Westminster Palace, by the meeting of the two Queens at Fotheringhay Park, by the attack on the life of Elizabeth on her return to London, and finally by the signing of the warrant by the latter, as the immediate result of those occurrences. We must also assume that, on the evening of the same day, the communication was made to Mary that her exe- cution was fixed for the next morning, and that it actually took place on the third day. The drama.concludes on the evening of the same day, representing the forlornness of Elizabeth after her momentary triumph. The concentration of the momentous events of five acts within the narrow compass of three days, made it necessary for the poet to commit several anachronisms and, as we have seen, to alter the order of succession of the events. = It oreover compelled him to take a great licence regarding “the geographical situation of Fotheringhay Castle. In order o make it possible for Elizabeth to repair, presumably in he middle of the day, to that place on a hunting expedition om Westminster, and to return on the same day to her Palace and hold a kind of ‘State Council, and finally in order to enable Burleigh to despatch the warrant to Mary’s prison on that very day, it was necessary to place Fother- inghay in the immediate proximity of London. The struc- ture of the play also made it necessary to alter the physical THE LANGUAGE AND THE METRE. li surroundings of the Castle, and to represent it as being near a hunting ground, close to a navigable river and a woody park, from which the hills of Scotland might be descried. No poet took such pains as Schiller did to make him- self fully acquainted with all the circumstances connected with the subjects of his dramas, and so it may be taken for granted that the exact position of Mary’s prison, with its bare and unromantic surroundings, was as accurately known to him as’ the course of events connected with her fate; but it should be remembered that his object was to produce a poetical and dramatic picture of a tragic occurrence, and not to convey historical or geographical information in the form of a play. : Voir, THE LANGUAGE AND THE METRE. SCHILLER greatly excelled in the art of adapting the language in his dramas to their general tenor. Naturally their form, as regards the style, varies considerably, but in all of them, as I have said elsewhere, ¢ the language suits the respective subjects as the shell fits the kernel.” In the pre- . sent drama, for instance, the diction differs somewhat from all his previous and subsequent plays. It is impassioned and pathetic only where occasion required, though it is throughout lucid, polished, and dignified. There is no high-flown phrase in the whole drama, no far-fetched simile, and no involved or obscure construction. The language is invariably plain, straightforward, and natural, and whilst each personage speaks exactly in accordance with the character assigned to him, the style in the various scenes and acts fully corresponds ‘with their respective purport. Thus the language in the fifth Act, agreeing with the solemnity of the events, is pre- ‘eminently subdued and pathetic. .On the whole it may be 1 Schiller’s Jungfrau von Orleans (C.P.S.), p. ii. dz lii ZITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. said that a tone of sadness prevails in the drama, thus harmonizing with the general character of the play, which Carlyle properly designated as ‘a tragedy of sombre and mournful feelings.’ As regards the metrical form, Schiller made use of Blank Verse, as in his Don Carlos and Wallenstein, and in his later dramas. Here and there he took a poetic licence, by introducing rhymes and employing shorter or longer lines than the regular iambics of five feet, while at the begin- ning of Act III he had recourse to a signal and most happy variation by inserting a lyrical poem with dactylic rhythm. It was to this change of the metre that he alluded in the above-cited letter to Goethe of Sept. 3, 1799, in saying :(— Ich fange in der Maria Stuart an, mich einer griossern Freiheit oder vielmehr M annigfaltigkeit su bedienen, wo die Gelegenheit es rechtfertigt. Diese Abwechselung ist ja auch in den griechischen Stiicken und man muss das Publikum an alles gewohnen. It must be admitted that the poet was fully justified in introducing on the present occasion a change in the metre, and that he did so most successfully. Queen Mary, enjoy- ing a momentary deceptive freedom after a long and strict imprisonment, is in a most agitated frame of mind, and it is quite in harmony with her ecstasy that she should express her feelings in lyrical strains with a somewhat dithyrambic movement. This poetical effusion serves as a true reflection of Mary’s excitement, and consequently makes a deep impres- sion upon us. No other stanzas with a more regular measure and with more regularly occurring rhymes, would have adequately expressed Mary's exultation and yearning. And so Schiller has also in this instance happily applied the form to the substance 1 1 refrain from giving a detailed account of Schiller'’s versification in this drama, as such a technical disquisition would be quite out of place in a volume like the present. Students of German wishing for complete information on the subject, will find it in a convenient THE DRAMA AS A STAGE pLAY. li Vl. THE DRAMA AS A STAGE PirAv. ALL Schiller’s dramas, being thoroughly biilinengerecht, produce a striking effect on the stage, but one of the most impressive, if not #Z¢ most impressive, is undoubtedly his Maria Stuart, which Mme de Staél rightly called ‘the most pathetic of all German tragedies.” It met with great success on its first performance at Weimar (June 14, 1800), and with still greater success when it was, in a rather shorter form, again performed two days later. Performances in other towns soon followed, producing everywhere a deep impression and laying the foundation of its popularity as a stage-piece; a popularity it has retained to this very day. The primary condition is, of course, an adequate cast of the drama. First and foremost an actress is required fully competent to represent the complex character of Mary, with her varying moods of meekness, pride, and uncon- trollable passion, for which reason some of the greatest actresses, both German and foreign, have vied with each other in acting the title-role !. Elizabeth’s part also demands a first- form in Dr. E. Belling’s monograph, Die Metrik Schiller’s (pp. 197- 201; 254-262); this exhaustive treatise contains nearly everything that can be said on the poet’s versification in all his metrical com- positions. ! The distinguished actresses, Mlle Rachel (in Mercier’s wretched adaptation of Schiller’s drama) and Mme Ristori, played the part of the heroine with remarkable success. Schiller's Maria Stuart, presumably in Mellish’s version, was first performed in London, Dec. 14, 1819, and then several times repeated. In Oct. 1880, the poetical drama was acted at the Court Theatre in an altered—or rather mutilated—version. Cp. on that performance the Wissen- schaftliche Beilage der Leipziger Zeitung of Feb. 10, 1881, which contains a translation—prefaced by some apposite remarks— of the late Mr. Lionel Tennyson’s admirable and most appreciative article on Schiller's Maria Stuart, written on the occasion of that per- formance. liv LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. rate actress, and in order fully to display their histrionic abilities some of the most eminent actresses have alternated in the representation of the two Queens. The remaining parts equally require great histrionic skill, since each of the characters represents a type and is complete in itself. Thus Schiller himself specially pointed out in the letter to Iffland cited above, ‘that it is self-understood that the part of Melville, short as it is, must be in good hands.’ Great care was taken during Schiller’s life-time, and like- wise after his death, to produce the play worthily on the stage both as regards the scenery and the historical cos- tumes’, all of which circumstances greatly contributed to facilitate the understanding of the play by the public, which appreciated it the more, the better it comprehended its real import. It was thus the stage, that true exponent of dramatic productions, to which the drama owed in the first instance its great popularity, a circumstance which is in itself a strik- ing proof that it is pre-eminently a stage-piece. As additional evidence of this assertion may be mentioned the fact that Goethe, who greatly admired the present tragedy as a dramatic masterpiece, selected the first three acts of Maria Stuart for performance at the first Gedichinisfeier in honour of the poet on August 10, 1805; in which selection Goethe was possibly guided to some extent by the sombre character of the tragedy. It should be remembered, however, that Schiller’s Maria Stuart has a high poetical value of its own, that it is both in conception and execution a dramatic masterpiece, so that, even without the helpful accessories of the stage, it arouses in the sympathetic reader a deep emotion by dint of its pathetic tenor and tragic dénodment. 1 Cuthbert Bede records in his Fotheringhay and Mary Stuart (p- 65) the fact that an official in the British Museum was applied to in 1884 by the agent of a ‘royal personage’ in Germany to procure him sketches of the surroundings of Fotheringhay for the exact reproduction on the stage of the localities in Schiller’s Maria Stuart, : THE TEXT AND THE TRANSLATIONS. Iv VII. THE TEXT AND THE TRANSLATIONS. THE first edition of Maria Stuart, which was issued by Cotta of Tiibingen in 1801, forms the basis of all subsequent editions of the drama. In spite of the great care which Schiller took in revising his works, the Zex¢ was not quite accurately printed, and it was owing to the learned efforts of the late Prof. Joachim Meyer that it was later issued in a correct form. Besides the printed Zex# there are two stage-manuscripts extant; one which Schiller had sent on June 30, 1800, to Leipzig, and another which was forwarded to Hamburg. Both manuscripts coincide in general, but they differ from the printed edition in this, that they give the Zex¢ in a shorter form, Schiller having struck out several historical allusions which he did not consider of sufficient interest for the general public. On the other hand, they contain some passages which have been wisely omitted in the printed editions. The principal interest, however, which attaches to these two stage-manuscripts, consists in the fact that they contain the passages which Schiller substituted in Act v, scene 7, for those relating to the ‘ Confession’ and the ¢ Communion ;’ they having been omitted in those days on the stage. A slight comparison between the original lines and the substituted ones, will conclusively show the superiority of the former over the latter, and will prove besides that the dramatic effect is considerably weakened by the omission of the so-called ¢ Communion Scene.’ There is another remarkable incident connected with the Zext of this drama, which is almost unique in literary history, and which is likewise calculated to show the poet’s discrimination. During the progress of the composition, Schiller conceived the hope that his plays would be acted in ! The substituted lines are to be found in the German edition of Vollmer (the Text of which has been adopted in the present volume), who collated the Leipzig stage-manuscript with the printed Text. vi LITERARY AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. London, and an English friend of his undertook to trans- late Maria Stuart for that purpose. This translator was the above-mentioned Mr. Charles Joseph Mellish, who was married to a German lady, and resided at or near Weimar, in the capacity of Consul-General of Great Britain to the States, at that time comprised under the name of Nieder- sachsen, including the Hanse Towns. Mr. Mellish was a great admirer of German literature, and an intimate friend of Schiller and Goethe, whose Hermann und Dorothea he had trans- lated in 1798. The translation of Maria Stuart was made by him from a manuscript specially furnished to him by Schiller, which must have contained, more especially in the first two Acts, a number of passages subsequently eliminated by the poet. These passages have been preserved in Mellish’s English version, first published in 1801, and besides having, in a measure, a Ztterar-historisches Interesse of their own, they show the poet's critical judgement in rejecting them; -so that we may fitly apply to him Goethe's pithy saying :— In der Beschrinkung zeigt sich erst der Meister. However well those discarded passages may have sounded in the original German, they must have been, to judge from the general faithfulness of Mellish’s translation, void of poetical force, and would have weakened the dramatic effect if retained % Mellish’s translation was in the course of time followed by other English versions, and the drama was also rendered several times into French and Italian, and into various other modern languages, with more or less success. 1 Cp. Schiller’s letter to Goethe of June 14, 1799. 2 Cp. 1. 784-86, z.—The additional passages in Mellish’s trans- lation—which would naturally be out of place in the present volume —are given at their respective places in Vollmer’s edition, and Goedeke’s Historisch-kritische Ausgabe. Aiaria Stuart Gin Trauerfpiel - vou Sricorich Schiller Perfonen: Glifabeth, Konigin von England. Maria Stuart, Konigin von Schottland, Gefangene in England. Robert Dudley, Graf von Leicefter. Georg Talbot, Graf von Shrewsbury. Wilhelm Cecil, Baron von Burleigh, Grofjdhasmeiiter. Graf von Kent. Wilhelm Davijon, Staatsfecretdr. ; Amiad Paulet, Ritter, Hitter ver Maria. Mortimer, fein Neffe. Graf Aubefpine, franzsfifder Gefandter. Graf Bellievre, auferordentlicher Botidhafter von Frantfreid). Ofelly, Mortimer’ Freund. : Drugeon Drury, yweiter Hitter der Maria. Melvil, ihr Haushofmeiiter. ! Burgoyn, ihr Avs. Hannaly Kennedy, ihre Amme. Margaretha Kurl, thre Kammerfrau. Sherif der Grafidaft. Officier der Leibwade. Frangsfifde und englifde Herren. Trabanten. - Hofdiener dev Konigin von England. Diener und Dienevinnen der Konigin von Schottland. MARIA STUART. ACT I. ARGUMENT. SIR AMIAS PAULET and Sir Drue Drury, the custodians of Queen Mary at Fotheringay Castle, have broken open a + cabinet belonging to that Queen in spite of the remonstrances of Hannah Kennedy, her nurse. Paulet takes possession of the papers found, while Drury departs with the jewels dis- covered. A bitter controversy ensues between Paulet! and Kennedy, the latter defending, while the former attacks, the past life of the Queen (Scene 1). The Queen herself enters, and after calming Kennedy's ‘indignation at the recent outrage, informs Paulet that among the papers he has seized there is a letter, which she had in- tended to intrust to him for delivery to her royal sister of England, containing three requests; first, for a personal interview with Elizabeth ; secondly, for the consolations of her own religion ; and, thirdly, for the opportunity to’ make her will, and so provide for her faithful servants. Only the third request meets with a favourable response from Paulet, who, questioned by the royal prisoner concerning the fate in store for her, counsels her ‘to close her accounts with Heaven,’ but declines to speak more definitely. (Scene 2). Sir Edward Mortimer, Paulet’s nephew, enters, and: ig- noring Queen Mary, tells his uncle that his. presence. is B 2 i ARGUMENT. required. After Mortimer has retired in the same abrupt manner, the Queen asks Paulet not to expose her again to his nephew’s rudeness, which Paulet admires as rugged honesty. Paulet then withdraws (Scene 3). Kennedy gently chides her mistress for her despondency; but the Queen answers that the gory spectre of Darnley has appeared before her—for it is the anniversary of that inexpi- able murder. She refuses to listen to Kennedy's attempts to palliate her guilt on the score of her youth, of Darnley’s obdu- rate “ingratitude ‘and complicity in Rizzio’s murder, and of Bothwell’s unholy influence. Kennedy bids her take courage begrause neither England’s Queen nor England’s Parliament can Sit in judgment on ‘her—but she is interrupted by the entrance of Mortimer (Scene 4). Mortimer enters cautiously and orders Kennedy to watch while he converses with the Queen, but the latter commands her nurse to remain. Mortimer then gives the Queen a card which induces her to bid Kennedy withdraw (Scene 5). The card has been written by the Queen’s uncle, the Car- dinal of Lorraine, to recommend Mortimer to her. Mary reads it, but is unable to understand how she can find a true friend in her gaoler's nephew. Mortimer assures her that his hostile demeanour was assumed, and relates the story of his conversion to the Church of Rome, his introduction to the Cardinal, and his visit to Rheims. There,‘ where priests are trained by Jesuits to preach the Holy Faith in England,’ he saw Queen Mary's portrait in the house of the Bishop of Ross, and from that prelate heard arguments which con- vinced him that s/Ze only had a lawful claim to the throne of England. When he had heard that his uncle was in charge of the Queen’s person, he conceived the idea of saving her, and the sight of her face has confirmed his resolution. Delay would now be fatal as her sentence had been pronounced. Queen Mary answers that she cannot believe Elizabeth will dare to execute her, and fears secret assassination ; Mortimer then tells her that twelve nobles have sworn to aid him, ARGUMENT. 3 and that the fate of Tichburn and Babington will not deter him. The Queen replies that only one man can save her— the Earl of Leicester—to whom Mortimer must go with her portrait as credential. Kennedy enters hastily to warn them of the approach of Paulet and another nobleman who, as Mortimer says, is Burleigh, come to announce her sentence. Mortimer and Kennedy then withdraw (Scene 6). Paulet informs Mary that Burleigh bears the sentence of her judges, against whom she at once protests—as neither ‘her peers nor impartial ; for though some of them might be honest, they were Englishmen and Protestants sitting in judgment on a Scotch Catholic. However, Burleigh an- nounces the sentence of death pronounced upon her. Mary complains bitterly that she was not confronted with the witnesses against her, and when Burleigh shifts his ground, she withdraws, after a spirited argument, declaring that though Elizabeth may murder her, she cannot pretend to any show of justice (Scene 7). Burleigh attributes Mary’s defiance to her dependence on Elizabeth's ¢ wavering mind,’ while Paulet admits the force of her argument that she should have been confronted with the witnesses. ‘Burleigh insinuates that the safest plan would be for Queen Mary to die an apparently natural death, whereby the scandal of a public execution might be avoided ; but Paulet indignantly repulses the suggestion (Scene 8). Erfter Aufsug. Sm SHlof yu Fotheringhay. Gin Simmer. Criter Anftritt. Hanna Kennedy, Amme der Konigin vou Schottland, in fefrigenm Streit mit Paulet, der im Begriff ift, einen Schranf ju offen. Drugeon Drury, fein Gehilfe, mit Bredheifen. Stennedy, Was macht Jr, Sir 2 Welch neue Dreiftigheit! Juri von diefem Schrant! Paulet, Wo fam ver Schmuc her ? Vom obern Stod ward er herabgeworfen ; Der Gartner bat beftochen werden jollen Mit diejem Schmucd—Fluch aber Weiberlijt! Fro meiner Aufjicht, meinem (harfen Suchen Noh Koftbarfeiten, noch gebeime Schite ! © (Sid aber den Schrant machen.) Wo Dag gejtect bat, liegt noch mebyr! Kennedy. Suvit, Vermwegner! Hier Tiegen die Gebeimnifje der Lady. on r. Yufjug 1. Mufteitt, y Paulet. Die eben fudy id). (Sdyiften Hervorgiehend.) Kennedy, : Unbedeirtende 10 . Bapiere, blofe Uebungen der Fever, Deg Kerferd traur'ge Weile gu verfingen. Paulet, In mit'ger TWeile {chafft der bofe Geift. Kennedy. G3 find frangdfifhe Schriften. ~ Panlet. Defto {chlimmer! Die Sprache revet Englands Feind. Kennedy. Goncepte 15 Von VBriefen an die Kbnigin von England. Paulet. Die iiberlieft’ ich— Sieh! Wag fehimmert Bier? (Gr Bat einen geheimen Refjort gedfinet und sieht aug einem verbor: genen Fad) Gefhmeide hervor.) Gin fonigliched Stirnband, reich an Steinen, Durchzogen mit den Lilien von Franfreich! (Gr gibt es feinem Begleiter.) Verwahrt's, Drury. Legt’'s ju dem Uebrigen® 20 (Drury geht ab.) Kennedy. O {himpflihe Gewalt, die wir erleiden’ Paulet, So lang fie noch befist, fann fie noch fepaden, : Denn Aled wird Gewebr in ihrer Hand. Kennedy. Seid gittig, Sir. Nebhmt nicht ven legten Schmuck Aus unferm Leben weg! Die Jammervolle : 25 Grfreut der AnblicE alter Herrlicheit, : Denn alled Andre Habt Ihr und entriffen. Paulet, G3 liegt in guter Hand. Gewifjenhaft Wird ed gu feiner Beit guritcfgegeben! "5 Qennedy, Wer fieht ¢8 diefen fablen Wanden an, 4 Daf eine Konigin Hier wohnt?: Te ift 3 8 : Maria Stuart. Die Himmeldecte itber ihrem Sig? uf fie den zartlich weichgerdhnten Fup Nicht auf gemeinen rauben Boden fepen ? : Mit grobem Sinn—oie fhlechtfte Cdelfrau : 35 Witrd' e8 verfhmdafn—>bedient man ihre Fafel. Panlet. So fpeifte fie ju Sterlyn ihren Gatten, Da fie aus Golo mit ihrem Bublen tranf. Kennedy. Sogar ves Spiegels fleine Nothdurft mangelt. Paulet. So lang fie noch ibr eitled Bild befhaur, 40 Hort fie nicht auf, ju hoffen und ju wagen. Kennedy. An Birchern feblt's, ven Geift zu unterhalten. Paulet. Die Bibel lief man ihr, das Herz gu beffern. Kennedy. Selbjt ihre Laute ward ihr weggenommen. Paulet. Weil fie verbublte Lieder drauf gefpielt. £5 Kennedy. Jjt Dad ein Schidial fir die Weshesgoase, Die in per Wiege Komnigin fehon war, Am ipp'gen Hof der Wedicierin Sn jeder Freuven Fille aufgercachien ! : G3. fei genug, dap man die Macht itr nabm, : 50 ~ Muf man die armen Flitter ihr mipgdnnen? In grofed Wiglid. lehrt ein edled Her Sidy endlich finden ; aber webe thut’s Ded Lebens Fleine Jierven zu entbefren. Paulet. Sie wenden nur dad Herz vem Citeln ju, 5 Dad in fich geben und bereuen joll. Gin fppig laftervolled Leben bitht fic In Mangel und Crniedrigung allein. on Kennedy, Wenn ihre arte Jugend fich verging, Mag fie'd mit Gott abthun und ihrem Herzen, 60 Sn’ Gngland ijt fein Richter itber fie. ° md 1. Aufsug. 1. Auftritt. 9 Paulet. Sie wird gerichtet, wo fle frevelte. Senncdy. Bum Freveln fefjeln fie ju enge Bande. Panlet. Doh reufite Pie aud Ddiefen engen Banden Den Arm gu ftrecken in die Welt, die Fackel 65 Ded Bitrgerfrieged in das Reich zu {chleudern Und gegen unfre Konigin, die Gott Grhalte! Meuchelrotten ju beroaffnen. Grregte fie aus diefen Mauern nicht Den Voswicht Barry und den Babington 70 Bu der verfluchten That ped Kinigémords 2 Dielt biefed Gifengitter fie uric, Dag edle Herg ded Norfolf ju umftricen ? Jie fie geopfert, fiel dad befte Haupt Auf diefer Infel unterm Henferbeil— 75 Und fchrectte diefed jammervolle Beifpiel Die Rafenven urine, die fich wetteifernd . Um ifrentwillen in den Abgrund fitrzen 2 Die Blutgeritfte fitllen {ich fire fie Mit immer neuen Jodedopfern an, So Und Dag wird nimmer enden, big fie felbit, Die Schulbdigfte, darauf geopfert iit. —O Fludy vem Tag, da diefed Landed Kitfte Gaftireundlid) diefe Helena emypfing! Kennedy. Gaitfreunslicy bitte England jie empfangen 2'85 Die Unglintielige, die feit vem Jag, Da fie den Fup gefest in diefed Land, AL3 eine Hilfeflehende, Vertriebe, Bei der Vermwandten Schup ju fuchen fam, : Gich wider BVolferredhit und Kdnigdwiirve 90 Gefangen fieht, in enger Kerferbaft Der Jugend {home Jahre muff vertrauern— 10 : Maria Stuart. Die jest, nachvem fie Aled bat erfabren, Wad pad Gefangnif Bittred hat, gemeinen Verbrechern gleich, vor ded Geridyted Schranfen Gefordert wird und fhimpflich angeflagt Auf Leib und Leben—eine Konigin! Panlet. Sie fam ind Land ald eine Morderin, Verjagt von ihrem Volf, ded Thrond entiest, Den fie mit fdpwerer Grauelthat gejchindet. LVer{dpworen fam fie gegen Englands Gli, Der panifchen Maria blut'ge Seiten Buri ju bringen, Engelland fatbolijd) Su machen, an den Frangmann gu verrathen. Warum verichmdbhte fie’s, den Edinburger Vertrag zu unterfchreiben, ihren Anfpruch An Cngland aufjugeben und den Weg Aus diefem Kerfer {chnell fich aufzutbun Mit einem Federjtrich 2 Sie wollte Lieber Gefangen bleiben, fich miphandelt febn, ALS diefes Jiteld leerem Prunf entfagen. Weswegen that fie Das? Weil fie den Rinfen WVertraut, den bojen Kimjten der Verjhredrung, Und unbeiljpinnend diefe gange Injel Aus ihrem Kevfer zu erobern Pofjt. 100 ~ 110 115 Kennedy. Shr fpottet, Sir.—Jur Hivte firgt Ihr noch Den bittern Hohn 'XSie hegte {olche Trdume, Die bier lebendig eingemauert lebt, Su per fein Schall ded Irojtes, feine Stimme Der Freundichaft aud der lieben Heimath dringt, Die lingft fein Menfchenangejicht mehr fchaute, AS ihrer Kerfermeifter finjtve Stirn, ) Die erft feit Kurgem einen neuen Wachter “IY 120 1. Aufsug. 2. Auftritt. 11 Grhielt in Gurem rauhen Anverwandten, Bon neuen Stiben fich umgittert fieht— 125 Waulet. Kein Cifengitter {hist vor ihrer Lift. ~~ Wei ich, ob diefe Stibe nicht durchfeilt, Nicht diejes Jimmers Boden, diefe Wande, Bon aufen feft, nicht Hohl von innen find Und den Verrath einlaffen, wenn ich fhlafe 2 130 Fluchoolles. Amt, pag mir geworden if, Die unbeilbritend Liftige su bitten. “Bom Schlummer jagt die Furcht mich auf, ich gebe Nachtd um, wie ein gequilter Geift, erprobe Ded Schlofles Riegel und der Wadhter IJvew- 135 Und fee itternd jeden Morgen Fommen, Der meine Furcht wabr machen fann. Dod) wohl mir! - Wohl! Gs ijt Hoffnung, dah es bald nun enbdet. Denn lieber mot’ ich der Verdammten Schaar Wachftehend an der Hiollenpforte hirten, 140 ALS diefe ranfevolle Kinigin. Keunedy., Da fommt fie felbit! Paulet. Den Ghriftus in ver Hand, ‘Die Hoffart und die Weltluft in dem Hergen. Jiveiter Anftritt. Maria im Sdleier, ein Krmgifir in der Hand. Die Vorigen. Kennedy (ifr entgegen cilend). O RKonigin! Man tritt und gang mit Fifen, Der Tyranmei, der Harte wird fein Siel, 145 Und jeder meue Tag Bauft neue Leiden ; Und Schmach auf dein gefronted Haupt. 12 : Maria Stuart. Maria. &af’ dich! Sag’ an, wad neu gefchehen ift ? Kennedy. Sieh Ber! Dein Bult ift aufgebrochen, deine Schriften, Dein eing'ger Shap, den wir mit With gerettet, 150 Der legte NRejt von deinem BVrautgefchmeide Aus Franfrei) ift in feiner Hand. Du baft nun Nicht Konigliches mehr, bift gang beraubt. Maria, Berubhige dich, Hanna. Diefe Flitter machen Die Konigin nicht aus. Man Fann und niedrig 155 Behanveln, nicht erniedrigen. Icy Habe In Gngland mid) an viel gewdhnen lernen, Sch Fann auch Dad verfhmerzen. Sir, Ihr habt Cudh Gewaltjam ugeeignet, wad idy Cudh os Noch beut gu itbergeben Willend war. : 160 Bei defen Schriften findet fich ein Brief, Beftimmt fitr meine fonigliche Scpwefter Von Cngland—Gebt mir Guer Wort, daf Ihr hn vedlich an fie felbjt wollt {tbergeben Und nicht in Burleighd ungetreue Hand. 165 Paunlet. Ich werde mich bedenfen, wad zu thun ift. Maria. Ihr follt den Inhalt wiffen, Sir. SJch bitte Sn diefem Brief um eine grofe Gunjt— —Um eine Unterredung mit ibr felbit, Die id) mit Augen nie gefebn—Itan Bat mid 170. Bor ein Gericht von Mannern vorgefordert, Die id) ald meined Gleichen nicht erfennen, Su denen ich fein Hery mir fajjen Fann. Glifabeth ift meined Stammes, meined Gefchlechts und Ranged—3Ihr allein, der Schvejter, 175 Der Konigin, der Frau fann ich mich dffnen. 1. ufjug. 2. Aujtritt. 13 - Panlet., Sehr oft, Mylady, babt Ihr Cuer Sepictial Und Gure Ghre Vinnern anpertraut, Die Gurer Achtung minder witrdig waren. Maria. Jb bitte noch um eine roeite Gunit, 180 Unmenfchlichfeit allein fann miv fie weigern. Spon Tange Beit entbehy’ ich im Gefingnip Der Kirche Iroft, der Sacramente Wollthat, “Unb die mir Kron’ und Freibeit hat geraubt, Die meinem Leben felber droht, wird mir 185 Die Himmelsthitre nicht verfchlieGen wollen. WPanlet. Auf Guren Wunjd wird der Dechant ves Ortd— Maria (untecbridt ihn lebhaft). eh il nichtd vom Dechanten. Cinen Priefter : Pon meiner eignen Kirche fordre id). .—Auch Schreiber und Notarien verlang’ id, 190 Um meinen lepten Willen aufufesen. Der Gram, bag lange Kerferelend nagt An meinem Leben. Meine age find Gegahlt, befirdt’ icy, und idy achte mich ®leich einer Sterbenden. : Panlet. Da thut Jbr wohl, 195 Dag find Vetrachtungen, die Gud) gesiemen. : Maria. Und weiff id), ob nicht eine {chnelle Hand Des Kummerd langjfames Gefchdft bejchleunigt ? Sch will mein Yeftament auffegen, will : Verfirgung treffen itber Das, wad mein ift. . 200 Panlet. Die Freibeit habt Ihr. Englands Konigin Will {ich mit Curem NRaube nicht beveichern. Maria. Dan bat von meinen treuen Kammerfrauen, 14 Maria Stuart. Bon meinen Dienern mich getrennt—Wo find fie? Was ift ihr Schidfal? Ibrer Dienfte fann id 203 Gntrathen ; dod) berubigt will id) fein, % Daf die Getreun nicht leiden und entbebren. Paunlet. Fir Cure Diener ift geforgt. (Gr will gehen.) Maria. Ihr geht, Sir? Ihr verlaft mich abermals, Und ofme mein gedngftigt firdytend Herz 210 Der Qual der Ungewifbeit ju entladen. Sc bin, Danf Gurer Spiber Wachfamfeit, Bon aller Welt gefchiedent, Feine Kunde Gelangt gu mir durch diefe Kerfermauern, Mein Schicfjal liegt in meiner Feinde Hand. Gin yeinlich langer Monat ift voritber, eitdem die vierzig Commifjarien In diefem Schlof mich itberfallen, Sdyranfen Grrichtet, {chnell, mit unanjtindiger Gil, : Mich unbereitet, ohne Anwaltd Hilfe, 220 Bor ein noch nie erbdrt Gericht geftellt, Auf fchlaugefafte fhmwere Klagepunfte Mich, die Wetdubte, Ueberrajdhte, flugsd Aus dem Gedichtnif Reve ftehen lajjen— Wie Geifter Famen fie und {chroanden wieder. 225 Seit diefem Jage fdpveigt mir jeder Mund, Sc fuch’ umfonjt in Gurem Bid gu lefen, Ob meine Unjchuld, meiner Freunde Cifer, Ob meiner Feinde bbjer Rath gefiegt. Brecht endlich Guer Schreigen—Iafit mich wiffen, 230 Wad id) gu fitrchten, wad ju hoffen Habe. [8 — J Paulet (nach einer Paufe). Schlicht Cure Rechmmg mit pem Himmel ab. 1. Aufug. 3. Anftritt. 3 15 Maria. - Ich Hof’ auf feine Gnade, Sir—und hoffe Auf ftrenges. Recht von meinen ird' {chen Ridhtern. WPaulet. Recht fol Gud) werden. Sweifelt nicht baran. N 235 Maria. jt mein Progef entfehieven, Sir? Panlet. : Sch weif nicht. Maria. Bin ich verurtheilt ? : Paulet, Jch weif nichtd, Mylady. Maria. Dan liebt bier raj) ju Werf ju gebn. Soll midy Der Mivvver ftberfallen, wie die Richter ? : Panlet. Dent immerfin, ed fei 1p, und er wird Cudy 240 In befrer Sajfung dann, ald diefe, finden. Maria. Nichtd oll mich) in Critaunen jegen, Sir, Wad ein Gerichtshof in Weftminjterball, Den Burleighs Hap und Hattond CGifer lenft, Bu urtheln fich erdreifte—Leif ich doch, 245 Was Englands Kinigin wagen darf ju thu. Waulet, Englands Beberrdher braudyen Be ju a, AS ihr. Gewiffen und ihr Parlament. Was die Gerechtigheit gefprochen, furdhtlos, ii Bor aller Welt wird eg die Madyt vollziehn. 250 Dritter Anftritt. Die Borigen. Weovtimer, Paulets Neffe, tritt fevein und, ohne bey Rouigin einige Aufmertiamtbeit jut Begeugen, ju Paulet ‘Mottimer., Man judht Gud), Ofeim. (Gr entfernt fid) auf eben die Weife. Die Konigin bemerft ¢8 mit Umwillen und wenbdet fidy ju Paulet, der ihm folgen will.) 16 Maria Stuart. Maria. . Sir, noch eine Bitte, Wenn Ihr mir wad ju fagen habt—yoon Cuch Grtrag’ ich viel, ich ehre Guer Alter. Den Uebermuth des Jinglingd trag’ ich nicht, Sypart mir den Anblicf feiner roben Sitten. 25% " Panlet. Was ihn Gud) widbrig macht, macht mir ifn werth. : Wohl ijt ed feiner von den weichen Thoren, Die eine faljche Weiberthrane fchmelzt— Gr ift gereift, fommt aud Parid und Rheims Und bringt fein treu altenglifch Hers uric; 260 Lady, an Dem ift Cure Kunjt verloven! (Sent ab.) Wierter Anftritt. Maria. Kennedy. Kennedy. , Darf Cuch) der Robe Dag ind Antlil fagen! DO, e8 ift bart! Maria (in Nadyvenfen verloven). Wir haben in den Tagen unferd Glanges Dem Schmeichler ein zu willig Obr geliehn, 265 Geredit ft’, gute Kennedy, daf wir Des BVornourfd ernfte Stimme mm vernehmen, Kennedy. Wie? jo gebeugt, fo muthlod, theure Lady? Wart Shr doch fonjt fo froh, Ihr pflegtet mich qu trdften, Und eher mut’ ich Curen Flatterfinn, ° 270 AB Cure Schwermuth fehelten. 1. Aufpug. 4. Auftritt, : 17 Maria. : Jd erfenn’ ibn. G3 ift ber blut'ge Schatten Konig Darnlens, Der gitrnend aud vem Gruftgemwdlbe fteigt, Und er wird nimmer Friede mit mir machen, Big meines Unglitcfd Mag erfirllet ift. 245 Kennedy. Was fiir Gebanfen— Maria. : Du vergiffeft, Sana 3c aber habe ein getren Gedidhtnif— Der Jabrétag diefer unglitckieligen hat Sit Peute abermals juviicfgefebrt, - Gr ijt’s, den ih mit Bup’ und Faften feive. 280 Kennedy. Schict endlich diefen bifen Geift jur Rub. Shr habt die That mit fabrelanger Reu, “Mit deren Leivensproben abgebitft. Die Kirche, die den Lojefchlirfiel hat Fit jebe Schuld, der Himmel Hat vergeben. 285 Maria. Frifdyblutend feige die lingft vergebne Schuld Aug ihrem leichtbedecften Grab emyor ! Ded Gatten rachefordernded Gefpenft Sickt feined Meffediencrd lode, fein Hodyeitediged in Priefters Hand ur Gruft. 290 Kennedy, Nicht Ihr Habt ibn gemorvet! Unodre © thaten’s! : Maria. Ih wufte drum. Ich Tie bie That gefchebn Und Todt’ thn fhmeichelnd in das Jodednet. Kennedy. Die Jugend mildert Cure Schuld. Ihr wart So jarten Alters nod). . Maria. ©o art—und ud 295 Die fwere Sehuld auf mein fo junges Leben, ol 18 Maria Stuart. Kennedy. Ihr wart durch blutige Veleidigung Gereigt und durch ded Manned Uebermuth, Den Cure Liebe aud der Dunfellpeit, Wie eine Gotterhand, hervorgezogen, ~ Den Ihr durd) Cuer Brautgemad) jum Ihrone Gefithrt, mit Gurer blithenden Perfon Beglitdft und Curer angeftammten Krone. Konnt’ er vevgeffen, dap fein prangend Loos Der Liebe grofmuthdvolle Schopfung war 2 Und dod) vergaf er’s, ver Umwiirdige! Beleidigte mit niedrigem LVerdadyt, Mit rohen Sitten Cure artlichFeit, Und widerdrtig wurd’ er Guren Augen. Der Sauber fhwand, der CGuren Blick getiujht, br flobt ergitent ped Schdndlichen Umarmung Und gabt ihn der Berachtung preis—1Uud er— BVerfudht’ er’, Cure Gunit juriiciurufen ? Bat er um Gnade? Warf er fich bereuend Bu CGuren Fifen, BVefjerung verfprechend ? ro bot Gud) der Wbjcheuliche—Doer Cuer Gefchopf war, CGuren Konig wollt’ er fpielen, Vor Guren Augen lief er Cuch den Liebling, Den fehonen Sanger Rigio, durdhbobhren— br radytet blutig nur die blut’ge That. 300 305 315 320 Maria. Und Olutig wird fie aud) an mir jicdh rachen, Du fprichit mein Urtbeil aus, da du mich trdfteit. Kennedy. Da Ihr die That gefhebn liegt, wart Ihr nicht Jr felbft, gehdrtet Gud nicht felbft. Crgriffen Hatt’ Gudy ver Wabnjinn blinder Liebesgluth, Gud) unterjocht dem furchtbaren LVerfithrer, 1. Aufyug. 4. Auftritt. 19 Dem unglirjel'gen Bothroed—1leber Gud Wit ibermirth’'gem Mannerwillen Herrfchte Der Screctliche, der Cu) durd) Saubertrante, Durd) Hollentiinfte dad Fenn vermwirrend, 330 Grhite— Maria, Seine Kitnfte waren feine andre, ALB feine Mannerfraft und meine Schwadyheit. Kennedy. Nein, jag’ ich. Alle Geifter der BVerdammnif Muft’ er ju Hilfe tufen, der died Wand Um Cure bellen Sinne wob. Ihr Hattet ; 335 Kein Ofr mehr fiir ver Freundin Warnungsftimme, Rein Aug fire Dad, wad wohlanftindig war. Berlaffen hatte Cuch die arte Scheu Der Menjchen ; Cure Wangen, fonft der Sig Schambaft errdthender Befcheivenbyeit, P HO Sie glithten nur vom Feuer pes Verlangens. Shr warft ven Schleier ped Gebeimnifies Bon Cuch; ded Manned feed Lafter hatte Auch Cure BIodigteit befiegt; Ihr ftelltet Mit dreijter Stirne Cure Schmadh zur Schau. 345 Shr left das fonigliche Schwert von Schottland Durdy ibn, den Morder, dem ded Volfed Flitche Nadhyichaliten, durdy die Gaffen Edinburgs Bor Cuch Hertragen im Jriumpl, umringtet : Wit Waffen Cuer Parlament, und bier, | azo Im eignen Tempel der Gerechtigkeit, Bwangt hr mit frechem Boffenipiel die Richter, Den Schuldigen ded Morded lodguiprechen— Shr gingt noc weiter—Gott! Maria, Vollende nur! Und reicht’ ibm meine Hand vor dem Altare! 355 C2 20 Maria Stuart. Kennedy, O, lafit ein ewig Schweigen diefe Ihat Bepecen! Sie ijt {chauderhaft, emypdrend, Jit einer gang Verlornen werth—Doch Jr {eid feine Perlovene—ich fenn’ Cuch ja, idy bin’s, Die Cure Kindheit auferzogen. Weid Jit Guer Hery gebilvet, offen ift’'s Der Scham—Dder Leichtfinn nur ijt Cuer Lajter. Jb wiederhol’ e8, e8 gibt bodje Geifter, Die in ded Menfchen unverwalbrter Bruit Sid) augenbliclich ibren Wohnylag nehmen, Die fdhnell in und dag Schrectliche begebn Und zu der HO entflichend dad Cntjeten Su vem beflecften Bufen Hinterlafjen. Seit diefer That, die Cuer Leben fdhdrt, Habt Ihr nichts Lajterhafted mehr begangen, ch bin ein Seuge Curer Vefjerung. Drum faffet Muth! Macht Friede mit Cuch felbijt Was Ihr audy zu bereuen abt, in England Seid Ihr nicht fohuldig; nit Clifabeth, Nicht Cnglandd Parlament ift Cuer Richter. Macht ift’s, die Cuch Hier unterdritcft; vor diefen Anmaglichen Gerichtshof dinrft Ihr Cuch Hinftellen mit dem gangen Muth der Unjdhuld. Maria. Wer fommt? (Yiovtimer zeigt fidh an der Thitve:) 360 Ww [= wi 375 Kennedy. G3 ift der Neffe. Gebt binein, 1. Aufug. 5-6. Aujtritt. 21 Fiinfter Anftritt. Die Vorigen. Mortimer {den Hereintretend. Mortimer (ur Amme). Cntfernt Cuch, haltet Wade vor der Ihitr, 380 - Jch habe mit der Kdnigin ju redem. Maria (mit Aufehm). Hanna, du bleibjt. Mortimer. Habt feine Furcht, Mylady. Lernt midy fennen. (Gr iiberveidht ihr eine Karte.) Maria (fieht fie an und faht oy Fe, Ha! Was ift Das? Mortimer (ur Amme). Geht, Dame Kennedy, CSorgt, daf mein Ofeim ung nicht itberfalle! 385 Maria (zur Amme, weldhe jaudert und die Knigin fragend anfieht). Gel, ge! Ibu, was er fagt. (Die Amme entfernt fic) mit Jeidhen der Verounderung.) Sedhfter Anftritt. Mortinter. Maria. Maria. Bon meinem Obein, Dem Kardinal pon Lothringen aud Franfreid)! (Left.) JXraut poem Sir Mortimer, der Gud) Died bringt, (Denn feinen treuern Freund halt Ihr in England.” (Portimern mit Grftaunen anfefend.) 3jt's moglich? Jft'3 fein Blendwerf, vad mid) taujcht 2 390 22 Maria Stuart. So nabe find’ ich einen Freund und wdlnte mich Berlafjen {hon von aller Welt—find’ ihn In Gud, dem Neffen meined Kerfermeifters, In dem ich meinen fdhlimmiten Feind— Mortimer (fi ihr ju Figen werfend). Verzeibung Sur diefe verbapte Larve, Konigin, 395 Die mir gu tragen Kampf genug gefoftet, Doc der ids danfe, dag id) mich) Guch naben, Guch Hilfe und Crrettung bringen fann. Maria. Steht auf—Ihr diberrajcht mich, Sir—Ich fann So fnell nicht aus der Tiefe meined Clends : 400 Sur Hoffnung ibergehen—NRedet, Sir— i Macht mir vied Glin begreiflich, dafi ich’s glaube. Mortimer (feht auf). Die Beit verrinnt. Bald wird © mein Obeim bier fein, Und ein verbafter Menjch begleitet ihn. Gly Gud ihr Schreendauftrag itberrajeht, 4053 Hort an, wie Cu) der Himmel NRettung {chicks Maria. Cr {hic fie durch ein Wunder einer Allmacht ! Mortimer. Crlaubt, dag ich von mir beginme. Maria. : Feet,“ Six! Mortimer. Ich 3iblte pwangig Jahre, Konigin, Jn ftrengen Pilichten war id) aufgewachien, 410 Jn finjterm Haj ved Papftthums. aufgefaugt, ALS mich die unbepwingliche Begierde Hinaus trieh auf das fefte Land. Ih lief Der Puritaner dumypfe Predigtituben, Die Heimath hinter mir, in {dhuellem Lauf 415 Durdyzoq ich Franfreich), dad gepriefene i 1. Aufsug. 6. Auftritt. Stalien mit feifem Wunjche fudend. ©3 war die Jeit ded grofen Kivchenfefts, Vou Pilgerfhaaren wimmelten die Wege, Vefrangt war: jeded Gottedbild, ed war, A138 ob die Menjchbeit auf ver Wandrung wire, Wallfafrend nach dem Himmelveic)—Diic) felbit Grariff der Strom der glaubenyollen Menge Und rif mid) in pag Weidhbildo Roms— Wie ward mir, Konigin! AB mir der Saulen Pracht und Siegedbogen Gntgegenftieg, ded Koloffeums Herrlichfeit Den Staunenden umfing, ein hoher Bilonergeiit In {eine feitre Wunderwelt mid) flop! Sch hatte nie der Kinjte Macht gefithlt ; G8 Haft die Kirche, die mid) auferzog, Der Sinne Reig, fein ALLILD dulvet fie, Allein dag foryerloje Wort verehrend. Wie wurde mir, ald ich ind Innre nun Der Kircdhen trat und die Veufif der Himmel Herunterftieg und der Geftalten Fille Berfchwenderifch aus Wand und Decte quoll, Dag Herrlichite und Hodyfte, gegemmwdrtig, Vor den entitcften Sinnen {ich bewegte, Als ich fie felbjt nun fab, die Gottlichen, Den Gruff ded Gngeld, die Geburt ded Herrn, Die heil'ge Mutter, die herabgeftiegne Dreifaltigteit, die leuchtenve Verfldrung— ALS ich ven Papft drauf fal in feiner Pracht - Dag Hochamt balten und die Volfer feqnen. 0, wad ift Goldes-, wad Jmwelen-Schein, Womit der Crde Komige {ich jchmicen! Nur er ift mit dem Gbdttlichen umgeben, 23 430 435 440 445 24 Maria: Stuart. Gin wabhrbaft Reich der Himmel ift fein Haug, Denn nicht von diefer Welt find diefe Formen. 450 Maria. O, fchonet mein! Nicht weiter! Soret auf, Den frifchen Lebendteppich vor mir aus- Subreiten—Ich bin elend und gefangen. Mortimer. Auch id) war's, Konigin! und mein Ge- fangnif Sprang auf, und frei auf einmal fiblte fich Der Geift, ved Lebend {chonen ag begrithend. Hap fdwur id) nun dem engen dumpfen Buch, Mit frijchem Krany die Schlife mir ju fchmitcEen, Wich frohlich an die Froblichen gu dhliefen. Biel ele Schotten drangten {ich an mid) 1nd der Frangofen muntre Landdmannidaften. Sie brachten midy ju Gurem edeln Obeim © Dem Kardinal von Guife—Weld ein Mann Wie ficher, flar und mannlich grof!—LWie ganz Geboren, um die Geifter ju vegieren! Dad Mufter eines Foniglichen Priefters, Gin Fieft der Kirche, wie ich feinen fah! Maria. hr habt fein theured Angeficht gefehn, Ded vielgeliebten, ded erbabnen Vannes, Der meiner jarten Jugend Fibrer war. O, redet mir von ifm! Denft er noch mein? Liebt ibn dad Olid, bliht ihm dad Leben noch, Steht er nod) herrlich da, ein Feld ber Kirche ? Mortimer. Der Jvefiliche lief felber {ich eral, Die hohen Glaubenslehren mir ju deuten Und meined Herzend Sweifel qu gerjtreun. Gr geigte mir, daf gritbelnde BVernunit Den Menfchen ewig in der IJrve leitet, 455 460 470 475 1. Aufyug. 6. Auftritt. 25 Daf feine Augen feben miiffen, was Dag Hers {oll glauben, daf ein fichtbar Haupt 480 Der Kirche Noth thut, daf der Geift der Wakrheit Gerubt hat auf den Sigungen der Viter. Die Wabnbegriffe meiner find'jhen Sele, Wie fdywanden fie vor feinem fiegenden Verftand und vor der Suada feined Dundes! 485 Ich febrte in der Kirche Shoop uric, Sour meinen Jrrthum ab in eine Hinde. Maria, So feid Jbr einer jener Jaufende, Die er mit feiner Rede Himmeldtraft, Wie per erhabme Prediger ded Berges, Wri ge Grgriffen und jum enw'gen Heil gefitbrt! Mortimer. AS ihn Ded Amted Pilichten bald davauf Nach Franfreich viefen, fandt’ er mich nach Rheims, Wo die Gefellichaft Jefu, fromm gefddftia, Fir Cnglandd Kirche Priefter aufersieht. 495 Den -edeln Schotten Morgan fand idy bier, Auch Guren treuen Lefley, den gelebrten Bifchof von Rofe, die auf Franfreichs Voden reudlofe Fage der Verbannung leben— Gng fdhlof ich mich) an diefe Wiirdigen 500 Und ftarfte mid) im Glauben—Cined Jags, : ALS icy mich umial in ded BVijchoid Wobnung, Fiel mir ein weiblich Vilonif in die Augen Bon rithrend wunderfament Reiz; gewaltig Grgriff 8 mid) in meiner tiefften Seele, 505 Und ped Gefithl8 nicht machtig, ftand icy da. Da fagte mir der BVijchof: Wobl mit Recht Mgt Ihr gerithrt bei diefem Bilbe woeilen. Die {chonjte aller Frauen, welche leben, 26 Maria Stuart. Jit auch die jammerndwitrdigite von allen, : 510 Um unferd Glaubens willen duldet fie, 1nd Guer Vaterland ift's, wo fie leivet. Maria. Der Redliche! Nein, ich verlor nicht Alles, Da {older Freund im UnglirE mir geblicben. Mortimer. Drauf fing er an, mit herzerfchittternver 513 Beredjamfeit mir Guer Martyrthum Und Gurer Feinde Blutgier abzujchildern. Auch Guern Stammbaum wied er mir, er jeigte Mir Cure Abfunft von dem bhoben Haufe Der Yudor, itberzeugte mich, vaf Cuch 520 Allein gebithrt, in Cngelland zu berrjchen, Nicht diefer Wfterfomijin, gegeugt In_ehebrecherijchem Bett, die Heinrich, Shr Vater, felbjt verwarf ald BVajtarvtohter. Nicht {einem eing'gen Jeugnip wollt’ ich traun, 525 Jc) holte Rath bei allen NRechtsgelehrten, Biel alte Wappenbircher {chlug ich nach, Und alle Kunbdige, die ich befragte, Beftdtigten mir Cured Anjpruchd Kraft. Jc wei nunmebr, dag Cuer guted Hecht 530 An Cngland Cuer ganged Unrecht it, ; Dap Gud) dies Reich als Cigenthum gehore, Worin Jr {dhuldlos ald Gefangne jdhymachtet. Maria. O diefes unglisctsvolle Recht! G8 ijt Die eing'ge Quelle aller meiner Leiden. 535 Mortimer. Um diefe Jeit fam mir die Kunde ju, Daf Ihr aud Ialbotd Schlop himvegaefihrt Und meinem Ofeim itbergeben worden— Ded Himmeld wundervolle Rettungdhand Glaubt’ ich in diejer Fhgung zu erfennen. 540 1. Aufjug. 6. Auftritt. J 27 Gin Lauter Ruf ded Schidfald war fie mir, Dag meinen Arm gewdhlt, Cuch zu befreien. Die Freunde ftimmen freudig bei, ed giebt Der Kardinal mir feinen Rath und Segen Und lehrt mich der Werjtellung fchwere Kunit. 545 Schnell ward per Plan entworfen, und ich trete Den Ritchey an ing Vaterland, wo ich, br wift', vor geben Tagen bin gelanbet. (Gr Halt inne.) dy {aly Guch, Kinigin—Cudy felbjt! Nicht Cuer Vild I—O, weldyen Schay bewahrt 550 Died Schlof! Kein Kerfer! Cine Gotterhalle, Glangyoller alg der fonigliche Hof Bon Cngland—O ved GlitcElichen, dem ed Bexgdnnt ijt, eine Luft mit Cuch su athmen! Wohl hat fie Recht, die Cucy {o tief verbivgt! 555 Aufjtehen witrde Cnglands gange Jugend, Rein Scpwert in {einer Scheide. mitfig bleiben Und die Gmypdrung mit gigantijchem Haupt Durch diefe Friebensdinfel fhreiten, fibe Der Britte {eine Konigin ! Maria. Wohl ibr, | 560 Sab’ fever Britte fie mit Curen Augen ! Mortimer, War’ er, wie ich, ein Seuge CGurer Leiden, Der Sanftmutly Jeuge und der edlen Fafjung, Womit Ihr dad Umviirdige erduldet. Denn geht Ihr nicht aus allen Leidendproben 505 ALB eine Konigin hervor? Raubt Gud Deg Kerferd Smad) von Curem Schivnheitdglange ? Guch mangelt Alles, wad dag Leben fdhmitctt, Und doch umflieft Guch ewig Licht und Leben. / 28 Maria Stuart. Nie fet’ ich meinen Fuf auf diefe Schwelle, 570 Daf nicht mein Hery gerriffen wird von Qualen, Nicht von der Luft entyirckt, Cuch anzufchauen!'— Doch furdhtbar nabt {ich die Entjdjeidung, wachfend Mit jever Stunde dringet die Gefabr; Ich darf nicht linger {dumen—~Cudy nicht linger 575 Dag Schrectliche verbergen— Maria. Jit mein Urtheil Gefallt 2 Cntdectt mir's frei. IJ Fann ed Hoven. Mortimer: G3 ijt gefallt. Die wei und viergig Richter _ baben br Schuldig audgefprochen itber Cuch. Dad Haus Der Lords und der Gemeinen, die Stadt London 580 Beftehen beftig dringend auf ded Urtheild Volljtrecfung ; nur die Konigin fiumt nod —Aus arger Lift, dap man fie ndthige, Nicht aud Gefihl der Menfchlichfeit und Schonung. Maria (mit Fafung). Sir Mortimer, IJbr fberrajdht mich nicht, 585 Grfchrectt mich nicht. Auf folche Botjhaft war ich Schon lingit gefapt. Ich fenne meine Richter. Nach den Mifhandlungen, die ich erlitten, Begreif’ ich wobl, daf man die Freifeit mir Nicht {chenfen fann—Ich wei, wo man hinaud will. s90 Jn ew'gem Kerfer will man mich bewabren Und meine Rache, meinen Rechtdanipruch Mit mir verjcharren in Gefangnifnadht. Mortimer. Nein, Konigin—o nein! Nein! Dabei ftebt man : Nicht ftill. Die Jyrannei begnigt: fich nicht, 505 Sbr Werf nur hal ju thun. Solang Ihr lebt, 1. Mifjug. 6. Auiftitt. 29 Lebt auch bie Furcht der Konigin von England. Guy fann fein Kerfer tief genug begraben, Nur Cuer od verfichert ihren Thron. Maria. Sie fount’ ed wagen, mein gefronted Haupt 6oo Sdymachuoll auf einen Henferblod ju legen? Mortimer, Sie wird ed wagen. Jweifelt nicht davan. Maria. Sie fonnte fo die eigne WMajeftit Und aller Konige im Staube wdilzen ? Und fitechtet fie die ache Franfreichd nicht? Gos Mortimer. Sie fhlieft mit Frankreich einen ew’gen Srieden, Dem Duc von Anjou {chenft fie Thron und Hand. Maria, Wird fic) der Konig Syaniend nit wafjnen ? Mortimer, Nicht eine Welt in Waffen fitvchtet fie, So lang fie Frieden hat mit ihrem Bolfe. 610 Maria. Den Britten wollte fie died Schaufpiel geben ? Mortimer, Died Land, Mylady, bat in Tehten Seiten Der foniglichen Frauen mehr vom Ibron Herab aufd Blutgeritite feigen fehn. Die eigne Mutter ver CElifabeth 615 Ging diefen Weg und Katharina Howard, Auch Lady Gray war ein gefronted Haupt. Maria (nad einer Paufe). Nein, Dortimer! Guch blendet eitle Furcht. G3 ift die Sorge Cures freuen Hergens, ; Die Gud) vergebne Schrectniffe er{dafit. 620 A Richt pad Sdaffot ift’s, das idy fitrchte, Sir. @3 gibt noch andre Wittel, ftilleve, Woourch fich die Sere Rbecin oi Gngland 30 Maria Stuart. Bor meinem Anfpruch Rube fhaffen Fann. Gh {ih ein Henfer fir mic) findet, wird ; © 625 Noch eher fich ein order dingen lafjen. —Da3d ift’s, wovor id jittre, Sir! und nie Set’ ich ped Bechers Rand an meine Lippen, Daf nicht ein Schauder mich) ergreift, er fomnte Krevenzt fein von der Liebe meiner Schweiter. 630 Mortimer. Nidht offendar, noch heimlich foll'd tem Mord Gelingen, Guer Leben angutaften. Seid ohne Furcht! Bereitet ift johon Ales. wolf edle Jitnglinge ded Landed find Sn meinem Bimbdnif, haben heute frith 635 Dag Saframent darvauf emypfangen, Gud Mit ftarfem Arm aud diefem Schlof ju fihren. Graf Aubefpine, der Abgefandte Franfreichs, Wei um ven Bund, er bietet {elbft die Hinde, Und fein Palajt it's, wo wir und verfammeln. “640 Maria. Jbr madht mid) ittern, Siv—voch nicht vor Jreude. Wir fliegt ein bofed Abnen durdy das Her. Was unternehmt Jpr? Wit Jr's? Screen Gud) Nicht Vabingtons, nicht Tichburnd blut'ge Haupter, Auf Londond Brite warnend aufqeftectt ? 645 Nicht pad Verberben der Unydbligen, Die ihren od in gleichem Wagitir fanden Und meine Ketten fchwerer nur gemacht? Unglitclicher, verfithrter Jingling— flieht ! &lieht, wenn’ noch Beit ift— wenn per Spdber Purleigh ob “Nicht jest {chon Kundichaft hat von Cuch, nicht Cd ] Jn Cure Mitte ven Verrdther mijchte. 1. Aufug. 6. Aujtritt a1 Flicht aud vem Reiche fchmelt ! Marien Stuart Hat noch) fein Glitclicher befchitht. Mortinter. il Wich fehrecten Nicht BVabingtons, nicht Jichburnd Llut'ge Hiupter, 655 Auf Londons Bite warrfend aufgeftect, Nicht dad BVerderben der unzdbl'gen Andern, Die ihren od in gleichem Wagitit fanden ; Sie fanden auch darin den ew’'gen FRubm, nd Glink {hon it's, fir Cure NRettung jterben. 660 Maria. Umfonft !| Wich rettet nicht Gewalt, nicht Lift. Der Feind ijt wachfam, und die Tact ijt fein. Nicht Paulet nur und einer Wadgter Schaar, Gang Cngland Hittet meined Kerferd Tore. Der freie Wille der Clifabeth allein 665 Kann fie mir aufthun. ‘ Mortimer. O, Das boffet nie! Maria. Gin eingyger Mann lebt, der fie oHffnen fan. Mortinter. OO, nennt mir diefen Wann— Maria. Graf Lefter. Mortimer (tritt exftaunt uri). efter | Graf Lejter —Cuer blutigiter BVerfolger, Der Ginftling ver Clifabeth—LVon diefem— 670 Maria, Bin ich ju vetten, ijt's allein durch ihn. —@®ebt gu ibm. Oeffnet Guch ibm frei, Und ur Gewdilbr, da idy’8 bin, die Gud) fendet, Bringt ihm died Schreiben. C8 enthilt mein Bilonip. (Sie gieht cin Papier aus vem Bufen, Mortimer tritt guint nnd 30gett, es angunehmen.) \ 32 Maria Stuart. RNebhmt hin. Icy trag’ ed lange {chon bei mir, 67 Weil Cured Obeims ftrenge WachfamTeit Wir jeden Weg zu ibm gehemmt—Cuch fandte Mein guter Cngel— Mortimer. Konigin—oies Rathfel— wr Grilart e8 mir— Maria. Graf Lefter wird’s Guch Ibjen. Bertraut ihm, er wird Gud) vertraun—Wer fommt? 680 Kennedy (eilfertig eintretend). Sir Paulet naht mit einem Herrn vom Hofe. Mortimer. €8 ift Lord Burleigh. Faft Gud), Konigin! Hort ed mit Gleichmuth an, was er Gud) bringt: (Gr entfernt fic) durch eine Seitenthite. Kennedy folgt ihm.) Siebenter Anftritt. Maria. Lord Burleigh Grefijdhagmeifer von Gngland, und : Ritter Paulet. WPaulet, Ihr witnfchtet heut Gewifheit Cures Schidials, Gewipheit bringt Gud) Seine HerrlichFeit, . 683 Mylord von Burleigh, Iragt fie mit Crgebung. Maria. Mit Wide, boff’ id), die der Unfchuld giemt. Burleigh. Jd) fomme ald Gefandter ded Gerichts. Maria. Lord Burleigh leiht dienfifertiy dem Gerichte, Dem er den Geift geliehn, nun auch den Mund. 690 Panlet. br fprecht, ald witfet She bereitd dad Urtheil. Maria, Da ed Lord Burleigh bringt, fo wei ich es. —3ur Sade, Sir. 1. Aufgug. 7. Auftritt. Burleigh. Shr Habt Guch dem Gericht Der Jweiundyiersig untermworfen, Lady— 33 Maria, Vergeiht, Mylord, af ih Cuch gleich zu Anfang Ing Wort muf fallen—Unterworfen Hatt’ id) mich Dem Richterfpruch der Jweiundoierzig, fagt Ipr? 3c habe Feinedwegd mich unterworfen. Nie font’ ic) Dag—ich fonnte meinem Rang, Der Wire meined Volfd und meined Sohnes Und aller Fitrften nicht fo viel vergeben. Lerordnet ift im englifhen Gefess, Daf jever Angetlagte durch Gefchworne Bon feined Gleichen {oll gerichtet werden. Wer in der Committee ift meined Gleichen? Nur “Konige {ind meine Peers. Burleigh. Shr portet . Die Klagartifel an, lieft Guch daritber Bernehmen vor Gerichte— Maria. Ja, ich habe midy Durch Hattons arge Lift verleiten lafjen, Blof meiner Chre wegen und im Glauben An meiner Gritnde fiegende Gewalt, Gin Ofr zu leben jenen Klagepunften Und ibren Ungrund darauthun—>Das that ich Aud Achtung fir die witrdigen Perfonen Der Lords, nicht fir ihr Amt, dad id) verwerfe. 605 700 705 715 Burleigh, Ob Ihr fie anerfennt, ob nicht, Mylady, Dag ift nur eine leere FormlichEeit, Die ded Gerichted Lauf nicht Hemmen Fann. Shr athmet Gnglands Luft, geniefit ven Schub,. a 34 Maria Stuart. Die Woblthat pes Gefepsed, und fo feid Ibe Wig, Auch feiner Herrfchaft unterthan ! Maria. 3c athme Die Luft in einem englifen Gefangnif. Heit Dag in England leben, der Gefete Woblthat geniefen? Kenn’ ich fie doch Faum. : Nie hat’ ich eingewilligt, fle ju balten. | yg Ich bin nicht diefes Meiched BViirgerin, Bin eine freie Konigin ded Auslands. Burleigh. Und denft Jbr, dap der fonigliche Name Sum Freibrief dienen fonne, blut'ge Jwietracht In frembem Lande ftraflod audzuiden ? 730 Wie {tind ed um die Sicherheit der Staaten, Wenn dad gevechte Schwert der Tbemid nicht Die {chuld’'ge Stirn ded foniglichen Gafted Grreichen Eonnte, wie ded Bettlerd Haupt ? Maria. Ich will mich nicht der Rechenjchaft entziehn, 735 Die Richter find ed nur, die id) vermwerfe. Burleigh. Die Ridhter 2 Wie, Mylady ? Sind ed eta Vom Pobel aufgegriffene LVerworfue, Sdhamlofe Sungendrefcher, denen Recht Und Wahrheit feil ijt, die fich sum Organ 740 Der Unterdritfung willig dingen lafjen ? Sind’d nicht die erjten Manner diefed Landes, Selbitftandig gnug, um wahrhaft fein gu ditrfen, Wm itber Fitrftenfurcht und niedrige Beftechung weit erbaben {ich gu fehn? 745 Sind’s nicht Diefelben, die ein edled Volf Frei und gevecht regievenm, deven Namen Man nur gu nennen braudt, um jeden Jwoeifel, . Aufpug. 7. Auftritt. 35 Unt jeden Argon {hleunig flumm ju madyen 2 An ihrer Sypige fteht der Wilferbirte, 50 Der fromme Primas von Canterbury, Der weife Ialbot, der ded Siegel8 walyret, Und Howard, der-ded NReiched Flotten fithrt. Sagt! Konnte die BVeberrfdherin von England Veh thun, ald aud der gangen Monarchie VEE Die Ghelften auslefen und zu Richtern In diefem foniglichen Streit eftellen 2 Und wdr's zu denfen, da Parteienhaf Den Cingelnen beftache—Fonnen vierzig Grlefne Manner ich in einem Spruche 760 Der Leiden{chaft vereinigen ? - Maria (nach) einigem Stillfhweigen). Ich hire ftaunend die Gewalt ded Vunbes, Der mir von je {o unbeilbringend war— Wie werd ich mid, ein ungelehrted Weib, Mit {o funfifert’gem Redner meffen Fomnen !—- © 65 ; Wohl! Waren bdiefe Lords, wie Ihr fte {childert, LBerftummen mitft’ id), hoffnungslod verloven War’ meine Sache, {prachen fie mich fdhuldig. Doc) diefe Namen, die Ihr preifend nennt, Die mich durdy ihr Gewicht zermalmen follen, vo Mylord, gang andre Rollen feb’ icy fte In den Gefchichten Diefed Landed fpielen. Icy fehe diefen Hoben Apel Englands, 7 Ded Jeiched majeftatifchen Senat, Gleich Slaven ded Serail8 den Sultansdlaunen 775 Heinrichd ded Achten, meined Grofohms, {hmeidyeln— cf) febe bdiefes edle Oberhaus, ; Gleidy pis mit den erfiuflichen Gemeine, D2 36 - Maria Stuart. Gefee pragen und verrufen, Chen Auflbfen, binden, wie der Machtige- 780 Gebietet, Cnglandd Firftentdchter Heute Gnterben, mit dem Barftardnamen {hdnden Und morgen fie ju Koniginnen Fronen. X39 febe diefe witrd'gen Peerd mit fchmell LVertaufchter Uebergeugung unter vier LE 785 Regierungen den Glauben viermal dndern— ) x Burleigh. br nennt Gud) fremd in Englandd Reichs- gefegen, In Gnglandd Unglit feid Jbr febr beoandert. Maria. Und Das find meine Richter '—Lord Schat- meifter! : Sch will gerecht fein gegen Guch! Seid IJphr's © 790 Auch gegen mich—Man fagt, IJbr meint ed gut : Mit dviefem Staat, mit Curer Konigin, Seid unbejtechlich, wachfam, unermitdet— 3h will e8 glauben. Nicht der eigne Nuten Regiert Guch, Guch vegiert allein der Vortheil 795 Ded Souveraind, ded Landed. Chen darum Miftraut Gud, edler Lord, daf nicht der Nupen * Deg Staats Cu ald Gerechtigheit erjcheine. Nicht peifl’ ich dran, ed fien neben Gud Nock edle Pinner unter meinen Richtern. 800 Doh fie find Vroteftanten, Ciferer Fir Cnglands Wohl und fprechen itber mich, Die Konigin von Schottland, die Papijtin! E38 fann der Britte gegen den Scyotten nicht Gerecht fein, ift ein uralt Wort—Drum ift 803 Serfommlich feit ver Viter grauer Jeit, : | Daf vor Gericht fein Britte gegen den Schotten, 1. Aufpug. 7. Auftritt. ; 37 Kein Schotte gegen fenen eugen barf. Die Noth gab diefes feltfame Gefess 5 Gin tiefer Sinn wolnt in den alten Vrduchen, ~~ 8:0 Man muf fie ehren, Mylord—bie Natur Warf diefe beiden feur'gen Volfer{chaften Auf diefed Brett im Ocean ; ungleidh WVertbeilte {ie’d und hiep fie darum Fimpfen. Der Jweede fchmaled Bette trennt allein 815 Die Deft'gen Geifter ; oft vermifchte {ich Dag Blut der Kampfenden in ihren Wellen. Die Hand am Schwerte, {chauen fie fich drohend Von Deiden Ufern an feit taufend Jahren. Kein Feind Dedrdnget Gngelland, dem nicht 820 Der Scyotte fic) gum Helfer gugefellte ; Kein WBitrgerfrieg entyiindet Schottlands Stadte, Su dem der Write nicht den Sunder trug. Und nicht erlbfchen wird der Haff, big endlich Gin Parlament {te britderlich vereint, 825 Ein Scepter waltet durch die gange Injel. Burleigh. Und eine Stuart follte diefed Glink Dem Reidy gewdbren ? Maria. ; Warum oll dys leuguen ? Sa, ic) geftelys, dafi ich die Hoffnung ndbrte, Swei edle Nationen unterm Schatten 830 Ded Oclbaums frei und frohlidy su vereinen. Nicht bres Volferhafjesd Opfer glaubt’ ich Su werden ; ifre lange Giferfudt, Der alten Bwietracht unglitiel'ge Gluth Hofft’ id) auf ew’ge Tage gu erfticen 835 lind, wie mein Ahnherr Richmond die wei Rofen 4 . 38 : Maria Stuart. Sufammenband nach blut’gem Streit, die Kronen Schottland und Cngland friedlich zu vermdhlen. Burleigh. Auf fchlimmem Weg verfolgtet Ihr died Jiel, Da Ihr dag Reich entzinden, durdy die Flammen 840 Ded Bitrgerfrieged jum Ibrone fteigen voolltet. Maria, Dad wollt’ id nicht—Dbeim grofen Gott des Himmels ! Wann batt’ ich Dad gewollt 2 Wo {ind die Proben? Burleigh. Nidht Streitend wegen Fam ich her. Die Sade Jit Feinem Wortgefecht melyr unterworfen. 845 G3 ift erfannt durdy vierzig Stimmen gegen wei, Dag Ihr vie Ate vom vergangnen Jahr Gebrochen, dem Gefey verfallen feid. G3 ift verordnet im vergangnen Jahr: LWenn fich Jumult im Konigreich erbitbe 850 yom Namen und jum Nupen irgend einer Berfon, die Rechte vorgibt an die Krone, Daf man gerichtlich gegen fie verfabre, ,Big in den od die {chuldige verfolge’— Und da bewiefen ift— Maria. Moylord von Burleigh ! 855 Sch gueifle nicht, vaf ein Gees, ausdrinlich Auf mich gemacht, verfaft, mich zu verderben, Sich gegen mich) wird brauchen laffen—IBehe Dem armen Opfer, wenn derjelbe Viund, Der pad Gefe gab, aud) dad Urtbeil {pricht! 860 Konnt Shr e8 leugnen, Lord, daf jene Afte Su meinem Untergang erfonunen ijt? Burleigh. Su Gurer Warnung follte fie geveichen, 1. ufjug. 7. Auftritt. 39 Sum Falftrid Habt Ipr felber fie gemacht. Den Wbgrund faht Ihr, ver vor Cuch fich aufthat, 865 Und, tren gewarnet, ftitvztet Ihr hinein. Shr wart mit Babington, dem Hochverrdther, : Und feinen Mordgefellen einverftanden, Shr Battet Wiffenfdhaft von Alem, lenftet Wud Gurem Kerfer planvoll die Ver{cdhwidrung. 870 Maria. Wann Hatt’ id) Dad gethan? Man zeige mix Die Dofumente auf. Burleigh. Die hat man Cuddy Schon neulidy vor Gerichte vHorgewiefen. Maria. Die Kopien, von fremder Hand gefchrieben ! Man bringe die Veweife mir Herbei, 875 Daf id) fie {elbft dictiert, dap id) fie fo Dictiert, gerade fo, wie man gelefen. Burleigh. Daf ed diefelben find, die er empfangen, Hat Babington vor {einem ITod befannt. Maria. Und warum ftellte man ihn mir nicht lebend 880 Vor Augen 2 Warum eilte man fo feb, Ibn aud der. Welt gu fordern, ef man ihn Mir, Stirne gegen Stirne, vorgefithrt ? Burleigh. Aud) Cure Schreiber, Kurl und Nau, erfdrten Mit einem Eid, daf ed die Briefe feien, 885 Die fie aus Gurem Vunde nieverichrieben. Maria. Und auf das Beugnif meiner Hausbebienten Verpammt man mich 2 Auf Jreu und Glauben Dever, Die mid) verrathen, ihre Konigin, Die in demfelben Augenblict die Treu 890 Mir brachen, da fie gegen midy gezeugt ? 40 Maria Stuart. Burleigh. br felbit exEldrtet fonjt den Schotten Kurl Fir einen Mann von Jugend und Gewiffen. Maria. Co fannt’ ich ihn—>ododh eined Manned Jugend Grprobt allein die Stunde der Gefabr. 895 Die Folter fount’ ihn dngftigen, dag er Ausfagte und geftand, wad er nicht nufte! Durd faljches Seugnif glaubt’ er fidh ju retten Und mir, der Konigin, nicht viel ju fchaden. Burleigh. Mit einem freien Cid hat er’3 befhworen. goo Marias Vor meinem Angefichte nicht —Wie, Sir? Dag find pwei Jeugen, die noch Beide leben! Wan ftelle fie mir gegenitber, laffe fie br Beugnip mir ind Antlig wiederholen! Warum mir eine Gunft, ein Recht verweigern, 905 Dag man dem Morder nicht verfagt? Ich weiff - Aus Jalbotd Vunde, meined vor'gen Hitters, Dap unter diefer ndimlichen Regierung Gin Reichsjchluf durdhgegangen, der befiehlt, Den Klager dem Veflagten vorjuitellen. 910 Wie? Over hat’ ich falich gehort 2—Sir Baulet ! Sd) bat’ Guch ftets ald Biedermann erfunden, Beweift ed jego. Sagt mir auf Gewifjen, : 3ft’8 nicht 02 Gibt's fein folch Gefes in England? Paulet. So ift’s, Mylady. Dad ift bet und Rech- tens. 915 Was wabr ift, mug ich fagen. : Maria. Nun, Mylord! Wenn man mid) denn To ftreng nach englijchem Recht: Bebandelt, wo died Recht mich unterdrieft, Warum dasdfelbe Landedrecht umgebhen, 1. ufjug. 7. Aujtritt. 41 Wenn ed mir Woblthat werden fann 2—Antwortet! 920 Warum ward Babington mir nidht vor Augen Geftellt, wie dag Gefets befiehlt ? Warum Nicht meine Schreiber, die noc Beive leben ? Burleigh. Creifert Gud) nicht, Lady. Cuer Cinver- ftandnif Mit Babington ift’s nicht allein— Maria. Gs it's 923 Allein, wad mich vem Schoerte ded Gefetsed Blofftellt, wovon id) mich gu rein’gen habe. . Molord! Bleibt bei ver Sache. Veugt nicht aus. Burleigh. G3 ift bewiefen, daf Ihr mit Mendoza, Dem fpanijchen BVotjchafter, unterhandelt— 930 Maria ((bhaft). Bleibt bei der Sadye, Lord! Burleigh. x Dag Jbr Anfdhlage Gefdymicvet, die Religion bed Landed Su ftirgen, alle Konige Guropens Sum Krieg mit England RIE i Maria. ; Und wenn idy’s Gethan 2 Ich hab’ ed nicht gethan— IJedoch 93 Gefest, ich that’s '—Mylord, man Halt mich Hier Gefangen wider alle Vidlfervechte. Nicht mit vem Scwerte fam id) in died Land, ch fam Herein, ald eine Bittende, Dag heil'ge Gajtredht fordernd, in den Arm 940 Der blutdvermwandten Konigin mich werfend— Und {o ergriff mich die Gewalt, bereitete Mir Ketten, wo id) Shu gehofit—Sagt an! ft mein Gewiffen gegen diefen Staat Gebunpen 2 Hab’ ich Plichten gegen England ? X 945 ot / 42 Maria Stuart. Gin beilig 3wangdrecht ub’ ich aus, va ich Aud diefen BVanven ftrebe, Macht mit Macht Abwende, alle Staaten diejes Welttheild : Bu meinem Schup aufrithre und Gewege. Wag irgend nur in einem guten Krieg Recht ift und ritterlich, Das darf ich itben. Den Mord allein, die feimlich Hlut'ge That, Verbietet mir mein Stoly und mein Gewifjen, Mord rwitrde mich beflecen und entebren, Gntebren, fag’ ich—Feinedweged mich Verdammen, einem NRechtd{pruch untermerfen. Denn nicht vom Rechte, von Gewalt allein Jit wifchen mir und Gngelland die Rede. 950 955 Burleigh (tedeutend). Nicht auf ver Stavfe fhrectlich Recht beruft Gud, Mylady ! G8 ift ver Gefangenen nicht gimitig. Maria. YIch bin die Schade, fie die Md Sie braudye die Gewalt, fie todte mid, Sie bringe ihrer Sicherheit dag Opfer. Y Doc fie geftehe dann, daf fie die Macht Allein, nicht die Gerechtigheit geitbt. Nicht vom Gefepe borge {ie dad Schwert, Sich der verhafiten Feindin ju entladen, 3 Und fleive nicht in beiliges Gewand ~ Der roen Starfe blutiges Crfithnen. Sold) Gautelipiel betritge nicht die Welt! Grmorden laffen fann fie mich, nicht richten! Sie gel’ e8 auf, mit ped Verbrechens Fritchten Den Beil'gen Schein der Jugend gu vereinen. Und wad fie ift, Dag wage fle ju foheinen! > (Sie geht ab.) 960 965 970 1. Aufpug. 8. Auftritt. 43 Achter MAnftritt. Burleigh. Paulet. Burleigh. Sie trost und—mwird und trogen, Ritter Baulet, ; 975 - Big an die Stufen ded Schaffotd—Died ftolze Hers Jit nicht gu brechen—Ueberrafchte fie Der Urthelfpruch? Sabt Ihr fie eine Tbrdane WBergiefen 2 Ihre Farbe nur verdndern ? Nicht unfer Mitleid ruft’ fie an. Wohl Fennt fle 980 Den Bweifelmutl der Konigin von England, Und unfre Furcdht ift’s, was fie muthig madt. ‘Paulet. Lord Grofihagmeifter! Diefer eitle Iroh wird my Ver{chwinden, wenn man ihm den Vorwand raubt. G8 {ind Ungiemlichfeiten Yorgegangen ; 985 Sn diefem Nechtsftreit, wenn ich's agen darf. Man Bitte diefen Babington und Fichburn Shr in Perfon vorfithren, ihre Schreiber Jbr gegenitber ftellen {ollen. Burleigh (duel). Nein ! Nein, Ritter Paulet! Dad war nicht zu wagen. 990 Su grof ift ihre Macht auf die Gemitther Und ihrer Thranen weibliche Gewalt. br Schreiber Kurl, ftand’ er ihr gegeniiber, Kan’ ed dazu, dad Wort nun ausdzufprechen, An vem ihr Leben hangt—er winvde zaghaft ] 995 Suriitsiehn, fein Geftanduiff widerrufen— 44 Maria Stuart. Panlet. So werden Englands Feinde alle Welt Grfitllen mit gebdffigen Geritchten, - Und ded Progefiesd feftliched Gepring Wird alg ein fithner Frevel nur erjcheinen. 1000 Burleigh. Died ijt der Kummer unfier Konigin— Daf diefe Stifterin ded Unbeild doch Geftorben ware, ehe fie den Fuf Auf Englands Boden fesie! Paunlet. Dazu {ag ich Amen. Burleigh. Daf Kranfheit fie ine Kerfer aufgericben! roo Paulet. Biel Unglitd Dit’ ed diefem Land erfpart. Burleigh. Dod), batt’ auch gleich ein Jufall der Natur Sie Dingerafit—wir biefen oc) die Mirder. Paulet. Wobl wabr. Man fann den Menjden “pidyt verwehren, : Su denfen, wad fie yoollen. Burleigh. Bu beweijen wir’s 1010 Doch nicht, und witrde weniger Gerdufd) ervegen— Paulet. Mag ed Geraufd ervegen! Nicht der laute, Nur der gerechte adel Fann verlepen. Burleigh. O, aud) die heilige Gevechtigheit Gntflieht dem adel nicht. Die DVeinung halt es 101% Mit dem Ungliclichen, ed wird der Neid Stetd den objiegend Glictlichen verfolgen. Dag Ridhterjchwert, womit der Dann {ich alert, WVerbaft ift’'s in der Frauen Hand. Die Welt Glaubt nicht an die Gerechtigeit ded Weibes, 1020 Sobald ein Weib dag Opfer wird. Umfonit, 1. Aufjug. 8. Auftritt. 45 Daf wir, die Richter, nach Gewiffen {prachen ! Sie hat per Gnade fonigliches Recht, ; Sie muf ¢8 Grauchen ; unertrdglich ift’s, Wenn fie den ftrengen Lauf lift dem Gefese! 1025 Paulet. Und aljo— Burleigh (rafdh einfallend). Yartio foll fie leben? Jtein! Sie dparf nicht leben! Nimmermehr! Dies, eben Dies ift's, was unfre Konigin bedngftigt—) Warum der Schlaf ihr Lager flicht—Ich lefe Sn ihren Augen ihrer Seele Kampf, 1030 Shr Mund wagt ihre Witnjdhe nicht gu fprechen ; Doc) vielbedeutend fragt ihr ftummer Blict: Jit unter allen meinen Dienern Feiner, Der die verbapte Wahl mir {part, in ew'ger Furcht Auf meinem Ihron ju jitter, oder graufam 1035 Die Kimigin, die eigne Blutdverwandte, Dem Beil gu unterwerfen ? Paunlet. Das ift nun die Nothwendigleit, fteht nicht gu dnberm. Burleigh. Woh! find’ ju dndern, meint die Kdnigin, Wenn fie nur aufmerffamre Diener Hitte. 1040 Panlet. Aufmerfjamre? Burleigh. Die einen ftummen Auftrag Su deuten wiffen. : Paulet. Ginen ftummen Auftrag! Burleigh. Die, wenn man ifnen cine gift'se Schlange Bu bitten gab, den anvertrauten Feind 3 Nickt wie ein Peilig theured Kleinod fitten. 1043 46 Maria Stuart. Paulet (beventungsvoll). Gin Hobe Kleinod ijt ber gute Name, Der unbefcholtene Ruf der Konigin, Den fann man nicht ju wobl bewadyen, Sir! Burleigh. AB man die Lady von dem Shrewsbury Wegnabm und Ritter Paulets Hut vertraute, 1050 Da war die Meinung— Paulet. Jy will Hoffen, Sir, Die Meinung war, da man den {hwerften Auftrag Den reinften Handen itbergeben wollte. Bei Gott! Ich Ditte diefes Schergenamt . Nicht ftbernommen, dicht’ ich nicht, dap es 1053 Den beften Mann in England forderte. Lat mich nicht denfen, dag ich’8 etwas Anderm Als meinem reinen Rufe fhuldig bin. Burleigh. Man breitet aus, fie {chwinde, [ift fie franfer Und franfer werden, endlich Hl verjcheiven ; 1060 Sp ftirbt fie in der Menfchen Angedenfen— Und Guer Ruf bleibt rein. Paulet. Nicht mein Gewifjen. Burleigh. Wenn Jr die eigne Hand nicht leihen wollt, Sp werbet Ihr der frembden dod) nicht wehren— Waulet (unterbricht ihn). Kein MWorder oll fich ihrer Schvelle nan, 1065 So lang die Gotter meined Dachd jie jdhitgen. Shr Leben ift mir Yeilig, heil'ger nicht © St mir pas Haupt ver Konigin von England. Shr {eid die Richter! Richtet! Brecht den Stab! Und wenn ed eit ift, aft den Jimmerer 1070 1. Aufaug. 8. Auftritt. 47 Mit Art und Sage fommen, das Geritit Aufichlagen—iitr den Sherif und den Henfer Soll meined Schloffes Bforte offen fein. Sept ift fie jur Bewabhrung mir vertraut, : Und {eid gewiff, ich werde fie bewalren, 1075 Daf fie nits Bidjed thun oll, noch erfabren ! (Gefen ab.) ACT Il ARGUMENT. THE scene of this Act is laid in the Palace of Westminster, where the Earl of Kent and Sir William Davison discuss a recent masque in which ‘Beauty’s chaste fortress’ has repulsed the assault of ‘Desire’; from this circumstance Davison conjectures that the Duke of Anjou will not prosper in his courtship of Queen Elizabeth ; but Kent thinks other- wise, and assures Davison that the conditions of the union have already been settled (Scene 1). Queen Elizabeth enters, surrounded by French and English courtiers. Bellievre formally requests leave to de- part, and presses for a favourable answer to the Duke of “Anjou’s offer of marriage. The Queen replies by affirming her own preference for a single life, which she may be com- pelled to waive in deference to the wishes and apprehen- sions of her people ; in which case she would sacrifice her liberty to the Duke of Anjou more willingly than to any one else. She gives Bellievre a ring for the Duke, and invests him with the garter. Aubespine is emboldened to attempt to intercede on behalf of Mary, but Elizabeth, while pardon- ing his importunity, reserves her liberty to act as becomes a queen (Scene 2). Burleigh presses for the execution of the sentence upon Mary, but Elizabeth expresses her repugnance to shedding blood. Talbot defends Mary strenuously until Elizabeth ironically suggests that he has been infatuated by her beauty. Leicester strongly advises a middle course, and urging that Mary has already been rendered quite powerless, counsels that the sentence should be confirmed, but that it should be kept in suspense in order to terrify Mary and her partisans. ARGUMENT. : 49 Elizabeth thanks her counsellors for their advice, and reserves her decision (Scene 3). Sir Amyas Paulet presents his nephew to the Queen, and Mortimer, feigning the most loyal devotion, asserts that his change of religion was a stratagem, designed to gain the confidence of Mary's partisans. Paulet gives Elizabeth Mary's letter, soliciting an interview which Talbot and Lei- cester press her to grant, while Burleigh is strenuously opposed to such an act of grace. Elizabeth dismisses her courtiers, but bids Mortimer remain (Scene 4). The Queen complains to Mortimer that the execution of the sentence passed upon Mary would be laid to her charge, hinting that it would be desirable to make away with her secretly. Mortimer pretends to acquiesce, but when Eliza- beth leaves he inveighs against her hypocrisy, and announces his resolution to save Mary (Scenes 5 and 6). Paulet appears in order to warn his nephew against the wiles of Queen Elizabeth, threatening to cast him off if he has sunk so low as to promise to aid her evil plans. Leicester interrupts him with the announcement that Lady Mary is to be intrusted to Mortimer’s keeping. Paulet seeing his worst suspicions realised, significantly declares his intention to use his own eyes (Scene 7). Mortimer and Leicester, distrusting each other, arrive with some difficulty at a mutual understanding as to their devotion to Mary. Both wish to save her, but Leicester shrinks from overt action, while Mortimer is resolved to have recourse to force, and leaves the former in anger (Scene 8). The Queen returns, and Leicester pretends to be over- come with grief at the prospect of losing her. Elizabeth is touched, and owns that if she were free to consult her own heart she would act differently. Leicester artfully works upon her pride until she resolves to grant Mary the interview desired, but in such a manner that it may appear accidental (Scene 9). E weiter Aufiug. * Der Palaft ju Wefiminiter. ; Criter Auftritt. Der Graf von Kent und Siv William Dusiion Begeguen einanber. Davifon. Seid IJhr’s, Mylord son Kent 2 Schon vom IJurnierpla Burit, und ift die Feftlichfeit ju Cnbde? Kent. Wie? Wobntet Ihr dem Ritter{piel nicht bei? Davifon. Wich Hielt mein Amt. Kent, Shr Habt dag fhonjte Schaufpiel 1080 Lerloren, Sir, dad der Gejhmact erfonnen Und edler Anftand audgefithrt— denn wif, G3 wurde vorgeftellt die feujche Fejtung Der Schonbeit, wie fie vom Verlangen Berennt witb—Der Lord Marchal, Oberrichter, 1085 Der Senefchall nebjt geben andern Rittern Der Konigin vertheidigten die Feftung, Und Frantreihsd Cavaliere griffen an. PBoraud erfchien ein Herold, der dad Sdylof y 2. NAufsug. 1. Auftritt. ! ufforderte in cinem Mabdrigale, 1090 Und von dem Wall antwortete der Kangler. Drauf fpielte dag Gejchith, und Blumenjtraufe, Woblriedhend fojtliche Cfjengen wurden Aus niedlichen Feldjtiten abgefeuert. Umfonft! die Stitrme wurden abgeichlagen, 1095 Und das Verlangen mufte fic) guritciehn. Daviforr. Cin Seiden bojer BVorbebeutung, Graf, Fite die frangdfijdie Brautwerbung. Kent. Nun, nun, Dad war ein Scher;—Im Crnfte, pent’ id, Wird fidh die Feftung endlich doch ergeben. 1100 Davifoun. Glaubt Jphr? Ich glaub’ ed nimmermehr. Kent. Die {dwierigiten Wrtifel find bereitd Bericdhtigt und von Franfreich zugeftanden. Monfieur begnitgt fich, in verfchlofjener ; Kapelle feinen Gottesdienft zu halten 1105 Und bifentlidh die Reichdreligion Su ehren und gu {hitpen—Hattet Ihr den Jubel Des BVolfs gefebn, ald diefe Jeitung fic) verbreitet! Denn Diefed war ded Landed ew’ge Furcht, Sie mbdhte fterben one Leibederben 1110 Und Gngland wicder Papfted Teffeln tragen, Wenn ihr die Stuart auf dem Throne folgte. Davifon. Der Furcht Fann es entledigt fein—Sie geht’ Ing BVrautgemady, die Stuart geht jum Tobe. Kent. Die Konigin fommt! 1118 52 Maria Stuart. ~ Jweiter Anftritt. Die Borigen. Glifabeth, von Reicefter gefithet. Graf Aubefpine, Bellievre, Graf Shrewsbury, Lord Bur: leigh mit noch andern frangdfifdhen und englifchen Herren treten auf. Glifabeth (ju Aubefpine). Orvaf, ich beflage diefe edeln Herrn, Die ihr galanter Gifer itber Weer Hieber gefithrt, daf fie die Herrlichfeit Ded Hofd von St. Germain bei mir vermifjen. Sch fann fo pridht’ge Gotterfefte nicht 1120 Grfinden, al die fomigliche Vutter Von Franfreich—Cin gefittet frohlich Volf, Das {ich, fo oft ich offentlich mich zeige, Mit Segnungen um meine Sinfte drdangt, Died ift dad Schaufpiel, dad icky fremven Augen 1125 Mit ein’gem Stolze eigen Fann. Der Glang Der Coelfraulein, die im Schonbeitdgarten Der Katharina blithn, verbirge nur Mich felber und mein fhimmerlod Verdienjt. 7 Anbefpine. Nur eine Dame jeigt” Weftminjterhof 1130 Dem itberrafchten Fremden—aber Alles, Wag an dem reizenden Gefchlecht entjitcft, Ctellt fich verfammelt dar in diefer Einen. Bellievre. Crhabne Majejtit von Engelland, Bergonne, daf wir unfern Urlaub nehmen 1135 © Und Monfieur, unfern Foniglichen Herrn, Mit der erfehuten Freudenpoft beglircen. Sbhn Bat ped Herzend beifie Ungeduld Nidht in Paris gelafjen, er evwartet 2. Aufyug. 2. Auftitt. 53 Bu Amiens die Boten feined Glircte, 1140 © Und bis nach Calais reichen feine Poften, Dad Jawort, dad dein Edniglicher und Ausfprechen wird, mit Fligeljdhnelligteit Bu feinem trunfnen Obre bhinjutragen. Glifabeth. Graf Bellievre, dringt nicht weiter in mich, 1145 Nicht Sei ift’s jest, ich wiederhol’ ed Gud, Die freud'ge Hodhzeitdfacel anguzitnden. Sdwary hingt der Himmel itber diefem Land, Und bejjer ziemte mir der Trauerflor, ALS dag Geprange briutlidher Gerwdnder. 1150 Denn nabe droht ein jammervoller Schlag, Wein Her ju treffen und mein cigned Haus. DBellievre. Nur dein Ver{prechen gib ung, Konigin ; In frobern agen folge die Crfitllung. Glifabeth, Die Konige find nur Stlaven ibres Standes, : 1155 Dem ecignen Herzen ditrfen jie nicht folgen. Pein Wunfd) war’'d immer, unvermdblt ju jterben, Und meinen Rubm Hatt’ ich davein gefest, Daf man dereinft auf meinem ©rabftein ldfe : Dier rubt die jungfraulide Konigin.” 1160 Doc) meine Unterthanen yoollen’s nicht, ie penfen jest {chon fleifig an die Beit, Wo idy dabin fein werbe—Nicht genug, Daf jet der Segen Ddiefed Land beglitcft, Auch ihrem Finft'gen Wohl {oll ich mich opfern, 1165 Auch meine jungfrauliche Freibeit oll ich, Dein hochited Gut, hingeben fir mein Wolf, Und der Gebieter wird mir aufgedrungen. 54 Maria Stuart. Gg geigt mir badburch am, Daf ich ihm nur Gin Weib bin, und ich meinte dod), vegiert Su baben, wie ein Mann und wie cin Konig. Woh! weif ich, daf man Gott nicht dient, wenn man Die Orbnung der Natur verlaft, und Lob Lerdienen fie, die vor mir hier gewaltet, Daf fie die Klbfter aufgethan und taufend Shlachtopfer einer falichverftandnen Andacht Den Pilichten der Natur uritcgegeben. Dod) eine Konigin, die ihre Tage Nicht ungenitht in mitgiger BVefhauung Verbringt, die unverdrofjen, unermiidet Die fchroerfte aller Pilichten itbt, die jollte Bon dem Naturpwed audgenommen fein, Der eine Hilfe ded Gefchlechtd der Menjchen Der andern unterwitrfig madyt— Anbefpine, Iedwede Jugend, Konigin, hajt dit Auf peinem Iron verberrlicht, nichts ift brig, As vem Gejchlechte, deflen Rubhm du bift, Auch noch in feinen eigenften Werdienjten Als Mufter vorgulenchten. Freilich lebt Kein Mann auf Croen, der 8 wirdig ijt, Daf du die Freibeit ihm gum Opfer bradhteft. Dod, wenn Geburt, wenn Hobeit, Helventugend Und Manner{chonbeit einen Sterblidhen Der Chre windig madyen, jo— Glijabeth. Sein Bweifel, Here Abgefandter, vag ein Ehebitnenif Mit einem Foniglichen Sobne Franfreichs Mich ehrt. Sa, ich gefteh’ ed unverhohlen, Wenn ed fein muf—wenn ich’ nicht dnvern Faun, 1170 1180 1185 1190 1195 2. Aufpug. 2. Auftritt. 55 Dem Dringen meined Volfed nadyzugeben— Und ed wird ftarfer fein, al8 ich, befirdht’ ichy— 1200 So fen’ idy in Guropa Feinen Firften, Dem icy mein hochites Kleinod, meine Freibeit, Mit minderm Wiberwillen opfern witrde. Laft died Geftandnif Gud) Geniige thun. Bellievre. G3 ijt vie | hon fte Hoffnung ; doch ed ift 1205 Nur eine Hoffnung, und mein Herr wimjdht mebr— Glifabeth. Was wimidt er? (Sie gieht einen Ming vom Finger und betvadytet thn naddenfend.) Eo Hat die Kinigin doch nichts Boraud vor dem gemeinen Bitrgermeibe! Das gleiche Seichen weift auf gleiche Plicht, Auf gleiche Dienftbarfeit—>oer Ring madyt Chen, 1210 1nd Ringe {ind’s, die eine Kette machen. —Bringt Seiner Hobeit died Gefchent. E3 ijt Nod) feine Kette, bindet mich noch nicht; ~ Dod fann ein Reif draud werden, der mid bindet. DBellievre (fniet nieder, ven Ring empfangend). In {einem Namen, grofe Konigin, 1215 Gmyfang’ ich Fnicend died Gefchent und drivcfe : Den Kuff der Huldbigung auf meiner Firftin Hand. Glifabeth (yum Grafen Leicefter, den fie wahrend der lefsten Rede unverwandt betvachtet hat). Crlaubt, Mylord! (Sie nimmt ihm das Blane Band ab und hingt es dem BVellievre um.) Befleivet Seine Hobyeit Mit diefem Schmud, wie ich Cuch hier damit Refleive und in meined Ordend Plichten nebme. 1220 Honni soit qui mal y pense !—@€8 {chwinbe Der Argwobn pifchen beiden Nationen, 56 Maria: Stuart. ¥ 1p ein vertraulich Band nmidhlinge fortan Die Kronen Franfreih und Britannien! Y Anbefpine. Grbabne Konigin, died ift ein Tag 1225 “Der Freude! Mocht’ ex's Allen fein, und mode Kein Leidender. auf diefer Infel trauern! Die Gnade glangt auf deinem Angeficht. O! pag ein Shimmer ilred beitern Lids Auf eine unglitfdoolle Fitrftin fiele, 1230 Die Franfreich und Britannien gleich nabe > Angebt— Glijabeth. Nidyt weiter, Graf! Vermengen wir Nicht zwei gang unyereinbare Gejdhdfte. Wenn Franfreich ernftlich meinen Bund verlangt, uf ed auch meine Sorgen mit mir theilen 1235 Und meiner Feinde Freund nicht fein— Anbefpine. : Unwitrdig In deinen eignen Augen witrd’ ed hanbeln, Wenn ¢8 die Ungliictielige, die Glaubens- Verwandte und die Witte feined Konigd Sn diefem Bund vergife—Sdon die Ehre, 1240 Die Menjchlichfeit verlangt— Elifabeth. Sn diefem Sinn Weif id) fein Firwort nad) Gebithr zu jdhdgen. Franfreich erfitllt die Freundedpflicht; mir wird - Berftattet fein, ald Konigin uu Handeln. (Sie neigt fidy gegen bie franyéfijdhen Herren, welde fic) mit den dbrigen Lords efrfurd)tsvoll entfernen.) 2. ufjug. 3. Auftritt. 57 Dritter Anftritt, Glifabeth. Leicefter. Burleigh Talbot. (Die Konigin fept fid).) Burleigh. Rubmoolle Konigin! Du froneft Hout 1245 X Die Yeiffen Witnfche deined BVolfs. ¥ Nun erft Grfreun wir und der fegenvollen Tage, Die du und {chenfit, da wir nicht gitternd mehr Sn eine ftirrmevolle Sufunft fchauen. X Nur eine Sorge fiimmert nod) died Land, 1250 Gin Opfer ift’s, pag alle Stimmen fordern. Gewdlr’ auch diefed, und der bHeut'ge ag Hat Englands Wohl auf immerdar gegritndet. Glifabeth. Wad wimcht mein Volf noch? CSyprecht, Molord. Burleigh. G8 fordert Dad Haupt der Stuart—Wenn du deinem Volt 1253 Der Freibeit foftliched Gejchent, dad theuer Grworbne Lidyt der Wabrbeit willft verfichern, Sp muf {ie nicht mehr fein—Wenn wir nicht ewig Jur dein foftbared Leben gittern follen, So muff. die Feindin untergehn 1P-Du weft 8, 1260 Nicht alle deine Britten denfen gleidh, ody viele Heimliche BVerehrer abit Der rom’jche Gogendienft auf diefer Infel. Die alle ndbren feindliche Gedanfen ; Nady diefer Stuart ftebt ibr Her, fie find 1263 Im Bunde mit den Iothringifchen Britdern, Den unverfohnten Feinven deined Namen. 58 Maria Stuart. Dir ift oon bdiefer witthenden Partet Der grimmige Vertilgungsdfrieg gejdyooren, Den man mit faljchen Holemwafien fithrt. Bu Reims, vem Bijchofsjis ded Kardinalg, Dort ift pag Rirfthaus, wo fie Blige fhmicden ; Dprt wird der Kinigdmord gelehrt—von dort Gefchiftiq fenden fie nach deiner Infel Die Mifjionen aus, entjchlofne Sdrodrmer, Sn allerfei Gewand vermummt—oon dort ~ Jft fdhon der dritte Mdrber ausdgegangen, © Und unerfchopflich, ewig neu erzeugen BVerborgne Feinde fich aud diefem Schlunde. — Und in dem Schlof zu Fotberinghay fist Die Ate diefes ew'gen Krieg, die mit Der Liebeafackel diefed NReich entzindet. Fir fie, vie fhmeichelnd Jedem Hoffnung gibt, Weiht fic) die Jugend dem gewifjen Iod— : Sie gu befreien, ijt die Lofung; fie Auf deinen Thron zu fegen, ift ver Beck. Denn died Gefchlecht der Lothringer erfennt © Dein feilig Recht nicht an, du Heifeft hnen Nur eine Rauberin ded Throng, gefrint Rom Glick! Sie waren’, die die IThdridte Berfithrt, fich Englands Konigin gu fchreiben. _ Rein Frieve ift mit ihr wnd ihrem Stamm! Du muft den Streid) erleiden oder fithren. Shr Leben ift vein Too! Ihr Tob dein’ Leben! Glifabeth. Mylord! Gin traurig Amt Shr. Sch fenne Cured Giferd rveinen rich, TWeif, vaf gediegne Weisheit aus Cuch redet: 1270 1275 1280 1285 1290 verwaltet 1 205 2. Aufjug. 3. Auftritt. 59 Dod) diefe Weisheit, welche Blut befiehlt, Sch Baffe fie in meiner tiefjten Seele. Sinnt einen mildern Rath aud—Cdler Lord 1300 Bon Shrewsbury | Sagt Ihr und Cure Meinung. Talbot. X Du gabft dem Cifer ein gebithrend Lob, Der Burleighs trewe Bruft Lefeelt—Aud) mir, Stromt 8 mir gleich nicht fo berert vom Mund, Splagt in der BVruft Fein minder treued Herz. - 1303 Mogft du nody lange leben, Konigin, Die Freude veined Wolfs zu fein, dag Glick Deg Friedeng diefem Reiche ju verliingern.™) So {hone Jage bat pied Ciland nie Gefelm, feit eigne Fitrften ed regieren. 1310 Mog’ ed fein Glick mit feinem Rubme nicht Grfaufen! Mige Talbots Auge wenigjtens Ge{chlofien fein, wenn Died gefchieht ! Glifabeth, Verbitte Gott, daf wir ven Ruhm beflecEten ! Betost, (os pann, fo wirft du auf ein ander Wittel finned, 1315 Died Reich ju retten—venn die Hinrichtung Der Stuart ift ein ungerechted Mittel. Du fannft dag Urtheil ther Die nicht fprechen, Die dir nicht unterthinig ijt. Glifabeth, ©p irrt Mein Staatdrath und mein Parlament, im IJrethum 1320 Sind alle Richterhofe diefed Landes, Die mir died Recht einftimmig guerfannt— Talbot] Nicht Stimmenmebrheit ift des Rechted Probe, Gngland ift nicht die Welt, dein Parlament Nicht der Verein der menjchlichen Gefchlechter. 1325 60 Maria Stuart. Died heut'ge Cngland ift dad Finft'ge nicht, Wie's pag vergangne nicht mehr ift—Wie {ich Die Neigung anderd wendvet, alfo fteigt Und fallt pes Urtheild wandelbare Woge. Gag’ nicht, du mitfleft der Nothwenbdigfeit 1330 Gehordhen und dem Dringen deined Bola. ©obald du willjt, in jedem Augenblick Kannft du erproben, daf dein Wille frei ift. Verfudys | Crilare, daf du Blut verabideuit, Der Schywefter Leben willft gerettet febn, / 1335 Beig’ Denen, die dir anders rathen wollen, Die Wahrheit deine foniglichen Jorns, Sdynell wirjt du die Nothwendigfeit verjchwinden Und Recht in Unrecht {ich verwandeln jebn. Du felbft muft richten, du allein. Du fannjt dich 1340 Auf diefed {chante Rohr nicht lebmen. Der eignen Milde folge du getroft. Nicht Strenge legte Gott ind weiche Hery Ded Weibed—und die Stifter diefes Reichs, * Die aud) dem Weib die Herricherzitgel gaben, 1345 Cie geigten an, daf Strenge nicht die Jugend Der Kinige {oll fein in Ddiefem Lande. Glifabeth, Gin warmer Anwalt ift Graf Shrewsbury Fite meine Feindin und deg Reichs. Ich jiebe © Die Rithe vor, die meine Wobhlfabrt lichen. 1350 ato, fon gonnt ihr feinen Anwalt, Niemand wagt’s, Su ifrem Bortheil {prechend, deinem Jorn Sich blogguftellen— fo vergdnne mir, Dem alten Manne, den am Grabedrand Kein irdifd) Hoffen mebr verfithren Fann, 1355 Daf id) die Aufgegebene bejchirpe. 2. Mfg. 3. Auftritt. 61 Man oll nicht fagen, daf in deinem Staatdratl Die Leivenfhaft, die Selbjtfucht eine Stimme Gebhabt, nur die BVarmbergigheit gefchmwiegen. WVerbitmdet bat fich Aled wider fie, 1360 Du felber aft ihr Antligy nie gefebn, Nichts fpricht in deinem Herzen fitr die Frembe. —MNidht ihrer Schuld red’ ich dad Wort. Wan fagt, Sie habe den Gemahl ermorden laffen, Wabr ifts, daf fie den Wirder ehlichte. 1365 Gin {chwer Verbrechen '—Aber ed gejchaly Sn einer finftern unglitt8vollen Beit, Sm Angftgedrange birrgerlichen Kriegs, Wo fie, die Schwache, fich umrungen {af Von Peftigdringenden BVafallen, {ich 1370 Dem Mutbhoolljtartiten in die Arme warf— Wer weiff, dpurcd) weldher Kimfjte Madyt befiegt ? Denn ein gebrechlic) Wefen ift dag Weib. Glifabeth, Dag Weib ijt nicht jdhwad). E8 gibt ftarfe Seelen In vem Gefchlecht—Ich will in meinem Beifein 1375 Nichtd von ver Schwache ded Gefhlechted Hiren. Talbot. Dir war dad Unglit eine ftrenge Schule. Nicht feine Freuvenfeite febrte dir : Das Leben zu. Du fabeft feinen Tron Von ferne, nur dad Grab ju deinen Fifen. 1380 Su Woobftod war's und in ded Towers Nacht, .- Wo did) der gndd'ge Water diefed Landed Sur erften BVlicht durch Jritbfal auferzog. Dort fuchte dic) ver Schmeichler nicht. Frith lernte, Bom citeln Weltgerdufdhe nicht zerftreut, 1385 Dein Geift fich fammeln, denfend in fick gebn 62 Maria Stuart. Und diefes Lebend walre Giter fchagen. —Die Arme rettete fein Gott. Cin arted Kind Ward fie verpflangt nach Franfreidy, an ten Hof Dea Leichtiinng, der gedanfenlofent Freude. Dort in der Fefte ew’ger Trunfenhpeit Lernahm fie nie der Walyrheit ernfte Stimme. Geblendet ward fie von der Lajter Glan Und fortgefithrt vom Strome bed LVerberbens. Shr ward der Schonbeit citled Gut yu Theil, Sie uiberftrahlte Dlithend alle Weiber, Und durch) Gejtalt nicht minder ald Geburt—— Glifabeth, Kommt ju Cud) felbjt, Wylord Shrewsbury ! Denft, dap wir hier im ernjten Ratbe figen. Das mitfien Reize fondergleichen fein, Die einen Geis in folded Seuer fesen. —Mylord von Lefter! Ihr allein fdhweigt fH? Bag ifn beredt macht, bindet's Gud) die Junge? Qeicefter. Jc) {dhweige vor Critaunen, Konigin, Daf man pein Ofr mit SchrecEniffen erfirllt, Daf diefe Mardyen, die in Londond Gafjen Den glaub'gen Bibel dngijten, bid berauf Sn dened Staatsraths Leitve Mitte fteigen Und weife Manner ernft befchditigen. -Qerwunderung ergreift mich, id) geftely’s, Daf diefe Linderlofe Konigin Bon Schottland, die den eignen fleinen Iron Nicht ju behaupten wufte, ihrer eignen Bafallen Syott, der Ausdwurf ihres Landes, Dein Screen wird auf einmal im Gefangnip! 1390 1395 pou 1400 1405 1410 1475 — Bag, beim Allmddyt'gen! machte fie dir furdhtbar? . 2. Aufyug. 3. Auiftritt. 63 Daf fie died Reich in Anfprudh) nimmt ? daf dich Die Guifen nicht ald Konigin erfennen ? Kann diefer Guifen Widerfprucy das Recht GCntfriften, dad Geburt dir gab, der Schluf 1420 Der Parlamente div beftatigte ? Sft {ie durdy Heinrichs legen Willen nicht Stillidyweigend abgewiefen 2 und wird England, So glitctlich im Genuf ded neuen Lichts, Sid) der Papijtin in die Wrme werfen? 1425 Von dir, der angebeteten Vonarchin, Su Darnleyd Morderin Hinitberlaufen ? Was wollen diefe ungeftiomen Wenjchen, Die dich nod) lebend mit der Crbin qudlen, Dich nicht gefchwind genug vermdhlen fdnnen, 1430 Um Ctaat und Kirche von Gefabr ju retten? Stebit du nicht blithend da in Jugendvtraft, Welft Jene nicht mit jevem Jag jum Grabe? Bet Gott! Du wirft, ich Hoff’s, nody viele IJabre Auf ihrem Grabe wandeln, ohne dap 1435 Du felber fie hinabyuftirgen brauchteft— - Burleigh. Lord Lefer hat nicht immer jo geurtbeilt. _ Qeicejter, Waly ijt's, ich habe felber meine Stimme © Bu ihrem Fob gegeben im Gericht. —3m Staatdrath {precy ich) anders. Hier ift nicht 1440 Die Nede von dem Recht, nur von dem Vortheil. Jit’ jest die Beit, von ibr Gefabr ju furdten, Da Franfreich fle verldft, thr cing'ger Schus, Da du den Konigéfohn mit deiner Hand Beglitdfen willft, die Hoffnung eined neuen 1445 Regentenftammesd diefem Lande bliht? \ Bog fie alfo todten 2 Sie ift todt! 64 Maria Stuart. Berachtung ift der wabre Tod. Werbfite, Daf nicht pad Mitleid fie ind Leben rufe! © Drum ift mein Rath: Man lafje die Senteny, 1450 Die ihr dad Haupt abfpricht, in voller Kraft Beftehn! Sie lebe—aber unterm BVeile Ded Henferd lebe fie, und fchnell, wie fich Gin Arm fire fie bewaffnet, fall’ ed nieder.\ Glifabeth (fest auf). Mylords, id) Hab’ nun eure Meinungen 1453 Gehort und fag’ euch) Dank fitr euven Cifer. Mit Gotted Weiftand, der die Konige Grleuchtet, will ich eure Grinde pritfen 1nd wiblen, wad dad BVeffere mir dimft. Wierter Anftritt. Die Borigen. Ritter Paulet mit Mortintern. Glifabeth, Da fommt Amid Paulet. Edler Sir, 1460 Was bringt Ihr uns? Paulet. Glorwitrd'ge Majeftdt ! Mein Neffe, der obnlingft von weiten Reifen - Suritdgefelrt, wirft {ich zu deinen Fithen Und leiftet dir fein jugendlich) Gelitbbe. Gmpfange du ed gnadenvoll und laf 1465 Shun wachfen in der Sonne deiner Gunit. Mortimer (aft fidh auf cin Knie nieder). Lang lebe meine fonigliche Frau, lind Gli und Rubm befrone ibre Stivne! 2. NAufsug. 4. Auftritt. 65 Glifabeth, Otebt auf. Seid mir willfommen, Sir, in Gngland, Sbr abt den grofen Weg gemacht, Habt Heanforih T470 Bereift und Rom und Gud) ju Rbeimd verweilt. Gagt mir denn an, wad {pinnen unjre Feinbe? Mortimer. Gin Gott verwirre fie und wende vitfwdrts Auf ibrer eignen Schitgen BVrujt die Preile, Die gegen meine Konigin gefandt find! 1475 Glifabeth. . Saht br den Morgan und den rinke- {pinnenden Bifdhof von Rofe? Mortimer. Alle fchottifche Rerbannte lernt’ ich fenmen, die ju Rheims Anfchlage Jchmieden gegen Ddiefe Infel. In ihr Vertrauen ftabl ich mich, ob ich 1480 Gtwa von ihren Ranfen wad entdectte. Paulet. Geheime Briefe hat man ihm vertraut, In Biffern, fir die Konigin yon Schottland, Tie er mit treuer Hand uns iberliefert. Glifabeth. Sagt, was find ihre neueften Entwitrfe? 1485 Mortimer. G8 traf fie alle wie ein Donneritreich, Daf Frantreich fie verldft, den feften Bund Mit Gngland {chlieft ; jept richten fie die Hoffnung Auf Spanien. Glifabeth. ©p {chreibt mir Walfingham. Mortimer. Aud eine Bulle, vie Papit Sirtus jingit 1490 Vom Vatifane gegen dich gefchleuvert, Kam eben an gu Rbeims, ald icdy's verlief ; Das nidyjte Schiff bringt fic nach diefer Infel. Qeicejter. Bor folchen Waffen zittert England nicht mer. — £ 66 Maria Stuart. Burleigh. Sie werden furchtbar in ded Schwdrmerd Hand. 1495 Glijabeth (Dovtimern forfdhend anfefend). Dan gab Cuch Schuld, vaf Ihr zu Rheims die Schulen Befucht und Curen Glauben abgejchworen? Mortimer. Die Miene gab ich mir, ich leugn’ ed nicht, So weit ging die Begierde, dir uu dienen! Glifabeth Gu Paulet, der ihr Papiere fiberreicht). Was ieht Shr da Bervor ? Ta Paulet. Es ijt ein Sclyreiben, 1500 Dag dir die Konigin von Schottland fendet. Burleigh (hajtig davnady greifend). Gebt mir den Brief. Paulet (gibt das Papier der Konigin). Berzeiht, Lord Gropichagmeifter ! In weiner Konigin {elbiteigne Hand Befahl fie mir den Brief ju iibergeben. : Sie fagt mir ftetd, ich fei ihr Feind. Ich bin 1505 Nur ihrer Lafter Feind; wad fich vertragt Mit meiner Pflicht, mag ich ihr gern erweifen. (Die Kinigin Hat den Brief genommen. Wihrend fie ifn left, fprechen Mortimer und Leicefter einige Worte Heimlich mit einanbder.) Burleigh (Gu Poulet.) Was Fann der Brief enthalten? Gitle Klagen, Mit denen man dag mitleiddoolle Hers Der Kinigin verfdhonen {oll WPaulet, Was ev 1510 Gntbilt, hat fie mir nicht verbehlt. Sie bittet lm die Verginjtigung, dad Angejicht Ter Komigin zu feb. Burleigh (jhnel(). Nimmermebr 2. Aufpug. 4. Auftritt. 67 Talbot, Warum nicht? Sie erflebt nichts Ungerechtes. Burleigh. Die Gunit ved fomiglichen Angefichts 1515 Hat fie verwirft, die Mordanitifterin, Die nach dem Blut der Konigin geditrftet. Wer’ tren mit feiner Fiiwftin meint, der Fann Den falfdh verratberifchen Rath nicht geben. Talbot. Wenn die Monardyin fie beglivfen will, 1520 Wollt Ihr der Gnade fanfte Regung hinvern ? Burleigh. Sie ift verurtheilt! Untermt Veile liegt Sbr Haupt. Unwirdig ift's der Majeftdt, Dag Haupt ju feben, dad dem Yod geweibt ijt. Dag Urtheil fann nicht mehr vollzogen werden, ° S 143% Wenn fic) die Konigin ibr genabet bat, Denn nave bringt die fonigliche Nibe — Glijabeth (nadent fie den Brief gelefen, ihre Thrdanen trocknend). Was ift der Menjch! Was ift pag Gli ver Grde! Wie weit ift diefe Kdnigin gebracht, Die mit fo ftolzen Hoffnungen began, 1330 Die auf ven dltjttn bron der Chriftendeit Berufen yeorden, die in ihrem Sinn Drei Kronen hon aufd Haupt ju fepen meinte! Welch andre Sprache fithrt fle jest, ald damals, Da fie dad Wappen Cnglandd angenommen 1535 Und yon den Schmeichlern bres Hofé fi) Komigin Der get britann’jhen Infeln nennen liek! Vo Qergeiht, Mylords, ed fhneivet mir ing Hers, Webhmuth ergreift mich, und die Seele blutet, Daf Jrdifhes nicht fejter fteht, dad Schical 1:40 Der Menfchbeit, dad entfegliche, fo nabe An meinem eignen Haupt voribersieht. Talbot. O Konigin! Dein Herz hat Gott gerithrt, F 2 ; 68 Maria Stuart. Geborche diefer himmlijchen Bewegung! Scher bithte fie fiurwabr die {chwere Schuld, 1545 Und Beit ift’s, daf die barte Pritfung ende! Reidy’ ibr die Hand, der iefgefallenen, Wie eined Cngeld Lidhterjdyeinung fteige 3n ibred Kerferd Grabernacht hinab— . Burleigh. Sei ftandhaft, grofe Konigin. Lap nicht 1550 Gin lobendwindig menjdliched Gefith! Did irve fithren. Raube dir nicht felbjt Die Freibeit, dag Nothrendige ju thun. Du fannit fie nicht begnadigen, nicht vetten, So lade nicht auf dich verbaften adel, 1555 Daf du mit graufam hohnenvem Iriumph Am AnblicE deined Opferd dich geweidet. Qeicefter. Laft und in unfern Schranfen bleiben, Lords. Die Komigin ift weife, fie bedarf Nicht unferd Raths, vad Witrdigite ju Rin. 1560 Die Unterredung beiver Koniginnen Hat nichts gemein mit ed Gerichted Gang. _Gnglandgd Gefes, nicht der Monarchin Wille, Verurtheilt die Maria. Wirdig it's Der grofen Seele der Clifabeth, 1565 Daf fie ved Herzend {chomem Iriebe folge, Wenn dad Gefep den ftrengen Lauf bebilt. Glifabeth, Geht, meine Lord. Wir werden Mittel finden, Wad Gnave fordert, wad Nothwendigteit ng auferlegt, geziemend gu vereinen. 1570 Sept—tretet ab! (Die Lords gehen. An der Thitve rut fie den Mortimer uric.) : Cir Mortimer! Cin Wort! 2. Aufjug. 5. Auftritt. 69 Fiinfter Anftritt ~ Glifabeth Mortimer. Glifabeth (naddem fie ihn einige Augenblicfe forjdyend mit den Augen gemefien). Shr geigtet einen Ffecfen Wuth und feltne Beberrichung Gurer felbjt fir Cure Jahre. Wer {chon fo frith der Tdufchung {chwere Kunit NYusitbte, ver ift mitndig vor der eit, 1575 Und er verfitrgt fich feine Pritfungsjabre. — Auf eine grofe BVabhn tuft Cuch vad Sdyidfal, Id) prophesei’ ed Gud, und mein Orafel Kann id), ju Gurem Glire, felbit vollzichn. Mortimer. Grhabene Gebicterin, wad ich 1385 WVermag und bin, ift deinem Dienjt gervidmet. Glifabeth, Ihr Habt die Feinde Englands fennen Lernen. Jb Hap ift unveridhnlich gegen mid : Und unerfchopflich thre Blutentwoitrfe. Bis diefen Jag war {hitgte mic) die Almadht ; 1585. Dod ewig wanft die Kron’ auf meinem Haupt, ©o lang fie lebt, die ihrem Schwdrmereifer Den Vorwand leit und ihre Hoffnung ndbrt. Mortimer. Sie lebt nicht mehr, fobald du ed gebieteft. Glifabeth. Ad, Sir! Ih glaubte mich am Jiele chon : 1590 Bu febn und bin nicht weiter ald am Anfang. Sch wollte die Gefee handeln laffen, Die eigne Hand vom Blute vein behalten. XDas Urtheil ift gefprochen. Wad gewinn’ ich ? G3 muff vollyogen werden, Mortimer! 1593 -70 ~ Maria Stuart. Und ich muff die Vollziehung anbefebhlen. Mich immer trifft der Haf der That. Ich mug Sie eingeftehn und fann ben Schein nicht vetten. Dag ift das Schlimmite! > Mortimer. Was befirmmert dich Der bidfe Schein bei der gerechten Sache ? 1600 Glifabeth, Ihr fennt die Welt nicht, Ritter. Was man {dheint, © Hat Jevermann jum Richter, was man ift, hat Feinen. Pon meinem Rechte itberzeng’ ich) Miemand, €p muf ih Sorge tragen, daf mein Antheil An ihrem Tod in ew’gem Bweifel bleibe. 1605 Bei folchen Thaten doppelter Gejtalt : Gibt’s feinen Schup, ald in der Dunfelfeit. Der jhlimmite Schritt ift, den man eingeftebt, Bag man nicht aufaibt, hat man nie verloven. Mortimer (ausforidend). Dann wire wohl das Befte— Glifabeth (fdmell). Freilich mdr'd 1610 Dag Befte—O, mein guter Engel pricht : Aus Gud). Fahrt fort, vollendet, werther Sir! Gud) ift e8 Grnjt, Ihr dringet auf den Grund, Seid cin gang andrer Mann, als Cuer Ofeim— Mortimer (betrofien). Gntdecteft du dem Ritter deinen Wunidy ? 16135 Glifabeth, Mich veuet, dap ich’s that. Mortimer. Gntichuldige Den alten Mann. Die Jahre machen ihn Bepentlich. Solche Wagejtire fordern Den Feden Muth der Jugend— Glifabeth (jhnell). Darf ich Cuch— 2. Aufqug. 6. Auftritt. “1 Mortimer, Die Hand will id) div leiben, vette du 1620 Den Namen, wie du fannft— : Elifabeth. Sa, Sir! wenn Ihr Mich eines Morgend mit der Botjdhaft wedtet : Maria Stuart, deine blut'ge Feinvin, Sit heute Nacht verfdicden! Mortimer. : Baplt auf mid). Glifabeth. Wann wird mein Haupt {ich vubig {dhlafen legen 2 1625 Mortimer. Der ndadyfte Neuntond ene deine Furdht. Glifabeth, Gebabt Gud) wohl, Sir! = es Gud nicht leid thun, Daf meine Danfbarfeit den Flor der Nacht ~ Gntlehnen muf—Dad Schweigen ift- der Gott Der Glitcklichen—Die engften Bande {ind’s, 1630 Die gdrvteften, die dad Gebeimnif ftiftet! (Sie geht ab.) Sedhiter Anftritt. Mortimer allein. Gel, faliche, gleifinerijche Konigin' Wie du die Welt, fo taujch’ ich dich. Recht ijt's, Dich) ju verrathen, eine gute That! Sel id) aus, wie ein Worber ? Lajeit du 1635 Ruchlofe Fertigleit auf meiner Stirn? Frau nur auf meinen Arm und halte deinen Suriif! Gib dir den frommen Heuchelfdhein Der Gnade vor der Welt, indeffen du 72 © Maria Stuart. Gebeim auf meine Mivderbilfe Hoffit, : 1640 ©o werden wir ur Rettung Frift gewinnen! Grhohen willft du mich—zeigit mir von ferne -Bedeutend einen foftbarn Preid—1Und wdrit Du felbft ver Preid und deine Frauengunit! : Wer bift du, Wermfte, und wad fannft du geben ? 1643 Mich Tocet nicht des eiteln Nubhmes Geiz! Bei ihr nur ift ded Lebens Rei;— Um fie, in ew'gem Freudenchove, fchweben Der Anmutly Gotter und der Jugendluft, Dag Glink der Himmel ift an ihrer Brujt, 1630 Du Haft nur todte Gitter gu vergeben ! Dad eine Hochite, wad dad Leben {chmincft, Wenn fic) ein Hery, entgircfend und entzireft, Dem Herzen {chentt in fifem Selbitvergefien, ; Die Frauenfrone hajt du nie bejefjen, 1655 Nie Haft du liebend einen Mann beglitcft ! —3d) muf den Lord ermwarten, ihren Brief hm itbergeben. Gin verbafter Auftrag! Jc habe zu dem Hoflinge Fein Herz. Sch felber fann fie vetten, ich allein, 1660 Gefabr und Rubhm und auch der Preid fei mein! (Sndem er gehen will, begegnet ihm Paulet.) Siebenter Anftritt. Mortimer. Paulet. Paulet. Wad fagte dir die Konigin ? Mortimer. RNichts, Sir. Nichta—yvon Bedeutung. 2. Aufjug. 7. Auftritt. 73 Wanlet (firivt ihn mit eenjtem Blick). Hore, Vortinter ! G3 ift ein {chlipfrig glatter Grund, auf den Ti Du dich begeben. Locend ift vie Gunit 1663 Der Konige, nad) Chre geizt die Jugend. —Qaf dich den Ghrgeiz nicht verfithren ! Mortimer. Wart IJbr's nicht felbjt, der an den Hof mich brachte ? i Paulet. Ich witnjhte, daf ich’s nicht getban. Am Hofe Ward unferd Hawjed Chre nicht gefammelt. 1670 Stely feft, mein Neffe. Kaufe nicht ju theuer ! Verlepe dein Gewiffen nicht! . Mortimer. Was fillt Cuch ein? Was fitr Beforgniije! Panlet. Wie grof dich auch die Konigin ju machen Berfpricht—tran’ ihrer Schmeichelrede nicht. 1673 WVerlerignen wird fie dich, wenn du gehorcht, Und, ihren eignen Namen rein u wafjden, Die Blutthat ridhen, die fie felbjt befabl. Mortimer. Die Blutthat, fagt Ihr? Paunlet. Weg mit der Verjtellung! Jb eis, wad dir die Konigin angefonnen : 1680 Sie Dofft, daf deine ruhmbegier’ge Jugend Willfihr'ger fein wird, ald mein tarred Alter. Haft du ihr jugefagt? Haft du? ; Mortimer. Pein Olyeim ! Paulet. Wenn du'd gethan Daft, fo verfluc)’ icy dich, Und dich verwerfe— LQeicefter (fommt). Werther Sir, erlaubt 1683 Gin Wort mit Curent Neffen. Die: Monarchin Jit gnavenvoll gefinnt fire ihn, fie will, Dap man ihm die Perfon der Lady Stuart 74 ~ Maria Stuart. Uneingefchranft vertraue—Sie verldft fidh Auf feine Redlichfeit— Panlet. Berldft fiv—Gut! 100 Qeicefter. Was fagt Jbr, Sir? Paulet. Die Konigin verldft ite Auf ihn, und id, Mylord, verlafie mich: Auf mid) und meine beiven offnen Augen. (Gr geht ab.) Achter nftritt. Leicefter. Wortimer. Qeicefter (vevoundert). Tad wandelte ben Ritter an? Mortimer, Id) weif ed nicht—Dag unerwartete 1693 Vertrawen, dad die Konigin mir jdhenft— Qeicefter (ifn forfdhend anjehend). Berdient Ibr, Ritter, dap man Guch vertraut ? Mortimer (cbenjo). Die Frage thw’ ie Gudy, Mylord von Lefter. Qeicefter. Jr Hattet mir wad ingeheim ju fagen. Mortimer. Verfichert mich exft, daf ids wagen darf. 1700 Qeicejter. Wer gibt mir die Berjicherung fitv Cuch? —Laft Guch mein Miptraun nicht beleidigen ! Sch fey Guch gueierlet Gefichter zeigen An diefem Hofe—Cing darunter ift Nothwendig falfch ; doch welches ift dag wabre? 1703 2. Aufug. 8. Auftritt. ”5 Mortimer. G8 geht mir eben fo mit Cuch, Graf Lefer. Qeicefter. Wer {oll nun Ded BVertvauens Anfang machen ? : Mortimer. Wer dad Geringere gu wagen hat. Qeicefter. Nun! Der {eid Jp! Mortimer. Shr feid e8! Guer Beugnif, | Ded yielbebeutenden, gewalt'gen Lords, 1710 Kann mid) ju Boden {dhlagen, meingd vermay Nicht gegen Guren Rang und Cure Gunit. ~~ Qeicefter. Shr iret Guch, Sir. In allem Andern bin ich Hier machtig, nur in diefem garten Punft, Den ich jest Gurer Irveu preisgeben oll, 1715 Rin idy der {hwdachfte Vann an diefem Hof, Und ein verdchtlicd) Seugnif fann mid) ftizen. - Mortimer. Wenn {ich der allvermdgende Lord Lefter ©o tief ju mir berunterldpt, ein fold Befenntnif mir qu thun, fo darf iy wohl 1720 Gin wenig hoher venfen von mir felbft Und ibm in Grofmuth ein Eremypel geben. Qeicefter. Geht mir voran im Butraun, id) will folget. Mortimer (ven Brief fdnell hervorgiehend). Died fendvet Gudy die Konigin von Schottland. Qeicefter (jdridt jufamnten und greift Haftig darnady). Sprecht leife, Sir—LWas {ely ich! Ach ! C8 ijt 1725 pr Bilv! (Raft es und betvadhtet es mit frummem Gutzitcten.) Mortimer (ber ihn wihrend des Lefens {djarf Beobadhtet). Mylord, nun glaub’ id) Cud). 76 Maria Stuart. Leicefter (nadbem ev den Brief fdhuell durchlaufen). Sir Portimer ! Ihr wifit ded Briefed Inbalt ? Mortimer. Nicht weiff id). Leicejter. Nun! Sie hat Gud) obne Jweifel Vertraut— Mortimer. Sie bat mir nichtd vertraut. Ihr wirdet Died Ratbiel mir erflaren, fagte fie. 1730 Gin Rathiel ift e8 mir, daf Graf von Lejter, Der Ginftling der Clifabeth, Mariens Grflarter Feind und ihrer Richter einer, Der Mann fein oll, yon dem die Konigin Sn ihrem UnglinE Rettung Hofft—Und dennody 1733 Mup dem fo fein, denn Cure Augen {prechen ; Su peutlich aus, wad Ihr fire fle empfindet. Qeicefter. Cnet mir felbft erft, wie e3 fommt, daf Shr Den feur'gen Antheil nehmt an ihrem Schictial, Und wad Cuch ifr Vertraun erwarb. Mortimer. Mylord, 1740 Dad fann ih) Cuh mit Wenigem erfldiven. Jc habe meinen Glauben abgefdhrooren Bu Rom und fed’ im BVimdnif mit den Guifen. Gin Brief ded Crybifchofd ju NRbeims hat mid : Beglaubigt bei der Konigin yon Schottland. 1743 Qeicejter. Ih weif von CGurer Glaubenddanverung, Sie ijt’'s, die mein BVertrauen ju Guch wecfte. Gebt mir die Hand. BVergeiht miv meinen Jweifel. ch Fann per Vorficht nicht ju viel gebrauden, Denn Waljingham und Burleigh haffen mich, 1750 Sc weiff, daf fie mir lauernd Nepe ellen. 2. Aufjug. 8. uftritt. 77 Shr fonntet ihr Gefchdpf und Werfzeug Pin, Mid) in dag Garn gu ziehn— Mortimer, Wie fleine Schritte Gebt ein fo grofer Lord an diefem Hof! Graf, id) beflag’ Gud. Qeicejter, : Freudtg werf’ ich mich 1753 An die vertraute Freundegbruft, wo id Ded langen Jwangd mid) endlich fann entladen. Sbr {eid verwunbdert, Sir, daf ich fo {nell Dad Hery gedandert gegen die Maria, Swar in der Ipat Paft’ ich fie nie—Dder Jwang 1760 Der Beiten machte mich gu ihrem Gegner, @ie war mir gugedacht feit langen Jabren, Shr wift’s, eb fie die Hand dem Darnley gab, Al3 noch der Glang der Hobeit fie umlachte. Kalt {tie id) damalg diefed lit von mir, 1765 Sept im Gefingnif, an ded Tobe Pfovten : Gudy ich fie auf, und mit Gefahr bed Lebend. Mortimer. Dad Peifit gropmitthig Hanveln! © Qeicefter. — Die Geftalt Der Dinge, Sir, hat {ich indeff verdnbert. Dein Chrgeiz war 8, der mich gegen Jugend 1770 Und Sdypnbeit Fitbllo8 machte. Damald hielt id) Mariend Hand firr mich zu flein, ich boffte Auf den BVefis der Komnigin von England. Mortimer. G3 ijt befannt, dag fie Gud) allen Veannern Vorzog— Qeicejter. So iehien ¢8, edler Sir—Und nun, nad) gehnz7s Berlornen Jahren unverdrofnen Werbens, Berbapten Jwangd—O Six, mein Herz geht auf! 78 Maria Stuart. 3p muf ded langen Unmuthd mid) entladen— Man preift mich glincklich—IBirGte man, was es Fir Ketten find, um die man mid) beneidet— 1730 Nachpem icy geben bittre Jahre lang Dem Oden ihrer Citelfeit geopfert, Mich jedem Wechfel ihrer Sultanalaunen Mit Stlavendemutl untermwarf, dad Spielzeug Ded fleinen grillenbaften Eigenjinns, 1785 Geliebtoft jet von ihrer Jdrtlicheit, Und jest mit fprodem Stolz guritdgeftofen, Von ihrer Gunft und Strenge gleich gepeinigt, Wie ein Gefangener vom Wrquablict Der Ciferfucht gebittet, ind LVerbivr 1790 Genommen wie ein Knabe, wie ein Diener Gejcholten—O, die Sprache hat fein Wort Fie diefe Holle! Mortimer. Sd betlag' Gudh, Graf. Qeicejter. Idufcht mid) am Biel der Preig! Cin Andrer fommt, : Die Fruht ves theuren Werbens mir ju rauben. 1793 An einen jungen, blithenden Gemahl ; WVerlier’ ich meine lang befefnen Rechte! Herunterfteigen {oll ich von der Bithne, Wo ic) fo lange ald der Grite glangte. Nicht ihre Hand allein, auch ihre Gunit 1800 Droht mir der neue Anfommling gu vauben. Cie ift ein Weib, und ev ift liebendwerth. ; Mortimer, Cr ift Kathrinend Sohn. In guter Schule Hat er ded Schmeichelnd Kimjte ausdgelernt. : Qeicefter. So flitrzen meine Hoffnungen—3Ich fuche 1803 Sn diefemt Schiffbruch meined Glirckd ein Brett Su faffen—und mein Auge wenbdet fick F 3 ‘ 2. Aufsug.” 8. Aujtritt. 79 Der erften {honen Hoffnung wieder zu. Mariend Bild, in ihrer Reize Glang, Stand neu vor mir, Schonbeit und Jugend traten 1810 Sn ihre vollen Rechte wieder ein, Nicht falter Chrgeiz mehr, dad Herz verglich, Und ich empfand, weld) Kleinod ich verloven. Mit Schrecten feb’ ich fie in tiefed lend Herabgeftitezt, geftitrzt durch mein Verchulden. 1813 Da wird in mir die Hoffnung wad), ob ich Sie jest noch retten fonnté und befigen. Durdy eine treue Hand gelingt ed mir, Jbr mein verdndert Herz su offenbaren, Und diefer Brief, den Ihr mir itberbradht, 1820 LVerjichert mir, daf fie verzeiht, fich mir Sum Preife {chenfen will, wenn ich fie vette. Mortimer. Ihr thatet aber nichts zu ihrer Rettung ! Jb lieBt gefchebm, daf fie verurtbeilt wurde, abt Cure Stimme felbft ju ihrem Tod! . “182g Gin Wunder muf gefehehn—Der Wabrheit Licht Mu mic), den Neffen ihred Hitters, vithren, Sm Vatifan gu Rom mup ihr der Himmel Den unverbofften Retter jubereiten, ma ont fand fie nicht einmal den Weg ju Guch! 1830 ~~ Qeicejter. Ady, Sir, e8 hat mir Qualen gnug gefojtet ! Um felbe Beit ward fie von Talbots Schlof © Nach Fotberinghay weggefithrt, der firengen Gewalriam Cured Obeimd anvertraut. Gepemmt ward jeber Weg gu iby, id) nufte 1833 Sortfabhren vor ver Welt, fle zu verfolgen. Doch denfet nicht, af icy fie leivend hatte Sum Fode geben laffen! Nein, ich Hoffte 8o Maria Stuart. Und hoffe nody, dad Aeuperfte zu hindern, Big fich ein Mittel zeigt, fie gu befrein. Mortimer. Dad ift gefunden—Lejter, Guer edles Lertraun verdient Crwiederung. Id will fie Befreien, darum bin id) bier, die Unijtalt Jit fon getroffen, Guer madyt’ger Beiftand LBerfichert ung ven glivflichen Erfolg. 1845 Qeicejter. Was fagt Ihr? Ihr er{chreift mich. Wie? Shr wolltet— : Mortimer. Gewaltjam aufthun will id) ihren Kerker, Sc) hab’ Gefabrten, Ales ift bereit— Qeicejter. br habt Mitwiffer und Vertraute ? Wel mir! Sn welched Wagnif reift Ihr mich binein! 1850 Und diefe wiffen aud) um mein Geheimnif ? Mortimer. Sorgt nicht. Der Plan ward ohne Cuch entworfer, Obn’ Gudy wir’ er volljivedt, bejtinde fie Nicht drauf, Cudy ibre Rettung ju verdanfen, Qeicejter. So fonnt Ihr mich fiir ganz gewif : perfichern, 3 Daf in dem Bund mein Name nidyt genannt ijt? Mortimer. Verlaft Gud) drauf! Wie? So bedentlich, Graf, Bei einer Votjdaft, die Cudy Hilfe bringt! Sbr wollt die Stuart retten und befigen, Jbr findet Freunde, pldplich, unerwartet, 1860 Rom Himmel fallen Gud die nichften WMittel— Dock geigt Ihr mehr BVerlegenbeit alg Freude ? Qeicefter. G8 ift nichts mit Gewalt. Das Wagejtinct 3ft qu gefabrlich. : 1853 2. Aufsug. 8. Auftritt. 81 Mortimer, Aud) dag Saumen ift's! Qeicefter. Id) fag’ Gud), Ritter, ed ift nicht ju wagen. 1865 Mortimer (bitter). Nein, nicht fir Cuch, dev fie befiten will! ) Wir wollen fic Blof retten und {ind nicht fo Beventlich— Qeicefter. unger Mann, Ihr {eid ju rafd In fo gefabrlich dornenyoller Sache. Mortimer. Jhr—iehr bevacht in {oldhem Fall der Gre. 1870 LQeicefter. I) fel)’ die Nee, die und rings umgeben. Mortimer, Ih fihle Muth, fie alle ju durdyreifen. Qeicefter. IJolfihnbeit, Raferei ift diefer Muth. Mortimer. Nicht Japferfeit ift diefe Klugheit, Lord. Qeicefter, Gud) liftet’s wobl, wie Babington gu enden ? 1875 Mortimer, Gud? nicht, ved Norfolfs Grofmuth nad)- auahmen, Qeicefter, Norfolf hat feine BVraut nicht Heimgefithrt. Mortimer, Gr Hat bewiefen, daf er’ witrdig war. Qeicejter, Wenn wir verderben, reiffen wir fie nad). Mortimer. Wenn wir und fdonen, wird fie nicht gerettet. 1880 Qeicefter. br itberlegt nicht, Hort nicht, werdet Aled Mit Heft blindem Ungeftitm gerftoren, Wag auf fo guten Weg geleitet war. Mortimer, Wohl auf den guten Weg, den Ihr gebabnt? Wag Habt Ihr. denn gethan, um fie gu vetten ? 1885 82 Maria Stuart. —Und wie? Wenn ih) nun Bube gnug gewefen, Sie gu ermorden, wie die Konigin Mir anbefahl, wie jie gu diefer Stunde Von mir erwartet—Nennt mir doch die Anjtalt, Die Ihr gemacht, ihr Leben zu erbalten. 1890 LQeicejter (erftaunt). Gab Gud) die Konigin diefen Blutbe- fepl 2 Mortimer. Sie irrte {id in mir, wie {ih Maria In Gud. Leicejter. Und Jbr habt gugefagt? Habt Ihr? Mortimer. Damit fie andre Hinde nicht erfaufe, Bot ich die meinen an. Leicefter. Shr thatet wobl. Died Fann und Raum ver{chaffen. Sie verldft {ich Auf Guren blut'gen Dienft, dad Jodedurtheil Bleibt unoolljtrect, und wir gewinnen Jeit— Mortimer (ungeduldig). Nein, wir verlieren Jeit! Qeicejter. . Cie 3ablt auf Gud, ©p minder wird {ie Anfjtand nehmen, fich Den Schein der Gnade vor der Welt zu geben. Vielleicht, dap ich durd) Lit fie itbervede, Dad Angeficht der Gegnerin zu fehn, Und diefer Schritt muf ihr die Hinde binven. Burleigh hat Recht. Dad Urtheil fanu nicht mehr Vollzogen werden, wenn fie fie gefebn. —3a, ich verfuch’ es, WAlled Diet’ ich auf— 1893 1900 1605 Mortimer. Und was erreicht Ihr dadurc) 2 Wenn fie jid) Sn mir getdujdht fiebt, wenn Maria fortfiabrt, Su leben—iit nicht Aled, wie guvor? Frei wird {ie niemalsd! Audy dad Wildeite, Ig10 2. ufyug. 8. Auftritt. 83 Was fommen fann, ift ewiged Gefingnif. Mit einer fithnen That mitht Ihr doch enben ; Warum wollt Ihr nicht gleich damit beginnen ? Sn Guren Hianven ift die Macht, Ihr bringt 1913 Gin Heer gufammen, wenn Ihr nur den Abel Auf Guren vielen Schlbfiern waffnen wollt ! Maria hat noch viel verborgne Freunde: Der Howard und der Perey edle Hauer, Jd Ob ihre Haupter gleich geftitrzt, find nod) 1920 An Helven reich, fie harren nur darauf, Daf ein gewalt'ger Lord dad Beifpiel gebe! Weg mit Verjtellung! Handelt dffentlich! Pertheivigt als cin Ritter die Geliebte, “Ramypft einen edlen Kampf um fie! Ihr feid 1923 — Here ver Perfon der Kinigin von England, Sobald Ihr wollt. Lot fie auf Cure Schliffer, Sie ift Gud oft dabin gefolgt. Dort zeigt IJbr Den Mann! Syrecht ald Gebieter! Haltet fie Berwabrt, bis fle die Stuart frei gegeben ! 1930 Qeicefter. Jb ftaune, ich entfese mich—IWohin Reift Cuch der Schwindel 2—RKennt Ihr diefen Boden ? Wit Jbr, wie'd fteht an diejem Hof, wie eng Died Frauenreich die Geifter hat gebunden? _ Gudht nach vem Heldbengeift, der ehmals voohl 1935 — In diefem Land {ich regte—Unterworfen Jit Aled, unterm Schlitfjel eined Weibes, Und jeded Muthed Federn abgeipannt. Folgt meiner Leitung. Wagt nichts unbedachtfam. — ch Hire Fommen, gebt. WMiortinter. Maria Hofft ! 1940 Ker’ ic) mit leerem Svoft git ihr gure? : G 2 84 Maria Stuart. Qeicefter. Bringt ihr die Schwitre meiner ew’gen Liebe! Mortimer. Bringt ihr die felbjt! Jum Werkieug ihrer Rettung Bot ich mich an, nicht Cuch zum Liebedboten! (Gr gett ab.) Neunter Anftritt. Glifabeth. SReicefter. Glifabeth, Wer ging da von Guch weg? Ich bite fprechen. 1045 LQeicefter (iid) auf ihre Rede {dhnell und erjhrocen ummwendend). G8 war Sir Mortimer. Glifabeth. Was ift Cuch, Lord? So gang betreten ? Qeicejter (faft fich).— Ueber deinen Anblicf ! Sch Habe dich fo reizend nie gefebm, Geblendet fie’ ich da von deiner Schdnbeit. — Ach! Glifabeth.” Warum feuft Ihr? Leicejter. Hap’ ich Feinen Grund 1930 Bu feufzen ? Da idy deinen Rei betrachte, Grneut {ich mir der namenlofe Schmer; Ded drofenden Verluftes. Elifabeth. Was verliert Ibr? Qeicefter. Dein Herz, dein liebendwitrdig Selbft verlier’ ich. Bald wirft du in den jugendlichen Armen 1955 Ded feurigen Gemalhls dich glinctlich firhlen, 2. Aufpug. 9. Auftritt. 85 Und ungetbeilt wird er dein Hery bejipen. Gr ijt yon foniglichem Blut, Dag bin Sc) nicht ; doch Trop fei aller Welt geboten, O06 Giner lebt auf diefern Crdenvund, 1960 Der mehr Unbetung fire dich fublt, alg id. : Der Duc von Anjou bat dich nie gefehn, Nur deinen Rubm und Shimmer fann er lieben. Sch liebe dich. Warft du die drmfte Hirtin, ch ald per gropte Fieft ver Welt geboren, 1965 Su deinem Stand wind ich herunterjteigen, Pein Diadem gu deinen Fitfen legen. Glifabeth,\ Beflag’ mich, Dudley, fehilt mich nicht '—Ich darf fa Wein Herp nicht fragen. Ady! dag hatte anberd Gewdahlt. Und wie beneid’ idy andre Weiber, 1970 Die Dad erhoben ditrfen, wad fie lichen. So glinetlich bin idy nicht, dap ich dem Deanne, Der mir vor Alen theuer ift, die Krone Aufiegen fann!>Der Stuart ward's vergdnnt, Die Hand nady threr Neigung gu ver{chenten ; 1975 Die Dat {ich Jegliches erlaubt, {ie bat Den yollen Kelch der Freuven audgetrunfen. Qeicefter. Jest trinft fie auch) den bittern Keld) ded Leidens. Glifabeth, Sie hat der Menjchen Urtheil nichts geachtet. Leicht wurd’ ed ibr, gu leben, nimmer [ud fie 1980 Dag Jody fi) auf, vem icy midy unterwarf. Hitt’ id) dod) auch Aniprirhe machen Fonnen, Ded Lebend mic), der Crbe Luft zu freun, Doc) 30g id) firenge Konigdyflichten vor. Und doch gewann fie aller Manner Gunit, 1983 86 Maria Stuart. Weil fie ich nur beflif, ein Weib gu fein, Und um {te bublt die Jugend und vag Alter. So find die Manner. Lijtlinge find alle! Dem Leichtfinn eilen fie, der Freude ju Und fchagen nichts, wad fie verehren mifjen. 1990 © Berjingte {ich nicht diefer Jalbot felbit, AB er auf ihren Reiz ju veden fam! Qeicefter, Wergib ed ihm. Cr war ihr Wachter einit; Die Lift'ge bat mit Schmeicheln ifm bethort. Glifabeth, \/ 1nd it's denn wirflich wabr, daf fie fo {chon ijt? 1995 So oft mupt’ ich die Larve rithmen horven, Wohl modht’ ich wiffen, wad zu glauben ijt. Gemdlde fchmeicheln, Schilverungen [lirgen, Sur meinen eignen Augen witrd’ ich traun. —Wag {haut Ihr mich fo feltfom an? Qeicejter. Jc ftellte 2000 Dich in Gedanfen neben die Maria. —Die Freude winiht’ ich mir, ich berg’ es nicht, Wenn 8 gang in geheim gejcheben Fonnte Der Stuart gegenitber dich zu feb ! : Dann {ollteft du erft deined gangen Siegsd 2c05 Geniefen | Die BVefchamung gonnt’ ich ihr, Daf fie mit eignen Augen—denn der Neid Hat feharfe Augen—itberzengt fich fibe, Wie fehr fie auch an Adel der Geftalt Von dir befiegt wird, ver fie {o unendli 2010 Jn jeder andern winrd’gen Jugend ay Glifabeth. Sie ijt die Jimgere an Jalen. Qeicejter. Jimger ! Man fiebt’s ihr nicht an. Freilich thre Leiden ! 2. -ufjug. 9. Auftritt. Sie mag wohl vor der Beit gealtert haben. Sa, und wad ihre Kranfung bittrer made, Dag wire, dich ald Braut ju fehn! Sie hat Ded Lebensd {hone Hoffnung inter fic, Didy {ibe fie dem Glick entgegenichreiten! Und ald die Vraut ded Komnigdfohnsd von Franfreich, Da fe fich ftets fo viel gewupt, fo ftols Gethan mit der frangdfifchen BVermdhlung, Nod jest auf Franfreichs micht'ge Hilfe pocht! 87 2015 2020 Glifabeth (nadaffig hHinwerfend). Wan peinigt mid) ja, fle gu febn. Qeicefter ((ebhaft). Sie fordert’s Al3 eine Gunft, gewdby’ ¢8 ihr ald Strafe! Du fannft fie auf dag Blutgeritfte firhren, G8 wird fie minder peinigen, alg fich Bon deinen NReizen ausgeldicht zu febn. Davurch ermordeft du fie, wie fie dich Gymorden wollte—Wenn fie deine Schonbeit Grblict, puch Ghrbarfeit berwadht, in Glorie Geftellt durch einen unbefleten Jugendruf, Den fie, leichtfinnig bublend, von {ich warf, Grhoben durd) der Krone Glang und jest Durch arte Brautlicfeit gefchmitcft—pann bat Die Stunde per Vernichtung ihr gefchlagen. Sa—wenn ich jest die Augen auf dich werfe— Nie warft du, nie ju einem Sieg der Schidnheit Gerirjteter, alg eben jept—Mich felbit Hajt du umftrablt wie eine Lichterjcheinung, Als du yorhin ind Bimmer. trateft—Wie ? Wenn du gleich jet, jest, wie du bift, hintrdteit Vor fie, du findeft feine {chine Stunve— 2025 2030 2035 2040 88 Maria Stuart. Glifabeth, Jept— Nein — Nein — Jest nicht, Lefter— ein, Dad muf id Grit wohl bedenfen—midy mit Burleigh— Qeicejter ((chhait einfallend). Burleigh ! Der denft allein auf deinen Staat8vortheil ; 2045 Auch deine Weiblichfeit bat ihre Rechte, Der zarte Punft gebdrt vor dein Gericht, Nicht vor pes Staatdmannd—ija, aud) Staatsfunft will es, Daf du fie fiehit, vie dffentliche Meinung Durch eine That der Grofmuth dir gewinneft! 2050 Magft du nachber dich der verbaften Feindin, Auf weldpe Weife dir’s gefdllt, entladen. Glifabeth, Nicht wobhlanftindig wir’ mir’s, die Ber- wandte Sm Mangel und in Schmach ju febn. Man fagt, Daf fte nicht foniglid) umgeben fei, 2055 - Borwerfend wir’ mir bred Mangeld Anblid. Qeicejter. Nidht ihrer Schwelle brauchft du dich zu nabn. Hr’ meinen Rath. Der Bufall hat ed eben Nach Wunjdh gefitgt. Deut ift dad grofe Jagen, - An Fotheringhay fithrt der Weg vorbei, 2060 Dort fann die Stuart fic) im Park ergebhn, Du fommft gang rie von ofngefibr dabin, G8 barf nichts als vorber bedacht erfcheinen, Und wenn ed dir zuwider, redeft du Sie gar nicht an— Glijabeth. Begely’ id) eine Thorheit, 2065 So ift e8 Cure, Lefter, nicht die meine. Sc) will Gud) Heute Feinen Wunfch verfagen, 2. Aufiug. 9. Auftritt. 89 Weil ich von meinen Unterthanen allen Gud) beut am webeften gethan. (Shu gaetlidy anjghend.) Sei’s eine Grille nur von CGudy/\ Daburd) : 2070 Gibt Neigung fich ja fund, daf fie bewilligt Aug freier Gunit, wag fie aud nicht gebilligt (Qeicefter first su ihren Fitfen, dev Borhang fillt.) ACT IIL ARGUMENT. THE scene is a park near Fotheringhay. Queen Mary enters attended by Kennedy and, in lyrical strains, expresses her delight at being allowed to enjoy the semblance of . freedom. She further regards the relaxation of the rigour of her confinement as the precursor of ‘ greater happiness,’ believing it to be due to Leicester’s influence. Kennedy - cannot reconcile the present indulgence with the sentence of death announced only the day before, and is filled with ominous forebodings. Hunting-horns are now heard which awaken in Mary melancholy reminiscences of her past (Scene 1). Paulet enters and informs Mary that the temporary free- dom she enjoys is the fruit of her letter to Elizabeth, and that a still greater privilege awaits her; for the Queen is hunting close by, and will soon make her appearance. Mary is startled and wishes to retire, but Paulet insists on her remaining (Scene 2). The Earl of Shrewsbury joins them, and Mary entreats him to save her from a sight which she abhors. He bids her summon all her courage, but she replies that all her gentler thoughts have passed away, and that she only feels bitter hatred against Elizabeth. Shrewsbury again exhorts her to submit, and to speak calmly to the Queen, who was deeply moved on reading her letter; but Mary declares that no reconciliation is possible between them ; for she has been too deeply wronged by Elizabeth. Once more he urges her to forget the past. Burleigh, he says, is not with the Queen, ARGUMENT. 91 but Leicester, to whose influence the concession of the in- terview is due (Scene 3). Elizabeth enters followed by Leicester and a retinue. She dismisses the latter, and affects surprise and indignation at discovering who it is that stands before her. Mary, . controlling herself by a violent effort, approaches her rival as a suppliant, and implores her for an encouraging gracious glance, but Elizabeth reminds her that she is already giving a proof of magnanimity by her presence, for it was Mary who intended to have her murdered. Mary retorts by a de- scription of the treatment she has received from Elizabeth ; but mastering her anger, resumes her tone of submissive supplication, and is ready to attribute their estrangement to the influence of an evil spirit. Elizabeth accuses Mary's ¢ deceitful heart’ and the ambition of her house as the sole cause of the enmity between them, and reminds her re- ‘proachfully of the plots of the Guises and the massacre of St. Bartholomew. Mary offers to resign all her claims to the throne as the price of her liberty, but Elizabeth only assumes a more insulting tone, and regarding her with a look of contempt, reviles her character in a speech addressed to Leicester. Mary's patience gives way, and in spite of Shrewsbury’s efforts to check her, she denounces Elizabeth as * the hypocritical heiress of her father’s vices, and as the base usurper of the English throne. Elizabeth goes out speech- less with rage, followed by Shrewsbury and Leicester in the greatest consternation (Scene 4). : Mary exults over her triumph to the terrified Keinedy, She feels she has avenged herself upon her enemy, and abased Elizabeth in Leicester’s presence (Scene 5). Mortimer enters violently agitated, and giving a sign to Kennedy to retire, he tells Mary that he considers the scene, which he has overheard, as a triumph for her. She is anxious to learn how Leicester has received her letter, but Mortimer is so overcome by his passion for Mary, that he hardly listens to her questions. He then tells her that 92 ARGUMENT. Leicester is a coward and unworthy of her thoughts, but he himself will save her even at the cost of his uncle’s or Queen Elizabeth’s life. He proceeds to give expression to his violent passion for Mary in spite of her repugnance and amazement, when Kennedy enters with the news that the park is full of armed men. Terrified alike by this news and by the passionate and sudden outburst of Mortimer, Mary flies into the house, followed by Kennedy (Scene 6). Paulet and Drury rush in consternation across the stage, and the former, announcing that Elizabeth has been assas- sinated, hastens into the house in search of Queen Mary, whom he designates as murderess (Scene 7). Mortimer wrought up to violent excitement through his scene with Mary Stuart, can hardly realize the import of Paulet’s announcement. He is joined by O'Kelly, one of his confederates, who bids him fly, as an attack on Elizabeth’s life has been made by the Barnabite monk Sauvage, and frustrated through Shrewsbury’s interference. Mortimer sees that the occurrence must prove fatal to Mary Stuart, and ~ asked by O’Kelly whither he will direct his flight, he resolves to make another effort for Mary’s rescue; and if he should fail—to die with her (Scene 8). Dritter Aufsvg, Gegend in einem Parf, vorn mit Baumen befebt, hinten eine weite Ausfidht. ! GCriter Anftritt. Maria tritt in {dnellem Lauf Hinter Baumen fervor. Hanna Kennedy folgt langfam. Kennedy. hv eilet fa, ald wenn Ihr Fligel Hattet, So fann ich Guch nicht folgen, wartet dod! Maria. Laff mich der neuen Freibeit geniefen, 2075 af mich ein Kind fein, fei ed mit, Und auf dem gritnen Jeppich der Wiefen Pritfen den leichten, geflitgelten Schritt. Bin id) dem finftern Gefangnif entftiegen ? _ Hilt fie mich nicht mel, die traurige Gruft? 2080 Laff mich in vollen, in durftigen Sirgen L Yrinfen die freie, die himmlifche Luft. Kennedy, O meine theure Lady! Cuer Kerter -3ft nur um ein flein Weniged erweitert. Sbr febt nur nicht die Pauer, die und einjdlieft, 2083 Weil fic der Viume dicht Geftvauch verftectt. 94 Maria Stuart. Maria. Xo Danf, Danf diefen freundlich Baumen, “Die meine Kerferd Mauern mir verjtecten |) ch will mich frei und gliclich traumen, Warum aud meinem {itfen Wabn mid) wecfen ? Umfingt mich nicht der weite Himmelsjchoof 2 Die BVlicfe, frei und fefjellos, : Grgeben fich in ungemefnen Rumen. Dort, wo die grauen Nebelberge ragen, Fingt meined Reiched Grenge an, nd diefe Wolfen, die nach Mittag jagen, Sie fucken Franfreichd fermen Ocean. Gilende Wolfen, Segler der Lirfte! Wer mit euch wanderte, mit eu {chifjte! Gritfet mir freundlich mein IJugendland ! ch bin gefangen, ich bin in Banden, Ach, ich hab’ Feinen andern Gefandten' Fret in Liften ijt eure Bahn, Shr {eid nicht diefer Konigin unterthan. gritnen 2090 2100 Kennedy. Ach, theure Lady! br {eid aufer Guch, 2105 Die langentbebre Freiheit macht Cuch {chwdirmen. Maria. ort legt ein Fifer den Nachen an! Diefed elende Werfzeug fonnte mich retten, Brachte mich {chnell ju befreundeten Stadten. Gydrlich nabrt ed den ditrftigen Wann. Beladen wollt’ ich ihn reich mit Schigen, 2110 Ginen Sug follt’ er thunm, wie er feinen gethan, Das Glird follt’ er finden in {einen Neen, Nahm’ er mid) ein in den rettenden Kahn. Kennedy. Verlorne Wimfdpe! Sebt Ihr nicht, dag ung 2115 3. Aufjug. 1. Auftritt. 95 Von ferne dort die Spdbertritte folgen ? Gin finfter graufames LVerbot fdheucht jedes WMitleidige Gefchopf aud unjerm Wege. Maria. Nein, qute Hanna. Gland’ mir, nicht umfonit Jit meines Kerfers Tor gedffnet worden. 2120 Die fleine Gunft ift mir ded grofern Glircts Qerfimverin. Ih ire nicht. Gs ijt Der Liebe tht'ge Hand, der ich fie danke. Lord Lejters madht’gen Arm erfenn’ ich drin. Almabhlig will man mein Gefangnifi weiten, 2125 Dur) Kleinered jum Grofern mich gewdhnen, Big id) dag Antlity Deffen endlich fchaue, Der mir die Vande [bt auf immerdar. Kennedy. Ach, ih Fann defen Widerfpruch nicht reimen ! Noch geftern fimdigt man den Tod Cudy an, 2130 Und Heute wird Guch ploglich folche Freibeit. Auch) Denen, hort’ ich fagen, wird die Kette Geloft, auf die die ew’ge Fretheit wartet. Maria, X Horft du dag Hiftborn 2 Horjt du’ flingen, Michtigen Rufed, durch Feld und Hain? 2135 2 Ach, auf dad muthige Roff mid) ju fdpwingen, An ven froplichen Jug mid) gu reihn! Noch mehr! O, die befannte Stimme, Scymeralich firfer Crinnerung voll. Oft vernahm fie mein Obr mit Freuden 21.49 Auf ved Hochlandd bergigten Heiden, Wenn die tobenve Jagd erfcholl. 96 Maria Stuart. Jiveiter nftritt, Paulet. Die Borigen. Paunlet, Nun! Hab’ id's endlich recht gemacht, Mylady? Berdien’ ih einmal Cuern Dank? Maria. Wie, Ritter ? Seid Jhr’s, der diefe Gunft mir audgewirft? 2145 IP fein’s ? Paulet. Warum {oll idy’s nicht fein? Ich war Am Hof, ih itberbrachte Cuer Schreiben— Maria. Shr ibergabt ed ? Wirkflich, thatet Ihr’? Und diefe Freibeit, die ich jebt geniehe, Jit eine Frudht ded Briefs— Paulet (mit Bedeutung). Und nicht die eing'ge! 2150 Macht Gud) auf eine grdpre noch gefaft. Maria. Auf eine gropre, Sir? Was meint ihr damit ? Paulet. Ihr hortet doch die Horner— Maria (juridfahrend, mit Afmumng). Shr erfdyrectt mich! Paulet. Die Konigin jagt in diefer Gegend. ® Maria. Wag ? Paulet, In wenig Wugenblicen ftebt fie vor Gud. 2155 + Kennedy (auf Mavia gueilend, weldhe jittert und Hingufinfen proft). Wie wird Cuch, theure Lady! Ihr verblaft. Panlet, Nun! J's nun nicht recht? War's nicht Gure Bitte? Sie wird Gud frither gewdbrt, ald Ihr gedacht. br wart fonft immer fo gefchwinder Junge, 3. Aufsug. 3. Auftritt. 97 Jet bringet Gure Worte an, jest ift 2160 Der Augenblict, zu reden ! Maria. O, warum hat man mid) nicht vorbereitet! Set bin icy nicht davauf gefapt, jest nicht. ! Wad ich mir alg die hochfte Gunft erbeten, Dintt miv jest. {chrectlich, furdyterlich—SKomm, Hanna, 2163 Fithr’ mich ind Haus, daf ich mich faffe, mich Grhole— Paulet., Bleibt. Ihr mitft fie hier erwarten. Wohl, wohl mag's Guch beingftigen, ich glaud’s, Bor Curem Richter gu er{cheinen. Dritter nftritt, Graf Shrewsbury zu den Vorigen. Maria. G3 ift nicht darum! Gott, mir ift gang anders > 2170 Su Muth—Ach, edler Shrewsbury! Ihr fommt, Vom Himmel mir ein Engel gugefenvet ! — Jy fann {ie nicht fen! Rettet, vettet mich Bor dem verbaften Anblid— Shrewabury. Kommt ju Gud), Konigin! Fapt Guren Muth 2175 Sujammen. Das ijt vie ent{cheidungdvolle Stunde. Maria. Id habe drauf geharret—Iahre lang Mic) drauf beveitet, Aled fab’ idy mir Gefagt und ing Gedachtnif eingefchrieben, Wie idy {ie rithren wollte und bewegen ! 2180 Veraejien ploglidy, audgeldjdyt ift Alhes, H of Maria Stuart. Nichts lebt in mir in diefem Augenblicf, Al3 meiner Leiden brennended Gefithl. In blut'gen Haf gewendet wider fie Jit mir dag Hery, 8 flichen alle guten 218; Gepanfen, und die Schlangenhaare {chirttelnd, Umiteben mich die finftern Hiollengeifter. Shrewdbury. Gebietet Gurem wild empirien Blut, Bepwingt ded Herzend Witterfeit! E8 bringt Nicht gute Frucht, wenn Hap dem Haf begegnet. 2190 Wie febr aud) Guer Innres widerftrede, Gehorcht der Beit und dem Gefes der Stunde! Sie ift pie Machtige—Ddemirthigt Cuch! Maria. Vor ihr! Ich fann ed nimmermehr. Shrewsbury. Yhut's pennodh ! ae Syprecht ehrerbietig, mit Gelafjenbeit ! 2195 Ruit ihre Grofmuth an, troft nicht, jest nicht Auf Guer Recht, jego ift nidht die Stunde. Maria. Ach, mein Verderben hab’ ich mir erfleht, Und mir jum Fluche wird mein Flehn erbort! Nie Hatten wir und {eben follen, niemals! 2200 Darausd fann nimmer, nimmer Guted fommen! Gly mbgen Fewr und Wailer fich in Liebe Begegnen und pag Lamm ven Tiger Fitfjlen— Jc bin ju joer verlept—ite hat zu fdhwer -Beleivigt—NRie ift pwifchen ung Verfobnung! 2205 Shrewsbury, Sebt fie nur erft von Angeficht ! Sch fab ed ja, wie jie von Gurem Brief Grichitttert war, ibr Auge {hwamm in Thranen. Nein, fie ift nicht gefithUos, hegt Ibr fellit Nur beffered Vertrauen—Darum eben 1. 2210 3. Aufsug. 4. Auftritt. 99 Bin ify vorausdgeeilt, damit ich Cuch In Fafjung fehen und ermahnen mdchte. Maria (feine Hand ergreifend). Ach, Talbot! Ihr wart ftets mein Freund—oaf ich Sn Gurer milden Haft geblieben wire! G3 ward mir Hart begegnet, Shrevodbury ! 2213 Shrewsbury, Vergept jest Aled. Darauf venft aflein, Wie Ihr fie unterwitrfig wollt empfangen. Maria. jt Burleigh aud) mit ihr, mein bdjer Engel? Shrewsbury. Niemand begleitet fie, ald Graf von Lefter. Marivw., Lord Lejter! Shrewdbury. Fitrchtet nichts von ihm. Nicht er 2220 Will Guren Untergang—Sein Werk ift e3, Daf Gud) die Konigin die Jujammentunit : Bewilligt. Maria, Ady! Ih wupt’ ed wohl! Shrewsbury. . Was fagt Jpr? - Panlet, Die Konigin fommt! (Alles weicht auf die Seite; nur Maria bleibt, auf die . Kennedy geflehnt.) Bierter Anuftritt. Die Borigen. Glifabeth. Graf Leicejter. Gefolge Glifabeth (ju feiceter). Wie Peift ver Landis? Leicefter. Fotberingbay= idhlog. 2225 ’ 100 Maria Stuart, Glifabeth (ju Shrewsbury). Schidt unfer Jagdgefoly poraud nad) London. Dag Volf drangt allzubeftiy in den Stragen, Wir {uchen Shu in diefem ftillen Part. (Talbot entfernt bag Gefolge. Sie firivt mit den Augen die Maria, indem fie ju Leicefter weiter fpridit.) Mein gute Volf liebt mich gu febr. Unmipig, Atgottifch find die Seichen {einer Freude, 2230 So ehrt man einen Gott, nicht einen Menjchen. Maria (welde biefe Beit fiber hal ohnmachtig auf die Amme gelefnt wav, evfebt fick jest, und ihr Auge begegnet dem gefpannten BlicE der Glifabeth. Sie fdaudert jufammen und wirft fic wicber an der Amme Bruit). © Gott, aud diefen Jigen jpricht fein Hery! Clifabeth., Wer ijt die Lady? (Gin allgemeines Sdhiveigen.) Qeicefter. —Du bift ju Fotberingbhay, Konigin. Glifabeth (fellt fic ibevrajht und evitaunt, einen finjtern Blick auf Leiceftern ridjtend). Wer hat mir Dag gethan? Lord Lefter ! 2235 Qeicejter. G3 ift gefdheben, Kinigin—1nd nun Der Himmel deinen Schritt hieher gelentt, ©o laf die Grofmuth und dag Witleid fiegen. Shrewsbury, Laf dich erbitten, fonigliche Frau, Dein Aug’ auf pie Unglinfliche gu richten, 2240 Die hier vergeht vor deinen Anblid. : : (Maria raft fic) gujammenn und will auf die Elifabeth jugehen, fieht aber auf Halbem Wege fchaudernd fill; ihre Geberden brifen ben Peftigiten Kampf aus.) Elifabeth. Wie, Mylords ? y Wer war ed denn, der eine Iiefgebeugte 3. Aufsug. 4. Auftritt. 10M Mir angefiindigt ? Cine Stolze find id), Pom Unglitd Feinedwegd gefchmeidigt. ) Maria. Sei’s ! Sch will mich auch noch Diefem unterwerfon. 2245 abr hin, obnmdct'ger Stoly der evel Spele) >: 1 0 Sch will vevgeffen, wer ich bin und wag’ . Lo... Se litt; ich will vor {br mich miedevieerfin, i. 17 Die mich in diefe Schmadhy herunterftieh. (Sie tenet fich gegen bie Konigin.) Der Hintmel Pat fiir Cuch entichicven, Schwefter! 2250 Gefrint vom Sieg ift Cuer glinlich Haupt, a Die Gottheit bet’ ich an, die Cuch erhdhte! J (Sie fallt vor ifr nieder.) X Doch feid auch) Ihr nun evelmittbig, Schrefter! Laft mid) nicht fhmachooll liegen! Cure Hand Stredt aus, reicht mir die Tonigliche Rechte, 2255 Mich ju erbeben von dem tiefen Fall! Glifabeth (pri) Shr eid an Gurem Plap, Lady Maria! Und danfend preif’ ich meined Gotted Gnade, Der nicht gewollt, dah ich zu Guren Fitfen ; So liegen follte, wie br jest gu meinen. > 2260 Maria (mit feigendem we) Denft an dew Wedhfel alles Menichlichen ! : G3 leben Gbtter, die den Hochmuth rdcen! Verebret, firechtet fie, die fchrecElichen, . Die mid) zu Curen Fitfen niederftitrgen— Um diefer fremden Seugen willen ebrt 22653 Sn mir Gud felbit Xenfuveilet, fhdnvet nicht Dag Blut der Judor, dad in meinen Uvern, Wie in den Guren, flieft—O Gott im Himmel! ) 102 Maria Stuart. Stet nicht pa, fhroff und ungugdnglich, wie Die Felfentlipype, die der Strandende, 2270 Bergeblich vingend, su erfafjen ftrebt. Li Ales hangt, mein Leben, mein Gefchic An meistey Hert, meiner Thranen Kraft, Loft ‘mir vas Herz, taf ih dag Cure vithre! Wenn Jie ntich anfdhaut mit dem Cifesblid, 2275 Slieft fich das Herz mir fchaudernd zu, der Strom Der Ibrdnen foct, uud falted Graujen feffelt Die Flehendworte mir im Bujen an. Glifabeth (falt und ftreng). A Bas habt Ihr mir ju fagen, Lady Stuart? Shr Pabt mich fprechen wollen. Ich vergefje 2280 Die Konigin, die {chroer beleidigte, Die fromme Pilicht der Schpwejter ju erfirllen, Und meine Anblidd IJroft gewdly’ ich Cu. Dem IJrieh ver Grofmuth folg ich, fege mich Gerechtem adel aus, dap id fo weit 2285 Bosmtereige-phesn Shr wift, Daf Ihr mich Habt ermorden lajjen wollen. Maria. Womit oll ich ten Anfang machen, wie Die Worte fliglich ftellen, dap fie Cuddy Dag Hery ergreifen, aber nicht verleten | 2290 O Gott, gib meiner Rede Kraft und nimm Ihr jeven Stachel, ber verwunben Fonnte! Kann id) doch firr mic) felbjt nicht fprechen, ohne Gud Sdyeer ju verflagen, und Dag will id) nicht. —S3br habt an mir gehandelt, wie nicht vecht ijt, 2295 Denn ich bin eine Konigin, wie Ibr, Und Sbr habt ald Gefangne mid) gebalten. Sch fam ju Guch alg cine BVittende, 3. Nufyug. 4. Auftritt. 103 Und Jbr, ves Gajtvechts beilige Gefete, Der Vilfer heilig Recht in mir yerhdhuend, 2300 Saloft mich in Kerfermauern ein; die Freunbde, Die Diener werden graufam mir entriffen, Mnwird'gem MWangel werd’ ich preidgegeben, Man ftelit mich vor ein fhimpfliched Gericht— Nicht mebr davon! Gin ewiged Vergefjen 2303 Bedete, wad id) Graufamed erlitt. —@ebt | Ich will Aled cine Schicfung nennen, Shr feid nicht fchuldig, ich bin auch nicht jehuldig; Gin bofer Geift ftieg aus dem Abgrund auf, Den Haff in unfern Herzen ju ent3imbden, 2310 Der unfre arte Jugend fchon entoeit. Gr wud mit ung, und bdfe Menfchen fachten Der unglitcjel’gen Flamme Athem zu; Wahnfinn'ge Cifever bewaffneten Mit Schywert und Dolch die umberufne Hand— 2315 Das ift dad Fluchgejchict der Konige, Daf fie, entaweit, die Welt in Hap gerveifen Und jeder Swietracht Furien entfefjeln. —Jept ift fein fremder Mund mebr pwijchen ung, (ndfert fidy ihr jutvaulid) und mit {dmeidelndem Ton) - Wir jtebn einander felbft nun gegenitber. 2320 Set, Schwefter, redet! Nennt mir meine Schuld, Sey will Gud) ovolliges” Genirgen leiften. Achy, vaf Ihr damald mir Gehor gejchentt, ALE id) fo pringend Guer Auge fuchte! E83 wire nie fo weit gefommen, nicht 2325 An diefem traur'gen Ort gefchibe jest Die unglitdfjelig traurige Begegnung. Glifabeth. icin guter Stern ferabrte mich davor, Die Natter an den Bufen mir zu legen. 104 Maria Stuart. —Nicht die Gefchicke, Cuer jhwarzed Hers Slagt an, die wilde Chriucht Cured Haufes. © Nichts Feindliched war pwifchen und gehen, Da fimdigte mir Guer Ofm, der jtolze, Herr{chwitth'qe Priefter, ver die freche Hand Nach allen Kronen ftrectt, die Fehde an, Bethorte Cuch, mein Wappen angunehmren, Guch meine Konigdtitel zugueignen, Auf Jod und Leben in den Kampf mit mir Bu gebn—Wen rief er gegen mich nicht auf? Der Priefter Sungen und der Violfer Schwert, © Ded frommen Wahnfinnd firchterliche Waffen, Hier felbft, im Friedendfige meined Reichs, ~ Bie er mir der Cmpdrung Flammen an— Doh Gott ift mit mir, und per fiolze Priejter Behalt pag Feld nicht Deinent Haupte war Der Streich - gedrobet, und dad Cure fallt! 2330 : 2335 2340 2343 Maria. Ih feb’ in Gotted Hand. Ihr werdet Cuch So blutig Gurer Maht nicht iberheben— Glifabeth. Wer {oll mich hindern 2 Guer Obeim gab Dad Veifpiel allen Kionigen der Welt, Wie man mit feinen Feinden Frieden macht: Die Sanft Barthelemi fei meine Schule! Was ift mir Vlutdverwandtichaft, Vilferrecht 2 Die Kirche trennet aller Pilichten Van, Den Iveubruch beiligt fie, den Kinigdmord, Sep ibe nur, wad Cure Priefter lebren. Sagt, welded Pfand gewdbrte mir fir Gud, Wenn id) grofmitthig Cure Vande [dfte? Mit welchem Schlof verwabr’ ich Cure Jveue, Dad nicht Sanft Peters Schlitfjel dffnen fann? 2350 2355 236> 3. Aufyug. Autritt 105 Gewalt nur if die cing'ge Sicherheit, Sein Vimdni ift. mit dem Gezircht ber Sdhlangen. Maria. O, Dad ift Cuer traurig finftrer Argwobn! Jbt Pabt mich ftetd ald eine Feindin nur ; Und Fremdlingin betrachtet. Hattet Ihr 2363 Su Gurer Crbin mich erflirt, wie mir Gebithrt, fo Hatten Danfbarfeit und Liebe Gud eine tree Freundin und Verwandte In mir erbalten. Glifabeth. « Draugen, Lady Stuart, Jt Cure Freundidhaft, Cuer Haus dag Paypitthun, 2370 Der Minch ift Cuer Bruder— Gud, ur Grbin Grfldven! Der verritherifche Fallftrict! Daf Ihr bei meinem Leben nod) mein Volt Verfithrtet, eine liftige Armibda, Die edle Jugend meined Konigreicha 237% Sn Gurem Bublernege {hla verftricfret— Daf Alles fich der neu aufgebenden Sonne Buwendete, und ih— Maria. Regiert in Frieden! Jedwedem Anfpruch auf died Reid) entfag’ ich). Ach, meined Geifted Schwingen {ind geldhmt, 2380 - Nicht Grdfe Todt mich mebhr— Ihr habt's erreicht, Ich bin nur nody der Schatten der Maria. Gebrochen ift in Tanger Kerferjchmach Der edle Muth—Ihr habt das Aeuferfte an mir Getban, Habt midy gerftovt in meiner Blithe! 2383 —Jet macht ein Gnve, Schweiter! Sprecht es aus, Dag Wort, um deffentwillen Ihr gefommen ; Denn nimmer will id) glauben, daf Jr famt, Um Guer Opfer graufam ju verbvhnen. 106 “Maria Stuart. ©precht diefed Wort aud! Sagt mir: Ihr feid fre, 2390 Davia! Meine Macht habt Ihr gefithlt, pet lernet meinen Gdelmuth verebren.” @agt’s, und id) will mein Leben, meine Freibeit A8 ein Gefchent aud Curer Hand empfangen. —Gin Wort macht Aled ungejhehn. Ih warte 2395 Darauf. O! lat midys nicht su lang erharren! Wel’ Gud), wenn Ihr mit diefem Wort nicht endet! Denn wenn Ihr jest nicht fegenbringend, herrlich, Wie eine Gottheit, vou mir dyeidet— Schrefter ! Nicht um died gange veiche Ciland, nicht 2400 Um alle Linder, die dag Weer umfapt, Mich’ ich vor Cudy Jo ftehn, wie Ihr vor mir! Clifabett. ) Befennt Ihr endlich Gud fit itera} Sit's aud mit Guren Ranfen? Ijt fein Morder Mehr unterweges? Will fein Abenteurer HOS Fir Gud die traur’ge Ritterfhaft mehr wagen? —S3a, 3 ift aus, Lady Maria. Ibr verfithrt Mir Keinen mehr. Die Welt Hat andre Sorgen. ©3 lajtet Keinen, Guer—bvierter Wann Su werden, denn Ihr tddtet Cure Freier, 2410 Wie Cure Manner! Maria (auffahrend). Schroejter! Schnoejter! O Gott! Gott! Gib mir Migigung! Glifabeth (ficht fie lange mit einem Bl ftolzer Vevadhtung an). Dag aljo find die Reizungen, Lord Lejter, Die ungeftraft fein Mann exblickt, daneben Kein andres Weib fich wagen dar zu jtellen! 2415 Firwahr! Der Rubm war woblfeil ju erlangen, G3 fojtet nichts, die allgemeine Schonbeit Su fein, alg die gemeine fein fir Alle! 3. Nufpug. ~ 4. MAnftvitt, 10% Maria, Dad ijt ju viel! ; Glifabeth (hohnifdh lachend). Jebt jeigt Ihr Guer wabres Geficht, bid jest war’'d nur die Larve. 2420 Maria (von Jorn glithend, dod) mit einer edeln Witrde). of Jy habe menjdhlich, jugendlich gefeblt, Die Madyt verfithrte mich, ich Hab’ ed nidht LVerheimlicht und verborgen, faljchen Schein Hap ich verfchmabt mit foniglichem Freimuth. Das Wergfte weif die Welt von mir, und ich 2425 Kann fagen, ich) bin befjer, ald mein Ruf. Wely’ Gud, wenn fie von Curen Ibaten einft Den Chrenmantel jieht, vomit Jbr gleifend Die wilde Gluth verjtohiner Litfte dectt. Nicht Chrbarfeit hadt Ihr von Gurer Mutter 2430 Geerbt : man weiff, um welder Jugend willen Anna von VWoulen dad Schaffot feftiegen. Shrewabury (tritt pwifden beive RKoniginnen). O Gott pes Himmeld! Muff ed dabin fommen ! Jit Das die Batis, bie Unterwerfung, Lady Maria ? Maria. A Mifigung! Sey babe 2435 ~ Grtragen, was ein Menfch ertragen fan, : Fabr bin, lammberzige Gelaffenbeit! Bum Himmel fliehe, Teidende Geduld! Spreng’ endlich deine Vande, tritt hervor Aus deiner Hole, lang verhaltner Cl 2440 Und du, der dem gereizten BVajtlisf © Den Worddlif gab, leg’ auf die Junge miv Den gift'gen Beil— Shrewsbury. DO, fie ijt auger jich! BVergeih der Rajenden, der fchwer Gereizten! (Glifabetly, vor orn fpradylos, {diet witthenbe Blide anf Marien.) 108 Maria Stuart. Qeicefter (in der DHeftigiten Unvube, fucht die Glifabeth Hintvey su fithren). ; Hore Die Witthenve nicht an! Hinweg, hinweg 2445 Von diefem unghidjel’gen Ort! Maria. / Der Thron von Cngland ift durch einen Baftard Gntweibt, der Britten edelberzig BVolf Durdy eine lift'ge Gauflerin betrogen. —Regierte Recht, fo liget Ihr vor mir 2450 Im Staube jest, denn ich bin Guer Konig. (Glifabethy geht fchnell ab, die Lords folgen ihr in der hiditen Veftirzung.) Fiinfter Anftritt. Maria. Kennedy. Kennedy. O, was habt Shr gethan! Sie geht in Wath! Jest ift ed aud, wid alle Hoffnung jdhindet. Maria (nod gang afer fig). Sie geht in Wath! Sie trdgt den ob im Herzen! (Der Kennedy unt den Hals fallend.) Ye wie mir wohl ijt, Hanna! Endlich, endlich, 2455 Nach Jahren der Crnicdrigung, der Leiden, ; Gin AugenblicE der Rache, ded Irviumyphs ! Wie BVergeslaften fillt's von meinem Herzen, Dag Meffer fief ich in der Feindin Brujt. ) Seunedy. lnglicliche! Der Wabhnjinm reift Guch bin, 2460 Shr habt die Unveridhnliche vernunbdet. 3. Aufsug. 6. Auftritt, 109 Sie fiprt ben Blip, fie ift die Kbnigin, Bor ihrem Bublen habt Ihr jie verhobhnt! Maria. Vor Lejters Augen hab’ ich fie erniedrigt! Gr {ab e8, er begeugte meinen Sieg ! / 2465 Wie ich {ie niederfchlug von ihrer Hobe, Gr ftand dabei, mich ftarfte feine Nabe ! Sedhiter Anftritt. Mortimer ju den BVorige. Kennedy. O Sir! Weld) ein Criolg— Mortimer. 3c borte Alles. (@ibt bev Amme ein Jeidyen, jich auf ihren Pojten 3u begeben, und tritt naher. Sein ganged Wefen dritckt eine heftige, leidenfdhaftliche Stimmung aus.) Du bajt gefiegt! Du tratjt fie in den Staub! Du warft die Konigin, fie der Werbredher. 2470 Jy bin entginfr von deivem Mutf, ich bete Did) an, wie eine Gottin grof und bevelid) . Grideinjt du mir in diefem Augenblict. Maria. Shr fpracht mit Leftern, itberbrachtet ihm Mein Scyreiben, mein Gefdent—O vedet, Sir! 2475 Mortimer (mit glihenden Blicten fie betradytend). Wie did) per eble, fomigliche Jorn Umgldangte, deine NReige mir verfldrte! Du bift vag {chonjte Weib auf diefer Groe ! ~ Maria. Id bit’! Cuh, Sir! Stillt meine Ungeduld. Was fpricdt Molord? O fagt, wad darf ich hoffen 2 248 Mortimer. Wer? Cr? Dag ijt cin eiger, Glender! Dofft nichts von ihm, verachtet ibm, vergeft ihn! 110 Maria Stuart. Maria. Was fagt Ihr? Mortimer. Gr Guch vette und befigen! Gr Gudy! Gr {oll e8 wagen! Gr! Mit mir Pup er auf Jod und Leben darum fampfen! 248%. Maria. Ihr habt ihm meinen Brief nicht fbergeben ? —9, dann it's aus! Mortimer. Y Der Feige liebt dag Leben. Wer dich will vetten und die Seine nennen, Der muf den Tod beberst umarmen fimnen. Maria. Cr will nidts fir mid thun? 2490 Mortimer, Nichtd mehr von ihm! Wag fann er thun, und wad bedarf man fein? Jb will dich vetten, ich allein! Maria. Ad, wad vermdgt Ihr! Mortimer. Ydujdet Gud) nicht mebr, AB ob e3 noch wie geftern mit Guch ftimbpe! So wie die Konigin jet von Cudy ging, 2495 Wie died Gefprich fich wenbvete, ift Alles QBerloren, jeder Gnademveg gefperrt. Der Yhat bevarf's jest, Kithnheit muf enticheiven, Fir Alled werde Aled frifch gewagt, Frei mgt Ihr fein, nod) eh der Worgen tagt. 2500 Maria, Wad fprecht Spr? Diefe Nacht! Wie ift Das miglich ? Mortimer. Hort, wad befhloffen iff. Verfammelt hab’ id Su Yeimlicher Kapelle die Gefibhrten; Gin Priefter horte unfre Beichte an, Ablap ift ung ertheilt fir alle Schulben, 2503 Die wir begingen, Ablag im BVoraus 3. Aufaug. 6. Auftritt. III Fite alle, die wir nod) begehen werden. Dag lepte Saframent empfingen wir, Und fertig find wir gu der lepten Reife. Maria. O, welde firhterliche BVorbereitung! = 2510 Mortimer. Died Schlof erfteigen wir in diejer Nacht, Der Schlitffel bin ich madhtig. Wir ermorden Die Hitter, reifien dich aud deiner Kammer ~ Gewaltfam, jterfen muff von unjrer Hand Daf Niemand itberbleibe, der den Raub - 2315 WVerrathen fonne, jete lebende Seele. Maria. Und Drury, BPaulet, meine Kerfermeijter ? DO, cher werden fle ibr lepted Blut— Mortimer. Von meinem Doldye fallen fie uerit! Maria, Wag? Cuer Obeim, Cuer poeiter Vater? 2520. Mortimer. Von meinen Hinden ftirht er. Jd er- mord’ ifn. Maria. O Dblut'ger Frevel! Mortimer. Alle Frevel find Vergeben im Voraus. Ich fann dad Aergjte Begeben, und icy will’s. Maria. O jdrectlich, fohreclich! Mortimer. Und mift’ id) aud) die Konigin durdh- bofyren, Sc) hab’ e8 auf die Hojtie gefhmworen. Maria. Nein, Mortimer! Eh’ jo viel Blut um mich— Mortimer. A Was ift mir alles Leben gegen dich Unb meine Liebe?) Mag der Welten Band Sidy lofen, eine yweite Wafferflutly 2330 Herwogend alled Athmende ver{chlingen! 2525 112 Maria Stuart. —3 adhte nichts mebr! Gh’ ih dir entjage, Gh’ nabe fidy dad Ende aller Tage. Maria (queidtretend). Gott! Weldpe Syradye, Sir, und —welche Blice! —Cie {dhrecen, fie verjchenchen mich. 2535 Mortimer (mit iveen Vliden und im Ausdrud des ftillen Wahufinns). a i Nur ein Moment, der Tod ijt auch nur einer! — Man {dhleife mich nach Tyburn, Glied fir Glied Serreife man mit glithnder Gifengange, (indemt er feftig auf fte jugeft, mit ausgebreiteten Armen) Wenn id) dich, Heipgeliebte, umfange— Maria (jucidtretend). Unfinniger, uri !— 2540 Mortimer. An diefer Bruit, Auf diefem liebeathmenden Munde— Maria. Um Gottedwillen, Sir! lat mich hinein gehn ! Mortimer. Der ift ein Rafender, ver nicht vag Glick Jeftbalt in unaufloslicher Umarmung, Wenn ¢8 ein Gott in eine Hand gegeben. 2545 Sch will dich retten, foft’ ed taufend Leben, Sc rette dich, ich will es, doch), fo wabr Gott lebt! ich {chodr’s, ich will dich aud) befigen. Maria. O, will fein Gott, fein Cngel midy befchitgen ! Furdytbared Schictial! Grimmig fbhleuderft du 2550 Vou einem Schrecnip mich dem andern Fu. Bin ich geboven, nur die Wuth gu weden ? LVerjchodrt {ich Hag und Liebe, mid) ju jdhrecen? A Mortimer. Sa, glishend, wie fie Hajjen, liet’ id) dich! Sie wollen dic) enthaupten, diefen Hals, 2555 Den Olendend weifen, mit dem Veil durchichneiden. § & 3. Aufug. 6. Auftritt. 113 ©, weifje du dem Lebendgott der Freuden, Was du dem Haffe blutig opfern muft! Mit diefen Neizen, die nicht dein mehr find, Befelige ven glinctlichen Geliebten! 2560 Die {chine Locfe, diefed feidne Haar, PVerfallen {chon den finftern Todedmddten, Gebraudy’s, den Stlaven ewig ju umflechten ! X Maria. O, welche Sprache muf ich Hoven! Sir! Mein Unglivd follt’ Gud beilig fein, mein Leiden, 2565 Wenn 8 mein fonigliched Haupt nicht ift. Mortimer. Die Krone ift con deinem Haupt gefallen, Du Daft nichts mehr von ird'jdher WMajeftdt, Verfud)’ 8, laf dein Herr{dherwort erfdhallen, OF dir ein Freund, ein Netter auferfteht. 2570 Nichts blieh dir, ald die rithrende Geftalt, Der hohen Schonbeit gottliche Gewalt, Die lit mich Aled wagen und vermodgen, Die treibt dem Beil ded Henferd mid) entgegen Maria. O, wer errettet mich von feiner Wuth! 2573 Mortimer, Verwegner Dienft belohnt fich auch vermegen ! Warum verfpript der Tapfere fein Blut? Jit Leben doch Ded Lebend hochites Gut! Gin Rafender, der ed umijonit verfd;leudert Grft will ich rubn an feiner wirmften Vrujt— 2580 (Gr preft fie heftig an fich.) - Maria. O, muf id) Hilfe rufen gegen den Vann, Der mein Crretter— Mortimer, Du bift nicht gefithllos ; Nicht falter Strenge flagt die Welt dich an, Dich fann die heiffe Liebesbitte rithren, I ’ 114 Maria Stuart. Du haft den Sanger Rizzio beglitcft, 2585 Und jener Bothwell durfte dich entfithren. Maria. Vermefjener ! Mortimer. Gr war nur dein Yyrann! Du jitterteft vor ibm, da du ibn liebteft! Wenn nur der Screen dich gewinnen fann, Beim Gott der Holle! — Maria. © Rapt mich! Rafet Ihr? 2590 Mortimer. . Crzittern follft dur aud) vor mir! Sr “ Kennedy (feeinftivgend). Man nabt. Man fommt. Ve- waffnet BVolf exfitllt Den gangen Garten. Mortimer (aufafhrend und jum Degen greifend). Ich be- fchitge dich ! Maria. O Hanna, rette mich aud feinen Handen! Wo find’ ich Wermfte einen Sufluchtsort ? 2593 Bu weldhem Heiligen {oll ich) mich wenden ? Hier ift Gewalt, und drinnen ijt der Mord. (Sie flieht vem Haufe zu, Kennedy folgt.) Siebenter Anftritt. Mortimer. Paulet und Drury, welde auger fic) Hereinjtirzen. Gefolge eilt fiber die Scene. Panlet. Berfchlieft die Pforten. Jieht die Vritcen auf! Mortimer. Obeim, was ift's ? Paulet. Wo ift die Morderin ? Hinab mit iby ind finjterfte Gefangnif! 2600 3. ufjug. 8. Auftritt. 11 5 Mortimer. Was gibt'3? Was ift gefchebn ? Paulet. Die Konigin! Berfluchte Hinde! Teuflifches Erfithnen'! Mortimer. Die Konigin! Weldye Kidnigin ? Paunlet. Bon England! Sie ift ermordet auf der Londner Strafen ! y (Gilt ins Haus.) Achter Unftritt. Mortimer, gleidh darauf Ofelly. Mortimer. Bin id) im Wahnwig? Kam nidht eben ~ Semand 2605 Borbei und rief: Die Konigin fei ermordet ? Nein, nein, mir traumte nur. Cin Fieberwabn Bringt mir ald wahr und wirklich) vor den Sinn, Bad die Gedanfen graflich mir erfitllt. Wer fommt? G3 ift Ofel’. So fdrecenvoll! 2610 OFelly (fereinitivzend). Slieht, Mortimer! Flieht ! Ales ift verloren. Mortimer. Wad iff verloren? Ofelly. Sragt nicht lange. Denft Auf {chnelle Fludht! Mortimer. Was gibt’s denn ? Ofelly. Sauvage fithrte Den Streid), der Rafende. Mortimer. ©p ift es abr? Ofelly. Wal, wale ! O, rettet Cuch! 1.2 116 Maria Stuart. Mortimer. Sie ift ermordet, 2615 Und auf ben Thron von Gngland fleigt Maria! OFelly. Crmordet! Wer fagt Das? Mortimer. ~ Jbr felbjt! Ofelly, : Sie lebt! Und ich und Ibr, wir alle find ded Tobes. Mortimer. Sie lebt! Ofelly. Der Stof ging fehl, der Mantel fing ib auf, Und Shrewsbury entwaffnete ven Mdrder. 2620 © Mortimer. Sie lebt! Ofelly. Lebt, um und alle zu verderben! Kommt, man umgingelt fchon den Park. Mortimer. Wer bat Dag Rafende gethan ? Ofelly. Der Barnabit’ Aus Foulon war's, den Ihr in der Kapelle Fieffinnig {igen fabt, ald ung der Monch 2625 Dad Anathem ausddeutete, worin : Der Papft die Konigin mit dem Flud) belegt: Das Nadhfte, Kitrgefte wollt’ er ergreifen, Mit einem Feden Streich die Kirche Gottes © Wefrein, die Martyrfrone fich erwerben; 2630 Dem Priefter nur pertraut’ er feine hat, Und auf dem Londner Weg ward fie vollbracht. Mortimer (nach einem langen Ctillfweigen). O, dich verfolgt ein grimmig withend Schicial, * Unglincliche! Jept—ia, jest mufit du fterben, Dein Gngel {elbjt Dereitet deinen Fall. 2635 ’ 3. Aufjug. 8. Auftritt. 117 Ofelly. Sagt! Wobin wendet Ihr die Fludht 2 Ich gebe, Mich in ved Nordens Walvern zu verbergen. ' Mortimer. Flieht hin, und Gott geleite Cure Fludht! Sch bleibe. Noch verfudy’ idy's, fie ju vetten, Wo nicht, auf ihrem Sarge mir zu -betten. 2640 (Gefen ab zu verjdyiedenen Seiten.) ACT TV. ARGUMENT. THE opening scenes of this act are laid in an antichamber of the palace. Count Aubespine inquires of Kent and Leicester after the Queen’s health, and is told that the attempt on her life was made by a French Papist (Scene 1). Burleigh enters with Davison, the Secretary of State, whom he instructs to make out the warrant for Mary’s exe- cution. Aubespine fervently expresses his joy at the Queen’s escape, but is answered by an order to quit the kingdom, as his passport was found in the pocket of the assassin, who had confessed and received absolution at the Ambassador’s house. Aubespine attempts to justify himself, and then, changing his tone, threatens that his monarch will annul the marriage contract. Burleigh informs him that the Queen has already done so, and the French ambassador goes out vowing ven- geance (Scene 2). Leicester, left alone with Burleigh, ironically congratulates him upon the congenial nature of the task before him—an inquisitorial investigation into the conspiracy. Burleigh re- torts by blaming Leicester for having exposed the Queen to Mary's invectives, and intimates that he is in secret league with the latter. The two Lords utter menaces against each other and Burleigh leaves (Scene 3). Leicester expresses in a soliloquy his apprehension that his own correspondence with Mary will be detected and will reveal his treachery to Elizabeth. Mortimer enters ARGUMENT. 119 and warns him that all is discovered. Leicester violently disowns all complicity with him, but is thrown into conster- nation on hearing that Burleigh has obtained possession of a letter written to him by Mary. Mortimer declares that he himself is powerless, but encourages Leicester to try what a bold stroke on his own part can do. The shrewd statesman follows up the suggestion and, calling in the guard, orders them to arrest Mortimer as a traitor. They attempt to do so, but he wards them off with his dagger and, after giving expression to his contempt for Leicester, and uttering im- precrations on Elizabeth’s adherents, he fervently invokes the Virgin Mary, and stabs himself (Scene 4). The scene here changes to the Queen’s apartments. Eliza- beth has received Mary’s letter to Leicester from the hands of Burleigh, and is indignant at having been duped. She is now determined that Mary shall die, and Leicester be sent to the Tower to be judged by a commission of peers. At this moment a page enters to announce the Earl of Leicester. Urged by Burleigh, the Queen refuses to see him. The page hesitating to deliver the message, Burleigh repeats it; but Elizabeth still thinks it possible that Leicester is innocent, as the letter may only be an ingenious device of Mary's to injure him (Scene 5). Leicester enters imperiously, but is at first indignantly repulsed by the Queen, who orders Burleigh to remain, -although™ Leicester insists upon a private interview. She commands Burleigh to produce Mary’s letter, and Leicester, after reading it, pretends that his conduct was merely a stratagem. He has simulated affection for Mary, in order -* to penetrate her secret schemes. By this means he has dis- covered her conspiracy with Mortimer, in whom the Queen confided, and to whom she had given a ¢ secret bloody charge.’ He goes on to tell how Mortimer, arrested by his orders, has stabbed himself. Burleigh hints a suspicion that Leicester killed Mortimer, but the captain of the guard is summoned and confirms Leicester's story. To establish his own in- 120 ARGUMENT. nocence himself, Leicester now presses for Mary's death, and Burleigh suggests that as a proof of his sincerity Leicester shall superintend the execution of the sentence. Elizabeth accepts the suggestion, and commanding Burleigh to share with Leicester the ‘hateful task,” orders the warrant to be prepared instantly (Scene 6). on A tumult is heard without. The Earl of Kent enters, and announces that a mob has beset the palace, clamouring for Mary’s immediate execution. He is followed by Davison with the warrant which, despite Burleigh’s urgent advice, Elizabeth still hesitates to sign (Scenes 7 and 8). The Eartof Shrewsbury, entering with great emotion, im- plores the Queen to resist the clamours of the people, and to grant at least a respite. Burleigh strongly opposes this sug- gestion, but Shrewsbury reminds Elizabeth that her rival will be more terrible dead than alive. The Queen regrets that Shrewsbury saved her life, and she is even now ready to abdicate, for her own indecision testifies to her unfit- ness for the throne. Burleigh strenuously protests against a step which might secure her own inward peace, but would leave her subjects a prey to discord and to the sway of the Roman Church: Elizabeth determines to seek counsel {from Heaven, and bids the Lords withdraw. Davison, who lays the warrant on the table, is commanded by her to remain close at hand (Scene 9). The Queen gives expression to the conflicting sentiments: of her mind. She detests the slavery imposed upon her by the people’s voice, and bewails her own mildness of rule, which renders the act of severity on which she is bent, the more unpopular. She acknowledges, however, that her own position has rendered mildness and popular measures neces- sary; but the terror with which her rival inspires her, must have an end. Mary Stuart has robbed her of Leicester's love—has taunted her with her birth, and thinking that her destruction will restore her own honour she signs the warrant "(Scene 10). ARGUMENT. 121 Elizabeth rings for Davison, who enters with the news that Shrewsbury has appeased the mob. The Queen bids him retire, and as he is leaving she incidentally hands him the warrant. Davison asks for definite instructions, but the Queen only bids him do as his prudence dictates, adding that he must answer for the result. Davison still pleads for more explicit orders; but as he can get none, begs the Queen to take the warrant back. Elizabeth leaves him with - the undefined injunction ‘to fulfil the duty of his office’ (Scene 11). Davison, still doubting whether he is to retain or to for- ward the warrant, is joined by Burleigh, whom he implores to free him from the charge to which he had preferred him. Being told that the warrant is signed, Burleigh urges Davison to give it him. The latter is in doubt what to do, but Burleigh snatches the paper from him and leaves (Scene 12). Vierter 2Aufiug. — Borztmmer. Criter Anftritt. Graf Aubefpine, Kent und Leicefter. Anbefpine. Wie ftebt’s um Ibro Majeftat? Mylords, br febt mich nody gang aufer mir vor Schrecen. Wie ging Das ju? Wie fonnte Dad in Mitte Des allertreuften Bolts gefchehen ? Qeicefter. Ga gejchah Durd) Keinen aus dem Volfe. Der ed that, 2643 War Cured Konigé Unterthan, ein Franfe. Aubefpine. Cin Rafender gewifilich ! Kent. Gin Papiit, Graf Aubefpine ! Jweiter Anftritt. Borige. Burleigh im Gefprad) mit Davifon. ~ Burleigh, Sogleich muff der Vefehl Sur Hinridtung verfaft und mit dem Siegel Berjehen werden—Wenn er audgefertigt, 2630 4. ufjug. 2. Auftritt. 123 Wird er der Komigin ur Unter{chrift Gebracht. Gebt! Keine Beit ift ju verlieren. Davifon. E38 {oll gefchehn. ; (Geht ab.) Anbefpine (Burleigh entgegen). MMylord, mein treued Her Theilt die gerechte Freude diefer Infel. Lob fei dem Himmel, der den WMorderftreich 2655 Gerelyrt von diefem Edniglichen Haupt! Burleigh. Cr fei gelobt, der unfrer Feinte Bosheit Su Schanden madhte ! Anbefpine. Mog’ ihn Gott verdammen, Den Ihdter diefer fluchendwerthen That! Burleigh. Den Thdter und den jhdandlichen Erfinder. 2660 Anbefpine (ju Kent). Gefillt e8 Curver Herrlichteit, Lordmarichall, Bei Jhro Majeftat mich eingufithren, Daf id) ven Glichunidh meine Herrn und Kinigs Bu ihren Figen {chulvigit niederlege— Burleigh. Vemitht Cudy nicht, Graf Aubefpine. Aubefpine (officiés). ch wei, 2663 Lord Burleigh, wad mir obliegt. Burleigh. Gudy liegt ob, Die Infel auf dad fdhleunigite ju rdumen. Anubefpine (tritt evftaunt juvind). Wad! Wie ift Das! Burleigh. Der beilige Charafter Befchitht Gud) Heute noch, und morgen nicht mehr. Aubefpine. Und wad ift mein Verbrechen ? Burleigh. Wenn id) e8 2670 Genannt, fo ift e8 nicht mehr zu vergeben. 124 Maria Stuart. Aubefpine, Ich hoffe, Lord, dag Recht ver Abgefandten Burleigh. Schitst—Reidydverrither nicht. LQeicejter und Kent. Ha! Was ift Dag! Wubefpine. Mylord, Bevenft Ihr wohl— Burleigh. Gin Pap, von Curer Hand Gefchrieben, fand {ich in ded orders Tajche. 2675 Kent, Ift's moglich? Anbefpine, Viele Pafje theil’ ich) aus, Jc fann der Menfchen Jnunred nicht erforfchen. Burleigh. In Gurem Haufe beichtete der Morber. Aubefpine. Mein Haud ijt offen. Burleigh. Jevem Feinde Englands. Aubefpine. Ich fordre Unterfuchung. Burleigh. Fitrchtet fie! 2680 Aubefpine. In meinem Haupt ift mein Monard) verlett, Berreiffen wird er dad gefdhlofne Bimonif. Burleigh. Serriffen jchon Hat e3 die Konigin, Gngland wird fic) mit Franfreich nicht vermiplen. - Mylord von Kent! Ihr itbernehmet es, . 2685 Den Grafen ficher an dad Meer u bringen. Dad aufgebrachte BVolf Hat fein Hotel Geftitrmt, wo {ich ein ganged Arenal Bon Waffen fand; ed droht, ihn gu gerreipen, Wie er fid) geigt; verberget ibn, bis {ich 2690 Die Wuth gelegt—Ihr haftet fire fein Leben! Aubefpine. Ich gebe, ich verlaffe diefed Land, Wo man der Vilfer Recht mit Fithen tritt 4. Aufjug. 3. Auftritt. 125 Und mit Vertragen {pielt—>odoch mein Monarch Wird blut'ge Rechenfdhaft— Burleigh. Gr Bole fie! 2695 (Kent und Aubefpine gehen ab.) Dritter Anftritt. Leicefter und Burleigh. Qeicefter. So [oft Ibhr felbjt dag Vimdnif wieder auf, Dag ifr gefdhdftig unberufen niipftet. Shr Pabt um Cngland wenig Danf verbient, Mylord, die Mithe Fonntet IJbr Cuc) fpaven. Burleigh, Mein Swed war gut. Gott leitete 8 anbers. 2700 Woh! Dem, der fich nichts Schlimmered bewuft it ! Qeicefter. Man Fennt Cecild gebeimnifreiche Diiene, Wenn er die Jagd auf Staatdverbrechen madht. — Sept, Lord, ift eine gute\eit fir Gud. Gin ungebeurer Frevel ift gefchehn, 2705 Und noch) umbitllt Gebeimnif feine Thdter. Set wird ein Inquifitionsdgericht Groffnet. Wort’ und Blicke werden abgerwogen, Gevanfen felber vor Gericht geftellt. . Da feid Ihr der alhwicht’ge Vann, der Atlas 2710 Des Staats, gang Cngland liegt auf Guren Schultern. Burleigh. In Gud), Mylord, erfenn’ ich meinen Meifter ; Denn foldhen Sieg, ald Cure Rednerfunit Grfodht, hat meine nie davon getvagen. Qeicejter. Was meint Ihr damit, Lord? 2715 ’ 126 Maria Stuart. . 4 Burleigh. Ihr war’t ed dod, der hinter meinem Ritcfen Die Konigin nad) Fotbheringhayichloh Bu loden wufte ? 3 Leicefter, Hinter Gurem Ritcfen ! Wann {cheuten meine ITaten Cure Stirn? Burleigh. Die Konigin hattet Ihr nach Fotheringhay 2720 Gefithrt? Nicht doch! Jr habt die Kdnigin Nicht Hingefithrt '—Die Konigin war eg, Die fo gefallig war, Gud) hingufithren. Qeicefter. Was wollt Jbr damit agen, Lord? Burleigh. : Die edle PBerfon, die Ihr die Konigin dort {pielen left! 2725 Der berrliche Jriumpl, den Ihr der arglod Vertrauenden bereitet | —Git'ge Fitrftin! Sp fhamlod fred) verfpottete man did), Sp {chonungslod wardft du dabingegeben! — Dad alfo ift die Grofmuth und die Wilde, 2730 Die Gud) im Staatdrath ploglich angewandelt ! Sane ift diefe Stuart ein fo jchwacher, BVerachtungdwerther Feind, daf ed der Mirth Nicht lohnt, mit ihrem Blut fich zu beflecen ! Gin feiner Plan! Fein ugefpist! Nur Schade, 2735 Bu fein gefchdrfet, daff die Spite frac) D> Leicejter. Pp Gleich folgt mir! An dem Iheone Der Konigin follt Ihr mir Reve ftebn. Burleigh. Dort trefft Ihr micdh—Und feet ju, MWylord, Daf Gud) dort die Bevedtfambeit nicht feble! 2740 (Gelyt ab.) 4. Nufyug. 4. Auftritt. 127 Bierter Anftritt, Leicefter allein, davauf Mortinter. Qeicefters Id) bin entdecft, ich bin durchfchaut—LWie Fam Der Unglitfelige auf meine Spuren! Wel mir, wenn er BVeweeife hat! Crfabhrt Die Konigin, dap pwifchen mir und der Maria Berftandniffe gewefen—Gott! Wie fchulbdig 2745 Stel idy vor ihr! Wie Dinterlijtig treulos Cridyeint mein Rath, mein unglitdfeliges. - Bemithn, nad) Fotberinghay fie. ju fithren! Graufam verfpottet fieht fie fich von mir, An die verhapte Feindin fich vervathen! 2750 O, nimmer, nimmer fann fie Das vergeihn | X Borherbedacht wird Aled nun erfdyeinen, Auch bdieje bittre Wendung ded Gefprads, Der Gegnerin Iriumpl und Hobhngeladyter, Ja, felbjt die Viorderhand, die blutig fehrect (ich), 2755 Gin unerwartet ungebeured Schidial, Dazwifchen Fam, werd’ id, bewaffuet haben ! Nicht Rettung feb’ ich, nirgendd! Ha! Wer fommt! Mortimer (fommt in der fHeftigiten Unvube uud Blick fdyeu umber). Graf Lefter! Seid Ihr's? Sind wir ohne Beugen 2 Qeicefter. Unglitclicher, hinmeg! Was jucht Ihr hier ? 2760 Mortimer. Man ift auf unfrer Spur, auf Gurer aud) ; Nebmt Cudy in Acht! Qeicejter. Hinweg, hinweg! Mortimer, bo Man wei, Daf bei dem Grafen Aubejpine gebeime Berfammlung war— ’ 128 Maria Stuart. Qeicefter. Was Fimmert’s mid)! Mortimer, Daf {ich ver Morder 2763 Dabei befunden— ; ~ Qeicefter. Dag ift Cure Sache! Verwegener | Wad unterfangt Ihr Gud), In Guren Olut'gen Frevel mich gu flechten ? Bertheivigt Cure bofen Hinvel felbit! Mortimer. So Hort mich dod) nur an. Qeicefter (in Yeftigem Som). Gebt in die He! 2770 Was Bingt Ihr Cudy, gleich einem bdfen Geift, An meine Ferfen! Fort! Ich fenn’ Cuch nicht, Sch habe nichts gemein mit Deeuchelmordern. Mortimer. br wollt nicht Horen. Gud) zu warnen fomm’ id, Nuch Cure Schritte {ind verrathen— Qeicefter. “Hal 2775 Mortimer. Der Groffchagmeifter war ju Fotberingbay, Sogleich nachbem die Unglitctdthat gefchehn war, Der Konigin Simmer vourden ftreng durchiucht, Da fand jich— Qeicejter. Was? Mortimer. Gin angefangner Brief Der Konigin an Cudy— : Leicejter. Die Unglinctfel’ge! 2780 Mortimer. Worin jie Cudy auffordert, Wort zu alten, Gud) pas Verfprechen ihrer Hand erneuert, © Ded Bilonifjed gedenft— Leicefter. Tod und Verdammmnip! Mortimer, Lord Burleigh Hat den Brief. das 4. Aufjug. 4. Auftritt. 129 Qeicefter. Sch bin verloven' (Gr geht wahrend dev folgenden Rede Mortimers verzweiflungdvoll auf und mieder.) Mortimer. Crgreift den Yugenblif! Kommt ihm juvor! 2785 Grrettet Guch, ervettet {ie—Sdmort Cuddy Heraud, erfinnt Cntjdhuldigungen, wenbdet Dad Wergfte ab! Ich {elbft Fann nichts mebr thun. Berftreut {ind die Gefibrten, audeinanbder Gefprengt ift unjer ganger Bund, Ich eile 2790 Nach Schottland, neue Freunde dort ju fammeln. An Gud ift’'s jest, verfucht, wad Guer Anfebn, Was eine fede Stirn vermag! Leicefter (jteht fill, ploplid) befonnen). Dag will id). (Gr geht nach dev Thiive, sffnet fie nnd ruft.) He va! Irabanten! ; (Bu dem Offizier, der mit Vewafineten heveintritt.) ~ Diefen Staatdverrdither Nehmt in Verwabrung und bewacht ihn wohl! 2795 Die {chanbdlichjte LVer{hwioruyg ift entdedt, Sch bringe jelbft der Konigin' die BVotidaft. J geht ab.) Mortimer” (jieht anfangs ftare vor Grftaunen, faft fic aber _ bald und fieht Leiceftern mit einem Bid der tiefiten BVeradytung nad). Ha, Schandlicher '—Doch ich verdbiene Das! Wer Dief mich aud) dem Elenden vertrauen ? Weg itber meinen Nacden fdyreitet er, 2800 Dein Fall muff ihm die Rettungsbriife bauen. —&o vette dich! LVerfchlofjen bleibt mein Mund, Sey will dich nicht in mein Verderben flechten. ~ uch nicht im Tobe mag ich deinen Bund, Dag Meben ift’ dag eing'ge Gut bed Schlechten. 2803 X 130 Maria Stuart. (Bu dem Offizier dev Wadhe, Dex hervortritt, um thn gefangen ju neuen.) Wad willft du, feiler Stlay der Tyrannei? 3 fpotte deiner, ich bin frei! (Ginen Dold ziehend.) Offizier. Cr ift bewehrt—Cntreifit ibm feinen Dold! (Sie dringen auf ihn ein, ev evwehrt fic ihrer.) Mortimer. Und frei im lepten Wugenblicte {oll Mein Herz fich dffnen, meine Junge Iden! 2810 &luch und Verderben euch, die ihren Gott Unp {bre wabre Konigin verrathen ! Die, von der irdifchen Maria {ich Yreulod, wie von der Himmlijchen, gervendet, Sid) diefer BVaftardfdnigin verfauft— 2813 Offizier, Hirt ihr die Liftrung! Auf! Crgreifet ihn! Mortimer. Yoo: Nicht ervetten fount’ ich dich, ‘So will th dir ‘ein minnlich Beifpiel geben. Maria, beil'ge, ditt’ fiir mich Und nimm mid) gu dir in dein himmlifch fefen!) 2820 (Gr durdhfticht iS mit dem ry und fall der Wade in die Avme Simmer der Konigin. Fiinfter Anftritt, G(ifabeth, einen Brief in der Hand. Burleigh. Glifabeth, Mich hingufithren !| Solchen Spott mit mir Bu treiben! Der BVervdather! Im Triumph Lor feiner Bublerin mich aufzufithren ! DO, fo ward nod) fein Weil betrogen, Burleigh! 4. Aufaug. 5. Aujtritt. 131 Burleigh. Jb fanned nod) nicht fajfen, wie ed ibm, 2825 Durch welche Macht, dur) welche Jauberfiinjte Gelang, die Klugbeit meiner Konigin Cp febr gu dtberrajchen. Glifabeth. DO, id) fterbe Vor Sham! Wie muft’ er meiner Schwdche fpotten ! Sie glaubt’ ich gu ernmiedrigen und war, 2830 cy feller, ihres Spotted Jel! Burleigh. Du fiehjt nun ein, wie tren ich dir gerathen Glifabeth, O, ich bin {dhwer dafitr geftraft, vag id Bon Gurem weifen Rathe mich entfernt ! Und follt ich ihm nicht glauben? In den Schwitren 2835 Der treuften Liebe einen Falljftrict firrchten ? Wem darf id) trau'n, wenn er mich hinterging ? Gr, den ich grof gemacht vor allen Grofen, Der mir der Ndachfte ftetd am Hergen war, Dem ich) verftattete, an diefem Hof 2840 Sid) wie der Herr, der Konig ju betragen! Burleigh. Und ju perfelben Beit vervieth er did) An diefe faljhe Konigin von Schottland! Glifabeth. O, fic besable mir's mit ifrem Blut! —@agt! Jit dad Urtheil abgefaft ? Burleigh. G3 liegt 2845 Bereit, wie du befoblen. Glifabeth. Sterben {oll fie! Gr {oll fie fallen febn und nad ihr fallen. Verftofen hab’ idy ibn aud meinem Hergen, Fort ift die Liebe, Rade fitllt ed gan. So bod) er ftand, fo tief und {chmablich fei 2850 Sein Sturz! Gr fei ein Denfmal meiner Strenge, K2 132 Maria Stuart. Wie er ein Beifpiel meiner Schwdde war. Pian firth’ ibn nady dem Tower; id) werde Peers Grnennen, die ibn rien. Hingegeben Sei er der gangen Strenge ded Gefetsed. 17397 298 Burleigh, Cr wird fich ju dir drdngen, jich rechtfert’gen— Glifabeth. Wie fann er {ich redhtfert’gen? Ueberfithrt hn nicht der Brief? O, fein Verbrechen ift - Klar, wie der ag! u Burleigh, Doch pu bift mild und gnddig, Gein Unblick, feine madyt'ge Gegenmart— 2860 Glifabeth, Ich will ihn nicht febn. Niemald, niemald wieder ! Habt Thr BVefehl gegeben, daf man ihn Suri weift, wenn er fommt ? Burleigh. So 'ift's befohlen! Page (tritt ein). Mylord von Lefter! Konigin. Der Abjdheuliche! Sch will ihn nicht fehn. Sagt ibm, daf ich ihn 2863 Nicht. feben will. Page. ‘Dad wag’ id) nicht dem Lord Su fagen, und er wirve mir's nicht glauben. Kbnigin, So Had’ id) ibn erhobt, daf meine Diener Ror feinem Anjebn mehr al meinem gittern! Burleigh (um Pagen). Die Konigin verbiet’ ibm, fic) ju nabn! 2870 (Page geht zogernd ab.) Konigin (nad einer Paufe). Wenn’ dennoch mdglich wire—Wenn er {id Rechtfert’gen fonnte!—Sagt mir, fount’ ed nid Gin Falftricf fein, den mir Maria legte, 4. Aufyug. 6. Auftritt. 133 Wich mit dem trenften Freunde gu entpoein ! O, ite ft eine abgefeimte Within ! 2873 Wenn fie den Brief nur {dhried, mir gift’gen Avgreohn Ing Hery gu ftveun, ihn, den fie hapt, ind Unglirck i ftirgen— Burleigh. Aber, Konigin, erwdige— Sedhiter Anftritt, Borige. Leicefter. Leicejter (wift die Thiive mit Gewalt anf und tritt mit ges Bietevifdjem Wefen hevein). Den Unverfchdmten will ich febn, der mir Dad Jinuer meiner Konigin verbietet. 2880 Glijabeth. Ha, der Verwegene! Leicejter, Mich abzuneifen ! Wenn {ie fire einen Burleigh {ichtbar ift, So ift fie’s auch fitr mich! Burleigh. Nbr feid febr fithn, Mylord, Hier wider die Erlaubnif einguftirnen. LQeicefter. Ihr {eid febr fred), Lord, hier dag Wort ju nefymen. 2883 Grlaubnif !| Wad! G8 ijt an diefem Hofe Niemand, durdy veflen Mund Graf Lejter {ich Grlauben und verbieten [afjen Fann! © (Sndemt ev fich ver Glifabetty demirthig nifert.) Aug meiner Konigin eignem Mund will idy— Glifabeth (ohne ifn angufehen). Aud meinem Angeficht, Nichtdwirtrdiger ! 2890 Reicejter. Nicht meine gittige Clifabeth, 134 Maria Stuart, Den Lord vernehm’ idy, meinen Feind, in diefen Unbolben Worten—Ich berufe mich auf meine Glifabetb—Du lieheft ihm dein Ob, Dag Gleidhe fordr’ ich). Glifabeth. Redet, Schandlicher! 2895 Vergropert Curen Frevel! Leugnet ibn! Qeicejters Laft diefen Ueberldftigen fic) ert Gntfernen—Ivetet ab, Mylord—Was id) Wit meiner Konigin gu verbandeln Habe, Braucht feinen Jeugen. Geb. Glifabeth (ju Burleigh). Bleibt. Ich befehl’ es! 2900 Qeicefter. Was foll der Dritte pwijchen dir und mir! Wit meiner angebeteten Vonarchin Hab’ i's ju thun—Die Rechte meine Plates Behaupt’ ich—EC3 find heilge Rechte! Und ich beftehe drauf, dap {ich der Lord 2905 Gntferne! Glifabeth. Guch geziemt die jtolze Sprache! Qeicefter, Wohl giemt fle miv, penn id) bin der Veglitctte, Dem deine Gunit den hoben Vorzug gab, Dag hebt mich itber ihn und fiber Ale! Dein Hery verlieh mir diefen ftolzen Rang, 2910 nd wad die Liebe gab, werd ich, bei Gott! Mit meinem Leben uu bebaupten wiffen. Gr geb’—und gweier Augenblice nur Beparf’s, mich mit dir ju verftandigen. Glijabeth, br Dofit nmionft, mids [lijtig su be= fchoagen. 2915 Qeicejter. Befchwagen fonnte dich der Plauderer, Sc aber will ju deimem Herzen veden ! 4. Aufjug. 6. Auftritt. 135 Und wad ich im Vertraun auf deine Gunit Gewagt, will ih auch mur vor deinem Herzen Rechtfertigen— Kein andere Gericht 2920 Grfenn’ icy ftber mir, ald deine Neigung ! Glijabeth. Schamlofer! Eben diefe ift's, die ud) guerft Verdammt—Jeigt ihm den Brief, Mylord! Burleigh. Hier ift er! Qeicefter (burdlauft den WBrief, ofjme bie Saf jung ju So Das ift der Stuart Hand! Glifabeth, Left und verftummt ! Qeicefter (nadypem ev gelefen, ruhig). Ter Schein ijt gegen mid) ; doch darf id) Hoffen, i ORS Daf id) nicht nach dem Schein gevichtet verde! Glifabeth. Kbnnt Ihr ed feugnen, vaf Shr mit der Stuart Sn feimlichem Berftinbnif wart, ihr Bilonif Gmyfingt, ihr jur Vefreiung Hoffnung madhtet ? Qeicejter, Leicht wdre me wenn ich) midy {chuldig fithlte, \ 2930 Dag Seugnif einer Feindin ju vermwerfen! Dod frei ift mein Gewifjen ; icy befenne, Daf fte die Walrheit jebhreibt! Glijabeth. Nun denn, UnglitcElicher ! Burleigh. Sein eigner Mund verdammt ihn. Glifabeth, Aud meinen var! Sn den Jower— ~ Berrdther! 2935 Qeicefter. Der bin ich nit. Ih hab’ gefeblt, dap id) Aus diefem Scritt dir ein Geheimnif made; 136 Maria Stuart. Doch redlich war die Abjicht, e8 gefchal, Die Feindin gu erforfchen, gn verderben. Glifabeth. Glende Ausdflucht !— Burleigh. Wie, Mylord ? Ib? glaubt— 2940 Qeicefter. 3h habe ein gewagtes Spiel gefpielt, Sch weiff, und nur Graf Lefter durfte {ich Un viefem Hofe jolcher That erfithnen. Wie idy die Stuart baffe, wei die Welt. Der Rang, den ich befleide, dag Vertrauen, 2045 Woourd) die Konigin mich ebrt, muf jeden Jweifel Jn meine treue Meinung niederchlagen. Wohl darf der Wann, den deine Gunit® vor Allen usgeichnet, einen eignen Fithnen Weg Ginjchlagen, feine Pilicht ju thun. 2950 Burleigh. Warum, Wenn's eine gute Sache war, ver{hwiegt Ihr? Qeicejter. Molord! Ihr pflegt zn fhwaten, ef’ Jbr © Banbelt, Und feid die Glocfe Gurer Ibaten. Das St Gure Weife, Lord. Die meine ijt, Grit Handeln und dann reden! 2955 X Burleigh. Ibr vedet feo, weil Ihr mirft. Qeicejter (ign ftolz und Héhnifh mit den Augen meffend). Und Ihr Berithmt Cuddy, eine wundergrofe That Ing Werf gerichtet, Cure Konigin Gerettet, die Berrdtherei entlarvt Su baben—AMed wit Ihr, Curem Scharfblic 2960 Kann nichtd entgehen, meint Jhr—Armer Prabler ! Fro Gurer Spitrfunjt war Maria Stuart X Noch Deute frei, wenn ich ed nicht verhindert. 4. Aufaug. 6. Auftritt. LL Burleigh. Ihr battet— LQeicejter. Ih, Mylord. Die Konigin WVertraute {ich dem Mortimer, fie {hlof 2963 Shr Innerjtes ibm auf, fie ging fo weit, hm einen blut’gen Auftrag gegen die Maria Su geben, da der Obeim fich mit Abjcheu Von einem gleichen Antrag abgerwendet— Sagt! Jit ed nicht fo? (Ronigin und Burleigh fefen einanber betvoffen an.) Burleigh. Wie gelangtet Ihr 2970 Dazu?— : Qeicejter. Jft'd nicht fo 2—Nun, Mylord ! Wo Hattet Shr Gure taufend Augen, nicht zu feb, Daf diefer Mortimer Cudy hinterging ? Dap er ein witthender Payijt, ein Werfzeug Der Guifen, ein Gefchdpf der Stuart war, 2075 Gin fe entihlopner Schwdrmer, der gefommen, Die Stuart zu befrein, die Konigin Su morden— Glifabeth (mit vem auferfth Geftaunen). Diefer Mortimer! Leicefter. Gr war's, durch) den Maria Unterhandlung mit mir pflog, Den ich auf diefem Wege fenmen lernte. 2980 Noch beute follte fie aud ifrem Kerfer Geriffen werden, diefenn Augenblick Gntoecfte mir’s fein eigner Mund; idy lief ibn Gefangen nehmen, und in der Vergweiflung, Sein Werf vereitelt, fich entlarvt zu febm, 2083 Gab er {ich felbjt den Job! Glifabeth. O, id) bin unerhdrt Betrogen—Diefer Mortimer ! 138 Maria Stuart. Burleigh. Und jebt | Gefchaly Dad? jept, nachdem ich Guch verlafjen ? Qeicefter. I muff um meinetwillen fehr beflagen, Daf ed died Gnve mit ihm nahm. Sein Jeugnif, 2990 Wenn er nod) lebte, wide mich vollfommen Gereinigt, aller Schuld entledigt haben. Drum itbergab ich) ibn ded Richterd Hand. Die ftrengfte Rechtaform {olite meine, Unfchuld Por aller Welt bewdbren und Deftegeln. 2995 Burleigh, Cr ey ich, fagt Shr: Gr {ich felber 2 Over br ihn? Qeicefter. Umuvitrdiger LVerdacht ! Man Hire Die Wadye ab, der ich ibn iibergab! (Gr geht an die Thitr und tuft hinaug. Der Offizier der Leibwade tritt Herein.) 3s Gritattet Ihrer Majeftdt Bericht, Wie diefer Mortimer umfam! \ Offizier. Sch Dielt vie Wade 3000 Sm Vorfaal, ald Mylord die Vive Jdhnell Groffete und mir befahl, den Ritter AL8 einen Staatdverrvither ju verhaften. Wir faben ibn hievauf in Wuth gerathen, Den Dold giehn, unter Hejtiger Verwimidung 3005 Der Konigin, und, eh wir’ hindern fonnuten, Stn in die Brujt fich ftofen, dap ev todt Su Boden ftitryte— Leicejter. G3 ijt gut. Jbr fonnt Abtreten, Sir! Die Konigin weif genug' (Offizier geht ab.) 4 Mug, 6. Auftritt. 139 Clijabeth. O, welder Abgrund von Abjdheulich- feiten— 30710 Qeicejter. Wer war's mun, der did) rettete? War ed Molord yon Burleigh? Wuft’ er die Gefaby, Die dich) umgab? War er’, der fie von dir Gewandt 2—Dein treuer Lefter war dein Engel! Burleigh. Graf! Diefer Wortimer ftarb Cudy febr gelegen. 3015 Glifabeth. Ich weif nicht, wad id) fagen oll. + Ich glaub’ Gud Und glaup’ Guch nicht. Ich denfe, Ihr feid {chulbig Und feid ed nicht! O die Verbafte, die Mir all died Wel beveitet! Leicejter, Y Sie mug fterben. Sept ftimm’ id) felbft fiw ihren od. Ich rieth 3020 Dir an, dad Urtheil unvolljtrectt zu laffen, Bis fich aufd neu ein vm fir fie erbhitbe. Died ijt gefhebn—und idy beftehe drauf, ‘Daf man dag Urtheil ungefdumt sollfivect.) Burleigh. Ihr viethet dagu! Ihr! Leicejter. So fer ed midy 3023 Gmyport, ju einem Aeuferften gu greifen, Sch febe nun und glaube, daf die Wollfabrt Der Konigin died Olut'ge Oypfer beifcht ; Drum trag id) darauf an, daf der Befeh! Sur Hinrichtung gleich ausdgefertigt werde ! 3030 Burleigh (yur niga). X Da ¢8 Mylord {o trew und ernftlich meint, : ©o trag ich davauf an, dap die Volljtredung Des Richterfpruchs ihm ibertragen were. Ks 140 ~ Maria Stuart. RQeicefter, Mir! ) Burleigh. Y Gu). Nidjt befler Fonnt Ihr den Berdacht, : Der jest nod) auf Cuch laftet, wiverlegen, 3035 AB wenn Ihr fie, die Ihr geliebt gu haben Befchuldigt werdet, felbit enthaupten laffet. Glifabeth (Leiceftern mit den Augen fivivend). Mylord vith gut. So {ei’8, und dabei bleib’ es. Qeicefter. Mich follte billig meined Ranged HOY Bon einem Auftrag diefes traur'gen Inbhalts 3040 WBefrein, per fich in jebem Sinne beffer - Fite einen Burleigh ziemen mag ald mich. Wer feiner Konigin fo nabe fteht, Der follte nichts Unglitckliched vollbringen. Sevoch, um meinen Gifer ju bewdbren, 3045 Um meiner Konigin genugguthun, Begeh' ich mic) ded Vorrechts meiner Witrde Und itbernefme die verbafte Bilicht. Glifabeth. Lord Burleigh theile fie mit Gut | (Su Diefem.) - Jragt Sorge, Dap der BVefehl gleich audgefertigt werde. ~ 3050" (Burleigh geht. Man hort draufen ein Getimmel.) Siebenter Wuftritt. Graf von Kent ju den BVovigen. Glifabeth. Was gibt’s, Mylord von Kent? Was fir ein Aujlauf Grregt die Stapt—Wad ift es? 4. Aufyug. 8. Auftritt. 141 Kent. Konigin, G3 ijt dag Volf, vad den Palaft umlagert, E38 fordert beftig dringend, dich zu febn. Glifabeth, asd will mein Wolf? Qent. Der Screen geht purdy London, 3055 Dein Leben {ei Dedroht, ed gehen Mprder Umber, vom Papfte wider dich gefenbet. BVerfdpworen feien die Katholifchen, ; Die Stuart aud pem Kerfer mit Gewalt Bu rveifen und ur Kinigin audzurufen. 3060 Der Pobel glaubt’s und witthet. Nur dad Haupt Der Stuart, dad nod) Heute ms fann ibn Berubjigen. Glifabeth. Wie? Soll mir Braig gefchebn ? Kent, Sie find entjdhloffen, eber nicht: ju weichen, Big du dag Urtheil untergeichnet Haft. 3065 Achter Wnftritt, Burleigh und Davifon mit einer Sdrift. Die Vorigen. © Glifabeth, Was bringt Ihr, Davifon ? Davifon (nihert fic), ernfthait). Du Haft befohlen, LO SKonigin— Glifabeth., Was ijt's? (Snbem fie die Schrift ergreifen will, {dhanert fie yufammen und fakret gurii.) z LO Gott! 142 Maria Stuart. Burleigh. Geborche Der Stimme ded BVolfs, fie ift die Stimme Gottes. , Glifabeth {unentjthloffen mit fic§ felbft Fampfend). ©, meine Lords! Wer jagt mir, ob id) wirklich Die Stimme meined gangen Boles, vie Stimme 3070 Der Welt vernehme! Ach, wie fehr befirrcht’ ich, Wenn ich) dem Wunfch der Menge nun gehordt, ~ Daf eine gang verfchicone Stimme fic) Wird Hoven laffen—ija, daf eben Die, ‘Die eben jest gewaltfam ju der bat mich treiben, 3075 Mich, wenn’s vollbracht’ ijt, ftrenge tadeln werden! : ~ Neunter Anftritt. Graf Shrewsbury ju den BVorigen. Shrewsbury (fommt in grofer Bewegung). Man will dich itbereilen, Konigin! : DO, balte feft, fei jtandbaft! (Subent er Davifon mit der Schrift gewalr wird.) Ober ijt ¢3 Gefcheben 2 Sit ed wirklich? Ich erblicte Gin unglircfelig Blatt in diefer Hand. 3080 Dad Fomme meiner Konigin jeht nicht Vor Augen. Glifabeth, GColer Epreneabury! Pan ingt mid). x Shrewsbury. Wer Fann dich jwingen 2 Du bift Herr: fcherin, Hier gilt ea, deine Majeftat zu geigen! Gebiete Schweigen jenen roben Stimmen, 3085 4. Aufug. 9. Auftritt. 143 Die {ich erdreiften, deinem Konigdwillen Swang anguthun, dein Urtheil ju vegieven. Die Furdyt, ein blinder Wabn bewegt dag Volf, Du felbjt bift auper div, bift jchwer gereist, Du bift ein Menfdy, wud jest fannft du nicht vidpten. 3090 Burleigh, Gerichtet ijt {hon Langit. Hier ift fein Urtheil Bu fallen, ju vollziehen ijt’s. Kent (ver fic bei Shrewsbury Gintritt entfernt hat, fommt quid). Der Auflauf wichit, dad Volk ijt linger nicht By bandigen. Glifabeth (ju Shrewsbury). Ihr febt, wie fie mich drangen ! Shrewsbury. Nur Wufichub fordr’ id). Diefer Feder= ng : 3993 Gut{cheidet deined Lebens Gli und Frieden. * Du Daft ¢8 Jahre lang bedadht, oll dich Der Wugenblict im Sturme mit {icy fithren 2. Nur furzen Aufichub. Sammle, dein Gemith, Grwarte eine rubigere Stunde. 3100 Burleigh (fejtig). Crwarte, zogre, faume, big dad Reich In Flammen fteht, big ed der Feindin endlich Gelingt, ven Mordjtreich wivklich ju vollfithren. Dreimal bat ihn ein Gott von div entjernt ; Heut hat er mabe dich berithrt, noch einmal 3105 Gin Wunder hoffen, biefe Gott verfuchen. Shrewsbury. Der Gott, der dich durch feine Wunderband WViermal erbielt, der heut dem {chwachen Arm Ded Greifen Kraft gab, einen LWitthenden Bu fbermdlt’gen—er verdient Lertrauen! 3110 Ich will die Stimme der Gerechtigfeit Sept nicht erbeben, jest ijt nicht die Beit, Du fannft in diefem Sturme fie nicht Hoven. 144 Maria Stuart. Died Eine nur vernimm! Du itterft jest Vor diefer lebenden Maria. Nicht : 3115 Die Lebende haft du gu fitechten. Jittre vor Der Yodten, der Cnthaupteten. Sie wird Vom Grab erjteben, eine Jwietrachtsgottin, Gin Rachegeift in deinem Reidy Herumgebhn Und deined Volfes Herzen von dir wenden, 3120 Set Haft der Britte die Gefitrchtete, Gr wird fie rdadyen, wenn’ fie nit mehr ijt. Nicht mebr die Feindin feined Glaubens, nur Die Cufeltodhter feiner Komige, Des Dafjed Opfer und der Ciferfudyt;, 3125 Wird er in der BVejammerten erblicen.! : Schnell wirft du die BVerdnderung erfabren. Durchziehe London, wenn die blut’ge That Gefcheben, zeige dich bem Volf, dad jonit Sich jubelnd um dich Yer ergof, du wir 3130 Gin andres England febn, ein andres BVolf, Denn did) umgibt nicht mehr die berrlide Geredhtigteit, die alle Herzen dir Befiegte! Furdyt, die {dhrectliche Begleitung Der Jyrannei, wird {chaudernd vor div hersichn 3135 Und jede Strafe, wo du gehit, verdden. Du hajt das Leste, Weuferfte getban, Weldy Haupt ftebt feft, wenn bdiefed heil'ge fiel! Glifabeth. Ac), Shrewsbury! Ihr Pabt mir Heut das Leben Gerettet, Habt ded Morderd Dold) von mir 3140 Gewendet—WWarum lieGet Jbr ihm nicht Den Lauf ? So ware jeder Streit geendigt, Uud alles Sweifeld ledig, rein yon Schuld, Lag’ id in meiner ftillen Gruft! Furwabr, - 4. Aufjug. 9. Auftritt. 145 Sd) Din ded Lebend und ted Herrfchens mid! 3145 Muf eine von und Koniginnen fallen, Damit die andre lebe—und 8 ijt Nicht anders, Dag erfenn’ ich—Ffann denn id) Nicht Die fein, weldye weicht 2 Mein BVolf mag walen, Ich gel’ ibm feine Majefiat uric. 3150 Gott ift mein Se pag ich) nicht fir mich, Nur {ir dad Lejte meined Wolf geleht. Hofft e8 von diejer jhmeichlerijchen Stuart, Der jingern Konigin, glivklichere Tage, So fteig’ id) gern von defen Iron und felbre 3155 In Woodftodd ftille Ginjamfeit uri, Wo meine anipruchlofe Jugend lebte, Wo idy, vom Jand der Crrengvope fern, Die Holeit in mir feller fand—Bin id) Bur Herrfdherin roc) nicht gemadyt ! Der Herrfcher 3160 Mug hart fein Founen, und mein Her ift weidh. Sct) habe diefe Infel lange glitcElich Regiert, weil ich nur brandyte gu beglifen. E38 fommt die erjte fdpvere Kinigdpflicht, Und icy empfinve meine Obnmadyt— Burleigh. Nun, bei Gott! 3165 Wenn ic) {o gang unfonigliche Waorte Aug meiner Konigin Mund vernehmen mug, Co wir’s Verrath an meiner Pilih, BVerratl Am Vaterlande, linger {till ju fcpeigen. —Du fagft, du liebft dein Volf melr ald dich felbft, 3170 Dag geige jest! Crwdhle nicht den Frieden Site dich und itberfaf dag NReidy ven Stitvmen. —Dent’ an die Kirche! Soll mit defer Stuart Der alte Aberglaube wiederfebyren ? Der Monch aufs neu hier herrfdhen, der Legat 3175 L 146 Maria Stuart. Aud Rom gezogen fommen, unfre Kirchen Verfd)liefen, unfre Konige entthronen ? —Die Seelen aller deiner Untertbanen, Sch fordre fie von dir—LWie du jest Handeljt, Sind fie gerettet oder find verloven. . 3180 Hier ift nicht Beit gu weichlichem Crbarmen, Des Volfes Woblfahrt ift die hochite Bflicht; Hat Shrewogbury dad Leben dir gerettet, So will ich) Cngland retten—Dag ift mehr! Glifabeth. Man itberlajjfe mid) mir felbjt! Wei Mens chen ft 3183 C Nit Rath nody Jroft in diefer grofen Sade. Sp trage fie dem Lobern Richter vor: Was der mich lebrt, Dad will id) thun—ECntfernt eud, DMylords! r : ; (8u Davifon.) - Shr, Sir, fonnt in der Nabe bleiben! (Die Lords geben ab. Shretosbury allein bleibt nodh einige Augenblide yor der Konigin ftehen mit Gebentungsvollem Bid, dann entfernt ev fi Tangfam mit einem Yusdruc des tiefiten Schmerzes.) Febuter Wuftritt. Glifabeth allein. D Gftlayerei ded Boltadienits » Smabliche 3190 Kuechtichaft—IWBie bin id)’s mide, diefem Gdgen Su fdymeicheln, den mein Innerfted veradtet! Wann {oll ich frei auf diefem Frone ftehn! Die Meinung mu ich chren, um dad Lob Der Menge bublen, einem Pobel muf id)’s 3195 Recht machen, dem der Gaufler nur gefallt. 4 Aufyug. 10. Auftritt. DS, Der ift nod) nicht Konig, der. der Welt Gefallen mu! Nur Der ift’s, der bei feinem Thun Nady feinesd Menfchen BVeifall braud)t ju fragen. ” Warum hab’ id) Gevechtigfeit geitbt, Willfitr gehaft mein Leben lang, daf ich Fite diefe erfte unvermeidliche Gewaltthat felbjt die Hinde mir gefeffelt ! Das Mufter, dag ich felber gab, verdammt mich! War ich tyvannijch, wie die fpanifde - Maria war, mein Vorfahr auf dem IThron, id) fonnte Jest ohne Fabel Konigsblut verfprisen! Dod war’d denn meine eigne freie Wall, Gerecht ju fein? Die allgewaltige Nothendigfeit, die auch) dad freie LWollen Der Konige pwingt, gebot mir diefe Tugend. ~ lmgeben vingd Yon Feinden, halt mich nur Die Volfsgunft auf dem angefochtnen Thron. Mich zu vernichten, ftreben alle Ddachte - Ded feften Landed. Unver{dhnlich {chleudert Der rom'jche Papft den BVWannfludy auf mein Haupt, Mit falfchemt Bruderfuf vervath mich Frankreich. Und offnen, witthenden Wertilgungsfrieq Bereitet mir der Spanier auf den Vieeren. So ftely iy Fimpfend gegen eine Welt, Gin webriod Weib! Mit hohen Tugenden - Muf id) die Blofe meined Rechts bedecen, Den Flecten meiner firrftlichen Geburt, Wodurch ver eigne Vater mich gefchandet. Umionft Gede’ id) ihn—Der Gegner Hap Hat ihn entbldft und ftellt mir diefe Stuart, Gin ewig brobenved Gejypenit, entgegen. Nein, diefe Furcht oll endigen! - L 2 3305 3210 3213 3220 3225 148 Maria Stuart. __ br Haupt foll fallen. Ich will Frieven Haben! —Cie ijt die Furie meincd Lebens, mir 3230 “Gin Plagegeift vom *Sehictfal angebeftet. Wo ich mir eine Freuve, eine Hoffnung Gepflangt, da liegt die Hillenichlange mir Sm Wege. Sie entreifit mir ten Geliebten, Den Brdut'gam vaubt fie mir! Maria Stuart 3235 Heifit jeved Unglivef, dad mid) niederfehligt™, Jjt fie aus ven Lebendigen vertilat, / Frei bin ich, wie die Luft auf den Gebirgen. : (Stilljweigen.) _ Mit welchem Hohn fie. auf mid) niederfal, AS follte mic ver BlicE ju Voden Lliggen! 3240 Obhnmadhtige ! Ich fibre Depre Waffen, Sie treffen todtlich), und du Diff nidt mehr! (Mit vafchem Schritt nad) dem Tijche gehend und die Feder evgreifend.) Gin Bajtard Gin ich div 2—Unglitctliche! Sch Gin e8 nur, fo lang du lebit und. athmeit. {Der Sweifel meiner firftlichen Geburt, 3245 Gr ijt getilyt, jobald id) dich vertilge. ©obald pem Britten feine Wall mele bleibt, Rin id) iin echten Glelett plat) (Sie unterfdyreibt mit einem vaichen, foiten Federzug, laft taun die Fever fallen und ivitt mit einem Ausdruct ves Schveckens guvited. Nach einer Panje Hingalt fie.) Gilfter Anftritt. Glifabet]). Davifon. Glifabeth, Wo find die andern Lord3? Davifoun, Sie find gegangen, Das aufgebrachte Volf jur Rub ju bringen. 3250 4. Aufsug. 11. Auftritt. 149 Dad oben war auc) augenblicks geftillt, Sobald ber Graf von Shremgbury fic) zeigte. Jer ijt'8! Das ijt er!“ riefen Dundert Stimmen, . Der rettete die Konigin! Hort ihn, Den bravften Mann in Cngland!* Nun begann 3355 Der edle Talbot und verried dem Wolf In fanften Worten fein gewaltjames Beginnen, fprach) fo fraftooll ftberjeugend, Daf Alles fich Defanftigte und ftill Vom Plage {chlich. : Glifabeth. Die wanfelmiith’'ge Menge, 3260 Die jeder Wind berumtreibt ! Wele Dem, Der auf died Rohr fidy lebmet —C8 ijt gut, Cir Davifon. Ihr fount nun wieder gen. (Wie fid)y Jener nady dev Thitve gewenbdet.) Und diejed Blatt—nehmt ed gurii—idy leg’8 Sn Gure Hinde. 3265 Davifon (wirit einen Blid in das Papice und evfdyridt). Konigin ! Dein Name ! Du bait entichieven 2 Glifabeth. —Unterfchreiben {ollt’ ic. Jd) Hat's gethan. Gin Vlatt Papier entjcheivet Nody nicht, ein Name tovtet nicht. Davifou, Dein Name, Konigin, unter diefer Sdrift Gntidyeivet Alles, todtet, ijt ein Strahl 3270 Ded Donners, der geflitgelt trijjt—ied Blatt Befieh(t den Commifjarien, dem Sherif, Nady Fotberinghay{chlop fich ftehnden Fufes Bur Konigin von Schottland gu verfirgen, Den Fod ifr angufimrigen und fihnell, 3375 Solald der Morgen tagt, ihn gu vollzichn. 4 150 - Maria Stuart. Bier ift Fein Aufjchub! Jene hat gelebt, Wenn ich died Blatt aud meinen Hinden gebe. Glifabeth. Ja, Sir! Gott legt ein widytig, grof Gefchict In Cure fdhwachen Hinde. Fleht ibn an, 3280 Daf er mit {einer Weisheit Gud erlenchte. Sch gel’ und iberlafi’ Cue) Curer Pflicht. (Sie will gehen.) Davifon (iritt thr in den Weg). Nein, meine Konigin! : Verlaf mich) nicht, GP du mir deinen Willen fund gethan. Bedarf ed bier noch einer andern LWeisheit, 3285 ALB pein Gebot buchftablich ju befolgen 2 —Du legit dies Blatt in meine Hand, da id Bu fchleuniger BVollziehung ed befordre ? Glifabeth. Das werdet Ihr nach Curer Klugheit— Davifon (fhnell und erjdroden einfallend). Nicht Nach meiner | Dad verbitte Gott I” Gehorfam 3290 Sit meine gange Klugbeit. Deinem Diener Darf hier nichts gu entjcheiven {brig bleiben. Gin flein Verfebn war’ bier ein Konigdmord, Gin unabiehbar, ungebeures Unglict. BVergdnne mir, in diejer grofen Sade 3295 Dein blinved Werfzeug willenlos gu fein. In flare Worte fajje deine Meinung, Bad foll mit diefem Blutbefehl gefchehmn ? Glifabeth., —Sein Name {pricht ed aus. Davifon. So willjt du, daf er gleich vollzogen werde ? 3300 Glifabeth (3igernd). Dad fag’ ich nicht und jittre, 3 ju denfen. 4. AYufjug. 17. Anftritt. 151 Davifou. Du willft, vaf id) ihn Linger nod) bewalre ? Glifabeth (jmel). Auf Cure Gefabyr! Ihr haftet fitr die Folgen. Davifon. Ich? Heil'ger Gott '—Syrid), Konigin, was willjt du? : Glifabeth (ungedulvig). Ich will, daf diefer unglitfel'gen Sade 3305 Nicht mehr gedacht oll werden, daf id) endlich Will Rube davor haben und auf ewig. Davifon. G3 fofter dir ein eingig Wort. O, fage, Beftimme, wad mit diefer Schrift {oll werden ! Glifabeth. Ih Hab’3 gefagt, und qualt mich nun nicht Toeiter. 3310 Davifon. Du Ditteft ed gefagt ? Du haft mir nichts Gefagt—O, ¢8 gefalle meiner Konigin, Sidy ju erinnern. Glifabeth (fampft auf den Voven). Unertraglic ! Davifon. Habe Nachficht Mit mir! J fam feit wenig Donden ert Sn diefed Amt! Ich fenne nicht die Sprache 3315 Der Hofe und der Konige—in {hlicht Ginfacher Sitte bin ich aufgercadyien. Drum habe du Geduld mit deinen Knecht! Laff dich pag Wort nicht rveun, dad mich belehrt, Mich flax macht itber meine Pilicht— 3320 (Gr nafert fidy ihr in flehender Stellung, fie Felyet thm den Niicen 3u, er fteht in BVergweifung, dann fpridyt ex mit entidylefnem Ton.) Nimm died Papier juried! Nimm ed uri! G3 wird mir glithend Feuer in den Hinden. 152 Maria Stuart. Nicht mich erwdhle, div in diefem furdytbaren Gefchaft ju dienen. Elifabeth. Aut} wad Cured Amts it! : (Sie geht ab.) rms ve Jwdlfter Anftritt. Davifon, gleid) davauf Burleigh. Davifon. Sie geht | Sie lift mid) rathlod, pweifelnd ftebn 3325 Mit diefem firrchterlichen Blatt—Tag thu’ id)? Goll ich’8 Dewabhren ? Soll idy'8 ibergelen ? (Bu Burleigh, der Hereintritt.) DO, gut, gut, daf Shr fommt, Mylord! Jr. {eid’s, Der mid) in diefed Staatdamt eingefithrt. Befreiet mich davon! Jd itbernabhm cs, 3330 Unfundig feiner Rechenjchaft. Laffit mich Suritgehn in die Dunfelbeit, wo Ihr Mic) fandet, ich gehbre nicht auf defen Plag— Burleigh, Was ijt Gud), Sir? Faft Gud). Wo ijt bad Urtheil ? Die Konigin lief Gud) yufen. Davifon. Cie verlief mich 3325 Sn Peft'gem Jorn. O, ratbet mir! Helit mir! Reift mich) aud dicfer Hilenangit ped Sweifeld! Hier ijt das Urtheil—e3-ijt unterichricben. Burleigh (hajtig). jt 82 O, gelbt! Gebt ber! Davijon, Icy darf nicht. Burleigh. Was ? 4. Aufjug. 12. Auftritt. 153 Davifon. Sie hat mir ihren Willen nod) nicht deut- Hd 3340 Burleigh. Nicht deutlich ! Sie hat unterfdhrieben. Gebt ! Davifon, Id) {oll’s vollziehen laffen—ioll 8 nicht Bollzichen laffen—Gott ! Weip id), wad icy oll 2 Burleigh (Geftiger dringend). Gleich, augenblickd {oll She's vollziehen lafjen. Gebt her! Ihr {eid verfovem, wenn Jbr {dumt. 3345 Davifon. I) Lin verloven, wenn icy’s itbereile. Burleigh. Jr jeid ein Tor, Ihr feid Yon Sinnen ! Gebt! (Gr entreipt ihm die Schrift und cilt damit ab.) Davifou (ihm nadeilfend). Wad macht Jpr? Vleibt ! Ihr ftiiegt mich ing WVerderben! ACT V. ARGUMENT. THE scene is the same as in the first Act. Kennedy, who is dressed in deep mourning, is employed in sealing letters and papers and in receiving valuables brought in by Paulet and Drury and a number of servants. When they have all retired, Melvil, Mary’s former steward, enters and declares that he has come to comfort the royal prisoner ; but Kennedy assures him that their unfortunate Queen awaits her doom with heroic firmness. Although the news of her approaching execution has come at the very moment when they were ex- pecting the appearance of Mortimer as a deliverer, it is not her doom, but the shameful treachery of Leicester, the sad fate of Mortimer, and Paulet’s bereavement which have drawn tears from her eyes (Scene 1). Margaret Curl enters and informs Kennedy that the Queen asks for her. Hannah Kennedy obeys the summons, and Margaret denounces to Melvil the cowardice and perjury of her own husband, on whose evidence Mary has been con- ‘demned (Scene 2). : Kennedy returns, and sends Margaret Curl for a cup of wine, as she thinks that Mary, who shows signs of exhaus- tion, may be in need of some nourishment (Scene 3). Burgoyn, the physician, and two of Mary's attendants enter weeping, and one of them announces that the Queen wished to be alone ‘to commune with her God.” Margaret Curl returns, pale and trembling, and announces that she has caught a glimpse of the fatal scaffold (Scenes 4 and 5). ARGUMENT. 155 Mary, clad in white, enters and admonishes her attendants ‘not to mourn for her fate, but rather to rejoice with her that all-healing death will restore to her alike Freedom and Dignity. She cordially greets Melvil, and orders him to carry her blessing to all her friends abroad. She gives her last instructions to her servants, and makes them swear on the crucifix to leave the fatal country of England after her death. They then in turn take leave of her weeping (Scene 6). _ Melvil alone remains, and Mary confesses that there is one thought which still troubles her soul; she is to die without receiving the sacaments, having refused to take them from a priest not of her own religion. Melvil replies that the wish alone is sufficient; but-Mary answers that some external earthly pledge is needed, which is denied to her. Melvil, seizing the cup which stands upon the table, suggests that the Almighty can change ‘its earthly contents into a substance of celestial grace.” Mary understands him, and although he is not ordained a priest proposes to make her confession to him. To her intense joy he informs her that he Zs a priest, and has been ordained for the purpose of confessing and absolving her. She kneels before him, and humbly acknowledges her offences ; her hatred and envy of Elizabeth ; her love for Leicester; her connivance at Darn- ley’s murder and subsequent marriage with his murderer— all these sins she truly repents, but she professes herself guiltless of all share in the crimes of Babington and Parry. Melvil absolves her, and she receives the sacred elements— not only the wafer, but, by special sanction of the Pope, even the cup—generally denied to the laity (Scene 7). Burleigh, Leicester, and Paulet enter. The first-named . announces that he has come to receive her last commands. She gives expression to her last wishes, sends her forgiveness to Queen Llizabeth, and begs Paulet not to haté her for having been the cause of his nephew’s death (Scene 8). Hannah Kennedy and the other female attendants return, 156 ARGUMENT. and the Sheriff enters to lead Mary to execution. She wishes Kennedy to attend her on the scaffold, a concession which Burleigh at first refuses, but finally grants at Patlet’s request. ‘As Mary prepares to leave the room, her eyes fall upon Leicester. She trembles, and is about to fall, when he catches her in his arms. She thanks him bitterly for keep- ing his promise. He undertook to lead her forth from prison, and he is now doing so. Then, in a ‘gentle tone, she adds that, having conquered her frailty, she can now confess that she loved him. He has disdained her loving heart for Elizabeth's proud one—‘ May his reward not prove’ his punishment.” Bidding him ‘Farewell, she passes on to her doom, preceded by the Sheriff (Scene 9). All have retired save Leicester, who is overwhelmed with contrition. In vain he resolves to harden his heart, and to proceed to the scene of execution. He cannot overcome his repugnance to witnessing the dreadful deed, and attempts to escape by another road, but finds the door locked. He is obliged to stop, as if chained Ly a demon to the spot, and he must hear what he shudders to behold —Mary Stuart’s loud prayers, her women’s moans and sobs, and picturing to himself the progress of the murderous work, he is over- come by an emotion which deprives him of consciousness (Scene 10). The scene now changes to Elizabeth’s cabinet, where the English monarch is awaiting in anxious suspense the news of Mary’s fate. If Burleigh and Leicester have left London, the deed has been done (Scene 11). Elizabeth is informed by a Page that Burleigh and Leicester have mysteriously left London. Guessing their destination, she triumphantly cxclaims, Now am I Queen of England!’ Not knowing in her bewilderment what to co, she at last sends her Page in search of Davison and Shrewsbury | (Scene 12). The latter enters opportunely, and tells the Queen that he has just visited Mary Stuart's Secretaries, who gave evidence ARGUMENT. 157 against her, and have since been confined in the Tower. One of them, Curl, was frenzied with remorse and grief, and attacked his fellow-prisoner, furiously declaring that the evidence he had given was false, and Qucen Mary innocent. Elizabeth replies that a madman’s words prove nothing, but Shrewsbury avers that his very madness proves the truth of his confession, and begs her to give orders for a new enquiry, which Elizabeth, with assumed eagerness, promises to do (Scene 13). _ Davison enters, and is startled at the Queen’s demand for the return of the warrant which, as she now asserts, was: merely signed to propitiate the people, and was only de- posited in-his hands to gain time. Davison, in ‘his per- plexity, confesses that it is in Burleigh’s hands. The Queen vehemently denounces him for presuming to lay a bloody meaning” on her words; and Shrewsbury declares signifi- cantly that a Court of Peers will have to decide whether Daviscn has transgressed the Queen’s orders-(Scenc 14). Burleigh enters, and to the horror of Shrewsbury and the despair of Davison, congratulates thc Queen on the death of her cnemy. Elizabeth, disowning the act of blood, banishes Burleigh from her presence for executing the writ too hastily; whilst she sends Davison to the Tower for having overstepped the bounds of his commission, and threatens him with arraignment on a capital charge. Then she turns to Shrewsbury designating him as her future guide and friend ; but he, whilst pleading for those who have acted for the Queen, resigns his ‘own office. ‘Her rival is dead and she has nothing more to fear” With these reproachful words he takes hisleave. The Queen commands the Earl of Kent, who cnters, to send for Leicester, but is informed that he has embarked for France ; and the curtain falls. Sinfeer Anfoug. Die Scene ift bag Jimmer des erften Aufzugs. Criter Anftritt. Hanna Kennedy, in tiefe Trvauer gefleidet, mit vermweinten Augen und einem grofen, aber itillen Sdhymer;, ift befchaftigt, BVafete und WBriefe ju verfieqeln. Oft unterbricht fie der Jammer in ihrem Se: fait, und man fieht fie dazwijchen ftill beten. Paulet und Drury, gleichfalld in {dpoarzen Kleidern, treten ein; ihuen folgen viele Be- diente, welche goldne und filberne Gefife, Spiegel, Gemalde und RKoftbarfeiten tvagen und den Hintergrund deg Jimmers damit anfitllen. Paulet fiberliefert der Amme ein Schmuctaftchen nebft einem Papier und bedeutet ifr durch Jeichen, daf es ein Verzeichnif der gebradyten Dinge euthalte. Veim AnbliE diefer Neichthitmer ernenert fi) der Schmery der Amme; fie verfinft in cin tiefes Trauern, indem fene fic fll wieder entfernen. Melvil tritt ein. Kennedy (jdreit auf, fobald fie ihn gewahr wird). Dielyil! Shr feid ed! Gud) “erblic’ id) wieder! Welvil. Ja, treue Kennedy, wir fehn ung wieder! 3350 Kennedy. Nach Langer, Langer, jdhymerzenvoller Trennung! Melvil. Cin unglitfjelig {chmerzooll Wieberiebn ! Kennedy, O Gott! Ihr fommt— Melvil, Den lefiten, ewigen Abfchied von meiner Konigin ju nebmen. 5. Aufsug. 1. Auftritt. 159 Kennedy. Jet endlich, jest am Morgen ihred Tobe, 3355 Wird ihr die langentbehrte Gegenwart Der Jbhrigen vergonnt.—LO theurer Sir, 3c will nicht fragen, wie e8 Gud) erging, Guch nicht die Leiven nenmen, die wir litten, Seitdem man CGudh von unfrer Seite rif; Ach, dazu wird wobl einft die Stunde fommen! O Meloil! Melvil! Duften wir's erleben, Den UAnbruch diefed Jagd gu febn! Meloil, Lafit ung Ginander nicht erweichen ! Weinen will ic, €p lang noch) Leben in mir ift; nie oll Gin Laicheln diefe Wange mehr erbeitern, Jie will id) diefes ndadhtliche Gewand Pebr von mir legen! Cwig will id) trauern; Dod) heute will ich ftandhaft fein—LBerjprecht Auch Ihr mir, Curen Schmery ju mifigen— Und wenn die Anbdern alle ver Vergueiflung Cid troftlos iiberlafjen, lafjet uns Mit mdannlich evler Fafjung ihr vorangebhu Und ibr ein Stab fein auf dem Todedreg! Senunedy. Meloil! Ihr feid im Irrthum, glaubt, Die Konigin beditrfe unferd BVeiftands, 3360 3305 3370 wenn Ihr 1 3375 Um ftandhaft in den Fob gu gehn! Sie felber ift's, Die ung dag BVeifpiel edler Fajjung gibt. Seid ohne Furcdht! Maria Stuart wird AlZ eine Konigin und Heldin fterben. 3380 Melvil. Nahm fie die Jodedpoft mit Fafjung auf? Man {agt, dag fie nicht vorbereitet war. Kennedy, Dag war fie nit. Gang andre Schreden aren’, 160 Maria Stuart. Die meine Lady angftigten. Nicht vor dem Tod, Bor dem Befreier zitterte Maria. 3385 —&reileit war ung verheifen. Diefe Nacht LBerfprad) und Mortimer von hier weazufithren, Und pwifchen Furdht und Hofinung, eeifelhaft, D0 fie dem feden Jingling ihre Chre Und fieftliche Perfo vertvauen dirfe, 3390 Grwartete die Konigin ten Vorgen. —Da wird ein Auflauf in dem Schlof, ein Podhen Schrect unjer Obr und vieler Hammer Schlag : Wir glaulen, die BVefreier ju vYernehmen, Die Hoffnung winft, der {ie Iviehb ded Leben 3395 Waeht unmwillfirlidy, allgewaltiy auf—- Da Hint fich die Ipiv—Sir Paulet ijt’, Der und verfimdigt—oap—>ie Jimmerer Su unjern Fitjen dad Geritft aufjcdylagen ! (Sie wenbet fid) ab, von heftigem Scmery ergrifen.) Melvil. Gerecdhter Gott! O, fagt mir, wie ertrug 3400 Maria diefen fitrchterlichen Wechijel ? Kennedy (nad) einer Paufe, worin fie fic) wieder ctwas gefaft fat). Wan [bit fic) nicht allmdhlig von dem Leben! Mit Ginem Mal, fdhnell, augenblicflich mup Der Jaufd) gejchelen joijchen Jeitlichem Und Gwigem, und Gott gowdhrie meiner Lady 3405 Sn diefem Augenblick, ver Crde Hoffnung Suri ju ftofen mit entfchlofuer Seele Und glaubenooll den Himmel gu ergreifen. Kein Merfmal Oleicher Furcht, fein Wort der Klage Gutehrte meine Konigin—Dann crit, 3410 Als fie Lord Lefters fehdndlichen Verrath Bernahm, das unglictielige Gejchict 5. Aufpug. 2. Auftritt. 161 Ded werthen Jimglingd, dev {ich ihr geopfert, Ded alten Ritters tiefen Jammer fal, Dem feine legte Hoffnung ftard durch fie, 3473 Da floffen ibre Tbranen; nicht dag eigne Schicial, Der frembe Jammer prefte fie ihr ab, Melvil. Wo ijt jie jest 2 Konnt Ihr mid) ju iby bringen ? Kennedy. Den Reft der Nacht durdywachte fie mit Beten, Nahm von den thewern Freunden {chriftlich Ab{hied 3420 Und fdyrieb ihr Ieftament mit eigner Hand, Jet pilegt fie einen Wugenblicf der Rub, Der lepte Schlaf evquidt fie. Mielvil, Wer ift bei ibe? Kennedy. hr Leibargt Burgoyn und ibre Frauen. Sweiter Anftritt. Margaretha Kurl zu den Vorigen. Kennedy, Was bringt Ihr, Miftvef 2 Jft die Lady wad ? 3425 Kurl (ihre Thrinen tvodnend). Schon angefleivet — Sie verlangt nay Gud). : Kennedy. Ich fomme. (Bu Deelvil, der fic begleitent will.) &olgt mir nicht, 6ig ih die Lady Auf Guren Anblick vorbereitet. : (Sept Binein.) Karl, Weelvil! Der alte Haushofmeiter ! M 162 ? Maria Stuart. Melvil Ja, der bin ich! url, DO, diefed Haus braudyt eines Meifterd mehr! 3430 —Meloil! Shr fommt von London, wift Ihr mir Von meinem Manne nichts ju fagen ? Melvil. Gr wird auf freien Fuf gefebt, fagt man, Sobalo— furl, Sobald die Konigin nicht mebyr ift! © der nichtdwiedig {chandliche Vervather! 3435 Gr ift per Mibrder diefer theurven Lady: Sein Seugnip, jagt man, habe fie veruvtheilt. Melvil. So ijt's ; Kurl. DO, {eine Seele fei verflucht Big in die Holle! Gr hat faljch gegengt— Melvil, Moylady Kurl! BVedenfet Cure Reden! 3440 furl, Befddren will ich’s vor Gerichted Schranten, Sy will e3 ihm ind Antlig wiederholen, Die ganze Welt will ich damit exfitlen. Sie ftirbt unjdhuldig— Melvil. LO, Dag gebe Gott! Dritter Anftritt. Burgoyn zu den Vorigen. Hernad) Hanna Kennedy. Burgoyn (erblict Melvil). O Welvil! Melvil (ihn umarnend). Burgoyn ! Burgoyn (ju Margaretha Kurl). Bejorget einen Becher Mit Wein fitr unjre Lady! Machet Hurtig! 3446 (Rul geht ab.) 5. Aupug. 4. Aujtritt. 163 Melvil. Wie? Ift ver Konigin nicht wohl? Burgoyn. Sie fiblt fich ftark, fie taujcht ihr Heldenmutl, Und feiner Syeife glaubt fle ju beditrfen ; : Doc ihrer wartet noch ein fehwerer Kampf, 3450 Und ihre Feinde follen fich nicht rithmen, Daf Furcht ded Joded ihre Wangen Eleidhte, Wenn die Natur aud Schwadhheit unterliegt. Melvil (ur Amun, die Yereintritt), LBL fie mic) felmn ? Kennedy, Gleidy wird fie felbjt bier fein. —Jbr fdheint Guch mit BVerwoundrung umzuichn 3455 Und Cure Wlicte fragen mich: Was {oll Dag Prachtgerath in diefem Ort des Yodes ? —9 Cir! Wir litten Mangel, da wir lebten, Grit mit vem ode fommt der Ueberfluf juvii. N BVierter Anftritt. Borige. wei andre Kammerfrauen der Maria, gleidfalls in Frauerfleidern. Sie brechen bei Veeloils Anblicf in laute Thranew aus. Meloil. Was fir ein nblick ! Welch ein Wiederfelm | 3460 Gertrude! Rojamund ! Jweite Kammerfran, Sie hat und von fich Gefhictt! Sie will zum legten Mal allein Mit Gott {ich unterhalten! (Gs fommen nod) wei weibliche Vediente, wie die vorigen in Trauer, die mit frummen Geberden ihren Jammer ausdritcen.) M2 164 Maria Stuart. Fiinfter Anftritt, Margaretha Kurl ju den BVovigen. Sie fright einen goldnen Bedyer mit Wein und febt ihn auf ben ifdy, indem fie fich bletch und 3itternd an einen Stu! halt. Melvil. Was ijt Gud), Miftrep ? Was entfetst Gud 0.2 furl, O Gott! Burgoyu. Was habt Ihr? Kurl, Was mupt’ icy erblicfen! 3465 Meelyvil, SKommt ju Gud)! Sagt uns, wag ed if. Kurl. AB id Mit diefem Wecher Wein die grope Trepye Hervauf ftieg, die ur untern Halle fithrt, Da that die ITpir fic auf—idy fab hinein— Sch fab—e Gott!— Mrelvil, Was fabt Ibr? Fajfet Gud! 3470 Kurl, Spear; iberzogen waren alle Wind, Gin groff Geritit, mit {dywarzem Jud) befchlagen, Grhob fich von dem Boden, mitten drauf Gin fdywarzer Blo, ein Kiffen und daneben Gin blanfgefchliffned Veil —LVoll Menjdjen war 3475 Der Saal, die nm dad Mordgeritft fich dringten Und, Yeife Blutgier in vem Blid, dag Opfer Grroarteten. Die Kammerfranen. O Gott, fei unjrer Lady gnadig! Meloil, Taft Gud)! Sie fommt ! 5 Aufjug. 6. Auftritt. 165 Sechiter Anftritt. Die Borigen. Maria. Sie iit weif nnd feftlich gefleidet, am Halfe trdgt fie an einer Kette von Fleinen Kugeln ein Agnus Dei, ein Rojenfrany hangt am Girtel Herah, fie hat ein Krujific in dev Hand und ein Diabem in den Haaven, ihr grofer fdwarzer Schleier ijt juritfgefchlagen. Bei ihrem Gintritt teichen die Anwefenden zu beiden Seiten uric und dritefen den heftigiten Schmery aus. Wielvil ijt mit einer unwil(fiiclichen Bewegung auf die Kniee gefunfen. Maria (mit ruhiger Hoheit im gangen Kreife Hevumiehend). Was flagt ihr? Warum weint ihr 2 Freuen jolltet 3480 Sbr euch) mit mir, daf meiner Leiden Jiel Nun endlich) naht, vaf meine Vande fallen, Dein Kerfer aufgeht und die frobe Seele ich Auf Gngelsfligeln fhwingt zur ew’gen Freibeit. Da, alg id) in die Macht der ftolzen Feindin 3483 Gegeben war, Umvirdiged erduldend, Was einer freien, grofen Konigin Nicht giemt, da war ed Beit, um mid) zu weinen! —Wohlthitig, Heilend nafet mir der Tod, Der ernfte Freund! Mit feinén {dwarven Flirgeln 349° Bedect er meine Schmach—Den Menfchen avelt, ~ Den tiefitgefuntenen, dad legte Schidfal. Die Krone fithl’ ich wieder auf vem Haupt, - Den witrd'gen Stolz in meiner eden Sele! X (Suvem fie einige Schritte weiter vortritt.) Wie 2 Meloil hier ?2—Nicht alfo, edler Sir! 3493 . Stebt auf! Ihr {eid zu CGurer Konigin Triumph, ju ibrem Tobe nicht gefommen. Mir wird ein Glink zu Theil, wie ich ed nimmer Geboffet, daf mein Nachruhm dod) nicht gang In meiner Feinve Handen ift, da doch 3300 Gin Freund mir, ein Lefenner meined © laubens 166 Maria Stuart. AE Senge dafteht in der Tobedjtunde. —@agt, edler Ritter, wie erging ed Cuddy In diefem feindlichen, unfolden Lande, @eitvem man CGuch von meiner Seite vif? 3505 Die Sorg’ um Cuch hat oft mein Herz befimmert. Melvil. Mich drift font fein Mangel, ald der Schmery Um dich und meine Obnmacht, dir gu dienen. Maria, Wie ftebt’s um Didier, meinen alten Kammrer? Dody ver Getrene {hlaft wohl lange fchon 3510 Den ew'gen Schlaf, denn er war hod) an Jahren. Melvil. Gott Hat ihm diefe Gnade nicht evgeigt, Gr lebt, um deine Jugend zu begraben. Maria. Daf mir vor meinem ode nod) dag Gli Geworden ware, ein geliebted Haupt 3515 Der theuern Blutdverwandten ju umfafjen ! Doch idy oll fterben unter Fremdlingen, Nur eure Ibrinen {oll ich fliefen febn! —Meelvil, die lepten LWimnjche fitr die Weinen Leg ich in Cure tree Bruft—ch fegne Den allerchriftlichiten Konig meinen Schwager, Und Franfreichd ganged Fonigliched Haus— Sch fegne meinen Oebm, den Kardinal, Und Heinrich Guife, meinen edlen Vetter. Sch fegne auch den Papit, den heiligen 3525 Statthalter Chrifti, der mich wieder fegnet, Und den fathol'jchen Konig, der fich edelmirthig Su meinem NRetter, meinem Racher anbot— Sie alle ftehn in meinem Ieftament, Sie werden die Gejchente meiner Liebe, 3530 Wie arm jie find, darum gering nicht adpten. : (Sid) zu ihren Dienern twendend.) © er » Oo 5. Aufug. 6. Auftritt. 167 Gud Hab’ id) meinem Foniglichen Bruder ~ Bon Franfreich) anemypfoblen, er wird forgen © Fir euch, ein neued Vaterland euch geben. Und ift eudy meine lepte Bitte wert, 3535 Bleibt nicht in Cngland, dap der Britte nicht Sein jtolzed Herz an eurvem Unglitd weibe, Nicht Die im Staube fel)’, die mir gedient. Bei diefem BVildnif ded Gefreugigten Gelobet mir, died unglincjel’'ge Land 3540 Algbald, wenn ich) dahin bin, ju verlajjen! Meloil (bevithet dag Kuugifir). Ich {chwidre dir’s im Namen Diefer aller. Maria. Was id), die Avme, die BVeraubte, noch befaf, Woritber mir vergdnnt ift frei ju jchalten, Dag hab’ iy unter euch vertbeilt: man wird, 3545 Jc boff’ 8, meinen leggten Willen ehren. Auch was id) auf dem IJobedwege trage, Geboret euch—LVergdnnet mir noch einmal Der Grde Glany auf meinem Weg zum Himmel! (Bu ben Fraulein.) Dir, meine Alir, Gertrud, Rojamuny, 3550 Bejtimm’ ich meine Perlen, meine Kleider, Denn eure Jugend freut {ich noch) ded Pupes. Du, Margaretha, hajt dad ndachite Recht An meine Grofmuth, denn id) lafje did Buritf ald die Unglinlichjte von Allen. 3555 Daf ich) ded Gatten Schuld an dir nicht ride, Wird mein Permidhtnif offenbaren—Did, O meine treue Hanna, veizet nicht Der Werth ded Golded, nicht der Steine Pracht, Dir ift vag hochfte Kleinod mein Geddadhtnifp.- 3560 168 Maria Stuart. Nimm diefed Juch! Ich hab's mit eigner Hand Fite dich gefticft in meined Kummersd Stunden Und meine Beifen IThranen eingemoben. Mit diefem Juch wirft du die Augen mir verbinden, Wenn ed {o weit ift—Diefen lepten Dienjt 3565 Witnfd)’ ich von meiner Hanna ju empfangen. Kennedy. OO Meloil! Ich ertrag’ 8 nicht ! Maria. Kommt Alle! Kommt und empfangt mein lepted Lebewobl! (Sie reicht ihre Hanve hin; Ging nach dem Anbdern fallt ihr ju Figen und Firft die davgebotne Hand unter heftigent Weinen Reb wobl, Margretha—Alix, lebe wohl— Danf, Burgoyn, fiir Cure treuen Dienfte— 3570 Dein Mund brennt hei, Gertrude—Ich bin viel Gebaffet worden, doch auc viel geliebt! Gin edler Mann Heglite meine Gertruy, Denn Liebe fordert diefes glithnde Hery— Bertha, du haft dag befre Theil erwdblt, 3575 Die feufdhe Braut ded Himmeld willit du werden. 9, eile, dein Gelithde zu vollziehn! Betritglich find die Gitter diefer Crden, Dad fern’ an deiner Konigin | —Nichtd weiter! febt wobl! Lebt wohl! Lebt ewig wohl! 35% (Sie wenbdet fich fdhnell von ihnen ; Alle, big auf Melvil, entfernen fic.) Siebenter NAnftritt. Maria. Melvil. Maria. J) habe alled Beitliche berichtigt Und Boffe, Feined Menjchen Schulbnerin Aus diefer Welt zu {cheiven —Eind nur ijt’, 5. Aufyug. 7. Aueftritt. Melvil, wad der bLeflemmten Seele nod LVerwelhrt, fic) fret und freudig zu erbeben. Meloil. Cutdecfe mir’d, Crleichtve deine Bruit, Dem treuen Freund vertraue deine Sorgen. Maria. Ich ftehe an dem Rand der Cwigheit ; Bald foll ich treten vor den hodhften Richter, Und noch Bab’ ich Den Heil'gen nicht verfbhnt. Verfagt ift mir ver Priejter meiner Kirche. * Ded Saframented feil'ge Himmeldipeife LVerfhmdl’ ich aud den Hinden falfcher Priefter. Jm Glauben meiner Kirche will ich fterben, Denn der allein ift’s, welder felig macht. Melvil. BVerubige dein Herz. Dem Himmel gilt Der feurig fromme Wunijdh ftatt des Vollbringens. Yyrannenmacht fann nur die Hande feffeln, Ded Hergend Andacht Yebt {ich frei ju Gott; Dag Wort ift todt, der Glaube macht lebendig. Maria, Ach, Melvil! Nicht allein genug ijt {ich Dad Herz, ein irdifch BPfand Ledarf ver Glaube, Dag hohe Himmlijche {ich zuzueignen. Drum ward der Gott jum Menfden und verjdylof Die unfidhtbaren himmlijden Gefchente Geheimnifooll in einem fichtbarn Leib. —Die Kirche ift's, die beilige, die hole, Die zu dem Himmel und die Leiter Haut; Die allgemeine, die fathol'{che beift fie, Denn nur der Glaube Aller ftarft den Glauben ; Wo Faufende anbeten und verehren, Da wird die Gluth zur Flamme, und beflitgelt Sdwingt {ich der Geift in alle Himmel auf. —Ach, vie Beglitctten, die das frofy getbeilte 3585 359° 3595 3600 3605 3610 170 Maria Stuart. Gebet verfammelt in dem Haug ded Herrn! 3615 Gefchmitft ift der Altar, die Kerzen leuchten, Die Glode tont, der Weibraudy ift geftreut, Der BVifchof fteht im veifien Mefgewand, Gr fapt den Keld), er fegnet ibn, er fitndet Dag hohe Wunder der Verwandlung an, 3620 Und niederftitrgt dem gegenwdrt’gen Gotte Dad glaubig itberzengte Volt—Ach! Id) Allein bin audgefchloffen, nicht ju mir In meinen Kerfer dringt der Himmelsjegen. Meloil. Cr dringt ju dir! Cr ijt dir nah! Vertraue 3625 Dem Allyermdgenden—oer ditrre Stab Kann Sweige treiben in ded Glaubend Hand! Und der die Quelle aud dem Feljen jdhlug, Kann dir im Kerfer den Altar bereiten, Kann diefen Kelch, die irdijche CGrquicung, 3630 Dir {dhnell in eine himmlijche vermwandeln. (Gr ergreift den Keldh, der auf dem Tijdhe jteht.) Maria. Melvil, verjtel) ich Cuch? Ja, ich verjtely’ Cuch! Hier ijt Fein Priejter, feine Kivche, fein ~ Hodhwiirdiges—oody der Crlvjer fpricht: Wo Bwei verfammelt {ind in meinem Namen, 3633 a bin id gegenmmwdrtis unter ibnen. Was weibt den Priefter ein jum Vund des Herrn? Dad reine Hery, der unbeflectte Wanbel. —&p {eid Ihr mir, auch ungeweibt, ein Priejter, Gin Bote Gotted, der mir Frieden bringt. ; 3640 -—Guch will id) meine lepte Beichte tbhun, Und Guer Viund {oll mir dad Heil verfimden. Melvil. Wenn dich dag Herz jo madhtig dagu treibt, ©o wiffe, Konigin, dag dir jum Irofte 5 Aufiug. 7. Auftritt: 51 Gott auch) ein Wunder wobl verrichten Fann. 3645 Hier fei fein Priefter, fagft du, feine Kirche, Kein Leib ded Hern 2—Du irveft dich. Hier ift Gin Briefter, und ein Gott ift hier zugegen. Y (Gr entblsft bei diefen Worten das Haupt; jugleid zeigt er ihr eine Hoftie in einer golvenen Sdale.) —3dy bin ein Briefter ; deine lepte Beichte Bu Boren, dir auf deinem Todedneeg : 3650 Den Frieven gu verfitnbdigen, hab’ id Die ficben Weibn auf meinem Haupt empfangen, Und diefe Hoftie ftberbring’ ich div Bom heil’gen Vater, die er felbft geweilyet. Maria. O, fo muf an der Schoelle felbit ded Toded 3655 Wir noch ein himmlifch Glick beveitet fein! Wie ein Unfterblicher auf golonen Wolfen Herniederfibrt, wie den Apoftel einijt Der Cugel fithrte aud ded Kerferd Banden, Ibn Balt fein Riegel, feined Hitters Schwert, 3660 Gr jdyreitet madhtig durdy verjchlofne Pforten, Und im Gefangnif fteht er glingend ba, So dtbervajcht mich hier der Himmelsbote, Da jeder ird'jche Netter mich getdufcht! —Und Ihr, mein Diener cinft, feid jest der Diener 3665 Deg bochiten Gotted und fein heilger Diund! Wie Cure Knice fonft vor mir {idy beugten, @o lieg’ ich jest im Staub vor Gud. (Sie finft vor ifm nieber.) Meloil (indem er bas Jeidjen bes Kreuzes ber fie macht). Im Namen Deg BVaters und bed Soles und bed Geiftes! Maria, Konigin! Haft du dein Hery 3670 172 Maria Stuart. Grfor{chet, fehreprit bu, und gelobeft du, Wabrbeit ju beichten vor dem Gott der Wabrbheit ? Maria. Dein Her liegt offen da vor div und ihm. Melvil. Sprich, welcher Sinde zeiht dich dein Gewiffen, Seitvem du Gott jum lepten Mal ver{dhnt ? 3675 Maria. Von neid’jchem Hafje war mein Herz erfitllt, Und Rachgedanfen tobten in dem Bufen. © Bergebung hofft’ ich Sinderin von Gott Und fonnte nicht der Gegnetin vergeben. Meloil. Bereueft du die Schuld, und ift’s dein ernfter 3680 Cnt{chluf, verfdhnt aud diefer Welt ju fcheiden ? Maria. So wabr id) hoffe, Daf mir Gott vergebe. Melvil, Weld) andrer Side flagt dad Hery dich an? Maria. Ach, nicht durch Hap allein, durdy fiind'ge Liebe Noch mebr Hab’ ich dad hochfte Gut beleidigt. 3683 Das eitle Herz ward zu dem Mann gejogen, Der treulod mich verlajjen und betrogen! Melvil, Lereueft du die Schuld, und bat dein Her; Bom eiteln Wbgott ich) su Gott gewendet ? . Maria. G3 war der fchwerjte Kampf, den ich beftand, 3690 Serriffen ift dad lepte ird’fche Band. Meloil., Welch andrer Schuld verflagt did) dein Ge- wifjen 2. Maria. Ach, eine frithe VWlutjchuld, langjt gebeichtet, Cie febrt guriicf mit neuer Schyrecfendfraft Sm YugenblicE der lepten Rechenjchaft 3693 Und walt fic fdoary mir Yor ded Himmeld Pforten. Den Konig, meinen Gatten, lief ich) morden, Und dem Werfithrer {chenft’ ich Herz und Hand! 5 Aufjug. 7. Auftritt. 173 Streng bitft’ ich’'s ab mit allen Kivchenjtrafen, Doch in der Seele will per Wurm nicht {chlafen. 3700 Melvil. Verflagt dad Her dic) Feiner andern Side, Die du noch nicht gebeichtet und gebitht ? Maria. Jept weit du Aled, wad mein Hery belaftet. © Melvil, Dent’ an die Nabe ded Alhwijfjenden ! Der Strafen denfe, die die heil'ge Kirche 3705 Der mangelbaften BVeichte drobt! Das {it Die Sinde ju dem ew'gen Fob, vent Dag Jit wider {einen heil’gen Geift gefrevelt. Maria. So {chenfe mir die ew'ge Gnave Sieg Sm legten. Kampf, ald ich dir wijfend nichts verjchwieg. 3710 Melpil. Wie? Deinem Gott verbehlit du dag Wer- brechen, ; Um deffentwillen dich die Wenfchen ftrafen ? : Du fagjt mir nichts von deinem blut’gen Antbheil An Vabingtons und Parry's Hochverrath ? Den geitlichen Tod ftivbjt du fir diefe at, 3715 Willft du aud) noch den ew’gen dafitr fterben ? Maria. Jc) bin Deveit, jur Gwigleit ju gehn; Noch eh {ich der Minutengeiger ywenbdet, : Werd' id) vor meined Richters Throne ftebhn ; : Dod) wiederbol’ icdh’s: meine BVeichte ijt vollendet. 3720 Melvil. Crwdg’ e3 wohl. Dag Hery ift ein Betriger, Du bait vielleicht mit [ift’'gent Dopyelfinn Dag Wort vermicden, dag dich jchulvig madt, Obgleich ver Wille das Berbrechen theilte. Dod) wiffe, feine Gaufelfunft bevitcft 325 Dad Flammenauge, dad ing Innre blidt! Maria. Id) Habe alle Titrften aufgeloten 174 2 Maria Stuart. Mich aud umwitrd’gen Vanden ju befrein ; Doc nie hab’ ich durch BVorfaty over hat Dag Leben meiner Feindin angetajtet ! 3730 Melvil. So bitten deine Schreiber faljch gezeugt? Maria. Wie ih gefagt, fo ift's. Was Jene jeugten, Das richte Gott! Melvil. @o fteigit du, itberzeugt Bon deiner Unfchulo, auf dag Blutgeritjte ? J Maria. Gott wirdigt mich, durch diefen unverdienten Tob 3735 Die frithe dpwere Blutjchuld abzubitfen. Melvil (macht den Segen aber fie). So gebe Hin und - fterbend bitfe fie! @inf, ein ergebned Oypfer, am Altare! Blut fann verjohnen, wad dad Blut verbrach, Du feblteft nur aus weiblichem Gebrechen, 3740 Dem {el'gen Geifte folgen nicht die Schwdchen Der CSterblichfeit in die Verflarung nad. X Jc) aber finde dir, Fraft der Gewalt, Die mir verlichen ift, ju Ibjen und zu binden, Grlafjung an von allen deinen Sinden! 3745 Wie du geglaubet, fo gefchebe dir! (Gr reidht ihr die Hoitie.) Nimm Hin den Leib, er ift fitr did) geopfert! (Gr evgreift den Kelch, dev auf dem Tifcke fteht, confecriert thu mit ftillem ®ebet, dann reicht ev ihr denfelben. Sie 3ogert, ihn anzunehmen, und weit ihn mit der Hand guvitct.) Nimm Hin dad Blut, e8 ijt fitr dich vergofjen! Nimm Hin! Der Bapft erzeigt dir diefe Gunit! Sm Yode noch {olljt du dad hochite Recht 3730 X Der Konige, dag priefterliche, itben! (Sie empfangt den Keldy.) 5 Mufzug. 8. Auftvitt. 175 Und wie du jest dich in dem irdfchen Leib Gebeimnifyoll mit deinem Gott verbunbden, So wirft du dort in feinenmt Freudenrveich, Wo feine Schuld mehr fein wird und fein Weinen, 37:5 Gin fbn verflavter Gngel, dich Auf ewig mit dem Gottlichen Yereinen. (Gr fetst ben Keldh) nieder. Auf ein Geriufdy, das gehirt wird, bedectt ev fich dag Haupt und geht an die Thitre; Mavia bleibt in filler Andacht auf den Knieen [Hegen.) Meloil (juritfommend). Div bleibt ein havter Kampf nod) zu bejtehn. Fuplit pu dich fark genug, um jeve Regung Der Witterfeit, ded Hafjed gu befiegen ? 3765 Maria. Ich firehte feinen Rirckfall. Weinen Haj 1nd meine Liebe hab’ ich Gott geopfert. Melvil. Nun, fo bereite dich, die Lords vou Lefer nd Burleigh ju empfangen. Sie find da. Achter Wuftritt. Die BVorigen. Burleigh. Leicefter und Paulet. Leicefter bleibt gang in der Gntfernung ftehen, ohne die Augen aufsujchlagen. Burleigh, der feine Fafjung beobadytet, tritt ywifdyen ihn und die ; SKonigin. Burleigh, Ich fomme, Lady Stuart, Cure lepten 3765 Lefeble zu empfangen. Maria. - Danf, Mylord! Burleigh, 63 ift der Wille meiner Konigin, Dag Gud nichtd Billiged verweigert nerde. Maria, Mein eftament nennt meine legten Witnjche. 176 Maria Stuart. Ich hab’s in Ritter Paulets Hand gelegt 3770 Und bitte, daff ed tren Yollzogen werbe. Paulet., Verlaht Cuch drauf. Maria. Ih Ditte, meine Diener ungefrdinft Nach) Schottland ju entlaffen oder Franfreidy, Wohin fie felber rimnfchen und begebren. 3775 Burleigh. G3 fei, wie Ihr ed winfjcht. Maria, Und weil mein Leichnan Nicht in geweihter Grove ruben joll, So pulde man, daf diefer treue Diener Dein Herz nach Franfreich bringe ju den einen. — Ach, ed war immer dort! Burleigh. G3 foll gefdyebn! 3780 Habt Ihr nod) jonft— Maria. Der Konigin von England Bringt meinen {chwefterlichen Gruf—Sagt iby, Daf ich thr meinen od von gangem Herzen WVergebe, meine Deftigleit von geftern Shr reuevoll abbitte—Gott erbalte fte 3785 1nd fchent’ ihr eine glincliche Regierung! Burleigh. Sprecht! Habt Ihr noch nicht beffern Rath eral 2 Verjhymibht Shr noch den Beiftand deg Dechanten ? Maria. Sd bin mit meinem Gott verjdhnt — Sir Paulet! Sc bab’ Gud) fhuldlod vieled Wel bereitet, 3790 Deg Wlters Stirge Gud) geraubt—O, lat Mich Yoffen, dap Ihr meiner nicht mit Hap Gedenfet— : Paulet (gibt ifr die Hand). Gott fei mit Cuch! Gebet hin im Frieden! 5. Aufiug. 9. Auftritt. 177 ; Neunter Wnftritt, Die Vorigen. Hanna Kennedy und die andern Frauen der Konigin dringen Herein mit Jeidhen des Entfepens; ihnen folgt der Sherif, einen weifen Stab in dev Hand, hinter demfelben fieht man dur) die offen bleibende Thiive gewaffnete Mianuer. Maria. Was ift dir, Hanna ?—3IJa, nun ijt ed eit! Hier fommt der Sherif, und jum Iod su fithren. 3795 G3 muf gefchieden fein! Lebt wobhl ! Lebt noobl! (Shree Frauen Hangen fich an fie mit heftigem Schmerz; su Melvil.) fr, werther Sir, und meine treue Hanna Sollt mich) auf diefem legten Gang begleiten. Mylord, verfagt miv diefe Woblthat nidht! Burleigh. Ich Habe dazu Feine Bollmadt. Maria. Wie? 3800 Die fleine Witte fountet Ihr mir weigern ? Habt Achtung gegen mein Gejchlecht! Wer foll Den legten Dienjt mir leiften! Nimmermehr Kann ed der Wille meiner Schwefter fein, Daf mein Gefdhlecht in mir beleidigt rerde, 3803 Der Manner robe Hinde mid) berithren! Burleigh, C38 dari fein Weib die Stufen ded Geritftes Mit Gud Defteigen—Ipr Gefchrei und Jammern— Maria. Sie foll nicht jammern! Ich verbitrge mich Fir die gefafte Seele meiner Hanna! 3810 Ceid gittig, Lord. O, trennt mic) nicht im Sterben Bon meiner treuen Pilegerin und Amme! ie trug auf ihren Armen mich ind Leben, Ste Leite mich mit fanfter Hand gum Tod. N 178 | Maria Stuart. ~ Panlet (yu Burleigh). Lapt ed gejchehmn! © Burleigh. G3 fel. Maria. Nun hab’ icy nichts mek s815 Auf diefer Welt— (Sie nimmt dag Keugifiv und fff es.) Mein Heiland! Mein Crlofer! Wie pu am Kreuz die Arme audgefpannt, @o Dreite fie jet aud, mich u empfangen. (Sie wendet fid), ju gehen. In diefem Augenblic begegnet ihr Auge dem Grafen Leicefter, dev bet ihrem Aufbruch unwillfinlid aufgefabren und nad ihr hingefehen.—Bei diefem Anblick zittert Maria, dle Knice verfagen ifr, fie iit fm Vegriff, hinjufinfen; da ergreift fie Graf Leicefter und empfingt fie in feinen Armen. Sie fieht ihn eine eit fang ernft und fdweigend an, er fann ihren Bid nidt aushalten, endlich foricht fie.) Shr baltet Wort, Graf Lefter—Ihr verfpradt Mir Guren Arm, aud diefent Kerfer mid 3820 Bu fithren, und Ib leibet mir ifn jest ! xX 7 (Gr fteht wie vernichtet. Sie fihrt mit fanjter Stine fort.) ¥ : Ja, Lejter, und nicht blog Die Freifeit wollt’ icy Gurer Hand verdanfen, br folltet mir die Freibeit theuer madden: An Curer Hand, beglitft durch) Curve Liebe, 3823 Wollt' ich ped neuen Lebend mich erfreun. + Jet, da ich auf vem Weg bin, von der Welt Bu {cheiven und ein fel'ger Geift gu werden, Den feine irdche Neigung mehr verfucht, Sept, Lejter, darf ich obne Schamerrdthen 3830 Gud die befiegte Schwadhbheit eingeftehn— Lebt wolf, und wenn Jbr fonnt, fo lebt beglirct! hr durftet werben um wet Koniginnen, Gin zartlich liebend Hers habt Ihr verihmabt, LVerrathen, um eind jtolzed zu gewinnen, 3835 Kniet ju den Fugen der Clifabeth! 5. Aujzug. 10. Aujtritt. 179 Mig’ Cuer Lobn nicht Cure Strafe werden ! Qebt wohl !—Jetst hab’ ich nichts mehr auf der Groen! (Sie geht ab, der Sherif voraus, Melvil und die Anmme thr ur Seite. Burleigh und Paulet folgen, die Uebrigen fefen ihr jamnernd nad, bis fie verjdhounden ijt; dann entfernen fie fidy duvdy die wei andern Thitven.) Jebnter Anftritt. Letcefter allein juriichletbend, dy Tebe noch! Ich trag’ es, nod) ju leben! Ctitrgt diefed Dach nicht fein Gewicht auf mich? 3840 but {ich fein Schlund auf, dag elendefte Der Wefen ju verjhlingen 2 Wad bab’ id) Lerloven ! Welche Perle warf ich Hin! Welch Gli der Himmel Hab’ id) weggefchleudert! : —Gte gebt dabin, ein {hon verflarter Geift, 3845 Und miv bleibt die LVerpweiflung der Verdammiten. —Wo ift mein Vorfap hin, mit dem id) fam, Deg Hergend Stimme fithlod gu erfticfen 2 Shr fallend Haupt ju febn mit unbewegten Blicten ? Wecft mir ihr AnblicE die erftorbne Scham ? 3850 Muf fie im od mit Liebesbanven mich umiftricken ? —Qerworfener, div fteht e8 nicht mebr an, In gartem Mitleid weibijch hingujchmelzen. Der Liebe Glick liegt nicht auf deiner Bahn, Wit einem ehrnen Harnifd) angethan 3855 Cei peine Bruft, die Stirne fei ein Felfen ! Wilft du den Preid der Schandthat nicht verlieven, Dreift muft du fie behaupten und vollfithren! LVerftumme, Mitleid! Augen, werdet Stein ! : : N 2 180 Maria Stuart. Sey fey fie fallen, ich will Beuge fein. 3860 (Gr geht mit entichloffnem Schritt der Thitve ju, durch welche Marta gegangen, bleibt aber auf dev Mitte des Weges ftehen.) Mmjonft | Umfonjt | Mich faft der Hille Grauen, ch Fann, id) fann dag Schrectliche nicht jchauen, Kann fie nicht ftevben fehen—Horch! Wad war Das? Sie find {chon unten—Unter meinen Figen . Bereitet {ich dad fitrdhterliche Werf. 3865 Sch hive Stimmen—Fort! Himveg! Himweg Aud diefemt Haus ped Schrecend und ded Joded! (Gr will durch eine andre Thitr entflichn, findet {ie aber verjchloffen und [ : fahet gui.) \ Wie 2 Fefielt mich ein Gott an diejen Boden? Mu ich) anbdren, wad mir angujchauen graut? Tie Stimme ded Dechanten—Cr ermahnet fe— 3870 — ie unterbricht ihn—-Horch Laut betet fie— Mit fejter Stimme—C8 wird ftill—Gang fill ! Nur {hluchzen bor’ ih) und die Weiber weinen— Sie wird entfleivet— Horch! Der Scheme wird Geritft—Sie niet aufd Kiffen—Ilegt dad Haupt—" 3875 (Nadydem er die lester Worte mit fteigender Angft gefprochen und eine Weile inne gehalten, fieht man hu ploglid) mit einer yucfenden Bewe: qung jufammenfahren und ohnmadtig nieverfinfen; ugleidh exfchallt voi unten hevauf ein dumpfes Getdfe von Stimmen, weldhes lange forthallt.) Dag jweite Jtmmer des vievten Aufzugs. Gilfter Anftritt. Glifabeth tritt aus einer Seitenthiive, ihr Gang und ihre eberden driven die heftigite Unrube aus. 3 Noch Niemand Hier—Nochy feine Botjchaft—IBill es Nicht Abend werden ? Stebht vie Sonne fejt 5. Aufzug. 12. Auftritt. 181 Su ifrem himmlijen Lauf?—3Ich {oll nod) linger Auf diefer Folter der Grwartung legen. —3Jft ¢8 gefdyeben? Jjt e8 nid)t 2—WMir graut 3880 Vor Veivem, und id) wage nicht zu fragen ! Graf Lejter jeigt fich nicht, audy Burleigh nidt, Die id) ernannt, dad Urtheil ju vollftrecen. ind {ie yon London abgereift—dann ift’s Gefchebn ; der Pfeil ift abgedvitckt, er fliegt, 3885 Gr trifft, ev hat getvoffen ; galt’s mein Reid), Id) fann ihn nicht mebr Halten—LWer ijt da? Jwdlfter Mnftritt. Glifabeth. Gin Page. Glifabeth. Du fommit allein uriif—IWo find die Lords ? Page. Molord con Lefter und der Gropidhatmeifter— Glifabeth (in der hochiten Spannung). Wo find fie? Page. 3 ie {ind nicht in London. Glifabeth. RNidht 2 3890 —Wpo find fie denn? Page. Dad wufte Niemand mir gu fagen. Vor ages Anbruch bitten beive Lords Gilfertig und gefeimnifooll die Stadt WBerlafjen. : Glifabeth ((ebhaft ausbredhend). Ich bin Kinigin von Gngland! (uf: und niedergehend in der hodyten Vewegung.) Gel! Rufe mir—nein, bleibe—CSie ijt todt! 3895 Setst endlich hab’ ic) Raum auf diefer Grove. 182 Maria Stuart. — Was itty’ ich? Was ergreift mich diefe Angit? Das Grab vect meine Fuvchr, und wer darf fagen, Sch hab’s gethan! G8 {oll an Ibrdnen mir Nicht feblen, die Gefallne ju beweinen ! 3900 (Bum Pagen.) Stehit du noch hier 2—Dein Schreiber Davijon Soll augenblictlich fich bieher verfirgen. Shict nach vem Grafen Shrewgbury—Da ijt Gr felbijt! (Page geht ab.) Dreizehuter unftritt. Glifabeth. raj Shrewsbury. Glifabeth, Willfommen, edler Lord! Was bringt If? Nichts Kleines Fann ed fein, wad Curen Schritt 390% So fpdt Bieber fithrt. Shrewsbury. ~~ Grofe Konigin, Dein forgenvolled Herz, um deinen Rubm Befitmmert, tried mich Heute nach dem Jower, Wo Kurl und Nau, die Schreiber der Maria, Gefangen fiten ; denn noch einmal wollt’ id) 3910 Die Wabrheit ihred Seugniffed erproben. Beftiezt, verlegen weigert fich der Leutnant Ded Yburms, mir die Gefangenen gu eigen ; Durch Drobung nur verjchafft’ id) mir den Cintritt. — Gott, welcher Anblict geigte mir {ich da! 3915 Dag Haar verwildert, mit ded Wabnjinngd Blicen, Wie ein von Furien Gequilter, lag Der Schotte Kurl auf feinem Lager—Kaum Griennt mid) der Unglitc€liche, fo fitrzt er Su meinen Fifen—ichreiend, meine Knie 3920 5. Aufjug. 13. Auftritt. 183 Umtlammernd, mit - Veraweiflung, wie ein Wurm Vor mir gefrimmt—iyleht er mich an, befchrdrt mich, hm feiner Konigin Schickfal zu verfimmbden ; Denn ein Geriicht, dap fle jum Tod verurtheilt fei, War in ded Jowerd Klitfte eingedrungen. 3925 ALB icy ihm Dag bejabet nach der Wabrbeit, Hingu gefiigt, dap ed fein Jeugnif fei, Wodureh fte fterbe, fprang er witthend auf, &iel feinen Mitgefangnen an, rif ihn Su Boden mit ded Wahnjinng Riefentraft, 3930 Ibn gu enwitegen ftrebend. Kaum entriffen wir Den Unglintiel'gen feined Grimmed Handen. Nun febrt’ er gegen {ich die Wut, zer{chlug Mit grimm’gen Fauften {ich die Bruft, verfluchte {ich Und den Gefibrien allen Hollengeiftern. 2935 Gr babe falfch gezeugt, die Unglitcksbriefe An Vabington, die er ald edt befchworen, Sie feien falich, ev Habe andre Worte . Gefchricben, ald die Kdnigin dictiert, Der Boswicht Nau bab’ ibu_dagu verleitet. 3940 Drauf rannt’ er an dad Fenfter, riff ed auf Mit wirthender Gewalt, fehrie in die Gaffen Hinab, dap alles Volf ujommen lief, ‘Gr fei der Schreiber der Maria, fet Der BVidwidyt, der fie falfhlich angeflagt ; 3945 Gr fei verflucht, er fei ein faljcher Seuge! Glifabeth. br fagtet felbft, daf er von Sinnen war Die Worte eined Rafenden, Verritcten Beweifen nichts. Shrewsbury. Doc diefer Wabhnfinn felbit Beweifet defto mehr! O Konigin, 3950 184 Maria Stuart. Lag dich bejchwidren, itbereile nichts, Beftehl, da man von Neuem unterfuche ! Glifabeth, Ich will e8 thun—weil Ihr es wimichet, Graf, Nicht, weil ich glauben Fann, daf meine Peers In diefer Sade fibereilt gerichtet. 3088 Gud) ur BVerubigung erneure man Die Unterfuchung—Gut, daf ed nod) eit ift! An unfrer foniglichen Chre {oll Auch nicht der Schatten eined Jweifel8 baften. Wiersehuter Anftritt. Davifon ju den Vovigen. Glijabeth, Dag Urtheil, Sir, das ich in Cure Hand 3960 Gelegt—mo ift'8? Davifon (im podten Grftaunen). Dad Urtheil ? Glifabeth. Dag ich geftern Gud in Venwabrung gab— Davifon. Mir in Verwabrung? Glifabeth, Das Volf beftivmte mid), ju untergeichnen, chp mupt’ ihm feinen Willen thun, id) that’s, Geoungen that id)’s, und in Cure Hinve 3965 Leat’ ich die Schrift, ich wollte eit gewinnen. Shr wift, was icy Cuch fagte—Nun! Gebt ber! Shrewdbury. Gebt, werther Sir! Die Sachen liegen anders, Die Unterfuchung muf erneuert werden. 5. Nufsug. 14. Auftritt. 185 Davifonn. Crneuert 2—Cwige Varmberzigheit ! 3970 Glifabeth. Bevenft Guch nicht fo lang. Wo ift die Sdyrift 2 : Davifon (in Berveiflung). ch bin geftitegt, ich bin ein Mann ded Tobed! Glifabeth (faftig cinfallend). Ich will nicht Hoffen, Sir— Davifou, Ich bin verloren ! Sch bab’ fie nicht mek. Glifabeth, Wie? Was? Shrewsbury. Gott im Himmel! Davifon. Sie it in Burleigh Handen—ichon eit i geftern. - 3975 Glifabeth. Unglidlider! So habt Ihr mir geboret 2 Befahl ich Cuch nicht ftreng, fie ju verwabren? Davifon. Dad hajt du nicht befoblen, Konigin. Glifabeth, Willjit du mid) Ligen ftrafen, Elender ? Wann bie ich) div die Schrift an Burleigh geben? 398 Davifou. Nicht in Geftimmten, flaven Worten—aber -- Glifabeth. Nichtdroiirdiger! Du wagft 8, meine Worte Su deuten? deinen eignen blut'gen Sinn Hinein gu legen 2—Wehe bir, wenn Unglitk Aug diefer eigenmdidht’'gen That erfolgt, 3985 Mit einem Leben follft du mir’s begahlen. — Graf Shrewsbury, Ihr jebet, wie mein Name Gemifbraudht wird. : Shrewsbury. Jy fehe—O mein Gott! Glifabeth. Was fagt Ir? 186 Maria Stuart. Shrewsbury. Wenn oer Squire fich diefer hat Vermeffen hat auf eigene Gefabr 3990 Und obue deine Wiffenfhaft gehanvelt, So muf er vor den Richterftuhl der Peers Gefordert werden, weil er deinen Namen Dem Abfcheu aller Seiten preidaegeben. Qesiter Wnuftritt. Die Vorigen. Vurleigh, zulept Kent Burleigh (beugt ein Knie vor der Kénigin). Lang lebe meine tonigliche Frau, 3995 Und mbgen alle Feinde diefer Infel : Wie diefe Stuart enden! (Shrewsbury verhitllt fein Geficht, Davijon vingt vergweifiungsvoll die Hande.) Elifabeth. NRevet, Lord! Habt Ihr ven todtlichen BVefebl von mir Gmpfangen ? Burleigh. Nein, Gebieterin! Ich emypfing ihn Bon Davifon. Glijabeth, Hat Davijon ihn Cuch 4000 Sn meinem Namen iibergeben 2 Burleigh. Nein ! Das hat er nicht— Glijabeth. Und Ihr volljtredtet ihn, Rafch, obme meinen Willen ert ju wiffen? Das Urtheil war gerecht, die Welt fann uns 5. Aufzug. Letter Auftritt. 187 Nicht taveln ; aber Guch gebithrte nicht, 4005 Der Milde unferd Hergensd vorzugreifen— Drum feid verbannt von unferm Angeficht! (3u Davifon.) Gin jtrengered Gericht erwartet Gud, Der feine Vollmadht frevelnd itber{chritten, Gin beilig anvertrauted Pfand veruntreut. 4010 Man firth’ ihn nach dem Tower! YES ijt mein Wille, Daf man auf Leib und Leben ihn verflage — Mein edler Ialbot! Cu) allein hab’ id) Gerecht erfunden unter meinen Rathen. Shr {ollt fortan mein Fithrer fein, mein Freund— Shrewsbury. ARBerbanne peine treuften Freunve nicht, Wirf fie nicht ing Gefingnif, die fir dich ehandelt haben, die jepst firr did Rien) Xai aber, grofie Konigin, erlaube, Dap id) dag Siegel, dag du mir od Jabre 4020 LBertraut, uric in deine Hinde gebe. Glijabeth (betroffen). Mein, Shrewsbury! Ihr werdet mich jebt nicht : Berlaffen, jept— Sserntsnen. LVergeil, ih bin gu alt, Und diefe grade Hand, fie ift ju ftarr, 4 Um deine neuen Ihaten zu verfiegeln. 4025 Glifabeth, Lerlajfen wollte mich der Vann, der mir Das Leben rettete ? Shrewsbury. X 3h babe wenig Gethan—Ich habe deinen evlern Theil Nicht rvetten Ly Lebe, berriche glincflich! 188 Maria Stuart. Die Gegnerin ijt todt. Du Dajt ven um an 4030 Nichts mebr zu fitechten, brauchft nichts mebr zu achten. . ~ (Gelit ab.) Glifabeth (yum Grafen Kent, der Dereintritt). Graf Lefter fomme Her! Kent. Der Lord [apt {ich Gntichulvigen, er ift ju Schiff nach Franfreich. (Sie begwingt fich und fteht a Saffung da. Der Vorhang ail. , NOTES. Griter Aufiug. The events of Act I may be assumed to pass in Dec. 1580, at the castle of Fotheringhay (or © Fotheringay?), near the village of the same A name, situated in Northamptonshire. After the accession of James I to the throne of England the castle was allowed to fall into decay. I. 2, etc. The incident of Paulet’s discovery of an ornament thrown down from a window in Queen Mary’s apartments, with the object of bribing a gardener, was suggested to the poet by the various ingenious expedients, resorted to by herself and her friends, for the purpose of carrying on a secret correspondence or effecting her deliverance. 1. 6. Trof meiner, etc. Paulet is surprised that the Queen had still jewels and hidden treasures at her disposal, because before her removal to Fotheringhay, her cabinets, drawers, and boxes had been repeatedly searched, and all her papers, money, and most valuable jewelry seized. Cp. Robertson, ii. 124. = L 11. Blofe Uebungen, etc. Queen Mary was in the habit of writing verses during her imprisonment, in order to while away her gloomy leisure, and she was, besides, an assiduous correspondent. She generally wrote in French. L 12. Jn mif'ger, etc., the evil spirit (i.e. the “evil one’) 7s at work during idle hours. Cp. the Engl. saying, ¢ An idle brain is the devils shop.’ 1. 15. Goncept (Lat. ¢ conceptum’), first draft, or sketch of anything written. The word Refiort (in the stage-direction) is pronounced as in French. It is derived from the Fr. ressortir ¢ to rebound,’ and denotes lock ; spring. 1. 19. The emblem of Zilles or ‘Fleurs-de-lis, first appeared in France in the reign of Louis VII (1137-80), on the royal seal and on coins. Under his son Philip II Augustus (1180-1223) they were formally adopted as the arms of France, or rather of the French kings. 190 MARIA STUART. [IL 20—47. 1. 20. Bu dem, etc., i.e. with the rest of the articles that had been seized.—Sir Dru (or ‘ Drue’) Drasy (d. 1617) was sent to Fotheringhay in Nov. 1586 to assist Paulet in the wardenship of the captive Queen. 1. 22. ¢ Paulet seized upon all her money, lest she should corrupt any- body with bribes, and passed his word for the true restoring the same’ (1. 28, etc.).. Camden, 343. L. 31. Wo ijt, etc. It was only after the sentence of death had been announced to Mary, that the canopy of state in her apartment was pulled down, and that she was no longer treated ¢ with the respect due to sovereign princes.” Cp. Hume, v. 302, and Robertson, ii. 137. 1. 33. Den 3drtlidh, etc., i.e. the foot accustomed to gentle and deli- cate treading. L. 37. © fpeifte fie, etc. This is an allusion to the sojourn of Queen Mary with her court at Stirling, in 1566, at the time of the baptism of her infant son James. Bothwell (designated by Schiller as Mary's paramour) was present at the feast of baptism, but Darnley, the child’s father, was not. Rapin (ii. 74) gives the following account of the latter's treatment by the Queen. ‘Whilst the court was at Sterling’, the king was exposed to unheard of indignities, not daring to show himself by reason of the extreme want he was reduced to, whilst Both- well appeared with a royal magnificence. . .. The king was treated in so injurious 2 manner that he resolved at last to retire to Glasgow. . . . Just as he was going, some of the Queen’s officers took away all his Plate and gave him a sett of Pewter.’ Buchanan states (ii. 288) that Darnley was ‘inhumanely treated.’ 1. 43. Die Bibel, etc. Sir Amias Paulet was a rigid Puritan. 1. 44. Selbft ihre, etc. Queen Mary's ‘taste for music was just, and she both sang and played upon the Zufe with uncommon skill.’ Robertson, ii. 147. 1. 45. Weil fie, etc., i.e. because she sang love-songs to the lute. 1. 47. Die in der Wiege, etc. James V having died in 1542, a few days after the birth of Mary, the latter became Queen of Scotland. In the following year she was crowned, Aug. 21, at Stirling Castle. At the age of six she was sent to France, to the court of Henry II and Catherine dei Medici, as the fiancée of their eldest son, the Dauphin Francis, then eight years of age. It was chiefly owing to the influence of the Queen that a most extravagant and luxurious life was introduced at the French court, and it is for this reason that the Aedici-Princess (die Viedicderin) is here specially mentioned. ! Schiller adopted the spelling Ster[yn from Rapin. The latter's English translator wrote Stirling, and Buchanan calls it in Latin ¢ Stirlin.” I. 52—70.] NOTES, dcr lL 191 I. 52, etc. Jn grofes, etc., i. e. nobleness of mind teaches us how to reconcile ourselves to great misfortunes, but it is painful ¢ to lack the petty ornaments of life.” Some editions have [exnt for (eft. 1. 55. Dem Giteln is here used in the abstract for der Gitelfeit. - In fidh geen, (1. 56), Zo retire within oneself. 1. 60, etc. Kennedy's remark and Paulet’s answer are based on a passage in Camden (p. 353, etc.), in which Mary’s plea to the Lord Chancellor Bromley is recorded to the effect ‘that she was no subject of the Queen’s, but had been and was a free and absolute Queen, not to be constrained to appear before any Commissioners, or any judge whatso- ever. . . but before God alone, the highest Judge, etc.” ; to which plea the Lord Chancellor replied that ¢ this protestation was in vain, for whoso- ever (of what Place, Quality, and Degree soever he be) should offend against the Laws of England in England, he was subject to the said Laws,’ etc. 1. 62. Freyeln corresponds here and in the next line to the Engl. 70 transgress. Paulet alludes, of course, to Mary’s conspiracies whilst imprisoned in England. 1. 69, etc. Grregte fie, etc. This charge must be taken to refer to the period before Mary’s removal to Fotheringhay in Sept. 1586 ; since the conspiracies alluded to by the speaker had taken place before that date. 1. 70. William Zar7y, who was a doctor in Jaw and a member of Parliament, and is described ¢ as having recently been reconciled to the Church of Rome,’ resolved, at the instigation of some fanatics, to assas- sinate Queen Elizabeth. Being betrayed by one of his accomplices, he was executed, on his own confession, on March 2, 1585. The name of Queen Mary was naturally brought into connection with Parry’s con- spiracy. Cp. Gentz, Maria Stuart, p. 109. Anthony Babington (b. 1561) having been for a short time page to Queen Mary, during her captivity, at Sheffield, became passionately devoted to her. Instigated by some fanatics abroad—he stayed for some time in France and is said to have also visited Rome—and en- couraged by Mary’s friendly letters, he joined in a conspiracy, the object of which was ‘to murder Elizabeth and to invade England with foreign troops.” The plot was discovered, and both he and his confederates ‘suffered the death of traitors ’ on Sept. 20, 1586. Cp. Camden, 337, Rapin, ii. 124, Hume, v. 284, and Robertson, ii. 119. The attempt of Thomas Howard, the fourth Duke of Norfolk, to rescue Mary from prison, had occurred as far back as 1571; i.e. fifteen years before the above-mentioned conspiracies, but Schiller places these first, because they were of a more heinous character ; their object having been, as stated above, to murder Queen Elizabeth, whilst Norfolk 192 MARIA STUART. (ll. yo—1o02. merely intended to effect the liberation of Mary, whom he aspired to marry. The historians describe the Duke as a noble-minded, patriotic, and loyal man, and for this reason probably Schiller attributed to him ein edles Herz. 1. 78. Sfrentivillen is a collateral form of tfretiwillen. 1. 84. The comparison between Mary Stuart and Helena on account of their beauty and the misery they brought on the country of their sojourn, is one of the few classical allusions in the present drama. 1. 85. Gajtfreundlich hitte, etc. This line will admirably illustrate the emphatic mode of expressing in German a denial, half ironically, by means of the conditional mood. Compare the same usage in French. 1. 87. Da fie, ete. In consequence of the defeat of Queen Mary's adherents at Langside, on May 12, 1568, by the troops of her half- brother, the Regent Murray, she fled to England, and dispatched at once a messenger to her royal kinswoman, notifying her arrival, desiring leave to visit the Queen, and imploring her protection ;’ to which circumstance the hapless Queen referred in her second answer to the Commissioners (Oct. 13, 1586) when she said, ¢ Whereas the Queen writes that I am subject to the Laws of England... because I have lived under the Protection of them, I answer that I came into England to crave her aid and assistance, and have ever since been detained in Prison, so that I could not enjoy the Protection or Benefit of the Laws of England.” Camden, 349. 1 go. Sid) wider, etc. This plea was repeatedly brought forward by Queen Mary and her defenders. 1. 91. After Mary’s removal to Fotheringhay, in consequence of the discovery of the above-mentioned conspiracies, she was kept in close confinement, whereas she had previously been allowed, under strict watch, to roam about the neighbourhood of the various places of her captivity. 1. 94, etc. Gemeinen Verbredhern gleich, etc. The speaker alludes to Mary's arraignment before the Commissioners appointed by Elizabeth to try her as an accomplice in her husband’s murder. 1. g6, etc. Angeflagt auf, ete. i. e. arraigned to answer for her life. The expression Leib und Leben is tautological, the first word being used in the old signification of its Engl. cognate ¢ life.’ 1. 98. Sie fam, etc. ‘After Mary's flight from Scotland the Scotch Parliament voted that she was undoubtedly an accomplice in her husband’s murder ; condemned her to imprisonment, ratified her demis- sion of the crown,’ etc. Hume, v. 125. 1. ror. Berfchworen, i. e. alg eine BVerfdhivorene, as a conspirator. 1. 102. Mary I of England (1553-1558), besides being a Spaniard on 11. 102-129.] NOTES. ACT I 193 her mother’s side, was married to Philip II of Spain; the epithet fpanifdhe is therefore happily chosen. 1. 103. The fuller and more correct form, Gngelland for England is now used in poetry only. Cp. Die Jungfrau von Orleans (C.P.S.),1 5, n. According to Buchanan (ii. 438), Mary Stuart ¢ boasted among her familiar attendants that she would imitate the example of her cousin, Mary of England.” Cp. also Robertson, i. 317. 1. 104. An den Franymann, etc. Mary was charged with having assigned ¢ the kingdom of England’ to the Duke of Anjou (Camden, 129), and with sharing the conspiracy of the Guises to invade England. The word Fran for franzsfifdh or Frangofe is now used in some com- pounds only. Frangmann is the lit. equivalent of Frenchman. l. 105. One of the stipulations of the Z7eaty of Edinburgh (July 1560) was to the effect, ¢ that the king and queen of France’ and Scotland (i. e. Francis II and Mary Stuart) should henceforth abstain from * bear- ing the arms of England, or assuming the title of that kingdom.” Sub- sequently, however, Francis and Mary refused to ratify that treaty, and although the latter desisted, after her husband’s death, from bearing the arms and title of Queen of England, ¢ by refusing so often to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh, she had plainly intimated a design of embracing the first promising opportunity for prosecuting her right to the English crown; and by her secret negotiations, she had gained many to favour her title.” The last time that Mary was invited fo sign the Z7eaty of Edinburgh was in 1583. Cp. Camden, 281; Rapin, ii. 116; Hume, v. 36; Robertson, i. 314, seqq. L. 111. The speaker uses the expression [eevem Brunt with reference to the royal title of England, because according to his notions Mary’s aspirations were vain and presumptuous. Cp. Buchanan, ii. 401, etc. 1. 114. The figure of speech unbeilfpinnend (say, mischief-brooding) may possibly be taken from the circumstance that the Parcae or Fates are represented as spinning the thread of human life. 1. 116. Sur Harte, etc. One is here involuntarily reminded of the English saying, ¢ To add insult to injury.’ 1. 118. Die hier, etc. Since Paulet had been appointed Mary's cus- todian (in May 1585), she was quite cut off from all communication with the outer world, and in time he actually ‘stopped the channels of correspondence.’ L 123. Die eft, etc. An allusion to the fictitious character of Mor- timer. The fact that Mary ‘ found herself fenced in by new barriers’ is mentioned for the sake of dramatic effect; the castle of Fotheringhay being strong enough to prevent any escape from it. L. 129. Bon aufen, etc., i. e. though seemingly strong without. 0 194 MARIA STUART. © [lL 131-1353. 1. 131. The verb werden is often used in German poetry with the dative of the person in the sense of fo fall to the share (or ‘lot’) of anyone. The responsibility of Mary’s custodianship weighed so heavily upon Paulet that in a letter he addressed to Sir Francis Walsingham on Aug. 27, 1586, he expressed the wish to be freed from it. L 132. Die unfeilbriitend Liftige, lit. ‘The mischief-brooding cun- ning woman.’ L 134. Gin gequdlter Geift, a troubled spirit. In French ¢ une ame en peine.’ 1. 137. Walhr madyen fann, may confirm. The interj. woh{ mir, may be rendered, Zappy am I. The present statement of the stern keeper has an ominous meaning. 11. 139-141. Paulet’s exclamation ‘that he would rather, standing sentinel at the gates of hell, guard the host of the damned,’ contains an allusion to Tartarus, in which the ¢spirits of wicked men are punished for their crimes” The last line of Paulet’s speech is based on the opinion of those adversaries of Mary, who insisted on her execution, because no prison was secure enough to guard this wily Queen. : I. 142. When Mary appeared on the scene of her execution with a crucifix in her hand, the Earl of Kent ‘exhorted her to have Christ in her %eart and not in her zand.’ Buchanan, iii. 141. 1. 145. Wird fein Biel, there is no end (of this), ete. 1. 147. Kennedy's excitement, and her compassion for her ill-treated mistress, are happily indicated by her mode of address in the present speech and in the next, whilst in all the following speeches she uses the second person plural. 1. 148. Mary is described by Buchanan, Camden, and others, as having suffered various insults and indignities during the last years of her captivity ; hence her question, Wrat fresh insult has happened ? 1. 151. Cp. 1 18; ete. 1 154, ete. These lines are based on the following passage in Camden (p. 369), ¢ And though she (i.e. Mary) were by Fowlet her Keeper divested of all the Badges of Dignity and Royalty, and made ne more account of than the poorest Woman of the meanest Condition ; yet she endured it with great Patience of Mind.’ 1. 155, ete. The play on the words niedrig and ernicdrigen in this often quoted saying, may be brought out.in English by rendering the former fasely and the latter debase. Cp. the English saying: ‘ Base ways cannot make us base.’ Mary’s assertion, that she has learnt to suffer much whilst in Eng- I. 155—197%.] NOTES, ACT IL ; 195 land,’ refers naturally to the hardships and indignities to which she was exposed whilst in prison. Cp. Robertson, ii. 106. 1. 158. The expressive term ver{dyuterzen has no single equivalent in any other language, I believe. It denotes to grieve down’; or ¢ to live down some pain! 1. 162, etc. Mary frequently accentuated her kinship with Elizabeth, whom she addressed in her letters, ¢ Madame, ma bonne sceur.” In a letter dated Aug. 16, 1561, Elizabeth addresses her with the words, ‘our right dear and right well-beloved sister and cousin.” Robertson, ii. Appendix, 327. 1. 165. Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh (b. 1 520; d. 1508), one of England’s greatest statesmen and distinguished alike for soundness of judgment and impartiality. He was a staunch Protestant and ¢ Mary justly reckoned him her most dangerous enemy.” Robertson, ii. 44. 1. 167-186. In describing the contents of Mary’s letter, Schiller has skilfully combined the requests she addressed at various times to Eliza- beth. Shortly after her escape to England, in 1568, Mary repeatedly implored Elizabeth to be admitted into her presence, alleging ¢ That it was most reasonable that Queen Elizabeth, being her very near Kins- woman, should hear her. . . in her own Presence.” In 1586 she em- phatically protested against her judges, whom she did not consider as her ‘peers’; she being an ¢ absolute queen.’ In the very long letter Mary wrote to Elizabeth in 1582, she says, ¢ Now it remaineth that I make this special request unto you, that my mind, being taken up with the Thoughts of another Life, I may have some reverend Catholick Priest allowed me, who may direct me in my Religion for ay Soul's Health. Camden, 110, 279, 349. L. 177, etc. This cruel retort refers, of course, to Mary's relations to Rizzio and Bothwell. L 187. Paulet refers to Dr. Richard Fletcher (d. 1596), who was at the time of Mary’s imprisonment at Fotheringhay, Dean of Peterborough. As a matter of fact, Mary’s almoner and confessor, Du Préau, was allowed access to her until Jan. 21, 1587. On Feb. 7, the day before her execution, she asked for the assistance of her confessor, and when the Dean of Peterborough was recommended to her, she refused to confer with him. Camden, 384. L. 1go. MNotarien is the plural of the Lat. ‘ notarius’; whilst RNotare is that of the abbreviated form otar. L. 197, etc. Mary was apprehensive that she might be secretly mur- ! Even Coleridge was ‘at a loss how to render adequately the verb © ver{chmergen in his translation of Wallensteins Tod (Act v. Sc. 3). 0 2 196 MARIA STUART. [IL 197—240. dered in prison, and she implored Elizabeth in a letter, dated Dec. 19, 1586, ‘that she might not be put to Death in private, without Queen Elizabeth’s knowledge.” Camden, 369. 1. 199, etc. Queen Mary had made her last will (in French) before then, but she is represented as wishing to do so now, in order to give “her an opportunity of expressing her fear of foul play, and of alluding to her servants and attendants. 1. 202. WViit eurem NRaube, i. e. by robbing, or despoiling her. 1. 203, etc. In 1585, after the discovery of Parry’s conspiracy, ‘almost all her (Mary's) servants were dismissed,” and on the conspiracy of Babington coming to light, in 1586, ¢her Prive domestics were arrested.” Robertson, ii. 106, 124. 1. 208. This statement is based on some passages i in a letter from Sir Amias Paulet, dated ¢ Chartley, the Toth of September, 1586, which Schiller found in Robertson, ii. 427, etc. 1. 212, etc. Cp. 1. 118, 2. 11. 216-228. Most of the Commissioners appointed for Mary’s trial appeared suddenly at Fotheringhay on Oct. 11, 1586. On the following day she was apprised of the charge brought against her, on which occasion she made a spirited extempore reply, averring among other pleas ‘that the Laws and Statutes of England were altogether unknown to her, and that she was destztute of Counsellors (1. 220). She also pro- tested against the Jurisdiction of the tribunal, there being no precedent Jor the trial of a foreign prince under such circumstances (1. 221). After a few days’ conference the Commissioners suddenly left (1. 225), and the Court was adjourned till the 25th of October to the Star Chamber at Westminster.” Camden, 348, 361. 1. 217. @Gommiffarien is the plural of Gommiffariug (Middle Lat.), whilst Gommifidre or Commifjirs is the plural of Gommifjar (Fr.). 1. 228. Among the principal friends of Mary who displayed some zeal for her delivery, were her own son James, Henry III of France, Henry I, Duke of Guise, Pope Sixtus V, etc. 1. 232. Somewhat similarly Schiller uses in his W7lkelm Tell (C.P.S.), 1. 2566 the words : Mad)’ deine Rechnung mit dem Himmel, ete. 1. 235. The verb ivetben, in connection with the noun Red, justice, denotes Zo be done. L. 239. Cp. L 197, 2 1. 240, etc. Und er wird, etc., i. e. if Mary will look forward to assassi- - nation as most probable, the murderer will find her in a more composed frame of mind than the judges have done. This remark can only refer to the circumstance that Queen Mary protested against the validity of the tribunal appointed to judge her. LC IL 243—294.] NOTES. ACT 7. 197 1. 243. The speaker alludes, of course, to the tribunal of the Star Chamber. ‘ : 1. 244. Note here the antithesis in characterising the sentiments of the two statesmen. Lord Burleigh, who was a staunch Protestant, ated Queen Mary from religious motives; whilst Sir Christopher Hatton (b. 1540, d. 1591) was simply guided in his conduct towards her by his zeal for the State and Queen Elizabeth. Cp. 1. 165, 7. 1. 245. Urthel, or rather Nrtel, is an old collateral form of Urtheil, ‘judgment,’ ‘verdict’ ; hence urtheln, for urtheilen, zo pronounce judg- ment. Cp. Schiller’s Wallensteins Zod, Act iv. Sc. 6. l. 246. Diintzer points out that tfun is here used as an antithesis of urtheln. 1. 258. Gine falfde, etc., i. e. a woman’s deceitful tears. L 272: Der blutige Sdyatten, zie gory shade. Ll. 274. The form Friede in the accus. case, instead of Frieden, is found in Schiller, Lessing, and Goethe, when it is used without the def. art. Cp. my editions (C. P. S.) of Lessing’s Mznna von Barnhelmn, p. 30, L. 1, and Goethe’s Egmont, p. 9, 1. 10, notes. L 278. Der Jahrstag, etc. Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley (b. 1546), Mary’s second husband, was killed in the night of Feb. 9, 1567; but Schiller places the anniversary of the murder about two months earlier for the sake of dramatic effect. 1. 283. Mit {hiveren Leidensproben, i. e. by the trial of severe sufferings. L. 284. Die den, etc., which kolds the key of absolutior.—In accordance with the Roman Catholic creed, the priest has authority to make remission of any sin ; and both from Kennedy’s speech and Mary’s utter- ance, die [ingft vergebene Schuld (1. 286), it must be inferred that the latter has long ago obtained the pardon of the Church for her guilt. 11. 288-90. The import of these lines is that the ceremonious perform- ances of the Church at mass, such as the server's ringing of the bell - and the elevation of the host by the priest, are unable to dismiss to the tomb the husband’s spirit crying for vengeance. 1. 292, etc. J lief, etc. Schiller follows here, as generally in this scene, the account given of Darnley’s murder by Buchanan, and adopted by Rapin (p. 77), Hume (v. 106), and Robertson (i. 328, etc.). Ac- cording to that account Mary, under pretence of affectionate solicitude, induced Darnley during his convalescence from a ¢ dangerous distemper’ to repair to the neighbourhood of Edinburgh. There he was lodged in a solitary house beside the Kirk of Field, and assassinated on the above- mentioned date. Cp. Buchanan, ii. 489-92. L. 294. The plea of Mary’s youth (she was at the time of Darnley’s assassination twenty-five years of age), as also Kennedy’s characterization 198 MARIA STUART. (1. 294—327. (11. 297-320) of his relations to Mary, are chiefly based on the following passage occurring in Robertson :—‘ Mary was young, gay, and affable . . . She had placed her love on a very unworthy object, who requited it with ingratitude, and treated her with neglect, with insolence and brutality. All these she felt and resented.’ i. 310. l. 299, etc. According to Buchanan, Mary, ‘so lately the wife of a great king and the proper heiress of an illustrious kingdom,’ felt the discrepancy of rank between herself and Darnley, for which reason she first created him ‘Duke of Rothsay’ and ¢ Earl of Ross,” and had him proclaimed king the day after her marriage with him. ii. 470, etc. 1. 307, etc. Darnley was, according to some accounts, jealous of Rizzio, and himself was ill-bred in manner. 1. 310. “The ckarm which had at first attached the queen to Darnley, and held them for some time in happy union, was now entirely dzssolved. Robertson, i. 305. 1. 312. Cp. above, 1. 34, n. 1. 313, etc. Damley’s conduct towards Mary is described by some historians as defiant and sulky. L. 319. The Piedmontese David Rzzzi0 (also spelt Rizzo, or Riccio), who had come to Scotland in the capacity of Secretary to Count Morella, ambassador of the Duke of Savoy, was, on account of his fine voice, retained by Mary for her private chapel. Gradually he insinuated himself with her to such a degree that he became the most influential personage at Court; and being detested by Darnley and despised and hated by the nobles, they devised his destruction, and attacked him in the presence of Queen Mary. Being wounded by one of the conspirators, he was dragged out of the room and killed by numerous wounds. The epithet {)dnen is a poetical embellishment; Rizzio being de- scribed as having ‘a disagreeable figure,” and Buchanan (ii. 477) states that he was deformed. 1. 320. According tothe report made by the Duke of Bedford to the Council of England on the murder of Rizzio, Mary said to Lord Ruthven, after the conspirators had dragged the Italian singer from her room, ¢ Well, that shall be dear blude to some of you, if his be spylt’ (Robert- son, ii. 349, Append. No. XV). Mary is reported by Buchanan to have remarked incidentally, on the night of Darnley’s murder, ‘that it was about this time last year that David Rizzio was slain.’ ii. 491. 1. 321. Und blutig, etc., i.e. according to the law of retribution, she will herself suffer for having contributed to the shedding of blood. 1. 327. James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell (b. 1536; d. 1576), had already come under the notice of Mary during his sojourn in France in 1560. After her return to Scotland he rose greatly in her favour, more I. 327—355.] NOTES, ACT 7. 199 especially when she had conceived an implacable aversion to Darnley. After the murder of Rizzio, Bothwell liberated her from the captivity in which she was held by the conspirators, and her attachment to him grew into an uncontrollable passion. Kennedy attributes this, in accord- ance with the belief prevalent in those days, to magic potions and infernal art ; moreover Bothwell himself declared, in his will, that he had ac- quired the Queen’s affection by magic arts and ¢ sweet water.” Similarly Camden (232) records the rumour that was spread in 1579 to the effect that the French ambassador Simier had ¢ by Love-potions and unlawful Arts insinuated into the Queen’s (Elizabeth’s) affection, and induced her to the Love of the Duke of Anjou.’ English readers need hardly be reminded of the passage referring to the same subject in Shakespeare's ~ Othello (Act i. Sc. 2). ; 1. 333. The noun Berdammnif, lit. damnation,” is used in higher diction for §slle. 1. 334. Gr... ber dies Band, etc., i.e. he who has woven this veil (lit. “ band’) obscuring her bright senses, etc. Cp. Goethe's Zphigenie auf Tauris (C.P.S.), 1. 329, %., where the expression ein efjern Band, ‘a band of brass,’ is used in order to denote ‘stubborn perversity.’ Il. 336-345. The present passage is chiefly based on the account given by Buchanan and Robertson of Mary’s conduct after Darnley’s assassination. The latter historian records the fact (i. 345) that she was warned by Elizabeth ¢of the danger and infamy to which she would expose herself by such an indecent choice’ (viz. her marriage with Both- well); and that both her most intimate adviser, Sir James Melvil, and Lord Herries remonstrated with her in vain on the imprudence of the in- tended step. Buchanan, on the other hand (ii. 497, etc.), gives a detailed account of Mary's frivolous behaviour only a few days after her husband's death, when she followed in an open space at Seton her usual amuse- ments, ‘although some of them were plainly not adapted for women.’ 11. 346-353. These lines are based on several passages in Robertson (i. 336, etc.). Bothwell, whom the public voice openly accused of Darnley’s murder, appeared at Edinburgh on the scene of the trial surrounded by friends, vassals, and hired soldiers. The jury being thus intimidated acquitted him, and two days later ‘a Parliament was sum- moned, at the opening of which the queen distinguished Bothwell by appointing him to carry the sceptre before her.” This parliament, being likewise intimidated, tacitly confirmed the verdict of the jury by ratifying ‘all the possessions and honours which the partiality of the queen had conferred upon him.” Cp. Hume, v. 109. 1. 355. Mary had been kidnapped by Bothwell, who placed her in a castle of which he was governor. Being released from this mock 200 MARIA STUART. [IL 355—418. captivity, she ¢ appeared in the Court of Session . . . and declared that she was now at full liberty’ (Robertson, i. 348). A few days later (May 15, 1567) Bothwell’s marriage with her was solemnized. 1. 361. Offen is here used in the sense of accessible, alive, etc. The speaker wishes to convey the notion that Mary is not a hardened, re- morseless transgressor, but has only been led away by her lightminded- ness, which aberration she, repented in calmer moments. 1. 363. Id) wiederhol’ ¢8, i.e. she repeats the assertion that Mary’s crime was only the result of lightmindedness, of the evil impulse of the moment. 1. 365. Augenblid(ich, instantaneously ; in the twinkling of an eye.— Whilst imprisoned in Lochleven Castle, Mary was reproached by her brother Murray for her past conduct. Mary excused ‘ some of the Sins of her life past by human(e) Frailty.” Camden, 97. 11. 373-378. These lines are an echo of the constantly repeated de- fence of Queen Mary, viz. that she committed no wrong in England, and that she was no English subject. She may, therefore, the speaker avers, present herself with all the courage of innocence before the presumptuous English court of justice. 1. 387. Charles, the second son of Claude, Duke of Guise, was born in 1525 and died in 1574. He was Cardinal and Archbishop of Rheims, but is known in history as Cardinal of Lorraine. He was the brother of Mary of Lorraine, wife of James V and mother of Mary Stuart. Like all the Guises he was a relentless enemy of the Protestants. Schiller knew, of course, very well that the Cardinal had died several years before Mary's removal to Fotheringhay, but having been Mary's guide and adviser in her early youth, and having been, besides, the founder of the Roman Catholic Seminary at Rheims, the poet introduced him indirectly for the sake of greater dramatic effect. Cp. 1. 493, 7. 1. 394. Some verb, such as {alj, or erblicfte, must here be understood ; incomplete or interrupted sentences being differently worded in German from what they are in English. ; 1 397. Der, etc. (rel. pron.) 20 which 1 owe it. 1. 403. WVerrinnen (a metaphor derived from the running sand of hour-glasses, and applied to time), 20 pass away ; to fly. Cp. Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell (C.P.S.), 1. 102, 2. L 411. Aufgefaugt, nursed ; nurtured. 1 414. Dumpfe Bredigtituben, dreary meeting-rooms. 1, 416. ®epriefene, much-praised. 1. 418. It is generally assumed that Schiller meant by the greaz fes- tival of the Church, the ecclesiastical Jubilee, during which period ‘those who repented and confessed and visited the Churches of St. 1. 418—443.] NOTES. « 4CT IL 201 Peter and St. Paul a certain number of times, received plenary indul- gence.” The consequence was that innumerable pilgrims used to flock to Rome during the Jubilee-year (1. 419), which, since 1470, was made to recur every twenty-five years. Such a Jubilee took place in 1575, but Schiller places it later for the sake of dramatic effect. : 1. 420. The speaker alludes to the crucifixes and images of saints commonly set up by the roadside in Roman Catholic countries. During church-festivals they are generally decked with flowers. L 421. [8 ob, etc., as if mankind were on a pilgrimage. 1. 422. Mid felbit, etc., i.e. the tide of the believing multitude caught him, etc. L. 424. The etymology of the word Weidybild, here precincts, is un- certain. One theory is that the first component is allied to the O.H.G. wih or wich, A.S. vic (from Lat. vicus), i.e. ¢ inhabited place,’ ¢ town,’ etc. ; and that the compound denoting originally ‘town-image’ or ‘town-figure’ subsequently assumed the meaning of precincts, or ¢dis- trict of a town ;’ in Fr. ¢ enceinte.” Cp. Weigand sub voce Weidhbild. 1. 425. Wie ward mir, ete, what were my feelings. The verb werden followed by the dative of the person, is used in German impersonally (sometimes without the pron. eg) in the sense of Zo feel, or 20 be overcome by a sensation. 1. 426-29. The speaker describes the impressions made upon him at Rome, when the splendour of the colummns, i.e. such as Trajan’s, and others forming the fronts of temples and churches, and the various triumphal arches arose before him ; the grandeur of the Colosseum seized him, he was struck with awe (ben Staunenden umfing), and a noble creative spirit (Bildnergeift, i.e. the spirit of a plastic artist) enthralled him in a fairyland of wonders. 1. 433. Allein dag forperlofe, etc., revering the spiritual (lit. ¢ incor- poreal,’ ¢ bodiless’) word alone, i.e. the Gospel as revealed by the word of God. 1. 434. Cp. above, 1. 425, #. 11. 435-43. In these lines the young enthusiast describes the effect upon him of the music and art of the principal churches at Rome. Heavenly music floated down from the choir (herunterftieg) ; a crowd of figures springing lavishly from the walls and the dome, and representing pic- torially all that is noblest and most sublime, moved before his enchanted eyes in real presence (gegenwdrtig) ; he saw represented the godlike forms (bie Gsttliden), such as the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Holy Mother, the descent of the Trinity, and the radiant Transfiguration?. I That Berfldrung denotes ¢ Transfiguration ’ is quite evident from Luther and other German authorities. 202 MARIA STUART. (I. 443—493: Schiller probably had in his mind some of the celebrated pictures to be found in the principal churches of Rome. 1. 445. Dag Hodyamt halten, Zo celebrate High Mass. L. 452. The metaphorical expression Lefensteppidhy, lit. © carpet of life, .was coined by Schiller to denote the various incidents which form the component parts of ‘the web of life.” The same expression is used by the poet in his Huldigung der Kiinste (1805). 1. 457. By the expression narrow and dull book, Mortimer can only refer to the puritanical interpretation of the Bible. 1. 460. Dringten fic, etc., thronged round me. 1. 461. Der Frangofen, etc., say, the groups of gay Frenchmen. Lands: mannfdaft denotes lit. ¢ the state of being one’s countryman,’ ‘ associa- tion of compatriots,’ etc. 1. 463. Schiller applies here—probably for the sake of the rhythm— the title of Cardinal of Guise to Charles of Guise, who, as stated above, was generally called Cardinal of Lorraine. The former title was borne by Louis, Charles’s younger brother. 1. 464. Wie fier, etc., i.e. how unwavering, how clearsighted in his actions, and of what manly greatness! 11. 479-82. The speaker describes here some of the principal doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church; first he alludes to the veneration of images as symbolical representatives of divine beings; secondly he points out the necessity of a visible head of the Church, in the person of the Pope, and finally he quotes the Cardinal’s saying ‘ that the spirit of truth rested on the councils of the fathers,’ i.e. that the doctrines adopted by the general councils, more especially the great ¢ Council of Trent,” which sat 1545-1563, are based on truth’. 1. 485. Guadba (pron. ‘Swada’) with the Romans the goddess of persuasion (Gr. ¢ Peitho’), is used in German for ¢ persuasive eloquence.’ The term is now more generally employed for ‘loquacious eloquence,’ somewhat like the colloquial expression, ‘gift of the gab.’ Here the foreign word has been happily chosen, in order to characterize the ‘ travelled ’ speaker. 1. 486. ch Fehrte, etc., i. e. he returned to the bosom of the Church to which the English originally belonged. 1. 490. Wie der, etc, i.e. like Christ in His Sermon on the Mount. 1. 493, etc. The Cardinal of Lorraine founded at A/eims a Seminary, 1 Korner altered the word @ifungen, lit. ‘meetings,’ sessions,’ into Safungen, ¢ decrees,’ probably thinking that the latter term sounds more dignified. The correct reading is Sisungen. Il. 493—529.] NOTES. ACT. Z 203 ostensibly with the object of preparing young Englishmen for the priest- hood, but in reality for the purpose of training young fanatics, who, ‘being taught that it was lawful to kill Queen Elizabeth as an usurper and a heretic, and being educated with a view to the crown of martyr- dom,’ were sent over to this country to carry out in practice the theories with which they were imbued. ¢ These Seminaries,’ says Hume, ¢ were all of them under the direction of the Jesuits.” Cp. Hume, v. 236, etc. ; Camden, 247; Rapin, ii. 111, etc. - 1. 496. Thomas Morgan, described by Buchanan as ‘a gentleman of great credit in his party,’ was indefatigably active in France in the cause of Mary Stuart. Parry (cp. l. 70, 2.) confessed that it was he who in- stigated him to kill Queen Elizabeth. Morgan was, like Parry, a Welshman ; but Schiller designates him as a Scotchman, probably be- cause the word ©dyotte suits the metre better than Wallifer would have done here, which latter form he uses in his Jungfrau von Orleans (C.P.S.), L. 257, n. Cp. on Morgan and Parry, Buchanan, iii. 112. L. 497. John Zesley—or ¢ Leslie ’—Bishop of Koss (b. 1526; d. 1596), is described as having been ‘remarkable both for his learning and his unshaken fidelity to Queen Mary, and as a prime mover in every cabal against Queen Elizabeth.” Being implicated in Norfolk’s conspiracy, he was committed, in Sept. 1571, to the Tower, and only set at liberty after a long confinement, on condition that he should leave the kingdom. He repaired to France, where he continued active in favour of Mary. Cp. Camden, 164, etc. ; Hume, v. 199 ; Robertson, ii. 24, etc. Schiller found the form XRosse in Camden, and he uses it here as a dissyllabic word on account of the rhythm. 1. 506. Des Gefithls, etc., no longer master of my feelings ; or over- powered by my feelings. 1. 507. Woh! corresponds here to the Engl. zndeed. L 510. Sammernswiirdig is synonymous with beflagengwiitdig, wortiy of commiseration ; pitiable. L 511. The zealous adherents of Mary represented her as suffering imprisonment on account of her religious creed, and not in consequence of her political aspirations. 1. 515, ete. Devzerfdyiitternder, leart-stirring ; pathetic—The verb abfdhildern (1. 517) is more emphatic than the simple {dyilbern, and de- notes Zo paint, or to describe minutely. 11. 518-29. Mary Stuart was descended on her father’s side from the Tudors. Her Roman Catholic partisans asserted, therefore, that she was the sole rightful heiress of the English crown, and not Elizabeth, ¢ this mock-queen, born in illegitimate wedlock, whom her own father, Henry VIII, rejected (in 1536) as his bastard daughter,’ because his 204 MARIA STUART. [IL 529-579. marriage with her mother, Anne Boleyn, had been pronounced by Arch- bishop Cranmer ‘null and invalid.” The same party declared, more- over, that the marriage of Henry VIII with Anne Boleyn was illegal, because his divorce from Catherine of Aragon was not sanctioned by the Pope. : The obsolete adv. and prep. aftet—which is the same as the English after, denoting ¢ behind in place’; ‘later in time’—is now used in compounds only, in order to designate anything false ; not genuine ; pseudo, etc. ; hence, Afterfonigin (1 522) denotes a ‘false’ or ‘moc queen.” Cp. Heine’s Prosa (C.P.S.), p. 164, 1. 4, 7. Ll. 537. Queen Mary was removed from the custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury as far back as 1584, after she had been a prisoner in Sheffield Castle, which was his chief residence—Xallint’'s Sdlof—for fourteen years. Under Paulet’s custody she was imprisoned in some other places, before being removed to Fotheringhay. Schiller altered, how- ever, both the time and the locality of her imprisonment for dramatic purposes. 1. 545. Und lehrt mich, etc. This assertion tends to show that Mor- timer’s disposition was naturally frank and straightforward. L 551. Gine Gotterhalle, say, arn abode of gods. L 553. © bes Gliuctlichen, ok, happy is he.—The interjection O is sometimes followed in German by the genitive. L. 556, etc. NAufftehen wiirde, etc. Mortimer’s assertion is, of course, the expression of exaggerated youthful enthusiasm, as Mary herself - seems to intimate (1. 560, etc.) ; but it is an historical fact that Eliza- beth’s advisers considered it dangerous to allow Mary any liberty of movement, even though strictly guarded, but kept her in close restraint, fearing that otherwise ¢ insurrections and invasions would never be want- ing for her relief.” Cp. Robertson, ii. 125. 1. 565. Hervorgehen aus, zo emerge from.—That Queen Mary bore her trials, in general, with ‘royal dignity’ is admitted by the historians. Cp-1. 135, ». 1. 567. Mary is described as having retained her majestic appearance to the last, but for greater dramatic effect she is here represented as having lost nothing of the ¢ splendour of her beauty.’ 1. 568. Cp. 1. 53, etc. 1. 569. Und body, etc., and still there float round you perpetually.— Some consider here eig to be an attributive adjective. 1. 578. The tribunal or commission consisted of forty-five persons, but several members were absent when the sentence was pronounced. L 579, etc. Das Haug, etc. ¢ The parliament met a few days after sentence was pronounced against Mary... both houses unanimously II. 579-634.) NOTES. ACT L 205 ratified the proceedings of the Commissioners by whom she had been tried .. . Not satisfied with this, they presented a joint address to the queen beseeching her . . . to publish the sentence’ (Robertson, ii. 133). This was done by the Lord Mayor amidst the rejoicings of the people. Queen Elizabeth wavered, however (lL. 583), and besought Parliament to devise some more lenient way of providing for the public security, but the Lords and Commons renewed their request with additional im- portunity. Ibid. 134. 1. 590. Wo man, etc., whither they tend ; what they aim at. 1. 591. Sn ew’gem, etc. This was one of the expedients which some of Queen Elizabeth’s councillors advised her to adopt. 1. 596. ©p lang Jkt, etc. The French ambassador Bellievre said to Queen Elizabeth, in his long plea for Mary—* Les ennemis de la Reine d’Ecosse font ouyr parmy vos peuples une voix funeste, que la vie de ladicte Reine est votre ruine, et que vos deux vies ne peuvent plus subsister en ce méme royaume.’” Du Chesne, 111. Cp. also above, 1 550; n. 1. 603, etc. Queen Mary repeatedly pleaded that her trial was a violation of the principle of sovereignty, and the special French ambas- sador, Belliévre, sent over by Henry III in order to intercede in her behalf, said to Queen Elizabeth, ‘that it very much concerned the most Christian King of France, and all other Kings, that a Queen, a free and absolute Princess, should not be put to death.” Camden, 374. 1. 607. Schiller uses here the foreign term Duc (printed in some editions Dic) for the sake of the metre. The incident of the projected marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou—which is here an anachronism— has been introduced for dramatic purposes. Cp. 1. 1077, 72. 1. 612, etc. The expression in leten Jeiten, 22 these latter days, is used to emphasize the recent occurrence of these executions, as Anne Boleyn’s in 1536, Catherine Howard's in 1542, and Lady Jane Grey’s in 1554. Possibly Schiller refers to Camden’s statement (as quoted by Robertson, ii. 137), that Mary, on hearing her sentence, exclaimed, ‘ No wonder the English should now thirst for the blood of a foreign prince ; they have often offered violence to their own monarchs.’ 1. 625, etc. Cp. 1. 230, ect., 7. 1. 630, etc. Kredenst, presented —An ancient Oriental custom re- quired a person, presenting food or drink, to taste it first, in order to prove its harmlessness. The Italians called this act credenzare (from credenza, ‘ belief), © to testify to’; hence the German frebengen. Later on this verb was simply used in the sense of Zo offer, or fo present any drink, etc. Cp. the Engl. ¢ credence table,’ and the Fr. ¢ crédence.’ 1. 634, etc. This passage refers to Babington’s conspiracy (Cp. 206 MARIA STUART. [IL 634—669. Ll. yo, ».), in which there were actually engaged twelve persons of ‘most eminent note’; and to the later plot against Queen Elizabeth, in which the French ambassador L’Aubespine was implicated (Cp. Cam- den, 339, 377, etc.). That the poet had chosen Babington as the proto- type of Mortimer; will be seen from the Critical Introduction. 1. 644, etc. Chidiock ZZchburne! or Tichbourne was implicated in Babington’s plot, and was executed with him on Sept. 20, 1586. Cam- den (344) says of the execution of the conspirators, that it was carried out ‘not without some note and touch of cruelty’; but the fact ‘ that their bloody heads had been set up as warnings upon London Bridge’ is not recorded. . Possibly Schiller was induced to mention Tich- bourne in particular, besides Babington, because Camden (ibid.) says of him ¢that at the place of execution he humbly acknowledged his Fault, and moved the multitude to Pity and Commiseration of his Case.’ 1. 648. 1nd meine Keften, etc. It is an historical fact that every attempt in favour of Mary, was followed by more rigorous measures against her ; so that it was one of the pleas in her behalf ‘that it was cruel to make her suffer for the zeal of others.’ 1. 650. Nearly all the plots in favour of Mary were betrayed by spies in the pay of Sir Francis Walsingham (b. 1536; d. 1590), the famous Secretary of State, who, by his shrewdness, contrived to get hold of most of her secret correspondence; but Schiller mentions here, in par- ticular, Lord Burleigh, because he appears in the drama, and is re- presented as Mary’s most insidious enemy. Cp. 1. 689, 7. 1. 653. There is some truth in Mary’s pessimistic remarks respecting the ill-luck attached to her fate. Some of her would-be liberators expected certain death from their attempts in her favour, but they were ¢ eager to obtain the crown of martyrdom.” Robertson, ii. 119- 1. 664. Ganz @ngland, etc. The majority of the English people, chiefly consisting of Protestants, were decidedly hostile to Mary Stuart. 1. 668. Schiller spelt the name of Zezcester phonetically, as it were, in order to facilitate its pronunciation for German readers. Cp. on the poet’s spelling of Salisbury in his Jungfrau won Orleans (C.P.S.), 1. 274, n. 1. 669. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester (b. 1531; d. 1588) was, as is well known, the greatest favourite of Queen Elizabeth. In 1564, she recommended him for a husband to Mary Stuart, but the latter had 1 Schiller found the form Tickburn(e) in Camden and Rapin, but he never wrote ¢ Tischbuarn.’ IL. 669—705.] NOTES, ACT 1 207 begun to turn her thoughts on Lord Darnley, and the Earl flattered himself with the hope of espousing Queen Elizabeth. The incident of a secret understanding between Mary and Leicester has been invented by the poet. 1. 682. Cp. 1. 404. 1. 684. Cp. L. 209, etc. 1. 685. Herrlichfeit is here used by Schiller for Lordship. In Fr. ¢ Seigneurie.’ 1. 687. Queen Mary persistently asserted her innocence both as re- gards the assassination of Darnley, and the conspiracies against the life of Elizabeth. 1. 688. Schiller introduces Lord Burleigh for dramatic purposes as deputy ot envoy from the court of justice. The sentence was communi- cated to Mary at the beginning of Dec. 1586, by Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, member of the privy council, and Robert Beale, ¢ Clerk of the Council.’ 1. 689. Lord Burleigh is described, together with Secretary Walsing- ham, by Rapin as ¢ known enemies of the Queen of Scots, and probably authors and promoters of the resolution to bring her to trial.” ii. 126. 1. 694. Schiller here follows Rapin (ii. 125), who says that the com- missioners proper numbered forty-two. 1. 696. Unterworfen htt’ id, etc. See l. 85, 7. = L 699, etc. Dury Gefdhiworene, etc., i.e. by a jury of his equals. Mary repeatedly protested against the jurisdiction of the Commissioners, and, after having read, on Oct. 12, 1586, the letter sent her by Queen Elizabeth through the Commissioners, she said in her plea —¢ As for this Letter, it seemeth strange to me, that the Queen should command me, as a Subject, to submit myself to a Trial. I am an absolute Queen, and will do nothing which may be prejudicial, either to Royal Majesty, or to other Princes of my Place and Rank, or my Son.” She further averred—‘If I must be tried, princes alone can be my peers. The Queen of England’s subjects, however noblé their birth may be, are of a rank inferior to mine.’ Camden, pp. 349, 350, 353. Robertson, ii. 127. Cp. alsol..167, %. 1. 705. Schiller uses the Engl. form Gommittee (which is here to be scanned Gommittie), in order to impart to the tribunal a local colour’ The term Gommiffion, Commission, might have been taken for a French word, and would, besides, sound less dignified here than Gommittee. 1 The usage on the German stage is to pronounce the word Committee as I have indicated above. 208 MARIA STUART. [. 705-732. He makes the latter feminine, probably on account of the termination. The Fr. form Gomité (n.) is now generally used. 1. 708, etc Ja, id) habe, etc. These lines are based on the following passages from Rapin (ii. 126) :— She (Queen Mary) disputed two whole days the authority of the Judges. . . . But at last Hatton, one of the Commissioners, made a speech to her which shook her resolution.” He told her, ‘that indeed she was accused, but not condemned. That if she were innocent, she injured her reputation extremely in avoiding a Trial,” etc. The historian then adds, Had Mary been provided with Council, she would doubtless have been told that Hatton’s speech tended only to insnare her, and engage her to answer, that she might be condemned by a peremptory sentence. . . . Mary stood out, however, till the 14th of October, when, sending for some of the Commissioners, she told them, Hatton’s arguments had convinced her of the necessity to make her innocence appear.’ 1. 713, etc. Das that ich, etc. Camden (350) says that Queen Mary ‘took no exceptions against the Commissioners, but objected strongly against the late made Law, upon which the authority of their Commis- sion solely depended,’ etc. 1. 716, etc. After Mary's repeated refusal to justify herself before the Commission, the Lord Treasurer told her—¢ We notwithstanding will proceed in the cause . .. although you be absent and refractory.’ Camden, 352. l. 719, etc. Shr athmet, &c. When Mary at last appeared before the Commissioners (Oct. 14, 1586), repeating her unvaried protest ¢ that as a free and absolute Queen she was not constrained to appear before them, the Lord Chancellor answered, ‘that this Protestation was in vain, for whosoever (of what Place, Quality, and Degree soever he be) should offend against the Laws of England in England, he was subject to the said Laws,’ etc. Camden, p. 353, etc. 1. 724. Kenn ich fie, etc. © The Laws and Statutes of England are to me altogether unknown,’ said Mary, in one of her protests to the Com- missioners. Camden, p. 349. Cp. lL. 216, 2. 11. 728-34. Hatton said in his above-mentioned speech to Mary: ¢You say you are queen; be it so; however in such a Crime as this the Royal dignity itself is not exempted from Answering, neither by the Civil or Canon Law, nor by the Zaw of Nations . . . For if such kind of Offenses might be committed without Punishment, all Justice would stagger, yea fall to the ground.” Camden, 352. L. 732. Themis, the Greek Goddess of Order and Justice, is repre- sented in modern art with a sword; hence the figurative expression Ze sword of Themis, for ‘avenging justice. 1. 735-773. NOTES.: ACT L 209 1. 735. Sd) will, etc. ¢I refuse not to answer in a full Parliament before the Estates of the Realm lawfully assembled . . . yea before the Queen and her Council,’ ete. Zbzd. 11. 737-49. These lines are based on the following passage in Cam- den (p. 350): ‘They sent her (i. e. the Commissioners to Queen Mary) by Powlet and the Solicitour, the Contents of their Commission, and the names of the Commissioners, that she might see they were to pro- ceed according to Equity and Reason, and not upon any cunning Niceties of Law, or take any extraordinary Course.’ 1. 738, etc. Vom . . . aufgegriffene, snatched up at random from among. The term Sungendrefdher, for wrangler, pettifogger, had already been used by Luther. Organ (1. 740) denotes here t00/, instrument. 11. 750-53. The names of the three Commissioners here mentioned have been most aptly chosen. First comes that of John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, here poetically called Bilferhivte, shepherd of the people ; then that of Talbot; Earl of Shrewsbury, here designated as Keeper of the Seals', who used to treat Mary with indulgence whilst she was in his custody (Hume, v. 258), and who is eulogized by Camden (p. 445) for his Wis- dome ; and finally Lord Howard, The ¢ High Admiral of England,’ whose family was so warmly attached to the cause of Mary Stuart. 1. 760. Sn einem Sprudye, etc, i. e. in a sentence dictated by passion. The Commission consisted of the ¢ most illustrious persons in the king- dom by their birth or offices.” Robertson, ii. 126. L 772. The plural Gefdyiditen was formerly used on the analogy of the Lat. Aéstoriae, in the sense of kistory in general. Similarly the plural form, which certainly sounds more poetical than the singular, Gefdhidhte, has also been employed by the poet in his Wallenstein’s Zod (Act i, sc. 5). Cp. Heyne's Deutsches Worterbuck, sub voce Sefdhichte. 1. 773, etc. The speaker refers to the three different authorities con- ducting the government of the country : first to the State Council, here described as the majestic senate of the realm, then to the noble House of Lords (1. 777), qualified as ¢venal like the mercenary Commons’ L773) 1 The then Keeper of the Seals was Sir Thomas Bromley, Lord Chancellor of England ; and Mellish actually has, in his translation, the name of Bromley. If the latter was first used by Schiller himself, he subsequently altered it, because the Earl of Shrewsbury is represented in the last scene of the drama as resigning the office of Keeper of the Seals. In Mellish’s translation, Shrewsbury is simply represented as resigning his office.” P 210 MARIA STUART. [IL 776-811. 1. 776. ®rofohm, great uncle. Ohm is the abbrev. form of Ofeint. 1. 779. Gefeie prigen, etc. Lit. ‘to coin laws and recall them.’ The verb vervufen, denoted originally ‘to proclaim publicly the inva- lidity of some coin,” and is here appositely employed as an antithesis of prigen. Fig. vevrufen denotes ‘to repeal’; ¢ to retract,’ ete. 11. 780-83. ¢ Moved by the caprices of his love (Sultanslaunen, 1. 775) or of his resentment, that impatient and arbitrary monarch (Henry VIII) had divorced or beheaded four of the six queens whom he married. In order to gratify him both his daughters (Gngland’s Fiivftentschter) had been declared illegitimate by Act of Parliament; and yet, with that fantastic inconsistence which distinguishes his character, he, in his last will . . . called both of them to the throne upon the death of their brother Edward.” Robertson, i. 141. Cp. L. 524, 7. 11. 784-86. The irony contained in the expression mit {chnell, etc., with rapidly changing conviction, need not be specially pointed out. What Schiller meant will best be shown by the original reading, indirectly preserved in Mellish’s translation, which runs as follows :— «I see them in jour reigns, with pliant conscience, Four times abjure their faith ; renounce the Pope With Henry, yet retain the old belief ; Reform themselves with Edward ; hear the mass Again with Mary ; with Elizabeth, Who governs now, reform themselves again. That the passage has gained in poetical dignity by the omission of the above lines will be apparent to everyone. 1.87. Cp. 1..724, 7. 11. 790-98. These lines contain a poetical appreciation of Burleigh’s character, quite in accordance with history. 1l. 801-3. ‘Mary was accused of conspiring the destruction of the Queen, the realm of England, and the Protestant Religion’ (Rapin, ii. 126). Her plea consequently is that the Commissioners being Pro- testants, they would not be impartial. It may be pointed out here that there was a sprinkling of Roman Catholics among the Commissioners. 11. 8o4—11. These lines are based on the following passages, occurring in Camden's account (p. 167) of the trial of John Leslie, Bishop of Ross (cp- 1. 497, #.): When they began to urge him with Testimonies of English-men, he kindly prayed them not to do it, forasmuch as by a constantly received Custome, which (as he said) was grown into the Form of a Law, the Testimony of an LEnglish-man against a Scot, or of a Scot against an English-man was not to be admitted. Rapin, (ii 101), in recording the trial of the Duke of Norfolk (cp. L. 73, 72.), says that the latter rejected the testimony of the Bishop of Ross on the same 11. 8r1—846.] NOTES. ACT IL 211 plea, and he adds: ‘In this they both pretended, without ground, to take advantage of a custom introduced on the borders of the two King- doms, where, in cases of depredation, the evidence of one nation against the other was not admitted, because they were Parties. But this custom was not become so general as to be of Service to the Duke in his Cause.’ 1. 811, etc. Die Natur, etc. The aptness of the present simile need not further be pointed out. 1. 815. Schiller mentions in particular the Zweed, because it forms the principal boundary between England and Scotland, and he uses the old spelling of the word (to be pron. here: 7wiede), because he required another syllable for the metre. Zweed is now used in the masc. gender, because it is a monosyllable, but Schiller makes Zweede fem., since, besides its being the name of a river, it ends in e. 1. 817, etc. Dag Blut, etc. This is, of course, an allusion to the well- known sanguinary border feuds fought out for centuries on the banks of the Tweed. In stating that the perpetual conflicts between the English and Scots lasted a thousand years (1. 819), Schiller fixed the period poetically in round numbers. 1. 820, etc. Kein Feind, etc. This assertion applies, in general, to the alliances of the Scots with France against England; and possibly in particular to the battles of Neville’s Cross (an. 1346) and Flodden (an. 1513). That the English often interfered with the internal strifes of Scotland and thus ¢ furnished the tinder to the civil wars which set its towns on fire,’ is well known. 1. 829. When Mary was led to the scaffold she said to her steward, Sir Andrew Melville, ¢ Dieu veuille pardonner & ceux qui ont désiré ma fin ; celuy qui est vray juge des secrets, pensées et actions des hommes, scait bien mon intention et mon désir a été toujours que I’ Ecosse et 0 Angleterre fussent vnis. ‘La Mort de la Rayne d’Ecosse,’ Jebb, ii. 635. 1. 831. The alliterative expression frei und fréhlidy, often used in German prose and poetry, denotes here freely and happily ; in happy Sreedom. 1. 832. Mary and her adherents constantly asserted that she was a martyr for her religion (cp. 1. 511, 2.); but Schiller, not wishing to introduce the religious element into the drama, in a controversial spirit, makes her accentuate the fact ‘that she was the victim of national hatred’ between the English and the Scotch people. 1. 843. Wo find, etc. The evidence adduced’ (against Mary), says Buchanan, ‘did not amount to legal proof,’ iii. 128. 1. 845 The term Wortgefecht corresponds to the Eng. war of words. 1. 846. Queen Mary was found guilty by an unanimous verdict, but P2 212 MARIA STUART. [Il 847-879. Schiller had possibly in his mind the fact that two of the Com- missioners, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Warwick, were absent when sentence was passed against her, 1. 847. Schiller uses the foreign term 9(fte, because reference is made to an Act of Parliament. Aft (m.) is used for ‘deed’; ‘action,’ etc. 11. 850-54. In this passage Schiller follows Camden (p. 309) and Robert- son (ii. 105). The latter says that a Statute was passed by the English Parliament in March, 15835, to the effect ¢ 7%at if any rebellion shall be excited in the kingdom, or any thing attempted to the hurt of her Majesty's person, by or jor any person pretending a title to the Crown, the Queen shall empower twenty-four persons. . . . to examine into and pass sentence upon such offences ; and after judgment given, a proclama- tion shall be issued, declaring the persons whom they find guilty, excluded from any right to the crown, and her Majesty's subjects may lawfully pursue every one of them to death, with all their aiders and abettors. 11. 856-62. ¢ This Act,’ says Robertson (267d.), ¢ was plainly levelled at the Queen of Scots. . .. Mary was therefore rendered accountable, not only for her own actions, but for those of others.” Buchanan (iii. 113) and Rapin (ii. 120) put the same interpretation on that statute. The historians also report that Mary distinctly declared to the Commissioners at Fotheringhay (Oct. 11, 1586) that the Act in question ‘ wholly aimed at her. 1. 863, etc. Queen Elizabeth publicly declared that the Act in question ‘ was not made to prejudice Mary, as divers who are inclined to favour her have imagined. So far was it from being made to intrap her, that it was rather intended to forwarn and deter her from attempting anything against it.” Camden, p. 346. Cp. also Buchanan, iii. 129. 1. 864. Rapin (Zbid.) admits the possibility that Mary might have prevented the fatal effects of the Statute in question, if, warned by it, ¢ she could have resolved to renounce all correspondence in the kingdom and in foreign countries. But she had not the prudence to take this wise course, or perhaps to avoid the snares laid for her.’ 1. 865. According to Robertson (ii. 106), ¢ Mary justly considered this Act as a warning to prepare for the worst extremities.’ 1. 867, etc. The Commissioner, Sir Thomas Gawdy, after having affirmed (Oct. 12, 1586) that Mary had offended against the Statute of 1585, ‘made an historical Discourse of Babingtor’s Conspiracy, and concluded, Z%at she knew of it, approved it, assented unto it, promised ker assistance and shewed the way and means for effecting it.’ Camden, P- 354; cp. on Babington, 1. 70, a. 1. 871-79. In reply to Gawdy’s charge, Mary answered with a stout 1l. 880—887.] NOTES. ACT 1 213 courage’: ‘That she never plotted the Destruction of the Queen; and that to prove any such thing, her Subscription under her own Hand was to be produced.’ . . . Hereupon it was urged out of Babington’s Con- fession, that there had been Intercourse of Letters betwixt her and Babington. . . Then were read the Copies of Babington’s Letters to her, wherein the whole Conspiracy was contained. . . . Next was produced a Letter (of Mary's) wherein Babington’s Plot was commended and approved. Hereof she required a Copy, and affirmed, That it came not from her, but haply might be written by her Alphabet of Cyphers in France.” Camden, p. 355 seq. When the Commissioners pressed Mary with the testimonies of her secretaries, Nau and Curle, she said, ¢ It might be that these two might insert some things into her Letters which she never dictated to them’ (1. 176). [Zbid. 357. 1. 880. Und warum, etc. ‘If the testimony of Babington and his associates were so explicit, why did not Elizabeth spare them for a few weeks, and, by confronting them with Mary, overwhelm her with the full conviction of her crimes?’ Robertson ii. 132. Cp. also Mary's letter, dated Sheffield, Nov. 8, 1582, in Camden, p. 278. 1. 883. The expression Stine gegen Stirne, corresponds to the Engl. face to face. 1. 884. Schiller spells the name of Cur/e, according to its pronun- ciation in German. The Scotchman, Curle, was married in Mary’s prison, to Barbara Mowbray—the Margarete Kurl of this drama—who was one of the Queen’s waiting women. The Frenchman Azz had been recommended to Mary by her uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine, whose secretary he was. 1. 885. Mit einem Cid exfirvten, fo confirm with an oath. The Germ. erfirten, lit. ‘to harden,’ corresponds somewhat to his Engl. to corroborate,’ i. e. ¢ to make strong.’ Mary’s two secretaries, Curle and Nau, were arrested in Aug. 1586, whilst her closets and cabinets were ransacked (cp. 1. 6, 72.). Camden says (p. 345) that the two secretaries, ‘ being examined about the Letters, Notes, and Cyphers, found in the Queen’s private Closet, voluntarily acknowledged, and subscribed to it, that the Letters were of their Hand- writing, as they were dictated from the Queen’s own Mouth, in French, to Nawe, and translated into English by Cur/e, and so wrote in Cyphers.’ 1. 887. Und auf, etc. In her plea to the Commissioners, Mary said, ¢ That as for her Secretaries, she was willing to add to what she had already said of them, that they deserved no credit, for as they had sworn secrecy to her, they could be deemed no other than perjured persons, when they gave in their evidence against her.” Rapin, ii. 128. 214 MARIA STUART. (IL. 892-956. 1. 892. When the commission pressed Mary with the ¢ Testimonies of her Secretaries she acknowledged Curle to be an /fonest man, but not a competent witness.” Camden, p. 317. 1. 896. Doh die Folter, etc. Mary said to the Lord Treasurer that “if they (i.e. her Secretaries) had confessed anything out of Fear of Torments, or Hope of Reward and Impunity, it was not to be admitted,’ etc. Camden, p. 359. Cp. Rapin, ii. 127; Buchanan, iii. 12%. 1. go1—9o6. When Mary asked in her above-mentioned letter (1. 880, 72.), of Queen Elizabeth, to be confronted with her accusers, she averred, ‘The basest Malefactors and Prisoners are allowed their Defence, and their Accusers brought before them Face fo face. And why am I not so dealt withall, who am an anointed Queen,” etc. Camden, p. 278. 1. 908. Daf unter, etc. By an act of the 13th of Elizabeth... it was expressly declared that witnesses should be confronted with the accused,” etc. Buchanan, iii. 127. Cp. also Hume, v. 297. 1. 915. The legal expression Jedhteng seems to have been first used adverbially, like the Engl. éy or of 74ghts. Later on it was also employed substantively in the sense of Zaw. 1. 918. Wo dies Medht, etc., where this law oppresses me, i. e. in cases in which the English law bears hardly on her. L 925. Gg ijt’s allein, etc. All the historians agree that it was principally ‘ Babington's conspiracy ’ which proved fatal to Mary. 1. 928. Augbeugen is the more poetical expression for ausbiegen, zo evade ; to swerve from. 1. 929. Don Bernardino de Mendoza, who was Spanish Ambassador to Queen Elizabeth, was accused of having conspired, in 1583, with Francis Throgmorton, of Cheshire, and the Queen of Scots, to bring about the liberation of the latter, the re-establishment of the Roman Catholic faith, and the destruction of Queen Elizabeth, by means of a foreign invasion of England. In consequence, Mendoza was ordered, in Jan. 1584, to leave the country. Cp. Camden, pp. 296, 361; Rapin, ii. 127, and Robertson, ii. 93. 1. 930. When the Commissioners accused Mary of having corresponded with Mendoza, she replied ‘that these things did not prove she had any hand in the conspiracy against the Queen’s life’ (Rapin, ii. 127), and Schiller probably had this fact in his mind, when he made her _ address to Burleigh the admonition ‘that he should stick to the point,’ i. e. to the principal charge brought forward against her. 1. 933. The genitive Guropens instead of Guropag has been used by Schiller and other writers, but mere especially in higher diction. 11. 934-56. The beginning of the present speech is a repetition of that 1. 946—986.] NOTES. ACT I. 215 of Kennedy in Sc. 1 (IL. 85-97 notes), and the remainder is chiefly based on Mary’s reply to the Commissioners as reported by Camden (p. 355), viz. “that she had used her best Endeavour for the Recovery of her Liberty, as very Nature itself alloweth and dictateth, and had solicited her Friends to get her Deliverance . . . For her part she would not purchase the Kingdoms with the Death of the meanest ordinary man, much less of the Queen,’ and she emphatically added, ¢ 7 would never make Shipwreck of my Soul by conspiring the Destruction of my dearest Sister.” Camden, p. 356. 1. 946. Bwangsrecht, law of necessity, 1. e. the right of self-defence. 1. 950. Sn einem, etc., i.e. in open warfare. The attribute gut with reference to war is similarly used by Schiller in his Wallenstein's Zod, Act II, Sc. 2. y 1. 959. Mary had asserted (11. 957, 958) that the question between her and Elizabeth ¢ was not that of right against right, but of force against force ;’ Burleigh therefore reminds her significantly that her plea was fatal to her, since ‘the fearful right of force was not favourable to the powerless prisoner.’ 1. 961-74. This passage gives the clue to the light in which Schiller wished to represent—for dramatic reasons—the character of Elizabeth. In the same light she has been represented by Hume (v. 300) and some other historians. 1. 969. Der rofien, etc. i. e. the bloody daring of brute force. 1. 970. Goldy Gaufelipiel, etc. It is evident . .. that the solemn farce (i.e. Mary’s trial) was got up to throw an air of justice over an action which the parties wished to perpetrate.” Buchanan, iii. 128. 1. 975. Schiller frequently uses the word Ritter, £night, for the Engl. title S77. 1. 976. All historians agree that Mary possessed a proud and unbend- ing spirit. That she had received the sentence of death calmly and with royal dignity has been mentioned before. 1. 978. Cp. for the form Uuthel, 1. 245, 72. 1. 980, etc. Camden says (p. 379, etc.) that Mary’s enemies drew by various ¢Scare-crows and affrighting Arguments the Queen’s wavering and perplexed Mind to that pass, that she signed a Warrant for putting the Sentence of Death in Execution . . . yet she, being a Woman »aZur- ally slow in her Resolutions, began to consider in her Mind, whether it were better to put her to death, or to spare her’ The consequence was that Elizabeth’s indecision inspired Mary—at first at least—with some hope that her life would be spared. 11. 983-86. Paulet here recapitulates the Z»regularities at Mary's trial, which she had herself pointed out before (Il. 920-23), and he avers that 216 MARIA STUART. [ll 992-1037. her vain defiance will disappear when the pretext upon which it is based will be removed. Babington and Tichbow ne had already been executed, but Mary’s Secretaries might still have been confronted with her. 1. 992, etc. 1nd ihrer, etc., i.e. the “influence of her womanly tears.’ Schiller mentions Curle in particular, probably because he stood in a more friendly relation to Mary, on account of his marrige with one of her favourite attendants, and he seems to have been, besides, very ¢ pliable.’ Cp. 1. 884, #.; 1. 3015, etc., 7. L 999. Cp. on the ceremonious pomp at Mary’s trial, Camden, p. 353. See also Buchanan, iii. 128. 1. 1001, etc. Camden states (p. 380) that among the Arguments against carrying out the sentence of death, there was on the part of Elizabeth ¢ fear of Infamy with Posterity in after Histories.’ 1. 1005. Mary’s health having been greatly impaired through the long imprisonment (cp. Camden, p. 345; Buchanan, iii. 108 seg.; Hume, v. 290), the ungracious wish put in the mouth of Burleigh seems very natural to Paulet, who does not see at once the drift of his insinuation. 1. 1007, etc. When the ¢ Council of England’ deliberated in 1568 ‘what should be done with Queen Mary,” some councillors expressed the fear ‘that if she were detained as a prisoner and sie should die in England, though by Sickness, it would be wrested to matter of Calum- niation.” Camden, p. III. 1. 1023, etc. These lines seem to be based on a passage in Brantome (Dames Illustres, p.158), in which he mentions the report that when Elizabeth sent word to Mary ¢ that it was to her great grief that she was compelled by the Estates to have the Sentence carried out,” the Scottish Queen remarked, ¢ Elle a bien plus de puissance que cela pour les rendre obéissants a ses volontés quand il lui plaist” Robertson (ii. 135) also says that after having prorogued Parliament, Elizabeth ¢ reserved in her own hands the sole disposal of her rival's fate.” Cp. 1. 663, etc. 1. 1028, etc. Elizabeth’s perplexity, during the period preceding Mary’s execution, has been described by several contemporary his- torians, who state that she gave herself over to melancholy, spent sleep- less nights, and uttered various exclamations showing her inward struggle. Cp. among others, Camden, p. 382, and Robertson, ii. 139. 1l. 1029-37. Schiller has here skilfully interwoven an incident which some historians report as having occurred after the ‘fatal Warrant’ was signed, and which was to the effect that Elizabeth ordered a letter to be written to Paulet complaining of his remissness in sparing so long the life of her enemy; but Paulet, who knew the danger as well as dis- grace which would have been the consequence, refused to comply, and, in his answer to the queen told her, she might dispose of his life at 1l. T034—1076.] NOTES. ACT IL 217 pleasure, but he would never consent to an action which would leave an indelible stain on his honour.” Buchanan, iii. 137. Robertson (ii. 140, seq.), who reports the same incident, states that Paulet ‘lamented that he should ever have been deemed capable of acting the part of an assassin.’ Burleigh’s name has not been mentioned in the matter, but Leicester is said to have advised before Mary's trial that she should be ¢ secretly dispatched by poison.” Camden, p. 346. Ll. 1034. Elizabeth has been described as being convinced that she would never be safe on her throne as long as Mary lived, but neverthe- less she hesitated to put her rival to death, in consequence ‘of her own innate Clemency lest she should seem to show herself cruel to a Woman, and that a Princess, and her Kinswoman.” Camden, p. 380. 1. 1041. Paulet, who was, as has been pointed out before, one of the Spout vigilant of gaolers, is justly astonished at Burleigh’s remark about ¢ more attentive servants.’ 1. 1049. Cp. L337, 7 1. 1054. The expression ©dyergenamt (say, gaoler’s office) contains a notion that suggests the idea of contempt. L. 1959. Burleigh, not heeding Paulet’s scruples, persists in unfolding his plan. 1. 1066. The expression die @stter meines Dadys (say, my household gods), which contains a mythological notion, is here used to denote the protecting deity of hospitality, or security granted by the sojourn in a house. Possibly Schiller had here in his mind the Roman Zares or Penates as representatives of the household in general. Cp. for the form Gitte, 1. 2262 7. 1. 1069. The phrase Den Stab fiber Jemand brechen, lit. to break the staff over any one’ used for ¢ to pronounce sentence of death against any one,” owes it origin to the ancient German custom that the judge who condemned a culprit to death, broke a staff and threw the frag- ments before the prisoner, thus indicating symbolically his severance from life. 1. 1073. Sheriff is spelt in German Sdjeriff, Sherif, or Sheriff. 11. 1075-6. The practice of ending an Act or a Scene with a rhyme will be familiar enough to English readers. In this drama it occurs again in Acts II and III. Bweiter Aufzug. The first and second scenes of this Act relate to the projected marriage between Elizabeth and Francis of Anjou, Duke of Alen¢on, the negotia- tions for which dragged on, with various interruptions, from 1572 to 218 MARIA STUART. [ll. 1080—1105. 1584, in which latter year the Duke died; so that Schiller has here made use of another anachronism for the sake of dramatic effect. 11. 1080-96. The description of the romantic tournament is, in general, based on the account given of it by the chronicler Raphael Holinshed }, who describes in vol. v. of his Chronicles of England (pp. 434-45), in his prolix fashion, the tournament which took place (April 1581), in a specially erected banketting house’ in honour of the ¢ French Com- missioners’ deputed to conclude the marriage contract with Queen Elizabeth. ‘The gallerie or place at the end of the tiltyard,” says Holinshed, ‘adjoining hir maiesties house at Whitehall, wher as hir person should be placed, was called and not without cause, Z%e castell or fortresse of perfect beautie” Four courtiers, calling themselves ¢ the foster children of desire,’ challenged the fortress to surrender (1. 1084. Wie fie vom, etc., how it is attacked by desire.) The challenge was de- livered both in prose and verse, the latter consisting of a song (here designated as a Madrigal), and beginning with the line, ¢ Yeeld, yeeld, 6 yeeld, you that this fortresse doo hold. "The herald, represented by a boy, was answered by another boy, who sang the ‘ alarme song,’ after which ¢ two cannons were shot off, the one with sweet powder, and the other with sweet water’ (1. 1093). Finally the ¢ children of desire’ were conquered, and humbly acknowledged their submission (l. 1093, etc.). Both the attacking and defending parties were English, but Schiller considered it more effective to repre- sent the former as French, since they played the part of the suitors. The dignitaries here mentioned (1. 1083, etc.) do not occur in the list of the ‘defendants’ given by Holinshed (p. 439). Zord Marshall is Schiller’s rendering of Zar! Marshal of England, which title was at that time borne by the Earl of Shrewsbury (Camden, p. 348). The omission of the article before Dbervidhter has given rise to a wrong interpretation, as if the Zar! Marshall had been the umpire of the tournament. It simply denotes Lord Chief Justice, then called Chief Justicer.) The Senefdhall was the ‘Lord High Steward.’ L. 1104. The title of Monsieur used to be given to the eldest prince next to the king, when speaking of him. 1. 1105, etc. The first of the articles of the marriage-contract ran :— ‘The Duke and his Retainers . . . may freely exercise their Religion in some place to be appointed within his Court . . . He shall alter nothing in the Religion now received in England.’ Camden, p. 265. ! Cp. on Schiller’s authority for Kent's description the Critical Introduc- tion prefixed to this volume. Il. 1107—1145.] NOTES, ACE ZL. 219 Ll. 1107, etc. These words are put in the mouth of the Earl of Kent, in order to represent Elizabeth as being in full accord with the people. As a matter of fact, a considerable portion of the people were opposed to - the projected marriage from religious and political motives. 1. 1108. The word Zeitung, primarily used in the sense of 7ews only, is now generally employed in that of ¢ newspaper.’ I. 1x11. The expression Paypiteg Feffeln is here used as an attributive genitive, and may be rendered Popisi chains, or the chains of Popedom. Kent's remark is, of course, in accordance with history. For the sake of dramatic economy Schiller omitted to mention in the following scene all the ¢ French Commissioners,’ and confined himself to introducing the regular French ambassador, Aubespine, and the special envoy, Belli¢vre, who was sent over to intercede in favour of Mary, in 1586, but who was not included among the ¢ Commissioners’ for the marriage treaty in 1581. L 1117. Jhr galanter Gifer, i. e. the zeal in the gallant embassy. 1. 1119. The well-known town of S7 Germain-en-Laye, situated to the west of Paris, or rather the CZdzean in that town, was from the time of Francis I frequently the residence of the French kings. The court of Catherine de Medici was very luxurious. Cp. L. 47, 7. 1. 1120. Gstterfefte, denotes lit. “feasts of the gods,’ or ‘feasts like those of the gods’; say here, dzvine feasts. L 1122. (efittet, standing here for gut gefittet, may be rendered urbane. L 1129. Sdjimmer(og, corresponds exactly to the Engl. Justreless.— The poet makes Elizabeth assume the tone of mock modesty, in order to call forth a flattering response. In the speech addressed to her at the above-mentioned tournament, she was apostrophized as the ¢ Sun.’ 1. 1130. Schiller seems to have coined the word Weftminfterfof, lit. ¢ Court of Westminster,’ in analogy with the ¢ Court of St. James.’ 11. 1130-33. These lines contain a genuine French touch of overstrained compliment. L 1137. Mit der, ete., with the wished-for tidings of joy. L. 1140. The statement that the Duke of Anjou’s 7e/ays (Boften) have been placed between Amiens and Calais, is made in order to show his eagerness that the Queen’s consent (Jawort) should reach his entranced ears (trunfnen Ore) with winged swiftness (Fligelidhnelligeit). Possibly Schiller had here in his mind Alencon’s journey to Calais in Nov. 1581, in order to be able to correspond with Queen Elizabeth before he crossed the Channel. L. 11435, etc. Elizabeth frequently expressed her ¢ grief and sorrow’ at being obliged to use the rigour of the law against Mary. 220 MARIA STUART. [IL 117-1204. 1. 114%. The mention of the marriage torch (Hodhieitsfactel?) is again a mythological reminiscence ; Hymen, the god of marriage, being repre- sented as carrying in his hand a torch. 1l. 1157-60. When the Estates exhorted Elizabeth, in 1559, to marry, she ended her reply to them with the memorable words : ¢ To me it shall be full satisfaction, that both for the memoriall of my Name and for my Glory alco, if, when I shall let my last breath, it be engraven on my Marble-Tombe, Here lieth ELIZABETH, which reigned a Virgin, and died a Virgin.’ Camden, p. 27. 1. 1161, etc. In 1581 Walsingham was instructed by Queen Elizabeth to inform the French king among other things ‘that she did at first incline to marriage, upon no other account than to satisfie the desires of her People, who importunately persuaded her to marry, that there might be an established and certain succession by her children.’ Camden, P- 267. 1. 1169, etc. 8 zeigt mir, etc. These lines might seem to contain an indirect allusion to a remark addressed to the Queen in 1559 by the then Speaker of the Commons, to the effect that ¢ more availeth the Help of one onely Husband for the effecting of matters, then the joynt Industry of many men.” Camden, p. 26. 1. 1172. In quoting the prayer which the Lords addressed in 1566 to Elizabeth on the subject of her marriage, Camden remarks (p. 84), Out of the Sacred Scriptures they joyn hereunto Precepts, Counsels, and Examples.’ 1. 1173, etc. Elizabeth, as the daughter of Henry VIII, must, of course, express her approval of the abolition of convents; at the same time she considered herself, by virtue of her position and activity, exempted from the common law of nature. L 1176. Giner falidyveritandnen, of a mistaken. 1. 1188. Jn feinen, etc., i. e. in the performance of its special duties. 1. 1193. The mention of manly beauty with reference to the Duke of Anjou, is a poetical fiction, he having been uncommonly ugly, on account of which Elizabeth used to call him ‘ma grenouille.’ 1l. 1194-1204. In the above-mentioned message which Walsingham delivered to King Henry III of France, there occur the following words : ¢ And the Duke of Anjou, who sought to her for marriage, she deservedly preferred to all others in her Love both for his own Vertue, and his Noble and Royall Descent ; which Love she still professes to be very great towards him.” Camden, p. 267. 1 Some editions have Hodyzeitfactel. 1, 1212—1266.] NOTZS:: ACT IZ, 221 1. 1212, ete. Schiller has here most happily introduced an incident which occurred in Nov. 1581, when the Duke of Anjou visited Elizabeth at Greenwich. After having described the Duke's flattering reception by the Queen, Camden reports (p. 268) that the Force of modest Love in the midst of amorous Discourse carried her so far, that she drew off a Ring from her Finger, and put it upon the Duke of Anjou’s, upon cer- tain Conditions between them.’ : 1.1214. The word Seif, lit. ‘hoop,’ being synonymously used for Ring, may here be rendered, Zk. 1. 1218, Schiller has here again interwoven an incident from the life of Queen Elizabeth. In 1584 King Henry III of France was chosen ¢into the Order of the Garter,’ and in the following year Elizabeth deputed Henry, Lord of Derby, to invest the king ¢ with the Robes and Ensigns of the Order.” (Camden, p. 305). The Duke of Anjou himself never received the Order of the Garter, but that the Earl of Leicester was invested with it, Schiller found recorded in Camden, p. 45 1. 1221. Some editions have here ony and others Hons. 1. 1228. Die Gnade, etc. This line seems to have been suggested to Schiller by a remark which Bellievre addressed to Elizabeth in his plea on behalf of Mary, viz. : ¢ Considérant en moy mesme la Maieste que ie voy empreinte, et qui reluit en la doucenr et beauté de vostre face vray- ment Royalle, ie me promets, Madame, que vostre prudence ne permettra jamais,” etc. Du Chesne, p. 1100. 1. 1245-49. Lord Burleigh belonged to the party which saw in Elizabeth’s marriage with the Duke of Anjou a safeguard of England. Cf. Camden, p. 268. ; L 1253. Hat Cnglandg Wohl, etc. The perfect is here used for the future perfect, viz. shall have established. Ll. 1255. Wenn du, etc. The Estates of the Realm,’ says Camden, (p. 363), ‘did with unanimous Assent present their Petition to the Queen . . . wherein they instantly besought her that for the Preservation of the Queen’s Person . . . the Sentence given against Mary Queen of Scots according to Law, might be published.’ 1. 1266. The Guises were a collateral branch of the ducal line of Lorraine, hence their designation érotiers of Lorraine. They hated Queen Elizabeth both on account of their relationship to Mary Stuart and because she was a zealous champion of Protestantism. Cp. L. 387, 7. 1 Mellish has in his translation the following note to the stage direction in 3; 1218: ¢ Till the time of Charles the First, the Knights of the Garter wore the blue ribbon with the George, about their necks, as they still do the collars, on great days.’ 222 MARIA STUART. [ll. 1270-1300. 1. 1270. Falih denotes here #reackerous. ¥.v271. Cp. 1. 403, 72 1. 1273. In speaking of the pupils at the Seminary of Rheims, Camden says (p. 330): ¢ These men persuaded themselves and others that eagerly desired and itched after the Glory of Martyrdome, that it was a meri- torious Act to kill such Princes as were excommunicate.” Cp. Hume, v. 237,283, and 1. 653, 2. 1. 1276. In relating the doings of some emissaries from Rheims, Rapin says ‘that they returned from time to time (to England), appear- ing one while like Clergymen, another while like Soldiers or in some other disguise,’ etc. ii. 112. 1. 1277. Der dritte, etc. It may be assumed that Schiller alludes here to Ballard, Savage, and Babington, who received their inspirations, directly or indirectly, from Rheims. There were, of course, a number of other conspirators and would-be murderers besides. L. 1281. Ate is the goddess of mischief who infatuates the minds of men and instigates them to do wrong!. Paulet compared Mary Stuart to Helen of Troy. Cp. 1. 84, 7. The speaker calls the civil war eternal or everlasting, because it was carried on uninterruptedly. 1. 1285. fojung, here rallying word. I: 1287, ete. Cp. 1. 518, 7, 1. 1201. Cp. 1. 105, #. lL 1293. Du muft, etc. Camden says (p. 382) that amidst her per- plexity whether she should allow the sentence against Mary to be - carried out, ¢Elizabeth muttered this to herself, aus fer, aut feri, that is, Either bear with her, or smite her, and, out of I know not what Emblem, Ne feriare, feri, strike, lest thou be stricken.’ L. 1294. Ihr Qeben, etc. The assertion, so frequently accentuated by Schiller, evidently for the purpose of extenuating Elizabeth’s line of con- duct, that the safety of the one queen depended upon the destruction of the other, is based on the opinions entertained by Mary’s antagonists. Cp. 11. 596, 3146, notes, and see Camden, p. 365. L. 1295. Gin Amt vevwalten, Zo perform (the duties of) an office. 1. 1300. After the Estates had petitioned Queen Elizabeth to publish the sentence against Mary, she took full twelve days to consider the matter, and then asked both Houses of Parliament to find out a more pleasing expedient.” Camden, p. 365. 1 Mellish quotes in his translation a passage from Herder about [te and some lines from Shakespeare's Fulius Caesar in which her name occurs. Pp 11, 1309—13%2.] ~ NOTES, ACT ZL. 223 1. 1309. The German @iland is, contrary to the usage of its literal English equivalent sland, now employed in poetry only. 1. 1310. Seit eigne, etc., i.e. even since England has been governed by its native princes, has it not seen such happy days. L 1315. Nun dann, fo, say well then, or simply then. The adv. bann is here used, as elsewhere by Schiller and Goethe, in the sense of enn. 1. 1319. Among the pleas in favour of Mary, was the assertion ¢ that she could not commit Treason, because she was no Subject, and Par 27 parem non habet potestatem, that is, Princes of equall Degree have no Power or Sovereignty one over another’ Camden, p. 370. Cp. also 11. 60, 373, notes. 1. 1323. The Earl of Shrewsbury, being opposed to the verdict of the Couucil of State, asserts that the majority of votes is no proof of what is right. A somewhat similar sentiment is expressed by Schiller in his dramatic fragment Demetrius, viz. Was ist Mehrheit ? Mehrkeit ist der Unsinn. 1. 1324. In challenging the competence of her judges, Mary warned the Commissioners that they should ‘look to their Consciences, and remember that the Zeater of the whole World is much wider than the Kingdom of England.” Camden, p. 350. 1. 1327. Wie fich, etc., as nclination wveers, i.e. according to the partizanship of the people. Cp. 1. 3260, etc. 1. 1332, etc. Cp. 1. 1021, 72. 1 1335 Cp. 1.162, 7. L 1337. Die Wahrheit, i. e. the reality aud not merely the semblance of her royal anger. L 1339. Und Red, etc., namely, that which was first considered right, will then be deemed wrong. 1. 1341. With the expression diefeg {dante Mohr, 22ds frail bending reed, the speaker designates the verdict of the judges and its approval by the people. 1. 1344, etc. This passage contains an indirect indictment against the Salic Law, by virtue of which women were excluded from succeeding to the throne. 1. 1351. Man gonnt ihe, etc. Cp. 1. 216-28, 7. 1. 1356. Die Aufgegebene, i. e. her who has been abandoned by all. 1. 1366, etc. Cp. ll. 346, 355, notes. 11. 1368-71. Render the poetically-coined expressions Angitgedringe, pressure and anxiety; Yeftigbringenden, violently pressing; and Muthvollftactiten, tke boldest and the strongest. 1. 1369. Umrungen, in higher diction for umringt. 1.1372: Cpl, 327, 7. 224 MARIA STUART. [I 1277-1448. 1. 1377-87. The effect of the vicissitudes through which Elizabeth went before her accession to the throne, was ¢ that her mind learned to concentrate itself and turning its thoughts inwards to estimate the real goods of life.’ L 1382. Der gnid’ge Vater, etc. Shrewsbury considers the early © trials: of Elizabeth as a divine ordinance, in order to train her by misfortune for the fulfilment of her duty as a sovereign. 1. 1388. Gin artes Kind, ete. Cp. 1. 47, 2. 1. 1397. Talbot’s speech was probably suggested to Schiller by the following passage occurring in the above-mentioned plea addressed to Elizabeth by Bellievre on behalf of Mary: ‘Par la ie dy (je dis) gaencor que la Roine d Ecosse fust née personne prince, les occasions qui ont peu pousser & ce desespoir sont dignes de commiseration, et les raisons qui se disent pour sa defence peuuent trouver lien par la clemence de vostre maiesté, laquelle se souuenant de son ancienne afjliction, dira avec Dido Non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco.’ ’ Du Chesne, p. 1100. 1. 1398. Su fic felber fommen, Zo collect oneself. 1. 1408. Heitve Witte, say 2/lustrious circle. 1. 1416. Wiadhte fie, ete., could make her so formidable to you ? 1. 1422. ft fie, etc. The readers of this drama will know that Henry VIII distinctly mentioned, in the Act of Succession of 1544, his children Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth only. 1. 1424. Des neuen Lidhts, i. e. the Reformation. 1. 1433. Welft jene, etc. ‘Some thought that no new rigorous course was to be taken with her (i.e. with Mary), but only that she was to be committed to closer Custody . . . because she was sickly and not like to live long.” Camden, p. 345. Cp. 1. 2380, 2. 1. 1436. The double game, played by Leicester in the drama, is admirably expressed in his speech. Not wishing to plead openly the cause of Mary, he ridicules, like some of her partisans, the danger apprehended from her. 1. 1438, etc. The Earl of Leicester was a member of the Prizy Council (Staatsrath), and one of the Commissioners in the trial of Mary. Cp. Camden, p. 346 seg. 1. 1448. Leicester's exhortation that Elizabeth should beware ‘lest pity should call Mary into life,’ is based on Bellievre’s remark © that 1 Du Chesne has in the above line from Virgil's Zneid (Bk. I. 1. 630) ‘ignota’ for ‘ignara.’ Il. 1450-1508.] NOTES. ACT I. 225 Mary’s death would be more dangerous to Elizabeth than her life.” Du Chesne, p. 1105. Cp. also Camden, p. 374. The verb verfitten was formerly often followed by a negative in the dependent sentence, in analogy with the usage in Greek and French. - Cp. Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell (C. P. S.), 1. 1599. L. 1450. Man [affe, etc. Some historians assert that Elizabeth only ‘let the sentence of death pass against Mary, upon the express condition that it should rather serve to be a Ze7707 to her,” ete. 1. 1455. Cp. 1.3187, =». 1. 1462. The use of the obsolete form ofngefifhr for the now more usual ungefifr, is quite in accordance with the poetical tenour of the drama and the time in which it is placed. The arbitrary change into the latter form cannot be justified. L. 1470. The expression ber grofie Weg corresponds to the Engl. #he grand tour, by which was formerly understood the journey to France and Italy. 1. 1471. Cp. lL. 424, 493, 2. L 1472. @yinnen, fig. fo plot ; to devise plots. 1. 1476, etc. Cp. for Morgan and the Bishop of Ross, 11. 496-7, notes. 1. 1480. The conj. ob is often used in German elliptically, in which case some verb corresponding to the sense of the passage must be supplied ; here ju fefen, herauszufinden, etc. 1. 1482, etc. Geheime Briefe, etc. Schiller had here most probably in his mind the proceeding of the conspirator Clifford, who secretly = submitted to Walsingham the letters written in cypher, addressed to and written by Mary herself. 1. 1488, ete. That the partisans of Mary constantly looked to Spain for help is well known, and equally so that Elizabeth was generally kept well informed of their doings by Walsingham, who stayed several times in France and sent from there his reports. 1. 1490, ete. ¢ Sixtus Quintus,” says Camden (p. 405) ‘renewed the Bulls declaratory of Pius Quintus and Gregory the Thirteenth, excom- municated the Queen, dethroned her, absolved her subjects from all allegiance,” etc. This Bull was published in 1588, and Schiller placed it, for dramatic purposes, two years earlier. See also 767d. p. 146. 1. 1498. ©idy die Viiene geben, fo simulate; to make a show of anything. 1. 1502. Berzeiht, etc. Cp. 1l. 161-165. The object of the short ‘aside’ conversation, between Mortimer and Leicester, mentioned in the stage direction between 11. 1507, 1508, will become apparent from the beginning of Scene 8. l. 1508. Burleigh’s remark seems to be based on the fact, reported Q 226 MARIA STUART. (. 1510-1557. by Camden (p. 281), that on receiving, in 1582, ‘a long and pathetic letter from Mary, Elizabeth sent to her Robert Beale, . . . to expostulate with her about these Letters of Complaint.” Camden also says, ¢ With this Letter Queen Elizabeth was variously affected,” which circumstance Schiller indicated by Geseiibing her further on, as drying her tears’ in reading it. IL. 1510-13. Cp. ll. 167-76. Mary did not repeat her request for an interview with Elizabeth after sentence had been pronounced on her, but Schiller is consulting dramatic expediency. L 1516. WMordangtiftevin, szstigator to murder. Cp. above, 11. 801-3, 22., and Camden, pp. 353, 356. L 1519. Faljdy verratherifchen. Schiller often uses uninflected adjectives, adverbially as it were, in order to make a subsequent attribute more emphatic. They may generally be translated as separate attributes. 1. 1522-27. This passage scems to be based upon a remark of Rapin’s (ii. 249), concerning the interview of James II with Monmouth, in 16835, in the prison of the latter, viz. ¢ The king’s . . . behaviour on this occasion was thought very strange, Princes not being used to admit criminals to their presence, but when they deign to grant them a pardon’. : L. 1528. The exclamation, was ijt dag Glid der Grbe, as in fact the whole of the present passage, may have been suggested to Schiller by a remark of Du Chesne’s (p. 1091) to the effect that Elizabeth ¢lui (i.e. to Mary) fist bien esprouver que les prosperitez de la vie sons peu constantes et asseures. Car ayant regné longuemet et parmy les delices et les aises, elle se veid (vit) dans une abisme de miseres et de calamitez.’ Ll. 1531. France has been styled ‘the eldest daughter of the Church.’ lL. 1533. Orel Kronen, etc, i. e. the crowns of France, Scotland, and England. Cp. 1 105, 2 L 1537. It must be assumed that Schiller designated here, rather poetically, England and Ireland, as two ¢ Britannic Isles.’ L 1542. An meinem eignen, etc. Elizabeth repeatedly expressed her sorrow at seeing ‘ one so nearly related to her in blood,” brought to the position of Mary Stuart. L 1553. Das Nothwendige ju thun, fo do what necessity commands, i. e. to have the sentence on Mary carried out. L 1557. Am Anblid, etc., did feast your eyes at the sight, etc. ! Bellermann (Schiller’s Dramen, ii. 214) reminds here of the English saying, ‘King’s face makes grace,” and refers to a passage in Lessing's Ham- burgische Dramaturgie (Stiick 67), where a similar sentiment is quoted from an anonymous Spanish drama on the fate of Essex. I. 1558—1676.] NOTES ACT: HH. 227 L 1558, etc. Leicester knows, of course, that an interview between Elizabeth and Mary would make it impossible for the ‘law to take its course’; hence his advice. 1. 1576. Priifungsjalyre, years of probation. L 1584. She Blutentwitefe, (are) their sanguinary designs. Ll. 1597. Der Haf der That, zke odiousness of the deed. 11. 1601-9. Since the world judges according to appearances, man’s reputation can only be protected by obscurity or concealment when deeds are concerned which bear a double aspect, that is of good and bad. We are lost by our own admissions, whilst the good appearance wick has not been given up is never lost. Schiller follows here, among others, Robertson (ii. 140), who says that Elizabeth’s chief anxiety was to secure the advantages which would arise from Mary's death, without appearing to have given ker consent to a deed so odious. L. 1615. Mortimer is naturally startled, fearing lest his uncle’s know- ledge of Elizabeth’s wish should interfere with his own plans. L. 1616. Cp. lL. 1029-37, 72. Goadby (iii. 208) also chronicles the report that Elizabeth suggested to Paulet the secret assassination of Mary. 1. 1627-9. Elizabeth enjoins Mortimer not to regret that her grati- tude must as yet be shrouded in the veil of night. 1. 1631. In ordinary prose the adj. jart is used without a modification when compared. 1. 1633. The verb tiufden also refers to the first clause, Wie du, etc. 1. 1635. Sely’ ih aus, etc. Schiller puts here in the mouth of Mor- timer the sentiment attributed to Paulet. Cp. p. 217, L 2, the quotation from Robertson. 1. 1636. Rudylofe Fevtigfeit, say, ready ruthlessness. 1. 1638. Gib dir, etc., i.e. let Elizabeth only assume the hypocritical air of mercy, etc. 1. 1643. Bedeutend has here the meaning of pointedly. 1. 1657. Cp. 1. 674. 1. 1665. Locdend ijt, etc. Cp. 1. 1577-79. 1. 1667. Laff did), etc. The double accusative with [affen is the original and correct form. In common prose the line would run, Laff dich von dem Ghrgeiz nicht verfithren. 1. 16476. Schiller had probably in his mind the fate of Davison. Cp. 1. 4008, 7. 1 In a letter to Schiller, dated Jan. 28, 1801, Korner remarks that there is eine gewisse Dunkelbeit in den Worten ‘Was man nicht aufgiebt,’ etc. It is hoped that the above explanation will make the meaning sufficiently clear, Q2 228 MARIA STUART. [IL 1676-1795. L. 1690. Paulet’s exclamation of gut, which seems to puzzle Leicester, is, of course, ironically meant. 1. 1692. Und idh, etc. Cp. 1. 10735, etc. L. 1694. Was wandelte, ete., what ailed the knight ? 1. 1699. Cp. 7. to the stage direction following l. 1507. L 1710. Deg vielbedeutenden, (being that} of the highly important. — The use of the genitive in apposition toa nominative, as here, is per- missible in poetry. L 1736. Muf dem fo fein, denotes idiomatically, suck must be the case. 1. 1744. Cp. 1. 386, etc. (Scene 6.) 1. 1746. The objection taken to this line that Mortimer had declared in the presence of Leicester that his conversion was merely feigned’ (1. 1798) seems groundless. It is probable that Leicester, who is repre- sented as the secret friend of Mary, had learnt from her partisans that Mortimer was zealously active in her favour, and that his conversion was sincere. 1. 1751. Daf fie, etc, i.e. that watching him they spread their snares. L 1752. Jb fonntet, you might have been. 1756. Bertraute, say rusty. 1760. Leicester seems to have been well affected towards Mary in re Cp. Goadby, iii. 271. L 1762. eit (angen Jabyven, many years ago.—The Earl of Leicester was proposed by Elizabeth as husband to Mary, as far back as the year 1563. Some thought this was done by the English Queen merely for the purpose ‘of amusing Mary and ‘of preventing her from thinking of others.” Cp. Camden, pp. 67, 73; Rapin, ii. 67, 68, seg. 11. 1771-73. That Leicester had well- Focal hopes of becoming ‘the husband of Queen Elizabeth is well known. L. 1775. The number jel is only an approximation. Leicester had aspired to Elizabeth since 1560. 1. 1783, etc. Render Sultanglaunen, despotic fancies and Slaven: demutly, slavish humility. 1. 1785. Deg fleinen, etc., at ker petty whimsical waywardness. 1. 1789. The expression Avqughlicf—say Argus’ eyes—is another mythological reminiscence ;, Argus, surnamed the ¢all-seeing?’, having been appointed by Hera guardian of Io, from jealousy. 1. 1794. With the words Tauftht midy, etc., the prize fails me at the goal, Leicester resumes his thought from 11. 1781-82 (Nadydem ich, etc.) ; the remaining portion, as far as this line, being spoken parenthe- tically. 1 1795. Des theuvent Werbens, i.e. of the wooing which cost him so many sacrifices, which was so vexatious. II. 1796—1869.] NOTES. ACT I. 229 L 1796. An einen, ete. In designating the Duke of Alengon as ‘a husband in the éloom of youth,” Schiller keeps up the poetical fiction about his appearance. Cp. l. 1193, 2 1. 1802. Lichenswerth, lit. ¢ worthy of love’; loveable. 1. 1803. The court of Catherine de Medici was famous for intrigues, accompanied by sycophantic blandishments. L 1812. Nicht falter, etc., i.e. it was no more cold ambition, but the heart which compared the two Queens. 1. 1815. If Leicester had married Mary Stuart, her fate would have been different. Elizabeth having promised her ‘that if she would marry him, she should by Authority of Parliament be declared her Sister, or Daughter, and Heir of England.” Camden, p. 67. 1. 1821. Both the dative and accusative may be used with the verb verfidhern. In 1. 1855 the latter is employed, probably in order to avoid the triple repetition of the letter t, viz. fénnt Jhr mir fir, etc. 1. 1826. Gin Wunder, etc., i.e. it was necessary that a miracle shold happen in order to make Leicester’s help possible. 1. 1828. Cp. ll. 409-450. 1. 1832. Um felbe eit, etc., i.e. at the same time when his sentiments had undergone a change in favour of Mary, she was removed from Talbot’s castle. Cp. 1. 537, 7. 1. 1837. Leidend refers here to Leicester himself ; say passively. 1. 1849. Mitwiffer und Vertvaute, say allies and confidants.— There is no exact equivalent in English (nor in French), for the word Mitwifjer, though there is one for Mitwiffenfdyaft, viz. < joint knowledge’. Cp. the Lat. © conscius.’ 1. 1850. Wagnif, azardous enterprize. 1.2835. Cp. L 1821, 2. 1. 1861. The phrase Vom Himmel fallen denotes ¢ the suddenness of any event.” Cp. the Engl. ‘to drop from the clouds.’ 1. 1863. G3 ift, etc., nothing can be done with violence. 11. 1870-80. These lines furnish another instance of the felicitous em- ployment in German of the feature known in the Greek drama under the name of Stichomythia, or ¢ dialogue in alternate lines.” Cp. my ZJntro- ductory note on this subject in my edition of Goethe's /[phigenie auf Zauris (C. P. S.). 1. 1866. Nein, nicht fiir Gud, etc., the irony of these lines is self- evident. Leicester wishing ‘to call Mary his own,” loves her from selfish motives, and consequently he considers the risk of freeing her too great; whilst Mortimer and his confederates want to liberate her for her own sake, and therefore are undaunted in their plans. 1. 1869. Ju fo gefahrlidy, etc. Cp. 1. 1519, 72. 230 MARIA STUART. [iL 1875—1986. 11. 1875-76. Cp. on Babington and Norfolk, 1. 70, 72. 1. 1884. Wohl auf, etc., do you mean on that good path, etc. 1886. The verb tire is to be understood after gemwefen. . 1goo. The omission of 1m before fo minder is a poetical licence. . 1905. Cp. lL. 1522-27. . 1908." Wenn fie, etc. If Mary should see herself deceived in her hope of being rescued by Mortimer she would only continue to live, but not recover her freedom. 1. 1912. Perpetual imprisonment was one of the modes of punish- ment proposed by some of the Council before Mary's condemnation. 1. 1918. Maria Hat, etc. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton wrote to Mary Stuart during her imprisonment, ¢ Your Majesty hath in England many friends of all degrees who favour your title’ Melville's Memoirs, ST 2, 2 1. 1927. Schiller had here probably in his mind Elizabeth’s well-known visit to Kenilworth in 1575, where she was entertained by Leicester for seventeen days. 1. 1928. Dort 3eigt ihr, etc, i.e. there show her that you are a man. 1. 1933. Wie eng, etc., i.e. in what tight bonds this female rule has fettered men’s minds. 1. 1935. The assertion that ‘the spirit of chivalry had disappeared from England,’ is put in the mouth of the speaker for the purpose of emphasizing the alleged tyranny of female government.’ 1. 1937, etc. The word &dliifjel, ‘key,’ is used in German fig. for sway, authority, etc. 1. 1938. nD fedes, etc., and the springs of all courage are relaxed. 1. 1939. In exhorting Mortimer to follow his direction (Reitung), Leicester simply alludes to his advice of deferring all action, in the hope of bringing about an interview between Mary and Elizabeth. 1. 1945. Cp. 1. 1789, seq. 1. 1962. Der Duc, etc. This unhistorical statement is purposely attributed to Leicester, in order to bring out forcibly his accusation that the Duke of Anjou wishes to marry her for selfish reasons only. 1. 1968, etc. Walsingham was of opinion that in spite of the Duke’s ugliness, Elizabeth will become reconciled to him because ¢ #0 one of her — — quali, there is not allotted that choice that is to other common person-, ages.” Digges, The Compleate Ambassador, p. 343. 1. 1979. Cine Sadie nichts adyten, Zo slight anything. 11. 1984-86. In these lines Schiller has epitomized the verdict of most historians regarding the two Queens, viz. that in Elizabeth the woman was lost in the Queen, and in Mary the Queen in the woman. - Il. 1987—20%2.] NOTES. ACT 11. 231 1. 1987. 1nd um fie, etc., i.e. youth and old age court her favour. 1. 1996. The word farype, lit. ‘larva,’ is used in German with a con- temptuous meaning for face ; somewhat like the Engl. ¢ mask.’ 1L. 2005-11. In putting in the mouth of Leicester these and other exaggerated personal flatteries, Schiller seems to have had in his mind a passage in Melville’s Memoirs (p. 104) in which the author relates how Elizabeth extorted from him the compliment ‘that both she and Mary were the fairest ladies in their countries.’ I. 2014. Cp. Il. 1433, 2380, 7., and see Buchanan, iii. 108, 109. L. 2020. The phrase Sid) viel mit etioag wiffen is used idiomatically for to presume greatly upon anything, and ftoly thun mit, 20 fake pride in. L 2022. Auf... pod, defiantly relies upon. L 2023. Man peinigt, etc. It will be remembered that Talbot and Leicester spoke—in Sc. 4—strongly in favour of an interview. 1. 2030. Durch Chrbarfeit, etc., i.e. guarded by decorum and glorified by that untarnished renown of virtue, etc. 1. 2032. Leidytfinnig bublend, say by thoughtless levity. 1. 2034. Durdy gavte Vrautlichfeit, by a tender bridal charm. 1. 2038-40. Wid felbit, etc., i. e. when she bad just now entered the apartment, she shed round him a lustre as if she were some heavenly (lit. ¢ luminous’) apparition. The interrog. conj. Wie is here used elliptically for ie wire ed ? L 2045. Auf deinen, etc., of the welfare of your state. Cp. 11. 791-96. 1. 2046-47. Nudy deine, etc., i.e. the Queen as a woman has also her own rights, and the delicate point (of the emulation of beauty) apper- tains to /Zer tribunal. 1. 2053. Nicht wohlanftandig, etc., #¢ would not be seemly in me. L. 2054. Man fagt, etc. Cp. 1l. 30-36. 1. 2056. The expression yovwerfend—say a reproack—seems to have been coined by Schiller in analogy of wegmwerfend. 1. 2059, etc. Schiller has taken here a more than ordinary dramatic licence, the present scene being laid in Westminster, and Fotheringhay being situated in Northamptonshire ; nor was there any hunting ground in the vicinity of Mary’s prison, or a park in which she could ‘take the air.” Cp. Critical Introduction. : L. 2062. Cp. l. 1462, 7. 1. 2063. (8 barf, etc, i.e. nothing that happens must have the appearance of having been preconcerted. 1. 2070. The elliptical phrase, Sei’g eine Grille, denotes ‘that even if Leicester's suggestion were a mere fancy on his part,” Elizabeth will comply with it. L 2072. Aus freier GSunit, spontaneously. 232 MARIA STUART. [L. 20%5—2115. Dritter Aufaug. The scene of the Third Act is laid in the park of Fotheringhay. Cp. 1. 2059, 7. lL. 2075, etc. The reason why Schiller introduced this lyric, is ex- plained in the Critical Introduction. That Mary was fond of writing verses has been stated before (1. 11, 22.). Brantéme says of her, Ele se meloit d’estre poéte, et composoit des vers, dont jen ay ven aucuns de beaux et tres bien faicts. Dames Illustres, p. 84. i 1. 2078. Prien den, etc, lit. ¢ try the agility of the light-winged step.’ 1. 2081. Jn durftigen Jiigen, 272 2iirsty draughts, viz. in long draughts caused by thirst. 1. 2082. Srinfen die, etc., drink in the free and delicious open air. 1. 2084. Wm ein flein Weniges, just a very little. 1. 2087. Diefen freundlidh, etc., i. e. to the friendly verdure of these trees. 1. 2091. Umfangt mid), etc., does not the free expanse of heaven surround me? 1. 2093. Grgehen {idy, etc., roam in immeasurable spaces.—nge: mefnen stands here for unermeflich. 1. 2096. Mittag, used as a poetical expression denotes souzk. Cp. Fr. ¢ midi.’ 1. 2098. Render eilende, feeting, and Segler der Litfte, skips of the air. 1. 2099. Wer mit eudy, etc., would I could but wander and sail with you. : 1. 2100. Griifet mit, etc., greet for me tenderly the land of my youth. 1 2106. Madyt Gud) {dhwiarmen, infoxicates you. There is no single and full equivalent for the verb {dhwirmen in any language, I believe; frequently it may be rendered Zo wander ; to dream. L 2107. Anlegen, here Zo moor. It seems that Schiller had in his mind Mary's escape from Lochleven on the evening of May 2, 1568, which she effected with the help of George Douglas, younger brother of her keeper, who was ‘ excited by the hope of future riches and power’ (cp. Buchanan, ii. 531 seg., and Robertson, i. 375). After the battle of Langside, May 16, 1568, she again escaped and fled to England in a fisher-boat. See Robertson, i. 380-82. 11. 2111-14. The ‘rescuing boat’ of the fisherman would serve him instead of his #¢fs; and in carrying her away in it, he would make a haul such as he never made before. L 2115. Berlovene, here vain. 1, 2116—2186.] NOTES. ACT ZI. 233 1. 2116. Bon ferne, etc., i. e. the steps of spies follow them at a distance. 1. 2119. Nicht umiondt, 2of without reason. 1. 2129. Ginen Wiberfprud) nicht veimen fonnen, denotes idiomatically not to be able to reconcile a contradiction. 1. 2130. Mody geftern, etc., 2¢ was but yesterday that they announced 20 you. 1. 2132-33. The ancient Greeks used to loosen the chains of captives on the point of being put to death. Cp. Goethe’s Ariienn auf Tauris (C.P.S.), 1. So1-2; 925-7, notes. The expression die ewige Freiheit is here enplienibiienily used for the freedom or peace attained by death. L. 2134. The first compound in §ifthorn, bugle, denotes ‘the blast produced by the hunting horn,” and was originally written $ief. Later on it was corrupted by false etymology into $iift, hence Hiifthorn, lit. ¢ hip-horn.’ 1l. 2136-42. Mary was a devoted rider and huntress. L 2143. Hab’ idy’s, etc., have 7 at last managed matters well ? 1 2146, etc. Warum follt’ idy's, etc., why not 77 Paulet, being unaware of Leicester's effective intercession (Act ii. sc. 9) in favour of an interview between the two, naturally attributes Elizabeth’s arrival to his loyal delivery of Mary's letter into the Queen’s own hands. Cp: 11. 161-70; 1502-13. 1. 2153. Jhv erfdhrecft mid). The swift transition from hope to ominous foreboding is both very natural and highly dramatic. 1. 2126. Wie wird Gud, what ails you? The verb verblafien, Zo grow pale, is more emphatic than its cognate erblaffen; moreover it does not clash so much with the preceding Jr, as erblafjen would. L. 2159, ete. Jhr tvart, etc., i.e. as she ever used to have a ready tongue, she should now bring forward her plea. That Mary possessed the gift of eloquence is well known. Schiller had here probably in his mind her spirited and extempore pleadings before the Commissioners at Fotheringhay in October, 1586. Cp. Camden, pp. 349-67. 1. 2163. Davanf gefaft, prepared for it. L 2170. G8 ijt nicht, etc., i.e. it is not the feeling of fear ‘to stand before her judge,’ as Paulet had severely remarked, that overawes her, but a revulsion has taken place in her mind. 1. 2172. Understand the adverb wie before ein Engel. 1. 2174. The original reading yon was changed by Sdtner into vor. 1. 2186, etc. In saying that the gloomy spirits of hell stand around her, shaking their snaky locks,” Mary alludes to the sentiments of hatred and revenge which have been suddenly revived in her heart. The Eumenides, or ¢ Avenging Deities,” are described by Aeschylus as having 234 MARIA STUART. [ll 2191—2287. serpents entwined in their hair. Some analogy has been found between the present passage and the description of the Furies in Goethe’s 7p/z- genie auf Tauris, 1. 1136, etc. L 2191. Wie fefhr, etc., .e. however averse her mind may be, she should take into account the exigencies of the time. 1. 2199. Und miv, etc., and as a curse to me. 1. 2204. Sie hat, etc., she kas too deeply injured me. The acc. mich is to be understood in this clause. . 2207. Cp. Elizabeth’s speech above, p. 67. 1. 2213, etc. Cp. 1 537, = . 2226. Jagdgefolg(e), runting train. . 2232. © ott, etc. This assertion coincides with the poet's characterization of Elizabeth in the present drama. 1. 2235. Wer hat, etc. The feigned surprise on the part of Elizabeth is also in accordance with the character the poet has assigned to her in this drama. 1. 2239. Raf dich erbitten, be prevailed upon. 1. 2240. Dein Aug’, etc., fo cast your eyes upon this unhappy one. 1. 2242. From Leicester’s and Shrewsbury’s former description of the effect of Mary’s sufferings, Elizabeth might well have expected to see in her one humbly bowed down. Cp. 11. 1432-33; 1545-47. 11. 2250-52. Mary seems to intimate, with a shade of irony, that she humbles herself before Elizabeth, merely because the heavenly powers have decided in her favour. The latter herself declared in 1586 to the Estates when they petitioned her to publish the sentence against Mary ‘“ that the graces and Benefits bestowed upon her by the Almighty are so unmeasurable, that she must admire them as miracles.” Cp. Camden, $1363. 1. 2258. Und danfend, etc., and gratefully I bless. Mit fteigendem Affeft (1. 2261), with an increasing outburst of emotion. 1. 2261. Denft an, etc. Cp. 1. 1528, =. 1. 2262. (3 [eben, etc. Cp. Proverbs xvi. 18. For the form Gitter in the sense of ‘Supreme deity,” cp. the poet’s Jungfrawn von Orleans (C.P.S.), 1 839 7., and Goethe's Wakrkeit und Dichtung (C.P.S.), p- 1560, 1. 17, 22, on the use of the word Elkin. L. 2270. Der Strandende, say the shipwrecked mariner. 1. 2278. Flehendworte, words of supplication. 1. 2279. The reader will notice the graduation of formality in Elizabeth’s mode of address to Queen Mary; first she called her, Zady Maria (1. 2257), and here and further on, Zady Stuart. 1. 2287. Elizabeth bluntly states her principal charge against Mary {cp. 1. 867, 72.), who tacitly evades it in her eloquent reply. — — — Il. 2295—2357.] NOTES. ACT III. 235 11. 2295-2304. This passage contains in general a repetition of Kennedy’s complaints to Paulet in Act i. sc. I, and of those of Mary in 11. 727; 936-43. 1. 2312. 1nd bofe, etc. "Mary asserts, as did also some of her parti- sans, that wicked men perpetrated wicked deeds in her name, but for their own selfish aims. 1. 2315. Unberufene, lit. ¢ uncalled for ;’ say Zntrusive. 1. 2323. Cp. ll. 87; 167-86, notes. 1. 2329. The phrase, Die Natter an den Bufen legen, 20 lay the adder to one’s breast, is derived from the fable of the frozen viper. 11. 2333-37. Da Hinbdigte, etc., Elizabeth alludes, of course, to Mary’s uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine (cp. l. 387, 7., and Robertson, i. 142). Possibly Schiller also thought of a passage in Camden (p. 54), where Elizabeth is reported to have reproached Mary in 1561, by letter, for having ¢ through the over-kasty Ambition of others arrogated the Title and Arms of England.’ L 2338, etc. Auf Tod und Leben in den Kampf gelyen, fo enter into a strife on life and death. 1. 2340. Der Priefer, etc. The Roman Catholic Priests, more especially the Jesuits, incited by the Cardinal of Lorraine, were con- stantly preaching and agitating against Elizabeth. L 2341. Des frommen, etc., of pious frenzy. The Queen alludes to those partisans of Mary who embraced her cause from religious enthusiasm, or rather fanaticism. 1. 2342. Im Friedensfike, 27 the peaceful domain. 1. 2343. Blies ev, etc., ke fanned the flames of insurrection. 1. 2346. Gedbrofet, lit. ‘threatened ;’ here directed (against), or aimed (at). Ll. 2347. Jfr terdet, etc., you will not abuse your power in so sanguinary a manner. : L 2352. Die Sanft Barthelemi, St. Bartholomew's Night. The massacre, indirectly instigated by the Guises, took place during the night between August 24 and 25, 1572, when some 70,000 persons were assassinated. Die Sanft, because the word Nadht is understood. Similarly in Fr. ¢ La Saint-Barthélemy ;’ nuit being understood. 1. 2353. Was ift, etc., what are to me the ties of blood, etc. 11. 235456. Elizabeth refers to the anathemas hurled against her by the Popes and the teachings at the Seminary at Rheims. Cp. 11. 493, 1490, noes. 1. 2357. Welded Pfand, etc., what pledge would guarantee me for you. “ 236 MARIA STUART. [ll 2360—2380. IL 2360-61. Gantt Peters Schliiffel, St. Peter's key, i. e. the supreme power of the Pope, transmitted to him by the Apostle Peter. Cp. 11. 284; 2505, notes. L. 2362. Kein BVianduif, ete., no covenant is to be made, etc. Cp. L. 2329, 7. 1. 2365, etc. These lines are based on a passage in Camden (p. 54), in which the historian reports Mary’s request to. Elizabeth to declare her ¢ Heir apparent next to succeed her in the Kingdome of England,’ to which request Elizabeth replied ¢ that by designing her her successor, she feared lest Amity would rather be dissolved.’ 1. 2369, etc. Elizabeth's retort that Mary's kinship is abroad (i. e. in Spain and France), and that her home is papacy, ete., is an antithesis to the latter’s assertion in the preceding line. Cp. on the use of Treundfdhaft in the sense of relationship, the poet's Wilhelm Tell (C.P.S.), 1.659, 7. L 2371. Der Wind) refers in particular to the Jesuits. Cp. 1. 493, 2. 1.2373. Daf ihr, etc. That Mary would win the favour of the people by her charming personality if she were declared heir apparent, or merely set at liberty, was the principal fear of Elizabeth and her "partisans (cp. 1. 556, 72.). Hence the apposite comparison of Mary with Armida, the beautiful sorceress described by Tasso in his Gerusalemme Liberata, as having been employed by Satan to seduce the famous knight Rinaldo and other Crusaders, whom she enticed into her enchanted gardens. The allusion is the more appropriate because Elizabeth was conversant with Italian, which, according to Melville (Memoirs, p. 100), she spoke ¢ reasonably well.’ 1 2377. Daf alles, etc. According to Camden (p. 54), Elizabeth averred among other reasons for not declaring Mary her successor : ¢ the People (such is their Inconstancy), in a loathing of things present, do look to the #ising Sun, and leave the setting.” (Scio natura com- paratum esse ut plures—quod dicitur—Solem orientem quam occidentem adorent. Annales Rerum Scoticarum, etc., p. 595.) 1. 2378. Regiert in, etc. In Mary's letter to Elizabeth (1584), the royal prisoner said that ‘if her liberty might be granted her, and she might be assured of Queen Elizabeth's sincere Affection and Love towards her . . . she would forget all by-past Displeasures, acknowledge her to be the true and rightful Queen of England,’ etc. Camden, p. 300. 11. 2380-85. That Mary’s health was broken during her imprisonment, has been pointed out before. Cp. ll. 1433, 2014, notes, and Hume, Vv. 290. ety Um deflentivillen, etc. Mary is still under the illusion that Elizabeth has come in consequence of her letters (1. 167, 72.) ; being Il 2396-2447.) NOTES. ACT II. 237 quite unawares that incited by Leicester, she had actually come to gain a personal triumph. 1. 2396. Grhavren is employed in higher diction for evtvarten, Zo wait for (anything) ; or rather Zo obtain by waiting ; here the verb is used as a sequence of Jd warte Davauf. 1. 2406. Firr Gud, etc., venture for you the sad chivalrous task. 11. 2409-11. @8 (itftet, etc. The reader need hardly be reminded that Queen Mary was married successively to King Francis II of France, to Darnley, and Bothwell. Elizabeth’s taunt that she kills her wooers as well as her husbands, can only refer to the deaths of Darnley and of the Duke of Norfolk. 1 2413. The plural Reizungen was not infrequently used in the last century for Reige, charms. \ L 2414. Ungeftraft, with impunity. In speaking of Mary's con- demnation to death, Brantdme asserts ‘that one of the principal reasons was, ¢ que la reyne d’Angleterre ne I'ayma jamais, et a esté toujours et de long temps jalouse de sa beauté, qu'elle voyoit surpasser la sienne’ (Dames Illustres, p. 100). Cp. 1. 2003, 7. 1. 2421. Jf habe, etc., i.e. she has erred through human frailty and tender youth. Cp. 11. 294; 365, 2otes. 1 2422. Die Madyt, say superior force; i.e. the overwhelming ascendency exercised over her by Bothwell. Cp. ll. 323-31; 1366-73, notes. 1. 2426. The phrase, Jdj bin beffer alg mein Ruf, which has become a current quotation in Germany, is traced to Ovid’s Zpistolae ex Ponto (i. 2, 225), and to Beaumarchais’ #7garo (Act iii. sc. 3). 1. 2427-29. These lines are chiefly based on the opinions of Eliza- beth’s detractors, as summarized by Rapin, ii. 59. 1. 2430. @hrbarfeit, say purity of character, or an noodle char- acter. 1. 2437. Lammberyige Gelaffenteit, lambicarted gentleness. 1. 2441, etc. Und du, etc. The speaker, in the outburst of her sup- pressed wrath, addresses the prayer to ‘God ‘who imparted to the irritated basilisk the murderous glance, to place also in her tongue the poisoned barb.” The basilisk was credited with the power of “looking any one dead!’ : L 2444. Der Nafenden, etc., the demented, cruelly provoked lady. 1. 2447. Der Thron, ete. Cp. 1. 517-33, notes. 1 Schiller uses in 1. 2240 the verb gab for gabit, because he omitted the second du after Der. 238 MARIA STUART. [IL 2451-2495. L 2451. Ich bin Guer Konig. Schiller uses here the masculine noun Konig, king, as being the primary and legal expression for sovereign authority. The judges who tried the associates of the Earl of Essex, in 1601, for high treason against Elizabeth, declared: ¢ Qui rebellat, ut Regt legem praescribat, Regiamque potestatem coerceat, perniciem Regi machinatur, seq. (‘ That he which rebelleth with a Purpose to prescribe Law to his King, and restrain the Royall Power, plotteth the Destruction of the King,’ etc. Camden, Annales Rerum Anglicarum, seq., ii. 823, English Version, p. 635). It should also be remembered that the word Prince was used in the sixteenth century of King’s and Queen’s alike, and it was often applied to Queen Elizabeth, who called herself ¢ prince’ in her famous speech in the camp of Tilbury in 1588. L 2458. Wie Bergeslaften, etc., like the weight of a mountain it falls off my heart. . 2460. Ungliclidye, Zapless lady. . 2461. Die Unverishnliche, say your implacable foe. . 2462, etc. Render fitlyt, wields, and Bublen (1. 2463), minion. . 2465. Bezeugen, here 20 be witness of. . 2468. @rfolg denotes primarily Zssue ; result. . 2469. In his ‘violent and passionate mood,” Mortimer addresses Queen Mary by the familiar du. 1. 2474, etc. Ihr fpradyt, ete. Cp. 11. 671-80. 11. 2476-77. Did) umglingte, etc., shed a lustre round you and a halo round your charms. Cp. 1. 567, 1. 2478. Brantome, in describing Mary's execution, says, Zux (the Commissioners) zoyans ceste constance accompagnée dune si grande douceur, et EXTREME BEAUTE, s'en etonnerent fort; car jamais on ne la vist plus belle, aiant une couleur qui lembellessoit (Dames Illustres, p. 106). L 2479. Die Ungeduld ftillen, 20 satisfy the impatience. 1. 2483. Und befiten, and call you his own. 1. 2486. Mary, having only one object in view, heeds not Mortimer’s outburst of passion, whilst the latter has no ear for her urgent questions. L 2493. Yaufdet Gud, etc., i. e. she should no longer entertain the erroneous belief that matters stood with her now as they did but yesterday. 1. 2495. So ie, etc., namely, after the departure of the Queen and after the turn which the interview has taken, etc. Pd ed pd pd pd prt 1 More modern instances of the application of the word king to a female sovereign, are to be found in the well-known exclamations of the Hungarians to Maria Theresa, at her coronation in 1741, Vivat Domina et Rex noster, Maria Theresia. & ’ II. 2502—2580.] NOTES. ACT II. 239 11. 2502-9. Hort, tvag, etc. The conspiracy described in these lines is chiefly based on the account given by Camden (pp. 377-79) of the plot contrived against Elizabeth by the French ambassador IL’ Aubespine. Cp. also 1. 634, 7. 1. 2505. Ablaf ift, etc. The incident here mentioned that ¢ absolution was granted to the conspirators for all the past sins as well as for those which they may commit in future,” was introduced by Schiller in order to show the resentment of the Roman Catholic priests against Elizabeth, and to explain the fanaticism of the conspirators. Cp. 1. 284, 7. 1. 2508. Dag letste Safvament, tke final sacrament ; extreme unction. 1. 2515. Raub, rape ; abduction. 1. 2518. Understand some verb like vergiefen, after Blut. 1. 2527. Here again a verb must be understood after mid), viz. vergofien tvird. . 1. 2528. Was ift mir, etc., i. e. what is to him the life of all others, compared with herself and with his love. 1. 2531. Hevivogend, etc., rolling along, swallow up all that breathes. 1. 253%, etc. The mention of the cruel treatment which Mortimer seems to expect, is a reminiscence of the execution of Ballard, Babington, and others, which took place, however, at St. Giles’ Fields. See Camden, p. 344, and cp. 1. 644, 7. L. 2548. JI will, etc., 7 will also call you my own. L 2557. © teibe, etc., i. e. Mary should devote to the living God of joy that which she must sacrifice to bloody hatred. -1. 2560. Befelige, say delight. 1. 2562. Berfallen {dhon, etc., i.e. she should use her silken hair, already forfeited to the gloomy powers of death, to entwine with it, etc. 1. 2567. Die Krone, etc. Mary having alluded to her ‘royal brow,’ Mortimer cruelly tells her that she has nothing more to expect of royal dignity, of which she has been divested, and that there remains nothing to her but her outward appearance with its moving beauty. 1. 2573. Vermogen denotes here Zo accomplish. 11. 2576-80. These lines, which have often been misunderstood, simply express that ¢ a bold service claims to be recompensed by a bold reward.’ For this reason only the brave man is ready to shed his blood ; since life is life’s highest good’, he will not madly throw it away, but will first fully enjoy life's warm pulsation. Cp. 1. 2803, 7. ! A higher moral import is contained in the lines with which Schiller concludes his Braut von Messina, viz. Das Leben ist der Giter hichstes nicht, Der Uebel graisstes aber ist die Schuld. 240 MARIA STUART. (il. 2582-2630. L 2582. Der mein Grretter. Understand fein will, which words actually occurred in some older editions. 11. 2585-86. Cp. 11. 319, 32%, notes. J. 2587. Cp. L. 335, 72. 1. 2592. Bewafinet Volk, men in arms. L 2595. Wo find id), etc., where shall I, miserable one, find, etc. L 2598. Bieht die, etc. There actually was a drawbridge across the moat surrounding Fotheringhay Castle. L 2602. Teuflifdyes Grfithuen, dnfernal audacity. l. 2604. The form Strafen is quite correct in accordance with an ancient usage, and moreover it sounds better here than Strafe would do. 1. 2607, ete. Gin Fiebermahn, etc., i.e. a feverish fancy presents to his mind as real and actual that which dominates his thoughts. 1. 2610. The name of Okelly was probably chosen by Schiller on account of the metre. There was one Irishman, named Barnwell, involved in the Babington conspiracy. See Buchanan, iii. 116. 1. 2613. In describing the imaginary attack of Sewwage on Queen Elizabeth, Schiller had in his mind the conspirator, John Sazage, of whom Camden (p. 336) says that he ‘willingly and readily avowed to kill Queen Elizabeth.” Holinshed (iii. 923) says of him that ¢ having been persuaded by an English priest at the Seminary of Rheims, he had avowed and sworne to kill her Majestie, as a thing resolved upon to be lawfull and honourable and meritorious’ {cp. also Rapin, ii. 124). The reason why Schiller turned Sawage into a Frenchman probably was because he wished to show the participation of Roman ‘Catholics of various nationalities in the conspiracies against Elizabeth. 1. 2623. The religious order of the Barnabites, initiated in 1530 and sanctioned by Clement VII in 1533, consisted of a congregation of secular clergy. Its members were therefore not expected to be very learned, and it is likely enough that some of them had to be enlightened as to the true meaning of ‘the Anathema, which would have been well understood by a regular priest 2. 1. 2626. Cp. on the ‘great excommunication’ first pronounced against Elizabeth by Pius Quintus in 1570, 1. 1490, 22. Camden, who gives the text of the Papal Bull in full (p. 146), remarks that ¢ most part of the moderate sort of Papists secretly misliked this Bull.’ 1. 2630. Die Martyrfrone, ete. Cp. 11. 633, 1273, 7otes. ! Originally Schiller had written Der Mond, which made the line too short. In the next line but one he had put der Priefter, which would not read so well here as the shorter form Mond. 1. 2632—2687.] NOTES: ACT. ZV. 241 1. 2632. Auf dem, etc, i.e. on the road to London during the Queen’s return. : 1.2633. Did) verfolgt, etc., a grim furious fate pursues you, unhappy one. 1. 2635. Dein Engel, etc., i.e. her own guardian angel who meant to protect her, etc. 1. 2640. Mir 3u betten, say 70 die. The pron. mir instead of the now more usual mid) with the verb fidy betten, sounds more dignified here. Vierter Aufiug. 1. 2641. The form Jhro for Ihre is still occasionally used in official style with titles. L. 2646. The noun Franfe for Franjofe was often used towards the end of the last century ; more especially in higher diction. Cp. Schiller’s Jungfrau von Orleans (C.P.S.), 1. 282, ». 1. 2647. The final ¢ in Aubespine is mute. L 2650. Wenn er ausgefertigt, when it is ready. L 2658. Zu Schanden madyen, Zo bagfle ; to foil. verdbammen, Zo con- Sound. L 2661. Gefillt es, etc., may it please your lordship. The French diplomatist shrewdly ignores Burleigh’s insinuation about the ©dis- graceful designer.’ Cp. ll. 634, 2502, notes. 1. 2664. Sdyuldigft, in official style, dutifully. L 2669. Befdhiipst Gud, etc., i.e. the sacred character of ambassador will not protect Aubespine for a long time; since, when the conspiracy is investigated, his guilt will become patent. L 2673. Sdiit—Reidsvervither nicht. By the law of nations am- bassadors do not enjoy immunity with regard to crimes which are mala in se, such as high treason and murder. L. 2674. Sauvage, being represented as a Frenchman, had to be pro- vided with a passport—then called ‘ License to travel —from the French ambassador. . 2678. Cp. 11. 2502-9. L. 2681. In meinem Haupt, say in my person. .'2684. Sid... vermahlen, unite. . 2685. Ihr Gibernelmt es, i. e. he is to undertake the task. 1. 2686. That L’Aubespine was obliged to leave England on the dis- covery of the conspiracy in question, Schiller found stated in Hume (v. 310). According to Camden (p. 379) Burleigh ‘gravely advised L’Aubespine to beware how he committed treason,’ etc. 1. 2687. The Fr. word Hotel is here, of course, used in the sense of mansion ; residence. — fd pet \ R 242 MARIA STUART. [11 260—2786. 1. 2690. Wie ev, etc., as soon as he shows himself. L 2695. Cudersiond. some verb like fordern after blut’ge Redjenicyaft, sanguinary satisfaction. L 2697. Gefdhiftig unberufen, i.e. officiously and uncalled for. The criticism that Schiller ought not to have represented the patriotic Burleigh as befriending the matrimonial alliance between Elizabeth and a French prince, is absurd. The poet simply followed his sources. Cp. 1. 1215, 7. 1. 2707. Set wird, etc., now an inquisitorial enquiry will be opened. The word /nguisition was used with reference to political trials, but the tenour of the present passage is more in conformity with the religious Inquisition as formerly prevalent in Spain. L. 2709. Bor Gevidht geftellt, traduced before the bar. L 2719. Stivn, say glance, or face. L. 2720. Die Konigin, etc., was it you who led the Queen, etc. Cp. on the conditional mood used to express irony, l. 83, 7. L 2725. Perfon may be used in German figuratively for par. L 2726. Der arglog Vertrauenbden, i.e. for her who confided in him without suspicion. L. 2730. Cp. ll. 1404-1454. L 2741, etc. Durdhidhaut, here found out. Jemand auf die Spur fommen, Zo ¢race any one's steps. L 2745. Berjtandniffe, here secret understanding. L 2752. Vorherbedadit wird, ete., all will now appear preconcerted. 2755. Die Morderhand, etc., i.e. he will be accused of having armed the murderous hand which interfered with sanguinary terror, as an un- expected, portentous fate. I. 2758. Leicester's guilty conscience makes him timorous; which fact is admirably expressed by the simple exclamation Ha! Wer fommt ! 1. 2767. Was unterfangt, etc., Low dare you involve me in, etc. 1. 2769. Cure bofen Handel, say your evil deeds. 1. 2771, etc. Evil spirits are often described in folk-lore as attaching themselves to the heels of men and thus encumbering their movements. L. 2779. Schiller mentions the ¢ beginning of a letter’ only, because if it had been complete it must have contained a full description of the presumed plot, and Leicester could not have been represented as excusing himself by means of shrewd subterfuges. L 2780. Die Unglitckielge, tke hapless woman. 1. 2783. Deg Bildniffes, ete. Cp. 1. 674. 1. 2786. The verb fidh herausidhworen, Zo clear (or justify’) oneself by an oath, has no single equivalent, I believe, in any language. It illustrates the idiomatic force of German compound verbs Il. 2789—2875.] NOTES. ACT IV, - 243 1. 2789. Nuseinander gefprengt, broken up. This statement is probably based upon the fact that, after the Babington plot had been discovered, the conspirators fled in all directions. Camden, p. 342. L. 2793. Was eine, etc., what a bold front can achieve. Poli befonnen, with a sudden resolution. 1. 2794. The word Trabant, denoting (besides satellite’) gward ; life-guardsman, is the same as the It. ¢trabante,” which is conjec- tured to be derived from the Germ. traben, ¢ to trot.” Staatsverrather, lit. ‘traitor to the state.’ 1. 2800, etc. Weg liber, etc., Ae strides over my body (lit. ‘neck’). Tall, here ruin. 11. 2803-5. Mortimer, well knowing that he will incur the punishment of death, grudges Leicester the gratification of martyrdom, and declares that he will not cause the latter’s death by entangling him in his own ruin = 1 2822. Jm Triumph, etc., i. e. to expose her triumphantly before his paramour. 1. 2826. According to Diintzer the expression Jauberfiinfte, magic arts, is here to be taken figuratively. L. 2830, etc. The poetical inversion, und war, etc., for und icy felber war, makes the assertion more emphatic. 1. 2834. Mich entfernt, zurned away. 1L 2835—41. The Queen visibly preferred him (Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester) to all who had the honour to approach her. . . At her accession to the crown she made him Master of the Horse, and Knight of the Garter. From thenceforward she took a pleasure to distribute ‘her favours through him. . . . He was at Court called only, My Lord, ‘without any other addition, which demonstrated the preference of him to all the nobility.” Rapin, ii. 61 seg. 1. 2845, etc. (3 f{iegt, etc. We must assume that Elizabeth had com- manded the death-warrant to be prepared after her interview with Mary. L 2853, etc. Id) werde, i.e. she will appoint a commission of peers to try him. 1. 2856. Sich su Jemand dringen, Zo force one’s way to any one. 1. 2862. Daf man, etc., 20 refuse him admittance. 1. 2870. The verb fagt ifm (1. 2865), must be considered to refer also to this line. 1. 2875. Gine abgefeimte Bitbin, say an arrant trickster. Abfeimen denotes ‘to take off the foam,’ and the adj. abgefeimt (lit. ‘frothy’) formed from it, is used to designate ‘a worthless or arrant t Cp. L. 2578 and p. 239, footnote. R2 244 MARIA STUART. [ll 2885—3080. person.” In this sense the adj. fully corresponds to the Engl. ‘ abject.’ Cp. also the word “scum. 1. 2887. Durdy deffen, etc., i. e. whose mouth can allow or forbid any- thing to the Earl of Leicester. 1. 2896. Vergrofert Guren, etc., viz. he should increase his crime by denying it. 1. 2907. The expression ber Begliicfte denotes the man made happy by others, whilst der Gliicf{idhe means one who is accidentally happy. 1. 2916. The designation Blaudever, loquacious man, refers, of course, to Burleigh. l. 2939. Die Feindin, etc., i.e. to fathom the plots of their enemy and to destroy her. 1. 2946. Muf jeden, etc., must dispel all doubt of my loyal sentiments. L 2951. Verfdhwiegt Jr, did you conceal it? The verb verfdhieigen may also be used without a direct object. Cp. Sanders, Worterbuch and Erginzungswirterbuch, sub voce Sdweigen. 1. 2953. Und feid, etc., i.e. Burleigh is himself the heraid of his deeds. 1. 2956. The form jetso is now used in poetry only. 11. 2964-69. Die Konigin, of course, Elizabeth. Cp. ll. 1601-26; 1686-93, notes. 1. 2979. Eine Unterhandlung vflegen, zo carry on a negotiation. L. 2994, etc. Die ftrengite Redhtsform, tke strictest form of the law. Befiegeln, here zo testify. L 2997. Man hve . . . ab, Zz. . . be examined. 1. 3005. Unter feftiger Verwiin{dhung, anidst violent iypprecations. 1. 3007. The verb fafen (1. 3004) refers also to this line. 1. 3015. Diefer Mortimer, etc. This saying is often quoted in Germany, but rather jocularly. 1. 3020. Cp. ll. 1450-54. L 3025. The exclamation Jf rietfet dazu is in the conditional mood, viz. you yourself would give this advice ? 1. 3055-62. These lines are based on a passage in Camden (p. 379) in which various rumours are related, which had been spread by Mary's enemies in order to urge Elizabeth to carry out the sentence of death. L 3062. Das nod), ete., falling this day. 1. 3068. The reader need hardly be reminded of the saying, Vox popult, vox Det. 11. 3066-476. Cp. ll. 1001, 1324, 1918, notes. 1. 3077. Man will, etc., i.e. the people want to drive her to precipitate action. 1. 3080. Unglitdtfelig, say fatal. Il. 3084—3157.] NOTES. ACT IV. 245 1. 3084. Hier gilt es, etc., i.e. here it behoves to assert her sovereign authority. 1. 3089. Du {elbit, etc. Elizabeth being but human, she could not justly pass sentence in her present excited frame of mind. 1. 3095. Federsug, stroke of the pen, i.e. Elizabeth's signature. 1. 3097. ©oll didh, etc., i.e. shall the disposition of the moment carry her away by force ? 1. 3104. Schiller had probably in his mind the murderous hands of Babington, Savage (Sauvage), and Parry. One edition had yiermal, which number might include Ballard. Mellish has #z7éce. Cp.l. 1277, 2. 11. 3105-6. Nahe, here closely. Nodh einmal, etc. According to Camden (p. 381), the courtiers who urged Mary’s execution alleged among other reasons, ¢ He that doeth not what lies in his power to avoid dangers doeth rater tempt God, than trust in God. (Qui periculum quantum cavere potest, non cavet, magis Deum tentat, quam in Deo sperat, p. 488.) 1. 3107. Wunberhand, say wonder-working hand. 1. 3113. In diefemt Sturme, i.e. in this storm of agitation. 1. 3115-22. The prediction contained in these lines was specially emphasized by the French envoy Bellievre in his. formerly-mentioned harangue to Elizabeth in favour of Mary. Cp. 1. 1448, 7. 1. 3124. Gnfeltochter is a more dignified expression than Gnfelin ; say descendant. 1. 3126. Jn der BVejammerten, 272 the lamented Queen. L 3133. Die alle, etc., which won for you all hearts. L. 3137. Du Haft, etc., i.e. she will have done. 1. 3138. ©teht feit, zs safe.—The speaker calls the head of Mary sacred because she was an anointed Queen. . Cp. 1. 603, 7. 11. 3146-48. The assumption that the two Queens could not exist simultaneously, formed the turning-point in the fate of Mary. Elizabeth herself is reported to have said to Bellievre : ¢ Que le monde ne pouvoit souffrir deux Soleils, ny 1’Angleterre deux Roines et deux Religions.’ Du Chesne, Hist. de France, p. 1112. Cp. 1. 596, 7. 1. 3149-55. If England might by my death obtain a more flourish- ing condition, and a better prince’ (said Elizabeth to the Estates on their petitioning her to publish the sentence against Mary), ‘I would most gladly lay down my life.” Camden, p. 364. 1. 3150. Majeftit, here sovercignzy. 1. 3157. Wo meine, ete., where my unambitious youth was spent.— The present statement is put in the mouth of Elizabeth for the sake of dramatic effect. As a matter of fact she resided, as a prisoner, about one year only at Woodstock. . 246 MARIA STUART, [iL 3158—3211, 1. 3158. Vom Tand, etc., removed from the vanity of worldly greatness. 1. 3129. Render Holeit, majesty, or dignity. Bin ih, etc., surely I am not made to be a ruler. L 3164. Sdwere Konigspflicht, severe royal duty. 11. 3171-84. In the above-mentioned petition addressed to Elizabeth (ll. 3149-55, 7.) ‘the Estates instantly besought her that, for the Preservation of Christ's true Religion, the Quiet and Security of the Realm, the Preservation of the Queen’s person, and the Safety of them- selves and their Posteritie, the Sentence given against Mary Queen of Scots according to the Law might be published.” Camden, p. 363. 1. 3182. Des Bolfes, etc. Among the reasons for the execution of Mary her enemies asserted, ‘That the Safety of the People was the highest Law ; and no Law was more sacred than the Safety of the Commonwealth. bid. p. 372. ? L 3187. Jd trage fie, ete., 7 will consult the highest judge.—At the end of her speech Elizabeth said: ‘I hope you do not look for any present Resolution® from me; for my manner is in matters of less moment than this to deliberate long upon that which is but once to be resolved. In the mean time I beseech Almighty God so to illuminate and direct my heart that I may see clearly what may be best for the good of the Church, the Prosperity of the Commonwealth, and your Safety.) JZbid. 365. Cp. on the import of the following celebrated soliloquy, which contains an epitome of Elizabeth’s character as represented by Schiller, the Critical Introduction. 1. 3190. Volfsbienit, lit. ¢ people’s service, i.e. subserviency to the people. 1. 3194, etc. Wieinung is here used in the sense of public opinion. 1 um das Lob bublen, 20 court the praise. 1. 3196. Recht machen, 20 gratify ; to satisfy. 11. 3200-3. Elizabeth expresses her regret that in consequence of her having at all times practised justice, she has tied her own hands for the execution of the first unavoidable despotic deed. 1. 3205. War ih, rad 7 been. Cp. for the expression die fpanifdye Matia, 1. 102, 7. 1. 3206. ‘Boral, here predecessor. 11. 3208-11. The poet makes Elizabeth declare with severe candour that if she has hitherto practised justice, it was not by her own free will ; this virtuous quality having been imposed upon her by the all- powerful necessity which binds the free will of monarchs '. 1 The passage seems to have been frequently misunderstood. 1I. 3213—3299.] NOTES. ' ACT IV. 24 1. 3213. Angefochtnen, disputed, or contested. 1. 3214, etc. Alle Madhte, i.e. all the great powers, such as the Pope, France, and Spain. Cp. L. 2354 7. 1. 3217-19. Mit falfchem, etc. That the friendship of France was only feigned will be known to the student of history, and equally so Spain's enterprises at sea for the destruction of England. ‘1. 3223. Cp. lL. 518, 780, notes. 1.3231. €p.L 1625. 1. 3233. Hollenidhlange =Hhollifdhe Schlange. 1. 3234, etc. Ze beloved ome evidently refers to Leicester, whom she still suspects as being attached to Mary; the bridegroom, i.e. ‘betrothed, refers to the Prince of “Anjou, her negotiations with him having been broken off. 7 1. 3240. As follte, etc., as if Mr glance was to strike me down like lightning.— —Somewhat Seailerty Schiller uses the expression iepcline in his Jungfrau von Orleans (C.P.S.) 1. 3012, 7. 1. 3242. Sie treffen todtlidhy, 2key Ait fatally. L. 3243. Gin Bajtard, etc. 7am a bastard in your eyes? Hapless woman ! 1. 3245. Der Siweifel, etc., i.e. the doubt in her legitimate royal birth. 1. 3255. Mun begann, etc. Note the Homeric simplicity in the word- ing of this clause. 1. 3257. Sein gewaltfanes, etc., #Zeir (i. e. the people’s) violent conduct. 1. 3260. The fickle mindedness of the people only confirms her appre- hension that their attachment to her may one day undergo a change. 1. 3261. Die fever, etc., which every breath of wind drives hither and thither. 1. 3266. Unterfdhreiben follt’ ih. Cp. 1. 3061-65. 1. 3270. Sit ein Strahl, ete., is a thunderbolt which descends as if provided with wings 11. 3271-76. These lines are based on a passage in Camden (p. 382) to the effect that ‘as soon as Davison had communicated to the Council the Queen’s command to have a Warrant for the Execution of Mary drawn up, they dispatched witkout delay Beale and several other Com- missioners to Fotheringhay fo inform Mary to prepare herself for her death, for she was to die the next day.’ 1. 3277. Jene hat gelebt, i.e. she will have ceased to live. 1. 3296. Willenlog, without a will of my own. 1. 3297-98. Render faffe deine Meinung, express your will, and Blut. befell, death-warrant. 1. 3299. Sprit es aus, i.e. the word Bluthefeh{ expresses what is to - be done with the warrant. \ 248 MARIA STUART. (iL. ssoysgen L. 3309. Shift, here document. : \ 1. 3312. G3 gefalle, may it please. 11. 3314-17. In describing Elizabeth’s uncertainty how to deal with the Scottish Queen, Hume (v. 310) says: ‘She at last called Davison, a man of parts, but easy to be imposed on, and who kad lately for that very reason been made secretary.’ Camden (p. 392) also describes Davison ‘as a man of ingenuity, but not well skilled in Court arts, brought upon the stage on purpose (as most men thought) to act for a time this part in the tragedy.’ 1. 3319. Laf didy, ete., say do not grudge me the word. Ll. 3325. Sie laft mid, etc., i.e. she leaves him in perplexity and doubt. 1. 3331. Recenfdhaft is here used in the sense of Verantwortlichfeit, responstbility.—As a matter of fact Davison had already been employed by Elizabeth on diplomatic missions. Cp. Camden, pp. 210, 281. 1. 3337. Qillenangft, deadly agony. 1. 3340. Understand mitgetfeilt or some similar verb after deut{ich. 1. 3347. Davison delivered the warrant to the Council (1. 3271, 7.), who treacherously urged him to have it executed at once; but for dramatic reasons Schiller represents Burleigh as having taken possession of it by force. Junfter Aufjug. The parcels mentioned in the stage-direction, may be assumed to contain the presents which Mary bequeathed on the eve of her execution to the Kings of France, Spain, etc., and the letters are those she had written at the same time. (Cp. l. 3529, 7.) The various articles of luxury and ornament brought in are those of which she was deprived after sentence of death had been pronounced on her. (Cp. ll. 17-40, notes.) In general the incident described here is based on a passage in La Mort de la Royne d’ Escosse. Jebb, ii. 27. l. 3349. Sir Andrew Melvil, or Melville, of Garvock, brother of Sir James Melville, the author of the above-mentioned Memoirs, was master of the household to Queen Mary whilst she was in England. After her death he married the Jeanne (Hannah) Kennedy mentioned in this drama, who had been for twenty years the constant companion of Mary. Kennedy is described by Sir James Melville as ‘discreet and grave.’ Memoirs, p. 300. 1. 3351. Nad) langer, etc. Schiller knew very well from Robertson (ii. 143), and other sources, that Melville had been ‘secluded from Mary’s presence,’ a few weeks only before her death; but in order to make it appear plausible that he had undergone the change described by him in 1. 3367-3453). NOTES. ‘ACT VT. 249 11. 3649-54, the poet represents him as having been absent for a long time. . 1. 3367. Melville appears in mourning; hence his assertion that he will never ‘lay aside his sable garb.’ I. 3372. The high opinion Melville entertains of Kennedy becomes | apparent from the fact that he invites her to join him ‘in setting to Mary an example of dignified and firm composure, and in béing a support to her on her way to death.’ 11. 3375-78. In describing Mary's demeanour on the morning of her ‘execution, Brantdme (p. 105) says: ¢ Apres avoir dict toutes ses oraisons .. elle sen vint dans sa chambre, et s’assit auprés du feu, parlant toujours a ses femmes, et les consolant, aw lieu que les autres la devoient consoler. L. 3381. Tobespoft =Todeshotidhaft, i.e. message of death. 1. 3383. Dag war, etc. Mary was informed of her impending execu- tion only the day before by the Earls of Kent and Shrewsbury. Cp. L. 3271, #.; Camden, p. 382; Hume, v. 311. 1. 3386, etc. Mary was of course unaware of Mortimer’s fate. 1. 3401-10. Mary’s ‘composure of mind’ on hearing the ‘warrant for execution read out to her is historical ; but in the drama it appears in a more heroic light, through the sudden transition from hope to terror. 1. 3411. Cp. on Leicester's ‘ disgraceful treachery,’ 11. 2794-2801. lL. 3414. Cp. IK 251-261. 1l. 3419-23. These lines are based partly on the account given by Camden (p. 383) and partly on that of Robertson (ii. 142). The latter says that after having uttered some prayers she employed the greater part of the evening in settling her worldly affairs. Ske wrote her testa- ment with her own hand (1. 3421) . . . She wrote a short letter to the King of France, and another to the Duke of Guise (I. 3420). Camden says: ¢ At her wonted time she went to Bed, slept some hours, and then awaking, spent tke rest of the Night in Prayer’ (1. 3419). 1. 3424. That Mary's ¢ own physician’ Bowuzgoyn was with her in the last moments, Schiller found recorded among others in Camden (p. 384). The name of Bourgoyn, also spelt Bourgoin’ and ‘ Bourgoing,’ is to be scanned here Birgiin. 1 3432. Cp. 1 834, #. 1. 3437. Cp. 11. 885-99. : 11. 3448-53. These lines are based on the following passage in Za Mort de la Royne, etc.: Elle se remit en prieres . . . et d’icelles relevée, Jut invitée par son medecin Bourgoin de prendre un pew de pain et de vin, qu'il avoit fait tenir prest a ceste intention, qu'elle accepta volontiers,’ etc. Jebb, ii. 632. 250 MARIA STUART. [Il. 3445—33502. 1l. 3455-59. To judge from Mellish’s translation these lines seem to have been originally placed after 1. 3424. We consider the transposition very felicitous. At the end of the first seene Melville must have been too agitated to notice the presence of the precious objects, but now he had had some time to collect himself. 1. 3461, etc. Brantéme (p. 104) records that on the morning of her execution, after having addressed a few words to her female attendants, ‘Elles se retira a son oratoire, leur ayant dit derechef adieu,’ etc. 1. 3467. Als id), etc., i.e. when she, on coming back, ascended the staircase which also leads to the lower hall, the door of the latter opened. 1. 3471. According to Hume (v. 316) ‘The hall where the scaffold was erected was covered with black. . . . The room was crowded with spectators.” Curle’s statement that “a thirst for blood shone from the eyes of the spectators’ is put for the sake of heightening the horror of the situation. Hume says that ‘the spectators were deeply moved.’ Stage direction to Scene 6.—In his description of Mary's appear- ance, Schiller, and some other historians, follow Robertson (ii. 143), with the exception that he represents her as clad in white, whilst the Scotch historian says: ‘She was dressed in a mourning habit, but with an elegance and splendour which she had long laid aside except on a few festival days. An Agnus Dei! hung by a pomander chain at her neck ; her beads at her girdle, and in her hand she carried a crucifix of ivory. Brantdme (p. 109) says that she had on a black veil, and in order to make her appearance more picturesque—or perhaps in order to assimi- late it somewhat to that of a nun on the ¢ day of profession’—Schiller represents her as wearing a white robe. That Melville fell on his knees, amidst tears and laments, at the sight of Mary Stuart on her way to the scaffold, is recorded by Camden (p. 384) and others. 1l. 3480-3502. This speech is based upon several passages in Bran- tome (p. 105, etc.), Camden (p. 384), Buchanan (iii. 139), and Robertson (ii. 143). According to the last-named historian, Mary said to Melville, ¢ Weep not, good Melvil, there is at present great cause for rejoicing. Thou shalt this day see Mary Stewart delivered from all her cares. . Bear witness that I die constant in my religion 2’ ~ ! An Agnus Dei is the figure of a lamb stamped on the remnants of wax from the Paschal candles and solemnly blessed by the Pope. 2 Melville had asked Kennedy whether she could lead him into the Queen’s presence (1. 3418), and when he asks her later on whether the latter will receive him (I. 3454), she gives him no direct answer, but merely 1. 3505—3542.] NOTES, 1 4CT VW. 251 1.35035. Cp.L 3351 # 1. 3507. Mid dritcfte, etc., i. e. no other suffering oppressed him. 1. 3509. Didier is an historical personage, and Mary calling him ‘un vieux officier de ma bouche’ specially recommended him to the King of France in the Mémoire written by her in the morning of her execution. Cp. Martyre de la Royne, etc. ; Jebb, ii. 630. 1. 3513. Didier is mentioned among those who were present at Mary’s death (¢0id. p. 635). 1L 3520-28. 3d fegne, etc. After having described Mary’s prayers on the scaffold, the author of Za Martyre, etc. (Jebb, ii. 307) says: ¢Telles estoient ses prieres, estant a genoux sur ’eschaffaut, lesquelles elles fesoit d’un cceur fort ardent, y en adioustant plusieurs autres pour le Pape, et pour les Rois de France et d’Espagne,’ etc. The King of France was called rex christianissimus (1. 3521). - 1. 3523. The abbreviated form Defjm, from Delfjeint, is now used in higher diction only. Cp. 1. 776, 7., and on the Cardinal of Lorraine see L 387, 7. L 3524. Und Heinrich Guife. This was Henry I, Duke of Guise, son of Francis of Guise, and consequently cousin to Mary Stuart. Henry was one of the most zealous champions of the Roman Catholic party in France, and it is for this reason that the poet makes Mary mention him in particular. L 3525, etc. Den Papft, i.e. Sixtus Quintus. Wieder, here oz his part. Cp.l. 3653, 7 L 3525. Den fatholiiden Konig refers, of course, to Philip 1 of Spain, who was called ‘Rex Catholicus.” He was the only monarch who seemed to be in full earnest for Mary’s deliverance. 11. 3529-31. After having mentioned the personages to whom Mary addressed some letters before her death, Brantéme (p. 103) adds, ‘et leur envoya a tous des presents qui estoient de la valeur et prix que le pouvait consentir une pauvre reyne captive et mal fortunée.’ 1. 3532, etc. Gud hab’ id), etc. She wrote a short letter to the King of France, and another to the Duke of Guise . . . and recommended her soul to their prayers, and her afflicted servants to their protection.’ Robertson, ii. 142 seg. 1. 3535—41. This admonition seems to have been freely introduced by the poet. 1. 3542. Melville is reported to have been the only person whom Mary informs him that the Queen will immediately make her appearance. Kennedy has consequently not announced him at all to Mary. 252 : MARIA STUART. [I 3543—3580. used to address in the second person singular, and Schiller seems to have here reversed the process. Cp. Jebb, ii. 635. 11. 3543-49. Brantdme (p. 103) says that on the eve of her death Mary had assembled all her servants, ‘et fit ouvrir ses coffres, et regarder combien elle pouvoit avoir d’argent, leur despartit & chacun selon son moyen et le service quelle avait tiré d’eux, et a ses femmes leur partagea ce qui lui pouvoit encore rester de bagues . . . et accoustremens; leur disant a tous que C'estoit avec beaucoup de regret qu'elle n’avoit davantage pour leur donner et recompenser,’ etc. Next moming having put on a velvet dress, she said to her female attendants: ¢ Mes amies, je vous eusse laissé plutost cet accoustrement que celuy d’hier, sinon qu'il faut que jaille 2 la mort un peu honorablement, et que j’aie quelque chose plus que le commun!’ (747d. p. 104.) See also Hume, v. 313.1 1. 3550. The criticism that Schiller ought to have put Gud instead of Dir, appears to be entirely unwarranted. Alix seems to be a special favourite of hers (she takes leave of her a second time, 1. 3569), and Mary addresses her as meine Alix; then remembering the two other attendants, she simply adds their names. The pron. Gud) would destroy the dignity of the line. l. 3553. Cp. 11. 884, 885, 887, notes. 1. 3558. © meine, etc. Cp. L 3349, 7.- L 3561. Nimm diefed Tuc, etc. Schiller has here felicitously inter- woven the following incident mentioned by Brantdme (p. 104) to the effect that on the morning of her execution Mary said: ‘Voila un mouchoir que jay reservé aussi, qui sera pour me bander les yeux quand je viendray 13, que je vous donne, m’amie (parlant a une de ses femmes), car je veux recevoir ce dernier office de vous.” It may be assumed that she addressed these words to her trusty nurse, Jeanne Kennedy. Cp. the Additions aux Mémoires de Michel Castelnaw. Jebb, ii. 489. L. 3568. Kommt und, etc. Cp. on Mary's farewell to her servants. Brantome (p. 104 seq.) ; La Mort, etc. Jebb, ii. 634. 1. 3575. Du haft, etc. A similarity has been pointed out between this saying and the words: Maria hat das gute Theil erwikilt. Luke Xod2: ’ 1. 3576. The expression die Braut deg Himuels, ¢ the bride of heaven’ =a nun. 1. 3578. Betriiglich find, etc. When Mary spoke to her female atten- dants on the morning of her execution, Brantéme (p. 105) says that she told them gue ce #estoit rien que des felicitez de ce monde, et qidelle en debvoit bien servir dexemple aux plus grandes de la terre jusques aux Plus petites, ete. Cp. 1. 1528, 1. 3580. Mary’s last words to Melville were, ‘And so good Melvil IL. 3581-3617.] NOTES... ACT V. 253 fare wel : once again, fare wel, good Melvil.’ Noch einmal lebe wohl, guter Melvil, ete. (Archenholz, p. 130). Cp. Jebb, ii. 634; Hume, Vv. 315. 1. 3581. Alles Seitliche berichtigen, zo set in order all temporal things. 1. 3590. Den Heil'gen, the Holy One, i.e. the Lord. Klopstock simi- larly uses the epithet feiliger with reference to God. 1. 3591-95. Verfagt tft mir, etc. These lines are based on the following passages in Brantéme (p. 107 seg.): ¢ Puis, estant sur Pechaf- faut, elle demanda son aumosnier, priant les officiers qui estoient 1a, de permettre qu’il vint; ce qui lui fat refusé tout a plat! . .. On lui emmena un ministre pour I'exhorter ; mais elle luy dit en anglais: “Ah, mon amy, donne moy patience,” luy declarant qu'elle ne vouloit com- muniquer avec luy, ny avoir aucun propos avec ceux de sa secte,’ 1. 3892. The expression $immelsipeife for Himmelsbrod (Zz. ‘the bread of heaven’), the Lord's Supper, was used as far back as the first half of the sixteenth century. : 1. 3600. Melville wishing to fathom Mary’s mind, as to whether she was really yearning for the visible comforts of the Church, leads her gradually to a full profession of faith; first telling her that ‘ whilst the mere word is without life itself, belief alone imparts life.’ 1. 3603. Dag hole, etc., 2r order to acquire the sublime heavenly gift, i.e. the grace of heaven. 11. 3604-6. Drum ward, etc. These lines contain a religious-poetical interpretation of the doctrine of the incarnation of Christ, who mys- teriously included in his visible body the invisible heavenly gifts of grace and salvation. 1. 3609. The reader will know that the word catholic, being derived from the Gr. ‘katholikos,” denotes universal. 1. 3610-13. Denn nut, etc. The faith of the individual is strength- ened by the faith of an united body. When thousands worship and adore, the glow (i. e. the religious fervour) is fanned into a flame, and the spirit soars on wings to the very heaven. 1. 3614. Ad, die Begliicten, etc., i.e. happy they whom the gladsome community of prayer assembles in the house of the Lord. 1. 3617. Sm reinen Mefgewand, in bright vestments. The epithet reinen, lit. ¢ clean,’ ¢ spotless,” has greatly puzzled some German com- ‘mentators, who consequently suggested to substitute for it the adjective reidhen, ‘rich,’ ¢ sumptuous’; but it seems that veinen is appropriately used. The word Mefgewand is here employed collectively for the ecclesiastical vestments used in Roman Catholic churches by the officia- ting priest at mass. Those worn on ‘feasts of confessors, virgins, and on joyful occasions generally, are all of a white colour. The 254 MARIA STUART. [lL 3619-3652. epithet veinen, ‘bright’ or ‘spotless’ is consequently quite properly chosen. 1. 3619-20. Gr faft, etc., ke seizes the cup, he blesses it, he proclaims the sublime miracle of tramssubstantiation. Dintzer very properly defends Schiller against the charge that he ought also to have mentioned the transsubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ; since he did not intend Mary to give a minute description of the celebration of Mass. Cp. on the present ¢ Communion scene’ in general, the Cretical Introduction. 1. 3621. Und niederftiirst, etc, i.e. and the people confirmed (lit. ‘convinced ’) 72 its belief prostrate themselves before the present God- head. 1. 3625. Vertraue dem, etc., Zrust in the Almighty. 1l. 3626-28. Cp. for these biblical allusions, Numb. xvii. 8, and Ex. xvii. 6. L 3630. The expression Keld), i.e. ‘chalice,’ is here purposely used instead of Bedyer, in order to indicate the sacred use for which it is destined. 1. 3633. Kein Hodhwitrdiges, 7o Host. 1. 3635. Wo Bywei, etc. ‘For where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them,” Matth. xviii. zo. 1. 3637. Was weiht, etc.; i. e. what gives the priest the sacred right to speak in the name of the Lord ? (Lit. what ordains the priest to be the mouthpiece of the Lord ?) 1. 3638. Wanbdel, used figuratively, denotes conduct. 11. 3643-48. Mary’s readiness to confess even to a layman, and to ° receive from him absolution, although she well knows that this is not in conformity with her creed, convinces Melville of her urgent longing for spiritual comfort, and for this reason he casts off his caution and reveals to her his sacred character. First Melville uncovers his head in order to exhibit his tonsure, and then he produces the host in a golden vessel Z 1. 3652. Die fieben, etc. Melville's assertion that he ‘received the seven consecrations on his 4ead’ must be taken figuratively, since two ! The error on the part of some commentators seems to have arisen from the fact that the word Mefgewvand was taken by them to denote the ¢chasuble’ (Lat. Casula) alone, which is sometimes made of velvet; but as explained above, the expression Yefgetvand designates here all the clerical vestments which, on certain occasions, are entirely white. ? Schiller here took a great poetical licence; Melville being described as a Protestant. Buchanan, iii. 139. 11. 3653—3695.] NOTES. ACT PV. 255 consecrations only require the imposing of the Bishop's hands on the head of the person to be ordained priest. There are in all four ‘minor’ and two ‘major’ consecrations preceding the ordination of a priest. : 11. 3653-4. Schiller has here most felicitously interwoven an incident mentioned by Brantdme (p. 104), who says of Mary that on the morning of her execution, ‘ elle se retira a son oratoire . . . et fit la ses pasques par le moyen d'une hostie consacrée que le bon pape Pie V lui avoit envoyée pour s’en servir a sa necessité, et qu'elle avoit toujours fort curieusement et sainctement gardée et conservée.” N. Causin says in his Histoire de I'incomparable Reyne, etc., ‘Le Pape Pie V scachant qu'on lui refusoit I'assistance des Prestres, lui avoit permis de se com- munier elle mesme, ce qu'elle faisoit souvent, ses affidez lui envoyant a cet effect en cachette des boéttes pleines d’hosties sacrées.” Jebb, ii. 98. Cp. also Hume, v. 313. 1. 3657-62. The words Wie ein Unfterblicher, etc. (lit. ‘like an immortal one,” i.e. an angel) contain a general allusion to heavenly apparitions, whilst the subsequent simile refers to the deliverance of St. Peter (Acts xii. 7 seg.). 1. 3664. Da, here whilst, or when. Ll. 3666. Sein fHeil'ger Mund. Now as Mary sees that Melville is a consecrated priest, she considers him as a real mouthpiece of the Lord. Cp. 1. 2037, 1. 3668. The words ‘in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost’ occur in the admonition of the priest ‘to confess truly and humbly the sins.’ l. 3671. Sdyworit du, ete., dost thou affirm and vow. 11. 3676-79. Mary alludes to her sentiments of envious hate and vin- dictiveness towards Elizabeth, which were aroused at the last interview between the two Queens. 1. 3682. &p wale, ete. This line is based upon the fact recorded by several historians that Mary sent a message through Melville to her son James VI of Scotland “not to avenge her death,’ and that she prayed on the scaffold ¢ for a long life and peaceful reign to Elizabeth.” Cp. Bran- tome, pp. 103, 109; Robertson, ii. 144. 1. 3684. Durch {ind ge Liebe, i. e. for Leicester. 1. 3685. Dag hochite Gut denotes in German, ke Lord. L 3692. Weld) andver, etc. Schiller wechselt in Melvils dreimaliger Frage, 0b sie keiner andern Schuld sich erinnere, gliicklich ab. Diintzer. 11. 3693-95. Render Blutfhuld, guilt of murder; mit neuer Sdhrecens: fraft, with renewed strength of terror; and der lepten Redhenidhaft, of the final confession (lit. ‘ account’). 256 MARIA STUART. [lL 3696-3751. 1. 3696. Und tilt, etc., i.e. and rolls before her in a black form, barring her the way to the gates of Heaven. 1. 3697. Den Konig, etc. Cp. with the present Spesc of May, 31, 268-3535, notes. L. 3700. Der Wurm, i. e. the gnawing worm of remorse. 1. 3704. Nabe, here presence. 11. 3705-8. Der Strafen, etc. The wilful concealment of any mortal sin at a confession vitiates the latter, but it does not properly belong ‘to the sin against the Holy Ghost, for which there is no pardon in this or the other world” Cp. Matth. xii. 32. 1. 3713, ete. Blut'gen Antheil, sanguinary share. Cp. lL yo, 925, notes. L. 3718. Minutengeiger, ménute-hand, rather poetical instead of Stun: dengeiger; possibly also on account of the metre. L 3722. Du hat, etc. Melville insinuates that Mary may have avoided encouraging by words the murderous plots against Elizabeth, but may have at the same time approved them tacitly. L 3727. 3d habe, etc. Cp. 1. 934, etc., 2. and Brantéme, p. 108. 1. 3731. Cp. ll. 884-906, 7otes. 11. 3735-36. Gott wiirdigt mich, etc. Mary’s assertion and Melville's subsequent comforting words, @op gefie fin, ete. (11. 3737-39) are based on the notion that ‘blood atones for blood.” That she expected this retaliation will be seen from lines 321-22. L 3737. Den Segen itber Jmd. madyen, Zo make the sign of the cross over any one. L. 3740. Du fehlteit nur, etc. Melville avers that Mary was not de- praved by nature, and that she only sinned from ‘womanly frailty.’ Similarly Kennedy said to her (I. 362): . Der Leichtfinn nur ijt Guer Lajter, and Mary herself pleaded tender youth as an ‘extenuating circumstance.’ Cp. 1. 294, 2421, notes. 1. 3741-2. Dem fel’gen, etc., i.e. the blessed spirit is free from all earthly stains in its state of glory, and mortal weakness does not follow it there. 1. 3743. Note here the force of aber, which, by its position after id, makes the assertion most emphatic. L 3744. 3ulifen, etc. Cp. Matth. xvi. 19 ; xviii. 18. L 3746. Wie du, etc., according to your faith be it done unto you. (Matth. ix. 29). The addition of this biblical line to the ‘absolution’ makes the latter more impressive. 1L 3747-8. Mimm hin, etc. Cp. Luke xxii. 19, 20. 1. 3749-51. Der Papit, etc. Schiller borrowed the present incident BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX A. LIST OF WORKS REFERRED TO. IN THE NOTES. ARCHENHOLZ, Historischer Calender, 1790. . BRANTOME, Fuvres Completes; Tome V. Paris, 1823. BUCHANAN, G., History of Scotland. Transl. by Aikman, 1827. CAMDEN, W., History of Queen Elizabeth. London, 1675. Di1GGEs, Compleate Ambassador. London, 1665. Du CHESNE, Histoire d’ Angleterre. Paris, 1634. GENTZ, Zaschenbuch fiir 1790. GOADBY, R., British Biography. London, 1767. HOLINSHED, Chronicles of England, &c. London, 1808. HuME, D., History of England. London, 1802. JEBB, S., Vita Mariae. Londini, 1725. MELVIL, Sir J., Memoirs. London, 1752. RAPIN, History of England. London, 1743. ROBERTSON, W., History of Scotland. London, 1827. The above are the editions which I used for my references. Schiller consulted those of his sources which were written in Latin, English, or French respectively in the originals, with the exception of Hume’s and Robertson’s histories, which he read in German translations. B. SOME GERMAN WORKS CONTAINING AN ANALYSIS OF SCHILLER’S MARIA STUART. BELLERMANN, Sckiller’s Dramen. 1888. BULTHAUPT, Dramaturgie der Klassiker, ste Auflage. 1892. DUNTZER, Erlauterungen zu den deutschen Klassikern. Schiller’s ¢ Maria Stuart ste Auflage, 1892 (containing a most valuable and exhaustive commentary), and the same author's well-known Sckiller’s Leben, 1881. FIELITZ, Studien zu Schiller’s Dramen. 1876. GOEDEKE, Grundrisz, &c., Vol. V. 1893. HIECKE, Gesammelte Aufsitze. 1864. PALLESKE, Schiller’s Leben und Werke. 1882. VIEHOFF-HOFFMEISTER, Sc/iller’s Leben. 1875. Schiller’s Maria Stuart has, of course, been discussed in every ‘ History of German Literature,’ and there have also been published ~ several annotated German editions—of greater or less merit—for use in schools. Various striking points of the play have, besides, been frequently commented upon in learned German periodicals. In French the most noteworthy criticism will be found in Mme de Staél’s work De L’ Allemagne. \ L 3756-3793] NOTES. ACT V. 257 from the fact that the kings of France have, on the day of coronation, the privilege of taking the Communion in both kinds. First Mary declines receiving the cup, but on hearing from Melville the pope's consent, she takes it. L 3756. Gin {hon, etc., ¢ transfigured to a glorious angel.” Nicolas Causin reports that Mary said on the scaffold: ‘Ie mets toute mon esperance en celuy que ie vois representé en cette Croix que ie tiens en main, et ie me promets que cette mort temporelle soufferte pour son nom, me sera le commencement d'vne vie eternelle auec les Anges et les ames bien-heureuses qui receueront mon sang, et le represen- teront deuant Dieu en remission de toutes mes offences.” Histoire de I'incomparable Reyne, etc. Jebb, ii. 100. 1. 3768. Daf Gud, etc, i.e. that no just request be denied to her. 1. 3770. Schiller makes Mary confide her testament to Paulet, in order to raise him in our estimation. As a matter of fact she had entrusted it to the care of her physician Bourgoyn. Cp. Za Mort, etc. Jebb, ii. 631. 1. 3775. Understand some verb, like ju gehen, after begefjren. Mary's solicitude for her servants is recorded by all historians. In her letter to Elizabeth of Dec. 19, 1586, she requested ‘that her servants might freely and peaceably depart, whither they pleased’ (Camden, p. 370); and on the morning of her execution she prayed the Earls of Kent and Shrewsbury that her servants might be sent back to their country with letters of safe conduct. (Zid. p. 384.) Cp. La Mort, etc. Jebb, ii. 635 ; Robertson, ii. 138, and Mary’s speech 11. 203-7. 1. 3776-79. Und teil, etc. Mary considered the soil of the whole of England unconsecrated, on account of the dominant religion there. and therefore she asked (according to history) to be interred in France ; but Schiller adopted for the sake of the greater dramatic effect the more poetical version of the author of Za Mort, etc., who says that ¢ Monsieur Bourgoin et le Chirurgien demanderent a Poolet, qu'il leur fist bailler le ceur, pour le porter en France, comme sa Majesté I'avoit requis et ordonné.” Jebb, ii. 641. 11. 3781-86. Der Kinigin, etc. Gentz (p. 126) says that when Mary was on the scaffold, she prayed among others fiir die Konigin Elisabeth, der sie eine lange und glickliche Regierung wiinschte. Cp. 1. 3682, n. L 3787, etc. Spredht! Habt Ihr, etc. Cp. 1. 187, etc., #. 1. 3789. Ich bin, etc. When Dr. Fletcher, Dean of Peterborough, addressed a long admonition to Mary, she interrupted him and protested ‘ that she was firmly fixed and resolved in the Ancient Catholic Roman Religion,” etc. Camden, p. 384. L 3793. Gehet hin, etc. This saying is referred to 2 Sam. xv. 9. S 258 MARIA STUART. [I 3795—3866. 1. 3795. The High Sheriff’s name was Thomas Andrews. The author of Martyre, etc. (Jebb, ii. 305) says: ‘Sur les huict heure le Sherif entra seul en sa chambre, avec un baton blanc 4 la main.’ 11. 3797-99. Ihr, werther Sir, etc. Schiller has most judiciously reduced the number of attendants whom Mary wished to accompany her to the scaffold, to two. Hume and others say that she had selected for the purpose four men (among whom were Burgoyn and Didier) and two female attendants, viz. ¢ Jeanne Kennedy’ and ¢ Elspeth Curle,’ after she was refused the attendance of all her servants. To the refusal of the Earl*of Kent to grant her request, she said: ‘I know my sister Elizabeth would not have denied me so small a matter, that my Women should be then present, were it but for the Honour of the Female Sex. Camden, p. 384. Cp. also Za Mort, etc. Jebb, ii. 635. 11. 3807-10, etc. 8 barf, etc. When Mary asked for the attendance of her women, the Earls of Kent and Shrewsbury said, ¢ que ce n’estoit la coustume que femmes assistassent a tel spectacle, que ce ne seroit que criments et troubles.” Mary then gave the promise that they would pre- serve composure and silence. 727d. 1. 3815-18. Nun hab’ ih, etc. Camden (p. 385) says: ‘Kissing the Crucifix and signing herself with the Cross, she said aloud, “ As thy Arms, o Christ, were spread out upon the Cross, so receive me with the stretched-out Arms and forgive my sins,” which prayer is translated by Archenholz (p. 133), ©“ O Jesus! so wie deine Arme am Kreuz ausge- streckt waren, so strecke die Arme deiner Barmherzigkeit aus. Nimm mich und vergib mir meine Siinden'.”’ 1. 3825. An Gurer Hand, say af your side. L 3830. Sdamerrithen, blush of shame. 1. 3833. Ihr dburftet, etc., 7 was granted to you to woo, etc. 1. 3844. Weldy Glick, etc., what heavenly bliss. 1 3845. Sie geht dafin, ete., i. e. she departs as a blissful transfigured spirit, whilst he is a prey to the despair of damnation. 1. 3850. Die erftorbne Sham, tke extinct feeling of shame. 1. 3853. Weibifdh hingufdmelzen, 70 melt away womanlike. : L 3857. Willft du, etc. The price of his disgraceful deed is, of course, the hand of Elizabeth. 1. 3864. Unter meinen Fitfen, etc. Mary was executed in the great Hall of the Castle, where her trial had taken place. Cp. 1. 3467, 7 1. 3866. Id) hore Stimmen. We must assume that this refers to tae 2 Mary's last prayer was: ¢ In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum. Luke xxiii. 46. I. 3868—3940.] NOTES. ACT V. 259 colloquy which took place between Mary and the Earls before her execution, regarding the admission of her attendants. ; 1. 3868. Gin Gott, some divine power. 1. 3870, etc. Die Stimme, etc. Cp. 1. 3789; 3815, notes. 1 3873. Nur jhluchzen. Nicolas Causin reports that after Mary had delivered her protest of innocence on the scaffold, Zout le monde pleura ; and in speaking of Mary's female. attendants the same author says : Ces pauvres creatures pleuroient amerement et poussoient des Sanglots p fendye les rochers. Jebb, ii. too. Cp. also 1. 3471, 7. 11. 3874-5. The vision of the execution contained in these lines is in accordance with history with the exception of the ¢ removing of the tool.” 1. 3883, etc. Abgedriickt, here shot. @ilt's, even if . . . were at stake. 1. 3890. Sie find, etc. It must be assumed that the Page had been sent to summon Burleigh and Leicester to the Court. 1. 3892. Schiller represents the Earls of Burleigh and Leicester as having been commanded to witness only the execution, the warrant for which was announced to Mary the day before. (Cp. 1. 3382, 7.) It should be remembered that the poet places Fotheringhay near London, so that they could reach it after having left London before daybreak. Cp. L. 2059, 7. 1. 3808. Meine Furdht, i. e. her fear of seeing her reign endangered. ~~ L 3899. G8 foll, etc. That Elizabeth shed abundance of tears on hearing the report of Mary’s death is asserted by several historians. ~ Cp. Camden, p. 388. lL. 3901. Stehft du, etc. Elizabeth seems startled at the lingering presence of the Page, who must have overheard her last remark. 1. 3905. Nidyts Kleines, 7o small thing ; no trifle. 1. 3908. Befiimmert, here concerned. & 1.3909. Cp.l.3884, 2. 1. 3911. Grproben, here Zo fest. 1. 3916. Werwildert (of hair), dishevelled. 1. 3918. Raum erfennt, etc., i.e. as soon as the wretched man recog- nized him. 1. 3922. Vor mir gefrivmmt, writhing before me. ~~ L 3925. Klifte, here depts. 1 3934. Berfludyte fidh, doomed (lit. ¢ cursed”) himself. 5 11. 3936-39. Gr habe, etc. The speaker now quotes indirectly Curle’s confession. 1. 3938; etc. Gr habe, etc. Cp. 11. 871-79, 7. : 1. 3940. In her above-mentioned plea to the Commissioners (cp. _ 1.892, 72.) Mary said that ¢ Curle was so pliable to him (i. e. to Nau) that S2 260 MARIA STUART. [lL 3963-4033. at his Beck he would write whatever he bade him.’ (Cp. Camden, p- 357.) According to the author of La Mort, etc. Mary attributed her death solely to the false witnessing of Nau. Laying her hands on the Bible she exclaimed, ¢ Et ie proteste que Nau est cause de ma mort Jebb, ii. 621. 1. 3963. Dag Bolf, etc. Cp. 11. 3055-65 and the stage direction o p- 148. 1. 3976, etc. Cp. with the present scene, Act iv, scenes 11 and 12. 1. 3980. The verb feifen, in the sense of befefylen, is used in modern style with the dat. instead of with the accusative. 1 3989. The abrupt question Wag fagt Ihr? shows that Elizabeth perceives Shrewsbury’ s suspicion. ; 1. 3990. Sid einer That vermefien, Zo venture on a deed. 1. 3995. fang lebe, etc. After Mary had suffered the last stroke, the Dean of Peterborough exclaimed : ‘So let Queen Elizabeth's enemies perish” Camden, p. 385. B 11. 4007-12. Drum feid, etc. ¢ As soon as the Report was brought to Queen Elizabeth’s Ears, who had little thought of such a thing, that the | Queen of Scots was put to death, she heard it with great indignation . . her Council she sharply rebuked, and commanded them out of her Sight. Davison she commanded to appear and be tried in the Star Chamber.” Camden, p. 388. ! Davison’s fate is well known. He was charged with contempt to- wards the Queen's Majesty, Breach of allegiance, and Neglect of his Duty in that ¢ whereas the Queen, according to her innate Clemency (l. 4006) never intended that the Queen of Scots, though condemned, should have been put to death . . . he nevertheless put the Warrant in Execution without her Knowing anything of it.” (Camden, p. 389.) A heavy fine and long imprisonment were consequently inflicted upon the unfortunate Davison. 1. 4018. 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