THE THE THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. EXILES OF FLORIDA. EXILES OF FLORIDA.  FARRIS BRYANT g & Governor of the State of Florida 1961 - 1965 Carl Sandburg has said: "Books say Yes to life. Or they say No." The twelve volumes commemorating the Quadri- centennial of Florida say Yes. They unfold a story so adventurous and thrilling, so colorful and dramatic, that it would pass for fiction were the events not solidly rooted in historical fact. Five varying cultures have shaped the character of Florida and endowed her with the pride and wisdom that come from full knowledge and abiding understanding. Let us enjoy with deepening gratitude Florida's magnetic natural endowments of sun and surf and sky. Let us also recognize in her unique cultural herit- age the pattern of energy and dedication that will spur us to face the challenges of today and tomorrow with confidence. I am grateful for the privilege of sharing these volumes with you. FARRIS BRYANT Governor of the State of Florida 1961-1965 Carl Sandburg has said: "Books say Yes to life. Or they say No." The twelve volumes commemorating the Quadri- centennial of Florida say Yes. They unfold a story so adventurous and thrilling, so colorful and dramatic, that it would pass for fiction were the events not solidly rooted in historical fact. Five varying cultures have shaped the character of Florida and endowed her with the pride and wisdom that come from full knowledge and abiding understanding. Let us enjoy with deepening gratitude Florida's magnetic natural endowments of sun and surf and sky. Let us also recognize in her unique cultural herit- age the pattern of energy and dedication that will spur us to face the challenges of today and tomorrow with confidence. I am grateful for the privilege of sharing these volumes with you. FARRIS BRYANT Governor of the State of Florida 1961. 1965 Carl Sandburg has said: "Books say Yes to life. Or they say No." The twelve volumes commemorating the Quadri- centennial of Florida say Yes. They unfold a story so adventurous and thrilling, so colorful and dramatic, that it would pass for fiction were the events not solidly rooted in historical fact. Five varying cultures have shaped the character of Florida and endowed her with the pride and wisdom that come from full knowledge and abiding understanding. Let us enjoy with deepening gratitude Florida's magnetic natural endowments of sun and surf and sky. Let us also recognize in her unique cultural herit- age the pattern of energy and dedication that will spur us to face the challenges of today and tomorrow with confidence. I am grateful for the privilege of sharing these volumes with you.  THE THE THETH THE EXILES OF FLORIDA: EXILES OF FLORIDA: EXILES OF FLORIDA: SR, 03, 0R, THE CRIMBS COMMITTED BY OUR GOVERNMENT AGAINST THE MAROONS, WHO PLED PROM SOUTH CAROLINA AND) OTHER SLAVE STATES, SEEKING PROTECTION UNDER SPANIISH LAWS, THE CRIMES COMMSITTED NY OUR GOVERNMENT AGAINST TOE MAROONS, WHO PLED FROM SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHE SLAVE STATES, SEEKIG PROTECTION UNDER SPAISH LAWS. THE CRIMES COMMITTED BY OUR GOVENMIENT AGAINST THE MAROONS, WHO 71.ED FROM SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHER SLAVE STATES, SEEKING PROTECTION UNDER SPANISH LAWS. NY JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1051 EDITION with INTRODUCTION by ARTHUR W. THOMPSON QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE 6- REPRINT SERIES BY JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1858 EDITION with INTRODUCTION by ARTHUR W. THOMPSON QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE 6 REPRINT SERIES University of Florida Press GAINESVILLE, 1964 NY JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1858 EDITION with INTRODUCTION by ARTHUR W. THOMPSON QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE 6-.REPRINT SERIES University of Florida Press GAINESVILLE, 1964 University of Florida Press GAINESVILLE, 1964  QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE &, REPRINT SERIES FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1851 EDITION WITH PREFATORY MATERIAL, INTRODUCTION - INDEX ADDED NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHT © 1964 BOAnD OF COMMISSIONRS STATE INSTITUTIONS OF FLORIDA Library of Con~gress Catalog Card No. 64-19159 LITHOPRINTED BY DOUGLAS PRINTING COMPANY, INC. BOUND BY UNIVERSAL-RIXIE BINDERY, INC. JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA R7 e I QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE &. REPRINT SERIES FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of te 1858 EDITION WITH PREFATORY MATERIAL, INTRODUCTION &- INDEX ADDED NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHT © 1964 BOARR OF COMIMISSIRNERS STATE INSTITUTIONS OF FLORIDA Library of Congress Catlog Card No. 64-19159 LITHOPRINTER BY ROUGLAS PRINTING COMPANY, INC. ROUND RY UNIVERSAL-DIXIE BINDERY, INC. JACKSONVILLE, FLORIRA QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE - REPRINT SERIES FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1858 EDITION WITH PREFATORY MATERIAL, INTRODUCTION 6- INDEX ADDED NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHT © 1964 BOARD OP COMMISSIONERS STATE INSTITUTIONS OP FLORIDA Librar-y of Congress Catalog Card No. 64-19159 LITHOPRINTED DY DOUGLAS PRINTING COMPANY, INC. ROUND DY UNIVERSAL-DIXIE BINDERY, INC. JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA  THE CABINET FARRIS BRYANT Governor THE CABINET FARRIS BRYANT Governor THE CABINET FARRIS BRYANT Governor TOM ADAMS Secretary of State RAY E. GREEN State Comptroller DOYLE E. CONNER Commissioner of Agriculture JAMES W. KYNES Attorney General J. EDWIN LARSON State Treasurer THOMAS D. BAILEY Superintendent of Public Instruction TOM ADAMS Secretary of State RAY E. GREEN State Comptroller DOYLE E. CONNER Commissioner of Agriculture JAMES W. KYNES Attorney General J. EDWIN LARSON State Treasurer THOMAS D. BAILEY Superintendent of Public Instruction TOM ADAMS Secretary of State RAY F. GREEN State Comptroller DOYLE E. CONNER Commissioner of Agriculture JAMES W. KYNES Attorney General J. EDWIN LARSON State Treasurer THOMAS D. BAILEY Superintendent of Public Instruction THE BOARD OF CONTROL THE BOARD OF CONTROL THE BOARD OF CONTROL BAYA M. HARISON, JR. Chairman St. Petersburg CHARLES R. FORMAN, D.V;M. Ft. Lauderdale WAYNE C. MCCALL, D.D.S. Ocala JAMES LAWRENCE KING Miami GERT H. W. SCHMIDT Vice Chairman Jacksonville JOHN C. PACE Pensacola CHESTER E. WHITTLE Orlando J. B. CULPEPPER Executive Director, Tallahassee BATA M. HARRISON, JR. Chairman St. Petersburg CHARLES R. FORMAN, D.M. Ft. Lauderdale WAYNE C. MCCALL, D.D.S. 0 Ocala JAMES LAWRENCE KING Miami GERT H. W. SCHMIDT Vice Chairman Jacksonville JOHN C. PACE Pensacola CHESTER E. WHITTLE Orlando J. B. CULPEPPER Executive Director, Tallahassee BAYA M. HARRISON, JR. Chairman St. Petersburg CHARLES R. FORMAN, D.V.M. Ft. Lauderdale WAYNE C. MCCALL, D.D.S. ' Ocala JAMES LAWRENCE KING Miami GERT H. W. SCHMIDT Vice Chairman Jacksonville JOHN C. PACE Pensacola CHESTER E. WHITTLE Orlando J. B. CULPEPPER Executive Director, Tallahassee  THE QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE & REPRINT SERIES CARPETBAG RULE IN FLORIDA by John Wallace. 1888. Edited by Allan Nevims. THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN FLORIDA by William Watson Davis. 1913. Edited by Fletcher M. Green. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA by Joshua R. Giddings. 1858. Edited by Arthur W. Thompson. FLORIDA FOR TOURISTS, INVALIDS, AND SETTLERS by George M. Barbour. 1882. Edited by Emmett B. Peter, Jr. HISTORICAL MEMOIR OF THE WAR IN WEST FLORIDA AND LOUISIANA IN 1814-15 by A. L. Latour. 1816. Edited by Jane Lucas de Grummond. HISTORY OF JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA, AND VICINITY, 1513 to 1924 by T. Frederick Davis. 1925. Edited by Richard A. Martin. NOTICES OF FLORIDA AND THE CAMPAIGNS by M. M. Cohen. 1836. Edited by O. Z. Tyler, Jr. THE ORIGIN, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE FLORIDA WAR by John T. Sprague. 1848. Edited by John K. Mahon. PEDRO MENENDEZ de AVILES by Gonzalo Solfs de Meras. 1567. (The Florida State Historical Society edition, edited and translated by Jeannette Thurber Connor.) Edited by Lyle N. McAlister. THE PURCHASE OF FLORIDA by Hubert Bruce Fuller. 1906. Edited by Weymouth T. Jordan. SKETCHES, HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL, OF THE FLORIDAS by James Grant Forbes. 1821. Edited by James W. Covington. THE WHOLE 6. TRUE DISCOUERYE OF TERRA FLORIDA by Jean Ribaut. 1563. (The Florida State Historical Society edition, including a biography of Ribaut by Jeannette Thurber Connor.) Edited by David L. Dowd. THE QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE & REPRINT SERIES CARPETBAG RULE IN FLORIDA by John Wallace. 1888. Edited by Allan Nevins. THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN FLORIDA by William Watson Davis. 1913. Edited by Fletcher M. Green. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA by Joshua R. Giddings. 1858. Edited by Arthur W. Thompson. FLORIDA FOR TOURISTS, INVALIDS, AND SETTLERS by George M. Barbour. 1882. Edited by Emmett B. Peter, Jr. HISTORICAL MEMOIR OF THE WAR IN WEST FLORIDA AND LOUISIANA IN 1814.15 by A. L. Latour. 1816. Edited by Jane Lucas de Grummond. HISTORY OF JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA, AND VICINITY, ISI3 so 1924 by T. Frederick Davis. 1925. Edited by Richard A. Martin. NOTICES OF FLORIDA AND THE CAMPAIGNS by M. M. Cohen. 1836. Edited by O. Z. Tyler, Jr. THE ORIGIN, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE FLORIDA WAR by John T. Sprague. 1848. Edited by John K. Mahon. PEDRO MENENDEZ de AVILES by Gonzalo Solfs de Meris. 1567. (The Florida State Historical Society edition, edited and translated by Jeannette Thurber Connor.) Edited by Lyle N. McAlister. THE PURCHASE OF FLORIDA by Hubert Bruce Fuller. 1906. Edited by Weymouth T. Jordan. SKETCHES, HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL, OF THE FLORIDAS by James Grant Forbes. 1821. Edited by James W. Covington. THE WHOLE 6. TRUE DISCOUERYE OF TERRA FLORIDA by Jean Ribaut. 1563. (The Florida State Historical Society edition, including a biography of Ribaut by Jeannette Thurber Connor.) Edited by David L. Dowd. THE QUADRICENTENNIAL EDITION of the FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE 6. REPRINT SERIES CARPETBAG RULE IN FLORIDA by John Wallace. 1888. Edited by Allan Nevins. THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN FLORIDA by William Watson Davis. 1913. Edited by Fletcher M. Green. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA by Joshua R. Giddings. 1858. Edited by Arthur W. Thompson. FLORIDA FOR TOURISTS, INVALIDS, AND SETTLERS by George M. Barbour. 1882. Edited by Emmett B. Peter, Jr. HISTORICAL MEMOIR OF THE WAR IN WEST FLORIDA AND LOUISIANA IN 1814-15 by A. L. Latour. 1816. Edited by Jane Lucas de Grummond. HISTORY OF JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA, AND VICINITY, 1513 to 1924 by T. Frederick Davis. 1925. Edited by Richard A. Martin. NOTICES OF FLORIDA AND THE CAMPAIGNS by M. M. Cohen. 1836. Edited by O. Z. Tyler, Jr. THE ORIGIN, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE FLORIDA WAR by John T. Sprague. 1848. Edited by John K. Mahon. PEDRO MENENDEZ de AVILES by Gonzalo Solfs de Meris. 1567. (The Florida State Historical Society edition, edited and translated by Jeannette Thurber Connor.) Edited by Lyle N. McAlister. THE PURCHASE OF FLORIDA by Hubert Bruce Fuller. 1906. Edited by Weymouth T. Jordan. SKETCHES, HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL, OF THE FLORIDAS by James Grant Forbes. 1821. Edited by James W. Covington. THE WHOLE 6. TRUE DISCOUERYE OF TERRA FLORIDA by Jean Ribaut. 1563. (The Florida State Historical Society edition, including a biography of Ribaut by Jeannette Thurber Connor.) Edited by David L. Dowd.  The Quadricentennial Coat-of-Arms Surmounted by the Crest symbolizing our National Emblem and underlined by the Scroll, the Shield - with the Tower of Spain in the Heraldic quarter of honor, followed by the Fleur-de-lis of France, the Lion Rampant of Britain, and the Mullets and Saltier of the Confederacy - depicts the four-hundred-year cultural heritage of our Florida of today. The Florida Quadricentennial Commission acknowledges its deepest gratitude to Chase D. Sbeddan, distinguished scholar, and A. Vernon Coale, noted Heraldic Artist, for their conception and portrayal of the official Florida Quadricentennial Coat-of-Arms. The Quadricentennial Coat-of-Arms Surmounted by the Crest symbolizing our National Emblem and underlined by the Scroll, the Shield - with the Tower of Spain in the Heraldic quarter of honor, followed by the Fleur-de-lis of France, the Lion Rampant of Britain, and the Mullets and Saltier of the Confederacy - depicts the four-hundred-year cultural heritage of our Florida of today. The Florida Quadricentennial Commission acknowledges its deepest gratitude to Chase D. Sheddan, distinguished scholar, and A. Vernon Coale, noted Heraldic Artist, for their conception and portrayal of the official Florida Quadricentennial Coat-of-Arms. The Quadricentennial Coat-of-Arms Surmounted by the Crest symbolizing our National Emblem and underlined by the Scroll, the Shield - with the Tower of Spain in the Heraldic quarter of honor, followed by the Fleur-de-lis of France, the Lion Rampant of Britain, and the Mullets and Saltier of the Confederacy - depicts the four-hundred-year cultural heritage of our Florida of today. The Florida Quadricentennial Commission acknowledges its deepest gratitude to Chase D. Sheddan, distinguished scholar, and A. Vernon Coale, noted Heraldic Artist, for their conception and portrayal of the official Florida Quadricentennial Coat-of-Arms.  I II - 1  FLORIDA'S QUADRICENTENNIAL LORIDA enjoys a unique position among the fifty states of the Union. Her city of St. Augustine antedates Jamestown, the sec- ond oldest European settlement within the present boundaries of the United States, by forty- two years. But it was not until 1950 that Florida entered the select circle of the ten most populous states of the nation. Since 1950 she has passed Massachusetts in population and is challenging New Jersey f or eighth place. Within the South only Texas with more than four and one-half times the area of Florida has a larger population. Neither number nor age is necessarily a distinc- tion, but most Americans are impressed by the former and revere the latter. Floridians view the recent and rapid increase in their state's population as an indication of youthful vigor. In 1860 eleven states of the Union had a million or more inhabit- ants, a status symbol not attained by Florida until the mid-1920's. At the turn of the century Florida ranked thirty-third in a nation of forty-six common- wealths; today she is ninth in population among the fifty states. In contrast to the national increase of less than 20 per cent from 1950 to 1960, Florida's population increased by more than 78 per cent. The number of people living in the state in 1964 is more than twice that of 1950. FLORIDA'S QUADRICENTENNIAL LORIDA enjoys a unique position among the fifty states of the Union. Her city of St. Augustine antedates Jamestown, the sec- ond oldest European settlement within the present boundaries of the United States, by forty- two years. But it was not until 1950 that Florida entered the select circle of the ten most populous states of the nation. Since 1950 she has passed Massachusetts in population and is challenging New Jersey for eighth place. Within the South only Texas with more than four and one-half times the area of Florida has a larger population. Neither number nor age is necessarily a distinc- tion, but most Americans are impressed by the former and revere the latter. Floridians view the recent and rapid increase in their state's population as an indication of youthful vigor. In 1860 eleven states of the Union had a million or more inhabit- ants, a status symbol not attained by Florida until the mid-1920's. At the turn of the century Florida ranked thirty-third in a nation of forty-six common- wealths; today she is ninth in population among the fifty states. In contrast to the national increase of less than 20 per cent from 1950 to 1960, Florida's population increased by more than 78 per cent. The number of people living in the state in 1964 is more than twice that of 1950. FLORIDA'S QUADRICENTENNIAL LORIDA enjoys a unique position among the fifty states of the Union. Her city of St. Augustine antedates Jamestown, the sec- ond oldest European settlement within the present boundaries of the United States, by forty- two years. But it was not until 1950 that Florida entered the select circle of the ten most populous states of the nation. Since 1950 she has passed Massachusetts in population and is challenging New Jersey for eighth place. Within the South only Texas with more than four and one-half times the area of Florida has a larger population. Neither number nor age is necessarily a distinc- tion, but most Americans are impressed by the former and revere the latter. Floridians view the recent and rapid increase in their state's population as an indication of youthful vigor. In 1860 eleven states of the Union had a million or more inhabit- ants, a status symbol not attained by Florida until the mid-1920's. At the turn of the century Florida ranked thirty-third in a nation of forty-six common- wealths; today she is ninth in population among the fifty states. In contrast to the national increase of less than 20 per cent from 1950 to 1960, Florida's population increased by more than 78 per cent. The number of people living in the state in 1964 is more than twice that of 1950.  viii Florida's Quadricentennial While boasting of their state's recent surge, Flo- ridians are also proud of their f our-hundred-year-old origin. In 1957 the Florida Quadricentennial Com- mission was established. With the approval of its members local organizations have celebrated the quadricentennials of several historic events. The at- tempt of Tristin de Luna to found a colony on the western tip of Santa Rosa Island in 1559 was ob- served in Pensacola by reconstructing the Spanish village settlement. In 1962 Jacksonville noted the Quadricentennial of Jean Ribault's explorations with a colorful drama. Even before this tribute to the French explorer, a museum was built near the spot where in 1564 another Frenchman, Rene de Laudonniire, brought the first Protestant colonists to an area within the present-day United States. These and other quadricentennial celebrations will culminate in 1965 with state, national, and interna- tional observance of the founding of St. Augustine. There are many ways to celebrate quadricenten- nials-parades, speeches, pageants, the re-creation of villages and forts, and the restoration of buildings. Some of these are spectacular but fleeting; others, including the restoration of buildings, will remain for our descendants to see and feel. More enduring than any of these are ideas. For this reason the Gov- ernor, the Cabinet, and the Florida Quadricentennial Commission gave priority to the reprinting of rare and valuable books relating to Florida. These repro- ductions will endure. They will enable many Ameri- viii Florida's Quadricentennial While boasting of their state's recent surge, Flo- ridians are also proud of their f our-hundred-year-old origin. In 1957 the Florida Quadricentennial Com- mission was established. With the approval of its members local organizations have celebrated the quadricentennials of several historic events. The at- tempt of Tristan de Luna to found a colony on the western tip of Santa Rosa Island in 1559 was ob- served in Pensacola by reconstructing the Spanish village settlement. In 1962 Jacksonville noted the Quadricentennial of Jean Ribault's explorations with a colorful drama. Even before this tribute to the French explorer, a museum was built near the spot where in 1564 another Frenchman, Rene de Laudonnire, brought the first Protestant colonists to an area within the present-day United States. These and other quadricentennial celebrations will culminate in 1965 with state, national, and interna- tional observance of the founding of St. Augustine. There are many ways to celebrate quadricenten- nials-parades, speeches, pageants, the re-creation of villages and forts, and the restoration of buildings. Some of these are spectacular but fleeting; others, including the restoration of buildings, will remain for our descendants to see and feel. More enduring than any of these are ideas. For this reason the Gov- ernor, the Cabinet, and the Florida Quadricentennial Commission gave priority to the reprinting of rare and valuable books relating to Florida. These repro- ductions will endure. They will enable many Ameri- viii Florida's Quadricentennial While boasting of their state's recent surge, Flo- ridians are also proud of their four-hundred-year-old origin. In 1957 the Florida Quadricentennial Com- mission was established. With the approval of its members local organizations have celebrated the quadricentennials of several historic events. The at- tempt of Tristan de Luna to found a colony on the western tip of Santa Rosa Island in 1559 was ob- served in Pensacola by reconstructing the Spanish village settlement. In 1962 Jacksonville noted the Quadricentennial of Jean Ribault's explorations with a colorful drama. Even before this tribute to the French explorer, a museum was built near the spot where in 1564 another Frenchman, Reni de Laudonnisre, brought the first Protestant colonists to an area within the present-day United States. These and other quadricentennial celebrations will culminate in 1965 with state, national, and interna- tional observance of the founding of St. Augustine. There are many ways to celebrate quadricenten- nials-parades, speeches, pageants, the re-creation of villages and forts, and the restoration of buildings. Some of these are spectacular but fleeting; others, including the restoration of buildings, will remain for our descendants to see and feel. More enduring than any of these are ideas. For this reason the Gov- ernor, the Cabinet, and the Florida Quadricentennial Commission gave priority to the reprinting of rare and valuable books relating to Florida. These repro- ductions will endure. They will enable many Ameri-  Florida's Quadricentennial ix cans to share in the state's past, and will provide source material for the historian. Until recently few authors or publishers were in- terested in Florida. Englishmen brought the first printing press to Florida in 1783 and from it came a newspaper and two books. But for a century and a half the books on Florida were rare and the number of copies printed was small. In cooperation with the University of Florida Press the Quadricentennial Commission is reprinting twelve rare or semi-rare books. The subject matter in these volumes covers a period of more than three hundred years of Flor- ida's history-the French and Spanish settlements, the War of 1812, the purchase by the United States, the Seminole War, the Civil War and Reconstruc- tion, and the modern period. In addition to textual reproductions, these facsimile editions contain in- troductions by businessmen, journalists, and profes- sors. The Quadricentennial Commission hopes these twelve books will stimulate the production of other reprints and encourage students to write original manuscripts which describe and interpret Florida's past. The Florida Quadricentennial Commission Florida's Quadricentennial ix cans to share in the state's past, and will provide source material for the historian. Until recently few authors or publishers were in- terested in Florida. Englishmen brought the first printing press to Florida in 1783 and from it came a newspaper and two books. But f or a century and a half the books on Florida were rare and the number of copies printed was small. In cooperation with the University of Florida Press the Quadricentennial Commission is reprinting twelve rare or semi-rare books. The subject matter in these volumes covers a period of more than three hundred years of Flor- ida's history-the French and Spanish settlements, the War of 1812, the purchase by the United States, the Seminole War, the Civil War and Reconstruc- tion, and the modern period. In addition to textual reproductions, these facsimile editions contain in- troductions by businessmen, journalists, and profes- sors. The Quadricentennial Commission hopes these twelve books will stimulate the production of other reprints and encourage students to write original manuscripts which describe and interpret Florida's past. The Florida Quadricentennial Commission Florida's Quadricentennial ix cans to share in the state's past, and will provide source material for the historian. Until recently few authors or publishers were in- terested in Florida. Englishmen brought the first printing press to Florida in 1783 and from it came a newspaper and two books. But for a century and a half the books on Florida were rare and the number of copies printed was small. In cooperation with the University of Florida Press the Quadricentennial Commission is reprinting twelve rare or semi-rare books. The subject matter in these volumes covers a period of more than three hundred years of Flor- ida's history-the French and Spanish settlements, the War of 1812, the purchase by the United States, the Seminole War, the Civil War and Reconstruc- tion, and the modern period. In addition to textual reproductions, these facsimile editions contain in- troductions by businessmen, journalists, and profes- sors. The Quadricentennial Commission hopes these twelve books will stimulate the production of other reprints and encourage students to write original manuscripts which describe and interpret Florida's past. The Florida Quadricentennial Commission  The Florida Quadricentennial Commission FRED H. KENT, Chairman-Jacksonville DOYLE E. CARLTON, SR-Tampa WILSON CARRl.wAY-Tallahassee JEAN ANN CONE-Tampa CLARENCE M. GAY-Orlando HAROLD W. GOFORTH-Ocala HERBERT GRAY-Tampa JOHN MARSHALL GREEN-Ocala KATHRYN ABBEY HANNA-Winter Park MALLORY HORNE-Tallahassee CHARLES H. OVERMAN-Pensacola JOHN D. PENNEKAMP-Miami JOHN FITE ROBERTSON-Sarasota GERT H. W. SCHMIDT-Jacksonville H. E. WOLFE-St. Augustine The Florida Quadricentennial Commission FRED H. KENT, Cbairman-Jacksonville DOYLE E. CARLTON, SR-Tampa WILSON CARRAWAY-Tallahassee JEAN ANN CONS-Tampa CLARENCE M. GAY-Orlando HAROLD W. GOFORTH-Ocala HERBERT GRAY-Tampa JOHN MARSHALL GREEN-Ocala KATHRYN ABBEY HANNA-Winter Park MALLORY HORNE-Tallahassee CHARLES H. OVERMAN-Pensacola JOHN D. PENNEKAMP-Miami JOHN FITE ROBERTSON-Sarasota GERT H. W. SCHMIDT-Jackson~ville H. E. WOLFE-St. Augustine The Florida Quadricentennial Commission FRED H. KENT, Cbairman-Jacksonville DOYLE E. CARLTON, SR-Tampa WILSON CARRAWAY-Tallahassee JEAN ANN CONE-Tampa CLARENCE M. GAY-Orlando HAROLD W. GOFORTH-Ocala HERBERT GRAY-Tampa JOHN MARSHALL GREEN-Ocala KATHRYN ABBEY HANNA-Winter Park MALLORY HORN E-Tallahassee CHARLES H. OVERMAN-Pensacola JOHN D. PENNEKAMP-Miami JOHN FITS ROBERTSON-Srasota GERT H. W. SCHMIDT-Jacksonville H. E. WOLFE-S. Augustine  EDITORIAL PREFACE. THE FACT that every generation faces critical problems and painful adjustments is a truism. Today Americans are concerned with human rights and the dignity of man-some upholding a caste system and others demanding equality under law for all citizens. More than one hundred years ago human rights were also at issue, with defenders of the status quo relying on states' rights and interpretation of the Bible to justify the continuation of slavery, and with abolitionists appealing to conscience and a law higher than that of man to end the peculiar institution. Slavery no longer has its defenders. Modern students study its lingering effects on institutions and ways of life, but they honor the memory of those who wiped a blight from the American scene. Thousands of Americans helped to end that anachronistic institution-Southerners who voted "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights," Southerners who formed manumission societies, slaves who rebelled against injustice, Northerners who worked for abolition, and soldiers who gave their lives for Union and freedom. There were also politicians, some with the courage to lead voters. Among these was Joshua Reed Giddings, a na- tive of Pennsylvania, who represented the Western Reserve EDITORIAL PREFACE. THE FACT that every generation faces critical problems and painful adjustments is a truism. Today Americans are concerned with human rights and the dignity of man-some upholding a caste system and others demanding equality under law for all citizens. More than one hundred years ago human rights were also at issue, with defenders of the status quo relying on states' rights and interpretation of the Bible to justify the continuation of slavery, and with abolitionists appealing to conscience and a law higher than that of man to end the peculiar institution. Slavery no longer has its defenders. Modern students study its lingering effects on institutions and ways of life, but they honor the memory of those who wiped a blight from the American scene. Thousands of Americans helped to end that anachronistic institution-Southerners who voted "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights," Southerners who formed manumission societies, slaves who rebelled against injustice, Northerners who worked for abolition, and soldiers who gave their lives for Union and freedom. There were also politicians, some with the courage to lead voters. Among these was Joshua Reed Giddings, a na- tive of Pennsylvania. who represented the Western Reserve EDITORIAL PREFACE. THE FACT that every generation faces critical problems and painful adjustments is a truism. Today Americans are concerned with human rights and the dignity of man-some upholding a caste system and others demanding equality under law for all citizens. More than one hundred years ago human rights were also at issue, with defenders of the status quo relying on states' rights and interpretation of the Bible to justify the continuation of slavery, and with abolitionists appealing to conscience and a law higher than that of man to end the peculiar institution. Slavery no longer has its defenders. Modern students study its lingering effects on institutions and ways of life, but they honor the memory of those who wiped a blight from the American scene. Thousands of Americans helped to end that anachronistic institution-Southerners who voted "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights," Southerners who formed manumission societies, slaves who rebelled against injustice, Northerners who worked for abolition, and soldiers who gave their lives for Union and freedom. There were also politicians, some with the courage to lead voters. Among these was Joshua Reed Giddings, a na- tive of Pennsylvania, who represented the Western Reserve  xii EDITORIAL PREFACE. of Ohio in the House of Representatives from 1838 to 1859. Although successively a Whig, Free-Soiler, and Republican, he was always a militant antislavery man. His diatribes in Congress brought censure from members of his party and his harangues aroused the ire of Southerners. Giddings was a propagandist who mingled fact and fancy in his appeals to the emotions of Northerners. He allowed nothing to swerve him from his paramount purpose of gaining adherents for the abolitionist cause. As Professor Thompson points out in his introduction, the Exiles of Florida was the vehicle used by Giddings to summarize his life's work. Arthur W. Thompson specializes in the cultural and in- tellectual history of the United States, edits the University of Florida's Social Science Monographs, and is chairman of that school's American Studies Program. In addition to his critical introduction, he added the index to this volume. He and the University of Florida Press are indebted to Director of University Libraries, Stanley L. West, for the use of Gid- dings' book to produce this facsimile edition. xii EDITORIAL PREFACE. xii EDITORIAL PREFACE. of Ohio in the House of Representatives from 1838 to 1859. Although successively a Whig, Free-Soiler, and Republican, he was always a militant antislavery man. His diatribes in Congress brought censure from members of his party and his harangues aroused the ire of Southerners. Giddings was a propagandist who mingled fact and fancy in his appeals to the emotions of Northerners. He allowed nothing to swerve him from his paramount purpose of gaining adherents for the abolitionist cause. As Professor Thompson points out in his introduction, the Exiles of Florida was the vehicle used by Giddings to summarize his life's work. Arthur W. Thompson specializes in the cultural and in- tellectual history of the United States, edits the University of Florida's Social Science Monographs, and is chairman of that school's American Studies Program. In addition to his critical introduction, he added the index to this volume. He and the University of Florida Press are indebted to Director of University Libraries, Stanley L. West, for the use of Gid- dings' book to produce this facsimile edition. of Ohio in the House of Representatives from 1838 to 1859. Although successively a Whig, Free-Soiler, and Republican, he was always a militant antislavery man. His diatribes in Congress brought censure from members of his party and his harangues aroused the ire of Southerners. Giddings was a propagandist who mingled fact and fancy in his appeals to the emotions of Northerners. He allowed nothing to swerve him from his paramount purpose of gaining adherents for the abolitionist cause. As Professor Thompson points out in his introduction, the Exiles of Florida was the vehicle used by Giddings to summarize his life's work. Arthur W. Thompson specializes in the cultural and in- tellectual history of the United States, edits the University of Florida's Social Science Monographs, and is chairman of that school's American Studies Program. In addition to his critical introduction, he added the index to this volume. He and the University of Florida Press are indebted to Director of University Libraries, Stanley L. West, for the use of Gid- dings' book to produce this facsimile edition. University of Florida April, 1964 REMBERT W. PATRICK General Editor of the FLORIDIANA SERIES University of Florida April, 1964 REMBERT W. PATRICK General Editor of the FLORIDIANA SERIES University of Florida April, 1964 REMBERT W. PATRICK General Editor of the FLORIDIANA SERIES  INTRODUCTORY. THE PUBLICATION of the Exiles of Florida in 1858 cli- maxed a twenty-year political career which had catapulted Joshua Giddings into national prominence. The book was in the nature of a report to his Congressional constituents, indeed to the public at large. More than thatit wasa-aipropa- eanda niece derin Io stimnlnte antilasx.sentiment in the country. Jts central themse rete she experiences of tre tapttve slaves, those who escaped from the Carolinas - and Georgia to Florida a well as to hath sate and nationa'- effros to recapture them-efforts culminating in the Semi- nole wars, Giddings' political career and his views-his antislaveryi background, his twenty years in the House of Representatives, his legislative speeches, public addresses, and constitutional arguments-were brought to a head in this 1858 volume. In a very real sense it summarized his ideas and speeches of two decades, and provided additional ammunition for the national debate at the moment he was leaving the Congressional arena. Before turning to his role in the ante-bellum crusade against slavery, a glance at Giddings' background and fam- ily history is necessary, for not only did they reflect a major thread in the westward expansion of American society, but the final point of the family's settlement would be a crucial INTRODUCTORY. THE PUBLICATIoN of the Exiles of Florida in 1858 cli- maxed a twenty-year political career which had catapulted Joshua Giddings into national prominence. The book was in the nature of a report to his Congressional constituents, indeed to the public at large. More than that..twas-a-propa- ganda niece designed in stimnate antislaxeyseantimaent in the country. of central eme rlse to the experiencesf li[ ragTe slaves, those who escaped from the Carolinas and Georgia to Florida as well a s nhah tate and naoinaL., ejfrfs to recapture them-efforts culminating in the Semi- nole wars, Giddin s' political career and his views-his antislavefy ac ground, his twenty years in the House of Representatives, his legislative speeches, public addresses, and constitutional arguments-were brought to a head in this 1858 volume. In a very real sense it summarized his ideas and speeches of two decades, and provided additional ammunition for the national debate at the moment he was leaving the Congressional arena. Before turning to his role in the ante-bellum crusade against slavery, a glance at Giddings' background and fam- ily history is necessary, for not only did they reflect a major thread in the westward expansion of American society, but the final point of the family's settlement would be a crucial INTRODUCTORY. THE PUBLICATION of the Exiles of Florida in 1858 cli- maxed a twenty-year political career which had catapulted Joshua Giddings into national prominence. The book was in the nature of a report to his Congressional constituents, indeed to the public at large. More than thattwsearopa- ganda niece desied to stimulate antisl-axery-sentiment in the country. lts central themes eltte in she experiences of th efuive slaves, those who escaped from the Carolinas and Georgia to Florida as well as In hnth state aned natinal. elifts to recapture them-efforts culminating in the Semi- nole wars, Giddin s' political career and his views-his antislavery >ac ground, his twenty years in the House of Representatives, his legislative speeches, public addresses, and constitutional arguments-were brought to a head in this 1858 volume. In a very real sense it summarized his ideas and speeches of two decades, and provided additional ammunition for the national debate at the moment he was leaving the Congressional arena. Before turning to his role in the ante-bellum crusade against slavery, a glance at Giddings' background and fam- ily history is necessary, for not only did they reflect a major thread in the westward expansion of American society, but the final point of the family's settlement would be a crucial  xiv INTRODUCTORY. factor in shaping his views. The initial migration started with George Giddings who came to Massachusetts in 1635. Three-quarters of a century later, Joshua Giddings' great- grandfather moved to Connecticut. Then, near the end of the eighteenth century Joshua's father moved to Pennsylvania and it was there, in the town of Athens, that Joshua Gid- dings was born on October 6, 1795. That same year the peripatetic Giddings family moved to Canandaigua, New York, and a decade later they finally came to a halt in Ohio's Ashtabula County.' For the next thirty years the Western Reserve proved to be extremely congenial to the maturing Giddings, for it pro- vided him with the occupational and social mobility so characteristic of the early nineteenth-century frontier. There was, of course, the usual period of farming, interrupted at seventeen for a few weeks of militia duty during the War of 1812. For several years after 1814 he made his contribution to the teaching profession; he married Laura Waters, daugh- ter of a Connecticut emigrant, in 1819; and two years later, with his admission to the bar, he began an eminently suc- cessful legal career which included a law partnership with Benjamin Franklin Wade and a term in the lower house of the state legislature between 1826 and 1828. Land specula- tion also filled his time and, some of the time, his pockets as well. The sharp break between this kind of career and that of a crusading antislavery reformer, which gained momentum after 1838, is still somewhat startling. The reasons for this shift are apparent, the motives still in dispute. In 1833, with the British abolition of West Indian slavery, the American Anti-Slavery Society came into existence. The following year the new organization started its national campaign for aboli- tion. In the Old Northwest evangelistic fervor added to the movement's expansion. Cincinnati's Lane Seminary, with Lyman Beecher as president and Theodore Weld as its lead- ing inspiration, became the center of western abolitionism. Xiv INTRODUCTORY. factor in shaping his views. The initial migration started with George Giddings who came to Massachusetts in 1635. Three-quarters of a century later, Joshua Giddings' great- grandfather moved to Connecticut. Then, near the end of the eighteenth century Joshua's father moved to Pennsylvania and it was there, in the town of Athens, that Joshua Gid- dings was born on October 6, 1795. That same year the peripatetic Giddings family moved to Canandaigua, New York, and a decade later they finally came to a halt in Ohio's Ashtabula County.' For the next thirty years the Western Reserve proved to be extremely congenial to the maturing Giddings, for it pro- vided him with the occupational and social mobility so characteristic of the early nineteenth-century frontier. There was, of course, the usual period of farming, interrupted at seventeen for a few weeks of militia duty during the War of 1812. For several years after 1814 he made his contribution to the teaching profession; he married Laura Waters, daugh- ter of a Connecticut emigrant, in 1819; and two years later, with his admission to the bar, he began an eminently suc- cessful legal career which included a law partnership with Benjamin Franklin Wade and a term in the lower house of the state legislature between 1826 and 1828. Land specula- tion also filled his time and, some of the time, his pockets as well. The sharp break between this kind of career and that of a crusading antislavery reformer, which gained momentum after 1838, is still somewhat startling. The reasons for this shift are apparent, the motives still in dispute. In 1833, with the British abolition of West Indian slavery, the American Anti-Slavery Society came into existence. The following year the new organization started its national campaign for aboli- tion. In the Old Northwest evangelistic fervor added to the movement's expansion. Cincinnati's Lane Seminary, with Lyman Beecher as president and Theodore Weld as its lead- ing inspiration, became the center of western abolitionism. xiV INTRODUCTORY. factor in shaping his views. The initial migration started with George Giddings who came to Massachusetts in 1635. Three-quarters of a century later, Joshua Giddings' great- grandfather moved to Connecticut. Then, near the end of the eighteenth century Joshua's father moved to Pennsylvania and it was there, in the town of Athens, that Joshua Gid- dings was born on October 6, 1795. That same year the peripatetic Giddings family moved to Canandaigua, New York, and a decade later they finally came to a halt in Ohio's Ashtabula County.' For the next thirty years the Western Reserve proved to be extremely congenial to the maturing Giddings, for it pro- vided him with the occupational and social mobility so characteristic of the early nineteenth-century frontier. There was, of course, the usual period of farming, interrupted at seventeen for a few weeks of militia duty during the War of 1812. For several years after 1814 he made his contribution to the teaching profession; he married Laura Waters, daugh- ter of a Connecticut emigrant, in 1819; and two years later, with his admission to the bar, he began an eminently suc- cessful legal career which included a law partnership with Benjamin Franklin Wade and a term in the lower house of the state legislature between 1826 and 1828. Land specula- tion also filled his time and, some of the time, his pockets as well.2 The sharp break between this kind of career and that of a crusading antislavery reformer, which gained momentum after 1838, is still somewhat startling. The reasons for this shift are apparent, the motives still in dispute. In 1833, with the British abolition of West Indian slavery, the American Anti-Slavery Society came into existence. The following year the new organization started its national campaign for aboli- tion. In the Old Northwest evangelistic fervor added to the movement's expansion. Cincinnati's Lane Seminary, with Lyman Beecher as president and Theodore Weld as its lead- ing inspiration, became the center of western abolitionism. d  INTRODUCTORY. XU INTRODUCTORY. xv When some began to draw back, the ultras-or "Lane Rebels," as they came to be known-moved on to Oberlin in 1835. There they ignored the economics of slavery and focused their antislavery attack on moral grounds. Within a year, the view of the Lane Rebels, that slavery was a sin as well as an evil, had been adopted by the abolitionists. Reviv- alism could then take its place in the movement; and it did as Theodore Weld's band of crusaders was turned loose in the Ohio Valley3 Weld moved into a town, spread his gospel, and then moved on to the next town, leaving a few converts as the nucleus for a local organization. In the town of Jefferson, one such convert was Joshua Giddings who, with the aid of his partner, Benjamin Wade, organized the local antislavery society.4 Theodore Weld was an extremely persuasive man. But was there something about Giddings' outlook or particular experience at the time which made him more receptive to Weld's powers? It has been suggested that heavy losses in land speculation and economic reverses accompanying the panic of 1837 made it easier for Giddings "to turn his back on orthodox Whiggery and take up with reforms." It was a form of substitution .5 On the other hand, longer standing political and religious views played a significant role. Clearly, Giddings' anti- slavery stand was influenced by Christian motives, a fact which William Lloyd Garrison has readily acknowledged. Perhaps even more important was his long-term devotion to the principles which stemmed from the eighteenth-century enlightenment. Jefferson's views on human rights, especially as given expression in the Declaration of Independence, were close to his heart. Certainly they appeared again and again in his speeches. Typical is the statement from one of his Congressional addresses, "I hold to the principle on which this government is based, that men are free and equal and that he who attempts to interfere with God-given rights does it at his peril."* When some began to draw back, the ultras-or "Lane Rebels," as they came to be known-moved on to Oberlin in 1835. There they ignored the economics of slavery and focused their antislavery attack on moral grounds. Within a year, the view of the Lane Rebels, that slavery was a sin as well as an evil, had been adopted by the abolitionists. Reviv- alism could then take its place in the movement; and it did as Theodore Weld's band of crusaders was turned loose in the Ohio Valley.3 Weld moved into a town, spread his gospel, and then moved on to the next town, leaving a few converts as the nucleus for a local organization. In the town of Jefferson, one such convert was Joshua Giddings who, with the aid of his partner, Benjamin Wade, organized the local antislavery society.4 Theodore Weld was an extremely persuasive man. But was there something about Giddings' outlook or particular experience at the time which made him more receptive to Weld's powers? It has been suggested that heavy losses in land speculation and economic reverses accompanying the panic of 1837 made it easier for Giddings "to turn his back on orthodox Whiggery and take up with reforms." It was a form of substitution.5 On the other hand, longer standing political and religious views played a significant role. Clearly, Giddings' anti- slavery stand was influenced by Christian motives, a fact which William Lloyd Garrison has readily acknowledged. Perhaps even more important was his long-term devotion to the principles which stemmed from the eighteenth-century enlightenment. Jefferson's views on human rights, especially as given expression in the Declaration of Independence, were close to his heart. Certainly they appeared again and again in his speeches. Typical is the statement from one of his Congressional addresses, "I hold to the principle on which this government is based, that men are free and equal and that he who attempts to interfere with God-given rights does it at his peril."0 INTRODUCTORY. xv When some began to draw back, the ultras-or "Lane Rebels," as they came to be known-moved on to Oberlin in 1835. There they ignored the economics of slavery and focused their antislavery attack on moral grounds. Within a year, the view of the Lane Rebels, that slavery was a sin as well as an evil, had been adopted by the abolitionists. Reviv- alism could then take its place in the movement; and it did as Theodore Weld's band of crusaders was turned loose in the Ohio Valley.3 Weld moved into a town, spread his gospel, and then moved on to the next town, leaving a few converts as the nucleus for a local organization. In the town of Jefferson, one such convert was Joshua Giddings who, with the aid of his partner, Benjamin Wade, organized the local antislavery society.4 Theodore Weld was an extremely persuasive man. But was there something about Giddings' outlook or particular experience at the time which made him more receptive to Weld's powers? It has been suggested that heavy losses in land speculation and economic reverses accompanying the panic of 1837 made it easier for Giddings "to turn his back on orthodox Whiggery and take up with reforms." It was a form of substitution.? On the other hand, longer standing political and religious views played a significant role. Clearly, Giddings' anti- slavery stand was influenced by Christian motives, a fact which William Lloyd Garrison has readily acknowledged. Perhaps even more important was his long-term devotion to the principles which stemmed from the eighteenth-century enlightenment. Jefferson's views on human rights, especially as given expression in the Declaration of Independence, were close to his heart. Certainly they appeared again and again in his speeches. Typical is the statement from one of his Congressional addresses, "I hold to the principle on which this government is based, that men are free and equal and that he who attempts to interfere with God-given rights does it at his peril."  xvi INTRODUCTORY. Elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1838, Joshua Giddings went to Washington "with instruc- tions to bring abolition into national focus in any way pos- sible."' Extremely influential in shaping the views and sharpening the verbal thrusts of a small group of antislavery Congressmen was Joshua Leavitt. Very quickly and for some two decades the attack on slavery became the central issue in their position and strategy. The little band caucused fre- quently, planning bills and resolutions; and it wasn't long before the Ohio representative was calling them the "Select Committee on Slavery."s Their efforts, moreover, were aided by the fact that they lived together at Mrs. Sprigg's board- ing house, directly in front of the Capitol. Giddings, Leavitt, Weld, as well as Seth Gates and William Slade, all resided there. It was no wonder, then, that the place quickly became known as "Abolition House." It was understandable, too, that Mrs. Sprigg, apprehensive about the outlook of her boarders, began using free Negroes rather than slaves around these men. In the lower house of Congress, the first order of business was the attack on the "gag rule." Renewed each session be- tween 1836 and 1844, the regulation shut off all antislavery debate and, in effect, deprived the supporters of that posi- tion of one of their civil rights. The key leaders in the effort to block renewal of the gag rule, as well as in the petitions controversy, were former President John Quincy Adams, Joshua Giddings, and Vermont's William Slade. Whenever the gag rule fight was lost, these men would circumvent the House ban by the presentation of an endless number of petitions on a variety of topics, all relating, however indi- rectly, to slavery." Southern Congressmen did not take kindly to these efforts. The Whig Party even attempted "to purge themselves of abolition influence."" When the re- formers launched another attack in 1842, it led to a second unsuccessful effort to censure Adams. Giddings' own trial would come only two months later in response to his so. xvi INTRODUCTORY. Elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1838, Joshua Giddings went to Washington "with instruc- ,tions to bring abolition into national focus in any way pos- sible."T Extremely influential in shaping the views and sharpening the verbal thrusts of a small group of antislavery Congressmen was Joshua Leavitt. Very quickly and for some two decades the attack on slavery became the central issue in their position and strategy. The little band caucused fre- quently, planning bills and resolutions; and it wasn't long before the Ohio representative was calling them the "Select Committee on Slavery."8 Their efforts, moreover, were aided by the fact that they lived together at Mrs. Sprigg's board- ing house, directly in front of the Capitol. Giddings, Leavitt, Weld, as well as Seth Gates and William Slade, all resided there. It was no wonder, then, that the place quickly became known as "Abolition House." It was understandable, too, that Mrs. Sprigg, apprehensive about the outlook of her boarders, began using free Negroes rather than slaves around these men. In the lower house of Congress, the first order of business was the attack on the "gag rule." Renewed each session be- tween 1836 and 1844, the regulation shut off all antislavery debate and, in effect, deprived the supporters of that posi- tion of one of their civil rights. The key leaders in the effort to block renewal of the gag rule, as well as in the petitions controversy, were former President John Quincy Adams, Joshua Giddings, and Vermont's William Slade. Whenever the gag rule fight was lost, these men would circumvent the House ban by the presentation of an endless number of petitions on a variety of topics, all relating, however indi- rectly, to slavery10 Southern Congressmen did not take kindly to these efforts. The Whig Party even attempted "to purge themselves of abolition influence."" When the re- formers launched another attack in 1842, it led to a second unsuccessful effort to censure Adams. Giddings' own trial would come only two months later in response to his so- xvi INTRODUCTORY. Elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1838, Joshua Giddings went to Washington "with instruc- ,tion to bring abolition into national focus in any way pos- sible."T Extremely influential in shaping the views and sharpening the verbal thrusts of a small group of antislavery Congressmen was Joshua Leavitt. Very quickly and for some two decades the attack on slavery became the central issue in their position and strategy. The little band caucused fre- quently, planning bills and resolutions; and it wasn't long before the Ohio representative was calling them the "Select Committee on Slavery."8 Their efforts, moreover, were aided by the fact that they lived together at Mrs. Sprigg's board- ing house, directly in front of the Capitol. Giddings, Leavitt, Weld, as well as Seth Gates and William Slade, all resided there. It was no wonder, then, that the place quickly became known as "Abolition House." It was understandable, too, that Mrs. Sprigg, apprehensive about the outlook of her boarders, began using free Negroes rather than slaves around these men.9 In the lower house of Congress, the first order of business was the attack on the "gag rule." Renewed each session be- tween 1836 and 1844, the regulation shut off all antislavery debate and, in effect, deprived the supporters of that posi- tion of one of their civil rights. The key leaders in the effort to block renewal of the gag rule, as well as in the petitions controversy, were former President John Quincy Adams, Joshua Giddings, and Vermont's William Slade. Whenever the gag rule fight was lost, these men would circumvent the House ban by the presentation of an endless number of petitions on a variety of topics, all relating, however indi- rectly, to slaveryla Southern Congressmen did not take kindly to these efforts. The Whig Party even attempted "to purge themselves of abolition influence."" When the re- formers launched another attack in 1842, it led to a second unsuccessful effort to censure Adams. Giddings' own trial would come only two months later in response to his so-  INTRODUCTORY. Xvii called Creole Resolutions. His crisis stemmed from the at- tempted voyage of an American brig, The Creole, from Virginia to New Orleans with a cargo of slaves. A mutiny brought the ship somewhat unexpectedly to Nassau, where the British freed all the slaves except those directly involved in the revolt. While Secretary of State Daniel Webster pro. tested to the British, Giddings, on March 21, 1842, offered a series of resolutions condemning slavery and the slave trade. An aroused group of Representatives, led by infuri- ated Southerners, censured the Ohioan on a second effort two days later.12 Giddings was hardly without friends, however. In Chi- cago, the Liberty Party Convention strongly criticized the censure. In Washington, the "Select Committee on Slavery" was up in arms. Throughout-the nation, antislavery men condemned "the slave power." In Congress, his friends of- fered personal comfort, while Adams said to him, "I hope we shall soon have you back again."1 Indeed, a close rela. tionship developed between these two men; Giddings was almost the only House member Adams cared for. The New Englander on one occasion even wrote a poem, "To Joshua R. Giddings."19 Giddings did not accept the censure without a fight. He resigned from the House at once and went back to his con- stituents for a vote of confidence. The Western Reserve, of course, "had been thoroughly abolitionized" and there was no question about his being returned. In a special April election, Giddings was triumphantly re-elected with more than 3,000 votes to spare. It gave him the largest majority achieved by any member of the House, to which he returned with renewed vigor." With the fight led by Adams, Gid- dings, and a few other ardent spirits, the gag rule was finally defeated in 1844. The Ohioan continued his personal crusade against slavery, in Congress until his last term ended in 1859, and out of Congress until his death in 1864. He spoke before INTRODUCTORY. xvii called Creole Resolutions. His crisis stemmed from the at- tempted voyage of an American brig, The Creole, from Virginia to New Orleans with a cargo of slaves. A mutiny brought the ship somewhat unexpectedly to Nassau, where the British freed all the slaves except those directly involved in the revolt. While Secretary of State Daniel Webster pro- tested to the British, Giddings, on March 21, 1842, offered a series of resolutions condemning slavery and the slave trade. An aroused group of Representatives, led by infuri- ated Southerners, censured the Ohioan on a second effort two days later.2 Giddings was hardly without friends, however. In Chi- cago, the Liberty Party Convention strongly criticized the censure. In Washington, the "Select Committee on Slavery" was up in arms. Throughout-the nation, antislavery men condemned "the slave power." In Congress, his friends of- fered personal comfort, while Adams said to him, "I hope we shall soon have you back again."3 Indeed, a close rela- tionship developed between these two men; Giddings was almost the only House member Adams cared for. The New Englander on one occasion even wrote a poem, "To Joshua R. Giddings."" Giddings did not accept the censure without a fight. He resigned from the House at once and went back to his con- stituents for a vote of confidence. The Western Reserve, of course, "had been thoroughly abolitionized" and there was no question about his being returned. In a special April election, Giddings was triumphantly re-elected with more than 3,000 votes to spare. It gave him the largest majority achieved by any member of the House, to which he returned with renewed vigor.8 With the fight led by Adams, Gid. dings, and a few other ardent spirits, the gag rule was finally defeated in 1844. The Ohioan continued his personal crusade against slavery, in Congress until his last term ended in 1859, and out of Congress until his death in 1864. He spoke before INTRODUCTORY. xc,, called Creole Resolutions. His crisis stemmed from the at- tempted voyage of an American brig, The Creole, from Virginia to New Orleans with a cargo of slaves. A mutiny - brought the ship somewhat unexpectedly to Nassau, where the British freed all the slaves except those directly involved in the revolt. While Secretary of State Daniel Webster pro- tested to the British, Giddings, on March 21, 1842, offered a series of resolutions condemning slavery and the slave trade. An aroused group of Representatives, led by infuri- ated Southerners, censured the Ohioan on a second effort two days later.1' Giddings was hardly without friends, however. In Chi- cago, the Liberty Party Convention strongly criticized the censure. In Washington, the "Select Committee on Slavery" was up in arms. Throughout-the nation, antislavery men condemned "the slave power." In Congress, his friends of- fered personal comfort, while Adams said to him, "I hope we shall soon have you back again."13 Indeed, a close rela- tionship developed between these two men; Giddings was almost the only House member Adams cared for. The New Englander on one occasion even wrote a poem, "To Joshua R. Giddings."" Giddings did not accept the censure without a fight. He resigned from the House at once and went back to his con- stituents for a vote of confidence. The Western Reserve, of course, "had been thoroughly abolitionized" and there was no question about his being returned. In a special April election, Giddings was triumphantly re-elected with more than 3,000 votes to spare. It gave him the largest majority achieved by any member of the House, to which he returned with renewed vigor." With the fight led by Adams, Gid- dings, and a few other ardent spirits, the gag rule was finally defeated in 1844. The Ohioan continued his personal crusade against slavery, in Congress until his last term ended in 1859, and out of Congress until his death in 1864. He spoke before  xviii INTRODUCTORY. large and small groups from Massachusetts to Illinois and up and down the East Coast.10 He fought for his position through a succession of political parties. He went to Con- gress as a Whig and remained a staunch defender of that party down through the 1844 Presidential canvass. The Liberty Party had tried to woo him and Seward that year, but to no avail.17 Four years later he joined the Free-Soil ranks and his view, that the federal government had no constitutional authority to protect slavery, was read into the party's national platform. In 1852 he repudiated the Whigs again and, along with Chase, Sumner, Horace Mann, and others, Giddings became a power in the Free-Soil National Convention." This de- cision undoubtedly cost him a seat in the United States Senate, for the Ohio Whigs adamantly refused to join the Free-Soilers in Giddings' behalf.'0 Two years later, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill provoked still another political shift. A small group of antislavery men drafted an "Appeal of the Independent Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States." Giddings provided the rough draft, Salmon P. Chase wrote the text, and Charles Sumner contributed the final literary revision. Attacking Stephen A. Douglas, the Appeal denounced the bill as a violation of a sacred pledge, a betrayal, and a plot to exclude free men from the West 20 By July, 1854, the Ohio Whigs came to the end of their political existence when a group of ex-Democrats under Chase joined with a group of ex-Whigs under Giddings.? The last political change, into the ranks of the Republi- can Party, was consummated by the mid-fifties. Indeed, for his remaining years in Congress, the veteran Giddings be- came a key Republican House leader.22 In Chicago, at the Republican National Convention of 1860, Giddings emerged as a significant speaker with a large and friendly following. When the platform committee did not include an exposition of his favorite set of principles from the Declaration of Independence, Giddings led a strong fight from the floor. xviii INTRODUCTORY. large and small groups from Massachusetts to Illinois and up and down the East Coast.'6 He fought for his position through a succession of political parties. He went to Con. gress as a Whig and remained a staunch defender of that party down through the 1844 Presidential canvass. The Liberty Party had tried to woo him and Seward that year, but to no avail." Four years later he joined the Free-Soil ranks and his view, that the federal government had no constitutional authority to protect slavery, was read into the party's national platform. In 1852 he repudiated the Whigs again and, along with Chase, Sumner, Horace Mann, and others, Giddings became a power in the Free-Soil National Convention.'0 This de- cision undoubtedly cost him a seat in the United States Senate, for the Ohio Whigs adamantly refused to join the Free-Soilers in Giddings' behalf.'9 Two years later, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill provoked still another political shift. A small group of antislavery men drafted an "Appeal of the Independent Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States." Giddings provided the rough draft, Salmon P. Chase wrote the text, and Charles Sumner contributed the final literary revision. Attacking Stephen A. Douglas, the Appeal denounced the bill as a violation of a sacred pledge, a betrayal, and a plot to exclude free men from the West.20 By July, 1854, the Ohio Whigs came to the end of their political existence when a group of ex-Democrats under Chase joined with a group of ex-Whigs under Giddings.2' The last political change, into the ranks of the Republi. can Party, was consummated by the mid-fifties. Indeed, for his remaining years in Congress, the veteran Giddings be- came a key Republican House leader.22 In Chicago, at the Republican National Convention of 1860, Giddings emerged as a significant speaker with a large and friendly following. When the platform committee did not include an exposition of his favorite set of principles from the Declaration of Independence, Giddings led a strong fight from the floor. xviii INTRODUCTORY. large and small groups from Massachusetts to Illinois and up and down the East Coast.?" He fought for his position through a succession of political parties. He went to Con- gress as a Whig and remained a staunch defender of that party down through the 1844 Presidential canvass. The Liberty Party had tried to woo him and Seward that year, but to no avail." Four years later he joined the Free-Soil ranks and his view, that the federal government had no constitutional authority to protect slavery, was read into the party's national platform. In 1852 he repudiated the Whigs again and, along with Chase, Sumner, Horace Mann, and others, Giddings became a power in the Free-Soil National Convention.' This de- cision undoubtedly cost him a seat in the United States Senate, for the Ohio Whigs adamantly refused to join the Free-Soilers in Giddings' behalf.' Two years later, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill provoked still another political shift. A small group of antislavery men drafted an "Appeal of the Independent Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States." Giddings provided the rough draft, Salmon P. Chase wrote the text, and Charles Sumner contributed the final literary revision. Attacking Stephen A. Douglas, the Appeal denounced the bill as a violation of a sacred pledge, a betrayal, and a plot to exclude free men from the West20 By July, 1854, the Ohio Whigs came to the end of their political existence when a group of ex-Democrats under Chase joined with a group of ex-Whigs under Giddings.21 The last political change, into the ranks of the Republi- can Party, was consummated by the mid-fifties. Indeed, for his remaining years in Congress, the veteran Giddings be- came a key Republican House leader.22 In Chicago, at the Republican National Convention of 1860, Giddings emerged as a significant speaker with a large and friendly following. When the platform committee did not include an exposition of his favorite set of principles from the Declaration of Independence, Giddings led a strong fight from the floor.  INTRODUCTORY. Xix He insisted that Jefferson's words be restored to the platform and when it was voted down, he stalked from the convention floor. Only an impassioned plea by New York's George William Curtis saved the day. Another vote did pass the Giddings amendment and its author returned contentedly to his seat. The antislavery forces had insisted that the Republican Party take a clear stand on the fundamental point that all men had certain inalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.22 Joshua Giddings' stand on slavery has been the subject of much controversy and disagreement. One historian calls him a radical, politically and temperamentally, adding that "his radicalism coincided with the collapse of his fortune" in the late thirties2 Others suggest that he was a mod- erate.25 In the last analysis, much depends on the time period under consideration, as well as whether one is deal- ing with slavery, the free Negro, or the rights of life, liberty, and property of any human being. Further complications arise depending upon whether one considers these varied problems from a political, moral, or constitutional perspec- tive. When Joshua Giddings first arrived in Congress in 1839, he was no radical. True, he was one of the first politicos to "inherit the antislavery crusade." But essentially, he was, at this point, a moderate. Indeed, one of his early votes was recorded for a resolution which said that the government had no power to regulate slavery in the states.2' The gag rule, however, was an affront to his belief in political rights, and the petitions controversy emboldened his attack on slavery. By the early forties, Giddings was denouncing "the slave power" and its influence in the affairs of government 2' He cited ten examples as proof of the existence and influ- ence of this insidious force: (1) the 1793 fugitive slave law; (2) Indian and Negro problems in Florida in 1815; (3) the Seminole War; (4) slavery in the District of Columbia; (5) the non-recognition of Haiti; (6) the attempts to recapture INTRODUCTORY. xix He insisted that Jefferson's words be restored to the platform and when it was voted down, he stalked from the convention floor. Only an impassioned plea by New York's George William Curtis saved the day. Another vote did pass the Giddings amendment and its author returned contentedly to his seat. The antislavery forces had insisted that the Republican Party take a clear stand on the fundamental point that all men had certain inalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness 2 Joshua Giddings' stand on slavery has been the subject of much controversy and disagreement. One historian calls him a radical, politically and temperamentally, adding that "his radicalism coincided with the collapse of his fortune" in the late thirties24 Others suggest that he was a mod- erate.22 In the last analysis, much depends on the time period under consideration, as well as whether one is deal- ing with slavery, the free Negro, or the rights of life, liberty, and property of any human being. Further complications arise depending upon whether one considers these varied problems from a political, moral, or constitutional perspec- tive. When Joshua Giddings first arrived in Congress in 1839, he was no radical. True, he was one of the first politicos to "inherit the antislavery crusade." But essentially, he was, at this point, a moderate. Indeed, one of his early votes was recorded for a resolution which said that the government had no power to regulate slavery in the states.2' The gag rule, however, was an affront to his belief in political rights, and the petitions controversy emboldened his attack on slavery. By the early forties, Giddings was denouncing "the slave power" and its influence in the affairs of government 2 He cited ten examples as proof of the existence and influ- ence of this insidious force: (1) the 1793 fugitive slave law; (2) Indian and Negro problems in Florida in 1815; (3) the Seminole War; (4) slavery in the District of Columbia; (5) the non-recognition of Haiti; (6) the attempts to recapture INTRODUCTORY. xix He insisted that Jefferson's words be restored to the platform and when it was voted down, he stalked from the convention floor. Only an impassioned plea by New York's George William Curtis saved the day. Another vote did pass the Giddings amendment and its author returned contentedly to his seat. The antislavery forces had insisted that the Republican Party take a clear stand on the fundamental point that all men had certain inalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness2a Joshua Giddings' stand on slavery has been the subject of much controversy and disagreement. One historian calls him a radical, politically and temperamentally, adding that "his radicalism coincided with the collapse of his fortune" in the late thirties24 Others suggest that he was a mod- erate.2' In the last analysis, much depends on the time period under consideration, as well as whether one is deal- ing with slavery, the free Negro, or the rights of life, liberty, and property of any human being. Further complications arise depending upon whether one considers these varied problems from a political, moral, or constitutional perspec- tive. When Joshua Giddings first arrived in Congress in 1839, he was no radical. True, he was one of the first politicos to "inherit the antislavery crusade." But essentially, he was, at this point, a moderate. Indeed, one of his early votes was recorded for a resolution which said that the government had no power to regulate slavery in the states.2' The gag rule, however, was an affront to his belief in political rights, and the petitions controversy emboldened his attack on slavery. By the early forties, Giddings was denouncing "the slave power" and its influence in the affairs of government." He cited ten examples as proof of the existence and influ- ence of this insidious force: (1) the 1793 fugitive slave law; (2) Indian and Negro problems in Florida in 1815; (3) the Seminole War; (4) slavery in the District of Columbia; (5) the non-recognition of Haiti; (6) the attempts to recapture  xx INTRODUCTORY. fugitive slaves in Canada; (7) the House gag rule against petitions; (8) attacks on free speech and press; (9) the extension of slavery into the Southwest; (10) the efforts to reopen the slave trade. Even by the late 1840's, men such as Henr" Clay still separated Giddings and John Quincy Ada: from those they called the "ultra Abolitionists." Giddings opposed ,he an- nexation of Texas and the war with Mexico as extensions of the "slave power," but made it quite clear that he vIuld not agitate against slavery where it existed in the South.2s True, he opposed slavery; it was politically unjust and morally wrong. But as a lawyer he could see no way to end its southern existence and he was not yet ready to talk of a "higher law." Instead, Giddings developed a line of con- stitutional reasoning which, though not completely original, did become exceedingly popular. The free states and the slave states were separate and the federal government could in no way relate them. Moreover, since the federal govern- ment had jurisdiction in the capital city and the territories, it could take no action in behalf of slavery in either of those areas.29 The Compromise of 1850 proved to be another turning point for Giddings, as it did for so many. Infuriated by the Fugitive Slave Law which upset his constitutional position by involving the national government in the protection of slavery-and in the free states, too-Giddings finally reached beyond the Constitution. In a speech to the House of Representatives, he roared, "Let no man tell you that there is no higher law than this fugitive slave bill. We feel that there is a law of right, of justice, of freedom, implanted in the breasts of every intelligent human being, that bids him look with scorn upon this libel on all that is called the law."30 Moreover, Giddings went on to practice what he preached, aiding the underground railroad, engaging in the legal defense of runaway slaves, and even spearheading, in May, 1859, a group which freed a captured slave in Oberlin, xx INTRODUCTORY. fugitive slaves in Canada; (7) the House gag rule against petitions; (8) attacks on free speech and press; (9) the extension of slavery into the Southwest; (10) the efforts to reopen the slave trade. Even by the late 1840's, men such as Henrv Clay still separated Giddings and John Quincy Adanx. from those they called the "ultra Abolitionists." Giddings opposed the an- nexation of Texas and the war with Mexico as extensions of the "slave power," but made it quite clear that he -uld not agitate against slavery where it existed in the South2s True, he opposed slavery; it was politically unjust and morally wrong. But as a lawyer he could see no way to end its southern existence and he was not yet ready to talk of a "higher law." Instead, Giddings developed a line of con- stitutional reasoning which, though not completely original, did become exceedingly popular. The free states and the slave states were separate and the federal government could in no way relate them. Moreover, since the federal govern- ment had jurisdiction in the capital city and the territories, it could take no action in behalf of slavery in either of those areas.29 The Compromise of 1850 proved to be another turning point for Giddings, as it did for so many. Infuriated by the Fugitive Slave Law which upset his constitutional position by involving the national government in the protection of slavery-and in the free states, too-Giddings finally reached beyond the Constitution. In a speech to the House of Representatives, he roared, "Let no man tell you that there is no higher law than this fugitive slave bill. We feel that there is a law of right, of justice, of freedom, implanted in the breasts of every intelligent human being, that bids him look with scorn upon this libel on all that is called the law."0 Moreover, Giddings went on to practice what he preached, aiding the underground railroad, engaging in the legal defense of runaway slaves, and even spearheading, in May, 1859, a group which freed a captured slave in Oberlin, xx INTRODUCToRY. fugitive slaves in Canada; (7) the House gag rule against petitions; (8) attacks on free speech and press; (9) the extension of slavery into the Southwest; (10) the efforts to reopen the slave trade. Even by the late 1840's, men such as Henry Clay still separated Giddings and John Quincy Adar from those they called the "ultra Abolitionists." Giddings opposed she an- nexation of Texas and the war with Mexico as extensions of the "slave power," but made it quite clear that he muld not agitate against slavery where it existed in the South28 True, he opposed slavery; it was politically unjust and morally wrong. But as a lawyer he could see no way to end its southern existence and he was not yet ready to talk of a "higher law." Instead, Giddings developed a line of con- stitutional reasoning which, though not completely original, did become exceedingly popular. The free states and the slave states were separate and the federal government could in no way relate them. Moreover, since the federal govern- ment had jurisdiction in the capital city and the territories, it could take no action in behalf of slavery in either of those areas.29 The Compromise of 1850 proved to be another turning point for Giddings, as it did for so many. Infuriated by the Fugitive Slave Law which upset his constitutional position by involving the national government in the protection of slavery-and in the free states, too-Giddings finally reached beyond the Constitution. In a speech to the House of Representatives, he roared, "Let no man tell you that there is no higher law than this fugitive slave bill. We feel that there is a law of right, of justice, of freedom, implanted in the breasts of every intelligent human being, that bids him look with scorn upon this libel on all that is called the law."30 Moreover, Giddings went on to practice what he preached, aiding the underground railroad, engaging in the legal defense of runaway slaves, and even spearheading, in May, 1859, a group which freed a captured slave in Oberlin,  INTRODUCTORY. xxi Ohio. He announced to his startled colleagues in the House, "I have seen as many as nine fugitives dining at one time in my own house. . .. I fed them, I clothed them, gave them money for their journey and sent them on their way re- joicing."" By the time the campaign of 1856 rolled across the American scene, Giddings had reached the point of repudi- ating slavery even in the South. "I look forward," he said, "to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South; when the black man . . . shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination against his master." Such would be the "millenium."33 Over the two decades of his Congressional career, Gid- dings had become increasingly ardent in his defense of Negro rights. He condemned the policy 'of limiting land grants to white settlers only. Was it not merely one of the "groveling prejudices which govern the American Con- gress?"33 But his colleagues had no stomach for co-exist- ence. On the other hand, he was reluctant to grant the Negro suffrage, "however just such a position may be."34 Still, Giddings' interpretation of Jefferson's Declaration of '76 was sufficiently inclusive to cover certain basic rights for Negroes, especially those that pertained to personal liberty and the right to hold property. And what about the Union? The Garrisonian abolitionists were willing to accept disunion to free the North from slavery. Not so with Giddings and Charles Francis Adams, the Tappans, and John Pierpont. On this phase of the question, they were "moderate abolitionists" still who "held to the Union as it stood."" On the eve of secession, the Garrisonians continued to favor the end of the Union. By now, even Joshua Giddings, along with abolitionists such as Sumner, Gerrit Smith, and Henry Ward Beecher, had moved toward the position which would occasionally acquiesce in "the peaceful dissolution" of the Union.36 By 1861 he had gone all the way. He opposed the proposed compromise and INTRODUCTORY. xxi Ohio. He announced to his startled colleagues in the House, "I have seen as many as nine fugitives dining at one time in my own house. . . . I fed them, I clothed them, gave them money for their journey and sent them on their way re- joicing."31 By the time the campaign of 1856 rolled across the American scene, Giddings had reached the point of repudi- ating slavery even in the South. "I look forward," he said, "to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South; when the black man . . . shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination against his master." Such would be the "millenium."32 Over the two decades of his Congressional career, Gid- dings had become increasingly ardent in his defense of Negro rights. He condemned the policy 'of limiting land grants to white settlers only. Was it not merely one of the "groveling prejudices which govern the American Con- gress?"33 But his colleagues had no stomach for co-exist- ence. On the other hand, he was reluctant to grant the Negro suffrage, "however just such a position may be."3 Still, Giddings' interpretation of Jefferson's Declaration of '76 was sufficiently inclusive to cover certain basic rights for Negroes, especially those that pertained to personal liberty and the right to hold property. And what about the Union? The Garrisonian abolitionists were willing to accept disunion to free the North from slavery. Not so with Giddings and Charles Francis Adams, the Tappans, and John Pierpont. On this phase of the question, they were "moderate abolitionists" still who "held to the Union as it stood."" On the eve of secession, the Garrisonians continued to favor the end of the Union. By now, even Joshua Giddings, along with abolitionists such as Sumner, Gerrit Smith, and Henry Ward Beecher, had moved toward the position which would occasionally acquiesce in "the peaceful dissolution" of the Union."0 By 1861 he had gone all the way. He opposed the proposed compromise and INTRODUCTORY. xxi Ohio. He announced to his startled colleagues in the House, "I have seen as many as nine fugitives dining at one time in my own house.. . . I fed them, I clothed them, gave them money for their journey and sent them on their way re- joicing. "31 By the time the campaign of 1856 rolled across the American scene, Giddings had reached the point of repudi- ating slavery even in the South. "I look forward," he said, "to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South; when the black man . . . shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination against his master." Such would be the "millenium."3s Over the two decades of his Congressional career, Gid- dings had become increasingly ardent in his defense of Negro rights. He condemned the policy 'of limiting land grants to white settlers only. Was it not merely one of the "groveling prejudices which govern the American Con- gress?"33 But his colleagues had no stomach for co-exist- ence. On the other hand, he was reluctant to grant the Negro suffrage, "however just such a position may be."3' Still, Giddings' interpretation of Jefferson's Declaration of '76 was sufficiently inclusive to cover certain basic rights for Negroes, especially those that pertained to personal liberty and the right to hold property. And what about the Union? The Garrisonian abolitionists were willing to accept disunion to free the North from slavery. Not so with Giddings and Charles Francis Adams, the Tappans, and John Pierpont. On this phase of the question, they were "moderate abolitionists" still who "held to the Union as it stood."" On the eve of secession, the Garrisonians continued to favor the end of the Union. By now, even Joshua Giddings, along with abolitionists such as Sumner, Gerrit Smith, and Henry Ward Beecher, had moved toward the position which would occasionally acquiesce in "the peaceful dissolution" of the Union." By 1861 he had gone all the way. He opposed the proposed compromise and  xxii INTRODUCTORY. came to view the entire situation as an "irrepressible con- flict." There would be no yielding on principle at all; there had been too many political shifts during more than two decades of political frustration and now his goal was in sight.37 Like most men in and out of public life, Joshua Giddings had clung to a few political fundamentals, but had altered his tactics, political affiliations, and position in the ideologi- cal spectrum with the change in problems and rush of events. There were, on the other hand, important aspects of his character which remained fixed. He was a sincere man, able and eloquent, conscientious, diligent, and hard- working. There were some personal qualms. In the forties, he wrote to Theodore Weld, "I was never qualified nor pre- pared for the station in which by a train of circumstances I have found myself." And then he added, "My education is not equal to it." Still, driven by a sense of duty, he be- came widely known as a "determined fighter." Whatever his position, he was always an aggressive and fully prepared orator. The prominent Indiana political figure, George W. Julian, who was also his son-in-law and biographer, remem- bered Giddings as a man with "broad shoulders," "giant frame," and an "unquenchable love of freedom."" He did not, however, always loom so large to his oppo- nents. For the more tolerant, he was merely an inept politi- cal party leader. To the defenders of slavery, he was a dema- gogue and they taunted, rebuked, and insulted him. On the eve of the war, one Virginia paper even offered $10,000 for his seizure and shipment to Richmond, or $5,000 for the transmission of his head alone.0 He suffered all forms of condemnation except the beating to which Charles Sumner was subjected at the hands of South Carolina's Representa- tive Brooks. This was something of an irony, for in the forties Joshua Giddings had become the "closest of all Sum- ner's new political friends." The Ohio Representative wrote frequently to Sumner, providing a steady flow of Congres- xxii INTRODUCTORY. came to view the entire situation as an "irrepressible con- flict." There would be no yielding on principle at all; there had been too many political shifts during more than two decades of political frustration and now his goal was in sight." Like most men in and out of public life, Joshua Giddings had clung to a few political fundamentals, but had altered his tactics, political affiliations, and position in the ideologi- cal spectrum with the change in problems and rush of events. There were, on the other hand, important aspects of his character which remained fixed. He was a sincere man, able and eloquent, conscientious, diligent, and hard- working. There were some personal qualms. In the forties, he wrote to Theodore Weld, "I was never qualified nor pre- pared for the station in which by a train of circumstances I have found myself." And then he added, "My education is not equal to it." Still, driven by a sense of duty, he be- came widely known as a "determined fighter." Whatever his position, he was always an aggressive and fully prepared orator. The prominent Indiana political figure, George W. Julian, who was also his son-in-law and biographer, remem- bered Giddings as a man with "broad shoulders," "giant frame," and an "unquenchable love of freedom."38 He did not, however, always loom so large to his oppo- nents. For the more tolerant, he was merely an inept politi- cal party leader. To the defenders of slavery, he was a dema- gogue and they taunted, rebuked, and insulted him. On the eve of the war, one Virginia paper even offered $10,000 for his seizure and shipment to Richmond, or $5,000 for the transmission of his head alone.39 He suffered all forms of condemnation except the beating to which Charles Sumner was subjected at the hands of South Carolina's Representa- tive Brooks. This was something of an irony, for in the forties Joshua Giddings had become the "closest of all Sum- ner's new political friends." The Ohio Representative wrote frequently to Sumner, providing a steady flow of Congres- xxii INTRODUCTORY. came to view the entire situation as an "irrepressible con- flict" There would be no yielding on principle at all; there had been too many political shifts during more than two decades of political frustration and now his goal was in sight.37 Like most men in and out of public life, Joshua Giddings had clung to a few political fundamentals, but had altered his tactics, political affiliations, and position in the ideologi- cal spectrum with the change in problems and rush of events. There were, on the other hand, important aspects of his character which remained fixed. He was a sincere man, able and eloquent, conscientious, diligent, and hard- working. There were some personal qualms. In the forties, he wrote to Theodore Weld, "I was never qualified nor pre- pared for the station in which by a train of circumstances I have found myself." And then he added, "My education is not equal to it." Still, driven by a sense of duty, he be- came widely known as a "determined fighter." Whatever his position, he was always an aggressive and fully prepared orator. The prominent Indiana political figure, George W. Julian, who was also his son-in-law and biographer, remem- bered Giddings as a man with "broad shoulders," "giant frame," and an "unquenchable love of freedom."38 He did not, however, always loom so large to his oppo- nents. For the more tolerant, he was merely an inept politi- cal party leader. To the defenders of slavery, he was a dema- gogue and they taunted, rebuked, and insulted him. On the eve of the war, one Virginia paper even offered $10,000 for his seizure and shipment to Richmond, or $5,000 for the transmission of his head alone.39 He suffered all forms of condemnation except the beating to which Charles Sumner was subjected at the hands of South Carolina's Representa- tive Brooks. This was something of an irony, for in the forties Joshua Giddings had become the "closest of all Sum- ner's new political friends." The Ohio Representative wrote frequently to Sumner, providing a steady flow of Congres-  INTRODUCTORY. xxiii sional antislavery news to him and his friends in Massachu- setts. Indeed, Giddings became a significant source for the antislavery ideology of the Massachusetts leader who would one day be caned into insensibility by Brooks on the floor of the United States Senate.4" Another political figure who absorbed some of Giddings antislavery enthusiasm was the young Whig Congressman from Illinois, Abraham Lincoln. He, too, at a later date, would suffer at the hands of a Southern fanatic. The antislavery crusade of Joshua Giddings had other ramifications. One of the more important directed his at- tention to Florida and the Seminole Wars. When he entered Congress in 1839, the national government was actively in- volved in a war against the Seminole Indians in Florida. "Our army," he wrote later, "was actively employed in capturing and returning fugitive slaves to their owners; and I then learned that hostilities had been commenced for that purpose; while the principal expense was expected to be borne by the people of the free states."91 The people, he was convinced, were not informed of the "true facts," and he tried to demonstrate through a series of House speeches that Northern freemen "were involved in the expense, the crimes, and disgrace of southern slavery."42 Moreover, it would give him an opportunity to try to circumvent the gag rule and "to test the extent to which they would be permitted to discuss subjects collaterally involving the institution of slavery." On this issue he did not have the enthusiastic support of John Quincy Adams. As Secretary of State, Adams had after all endorsed Andrew Jackson's march into Florida-ostensibly against the Indians. For the logical mind, with a full knowledge of the past, to do other- wise now would have been embarrassing.4 But Giddings explored the issue at length. He related the eighteenth-century exodus of Negro slaves to Florida; he criticized the $250,000 appropriation of 1821 to compensate Georgia slaveholders; and he reminded those who cared to INTRoDUCToRY. xxiii sional antislavery news to him and his friends in Massachu- setts. Indeed, Giddings became a significant source for the antislavery ideology of the Massachusetts leader who would one day be caned into insensibility by Brooks on the floor of the United States Senate.'" Another political figure who absorbed some of Giddings antislavery enthusiasm was the young Whig Congressman from Illinois, Abraham Lincoln. He, too, at a later date, would suffer at the hands of a Southern fanatic. The antislavery crusade of Joshua Giddings had other ramifications. One of the more important directed his at- tention to Florida and the Seminole Wars. When he entered Congress in 1839, the national government was actively in- volved in a war against the Seminole Indians in Florida. "Our army," he wrote later, "was actively employed in capturing and returning fugitive slaves to their owners; and I then learned that hostilities had been commenced for that purpose; while the principal expense was expected to be borne by the people of the free states."41 The people, he was convinced, were not informed of the "true facts," and he tried to demonstrate through a series of House speeches that Northern freemen "were involved in the expense, the crimes, and disgrace of southern slavery."42 Moreover, it would give him an opportunity to try to circumvent the gag rule and "to test the extent to which they would be permitted to discuss subjects collaterally involving the institution of slavery." On this issue he did not have the enthusiastic support of John Quincy Adams. As Secretary of State, Adams had after all endorsed Andrew Jackson's march into Florida-ostensibly against the Indians. For the logical mind, with a full knowledge of the past, to do other- wise now would have been embarrassing. 4 But Giddings explored the issue at length. He related the eighteenth-century exodus of Negro slaves to Florida; he criticized the $250,000 appropriation of 1821 to compensate Georgia slaveholders; and he reminded those who cared to INTRODUCTORY. xxiii sional antislavery news to him and his friends in Massachu- setts. Indeed, Giddings became a significant source for the antislavery ideology of the Massachusetts leader who would one day be caned into insensibility by Brooks on the floor of the United States Senate.4" Another political figure who absorbed some of Giddings antislavery enthusiasm was the young Whig Congressman from Illinois, Abraham Lincoln. He, too, at a later date, would suffer at the hands of a Southern fanatic. The antislavery crusade of Joshua Giddings had other ramifications. One of the more important directed his at- tention to Florida and the Seminole Wars. When he entered Congress in 1839, the national government was actively in- volved in a war against the Seminole Indians in Florida. "Our army," he wrote later, "was actively employed in capturing and returning fugitive slaves to their owners; and I then learned that hostilities had been commenced for that purpose; while the principal expense was expected to be borne by the people of the free states."4' The people, he was convinced, were not informed of the "true facts," and he tried to demonstrate through a series of House speeches that Northern freemen "were involved in the expense, the crimes, and disgrace of southern slavery."2 Moreover, it would give him an opportunity to try to circumvent the gag rule and "to test the extent to which they would be permitted to discuss subjects collaterally involving the institution of slavery." On this issue he did not have the enthusiastic support of John Quincy Adams. As Secretary of State, Adams had after all endorsed Andrew Jackson's march into Florida-ostensibly against the Indians. For the logical mind, with a full knowledge of the past, to do other- wise now would have been embarrassing.2 But Giddings explored the issue at length. He related the eighteenth-century exodus of Negro slaves to Florida; he criticized the $250,000 appropriation of 1821 to compensate Georgia slaveholders; and he reminded those who cared to  xxiv INTRODUCTORY. listen that half of the allotment of a quarter of a million dollars was finally used as "compensation for the offspring which they would have borne their masters, had they re- mained in servitude." He berated the use of federal funds to purchase runaway slaves from the Indians, he condemned the use of officers and men as "slave catchers," and he as- sailed the purchase of bloodhounds from Cuba to track down fugitives. He invariably concluded with a variation of the theme so succinctly stated in 1841: "I regard this interposition of the federal power to sustain slavery as unwarranted by the Constitution. This war is, therefore, unconstitutional, unjust, and an outrage upon the people of the free States." The whole affair simply did not conform to his interpretation of the fundamental law vis-A-vis slavery 44 He kept up a running attack all during the decade of the forties. In 1846 he opposed an Indian appropriation bill, insisting again that the national treasury should not be used either to uphold or abolish slavery; neither should it be used to buy Negroes back from the Seminoles.5 Two years later, Giddings protested against the use of public money to com- pensate owners for departed slaves54 The revival of the Seminole controversy in Florida in 1855 provided Giddings with an incentive to review the en- tire history of the problem-of the relationship among the escaped Negro slave, the Florida Indian, and the federal government-to bring together many of the technical details incorporated in his earlier speeches and, with additional research, to publish in 1858 one of his two major works, Exiles of Florida. Giddings' publications were not extensive; certainly they were restricted as to theme. Professor Dumond's recent anti- slavery bibliography lists nineteen items under Giddings' name, covering the period between 1841 and 1859. With a few exceptions, however, they are mainly pamphlets con- taining speeches given in the House of Representatives47 Many of these were collected and appeared in 1853 as xxiv INTRODUCTORY. listen that half of the allotment of a quarter of a million dollars was finally used as "compensation for the offspring which they would have borne their masters, had they re- mained in servitude." He berated the use of federal funds to purchase runaway slaves from the Indians, he condemned the use of officers and men as "slave catchers," and he as- sailed the purchase of bloodhounds from Cuba to track down fugitives. He invariably concluded with a variation of the theme so succinctly stated in 1841: "I regard this interposition of the federal power to sustain slavery as unwarranted by the Constitution. This war is, therefore, unconstitutional, unjust, and an outrage upon the people of the free States." The whole affair simply did not conform to his interpretation of the fundamental law vis-a-vis slavery 44 He kept up a running attack all during the decade of the forties. In 1846 he opposed an Indian appropriation bill, insisting again that the national treasury should not be used either to uphold or abolish slavery; neither should it be used to buy Negroes back from the Seminoles.4 Two years later, Giddings protested against the use of public money to com- pensate owners for departed slaves46 The revival of the Seminole controversy in Florida in 1855 provided Giddings with an incentive to review the en- tire history of the problem-of the relationship among the escaped Negro slave, the Florida Indian, and the federal government-to bring together many of the technical details incorporated in his earlier speeches and, with additional research, to publish in 1858 one of his two major works, Exiles of Florida. Giddings' publications were not extensive; certainly they were restricted as to theme. Professor Dumond's recent anti- slavery bibliography lists nineteen items under Giddings' name, covering the period between 1841 and 1859. With a few exceptions, however, they are mainly pamphlets con- taining speeches given in the House of Representatives.47 Many of these were collected and appeared in 1853 as xxiv 1NTRODUCTORY. listen that half of the allotment of a quarter of a million dollars was finally used as "compensation for the offspring which they would have borne their masters, had they re- mained in servitude." He berated the use of federal funds to purchase runaway slaves from the Indians, he condemned the use of officers and men as "slave catchers," and he as- sailed the purchase of bloodhounds from Cuba to track down fugitives. He invariably concluded with a variation of the theme so succinctly stated in 1841: "I regard this interposition of the federal power to sustain slavery as unwarranted by the Constitution. This war is, therefore, unconstitutional, unjust, and an outrage upon the people of the free States." The whole affair simply did not conform to his interpretation of the fundamental law vis-A-vis slavery.44 He kept up a running attack all during the decade of the forties. In 1846 he opposed an Indian appropriation bill, insisting again that the national treasury should not be used either to uphold or abolish slavery; neither should it be used to buy Negroes back from the Seminoles.45 Two years later, Giddings protested against the use of public money to com- pensate owners for departed slaves.46 The revival of the Seminole controversy in Florida in 1855 provided Giddings with an incentive to review the en- tire history of the problem-of the relationship among the escaped Negro slave, the Florida Indian, and the federal government-to bring together many of the technical details incorporated in his earlier speeches and, with additional research, to publish in 1858 one of his two major works, Exiles of Florida. Giddings' publications were not extensive; certainly they were restricted as to theme. Professor Dumond's recent anti- slavery bibliography lists nineteen items under Giddings' name, covering the period between 1841 and 1859. With a few exceptions, however, they are mainly pamphlets con- taining speeches given in the House of Representatives.45 Many of these were collected and appeared in 1853 as  INTRODUCTORY. xxv Speeches in Congress. In 1843 Giddings began a series of articles under the name "Pacificus," which first appeared in the Western Reserve Chronicle. Once again his major theme was the proper relationship between the federal government and slavery.48 He also produced a number of annual reports for his constituents which were published in the Ashtabula Sentinel. His second major work, The History of the Rebellion (1864), was written during the time he was Consul-General in Canada. He served at this post, to which Lincoln had ap- pointed him, until his death on May 27, 1864. The Exiles of Florida was in many respects his most sig- nificant literary endeavor. Moreover, his fundamental thesis has stood the test of time, as well as the scrutiny of recent historians. One author, with specific reference to Giddings' Exiles, says the Seminole Wars were, "indeed, to a consider- able extent inspired by a desire to seize the Negroes who had taken refuge among the Florida Indians."9* Another states unequivocally: "The weight of historical evidence seems to indicate that a peaceful migration of the Seminoles might have been secured and the War avoided if the slavery question had not been injected into the handling of the Indian problem in Florida. And the War itself was pro. longed by efforts on the part of the whites to seize Negroes living with the Indians every time there was a suspension of hostilities."50 Essentially, the volume starts as a history of the slaves who fled from Georgia and the Carolinas to Florida, begin- ning in the second third of the eighteenth century. Later, the emphasis shifts to the efforts of the American govern- ment, through successive periods, to block the continued exodus and to restore the "exiles" to their owners against Spanish and then Indian opposition. Giddings refers to the fugitive slaves as exiles or maroons. Actually, the first American exiles to the Florida peninsula were the Indians whom the planters wanted to enslave. Subsequently, the INTRODUCTORY. xxv Speeches in Congress. In 1843 Giddings began a series of articles under the name "Pacificus," which first appeared in the Western Reserve Chronicle. Once again his major theme was the proper relationship between the federal government and slavery.48 He also produced a number of annual reports for his constituents which were published in the Ashtabula Sentinel. His second major work, The History of the Rebellion (1864), was written during the time he was Consul-General in Canada. He served at this post, to which Lincoln had ap- pointed him, until his death on May 27, 1864. The Exiles of Florida was in many respects his most sig- nificant literary endeavor. Moreover, his fundamental thesis has stood the test of time, as well as the scrutiny of recent historians. One author, with specific reference to Giddings' Exiles, says the Seminole Wars were, "indeed, to a consider- able extent inspired by a desire to seize the Negroes who had taken refuge among the Florida Indians."49 Another states unequivocally: "The weight of historical evidence seems to indicate that a peaceful migration of the Seminoles might have been secured and the War avoided if the slavery question had not been injected into the handling of the Indian problem in Florida. And the War itself was pro- longed by efforts on the part of the whites to seize Negroes living with the Indians every time there was a suspension of hostilities."" Essentially, the volume starts as a history of the slaves who fled from Georgia and the Carolinas to Florida, begin- ning in the second third of the eighteenth century. Later, the emphasis shifts to the efforts of the American govern- ment, through successive periods, to block the continued exodus and to restore the "exiles" to their owners against Spanish and then Indian opposition. Giddings refers to the fugitive slaves as exiles or maroons. Actually, the first American exiles to the Florida peninsula were the Indians whom the planters wanted to enslave. Subsequently, the INTRoDUCTORY. xxv Speeches in Congress. In 1843 Giddings began a series of articles under the name "Pacificus," which first appeared in the Western Reserve Chronicle. Once again his major theme was the proper relationship between the federal government and slavery.48 He also produced a number of annual reports for his constituents which were published in the Ashtabula Sentinel. His second major work, The History of the Rebellion (1864), was written during the time he was Consul-General in Canada. He served at this post, to which Lincoln had ap- pointed him, until his death on May 27, 1864. The Exiles of Florida was in many respects his most sig- nificant literary endeavor. Moreover, his fundamental thesis has stood the test of time, as well as the scrutiny of recent historians. One author, with specific reference to Giddings' Exiles, says the Seminole Wars were, "indeed, to a consider- able extent inspired by a desire to seize the Negroes who had taken refuge among the Florida Indians."49 Another states unequivocally: "The weight of historical evidence seems to indicate that a peaceful migration of the Seminoles might have been secured and the War avoided if the slavery question had not been injected into the handling of the Indian problem in Florida. And the War itself was pro- longed by efforts on the part of the whites to seize Negroes living with the Indians every time there was a suspension of hostilities."50 Essentially, the volume starts as a history of the slaves who fled from Georgia and the Carolinas to Florida, begin- ning in the second third of the eighteenth century. Later, the emphasis shifts to the efforts of the American govern- ment, through successive periods, to block the continued exodus and to restore the "exiles" to their owners against Spanish and then Indian opposition. Giddings refers to the fugitive slaves as exiles or maroons. Actually, the first American exiles to the Florida peninsula were the Indians whom the planters wanted to enslave. Subsequently, the  xxvi INTRODUCTORY. Negro escaped from the reality of slavery, only to meet a varied response from those who had made the trip earlier to Florida. Many Negroes remained free, working and inter- marrying with the Indians; some found themselves as slaves to new masters; and a few were even captured and returned to their old masters for a fee51 In any event, the efforts of the Southern states to capture these exiles did not prove entirely rewarding. Then when the national government entered the fray, the Seminole wars followed. Giddings notes very perceptively that the removal of the Indian did not really solve the problem at all. Now, planters of the South- west protested and mourned their escaping slaves, as a new generation of exiles sought refuge among the Indians and even escaped with them to Mexico. The tendency of many mid-twentieth-century American historians to look with especial favor on monographs pub- lished in the immediate past has tarnished Mr. Giddings' efforts somewhat. Nothing could be more unjust. To begin with, the Indian is treated with dignity and accorded a measure of respect all too rare in nineteenth-century litera- ture. Giddings' sources are excellent and even praised, di- rectly or indirectly, by a number of present-day historians. Prior to 1821, his data came not only from entirely repu- table American historians, but also from official papers of the United States government. If there were any shortcom- ings here, it was the author's failure (and probably his inability) to use Spanish materials52 For the Seminole War itself, Giddings made extensive use of what has unanimously been viewed as the standard account: John T. Sprague's The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War." In general, Giddings' sources are varied, extensive, and relia- ble. Aside from George Bancroft, Richard Hildreth, and Henry Schoolcraft, he makes heavy use of archival ma- terials: the American State Papers, executive documents of Congress, committee reports, correspondence on file in the War Department and in the Indian Bureau, and various xxvi INTRODUCTORY. Negro escaped from the reality of slavery, only to meet a varied response from those who had made the trip earlier to Florida. Many Negroes remained free, working and inter- marrying with the Indians; some found themselves as slaves to new masters; and a few were even captured and returned to their old masters for a fee51 In any event, the efforts of the Southern states to capture these exiles did not prove entirely rewarding. Then when the national government entered the fray, the Seminole wars followed. Giddings notes very perceptively that the removal of the Indian did not really solve the problem at all. Now, planters of the South- west protested and mourned their escaping slaves, as a new generation of exiles sought refuge among the Indians and even escaped with them to Mexico. The tendency of many mid-twentieth-century American historians to look with especial favor on monographs pub- lished in the immediate past has tarnished Mr. Giddings' efforts somewhat. Nothing could be more unjust. To begin with, the Indian is treated with dignity and accorded a measure of respect all too rare in nineteenth-century litera- ture. Giddings' sources are excellent and even praised, di- rectly or indirectly, by a number of present-day historians. Prior to 1821, his data came not only from entirely repu- table American historians, but also from official papers of the United States government. If there were any shortcom- ings here, it was the author's failure (and probably his inability) to use Spanish materials 52 For the Seminole War itself, Giddings made extensive use of what has unanimously been viewed as the standard account: John T. Sprague's The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War.53 In general, Giddings' sources are varied, extensive, and relia- ble. Aside from George Bancroft, Richard Hildreth, and Henry Schoolcraft, he makes heavy use of archival ma- terials: the American State Papers, executive documents of Congress, committee reports, correspondence on file in the War Department and in the Indian Bureau, and various xxvi INTRODUCTORY. Negro escaped from the reality of slavery, only to meet a varied response from those who had made the trip earlier to Florida. Many Negroes remained free, working and inter- marrying with the Indians; some found themselves as slaves to new masters; and a few were even captured and returned to their old masters for a fee51 In any event, the efforts of the Southern states to capture these exiles did not prove entirely rewarding. Then when the national government entered the fray, the Seminole wars followed. Giddings notes very perceptively that the removal of the Indian did not really solve the problem at all. Now, planters of the South- west protested and mourned their escaping slaves, as a new generation of exiles sought refuge among the Indians and even escaped with them to Mexico. The tendency of many mid-twentieth-century American historians to look with especial favor on monographs pub- lished in the immediate past has tarnished Mr. Giddings' efforts somewhat. Nothing could be more unjust. To begin with, the Indian is treated with dignity and accorded a measure of respect all too rare in nineteenth-century litera- ture. Giddings' sources are excellent and even praised, di- rectly or indirectly, by a number of present-day historians. Prior to 1821, his data came not only from entirely repu- table American historians, but also from official papers of the United States government. If there were any shortcom- ings here, it was the author's failure (and probably his inability) to use Spanish materials?65 For the Seminole War itself, Giddings made extensive use of what has unanimously been viewed as the standard account: John T. Sprague's The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War." In general, Giddings' sources are varied, extensive, and relia- ble. Aside from George Bancroft, Richard Hildreth, and Henry Schoolcraft, he makes heavy use of archival ma- terials: the American State Papers, executive documents of Congress, committee reports, correspondence on file in the War Department and in the Indian Bureau, and various  INTRODUCTORY. xxvii treaties. Because of his position in public life, there were valuable personal contacts, observations, and verbal reports from key individuals. On the other hand, the history has certain shortcomings, some of them rather obvious. Specifically, occasional reser- vations must be made about the accuracy of some comments relating to the Indians. The author's account of certain Seminole exploits has been questioned." John R. Swanton, a prominent anthropologist, has expressed some reservations about both Sprague's and Giddings' handling of the Semi- noles. More general, and perhaps more serious, is the author's willingness to draw conclusions which are often unwarranted. His omission of relevant facts, as for example his failure to include more on the character of the ante- bellum Florida frontier, is unfortunate. Equally so is his omission of, or unfamiliarity with, the fact that the yeoman farmer, who though he opposed the large planter in the 1840's, also had his quarrel with the Indian 0 Most obvious is the fact that Giddings had an axe to grind. He was not, in short, always the epitome of objec- tivity. He is, for example, critical of Robert Raymond Reid, a Democrat, and sympathetic to Richard Keith Call, a Whig. This is perhaps understandable, but as territorial governors, both led the effort of the national government against the Florida Indians. In any event it must be remembered that Joshua Giddings was not a historian by profession. That the Exiles of Florida was a propaganda piece need not be denied. Neither should that fact detract from its merits. For despite its purpose and its varied shortcomings, it has considerable value. It deals with a phase of the American past-a phase with ethnic, constitutional, military, and international ramifications- which is usually ignored. ARTHUR W. THOMPSON INTRODUCTORY. xxvii treaties. Because of his position in public life, there were valuable personal contacts, observations, and verbal reports from key individuals. On the other hand, the history has certain shortcomings, some of them rather obvious. Specifically, occasional reser- vations must be made about the accuracy of some comments relating to the Indians. The author's account of certain Seminole exploits has been questioned.4 John R. Swanton, a prominent anthropologist, has expressed some reservations about both Sprague's and Giddings' handling of the Semi- noles. More general, and perhaps more serious, is the author's willingness to draw conclusions which are often unwarranted. His omission of relevant facts, as for example his failure to include more on the character of the ante- bellum Florida frontier, is unfortunate. Equally so is his omission of, or unfamiliarity with, the fact that the yeoman farmer, who though he opposed the large planter in the 1840's, also had his quarrel with the Indian. 0 Most obvious is the fact that Giddings had an axe to grind. He was not, in short, always the epitome of objec- tivity. He is, for example, critical of Robert Raymond Reid, a Democrat, and sympathetic to Richard Keith Call, a Whig. This is perhaps understandable, but as territorial governors, both led the effort of the national government against the Florida Indians. In any event it must be remembered that Joshua Giddings was not a historian by profession. That the Exiles of Florida was a propaganda piece need not be denied. Neither should that fact detract from its merits. For despite its purpose and its varied shortcomings, it has considerable value. It deals with a phase of the American past-a phase with ethnic, constitutional, military, and international ramifications- which is usually ignored. ARTHUR W. THOMPSON INTRoDUCTORY. xxvii treaties. Because of his position in public life, there were valuable personal contacts, observations, and verbal reports from key individuals. On the other hand, the history has certain shortcomings, some of them rather obvious. Specifically, occasional reser- vations must be made about the accuracy of some comments relating to the Indians. The author's account of certain Seminole exploits has been questioned.4 John R. Swanton, a prominent anthropologist, has expressed some reservations about both Sprague's and Giddings' handling of the Semi- noles. More general, and perhaps more serious, is the author's willingness to draw conclusions which are often unwarranted. His omission of relevant facts, as for example his failure to include more on the character of the ante- bellum Florida frontier, is unfortunate. Equally so is his omission of, or unfamiliarity with, the fact that the yeoman farmer, who though he opposed the large planter in the 1840's, also had his quarrel with the Indian?" Most obvious is the fact that Giddings had an axe to grind. He was not, in short, always the epitome of objec- tivity. He is, for example, critical of Robert Raymond Reid, a Democrat, and sympathetic to Richard Keith Call, a Whig. This is perhaps understandable, but as territorial governors, both led the effort of the national government against the Florida Indians. In any event it must be remembered that Joshua Giddings was not a historian by profession. That the Exiles of Florida was a propaganda piece need not be denied. Neither should that fact detract from its merits. For despite its purpose and its varied shortcomings, it has considerable value. It deals with a phase of the American past-a phase with ethnic, constitutional, military, and international ramifications- which is usually ignored. ARTHUR W. THOMPSON  NOTES. 1. Byron E. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings: A Champion of Politi- cal Freedom," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications, XXVIII (1919), 5-7; Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1931), VII, 261. 2. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," pp. 17-18; R. P. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXIII (1937), 50. 3. Gilbert H. Barnes, The Antislavery Impulse, 1830.1844 (New York, 1933), 103; R. Carlyle Buley, The Old Northwest (Blooming- ton, Ind., 1951), II, 618-20. 4. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 82; Dwight L. Dumond, The Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States (Ann Ar- bor, Mich., 1959), pp. 99, 104. 5. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," p. 50; Merle Curti, Growth of American Thought (New York, 1943), p. 389. 6. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," pp. 15, 40.41. 7. Buley, The Old Northwest, U1, 621; Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom: Civil Liberties and the Slavery Controversy, 1830-1860 (East Lansing, Mich., 1949), p. 40. 8. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, pp. 178-79. 9. Ibid., pp. 182-83. 10. Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 40. 11. Dumond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War, p. 85. 12. Nye, Fettered Freedom, pp. 41-42; Allan Nevins (ed.), The Diary of John Quincy Adams (New York, 1951), p. 539. 13. Nevins, John Quincy Adams, p. 539; Hermann R. Mueder, Fighters for Freedom: The History of Antislavery Activities of Men and Women Associated with Knox College (New York, 1959), pp. 165-66. 14. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, pp. 181, 284. 15. Ibid., pp. 187.90; Dumond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War, p. 86. 16. Muelder, Fighters for Freedom, pp. 342, 357; David Donald, Charles Sumner and the Coming of the Civil War (New York, 1960), pp. 165.66. 17. Dwight L. Dumond, Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961), p. 302. 18. Allan Nevins, Ordeal of the Union (New York, 1947), II, 33-34. 19. A. G. Riddle, The Life of Benjamin F. Wade (Cleveland, 1886), p. 166. 20. Donald, Charles Sumner, pp. 251-52. 21. Nevins, Ordeal of the Union, II, 318-19. 22. Louis Filler, The Crusade Against Slavery (New York, 1960), NOTES. 1. Byron E. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings: A Champion of Politi. cal Freedom," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications, XXVIII (1919), 5-7; Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1931), VII, 261. 2. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," pp. 17-18; R. P. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXIII (1937), 50. 3. Gilbert H. Barnes, The Antislavery Impulse, 1830-1844 (New York, 1933), 103; R. Carlyle Buley, The Old Northwest (Blooming- ton, Ind., 1951), II, 618-20. 4. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 82; Dwight L. Dumond, The Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States (Ann Ar- bor, Mich., 1959), pp. 99, 104. 5. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," p. 50; Merle Curti, Growth of American Thought (New York, 1943), p. 389. 6. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," pp. 15, 40-41. 7. Buley, The Old Northwest, II, 621; Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom: Civil Liberties and the Slavery Controversy, 1830-1860 (East Lansing, Mich., 1949), p. 40. 8. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, pp. 178.79. 9. Ibid., pp. 182-83. 10. Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 40. 11. Damond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War, p. 85. 12. Nye, Fettered Freedom, pp. 41.42; Allan Nevins (ed.), The Diary of John Quincy Adams (New York, 1951), p. 539. 13. Nevins, John Quincy Adams, p. 539; Hermann R. Muelder, Fighters for Freedom: The History of Antislavery Activities of Men and Women Associated with Knox College (New York, 1959), pp. 165.66. 14. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, pp. 181, 284. 15. Ibid., pp. 187-90; Damond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War, p. 86. 16. Muelder, Fighters for Freedom, pp. 342, 357; David Donald, Charles Sumner and the Coming of the Civil War (New York, 1960), pp. 165-66. 17. Dwight L. Dumond, Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961), p. 302. 18. Allan Nevins, Ordeal of the Union (New York, 1947), II, 33-34. 19. A. G. Riddle, The Life of Benjamin F. Wade (Cleveland, 1886), p. 166. 20. Donald, Charles Sumner, pp. 251.52. 21, Nevins, Ordeal of the Union, II, 318-19. 22. Louis Filler, The Crusade Against Slavery (New York, 1960), NOTES. 1. Byron E. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings: A Champion of Politi. cal Freedom," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications, XXVIII (1919), 5-7; Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1931), VII, 261. 2. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," pp. 17-18; R. P. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXIII (1937), 50. 3. Gilbert H. Barnes, The Antislavery Impulse, 1830-1844 (New York, 1933), 103; R. Carlyle Buley, The Old Northwest (Blooming. ton, Ind., 1951), II, 618.20. 4. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 82; Dwight L. Dumond, The Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States (Ann Ar- bor, Mich., 1959), pp. 99, 104. 5. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," p. 50; Merle Curti, Growth of American Thought (New York, 1943), p. 389. 6. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," pp. 15, 4041. 7. Buley, The Old Northwest, II, 621; Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom: Civil Liberties and the Slavery Controversy, 1830.1860 (East Lansing, Mich., 1949), p. 40. 8. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, pp. 178.79. 9. Ibid., pp. 182-83. 10. Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 40. 11. Dumond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War, p. 85. 12. Nye, Fettered Freedom, pp. 41.42; Allan Nevins (ed.), The Diary of John Quincy Adams (New York, 1951), p. 539. 13. Nevins, John Quincy Adams, p. 539; Hermann R. Muelder, Fighters for Freedom: The History of Antislavery Activities of Men and Women Associated with Knox College (New York, 1959), pp. 165.66. 14. Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, pp. 181, 284. 15. Ibid., pp. 187.90; Dumond, Antislavery Origins of the Civil War, p. 86. 16. Muelder, Fighters for Freedom, pp. 342, 357; David Donald, Charles Sumner and the Coming of the Civil War (New York, 1960), pp. 165-66. 17. Dwight L. Dumond, Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961), p. 302. 18. Allan Nevins, Ordeal of the Union (New York, 1947), II, 33.34. 19. A. G. Riddle, The Life of Benjamin F. Wade (Cleveland, 1886), p. 166. 20. Donald, Charles Sumner, pp. 251.52. 21. Nevins, Ordeal of the Union, II, 318.19. 22. Louis Filler, The Crusade Against Slavery (New York, 1960),  NOTES. xxix p. 247; Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln (New York, 1950), I, 427. According to one account, Giddings was not renominated in 1858 because of ill-health; a more recent view suggests he was be. coming too radical for his district; see DAB, VII, 261, and Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 264. 23. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 247; Kenneth M. Stampp, "The Republican National Convention of 1860," in J. Jeffery Auer (ed.), Antislavery and Disunion, 1858-1861: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (New York, 1963), pp. 200, 205; Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln, II, 254. 24. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," pp. 5052. 25. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 103. 26. Ibid. 27. [Joshua Giddings], The Rights of the Free States Subverted, or, An Enumeration of the Most Prominent Instances in Which the Federal Constitution Has Been Violated by Our National Govern- ment, for the Benefit of Slavery. By a Member of Congress (n.p., 1844). 28. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," p. 11. 29. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," pp. 51-52. 30. Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 2d Session, pp. 15-16. 31. Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 213; Dumond, Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America, p. 339; Larry Garu, The Liberty Line: The Legend of the Underground Railroad (Lexington, Ky., 1961), pp. 103, 134, 139; Nevins, Emergence of Lincoln, II, 28. 32. Philip S. Klein, President James Buchanan: A Biography (University Park, Pa., 1962), p. 257. 33. Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago, 1961), p. 49. 34. Ibid., pp. 270-71. 35. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, pp. 258, 261. 36. Kenneth M. Stampp, And War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 (Baton Rouge, La., 1950), p. 247. 37. Ibid., pp. 149, 187. 38. The only published biography of Giddings to date is George W. Julian, The Life of Joshua R. Giddings (Chicago, 1892). For a more recent account, see Richard W. Solberg, "Joshua Giddings, Politician and Idealist" (dissertation, University of Chicago, 1952). 39. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," p. 13; Joshua Giddings to Theodore Weld, Feb. 21, 1843 (Weld Papers, Library of Congress) ; Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 181; Samuel S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, 1855-1885 (Providence, R. L, 1888), p. 75; George W. Julian, Political Reflections, 1840 to 1872 (Chicago, 1884), pp. 73, 173. 40. Donald, Charles Sumner, pp. 156, 233. 41. Joshua R. Giddings, Speeches in Congress (Boston, 1853), p. i. 42. Ibid. NOTES. xxix p. 247; Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln (New York, 1950), I, 427. According to one account, Giddings was not renominated in 1858 because of ill-health; a more recent view suggests he was be- coming too radical for his district; see DAB, VII, 261, and Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 264. 23. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 247; Kenneth M. Stampp, "The Republican National Convention of 1860," in J. Jeffery Auer (ed.), Antislavery and Disunion, 1858-1861: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (New York, 1963), pp. 200, 205; Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln, II, 254. 24. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radieal," pp. 50.52. 25. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 103. 26. Ibid. 27. IJoshua Giddings], The Rights of the Free States Subverted, or, An Enumeration of the Most Prominent Instances in Which the Federal Constitution Has Been Violated by Our National Govern. ment, for the Benefit of Slavery. By a Member of Congress (n.p., 1844). 28. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," p. 11. 29. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," pp. 51-52. 30. Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 2d Session, pp. 15-16. 31. Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 213; Dumond, Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America, p. 339; Larry Gara, The Liberty Line: The Legend of the Underground Railroad (Lexington, Ky., 1961), pp. 103, 134, 139; Nevins, Emergence of Lincoln, II, 28. 32. Philip S. Klein, President James Buchanan: A Biography (University Park, Pa., 1962), p. 257. 33. Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago, 1961), p. 49. 34. Ibid., pp. 270.71. 35. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, pp. 258, 261. 36. Kenneth M. Stampp, And War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 (Baton Rouge, La., 1950), p. 247. 37. Ibid., pp. 149, 187. 38. The only published biography of Giddings to date is George W. Julian, The Life of Joshua R. Giddings (Chicago, 1892). For a more recent account, see Richard W. Solberg, "Joshua Giddings, Politician and Idealist" (dissertation, University of Chicago, 1952). 39. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," p. 13; Joshua Giddings to Theodore Weld, Feb. 21, 1843 (Weld Papers, Library of Congress) ; Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 181; Samuel S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, 1855-1885 (Providence, R. L, 1888), p. 75; George W. Julian, Political Reflections, 1840 to 1872 (Chicago, 1884), pp. 73, 173. 40. Donald, Charles Sumner, pp. 156, 233. 41. Joshua R. Giddings, Speeches in Congress (Boston, 1853), p. iii. 42. Ibid. NOTES. xxix p. 247; Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln (New York, 1950), , 427. According to one account, Giddings was not renominated in 1858 because of ill-health; a more recent view suggests he was be- coming too radical for his district; see DAB, VII, 261, and Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 264. 23. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 247; Kenneth M. Stampp, "The Republican National Convention of 1860," in J. Jeffery Auer (ed.), Antislavery and Disunion, 1858-1861: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (New York, 1963), pp. 200, 205; Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln, II, 254. 24. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," pp. 50-52. 25. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 103. 26. Ibid. 27. [Joshua Giddings], The Rights of the Free States Subverted, or, An Enumeration of the Most Prominent Instances in Which the Federal Constitution Has Been Violated by Our National Govern- ment, for the Benefit of Slavery. By a Member of Congress (n.p., 1844). 28. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," p. 11. 29. Ludlum, "Joshua Giddings: Radical," pp. 51-52. 30. Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 2d Session, pp. 15-16. 31. Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 213; Dumond, Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America, p. 339; Larry Gara, The Liberty Line: The Legend of the Underground Railroad (Lexington, Ky., 1961), pp. 103, 134, 139; Nevins, Emergence of Lincoln, II, 28. 32. Philip S. Klein, President James Buchanan: A Biography (University Park, Pa., 1962), p. 257. 33. Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago, 1961), p. 49. 34. Ibid., pp. 270-71. 35. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, pp. 258, 261. 36. Kenneth M. Stampp, And War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 (Baton Rouge, La., 1950), p. 247. 37. Ibid., pp. 149, 187. 38. The only published biography of Giddings to date is George W. Julian, The Life of Joshua R. Giddings (Chicago, 1892). For a more recent account, see Richard W. Solberg, "Joshua Giddings, Politician and Idealist" (dissertation, University of Chicago, 1952). 39. Long, "Joshua Reed Giddings," p. 13; Joshua Giddings to Theodore Weld, Feb. 21, 1843 (Weld Papers, Library of Congress) ; Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 181; Samuel S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, 1855-1885 (Providence, R. L, 1888), p. 75; George W. Julian, Political Reflections, 1840 to 1872 (Chicago, 1884), pp. 73, 173. 40. Donald, Charles Sumner, pp. 156, 233. 41. Joshua R. Giddings, Speeches in Congress (Boston, 1853), p. iii. 42. Ibid.  xxx NOTES. xxx NOTES. xxx NOTES. 43. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 104. 44. Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 1-20; Dumond, Anti- slavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America, p. 368. 45. Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 164-76. 46. Payment for Slaves. Speech of Mr. J. R. Giddings, of Ohio, on the Bill to Pay the Heirs of Antonio Pacheco for a Slave Sent West of the Mississippi with the Seminole Indians in 1838. Made in the House of Representatives, Dec. 28, 1848, and Jan. 6, 1849 (Washington, 1849) ; Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 289-318. 47. Dwight L. Dumond, A Bibliography of Antislavery in America (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961), pp. 58-59. 48. Julian, Political Recollections, p. 31. 49. Kenneth W. Porter, "The Episode of Osceola's Wife: Fact or Fiction?" Florida Historical Quarterly, XXVI (July, 1947), 93. 50. Edwin L. Williams, Jr., "Negro Slavery in Florida," FHQ, XXVIII (Oct., 1949), 104; Edwin L. Williams, Jr., "Florida in the Union, 1845-1861" (dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1951), p. 116. John K. Mahon, whose definitive study of the Seminole War is soon to be published, is also in agreement on the basic validity of Giddings' thesis. 51. Caroline Mays Brevard, A History of Florida (DeLand, Fla., 1924), I, 42-43. 52. Ray E. Held, "Spanish Florida in American Historiography, 1821.1921" (dissertation, University of Florida, 1955), p. 129. 53. (New York, 1848). Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "Writings in Florida History on the Period 1821-1860," FHQ, XXXVII (Oct., 1958), 165; Brevard, History of Florida, I, 291; Kenneth W. Porter, "The Founder of the 'Seminole Nation,'" FHQ, XXVII (April 1949), 362. 54. Kenneth W. Porter, "Seminole Flight from Fort Marion," FHQ, XXII (Jan., 1944), 113, and "The Negro Abraham," FHQ, XXV (July, 1946), 33. 55. Arthur W. Thompson, Jacksonian Democracy on the Florida Frontier (Gainesville, Fla., 1961), p. 34. 43. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 104. 44. Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 1-20; Dumond, Anti- slavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America, p. 368. 45. Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 164-76. 46. Payment for Slaves. Speech of Mr. J. R. Giddings, of Ohio, on the Bill to Pay the Heirs of Antonio Pacheco for a Slave Sent West of the Mississippi with the Seminole Indians in 1838. Made in the House of Representatives, Dec. 28, 1848, and Jan. 6, 1849 (Washington, 1849) ; Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 289.318. 47. Dwight L. Dumond, A Bibliography of Antislavery in America (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961), pp. 58-59. 48. Julian, Political Recollections, p. 31. 49. Kenneth W. Porter, "The Episode of Osceola's Wife: Fact or Fiction?" Florida Historical Quarterly, XXVI (July, 1947), 93. 50. Edwin L. Williams, Jr., "Negro Slavery in Florida," FHQ, XXVIII (Oct., 1949), 104; Edwin L. Williams, Jr., "Florida in the Union, 1845-1861" (dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1951), p. 116. John K. Mahon, whose definitive study of the Seminole War is soon to be published, is also in agreement on the basic validity of Giddings' thesis. 51. Caroline Mays Brevard, A History of Florida (DeLand, Fla., 1924), I, 42-43. 52. Ray E. Held, "Spanish Florida in American Historiography, 1821-1921" (dissertation, University of Florida, 1955), p. 129. 53. (New York, 1848). Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "Writings in Florida History on the Period 1821-1860," FHQ, XXXVII (Oct., 1958), 165; Brevard, History of Florida, I, 291; Kenneth W. Porter, "The Founder of the 'Seminole Nation,'" FHQ, XXVII (April 1949), 362. 54. Kenneth W. Porter, "Seminole Flight from Fort Marion," FHQ, XXII (Jan., 1944), 113, and "The Negro Abraham," FHQ, XXV (July, 1946), 33. 55. Arthur W. Thompson, Jacksonian Democracy on the Florida Frontier (Gainesville, Fla., 1961), p. 34. 43. Filler, Crusade Against Slavery, p. 104. 44. Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 1-20; Dumond, Anti- slavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America, p. 368. 45. Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 164-76. 46. Payment for Slaves. Speech of Mr. J. R. Giddings, of Ohio, on the Bill to Pay the Heirs of Antonio Pacheco for a Slave Sent West of the Mississippi with the Seminole Indians in 1838. Made in the House of Representatives, Dec. 28, 1848, and Jan. 6, 1849 (Washington, 1849) ; Giddings, Speeches in Congress, pp. 289-318. 47. Dwight L. Dumond, A Bibliography of Antislavery in America (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961), pp. 58-59. 48. Julian, Political Recollections, p. 31. 49. Kenneth W. Porter, "The Episode of Osceola's Wife: Fact or Fiction?" Florida Historical Quarterly, XXVI (July, 1947), 93. 50. Edwin L. Williams, Jr., "Negro Slavery in Florida," FHQ, XXVIII (Oct., 1949), 104; Edwin L. Williams, Jr., "Florida in the Union, 1845-1861" (dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1951), p. 116. John K. Mahon, whose definitive study of the Seminole War is soon to be published, is also in agreement on the basic validity of Giddings' thesis. 51. Caroline Mays Brevard, A History of Florida (Deland, Fla., 1924), I, 42-43. 52. Ray E. Held, "Spanish Florida in American Historiography, 1821-1921" (dissertation, University of Florida, 1955), p. 129. 53. (New York, 1848). Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "Writings in Florida History on the Period 1821-1860," FHQ, XXXVII (Oct., 1958), 165; Brevard, History of Florida, I, 291; Kenneth W. Porter, "The Founder of the 'Seminole Nation,'" FHQ, XXVII (April 1949), 362. 54. Kenneth W. Porter, "Seminole Flight from Fort Marion," FHQ, XXII (Jan., 1944), 113, and "The Negro Abraham," FHQ, XXV (July, 1946), 33. 55. Arthur W. Thompson, Jacksonian Democracy on the Florida Frontier (Gainesville, Fla., 1961), p. 34.   Death of Waoo hadjo. yeath or Woxe-oado.  THE THE THETE THE EXILES OF FLORIDA: EXILES OF FLORIDA: EXILES OF FLORIDA: OR, OH, THE CRIMES COMMITTED BY OUR GOVERNMENT AGAINST THB MAROONS, WHO BLED PROM SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHER SLAVE STATES, SEEKING PROTECTION UNDER SPANISH LAWS. THE CRIMES COMMITTED BY OUR GOVERNMENT AGAINST THE MAROONS, WHO PLED PROM SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHER BLAVE STATES, SEEKING PROTECTION UNDER SPANISH LAWS. TUB CRIMSIR COMMITTED BY OUR GOVERNMENT AGAINST THE MAROONS, WHO BLED FROM SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHER SLAVE STATES, SEEKING PROTECTION UNDER SPANISH LAWS. BY JOSHUA H. GIDDINGS. I' , . coD,,,,.de, of the -~y, pI.,Igd tI,. ,,IonI fiDS that th,.y .ho.IS ,mi, ,mI, Ihe protecion of th,, United 51.1.0 G--RA JBlp. COLUMBUS, OHIO: PUBLISHED BY FOLLETT, POSTER AND COMPANY. 18b0. JOSHUA H. GIDDINGS. Ihd H inI under th,, 5,00,11,, of the Unied 51,0." GlIB,,.. J-5 COLUMBUS, OHIO: PUBLISHED BY POLLETT, POSER AND COMPANY. 185S. BY JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. u , .ommlIOud of the ,,,my, p00Iged tD. -th0,. l Ifth thll th~y .00010 -QBI a0d.th IA, wio of,11, ICe ID.R St110 5 ." G.-RI J-lU? COLUMBUS, OHIO: PUBLISHED BY "IMIBT, POSTER AND COMPANY. 1858.  TEtered sorordiog to Act of Congress, tIt the year 1858. BY FOLLETT, FOOTER & CO., In tie Cinrk's 05cr of the Dieteri Court of oh. Unted tSteS, for th. Southern Dteit of Oio. Entered sorordiog to Act of Congote, in the year 1858. BY FOLLETT, POSTER & Co., In the Clerk's Oaen ofte Ditriet Court of the Urited ttate., for the Southern Ditrit of Ohio. Entered accordiog to Act of Congrese, in the yer 1&80. BY FOLLETT, POSTER & CO., In the mter"' OR.n ofthe lietriot Court of the United States, the the Southern DMeter of Ohio.  TO MY CONSTITUENTS, THE PEOPLE WHO HAVE S0 LONG HONORED ME WITH THEIR CONFIDENCE, THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. J. R. GIDDINGS. TO MY CONSTITUENTS, THE PEOPLE WHO HAVE SO LONG HONORED NE WITH THEIR CONFIDENCE, THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. J. R. GIDDINGS. TO MY C O N ST IT UENT S, THE PEOPLE WHO HAVE S0 LONG HONORED ME WITH THEIR CONFIDENCE, THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. J. R. GIDDINGS.   INTRODUCTION. DIScARDING that code of morals which teaches the sup- pression of truth, for the purpose of upholding the honor, either of the Government, or of the individuals who wield its administration, the Author of the following work has endeavored to give a faithful record of those interesting events which appear directly connected with the Exiles of Florida. Torn from their native land, their friends and homes, they were sold in the markets of Carolina and Georgia. Feeling the hand of oppression bearing heavily upon them, they fled to Florida, and, under Spanish laws, became free. Holding lands of the Spanish Crown, they became citizens of that Territory, entitled to protection. To regain possession of their truant bondmen, Georgia made war upon Florida, but failed to obtain her object. At a time of profound peace, our army, acting under the direction of the Executive, invaded Florida, murdered many of these free men, and brought others to the United States and consigned them to slavery. An expensive and bloody war followed ; but failing to capture more of the Exiles, our army was withdrawn. INTRODUCTION. DISCARDING that code of morals which teaches the Sup- pression of truth, for the purpose of upholding the honor, either of the Government, or of the individuals who wield its administration, the Author of the following work has endeavored to give a faithful record of those interesting events which appear directly connected with the Exiles of Florida. Torn from their native land, their friends and homes, they were sold in the markets of Carolina and Georgia. Feeling the band of oppression bearing heavily upon them, they fled to Florida, and, under Spanish laws, became free. Holding lands of the Spanish Crown, they became citizens of that Territory, entitled to protection. To regain possession of their truant bondmen, Georgia made war upon Florida, but failed to obtain her object. At a time of profound peace, our army, acting under the direction of the Executive, invaded Florida, murdered many of these free men, and brought others to the United States and consigned them to slavery. An expensive and bloody war followed ; but failing to capture more of the Exiles, our army was withdrawn. INTRODUCTION. DISCARDnGa that code of morals which teaches the sup- pression of truth, for the purpose of upholding the honor, either of the Government, or of the individuals who wield its administration, the Author of the following work has endeavored to give a faithful record of those interesting events which appear directly connected with the Exiles of Florida. Torn from their native land, their friends and homes, they were sold in the markets of Carolina and Georgia. Feeling the hand of oppression bearing heavily upon them, they fled to Florida, and, under Spanish laws, became free. Holding lands of the Spanish Crown, they became citizens of that Territory, entitled to protection. To regain possession of their truant bondmen, Georgia made war upon Florida, but failed to obtain her object. At a time of profound peace, our army, acting under the direction of the Executive, invaded Florida, murdered many of these free men, and brought others to the United States and consigned them to slavery. An expensive and bloody war followed ; but failing to capture more of the Exiles, our army was withdrawn.  vi INTRODUCTION. This war was followed by diplomatic efforts. Florida was purchased ; treaties with the Florida Indians were made and violated; gross frauds were perpetrated; dishonorable expedients were resorted to, and another war provoked. During its protracted continuance of seven years, bribery and treachery were practiced towards the Exiles and their allies, the Seminole Indians; flags of truce were violated; the pledged faith of the nation was disregarded. By these means the removal of the Exiles from Florida was effected. After they had settled in the Western Country, most of these iniquities were repeated, until they were driven from our nation and compelled to seek an asylum in Mexico. Men who wielded the influence of Government for the consummation of these crimes, assiduously labored to sup- press all knowledge of their guilt; to keep facts from the popular mind ; to falsify the history of current events, and prevent an exposure of our national turpitude. The object of this work is to meet that state of circum- stances; to expose fraud, falsehood, treachery, and other crimes of public men, who have prostituted the powers of Government to the perpetration of murders, at the contem- plation of which our humanity revolts. The Author has designed to place before the public a faithful record of events appropriately falling within the purview of the proposed history ; he has endeavored, as far as possible, to do justice to all concerned. Where the action of individuals is concerned, he has endeavored to make them speak for themselves, through official reports, orders, letters, or written evidences from their own hands; and he flatters himself that he has done no injustice to any person. vi INTRO DUcTION. This war was followed by diplomatic efforts. Florida was purchased ; treaties with the Florida Indians were made and violated; gross frauds were perpetrated; dishonorable expedients were resorted to, and another war provoked. During its protracted continuance of seven years, bribery and treachery were practiced towards the Exiles and their allies, the Seminole Indians; flags of truce were violated; the pledged faith of the nation was disregarded. By these means the removal of the Exiles from Florida was effected. After they had settled in the Western Country, most of these iniquities were repeated, until they were driven from our nation and compelled to seek an asylum in Mexico. Men who wielded the influence of Government for the consummation of these crimes, assiduously labored to sup- press all knowledge of their guilt; to keep facts from the popular mind ; to falsify the history of current events, and prevent an exposure of our national turpitude. The object of this work is to meet that state of circum- stances; to expose fraud, falsehood, treachery, and other crimes of public men, who have prostituted the powers of Government to the perpetration of murders, at the contem- plation of which our humanity revolts. The Author has designed to place before the public a faithful record of events appropriately falling within the purview of the proposed history; he has endeavored, as far as possible, to do justice to all concerned. Where the action of individuals is concerned, he has endeavored to make them speak for themselves, through official reports, orders, letters, or written evidences from their own hands; and he flatters himself that he has done no injustice to any person. vi INTRODUcTION. This war was followed by diplomatic efforts. Florida was purchased ; treaties with the Florida Indians were made and violated; gross frauds were perpetrated; dishonorable expedients were resorted to, and another war provoked. During its protracted continuance of seven years, bribery and treachery were practiced towards the Exiles and their allies, the Seminole Indians; flags of truce were violated; the pledged faith of the nation was disregarded. By these means the removal of the Exiles from Florida was effected. After they had settled in the Western Country, most of these iniquities were repeated, until they were driven from our nation and compelled to seek an asylum in Mexico. Men who wielded the influence of Government for the consummation of these crimes, assiduously labored to sup- press all knowledge of their guilt; to keep facts from the popular mind ; to falsify the history of current events, and prevent an exposure of our national turpitude. The object of this work is to meet that state of circum- stances; to expose fraud, falsehood, treachery, and other crimes of public men, who have prostituted the powers of Government to the perpetration of murders, at the contem- plation of which our humanity revolts. The Author has designed to place before the public a faithful record of events appropriately falling within the purview of the proposed history; he has endeavored, as far as possible, to do justice to all concerned. Where the action of individuals is concerned, he has endeavored to make them speak for themselves, through official reports, orders, letters, or written evidences from their own hands; and he flatters himself that he has done no injustice to any person.  CONTENTS. L OnvU ro ................................................ V CHAPTER I. Circumstances attending the Early History of Slavery in the Colo- nies. Exiles: efforts to restore them ......................... 1 CHAPTER II. Further eforts to restore Exiles ................................ 16 CHAPTER III. Hostilities maintained by Georgia; First Seminole War commenced 28 CHAPTER IV. General Hostilities ........................................... 46 CHAPTER V. Further efforts of the Government to restore Exiles to servitude... 57 CHAPTER VI. Further efforts to enslave the Exiles ........................ . 69 CHAPTER VII. Commencement of the Second Seminole War .................... 97 CHAPTER VIII. Hostilities continued...................................... 115 CHAPTER IX. Hostilities continued.......................................... 125 CHAPTER X. The War continued-Peace declared-General Jessup assumes command of the Army................................. 135 CONTENTS. PAGE Isoson r1ox................................................ v CHAPTER I. Circumstances attending the Early History of Slavery in the Colo- nie. Exiles: efforts to restore them ......................... 1 CHAPTER II. Further efforts to restore Exiles ................................ 16 CHAPTER III. Hostilities maintained by Georgia; First Seminole War commenced 28 CHAPTER IV. General Hostilities ........................................... 46 CHAPTER V. Further efforts of the Government to restore Exiles to servitude... 57 CHAPTER VI. Further eforts to enslave the Exiles ........................ 69 CHAPTER VII. Commencement of the Second Seminole War .................... 97 CHAPTER VIII. Hostilities continued........................................ 115 CHAPTER II. Hostilities continued........ ........................ 125 CHAPTER X. The War continued-Peace declared-General Jessup assumes command of the Army..................................... 135 CONTENTS. INo D cr ioN................................................ V CHAPTER I. Circumstances attending the Early History of Slavery in the Colo- nies. Exiles: efforts to restore them ......................... 1 CHAPTER II. Further efforts to restore Exiles ................................ 16 CHAPTER III. Hostilities maintained by Georgia; First Seminole War commenced 28 CHAPTER IV. General Hostilities ........................................ 46 CHAPTER V. Further efforts of the Government to restore Exiles to servitude... 57 CHAPTER VI. Further efforts to enslave the Exiles ......... . . . 69 CHAPTER VII. Commencement of the Second Seminole War .................... 97 CHAPTER VIII. Hostilities continued..................................... 119 CHAPTER IX. Hostilities continued..................................... 125 CHAPTER X. The War continued-Peace declared-General Jessup assumes command of the Army..................................... 135  Viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. PAGe General Jessup overthrows his own efforts in favor of Peace....... 142 CHAPTER XII. The renewal and prosecution of the War ........................ 156 CHAPTER XIII. Vigorous prosecution of the War............................... 172 CHAPTER XIV. Great difficulties interrupt the progress of the War... ......... 189 CHAPTER XV. Difficulties in enslaving Exiles continued................. . 214 CHAPTER XVI. Further difficulties in the work of enslaving the Exiles ........... 224 CHAPTER XVII. Total failure of all efforts to enslave the Exiles .................. 233 CHAPTER XVIII. Further difficulties in prosecuting the War ...................... 251 CHAPTER XIX. Hostilities continued.......................................... 274 CHAPTER XX. Hostilities continued.......................................... 284 CHAPTER XXI. Close of the War ......................................... 308 CHAPTER XXII. History of Exiles continued .................................. 317 CHAPTER XXIII. The re-union and foal Exodus ............................ 323 Vili CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. pYa General Jessup overthrows his own efforts in favor of Peace....... 142 CHAPTER XII. The renewal and prosecution of the War ........................ 156 CHAPTER XIII. Vigorous prosecution of the War............................... 172 CHAPTER XIV. Great difficulties interrupt the progress of the War............... 189 CHAPTER XV. Dificulties in enslaving Exiles continued........................ 214 CHAPTER XVI. Further difficulties in the work of enslaving the Exiles ........... 224 CHAPTER XVII. Total failure of all efforts to enslave the Exiles .................. 233 CHAPTER XVIII. Further difficulties in prosecuting the War ...................... 251 CHAPTER XIX. Hostilities continued.......................................... 274 CHAPTER XX. Hostilities continued.......................................... 284 CHAPTER XXI. Close of the War ......................................... 308 CHAPTER XXII. History of Exiles continued ................................... 317 CHAPTER XXIII. The re-union and final Exodus ................................ 323 Viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI, PAGe General Jessup overthrows his own efforts in favor of Peace....... 142 CHAPTER XII. The renewal and prosecution of the War .. . . . 156 CHAPTER XIII. Vigorous prosecution of the War............................... 172 CHAPTER XIV. Great difficulties interrupt the progress of the War............... 189 CHAPTER XV. Difficulties in enslaving Exiles continued........................ 214 CHAPTER XVI. Further difficulties in the work of enslaving the Exiles ........... 224 CHAPTER XVII. Total failure of all efforts to enslave the Exiles .................. 233 CHAPTER XVIII. Further difficulties in prosecuting the War ...................... 251 CHAPTER XIX. Hostilities continued.......................................... 274 CHAPTER XX. Hostilities continued..................................... 284 CHAPTER XXI. Close of the War ......................................... 308 CHAPTER XXII. History of Exiles continued ................................... 317 CHAPTER XXIII. The re-union and final Exodus ............................ 328  THE THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. CHAPTER I. CIRCUMSTANCES ATTENDING TUB EARLY HISTORY OF SLAVERY IN THE COLONIES. Setleneeo Frlorlga-Rooodaeie of Caolina-Eelalog Todle -They Re. froe theft tgeotrre-Aficaoe folio' ot eameple -SpaoleR policy In regard 10 Feaitire Sievs- Cnolloa drmaode the eoroodr ofExilies-Floidamret-Coloey of Georgia etshleh- rd-lie ojt-Exlee cold ScuinolcesSlaecyintroduorrglute Geoela-rmiol Iodiso enpatoe from Cce -loes enmopeom Georgin- Ropoci of Committee of Raey- Report of General III- Tcraty ockAogusta- Trenty of Olploieion-aiegoia emedoot of GRoom.- war hetnesee Cmee nd Gmrgin-Resoletlon of Coogee- Treoty of shooldrchoe-Hoeiioi con e-eorgia call, on FoId Stales for aeemuoe-Comneohnooeo sent eo negotiate Trety -Falare- Co. Wrfilet's melesta ChteR, head men ad uocoon repieeotNew Yah-Toeatyefemed-Seret aeiate -Oaimodiaav coennnnts. FLORIDA wOO originally settled by Spaniards, tm 1558. They were the first people to engage is the African Slave trade, and sought to sapply other nations with servants from the coast of Guinea, The Coloniots held motiy slaves, expeting to neeumulate wealth by She urequited toil of their fetlow-man. 160] Caeolina by her first and second charters elaimed a vat 160]extent of eoantey, embracing St. Auigustine and moat of Florida. This confliet of jnrisdietion soon involved the Cslonists in hostilities. The Carolinians also held many slaves. lik EXILES OF FLORIDA. CHAPTER I. CIRCUMSTOANCES ATFENDINGS THE EARLY HISTORY OF SLAVRY IN THE COLONIES. Sretlemevof oricda-Booedarces oriCnrolion-Eelaeiee Indians-Theyea m~n te Mlaem-Afclcaoe tolloco en eetnrle-enntele poioF Io regard Ia Fa1Oire Slaves- Camloademnoe toe or-odrof Erel-Floirefaf--Coleay orfmr.Ia retnOiia- ed-lus object-Eilesende~d Ooinctme-Slavery tooetramd into Georgia-emdnete IndienaeasrM-te from Crnhek-Sloces mmyeo erom Gomrgit-eort of Commitica of Safety-eore ofyGenerl ILII-Tremty oe' Aoguala-Trenty of Gatphiton-Siagntnr cndact of Oiein - Ot'er heteen Ceroe sa Gamrga-lreeolon of Coagress- Treaty of Ohooidnrhoa-Ioeilmnie eenlnae-Grorgia ont, on UnIe Sutm Eor aeieeo-Cooniasiooeeenl ato negotiate Treale-ailare-Col. Willt'. minion Chiofhealtneoaod Iror -reoNaenaYork-ey fesned-Seretaeid. -atmcaoary covmnl. FLORIDA was originally Settled by Spaniards, in 1558. They were the firot people to engage in the African Slave trade, nnd soht to snpply other notioas with servants from the coast nf Guinen. The Colonists hteld matty slaves, enpecting to nccumuate wealth by the unrequited toil of their fellow-man. 1650.] Carolina by her first and second charers cloimed a vat extent of coantry, embracing St. Aagustine and moat sf Florida. Tio eanflict of jurisdiction soon involved the Colonists in hostilities. The Carolinians als hold many slaves. ANjO 1700.]t THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. CHAPTER I. CIRCUMSaTANCES ATTENDtNG TIlE EARLY HISTORY OF SLAVERY IN THE COILONIES. SeettemnoreFlorldn-boundarieof Cncolio-EVetarlngtnvdia-They eerom thet IManters-Arcnoe tolloar tar esample-Spanish police Ia regarl 10 Fogtirt Oeem- Caolivndeotode theenurrodrornile-F'rtoedna ees-Coloy of eorgiareablielt- ed-ita obect-oilc~llod 9rminolce-slaveitroduamdluteerga-euio Indisa ecyamle from reeks-Oioro nerapo from tbmrgia-Reyorl oF commites of Safety-Rtepoo eral tme- Traty ot Aegusta-Treaoy oFlhlion-5lingla eodat of Georgin-wtar Detween Creeks and Gentgi-omltnon of Connese- Treaty of Shoaldr-bne-ttothits rootinoc -Georgia mile, on UFolud Dutos Hor noue-Coueoere oeno egotiaeTmey-Filee-C. Wil05i1' miwnio chl~n, hea ore nod Wirne-o rerplet envYork-ety frmed-Smncrt mele -otooaioay coomnaole. FLORIDA was oeiginally settled by Spaniards, in 1558. They were the first people to engage in the African Slave trade, and soaght to sapply other nations with servants from the coast of Gainea. The Colonists hteld maety slaves, expecting to aceamalate wealth by the unreqaited toil of their fellow-man. 160] Carolina by her first and second charters claimed a as~t 163.] ent of country, embracing St. Augustine ond most of Florida. This csnflict of jurisdiction soon involved the Colonists in hostilities. The Caroliaians alsco held many slaves. JiAJW 1700.] 1700.] t  2 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. nee in the early slave codes of that colony we find reference to " negro and other slaves." When the boundaries of Florida and South Carolina became established, the Colonists found themselves separated by the terri- tory now constituting the State of Georgia, at that time mostly occupied by the Creek Indians. . The efforts of the Carolinians to enslave the Indians, brought with them the natural and appropriate penalties. The Indians soon began to make their escape from service to the Indian country. This example was soon followed by the African slaves, who also fled to the Indian country, and, in order to secure themselves from pur- suit, continued their journey into Florida. We are unable to fix the precise time when the persons thus ex- iled constituted a separate community. Their numbers had become so great in 1736, that they were formed into companies, and relied on by the Floridians as allies to aid in the defense of that territory. They were also permitted to occupy lands upon the same terms that were granted to the citizens of Spain ; indeed, they in all respects became free subjects of the Spanish crown. Probably to this early and steady policy of the Spanish Government, we may attri- bute the establishment and continuance of this community of Exiles in that territory.' 1738.] A messenger was sent by the Colonial Government of South Carolina to demand the return of those fugitive slaves who had found an asylum in Florida. The demand was made upon the Governor of St. Augustine, but was promptly rejected. This was the commencement of a controversy which has continued for more than a century, involving our nation in a vast expenditure of blood and treasure, and it yet remains undetermined. - The constant escape of slaves, and the difficulties resulting there- from, constituted the principal object for establishing a free colony between South Carolina and Florida, which was called Georgia a (1) vide anet's and ldreth's Hsnes of the United Stats. (a) vide bos, Hiainetr . R.aet. 2 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Meene in the early slave codes of that colony we find reference to " negro and other slaves." When the boundaries of Florida and South Carolina became established, the Colonists found themselves separated by the terri- tory now constituting the State of Georgia, at that time mostly occupied by the Creek Indians. - The efforts of the Carolinians to enslave the Indians, brought with them the natural and appropriate penalties. The Indians soon began to make their escape from service to the Indian country. This example was soon followed by the African slaves, who also fled to the Indian country, and, in order to secure themselves from pur- suit, continued their journey into Florida. We are unable to fix the precise time when the persons thus ex- iled constituted a separate community. Their numbers had become so great in 1736, that they were formed into companies, and relied on by the Floridians as allies to aid in the defense of that territory. They were also permitted to occupy lands upon the same terms that were granted to the citizens of Spain; indeed, they in all respects became free subjects of the Spanish crown. Probably to this early and steady policy of the Spanish Government, we may attri- bute the establishment and continuance of this community of Exiles in that territory.i - 1738.] A messenger was sent by the Colonial Government of South Carolina to demand the return of those fugitive slaves who had found an asylum in Florida. The demand was made upon the Governor of St. Augustine, but was promptly rejected. This was the commencement of a controversy which has continued for more than a century, involving our nation in a vast expenditure of blood and treasure, and it yet remains undetermined. -The constant escape of slaves, and the difficulties resulting there- from, constituted the principal object for establishing a free colony between South Carolina and Florida, which was called Georgia a (1) vida Bmanen's sa Hodeto'Hrles of the United saes. (t) vide both Hicsr. above e. Z THE RXILES OF FLORIDA. fenee in the early slave codes of that colony we find refernes to " negro and other slaves." When the boundaries of Florida and South Carolina became established, the Colonists found themselves separated by the terri- tory now constituting the State of Georgia, at that time mostly occupied by the Creek Indians. .. The efforts of the Carolinians to enslave the Indians, brought with them the natural and appropriate penalties. The Indians soon began to make their escape from service to the Indian country. This example was soon followed by the African slaves, who also fled to the Indian country, and, in order to secure themselves fiom pur- suit, continued their journey into Florida. We are unable to fix the precise time when the persons thus ex- iled constituted a separate community. Their numbers had become no great in 1736, that they were formed into companies, and relied on by the Floridians as allies to aid in the defense of that territory. They were also permitted to occupy lands upon the same terms that were granted to the citizens of Spain; indeed, they in all respects became free subjects of the Spanish crown. Probably to this early and steady policy of the Spanish Government, we may attri- bute the establishment and continuance of this community of Exiles in that territory.' - 1738.] A messenger was sent by the Colonial Government of South Carolina to demand the return of those fugitive slaves who had found an asylum in Florida. The demand was made upon the Governor of St. Augustine, but was promptly rejected. This was the commencement of a controversy which has continued for more than a century, involving our nation in a vast expenditure of blood and treasure, and it yet remains undetermined. -The constant escape of slaves, and the difficulties resulting there- from, constituted the principal object for establishing a free colony between South Carolina and Florida, which was called Georgia 7 (1) vide Baner's and nidret'. Hitores of the United skates. (t2 vide bo is toes aove e5ted.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. $ It was thought that this colony, being free, would afford the planters of Carolina protection against the further escape of their slaves from service. - These Exiles were by the Creek Indians called "Seminoles," which in their dialect signifies "runaways," and the term being frequently used while conversing with the Indians, came into almost constant practice among the whites; and although it has now come to be applied to a certain tribe of Indians, yet it was originally used in reference to these Exiles long before the Seminole Indians had separated from the Creeks. Some eight years after the Colony of Georgia was first establish- ed, efforts were made to introduce Slavery among its people. The ordinary argument, that it would extend the Christian religion, was brought to bear upon Whitfield and Habersham, and the Saltzber gers and Moravians, until they consented to try the experiment, and Georgia became thenceforth a Slaveholding Colony, whose frontier bordered directly upon Florida; bringing the slaves of her planters into the very neighborhood of those Exiles who had long been free under Spanish laws. 1750.] A difficulty arose among the Creek Indians, which event ually becoming irreconrilable, a chief named Seacoffee, with a large number of followers, left that tribe-at that time resid- ing within the present limits of Georgia and Alabama-and con- tinuing their journey south entered the Territory of Florida, and, under the Spanish colonial policy, were incorporated with the Span- ish population, entitled to lands wherever they could find them un- occupied, and to the protection of Spanish laws.t From the year 1750, Secoffee and his followers rejected all Creek authority, refused to be represented in Creek councils, held themselves independent of Creek laws, elected their own chiefs, and in all respects became a separate Tribe, embracing the Mickasukies, with whom they united. They settled in the vicinity of the Exiles, ssoeciated with them, and a mntal sympathy and respect existing, (1) vide Schoolern a HItOry of Iadian Tdies. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. g It was thought that this colony, being free, would afford the planters of Carolina protection against the further escape of their slaves from service. - These Exiles were by the Creek Indians called "Seminoles," which in their dialect signifies "runaways," and the term being frequently used while conversing with the Indians, came into almost constant practice among the whites; and although it has now come to be applied to a certain tribe of Indians, yet it was originally used in reference to these Exiles long before the Seminole Indians had separated from the Creeks. Some eight years after the Colony of Georgia was first establish- ed, efforts were made to introduce Slavery among its people. The ordinary argument, that it would extend the Christian religion, was brought to bear upon Whitfield and Habersham, and the Saltzber. gers and Moravians, until they consented to try the experiment, and Georgia became thenceforth a Slaveholding Colony, whose frontier bordered directly upon Florida; bringing the slaves of her planters into the very neighborhood of those Exiles who had long been free under Spanish laws. 1750.] A difficulty arose among the Creek Indians, which event- ually becoming irreconcilable, a chief named Seacoffee, with a large number of followers, left that tribe-at that time resid- ing within the present limits of Georgia and Alabama-and con- tinuing their journey south entered the Territory of Florida, and, under the Spanish colonial policy, were incorporated with the Span- ish population, entitled to lands wherever they could find them un- occupied, and to the protection of Spanish laws.1 From the year 1750, Soacoffee and his followers rejected all Creek anthority, refused to be represented in Creek conneile, held themselves independent of Creek laws, elected their own chiefs, and in all respects hece a separate Tribe, embracing the Mickasukies, with whom they united. They settled in the vicinity of the Exiles, associated with them, and a mutual sympathy and respect existing, (1) vide shooleratW maor o Idan .Tribs.. THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 5 It was thought that this colony, being free, would afford the planters of Carolina protection against the further escape of their slaves from service. -These Exiles were by the Creek Indians called "Seminoles," which in their dialect signifies "runaways," and the term being frequently used while conversing with the Indians, came into almost constant practice among the whites; and although it has now come to be applied to a certain tribe of Indians, yet it was originally used in reference to those Exiles long before the Seminole Indians had separated from the Creeks. Some eight years after the Colony of Georgia was first establish- ed, efforts were made to introduce Slavery among its people. The ordinary argument, that it would extend the Christian religion, was brought to bear upon Whitfield and Habersham, and the Saltzber- gers and Moravians, until they consented to try the experiment, and Georgia became thenceforth a Slaveholding Colony, whose frontier bordered directly upon Florida; bringing the slaves of her planters into the very neighborhood of those Exiles who had long been free under Spanish laws. 1750.] A difficulty arose among the Creek Indians, which event- ually becoming irreconcilable, a chief named Seacoffee, with a large number of followers, left that tribe-at that time resid- ing within the present limits of Georgia and Alabama-and con- tinuing their journey south entered the Territory of Florida, and, under the Spanish colonial policy, were incorporated with the Span- ish population, entitled to lands wherever they could find them un- occupied, and to the protection of Spanish laws.' From the year 1750, Seacoffee and his followers rejected all Creek authority, refused to be represented in Creek councils, held themselves independent of Creek laws, elected their own chiefs, and in all respects became a separate Tribe, embracing the Mickasukies, with whom they united. They settled in the vicinity of the Exiles, associated with them, and a mutual sympathy and respect existing, (1) vide shoolerft' Rtory of India Trbe. / SW 51'  4 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 4TH E O FLoRD. THE EXILEs OF FRIDA some of their people intermarried, thereby strengthening the ties of friendship, and the Indians having fled from oppression and taken refuge under Spanish laws, were also called Seminoles, or "run- aways'" After Georgia became a Slavehelding Colony, we are led to believe the practice of slaves leaving their masters, which existed in South Carolina, became frequent in Georgia. But we have no definite information on this subject until about the commencement of the Revolutionary War (1775), when the Council of Safety for that colony sent to Congress a communication setting forth, that a large force of Continental troops was necessary to prevent their slaves from deserting their masters.) It was about the first com- munication sent to Congress after it met, in 1776, and shows that her people then sought to make the nation bear the burthens of their slavery, by furnishing a military force sufficient to hold her bondmen in fear; and if she adheres to that policy now, it merely illustrates the consistency of her people in relying upon the freemen of the North to uphold her system of oppression. General Lee, commanding the military forces in that colony, called the particular attention of Congress to the fact, that slaves belonging to the planters, fled from servitude and sought freedom among the "Exiles of Florida." There also yet remained in Georgia many descendants of those who, at the establishment of that colony and since that time, had opposed the institution of Slavery. These people desired to testify their abhorrence of human servitude. They assembled in luge numbers, in the district of Darien, and publicly resolved as follows: " To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted " or interested motives, but by a general philanthropy for all man- kind, of whatever climate, language or complexion, we hereby " declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of slavery in America." The public avowal of these doctrines, naturally encouraged slaves to seek their freedom by such means as they possessed. One day's (1) Vide Amerian Achies, Tnt . Fifth teres : 1852 some of their people intermarried, thereby strengthening the ties of friendship, and the Indians having fled from oppression and taken refuge under Spanish laws, were also called Seminoles, or "run- aways." After Georgia became a Slavehelding Colony, we are led to believe the practice of slaves leaving their masters, which existed in South Carolina, became frequent in Georgia. But we have no definite information on this subject until about the comimencement of the Revolutionary War (1775), when the Council of Safety for that colony sent to Congress a communication setting forth, that a large force of Continental troops was necessary to prevent their slaves from deserting their masters.) It was about the first com- munication sent to Congress after it met, in 1776, and shows that her people then sought to make the nation bear the burthens of their slavery, by furnishing a military force sufficient to hold her bondmen in fear; and if she adheres to that policy now, it merely illustrates the consistency of her people in relying upon the freemen of the North to uphold her system of oppression. General Lee, commanding the military forces in that 1776.] colony, called the particular attention of Congress to the fact, that slaves belonging to the planters, fled from servitude and sought freedom among the "Exiles of Florida." There also yet remained in Georgia many descendants of those who, at the establishment of that colony and since that time, had opposed the institution of Slavery. These people desired to testify their abhorrence of human servitude. They assembled in large numbers, in the district, of Darien, and publicly resolved as follows,: " To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted " or interested motives, but by a general philanthropy for all man- "kind, of whatever climate, language or complexion, we hereby "declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of slavery in America." The public avowal of these doctrines, naturally encouraged slaves to seek their freedom by such means as they possessed. One day's (1) vid. Amean Archives, Vat, I. Fifth serie: 1852- some of their people intermarried, thereby strengthening the ties of friendship, and the Indians having fled from oppression and taken refuge under Spanish laws, were also called Seminoles, or "run- aws., After Georgia became a Slavehelding Colony, we are led to believe the practice of slaves leaving their masters, which existed in South Carolina, became frequent in Georgia. But we have no definite information on this subject until about the commencement of the Revolutionary War (1775), when the Council of Safety for that colony sent to Congress a communication setting forth, that a large force of Continental troops was necessary to prevent their slaves from deserting their masters.t It was about the first com- munication sent to Congress after it met, in 1776, and shows that her people then sought to make the nation bear the burthens of their slavery, by furnishing a military force sufficient to hold her bondmen in fear; and if she adheres to that policy now, it merely illustrates the consistency of her people in relying upon the freemen of the North to uphold her system of oppression. General Lee, commanding the military forces in that 1776.] colony, called the particular attention of Congress to the fact, that slaves belonging to the planters, fled from servitude and sought freedom among the "Exiles of Florida." There also yet remained in Georgia many descendants of those who, at the establishment of that colony and since that time, had opposed the institution of Slavery. These people desired to testify their abhorrence of human servitude. They assembled in large numbers, in the district of Darien, and publicly resolved as follows: "To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted "or interested motives, but by a general philanthropy for all man- "kind, of whatever climate, language or complexion, we hereby " declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of slavery in Atmerica." The public avowal of these doctrines, naturally encouraged slaves to seek their freedom by such means as they possessed. One day's (1) ViSe Amterna Archivs., Vat. L Firth ses.: 182.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 5 travel would place some of them among friends, and in the enjoy- ment of liberty; and they were sure to be kindly received and respectfully treated, soon as they could reach their brethren in Florida. Of course many availed themselves of this opportunity to escape from service. The Exiles remained in the undisturbed enjoyment of liberty during the war of the Revolution. The Creeks were a powerful and warlike people, whose friendship was courted during the san- guinary struggle that secured our National Independence. During those turbulent times it would not have been prudent for a master to pursue his slave through the Creek country, or to have brought him back to Georgia if once arrested. The Exiles being thus free from annoyance, cultivated the friend- ship of their savage neighbors; rendered themselves useful to the Indians, both as laborers and in council. They also manifested much judgment in the selection of their lands for cultivation-loca- ting their principal settlements on the rich bottoms lying along the Appalachicola and the Suwanee Rivers. Here they opened plant ations, and many of them became wealthy in flocks and herds. Immediately after the close of the war, the authorities of Georgia are said to have entered into a treaty with the Creek Indians, at Augusta, in which it is alleged that the Creeks agreed to grant to that State a large tract of land, and to restore such slaves as were then resident among the Creeks. But we find no copy of this treaty in print, or in manuscript. As early as 1789, only six years after it was said to have been negotiated, Hugh Knox, Secretary of War, in a communication to Congress, declared that no copy of this treaty was then in the possession of Congress; and it has not been since reprinted. Indeed, it is believed never to have been printed. The difficulty between Georgia and the Creeks becoming more serious, the aid of the Continental Congress was invoked, for the purpose of securing that State in the enjoyment of what her people declared to be their rights. Congress appointed THE EXILES OF FLOnIDA. 5 travel would place some of them among friends, and in the enjoy- ment of liberty; and they were sure to be kindly received and respectfully treated, soon as they could reach their brethren in Florida. Of course many availed themselves of this opportunity to escape from service. The Exiles remained in the undisturbed enjoyment of liberty during the war of the Revolution. The Creeks were a powerful and warlike people, whose friendship was courted during the san- guinary struggle that secured our National Independence. During those turbulent times it would not have been prudent for a master to pursue his slave through the Creek country, or to have brought him back to Georgia if once arrested. The Exiles being thus free from annoyance, cultivated the friend- ship of their savage neighbors; rendered themselves useful to the Indians, both as laborers and in council. They also manifested much judgment in the selection of their lands for cultivation-loca- ting their principal settlements on the rich bottoms lying along the Appalachicola and the Suwanee Rivers. Here they opened plant- ations, and many of them became wealthy in flocks and herds. 1783.] Immediately after the close of the war, the authorities of Georgia are said to have entered into a treaty with the Creek Indians, at Augusta, in which it is alleged that the Creeks agreed to grant to that State a large tract of land, and to restore such slaves as were then resident among the Creeks. But we find no copy of this treaty in print, or in manuscript. As early as 1789, only six years after it was said to have been negotiated, Hugh Knox, Secretary of War, in a communication to Congress, declared that no copy of this treaty was then in the possession of Congress; and it has not been since reprinted. Indeed, it is believed never to have been printed. 1785. The difficulty between Georgia and the Creeks becoming more serious, the aid of the Continental Congress was invoked, for the purpose of securing that State in the enjoyment of what her people declared to be their rights. Congress appointed THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 5 travel would place some of them among friends, and in the enjoy- ment of liberty; and they were sure to be kindly received and respectfully treated, soon as they could reach their brethren in Florida. Of course many availed themselves of this opportunity to escape from service. The Exiles remained in the undisturbed enjoyment of liberty during the war of the Revolution. The Creeks were a powerful and warlike people, whose friendship was courted during the san- guinary struggle that secured our National Independence. During those turbulent times it would not have been prudent for a master to pursue his slave through the Creek country, or to have brought him back to Georgia if once arrested. The Exiles being thus free from annoyance, cultivated the friend- ship of their savage neighbors; rendered themselves useful to the Indians, both as laborers and in council. They also manifested much judgment in the selection of their lands for cultivation-loca- ting their principal settlements on the rich bottoms lying along the Appalachicola and the Suwanee Rivers. Here they opened plant- ations, and many of them became wealthy in flocks and herds. 1785.] Immediately after the close of the war, the authorities of Georgia are said to have entered into a treaty with the Creek Indians, at Augusta, in which it is alleged that the Creeks agreed to grant to that State a large tract of land, and to restore such slaves as were then resident among the Creeks. But we find no copy of this treaty in print, or in manuscript. As early as 1789, only six years after it was said to have been negotiated, Hugh Knox, Secretary of War, in a communication to Congress, declared that no copy of this treaty was then in the possession of Congress; and it has not been since reprinted. Indeed, it is believed never to have been printed. The difficulty between Georgia and the Creeks becoming 1785.] more serious, the aid of the Continental Congress was invoked, for the purpose of securing that State in the enjoyment of what her people declared to be their rights. Congress appointed  6i Tun EXILES OF FLORtIDA. three comemissioners to examine the existing causes of difficulty, and if possible to negotiate a treaty with the Creeks that should secure justiee to all the people of the United States. - Communities, like individuals, often exhihit in early life thoso characteristics which distinguish their mature age, and become ruling passions when senility marks the downhill of life. Thus Georgia, in her very infancy. exhibited that desire for controlling sue Notional Government which subsequently marked her manhood. Possessing no power under the Constitution to enter into any treaty except by consent of Congress, her Executive appointed three Commissioners to attend and supervise the action of those appointed- by the Federal Legislature. The time and place for holding the treaty had been. arranged with the Indians by the Governor of Georgia. At Gaiphincos,' the place appointed, the Commissioners of the Unitod Stases met those of Georgia, who presented them with the form of a treaty fully drawn out and ready for signatures, and demanded of the Commissionere of the United States its adoption. This extraordinary proeeding was treated by the Federal Commis- sioners in a dignified ad appropriate manner, in their report to Congress. One important prevision of this inchoate treaty stilp- ulated for the return to the pecople of Georgia of such fugitive negrsem an were then in the Indian country, and of snob as might thereafter flee from bondage. -nThe Commissioners appointod by Congress waited at Galphinton (1) Thts en she residencn afGrgesa Ontetil. an Indian inades, who, tn t778, etdei i. obWiW ag a treasy by whcthe anCreek noin cndd a laug trnot of lnd t te mariish aennonnent. Gorgiea annanadnd ibn Brlnh Govrnens in Se ttae 0 ihsni landa, Sy 55. treaty of ene in 179Som ean50 yenn afterwasn, tha danoandasia ,ScGelphin patittaond mh at aor naomi. aor comaoesnaa, on nasnaer of the anniors rendered by Ontptta in obtaInWg ihn tnrust o77. Bat the Letatnian ratrd the stin,. Tharheirs, ms raiher dsnsesdneo steaptst, thrn appliedto5 Casgrean, whnev asnd either legat or besnili innora in te tanss ateasn by thnsraty. Tbe Repsesrtnatnna fron Onmutn and honm the sauth gnnte onauread the ctntnm. Ntheiarn mna yielded tretins iW ihis sbaa demsnnd, and is 0500 a bttt pasned baits Husen or Canonssb 1hic nstheS deenessa-Wsnoatphtn,n Santeratnitannd aou on~btaaned Sran oar Nationat Trene- nry $24n,87186. sd the Wsm "Oipin" hies aloe cme sn nmnynsna with "pranta- tan" upoan the pnuli Tresury. 6 Tun XtSa uF FLORaDA. three commissioners to examine the existing causes of difficulty, and if possible to negotiate a treaty with the Creeks that should secure justice to all the people of the United States. - Commnnities, like individuals, often exhibit in early life these characteristics which distinguish their mature age, and become ruling passions when senility marks the downhill of life. Thus Georgia, in her very infancy, exhibited that desire for controlling oue National Government which subsequently marked her manhood. Possessing no power under the Constitution to enter late any treaty except by consent of Congress, her Executive appointed three Commissioners to attend and supervise the action of those appointed- by the Federal Legislature. The time sod place for balding the treaty had been. arranged with the Indians by the Governor of Georgia. At Gslphinten,l the place appointed, the Commissiosers of the United States mect those of Georgia, who presented them with the 'form of a treaty fully drawn ant and ready for signatures, and demanded of the Commissioners of the United States its adoption. Thus extraordinary proceeding was treated by the Federnl Commis- sioners in a dignified and approprinte manner, in their report to Congress. One important provision of this inchoate treaty stip- ulated for the return ts the people of Georgia of such fugitive negrees as were then in the Indian country, and of such as might thereafter flee from bondage. -IThe Commissioners appointed by Congress waited at Galphinton t1t This Sans the reidnc af Gsaras (Wtahtn, as Baenae Snaits, whoa, So 1tt8, aided in obisinin a trusty by aShiScm theCsskI.. edaed ia n nun srnct or lnud is the Brtish Gernmnt. Onasata aseedenih itni~sh Ovessnmastiv itSitse Sa thea lauds, Sr mhe tsareafpce W 78So m fifsty yean as , thedescendeasntsGelphi peatttond mae BMW faeargta fos aanpannneta, as natns o h ervitns enderad by Gntphla I. ,shinte tsiseaty af 1tI3. But ihn Leislture rapadinet the shin. Thr he~ie, or .thmasenantas aontelpti, thea apptind na casarsni, who snavr bat niShar leal or Snasanini W Wsns In mae Wad. oaned by mae meaty. Thn iinpomunataan fras Gtrgia and cnn, the South gnstly supportsd the claims. Nanthass nen yildthe nasbisactasn W thissbasd dsnmand, end I 84 a bitl ponnd botm oses Canssa byawhich the dsndentsnaf GalphW, and tsi eiiasnayn and eness.oaiss frm a san Onan Srees- nay $248,87186 isend the Wm "Gntehin" WS sic bcm s yssnymouswit ai enata- Slons ne uon the pubics Tensany. 6 THE XILE~S OF FnLORIDA. three commissioners to examine the existing causes of difficulty, and if possible to negotiate a treaty with the Creeks that should secure justice to all the poople of the United States. - Communities, like individuals, often exhibit in early life those characteristics which distinguish their mature age, and become ruling pnssions when senility msrks the dowtnhill of life. Thus Georgia, in her very infancy, exhibited that desire for controlling our National Government which subsequently marked her manhood. Possessing no power under the Constitntion to enter into any treaty except by consent of Congress, her Executive appointed three Commissioners to attend and supervise the action of those appointed by the Federal Legislature. The time and place for holding the treaty had been. arranged with the Indians by the Governor of Georgia. At Gaiphinton,' the place sppointed, the Commissioners of the United States tact those of Georgia, who presented them with the form sf a treaty fully drawn out and ready for signatures, and demanded of the Commissioners of the United States its adoption. This extraordinary proceeding was treated by the Federal Commin- sioners in a dignified and appropriate manner, in their report to Congress. One important provision ef this inchoate treaty stip- ulated for the return to the pesple of Georgia of such fugitive negroes as were then in the Indian country, and of such an might thereafter flee from bondage. - The Commissioners appointed by Congress waited at Galphinton t1t This wens the sidesneo Gar Oeu Gniphia, an IOnion cutdna, whs, In 1tt3, nSdeniIn oblining a tiea, by wh~aic thenats Indins ceded a largo tat lan a mhe Britin Govrsnant. Gornau eedensd ihenBriish Goannt in Its Sitle o tse ned, by tbe teatsy ofpneae .17 o me tannry yeanrnnannla, te an ds fauan petal.dan thBt of Gencoala far campnaStan, an anaunt afth erfae naarn derd by aspirtn 5 abWWn~a mn, Issay of iot. a tanin LegWisian repudiat the Stain, Thn heniora rawern desedner. aoephi, then apetid is canges, whn nines bad either leal sor bnananWtalt Inin the nbad bta inedn by the treaty. Tan Renprnnonlattvse frn, neogta and fan, the South genralty suported the alain,. aNoen man yildeid tatis aairnna is this abanrid dnnmnnd, and Wn 1848 a bitt peevud bath Hosae af Congesa b Sc the dsceondaanat I&, end thnto aitassyn m an inene biivd fram oar Naet aat Oas-i soy 8243,871860. and ihn ise "ttarlph" San sinna benome synnmue with epsaia sin" nasa ribh public Taesy.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 7 several days, and finding only two of the one hundred towns com- posing the Creek tribe represented in the council about to be held, they refused to regard them as authorized to art for the Creek nation, and would not consent to enter upon any negotiation with them as representatives of that tribe. This course was not in ac- cordance with the ideas of the Commissioners appointed by Georgia. After those of the United States had left, they proceeded to enter into a treaty with the representatives from the two towns, who professed to act for the whole Creek nation. This pretended treaty gave the State of Georgia a largo territory; and the eighth article provided, that " the Indians shall restore all the negroes, horses and other property, that are or may hereafter " be among them, belonging to the citizens of this State, or to any "other person whatever, to such person as the governor shall " appoint." I This attempt to make a treaty by the State of Georgia, in direct violation of the articles of Confederation, and to bind the Creek nation by an act of the representatives of only two of their towns, constitutes the first official transaction of which we have document- ary evidence, in that long train of events which has for seventy years involved our nation in difficulty, and the Exiles of Florida in persecutions and cruelties unequaled under Republican govern- ments. The Commissioners of the United States made report of their proceedings to Congress; and those of Georgia reported to the governor of that State.' Their report was transmitted to the Legislature, and that body, with an arrogance that commands our admiration, passed strong resolutions denouncing the action of tho Federal Commissioners, commending the action of those of Georgia, and asserting her State sovereignty in language somewhat bom- bastic. (1) Vide Report of Hugh Knox secretary of Wa, t the President, dated July 6, 1789. American stte Papr, Vol. V. page 15, where the Treaty is reited in full. (21 vide papers arcompanying the Report oaf tsecretary of war, above referred tW, marked A, and numbered 1, 2 and 8. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 7 several days, and fimding only two of the one hundred towns com- posing the Creek tribe represented in the council about to be held, they refused to regard them as authorized to act for the Creek nation, and would not consent to enter upon any negotiation with them as representatives of that tribe. This course was not in ac- cordance with the ideas of the Commissioners appointed by Georgia. After those of the United States had left, they proceeded to enter into a treaty with the representatives from the two towns, who professed to act for the whole Creek nation. This pretended treaty gave the State of Georgia a large territory; and the eighth article provided, that " the Indians shall restore all " the negroes, horses and other property, that are or may boreafter " be among them, belonging to the citizens of this State, or to any "other person whatever, to such person as the governor shall " appoint." 1 This attempt to make a treaty by the State of Georgia, in direct violation of the articles of Confederation, and to bind the Creek nation by an act of the representatives of only two of their towns, constitutes the first official transaction of which we have document- ary evidence, in that long train of events which has for seventy years involved our nation in difficulty, and the Exiles of Florida in persecutions and cruelties unequaled under Republican govern- ments. The Commissioners of the United States made report of their proceedings to Congress; and those of Georgia reported to the governor of that State Their report was transmitted to the Legislature, and that body, with an arrogance that commands our admiration, passed strong resolutions denouncing the action of the Federal Commissioners, commending the action of those of Georgia, and asserting her State sovereignty in language somewhat bom- bastic. (1) vide Report of Hugh Eno, Secretary of war, to the President, dated July 6, 1789. American state Papere, Vol. V. page 15, where the Teaty is reeed in full. (2) Vide Papers aceompanying the Report of the secretary of War, above referred ts, marked A, and numbered 1, 2 ad 3. THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. I several days, and finding only two of the one hundred towns com- posing the Creek tribe represented in the council about to be held, they refused to regard them as authorized to act for the Creek nation, and would not consent to enter upon any negotiation with them as representatives of that tribe. This course was not in so- cordance with the ideas of the Commissioners appointed by Georgia. After those of the United States had left, they proceeded to enter into a treaty with the representatives from the two towns, who professed to act for the whole Creek nation. This pretended treaty gave the State of Georgia a largo territory; and the eighth article provided, that " the Indians shall restore all " the negroes, horses and other property, that are or may hereafter " be among them, belonging to the citizens of this State. or to any "other person whatever, to such person as the governor shall " appoint.' I This attempt to make a treaty by the State of Georgia, in direct violation of the articles of Confederation, and to bind the Creek nation by an act of the representatives of only two of their towns, constitutes the first official transaction of which we have document- ary evidence, in that long train of events which has for seventy years involved our nation in difficulty, and the Exiles of Florida in persecutions and cruelties unequaled under Republican govern- ments. The Commissioners of the United States made report of their proceedings to Congress; and those of Georgia reported to the governor of that State.5 Their report was transmitted to the Legislature, and that body, with an arrogance that commands our admiration, passed strong resolutions denouncing the action of the Federal Commissioners, commending the action of those of Georgia, and asserting her State sovereignty in language somewhat bom- bastie. (I) vide Report of Hugh Knox. secretary of war, to the President, dated July 6,1789. American State Ppere. vol. Vpage 15, where the Treaty is reited in fol. (2) Vide papers accompanying the Report of the secretary of war, above referred to, marked A, and nuabered 1, 2 nd 8.  8 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 1786.] Soon after the making of this pretended treaty, the Creeks commenced hostilities, murdering the people on the frontiers of Georgia, and burning their dwellings. The Spanish authorities of Florida were charged with fomenting these difficul. ties, and the Congress of the United States felt constrained to interfere.1 The Commissioners previously appointed to form a treaty with the Creeks, were, by a resolution of the Continental Congress, adopted Oct. 26, instructed to obtain a treaty 1787.] with thelndians-wh woaT _ oners, of whatever age, sex or complexion, and to restore allfagitse slsai belonging traitieeres ofike e s This resolution was the firstaet n-on othe Continental" Congress in favor of restoring fugitive slaves. It was adopted under the articles of Confederation, before the adoption of our present constitution, and of course constitutes no precedent under ear present government; yet it introduced a practice that has long agitated the nation, and may yet lead to important and even San- guinary results. 1788.] Without awaiting the action of Congress, the authorities of Georgia, by her agents, entered into another treaty, at a place called " Shoulderbone," by which the Creeks appear to have acknowledged the violation of the Treaty of Galphinton, and again stipulated to observe its covenants.3 We have no reliable information as to the number of the Creek towns represented at the making of this third treaty by Georgia. The whole transaction was by the State, in her own name, by her own authority, without consent of Congress, and all papers relating to it, if any exist, would of course be among the manuscript files of that State. It is believed that Georgia never printed any of these treaties; and we can only state their contents from recitals (1) vide letter of James white to Mair General Knoa, of the 24th May, 1787. Amer. iman state Paperes, vol. IF, Indian Anatrs. (2) Amerean State Papers, vol v, page 25. (3) vide Documents accompanying the Treaty of New York ; Am. State Papere, vol. I, Indan Afare. 8 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 1786.] Soon after the making of this pretended treaty, the Creeks commenced hostilities, murdering the people on the frontiers of Georgia, and burning their dwellings. The Spanish authorities of Florida were charged with fomenting these difficul- ties, and the Congress of the United States felt constrained to interfere.' The Commissioners previously appointed to form a treaty with the Creeks, were, by a resolution of the Continental 1787.] Congress, adopted Oct. 26, instructed to obtain a treaty with thcIndiantshichouiT ta uu eT "w oners, of whatever age, sex or complexion, and to restore allftgitrre slaves belonging to citietisof e-u ffts t-a- This resolution was the first-net-n-he .atof the Continental Congress in favor of restoring fugitive slaves. It was adopted under the articles of Confederation, before the adoption of our present constitution, and of conrse constitutes no precedent under our present government; yet it introduced a practice that has long agitated the nation, and may yet lead to important and even san- guinary results. 1788.] Without awaiting the action of Congress, the authorities of Georgia, by her agents, entered into another treaty, at a place called " Shoulderbono," by which the Creeks appear to have acknowledged the violation of the Treaty of Galphinton, and again stipulated to observe its covenants.3 We have no reliable information as to the number of the Creek towns represented at the making of this third treaty by Georgia. The whole transaction was by the State, in her own name, by her own authority, without consent of Congress, and all papers relating to it, if any exist, would of course be among the manuscript files of that State. It is believed that Georgia never printed any of these treaties; and we can only state their contents from recitals (1) vide letter of Jamea whit. to Major Gontr Kno, of the 241th May, 1787. Amer- liea State Pper, Vol. It, Indian Affair. (2) Amerieae State Papers, vol v, page 25. t3) Vide Documete accompanying the Treaty of New York j Am. State Papers, vtL I, Indian Afruire. 8 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 1786.] Soon after the making of this pretended treaty, the Creeks commenced hostilities, murdering the people on the frontiers of Georgia, and burning their dwellings. The Spanish authorities of Florida were charged with fomenting these difficul- ties, and the Congress of the United States felt constrained to interfere.' The Commissioners previously appointed to form a treaty with the Creeks, were, by a resolution of the Continental Congress, adopted Oct. 26, instructed to obtain a treaty 1787.] with the Indians-whieh ouTWer ro4 __ pt oners, of whatever age, sex or complexion, and to restore allfugitie slaes belonging to ritiensi ofTeititSates -This resolution was the firstaet-eon patof the Continental Congress in favor of restoring fugitive slaves. It was adopted under the articles of Confederation, before the adoption of our present constitution, and of course constitutes no precedent under our present government; yet it introduced a practice that has long agitated the nation, and may yet lead to important and even san- guinary results. 1788.] Without awaiting the action of Congress, the authorities of Georgia, by her agents, entered into another treaty, at a place called " Shoulderbone," by which the Creeks appear to have acknowledged the violation of the Treaty of Galphinton, and again stipulated to observe its covenants.3 We have no reliable information as to the number of the Creek towns represented at the making of this third treaty by Georgia. The whole transaction was by the State, in her own name, by her own authority, without consent of Congress, and all papers relating to it, if any exist, would of course be among the manuscript files of that State. It is believed that Georgia never printed any of these treaties; and we can only state their contents from recitals (1) Vide letter of Jame white to Mtajor General Knre, of the 24th May, 1787. Amer- Ieen State Paper., voL. It, Indian Atar. (2) Americ.a State Papers, vol v, page 2. ta) vide Doeuments accompanying the Treaty of New York; Am. State Patae, vol I, ndian Afrire. N  THE EXILES aRA. O TE E s D. 9 THE EXIES OF DA. which we find among the State papers of the Federal Government. It is however certain, that the Creeks denied that any such treaty had been entered into; and they continued hostilities, as though no such treaty had been thought of by them. This pretended Treaty of Shoulderbone exerted no more moral influence among the Creeks than did that of Galphinton. The war continued between the people of Georgia and the Creeks. The savages appeared to be aroused to indignation by what they regarded as palpable frauds. Excited at such efforts to impose upon them stipulations degrading to their character, they proseced the war with increased bitterness. The natural results of such turpitude, itduced Georgia to be 1788.] one of the first in the sisterhood of States to adopt the Federal Constitution (Aug. 28). Ier statesmen expected it to relieve their State from the burthens of the war which then devastated her border. Soon as the Federal Government was organized under . the constitution, the authorities of Georgia invoked its aid, to protect her people from the indignation of the Creek Indians. . General Washington, President of the United States, at once appointed Commissioners to repair to the Indian country, ascertain the real difficulty, and if able, they were directed to negotiate a suitable treaty, in the name of the United States. The State of Georgia claimed title to the territory ceded by the treaties of Gal- phinton and Shoulderbone; while the Creeks entirely repudiated them, declaring them fraudulent, denying their validity, and refus- ing to abide by their stipulations. The governor of Georgia placed in the hands of the Commissioners of the United States, a list of property which had been lost since the close of the Revolution by the people of Georgia, for which they demanded indemnity of the Creeks. Ttis list contained the names of one hundred and ten -4' negroes, who were said to have left their masters during the Rerolution, and found an asylum among the Creeks. The Treaty of Galphinton contained a stipulation on the part of the Creeks, to return all prisoners, of whatever age, sex or color, and all negroes which we find among the State papers of the Federal Government. It is however certain, that the Creeks denied that any such treaty had been entered into; and they continued hostilities, as though no such treaty had been thought of by them. This pretended Treaty of Shoulderbone exerted no more moral influence among the Creeks than did that of Galphinton. The war continued between the people of Georgia and the Creeks. The savages appeared to be aroused to indignation by what they regarded as palpable frauds. Excited at such efftrts to impose upon them stipulations degrading to their character, they prosecuted the war with increased bitterness. The natural results of such turpitude, induced Georgia to be 1788 one of the first in the sisterhood of States to adopt the -] Federal Constitution (Aug. 28). Ier .statesmen expected it to relieve their State from the burthens of the war which then devastated her border. Soon as the Federal Government was organized under ]- the constitution, the authorities of Georgia invoked its aid, to protect her people from the indignation of the Creelt Indians. , General Washington, President of the United States, at once appointed Commissioners to repair to the Indian country, ascertain the real difficulty, and if able, they were directed to negotiate a suitable treaty, in the name of the United States. The State of Georgia claimed title to the territoty ceded by the treaties of Gal-. phinton and Shoulderbone; while the Creeks entirely repudiated them, declaring them fraudulent, denying their validity, and refus- ing to abide by their stipulations. The governor of Georgia placed in the hands of the Commissioners of the United States, a list of property which had been lost since the close of the Revolution by the people of Georgia, for which they demanded indemnity of the Creeks. This list contained the names of one hundred and ten .4 negroes, who were said to have left their masters during the Revolution, and found an asylum among the Creeks. The Treaty of Galphinton contained a stipulation on the part of the Creeks, to return all prisoners, of whatever age, sex or color, and all negroes which we find among the State papers of the Federal Government. It is however certain, that the Creeks denied that any such treaty had been entered into ; and they continued hostilities, as though no sach treaty had been thought of by them. This pretended Treaty of Shoulderbone exerted no more moral influence among the Creeks than did that of Galphinton. The war continued between the people of Georgia and the Creeks. The savages appeared to be aroused to indignation by what they regarded as palpable frauds. Excited at such effirts to impose upon them stipulations degrading to their character, they prosecuted the war with increased bitterness. The natural results of such turpitude, induced Georgia to be one of the first in the sisterhood of States to adopt the 1788.] Feteral Constitution (Aug. 28). Iler statesmen expected it to relieve their State from the burthens of the war which then devastated her border. 1 Soon as the Federal Government was organized under 178-] the constitution, the authorities of Georgia invoked its aid, to protect her people from the intdignation of the Cree; Indians. . General Washington, President of the United States, at once appointed Commissioners to repair to the Indian country, ascertain the real difficulty, and if able, they were directed to negotiate a suitable treaty, in the name of the United States. The State of Georgia claimed title to the territory ceded by the treaties of Gal- phinton and Shoulderbone; while the Creeks entirely repudiated them, declaring them fraudulent, denying their validity, and refus- ing to abide by their stipulations. The governor of Georgia placed in the hands of the Commissioners of the United States, a list of property which had been lost since the close of the Revolution by the people of Georgia, for which they demanded indemnity of the Creeks. This list contained the names of one hundred and ten negroes, who were said to have left their masters during the Reeolution, and found an asylum among the Creeks. The Treaty of Galphinton contained a stipulation on the part of the Creeks, to return all prisoners, of whatever age, sex or color, and all negrees  10 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. belonging to the citizens of Georgia, "then residing with the Creeks." - Arrangements had already been made with the chiefs, warriors and principal men of the Creek nation, to meet the Commissioners of the United States at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River. The Commissioners were received by the Indians with great respect and formality; but soon as they learned that the Commissioners were not authorized to restore their lands, they broke off all nego- tiation, promising to remain in peace, however, until an opportu- nity should be presented for further negotiations. The failure of this mission was followed by the appointment of Col. Willett, an intrepid ofileer of the Revolution, who was author- ized to proceed to the Creek nation, and, if possible, to induce its chiefs and headmen to repair to New York, where they could nego- tiate a new treaty, without the interference of the authorities or people of Georgia. ' Col. Willett was successful. He induced the principal chief, McGillivray, the son of a distinguished Indian trader, together with twenty-eight other chiefs and warriors, to come on to New York, for the purpose of forming a treaty with the United States, and settling all difficulties previously existing between Georgia and their nation. On their way to Noew York, they were received at Philadelphia, by the authorities of that city, with great ceremony and respect. Their vanity was flattered, and every effort made to induce them to believe peace with the United States would be important to both parties. At New York they found Congress in session. Here they mingled with the great men of our nation. The " Columbian Order," or "Tammany Society," was active in its attentions. They escorted the delegation to the city, and entertained them with a public dinner; and made McGillivray, the principal chief, a member of their society. In this way, the minds of the Indians were prepared for entering into the treaty which followed. 10 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. belonging to the citizens of Georgia, " then residing with the Creeks." ' Arrangements had already been made with the chiefs, warriors and principal men of the Creek nation, to meet the Commissioners of the United States at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River. The Commissioners were received by the Indians with great respect and formality; but soon as they learned that the Commissioners were not authorized to restore their lands, they broke off all nego- tiation, promising to remain in peace, however, until an opportu- nity should be presented for further negotiations. -The failure of this mission was followed by the appointment of Col. Willett, an intrepid officer of the Revolution, who was author- ized to proceed to the Creek nation, and, if possible, to induce its chiefs and headmen to repair to New York, where they could nego- tiate a new treaty, without the interference of the authorities or people of Georgia. - Col. Willett was successful. He induced the principal chief, McGillivray, the son of a distinguished Indian trader, together with twenty-eight other chiefs and warriors, to come on to New York, for the purpose of forming a treaty with the United States, and settling all difficulties previously existing between Georgia and their nation. On their way to New York, they were received at Philadelphia, by the authorities of that city, with great ceremony and respect. Their vanity was fattered, and every effort made to induce them to believe peace with the United States would be important to both parties. At New York they found Congress in session. Here they mingled with the great men of our nation. The " Columbian Order," or "Tammany Society," was active in its attentions. They escorted the delegation to the city, and entertained them with a public dinner; and made McGillivray, the principal chief, a member of their society. In this way, the minds of the Indians were prepared for entering into the treaty which followed. 10 THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. belonging to the citizens of Georgia, then residing with the Creeks." " Arrangements had already been made with the chiefs, warriors and principal men of the Creek nation, to meet the Commissioners of the United States at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River. The Commissioners were received by the Indians with great respect and formality; but soon as they learned that the Commissioners were not authorized to restore their lands, they broke off all nego- tiation, promising to remain in peace, however, until an opportu- nity should be presented for further negotiations. The failure of this mission was followed by the appointment of Col. Willett, an intrepid officer of the Revolution, who was author- ized to proceed to the Creek nation, and, if possible, to induce its chiefs and headmen to repair to New York, where they could nego- tiate a new treaty, without the interference of the authorities or people of Georgia. - Col. Willett was successful. He induced the principal chief, MeGillivray, the son of a distinguished Indian trader, together with twenty-eight other chiefs and warriors, to come on to New York, for the purpose of forming a treaty with the United States, and settling all difficulties previously existing between Georgia and their nation. On their way to New York, they were received at Philadelphia, by the authorities of that city, with great ceremony and respect. Their vanity was flattered, and every effort made to induce them to believe peace with the United States would be important to both parties. At New York they found Congress in session. Here they mingled with the great men of our nation. The " Columbian Order," or "Tammany Society," was active in its attentions. They escorted the delegation to the city, and entertained them with a public dinner; and made McGillivray, the principal chief, a member of their society. In this way, the minds of the Indians were prepared for entering into the treaty which followed.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 11 1790.] There was, among the people of the entire nation, an intense anxiety to render every part of the Union satisfied and pleased with the Federal Government, then just formed, as they felt that their only hope of prosperity depended upon a con- tinuance of the federal union. There was also a general sympathy throughout the nation with the slaveholders of the South, who were supposed to have suffered much, by the loss of their servants, during the war of the Revolution ; few people at that time realizing the moral guilt of holding their fellow-men in bondage. > While the revolutionary contest was going on, many slaves in the Southern States escaped from the service of their masters, and, under the proclamations of various British commanders, enlisted into the service of his Britannic Majesty; and having taken the oath of allegiance to the crown of England, were regarded as Brit- ish subjects. Others escaped with their families, and getting on board British vessels, sailed to the West Indies, where they Settled as "free persons." Th while one class of masters had sustai ses b1 b unlistmenti of,, thr manothg class e byd the escape of their bondmen, throah the aid o t jrimyersoelsiwhile a third y nejWd_ on equal loss by the escape of their servants to the Seminoles in Florida. These three different interests united in claiming the aid of government to regain possession of their slaves, or to obtain indemnity for their loss. The timely arrival of Mr. Pinckney, secured the insertion of a clause in the Treaty of Paris, providing that his Britannic Majesty should withdraw his troops from all American forts, arsenals, ship- yards, etc., without destroying ordnance or military stores, or "carrying away any negroes or other property of the inhabitants." This provision was regarded by the slaveholders of the South as securing a compensation to all those whose slaves had enlisted in the British army, as well as to those whose slaves had escaped to the British West India Islands by aid of English vessels; while those whose servants were quietly living with the Seminoles, had THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 11 1790.] There was, among the people of the entire nation, an intense anxiety to render every part of the Union satisfied and pleased with the Federal Government, then just formed, as they felt that their only hope of prosperity depended upon a con- tinuance of the federal union. There was also a general sympathy throughout the nation with the slaveholders of the South, who were supposed to have suffered much, by the loss of their servants, during the war of the Revolution ; few people at that time realizing the moral guilt of holding their fellow-men in bondage. > While the revolutionary contest was going on, many slaves in the Southern States escaped from the service of their masters, and, under the proclamations of various British commanders, enlisted into the service of his Britannic Majesty; and having taken the oath of allegiance to the crown of England, were regarded as Brit- ish subjects. Others escaped with their families, and getting on board British vessels, sailed to the West Indies, where they settled as "free persons." Th while one class of masters had sustain d-geatloyses _jytal a nbtmnt nfW.tEl eo tgrher class red by the escape of thejr bondmen, throe she aid oT Brits.e lsL while a third jghhaipted so eual loss by the escape of their servants to the Seminoles in Florida. These three different interests united in claiming the aid of government to regain possession of their slaves, or to obtain indemnity for their loss. The timely arrival of Mr. Pinckney, secured the insertion of a clause in the Treaty of Paris, providing that his Britannic Majesty should withdraw his troops from all American forts, arsenals, ship- yards, etc., without destroying ordnance or military stores, or "carrying away any negroes or other property of the inhabitants." This provision was regarded by the slaveholders of the South as securing a compensation to all those whose slaves had enlisted in the British army, as well as to those whose slaves had escaped to the British West India Islands by aid of English vessels; while those whose servants were quietly living with the Seminoles, had THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. 11 1790.] There was, among the people of the entire nation, an intense anxiety to render every part of the Union satisfied and pleased with the Federal Government, then just formed, as they felt that their only hope of prosperity depended upon a con- tinuance of the federal union. There was also a general sympathy throughout the nation with the slaveholders of the South, who were supposed to have suffered much, by the loss of their servants, during the war of the Revolution ; few people at that time realizing thc moral guilt of holding their fellow-men in bondage. - While the revolutionary contest was going on, many slaves in the Southern States escaped from the service of their masters, and, under the proclamations of various British commanders, enlisted into the service of his Britannic Majesty; and having taken the oath of allegiance to the crown of England, were regarded as Brit- ish subjects. Others escaped with their families, and getting on board British vessels, sailed to the West Indies, where they settled as "free persons." Th while one class of masters had sustaind-hgryat thnises tmn nf the r In o thrw class 1 ered by the ecape of their bondmen, through the aid Bris u sels.swhile a third psugaind_ an esual loss by the escape of their servants to the Seminoles in Florida. These three different interests united in claiming the aid of government to regain possession of their slaves, or to obtain indemnity for their loss. The timely arrival of Mr. Pinckney, secured the insertion of a clause in the Treaty of Paris, providing that his Britannic Majesty should withdraw his troops from all American forts, arsenals, ship- yards, etc., without destroying ordnance or military stores, or "carrying away any negroes or other property of the inhabitants." This provision was regarded by the slaveholders of the South as securing a compensation to all those whose slaves had enlisted in the British army, as well as to those whose slaves had escaped to the British West India Islands by aid of English vessels; while those whose servants were quietly living with the Seminoles, had  12 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. not been provided for by the treaty of peace.1 These circumstan- ces rendered the owners of the Exiles more clamorous for the inter- position of the State Government, inasmuch as the federal authority had entirely omitted to notice their interests, while it was supposed to have secured a compensation to the other two classes of claim- ants. It was under these circumstances, that General Washington pro- ceeded to the negotiation of the flrst treaty, entered into under our present form of government. The chiefs, headmen and warriors of the Creek nation were present at New York: Georgia was also there by her senators and representatives, who carefully watched over her interests; and General Knox, the Secretary of War, was appointed commissioner to negotiate a treaty, thus to be formed, under the personal supervision of the President. The object of the President was effected, a treaty was formed, and bears date August 1, 1790. It constitutes the title-page of our diplomatic history. This first exercise of our treaty-making power under the constitution, was put forth for the benefit of the Slave interests of Georgia. It surrendered up to the Creeks certain lands, which the authorities of Georgia claimed to hold under the treaty of Galphinton, but retained ,ubstantially the stipulation for the surrender of negroes, which had been inserted in that extraor- dinary compact. By the third article of this new treaty, it was stipulated as fol- lows: -r "The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the " commanding officer of the troops of the United States stationed " at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River, all citizens of the United 4 States, white inhabitants or negroes, who are now prisoners in "any part of the said nation. And if any such prisoners or " negroes should not be so delivered, on or before the first day of (1) The reader need not be informed, that these demands of indemnity for saves were promptly rejected by the English government ; and Jay'sreaty of 1794, suandoed them forever. 12 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA, not been provided for by the treaty of peace.1 These circomstan- ces rendered the owners of the Exiles more clamorous for the inter- position of the State Government, inasmuch as the federal authority had entirely omitted to notice their interests, while it was supposed to have secured a compensation to the other two classes of claim- ants. It was under these circumstances, that General Washington pro- ceeded to the negotiation of the first treaty, entered into under our present form of government. The chiefs, headmen and warriors of the Creek nation were present at New York: Georgia was also there by her senators and representatives, who carefully watched over her interests; and General Knox, the Secretary of War, was appointed commissioner to negotiate a treaty, thus to be formed, under the personal supervision of the President. The object of the President was effected, a treaty was formed, and bears date August 1, 1790. It constitutes the title-page of our diplomatic history. This first exercise of our treaty-making power under the constitution, was put forth for the benefit of the Slave interests of Georgia. It surrendered up to the Creeks certain lands, which the authorities of Georgia claimed to hold under the treaty of Galphinton, but retained substantially the stipulation for the surrender of negroes, which had been inserted in that extraor- dinary compact. By the third article of this new treaty, it was stipulated as fol- lows: " The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the commanding officer of the troops of the United States stationed at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River, all citizens of the United States, white inhabitants or negroes, who are now prisoners in any part of the said nation. And if any such prisoners or negroes should not be so delivered, on or before the first day of (1) The reader need not be informed, that these demands of indemnity for slaves were promptly rejerted by the English goveroment ; and Jay's Tnaty of 179, surrendered them forever. 12 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. not been provided for by the treaty of peace.1 These circumstan- ces rendered the owners of the Exiles more clamorous for the inter- position of the State Government, inasmuch as the federal authority had entirely omitted to notice their interests, while it was supposed to have secured a compensation to the other two classes of claim- ants. It was under these circumstances, that General Washington pro- ceeded to the negotiation of the first treaty, entered into under our present form of government. The chiefs, headmen and warriors of the Creek nation were present at New York: Georgia was also there by her senators and representatives, who carefully watched over her interests; and General Knox, the Secretary of War, was appointed commissioner to negotiate a treaty, thus to be formed, nuder the personal supervision of the President. The object of the President was effected, a treaty was formed, and bears date August 1, 1790. It constitutes the title-page of our diplomatic history. This first exercise of our treaty-making power under the constitution, was put forth for the benefit of the Slave interests of Georgia. It surrendered up to the Creeks certain lands, which the authorities of Georgia claimed to hold under the treaty of Galphinton, but retained substantially the stipulation for the surrender of negroes, which had been inserted in that extraor- dinary compact. By the third article of this new treaty, it was stipulated as fol- lows: "The Creek nation Shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the "commanding ofileer of the troops of the United States stationed at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River, all citizens of the United States, white inhabitants or negroes, who are now prisoners in "any part of the said nation. And if any such prisoners or negroes should not be so delivered, on or before the first day of (1) The reader need not bo Informed, that these demands of tndeunoty for slaves were promptly rejectd by the Englsh gveareat ; and Jay's Treaty or 1794, surrendered them forever.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 13 "June ensuing, the governor of Georgia may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in order to claim and receive "such prisoners and negroes." Historians have referred to this clause as containing merely a stipulation for the surrender of prisoners; but the manner in which the term "negroes" stands connected in the disjunctive form with that of " prisoners," would appear to justify, at least to some extent, the subsequent construction put upon it, so far as regarded negroes then resident with the Creeks; but it certainly makes no allusion to those who were residing with the Seminoles in Florida. It is a remarkable feature of this treaty, that the Creek chiefs, principal men and warriors should, in its first article, profess to act, not only for the Upper and Lower Creek Towns, but for the Seminoles who were in Florida, protected by Spanish laws. They had not been invited to attend the negotiation, had sent no delegate, were wholly unrepresented in the Council; indeed, so far as we are informed, were wholly ignorant of the objects which had called such a council, and of the fact even that a council was held, or a treaty negotiated. Our fathers had just passed through seven years of war and- bloodshed, rather than submit to "taxation without representa- tion ; " but this attempt to bind the Seminole Indians to surrender up the Exiles, who were their friends and neighbors, and who now stood connected with them by marriage, and in all the relations of domestic life, without their consent or knowledge, constitutes an inconsistency which can only be accounted for by the desire then prevalent, to gratify and please those who wielded the slaveholding influence of our nation. Another extraordinary feature of this treaty may be found in the secret article, by which the United States stipulated to pay the Creeks fifteen hundred dollars annually, in all coming time. The reason for making this stipulation secret is not to be learned from any documentary authority before the public, and cannot now be (1) mdrtAh, in his mtory of the United states, spaks of i that light. THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 13 "June ensuing, the governor of Georgia may empower three " persons to repair to the said nation, in order to claim and receive " such prisoners and negroes." Historians have referred to this clause as containing merely a stipulation for the surrender of prisoners; I but the manner in which the term "negroes" stands connected in the disjunctive form with that of " prisoners," would appear to justify, at least to some extent, the subsequent construction put upon it, so far as regarded negroes then resident with the Creeks; but it certainly makes no allusion to those who were residing with the Seminoles in Florida. It is a remarkable feature of this treaty, that the Creek chiefs, principal men and warriors should, in its first article, profess to act, not only for the Upper and Lower Creek Towns, but for the Seminoles who were in Florida, protected by Spanish laws. They had not been invited to attend the negotiation, had sent no delegate, were wholly unrepresented in the Council; indeed, so far as we are informed, were wholly ignorant of the objects which had called such a council, and of the fact even that a council was held, or a treaty negotiated. Our fathers bad just passed through seven years of war and-- bloodshed, rather than submit to "taxation without representa- tion ;" but this attempt to bind the Seminole Indians to surrender up the Exiles, who were their friends and neighbors, and who now stood connected with them by marriage, and in all the relations of domestie life, without their consent or knowledge, constitutes an inconsistency which can only be accounted for by the desire then prevalent, to gratify and please those who wielded the slaveholding influence of our nation. Another extraordinary feature of this treaty may be found in the secret article, by which ithe United States stipulated to pay the Creeks fifteen hundred dollars annually, in all coming time. The reason for making this stipulation secret is not to be learned from any documentary authority before the public, and cannot now be (1) Hildreth, in his itory of the Uni td States, sptts of in that light. TuE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 13 "June ensuing, the governor of Georgia may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in order to claim and receive such prisoners and negroes." Historians have referred to this clause as containing merely a stipulation for the surrender of prisoners; but the manner in which the term "negroes" stands connected in the disjunctive form with that of " prisoners," would appear to justify, at least to some extent, the subsequent construction put upon it, so far as regarded negroes then resident with the Creeks; but it certainly makes no allusion to those who were residing with the Seminoles in Florida. It is a remarkable feature of this treaty, that the Creek chiefs, principal men and warriors should, in its first article, profess to act, not only for the Upper and Lower Creek Towns, but for the Seminoles who were in Florida, protected by Spanish laws. They had not been invited to attend the negotiation, had sent no delegate, were wholly unrepresented in the Council; indeed, so far as we are informed, were wholly ignorant of the objects which had called such a council, and of the fact even that a council was held, or a treaty negotiated. Our fathers bad just passed through seven years of war and- bloodshed, rather than submit to "taxation without representa- tion;" but this attempt to bind the Seminole Indians to surrender up the Exiles, who were their friends and neighbors, and who now stood connected with them by marriage, and in all the relations of domestic life, without their consent or knowledge, constitutes an inconsistency which can only be accounted for by the desire then prevalent, to gratify and please those who wielded the slaveholding finnuence of our nation. Another extraordinary feature of this treaty may be found in the secret article, by which the United States stipulated to pay the Creeks fifteen hundred dollars annually, in all coming time. The reason for making this stipulation secret is not to be learned from any documentary authority before the public, and cannot now be (1) Ifildreth, u his estory of the United states, spaks of in that light.  14 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. accounted for, except from the delicacy which the authorities of our nation then felt in taxing the people of the free States, to pay southern Indians for the return of those Exiles. And it is inter- esting at this day to look back and reflect, that for nearly seventy years the people of the nation have contributed their funds to sus- tain the authority of those slaveholders of Georgia over their bond- men, while Northern statesmen have constantly assured their constituents, they have nothing to do with that institution. It would be uncharitable to believe, that General Washington was at that time conscious that he was thus precipitating our nation upon a policy destined to involve its government in difficulties, whose termination would be uncertain. After the treaty had been agreed to by the parties making it, General Washington met the chiefs, headmen and warriors, as- sembled in the Hall of Representatives, in the presence of members of Congress and a large concourse of spectators. The treaty was publicly read, and to each article the Indians expressed their assent, and signed it in the presence of the people, each receiving from the President a string of wampum. The President then shook hands C^e ith each, which concluded the ceremonies of the day. The treaty was transmitted on the following day to the Senate, accompanied by a Message from the President, saying : "I flatter " myself that this treaty will be productive of present peace and prosperity to our Southern frontier. It is to be expected, also, that " it will be the means of firmly attaching the Creeks and neighboring " tribes to the interests of the United States." The President also alluded in his message to the treaty of Galphinton, as containing a stipulation to cede to Georgia certain other lands, which it was believed would be detrimental to the interests of the Indians, and, therefore, that covenant had been disregarded in the "treaty of New York." In another Message to the Senate, on the eleventh of August, the President says: " This treaty may be regarded as the main foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the "Southwestern frontier of the United States." 14 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. accounted for, except from the delicacy which the authorities of our nation then felt in taxing the people of the free States, to pay southern Indians for the return of those Exiles. And it is inter- esting at this day to look back and reflect, that for nearly seventy years the people of the nation have contributed their funds to sus- tain the authority of those slaveholders of Georgia over their bond- men, while Northern statesmen have constantly assured their constituents, they have nothing to do with that institution. It would be uncharitable to believe, that General Washington was at that time conscious that he was thus precipitating our nation upon a policy destined to involve its government in difficulties, whose termination would be uncertain. After the treaty had been agreed to by the parties making it, General Washington met the chiefs, headmen and warriors, as- sembled in the Hall of Representatives, in the presence of members of Congress and a large concourse of spectators. The treaty was publicly read, and to each article the Indians expressed their assent, and signed it in the presence of the people, each receiving from the President a string of wampum. The President then shook hands ith each, which concluded the ceremonies of the day. The treaty was transmitted on the following day to the Senate, accompanied by a Message from the President, saying : " I flatter "myself that this treaty will be productive of present peace and " prosperity to our Southern frontier. It is to be expected, also, that " it will be the means of firmly attaching the Creeks and neighboring "tribes to the interests of the United States." The President also alluded in his message to the treaty of Galphinton, as containing a stipulation to cede to Georgia certain other lands, which it was believed would be detrimental to the interests of the Indians, and, therefore, that covenant had been disregarded in the "treaty of New York." In another Message to the Senate, on the eleventh of August, the President says: "This treaty may be regarded as " the main foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the " Southwestern frontier of the United States." 14 THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. accounted for, except from the delicacy which the authorities of our nation then felt in taxing the people of the free States, to pay southern Indians for the return of those Exiles. And it is inter- esting at this day to look back and reflect, that for nearly seventy years the people of the nation have contributed their funds to sus- tain the authority of those slaveholders of Georgia over their bond- men, while Northern statesmen have constantly assured their constituents, they have nothing to do with that institution. It would be uncharitable to believe, that General Washington was at that time conscious that he was thus precipitating our nation upon a policy destined to involve its government in difficulties, whose termination would be uncertain. After the treaty had been agreed to by the parties making it, General Washington met the chiefs, headmen and warriors, as- sembled in the Hall of Representatives, in the presence of members of Congress and a large concourse of spectators. The treaty was publicly read, and to each article the Indians expressed their assent, and signed it in the presence of the people, each receiving from the President a string of wampum. The President then shook hands L-"with each, which concluded the ceremonies of the day. The treaty was transmitted on the following day to the Senate, accompanied by a Message from the President, saying: "I flatter "myself that this treaty will be productive of present peace and "prosperity to our Southern frontier. It is to be expected, also, that " it will be the means of firmly attaching the Creeks and neighboring "tribes to the interests of the United States." The President also alluded in his message to the treaty of Galphinton, as containing a stipulation to cede to Georgia certain other lands, which it was believed would be detrimental to the interests of the Indians, and, therefore, that covenant had been disregarded in the "treaty of New York." In another Message to the Senate, on the eleventh of August, the President says: "This treaty may be regarded as the main foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the " Southwestern frontier of the United States."  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 15 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 15 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 15 On the ninth of August, a motion was made in the Senate to refer the treaty to a select committee, which was rejected by a vote of ten nays to eight yeas; and on the twelfth, it was approved by a vote of fifteen yeas to four nays; but we have no report of any discussion upon the subject, nor do we know at this day the objee- tions which dictated the votes given against its ratification.) (1) Vide Anao of Congr, VoL I, paeog 1065-70-7. On the ninth of August, a motion was made in the Senate to refer the treaty to a select committee, which was rejected by a vote of ten nays to eight yeas; and on the twelfth, it was approved by a vote of fifteen yeas to four nays; but we have no report of any discussion upon the subject, nor do we know at this day the objee- tions which dictated the votes given against its ratification.' (1) Vide AnnUls of Congre, Vol. I, pages 1068-70-74. On the ninth of August, a motion was made in the Senate to refer the treaty to a select committee, which was rejected by a vote of ten says to eight yeas ; and on the twelfth, it was approved by a vote of fifteen yeas to four nays ; but we have no report of any discussion upon the subject, nor do we know at this day the objee- tions which dictated the votes given against its ratification.1 (1) vide Annals of Congen, vol. 1, pages 10-70-74.  CHAPTER II. FURTHER EFFORTS TO RESTORE EXILES. Sestools ropodiate Treaty of New York- Attesopts to lodorce Spanokh authortlo to dell see op the hot lee-Their efsffon-Sower Crooks hostile to fesaty-Iilioeay - His parentage aod charactes-Gsorgia hotile to Trenty - Mahes nor upootCrese- Reesrl Wreohingtont nvonae flate to maintain Peea-Oessral tenon*s recousos- Satlon -Desohion of UhoteS Stases Cort-Eeertiooe- Combitnt of vo l- of Clins -Wvashiogtoo Sonds his onflooots poweres- Appoloso Judge Jay- FaiS- soon of claise on RElund-Coodhino nod habitnof Oxile-o~eotou Slnveneof Osorgta -TeassofColerin-CosiniooroGorgia lae Coooit iodisgust-Eleco on the eldee Aflame-HieAdmiisration-klotioa orJonoonuls Asomlotntio THo long pendiog difficulties between Georgia sod the neighbor > tribes of Indias were Row (1701) belioved to be pemnently settled, sod it was thought the oew governmient would proceed is tho discharge of its duties without further perplexity. But it was soon fond imopoosible for the Creeks to eomply with tbeir stipulstions. V r-The Seminoles refused to recognize tho treaty, iosistiag that they were not bound by ay compact, arrasgemeot or agreemeot, mode by tho United States sod the Creeks, to which they were oot a party, sod of which thcy had oo notice; that they were a separste, indepeodent tribe; that this foct was well knows to both Crocks and the Uoited Stateo; sod that the attemipt of those pacties to doclare what the Seminoles ohould do, or should not do, was mosult- log to their digoity, to their self-Tespect, and only wocthy of their eontempt. They therefore wholly discarded the treaty, sod repu- diated oil its provitions. whey resided io Florida, nder she jurisdiction of Spanish lawes, subjoct only to the crown of Spsir; sIe) CHAPTER I I. FURTHER EFFtORTS TO RESTORE EXILES. ISomot reptudinto Treaty of New York-Atreapts to indue Opaoteh ont0orties to Sollosroupshe Eole-Thoir re~al -Loner Crook, hutlr to Trssty-Ouilissy- His paretago ndl ehasntr -seorgi hostle to Traty-Mnhrs woe span creeks- Osnal ttnhlngon onenoss failore to maintain Penne-oeoesai Kisox ocom- dantoo-Deohlo.offUoiod SOuteoCooot-Ertions-Comnhiao arosoleee ofiCa tos--sohiesos fande hiofottcne ponrrltss-Appoits JdgeiJoy- Fail- see of elaim, on Eogiaod-Conditioo and habits of Enilto-fts on Siases ofrtbmrgia -Tseaty of Cotoats- Comeeeor of Georgia tense Coostil io dlegunt-Eleookoo of the elder Adams-HO1 Adsinht-otns-hinttioa of Jofeo--H Ademinhtatlos. Too long pending difficulties between Georgia and the neighbor- > 'tribes of Indians were now (1791) believed to be permanently settled, sod it was thought the oew government would proceed in the discharge of its duties without further perplexity. But it wus shon found impossible for the Creeks to comply with their stipulations. L T~he Seminoles refuoed to recognize the treaty, insisting that they were Rot bouad by soy romopact, aroongement or agreement, made by the Unitod States ad the Creeks, to which they wore sot a party, and of which they had 00 ootice ; that they were a separate, indepeodeat tribe ;that this fact was well known to both Creeks and the United States; sod that the attemipt of those parties to declare what the Seminoles should do, or should oot do, was insult- log to their dignity, to their self-respect, and only worthy of their contempt. They therefore wholly discarded the treaty, and repu- diated all its provisioos. They resided in Florida, under the jurisdiction of Spanish laws, subject only to the crown of Spain. (1) CHAPTER II. FURTHEa EFFRsTS TO RESTORE EXILES. Semilere epudiate Treaty of New York-Attempts to ladnee Spitate satsiles to deliseroyp the Roilmr-Thoir refnoat-nnee Creeks hostile o Traty-MStrlliiinay- is eante and rharacter-Ororgia hostile to Trooty -Mtnhe wa uoCreens - usnoual treehiagosa aveonnose fnilares toantain P~eate-OGenermt Ienon's ecene dattoo-e'etoo of Usiued Statee Court-Exertion-Combhion of a casinos aftClninansa -t'ehigooesdse his inluene poerles-Apponou Judgo Jay-Tail. ar of claime no England-ondtit nd habits of Eiiaie-~en Os Slaves ol~eorpla - Tremyof oieesta-COensieioere ofoenrgi Irn Cooetl is doguos-lecn o mhe sides Adane-Ho, Aduisautradoo-letion of Jollereos-Hoe Aduinhtrntios. TiE long pendiog difficulties between Georgia nd the neighbor- \ij ngtrieo of Indioos were sow (1791) helieved to he permanently settled, sod it woo thought the new gosernsment would procoed is the discharge of its duties without farthec perpleaity. But it wos soon fond imposoible for the Creeks to comply with their stipulations. VCrhe Semiaoles rofosed to recogoize the treaty, insisting that they were ot hoand by asy compact, arroogemeot or agreemeat, mode by the United States and the Creeks, to which they were aot a psrty, and of which they had no otice ;that they were a separate, independent tribe;t thut this fact was well knowR to both Crecks and the United States; asd that the attemipt of those parties to declare what the Semioles should do, oc should not do, won insult- ing to their dignity, to their self-respect, and only worthy of their contrempt. They therefore wholly discarded the treaty, aod repu- diated all its provisions. hey resided in Florida, nder the jurisdiction of Spanish laws, subject only to the crown of Spain7 (10)  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 17 There they enjoyed that liberty so congenial to savages, as well as civilized men. The Creeks dared not attempt to bring back the Exiles by force, and the Government of the United States was unwilling to invade a Spanish colony for the purpose of recapturing those who had escaped from the bonds of oppression, and had become legally free. 1792.] I In this state of afftirson agent by the name of Seagrove was sent to Florida for the purposo of negotiating with the Spanish authorities for the return of the Exiles. He had been agent to the Creek Indians, and well understood tt ir views in regard to the treaty. When he reached Florida, he found the authorities of that Province entirely opposed to the surrender of any subjects of the Spanish crown to slavery. The Exiles were regarded as holding the same rights which the white citizens held; and it was evident, that the representatives of the King of Spain encouraged both the Seminole Indians and Exiles, to refuse compliance with the treaty of New York.' Nor was the Creek nation united upon this subject. The "lower Creeks," or those who resided on the southern frontier of Georgia, were not zealous in their support of the treaty; and it was said that McGillivyda he principal chief of the Creeks as himself eom- ing unfriendly to the United States, and rather disposed to unite with the Spanish authorities. This man exerted great influence with the Indians. He was the son of an Indian trader, a Scotchman, by a Creek woman, the daughter of a distinguished chief. He had received a good English education; but his father had joined the English during the Revolution, and he, having been offended by some leading men of Georgia, had taken up his residence with the Indians and become their principal chief, in whom they reposed implicit confidence. Amid these difficulties, the people of Georgia manifested an equal hostility to the treaty, inasmsch as it surrendered a large ter- (1) Vss corresodene on tsol sebjst bejeen Seagrove and the war Department. Ame sate PW.ae, vl. v, Pagce Bnat, 89,36, 88, and 8m2. 2 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. 17 There they enjoyed that liberty so congenial to savages, as well as civilized men. The Creeks dared not attempt to bring back the Exiles by force, and the Government of the United States was unwilling to invade a Spanish colony for the purpose of recapturing those who had escaped from the bonds of oppression, and had become legally free. 1792.] I In this state of affairs@ agent by the name of Seagrove was sent to Florida for the purpose of negotiating with the Spanish authorities for the return of the Exile He had been agent to the Creek Indians, and well understood t tr views in regard to the treaty. When he reached Florida, he found the authorities of that Province entirely opposed to the surrender of any subjects of the Spanish crown to slavery. The Exiles were regarded as holding the same rights which the white citizens held; and it was evident, that the representatives of the King of Spain encouraged both the Seminole Indians and Exiles, to refuse compliance with the treaty of New York.' Nor was the Creek nation united upon this subject. The "lower Creeks," or those who resided on the southern frontier of Georgia, were not zealous in their support of the treaty; and it was said that McGillivra ahe rincipal chief of the Creeks, was himself becom__ ing unfriendly to the United States, and rather disposed to unite with the Spanish authorities. This man exerted great influence with the Indians. He was the son of an Indian trader, a Scotchman, by a Creek woman, the daughter of a distinguished chief. He had received a good English education; but his father had joined the English during the Revolution, and he, having been offended by some leading men of Georgia, had taken up his residence with the Indians and become their principal chief, in whom they reposed implicit confidence. Amid these difficulties, the people of Georgia manifested an equal hostility to the treaty, inasmuch as it surrendered a large ter- (1) vie Coresdenes o this mub'et between "segr and the War Department. American sate Papers, vol. v, pages so"4, 3,286, 387, and 892. 2 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 17 There they enjoyed that liberty so congenial to savages, as well as civilized men. The Creeks dared not attempt to bring back the Exiles by force, and the Government of the United States was unwilling to invade a Spanish colony for the purpose of recapturing those who had escaped from the bonds of oppression, and had become legally free. 1792.] In this state of affairsa agent by the name of Seagrove was sent to Florida for the purpose of negotiating with the Spanish authorities for the return of the Exile He had been agent to the Creek Indians, and well understood t ir views in regard to the treaty. When he reached Florida, he found the authorities of that Province entirely opposed to the surrender of any subjects of the Spanish crown to slavery. The Exiles were regarded as holding the same rights which the white citizens held; and it was evident, that the representatives of the King of Spain encouraged both the Seminole Indians and Exiles, to refuse compliance with the treaty of New York.' Nor was the Creek nation united upon this subject. The "lower Creeks," or those who resided on the southern frontier of Georgia, were not zealous in their support of the treaty; and it was said that McGillivra he rinci al chief of the Creeks, was - ing unfriendly to the United tates, and rather disposed to unite with the Spanish authorities. This man exerted great influence with the Indians. He was the son of an Indian trader, a Scotehman, by a Creek woman, the daughter of a distinguished chief. He had received a good English education; but his father had joined the English during the Revolution, and he, having been offended by some leading men of Georgia, had taken up his residence with the Indians and become their principal chief, in whom they reposed implicit confidence. Amid these difficulties, the people of Georgia manifested an equal hostility to the treaty, inasmuch as it surrendered a large tee- (1) Va correspondeace om this subet behween seagrove and the War Department. Amerlea sate Paper, vol. v, page. S5A , ass, i, and 392. 2  18 18 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. ritory to that State, which the authorities of Georgia pretended to have obtained by the treaty of Galphinton. The general feeling in that State was far from being satisfied with the action of the Fed- eral Government. Seagrove, writing to the Secretary of War on this subject, declared, that "to such lengths have matters gone, " that they (the Georgians) now consider the troops and servants " of the United States who are placed among them, nearly as great "enemies as they do the Indians."1 Under these circumstances, the Governorof Georgia was address- ed, by order of the President ; but he evidently participated in the popular feeling of his State. While the Spanish authorities and Seminoles, both Indians and Exiles, repudiated the treaty of New York, Governor Tellfair, of Georgia, declared that the people of his State " would recognize no treaty in which her cotmmaissioners were not consulted." Instead of observing its stipulations of peace, he proceeded to raise an army; invaded the Creek country, attacked one of their towns said to be friendly to Georgia, killed some of their people, took others prisoners, burned their dwellings, and destroyed their crops. The Creeks declared their inability to return the Exiles,2 1794.] and, on the thirtieth of January, General Washington, in a Special Message to Congress, announced the failure of all efforts to maintain tranquillity between the people of Georgia and the Creek Indians. Such were the difficulties surrounding the subject of regaining the Exiles, that General Knox, Secretary of War, in a written communication addressed to the President, recommended that Congress should make an appropriation to their owners, from the public treasury, as the only practicable manner in which that matter could be settled.a This communication was transmitted to Congress by the President, accompanied by a special message, recommending it to the consideration of that boly; but the mem- (1> American state Papers, " Idian Affairs. voL II, p. 05. (2) vid talk of principal chief at Treaty of colera i. () tide Annas of congress of that date. ritory to that State, which the authorities of Georgia pretended to have obtained by the treaty of Galphinton. The general feeling in that State was far from being satisfied with the action of the Fed- eral Government. Seagrove, writing to the Secretary of War on this subject, declared, that "to such lengths have matters gone, " that they (the Georgians) now consider the troops and servants " of the United States who are placed among them, nearly as great " enemies as they do the Indians." I Under these circumstances, the Governor of Georgia was address- ed, by order of the President ; but he evidently participated in the popular feeling of his State. While the Spanish authorities and Seminoles, both Indians and Exiles, repudiated the treaty of New York, Governor Tellfair, of Georgia, declared that the people of his State " would recognize no treaty in which her cormissioners were not consulted." Instead of observing its stipulations of peace, he proceeded to raise an army; invaded the Creek country, attacked one of their towns said to be friendly to Georgia, killed some of their people, took others prisoners, burned their dwellings, and destroyed their crops. The Creeks declared their inability to return the Exiles,2 1794.] and, on the thirtieth of January, General Washington, in a Special Message to Congress, announced the failure of all efforts to maintain tranquillity between the people of Georgia and the Creek Indians. Such were the difficulties surrounding the subject of regaining the Exiles, that General Knox, Secretary of War, in a written communication addtessed to the Ptosident, recommended that Congress should make an appropriation to their owners, from the public treasury, as the only practicable manner in which that matter could be settled.3 This communication was transmitted to Congress by the President, accompanied by a special message, recommending it to the consideration of that holy; but the mem- (1) Ameran state Papers, ta nda Affirs," vol. I, p. 305. (2) Vida talk of prinipal Chief at Treaty of colerain. (3) Vide Anas of coagress of that date. 18 THE EXILEs OP FLORIDA. ritory to that State, which the authorities of Georgia pretended to have obtained by the treaty of Galphinton. The general feeling in that State was far from being satisfied with the action of the Fed- eral Government. Seagrove, writing to the Secretary of War on this subject, declared, that " to such lengths have matters gone, "that they (the Georgians) now consider the troops and servants "of the United States who are placed among them, nearly as great "enemies as they do the Indians."I Under these circumstances, the Governor of Georgia was address- ed, by order of the President; but he evidently participated in the popular feeling of his State. While the Spanish authorities and Seminoles, both Indians and Exiles, repudiated the treaty of New York, Governor Tellfair, of Georgia, declared that the people of his State "would recognize no treaty in which her conmissioners were not consulted." Instead of observing its stipulations of peace, he proceeded to raise an army; invaded the Creek country, attacked one of their towns said to be friendly to Georgia, killed some of their people, took others prisoners, burned their dwellings, and destroyed their crops. 1794 The Creeks declared their inability to return the Exiles,2 and, on the thirtieth of January, General Washington, in a Special Message to Congress, announced the failure of all efforts to maintain tranquillity between the people of Georgia and the Creek Indians. Such were the difficulties surrounding the subject of regaining the Exiles, that General Knox, Secretary of War, in a written communication addressed to the President, recommended that Congress should make an appropriation to their owners, from the public treasury, as the only practicable manner in which that matter could be settled.3 This communication was transmitted to Congress by the President, accompanied by a special message, recommending it to the consideration of that holy but the mem- (1) American state Papers, India Affara." voL. I, p. 305. (2) Vide talk of prompul Chief at Treaty of colrana. (3) Vide Annals of congresa of tat date.  TH1E EXILES OF FLORIDA. 19 bers appeared unwilling to adopt the policy thus suggested. They seem to have entertained doubts as to the propriety of appropria- ting the money of the people to pay for fugitive slaves. They respectfully laid the Message, and the recommendation of the See- retary of War, upon the table, and ordered them to be printed.' The claimants of the Exiles were again encouraged and strength. ened in their expectations by the excitement prevailing in the southern portion of the Union, arising from a decision of the Circuit Court of the United States, held at Richmond, Virginia. At the commencement of the war, the States prohibited the collection of debts due British subjects from citizens of the Colonies. These debts had remained unpaid for same sixteen years; and although the debtors entertained an expectation of paying them at some future period, many intended meeting those demands by the funds which they supposed would be awarded them as indemnity for slaves carried away in British vessels during the Revolution, and for those enlisted into the British army. These laws, enacted at the commencement of the Revolution, were declared by the Court to have been superseded by the treaty of peace, in 1783; and the debtors in the several States thus became liable to the payment of those debts, while their demands of indemnity for slaves were pending, and the British Government had thus far refused to acknowledge their validity. These claimants became impatient of delay, and demanded that another treaty be formed with England, by which they could obtair indemnity for the loss of their slaves. These uniting with these who claimed a return of the Exiles in Florida, constituted an influ- ential portion of the 'people of the Southern States, whose joint influence was exerted to involve the Government in the support of slavery. Notwithstanding these clamors, the Government was powerless as to obtaining relief for either class. The British Mlfitry (1) Vide papers asoampanoyg the Treaty of colrain. Amern male Papers, Vol. I 'Inaa Anair. THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. 19 bers appeared unwilling to adopt the policy thus suggested. They seem to have entertained doubts as to the propriety of appropria- ting the money of the people to pay for fugitive slaves. They respectfully laid the Message, and the recommendation of the See- retary of War, upon the table, and ordered them to be printed.t The claimants of the Exiles were again encouraged and strength- ened in their expectations by the excitement prevailing in the southern portion of the Union, arising from a decision of the Circuit Court of the United States, held at Richmond, Virginia. At the commencement of the war, the States prohibited the collection of debts due British subjects from citizens of the Colonies. These debts had remained unpaid for some sixteen years; and although the debtors entertained an expectation of paying them at some future period, many intended meeting those demands by the funds which they supposed would be awarded them as indemnity for slaves carried away in British vessels during the Revolution, and for those enlisted into the British army. These laws, enacted at the commencement of the Revolution, were declared by the Court to have been superseded by the treaty of peace, in 1783; and the debtors in the several States thus became liable to the payment of those debts, while their demands of indemnity for slaves were pending, and the British Government had thus far refused to acknowledge their validity. These claimants became impatient of delay, and demanded that another treaty be formed with England, by which they could obtain- indemnity for the loss of their slaves. These uniting with these who claimed a return of the Exiles in Florida, constituted an influ- ential portion of the 'people of the Southern States, whose joint influence was exerted to involve the Government in the support of slavery. Notwithstanding these clamors, the Government was powerless as to obtaining relief for either class. The British Mfihistry (1) Vide ppers accomanying the Trmty of colerain. Amerkon state Fapers, Vol. a, a Idin Afaie." TuE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 19 bers appeared unwilling to adopt the policy thus suggested. They seem to have entertained doubts as to the propriety of appropria- ting the money of the people to pay for fugitive slaves. They respectfully laid the lessage, and the recommendation of the Sec- retary of War, upon the table, and ordered them to be printed.1 The claimants of the Exiles were again encouraged and strength- ened in their expectations by the excitement prevailing in the southern portion of the Union, arising from a decision of the Circuit Court of the United States, held at Richmond, Virginia. At the commencement of the war, the States prohibited the collection of debts due British subjects front citizens of the Colonies. These debts had remained unpaid for some sixteen years; and although the debtors entertained an expectation of paying them at some future period, many intended meeting those demands by the funds which they supposed would be awarded them as indemnity for slaves carried away in British vessels during the Revolution, and for those enlisted into the British army. These laws, enacted at the commencement of the Revolution, were declared by the Court to have been superseded by the treaty of peace, in 1783; and the debtors in the several States thus became liable to the payment of those debts, while their demands of indemnity for slaves were pending, and the British Government had thus far refused to acknowledge their validity. These claimants became impatient of delay, and demanded that another treaty be formed with England, by which they could obtain indemnity for the loss of their slaves. These uniting with these who claimed a return of the Exiles in Florida, constituted an influ- ential portion of the'people of the Southern States, whose joint influence was exerted to involve the Government in the support of slavery. Notwithstanding these clamors, the Government was powerless as to obtaining relief for either class. The British Mi histry (1) Vide papers accompnynlag the Treaty of colerai. Amersen stat Fpers, Vol. t, " Inoa Aframr."  20 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. refused indemnity, and the Seminoles, supported and encouraged by the Spanish authorities, were inexorable in their refusal to sur render the Exiles. At that early period of our history, the subject of slavery greatly perplexed the Federal Administration; nor was the genius, or the influence of Washington, sufficiently powerful to silence the mal- contents. He was fortunate in selecting Judge Jay, of New York, as a Minister Plenipotentiary, for negotiating a treaty with Great Britain. This illustrious patriot possessed great purity of character; had long been distinguished for his devotion to the welfare of the nation; and, although a Northern man, Southern slave claimants could raise no objection to him. But every step towards the adjustment of the claims arising for slaves carried away by the English ships, or enlisted into the British army, bad the effect to render the owners of Exiles more importunate. There was only one recourse, however, left for the Administration; they could do no more than to call on the Creeks for a new treaty, in order to adjust these claims. 1795.] As the President was about to take measures for obtain- ing another treaty with the Creeks, news arrived from England that Judge Jay, in forming a new treaty with the British Crown, had been constrained to surrender all claims of our citizens for slaves carried from the United States in British vessels during the war, or for those who had enlisted into the British service. This news created much excitement among the slaveholders of the Southern States. The treaty was denounced by the public Press, and a strong effort was made to defeat its approval by the Senate But failing in that, the slave power was rallied in opposition to making any appropriation, by the House of Representatives, for carrying the treaty into effect, and perhaps at no time since the Union was formed, has it been in greater danger of disruption; but the friends of the treaty prevailed in both Houses of Congress, and it became a paramount law of the nation. While these incidents were transpiring, the Exiles were engaged 20 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. refused indemnity, and the Seminoles, supported and encouraged by the Spanish authorities, were inexorable in their refusal to sur- render the Exiles. At that early period of our history, the subject of slavery greatly perplexed the Federal Administration; nor was the genius, or the influence of Washington, sufficiently powerful to silence the mal- contents. He was fortunate in selecting Judge Jay, of New York, as a Minister Plenipotentiary, for negotiating a treaty with Great Britain. This illustrious patriot possessed great purity of character; had long been distinguished for his devotion to the welfare of the nation; and, although a Northern man, Southern slave claimants could raise no objection to him. But every step towards the adjustment of the claims arising for slaves carried away by the English ships, or enlisted into the British army, had the effect to render the owners of Exiles more importunate. There was only one recourse, however, left for the Administration; they could do no more than to call on the Creeks for a new treaty, in order to adjust these claims. 1795.] As the President was about to take measures for obtain- ing another treaty with the Creeks, news arrived from England that Judge Jay, in forming a new treaty with the British Crown, had been constrained to surrender all claims of our citizens for slaves carried from the United States in British vessels during the war, or for those who had enlisted into the British service. This news created much excitement among the slaveholders of the Southern States. The treaty was denounced by the public Press, and a strong effort was made to defeat its approval by the Senate But failing in that, the slave power was rallied in opposition to making any appropriation, by the House of Representatives, for carrying the treaty into effect, and perhaps at no time since the Union was formed, has it been in greater danger of disruption; but the friends of the treaty prevailed in both Houses of Congress, and it became a paramount law of the nation. . While these incidents were transpiring, the Exiles were engaged 20 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. refused indemnity, and the Seminoles, supported and encouraged by the Spanish authorities, were inexorable in their refusal to sur- render the Exiles. At that early period of our history, the subject of slavery greatly perplexed the Federal Administration; nor was the genius, or the influence of Washington, sufficiently powerful to silence the mal- contents. He was fortunate in selecting Judge Jay, of New York, as a Minister Plenipotentiary, for negotiating a treaty with Great Britain. This illustrious patriot possessed great purity of character; had long been distinguished for his devotion to the welfare of the nation; and, although a Northern man, Southern slave claimants could raise no objection to him. But every step towards the adjustment of the claims arising for slaves carried away by the English ships, or enlisted into the British army, had the effect to render the owners of Exiles more importunate. There was only one recourse, however, left for the Administration; they could do no more than to call on the Creeks for a new treaty, in order to adjust these claims. 1795.] As the President was about to take measures for obtain- ing another treaty with the Creeks, news arrived from England that Judge Jay, in forming a new treaty with the British Crown, had been constrained to surrender all claims of our citizens for slaves carried from the United States in British vessels during the war, or for those who had enlisted into the British service. This news created much excitement among the slaveholders of the Southern States. The treaty was denounced by the public Press, and a strong effort was made to defeat its approval by the Senate But failing in that, the slave power was rallied in opposition to making any appropriation, by the House of Representatives, for carrying the treaty into effect, and perhaps at no time since the Union was formed, has it been in greater danger of disruption ; but the friends of the treaty prevailed in both Houses of Congress, and it became a paramount law of the nation. While these incidents were transpiring, the Exiles were engaged  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 21 in cultivating their lands, extending their plantations and increasing their flocks and herds, and consolidating their friendships with the Indians around them. Of all these facts the bondmen of Georgia had full knowledge. It were impossible for them to contemplate their friends, in the enjoyment of these rights and privileges, with- out a strong desire to share in those blessings of freedom. The example of the Exiles was thus constantly exerting an influence upon those who remained in bondage. Many of them sought opportunities to flee into Florida, where they, in like manner, became free subjects of Spain. This condition of things induced General Washington to make another effort to remedy existing evils, and prevent their recurrence in future. He took measures to obtain the attendance of the Chiefs, head men and warriors of the Creek nation, at a place called Cole- rain, for the purpose of forming another treaty. He again ap- 1796.) pointed Benjamin Hawkins, George Clymer and Andrew Pickens, Commissioners, to meet the Indians in Council, and agree upon the proper adjustment of pending difficulties. These men were interested in the institution of Slavery, and were supposed to be perfectly acceptable to the claimants, as well as to the authorities of Georgia. The parties met at the place appointed, and proceeded to the consideration of the proposed treaty. The Creeks were not disposed to make further grants of territory; nor were they able to give any better assurance for the return of the Exiles than had been given at New York. They insisted that, by the treaty of New York, they were only bound to return those negrees who had been captured since the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain; these they had delivered up, so far as they were able to 'surrender them. They admitted there were more negroes among them, whom they might probably obtain at some future day, and expressed a willingness to do so. It is however evident, from the talk of the various Chiefs, that they had no idea of returning those Exiles who were residing in Florida-no allusion THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. 21 in cultivating their lands, extending their plantations and increasing their flocks and herds, and consolidating their friendships with the Indians around them. Of all these facts the bondmen of Georgia had full knowledge. It were impossible for them to contemplate their friends, in the enjoyment of these rights and privileges, with- out a strong desire to share in those blessings of freedom. The example of the Exiles was thus constantly exerting an influence upon those who remained in bondage. Many of them sought opportunities to flee into Florida, where they, in like manner, became free subjects of Spain. This condition of things induced General Washington to make another effort to remedy existing evils, and prevent their recurrence in future. He took measures to obtain the attendance of the Chiefs, head men and warriors of the Creek nation, at a place called Cole- rain, for the purpose of forming another treaty. He again ap- 1796.] pointed Benjamin Hawkins, George Clymer and Andrew Pickens, Commissioners, to meet the Indians in Council, and agree upon the proper adjustment of pending difficulties. These men were interested in the institution of Slavery, and were supposed to be perfectly acceptable to the claimants, as well as to the authorities of Georgia. The parties met at the place appointed, and proceeded to the consideration of the proposed treaty. The Creeks were not disposed to make further grants of territory ; nor were they able to give any better assurance for the return of the Exiles than had been given at New York. They insisted that, by the treaty of New York, they were only bound to return those negroes who had been captured since the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain; these they had delivered up, so far as they were able to 'surrender them. They admitted there were more negroes among them, whom they might probably obtain at some future day, and expressed a willingness to do so. It is however evident, from the talk of the various Chiefs, that they had no idea of returning those Exiles who were residing in Florida-no allusion THE ExILES oF FLoRIDA. 21 in cultivating their lands, extending their plantations and increasing their flocks and herds, and consolidating their friendships with the Indians around them.' Of all these facts the bondmen of Georgia had full knowledge. It were impossible for them to contemplate their friends, in the enjoyment of these rights and privileges, with- out a strong desire to share in those blessings of freedom. The example of the Exiles was thus constantly exerting an influence upon those who remained in bondage. Many of them sought opportunities to flee into Florida, where they, in like manner, became free subjects of Spain. This condition of things induced General Washington to make another effort to remedy existing evils, and prevent their recurrence in future. He took measures to obtain the attendance of the Chiefs, head men and warriors of the Creek nation, at a place called Cole- rain, for the purpose of forming another treaty. He again ape 1796.] pointed Benjamin Hawkins, George Clymer and Andrew Pickens, Commissioners, to meet the Indians in Council, and agree upon the proper adjustment of pending difficulties. These men were interested in the institution of Slavery, and were supposed to be perfectly acceptable to the claimants, as well as to the authorities of Georgia. The parties met at the place appointed, and proceeded to the consideration of the proposed treaty. The Creeks were not disposed to make further grants of territory ; nor were they able to give any better assurance for the return of the Exiles than had been given at New York. They insisted that, by the treaty of New York, they were only bound to return those negroes who had been captured since the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain; these they had delivered up, so far as they were able to surrender them. They admitted there were more negroes among them, whom they might probably obtain at some future day, and expressed a willingness to do so. It is however evident, from the talk of the various Chiefs, that they had no idea of returning those Exiles who were residing in Florida-no allusion  22 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. being made to them by either of the Commissioners, on the part of the United States, nor by the Indians. The Council was also attended by Commissioners on the part of Georgia, who attempted to dictate the manner of transacting the business, and, even in offensive language, charged the Commissioners of the United States with improper conduct; but in no instance did they name the Seminoles, nor allude to any obligation, on the part of the Creeks, to return the Exiles resident among the Seminoles. It should however be borne in mind, that these Commissioners on behalf of Georgia left the council in disgust, before the close of the negotia- tion. In the treaty itself, however, there is a stipulation that the treaty of New York shall remain in force, except such parts as were expressly changed by that entered into at Colerain ; and that portion of the treaty of New York by which the Creeks assumed to bind the Seminoles, was not clanged.1 The seventh article of the Treaty of Colerain reads as follows:- "The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the " Superintendent of Indian Affairs, at such place as he may direct, " all the citizens of the United States, white inhabitants and negroes, "who are now prisoners in any part of the said nation, agreeably to "the treaty at New York ; and also all citizens, white inhabitants, "negroes and property, taken since the signing of that treaty. And " if any such prisoners, negroes, or property, should not be delivered "on or before the first day of January next, the Governor of Georgia " may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in order to "claim and receive such prisoners, negroes and property, under the " direction of the President of the United States." This stipulation was understood by the Creeks, and they were willing to perform it; but it is very obvious, from all the circumstances, that they had no idea of binding the Seminoles to return the Exiles resident in Florida. (1) Vide the papers accompanying this Treaty when ebmitted to the Senain. They are collected in the econd volume of Amein state Papers, enttled "Indian Affaire." They wmn afford much interesting matter an to the docries of "sa Rights " and Num.- ton, which it is nneseary to embrace in this work. 22 THE ExILs oF tLORIDA. being made to them by either of the Commissioners, on the part of the United States, nor by the Indians. The Council was also attended by Commissioners on the part of Georgia, who attempted to dictate the manner of transacting the business, and, even in offensive language, charged the Commissioners of the United States with improper conduct; but in no instance did they name the Seminoles, nor allude to any obligation, on the part of the Creeks, to return the Exiles resident among the Seminoles. It should however be borne in mind, that these Commissioners on behalf of Georgia left the council in disgust, before the close of the negotia- tion. In the treaty itself, however, there is a stipulation that the treaty of New York shall remain in force, except such parts as were expressly changed by that entered into at Colerain ; and that portion of the treaty of New York by which the Creeks assumed to bind the Seminoles, was not cbanged.i The seventh article of the Treaty of Colerain reads as follows:- "The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the " Superintendent of Indian Affairs, at such place as he may direct, " all the citizens of the United States, white inhabitants and negroes, " who are now prisoners in any part of the said nation, agreeably to "the treaty at New York; and also all citizens, white inhabitants, " negroes and property, taken since the signing of that treaty. And " if any such prisoners, negroes, or property, should not be delivered " on or before the first day of January next, the Governor of Georgia "may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in order to claim and receive such prisoners, negroes and property, under the " direction of the President of the United States." This stipulation was understood by the Creeks, and they were willing to perform it; but it is very obvious, from all the circumstances, that they had no idea of binding the Seminoles to return the Exiles resident in Florida. (1) vide the Papers acompanying this Treaty when sabemtted t the Senate. They are coeeted in the second volume of American Stats Papers, entitled " Indian Affairs." They win rord mnch inatereting matter a to the doctrines of " state Righ" and Nurinea- ton, which it is uanaeesary t embrae in the work. 22 THE ExILEs OF FLORIDA. being made to them by either of the Commissioners, on the part of the United States, nor by the Indians. The Council was also attended by Commissioners on the part of Georgia, who attempted to dictate the manner of transacting the business, and, even in offensive language, charged the Commissioners of the United States with improper conduct; but in no instance did they name the Seminoles, nor allude to any obligation, on the part of the Creeks, to return the Exiles resident among the Seminoles. It should however be borne in mind, that these Commissioners on behalf of Georgia left the council in disgust, before the close of the negotia- tion. In the treaty itself, however, there is a stipulation that the treaty of New York shall remain in force, except such parts as were expressly changed by that entered into at Colerain ; and that portion of the treaty of New York by which the Creeks assumed to bind the Seminoles, was not changed.' The seventh article of the Treaty of Colerain reads as follows:- " The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the "Superintendent of Indian Affairs, at such place as he may direct, " all the citizens of the United States, white inhabitants and negroes, "who are now prisoners in any part of the said nation, agreeably to "the treaty at New York; and also all citizens, white inhabitants, "negroes and property, taken since the signing of that treaty. And " if any such prisoners, negroes, or property, should not be delivered "on or before the first day of January next, the Governor of Georgia "may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in order to "claim and receive such prisoners, negroes and property, under the " direction of the President of the United States." This stipulation was understood by the Creeks, and they were willing to perform it; but it is very obvious, from all the circumstances, that they had no idea of binding the Seminoles to return the Exiles resident in Florida. (1) Vide the papers accompanying this Treaty when uebmitted to thS senate. They are coected in the second volume of American state Papers, entitled " Indian AfHairs." They wi afford much atresting matter aes the doctrines. of "ste Right," and Nuaa- ian, which it is nnecesseary t embrace in. this work.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 28 The State of Georgia obtained very little territory by this treaty, and no further indemnity for the loss of their fugitive bondmen. The people of that State, therefore, were greatly dissatisfied with it. But the extraordinary feature of this treaty, consists in the sub- sequent construction placed upon it by the authorities of Georgia, who, twenty-five years subsequently, insisted that the Seminoles were in fact a part of the Creek tribe, bound by the Creek treaties, and that the Creek nation were under obligation to compel the Seminoles to observe treaties made by the Creeks. In each of the treaties made between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, as well as in that made at New York, between the United States and the Creek nation, attempts had been made to bind the Seminoles, although that tribebad steadily and uniformly denied the authority of the Creeks to bind them; and being sus- tained by the Spanish authorities, it became evident that all further efforts to induce them to submit to the government of the Creeks would be useless. This independence they had maintained for nearly half a century. They had in no instance acknowledged the authority of the Creeks since they left Georgia, in 1750 ; nor is it reasonable to suppose the authorities of that State, or those of the United States, were ignorant of that important circumstance. The flagrant injustice of holding the Creeks responsible for fugi- tive slaves resident in Florida, and under protection of the Spanish crown, must be obvious to every reader; and the inquiry will at once arise, Wh did- rek hiefs at New York eonsent to such a stipulation? The answer perhaps mays be fountd it the- --'Sret article of that treaty, giving to the Creeks fifteen hundred dollars annually, forerer, and to McGillivray twrelre hundred dollars during life, and to six ooew nndred dallerwa u aflly gI direct and poaitivabibes could not fail to ha efeek- Thea ireemity for keeping this artwie secret from the Indians generally, at unm the people of the United States, is very apparent t as the pr int of thus taking money, drawn from the free States to bribe Indian chiefs to obligate their nation to Sene and return fugitive THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 28 The State of Georgia obtained very little territory by this treaty, and no further indemnity for the loss of their fugitive bondmen. The people of that State, therefore, were greatly dissatisfied with it. But the extraordinary feature of this treaty, consists in the sub- sequent construction placed upon it by the authorities of Georgia, who, twenty-five years subsequently, insisted that the Seminoles were in fact a part of the Creek tribe, bound by the Creek treaties, and that the Creek nation were under obligation to compel the Seminoles to observe treaties made by the Creeks. In each of the treaties made between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, as well as in that made at New York, between the United States and the Creek nation, attempts had been made to bind the Seminoles, although that tribe'had steadily and uniformly denied the authority of the Creeks to bind them; and being sus- tained by the Spanish authorities, it became evident that all further efforts to induce them to submit to the government of the Creeks would be useless. This independence they had maintained for nearly half a century. They had in no instance acknowledged the authority of the Creeks since they left Georgia, in 1750 ; nor is it reasonable to suppose the authorities of that State, or those of the United States, were ignorant of that important circumstance. The flagrant injustice of holding the Creeks responsible for fugi- tive slaves resident in Florida, and under protection of the Spanbs crown, must be obvious to every reader; and the inquiry will at once arse, Why did t rek chiefs at New York oensent to such a stipulation? The answerperhaps mays be fosnd 1n the ---eiretarticle of that treaty, giving to the Creeks fifteen hundred dollrs annually, foreter, and to McGillirray tielve hundred dollars during lfe, and to six.the-bef-nehun'dred-dnllm anually di-rect a d positive bibes could not fai to haae-leek The scesity for keeping this artiele secret from the Indians generally, afI? from the people of the United States, is very apparent , as the. p i-iert o thus taking money, drawn from the free States to bribe Indian chiefs to obligate their nation to seie and return fugitive THE EXtLES OF FLORIDA. 28 The State of Georgia obtained very little territory by this treaty, and no further indemnity for the loss of their fugitive bondmen. The people of that State, therefore, were greatly dissatisfied with it. But the extraordinary feature of this treaty, consists in the sub- sequent construction placed upon it by the authorities of Georgia, who, twenty-five years subsequently, insisted that the Seminoles were in fact a part of the Creek tribe, bound by the Creek treaties, and that the Creek nation were under obligation to compel the Seminoles to observe treaties made by the Creeks. In each of the treaties made between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, as well as in that made at New York, between the United States and the Creek nation, attempts had been made to bind the Seminoles, although that tribe'had steadily and uniformly denied the authority of the Creeks to bind them; and being sus- tained by the Spanish authorities, it became evident that all further efforts to induce them to submit to the government of the Creeks would be useless. This independence they had maintained -for nearly half a century. They had in no instance acknowledged the authority of the Creeks since they left Georgia, in 1750; nor is it reasonable to suppose the authorities of that State, or those of the United States, were ignorant of that important circumstance. The flagrant injustice of holding the Creeks responsible for fugi- tive slaves resident in Florida, and under protection of the Spanishi crown, must be obvious to every reader; and the inquiry will at once arise, Wb CQeek chiefs at New York eonsent to such a stipulation? The answerperhaps mays befsiiiid-ifrthe -reief aicle of that treaty, giving to the Creeks fifteen hntdred dollar annually,forever, and to McGillivray twelve hundred dollars during life, and to six ot .uhkse w hundred-dolema& atnuatlly T dire ad positive brihes could not failto hae effeek The etatdiiity for keepmug this article Secret from the Indians generally, afr~T~m the people of the United Staten, in very apparent , a te propiT of thus taking money, drawn from the free States to bribe Indian chiefs to obligate their nation to seize and return fugitive 2 (t  24 24 THE ExILES 0 FLORIDA. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. slaves, would have been doubted by savages as well as civilized men. But the duty of the Creeks to seize and return the Exiles was legally recognized by the treaty of Colerain, which admitted he treaty of New York to be in force. This was regarded as a continuance of the claims of Georgia, although the Creeks appear to have had no idea of entering into such stipulations 3 1797.] Many circumstances now combined to quiet the appre- hensions of the fugitive bondmen in Florida. The elder Adams bad been elected President in the autumn of 1796, and assumed the duties of his office on the fourth of March following. A descendant of the Pilgrims, he had been reared and educated among the lovers of liberty; he had long served in Congress; he had reported upon the rights of the people of the Colonies in 1774, and was chairman of the committee who reported the Declaration of Independence, in 1776, and to its doctrines he had ever exhib- ited an unfaltering devotion. From such an Administration the claimants in Georgia could expect but little aid. Another consideration, cheering to the friends of Freedom, was the total failure of the claims on Great Britain, for slaves lost daring the War of the Revolution. The influence of those claim- ants was no longer felt in the Government. The public indignation was also somewhat excited against the institution of Slavery by incidents of a barbarous character, which had then recently trans- pired in North Carolina. After the promulgation of the Declara- tion of Independence, the Quakers of that State, conscious of its momentous truths, proceeded in good faith to emancipate their slaves; believing that the only mode in which they could evince their adherence to its doctrines. The advocates of oppression were offended at this practical recog. nition of the "equal right of all men to liberty," and, to manifest their abhorrence of such doctrines, arrested the slaves so emancipa- ted as fugitives from labor. The Quakers, ever true to their convictions of justice, lent their influence, and contributed their funds, to test the legal rights of the persons thus set at liberty, slaves, would have been doubted by savages as well as civilized men. But the duty of the Creeks to seize and return the Exiles \was legally recognized by the treaty of Colerain, which admitted the treaty of New York to be in force. This was regarded as a continuance of the claims of Georgia, although the Creeks appear to have had no idea of entering into such stipulations 1797.] Many circumstances now combined to quiet the appre- hensions of the fugitive boudmen in Florida. The elder Adams had been elected President in the autumn of 1796, and assumed the duties of his office on the fourth of March following. A descendant of the Pilgrims, he had been reared and educated among the lovers of liberty; he bad long served in Congress; he had reported upon the rights of the people of the Colonies in 1774, and was chairman of the committee who reported the Declaration of Independence, in 1776, and to its doctrines he had ever exhib- ited an unfaltering devotion. From such an Administration the elaimants in Georgia could expect but little aid. Another consideration, cheering to the friends of Freedom, was the total failure of the claims on Great Britain, for slaves lost during the War of the Revolution. The influence of those claim- ants was no longer felt in the Government. The public indignation was also somewhat excited against the institution of Slavery by incidents of a barbarous character, which bad then recently trans- pired in North Carolina. After the promulgation of the Declare- tion of Independence, the Quakers of that State, conscious of its momentous truths, proceeded in good faith to emancipate their slaves; believing that the only mode in which they could evince their adherence to its doctrines. The advocates of oppression were offended at this practical recog- nition of the "equal right of all men to liberty," and, to manifest their abhorrence of such doctrines, arrested the slaves so emancipa- ted as fugitives from labor. The Quakers, ever true to their convictions of justice, lent their influence, and contributed their funds, to test the legal rights of the persons thus set at liberty, 24 THE ExILEs OF FLORIDA. slaves, would have been doubted by savages as well as civilized men. But the duty of the Creeks to seize and return the Exiles was legally recognized by the treaty of Colerain, which admitted he treaty of New York to be in force. This was regarded as a continuance of the claims of Georgia, although the Creeks appear to have had no idea of entering into such stipulations. 1797 Many circumstances now combined to quiet the appre- hensions of the fugitive bondmen in Florida. The elder Adams had been elected President in the autumn of 1796, and assumed the duties of his office on the fourth of March following. A descendant of the Pilgrims, he had been reared and educated among the lovers of liberty; he had long served in Congress; be had reported upon the rights of the people of the Colonies in 1774, and was chairman of the committee who reported the Declaration of Independence, in 1776, and to its doctrines he had ever exhib- ited an unfaltering devotion. From such an Administration the claimants in Georgia could expect but little aid. Another consideration, cheering to the friends of Freedom, was the total failure of the claims on Great Britain, for slaves lost during the War of the Revolution. The influence of those claim- ants was no longer felt in the Government. The public indignation was also somewhat excited against the institution of Slavery by incidents of a barbarous character, which had then recently trans- pired in North Carolina. After the promulgation of the Declara- tion of Independence, the Quakers of that State, conscious of its momentous truths, proceeded in good faith to emancipate their slaves; believing that the only mode in which they could evince their adherence to its doctrines. The advocates of oppression were offended at this practical recog- nition of the " equal right of all men to liberty," and, to manifest their abhorrence of such doctrines, arrested the slaves so emancipa- ted as fugitives from labor. The Quakers, ever true to their convictions of justice, lent their influence, and contributed their funds, to test the legal rights of the persons thus set at liberty,  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 25 nefore the proper tribunals of the State; and the question was carried to the Court of Appeals, where a final judgment was rend- ered in favor of their freedom. This decision appears to have disappointed general expectation among the advocates of slavery, and created much excitement throughout the State.. At the next session of the Legislature, an act was passed author- izing persons possessing landed property to seize and reunslave the people thus emancipated. But the planters of that State were usually possessed of wealth and intelligence, and, holding prin- ciples of honor, they refused to perform so degrading a service; and the liberated negroes continued to enjoy their freedom. But the opponents of liberty became so clamorous against the example thus set in favor of freedom, that the Legislature passed an amendatory act, authorizing any person to seize, imprison and sell, as slaves, any negro who had been emancipated in said State, except those who had served in the army of the United States during the war of the Revolution. Persons of desperate character, gamblers, slave-dealers and horse thieves; were now authorized to gratify their cupidity, by seizing and selling persons who had for years enjoyed their liberty; and the scenes which followed, were in no respect creditable to the State, to the civilization or Christianity of the age. Emancipated families were broken up and separated for ever. In some instancey' the wife escaped, while the husband was captured. Parents were seized, and their children escaped. Bloodhounds were employed to chase down those who fled to the forests and swamps, in order to avoid men more cruel than bloodhounds. The Quakers, so far as able, assisted these persecuted people to escape to other States. Some left North Carolina on board ships; others fled north by land; and many reached the free States, where their descendants yet live. But even our free States did not afford a safe retreat from the cruelty of inexorable slave-catcbers. Those free persons were seized in Philadelphia, and, under the fugitive slave law of 1793, were imprisoned in that city; and, what excites THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. 25 sefore the proper tribunals of the State; and the question was carried to the Court of Appeals, where a final judgment was rend- ered in favor of their freedom. This decision appears to have disappointed general expectation among the advocates of slavery, and created much excitement throughout the State. At the next session of the Legislature, an act was passed author- izing persons possessing landed property to seize and reenslave the people thus emancipated. But the planters of that State were usually possessed of wealth and intelligence, and, holding prin- ciples of honor, they refused to perform so degrading a service; and the liberated negroes continued to enjoy their freedom. But the opponents of liberty became so clamorous against the example thus set in favor of freedom, that the Legislature passed an amendatory act, authorizing any perso to seize, imprison and sell, as slaves, any negro who had been emancipated in said State, except those who had served in the army of the United Sates during the war of the Revolution. Persons of desperate character, gamblers, slave-dealers and horse thieves; were now authorized to gratify their cupidity, by seizing and selling persons who had for years enjoyed their liberty; and the scenes which followed, were in no respect creditable to the State, to the civilization or Christianity of the age. Emancipated families were broken up and separated for ever. In some instance' the wife escaped, while the husband was captured. Parents were seized, and their children escaped. Bloodhounds were employed to chase down those who fled to the forests and swamps, in order to avoid men more cruel than bloodhounds. The Quakers, so far as able, assisted these persecuted people to escape to other States. Some left North Carolina on board ships; others fled north by land; and many reached the free States, where their descendants yet live. But even our free States did not afford a safe retreat from the cruelty of inexorable slave-catehers. Those free persons were seized in Philadelphia, and, under the fugitive slave law of 1793, were imprisoned in that city; and, what excites THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 25 nefore the proper tribunals of the State; and the question was carried to the Court of Appeals, where a final judgment was rend- ered in favor of their freedom. This decision appears to have disappointed general expectation among the advocates of slavery, and created much excitement throughout the State. At the next session of the Legislature, an act was passed author- izing persons possessing landed property to seize and reenslave the people thus emancipated. But the planters of that State were usually possessed of wealth and intelligence, and, holding prin- ciples of honor, they refused to perform so degrading a service; and the liberated negroes continued to enjoy their freedom. But the opponents of liberty became so clamorous against the example thus set in favor of freedom, that the Legislature passed an amendatory act, authorizing any person to seize, imprison and sell, as slaves, any negro who had been emancipated in said State, except those who had served in the army of the United States during the war of the Revolution. Persons of desperate character, gamblers, slave-dealers and horse thieves; were now authorized to gratify their cupidity, by seizing and selling persons who had for years enjoyed their liberty; and the scenes which followed, were in no respect creditable to the State, to the civilization or Christianity of the age. Emancipated families were broken up and separated for ever. In some instances the wife escaped, while the husband was captured. Parents were seized, and their children escaped. Bloodhounds were employed to chase down those who fled to the forests and swamps, in order to avoid men more cruel than bloodhounds. The Quakers, so far as able, assisted these persecuted people to escape to other States. Some left North Carolina on board ships; others fled north by land; and many reached the free States, where their descendants yet live. But even our free States did not afford a safe retreat from the cruelty of inexorable slave-catchers. Those free persons were seized in Philadelphia, and, under the fugitive slave law of 1793, were imprisoned in that city; and, what excites  26 THE ExILEs oF FLORIDA. still greater wonder, were delivered up and carried back to Dondage.' Some of these people, while in Pennsylvania, sent petitions to Congress, praying protection against such barbarity; and great excitement was aroused among Southern members by thepresenta- tion of such petitions. The Quakers of that State, and of New Jersey, also sent petitions to Congress, praying that these people may be protected against such piratical persecution. The popular feeling of the nation was shocked at these things, and great indig- nation against the institution, generally, was aroused. We have no record of further attempts on the part of the claim- ants to obtain a return of the Exiles, after the Treaty of Colermin, until the close of Mr. Adams's administration. During that period, the fugitives remained quietly in their homes, undisturbed by their former masters. Their numbers were often increased by new arrivals, as well as by the natural laws of population, and they began to assume the appearance of an established community. In 1801, Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of President. He bad himself penned the Declaration of Independence, and manifested a deep devotion to its doctrines. Nor do we find that any attempt was made by him for the return of the Exiles; nor were there any measures adopted to obtain indemnity for the loss of the claimants during the eight years of his Administration. In 1802, a new law regulating intercourse with the Indian tribes was enacted, by which the holders of slaves were secured for the price or value of any bondmen who should leave his master and take up his residence with any Indian tribe resident in the United States, or Territories thereof-at least such was the construction given to this statute. The .Creeks, Cherokees, and other Southern tribes, had gradu- ally adopted the institution of Slavery, so long practiced by their (I) vTde Anna!. of Ivth congress, 2d so.. 26 THE ExILEs oF FLoRIDA. still greater wonder, were delivered up and carried back to Dondage.I Some of these people, while in Pennsylvania, sent petitions to Congress, praying protection against such barbarity; and great excitement was aroused among Southern members by the presenta- tion of such petitions. The Quakers of that State, and of New Jersey, also sent petitions to Congress, praying that these people may be protected against such piratical persecution. The popular feeling of the nation was shocked at these things, and great indig- nation against the institution, generally, was aroused. We have no record of further attempts on the part of the claim- ants to obtain a return of the Exiles, after the Treaty of Colerain, until the close of Mr. Adams's administration. During that period, the fugitives remained quietly in their homes, undisturbed by their former masters. Their numbers were often increased by new arrivals, as well as by the natural laws of population, and they began to assume the appearance of an established community. In 1801, Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of President. He had himself penned the Declaration of Independence, and manifested a deep devotion to its doctrines. Nor do we find that any attempt was made by him for the return of the Exiles; nor were there any measures adopted to obtain indemnity for the loss of the claimants during the eight years of his Administration. In 1802, a new law regulating intercourse with the Indian tribes was enacted, by which the holders of slaves were secured for the price or value of any bondmen who should leave his master and take up his residence with any Indian tribe resident in the United States, or Territories thereof-at least such was the construction given to this statute. The Creeks, Cherokees, and other Southern tribes, had gradu- ally adopted the institution of Slavery, a long practiced by their (1) vida Ann, of Ivth Congress, 2t sion. 26 THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. still greater wonder, were delivered up and carried back to Dondage.I Some of these people, while in Pennsylvania, sent petitions to Congress, praying protection against such barbarity; and great excitement was aroused among Southern members by the presenta- tion of such petitions. The Quakers of that State, and of New Jersey, also sent petitions to Congress, praying that these people may be protected against such piratical persecution. The popular feeling of the nation was shocked at these things, and great indig- nation against the institution, generally, was aroused. We have no record of further attempts on the part of the claim- ants to obtain a return of the Exiles, after the Treaty of Colerain, until the close of Mr. Adams's administration. During that period, the fugitives remained quietly in their homes, undisturbed by their former masters. Their numbers were often increased by new arrivals, as well as by the natural laws of population, and they began to assume the appearance of an established community. In 1801, Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of President. He had himself penned the Declaration of Independence, and manifested a deep devotion to its doctrines. Nor do we find that ny attempt was made by him for the return of the Exiles; nor were there any measures adopted to obtain indemnity for the loss of the claimants during the eight years of his Administration. In 1802, a new law regulating intercourse with the Indian tribes was enacted, by which the holders of slaves were secured for the price or value of any bondmen who should leave his master and take up his residence with any Indian tribe resident in the United States, or Territories thereof-at least such was the construction given to this statute. The Creeks, Cherokees, and other Southern tribes, had gradu- ally adopted the institution of Slavery, so long practiced by their (1) Vide Annals of Ivth congres, 2d ession.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 27 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 27 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 27 more civilized neighbors, and thus became interested in every effort to extinguish the hope cherished among their own bondmen, of regaining freedom by fleeing from their masters. And many cir- cumstances now appeared to favor the idea, that no more attempts would be made to compel a return of the Exiles to bondage. more civilized neighbors, and thus became interested in every effort to extinguish the hope cherished among their own bondmen, of regaining freedom by fleeing from their masters. And many cir- cumstances now appeared to favor the idea, that no more attempts would be made to compel a return of the Exiles to bondage. more civilized neighbors, and thus became interested in every effort to extinguish the hope cherished among their own bondmen, of regaining freedom by fleeing from their masters. And many cir- cumstances now appeared to favor the idea, that no more attempts would be made to compel a return of the Exiles to bondage.  CHAPTER III. HOSILI[TES MAINTAINED DY GEORGIA. Mr. Medfron'. elecion- ile, ehoentter-henie of people of Geotgle W0 totiore Celos - They detnod aonecneioe ot FIorida-Cogo paane,a n for takiog yoneteioof that Tertitry-leerni Matheee vppointed Coometi eooer -Deointrh iteooin- Takee pmesesioo of Atoelin eIned - SpanishtGeornmoto demne~d, -nplan W.-The Peesideot dimroe arts of teatheere-Goeernor tchnllieucceeio Ma~thtot-Retool. ,eeeeeArmty-Fiotiotoineadd-Trprrndd bye.toofooe - Thir d-ogn-- Their retreat-Steling Giaree- Lower Creeke join fotolnole- Georgio ieoda their ereaader-Chiefnrmf.,-Georniotconteen--PrehiontefnenW iotrrfete-Aoter inesineof Piorida- Tone bhoce; Cattle etote, -Troop, twithdtaero front Anotln laud- Pnhle attentioedietd toeord our Northern frontiee-Lord t'oekroe en ter Eheepenhe Day - teset. Proeatio to Slovee-Daiea of Sineohhier-8Gore, go en bmrt RDtsh ehipe--1n tresele eItWr Apynioloa Day -Col Nlithol. lIId& [here wth Troop,-Gtheeoond hin Ecilo nd iedtooe-Boido n Poet, arnt it, and pinees Militery Etoree in t Megteioee -Trety of ['m with Eegocd-Procltion in regent tW Since, tohee away doting ter-Clinnteef tt Enile evecorege-Col. [Nehot delieer Porn to the Roilee -Totiren teoior, eontth; nd norhot eoeditioo - One Artey-Genenti Gaines epteeoet Port eae in poteoseion ef Ootloon-P1.ne for its detroeiioa-Ceepotdiee--Geootnl Jasoon' orer-Coi. Clioth', Enprditio- Met by 8aling-tiasnor [Leds. end teo gn-bIInt-Port itlowo up-I-,tintot hnmanlas,-egosmcpte end ...nioved-Preoertyetaen-Cined by Goternor as Floridu-iet 8entinn War omeuneeed. WoEN Mr. Madisoan nsttteed the dnties of President (Mitrch 4, 1809), thg Exiles were quietly enjoying the ir freedote; each sitting under hin own vine end fig-tree, without molestation or fear. Many bed been horn in the Seminole country, eed now saw around theta children hnd grendcehildren, in the eejoymient of oil the necessaries of life. Meny, even ef thoe who fled from Geergia aftef the for- matien of thet celony, hod departed to their final rest; hut their children end friends hod heen comparatively free frsom perseoutions M)e CHAPTER III. iiOSTILIITES MAtITAINEe DY REOROIA. Mgr. iadieoe'. eirtion-tta horctr-Dein of ytoyie tr Gtorinto eonae..iln- Tihey drtand onnealon of Piorida-Congree poente n low for tohit1 poncreiaon of thee Territory-Gnera fiathente appinted Coemmthioooo- Onoerori~urcd Tatoseon eluf Antelia Inlaod-Opaoleh Gocotrtment detmandn toolnonto,-The ['resident dhis..onea of Matte,ee-Gooror theloi suoedsi Mtothecs -Georgia raineaanArmty-lorhda incadod- Toopsntondei byearugfntn-Theirdngr- Theit etteet-Steng Smcee- tower Creche join 5oeoieole.-Georolo detnds their entder-Chie efose -Geori eotpsi- Peietefote to ierfoce-Anoher ineanim ef flntido-Towee horned; Cartle etoiro-Troope eithdraen front Anteia tauad-P[uble atenio ditrd otned onr Notthero frontir-Lord Omeho entere Chempeak. nay - tenr, t'ntelnnttioe to elaet,-itmay of SI-nholdert-8inere go Onbeard Britieheshfpe-ftotal oeewi enter Appetnoloi Eay -Co. Nirhon [coda there with Troope -Gothetr.ood hint Enlhs nod lodine- Oiid a Port, newn it, end plant Military Sae in itn Msgazioee -Trety of ['oe.'- with PEgland - Provition [a regard Wte, Id [oen awny dorn0 %Var-Cimnnetof te Enieecooredo~-Coi. ichole delicer ft t the Enie -Thee pl-aoioe, wsmth; ecdti 1 ecin oditioo - OnreArmy-Oneent Gaines rp-oet Fort as in posoet.ion of ot.1c--Pnce for its daairncon-Cerreecovdeere-Goorl cino aehe ordot-Col. Clioch's Eo.ion -- Met by Baniing-ttesr toonti nd tco ooomhote-Fore hlon op-oertno.to of hnoantith.Nfeents metoredtad ...incd-Property Wie--Cinei hy Gocetnee af Eieetde-ie 8eaninc War oontnmed. WHEN Mr. Madison assumed the duties of Presideet (March 4, 1809), the Exiles wore quietly enjoying thrir freedom; each sittisg under his own vine and fig-tree, without molestation or four. Mny bad hoen horn in the Seminole country, end now saw around them children end grand-children, in the enjoyment of oil the necessaries of life. Mony, even of thorn who fled from Georgio after the for- mation of that celony, hod departed to their final root ; hut their children end friends hod keen comparatively free frem persecoutiens t28t CHAPTER III. ItOSTILtITES MAINITAINED eY GEORGIA. DMr. Diadbone eiertioo-Htie ohorrtr-etir of people of Gocin on oence e.lo - They dentand eneenotica of loeid,-Cogree pente. n low foe rtho1g porrtrlo of thai Territry-G.net tMathowe appoioted Coo.,oMtionr-Deinee h, ehoio- Take esse-ivof Atelia Inland-Synohh Gooocneot demnd reyplantioo-Te t'enldmt diearo- ar. ot Mtatheee-Gorernor Oitohol --,erd, Methec -GOtorgia reesanArmty-Floridn iondod-Troopseenrooodedioy..enao-Thnidnn-,r- Their reteat-eieg Sesn-CLoot Ceehe ji Oeo,ivoorn-Geori lotocede iheir reneatr-Ciea rfue-Gorghe romnale- Proldoot refoeta tointerfer-Another tereston of PlIcla-Toeee berond; Catele enr-Teope ocahdnen etot Antelia isinad-Puli enetiodireted towad orNortihrfntier-lord Crhntne etr Cheapahe Btay- I-a Peoelnnttioe to Pincer-Dierty of Olacehohere-incee go on heard eritih ehie-Srem cessele eoter Appt aion eoy-Col. iohol. lands ther ,khh Troop.-Gnther atond hint Eniiee nd Indlnoc- Bulde a Port, ore.' it, and pin Millitary 8Ste in ion Msgelnt-Trety of fneo with Eclnd - Provinioc i.n ererdteWteere. t-ecney doriogenr-Coi.-ofthr NO..e.e...nrged-Clo. Ntihoc deiver Port on the Eile-Thnir plnntetioee, enaith; andi eorc renditio - Onr A~ay-Geemane eropr-. ertote Portee to peaetotnio. of Ontlocs-I... fot its dret-nd--Correpoedenn--eerl dncoo ordor -Col. Cli-oh'e hoydiuio- d hy SDeoe-Meaer Loonti nd two gnnhont-tor hlonta ne-o-otioc of It- aniia-egreenptnredtnnd eneined-Propeety tnhnn-Ciined by Goceroe af DIddn-irei Seeuinnle War ceoteeed. WuaEN Mr. Madison nasumed the deties of President (Matrch 4, 1809)e the Exiles were quietly enjoying choir freedom; each sitting under his own vine end fig-tree, withoet molestation or fear. Many bed been horn in the Seminole country, end now sow around them cbildren and grand-children, in the enjoyment of all the necessaries of life. Many, oven of these who fled from Georgia after the for- mation of that colony, had departed to their fooal reet; hut their children end friends had horn comparatively free from persecutions tie)  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 29 since the Treaty of Colerain, in 1796. Discarding all connection with the Creeks, and living under protection of Spain, and feeling their right to liberty was " self-evident," they believed the United States to have tacitly admitted their claims to freedom. With these impressions, they dwelt in conscious security, believing no further attempts would be made to reenslave them. Mr. Madison had penned the memorable Address of Congress to the people of the United States, published near the close of the old Confederation, in which was reiterated, in glowing language, the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence; and in the Convention that framed the Constitution, he had declared "it would be wrong to admit, in that instrument, that man can hold property in man." The people of Georgia were not satisfied with the existing war state of things. They were greatly excited at seeing those who bad once been slaves, in South Carolina and in Georgia, now live quietly and happily in the enjoyment of liberty, with their flocks and their herds, their wives and their little ones, around them; but they were on Spanish soil, protected by Spanish laws. The only mode of enslaving them was, firstly, to obtain jurisdiction of the Territory; and the annexation of Florida to the United States was, accordingly, urged upon the Federal Government. Spain had acquired her American territories by conquest, and was too proud to part with them. An excitement, however, was raised in favor of its annexation; and this anxiety to secure the slave interests of the South, soon extended to Congress, 1811.] and infused itself into the Executive policy of the nation. A law was passed by the two Houses, in secret session, and approved by the President, for taking possession of Florida. Gn Manntarw a slaveh-otde -f -Ueorgia, was appointed Commissioner for that purpose A ew maleontents were found in the northeastern part of the Territory; their numbers were inceased by men of deserte tortunes from Georgia ; and an insurrection was proclaimed by the Acting General. Mathews, connnanding the insurgentsa tookpt. session of Amelia Island, and of the country opposite to it..ntha...- THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 29 since the Treaty of Colerain, in 1796. Discarding all connection with the Creeks, and living under protection of Spain, and feeling their right to liberty was " self-evident," they believed the United States to have tacitly admitted their claims to freedom. With these impressions, they dwelt in conscious security, believing no further attempts would be made to reenslave them. Mr. Madison had penned the memorable Address of Congress to the people of the United States, published near the close of the old Confederation, in which was reiterated, in glowing language, the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence; and in the Convention that framed the Constitution, he had declared " it would be wrong to admit, in that instrument, that man can hold property in man." 1810.] The people of Georgia were not satisfied with the existing a} state of things. They were greatly excited at seeing those who had once been slaves, in South Carolina and in Georgia, now live quietly and happily in the enjoyment of liberty, with their flocks and their herds, their wives and their little ones, around them; but they were on Spanish soil, protected by Spanish laws. The only mode of enslaving them was, firstly, to obtain jurisdiction of the Territory; and the annexation of Florida to the United States was, accordingly, urged upon the Federal Government. Spain had acquired her American territories by conquest, and was too proud to part with them. An excitement, however, was raised in favor of its annexation; and this anxiety to secure the slave interests of the South, soon extended to Congress, 1811.] and infused itself into the Executive policy of the nation. A law was passed by the two Houses, in secret session, and appanrd by the President, for taking possession of Florida. Gee Matm. a sla ehotder oT ~eorgia, was appointed Commissioner for that purpose A tew malcontents were found in the northeastern part of the Territory; their numbers were increased by men of desperate fortunes from Georgia ; and an insurrection was proclaimed by the Acting General. Mathews, commanding the insurgents, took Fwo. seseton of Amelia Island, and of the country opposite to it onha- THE EXILEs OF FLoRIDA. 29 since the Treaty of Colerain, in 1796. Disearding all connection with the Creeks, and living under protection of Spain, and feeling their right to liberty was " self-evident," they believed the United States to have tacitly admitted their claims to freedom. With these impressions, they dwelt in conscious security, believing no further attempts would be made to reenslave them. Mr. Madison had penned the memorable Address of Congress to the people of the United States, published near the close of the old Confederation, in which was reiterated, in glowing language, the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence; and in the Convention that framed the Constitution, he had declared " it would be wrong to admit, in that instrument, that man can hold property in man." 1810.] The people of Georgia were not satisfied with the existing a* state of things. They were greatly excited at seeing those who had once been slaves, in South Carolina and in Georgia, now live quietly and happily in the enjoyment of liberty, with their flocks and their herds, their wives and their little ones, around them; but they were on Spanish soil, protected by Spanish laws. The only mode of enslaving them ias, firstly, to obtain jurisdiction of the Territory; and the annexation of Florida to the United States was, accordingly, urged upon the Federal Government. Spain had aRquired her American territories by conquest, and was too proud to part with them. An excitement, however, was raised in favor of its annexation; and this anxiety to secure the slave interests of the South, soon extended to Congress, 1811.] and infused itself into the Executive policy of the nation. A law was passed by the two Houses, in secret session, and appraned by the President, for taking possession of Florida. en M a slaueotder or eorgia, was appointed Commissioner for that - purpose" A tew malcontents were found in the northeastern part of the Territory; their numbers were incresed by men of despemte tortunes from Georgia; and an insurrection was proclaimed by the Acting General. Mathews, commanding the insurgents, took Jo. session of Amelia Island, and of the country opposite to it ontrtla  80 THE EXILES O FLORIDA. -main land. The Sanish Government, on learning the outrage, remonstrated with our Execut savowed the acts of Math- ewe, whom he recdll d and proceeded to appoint General icshell, the Governor of Georgia, to act as Commissioner, in lace of Mathews. rhthen, however, continued to hold military possession of the island and part of the main land, and, in fact, continued to carry forward the policy which Mathews had inaugurated. These things occurred while our nation was professedly at peace with Spain, and constituted a most flagrant violation of our national faith. The Executive of Georgia, apparently entertaining the 1812.] idea that his State was competent to declare war and make peace, raised an army, which, under the command of the Adjutant General, entered Florida with the avowed intention of exterminating the Seminoles, who had so long refused to surrender the Exiles; while the real object was the recapture and reenslave- ment of the refugees. The Creeks of the Lower Towns, however, took sides with the Seminoles, in opposing this piratical foray of slave-catchers. The army having penetrated a hundred miles or more into Florida, found itself surrounded with hostile savages. Their supplies were cut off; the men, reduced almost to a state of starvation, were compelled to retrace their steps; and with great loss the survivors reached Georgia. But they robbed those Spanish inhabitants who fell in their way of all their provisions, and left them to suffer for the want of food. Nor were the Georgians satis- fied with taking such provisions as were necessary to support life. they also took with them a large number of slaves, owned by Spanish masters, with whom they resided.t (1) The clainis of thee ancent spanish inhahitants hr indemnity againet those robber- tes, have been presed upon the censideration of Congress for the last twenty-five years, and were rcently pending before the courto Claime. whea the hit for their relief was nader distusson before the House of Representatet, 1a 1843, Hon. John Quine y Adams pre- semn s list of moe ninety staves, for the los of whom the owners claimed compensa- tion fom the United states. But the dicusetos wheic aroseon private bills were not at that time reported; and neither this exhibit, nor the speech of Mr. Adams, are to be found In the congressionat Debates of that day. 80 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. -main land. The S s vernment, on learning the outrage, remonstrated with our Executi tosavowe the acts of Math- ews whom he recalled: and proceeded to appoint Gene eler Mitchll the Governor of Georgia, to act as Commissione ace of Mathews. aHtchell, however, continued to hold military possession of the island and part of the main land, and, in fact, continued to carry forward the policy which Mathews had inaugurated. These things occurred while our nation was professedly at peace with Spain, and constituted a most flagrant violation of our national faith. 1812.] The Executive of Georgia, apparently entertaining the idea that his State was competent to declare war and make peace, raised an army, which, under the command of the Adjutant General, entered Florida with the avowed intention of exterminating the Seminoles, who had so long refused to surrender the Exiles; while the real object was the recapture and reenslave- ment of the refugees. The Creeks of the Lower Towns, however, took sides with the Seminoles, in opposing this piratical foray of slave-catchers. The army having penetrated a hundred miles or more into Florida, found itself surrounded with hostile savages. Their supplies were cut off; the men, reduced almost to a state of starvation, were compelled to retrace their steps; and with great loss the survivors reached Georgia. But they robbed those Spanish inhabitants who fell in their way of all their provisions, and left them to suffer for the want of food. Nor were the Georgians satis- fied with taking such provisions as were necessary to support life ; they also took with them a large number of slaves, owned by Spanish masters, with whom they resided.' (1) The stanis of these anet spanish inhab~tats for indemnity agaiste those robber. tee, have been pressed upon the consideration of Congress for the last twenty-fve years, and wer recently pending before the ourtof cahime. When the bill for their relief was under discuselon before the Hous of Representatives, mn 1843, Hon. John Quiney Adams pre. senteda list of some ninety slaves, for the lose or whom the owner oaimed compensam- tion orm the United States. But the dtcuseone which arose en privare bills were not at that time reported; nod neither this exhibit, nor the speech of tie. Adams, ace to be found in the Congreasonaei bates or that day. 80 THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. ,.main land. The Sis overnment, on learning the outrage, remonstrated with our Executiv dsavowed the arts of Math- ews, whom he recalled and proceeded to appoint General Ml ll, the Governor of Georgia, to act as Commissioneri place of Mathews. Mitchel, however, continued to bold military possession of the island and part of the main land, and, in fact, continued to carry forward the policy which Mathews had inaugurated. These things occurred while our nation was professedly at peace with Spain, and constituted a most flagrant violation of our national faith. 1812.] The Executive of Georgia, apparently entertaining the idea that his State was competent to declare war and make peace, raised an army, which, under the command of the Adjutant General, entered Florida with the avowed intention of exterminating the Seminoles, who had so long refused to surrender the Exiles; while the real object was the recapture and reinslave- ment of the refugees. The Creeks of the Lower Towns, however, took sides with the Seminoles, in opposing this piratical foray of slave-eatchers. The army having penetrated a hundred miles or more into Florida, found itself surrounded with hostile savages. Their supplies were cut off; the men, reduced almost to a state of starvation, were compelled to retrace their steps; and with great loss the survivors reached Georgia. But they rbbed those Spanish inhabitants who fell in their way of all their provisions, and left them to suffer for the want of food. Nor were the Georgians satis- fled with taking such provisions us were necessary to support life ; they also took with them a large number of slaves, owned by Spanish masters, with whom they resided.' (1) The ctaie of these aneent spash inhabitants for indemnity against thsee robber- be, have been pressead upn th consideraton of Congress for the last twenty-five years, and n recetloy pending before the courtsof Clims when the bil for their relief was under dtmisaseo befor te Hoses of Representatives, in 1040, Hon. Joh. Quiney Adams pre- sentede list of some ninety slaves, for the loss of whom the ownere claimed eompenea- ton flom the United states. But the dieeanelaas which aose on prae bills were sot at that thme reported; and nelther this exhibit, nor the speech of Mr. Adams, ee ho be found ho the ongressional Debates of that day.  CTE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 31 The people, and the authorities of Georgia, were greatly incensed at the Ct-eck Indians, who had assisted the Seminoles in defending thetmselvs; aend the Governor of that State demanded of the chiefs a sorendoter cof these indiidiulals who had thus offended against the soveignty of that eomonswealth. The chiefs refused to deliver op tihei bethren, aned tile Goeror comiplained to the President of this disegardt of slavehling coonity by the Creeks. The Federal sutihsrities appear to hasve felt very little interest in the msatter, and1 Georgia ilcetiitned to redress her sun grievances. Tine Legislatire of that State, leettitg their interests neglcted by ( the Feceial Governmoent, passed resolutions declaring the oerupa- tioni ef Florida essensial to the safety and svelfaee of their people, whehere Coutgress authorizeid it or list; and they passed an act for raising a foce "to redue St Attgustine aind ptnish the Indians." tndr t diieclatiiont of soar byh ssvereign power of Georgia anothi~ellily 0,as la d. lluters, trappers, vagahonds, and mon of ileoperate fertaincs, see collected tram that State, from East Tonne,-e, 1nd1 fioiit other Seothet-n States, to the nutmber of five hundred autd Floida was5 again inivaded. This expeition wao muoreeissofanl, ini souiie spects, lhan tile fier. They horned two or thlee of tihe slia-ller Selitolo toins, destroyed several cornfields that hadl beou plaiited liy the Exiles, and drove bark to Gnorgia large herd, of latthe, wichl they had stoics from the oegroes; yet the princ-ipal ibjec I sf tihe Expedition faiiled:t They were unable to captune an indiid~uail, or tfttily, of tile Exiles. There wsere no Spanish inhnoits in that part1 ol Florida from whom they could capture slaes, ail thery were cotopelled to return without hutman visuals, but owith the Ioss of sevenal indiv iduals of their own party. Tha., after a-.tstggle of nmore thait too years (ending May, 1313), te State sif Georgia found itself unable to conquer Florida or the Seminitles, or ill capture tile Exiles- Further prosecution of the war woo giveta Ott, tile scoops were withudrawn from Amelia Island, anti peace swas restoredl. This extraordinaary proceeding, on the part of Georgia, appears THE EXILEcS OF FLnORIDA. 31 The people, and the authorities of Georgia, were greatly incensed at the treek Indians, swho had ssisted tine Senminoles in defending themiselves; atnd tine Goveroor of thatt State demanded of the chiefs a surrendier of thoise intdiriduals who had thus offended against the rot reigty of that riotiitoaltlt. Tihe chiefs refused so deliver up their brethni, and tile Governor coniplained tu the President of this disrgigaid of slaveholding cotmity by tine Creeks.' Tue Fedral authnorities appt~ear to have felt very little interest in the matter, alas Grogia enltiminedl to redress lier owno grievances. Tine Legisatre o~f that State, dretming their interests neglected by tile Feidiora Gioiernmnent, paesed resolatiotts declaring the occupa- tiotn of F'loridia essentiali to tile safety andl woelfanre of their people, whether Coint a, utheorce it or not; sod they passed an art for raising a foee "to reiduie St Aogstine unti puisto the Indiua." Unidor tis slelat ation of wync by the soeeign power of Georgia, another anerny twln noised. lint-n, trappens, vagahonds, and men of dceeate fontlunes, werne collectrid fisin that State, from East Teotnes-ee, ath1 firnm otiher Sounthertn Stoies, to tine numbier of five hurndred; and1 lonrida sins agaitn innsaded. Tii expedition wao nuoieineeeoasful, in esomne I eects, tint tine fieet. They horned two or tinnve if tile smll er Srmnoliie tows, destroyed several cornfields that lhod hbeen planiited hi the Exiiea, and drtove hack to Georgia large linii, if cittle, wshich the.y tad stolen fronm the negroes; yet thne prioeil o ,hject of sine LExpeditioin faiied: Thney were unable to caplace inn inilido al, or tainly, of tine Exiles. There were nu Spanshi inhi nt.is an tihat part of Fiorida frnim whom they could captoe sl,i,o:iid they seec ompelled to return witinout humnan victis, biat wsith the ioss of several inidisviduals of their own party. Tinus, after a struggle of inn thaon two years (coding May, 1813), tine State of Georgia fond itself unable to conquer Florida or the Seminoies, tie to rapture the Exiles. Further prosecution of the war was given op, the troops were withndrawn fromn Amelia Island, anti peace Sas restored. This extraordinary proceeding, on the part of Georgia, appears THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 31 The people, sod thne authioeities of Georgia, were greatly incensed at tine Creek rIndians, u-in had assisted the Senninoles in defending theselves; anid the Governor of that Stnate demanded of the chiefi a surrendee of those irndividuaals wins had thos offended against tine sovereciginty oif tinai comonttnwealthn Tne chiefs refused to deliver ott tineir bhenei, ,Oid the Gosvernor coniplained to the President of tii di-regano of 5savinolditng contity by tine Creeks.' The Feilero autinorities appear to inave felt very little interest in the nmantte'r, and1 Geogianletrinted to rendress lher oswn grievances. Tine Legisaitnne onf thtl State, dlening their interests neglected by tine Fedletal Goenen t, pased resolations declaning tite ocupa- tion mof Floidam c-ential to tine safety and welfarte of their people, wohetiner tCongessutoiedn it or niot; aind thney passed an act for raising a fonce "to reducve St. AugtneIn sand ponish the Itndianns." Under tihisldeclaation of war by tihe so~vereign power of Georgia, anothner arnny wss enised. Itnnntees, teappers, vagabonds, atnd men of despenate Iontunnes, stone colilceted fnom tit State, from East Tennessee, aind fromi othenr Southtern Stantes, to tine numbner of five hundredi; innd Florida wa suan itnsaded. This expedition wao msore seites-fail, itt somle respiects, tin tine first. Tiney burned two or thn ce ot tineinnelier Se.nnnasi tonsn, destroyed several cornfields that had in -ci plantted by tine Exiles, and drove back to Georgia large lien i of rattle, soiihi the.y had stolen fron the aegroes; yet tine picipal oibjeet of the Expesdition failed:n They were unable to captune ann individIual, or fannily, of tine Exiles. There were no Spaniesh inhaiants in that paret of Florida fromn whom they coald capturnslavies, alii they wede cotmpelled to return without huan vislims, hint with tine Isa of several itnividuals of their own party. Tinus, after a struge of nmore thno two years (coding Msy, 1813), tine State of Georgia fonundl itself unable to conquer Florida or the Semnitnoles, or so rapture thne Exiles. Further prosecution of the war wats givens up, tine troops see withdrawn fronm Amelia Island, anl peace was restoredt. This extraor-dinnary proceeding, en the part of Georgia, appears  82 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. to have excited very little attention at the time; probably in con- sequence of the more important operations that were then being carried forward, upon our Northern and Northwestern frontiers. Harrison atTippecanoe, and at Maumee; and Scott and Van Rens. selaer at Queenston, and along the Niagara frontier, were gallantly confronting the British army, aided by powerful allies from the various neighboring tribes of savages; and so greatly was the attention of the people of the Northern States absorbed in these operations, that they were scarcely conscious of the slave-catehing forays carried on by the State of Georgia. Indeed, during .these operations, the public men of that State were among the most vehement advocates for a strict construction of the Federal Con- stitution, and for maintaining the American Union. These transactions upn our Southern fronder alled 1814.] attention of British Ministers to the Seminoles and Ahe Exiles. A hostile fleet entered Chesapeake Bay, under Lord Cohrane, who issued a proclamation invtinesalL perons .(asnison slaves), who desired to emigrate from the United States to come with their families on board his Britannsic Majesty's ships of war; assuring them of the privilege of entering his Majesty's naval serviceeor of settling with their families, as free ncom n.in..either. of the British West India Islands. This proclamation was widely circulated, and spread very general consternation along our South- ern seaboard : it gave the slaveholders of Georgia occasion to look to their own protection, and to secure the fidelity of those bondmen who yet remained in the service of their masters.1 Two British sloops of war and some smaller vessels suddenly appeared in Appalachicola Bay, where they landed a body of troops, (1) Many tlames actally fld from their masters and fond an asylum on board British Vsels. some saty. balongleg to a planter named Forbes, who resided in Georgia, let his planaton and took shelter on board the ship commanded by Lord Cochrane. They were tnospnrfed so JFaac, whem taey r etelsd aod lined te riher tree people. deer the n- eaflen of peae, Forbes sued ans Lordship, before the British re, for dsmageoeeoetned bytheilssoftheseslaes. Thecaselieitednmhl irnin in regard o the law of Slavery, and, next to that of sommrset, may be regarded s the most Important on that subject arme itgated before an English court. 32 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. to have excited very little attention at the time; probably in con- sequence of the mora important operations that were then being carried forward, upon our Northern and Northwestern frontiers. Harrison at Nippecanoe, and at Maumee; and Scott and Van Rens. selaer at Queenston, and along the Niagara frontier, were gallantly confronting the British army, aided by powerful allies from the various neighboring tribes of savages; and so greatly was the attention of the people of the Northern States absorbed in these operations, that they were scarcely conscious of the slave-catching forays carried on by the State of Georgia. Indeed, during these operations, the public men of that State were among the most vehement advocates for a strict construction of the Federal Con- stitution, and for maintaining the American Union. 1g14' These transactions upon our Southern frontier rclled attention of BritishNMiniters wtlote Smienoleanl the Exile. A hostile fleet entered Chesapeake Bay, under Lord Cochrane who issued a proclamatin invitin all perons (meaning slaves), iho desired to emigrate from the United States, te come with their families on board his Britannic Maiesty's ships of war; assuring them of the privilege of entering his Majesty's naval servicor of settling with their families, as freeperaons. in either. of the British West India Islands. This proclamation was widely circulated, and spread very general consternation along our South- ern seaboard: it gave the slaveholders of Georgia occasion to look to their own protection, and to secure the fidelity of those bondmen who yet remained in the service of their masters.1 Two British sloops of war and some smaller vessels suddenly appeared in Appalaehicola Bay, where they landed a body of troops, (1) Many claret actoally fAsd from their masters and hoed an asylum on board Brtsh vessels. some sty. belonging to a planter named Forbes, who reelded In Oeorgoa, lef his pltation and took abelter on board the ship commanded by tord Cochrane. They were transported to Jamaica, where they settled and lived us other free people. After the resi-n stien or pea, Forbes sued his Lordship, before the British ours, for damage. -staomed by the loss of these slaves. Thecase eleited much learning in regard to the law of slavery, and, nexoathat of sommremt, may be regarded a the most important on that ject smar nigated bere an English court. 82 THE EXILEs OF FLoRIDA. to have excited very little attention at the time ; probably in con- sequence of the more important operations that were then being carried forward, upon our Northern and Northwestern frontiers. Harrison at Tippecanoe, and at Maumee; and Scott and Van Rens- selaer at Queenston, and along the Niagara frontier, were gallantly confronting the British army, aided by powerful allies from the various neighboring tribes of savages; and so greatly was the attention of the people of the Northern States absorbed in these operations, that they were scarcely conscious of the slave-catching forays carried on by the State of Georgia. Indeed, during .these operations, the public men of that State were among the most vehement advocates for a strict construction of the Federal Con- stitution, and for maintaining the American Union. 1g14.] These transactions upon our Southern frontier .salled attention of B mitih tn rhe Semmoles nna he Exiles. A hostile fleet entered Chesapeake Bay, under Lord Cochrane who issued a proclame tin initin allpersonameaning slaves)0 who desired to emigrate from the United States tocome with their families on board his Britannic Majesty's ships of war; assuting them of the privilege of enterimg his Majesty's naval service or of settling with their families, as frepceospm .inither. of the British West India Islands. This proclamation was widely ieirculated, and spread very general consternation along our South- ern seaboard : it gave the slaveholders of Georgia occasion to look to their own protection, and to secure the fidelity of those bondmen who yet remained in the service of their masters.t Two British sloops of war and some smaller vessels sddenly appeared in Appalachicoa Bay, where they landed a body of troops, (1) iay lavee actually fed from their maers and found an asylum on board Brdsh ,ecek. some alaty. belonging to a planter named Forbes, who resided In Oeorgia, left his plantation and took shelter on board the ship commended by Lord Cochrane. They were transported to Jamai, where they settled end lived us other free people. After the roto- ration of peace, Forbes ned his Lordehip, befom the British rorts, for damages sustained bytetlosof these slaves. The case elicited much learning in regard to the lae of slavery, and, nea to tbea of somret,mybe regarded s the most important on that subject ane liated beame an nglishi tourt.   z m _ x a -f  THE EXILESOF 0 FLtORIA. 33 nder Lieut. Colonel Nichols, of the British Army, for the purpose tlending suppot and proec ton tothe ales and their Indian allieo. lie opened comn~iications with them, furniohed them thd arms and aromunition, and aeon drew around him a considerable_ force of ndis as well no negroes. Hlio encampment was on the east side of the Apalachicola eover some talnrty miles above itngmouta. In November, he completed a strong fort on the hank of that stream. Some eight pieces of hteavy ordnance were mounted upon its walle, and its moagazinc swas weit stored with the material of war.' It wee evidently intended no a defense against the foeays of slave-catchers, who were not expected to bring with them heavy artillery. The plan wons well conceived. Even the plundering expeditiosn au- thorized by the State of Georgia, would knee been uneble to make any impression on this fortification. But neither Nichols, nor the Exiles, appear to have anticipated the employmeot of the United States navy in a piratical work, discarded9~ most Christian atione and peoplean .niloed to be carried on oney upon the African eoas The British fleet withdrew from the roast of Georgia, aad the slaveholdero of that State were relieved, for a time, from those apprehensions of slave insurrection which had been excited by the proclamation of Lord Cochrane. In the meantime the Treaty of Ghent was ratified, and peace restored to the country. In that treaty the interestsosf Slavery t)I Stesette,' to hia "' tet of ethe Vallks of the Miteelee," ,ay. tveedbine et wid this fot I. heuer ~e~~o116 and each Serethe represse on me o the Con- mittee aposIet in 1819, te inhle,.t the conduet rof (sn nn Jwoent, to tokieg Itnees- let of Flertda. not the terder Hill notc lt Ltrtes ef Ozoecel Gained, liemolee quoted, which hears Jee, o the tath ties, t8tS, aed 'iae n 1e,,eed the Steeuee ereo that segee a ,,,,otlrzve hoe, kr Tot,,eeec,,iof Fr oeeen II-enu tt atee." ThS 50.5 mete thae a seer heSome the tine oferecteing the row, eseerdieg te "M.-Mtt." The paret er the tOct -e msid to bt fife- teet highi nd eighteee tilk, eitotd epee a gentleclllt, with Otfie It-no emtl leenlo tht rites nent et a e, ondoaswamep lnothetreer. whieh pteted it fees the Mcen-,h of aetilleec by toed. Oe Its wallS tren eteened see thirty-twe recedes, three tety-tette ptundere, tee elee pneucee, teeo .1. reeedeem, and ee bS roe ad ea halt lees heeliter. Vine 0®1. eto ent of semen. Mactee Ltenle. THlE EXILES 0F FLOIDA. 33 under Lieut. Colonel Nichols, of the British Army, for the purpose t endtng suppe ani pro eseton to the Exiles and their Indian allies. le opened commlunications with them, furnished them with arms and amnoition, and neon drew around him a considerable. force of Indians as well as negroes. His encampment wee on the est sidle sf1the Appalachicola er sme t lriy miles above ito mouth. In November, he completed a strong fort on the bank of thnt ntreem. Some eight pieces of hteavy ordnance were mounted upon its wells, and its mtagazine was well stored with the material of war.e It wee evidently intenited as a defense against the forays of slave-catehers, who were not expected to bring with them heavy artillery. The plan seas well cotnceived. Even thte plundering expeditions an- thorized by the Stole of Georgia, would have been unable to make any impression on thio fortification. But neither Nichols, nor the Exiles, appear to have anticipated the employment of the United States navy In a pleatleal work, iscarded by most Christian nations and peoped allowed Is be carried _en onlyupon the African ea ._..... The British fleet withdrew from the roast of Georgia, and the slaveholders of that Slate were relieved, for a time, from those apprehlensions of slave insurrection which had been excited by the proclamtation of Lord Cohrane. In the meantime Ike Treaty of Ghent wan ratified, and poace restored to the country. In that treaty the interests of Slavery I1) "M-1 sis ," in his "m-ee ef the V(oller ef the Sileeleelel," ers Weedhe erodted ti ot iv theeo~~tt~ edeer f16;ad.t were theeeeee.etrioeemede baetote C- mieett appointet ietl5 ISt einvesgate the seedoet o eneral Johen, to toking eeeem- le ef Flondo, net the reade wil i te the lfteer fOevee i ce, heeetter quotud, whicS bett leuone tht 1ath Mae, 181t, nd o~ycisfly intormed the te.reeeen of at" a ..,s ,eed,,s h,, e teket Toear,,,,Cneeffo Foxren. n AArethentntn nie'.' TbhS waeos ttne .oayer bseoe the tiete ofetectlng the feet, according to "iioetn.tt The roteret ot the fd rt co a t e Stfe terot h inh .ed sigh-.e thitk, sItuated upon ee Lsclith afne tre eoetettttg lele the rier nereiuben, n.. . p I. Ite tear. ehich prtected it fret the npreeeh et atiloe hy med. Oa its coite lee moued ee tthirte-two pounes thre tety-foar p,eet,Ieeotetvemt,Wto l reendere, aon bnas here nd o hLe lesh hoeitee. Vide Offial tepret ef tning. innte teeomle. 3 THE EXILES On FLORIDA. 33 under Lieut. Colonel Nichols, of the British Army, for the purpose t lending suppert an protecton to the xni es and their Indian allies. He opened communications with them, furnished them with arms and atmmunition, and seon drew around him a considerenl force of ndians us well as negroes. His encampment wee on the eant sidte of-fthe Apenlachicola River sews t trtj miles above its moitfik In Ntovemer, he completed a strong fort en the bunk of that utream. Some eight pieces of heavy ordnance were mounted upon its walls, and its magazine was well stored with the material of war.e It wee evidently intetided as a defense against the forays of slave-catchers, who were not eapected to bring with them heavy artillery. The plan seas well coniccived. Even the plundering expeditionu an- thorizedt by the Slate of Georgia, would knee been unable to make any imtpresso en this fortification. But neither Nichols, nor the Exiles, appear to hove anticipated the employment of the United States navy in a piratical work, discarded bymost Christian nations and poplei and alto ed to be carredi on only upon the African enasI., The British fleet withdrew from the coast of Georgia, and the slaveholders of that State were relieved, for a time, from those appeentsions of slave insurrection whlich had been excited hy the proclaoiation of Lord Cochrane. In the meantime the Treaty of Ghent wee ratified, and peace restored to tile country. In that treaty the interests of Slavery tli "MIteettn,' le his "tietees sfetthe Valleenrfihh Mfitetrl," sore Weedie ereed tis tt iv theeetmee of 181; an ,stduheeheeee-ienlieeeeeede befoeethe Onn- mlt-e appsinttd to t819, 0 ineeetigett the seonet eesGeneeol Joekien,t aie kg eeeeeee- le et Flsendo. not teee Hill ne,tOhe Letter nf eoeel Oninee, ll-eeeore qaeted, which bract dae on the lath Mtem, 1815, and eogille 1n,-e-d the S.-erof eftas that "e g.g ¢eeJ tttlseve I,0llte wk- Peehset of FOSI emas a easiahan. t.." Thi s e oi thano steer bee tht tiete ofeterting the SO, seordiot te 1"Stonete." The poenpet ef the met ws sold 5o he tieee ft high ndu eluhteo thiek, eltote esseea gentle elle, with o fn se t-t em eytieg no te ive vele awe ie, nod.e eep IsI. tt eahich prested it teem the eproh of Hoillecyye nd. 00 ito colar sent moueted onertlirttwttpeesde,threetwetts-tor pnudee twiiea odertl.1. pnandee,, and one Ston tie and a holehat heeltne. Vide Offelat Report et Sotaog- 3  84 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. had not been forgotten; and the same stipulations were inserted, in regard to the withdrawal of his Majesty's troops and navy, "without taking or cawying away any negroes or other property "of the citizens," which characterized the treaty of 17$2. The owners of slaves who had fled from service under the proclamation of Lord Cochrane, now determined to obtain compensation for their loss. This general feeling again aroused the cupidity of those whose fathers had once claimed to own those Exiles, who fled from Geor- gia some thirty or forty years previously. In the spring of 1815, Colonel Nichols and bis troops withdrew from Florida, leaving the fort with its entire a e nts.. .o ,no.t Tine ofiiilitasy storeas in the Doei' f the i o a izzds d in the vitiiliy. Their plantations extended along the river several miles, above and below the fort.' Many of them possessed large herds of rattle and horses, which roamed in the forests, gathering their food, both in summer and winter, without expense or trouble to their owners. The Pioneer Exiles from South Carolina had settled here long before the Colony of Georgia existed. Several generations had lived to manhood and died in those forest-homes. To their descend- ants it had become consecrated by " many an oft told tale" of early adventure, of hardship and suffering; the recollection of which had been retained in tradition, told in story, and sung in their rude lays. Here were the graves of their ancestors, around whose memories were clustered the fondest recollections of the human mind. The elimate was genial. They were surrounded by exten- sive forests, and far removed from the habitations of those enemies of freedom who sought to enslave them ; and they regarded them- selves as secure in the enjoyment of liberty. Shut out from the cares and strifes of more civilized men, they were happy in their own social solitude. So far from seeking to injure the people of (1) This b the fcial aecont of Stling-.ser Lom5, who commanded the nval ex- ginatimo subsequntly ent to redue this fortem. "ume.." in hi. Hstmry of the valley of the Missiappi, ay, "mNy% r 1 M, Port iffd.s w sford, e od etdaong the rer nerlyffy mue." 84 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. had not been forgotten; and the same stipulations were inserted, in regard to the withdrawal of his Majesty's troops and navy, "without taking or cawying away any negroes or other property "of the citizens," which characterized the treaty of 17$2. The owners of slaves who had fled from service under the proclamation of Lord Cochrane, now determined to obtain compensation for their loss. This general feeling again aroused the cupidity of those whose fathers had once claimed to own those Exiles, who fled from Geor- gia some thirty or forty years previously. Io the spring of 1815, Colonel Nichols and his troops withdrew from Florida, leaving the fort with its entire rt .-.a mo. lineofilitasy stores, in the s inneo f D t'ho vis who 2idrd in the viciy. Their plantations extended along the river several miles, above and below the fort.t Many of them possessed large herds of cattle and horses, which roamed in the forests, gathering their food, both in summer and winter, without expense or trouble to their owners. The Pioneer Exiles from South Carolina had settled here long before the Colony of Georgia existed. Several generations had lived to mahhood and died in thase forest-homes. To their descend- ants it had become consecrated by " many an oft told tale" of early adventure, of hardship and suffering ; the recollection of which had been retained in tradition, told in story, and sung in their rude lays. Here were the graves of their ancestors, around whose memories were clustered the fondest recollections of the human mind. The climate was genial. They were surrounded by exten- sive forests, and far removed from the habitations of those enemies of freedom who sought to enslave them ; and they regarded them- selves as secure in the enjoyment of liberty. Shut out from the cares and strifes of more civilized men, they were happy in their own social solitude. So far from seeking to injure the people of (1) This i the ofWei&l accont of sailting-Nster Lmtos, who ommanoded the naval ex- pdete sobseqwetly seatuto Ouethis fortre. ' onette," tu hi. itory of the valley or the Misissippi,ay, "m NrA t4 -pttMd trtreef, nd extede4 alote ite ne mrlyiffy male-s." 84 THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. had not been forgotten; and the same stipulations were inserted, in regard to the withdrawal of his Majesty's troops and navy, "without taking or easying away any negroes or other property "of the citizens," which characterized the treaty of 17$2. The owners of slaves who had fled from service under the proclamation of Lord Cochrane, now determined to obtain compensation for their loss. This general feeling again aroused the cupidity of those whose fathers had once claimed to own those Exiles, who fled from Geor- gia some thirty or forty years previously. In the spring of 1815 Colonel Nichols and lida troops withdrew from Florida, leaving the fort, with its entire armament ona mtgs tne dfriiilitasy stores, in the neemo , toh Frilo ho e dtd in the vieinity. Their plantations extended along the river several miles, above and below the fort.' Many of them possessed large herds of cattle and horses, which roamed in the forests, gathering their food, both in summer and winter, without expense or trouble to their owners. The Pioneer Exiles from South Carolina had settled here long before the Colony of Georgia existed. Several generations had lived to manhood and died in those forest-homes. To their descend- ants it had become consecrated by " many an oft told tale" of early adventure, of hardship and suffering; the recollection of which had been retained in tradition, told in story, and sung in their rude lays. Here were the graves of their ancestors, around whose memories were clustered the fondest recollections of the human mind. The climate was genial. They were surrounded by exten- sive forests, and far removed from the habitations of those enemies of freedom who sought to enslave them ; and they regarded them- selves as secure in the enjoyment of liberty. Shut out from the cares and strifes of more eivilized men, they were happy in their own soeial solitude. So far from seeking to injure the people of (1) This is th esicia .emnt of ailn.-s.te moomb, who eomaneded the s al e- p itn auorequeotly sent t ordue this fortrem. 'tMeetto e,"n his attorf the vally or the MIssimippi, ay., a Nrote, oFrt hefusd. n,0We, nod exted4 along ite riner nearsy s fifty ms."  THE EXILS OF FLORIDA. 35 the United States, they were only anxious to be exempt, and en- tirely free from all contact with or population or Government; while they faithfully maintained their allegiance to the Spanish crown. 155] Pence with Great Britain, however, had left our army iss]without active employment. A portion of it wan atationed. along our Southern frontier of Georgia. to maintain peace with the Indians. The authorities and people of Georgia maintained serial aod friendly relations with the officers and men of the army. By means of Indian spies, the real condition of the Exiles wan also. ascertained and well understood. What means were used to excite the feelings or prejudices of the military officero against these un- offending Exiles, is not known at thio day. Most of the officers. commanding in the South were, however, slaveholders, and rh- bly ttastogsaptywtth pepeoGeraintheir in igiiaiin against them, for ohtaining and eNoiying liherty without.. pemsi- of their musters. General Gaines, comn diuc on the Southern frontier of Geor- gia, making Fort Scott hi had-quarters, wrote the Secretary of War (. uy 14), saying, "certain neproes and outlaws have taken "posoomion of a fort on the Appoluchiesla River, in the Terrtory "of lorsa." He assured the Secretary, that he should keep- watch of theot He charged them with no crime. imputed to themse us hostile acts. He was conscious that they had taken posseesion othe slely for their own protection; hut he. styled them negmoes, which, in the language of that day among slaveholders, was regarded as an imputation of guilt ; and oeuma wan. supposed to he a proper term with which to characterize those who had fled from hondage and sworn allegiance to another government.t (1) The readern wn at one san, thet theme peopleer lio ,snnbern the pnstmaee of Spain, se the teture staes sss Is Cesutx ar under the protectia x acme Biis ha. Tben usclarl spastle.mbjssl se the wrirn SHIMr~w shjess. ay th. hs55 asiotune. OSa. bed tbs esese right ts pe- he bnk na.bjeelet onepy "Bets' Feet," ibattmn Q.- of Macland hae tonpensit Frt Madsn to beossph by her blentk mso~ese. Ths sely datssliss beteene the tin cacO, INSpain wee esek ad osable Wn reali bcnh o tOnal hsonr, sad stlonaligt ib eln. EsglsS bes the ses ix do boll. THlE MLRSi Or FLOIDA. 8 the United States, they were only anxious to be exempt, and en- tirely free from all contact with our population or Government; while they faithfully maintained their allegiance to the Spanish 155] Peace with Great Britain, however, had left our army 151]without active employment. A portion of it was stationed. along our Southern frostier of Georgis, to maintain peace with the Indians. The authorities and people of Georgia maintained Serial and friendly relatioss with the officers and men of the army. By means of Indian spies, the real condition of the Exiles ws also. ascertained and well understood. What means were used to excite the feelings or prejudices of the military officers against these on- offending Exiles, is not known at this day. Mst of the officers commanding in the South were, however, slaveholders, and proba- b y se a strng nympathy with the people of Georgia io. their in lgnatinagainst them, for obtaining and a~joyijg ier witheout periiission of their masters. General Gaines, comemnodins on the Southern frontier of Geor- gin, makin g Fort Scott hi had-quarters, wrote the Secretary of War (i ay 14), maying, "certain negroes and outlaws have taken "possemsion of a fort on the Appalachienls River, in the Territory "of lorida.' He sosured the Secretary, that he shsuld keep. watch of themis He charged them with n crime imputed to them. nohostile aets. He was conscious that they had taken pomsession of the fort solely for their own protection; hut he styled them usgrocs, which, in the language of that day among slavehalders, was regarded as an imputation of guilt; ad outltw wan supposed to ho a proper ternm with which bo characterize those who had fled from bondage and sworn allegiance to another government.1 (1) Ths rsder viii at ons res, thas these people weresae eexch nden she p eleebsat 6seqeae th~e oiis ehas now ile~t assd erundsepeaar Sds saxato fBtte w Tbsp an cliary Spensa enbjesie - s 5055ts ar Snrleb ashlees. By lb. Ixef r .e Spais had lbs ee debht to permit her bleek eshjssss tonesny "10055's Fort," Ohet the Ous of tvhnad bese to pereeisans Stsbea tn he oacupied by her bloc. sebieele. Tine only daissoion betweenhe tw rnees, Spanws es t saad unabl W ssi er an,~e Seoul hbxmr, sad cesnla righbs; swha. Entlund bee ahe psowe do bsth. THn EXILES OF FLORIDA. 85 the United States, they were only anxious to be exempt, and en- tirely free from all contact with our population or Government; while they faithfully maintained their airegiance to the Spanish crown. 155] Peace with Great Britain, however, had left our army 185~ without active employment. A portion of it wan stationed. along our Southers frontier of Georgia, to maintain peace with the Indians. The authorities and people of Georgia maintained mecal and friendly relations with the officers and men of the army. By meas of Indian spies, the real condition nf the Exiles wan aso. ascertained and well understood. What means were used to excite the feelings or prejudices of the military officers against these n- offending Exiles, is not known at this dny. Moot of the officers- comanding in the South were, however, Blaveholders. and peas- b y tet a strmsg sympathy with the people of Georgia in their indignation against them, for obtaiseg aced e~jay_ig lthertthout_ permission of their masters. General Gaines, commanuding on the Southern frontier of Genre- gin, making Fort Scott his head-eiuarters, wrote the Secretary of Far (May 141), ouying, " certain negroes and outlaws have taken "posesnian of a fart on the Appalsehicola River, in the Terrtory. "of Fortda." He amsured the Secretary, that he should keep. wateh of thetis He ebarged them with no crime. imputed to thee.. no hostile acta. He was conscious that they bnd taken posseseion of the atselely for their own protection; hut he styled them negroes, which, in the language of that day among alavehalders, woo regarded as an imputation of guilt ;and outlawo wan Supposed to be a proper term with whirlh Io characterize those who had fled from bondage and sworn allegiance to anoawe government.' (1) The render xl at one see, ibsa these peopn. wean an mes ceder the prensiobn of Spes, eseibgtirc esaes vnn. is lasde are nudes tbe preseilnxnr Hdil Iwe. They s ckul ndnipanibh esbjers an che lat0r ar addse ebjecs.. ay th. ise er eon 0Spa lbnh cm. right no permit ber black sbleen t iomesay "monts Fort," Oteitine Qom.. of aaoulsd ba is pesit Fons Maide. is be sesried byh b -bW bld s la I. oniy dilndsn betwue the twoxones. Is, Spaim eas west sod enshie to nessta her a 6-4sa honar and -11eii ghti dala white Resiald be the sower Ws do boti.  36 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. / For more than a year subsequently to the date of this letter, General Gaines made the Exiles a subject of frequent communicae tion to the War Department. In this official correspondence, he nt all times spoke of them no " runaways," ''outlaws," " pirates," "murderers," etc.; but in no instance did he charge them with any act hostile to the United States, or to any other people or government. Of these communications the Exiles were ignorant. They con- tinued in peaceful retirement, cultivating the earth, and gaining a support for themselves and families. In the autumn of 1815, they gathered their crops, provided for the support of the aged and infirm, as well as for their children. They carefully nursed the sick ; they buried their dead ; they lived in peace, and enjoyed the fruits of their labor. The following spring and summer found them in this enviable condition. 816.] While the Exiles living on the Appalachicola were thus pursuing the even tenor of their ways, plans were ripening among the slaveholders and military officers of our army for their destruction. A correspondence was opened by the Secretary of* War with General Jackson, who commanded the Southwestern Military District of the United States, holding his head-quarters at Nashville, Tennessee. Various letters and communications passed between those officers in regard to this "Negro Fort," as they called it. Power is never more dangerous than when wielded by military men. They usually feel ambitions to display their own prowess, and that of the troops under their command; and no person can read the communications of General Gaines, in regard to the Exiles who had gathered in and around this fort, without feeling conscious that he greatly desired to give to the people of the United States an example of the science and power by which they could destroy human lifet, (1) vide the vonumnou Correspondence on this sdet contatned In Ex. Doe. 119, 2d Bodton, Ivth Cmngres. 86 THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. For more than a year subsequently to the date of this letter, General Gaines made the Exiles a subject of frequent communica tion to the War Department. In this official correspondence, he at all times spoke of them as "runaways," "outlaws," "pirates," "murderers," ete.; but in no instance did he charge them with any act hostile to the United States, or to any other people or government. Of these communications the Exiles were ignorant. They con- tinued in peaceful retirement, cultivating the earth, and gaining a support for themselves and families. In the autumn of 1815, they gathered their crops, provided for the support of the aged and infirm, as well as for their children. They carefully nursed the sick; they buried their dead ; they lived in peace, and enjoyed the fruits of their labor. The following spring and summer found them in this enviable condition. 1816.] While the Exiles living on the Appalachicola were thus pursuing the even tenor of their ways, plans were ripening among the slaveholders and military officers of our army for their destruction. A correspondence was opened by the Secretary of War with General Jackson, who commanded the Southwestern Military District of the United States, holding his head-quarters at Nashville, Tennessee. Various letters and communications passed between those officers in regard to this "Negro Fort," as they called it. Power is never more dangerous than when wielded by military men. They usually feel ambitious to display their own prowess, and that of the troops under their command; and no person can read the communications of General Gaines, in regard to the Exiles who had gathered in and around this fort, without feeling conscious that he greatly desired to give to the people of the United States an example of the science and power by which they could destroy human life.' (1) vide the volumns Correspondence on this subject cntaned In R, Doe.119, nd Beaton, Ivth Congres. 86 THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. For more than a year subsequently to the date of this letter, General Gaines made the Exiles a subject of frequent communica tion to the War Department. In this official correspondence, he at all times spoke of them as "runaways," "outlaws," " pirates," "murderers," ete.; but in no instance did he charge them with any act hostile to the United States, or to any other people or government. Of these communications the Exiles were ignorant. They con- tinued in peaceful retirement, cultivating the earth, and gaining a support for themselves and families. In the autumn of 1815, they gathered their crops, provided for the support of the aged and infirm, as well as for their children. They carefully nursed the sick; they buried their dead; they lived in peace, and enjoyed the fruits of their labor. The following spring and summer found them in this enviable condition. 816.] While the Exiles living on the Appalachicola were thus pursuing the even tenor of their ways, plans were ripening among the slaveholders and military officers of our army for their destruction. A correspondence was opened by the Secretary of War with General Jackson, who commanded the Southwestern Military District of the United States, holding his head-quarters at Nashville, Tennessee. Various letters and communications passed between those officers in regard to this "Negro Fort," as they called it. Power is never more dangerous than when wielded by military men. They usually feel ambitious to display their own prowess, and that of the troops under their command; and no person can read the communications of General Gaines, in regard to the Exiles who had gathered in and around this fort, without feeling conscious that he greatly desired to give to the people of the United States an example of the science and power by which they could destroy human life.- (1) vide the vounmius Correspondence on this unbject contalned on Eu. Dc. 119, 2d Beaion, Xvth Congre-.  THE EXILES 00 FLORIDA. 37 At length, sn the sixteenth of May, General Jacksen wrote General Gaines, saying. " I have little doubt of the fact, thsat this " fort haa boon establiohed by seone villains for tbe purpose of rapine and plunder, and that it ought to be blown up, regardless "of the ground on which it stands; uud if your mind ohull huve formed the same conclusion, destroy it and return the stolen "negroes and property to their rightful owners."I Without attempting to criticise this order of General Jackson, we must regard a fort thns situated, at least sixty miles from thse border of the Unitcd States, as a most singular instrument foe the purpose of " rapine," or plundering our citizens. Nor could Gen- eral Jackson have entertained any npprcheasions from those who occupied the fort. The entice corrcspondece showed thenm to be refuigees, seekinn onlv to avoid our people: indeed. his very order shows this, for ho directe General Gaines to return the "stolen negroes to their rightful owners." Theo use of opprobrious epithets is not often resorted to by men in high official statiosy,. ;. ia- difficult to believe, that General Jackson supposed those negroes to have been. atolen ;for, neither in tie official correspondence on this ousect, nor in the papers accempuovioc it. enilracin' msore than a uin red documentary pages. is there a hint that these uegroes worn "stnen r tat heyhad comnttittcd violence upon any person, or" upon the property of atty pcrson whatever. They had sought their 0s'n liberty, and the charge of stealing themselves, was used like the other epithets of " outlaws," " pirates" and " murderers," to cast oppcobriun upon the chaeractcr of men whso, if judged by their t1) Perapas no poredn.sosal miteloat ry exhiblh such disasgard of intarnntioalt an t, unprovokeda i,,aaeia ,,r Floridtn. cor thirty ycmn, thr stases afrour Soather, Ota,,. ia ha ba, insth Sait Seing non uhnBrtish P'-aaia. thn er ass m admitted al t~ l~sc iia,hlp, in tl sam,, mngear mnha ere toa iF larida. Tany vei and nalianee under Brlit loe; end ahon, our Gon,,nt deandndtatthe Egllh M1i61iv shoaald diecdp the right f ieae p~epla and renin em toa isaner, the naition titieaantemrtaoaaly trorarn ve to hoidaemawoaac ne ih our Sonaaiay oata taaabjaatmsoabhc,,raaiaato eey prlacipaeof atl.lad slf-Itoca. Ouroerr- mecoolaliysubniiisod taithanscoratl aaearoatraaf landl; bt didaaoheiiatze oaaada Faoria with an mned fre, ,.d to sein e itfutirl salbjeca t oSpin,aso anslave doora. THE EXILES5 OF FLOnRIDA. 37 At length, on the nixteenth of May, General Jackoon wrote General Gaines, saying, "I have little doubt of the fuel, that thin fort has been established by seine villains for the purpose of "rapine and plunder, and that it ought to he hlown up, regardless "of the ground an which it stands; and if your mind shall have "formed the same conclusion, destroy it and return the stolen "negroes and property to their righitful owners."1 Without attempting to criticime this order of General Jackson, we must regard a fort thss situated, at least sixty miles from the border of the United States, as a most singular instrument for the purpose of "rapine," or plunderinig our citizens. Nor could Gen- oral Jackson hace entertained any spprehensions from those who occupied the fort. The entire correspondence showed them to ho refugees, oehini onsly to avoid oar pople: indeed, his very order shows this, for ho directs General Gaines to return the "stoles beoes to their rightful owners." The use of opprobrioas epithets is not often resorted to by men is high official station: yli i- difficult to believe, that General Jackson supposed these ngost have been stoles ; for, neither in the official correspondence on this snoject, nor in the papers acompanyinc it. embracine more than a Btiulrel dcumntay pges isthere a hint that tliegn,.pegroes worn sn-"or tat they had comittild violence uon any parsoat, Or upon the property of atny peroon whatever. They had sought their own liherty, and the charge of stealing themselves, was used like the other epithets of "outlaws," "pirates" and ' murderers," to east opprobrism upon the character of men who, if jadged by their (1) Pert pas se poraian at our naianal hinloay etailt each dismsgard at bnsamatlanat Ian, as thi, aseeanakad laaasion at Florida. Fr thirty eas, thn niacin fr Southern Oleiae hate bmaena h Sait fHeng [oth rihinish~l Prcalna. hieao rhsy ar adnittcd snil alloihit o lansahl, in the seame nanar, ath lre to isrida. Thisy sale med hald a011uter Bitiash less; and ,sthaa anr 00oan,,sa deanded th,ti tihe Euslan Mnlysehaaid disregnad tlaha arseas hu rearm and actarn thea, ta siavnry, she nai,it Oti,,lsta, mcrtanoulyrefstd ean to hold saaasaedanaa nith oan ertary at Stats subnjec ahaaaaaaaeaeery rinileroaionalnw eadl-rspeca. Oar Oassax- naaicaolly onhniiud toethe aaeaeal aeaagarraeofnnglead; btidid nos heiiito iana Flordda CO, m areda forte, a to seir te faithful sahincat Saal, and enslave than. THE EXILES Or FLORIDA. 37 At length, on the sixteenth of May, General Jackson wrote Genseral Gaines, saying, "I have little doubt of the fact, that thin fort has been established by some sillains for the purpose of " rpine and plunder, and that it ought to he blowu up, regardless "of the ground on which it stonds; and if your mind shall have formed the same conclusion, destroy it and return the stolen negroes sod properly to their righltful owners." Without attempting to criticise this order of General Jackson, we must regard a fort thus situated, at least sixty miles from the border of the United Statcs, as a most singular instrument for the purpose ef "rapine," or plunderinig oar citizens. Nor could Gen- eral Jackson have entertained any apprehensions from those whs occnpied the fort. The entice correspondence showed them to be r'efisgees, seekise only to svoid our oople" indeed. his very order shows this, for he directs General Gaines to return the ' stolen ne'groes to their rirhtful owners." The use of opprobrious epithets is not often resorted to by mets is high official stations~yLiJ. difficult to beliese, that Geseral Jackson supposed these negroes to have beets stolen ;for, neither in the official correspondence en thi Ifnsject, nor in the papIm accempanvine It. cmar'n more than a aun meddocumentary pages, is thre aist that thiew~ nere were "$toee or tthe had comitted violence upon any person, or upon the property of aay person whatever. They had sought their own liberly, and the charge of stealing themselves, was used like the other cpithets of "outlaws," "pirates" and 'murderers," to east opprobrium upon the character of mrs who, if judged by their lIi Faerasv prtidaoftaernaioaaa hinteryrsahihit saahdisreardofdatlhatlna Ins, an shin anraaaed isamna ar Flosida. Faa tirtyi ycnn, se niaas ctaazr Sauthaa, Staes hasa onoan it.th hait fHena to iha British ti'ns ies ~r they ame admised tanaltheights at aioleanahip, in theau a,.neasr at hay ,,nn i. Flasida. Thay vaae and hald ov5cr under Ei,h inns; snd ea oar G-ana,,auandeandsd ihat thz Hrgiisb Isi Alssa shanid dl-Fd tha rights aftsham. popzlesad raturn than ta slary, se naltah Mitisien mataaFleasly rnfaedsrvn to holdaearrspednaewithaaun Sanstsaotata a subjsec - ahoeaastoaaee priaip~le afnatiaaalla-and slr11-por. Oa,~oaaa,- trout call, submittd.t hescoaaaeaaarnfu IF-ofE ndul butidid nai hsintatae oinade~ Floands with as arnad fore., and s nina tha eaitu sabjseint orats, n.d ate ten-  8 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. love of liberty or their patriotism, would now occupy a position not less honorable in the history of our country than is assigned to the patriots of 1776. Nor is it easy to discover the rule of international law, which authorized the Executive of the United States, or the officers of our army, to dictate to the crown of Spain in what part of his ter- ritory he should, or should not, erect fortresses; or the constitu- tional power which they held foreinvading the territory of a nation at peace with the United States, destroy a fort, and consign its occupants to slavery. But those were days of official arrogance on the one hand, and popular submission on the other. The Exiles, or their ancestors, bad once been slaves. They now were cultiva- ting the richest lands in Florida, and possessed wealth; they were occupying a strong fortress. Many slaves during the recent war bad escaped from their masters, in Georgia, and some were sup- posed to be free subjects of Spain, living in Florida; and if the Exiles were permitted to enjoy their plantations and property in peace, it was evident that the institution in adjoining States would ne in danger of a total overthrow. These facts were apparent to General Jackson, as well as to General Gaines and the slaveholders of Georgia. General Gaines only awaited permission from his superior to carry out the designs of the slaveholders, who had become alarmed at the dangers to which their " peculiar institution " was subjected. Upon the receipt of the order above quoted, he detailed Lieut. Col. Clinch,t of the regular troops, with his regiment and five hundred friendly Creek Indians, under McIntosh, their principal chief, to carry out the directions of General Jackson. Colonel Clinch was directed to take with him two pieces of artillery, for the purpose of cannonading the fort if necessary.a This commencement of the first Seminole war was, at the time, (1) Hon. Donca L. Citeh. He lef the ere i 1841, and weas subsquently a Mtem her of cogrem for several years, and died tu 1852. (2) war was thuE waged agatnst spaia, by Exeenttve authority, without cmsuldog congress; aend no member of that body uttered a protest, or denunciation of the st. 38 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. love of liberty or their patriotism, would now occupy a position not less honorable in the history of our country than is assigned to the patriots of 1776. Nor is it easy to discover the rule of international law, which authorized the Executive of the United States, or the officers of our army, to dictate to the crown of Spain in what part of his ter- ritory he should, or should not, erect fortresses; or the constitu- tional power which they held foreinvading the territory of a nation at peace with the United States, destroy a fort, and consign its occupants to slavery. But those were days of official arrogance on the one hand, and popular submission on the other. The Exiles, or their ancestors, had once been slaves. They now were cultiva- ting the richest lands in Florida, and possessed wealth; they were occupying a strong fortress. Many slaves during the recent war bad escaped from their masters, in Georgia, and some were sup- posed to be free subjects of Spain, living in Florida; and if the Exiles were permitted to enjoy their plantations and property in peace, it was evident that the institution in adjoining States would De in danger of a total overthrow. These facts were apparent to General Jackson, as well as to General Gaines and the slaveholders of Georgia. General Gaines only awaited permission from his superior to carry out the designs of the slaveholders, who bad become alarmed at the dangers to which their " peculiar institution" was subjected. Upon the receipt of the order above quoted, he detailed Lieut. Col. Clinch,t of the regular troops, with his regiment and five hundred friendly Creek Indians, under McIntosh, their principal chief, to carry out the directions of General Jackson. Colonel Clinch was directed to take with him two pieces of artillery, for the purpose of cannonading the fort if necessary.0 This commencement of the first Seminole war was, at the time, (1) Hon. Duncaa L. clinch. He Ilr the service in 1841, and was submseenty a Miem ber of Congress for several years, and died in 1862. (2) war was shas waged against spai, by Executie authority, without conaslting congre ; aed no member of that body uttered a protest, or denoncation of the act. 38 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. love of liberty or their patriotism, would now occupy a position not less honorable in the history of our country than is assigned to the patriots of 1776. Nor is it easy to discover the rule of international law, which authorized the Executive of the United States, or the officers of our army, to dictate to the crown of Spain in what part of his ter- ritory lie should, or should not, erect fortresses; or the constitu- tional power which they held forsinvading the territory of a nation at peace with the United States, destroy a fort, and consign its occupants to slavery. But those were days of official arrogance on the one hand, and popular submission on the other. The Exiles, or their ancestors, had once been slaves. They now were cultiva- ting the richest lands in Florida, and possessed wealth; they were occupying a strong fortress. Many slaves during the recent war had escaped from their masters, in Georgia, and some were sup- posed to be free subjects of Spain, living in Florida; and if the Exiles were permitted to enjoy their plantations and property in peace, it was evident that the institution in adjoining States would ne in danger of a total overthrow. These facts were apparent to General Jackson, as well as to General Gaines and the slaveholders of Georgia. General Gaines only awaited permission from his superior to carry out the designs of the slaveholders, who had become alarmed at the dangers to which their "peculiar institution " was subjected. Upon the receipt of the order above quoted, he detailed Lieut. Col. Clinch,l of the regular troops, with his regiment and five hundred friendly Creek Indians, under McIntosh, their principal chief, to carry out the directions of General Jackson. Colonel Clinch was directed to take with him two pieces of artillery, for the purpose of cannonading the fort if necessary. This commencement of the first Seminole war was, at the time, (1) Hon- unean L. Clinch. He left the service in 141, and was subsequeetly a fem ber of congsms for several years, and died in 1852. (2) war wes thus waged against Spain, by Eecuave asuthority, wthout onsulttag Congressn and n member of that body uttered a protest, or deauciation of the act.  THlE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 39 unknown to the people of the United Stattes. It was undertaken for the purposes otated in General Jocksoo's order, te "blow op the fort, ood retucn the oegroes to their rightful ownesc." His- torians itove failed to expose the cause of hostilities, or the harbor- os foray which plooged the tnation into that bloody contest which coot the peopnle millions of treasure and the sacrifice of huodreds of humn lives. It was Joly before the arrangements were folly made bty Celonel Clinch and hit savage ollies for descending the river, with ouitahie artillery and supplies, to accomplish tine object of their mission., The Creehs, having entered into the treaties of New York anod Colerain, by which they hound thtemselves, swenty years previosly, to return those Exileo who fled fromt Georgia, and having failed to perform those stipulationt, now chteerfully untited with the Americon army in this first olave-catehing expedition undertaken by the Fed- oral Government. Of theoe nmovements the Exiles had hero informed by their neighboro, the friendily Creeks; for, among the Lower Cree, were intdividuals who at all times sympathized with thetm, and kept them informed of the measurcs adopted for their deotruction. All the familieo liome on the riser and in the vicinity of the fort, fled to it for protection. They had no idea of the advantages arising from scientific warfare; they believed their fortification itmpregxable. Colonel Nichols had erected it for the pnrpose of affording them protection, and they had no donht of ire efficiency foe that pur- pose. Surb were the delays nttending the journey, in consequence of difficnlties in transporting henvy guns and provisions, that the (1) lvEs. ese. Ne. 119, 2d Sesen. XVtb Csneeeen, sr mV , od she ostflststre pc,d0,w bet., 15, tewnr Deparnssel and Oeet Jeckee;altso thet hN.tures, G~eners, JIettlesd GmenOsera Odie., texethee weth the strs., of enrh, wet wel IS the retspsod- ne eteensshe Sereay of he Navy ndCum -- rttP5ttro;atk5ordee Ifhe letel, 559w 15 SIBtlnseater Ioost; 55d the duel reot ofSt ongotiAer T 6iSl nd OesumtCln,h. I.snneof henrecaerse tthere ny ettofhstlty wentstioermfe- red ISS, I1s0,, hS,,, ,ommtt'td be the nEiss, Sr Ins Oemstste Inians, prior Ix te enehngth~e eWIsty of the Fr. 39 STIE EXILES OF FLORIDA. unknown to the people of the United States. It was undertaken for the purposes slated in General Jackson's order, to "blow up the fort, andi retturn the negroes to their rightful owttrrs." His- torians have failed to expse tile cause of htostilities, or stse harhar- mis foray whicht plunged the natin into that bnloody contest which cost the people millions of treasure anti the sacrifice of huondrds of human lives. It was July before the arrangemens were folly made by Colonel Clinch atnd his savage allies for descending the river, with suitable artillery and supplies, to accomoplish tine object of thneir mission.' The Creeks, having entered into the treaties of New York and Colerain, by which they hound thetttelves, twenaty years previously, to return those Exiles who fled front Georgia, and having foiled to perform those otipulations, now ciheerfolly untited with rte American army in this first slave-cotching expedition undertaken by the Fed- eral Government. Of these movemento the Exiles hod hero informed hy their neigthbors, the frientdly Crocks; for, among the Lower Creeks, were itndisiduals who at all titmes oympathized with thtett, and kept them informed of the measures adopted foe the destruction. All the families living on the river and in tihe vicinity of the fort, fled to it for protection. They had no ides of the advantages arising from scientific warfare; they helieved their fortification impregnable. Colonel Nichols had erected it for the porpose of affording thcem protection, and they had no douht of ito efficiency for that pur- pose. Such were the delays attending the journey, in consequence of difficulties in transporting henvy guns and provisions, that the (1) In Fn. Iloe. No. a19, td Sewetsvt XVth rssetsee, nwy to found lb thetn~l metes. pond0ss.tess II- tesw Ietmmsst nsa al Jacestee w.. that hst,,ses Oesssst Jnsked,.m assve God 611, txsetttm wtth the masts ofl 5c, .e el tte. srrmvso.d tottetees the Secrtaof ethe Navs nd CtmesssSrse Peo an t,,O olbs of 5th, Intatr I- to Is stttgSlet Lmis;tt ad t5 he finat recstt of OSiling-Kner Imtt and Gesneralsttrh.ttno fto. tsther ee? tee e,, at of5 hostitity mtentts5,dIo srtse. III n 5, ttsetse be, ssxxtcod br the Exles, se ths Setstnole Ivdaee, pros, f thstlr eer bs~ h viiity a1 the Fsee. THEn EXILESOFo FLORtDA. 39 unknown to the people of the United States. It ws ondertaknen for thte purposes stated in General Jachson's order, to "blow up the fort, and retrn the negroes to their cightfol owse." His- torians have failed to capose the canse tnf hnostilities, tor tins harbor- ous foray which plnged the notion into that bloody contest which cost the people millions of treasure and tine sacrifice of hundruds of human lives. It was July before the arrangements were fully made by Coloel Clinch and his savage allies for descendling the river, witht soitable artillery and supplies, to accooplish thte obaject of titeir rmission.' The Creeks, having entered into the treaties tof Ncw York and Colerain, by which they bound temtselvs, twenty years previously, to return those Exiles who fled front Georgia, and havisng fatiled to perform those stipulations, now cheerfolly united with tite American army in this first slnveceatching expedition undertaken by the Fed- eal Government. Of these movementa the Exiles had been informed by their neigihbors, she friendly Crecks; for, among the Lower Creeks, were individuals whts at all times sympathized with themn, and kept them informed of the meatures adopted for their destruction. All the famnilies living on the river and in the vicinity of the fort, fled to it for protection. They had no idea of the advantagen armsing from scientific warfare; they believed their fortification impregsable. Colonel Nichols had erected it for the purpose of affording them protection, and they had no doubt of lbs efficiency for that pur- pose. Such were the delays attending the journey, in consequence of difficulties in transporting henvy guns and provisions, that the (1)Iv Fn s~oc. Nts. 119, 2d Seeetsu, XVth Ce~eecee, sey berefetd the oe tortein Fsos,,,5e he--5 the W. eprtenet nd Geserat Jsreso;stl nnthet to5-- (1--Iss Jaesheseesd Geealsetae ete.th he ldes erh, eeeel w tne oaesesepod. e rboetesnthe Seerofthe Nay ad CosdsOeePtndessn teoder ft e tter oM-te s Oetttsnetee Iaoxte; Ind the finlter t nf Sxtttsg-wster 1555,1 and Generet etntlsh. Is oe sf thete psnem I t here 55 sIt of hsetility m~entined se refer- ed usea hting hess commetlld be the Estile, or the Semnle IsO'une, pstne Is then, eeaehls the vtiisty of the Fsee.  40 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. troops did not reach the vicinity of the fort until t1he twenty-fourth of July. In the meantinme, Commodore Patterson, in pursuance of orders from the nova1 department, had detailed SailingMaster Loomis, with two gun-boats, to assist in carrying out the order of General Jackson.' On the twenty-fourth of July, Colonel Clinch commenced a recnnorsanee of the fort. On tile twenty-fifth, he cleared anay the brush and erected a hattery, nnd placcd upon it Iwo long eigirtecu- pounders, and commenced a cannonado of the fortress. At tire Stime of this investmnt, there were about three hunded Eniles in the fort, includiog women and children, besidcs thirty-four Scmiole Indions :2 yet in tire officio1 report of Colonel Clinch, 110 makes no mention of his fire being returned; nor does he soy thlat any of his men were hilled or woundied by the occupants of tire fort. On the twenty-sixth of July, Sailing-Mabster Loomis, with his comtnund, reached a point on the Firer some two miles below the fort. Colonel Clinch met him at that place, for consultation, and infornmed him thut his fire had thus1 far proved ineffectul, and that a nearer approach of artillery hy'land woould he difficult.S Judging from the language used in Ihis official dispatcht, Sailing- Master Loomis must have entertained some feelings of distrust towards Colonel Clinch, us they evidently separated iu bad temuper: yet no officer in the service of the United States ever exhibited greater prudence in his preparotions, or more firmness in battle, than Colne Cln h H a-so honovr. aI maen oppnd ed byan Coe linchetassoee, a man oton of hinr t aen supsd bytnn )many of his friends, that he shrank from the perpetration of the butrago which ho hart been detailed to csaaait.0 (1) Ilildur 01,10,s0that1,,- gun-bloats ,,reo detild oa Inhao-I..n b,0 the meoan of 5adlioo-LtrLoomi spea1 ~k. ro,ly of lI. (2) nildolmt sl, th 1 nrr,,,Oro ~u o bo, about three O,.odoml. parly lag., naa roortly 00-o,. a3;1vI a' t hi expeO~cFdition ,oas ,adoruet- be CO. C(2r on isO r epooo 0 0w, ban~, to omoblo hao bos, ,ill, itpoisions t0 0500 up th river. A starage mia- pmoheomiw o1 f.oa, o0,o shew by1, gad. ocumenO. (4)aA tha at0r,0m, ooln)aco teoo Waors inormed Clone cI tat, ,1 100 day 40 THlE EXILES 011 FLORIDA. troops did not reach the vicinity of the forrt until the twenty-fourth of July. Ia the meantinre, Commuodore Patterson, in pursuance of orders from the naval department, had detailed Sailing-Master Loomis, with two gun-boats, to asasi in carryinlg out the order of General Jackson.' On the twenty-fourth of July, Colonel Clinch commenced a reconnaisance of the fort. On tthe twenty-fifth, he cleared away the brush and erected a battery, and placed upon it two long eighrteen- pounders, and commenced a cannnade of the fortress. At the0 time of this investmlent, there were aboat three hrundredl Exiles in the fsrt, including women and children, besides thirty-four Seminole Indians a2 yet in tihe official report of Colonel Clinch, ho makes no mention of his fire being returned ; nor does Ire say thaut any of his -men were hilled or wounded hy the occupants of tire fort. On the twenty-siathl of July, Sailing-Mastor Loomis, with is commuand, reachcd a point on tile river some two miles below the fot. Colonel Clinch met hlim at that place, for consultation, and iformed him that his fire had 11111 far peoved ineffectual, and that a nearer approach of artillery by'lsnd would he ldifficult.3 SJudging from the language used in his official dispatchr, Sailing- Master Loomis must huve entertained some feelings of distrust to wards Colonel Clinch, as they evidently separated ill bad terlper: yet oo officer in tire service of the United States ever exhibited greater prurdence in is preparations, or more firmness in bottle, than Colonel Clinch. He was, however, loman of kiod and horoane eelings, and highs notions of hrsnor. It hoas been supposed by ''rmny of his frientds, that ie shrank from thre perpetration of thrs iu trage wich he ihad beeu detailed to commit .4 (I) ImdOamtr 01.101that110, gar-boaom ,me dtlod on that 0000010,0; bal thr reoart 0f :Lli)nsloc t ~oo L spwak s on10of11,,. (2) llrthr elaxae, h1,5,etr to1ha0 boon ab0 out th~rcnrd, parly 1.0.o, aind (0) Itoom, mey. 101, 00r0511100 w000 ,odortakEn by Col. Clinch upon hil o,00 roopaall- bin,5, 100.1 -,W0s10 boot, L,, d, with eooisoms to pass up therice. A a11.05, .".- rehesi0n of1Let, m0sh0,. by onoborl dxmeetos. (l) At thin 000000w, Sling-atrr Loomis informed COool Cl110h0that,00 mre doy 40 THlE EXILns OF FLORIDA. troops did not reach the vicinity of the fo~rt until thre twenty-fourth of July. In the meantiume, Commodore Patterson, in purosuce of orders from the naval department, hrad detailed SailingMaster Loomis, with two gan-boats, to assist in carrying out the order of General Jackson.1 On the twenty-fourth of Joly, Colonel Clinch commenedr a reconnoisance of the fort. Otn tire twenty-fifth, he cleared away the brook and erected a battery, and pluced upon it two long eigh~teenl- poundero, and commenced a cannotnade of the fortress. At thre time of this investmrent, threre were about three hundred Exiles in the fort, including women and children, besides thirty-four Seminolo Indians: I yet in tire officiral repert of Colonel Clinch, Ire makeso no mention of his fire being returned t nor does he say thrat ny of his men were killed or wounded by the occupants of tire fsrt. On tho twenty-sixthr of July, Sailing-Master Loomis, withr Iris commnand, reached a point on tire river some two miles below thre fort. Colonel Clinch met hrim at thrat place, for consultation, and informed him that his fire had thus far proved ineffectual, and that a nearer approach of artillory by'land wosuld he difficult.0 Judgirg from the language used in Iris official dispatcht, Sailing Master Loomis must hare entertained some feelings of disteust towards Colonel Clinch, as they evidently separrated in bad temaper yet no officer in thre service of the United States ever exhribited ~greater prudence in Iris preparations, or more firmness in battle, thrau Colonel Clineh. He swas, howrever, a loan of kind and humuane feelings, and hrighr notions of hronor. It htas been supposed by Sany of Iris frends, that hre shrank frotm the perpetration of thre ut'eg wich be trod been detailed to csmmit.4 (1) Illtmon tt Ihat three orr.bmot, r dtalend ra 10.1 ooa. b tha 1r eort ofEl ring)a~s Loomi 0000, orn 01 or I-0. I2l Had--,rl aa0010 ,rbo 0bo, th ubrt aebeo, nbout lhrom haxdred, prtly 1,10,,, gad rtly ,.gr000. l( 0100000 may. Ithis e-oporlltion 000 OdotOkEo by Col1. Clinchob 000 o0 0,0 oeni- bilay, to osnsrssme boots rdroooirh proisr to p.~as up thrvr. A storromp.r prehens~ionof oct, 000000. by and.)1 documen. t4t Ar 101, eourolorroo Euiling-Slustrr Lromis ifordoolo 2 ot0 h (2100 0,, 00 100 doy  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 41 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 41 TILEEXIES O OLEIDA 41TILEEXIES O FLRIDA 41TE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 4 41 On Ike nmorning of Ihe twenty-ceetll, Loomnis, withl his boats, ascended Ihe river and cast anchor op~posite Ihe fort, while Colonel Clinch and tke Creek Indians look positions so as 10 cul off retreat by land. The canoonade 1wa1 resunied, and lthe land and naval forces of tke Uniled Stales were engaged ints hrowing 01h01 and shells for Ike porpose of mnurderinig those friendless Exiles, thiose women anti childeni, who had romtmitted no othler offense 11100 ltha nf Ihaving kern born of parents wolo, a centary previousoly, hlad keen held in boodage. Mothers alnd children 110w shrieked with terror as Ike roar of cannon[ Ihe whistling of kalo, the explools of shells, the war-swhoops of the savages, the groans of the wounddi ard-rlylitg. foretold 1th0 sad fatle whtich asvoited thsem. Thte smtot 1 hearyS' ol msen cheered and encouraged Itheir meends, a atug 7 tllahA eatia s ore preferred to slavery. Tlgtrnggle, however, was not protraeted . The cannon balls not taking effect uon the0 emnkmuents of earth, they prepared their furnaces and commlsenced Ike fire of hot sho01, directed at Ihe principal mnagazinse. This modo proved more sucesooful. , haL.1,I fully heated, rearhed Ike powder in Ike wagazine. The swall oize of the forty annd Ie grent nsum er ol people in it, rendered1,Its explosion unnusually fatal. Many were entirely buried its the rains, othero were killed by taling tiu erswll matny bodites were torn in pieces. is were separated from bodies to which they had been attached, and death, in all ito horrn fonmo, was v~shewitin that doomed fortress.t - Of th~ree hundred and thirty-four soals within Ike fort, two hun- t previous, whiltle a t f ,1 hismenwe on shore 1,1, th ee iedo by rIdinsndno Olliod. ThOO ws 10h1 aisnd onat ofl 0 ootty aganst r trops It Ii cm nst,d byItims, not by Eailrl; bu iOariio~bssgnlst i do aOn pbh s n ls.,iton5 for , 1.g goE G05 at iwns', ord,,, hbaring da1, more th~an 1101m00th 11) Mon,0ett, The scene iSte fo a hoseribole eyon th,,iplls. Nelth. ,,IoeO. 155 rri,,,of the .-actil~, the groans0 10th dyng, wsith th, 10051. a,0d sells of nirt. aio, rended o, l~,e,, A5i,n beyond dOlrpin." On Ike morning of the twenty-seventhl, Loomis, witih hsis boats, ascended the river snd cast anchor opposite the foirt, whtile Colonel Clinch and Ike Creek Indians took positions 00 00 to ent off retreat by land, The cannoonstie wa0s resnmed, anid tile land an~d nsval forces of tile United Stalswr lgle s lrtii lo s shlls fir thse punrpose of mardiering thiose frientdless Exileo, those women anti childenl, whso hail ciimmitted its other offotise Itn that of hlaving keen htorn of plarensts soho, a century preeviosly, hsad been heldl is bondage. Miithers and chiltdren ness shiriekiti with terror as Ihe roar of cannotnt he whistllin" of halls, the eosposo nf nhells, the war-woops of thte savages. the groans of the woutnded an4mdyvi rFomtold the oad fate whtichi atwaited thsem. Tho 010o1- Ii,, ,ct m1,1 n c eered and enouaged thseir fesl, ne -armg lhaI.aienrlrwas toa preferreid to slavery. ThghstnI glr, however, waot-prolraete . The cannon halls not taking effort sipon thie emitaokments of earth, thley prepared their furnaces and eomnmrnced the fire of hot shot, directed at thist principal magazine. This modoE peoved more successful. ;- .1 ailv fully healed, reacheid the ptowder in the magazine. The small sian of the fort. and -the great ntomber o1 people in it, rendered _lr explosion noasnally fatal. Many were eolirely buried in the rains, oteswere killed y altIng tunbers, wile manty bodies were torn in piecs. imnbo were separated from bodies Is whics thley had keen attached, and death, in nil its horri grns, was visibl sithin that doomed fortress.' - Of threr hundrod and thirty-four souls within tile fort, two hun- t previos,1Oile pr,,irofhis o5,n1 0080011hor, they m,1, isad oi b OIndians end eve ,,,,kila. This wal the,1 frt an onltt ofotilit l 05111050trop. 11,005,-o ,s,,tadlsyIndias,,notbyies;ihot Oit1was .susequIooitiysod upov andpsbti s a jl .n , flolr c ,tiIsst 0,sossnlJacsaon',s oer,is..g dtsmor n tss moshss (1) 5[o0e,10 say., "The scenei s te fr, ,,a. h0,,ible eyn deiswrition. Neario th, whl ofis th,00 ht,, d ,n~,,i0150,0,,,ioso,,aloil;,o one-sixthofAwho. slepe. Th , o 1115 ,o th ,,atd,,, 10, gral a1 of Ih. 0d005g, withlthl, 15th, and1 l 5oaf t Ind0lsiin,r01ndered the a00s.s,,al, byond de,ton,0" On the morning of the twenty-seventh. Loomis, with Isis boats, ascended the riser ond cast anchor opposite the fort, whlileo Colonel Clinch sod Ike Creek Indians took ptosiltons so as to ecut off retreat by land. The caninonatde wsea resalised, and the lail and naval foreso of the United Stales nero engagedin 110hr~owintg shlot and nitells for the purpose of nsurdering those frieotlesos Exiles, those00 women soil ehildreit, who had coomnitted no other offense than that of haviog been horn of pairents who, a century previously, had been held in bondage. Mlothers and~ chiltrn n050 shirieketd with terror as Ike roar of cannlon, t o whlistling of hals, Ike exp___soi of shells. thse war-soioops, of thte savages, Ike groans of thle wounoded aty-dNina, food thsr ad fate whlichl awaited themo. The stont- nilaalelil~xsno o peferedtoslavery. 'Thbe oruggle, however was ot s rerae .- The cannon halls not taking effort npon tile embtailnments of earth, they prepared their furnaces and commnced thie fire of hot shot, idirected 01 the principal mnagazine. This mode ptroved more sacessfal. , dall fully heated, racked the powder in Ike maganine. The small nina of Ite fort and t e great nnmtser o1 people in it, rendered__to- enplosion unusaly fatal. Many were enticely baried 10 the rains, others were klet e y ta mtg ItherS, wilie manty bodies were torn in pieces. Iimnbs wsere se parated frotm bodies to whichl they had hera attacerd, and death, in all its horrn forms, was visihie within that doomed fortress.1 f three bnndred ad thirty-foot souls within the foct, two han- I prevouo, 1hil1, prtyr of hS oen were o Whore, 101y 1,11 fird on by Ildiso, ad Ia, naskiatea. Th01,sth 1,01,10 ad oly Iof orstiitins our ssrioon. It,1,0I.- 01t00 by Itch-o, not br Eziko; hot11 1,81 subsequentt811 srIpo a00 roblished a. jw ifislson to, carrlo In00 ot urlt 010010,8 0100, 0050,05 d01, ma01, 1th01 11,1 mon1h prioe lo tS, occurrence. di-D.oliseoa Gao~intoidto 1011101111 fortad 11tu010th, c,m, 881,.ld A. ,i. ofsllloiwoalO, the groa,,.,f the dyin, withlAl~sl .,l U, oaf 85, in iaonl, --d a h aIn o ,,ia byond dea,,ion."  42 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. dred and seventy were instantly killed; while of the sixty who remained, only three escaped without injury.' Two of the survi- vors-one negro and one Indian-were selected as supposed chiefs of the allied forces within the fort. They were delivered over to the Indians who accompanied Colonel Clinch, and were massacred within the fort, in the presence of our troops; but no report on record shows the extent of torture to which they were subjected. We have no reliable information as to the number who died of their wounds. They were placed on bonl the gun-boats, and their wounds were dressed by the surgeons; and those who recovered were afterwards delivered over to claimants in Georgia. Those who were slightly wounded, but able to travel, were taken back with Colonel Clinch to Georgia and delivered over to men who claimed to have descended from planters who, some three or four generations previously, owned the ancestors of the prisoners. There could be no proof of identity, nor was there any court authorized to take testimony, or enter decree in such case ; but they were deliv- ered over upon claim, taken to the interior, and sold to different planters. There they mingled with that mass of chattelized human- ity which characterizes our Southern States, and were swallowed up 1 in that tide of oppression which is now bearing three millions of human beings to untimely graves. Sailing-Master Loomis informed the Naval Department, through Commodore Patterson, that the value of the property captured in the fort was "not less than two hundred thousand dollars." Hel also stated that a portion of this property was "delivered over by " Colonel Clinch to the Indians who had accompanied him, on the "express agreement that they should share in the plunder." Another portion of property was held by Colonel Clinch, as neces- sary for the use of the troops. A list of the articles thus taken is (1) vida Offitol neport of Sailing,Maser Looi, Ex. Dot. 119: 2d Sess. Xvt, cong- (2) Some year-.o, theoamer.wrote n-hort akceh of te generastsaro, bat omtted this point as too revolring to the frelings of hmanity, and too disgraceful to the Americao arms, tot be laid bebre the popular mind in can article; and he would moat gladly hae omitea it ithits work, could he have done so nasiatently with his duty to the public. 42 THE EXsLES OF FLORIDA. dred and seventy were instantly killed; while of the sixty who remained, only three escaped without injury.' Two of the survi- vors-one negro and one Indian-were selected as supposed chiefs of the allied forces within the fort. They were delivered over to the Indians who accompanied Colonel Clinch, and were massacred within the fort, in the presence of our troops;2 but no report on record shows the extent of torture to which they were subjected. We have no reliable information as to the number who died of their wounds. They were placed on board the gun-boats, and their wounds were dressed by the surgeons; and those who recovered were afterwards delivered over to claimants in Georgia. Those who were slightly wounded, but able to travel, were taken back with Colonel Clinch to Georgia and delivered over to men who claimed to have descended from planters who, some three or four generations previously, owned the ancestors of the prisoners. There could be no proof of identity, nor was there any court authorized to take testimony, or enter decree in such case; but they were deliv- ered over upon claim, taken to the interior, and sold to different planters. There they mingled with that mass of chattelized human- ity which characterizes our Southern States, and were swallowed up in that tide of oppression which is now bearing three millions of human beings to untimely graves. Sailing-Master Loomis informed the Naval Department, through Commodore Patterson, that the value of the property captured in the fort was " not less than two hundred thousand dollars." He also stated that a portion of this property was " delivered over by " Colonel Clinch to the Indians who had accompanied him, on the "eapress agreement that they should share in the plunder." Another portion of property was held by Colonel Clinch, as neces- sary for the use of the troops. A list of the articles thus taken is (1) vide Octil Report of siling-Mster Loomis, Ex. Doe. 119: 2d Sesa. Xvth co g. (2) some os ine, fthe aucbrwrote a=shrt sketch of the general Me ro, but omitted tI point as tc1 revoing to the foeIns- of umnity, and too dsgraeao to te OAmertan as, to bo laid before the popular mind in su t ao arte;t, and he would most gladly hae omitted it in this work, could he have done so consistently with his duty to the publs. 42 THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. dred and seventy were instantly killed; while of the sixty who remained, only three escaped without injury.1 Two of the survi- vors-one negro and one Indian-were selected as supposed chiefs of the allied forces within the fort. They were delivered over to the Indians who accompanied Colonel Clinch, and were massacred within the fort, in the presence of our troops;' but no report on record shows the extent of torture to which they were subjected. We have no reliable information as to the number who died of their wounds. They were placed on board the gun-boats, and their wounds were dressed by the surgeons; and those who recovered were afterwards delivered over to claimants in Georgia. Those who were slightly wounded, but able to travel, were taken back with Colonel Clinch to Georgia and delivered over to men who claimed to have descended from planters who, some three or four generations previously, owned the ancestors of the prisoners. There could bo no proof of identity, nor was there any court authorized to take testimony, or enter decree in such case ; but they were deliv- ered over upon claim, taken to the interior, and sold to different planters. There they mingled with that mass of chattelized human- ity which characterizes our Southern States, and were swallowed up in that tide of oppression which is now bearing three millions of hman beings to untimely graves. Sailing-Master Loomis informed the Naval Department, through Commodore Patterson, that the value of the property captured in the fort was " not less than two hundred thousand dollars." He also stated that a portion of this property was " delivered over by " Colonel Clinch to the Indians who had accompanied him, on the "express agreement that they should share in the plunder." Another portion of property was held by Colonel Clinch, as neces- sary for the use of the troops. A list of the articles thus taken is (1) vide oTal Report of sailing-sater Loomi, Ex. Doce 119: 2d ses. Xvth cong. (2) Some year, sre the atho rwrotea short skch or the genoiassa'core, but omittd this poiot as ta revomg to the -lings of huaniy, am, too disgraeful to the Aoericn arms, toe Cld beo the popular mind in such an article; ad he would moat gladly have omitted it to tht work, could he have done so consitently with his duty to the pablic.  THE EXILESO OF FLORIDA. 43 given in the report: it embraces spades, shovels, pickaxes, swomrds, sword-belts, pistols and muskets. The renmoinder of the prop- erty woo taken on hoard the gun-boats, and held subject to the order of the Secretary of the Navy.' The Governor of Florida demanded, is the name sf "his Most Christian Majesty the king of Spain," possession of the property thos raptured in the fort; denying the eight of either oar arnmy or navy to invade the territory of Spain, and take and carry away property from its fortifications. To this claim Sailing-Master Loomis replied, that the property did not bolong to the Spanish crown, but to the Exiles, who were in possession of it, from whom it was taken by conquest. This corespondence botween his Excellency the Governor of Florida and the Commander of the two gun-boats, was duly transmitted to our Goveroment at Washington, and toay now be found in our National Archives.' Some twenty-two yearo subsequent to the capture of this proper- ty, and the massacre of t hese who were tn possession a it a bill. was reported in the House ot hpresentatve,S granting five thou- sand dollars to the officers, martnes anseal mrs 'wo constituted the crews of those gun-boats, as compensation tor thteir gallaat seesvices. Whether the bonorable Chairman of the NavalCamaaleewlts reported the bill, or any member of the Ilouse wits loted for it, was aware of the tree character of the services rendered, to a mutter Ofd03 t; but The bit pasocit without opposition, becane saiw, and the people of the nl Untid-Sahe~ad that. bonus fort cerplstrattou (1) i,,,et b, s htthrthln aboosdds o arisbnd hndrbaresofpoder rdetroyed bye bplrisieo. This i robabietotoenhi, of ao exageration. Sc hasv ,,, faci to wa,-toit the, asseoli,,, that thoi ,to, toyeaddition ade is the sores loft by Csi. Nichols, bh,, h, delijsred ih, int is ibs Exils. Tb, san,,r aithmsA.I, tht th, ,,rlo, I-,, but aolio,, of ,,,sh tot is found to the Ofitshi Repor, be &iltvg. Miatr Los,,d. (2) fid, bDo,,umnt b5,0,, ihe Coomitiue oftCons,o-appoeeinted t0 inosligaie thaus of Genernl Jacson ,insis, oc Flriod: Xbtb Cosa,,,,, 24 SOnsiox. (3) Tvls bill ,aa teortod be Dte. iogham of Closneetiss,, Ch~aimaa of ttheCmmittee to Navai dtti.. THE EXILESOF or LORIDA. 43 given in the report: it embraces spades, shovels, pickaxes, swords, sword-bolts, pistols and muskets. The remainder of the prop- erty was taken on board the gun-boats, and beld subject to the nrder of the Secretary of te Navy.t The Governor of Florida demanded, in the name of "his Most Christian Majesty the king of Spain," posoession of the property thus captured in the fort;t denying ike right of either our army or navy to invade the territory of Spain, and take and carry away property from its fortifications. To this claim Sailing-Master Loomis replied, that the property did not bolong to the Spanish crown, but to the Exiles, who were in possession of it, From whom it was taken by conquest. This correspondence between bin Excellency the Governor of Florida sod the Commander of the two gun-boats, was duly transinitied to our Government at Washington, and may now he found in our National Arehives.u Some twenty-two years subsequent to the capture of this proper- ty, nnd the massacre of those who were in possesssion o it, a bill. was reported in the HOuse ot epresentatves,3 granting five thou- sand dollars to the officers, marines and suitors who constituted tme crews of those gun-boats, as compensation for their gallant services. Wliyiioththe honorableChairman of the Naval -ati tawho reported the bill, or any member of the House whio voted for it, was aware of the true character of the services rendered, is a matter cmldbhiht;'but The St pased without opposiion, becamf-law, and the people of- tli U-nid-maTtes id that bonus for t m erpetraton (1) iai, mye, tiht thre-, timcsamd moond, of rm, sand nix b,,drd barel, of ptoade rdesineed bye Spaoei,,is. Thlsi, p eobably smohiat of easaggerat,,,. iv, a, no fist to ,araxt th,, eeectil,, ti is,,, n suy addition made to the .tot,, ioa by CNh. Nichol,we ,by5 deivsnui ihe eort to the, Exiles. Th, ,samet ,thfrsateo,, thai a ~gdsau, uainon hundrbd adaixty barrellaofpo,,dn,,, ilef u,,narmd by the exabio, but no ameioa ot tadh fut is foual in ibe Olerl Rtepiet, ay Olilng. (2) bid, Dscuments tafet,, iC,otun ofresarem appoiniod to Itissiiat th ausem or GOnerat diss inaiao or Fienda: XVth Coasoea, 2d Eesslon. (3) Thsi, bill warortod by Sir. Inghams of Cmsneeticat. Cbairmof th5 baComnitte, on NavaldlAfro- THE EXILES OF FLORInA. 43 given in the report: it embraces spadcu, shovels, pickaxes, swords, sword-belts, pistols and muskets. The remainder of the prop- erty woo taken ott board the gn-boats, and held subiject to the order of the Secretary of the NavytI The Governor of Florida demanded, in the name of "his Most Christian Majesty tke king of Spain," possession of the property thus captured in the fort ; denying the right of either our armsy or navy to invade the territory of Spain, and take and carry away property from its fortifications. To this claim Sailing-Master Loomis replied, that the property did not bolong to the Spanish crown, bat to the Exiles, who were in possession of it, from whom it was taken by conquest. This correspondence botween his Excellency the Governor if Florida and/ the Commander of the two gun-bas, was duly transmitted to our/ Goveroment at Washington, and may now he found in our National Archives.' Some twenty-iwo years subsequent to the capture of this proper- ty, ad the massacre of those w ho were in possession i swas reported in the House ot depresentatves,3 granting five thou- mund dollars to the offiers, marines ant sailors who constituted the crews of those gun-boats, as compensation for their gallant services. Wlsetber the tionorable Chairman of the Naval Iitta.wao reported the bill, or ny member of the Hlouse who voted for it, was aware of the tree character of the services rendered, is a mutter 6T doubt; bohtfe at passed witiout opposition, became FTkio, and the people of tieUmt ed htares paid that boiros for te erpetraton (1) 9tosetta m"e t thrn, th,,,and sta,5, of a, mad sia lsxxdad bosnias of postder rdettned bye b plaion Tat, i, emnbbl e ,otsmltai of us ,eagrto. te h,, so fist to ,na,,,t the neartit,, that the,,,,,, soy addiio mode to thea stres left be Coi. Nisbol,, whb,, 5 dtii,,nvd tb, tiri to ibe Eb-s, Th, smanho ,,,as, that so, magazin,,tonteivivr 0,,e b,,d ad ixy barrels of powder,,si5 lea ulharmd by tbo rarl.At,; bat wnotion of tusa itot is toud ix ib, Ofii iiepoai, by Osig. (t) bide Dbcuosa,, bafr, th, C,,oditer of Crogrm sappointed to ivc,,tgto i, th,,r, at Generat Jalco-' ,,,,-,,i,, or Flrida: XVth Cong-nss, to Sessioa. (3 Ti bill wa, reporied be Mi,. Itgat ot C,,,tisnt. Chssirmtof is, Ctsaatste ro Naval Air.  44 44 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA.: THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. of one of the darkest crimes which stains the historypf. ancivil-- imed nation.? The official correspondence connected with this massacre was called for by resolution, adopted is the House of Representatives, and was communicated to that body at the second session of the fifteenth Congress. But no action appears to have been proposed in regard to it; nor does it appear that public attention was at that time particularly called to this most wanton sacrifice of human life. In this massacre, nearly every Exile resident upon the Appa- lachicola River, melnnudi wmenand children perished or wa ens aced. Thrir homes were left desolate; their plantations and: tiheir herds or catend horses, became the pro perty of those who first obtained possession of them. Probably one-third of all the Exiles at that time resident in Florida, perished in this massacre, or were renslaved by Colonel Clinch; yet the atrocious character of the transaction appears to have attracted very little attention at the time. General Jackson was popular as a military officer, and the Administration of Mr. Madison was regarded with general favor. No member of Congress protested against the transaction, or made known its barbarity to the people ; while the ablest mem- bers taxed their ingenuity, and brought all their rhetoric to bear, in vindication of those concerned in the outrage.u While Mr. Clay and others severely condemned the technical invasion of Florida, as an act of hostility towaro eu Kin of Spain, they omitted all reference to this wanton massacre of tie Exiles; nor have we been able to learn that any member even intimated that the bloody Seminole war of 1816-17 and 18, arose from efforts of ourovernme sustain the interests of Slavery; or that our troops wee etoloved to murder women and _htidren liEyanse their ancestors had once been held in bondage, and to seize and (1) vide Statute. enacted at 2d sesion, XXvtr Congress. The author was then a member of the Houe of Iepretatmives, but had not learned to watch th. movements of s.e.holders and "their allies," so closely ea subsequent oaperiene taught him would te (2) Vide Speeches of In. George Poindeeter and others on the seminote war, in 1819. of one of the darkest crimes which stains the hietory f nn civil-_ tmd nation.t The official correspondence connected with this massacre was called for by resolution, adopted in the House of Representatives, and was communicated to that body at the second session of the fifteenth Congress. But no action appears to have been proposed in regard to it ; nor does it appear that public attention was at that time particularly called to this most wanton sacrifice of human life. In this massacre, nearly evear Exile resident upon the Appa- lachicola River, includine womeand children erished or was ens aved. Their homes were left desolate; their plantationrs,.s their herds ot cattle and horose, became thie property of those who first obtained possession of them. Probably one-third of all the Exiles at that time resident in Florida, perished in this massacre, or were reenslaved by Colonel Clinch ; yet the atrocious character of the transaction appears to have attracted very little attention at the time. General Jackson was popular as a military officer, and the Administration of Mr. Madison was regarded with general favor. No member of Congress protested against the transaction, or made known its barbarity to the people ; while the ablest mem- bers taxed their ingenuity, and brought all their rhetoric to bear, in vindication of those concerned in the outrage.2 While Mr. Clay and others severely condemned the technical invasion of-Florida, as an act of hostility towrl *t.5 ug of 5pai0n they omitted all reference to this wanton massacre of the Exiles- nor bave we been able to learn that any member even intimated that the bloody Seminole war of 1816-17 and 18, arose from efforts -t~our Governme sustain the interests of Slavery or that our troops wove employed to murder women and ctldrnjii e their ancestors had once been held in bondage, and to seize and (1) Vie statutes enacted at 2d Session, XXvIth cmres. The author was then a member of the Htoue of lepresentatives, but had not learned to watch tho movements of saveholdere and "their allies,' so closely aauseuent experience taught him would Oe useful. (2) vide Speeches. of o. George Poindextr ad others..n the seminolm war, hn 1819. 44 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. of one of the darkest crimes which stains the histerff any eivil- tzed nation.t TIre official correspondence connected with this massacre was called for by resolution, adopted in the House of Representatives, and was communicated to that body at the second session of the fifteenth Congress. But no action appears to have been proposed in regard to it; nor does it appear that public attention was at that time particularly called to this most wanton sacrifice of human life. In this massacre, nearly every Exile resident upon the Appa- lachicola River, including wonn and children perished or was me aced Thibome.s were left desolate; their plantations and their heres a cattle and horses became tie propert of those wha first obtained possession of them. Probably one third of all the Exiles at that time resident in Florida, perished in this massacre, or were reenslaved by Colonel Clinch; yet the atrocious character of the transaction appears to have attracted very little attention at the time. General Jackson was popular as a military officer, and the Administration of Mr. Madison was regarded with general favor. No member of Congress protested against the transaction, or made known its barbarity to the people ; while the ablest mem- bers taxed their ingenuity, and brought all their rhetoric to bear, in vindication of those concerned in the outrage. While Mr. Clay and others severely condemned the technical invasion of Florida, as an act of hostility to^ead- tho u g of Spalnp they omitted all reference to this wanton massacre of tie Exiles: nor hae we been able to learn that any member even intimated that the bloody Seminole war of 1816-17 and 18, arose from efforts orur Governm n sustante interests of Slavery; or that our troos oved to murder women and tldrenicause eir ancestors had once been held in bondage, and to seize and (1) Vide statutes enacted at 2d session, XXvtRh cngress. The author was then a member of the H e of Rtepreseves, but had not learned to watch the movement of slaveholders and "their alles," to closely as subeen exoperience taught him would Oe (2) Vida speeches of tHon. George Poinadeter and .thers oa the Seminole wa, in 1819.  TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 45 TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 45 TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 45 carry back to toil and suffering those who escaped death in that barbarous massacre. The cers of Government, and historians of that day, appear to have avoided all reference to the fact, that the people thus murdered had been far longer in the wilder ness than were the children of Israel; that they were contending for that Liberty which is the rightful inheritance of every human being. Indeed, more than twenty years elapsed after this massacre, before a distinguished Philanthropist gave to the public the first intimation that such a people as the Exiles had existed.' . (1) ona. wiliam Jay, of New York, published his Views of the aion of the Federal 0n5erment in 18s7. carry back to il and suffering those who escaped death in that barhrous massacre. The officers of Government, and historians of that day, appear to have avoided all reference to the fact, that the people thus murdered had been far longer in the wilder ness than were the children of Israel; that they were contending for that Liberty which is the rightful inheritance of every human being. Indeed, more than twenty years elapsed after this massacre, before a distinguished Philanthropist gave to the public the first intimation that such a people as the Exiles had existed.' (1) on. wliam Jay, of New York, published his Viws of the arison of the Federsi loeenment in 1837. carry back to toil and suffering those who escaped death in that bbabrous massacre. The 6ffiers of Government, and historanis of that day, appear to have avoided all reference to the fact, that the people thus murdered had been far longer in the wilder ness than were the children of Israel; that they were contending for that Liberty which is the rightful inheritance of every human being. Indeed, more than twenty years elapsed after this massacre, before a distinguished Philanthropist gave to the public the first intimation that such a people as the Exiles had existed) (1) non. witiam Jay, of New York, published his Views of the acton of the Federal overoment in 137.  CHAPTER IV. GENERAL HOSTILItTIES. CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER IV. GENERAL HOSfTILITIES. GENERAL HOSTILITnES. The Troops along rho Florida frontier hrromoe eetira-The Ealas on Sownos and Wirhlaooerepos. for Wer-Gnrral nolorese rpraeaatorio of thair amrrorr -DTlrrdtfooe rororitted doriag ohr Spring aod Sooroer of itit-insoce of Liraronant 50010 gaad his parry-Ioe Efot opon rho Coooory-C-ogro. ooa oa- rntradna.rothis V-r-OtroiGM-roerhorioad rotaradrFlortda-Gaaojnhon ordorad to rho Fiord - ttr. Mtooror asearr rho Darire of Prrridoao - Hlis Cabloor- Charooror of C~oagrrsn- Pahie tror t~ ae regord ro dihonetio of Sohjrerooerrrd orith Slanory-Oaooroi Jaoke. onorootrs his Armoy at Fort Oto-roeds ao 5irasohe-Rattle-Dertioof th Toga-arces Wot.aae-InianChief, drooydohoard aVoe..I-fnogd hy ordar of GrorralJehroa-The ryoors uor SdIIoe M-to Srtnatioa-Eflokr prpsro for a daeirio Btli-Sroara Cooiet -Gerorrl Janheon takos the Torra-Captre, toiax woroo aod Chiidroa-narxr the Vullagen of thor rrgioo -Retarro to t'roraroi-Coptrand Trial of Arhbrthoot sod Amrheeer-Thrair tiaarol-oraoia of Fiorido roandrroed hy rome of oar Suttreo-, oxd vndirand hy others. TrE notion having been precipitated into war (1816), the Officers of Government, and the arnmy, at once heroine aotive in eafrying it on. Orders were sent to General Goincs, exhorting him to Vigilance, eaution and promptitude. He was on the sooth- ern frontier ef Georgia, wohere it woo natarally snppsed the first blow, in retaliation for the moosoocre of Bloont's Fort, woold fall. His ocoato were constantly on the alert, his outpoots strengthened, and his troops kept in ieadiness for action. The Seminole Iodians had loot some thirt o h a inter- mare ihthe Exiles an were in the fort at the time sf the massacre. They entertain the opinion that the sosls of their mur- dered friends ore nPror at ro wht btrairWp1senr r rillnedgd (4ot The Troops along Oro Florida h-ererome sarsiv-Thr Erikee ox Son--r sard Wirhlaoooohre prapare for Oar-Grosont Gedor's reprerrnlion of thoir nomrnr -Dprdriox. oooomitd dorm0g the spoof andI Sommer or 1817-11---rr of Ltinanta snot nod his pary-tn Efept apon to, Couarrry-c.ooroo rot rn- saintas tothis IV.,-OoorI- e Oioanthootoa Woinvadr Floeidt-GealaJarka ordorat t ho Fied-Mr MsSooe erroatee ohs Dariac of Presidoor-Iiti caiat- Charactep of Conres- Pubio entimnr in rgart to dihcnealon of oo~orr eoonyt. xhth Slinry-Geran Jeomhrooreaes his Army at Port Soo-Propeeds to Mtrnssoie-Rattle-nerrr a of the Toma-nssrohrnrst. bfarke-Ilao rChef d-o,-o or boardna osl-tragd Oy order of Goorr Jsehr--Tho.roy moor. apox nr --Itn Situation-x-nis proporo Er a deomv Ratrae-OSere coofist -Grorra Jarhen mWos. the Town-Captrorn tadino Woman sod Cotidron-naror the Villnoro of that reroo - Rtoror to Poo-solo-Cptroo nd Trint of Arbaihaor sod ,hmhristr-Thsir Exsoytion-Iornrion of Fiha rooriomarr hy some of one Smosen-, and smodirarod hy othore. THEn nation having been precipitated into war (1816), the Officers of Government, aod the army, at once become activo in carrying it on. Orders were seat to General Gainos, exhorting him to vigilance, caution and premptitudo. He was on the south- erG frontier of Georgia. sphere it woo noturally snpposed the first blow, in retaliotion for the massacre of Blount's Fort, wonld fall. Hio scoats mere constantly on the alert, his sntposts strengthened, and his trocps hept in readiness for action. Tire Seminole Indiaoo hod lost some thiry on otbn inter- married with rho Exiles. nd were inthe fort at the timle.of the mat soaarg. They entertain the opinion that the souris of their _mop- doped friends are ni , oer at r htt tka¢r Lan onm rn noxYepl4 mlr The Temupe atong thr Proerda froater heroine sporve-The Exoiles on Suanar aad Wirhinorhe prrpnr, for spar-Gnrot Oaioot'erreprnnrotiao of their numbars -DeOredarions ero.nired doring ihn Sprieg nod Bnroroo of tsit-Mtasere of Ltoatoant Snort and his parry-te Efror upon rho Coontry-cogres no o-- .eda.a ti 0,0 -ne-Oord Gsiors.srhoimd ro ixrsdoptori&n-oara Jnaom ordoredt t ho Find -Mr. Mionmo arsontro the DSoiee of PFesidnt - Ii Cahiot- rheneatr of C200groro- Pohlic SOnndanat in rgard ro diaruantoo of Snhjrrts ronend sirs Sioery-OernonoJaakaoornrcrte his Army at Port Sront-PreederW Mdpasnhir-Batei-DOrestrcio of ta Tna-Marches tark,-Idiaa Caan droyed on hoardnorsot-toxend hy order Af~exestl Jerhroa-Thdrmyroyr ap.n SI-,e-te Situon o- Esrils proporo Eor a droistee Bartir-Seoar coonie -Grorra Jareon tare. rhe Toar--CaptrsI. raianoen and Chidron-naros rho Pillager of that rgior -Retrnto oteoracooi-Coptar and Frial of Ahrhxrhnot and Aroheiser-Their Enreottox-aso of Florida rondemntd hy come of oar Stmon, sad niadinatrd Op tosre. TE nation having bren precipitated into war (1816), the Officers of Government, and the arnmy, at once became active in carrying it en. Orders wcre snt to Generol Gaines, exhortiag him to vigilanre, rcaution and prsmptitude. Ho woo on the sout h- emn frontier of Georgia, where it woo natually sopposed the first blow, in retaliation for the mossacre of Blount's Fort, would foil. His scoots were constantly on the alert, his ontposts strengthened, and his troops kecpt is ieadiness for action. The Semoinole Indins hod loot some thirt ron wo .otinter- mamied with the Exiles.nd were in the fort at the time .of. the. snasearacr,. They entertaintthe opinion that the souris of their mur- dered friends are noo n at mbit~a bi lur oronto otavessged; (de)  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 47 nor could it be supposed that the Exiles would feel oo desire to visit retributive justice upon the murderers of their friends. Long did this desire continue, in the minds of the surviving Exiles, rintyiiyyeart s sbsequently, their vengeance was satiated, their hinds were stained, and their garments saturated inthe blood ot our troop . The surviving Exiles had their principal remaining settlements upn the n w end Withlacoochee rivers. and in the Miekasukie towns. These settlements were on fertile lands, and were now relied upon to furnish provisions for their support during hostilities. Savages are usually impetuous; but the Exiles were more deliberate. Colonel Clinch had returned to Georgia; Sailing-Master Loomis was at Mobile Bay, and no circumstances demanded immediate action. They gathered their crops, obtained arms and ammunition from British and Spanish merchants, and made every preparation for hostilities. During the summer ann a+,rumn of 1816 Gen- eral Gaines reported slight depredations on the frontiers of Georaia but in February, 1817, he reported that larger bodies of Indians were collecting insame of their villages; and in one of his letters be stated that seven hundred negroes were collected at Suwanee, and were b eingdaily drilled to the use of arms. This number of fighting men would indicate a larger population of Evlres than is.. warranted by subsequent information. 1817.] During the Spring and Summer, both parties were in a state of preparation-of constant readiness for war. A few predatory excursions to the frontier settlements, marked the action of the Indians and Exiles, while the army, under General Gaines, often sent parties into the Indian country, without any important incident or effect. The first effective blow was struck in November. A boat was ascen'ding the Appalachicole rier, with supplies for Fort Scott, under the escort of a Lieutenant and orry e, sn company with a numTer T~ wimeiifdn1iir dign. Infrm5ttion of this fact was communicated to the Exiles and Indians resident at samskie. and a band of warriors at once hastened to THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 47 nor could it be supposed that the Exiles would feel no desire to visit retributive justice upon the murderers of their friends. Long did this desire continue, in the minds of the surviving Exiles, inttiT, ~minayears subsequently, their vengeance was satiated, theme liaisd werestained, and their garments saturated, in the blood'e our trooP.g The surviving Exiles had their principal remaining settlements uo e m and Vithlacoochee rivers and in tme Mickasukie towns. These settlements were on fertile lands, and were now relied upon to furnish provisions for their support during hostilities. Savages are usually impetuous; but the Exiles were more deliberate. Colonel Clinch had returned to Georgia; Sailing-Master Loomis was at Mobile Bay, and no circumstances demanded immediate action. They gathered their crops, obtained arms and ammunition from British and Spanish merchants, and made every preparation for hostilities. During the susmer and x.,tn of 1816 Gen- eral Gaines reported slight depredations on the frontiers of Georga,. but in February, 1817, he reported that larger bodies of Indians were collecting in some of their villages ; and in one of his letters he stated that seven hundred negroes were collected at Suwanee, and were oingslait-drilled to the use of amts. This number of fighting men would indicate a larger population of Eviae thn je warranted by subsequent information. During the Spring and Summer, both parties were in a state of preparation-of constant readiness for war. A few predatory excursions to the frontier settlements, marked the action of the Indians and Exiles, while the army, under General Gaines, often sent parties into the Indian country, without any important incident or effect. The first effective blow was struck in November. A boat was ascending the Appalachieot river, with supplies for Fort Scott under the escort of a Lieutenant and forty eE, mn company with a nuberF of women and etutldren. InTformiIIofI this fact was communicated to the Exiles and Indians reidlenT at1icasukte, and a band of warriors at once hastened to THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 47 nor could it be supposed that the Exiles would feel no desire to visit retributive justice upon the murderers of their friends. Long did this desire continue, in the minds of the surviving Exiles, untilni jear subsequently, their vengeance w hinisd eie stained, and their garments saturated, in the blood 01 our troops: The surviving Exiles had their principal remaining settlements uon e Snwone" l Withlacoochee rivers and in the Mickasukie towns. These settlements were on fertile lands, and were now relied upon to furnish provisions for their support during hostilities. Savages are usually impetuous; but the Exiles were more deliberate. Colonel Clinch had returned to Georgia; Sailing-Master Loomis was at Mobile Bay, and no circumstances demanded immediate action. They gathered their crops, obtained arms and ammunition from British and Spanish merchants, and made every preparation for hostilities. During the summer and atmn of 1816 Gen- eral Gaines reported slight depredations on the frontiers of Georoi but in February, 1817, he reported that larger bodies of Indians were collecting insinse of their villages; and in one of his letters he stated that seven hundred negroes were collected at Suwanee, and werehein gdlaily drilled to the use of arns. Ttis nutber of fighting men would indicate a larger population of Eilera than is warranted by subsequent information. 1817.] During the Spring and Summer, both parties were in a state of preparation-of constant readiness for war. A few predatory excursions to the frontier settlements, marked the action of the Indians and Exiles, while the army, under General Gaines, often sent parties into the Indian country, without any important incident or effect. The first effective blow was struck in November. A boat was aseendig the Appalachicoja rier, with supplies for Fort Scott, under the escort of a Lieutenant and forfymeri I company witI a nmber of women an ehien. Infrmtion of this fact was communicated to the Exiles and Indians residet at ekasuke. and a band of warriors at once hastened to  48 THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. intercept them. They succeeded in drawing them into ambush, a "frliftri w1i _i ou the-Lieiiat and all his men but six, and all the children, and all the women but one, were massacred on the spot. Six soldiers escaped and one woman was spared and taken to Suwanee as a prisoner. Here she was-kept by the Exiles through the winter, and treated with great kindness, residing in their families and sharing their hospitality. She had thus an opportunity of learning their condition, and the state of civilization to which they had attained, as well as their desire to be at peace with mankind, in order to enjoy their own rights and liberties. This masoacre was d b the country as a most barbarous and wanton sacrifice of huanm life he newspapers blazoned it forth as an exhibition of savage barbarity. The deep indignation of the people was invoked against the Seminoles, who were repre- sented as alone responsible for the murder of Lieutenant Scott, and his men. Probabl nine-tenths of the Editors, thus assailing the Seminoles, were not aware of the atrocious sacrifice of human life at Blount's Fort," in July of the precious year. Even the 1 . resident of the United States, in his Mes( arch 15) relating tltesi st e mements of the Seminoles during the previous year, declared "The hostilities of this Trik were unprovoked," as though the reco of the massocr 'Blount's Fort" had been erased from the records of tlt.mnoral Universe. Notwithstanding our army had, in a time pflawfound eace, inaded the Spanish Territory, marched sixty miles into i interior, o ened a canno uo n "Blount's For," blown it up, wi an unprecedented massacre, in which both Seminole Indians and~negroes were slain. and two of the n cMThi Iive set, to arbarous torture; yet, the President, in his Message, as if to falsify the history of current events, declared that"as almosthes "whole of this Tribe inhabit the country within the limits of "Florida, Spain was bound, by the Treaty of 795,tresrai them from committing depredations against the United States." 48 THE ExILs oF FLoRIDA. intercept them. They succeeded in drawing them into ambush, a f s m os w mouth-ota %ter and1thewuth nt and all his men but six, and all the children, and all the women but one, were massacred on the spot. Six soldiers eaped and one woman was spared and taken to Suwanee as a prisoner. Here she was kept by the Exiles through the winter, an treatedith great kindness, residing in their families and sharing their hospitality. She had thus an opportunity of learning their condition, and the state of civilization to which they had attained, as well as their desire to be at peace with mankind, in order to enjoy their own rights and liberties. This massacre was regaded by the country as a most barbarous and wanton sacrifice of hman life. The newspapers blazoned it forth as an exhibition of savage barbarity. The deep indignation of the people was invoked against the Seminoles, who were repre- sented as alone responsible for the murder of Lieutenant Scott, and his men. robably nine-tenths of the Editors, thus assailing the Seminoles, were not aware of the atrocious sacrifice of human life at'"lount s Fort," in July of the previous year. Even the 18 resident of the United States, in his Messa rch 25), relating -theil iostie moements o tfjleminoles, during the previous year, declared "The hostilities of this Trie were unopaoo , as though the reco the mascre-a t Blount's Fort" had been erased from the records of tlhe-meral Universe. -Notwithstanding our army had, in a time veace mvade e vanish Territory marched sixty miles into is interior, opened a cannonade upon "Blount's Fort," blown it up, wi h an unprecedented massacre, in which both Seminole Indians ainegroes were sli, and two of thet i inctp mes g em . to barbarous torture; yet, the President in his Messag, to falsify the history of current events, declared that " aa-almost the "whole of this Tribe inhabit the country within the limits of "Florida, Spain was bound, by the Tre~aiy o 79 to msirn "them from committing depredations against the United States." 48 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. intercept them. They succeeded in drawing them into ambush, a e- mits beow molistut ~rnf-Fnf~ , ed th eTiutinant, and all his men but six, and all the children, and all the women but one, were massacred on the spot. Six soldiers escaord and one woman was spared and taken to Suwanee as a prisoner. Here she was lept by the Exiles through the winter, iid treated with great kindness, residing in their families and sharing their hospitality. She had thus an opportunity of learning their condition, and the state of civilization to which they had attained, as well as their desire to be at peace with mankind, in order to enjoy their own rights and liberties. This massacre was regarded by the country as a most barbarous and wanton sacrifice of hman life. The newspapers blazoned it forth as an exhibition of savage barbarity. The deep indignation of the people was invoked against the Seminoles, who were repre- sented as alone responsible for the murder of Lieutenant Scott, and his men. Probablynine-tenths of the Editors, thus assailing the Seminoles, were not aware of the atrocious sacrifice of human life at0 Ilunt's Fort," in July of the previous year. Even the 1 President of the United States, in his Message (March 2 relatingtth- i em oSe n of the. amina, during thierevious year, declared "The hostilities of this Trie mere unprovoked a s tho te recoro the massacre-at ' Blount's Fort" had been erased from the records of thensoral Universe. Notwithstanding our army had, in a timet pnrfund Peae, invaed e Spanish Territory, marched sixty miles into ita interior, opened a cannonade uon "Blount's Fort," blown it up, & unprecedented massacre, in which both Seminole Indians an negroes were slain and two of err clue, at yi ie ane, to, ar areas torturei yet, the President in his Message, as if to falsify the history of current events, declared that."as almost the "whole of this Tribe inhabit the country within the limits of "Drida, Spain was bound, by the Treaty of ~795 ~ ini 'them from committing depredations against the United States."  THE EXILES 0F FLORIDA. 49 Such were the efforts made to misrepresent facts, in relation to the "rat Seminole War. With its commencement, the people had nothing to do; they were not consulted, nor were their Repre- sentatives in Congress permitted to exercise any influence over the subject. The correspondence between General Gaines and the Secretary of War, in regard to the occupation of the fort by the Exiles, bad commenced on the fourteenth of May, 1815. It was continued while Congress was in session, in 1815 and 1816, but no facts in regard to the plan of destroying it, and entering upon a war, for the purpose of murdering or enslaving the Exiles, had been communicated to Congress or the public. Orders were now issued to General Gaines anthorizing him So carryte war into Florida, for the purpose of puishing the Sem- inoles. General Jackson was ordered to take the field, in person with power to call on the States of Tennessee and Georgia foisuch militia as he might deem necessary, for the due prosecu- tion of the war; and r for carry n oheiit es npon a large scale. Mr. Monroe had assumed the duties of President in March, 1817. He had appointed Hon. John Quincy Adams Secretary of State, at the commencement of his administration; but the office of Secretary of War was not filled by a permanent appoint- ment, for some months, in consequence of Governor Shelby's refusal to accept it, on account of his advanced. age. It was finally conferred on Hon. John C. Calhoun, who, through his entire official life, was distinguished for his devotion to the institution of Slavery; and this war having been entered upon for the support of that institution, it may well be supposed that he exerted his utmost energies for its vigorous prosecution. The fifteenth Congress assembled in December, 1817. Most of the members from the free States had not enjoyed the ad- vantages of having served long in that body. They afterwards' showed themselves able men ; but the business of legislation re- quires experience, industry, and a perfect knowledge of the past 4 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. 49 Such were the efforts made to misrepresent facts, in relation to the isst Seminole War. With its commencement, the people had nothing to do; they were not consulted, nor were their Repre- sentatives in Congress permitted to exercise any influence over the subject. The correspondence between General Gaines and the Secretary of War, in regard to the occupation of the fort by the Exiles, had commenced on the fourteenth of May, 1815. It was continued while Congress was in session, in 1815 and 1816, but no facts in regard to the plan of destroying it, and entering upon a war, for the purpose of murdering or enslaving the Exiles, had been communicated to Congress or the public. Orders were now issued to General Gains authokrizing him to carrjtihwar into lorida, for the urposef ishin the Sem- inoles. eneral Jackson was ordered to take the field, in person, with power to call on the States of Tennessee and Georgia for such militia as he might deem necessary, for the due proseeu- tion of the war; and th mnet iem h a ae weade for esryi unon' ar ar scale. Mr. Monroe had assumed the duties of President in March, 1817. He had appointed Hon. John Quincy Adams Secretary of State, at the commencement of his administration; but the office of Secretary of War was not filled by a permanent appoint- ment, for some months, in consequence of Governor Shelby's refusal to accept it, on account of his advanced. age. It was finally conferred on Hon. John C. Calhoun, who, through his entire official life, was distinguished for his devotion to the institution of Slavery; and this war having been entered upon for the support of that institution, it may well be supposed that he exerted his utmost energies for its vigorous prosecution. The fifteenth Congress assembled in December, 1817. Most of the members from the free States had not enjoyed the ad- vantages of having served long in that body. They afterwards' showed themselves able men ; but the business of legislation re- quires experience, industry, and a perfect knowledge of the past THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 49 Such were the efforts made to misrepresent facts, in relation to the fist Seminole _3ar. With its commencement, the people had nothing to do; they were not consulted, nor were their Repre- sentatives in Congress permitted to exercise any influence over the subject. The correspondence between General Gaines and the Secretary of War, in regard to the occupation of the fort by the Exiles, had commenced on the fourteenth of May, 1815. It was continued while Congress was in session, in 1815 and 1816, but no facts in regard to the plan of destroying it, and entering upon a war, for the purpose of murdering or enslaving the Exiles, had been communicated to Congress or the public. Orders were now issued to General Gaines athorizine him in carryli war santo Florida, for the ur ose of bnhin the Sem- inoles. eneral Jackson was ordered to take the field, in person, with power to call on the States of Tennessee and Georgia for such militia as he might deem necessary, for the due prosecu- tion of the warj ; ando+ c mn rm hi arangsa n ro aas for wan an tetiti s upon a large scale. Mr. Monroe had assumed the duties of President in March, 1817. He had appointed Hon. John Quincy Adams Secretary of State, at the commencement of his administration; but the office of Secretary of War was not filled by a permanent appoint. ment, for some months, in consequence of Governor Shelby's refusal to accept it, on account of his advanced, age. It was finally conferred on Hon. John C. Calhoun, who, through his entire official life, was distinguished for his devotion to the institution of Slavery; and this war having been entered upon for the support of that institution, it may well be supposed that he exerted his utmost energies for its vigorous prosecution. The fifteenth Congress assembled in December, 1817. Most of the members from the free States had not enjoyed the ad- vantages of having served long in that body. They afterwards showed themselves able men ; but the business of legislation re- quires experience, industry, and a perfect knowledge of the past 4  50 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. action of government. This cannot be obtained in one session, nor in one Congress; it can only be gathered by the labors of 'an active life. It is, therefore, not surprising that Congress granted to the War Department whatever funds the President required to carry on the war. It is not our province to applaud, or condemn, public men ; but history represents no member of the fifteenth Congress as having proclaimed the cause of this war, or the atrocious massacre which characterized its commencement. On the contrary, those who spoke on the subject, represented it as entirely owing to the Indian murders on the frontiers of Georgia, and to the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his men. There was great delicacy exhibited, and had been for many years previously, in regard to the agitation of any question touching the institution of Slavery; and the people of the free and slave States appeared to feel that silence on that subject was obligatory upon every citizen who desired a continuance of the Union. These circumstances rendered it easy for the Ad- ministration to prosecute the war, with whatever force they deemed necessary for the speedy subjection of Indians and Exiles. On entering the field of active service, General Jackson called on the State of Tennessee for two thousand troops. He repaired to Harford, on the Oehmulgee, where a body of volunteers, from CerEta, Tialready assembled, and organizing them, he requested the aid ~of the Creele diai s n:-4~Fey--rr Tofulreed under the command ot their chief, McIntosh, ready to shore in the onor an ampaign. th the Georgra unteers and Creek insians, General Jackson marchee to Fort Scott, where he was josai d onut one thousand regular With this force, he moved upon the Mickasukie towns, situated near the Lobe of thst name, acme trty m es south of tieJinq of Gou Ja. It waao-..narest place at which th--.ri L -d settled in considerable numbers. There were several small villages in the vicinity of this Lake, inhabited almost entirely b blacks. 50 THE EXILEs OF FLoRIDA. action of government. This cannot be obtained in one session, nor in one Congress; it can only be gathered by the labors of 'an active life. It is, therefore, not surprising that Congress granted to the War Department whatever funds the President required to carry on the war. It is not our province to applaud, or condemn, public men; but history represents no member of the fifteenth Congress as having proclaimed the cause of this war, or the atrocious massacre which characterized its commencement. On the contrary, those who spoke on the subject, represented it as entirely owing to the Indian murders on the frontiers of Georgia, and to the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his men. There was great delicacy exhibited, and had been for many years previously, in regard to the agitation of any question touching the institution of Slavery; and the people of the free and slave States appeared to feel that silence on that subject was obligatory upon every citizen who desired a continuance of the Union. These circumstances rendered it easy for the Ad- ministration to prosecute the war, with whatever force they deemed necessary for the speedy subjection of Indians and Exiles. On entering the field of active service, General Jackson called on the State of Tennessee for two thousand troops. liereaired to Harford, on the Ockmulgee, where a body of volunteers, from Georta,_1hdalready assembled, and organizing them, ^is requested the aid of the Creek Inmdianis . o-hey-rendily votulieered, under the command of thcir chief, McIntosh, ready to share in the onors an mpaign. th the Geotgi voiunteers ann Cree indians, Ueneral Jackson mared to Fort Scott, where he was joisnes byaout one thousand regular Wih this force, he moved upon the Mickasukie towns, situated near the Lake of that name, some thirty miles south of tie linq of Georgia It wa tso- earest place at which t'- h les ad Settled in considerable numbers. There were several small villages in the vicinity of this Lake, inhabited almost entirely.bgblacks, 50 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. action of government. This cannot be obtained in one session, nor in one Congress; it can only be gathered by the labors of 'an active life. It is, therefore, not surprising that Congress granted to the War Department whatever funds the President required to carry on the war. It is not our province to applaud, or condemn, public men ; but history represents no member of the fifteenth Congress as having proclaimed the cause of this war, or the atrocious massacre which characterized its commencement. On the contrary, those who spoke on the subject, represented it as entirely owing to the Indian murders on the frontiers of Georgia, and to the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his men. There was great delicacy exhibited, and had been for many years previously, in regard to the agitation of any question touching the institution of Slavery; and the people of the free and slave States appeared to focl that silence on that subject was obligatory upon every citizen who desired a continuance of the Union. These circumstances rendered it easy for the Ad- ministration to prosecute the war, with whatever force they deemed necessary for the speedy subjection of Indians and Exiles. On entering the field of active service, General Jackson called on the State of Tennessee for two thousand troops. Herepaired to Harford, on the Oehmulgee, where a body of volunteers, from Georgia, ha aiready assembled, and organizing them, herequested the aid of thCreek~Tidnianstttso-- cyy-readiy volnteered, under the command of their chief, McIntosh, ready ta share in the onors n mpaign. Wth the eeoi taomnteers and Greec anians, Deneral Jackson marchg to Fort Scott, where he was joifnesi y aout one thousand regular Wish this force, he moved upon the Mickasukie towns, situated near the Lake of that name, some thirty mles outh of thejinq of Georgia. It was.th e rest place at which thi-Ersin -ad settled in considerable numbers. There were several small villages in the vicinity of this Lake, inhabited almost entirely.byblacka.  TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 51 A large quantity of provisions had been stored there. There were also several Seminole towns between Miekasukie Lake and Talla- hasse, on the west. The Exiles appear to have viewed the approach of General Jackson with coolness and firmness. They had evidently calculated the result with perfect accuracy. Their women and children were removed to places of safety, and their herds of cattle were driven beyond the reach of the invading army ; and some of their Indian allies followed the example thus sct them by the Exiles ; yet others were not equally careful in calculating future events. Neither Indians nor negroes had made these towns their general rendezvous; nor did they expect a decisive battle to occur at that point ; yet they prepared to meet General Jackson, and his army, in a becoming manner. Most of their forces were collected prior to the arrival of our troops. In making the requisite dispositions for battle, the Indians were formed in one body, and the negroes in another-each being under their respective chiefs. General Jackson encountered the allied forces at some little distance from the Mickasukie towns, April first. The battle was of short duration. The Indians soon fled. The Exiles fought with greater obstinacy. Their fire was so fatal that a reinforcement was ordered to that part of the field, and the Exiles were driven from their position, leaving twelve of their number dead upon the field. In his official report of this battle, General Jackson insisted that British officers had drilled the negroes, and British traders hlad furnished them ammunition. He also reported that he burned more than three hundred dwellings, and obtained a supply of provisions and cattle for his army. The Exiles, generally, retreated to Sawanee, and the Indians continued to hang around the American army, watching its move- ments. General Jackson, however, directed his course towards St. Marks, a Spanish fort, situated on the river of that name, some fifty miles southwest of Mickasukie Lake. THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. 51 A large quantity of provisions had been stored there. There were also several Seminole towns between Mickasukie Lake and Talla- hasse, on the west. The Exiles appear to have viewed the approach of General Jackson with coolness and firmness. They had evidently calculated the result with perfect accuracy. Their women and children were removed to places of safety, and their herds of cattle were driven beyond the reach of the invading army; and some of their Indian allies followed the example thus set them by the Exiles; yet others were not equally careful in calculating future events. Neither Indians nor negroes had made these towns their general rendezvous; nor did they expect a decisive battle to occur at that point; yet they prepared to meet General Jackson, and his army, in a becoming manner. Most of their forces were collected prior to the arrival of our troops. In making the requisite dispositions for battle, the Indians were formed in one body, and the negroes in another-each being under their respective chiefs. General Jackson encountered the allied forces at some little distance from the Mickasukie towns, April first. The battle was of short duration. The Indians soon fled. The Exiles fought with greater obstinacy. Their fire was so fatal that a reinforcement was ordered to that part of the field, and the Exiles were driven from their position, leaving twelve of their number dead upon the field. In his official report of this battle, General Jackson insisted that British officers had drilled the negroes, and British traders ltad furnished them ammunition. He also reported that he burned more than three hundred dwellings, and obtained a supply of provisions and cattle for his army. The Exiles, generally, retreated to Suwanee, and the Indians continued to hang around the American army, watching its move- ments. General Jackson, however, directed his course towards St. Marks, a Spanish fort, situated on the river of that name, some fifty miles southwest of Mickasukie Lake. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 51 A large quantity of provisions had been stored there. There were also several Seminole towns between Mickasukie Lake and Talla- hasse, on the west. The Exiles appear to have viewed the approach of General Jackson with coolness and firmness. They had evidently calculated the result with perfect accuracy. Their women and children were removed to places of safety, and their herds of cattle were driven beyond the reach of the invading army; and some of their Indian allies followed the example thus set them by the Exiles; yet others were not equally careful in calculating future events. Neither Indians nor negroes had made these towns their general rendezvous ; nor did they expect a decisive battle to occur at that point; yet they prepared to meet General Jackson, and his army, in a becoming manner. Most of their forces were collected prior to the arrival of our troops. In making the requisite dispositions for battle, the Indians were formed in one body, and the negroes in another-each being under their respective chiefs. General Jackson encountered the allied forces at some little distance from the Mickasukie towns, April first. The battle was of short duration. The Indians soon fled. The Exiles fought with greater obstinacy. Their fire was so fatal that a reinforcement was ordered to that part of the field, and the Exiles were driven from their position, leaving twelve of their number dead upon the field. In his official report of this battle, General Jackson insisted that British officers had drilled the negroes, and British traders liad furnished them ammunition. He also reported that he burned more than three hundred dwellings, and obtained a supply of provisions and cattle for his army. The Exiles, generally, retreated to Suwanee, and the Indians continued to hang around the American army, watching its move- ments. General Jackson, however, directed his course towards St. Marks, a Spanish fort, situated on the river of that name, some fifty miles southwest of Mickasukie Lake.  52 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. The American army reached St. Marks on the seventh of April, and remained there several days. One of the American vessels lying in Appalachicola Bay, hoisted British colors, in order to decoy some Indians who were looking at them from the shore. Two of the "Red Stick" band ventured on board; they were said to be chiefs, and in alliance with the Seminoles. General Jackson ordered them to be hanged, without trial or ceremony, justifying the act by charging them with having participated in the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party, during the previous autumn, apparently unconscious that, by his own orders, two hundred and seventy people, including innocent children and women, had been most wantonly and barbarously murdered at the fort on Appa- lachicola, and that Lieutenant Scott and thirty men were murdered in retaliation for that act, according to savage warfare. He appears to have felt it due to offended justice, that these men should die for being suspected of participating in that act of retaliation. In all these cases, the most assiduous efforts were exerted to misrep- resent the real state of facts. The time occupied in the approach and capture of Fort St. Marks, gave to the Exiles and Indians full opportunity to concen- trate their forces at Suwanee. It constituted the most populous settlement of the Exiles, after the destruction of that upon the Appalachicola. It was regarded as their stronghold. Surrounded by swamps, it was approached only through narrow defiles, which rendered it difficult for an army to reach it. Here many of the Exiles had been born and reared to manhood. Here were their homes, their firesides. Here their chief, Nero, resided ; and here they concentrated their whole force. They had removed their women and children, their provisions and cattle, to places of safety, and coolly awaited the approach of General Jackson's army.1 Scouting parties were, however, sent out to harrass his advance guard, and delay his approach, and render it more difficult; but, (1) Monete says Arbuthnot sent word o the Negroes and Indians, notifytng them of the appErach of General Jackson; but the ometal report of that oilm sahow that hi ad. am guard ws daily engagd in akirshinag with the Indina. 52 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. The American army reached St. Marks on the seventh of April, and remained there several days. One of the American vessels lying in Appalachicola Bay, hoisted British colors, in order to decoy some Indians who were looking at them from the shore. Two of the "Red Stick" band ventured on board; they were said to be chiefs, and in alliance with the Seminoles. General Jackson ordered them to be hanged, without trial or ceremony, justifying the act by charging them with having participated in the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party, during the previous autumn, apparently unconscious that, by his own orders, two hundred and seventy people, including innocent children and women, had been most wantonly and barbarously murdered at the fort on Appa- lachicola, and that Lieutenant Scott and thirty men were murdered in retaliation for that act, according to savage warfare. He appears to have felt it due to offended justice, that these men should die for being suspected of participating in that act of retaliation. In all these cases, the most assiduous efforts were exerted to misrep. resent the real state of facts. The time occupied in the approach and capture of Fort St. Marks, gave to the Exiles and Indians full opportunity to concen. trate their forces at Suwanee. It constituted the most populous settlement of the Exiles, after the destruction of that upon the Appalachicola. It was regarded as their stronghold. Surrounded by swamps, it was approached only through narrow defiles, which rendered it difficult for an army to reach it. Here many of the Exiles had been born and reared to manhood. Here were their homes, their firesides. Here their chief, Nero, resided; and here they concentrated their whole force. They had removed their women and children, their provisions and cattle, to places of safety, and coolly awaited the approach of General Jackson's army.1 Scouting parties were, however, sent out to harrass his advance guard, and delay his approach, and render it more difficult; but, (1) Monette ys Arbuthnot st stword to the Neroend Indians, notitig i them of the approach of General Jackson; bat the ocial report of that Omer shows that hit ad. samc guard was daily stegad in skiralhing with the Indians. 52 THE ExILEs oF FLORIDA. The American army reached St. Marks on the seventh of April, and remained there several days. One of the American vessels lying in Appalachicola Bay, hoisted British colors, in order to decoy some Indians who were looking at them from the shore. Two of the "Red Stick" band ventured on board; they were said to be chiefs, and in alliance with the Seminoles. General Jackson ordered them to be hanged, without trial or ceremony, justifying the act by charging them with having participated in the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party, during the previous autumn, apparently unconscious that, by his own orders, two hundred and seventy people, including innocent children and women, had been most wantonly and barbarously murdered at the fort on Appa- lachicola, and that Lieutenant Scott and thirty men were murdered in retaliation for that act, according to savage warfare. He appears to have felt it due to offended justice, that these men should die for being suspected of participating in that act of retaliation. In all these cases, the most assiduous efforts were exerted to misrep- resent the real state of facts. The time occupied in the approach and capture of Fort St. Marks, gave to the Exiles and Indians full opportunity to concen- trate their forces at Suwanee. It constituted the most populous settlement of the Exiles, after the destruction of that upon the Appalachicola. It was regarded as their stronghold. Surrounded by swamps, it was approached only through narrow defiles, which rendered it difficult for an army to reach it. Here many of the Exiles had been born and reared to manhood. Here were their homes, their firesides. Here their chief, Nero, resided ; and here they concentrated their whole force. They had removed their women and children, their provisions and cattle, to places of safety, and coolly awaited the approach of General Jackson's army.1 Scouting parties were, however, sent out to harrass his advance guard, and delay his approach, and render it more difficult; but, (1) Montte says Arbuthnot snt word to the Negroes sad Indians, otifyinag them of the approach of Gneral Jackson ; but thal afdd report of that Omw asows that his asd vaneguard was daily nagerd In skrmiAhing with the Indians.  THE EXILESOF 0 FLORIDiA. fil notwithstanding theoe obstacles, the army steodily advanced, nd on the nineteenth of April reached the " Old Town" of ''Suwanee," anod found tho allied forces in order of bottle, prepared to contest the field. The Indians were again formed on the right, and the Exiles conetitated the left wing, brioging thorn in conflict with the right wing of General Jackson's forces. With the Exileo, there wasn o alternative other than wnr or slavery; and t ey greatly preferred death upon the bsattlefied, to chain's and the -'scourge. We may well suppose they would fight with some degree of deoperation, under ouch circumstanes; and the bottle of Suwanee gave evidence of their devotion to freedom. They moot the disciplined troops, who Constituted General Jackson's army, with firmness and gallantry.t At the commencement, their fire was so fatal that the right wing of the American army faltered, and ceasing to advance, gave signs of falling back. But the left wing, opposed to the Indians, made a succesoful charge ; the Indiana gave way, and the reserve was suddenly breught into actian to sustain the right wing, when a general charge war ordered, and the Exilcs were compelled to fall back .2 General Jackson, in his official report of thia battle, refers to the desperation with which the negrao fought, and says they left many dead upon the field, but does not mention their number. He entered the town and tet fire to the buildinga, and burned all the villages in the vicinity. He also captured acme three hundred Indian women and children, while thoe belonging to the Exiles (1) Vide Goent Jackeos'e 00,11 R.,.re of 0, battle, Be. Dee. 175,2 S0 eel-o X~th Coatereee. (2) Wclinm,,u. e Hisoy or Floeida, Sha that three hnded lad forty rtegenmtgtls tallied after the firet retleat, an~d foght thelr oueoeme, antil eighty of their natber, waee tilled cathe Hel4. "slOfett"lao stain the tame fact, tat Oetteeai Jeaneot,, tee alt te Aeporte, eeideeOly avoided. Sie fare, possitle, lay noles of the Eilee,e a people. tadeed mvee s he pc0'y of the Adeo,1stoo, and or in o0,,er, mnd orf alltavetotdlees. They Obe eapyptd, athOey ow do, that slavery molt depend Opelth e mppoedW km- matd stpiditof Wte colored people i tad toa1ey a. te laee ma be Sonnd, whee a tlaoholder adoito the slaee t potleel huana intelaeo or home. fieeng; indead, teach. e late to ed the Scriptures, t oegarded as- ta fe, S oeerly every thee tate, tad paalebla by fioe and lett eaaao. THE EXILESOF orFLORIDA. 6$l notwithstanding these obstacles, the army steadily advancoid, and en the nineteenth of April reached tho "' Old Town" of eSuwanerr and found the allied forea in order of battle, prepared to contest the field. The Indians were again formed on the right, and the Exiles constituted the left wing, bringing them in conflict with the right wing of General Jackson's forces. With the Exiles, there woo no alternative other than war or sluvery; end they greatly preferred death upon the battle field, to ch- an a sc~oourge. We may well ouppose they would fight with tome degree of deoperation, under such cireumotanen; and the battle of Suwenee gave evidence of their devotion to freedom. They met the disciplined troops, who eostitutod General Jackeon's army, with firmness and gallantry.' At the commencement, their fire was so fatal that the right wing of the American army faltered, and ceasing to advance, gave signs of falling back. Bat the left wing, opposed to the Indians, made a successful charge ; the Indians gave way, aad the reserve was suddenly brought into action to sustain the right wing, when a general charge war ordered, and the Eailcs were compelled to fall back?2 General Jackson, iu his official report of thio battle, refers to the desperation with which the negmes fought, and says they left many dead upon the foeld, but dos not mention their number. He entered the town and set fire to the buildinga, and burned all the villages in the vicinity. He also captured seine three hundred Indian women and ehildren, while thoe belonging to the Exiles (1) Vide Geoeral Jaehtoa'e OffiI Report or this battle, En. tDe. 0i0,2d teedon XT~te cootrele. (2) 55'ileat. St hie niarory or Ploebda,theta tlhree handod adfterytteeeeet0 rallied afeor the tires eteai, ad (ougt their purtoee, ntl eightior 00teir nnerber, Coe hilled e. the 00el. "Molae" et el-e the esue fact; tat 0..nemi Jaotoon, in al iae Reportn, eldenily avoided, i 80,0 yoeile; tar orlco the Oeilee, u a people, ladeed -ehca. tahe polsoy of the ,tdodeio, and or ins rirer.e, tad a al elievehaldlest. They the. earrclea, ee they voa do, rtatelaeey rme 4dep04dauma the eappceed lean rea d aerpidioy or 0,0 oolored peopia; tad -laety an W.-~e caa be thaad, ,heen a tal der admoie the elate bo Ipoee haman Intongeace or honta reane;i Indeed, t each a.thee to read the Scriptres, 10 regarded as la a~eae, St ooely every thee State, ad paiohttle by fnr aand mamoot. THE EXILnS OF FLORIDA. fil notwithstanding these obstaclces, the army steadily advanced, and on the nineteenth of April reached the "'Old Town" of "Suwenee," and found the allied forees tn order of battle, prepared to centest the field. The Indians were again formed on the right, and the Exiles constituted the left wing, bringing them in conflict with the right wing of General Jackson's forces. With the Eailes, there wao no alternative other than war or slavery; and they greatly preferred death upon the battle fied, to hains ndlthscorge. We may well suppose they would fight with tome degree of desperation, under ouch circumstanesn; and the bottle of Suwenee gave evidence of their devotion to freedom. They met the disciplined troos, who constituted General Jackson's army, with firmness and gallantry.1 At the commencement, their fire was to fatal that the right wing of the American army faltered, and ceasing to advance, gave signs of falling beck. Beat the left wing, epposed to the Indians, made a successful charge ;the Indians gave way, and the reserve war suddenly braught into action to sustmn the right wing, when a general chorge war ordered, and the Eailcs were compelled to fall back.2 General Jackson, in his official report of thin battle, refers to the deoperation with which the negmoen fought, and says they left many dead upon the field, but doca not mention their number. He entered the town and oct fire to the buildings, and burned all the villages in the vicinity. He also captured seine three hundred Indian women and children, while thoe belonging to the Exiles (1) vide 0080081 Jeeheoa'e Officlel Raarof c th, bttle, Ea. tie.17tO, 2d end- XVte Coacren. (2) Oilcmt. to hie Mlato of Fleo, Sttre, thet three hunadred aed fory Negeoesagin mlled teur the Ores retreat, aod M oaho theIr ynruree, easIl dgce of their aneeaer,wee kilad os the feld. "M~oarto" alao Stain ehe tame fct; tnt Geaeral Jeekeen, in adl te Reprtn, evidently avided; 800,80m peeaihie, any 000,800 the Eiiee, ue people. Indeed tae, Cos the poey of the AdmioieitiOOw, nd or Ito eflr, tad af adl etovahettee. They 00,0 rppoerd, 80 they o do, thatelaery emt deread uoen the tnppoeed tgne. maeand Stapidity of the1 ,oiored peorla; ted erereely an letoe can be, fand, where a aleh1ettio admire the.eve to p-te haueaa ittllgnee or human ferilag; ladled, ta eh eheae to read the Sodyptore, i. regarded n0 a oM-al, St nnely levery theea Stole, and paeirhatle by thne and imprleoneaa.  54 THE ExILEs OF FLORIDA. had been carefully removed beyond the reach of the American army. This superior caution and provident care appears to mark the character of the Exiles in all their conduct ; while the Indians appear to have practised none of these precautions. But the allied forces, defeated, and their warriors scattered in various directions, were pursued by McIntosh and his Creek war- rIors, who had accompanied General Jackson, until fearing the Seminoles might rally in force against them, they returned and again united with the American army. This battle substantially closed the war of 1818. It had been commenced for the destruction of the Exiles; they had shared in its dangers, and by their energy and boldness, had given intensity to its conflicts. From the time they united in the expedition for the destruction of Lieutenant Scott and his party, in November, 1817, until the close of the battle of Suwanee, they had been active participants in every skirmish, and had uniformly displayed great firmness ; bearing testimony to the truth of those historians who have awarded to the African race the merit of great physical courage. -General Jackson appears to have spoken as little of the Exiles as duty would permit, when communicating with the Secretary of War;- yet he was more free to complain of them in his correspond- ence with the Governor of Pensacola. In a letter to that officer, dated a few days after the battle of Suwanee, he says: "Negroes who have fled from their masters, citizens of the United States, have raised the tomahawk, and, in the character of savage war- 'fare, have spared neither age nor sex. Helpless women have " been massacred, and the cradle crimsoned with blood." We can, at this day, scarcely believe that this eloquent descrip- tion of savage barbarity was from the pen of a man whose order for the massacre of defenseless women and children, at the Fort on Appalachicola, bore date less than two years before writing this letter; nor can we readily comprehend the effrontery of him who thus attempted to justify the invasion of Florida, by reference to 54 THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. had been carefully removed beyond the reach of the American army. This superior caution and provident care appears to mark the character of the Exiles in all their conduct ; while the Indians appear to have practised none of these precautions. But the allied forces, defeated, and their warriors scattered in various directions, were pursued by McIntosh and his Creek war- riors, who had accompanied General Jackson, until fearing the Seminoles might rally in force against them, they returned and again united with the American army. This battle substantially closed the war of 1818. It had been commenced for the destruction of the Exiles; they had shared in its dangers, and by their energy and boldness, had given intensity to its conflicts. From the time they united in the expedition for the destruction of Lieutenant Scott and his party, in November, 1817, until the close of the battle of Suwanee, they had been active participants in every skirmish, and had uniformly displayed great firmness; bearing testimony to the truth of those historians who have awarded to the African race the merit of great physical courage. _ -General Jackson appears to have spoken as little of the Exiles as duty would permit, when communicating with the Secretary of War; yet he was more free to complain of them in his correspond- ence with the Governor of Pensacola. In a letter to that officer, dated a few days after the battle of Suwanee, he says: "Negroes " who have fled from their masters, citizens of the United States, " have raised the tomahawk, and, in the character of savage war- "fare, have spared neither age nor sex. Helpless women have " been massacred, and the cradle crimsoned with blood." We can, at this day, scarcely believe that this eloquent descrip- tion of savage barbarity was from the pen of a man whose order for the massacre of defenseless women and children, at the Fort on Appalachicola, bore date less than two years before writing this letter; nor can we readily comprehend the effrontery of him who thus attempted to justify the invasion of Florida, by reference to 54 THE ExILES oF FLORIDA. had been carefully removed beyond the reach of the American army. This superior caution and provident care appears to mark the character of the Exiles in all their conduct ; while the Indians appear to have practised none of these precautions. But the allied forces, defeated, and their warriors scattered in various directions, were pursued by McIntosh and his Creek war- riors, who had accompanied General Jackson, until fearing the Seminoles might rally in force against them, they returned and again united with the American army. This battle substantially closed the war of 1818. It had been commenced for the destruction of the Exiles; they had shared in its dangers, and by their energy and boldness, had given intensity to its conflicts. From the time they united in the expedition for the destruction of Lieutenant Scott and his party, in November, 1817, until the close of the battle of Suwanec, they had been active participants in every skirmish, and had uniformly displayed great firmness; bearing testimony to the truth of those historians who have awarded to the African race the merit of great physical courage. -General Jackson appears to have spoken as little of the Exiles an duty would permit, when communicating with the Secretary of War; yet he was more free to complain of them in his correspond- ence with the Governor of Pensacola. In a letter to that officer, dated a few days after the battle of Suwanee, he says : " Negroes " who have fled from their masters, citizens of the United States, "have raised the tomahawk, and, in the character of savage war- "fare, have spared neither age nor sex. Helpless women have " been massacred, and the cradle crimsoned with blood." We can, at this day, scarcely believe that this eloquent descrip- tion of savage barbarity was from the pen of a man whose order for the massacre of defenseless women and children, at the Fort on Appalachicola, bore date less than two years before writing this letter; nor can we readily comprehend the effrontery of him who thus attempted to justify the invasion of Florida, by reference to  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 55 acts done by the Exiles long after the army under his command had entered that territory, and committed the most atrocious out- rages ever norptrtd b, .iilvrl mr en o anunoffending people. After the battle of Suwanee, General Jackson returned to St. Marks, being unable to follow the Indians and Exiles into the more southern portions of Florida. While at St. Marks, he ordered a court-martial, constituting General Gaines president, in order to try Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The history of their trial and execution is familiar to the reader. The first and principal charge against Ambrister was, that he excited the negroes and Indians to commit murder upon the people of the United States; the second charge was for supplying them with arms. On these charges he was con- victed and executed. It was also alleged, that he was present at the battle of Suwance; and some writers say he commanded the Exiles on that occasion, and had previously taught them military discipline. In May, General Jackson issued an Address to his troops, de- claring the war at an end ; and wrote the Executive, asking permis- sion to retire to his home in Nashville, there being no further use for his services in the field. The Exiles now returned to their homes. They had full leisure to contemplate their situation. Many of their best men had fallen. Nearly the entire population residing upon the Appalachicola River had been massacred. Their villages at Mirkasukie and Suwanee had been burned ; and it is probable that nearly one half of their entire population had been sacrificed, in this first war waged by the United States for the murder and recapture of fugitive slaves. The invasion of Florida by General Jackson was condemned by many public rren, and was approved by others with equal ability. Even the then Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, in his correspondence with Don Onis, the Spanish Minister, defended the invasion with great ability. But in the discussions of this subject, we find no allusion to the massacre at "Blount's Fort; "I that (1) varios names have been given this Fort. The auth-o, having heretofore adopted THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 55 acts done by the Exiles long after the army under his command , had entered that territory, and committed the most atrocious out- rages ever norrtedMOt by_ 1i-,d reon npon an unoffending people. After the battle of Suwance, General Jackson returned to St. Marks, being unable to follow the Indians and Exiles into the more southern portions of Florida. While at St. Marks, he ordered a court-martial, constituting General Gaines president, in order to try Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The history of their trial and execution is familiar to the reader. The first and principal charge against Ambrister was, that he excited the negroes and Indians to commit murder upon the people of the United States; the second charge was for supplying them with arms. On these charges he was con- victed and executed. It was also alleged, that he was present at the battle of Suwane; and some writers say be commanded the Exiles on that occasion, and had previously taught them military discipline. In May, General Jackson issued an Address to his troops, de- claring the war at an end ; and wrote the Executive, asking permis- sion to retire to his home in Nashville, there being no further use for his services in the field. The Exiles now returned to their homes. They had full leisure to contemplate their situation. Many of their best men had fallen. Nearly the entire population residing upon the Appalachicola River had been massacred. Their villages at Mickasukie and Suwanee had been burned ; and it is probable that nearly one half of their entire population had been sacrificed, in this first war waged by the United States for the murder and recapture of fugitive slaves. The invasion of Florida by General Jackson was condemned by many public men, and was approved by others with equal ability. Even the then Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, in his correspondence with Don Onis, the Spanish Minister, defended the invasion with great ability. But in the discussions of this subject, we find no allusion to the massacre at "Blount's Fort;"a that (1) vaos ames tmhave been given til Fort. The author, having heretofore adopted THE EXtLcs oF FLORIDA. D acts done by the Exiles long after the army under his command had entered that territory, and committed the most atrocious out- rages ever nerptor.,i h.. ^vilerl men npon an unoffending people. After the battle of Suwance, General Jackson returned to St. Marks, being unable to follow the Indians and Exiles into the more southern portions of Florida. While at St. Marks, he ordered a court-martial, constituting General Gaines president, in order to try Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The history of their trial and execution is familiar to the reader. The first and principal charge against Ambrister was, that he excited the negroes and Indians to commit murder upon the people of the United States; the second charge was for supplying them with arms. On these charges he was con- victed and executed. It was also alleged, that he was present at the battle of Suwanee; and some writers say he commanded the Exiles on that occasion, and had previously taught them military discipline. In May, General Jackson issued an Address to his troops, de- claring the war at an end ; and wrote the Executive, asking permis- sion to retire to his home in Nashville, there being no further use for his services in the field. The Exiles now returned to their homes. They had full leisure to contemplate their situation. Many of their best men had fallen. Nearly the entire population residing upon the Appalachicola River had been massacred. Their villages at Mickasukie and Suwance had been burned ; and it is probable that nearly one half of their entire population had been sacrificed, in this first war waged by the United States for the murder and recapture of fugitive slaves. The invasion of Florida by General Jackson was condemned by many publie men, and was approved by others with equal ability. Even the then Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, in his correspondence with Don Onis, the Spanish Minister, defended the invasion with great ability. But in the discussions of this subject, we find no allusion to the massacre at "Blount's Fort;"I that (1) various names have been give this Fort. The author, having heretofore adopted  56 56 56 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. appears to have been regarded as a subject of too delicate a nature Cfor public serutiny. In the alcoves of our National Library, we find many volumes of documents touching this war, embracing some thousands of pages, in which there is the strongest censure express- ed against the Seminoles for provoking the war, and condemnation for the barbarous manner in which they conducted it; but we search them in vain to find any condemnation, by American states- men, of the object for which the war was commenced, or the un- provoked and worse than savage massacre which marked its beginning. that of "onnt. Fort," prefers to ontinue that name. It was equaly known, however, a the "Negro Fort," and - "Fort Nchol." appears to have been regarded as a subject of too delicate a nature for publicscrutiny. In the alcoves of our National Library, we find many volumes of documents touching this war, embracing some thousands of pages, in which there is the strongest censure express- ed against the Seminoles for provoking the war, and condemnation for the barbarous manner in which they conducted it; but we search them in vain to find any condemnation, by American states- men, of the object for which the war was commenced, or the un- provoked and worse than savage massacre which marked its eginning. that of "Blount Fors,' pefers to ontnnue tht name. It was equally known, however, - the "Negro Fort, and as "Fort Nchols. appears to have been regarded as a subject of too delicate a nature for publie serutiny. In the alcoves of our National Library, we find many volumes of documents touching this war, embracing some thousands of pages, in which there is the strongest censure express- ed against the Seminoles for provoking the war, and condemnation for the barbarous manner in which they conducted it; but we search them in vain to find any condemnation, by American states- men, of the object for which the war was commenced, or the un- provoked and worse than savage massacre which marked its beginning. ssnf , Blunta For,' prefers t nluue that name. t was equally known, however, as ths "Negro Fad," sad - "P5,5555555,."  CHAPTER V. FURTHER EFFORTS OF THE GOVERNMENT TO RESTORE EXILES TO Effett of tht et -Sittiot of the REie- Seootity of Northeo- Stetesevt-eter nioad..tof Soothoeolaoholdes-The ptohte of Floridted tod-Co.-wtehioh led to it -Teooitoocohbtaiood -Aothoritonofoooorgtedemetaodoonw Trmtyowh Cee -Mo. Ctlhoo. tooretory of wto-ie off-one teeoof the Claimeete-eoiAp- poants Commonoter-They otoompt to dictate those appoletod by the Uned Elo~m- tjooepodoteo-Slt. Ctihoot Ohwottio with thoet whom he RhtI tpottto-Thtey oteing-Ne Conesi-nooo eppottO- Theieoteletlot to the sobjct-Eiffc-t- todia-oTlkos-Tomty owoted-Aeett-Aetignmet ofFtgtitetSlae o t~.ted Stateet t teoet Foe the Crk I0tldieot- Claims .ttjetltootd-tiehodte. ette the fande bolotbgtoo to the Cfekch to ,oe. Too firot Seotioole war, like moot other wIFE, wOO attended with greot soooificc of blood ond treasure. It hod con-opted the omorols of the notioo ; hot tho Adomioiotrotion hod entirely foiled to ottain the ohjects for whiott it hod beeo commeoneed. Not ten slaves hod horn coptored, if we exoept thooo who weFe woooded ond token prisoners ot "Bloont's Fort," one half of whom hod died of their woondo. Under ooch circomotances, the Goveremeot coold not, with propriety, condescend to maoke a treoty with o commooity of block tmen, whooe onceotors hod fled from slavery. Soch oct woold, io the opinion of sloveholders, hove compromised the dignity of the Sloveholding Stateo; nor coold they treot with the Semioole Indiano as a separoto tribe, for the Adminiotration wos endeatvoring to hold the Creeks rroponsible for the octo of the Sominoles, who, the slove- holders insisted, were o port of the Creek tribe. Tho ormy woo therefore withdrowo from Florido, withoot ooy treaty whotever. Bot the oct of withdrawiog the ormy ood permittiog the Exiles to (67) CHAPTER V. FURTHER EFFORTS OF TILE GOVEONMENT TO ESTORE EXILES TO SERVITUDRE. Efoete of tho Wet - Sitootien of the Exile - erilioy of North.te ESt...--etee- toteetioo of toothern Slaeholdee-Tht potohoe of Floelda demnttttd-Co.,oe which ted to it-Terittry ohtoietd-AtholtiofGooio Stetorod toew Teenty wtth Crete -Mo. Ctlhoe. Socretoe of wtr-IIe effoou in Steer of the t'tiets-eogoap- poite Conmtittioneec-They atnept to ditoe. those ttontei by the Ftt,It Itotee- Corroetteoo-Mr. con,.11oot tEta with thost whom he hod posdttot-They eett,.-Now ContomisonrsaPoiid-Theeeteooo r to theeohbjet- itilolhe- todiae Telos-Toeoty tfotet-dgeeent-Aetgteet at Fugittve Elotes to EntrI Statee. to trott foe the Coooh Iotdiaoc-hboe oatjudadt-toeehodete ehltc the fands helogitg to the Cteek Eedlone. THn fiest Sentinole wor, like most other wore, woo ottended with great sacrifice of blood ond treasore. It hod corrupted the morals of the notion hobt the Admioistration hod entirety failed to ottoin the objects for which it hod beeo comenoed. Not teo oloves hod becn captored, if we except thooe who were wouoded ood token prisoners ot " Blountos Fort," one holf of whom hod died of their woondt. Uoder sorb circumstonces, the Government could not, with propriety, condescend to moke a treoty with o community of black men, whose ancestors hod fled from slavery. Soch oct would, in the opioion of slaveholders, have rompromised the digoity of the Sloveholding Stotee; nor coold they treot with the Seminole Indions ao a seporote tribe, for the Adtoioistrotion woe endeavoring to hold the Coeeks responsible for tho octs ef the Semiootes, who, the slave- holdero insioted, were o port of the Creek tribe. The army woo therefore withdrawo from Florido, witheut aoy treoty whotever. Bot the oct of withdrowing the army ond permitting the Exiles to loot CHAPTER V. FURTHER EFFORTS OF THlE GOVERNtMENT TO RESTOE EXILES TO Effeet or the Ware - titootion of the Etites-erthity of Niorthert Stont .-oter ntoetioo of Sothere ttoohotltee-Tht poeehteo FtondatdtmnedCo-whichte Id to it-Triooy obteioodt- Aotorotie or Ooegia dtnd e ew Teety wtth Creehe -Mc. Ceihoeo Seeteryeof We-Hlieeou teeoorta vfvro h Clatt-Getoi - pointsC-teeono,,- They attempt to diotteo those appoied hy th ted OutlS-- Cooneytedet-Me. Caolhoo. dieeetienod with those whom e ho bd aFpottle-They eotio -Xew Ceaeioto .elottd-ThirrtI.Wtotthe etjet-nitoes- Ottlito Tedhe- Ttmty se&,od-Agreement- Asintetmt tf Fegittve ftnee to Ented SOtoe i. trst the the Coeoh Iodia-Cloto, ndjotdtcated-Reooeholtlen ctlm the toed, helootlee to It Crtok Itsdioe. / TILn first Sensinole wor, like most ether wore, woo ottended with great scrifice of blood ond treosore. It hod corrupted the morols t'of the nation; but the Administratioo hod eotirely foiled to ottain the objects for which it hod been commeored. Not ten oloves hod been captured, if we except those who were wounded ond token prisoners ot " Blontos Fort," oneo half of whom hod died ef their weunds. Under ouch cireumostonces, the Governmeot could not, with propriety, condescend to maoke a treoty with o commuoity of block men, whose oncestors had fled from elovery. Soch ort would, in the opinion of eloveholders, hove compromised the dignity of the Slavebolding States; nor could they treot with the Seminole Iodions as a seporote tribe, for the Administrotion woo eodeovoring to held the Creeks reoponsible for the octs of the Seminolet, who, the store- holdero insisted, were o port of tho Creek tribe. The ormy woo therefore withdrowo from Florida, without ony treaty whatever. But the oct of withdrowing the army and permitting the Exileo to tot)  58 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. remain in a state of freedom and independence, constituted an ac knowledgment of the inability of our Government to renslave them, although it was constantly asserted that they were a degraded race, incapable of supporting themselves if set at liberty. In looking over the official reports of our officers, the action of Congress, and the tone of the public press, we are forcibly impress- ed with the constant and unceasing efforts to hide from the popular mind of the nation the real questions involved in this war. Nor can we account for it upon any other hypothesis, than the popularity of President Monroe's Administration. The old Federal party had ceased to exist. They had been the only party opposed to Mr. Nonroe ; and no member of Congress appears to have possessed the requisite independence, information and ability, to take a posi- tion distinctly against his policy. Soon as our army was withdrawn from Florida, peace was of course restored, and things remained as they were prior to the invasion under Colonel Clinch, in 1816.\The Exiles were again left in peace, as they had been prior to the commencement of the war. Nothing had been gained to the United States by the vast en- pendit o hich attended the rosecution of hostilities. The Exiles had maintained their liberty for at least a century, and now they bad set the American Government at defiance. These considerations operated upon the minds of the slave population of Georgia and Alabama, who now became more anxious to join them; and their numbers were thus increased almost daily by slaves from those States.) From 1790, our Government endeavored to rebnslave these people. No Northern statesmen objected to the policy; while those of the South had come to believe that, although the Union may not have been formed solely for the purpose of capturing slaves, yet that duty was regarded by them as one of its most important objects. It had now become evident that no military force could pursue them into their retired fastnesses, or seek them out when scattered among the hummocks, the swamps and everglades of that singular country. 58 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. p remain in a state of freedom and independence, constituted an ac- knowledgment of the inability of our Government to reunslave them, although it was constantly asserted that they were a degraded race, incapable of supporting themselves if set at liberty. In looking over the official reports of our officers, the action of Congress, and the tone of the public press, we are forcibly impress- ed with the constant and unceasing efforts to hide from the popular mind of the nation the real questions involved in this war. Nor can we account for it upon any other hypothesis, than the popularity of President Monroe's Administration. The old Federal party had cease& to exist. They had been the only party opposed to Mr. Monroe; and no member of Congress appears to have possessed the requisite independence, information and ability, to take a posi- tion distinctly against his policy. Soon as our army was withdrawn from Florida, peace was of course restored, and things remained as they were prior to the invasion under Colonel Clinch, in 1816. SThe Exiles were again left in peace, as they had been prior to the commencement of the war. Nothing had been gained to the United States by the vast ex- enditure of bld and tease which attended the rosecution of hostilitie The Exiles had maintained their liberty for at least a century, and now they had set the American Government at defiance. These considerations operated upon the minds of the slave population of Georgia and Alabama, who now became more anxious to join them; and their numbers were thus increased almost daily by slaves from those States.) From 1790, our Government- endeavored to renslave these people. No Northern statesmen objected to the policy; while those of the South had come to believe that, although the Union may not have been formed solely for the purpose of capturing slaves, yet that duty was regarded by them as one of its most important objects. It had now become evident that no military force could pursue them into their retired fastnesses, or seek them out when scattered among the hommooks, the swamps and everglades of that singular country. 58 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. f remain in a state of freedom and independence, constituted an ac- knowledgment of the inability of our Government to reenslave them, although it was constantly asserted that they were a degraded race, incapable of supporting themselves if set at liberty. In looking over the official reports of our officers, the action of Congress, and the tone of the public press, we are forcibly impress- ed with the constant and unceasing efforts to hide from the popular mind of the nation the real questions involved in this war. Nor can we account for it upon any other hypothesis, than the popularity of President Monroe's Administration. The old Federal party had ceased to exist. They had been the only party opposed to Mr. Monroe ; and no member of Congress appears to have possessed the requisite independence, information and ability, to take a posi- tion distinctly against his policy. Soon as our army was withdrawn from Florida, peace was of course restored, and things remained as they were prior to the invasion under Colonel Clinch, in 1816.'The Exiles were again left in peace, as they had been prior to the commencement of the war. Nothing had been gained to the United States by the vast ex- pendi re ich attended the rosecution of hostilities. The Exiles had maintained their liberty for at least a century, and now they had set the American Government at defiance. These considerntions operated upon the minds of the slave population of Georgia and Alabama, who now became more anxious to join them; and their numbers were thus increased almost daily by slaves from those States From 1790, our Government endeavored to reinslave these people. No Northern statesmen objected to the policy; while those of the South had come to believe that, although the Union may not have been formed solely for the purpose of capturing slaves, yet that duty was regarded by them as one of its most important objects. It had now become evident that no military force could pursue them into their retired fastnesses, or seek them out when scattered among the hommocks, the swamps and everglades of that singular country.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. III Southern statesmen now turned their attention tethe purchase of Florida. That would deprive the Indians and Exiles of the nom nal protection of Spanish laws, and would bring them under the jurisdiction of the United States; they therefore addressed them- selves to that policy with renewed assiduity. Recent events had convinced the authorities of Spain that it was impossle for them tgnaintain the dignity of the Spanish crown, or the sanctity of her soil from invasion aoai an American army, when in pursuit of fugitive slaves. She had seen her territory invaded ; her forte at Pensacola and at St. Marks captured, and that upon the Appalchia- cola destroyed; her subicets myo ro d : beathoridespised and her rights as a nation treated with indiity by our army. There wasdadetd. no other way for her but to accede to the proposition of the United States. 1819.] rA treaty was negotiated (February 22), and in eonsid- eraon of five millions of d was to the United States, and the Seminoles were brought within the jurisdiction which they most dreaded. e slaveholders ~ ~Georgia, *ho had so long pressed their claims for fugitive slaves, now became more clamorous. They saw, with intense interest, the pertinacity with which the Executive had pressed the claims of those who lost slaves, in the then recent war with England. Under the Treaty of Ghent, the President insisted upon full indemnity to those whose slaves had left the country, under British aid; and when the English ministry refused, and insisted upon the same construction as that placed upon the treaty of 1783, which contained the same words, the American Eieeutive refused, and the question was referred to the umpirage of the Autocrat of Russia, who held an entire nation in slavery, and could not be expected to decide in any other manner, than that most favorable to the institution.t (1) The people of the fs suM should undertand, that almost retry question touching slavery which ha aroien betwan or Goernment and that or Eglad, ts tter has yielded, sitte the formatdon of Jay'. Traty in 1795. The payment for slars who were shipwrecked on boad the comet, the Enoemium, ang THE EXILEs OF FLoRIDA. 69 Southern statesmen now tured their attention to the purchase o florida. That would deprive the Indians and Exiles of the nomal protection of Spanish laws, and would bring them under the jurisdiction of the United States; they therefore addressed them- selves to that policy with renewed assiduity. Recent events had convinced the authorities of SDain that it was imsn~[--s'e for them tgamaintain the dignity of the Spanish crown, or the sanctity of her soil from invasion aoainst an American army, when in pursuit of fugitive slaves. She had seen her territory invaded ; her forts at Pensacola and at St. Marks captured, and that upon the Ajtpluri- cola destroyed; her subiects mesesared : her authority despised, and her rights as a nation treated withdigjity b our army. There wa rinded, no other way for her but to accede to the propngition of the United States. 1819.] A treaty was negotiated (February 22), and in consid- era ion of five millions of dalla4 It'orl was transfe to the United States, and the Seminoles were brought within the jurisdiction which they most dreaded. The slavehoiderof Georgia, who had so long pressed their claims for fugitive slaves, now became more clamorous. They naw, with intense interest, the pertinacity with which the Executive had pressed the claims of those who lost slaves, in the then recent war with England. Under the Treaty of Ghent, the President insisted upon full indemnity to those whose slaves had left the country, under British aid ; and when the English ministry refused, and insisted upon the same construction as that placed upon the treaty of 1783, which contained the same words, the American Exeeutive refused, and the question was referred to the umpirage of the Autocrat of Russia, who held an entire nation in slavery, and could not be expected to decide in any other manner, than that most favorable to the institution.t (1) The people of the fOe st should understad, that amas o.ery quastio. touchingslavery which hs. .gaen boetwea our Governme.t and that of England, the tatter hasyielded, tins. the formatin of Jay's Troaty i 1795. The payment for slases who were shpwrecked on board the Comet, the Encomim, ae THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 19 Southern statesmen now turned their attention tethe purchase of lorida. That would deprive the Indians and Exiles of the nominal protection of Spanish laws, and would bring them under the jurisdiction of the United States; they therefore addressed them- selves to that policy with renewed assiduity. Recent events had conymeed tire authorities of Spain that it was li~osefrte i tanaintain the dignity of the Spanish crown, or the sanctity of her soil from invasion against an American army, when in pursuit of fugitive slaves. She had seen her territory invaded ; her forts at Pensacola and at St. Marks captured, and that upon the Appglanhi- cola destroyed ; her subiects masnredl; t her authoritydespised And her rights as a nation treated with indignity our army. Ther ,was indeed no other way for her but to accede to the proposition of the United States. 1819.] A treaty was negotiated (February 22), and in consid- eron of fiwas to the United States and the Seminolen were brought within the jurisdiction which they most dreaded., he slaveholden~ 5~Georgia, who had so long pressed their claims for fugitive slaves, now became more clamorous. They saw, with intense interest, the pertinacity with which the Executive had pressed the claims of those who lost slaves, in the then recent war with England. Under the Treaty of Ghent, the President insisted upon full indemnity to those whose slaves had left the country, under British aid; and when the English ministry refused, and insisted upon the same construction as that placed upon the treaty of 1783, which contained the same words, the American Eaeeutive refused, and the question was referred to the umpirage of the Autocrat of Russia, who held an entire nation in slavery, and could not be expected to decide in any other manner, than that most favorable to the institution.t (1) The people of the free tat should undersand, that almost every question tochitn Avery which has arsen between our oover.ment and that of England, the tatter has yielded, since the fortio. of Jay', Treaty in 175. The payment for laes who were shiprecked on board the Comet, the Enacodtn, ad  60 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 1820.] The influence of the slave power having increased so greatly since 1796, as to induce the British Government to change its policy, adopted at the framing of Jay's Treaty, was now believed competent to compel the Creek Indians to comply with the treaties of New York and Colerain. A quarter of a century had passed, since the signing of the last of these treaties, and they had been forgotten by many ; but the people of the free States, and their Representatives and Senators in Congress, had quietly submitted to this prostitution of our national character and influence, and none appeared to doubt the propriety of continuing these efforts. 1821.] Georgia now demanded of the Federal Government a new treaty with the Creek Indians,t in order to obtain from them indemnity for the slaves she had lost, subsequent to the close of the Revolution, and prior to the act of 1802. To this demand the Federal Executive assented. The Secretary of War, Mr. Calhoun, with his attachment to the institution, could do no less than to exert what influence he was able to wield, in assisting Georgia to obtain a compensation for the loss of her slaves. On him devolved the burthen of selecting commissioners to negotiate the contemplated treaty. Careful to place the subject in the hands of men who would be likely to wield their power for the benefit of the " peculiar institution," he appointed General 'Andrew Pickens the Enterprse, and fone ndeom by being landed on British toil, constitute rare instEancs In wheh slaveholding arrogoo has proved muesfll in the arte of diplomacy. The ae of the creole constitutes another admirable illustraton of socoeeful etrontery. In thle ease, the ete too possetIon of the ehip, guided it to Nasau, . Britsh Island, went n thore and became fee. The offlce of the lave eship demaneded that the British anthities nbould seie the enegroe, and return them to the ship. They refue. Danel Webster, secretary of State, became the voluntary Agent, Attorney and Solicitr, for the lave daler, who should hove been bnged, instead of receiving the enecouragement of our government. But the sobject wa eubmitted to the umpirge of a mae,enid to have ne lived i Bostoen, who, principally npon the authority of Mr. Webster, derided that the people of the British government should pay the lave dealers for these pentn nnd children; end ater ffteen yenes of continued enot, the money we obtloed. (1) vide Letter from the Secretary of War to Metre. Plekcr and Flournoey, Auget 8, 105. Am. State Papes, vol VI, p. 249. 60 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 1820.] The influence of the slave power having increased so greatly since 1796, as to induce the British Government to change its policy, adopted at the framing of Jay's Treaty, was now believed competent to compel the Creek Indians to comply with the treaties of New York and Colerain. A quarter of a century had passed, since the signing of the last of these treaties, and they had been forgotten by many ; but the people of the free States, and their Representatives and Senators in Congress, had quietly submitted to this prostitution of our national character and influence, and none appeared to doubt the propriety of continuing these efforts. 1821.] Georgia now demanded of the Federal Government a new treaty with the Creek Indians,t in order to obtain from them indemnity for the slaves she had lost, subsequent to the close of the Revolution, and prior to the act of 1802. To this demand the Federal Executive assented. The Secretary of War, Mr. Calhoun, with his attachment to the institution, could do no less than to exert what influence he was able to wield, in assisting Georgia to obtain a compensation for the loss of her slaves. On him devolved the burthen of selecting commissioners to negotiate the contemplated treaty. Careful to place the subject in the hands of men who would be likely to wield their power for the benefit of the " peculiar institution," he appointed General 'Andrew Pickens the Eterpre, and found freedom by being landed on British toel, conetituto mre instaeos in wheh tlaveholding arrogance am proved suessfull in the arts of diplomacy. The wse of the creole constitutes another admirable illutmtioo of succesful effrontery. In this ae, the slaves took poseeesion of the ehip, gutded it to N-aea, a British tsiaed, went on hore ad became free. The ofes of the .lave ehip demanded that the British autborities shoald selt the negroes, and return them to the ehip. They enfeed. Daniel Webster, seetary of state, become the voluntary Agent, Attorney and solicit, for the sloe deleres, who should have been hanged, instead of receiving the encouragnment of our 0ornment, But the subject as submitted to the u mnpirag of a oat, said to have mne tired tn Boetce, who, pericialy npon tht authoriy of Mre. webstee, deeided theat the people of the BrtSh govemment should pay the stare deaer for these parents ned ehildleu; and nfter Seen yea of continued effort, the money ase obtained. (1) Vide Letter from the Secretary of War to Mue, Pickens and Flournoey, Auguet 8, IS2a. AM. state Papers, vol. vI, p. 249. 60 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 1820.] The influence of the slave power having increased so greatly since 1796, as to induce the British Government to change its policy, adopted at the framing of Jay's Treaty, was now believed competent to compel the Creek Indians to comply with the treaties of New York and Colerain. A quarter of a century had passed, since the signing of the last of these treaties, and they had been forgotten by many ; but the people of the free States, and their Representatives and Senators in Congress, had quietly submitted to this prostitution of our national character and influence, and none appeared to doubt the propriety of continuing these efforts. 1821.] Georgia now demanded of the Federal Government a new treaty with the Creek Indians,t in order to obtain from them indemnity for the slaves she had lost, subsequent to the close of the Revolution, and prior to the act of 1802. To this demand the Federal Executive assented. The Secretary of War, Mr. Calhoun, with his attachment to the institution, could do no less than to exert what influence he was able to wield, in assisting Georgia to obtain a compensation for the loss of her slaves. On him devolved the burthen of selecting commissioners to negotiate the contemplated treaty. Careful to place the subject in the hands of men who would be likely to wield their power for the benefit of the " peculiar institution," he appointed General 'Andrew Pickens the Enterpree, and found freedom by being landed on British soil, constitute rare instanee to which slaeoldine arrogane hae proved successful in the arts of diplomacy. The ae of the creole constitutes another admirable Illustration of suceefol effrontery. In this Case, the shee took posseseioe of the thip, guided It to Nassau, a British tslaed, went on chore and became free. The oficer of the sleo ship demnded that the British anthoritie should se6 the negroes, and return them to the ehip. They refused. Daniel Webster, secretary of state, became the voluntary Agent, Attorney nd Solicitor, for the tlave deale, who should have been hanged, tetead of receiving the encouragement of our Government. But the subject wase submitted to the uompirage of a man, md to have e lived t Bosto, who, principally upon the authority of Mr. webster, derided that the people of the Brth government ehould pay the slave dealers for these prenete and thildren; and after SaTen ears of eoninoued effort, the money was obtained. (1) vide Letter from the Seretary of War to M.es.. Pickens and Flournoy, August 8, Os2o. Am. State Papere, voL. VI, p. 249.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 61 of his own State, and General Thomas Flournoy of Georgia, to conduct the negotiation. In his letters of instruction to those gentlemen, he was careful to inform them that the treaty was to be negotiated for the benefit of Georgia ;I that she would also appoint commissioners to attend the negotiation, and watch over the interests of her people. The commissioners proceeded to make arrangements for the treaty. They appointed the time and place for holding it; employed an agent to furnish the requisite supplies, and made arrangements for the necessary payments. At this point a correspondence arose between them and the commissioners of Georgia, who assumed to dictate the terms on which the treaty was to be founded. The commissioners of the United States, finding those of Georgia in- clined to dictate the course of action which they were to pursue, were unwilling to submit to such dictation, and reported the difficulty to the Secretary of War; while the commissioners on the part of Georgia, feeling perfect confidence in the devotion of that officer to the interests of slavery, made their report of the matter to him also.' The Secretary returned an answer, reproving the commissioners whom he had himself appointed, so severely for their refusal to obey the dictation of those appointed by Georgia, that they both immediately resigned their offices, appearing to feel that their own self-respect must be compromised by acting under the instruction of the State Commissioners.3 Apparently determined to appoint no man who should again prove refractory, the Executive - probably at the instance of the Secretary of War -next selected as commissioner, in the place of Mr. Flournoy, David Meriwether, who had, up to the time of re- ceiving the appointment, acted as commissioner on the part of (1) videLetta of the secretary a war ta Gen. Flournoy, of the 19th of October, 120. Ibid, 250. (2) vide Papers transmitted to congre,, in with the Treaty of "Indin. spring' Am. State Paper, "Indian Afairs,' vol. I, No. 174. () Ibid. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 61 of his own State, and General Thomas Flournoy of Georgia, to1 conduct the negotiation. In his letters of instruction to those gentlemen, he was careful to inform them that the treaty was to be negotiated for the benefit of Georgia;t that she would also appoint commissioners to attend the negotiation, and watch over the interests of her people. Thej commissioners proceeded to make arrangements for the treaty. They appointed the time and place for holding it; employed an agent to furnish the requisite supplies, and made arrangements for the necessary payments. At this point a correspondence arose between them and the commissioners of Georgia, who assumed to dictate the terms on which the treaty was to be founded. The commissioners of the United States, finding those of Georgia in- clined to dictate the course of action which they were to pursue, were unwilling to submit to such dictation, and reported the difficulty to the Secretary of War; while the commissioners on the part of Georgia, feeling perfect confidence in the devotion of that officer to the interests of slavery, made their report of the matter to him also.' The Secretary returned an answer, reproving the commissioners whom he had himself appointed, so severely for their refusal to obey the dictation of those appointed by Georgia, that they both immediately resigned their offices, appearing to feel that their own self-respect must be compromised by acting under the instruction of the State Commissioners.3 Apparently determined to appoint no man who should again prove refractory, the Executive- probably at the instance of the Secretary of War- next selected as commissioner, in the place of Mr. Flournoy, David Meriwether, who had, up to the time of re- ceiving the appointment, acted as commissioner on the part of (1) vide Leter of the secretary of w t Gen. Fornoy, of the 19th of October, 1s2. Ibd,250. (2) vide Paper. trasmtted to cgongre, in conneonn with the Treaty Int.da Spring:' Am. Stat Paper, "India Afa.ir," v.It I, No. 174. (8) Ibid. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 61 of his own State, and General Thomas Flournoy of Georgia, to conduct the negotiation. In his letters of instruction to those gentlemen, he was careful to inform them that the treaty was to be negotiated for the benefit of Georgia;' that she would also appoint commissioners to attend the negotiation, and watch over the interests of her people. The commissioners proceeded to make arrangements for the treaty. They appointed the time and place for holding it; employed an agent to furnish the requisite supplies, and made arrangements for the necessary payments. At this point a correspondence arose between them and the commissioners of Georgia, who assumed to dictate the terms on which the treaty was to be founded. The commissioners of the United States, finding those of Georgia in- clined to dictate the course of action which they were to pursue, were unwilling to submit to such dictation, and reported the difficulty to the Secretary of War; while the commissioners on the part of Georgia, feeling perfect confidence in the devotion of that officer to the interests of slavery, made their report of the matter to him also. The Secretary returned an answer, reproving the commissioners whom he bad himself appointed, so severely for their refusal to obey the dictation of those appointed by Georgia, that they both immediately resigned their offices, appearing to feel that their own self-respect mast be compromised by acting under the instruction of the State Commissioners.3 Apparently determined to appoint no man who should again prove refractory, the Executive - probably at the instance of the Secretary of War -next selected as commissioner, in the place of Mr. Flournoy, David Meriwether, who had, up to the time of re- ceiving the appointment, acted as commissioner on the part of (1) vide Letter of te Secretary of W. Gen. Furny, of the 19th of otober, 182. Ibid, 250. (2) vide Papers transmitted to congres, In connection wth the Treaty of Idanea sprin'g Am. Ste Peper, India Aim," vat. I, No. 174. (8) Ibid.  62 THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. Georgia. At the request of the Secretary of War, he resigned his office of commissioner on behalf of the State, and accepted the appointment from the Federal Government. Hon. D. M. Forney, of North Carolina, was selected as the other commissioner, in place of Mr. Pickens. These commissioners were expressly instructed to assist the State of Georgia in obtaining the objects for which she was striving.1 These preliminary arrangements could not fail to foreshadow the character of the treaty negotiated under such auspices. Anticipa- ting no other motive for the treaty than the settlement of the boundary between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, the chiefs, head-men and principal warriors of the tribe assembled at the time and place appointed. After the ordinary formalities on such occa. sions, the commissioners on the part of the United States opened the business by simply stating, that the people of Georgia complain- ed to the President that the Creeks had not returned the property (negroes, cattle and horses), which they were under obligations to return to their owners in Georgia, by the treaties of New York and Colerain. The commissioners on the part of Georgia now delivered their talk, saying, that by the treaty of Augusta (1783), of Galphinton (1785), and of Shoulderbone (1786), the Creeks had agreed to return to their owners, negroes who had left their masters, and other property; that these treaties were all made before the formation of the government of the United States under their present Constitu. tion; but they were ratified by the treaty of New York (1790), and of Colerain (1796), made with the United States, and Georgia now demanded compensation for the loss of her negroes and other property. On the following day, General McIntosh, principal chief of the Creeks, replied, that he came to mee s iomssioners of the United States, and lad no expectation of meeting those of Georgia; nor had he or his friends any idea that such claims were to be pre- (1) Ibid. Ietter of Instructlons eontairned t the paper referred to oan preceding page. 62 THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. Georgia. At the request of the Secretary of War, he resigned his office of commissioner on behalf of the State, and accepted the appointment from the Federal Government. Hon. D. M. Forney, of North Carolina, was selected as the other commissioner, in place of Mr. Pickens. These commissioners were expressly instructed to assist the State of Georgia in obtaining the objects for which she was striving.i These preliminary arrangements could not fail to foreshadow the character of the treaty negotiated under such auspices. Anticipa- ting no other motive for the treaty than the settlement of the boundary between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, the chiefs, head-men and principal warriors of the tribe assembled at the time and place appointed. After the ordinary formalities on such occa. sions, the commissioners on the part of the United States opened the business by simply stating, that the people of Georgia complain. ad to the President that the Creeks had not returned the property (negroes, cattle and horses), which they were under obligations to return to their owners in Georgia, by the treaties of New York and Colerain. The commissioners on the part of Georgia now delivered their talk, Saying, that by the treaty of Augusta (1783), of Galphinton (1785), and of Shoulderbone (1786), the Creeks had agreed to return to their owners, negroes who had left their masters, and other property; that these treaties were all made before the formation of the government of the United States under their present Constitu. tion; but they were ratified by the treaty of New York (1790), and of Colerain (1796), made with the United States, and Georgia now demanded compensation for the loss of her negroes and other property. On the following day, General McIntosh, principal chief of the Creeks, replied, that he came to meet te commissionera of the United States, and1id no expectation of meeting those of Georgia; nor had he or his friends any idea that such claims were to be pre- (1) I1d. Letter of Intracdos otaein t, the papers refered to oan preeding page. 62 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Georgia. At the request of the Secretary of War, he resigned his office of commissioner on behalf of the State, and accepted the appointment from the Federal Government. Hon. D. M. Forney, of North Carolina, was selected as the other commissioner, in place of Mr. Pickens. These commissioners were expressly instructed to assist the State of Georgia in obtaining the objects for which she was striving.1 These preliminary arrangements could not fail to foreshadow the character of the treaty negotiated under such auspices. Anticipa- ting no other motive for the treaty than the settlement of the boundary between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, the chiefs, head-men and principal warriors of the tribe assembled at the time and place appointed. After the ordinary formalities on such occa- sions, the commissioners on the part of the United States opened the business by simply stating, that the people of Georgia complain- ed to the President that the Creeks had not returned the property (negroes, cattle and horses), which they were under obligations to return to their owners in Georgia, by the treaties of New York and Colerain. The commissioners on the part of Georgia now delivered their talk, saying, that by the treaty of Augusta (1783), of Galphinton (1785), and of Shoulderbone (1786), the Creeks had agreed to return to their owners, negroes who bad left their masters, and other property; that these treaties were all made before the formation of the government of the United States under their present Constitu- tion; but they were ratified by the treaty of New York (1790), and of Colerain (1796), made with the United States, and Georgia now demanded compensation for the loss of her negroes and other property. On the following day, General McIntosh, principal chief of the Creeks, replied, that he came to meet iecommissioners of the United States, and'ha no expectation of meeting those of Georgia; nor had he or his friends any idea that such claims were to be pre- (1) Ibid. Lette of Instrcetos contaend in the papes referred to oa preeding page.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 68 sented. That the chief, McGillivray, when he returned, after the treaty of New York, informed them that they were to deliver up such negroes as were then in the nation; that they were to pay for none who had removed or died ; that they all so understood that treaty, and that nothing was then said about any other claims than for negroes; that the prisoners, both black and white, were deliv- ered up under the treaty of New York; that the claims now pre- sented were also presented at the treaty of Colerain, in 1796, but the Creeks then absolutely refused to acknowledge any further obligation than that contained in the treaty of New York, and by that they were under obligation to surrender no property except persons held as prisoners, and negroes then in the nation. That many of these negroes were carried away by the British, during the war of 1812; that others were in the fort at Appalachicola, when he and his warriors went with Colonel Clinch and blew it up, and killed nearly all who were in it; and the others were with the Seminoles, and not with the Creeks. To this answer the commissioners of Georgia replied, that by the treaties of Augusta, and Galphinton, and Shoulderbone, the Creeks were bound to deliver all negroes who had left their masters in Georgia; that, if they had done so, the British would not have carried them off, nor would they have been killed in the fort; that the Seminoles were a part of the Creek nation, who were respon- sible, not only for the slaves and their increase, but also for the loss of the labor which they would have performed had they remained in bondage. Of the means used to obtain the treaty, we have no other information than appears of record. Those acquainted with the usual modes of negotiating Indian treaties, by the use of intoxi- cating liquors, by bribery, and those appliances generally used on such occasions, will not wonder at the stipulations contained in the Treaty of "Indian Spring." By the first article, the Creeks ceded to the United States, for the benefit of Georgia, about five million acres of their most valuable THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 6 sented. That the chief, McGillivray, when he returned, after the treaty of New York, informed them that they were to deliver up such negroes as were then in the nation ; that they were to pay for none who had removed or died ; that they all so understood that treaty, and that nothing was then said about any other claims than for negroes; that the prisoners, both black and white, were deliv- ered up under the treaty of New York; that the claims now pre- sented were also presented at the treaty of Colerain, in 1796, but the Creeks then absolutely refused to acknowledge any further obligation than that contained in the treaty of New York, and by that they were under obligation to surrender no property except persons held as prisoners, and negroes then in the nation. That many of these negroes were carried away by the British, during the war of 1812; that others were in the fort at Appalachicola, when he and his warriors went with Colonel Clinch and blew it up, and killed nearly all who were in it; and the others were with the Seminoles, and not with the Creeks. To this answer the commissioners of Georgia replied, that by the treaties of Augusta, and Galphinton, and Shoulderbone, the Creeks were bound to deliver all negroes who had left their masters in Georgia; that, if they had done so, the British would not have carried them off, nor would they have been killed in the fort; that the Seminoles were a part of the Creek nation, who were respon- sible, not only for the slaves and their increase, but also for the loss of the labor which they would have performed had they remained in bondage. Of the means used to obtain the treaty, we have no other information than appears of record. Those acquainted with the usual modes of negotiating Indian treaties, by the use of intoxi- cating liquors, by bribery, and those appliances generally used on such occasions, will not wonder at the stipulations contained in the Treaty of "Indian Spring." By the first article, the Creeks ceded to the United States, for the benefit of Georgia, about five million acres of their most valuable THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 68 seated. That the chief, McGillivray, when he returned, after the treaty of New York, informed them that they were to deliver up such negroes as were then in the nation; that they were to pay for none who had removed or died; that they all so understood that treaty, and that nothing was then said about any other claims than for negroes; that the prisoners, both black and white, were deliv- ered up under the treaty of New York; that the claims now pre- sented were also presented at the treaty of Colerain, in 1796, but the Creeks then absolutely refused to acknowledge any further obligation than that contained in the treaty of New York, and by that they were under obligation to surrender no property except persons held as prisoners, and negroes then in the nation. That many of these negroes were carried away by the British, during the war of 1812; that others were in the fort at Appalachicola, when he and his warriors went with Colonel Clinch and blew it up, and killed nearly all who were in it; and the others were with the Seminoles, and not with the Creeks. To this answer the commissioners of Georgia replied, that by the treaties of Augusta, and Galphinton, and Shoulderbone, the Creeks were bound to deliver all negroes who had left their masters in Georgia; that, if they had done so, the British would not have carried them off, nor would they have been killed in the fort; that the Seminoles were a part of the Creek nation, who were respon- sible, not only for the slaves and their increase, but also for the loss of the labor which they would have performed had they remained in bondage. Of the means used to obtain the treaty, we have no other information than appears of record. Those acquainted with the usual modes of negotiating Indian treaties, by the use of intoxi- cating liquors, by bribery, and those appliances generally used on such occasions, will not wonder at the stipulations contained in the Treaty of " Indian Spring." By the first article, the Creeks ceded to the United States, for the benefit of Georgia, about five million acres of their most valuable  64 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. territory. The second article provided for the reservation of certain lands, to be retained by those who were then living upon them. The third reserved certain lands for the use of the United States agency; and the fourth is in the following words: "It is hereby stipulated and agreed, on the part of the United " States, as a consideration for the land ceded by the Creek nation, "by the first article, that there shall be paid to the Creek nation, "by the United States, ten thousand dollars in hand, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, forty thousand dollars as soon " as practicable after the ratification of this convention, five thou- sand dollars annually for two years thereafter, sixteen thousand "dollars annually for five years thereafter, and ten thousand dollars annually for six years thereafter; making in the whole fourteen payments, in fourteen successive years, without interest, in money or goods, and implements of husbandry, at the option of the Creek Nation, seasonably signified, from time to time, through " the agent of the United States residing with said nation, to "the Department of War. And as a further consideration for " said cession, the United States do hereby agree to pay to the " State of Georgia, whatever balance may be found due by the " Creek Nation to the citizens of said State, whenever the same shall be ascertained, in conformity with the reference made by "the commissioners of Georgia and the chiefs, head-men and war- "rios of the Creek Nation, to be paid in five annual installments, " without kiterest, provided the same shall not exceed the sum of "two hundred and fifty thousand dollars; the commissioners of " Georgia executing to the Creek Nation a full and final relinquish- "ment of all the claims of the citizens of Georgia against the Creek "Nation, for property taken or destroyed prior to the act of Con- "gress, of one thousand eight hundred and two, regulating the " intercourse with the Indian tribes." The fifth article merely provides for running the boundaries of the several reservations. It was duly signed and witnessed, and bears date on the eighth of January, 1821. 64 o THE ExILEs oF FLoIDA. territory. The second article provided for the reservation of certain lands, to be retained by those who were then living upon them. The third reserved certain lands for the use of the United States agency; and the fourth is in the following words: " It is hereby stipulated and agreed, on the part of the United " States, as a consideration for the land ceded by the Creek nation, by the first article, that there shall be paid to the Creek nation, " by the United States, ten thousand dollars in hand, the receipt " whereof is hereby acknowledged, forty thousand dollars as soon "as practicable after the ratification of this convention, five thou- sand dollars annually for two years thereafter, sixteen thousand " dollars annually for five years thereafter, and ten thousand dollars " annually for six years thereafter; making in the whole fourteen "payments, in fourteen successive years, without interest, in money " or goods, and implements of husbandry, at the option of the " Creek Nation, seasonably signified, from time to time, through the agent of the United States residing with said nation, to "the Department of War. And as a further consideration for "said cession, the United States do hereby agree to pay to the " State of Georgia, whatever balance may be found due by the " Creek Nation to the citizens of said State, whenever the same " shall be ascertained, in conformity with the reference made by " the commissioners of Georgia and the chiefs, head-men and war- "riors of the Creek Nation, to be paid in five annual installments, " without iaterest, provided the same shall not exceed the sum of "two hundred and fifty thousand dollars; the commissioners of "Georgia executing to the Creek Nation a full and final relinquish- "ment of all the claims of the citizens of Georgia against the Creek " Nation, for property taken or destroyed prior to the act of Con- "gress, of one thousand eight hundred and two, regulating the "intercourse with the Indian tribes." The fifth article merely provides for running the boundaries of the several reservations. It was duly signed and witnessed, and bears date on the eighth of January, 1821. 64 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. territory. The second article provided for the reservation of certain lands, to be retained by those who were then living upon them. The third reserved certain lands for the use of the United States agency; and the fourth is in the following words: " It is hereby stipulated and agreed, on the part of the United "States, as a consideration for the land ceded by the Creek nation, , by the first article, that there shall be paid to the Creek nation, "by the United States, ten thousand dollars in hand, the receipt " whereof is hereby acknowledged, forty thousand dollars as soon " as practicable after the ratification of this convention, five thou- "sand dollars annually for two years thereafter, sixteen thousand " dollars annually for five years thereafter, and ten thousand dollars " annually for six years thereafter; making in the whole fourteen "payments, in fourteen successive years, without interest, in money "or goods, and implements of husbandry, at the option of the a Creek Nation, seasonably signified, from time to time, through "the agent of the United States residing with said nation, to "the Department of War. And as a further consideration for " said cession, the United States do hereby agree to pay to the " State of Georgia, whatever balance may be found due by the " Creek Nation to the citizens of said State, whenever the same "shall be ascertained, in conformity with the reference made by " the commissioners of Georgia and the chiefs, head-men and war- "riors of the Creek Nation, to be paid in five annual installments, " without interest, provided the same shall not exceed the sum of "two hundred and fifty thousand dollars; the commissioners of " Georgia executing to the Creek Nation a full and final relinquish- " meot of all the claims of the citizens of Georgia against the Creek " Nation, for property taken or destroyed prior to the act of Con- "gress, of one thousand eight hundred and two, regulating the "intercourse with the Indian tribes." The fifth article merely provides for running the boundaries of the several reservations. It was duly signed and witnessed, and bears date on the eighth of January, 1821.  r3 Qs k ' Ui n a p Il j'i a f U £ r m a 0   THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 65 Deeming the treaty not sufficiently explicit in its terms, the commissioners on the part of Georgia, entered into a further agree- ment with the Indians, which reads as follows: " Whereas at a conference, opened and held at the Indian " Spring, in the Creek Nation, the citizens of Georgia, by the " aforesaid commissioners, have represented that they have claims "to a large amount against the said Creek Nation of Indians: " Now, in order to adjust and bring the same to a speedy and final " settlement, it is hereby agreed by the aforesaid commissioners, and " the chiefs, head-men and warriors of the said Nation, that all the " talks had upon the subject of these claims, at this place, together " with all claims on either side, of whatever nature or kind, prior "to the act of Congress of one thousand eight bundred and two, " regulating the intercourse with the Indian tribes, with the docu- ments in support of them, shall be referred to the decision of the " President of the United States, by him to be decided upon, " adjusted, liquidated and settled, in such manner and under such rules, regulations and restrictions as ie shall prescribe: Provided, " however, if it should meet the views of the President of the Uni- "ted States, it is the wish of the contracting parties, that the liqui- "dation and settlement of the aforesaid claims shall be made in the " State of Georgia, at such place as he may deem most convenient "for the parties interested ; and the decision and award thus made " and rendered, shall be binding and obligatory upon the contract- ing parties." There was also an assignment of the title, or right of property claimed, executed to the United States by the Commissioners of Georgia, which is in the following language : " Whereas a treaty, or convention, has this day been made and " entered into, by and between the United States and the Creek. " Nation, by the provisions of which the United States have agreed " to pay, and the commissioners of the State of Georgia have " agreed to accept, for and on behalf of the citizens of the State of " Georgia having claims against the Creek Nation, prior to the THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 65 Deeming the treaty not sufficiently explicit in its terms, the commissioners on the part of Georgia, entered into a further agree- ment with the Indians, which reads as follows: " Whereas at a conference, opened and held at the Indian " Spring, in the Creek Nation, the citizens of Georgia, by the " aforesaid commissioners, have represented that they have claims "to a large amount against the said Creek Nation of Indians: " Now, in order to adjust and bring the same to a speedy and final " settlement, it is hereby agreed by the aforesaid commissioners, and " the chiefs, head-men and warriors of the said Nation, that all the " talks had upon the subject of these claims, at this place, together with all claims on either side, of whatever nature or kind, prior "to the act of Congress of one thousand eight hundred and two, " regulating the intercourse with the Indian tribes, with the doeu- " ments in support of them, shall be referred to the decision of the " President of the United States, by him to he decided upon, " adjusted, liquidated and settled, in such manner and under such " rules, regulations and restrictions as he shall prescribe: Provided, " however, if it should meet the views of the President of the Uni- ted States, it is the wish of the contracting parties, that the liqui- dation and settlement of the aforesaid claims shall be made in the " State of Georgia, at such place as he may deem most convenient " for the parties interested; and the decision and award thus made " and rendered, shall be binding and obligatory upon the contract- "ig parties." There was also an assignment of the title, or right of property claimed, executed to the United States by the Commissioners of Georgia, which is in the following language: " Whereas a treaty, or convention, has this day been made and " entered into, by and between the United States and the Creek. " Nation, by the provisions of which the United States have agreed " to pay, and the commissioners of the State of Georgia have " agreed to accept, for and on behalf of the citizens of the State of " Georgia having claims against the Creek Nation, prior to the THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 65 Deeming the treaty not sufficiently explicit in its terms, the commissioners on the part of Georgia, entered into a further agree- ment with the Indians, which reads As follows: " Whereas at a conference, opened and held at the Indian " Spring, in the Creek Nation, the citizens of Georgia, by the " aforesaid commissioners, have represented that they have claims "to a large amount against the said Creek Nation of Indians: "Now, in order to adjust and bring the same to a speedy and final " settlement, it is hereby agreed by the aforesaid commissioners, and the chiefs, head-men and warriors of the said Nation, that all the talks had upon the subject of these claims, at this place, together "with all claims on either side, of whatever nature or kind, prior "to the act of Congress of one thousand eight hundred and two, " regulating the intercourse with the Indian tribes, with the docu- "ments in support of them, shall be referred to the decision of the " President of the United States, by him to be decided upon, " adjusted, liquidated and settled, in such manner and under such " rules, regulations and restrictions as he shall prescribe: Provided, " however, if it should meet the views of the President of the Uni- "ted States, it is the wish of the contracting parties, that the liqui- "dation and settlement of the aforesaid claims shall be made in the " State of Georgia, at such place as be may deem most convenient "for the parties interested ; and the decision and award thus made " and rendered, shall be binding and obligatory upon the contract- "ing parties." There was also an assignment of the title, or right of property claimed, executed to the United States by the Commissioners of Georgia, which is in the following language: " Whereas a treaty, or convention, has this day been made and " entered into, by and between the United States and the Creek. " Nation, by the provisions of which the United States have agreed " to pay, and the commissioners of the State of Georgia have " agreed to accept, for and on behalf of the citizens of the State of "Georgia having claims against the Creek Nation, prior to the 5  66 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. " year one thousand eight hundred and two, the sum of two bun- " dred and fifty thousand dollars: "Now know all men by these presents, that we, the undersigned, "commissioners of the State of Georgia, for and in consideration " of the aforesaid sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, "secured by the said treatj, or convention, to be paid to the State " of Georgia, for the discharge of all bona fide and liquidated " claims which the citizens of the said State may establish against " the Creek Nation, do, by these presents, release, exonerate and " discharge the said Creek Nation from all and every claim and " claims, of whatever description, nature or kind the same may be, " which the citizens of Georgia now have, or may have had, prior "to the year one thousand eight hundred and two, against the said " Nation. And we do hereby assign, transfer and set over unto the United States, for the use and benefit of the said Creek Nation, " for the consideration hereinbefore expressed, all the right, title " and interest of the citizens of the said State to all claims, debts, "damages, and property of every description and denomination, "which the citizens of the said State have or had, prior to the year "one thousand eight hundred and two, as aforesaid, against the " said Creek Nation." It were useless for the historian to criticise the language of these several instruments. The " claims" mentioned in them, and re- ferred to the President, were mostly for slaves who left their masters during the Revolution, and prior to 1802; at least such was the construction given to the treaty, the agreement and assignment by the parties; and we cannot, at this day, assert that they did not understand their own compacts. The Creeks were to receive two hundred thousand dollars in cash; and the U a h s, provieh sey oit not exceed tao nred and t.fgy thousand do- etr- "he amount due to Georgia was o ascertained by the President, and paid by the United States. The third, and a very important point, was the assignment to th Unite ats for the 66 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. " year one thousand eight hundred and two, the sum of two hun- " dred and fifty thousand dollars : " Now know all men by these presents, that we, the undersigned, "commissioners of the State of Georgia, for and in consideration "of the aforesaid sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, "secured by the said treaty, or convention, to be paid to the State "of Georgia, for the discharge of all bona fide and liquidated " claims which the citizens of the said State may establish against " the Creek Nation, do, by these presents, release, exonerate and " discharge the said Creek Nation from all and every claim and " claims, of whatever description, nature or kind the same may be, " which the citizens of Georgia now have, or may have had, prior " to the year one thousand eight hundred and two, against the said " Nation. And we do hereby assign, transfer and set over unto the " United States, for the use and benefit of the said Creek Nation, " for the consideration hereinbefore expressed, all the right, title " and interest of the citizens of the said State to all claims, debts, "damages, and property of every description and denomination, "which the citizens of the said State have or had, prior to the year " one thousand eight hundred and two, as aforesaid, against the "said Creek Nation." It were useless for the historian to criticise the language of these several instruments. The "claims" mentioned in them, and re- ferred to the President, were mostly for slaves who left their masters during the Revolution, and prior to 1802; at least such was the construction given to the treaty, the agreement and assignment by the parties; and we cannot, at this day, assert that they did not understand their own compacts. The Creeks were to receive two hundred thousand dollars in. cash; and the United Sttes a eorgia her c rs, proviiesth ey asS not exceed two hundred andfifiy thousand dot- leats. 'he amount dus to Georgia was to be ascertained by the President, and paid by the United States. The third and a very. important point, was the assignment to the United States. for the 66 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. " year one thousand eight hundred and two, the sum of two hun- " dred and fifty thousand dollars: "Now know all men by these presents, that we, the undersigned, "commissioners of the State of Georgia, for and in consideration " of the aforesaid sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, "secured by the said treatj, or convention, to be paid to the State "of Georgia, for the discharge of all bona fide and liquidated " claims which the citizens of the said State may establish against " the Creek Nation, do, by these presents, release, exonerate and "discharge the said Creek Nation from all and every claim and " claims, of whatever description, nature or kind the same may be, " which the citizens of Georgia now have, or may have had, prior "to the year one thousand eight hundred and two, against the said "Nation. And we do hereby assign, transfer and set over unto the " United States, for the use and benefit of the said Creek Nation, " for the consideration hereinbefore expressed, all the right, title "and interest of the citizens of the said State to all claims, debts, "damages, and property of every description and denomination, " which the citizens of the said State have or had, prior to the year " one thousand eight hundred and two, as aforesaid, against the " said Creek Nation." It were useless for the historian to criticise the language of these several instruments. The " claims" mentioned in them, and re- ferred to the President, were mostly for slaves who left their masters during the Revolution, and prior to 1802; at least such was the construction given to the treaty, the agreement and assignment by the parties; and we cannot, at this day, assert that they did not understand their own compacts. The Creeks were to receive two hundred thousand dollars in cash; and the United States aged t-p notGeorgia her cts, provided-cahy-nid not exceed two undred andffty thousand do!- lats.~ ae amoant duo to Georgia was to be ascertained by the President, and paid by the United States. The third, and a very important point, was the assignment to the Unite Statedgthe  TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 67 TILEEXILS O FLOIDA 67 ~lEFXILI O FLOIIIA. 6 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 6 67 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 67 benlefit of the Creek Indians, of Ike interest vested in thle claimants to the n onsty d o d s-linted -the (Jstttl Sles 10 tott suedh interstL -515-- "bI. . By this areangemnent, our Governiment hecame oters of the Exiles refeered to, Ill trusatfor the hellefat of the Creeks, according to the construction whlich the Indians, the aothsrities of the United States and those of Georgia, pieced upon the assignment, the ageement end treety. Thlis inmportant point, if bore in mnind, will aid the reader in understanding tile subsequent action of the Federal authorities in relation to tis subject. 182] In putsuance of this treaty, the Presidest promlptly 182. ppointedi e commissioner to ascertain the amannta doe the several claiman~fts. But greet difficulties had Is be encountered. The claims comlmen~ced in 1775 and extended down to 1802, and it wet extremely diflicult to ohtais evidetnce of facts which teens- pired to long prior to the examuination. Sufficient pesof woo pro- duced, however, to satisfy the commissoner that ninety-twa sloven had, within the periods mentioned, left thleir masters, in Georgia, asd fled to the Indians ;and the estimated volse ef slaves asd other property loot to the owners in this manner, amousted to one hun- dred and nine thousand dollars.] 183] This amosst of mosey was duly nppropriated by Con- gress. So far us we arc informed, so member of the House of Representatives, or of the Senate, appears to have eter- lained doubts s to the propriety of this governmeontal slave-dealing. The whole negotiation and arrangemenot had been conducted and managed by Southern mlen, and Northern statesmen quietly sub- mitted. This, after a struggle of thirty-eight years she Stovellold- ee of Georga by the aid of o,,r Federal Government obt-inet_ compensation-for the loss of their fun-iic bondmen.- () id Ralprts~ It Cossiea us lts set leo, atlhe Riepor o s Wwirt, Atlm, noe Gvals e U~osifed Bruts, O wshsn the Presidetreferrestses lssekl. "Opinions ofthe Att...rs eel,++ t82. Mr. Wiome th pins Olin o ate Is O slaves wee tsom tos tn tem, t imes the real vaue. benefit of the Creek Indians, of thle interest vested in the claimants to the pos-ees-tj vst ru s ]Aeimed-the a e Sa es n hsd such interes__ t ,, ,l0- L -kId- By ibis arranggement, our Government became owners of the Exiles refereed to, Ill trstfor the henefit of the Creeks, according to the consteuction whlich thto Inldians, the authoeities of tile United States slnd thlose of Georgia, placed upon tile assignment, tile agreemuent and treaty. Tis imlportant point, if borne in mnind, mill aid the reader in usderstanding the suhsequent action of the Federal authorities in relation to thlis sbject. 1822.] In pursuasnce of this treaty, tile President prom~ptly appointed a commissioner to ascertainl the amnounts due the several claimants. But greet difficulties hlad to be encountered. The clainms comm~nenced in 1775 and extended down to 1802, end it was extremsely difficult to obtain evideuce of faets which trans- pired so long prier to the exansination. Sufficient proef woo peow duced, howoever, to satisfy the commissioner that ninety-Iwo nieves had, within the periods mentioned, left their matters, in Geergia, and fled to the Indians; and the estimated value of slaves and other property loot to the owners is this manner, amounted to onst ln- deed and nine thousand dollars.' 183 Tis amount of mosey was duly appropriated by Con- gress. So far as we ore infornmed, no member of the House of tRepresentatives, or of tile Senate, appears to have enter- tained doubts as te tile propriety of this governmental slae-dealin. The whole negstiation and arrangemlent had been condueted and managed by Southern mlen, and Northlern statesmen quietly sub- mitted. Thus, after a struggle of thirty-eight years iho ,Ot vehold- eel ofGe by the aid of onr Federal Government, obtained- (1 Eomst,_-_-ion for the loss sf their fisgitico bondmen. (It Vide Rleprtof sCumslnv us Ihis sbjelt; ales, the ReporI t Wa. Wist, Alms. nsy Genesml ofthe Uoifed O,as, so whnsu t55 Prel~sidentsrevs5 lts selheul. "Opisisu afrths Attovusy G...-1a," 1822. Mr5. Wirt slaue s pusse palefo hse .551 sm seas 1m lwo ts threles ase ivrs realW.. benefit of the Creek Indias, of the interest vested in thle claimants to Ibe Froler ya anfL ye-sessuainled-the nlt eu ,a es o hot sued~ julereCst s, lvCe c. 11.. !a,. 1 TI By this arrangelsent, sue Goverinment became owners of the Exiles referred to, ill trustrfor the beefat of the Creeks, according to the constructien whichl the Inidians, the authorities of the United States anad thoese of Georgia, placed upon rthe assignment, thle agreement and treaty. Titis imoportant pointi, if borne in tmind, will aid the reader in understanding the subequent action of the Federal authorities ill relation to tis subject. 182] In pursuance of this treaty, the President promptly 182. ppointed a commtissioner to ascertain the amounts doe the several claimtants. But great difficulties had to be encountered. The claimso comlmenced in 1775 and exteuded dawn to 1802, anld it was extremiely difficult to obtain evidence of facts which Irons- pired no loug prior to the euamination. Sufficient proof mas pew- dared, hoewever, to satisfy the commissioner that ninety-two slaves bad, within the periods mentioned, left their mastrs, in Gsorgia, and fled to the Indians; and the estimated veins of sieves and other property lest to lbs owners in this manner, amnounted to sue hun- dred and nine thnusand dollars.t 183] This amount of money was duly appropriated by Csn- gress. So fee us we are informed, no member of the Hlouse of Representatives, or of the Senlate, appears to have enter- tained doubts as to tile propriety of this governmeutal slave-dealing. The whole negotiation and arrangemnlet had been conducted and managed by Southern nmen, and Nertherm vstesmen quietly sub- mitted. Thus, after a struggle of thirty-eight years the 81lvehsld- era of Georgia, by the aid of our Federal Governmelnt, obtained.. compensation for lbs loss ef their fugeitive bondmen._ t) Vie Report of Cummsaluuv on lhis subject; .1., the neport oe Wer. Wir, Attne- ney GeusraturIths UoifesStes, Is wh1,5 t55 Presideul rferre tlls esuc. "Opisisss of the Alloreyrals," 1822. Mr. Wvirt sleam the pris otd foe lOen slames us fm las to three limes thitleeal sate.  68 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 68 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 68 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. After the distribution of the amount found due to the claimants, there yet remained in the hands of the President one hundred and forty-one thousand dollars, being the remainder of the two hundred and fifty thousand appropriated by the treaty to secure the payment of these claims. This money apparently belonged to the Indians. The claimants for slaves could not have any title to it, for they had expressly stipulated, that the award of the commissioner should be conclusive upon the parties. The claimants, by that award, re- ceived full compensation for their loss; yet they next demanded of the President the hundred and forty-one thousand dollars which remained in his hands. Notwithstanding the commissioners on the part of Georgia expressly agreed to abide by the award, and had assigned all interest in the property and in the persons residing with the Indians, to the United States, and had received their money in full, under the treaty; yet they desired to get the re- mainder, which was considerably larger than the amount awarded them by the commissioner. After the distribution of the amount found due to the claimants, there yet remained in the bands of the President one hundred and forty-one thousand dollars, being the remainder of the two hundred and fifty thousand appropriated by the treaty to secure the payment of these claims. This money apparently belonged to the Indians. The claimants for slaves could not have any title to it, for they had expressly stipulated, that the award of the commissioner should be conclusive upon the parties. The claimants, by that award, re- ceived full compensation for their loss; yet they next demanded of the President the hundred and forty-one thousand dollars which remained in his hands. Notwithstanding the commissioners on the part of Georgia expressly agreed to abide by the award, and had assigned all interest in the property and in the persons residing with the Indians, to the United States, and had received their money in full, under the treaty; yet they desired to get the re- mainder, which was considerably larger than the amount awarded them by the commissioner. After the distribution of the amount found due to the claimants, there yet remained in the hands of the President one hundred and forty-one tbousand dollars, being the remainder of the two hundred and fifty thousand appropriated by the treaty to secure the payment of these claims. This money apparently belonged to the Indians. The claimants for slaves could not have any title to it, for they had expressly stipulated, that the award of the commissioner should be conclusive upon the parties. The claimants, by that award, re- ceived full compensation for their loss ; yet they neat demanded of the President the hundred and forty-one thousand dollars which remained in his hands. Notwithstanding the commissioners on the part of Georgia expressly agreed to abide by the award, and had assigned all interest in the property and in the persons residing with the Indians, to the United States, and had received their money in full, under the treaty; yet they desired to get the re- mainder, which was considerably larger than the amount awarded them by the commissioner.  CHAPTER VI. FURTHER EFFORTS TO ENSLAVE THE EXILES. Indinan oTedl Roit the Appsttliolo Riter - Othtr Folos ot Wishlooooohee, St. Joh'', Cyptest Soottp, Othoo Sooep-todian. ot ocuot Fptk of Tetiry- Fiffitttyof the sect -Fotesidot'o Msooooc-Etommitmr of Eogses-iktttogn- hioot-Me. Foojotot' Aseoer-Oetcea Jacot'o Anoer-Hs erIHI ott Foot~ Uoited States reoogit the Flotida Iiat u at. Indoptcdttt t id-aliog to treat with thoot - Rifoliot - istuciooe tu Connhiooee--Teaty of Cottp Stotltris -Reseraolltt-Certtne Ot o rt of Rited Etatos-Conote 00 part of the Sottiodee -Coto-o nohee no ntdrofioo- Eeet of Treoty - ts Objeot. - Eisotton of theoooonter Adamot-fIli, Folicy -odito Aceot, Coool Hmtphreys-OCalioo F. Enrol', Ittor etioo-Climoot eettplad.Iof rhodAgot--Etoiioorof Stott. Affis eroeoo hiot-Iii Lete-Repty-Fi~ttotty of Agettl-nge which theaton the Exitrt-Coootd Moo eoieed nod enslavetd-Indiam Protot-EtCOknt ErooIos Sorte-UCoited Stotot Jodge exresset Rio Oetioe -Effort on oes 4- lire. Cook'sSloot-Deoootto Rerooe-Sofgeotiot, of Aget-Freetlre of Goe- ertoo-Treityof Footto'. tttdog-tn 505 i.Ilottt-Ahenot-H Eh-Otte - Chie, heenmo Opioioo - Tltetioo .ent W~est-Foesutie Designs-Sppr- roctni Treaty-pa M~ot Chogoo- Felt too of the Fettle of Floidn-Sodorseest t ereoo -Toottotpproeed hy foosto-Croko rtottts-Wt-Fnytrntot Si4it0eo~loos Cliintot-SRoidoenofyNorher.oStttte -Crekhodemand diLeowSOmlo- eoothos ki'too Eoiieo -Their Fogr- They Okoaedo from Eatigott W -Their warorst-ily Thotoiaoo's Otfen-Oeoertt tooths ittirero-Colool otott's Vie- Georesl Cuor Refpiy - Hrio AddOtto to toloas - Ho aothort ines Rae att- Efft kof soth Lionot-Agrot ttod others Remoatntett-e repnso-AgetreioinO- goaes prepu or ReV-tt AFTER the clone of the woe of 1818, many of the Seminole Indi1 hEs look psoesoion of thf desetfd plantations omd villages along the Appalachicola Riv'er, whose ownters bad fallen in the masshcre of Blount's Foot, in 1816 ; and Some of the Eailen united in ee- occupying tho lands which had boon eeduced to cultivation by their mureed beetheen. Some six oe eight small bands of Indians thus becamne reesident along that rivee. The feetile bottom landsI (m)t CHAPTER VI. FURTHER EFORTS TO ENSLAVE THE EXILES. indians ood Failes te. the Ap-tbmioo Rioe-Othoc ER t wiehloomoehor, Dt. tohone, hfpet Swamp, Oithoo Sowamp-odiano lo eroos pott of Tottitory- Diffioiteof the tohjoo-i'redento Metoge- Comaoeof C.o.,--Inteegn- hone-Mre. Prieek ' Anet -Grttro Jokton'e Aotooo-Hs reles on Fates- Ettitod Sim osoogoim tho Flooita lndiaoo no on io'iopodeoi Riaad-Wilies tW treat with thom - Dihonitie - Itrtiotor Comothi oore - Temiy of Comp Itootetel - Rtoeottloo-Coeooo nk I.not of UEted Beebers-Corros o 00Part tf the Seminoe-Cnotoetoamkee no ohjrotino-Efnt of Trete-O Ob jot-Eleotion offtheyooootr Adatte-Ilit Folthy -ttdito Aget, Colottol Homphrryr-Wiiamt F. Duoal', Iosteaotioos-Cninnotr rompinic of tho Agettt-ommiesoes of Ondico Affaie reptoree him -His Lttr-Reply -ioaiey of Ageno-loerem which threatoo tho Etties-ConOr Mao seizod ood testotd-aooi-ooopet-Cooel Drooke'dvceo-URied States Judge teposo b0 Oploioo-FFort on Eoaes- lir. Ceek'.tfitor-Deotnd Rfregre-oggootnor nf Agsot -roctieo of HovI yn.Ledn-t ipke -Ar -M Chate- - Ciet. heoet Orptiooe - Fetogttiooo mat SWint -Eoroatioe Dness-8tppo- mrotni Toety-Majtoe Phasett-Ftttio ofth Pople of Fiorida-oestetihreeo -TeoepprorO hy Soto--Creek, e o otorro-Paymsntsof 814gip0oSOio Ctniea-oeioooes of Nootheon Otttemr-rk.s demad Foxre orta-- Goocoons idoop Eaile- Th~er Ftgnr - Thoy Otoesde frem Emeigrtion -Threk Wnrrior- Wiey Thompeone, S~ .tG.. UhIvre-ooe o' Vie-eesooiCeneosRely-Hi d~dresRWIII-no-Hes nothriesle Tosrode- Effoooof ochhLionme- Agootttnotereeed-hoom-Hoe plies-Aent erjoh- Entire prrpnwrn ReWut. ACTED the cosoe of the wor of 1818, many of the Seminole Indi- ans took ptosssion of the deseeted plantations and villageo along the Appolachicola Riccer, whose owners hod fallen in the masaacee of Blountos Fort, in 1816; and some of the Exiles united in e eccupying the lands which had been redoced to cultivaion by their mordered beethren. Some six or eight small bands of Indians thus became resident along that eritee. The fertile bottom lands, CHAPTER VI. URTHER EFORTS TO ENSLAVE THE EXILES. in~joos and Eoites on ohs Ap,,ooehimtn Rirer - Othor Entire go Wiahlaes, St. Joho., Cypet Oeoap, tWthoo 0 ooop-Ioditnt in otooo poetk of Tettoty- Ditooltyof the snbjet -Fteideot' Meopge-Committreoof Coooses-isotg- tiotto-Mt. Foenice' Aneer-eteral Jookson's Am.r -H.r relie on Fooe- Untied ttatee ooim tho Flooidtt Indiaot to on Iadepeodeot Ded -ili., to treat with thom -Fiffiontios- intaoio t, Commieionre-Tratytof Cttmp tooitrl -Irteegttoes-C-..na.0 n Foot of Uoitod StOr-Cornorstt MPart tf ohs Fenooh -Ce-,s maktot to ohj-oho- Effent of reat- ts Ohjoot -iredn of the yountgee Adams - Out Policy - Iodtao Ageot, Coloosi Hismphrey.- Wi1laem F. horoIo tetetitoea- Clahootti comptloi of thr Aget - cotsmtesons of m.tto Affoire repoeo him-Os SLetfo-nReply-Discuty of Agent-FOges which threotoo the Exiles-Coored Mon meized ottd rmtlaooO-IttdnetPot-Colont Foooko't Adviee - FUrSte Setrte Judge reprees® his Opitom-Effeet n Entire - lir. Cook's Stoes-DEootd fre Netroo.sug Oee ioos of Aget-toetco nf ene- rment-Tetaipof Fano'. Londig-Iso stipolatiot-Abrom- iki CEltreote - Chie, heomeo Sotpiolst- ortogatlo. oo nest -Foseautie Deslgas-Sopplr. omote TRtyr- Mojoe Phesno-P Fotiog of the Foopie of FIoidbo-eoe-t thereon -Trentiespped bty &ootti-Ctotes remnofstse-Paymetof Si41igE0tW lavs Climgolt-Sopi~nes of Norher Statesme - Cteek, deman iiree e artov- Emerooaskidottp Foilet- Thre gee-They diesadte Stem migrnaton -Thek Wardoe- Wiley Thompeeo's Statemeni-Gsastot tUooh'e Interrot-Cnlnnel eaon's Vices- Genroot Cuost Reply-mh Addes to is Onm-Ho athoates SineTrod.- Efnatofmeh L ese-Agoestondtothths emonsfto-HepOdes-Agnt eoitt- Doites Prese fr Wee AFTcRi the clooe of the war of 1818, many of the Seminole Indi.1 ans look poossion of the deoerted plantationo and villageD along the Appalachicola Riccer, whome owners had fallen in the maasacee of Bloount's Foot, in 1816 ; and some of the Exilen nnited in ce- occapying the lands which hod been reduced to enlivation by their murdered betheen. Some oix or eight small bands of Indians thus became reeident along that river. The feetile bottom lands lst)  70 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. near that stream, constituted the most valuable portion of Florida, so far as agriculture was concerned. These towns afforded conv'en- ient resting places for fugitive slaves, while fleeing from their masters in Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee and Louisiana, to the interior portions of Florida. (The United States, nor the slaveholders of the States named,, could with any propriety whatever hold theCel Tndi n-s o sible for the many refugees, who were now almost dai lcreasing o1in-mber of fugitives located far in the interior of Florida; and the difficulties attending the o eg o r rn d in exact proportion as the slaveholding settlements extended towards these locations; while the greater portion of the Exiles were taking up their residence farther in the interior of the territory, upon the Withlacoochee, the St. John's, the Big Cypress Swamp, the Islands in the Great Wahoo Swamp, and places far retired from civilization. The Seminole Indians were scattered extensively over different portions of the country; and although the United States now own- ed the unoccupied lands, it was diflicult to determine upon any course of policy by which the difficulties, so long existing, could be terminated. The subject was alluded to by the President in his Annual Message to Congress (Dec. 3), and a select committee was appointed to take that portion of it into consideration. The committee propounded interrogatories to various officers of government, who were supposed capable of giving useful information in regard to the subject.t In answer to these interrogatories, Mr. Penieres. Sub-Agent for the Florida Indians, replied, stating the number of Ind'ins rt more thun live thousand, while the number of slaves which they held were m ,,A t ty frty -'These he declared to be far more intelligent than the slaves resident among the white people, and possessing great influence over their Indian masters. He alluded to the Exiles in the following language: "It will be (1) vide Reports of Committee XVIth conges, 2d senion, No. 195. 70 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. near that stream, constituted the most valuable portion of Florida, so far as agriculture was concerned. These towns afforded conven- ient resting places for fugitive slaves, while fleeing from their masters in Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee and Louisiana, to the interior portions of Florida. (The United States, nor the slaveholders of the States named,, conl wit any propriety whatever hold the rek espon- sible for the many re ugees, who were now almost daincreasing tliynumber of fugitives located far in the interior of Florida; and the difficulties attending the do-g oi savea-,,remedin exact proportion as the slaveholding settlements extended towards these locations; while the greater portion of the Exiles were taking up their residence farther in the interior of the territory, upon the Withlacoochee, the St. John's, the Big Cypress Swamp, the Islands in the Great Wahoo Swamp, and places far retired from civilization. The Seminole Indians were scattered extensively over different portions of the country; and although the United States now own- ed the unoccupied lands, it was difficult to determine upon any course of policy by which the difficulties, so long existing, could be terminated. 1822.] The subject was alluded to by the President in his Annual Message to Congress (Dec. 3), and a select committee was appointed to take that portion of it into consideration. The committee propounded interrogatories to various officers of government, who were supposed capable of giving useful information in regard to the subject.' In answer to these interrogatories, Mr. Penieres ub-Agent for. the Florida Indians, replied, stating the number of Inditns et more thai ie thousand, while the number of slaves which they held were itm^',, a ^rty for ~ These he declared to be far more intelligent than the slaves resident among the white people, and possessing great influence over their Indian masters. le alluded to the Exiles in the following language: "It will be (1) Vide Reports of Committee XvIIth Congoen, 2d Sesmn, No. 195. 70 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. near that stream, constituted the most valuable portion of Florida, so far as agriculture was concerned. These towns afforded conv'en- ient resting places for fugitive slaves, while fleeing from their masters in Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee and Louisiana, to the interior portions of Florida. fhe United States, nor the slaveholders of the States named, could wit a any propriety whatever hold the cspon sible for the many refugees, who were now alm ost daiy increasig uhe umber of fugitives located far in the interior of Florida; and the difficulties attending the omg otarSincreased in exact proportion as the slaveholding settlements extended towards these locations; while the greater portion of the Exiles were taking up their residence farther in the interior of the territory, upon the Withlaeooebee, the St. John's, the Big Cypress Swamp, the Islands in the Great Wahoo Swamp, and places far retired from civilization. The Seminole Indians were scattered extensively over different portions of the country ; and although the United States now own- ed the unoccupied lands, it was difficult to determine upon any course of policy by which the difficulties, so long existing, could be terminated. The subject was alluded to by the President in his Annual Message to Congress (Dec. 3), and a select committee was appointed to take that portion of it into consideration. The committee propounded interrogatories to various officers of government, who were supposed capable of giving useful information in regard to the subject.1 In answer to these interrogatories, Mr. Penieres Sub-Agent for the Florida Indians, replied, stating the number of Indtinsat more than fe thousand, while the number of slaves which they held we ,Mat 0 tyforty These he declared to be far more intelligent than the slaves resident among the white people, and possessing great influence over their Indian masters. le alluded to the Exiles in the following language: "It will be (1) vide Reports of committee XVIIth congress, 2d saeion, No. 195.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 71 " difficult (says he) to form a prudent determination with respect " to the ' maroon negroes,' (Exiles), who live among the Indians, " on the other side of the little mountain of Latchiouc. They fear " being again made slaves, under the American Government, and " will omit nothing to increase or keep alive mistrust among the "Indians, whom they, in fact, govern. If it should become ne- "cessary to use force with them, it is to be feared that the Indians " will take their part. It will, however, be necessary to remove "from the Floridas this group of freebooters, among whom runa- way negroes will always find a refuge. It will, perhaps, be pos- sible to have them received at St. Domingo, or to furnish them " means of withdrawing from the United States!" This gentleman appears to have had more knowledge of the Exiles, than was possessed by the officers of the United States, generally, who supposed that each negro must have a legitimate master. le appears, also, to have lad sufficient humanity to sug- gest the plan ef their removal, rather than their enslavement. In answer to the interrogatories of this committee, General Jackson proposed to compel the Seminoles to reunite with the Creeks, by leaving Florida and returning to the Creek country; and closed his recommendation by saying, "this must be done, or " the frontier will be much weakened by the Indian settlements, and be a perpetual harbor for our slaves. These runaway "slaves, spoken of by Mr. Penieres, MesT BE REMovED from the " Floridas, or scenes of murder and confusion will exist.1I This suggestion of General Jackson for the removal of the Seminoles, both Indians and negroes, bears date September second, 1822, and is the first suggestion, of that precise character, of which we have knowledge. General Jackson was a warrior, and had more faith in the bayonet than in muili toIjicalpower, but had little confidenn in.kindness, or in (1) Vide Am. State Paper, vol. vI, pages 411, 412. It will be observed that urneral Jackson diarded the ar "aron used- by Peaieru, as that. in Jamaica, siganies "free gror of the mW-1oa," who ,n fled from serve, bat have main'aid their hberty ao on that they cannot be identifled, and are therefore aditted to be free. THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 71 "difficult (says he) to form a prudent determination with respect " to the 'maroon negroes,' (Exiles), who live among the Indians, " on the other side of the little mountain of Latehioue. They fear " being again made slaves, under the American Government, and " will omit nothing to increase or keep alive mistrust among the " Indians, whom they, in fact, govern. If it should become ne- " cessary to use force with them, it is to be feared that the Indians " will take their part. It will, however, be necessary to remove "from the Floridas this group of freebooters, among whom runa- " way negroes will always find a refuge. It will, perhaps, be pos- " sible to have them received at St. Domingo, or to furnish them " means of withdrawing from the United States !" This gentleman appears to have had more knowledge of the Exiles, than was possessed by the officers of the United States, generally, who supposed that each negro must have a legitimato master. Ile appears, also, to have had sufficient humanity to sug- gest the plan ef their removal, rather than their enslavement. In answer to the interrogatories of this committee, General Jackson proposed to compel the Seminoles to reunite with the, Creeks, by leaving Florida and returning to the Creek country and closed his recommendation by saying, "this must be done, or the frontier will be much weakened by the Indian settlements, "and be a perpetual harbor for our slaves. These runaway slaves, spoken of by Mr. Penieres, MUST BE REMovED from the " Floridas, or scenes of murder and confusion will exist."' This suggestion of General Jackson for the removal of the Seminoles, both Indians and negroes, bears date September second, 1822, and is the first suggestion, of that precise character, of which we have knowledge. General Jackson was a warrior, and bad more faith in the ba onet t an in mu relto~p ysical power, but had little confideree a hie, ucss, oe (1) vide Am. State Papers, val. VI, pages 411, 412. 55 will be observed that Oeneral Jakson disarded the term " aron, nsd by Penra, as that. in Jamaica, signites "faeegroes of the maunLetains," wha re fed from servier, but have mantrand the m hberty so long that they cnanot be ideatifid, and are therfore admitted to be free. THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 71 "difficult (says he) to form a prudent determination with respect " to the ' maroon negroes,' (Exiles), who live among the Indians, on the other side of the little mountain of Latchiour. They fear " being again made slaves, under the American Government, and will omit nothing to increase or keep alive mistrust among the " Indians, whom they, in fact, govern. If it should become ne- eessary to use force with them, it is to be feared that the Indians " will take their part. It will, however, be necessary to remove "from the Floridas this group of freebooters, among whom runa- " way negroes will always find a refuge. It will, perhaps, be pos- " sible to have them received at St. Domingo, or to furnish them " means of withdrawing from the United States !" This gentleman appears to have had more knowledge of the Exiles, than was possessed by the officers of the United States, generally, who supposed that each negro must have a legitimate master. Ile appears, also, to have had sufficient humanity to sug- gest the plan ef their removal, rather than their enslavement. In answer to the interrogatories of this committee, General Jackson proposed to compel the Seminoles to reunite with the Creeksy leaving Florida and returning to the Creek country; and closed his recommendation by saying, " this must be done, or " the frontier will be much weakened by the Indian settlements, "and be a perpetual harbor for our slaves. These runaway "slaves, spoken of by Mr. Penieres, MUST BE REMoVED from the " Floridas, or scenes of murder and confusion will exist."i This suggestion of General Jackson for the removal of the Seminoles, both Indians and negroes, bears date September second, 1822, and is the first suggestion, of that precise character, of which we have knowledge. General Jackson was a warrior, and had more faith in the bayonet than in moral es-d .uefto physical power, but had little confidene in kindness or in (1) Vide Am. State Paper, vol. VI, page 411, 412. It will b observed that General Jackaon disaradd the term "mare,' i ed by anears, as that. in Jamnaica, signits "fra ne,rs of the mountaIns," who nee fnd from serviebut have mataired their hbarty so loa g that they cannot be identified, and are therfore admitted to be fee.  72 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. justice or moral suasion. He was an officer of great popularity, however, and it is not unlikely that his views had greater weight with those who followed him in official life, than their intrinsic merits entitled them to. It is certain that his policy of removing the Indians and Exiles from Florida, was subsequently adopted by him while President, and has continued to be the cherished object with most of his successors in that office. The controversy between the State of Georgia and the Creeks bad been settled at Indian Springs. In the treaty entered into at that place, the United States had held the Creek Nation responsi- ble for the action of the Seminoles, under the plea that they were a part of the Creek Nation. Having obtained two hundred and fifty thousand dollars from the Creeks in this way, to satisfy the slave claimants of Georgia, the Executive now suddenly became satisfed that the Seminolcs were a distinct and independent tribe, and he prepared to treat with them as such. Commissioners were appointed for that purpose, and efforts made to collect their chiefs, warriors and principal men, in order to carry out this object. Suspicions of the objects which prompted this proposal, the In- dians were unwilling to meet the commissioners. Runners were sent to the different bands, and eventually some thirty or forty were collected. These were declared by the commissioners to represent 1823.] a majority of the Seminole tribe, and (Sept. 18) they proceeded to form the treaty of " Camp ioultrie " The letter of instructions, from the Secretury of War, was specific on one point only. The commissioners were directed to so ar- range the treaty as to constrain the Indians to settle within the t rampa hay, excluded from the coast on all sides by a strip of country at least fifteen miles in width - would aove taken trom tem their most fertile lands on th- Su- \vanee River, the Appalachicola River, and in the vicinity of the Mickasukie Lake. Some six chiefs, who had taken possession of the plantations which Lad been opened and cultivated by the Exiles murdered at " Blount's Fort," refused to sign the treaty. They 72 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. justice or moral suasion. He was an officer of great populaiity, however, and it is not unlikely that his views had greater weight with those who followed him in official life, than their intrinsic merits entitled them to. It is certain that his policy of removing the Indians and Exiles from Florida, was subsequently adopted by him while President, and has continued to be the cherished object with most of his successors in that office. The controversy between the State of Georgia and the Creeks had been settled at Indian Springs. In the treaty entered into at that place, the United States had held the Creek Nation responsi- ble for the action of the Seminoles, under the plea that they were a part of the Creek Nation. Having obtained two hundred and fifty thousand dollars from the Creeks in this way, to satisfy the slave claimants of Georgia, the Executive now suddenly became satisfied that the Seminoles were a distinct and independent tribe, and he prepared to treat with them as such. Commissioners were appointed for that purpose, and efforts made to collect their chiefs, warriors and principal men, in order to carry out this object. Suspicios of the objects which prompted this proposal, the In- dians were unwilling to meet the commissioners. Runners were sent to the different bands, and eventually some thirty or forty were collected. These were declared by the commissioners to represent 1823.] a majority of the Seminole tribe, and (Sept. 18) they proceeded to form the treaty of " Camp oultrie" The letter of instructions, from the Secretary of War, was specific on one point only. The commissioners were directed to so ar- range the treaty as to constrain the Indians to settle within the tei ry-.e t -ampa hay, excluded from the coast on all sides by a strip of country at least fifteen miles in widtQ. would have taken trom tem their most fertile lands on the.S- svance River, the Appalachiola River, and in the vicinity of the Mickasukie Lake. Some six chiefs, who had taken possession of the plantations which had been opened and cultivated by the Exiles murdered at " Blount's Fort," refused to sign the treaty. They 72 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. justice or moral suasion. He was an officer of great popularity, however, and it is not unlikely that his views had greater weight with those who followed him in official life, than their intrinsic merits entitled them to. It is certain that his policy of removing the Indians and Exiles from Florida, was subsequently adopted by him while President, and has continued to be the cherished object with most of his successors in that office. The controversy between the State of Georgia and the Creeks had been settled at Indian Springs. In the treaty entered into at that place, the United States had held the Creek Nation responsi- ble for the action of the Seminoles, under the plea that they were a part of the Creek Nation. Having obtained two hundred and fifty thousand dollars from the Creeks in this way, to satisfy the slave claimants of Georgia, the Executive now suddenly became satisfied that the Seminoles were a distinct and independent tribe, and he prepared to treat with them as such. Commissioners were appointed for that purpose, and efforts made to collect their chiefs, warriors and principal men, in order to carry out this object. Suspicions of the objects which prompted this proposal, the In- dians were unwilling to meet the commissioners. Runners were sent to the different bands, and eventually some thirty or forty were collected. These were declared by the commissioners to represent 1823.] a majority of the Seminole tribe, and (Sept. 18) they proceeded to form the treaty of "Cano iouhrie " The letter of instructions, from the Secretary of War, was specific on one point only. The commissioners were directed to so ar- range the treaty as to constrain the Indians to settle within the tefrtery- , t Tampa Iay, exclded ream rite coast on all aides by a strip of country at least fifteen miles in width.T woul ti", e taken trom them thter most fertile lands on thle vance River, the Appalachicola River, and in the vicinity of the Mickasukie Lake. Sonic six chiefs, who had taken possession of 'the plantations which had been opened and cultivated by the Exiles murdered at "Blount's Fort," refused to sign the treaty. They  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 73 were, however, prevailed upon to agree to tho treaty, whien it had been so modified as to give them each a reservation of fertilo lands, to meet their own ne'essities- By agreeitng to thecse otpulationts, tile comlmisioners obttained thoir signatures to tile treaty -tile United States goatranteeing to the Ininis peaceable posseosion of tihe coontry all1 re-evsations assignevd tileml. lThey al'tt coensated to "takloe t/le F/aordlt In- "diauond~oer their eare and1 pal'ronatie, ond AFFORD TH11 PRO- "TECTION 0051055T ILL 'I It'0 NS tATvOatvtE'' andt tto "r estroin "111d pectrrt o/l ehte ptersons fromt hooting, settling, Or otlher- "wise ittrtdiag. eupttn saidlandtti- Titey il,o agtetd to pay tile Inldians six thlousandtll aro int cattle alnt hogs, furnis othe t wsotiths provisions. to suppottrt themt one year, and11 ply temn litve thtousandt dollars annually fee twcnty yeacs. Bot oe great oltject of the treaty was vttirttevd int the sventht Article, whlicit wsa expresscd in the followiog languag-e1 "Tic is alnt swteriors aforesaidi, far themelves anti tribes, "stipulate to ho aetive anRad vigilant in preventing the retreatitng to, or passing throttgh, tile distrit, toe country a'signed tilem, of "any ahscoditng slave, or fugititves fcott justice ; andtheily furthler "agree tou se a/l necessary exertionsoo Iaopprehenld and1, d1,liner "the samoe to te ogentt, nwio shall re-crice orders to cosupensato them agreeabtly to tile trouhle anti exptense incurred." It is maclily of note, thlat the ctlmnnissionecs, actinsg under in- structions of thte Seccetary of W~ar, nowl assured thto Semninoles that they had heen a septarate and intdeendent tribe move than a century; wilie other commtissioners, acttnuetor unstroctions ft-ow the lame Secretary, only twenty nmonths previaously, insitedt that the Seminoles wnere, at that titne, n part of the Clerk: tribte; tnd on that assumed fact, the Creeks n-err heltd revstonsible for thte value nf soch slaves as left their toasters during the Retvolution asd prior to 1802, and tonk up their residence with the Seminoles, But these contradictory positions appeared to be necesray to sustain the slave interval. iTtE EXtLES nr FLOIDA. 73 were, however, prevailed upon to agree to the treaty, witen it had been so mtodifled as to give thtem each a reservution of fertile lands, to meet their owna uesilieo. By tagreeing to these stipulationv, te commttissioners vottained their signatures to the treaty - tile United Sttes guarantteeing to the Intdilans peaceabtle possessionI of tile caountry alnt e'ervattionls ssigoc 1 them. fTey al.so eoe tted to "'take te Flacida In- "diuso uer thire care ond/ patroagelp, eud AFFORD clIFI Feeco- nTECtIov 00 tINS5T VLL Prvs NS ILM ev' Rl," ,ttnt to 'restroits 01mad peeet all "h/it, peeots frtomt touting, 'ettlitng, or othtec- Swise itnt/itty. lplt 15 i a11-ndls" Thtep attt-ctl to ip the Indians vie thoua'nd tdtllars in cttttle and~ hostg, fat nitit theml withs proviionts to support themn one yeac, aIn pay thten five tihoovand dollars annotlly far twvety yeara. Bat one gteat tobjttct of tito treatp' nas aemtraed ill tile sevantit Article, whlich was expresserd in the followng lan ettet "Thte chiefs attd nwactrlove aforesaid, far them'elves and tribes, "stipulate so he active antd vigilantt in preventing the retreatitng "to, or pav'ing thtrooghl, the district, ar country a'signed thbon, of any ahscttdinlg vlave, or fugitives ft-oat jastice ;--and th~ey furthler Servre to use a/l nlecoesary exertiaost Ia pprleetd oatt delhser t/e noote to te aentt, wh Io shall revelsva ordets to comtpensate thetm agreeably to thte troulie and evpese incurred" It is warlty of nte, tha~t the comssvioners, aeting under in- stractious of ste Seesetary of Waor, new a'suredl tile Semoinoles that they had been a sepacate and independent tribe nmore thao a century; nwtile othser commusionters, tcting vundter inttrutttions from the samo Secretary, only twenty mnthst ptrevioslly, intsised that the Setainoles swere, at thtat litte, a part tof ste frecol tribte ; and Ru that ussutaed fart, the Creeks were hteld respon'ible for tite value of such slaves ns left sheir oasers duriitg thte Retolation and prior so 1802, and took up their re-idence snith tite Seminoles. Bat theae contratdietory positions appeared to be necessary to sustain the slsve interest. nun EXILS On rLORIDA. 73 were, however, prevailed upon to ngree to the treaty, wisen it had keen sn moldified as so give them each a revervation of fertile laads, to sleet their oton nssi'aties. By agreeing to tihese s'ipulationa, thte commissione'ro obttaitted their signtatures to the tscaty - thte UnRited Slttes gaanteetng to the Podins peaveal ptossevsionl of tile coutry atnd re-evtions10 assignethent. Thtey also catestedt to 'tuke thte Foridat In- dians iudr teir core end pateoage, eud AFFaco TIMM PRtO- STECTION 00GtINeST AL P'EFN C tll TSn'aVLR, antd so "-restersi. " and pecstt a// ilile peeoos fc11 hutotine, setlling, or eltesr- "wise tutrotliap st/an soil Etnts'' Thter 1110 agre-v- to ptay the Inudians sin thotsatnd dollars in cttler anti togs, famn.ih titems th provisionls to suprt silemnto year, an-i pay thte five thoutsand~t dollars annually fir toety p-ea-s. Blot on pt-eat oetct of the treaty was emssitaed is1 sthe sevenths Article, whdich teas expressed in the follossisng lttngage: "Tie ecsief, astd u-seirs aftresaid, for themaelves Ratd tb-ibes, "stipulate tR he Retve ansd vigilant in preventing the retreating "to, or passg throtugh, the di'trict, or country a'sipned thsetm, of "any ahacouding slave. or fugitives front jutice; and thsey farther "agree to use nll necessary exertions to appeed andt d' lier the sael to tie agtp, u-Io shall receive ortdero to cosapesate s how agreetably to ste troule and expes'e incurred." It is worthy of nose, thatt the cotmtstisioers, actiing under in- struetions of thte Seccetatry of War, noas suored sthe Seminoles that they had beenu a separate and independeut tribe motre thsass a centry;whil oter cmmisionrsaeting un/er instrutosfo the some Seccetary, osslr tnentpy mnt~s previously, in-sied slat the Semiuoles were, at that tisne, apart of thse Creek sribte; und on that assted fact, the Creeits were held responsible foc the value of such 'lanes as left their nsesters during the Rievolotien and prior to 1802, and seok oip their reeidence with the Sesminoles. But theoe contradictory prsitions appeared tu he neessary to sustain the slave intecest.  74 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. It may be remarked that from the alenn of this treaty, there was no longer any controversy between our Government an the -Ceakae- ateisn to fugitive slaves. That quarrel was transferred to the Seminoles; and now, after thirtj-four years have passed away, and many millions of treasure have been expended, and thousands of human lives sacrificed, at the moment of writing these incidents, our army is actively employed in carrying on the contest which arose, and for more than the third of a century has been almost constantly maintained, for the recapture and return of these people ; and ahthough our members of Congress from the free States had witnessed the long and expensive contest, and the vast sacrifice of blood and treasure, which had been squandered in efforts to regain possession of the Exiles; yet we do not find any objection to have been raised or protest uttered against this new treaty, in either branch of our National Legislature. Indeed, so far as we have information on the subject, the appropriations for carry- ing it into effect were cheerfully made, without objection. This compact drew still more closely the meshes of the federal power around the Exiles. The United States now held what is called in slaveholding parlance the " legal title " to their bones and sinews, their blood and muscle, while the Creek Indians were vested with the entire beneficial interest in them. But neither the United States nor the Creek Indians had been able to reduce them to possession. The white settlements were, however, gradually extendistg and tE- termsory o e emto es tos diminishing in- prortion ; and it was easy t foese te iffculties with which they were soon to be urrouded.- By the treaty, mnny of shei n -fmildsandmost of the villages, which they had recently defended with so muc hbravery, were gieis da]iwhites anfthose wha ko along occupied themwere _camtpplled to retire still further into the interior, and commence new improvements. AT lEBiEx tesrenoineith the c'hieofWho held reset ais upon the Appalachicola. Those who remained, however, were persons who bad become connected by 74 THE EXILES OF FLORTDA. It may be remarked that from s treaty, there was no longer any controversy between our Government and the es--c inelationqtofuitivo slaves. That quarrel was transferred to the Seminoles; and now, after thirtf-four years have passed away, and many millions of treasure have been expended, and thousands of human lives sacrificed, at the moment of writing these incidents, our army is actively employed in carrying on the contest which arose, and for more than the third of a century has been almost constantly maintained, for the recapture and return of these people; and alhough our members of Congress from the free States bad witnessed the long and expensive contest, and the vast sacrifice of blood and treasure, which had been squandered in efforts to regain possession of the Exiles; yet we do not find any objection to have been raised or protest uttered against this new treaty, in either branch of our National Legislature. Indeed, so far as we have information on the subject, the appropriations for carry- ing it into effect were cheerfully made, without objection. This compact drew still more closely the meshes of the federal power around the Exiles. The United States now held what is called in slaveholding parlance the " legal title " to their bones and sinews, their blood and muscle, while the Creek Indians were vested with the entire beneficial interest in them. But neither the United States nor the Creek Indians had been able to reduce them to possession. The white settlements were, however, gradually extending and the errscry o e emtnses wan diminishing in proportion; and it was easy tforee t ulties with which they were soon to be surrounded - By the treaty, many of their c ,tt...tMd fitd andmost of the ,villages, which they had recently defended with so murdubravery, were giro qp tsfdvtfEI an'd ths o hsaolnesg noccupied them, wore osmlpeed to retire still further into the interior, and commence new improvements. XTe' -xtt ilmamned t~sh 'the cbeefs'to held reessvaions upon the Appalachicola. Those who remained, however, were persons who had become connected by 74 THE EXILEs oF FLORTDA. It may be remarked that from tho ine of this treaty, there was no lo..ger any controversy between our Governmet an e -Coeeks-.-elationti fugitive slaves. That quarrel was transferred to the Seminoles; and now, after thirty-four years have passed away, and many millions of treasure have been expended, and thousands of human lives sacrificed, at the moment of writing these incidents, our army is actively employed in carrying on the contest which arose, and for more than the third of a century has been almost constantly maintained, for the recapture and return of these people; and ahhough our members of Congress from the free States had witnessed the long and expensive contest, and the vast sacrifice of blood and treasure, which had been squandered in efforts to regain possession of the Exiles; yet we do not find any objection to have been raised or protest uttered against this new treaty, in either branch of our National Legislature. Indeed, so far as we have information on the subject, the appropriations for carry- ing it into effect were cheerfully made, without objection. This compact drew still more closely the meshes of the federal power around the Exiles. The United States now held what is called in slaveholding parlance the " legal title " to their bones and sinews, their blood and muscle, while the Creek Indians were vested with the entire beneficial interest in them. But neither the United States nor the Creek Indians had been able to reduce them to possession. The white settlements were, however, gradually extending, and tIF ory o e emoes tas diminishing in proportion; and it was easy to foreee the tilikina with which theywere soon to be surroundcd -. ey the treaty, many of their eents f e and most of the viloges, which they bad recently defended with so mu bravery, were given_~T h tTP ai t those who had-e leng occupied them, sore compelled to retire still further into the interior, and commence new improvements. ~Tei'-Erite--eiamed siththe cbtfs *ho eld reseatiosupon the Appalachicola. Those who remained, however, were persons who had become connected by  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 75 marriage with the Indians belonging to those small bands, from whom they were unwilling to separate. To this treaty some writers have traced the causes which produe- ed the recent "Florida War." They attribute to its stipulations that vast sacrifice of treasure, and of national reputation, which has rendered that territory distinguished in history. With that war, our present history is connected only so far as the Exiles were con- cerned in its prosecution; but it would appear difficult for any historian to overlook the ipm ortant fat gpossession of Tugitive laves constitutd-htUmoving eonsideration for this treaty, and the primary cause of both tO first -md second Seminole wars. 1824.] Most of this year was occupied in removing the Indians to their new territory. They also suffered severely for the want of food, and the attention of both Indians and officers of Government appears to have been occupied with these subjects. In the autumn, Mr. Adams was elected President. But bjispolicy was in part unfavorable to tie Fsiten Rettovals from office under his administration were limited. If an officer were removed, it was not until after it had been ascertained that just cause existed for the removal. This policy continued nearly every man in office who had been connected with the Indian Department under the former Administration. Colonel Gad Humphreys had been appointed Agent for the Seminoles as early as 1822. He wan a resident of Florida, and a slaveholder, dey interested in main- tainingthinstitutonu so far as his offieial acts have come before the public, he appears to have performed his duty with a good degree of humanity. Indeed, such were his efforts in behalf of justice to the oppressed, that Ie became obnoxious to Southern men, and was eventually removed from office on that account. _William P. Duval was also continued in the office of Governor, and reffto Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Florida. He was also a slaveholder, and resid rritor but even Southern men found little cause to complain of his devo- tion to titerty or justice. He, and many other officers, appear to THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 75 marriage with the Indians belonging to those small bands, from whom they were unwilling to separate. To this treaty some writers have traced the causes which produc.- ed the recent " Florida War." They attribute to its stipulations that vast sacrifice of treasure, and of national reputation, which has rendered that territory distinguished in history. With that war, our present history is connected only so far as the Exiles were con- cerned in its prosecution; but it would appear difficult for aty historian to overlook the importans fact ~hr t g possessionof Tugiiive slaves constitutet moving.onsderation for thin treaty, and the primary cause of both the firstan second Seminole -wars. 1824.] Most of this year was occupied in removing the Indians to their new territory. They also suffered severely for the want of food, and the attention of both Indians and officers of Government appears to have been occupied with these subjects. In the autumn, Mr. Adams was elected President. But lis policy was in part unfavorable to the _Friles Removals from office under his administration were limited. If an officer were removed, 1825.] -- -- - it was not until after it had been ascertained that just cause existed for the removal. This policy continued nearly every man in office who had been connected with the Indian Department under the former Administration. Colonel Gad Humphreys had been appointed Agent for the Seminoles as early as 1822. He wa n resident of Florida, and a slaveholder, dieplyinterested in main- taining the institution but so far as his offcial acts have come before the public, he appears to have performed his duty with a good degree of humanity. Indeed, such were his efforts in behalf of justice to the oppressed, that he became obnoxious to Southern men, and was eventually removed from office on that account. William P. Duval was also continued in the office of Governor, and esx cdio Sunerintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Florida. He was also a slaveholder, and residen ofieteritory; but even Southern men found little cause to complain of his devo- tioan iirty or justice. He, and many other officers, appear to THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. 75 marriage with the Indians belonging to those small bands, from whom they were unwilling to separate. To this treaty some writers have traced the causes which produc. ed the recent " Florida War." They attribute to its stipulations that vast sacrifice of treasure, and of national reputation, which has rendered that territory distinguished in history. With that war, our present history is connected only so far as the Exiles were con- cerned in its prosecution; but it would appear difficult for any historian to overlook the importnt fact at nhtnining possession of Tugitive slaves ronstitute.d_ taxing.oensideration foti.js treaty, and the primary cause of both th firs and second Seminole sno-s. 1824.] Most of this year was occupied in removing the Indians to their new territory. They also suffered severely for the want of food, and the attention of both Indians and officers of Government appears to have been occupied with these subjects. In the autumn, Mr. Adams was elected President. But his policy was in part unfavorable to the Exile. Removals from office under his administration were limited. If an officer were removed, it was not until after it had been ascertained that just cause existed for the removal. This policy continued nearly every man in office who had been connected with the Indian Department under the former Administration. Colonel Gad Humphreys had been appointed Agent for the Seminoles as early as 1822. He was a resident of Florida, and a slaveholde, cel interested in main- taining the institution; but so far as his official acts have come before the public, he appears to have performed his duty with a good degree of humanity. Indeed, such were his efforts in behalf of justice to the oppressed, that he became obnoxious to Southern men, and was eventually removed from office on that account. William P. Duval was also continued in the office of Governor, and-x dou Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Floria. He was also a slaveholder, and residofi itory; but even Southern men found little cause to complain of his devo- tiot o -ibeity or justice. He, and many other officers, appear to  76 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 76 THLE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 76 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. have supposed the first important duty imposed on them, consisted in lending an efficient support to those claims for slaves which were constantly pressed upon them by unprincipled white men. Early as the twenty-fifth of January, Governor Duval, acting Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory, wrote Colonel Humphreys, giving him general directions in regard to the course which ie should pursue in all cases where fugitive slaves were claimed. " On the subject (said he) of runaway slaves among " the Indians, within the control of your agency, it will be proper " in all cases, where you believe the owners can identify the slaves, " to have them taken, and delivered over to the Marshal of East " Florida, at St. Augustine, so that the Federal Judge may inquire " into the claim of the party, and determine the right of property. " But in all cases where the same slave is claimed by a white " person and an Indian, if you believe the Indian has an equitable " claim to the slave, you are directed not to surrender the slave, " except by the order of the Hon. Joseph L. Smith, Federal Judge residing at St. Augustine; and in that case, you will attend " before him, and defend the right of the Indian, if yo believe he has righton his side." I n all these eases, the slave or colored man, whether bond or free, was to be treated in the same manner as a brute. He was ermitted to say nothing upon the subject of his own right to ii erty. His voice was silenced amidst the despotism with which he was surrounded. No law was consulted. The belief of a slaveholding Agent decided the fate of the person claimed. Those who claimed to own their fellow men, would always find persons to testify to their claims, and it was in vain for an Indian to attempt litigation with a slaveholding white man before a slaveholding Judge .1, The Exiles were not the property of the Indians in any sense. (1) It is aO interesting fact, that the dnrereently avwed by the supreme court of the Unitedtate ,that "blackmenh aveno rigAswaichwmhiemenareboundtorespecn," was recognied nd practiced upon in Florida, more than thirty years as, by the .fMces of oernmetnt. have supposed the first important duty imposed on them, consisted in lending an efficient support to those claims for slaves which were constantly pressed upon them by unprincipled white men. Early as the twenty-fifth of January, Governor Duval, acting Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory, wrote Colonel Iumphreys, giving him general directions in regard to the course which he should pursue in all cases where fugitive slaves were claimed. " On the subject (said he) of runaway slaves among " the Indians, within the control of your agency, it will be proper " in all cases, where you believe the owners can identify the slaves, " to have them taken, and delivered over to the Marshal of East " Florida, at St. Augustine, so that the Federal Judge may inquire " into the claim of the party, and determine the right of property. " But in all cases where the same slave is claimed by a white person and an Indian, if you believe the Indian has an equitable claim to the slave, you are directed not to surrender the slave, except by the order of the Hon. Joseph L. Smith, Federal Judge "residing at St. Augustine; and in that case, you will attend " before him, and defend the right of the Indian, if you believe he " has right on his side." Inall these eases, the slave or colored man, whether bond or 1 free, was to be treated in the same manner as a brute. He was ormitted to say nothing upon the subject of his own right to Is erty. His voice was silenced amidst the despotism with which he was surrounded. No law was consulted. The belief of a slaveholding Agent decided the fate of the person claimed. Those who claimed to own their fellow men, would always find persons to testify to their claims, and it was in vain for an Indian to attempt litigation with a slaveholding white man before a slaveholding Judge.) The Exiles were not the property of the Indians in any sense. (1) It is an interesting fact, that the doctrine recently avowed by the Supreme Court ofltheUnitedStates,that"blackmenAa aOeoghswhehhiateear ebun respu," wsrecognized and practicd upon in Florida, more than thirty y-ears ine, by the of o rternment. have supposed the first important duty imposed on them, consisted in lending an efficient support to those claims for slaves which were constantly pressed upon them by unprincipled white men. Early as the twenty-fifth of January, Governor Duval, acting Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory, wrote Colonel Humphreys, giving him general directions in regard to the course which he should pursue in all cases where fugitive slaves were claimed. " On the subject (said he) of runaway slaves among "the Indians, within the control of your agency, it will be proper " in all cases, where you believe the owners can identify the slaves, " to have them taken, and delivered over to the Marshal of East " Florida, at St. Augustine, so that the Federal Judge may inquire " into the claim of the party, and determine the right of property. " But in all cases where the same slave is claimed by a white " person and an Indian, if you believe the Indian has an equitable claim to the slave, you are directed not to surrender the slave, " except by the order of the Hon. Joseph L. Smith, Federal Judge "residing at St. Augustine; and in that case, you will attend " before him, and defend the right of the Indian, if you believe he " has right on his side." all these cases, the slave or colored man, whether bond or free, was to be treated in the same manner as a brute. He was ermitted to say nothing upon the subject of his own right to Ii erty. His voice was silenced amidst the despotism with which he was surrounded. No law was consulted. The belief of a slaveholding Agent decided the fate of the person claimed. Those who claimed to own their fellow men, would always find persons to testify to their claims, and it was in vain for an Indian to attempt litigation with a slaveholding white man before a slaveholding Judge.t The Exiles were not the property of the Indians in any sense. (1) It is an interesting fact, that the doarine reently ao by the Supreme Court of the United Seats, that "black menhae no rightsw hihwh emenar abound respet wras ecognizd and pacted upon in Florida, more thas thily years since, by the anicers of oovernment.  TIHE EXILES OF FLORnIDA. 77 Tine Indians did not claim no own therm. Under tine rule ipre- scrihed, if a sitie man could get oeri of tine Exiles within his powver, ine could at any timne pnrove somne circumnnntance thnat niould entitle hnimn to claim somne nnegio; wnvlie Inc1oved thii, nine ilawtnf Florida presumned every coltedil toan isbe an srie, utnless he cotuld prove his freedonin Tie, no Exile could do; mand, if.cnnu.eized, they weone uniformnly consigned to hoindage. Tine oinl7oaf- for the Exile wan, to otiely aooid tine whites, wino wet not peirmiitted to onter tine territory except upon the wnitten perit of comne '1'heslave-catihers, therfore, had reeourse to ite praetice of descrihing ertain hlack piersonsn, in nine Inidin contry, as theoir slaves, anti demiainditng that the Agent solnd hanve thirn seizedl and delivered to him. Bat tine Agent, knoioong these claimsi no b~e merely fictitious iti somie instances, paid ins attentnion to them. 'fie claimants, intent on ohtaining wealthn by catcing ne~grites, anti sell- leg them ms slaves, comp~lainied of tine Agenit to tine Connnn.isner of Indion Affairs, who, on the eighnth of Fcerary (1827), wvnote the Agent, reproving im for his remninsness in failinig tn captuore and return fugitive slaver, saying: ' Freqaent comtplaints hnane heen made to the Department, respectinig elaves claimed hy tine "citizens of Florida, which are in posession of the In~dians; all whith have horn acted on here, in issuainng sueh orders to you as "it was expected woald he prosiptly oheyed; * * nand thnat "these procerdings mould be followed by tine prsper reports to tihe "Department. Nothing satisfaoryg has been received." 186] Thas the Indian Bareau, at Wlashington, took upon 186]itself the responsihility of deriding particular eases, upon the ex parts testimtony which the claimants presenlted; and tho comminnsioner concluded hiu letter by a perenmptory order to Colonel Hanpheys, directing him to capture and deliver over two slaves, said to he the property of a Mro. Conk.I To this order the Agent replied in the language of dignified rebuke. After stating that one of the slaves had been captured TilE EXILES OF FLORtDA. 77 The Indisins didt not claim to onwn them. Under tine rnle pee- scribed, if o whlite inan could got otte of tine Exiles wuithnin his powver, lie could at any tone ptrovs omen ertnetatice that swould entitle him to claim soae niege wnohle pnoved this, time lanw of Florida pi csonod enveiy coilored into ire a elan e, Dolee lie coulnd prove his freedsn hie, no Exile coold dos and,. nioc -ed, they wcere unifennmly co niigned tu bondange. The on y va ty for thte Exile was, ts enitirely avoid the whine,, wino were not penrtiitted to etiter tine territory except upon the wrnittn perit of .onIe ofieer- 2 Thottneec-ratern, therefore, hod recourse to tine praetie of describing crtain black piersons, in the gIndian countrcy, as thecir slases, anid detntditng that tine Agent should havie thnen seie anid delivered to hin. But the Agent, kinowing theoe clamno nt mterely fietitions iq( sonic instances, paid no attentiotn to thenm. Tine claimants, intent otn obtaining weath hy catcing Degroees, and Sell- ing thrm an sloven, coniplained nf the Agent no tine Comisioiner of Indian Affairs, wino, on the eighth of Febtruary (1827), sote the Agent, reproviug him for his renmissness in failing to capture and return fugitive slaves, sying: '"Frequenlt conmplaints have "been made to the Department, resprecting slaves claimed by tine citizeens of Florinda, which are itn possession of the Indians; all "which have been acted on here, in issuling ouch ordrs to you as "it wan expeced would hr promnptly obeyod; * sliad that "these proceedingo would ho followed by tihe proper reports to tine "Department. NoVthinug satisfatoryn has beenl received." 186] Thuo the Intdian Bureau, at Wasohingtnon, took uo itself the responsihility of deciding particular caes, upon the exi porte testimouny which tine elaimnsts presented; and the commiesioner eonncluded his letter by a peremnptory order to Colonel Humnphreys, directing him to capture and deliver ovcr tswo slavs , said to be the property of a Mrs. Cook.i To this order the Agent replied in the language of dignified rebuke. After stating that one of the slaves had been captured THE EXILES OF FLRIDolA. 77 The Indiano did not clain to nun ntnem. Under the rule pre scribed, if a swhite Lion could get one of the Exiles woithin his power, lie ouild inn any ntie prove somne eirconnioanice tht would enititle him to claim s ome nege olicite lie pcased thisa, telwo Florida pec~ueunc eeny coloeri tain to lie an slaneai c ouUil ld proeasg fecedann. This, no Exile could tiot andv tr -r~ they score urniformtly conscigned to boindage. Tine oniF77v o tile Exile was, no etiiely avoid the witer, whio w~eie liot erid to enter tine territory except upn tine wcittetl pemito sm The slave-ctchers, therefore, had rcorse to tine practice of describing certain black ptersonso, in the Indiian csountry, s their slaces, anti demndinig that tine Aent should nave theci seiaed atid delisvered to bin. But thno Agent, knowoinig threeclainns no its mecrely fictitious iq soministanceu, paid na attenioin to them. Tine claimants, intent oIL ohtin oing weltn by catchning inegres, andi seil- lng them as shaves, conmplained of tine Agenit to nine Comniiner ef Indian Affairs, whle, on ther eighthl of Fbruary (1827), wvrote the Agent, reproving him for his remitsnss in failing to capture and return fugitive slaves, saying: "Frequent connplalints have "been mlade to the Department, respetinig slaves claimted by nine "citizens of Florida, which ore in possessiou of the Inidians; all whnich have been acted en here, in issuiing such orders to you as "it was expected would be promnptly obeyed; * * *and that "theme proceedings would be fnllowedi by nte proper reports to tine "Department. Nothing satisfaoery has teen received." 186] Thus the lIndian Bureau, at Washnington, okuo itself the responoibility of deciding particular cosos, upou the ex porte testimlony whiecn the clainnanits preosented; and the commissioner concludcd his letter by a peremiptory order te Colonel Humpheys, directing hitm to capture and delicer over Ltwa slaves, saud no be the property of a Mrs. Conk.I To this order the Agent replied in the language of dignified rebake. After stating that our of the slaves had been captured  78 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. by the Indians, and given up, he says: "but they will not, I ap- " prebend, consent further to risk their lives in a service which'has " always been a thankless one, and has recently proved so to one of their most respected chiefs, who was killed in an attempt to " arrest a runaway slave." The love of liberty is universal. We honor the individual who gives high evidence of his attachment to this fundamental right, with which God has endowed all men, and we applaud him who manfully defends his liberty, whether it be a Washington with honors clustering upon his brow, or the more humble individual who defends his liberty in Florida, by slaying the man who attempts to deprive him of it. But these views were not recognized by the agents of our Government. While the Department at Washington supposed the Agent to have neglected his duty, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the territory supposed the Agent had been quite too faithful to the slaveholders. On the twentieth of March he wrote Colonel Humphreys, saying, " Many slaves belonging to "the IntdianS ARE NoW IN POSSESSION OF THE WHITE PEOPLE. " These slaves cannot be obtained for their Indian owners without " a lawsuit ;" and he then directed the Agent to submit the claim, in all cases where there was an Indian claimant, to the chiefs for decision. In these contests between barbarians and savages, concerning the rights which they claimed to the bodies of their fellow men, the Exiles bad no voice. They well understood that the rapacity of the slave claimants was unbounded and inexorable; they therefore endeavored to avoid all contact with the whites, and to preserve their freedom by affording the piratical slave-catchers no oppor- tunity to lay hands on them. These demands for negroes alleged to be among the Indians, continued to excite the people of Florida and to perplex the officers (1) vide Exeuinve Documents, Nu. 271, 2d session XXvth congress. 78 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. by the Indians, and given up, he says : "but they will not, I ap- " prebend, consent further to risk their lives in a service which'has " always been a thankless one, and has recently proved so to one " of their most respected chiefs, who was killed in an attempt to "arrest a runaway slave." The love of liberty is universal. We honor the individual who gives high evidence of his attachment to this fundamental right, with which God has endowed all men, and we applaud him who manfully defends his liberty, whether it be a Washington with honors clustering upon his brow, or the more humble individual who defends his liberty in Florida, by slaying the man who attempts to deprive him of it. But these views were not recognized by the agents of our Government. While the Department at Washington supposed the Agent to have neglected his duty, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the territory supposed the Agent had been quite too faithful to the slaveholders. On the twentieth of March he wrote Colonel Humphreys, saying, " Many slaves belonging to "sthe Tdians ARE NoW IN POSSESStON OF THE WHITE PEOPLE. " These slaves cannot be obtained for their Indian owners without "a lawsuit ;" and he then directed the Agent to submit the claim, in all cases where there was an Indian claimant, to the chiefs for decision. In these contests between barbarians and savages, concerning the rights which they claimed to the bodies of their fellow men, the Exiles bad no voice. They well understood that the rapacity of the slave claimants was unbounded and inexorable; they therefore endeavored to avoid all contact with the whites, and to preserve their freedom by affording the piratical slave-catchers no oppor- tunity to lay hands on them. These demands for negroes alleged to be among the Indians, continued to excite the people of Florida and to perplex the officers (1) vide Executive Doenments, Na. 27 2,2d sessin XXvth Congress. 78 THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. by the Indians, and given up, he says : "but they will not, I ap- " prebend, consent further to risk their lives in a service which bas " always been a thankless one, and has recently proved so to one " of their most respected chiefs, who was killed in an attempt to " arrest a runaway slave."I The love of liberty is universal. We honor the individual who gives high evidence of his attachment to this fundamental right, with which God has endowed all men, and we applaud him who manfully defends his liberty, whether it be a Washington with honors clustering upon his brow, or the more humble individual who defends his liberty in Florida, by slaying the man who attempts to deprive him of it. But these views were not recognized by the agents of our Government. While the Department at Washington supposed the Agent to have neglected his duty, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the territory supposed the Agent had been quite too faithful to the slaveholders. On the twentieth of March he wrote Colonel Humphreys, saying, " Many slaves belonging to "the ndians ARE Now IN PossossIoN OF THE WHITE PEoPLE. " These slaves cannot be obtained for their Indian owners without " a lawsuit ;" and Ie then directed the Agent to submit the claim, in all cases where there was an Indian claimant, to the chiefs for decision. In these contests between barbarians and savages, concerning the rights which they claimed to the bodies of their fellow men, the Exiles had no voice. They well understood that the rapacity of the slave claimants was unbounded and inexorable; they therefore endeavored to avoid all contact with the whites, and to preserve their freedom by affording the piratical slave-catchers no oppor- tunity to lay hands on them. These demands for negroes alleged to be among the Indians, continued to excite the people of Florida and to perplex the officers (1) vide Exective Documents, No. 271, 2d tseIon XXVth cunss.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 79 of Government, threatening the most serious results,I Rod ?ontinl- Dolly enhancing the dangers of the Exiles. Thse troops at Fort King nere called on to old in the arrest of fugite- slaves, .bi m~altere y excited the £IdmTelnTd contempt of bosh Indians nr,, nenr oes. These eirenmstaners be- coming known so thse slaves of Fl orida, natuanlly excited them to discontent;t andi while their mlasters were enaged in efforts to orrest negroes to wohom they had no claim, their owen servants io whom they had reposed every confidence, suddensly disappeared and became lost aomong the Exiles of tihe interior. The white pseo- plo becamse irritated under these vexations. Their isndignation aganst the Indians was unbhoutnded. The Agent, Colonsel Hum- pheeya?, gave a vivd description of their bsertly i .-Jotter to Ste Conissionee of Indian__Afdiains,& .sa.omntoowith the Indian Department atspcaeed to have no effiet. Peeigort' ordees "feY the arrest ants,I ry.fstv~sndoo eooo-h Agent. These orders he could not carrys inoa acirt, an hr could 182 a omnod o fare,~ doleate to the sliet of the fnd ee- Governor Duval bcgan to regard the Agent s remoiss in his efforts, and so reported hnisi to thse War Department. &Saa..af. the most wsealthsy Seminoles hdpsba inrofth whe peoplie, and for manny ycars, nerhraps we moo say for generations, had horn slaveholders. They hlvd their l wes in astate between. that oservitude amd freeiom the sia re ulu]]y liring with Its own famiily and occupying his time as lie pleased, plying his master arm -ity a smal stipend in corn and other vegetahtes. of slaves regarded servitude amnong he whies with the greateot d gree o orror. The owners of fugitive slavcs, oe men who pretended to hove lost s ayes, when ahle, wouldseoize and holid thowe helonging to the Indians. The Indians heing ignorant of legal proceedingo, were unahle tao thairoompensationi from those who thut robbed them !t) Captmain Sprmgs, of thg tUniteO ateg AOmi, 50 etn, to his itias sf the War. (2) Vtae Letter of the Agent. dot0001 aito Jaanh, to2s. TItE EXILESs OF FLORtDA. 79 of Government, threatening the moot serious results,t and contin- ually enhancing the dangcrs of the Exiles. The troops at Fort King were called on to aid in the arrest of fugitve slaves I , sreei . mereiy excited the ndieihfiad3 conitempt of bota tadians and negroes. _These circumostanes he- collillg kown so tile slaves of Floelida, naturally excited them to discontent; and while their niasters were engaged in efforts to arrest negrocs to wihom they haod no chains, their own servanits in whomo they hlad reposed every confidienice, sudidenily disappeared ond became lost amon~g the Exiles of the interior. The white pro- pile becamle irritated under thlese vexations. Their iindigination against the Indiains was unibounided. The Agent, Colonel Hum- phreys, give a viveid descritition of their hamrbont 'Ic .Aa-loter to the Cololoivoloner of lIndian jflsI .2nLRomooton .with the Iiidian Departmecnt appeared to have no effect. Prem torj' ordersfor the aeilst, lglr favenjaaod 1 -oh-he Agent. Thieve orders he coild not curry into effect, us he rould c~~iR~~llansI~ er fre deattohiarest csLtht..fo ikives- 1828.]-e"nn - Llte- Governor Dua~l blegans to regard the Agent s remiss in his efforts, and so reported hill so the Woe Departnen--8Q f. the most wselthy Seminoles had pnrllA st.,s es of thewst pteople, and for man~y yeas Pehaps we mayO say for generatioso had heen slaveholdlees. Tilcy Ileld their sl yari state between_ that if servitude and freelool the slatve Wiolly liring with biSa. own famcily and occupying his time as he pleasedl, piaying his master onusiy a smal stliend 1n corn an od nter vegetatoes. Tl _~ of olaves regar ded sevitude among the whites with the greatest d gee of horror. The owners of fugitive sloven, or men who pretendeld to hove lost slaves, wiles oble, woulilsoize and bolt those belonging to the Itadians. The Indians heimg ignorant of legal proceedings, were unable to ohtain com~pensation fiom those who thus robbed them (I) Caplain Spot,,,, o ithe5 Utiurs Stnli! in,,, roease, in hie Hisor otf t Ws. (2)t Vii ettr Oritne Ageni, dated slain at again, 1ons. TEt EXILES OF FILORIDA. 79 of Government, threatening tile most serious results,t and contin- ually eshancing the dangers of the Exiles. The troops us Fort King were called on to aid in the arrest of fugitie silsves, L, hi alsmereiy excited theidseu e anid roliteilps of bothI =dimls and1 negroes. These cirulnotaisces ho- coiilg knowvn so tile slaves of Florida, naturally ected them to discontent; andi wile their wasters were engaged in efforts to arrest negroes to whom thley had no claimt, their own servants in whom they had repsed every confidenice, suddenly disappeared and became lass amlong tile Exiles of tile interior. The white peo- ple hevnle irritaited uniter these vexations. Thleir inidignation against the Indians toss unb~ounded. The Agent, Colollel Hum- pheys, gave a vivid descrliption of their b ra6a 'rd- t^.-lottoe to thle Comluissioner of Indsia Affi_?_i 7; t~aanotooo with the Inldian Department appeared so havr no effect. Perrnptor orders For the arrest sps1, dadoxay_L 1Aygr~as oasaisd~l-aehfhe Agent. Thlese orders hr cold not crrey inoa efret as lie could 12j-colniiand 1 facer sdo auae to ohe mirost of the f alivc,.-,. Governor hDuval begais to regard the Agent s remiss in his efforta, and so reported ims to the WXar Departmlent., 8^ fa the must wneaithy Seminoles bipirhsdoesofthe ii peope, nn for many years. perhaps we mayl say foe generatioos, had been slaveholders. Thley held their savwes in a state betwetn _ that of servitudes e and frees-,~l the slave iis raliy hovin wth 1'a own fatiily andt occupying is time as he pleased, paying his waiter annstlv a omai stend incorn and other vegetattes. Ti> ls of shaves regarded sersitudo aloong the whites with the greatest d gree of horror. he owners of fucgitive stoves, or men whs pretendesd to have lost s ayes, when able, woulse oize and hold those helonging to the Indians. The Indians hemsg ignorant of legal procerdings, were unahle to obtain comlpesuatioin from those whoa thus robbed the (tt Cgnigin Spene or the Uini sin Sine, ri guat, tn hie hnery afth !War. (2)t vid, Lniign sftngAgnt, dgotOd BirthitfHieS, 1827.  80 80 ~~TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA.80IL XLS FFOID.8TIE XLE OR LEL. 80 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 80 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. of what 11h0 slaveholders term~ed poropercty. This prlloticor bec~ s commEon th1a1, Onl the0 sFvCeni'iII of Apr Elnl1 o~f th, chiefs aod'wlarriorsassembflehd a1 rhe Agency, sand 111101 lhocrau. An the Ag eat. dllalhrinF th .cr,.o cC1lir ncgyrho0e.1 r c~{ tF, u0010..-eei.t~_wd l i te 0 10, f/cr w11(0h th- We 0- Insi b]-LQ- FLj4fatI.Il~. c/Illy t1' 10 e treat0~y of Camlp 1oulthle, whlite 11ocR were aIt that1 tine inl tile lIliIll cIonty searching1 for slactesc, ad i rll.olc chi 11101111 of tihe Agn lt'lc easOfl why1 lihe whlite 11011111 thel iolae ta1101t1eaty t111 rob he1 In~diansl P The1 Agn cou11 on11 Orep1011, that1 111e wh111 m101 werFe tico Iby permllission giveE thmc Iby tho .Secretary of' 1110.1 So flalgrant 1w0r0 these0 Outrages1 npcon tihe Ildiansl and( negoes, thtIIColon0e10 BilOOhe, of thC e 11 1nte States A0re)y, at1 thatr tim11 c0m- mandinglE in FlcoriclI, toock upon U iulc f [I e n1 ponscciI iht3 ,f addlcress- 1ing 1h0 Ag (nt, advisin ili not 1 o I II110iccr meant0 'to lce whiite The DItrict Judg Iof te Unlited Slat, h fic e 1110 '100c/cy, also 110010 Colcoel IlUmpilcoys, giving hisCc/-1( 1( c cl[rcto ofire Fules adop1ted Icy 11he In~dian Bureacu. IthoightL, 10 lno cacm, shcoulda negro he cdelivored up, whore lice Irnlians claimed0 11i11 u1ntil proofs had been1 made snd title establishced beore jucial aalhi0').3 No law was looked t0 as tile rule by wicicU ficer o100f G00000- ment0 1w000 10 be eor ledcc in1 1t1ei0 hoici duties. Thecop01:- I, t110 judgmelntl, of 1110 indiidual, onst~ilttd 1his 01111 of action. Daring 11h0 nlineteth~ll centuryO, p~lilaps Eo desotoism~ 110s existed amongfl cililizecI Eations5 more0 unliilted~ oF more unsOllIcrup lo, th1a0 that exercised in F~loridac, froma 1823 to 1843. 'This s/ate of lifriro cioelinecc/l th Exile Triot10 to to arreted by white1 nien1. 'Ihus, whe1n( G1oernor Dusal ordered a compr~ensaionL for a 11,av0 clairmrd by) 111r. Coo01, to he retaitned f0001 t1h0ir 01110- (1) Vi/, )/cut', IT'clk heldn / mcoirl er agec,llct Traekn, 1c/.1t, anotheL, Clciefs , IsD,. 271, 1,t Se,1 XXI11 Ccns,. (2),tid1 l. -,t of -a mak, K,10ClI tlvlcy, 6 e,01129,ot5'rained iellauc, i3) Vida L,'//c, of JudgE Sm11(h, Ray 10, 1828, conaincd in came Docvmevu. of w1ha1 the slavehalcders termed proprty. Tis0 rct bee Se o 1cmmonO that, oR lire seventeent/h of Aprofi 511511o ftile chiefs Ed~l warFior s asembrled at tihe Ageacy, anrd Imade tireir to~e 11 the k cent deelarirg ti/ct '' : ,' ~e rh ir re20 o ps, h cro ctattle, r' o, .-weazm . Itlyted o tI~ 0 ite .0A,, for rril _ci th0 0er0. "/AlA _r - ' fo " /010 10 ti h reat1y of Camp 'Mourltrie, wite men1 we/0 cat tha1 time1 iI lice 11di 0oun/ry sercid fur sla1es, arrr tire ciefs dkrmrardcd of fi1e 'Ag/It th~e coQ waryIl) tire 11h111 peopile 11111 vicolated tire treat to5 c roh the Indiansl Ti0he 00en1 coald1 only) 1iply, that1 lice wit/e menrere0 1110/0 ily pec riss0o given /1hem1 bcy he0 Secrrtoey of M llI Soc flargrant store tieeorage1s ulcoa lice lrcdiacns c/tnl ncgroes, 111a/ Colonel Brcoo, of itre United S/tates Arm(y), at thait tic/e comn- mlcndcinlg ill Floidcr, fee lcd/ Ip hilf the r/1c ~I, cit co f add boss- ill' tic h Agen, advisil''11/I him cit /0 di~ el co , o thlie sdhite ne. de thir "tr cr 11II( o." ,' al hor 1/c/I 0(/1 (frcoey. " The ist-in/c , Judg ofi te I Ild Socc,, fore Te o rri/cory, also wrate Coloel lIac jhee)'- giving0 his o,O'/Oloorrrf Lice rules adoprted icy tire Inan Bu/ecau. Ile thougih, ir ro 01100, shcoald a negro he derlivred up, whre tile Illan la lirrer imr, until proafa hrad heetn madr and title establisheod befoce judlicial aticority. No law was lloed to as thre 01110 Icy 1wh11c1 officers of Governr- 1me0t w000 to ice contrllecd in threir officia i uries1/0. The 1/pill.rr, Lice judcgment, o/f thce irrdisvidualr rcnstitautcd his rotc of alcion. Daring tire nrinetoerrth cenltury), 110rhlps 110 despotism ha iexiste1d amlonrg civilizedi natiocns mre~ unlimited,- oF Lmore unscrurpulous, than 11101 exerein 10ltorida, fsrrr 1823 to 1843. Tis stale of affar 1.0, colrcrcod tire Elelot 11 to b arrested by whrile Ill/c. Thas, whocec Gccveeor Duval ordered aom~penrsation for a slave claimerd by 'all,. Cocci, to he retained fro00 threr annui- r1)tcd rcai N~ofe 11l h111d at, 1/0rccclr agecac,0 l Trl,I Nttactl,, ,,rd 010,, Ch11,, 51, Ru,. 271, rt 5111. XXllthlcr,. (3 tide Letter of Juage Sails, Near L0, 1828, contained iv ,,am Dorus,,,t. of whcat the slaveholders termed proertly. Tis0 pracetiee hoe e c'l1romms that, coIL the sevenrteonth of Apc , a anyT-of tie liefs idY waFrles assemled at tire Aecy. acnd macrle thi/r J7rOnt to the Aenrt. doelariace thr ^-nc) .C,f fl033g3 h, 100 oatie, Mulrie', whiite m11n wetole at that1 time icr tic' Indcianc oucntry soaciirg for slaves, sall tiechobref. ,cc Iane cf t11e Agenct trc reasonc shtir) / wh Oite pepl thu11 1 V11 iolated the0 t ('t/ tor roh the Irndiancs'? The cAgrrt ourldonly 1' ply, that tire wir o mien we0/ re01 theore by pemision given nrccl Iby theo Serery of lIf' So lagrant were 1t1ese 0010110s upon tire tIcianrs rand negroes, that1 (Colocel Baooke, of tice Unrtdl State Ary cl tihat ti/00 com1- mninrg inr lidia, /0o 1upo1 hul rrrc i thi-p-110iiils If addrecss- inrg tire .Agc-lrt, ai lin ii rcot to i, l l cc fe to(11 tie witr rn, ucccios tiheir -clci/,.c ('1,0. 11(1 I' cc d -/1 1i//fccry." The Dietrict tuac o' f th . ltc tirs, fo' rice '1 rce5y aico. wrote0(' Coel 1Ic lhrbya, gicclin is coatrnlltdl (If nhe rales adopcted b/y tire Indian Butccrorr III thcc t in Ill I/O00e, shrould a negro he dleliered up, whcere lice Inians olaccce Ilira. until proofs had Leonl made and title establhe'cd hefcre joudcl autlrcmity.3 Na law wars loohecd to as tice rrle hy triiohrccflicoe of Cover n- m~ent wore to ice contecolled in thceir oft iil diesio. The 011111 at, tire jcudgm/nt, of lice indivi1dual costitutedc Iris ruIc' crf g0/i/Il. Durinrg tire ninretecnthr cntury, perhrips 110 dlesoptismr hras exsterd amonrg ciri'ioed naions mrrcre aunlimlitedI. or more unserurpulous, tharn thrat ercisled in Florirda, fomc 1833 to 1843. Tis-stt of airrr 11000/crmined the Eileo to bae arrested by nwhir/e menc. Thoo. whhcn Grcoeror Duval ordered a compens00ation far a slarr o laimerd by M-ro Cook, to bce retarined from thr 0annul- Chi,. Lu. Dur, 2it 1,, Otcs. XXIO llc-or,, (2i&l Icrs ,-cr of1 sal tO-e t0, sera Itumll/c, 60. 1929, ic/S mne r// iv th0 /1 bovu (3 id I u/cer of Jadgur roltS, LL'r 10, 1828, runacont i a, aocarmeat.  THLE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 81 ties, the chiefs hold a talk with the Agent, and assured him that the m" maoa born among the Sem inoes, and hadt never been out of the nation." I These demtands foe negroes inceased in nunmber; and the whites became more and more rapacious, and the Indians mtore and mo000 indignant, until Ihottilities appeared inev itatble. Th Aet, f-nm long associatinn witth tihe Indlians and his knowledtge nf facts, nat- neatly sympatitised nwith themt. le assemnbled a nuntber of the chiefs at the Agency, anti stuggestedt to thea the aibsotute necessity of suhbnitting to Ike uwkite people; andt foe the potrpose of asoiding further ditficulties, advs ed then to emtigrate west o~f tite Mississippi, or, rather, to send a tdelegatinn ttt exnate tite country; and, as n inducement, offeedt to accomattny thteir chiefs andt warriors on sncb a tour. To thtis proposition a few of thern consented, and the Agent notified the Department of the fa0t2a It was esy to see that, rnto the exsting state Ofnff'tirs, hnstil- ities could not lontg he as c-7Upt to tht period if witich we nre speaking, the netinn of nur tFverntent had keen dictated by thosa who sought to uphold and encourage Slavery; nor cosld it be ex- ported that this long-established policy would he suddenly changed, unless ssch chtange were peremrptorily dentanded bsy the peoptle. There was spltntly hot one course to be pursued undr tii policy -thtat was tic remtov at of tite Indians fromtt Floridpln adbercom d a Jks t ya.s Tlevi ously, and ho now hciag Presitdent, ttad an nppnetuttity nf carrying on hspooeooiy.T ftti uroe twudb nees- sary tn negottate a treaty by whicht the Indians soold conssetnt to a un o a n re yrwest of tho Mississippi. It had long been the policy nf thoseo who admtittistered theo Gov- rnment, to select Soutitern nten to act in ail ofices int which tite institution of slavery n-as likely to be called in question. Fronm thte It) Vide Stutottunt ot Jto irk,, 15 Augut, 1828. Ex. D00. 271, btmar quted. t21 Vta Lette-r or a Rt,,,,OIoy, Oet. 20, 1828. It pet5btbty not thr nleeo tine the prooetot,- wee eobutot to the &-nittoto 6 THtE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 81 ties, the chiefs held a talk with the Agent, and assured bite that the "man seas bont amtsng the Semnoles, antd had tneter beent out of the notion." These demnds for negroes increased in number; and the whtites ,became more and tmore rapacious, ttnd thte Indians mtore nd mtore ittdignatnt, until ihostilities appeared inevitable. Thet Agent, ftntt long association with thte TIndians and tin knossledge of facto, nat- urally symipathtised stitht theti. lie assembiled a umbter nf Ithe chiefs at theo Ageucy, and suggestedl tos theti thie ahtselt necessity of snbmnitting Is the wthite people; attt fore the purpose of avoiding further difliculties, ndised thtet to cttigrate n-cst of thte itlississippi, or, rather, to tend a tdelegation to exattitte the coustry; and, as an inducement, otfferedl to accottpatny theite echiefs attd warriors on sucht a tour. To titis proposition it fesw of thent conoettted, and the Agent notified the Departntent of the fstct.u It was easy to see thtat, nder the exsting state of affairs, hostil- ities could not long ibe avai T(( Up to tite period if wltich we are speatking, the action of sour ovrnment htad been dictated by those who soutght to uphold attd eneourage Slavery; nttr cottld it be ox- pected that this long-established policy weould be suddettly ethanged, unless such chtange scere peremtptorily demantded by tte people. There wan ac areoftly hut one coerce to be-pursued uder-lik. policy -thtat wsst thte etttval of the Itttians fomt Florida. Tbit. plan had been reomnmendett ty enral Jackson ten years previ- ous y, and Ite now beittg Presitdent, had an oppttrtuntity of carrying nut nt prottosed stiliey. To offact this peurpose, it wounld he neces- sary to negotiate a teaty by which the Itndians should contsent tn It had long been the policy of thtoso who aditistered the Gov- erment, to seleet Southtetn nten to act in all offices in whlich the instituion of slatvery was likely to be called in question. Ftotm the (1)Vt Statateet of Jost]c, t15 taaugou, 1828. E. nor. 271, bOrr qttoted. (2t Vide Letter tt ad a aprttrt, Oct. 20, 1828. It pFttste eas to fitt ttme Ihn pronmstttn wee submtttd to tht snuinaote. 6 TILE EXILES OF FLORIIDA. 81 ties, the chiefs heltd a talk with the Agent, and assured him that the ", man was0 bott amtong the Semitoles, antd bad ttetec beetn out of the notiont." I These demands for rtegrets increased in nuuther; and tite u-bites ,became more anti ore rapacious, and thte Ittdin otlre and ntore ittdignunt, util htostilities appeaortd inevitable. Thte Agent, fomtt lOng nssociation woith tte Tttdians antd htis knowsledgo of facts, ttat- urnlly symtpathtised with thett. He assemttbled a nutnbtr of the ehiefs nt the Agency, anti sttggested to titem thte alesolute necessity of submitting to the whte peoptle ; attd for Ite purp tose of avaiding further difficulties, adtisetd themn to ettigrate west of tite Misissippi, nr, rather, to oend a delegatiott to exattine the country ; and, as an inducement, offeedt to accompany thteir chtiefs attt warriors en such a tour. To thtis proposition a few of thtem consentrd, and the Agent notified Ithe Departetnt of the fact.2 It was easy ttt see titat, nder the exivting state of affairs, hostil- ities coulI nttt lottg lee aveoT77. Up to tite period if whtich we are speaking, the action of one G~cernmett htad been dictated by those who soutght in uphold and encouratge Slavery; ttor could it ho en- peeled that this long-estabelished policy would be sutddenly changed, unless ouch change score peremptorily tdettattded by Itte people. There wtts apliareutly httt otte coure to be pursacd uttder this_ policy - thtt wcas thte remosvat of thte Itdians frott Florida ha plan bad been recommetnttd ot Gnral Jackson tett years pt-evi- ous y, and he now beittg Pesistent, hail an opportutnity of earrying out tis proposed policy To effect this purpose, it wutld be neces- sary to negotiate a teaty by whlich the Indians sitould cotnsent to tuaban Ptttria an rc nvWi-gjioat fthe 'Mg~)ississippti. It had long been the policy of thoe who adtnitered the Gov- ernment, to select Souttern nten to act in nll offices in whiich the institution of stanvcoy wets likely to be called itt question. Front the It) Vttde Statnmnt o1 J050 tit, t5 .Aolust, 1828. Ex. ot 271, beore uoted. (2t Vtdr Lter of tinS Ilomphrrtl, sOt. 20, ton. It probably was the t,,st tins the pmopoalttonmswtsto to the Seolestt.  82 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. time General Washington sent Colonel Willett to ascertain facts in regard to the controversy between the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians, in 1789, to the period of which we are now speak- ing, no Northern man was appointed to any office which required his personal attention to the situation of the Exiles.' 1882.] In accordance with this practice, General Cass, acting as Secretary of War, appointed Colonel James Gadsden, of South Carolina, to negotiate the treaty of Payne's Landing. By the preamble of this treaty, the Seminoles stipulated that eight of their principal chiefs should visit the Western country, " accompa- nied by their faithful interpreter, Abraham," (an Exile, and a man of great repute among both Exiles and Indians,) and should they be satisfied with the character of the country, and of the favorable disposition of the Creeks to reunite with the Seminoles as one peo- ple, they would, in such case, agree to the stipulations subsequently contained in said treaty. The first article merely makes an exchange, by the Seminoles, of lands in Florida for an equal extent of territory, west of the Mis- sissippi, adjoining the Creek Nation. The second article provides compensation for the improvements, and specifically stipulates, that Abraham and Cudjoe (two Exiles who acted as interpreters) should receive, each, two hundred dollars. The third provides for the distribution of blankets and frocks among them. The fourth article provides for certain annuities, etc. The fifth merely stipulates the manner in which the personal property of the Seminoles shall be disposed of in Florida, and the same articles supplied them in their new homes at the West. The sixth is in the following language: " The Seminoles, being " anxious to be relieved from the repeated vexatious demands for " slaves and other property, alleged to have been stolen and de- (1) Even Mr. Adams, when President, sentnned in ote those men who had been placed there by his prodeessetre. 82 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. time General Washington sent Colonel Willett to ascertain facts in regard to the controversy between the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians, in 1789, to the period of which we are now speak- ing, no Northern man was appointed to any office which required his personal attention to the situation of the Exiles.t 2.] In accordance with this practice, General Cass, acting as Secretary of War, appointed Colonel 'James Gadsden, of South Carolina, to negotiate the treaty of Payne's Landing. By the preamble of this treaty, the Seminoles stipulated that eight of their principal chiefs should visit the Western country, " accompa- nied by their faithful interpreter, Abraham," (an Exile, and a man of great repute among both Exiles and Indians,) and should they be satisfied with the character of the country, and of the favorable disposition of the Creeks to reunite with the Seminoles as one peo- ple, they would, in such case, agree to the stipulations subsequently contained in said treaty. The first article merely makes an exchange, by the Seminoles, of lands in Florida for an equal extent of territory, west of the Mis. sissippi, adjoining the Creek Nation. The second article provides compensation for the improvements, and specifically stipulates, that Abraham and Cudjoe (two Exiles who acted as interpreters) should receive, each, two hundred dollars. The third provides for the distribution of blankets and frocks among them. The fourth article provides for certain annuities, etc. The fifth merely stipulates the manner in which the personal property of the Seminoles shall be disposed of in Florida, and the same articles supplied them in their new homes at the West. The sixth is in the following language: "The Seminoles, being "anxious to be relieved from the repeated vexatious demands for " slaves and other property, alleged to have been stolen and de- (1) Even Mr. Adms, when President, conttnaud in ofe those men who had ben placed there by his predeceorae. 82 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. time General Washington sent Colonel Willett to ascertain facts in regard to the controversy between the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians, in 1789, to the period of which we are now speak- ing, no Northern man was appointed to any office which required his personal attention to the situation of the Exiles.t 182.] In accordance with this practice, General Coos, acting as Secretary of War, appointed Colonel James Gadsden, sf South Carolina, to negotiate the treaty of Payne's Landing. By the preamble of this treaty, the Seminoles stipulated that eight of their principal chiefs should visit the Western country, " accompa- nied by their faithful interpreter, Abraham," (an Exile, and a man of great repute among both Exiles and Indians,) and should they be satisfied with the character of the country, and of the favorable disposition of the Creeks to reunite with the Seminoles as one peo- ple, they would, in such case, agree to the stipulations subsequently contained in said treaty. The first article merely makes an exchange, by the Seminoles, of lands in Florida for an equal extent of territory, west of the Mis- sissippi, adjoining the Creek Nation. The second article provides compensation for the improvements, and specifically stipulates, that Abraham and Cudjoe (two Exiles who acted as interpreters) should receive, each, two hundred dollars. The third provides for the distribution of blankets and frocks among them. The fourth article provides for certain annuities, etc. The fifth merely stipulates the manner in which the personal property of the Seminoles shall be disposed of in Florida, and the same articles supplied them in their new homes at the West. The sixth is in the following language: "The Seminoles, being " anxious to be relieved from the repeated vexatious demands for " slaves and other property, alleged to have been stolen and de- (1) Even Mr. Adams, when President, ontined Ia osie those men who had been placed there by his proteseess.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 88 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 88 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 88 " stroyed by them, so that they may remove to their new homes "unembarrassed, the United States stipulate to have the same " properly investigated, and to liquidate such as may be satisfao- " torily established, provided the amount does not exceed fourteen " thousand dollars." The seventh article stipulates that a portion of the Indians should remove in 1833, and the remainder in 1834. Two leading features of this treaty attract the attention of the reader. The first is the removal of the Seminoles; second, their reunion with the Creeks. The Creeks, having paid the slavehold- ers of Georgia for their loss of Exiles, had permitted the subject to rest in silence, and, so far as we are informed, no formal claim had yet been asserted by the Creeks to seize and hold the Exiles as slaves ; but it is evident that the negotiators of this treaty intended, to place the Seminoles, when settled in their western homes, within the power, and under the jurisdiction, of the Creeks. Yet it was well known that, from the time of their separation, iin750. up to the signing of tis treaty, they had disagreed and, at times, had been m open war with each other. General Cass, the Secretary of ar, as welt as the President, must have known that Alcintosh, the prncipal chief of the Creeks had accomnanied Colonel Clink. with five hundred warriors, when he invaded Florida for the pur- poe oeoassacreing the Exiles at " Blount's Fort," in 1816 ; that the Creeks shared in that massacre, and had publicly tortured and murdered one Indian and one nem whom thev styled chiefs. It is d cu t to believe that masy nennat d expet, them tn tin t grt- er in peace, with the recollection of those scenes resting on the mind; nor has any explanation yet been given, nor reason assigned, for rrnuX,,tyof'e oteere to plae the Seminoles within the power of the Creeks, except a desire to enslave the Exiles. Abraham, who acted as interpreter, had seenbon among the Seminoles. His parents had fled from Georgia, and died in their forest-home. He appears to have been a man of unusual influence with his more savage friends; and although he insisted on emigra- " stroyed by them, so that they may remove to their new homes " unembarrassed, the United States stipulate to have the same " properly investigated, and to liquidate such as may be satisfac- " torily established, provided the amount does not exceed fourteen " thousand dollars." The seventh article stipulates that a portion of the Indians should remove in 1833, and the remainder in 1834. Two leading features of this treaty attract the attention of the reader. The first is the removal of the Seminoles; second, their reunion with the Creeks. The Creeks, having paid the slavehod- ers of Georgia for their loss of Exiles, had permitted the subject to rest in silence, and, so far as we are informed, no formal claim had yet been asserted by the Creeks to seize and hold the Exiles as\ slaves; but it is evident that the negotiators of this treaty intended to place the Seminoles, when settled in their western homes, within the power, and under the jurisdiction, of the Creeks. Yet it was well known that, from the time of their separation, in 1750. no to the signing ot to treaty, they had disagreed and, at times, had been in open war with each other. General Cass, the Secretary of ar, as welt as the President, must have known that McIntosh, the prncipal chief of the Creeks had scomeanied Colonel Clinch with five hundred warriors, when he invaded Florida for the pur- pose o rtsacreing the Exiles at " Blount's Fort," in 1816; that the Creeks shared in that massacre, and had publicly tortured and murdered oe Indian and one neem whom they styled chiefs. It is i cu t to believe that mny man cold expetn them to line lb or in peace, with the recollection of those scenes resting on the mind; nor has any explanation yet been given, nor reason assigned, forutm r ur othcore to pace the Seminoles within the power of the Creeks, except a desire to enslave the Exiles. Abraham, who acted as interpreter, had bern among the Seminoles. His parents had fled from Georgia, and died in their forest-home. He appears to have been a man of unusual influence with his more savage friends; and although he insisted on emigra- " strayed by them, so that they may remove to their new homes " unembarrassed, the United States stipulate to have the same " properly investigated, and to liquidate such as may be satisfac- " torily established, provided the amount does not exceed fourteen " thousand dollars." The seventh article stipulates that a portion of the Indians should remove in 1833, and the remainder in 1834. Two leading features of this treaty attract the attention of the reader. The first is the removal of the Seminoles; second, their reunion with the Creeks. The Creeks, having paid the slavehold- ers of Georgia for their loss of Exiles, had permitted the subject to rest in silence, and, so far as we are informed, no formal claim had yet been asserted by the Creeks to seize and hold the Exiles as slaves ; but it is evident that the negotiators of this treaty intended , to place the Seminoles, when settled in their western homes, within the power, and under the jurisdiction, of the Creeks. Yet it was well known that, from the time of their separation, in 1750, up to the signing o1 this treaty, they had disagreed and, at times, had seen m open war with each other. General Cass, the Secretary of ar, as well as the President, must have known that Mcntosh, the prncipal chief of the Creeks, had accompanied Colonel Clinch with five hundred warriors, when he invaded Florida for the pur, piseioT massacreing the Exiles at "Blount's Fort," in 1816; that the Creeks shared in that massacre, and bad publicly tortured and murdered one Indian and one negem whom they styled chiefs. It is i cu t to believe that ,nv man enld expet n tt ]i nst- hr in peace, with the recollection of those scenes resting on the mindi nor has any explanation yet been given, nor reason assigned, for l or otheers to place the Seminoles within the power of the Creeks, except a desire to enslave the Exiles. Abraham, who acted as interpreter, ha beon among the Seminoles. His parents had fled from Georgia, and died in their forest-home. He appears to have been a man of unusual influence with his more savage friends; and although he insisted on emigra.  84 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. ting to the West, in opposition to many of his brethren, yet he has to this day maintained a high reputation among his people. Cudjoe was less known, and, subsequently, was less conspicuous than Abraham; indeed, we know but little of him. But the experi- ence of Abraham, nor the learning of Cudjoe, could detect that vague use of language which was subsequently seized upon for justifying the fraud perpetrated under this treaty. In the preamble, it was stipulated that the Seminoles were to send six of their confidential chiefs to view the western country; and if they were satisfied with the country, etc. The Seminoles supposed the pronoun they had relation to the Tribe; while General Jackson construed it to refer to the chiefs sent West. If they were satisfied, he held the Tribe bound to emigrate at all events; and his efforts were, therefore, directed to satisfying the chiefs who went to view the country. But the leading men of the Seminoles became suspicious of the design of the Creeks to enslave the Exiles, before their delegation left Florida, and publicly expressed their suspicion. The President appears to have determined on securing the emigration o the Idmans at all hzards and at any sacrifice For tan- purpose he appointed commissioners r-grw~s~t ai obtain from the Seminole sdelegation, while yet in the western country, and absent from the tribe, an acknowledgment that the country wag suitable for a residence, and that the Creeks were anxious to unite with them as one people. This was to be obtained before the Seminole delegation should return to Florida, or make report to their nation, or give the Tribe an opportunity to judge or act .n the subject. His object was accomplished (March 28). The eommia- sioners obtained an " additional treaty," signed by the Seminole delegation sent West, without any authority from their Na- tion to enter into any stipulation; nor bad the commissioners, on the part of the United States, authority to form any treaty whatever : yet (1) Vida Sprague's Sator of the Florida War. 84THE EXILES OF FLoRIDA. ting to the West, in opposition to many of his brethren, yet he has to this day maintained a high reputation among his people. Cudjoe was less known, and, subsequently, was less conspicuous than Abraham; indeed, we know but little of him. But the experi- ence of Abraham, nor the learning of Cudjoe, could detect that vague use of language which was subsequently seized upon for justifying the fraud perpetrated under this treaty. In the preamble, it was stipulated that the Seminoles were to send six of their confidential chiefs to view the western country; and if they were satisfied with the country, etc. The Seminoles supposed the pronoun they had relation to the Tribe; while General Jackson construed it to refer to the chiefs sent West. If they were satisfied, he held the Tribe bound to emigrate at all events; and his efforts were, therefore, directed to satisfying the chiefs who went to view the country. But the leading men of the Seminoles became suspicious of the design of the Creeks to enslave the Exiles, before their delegation left Florida, and publicly expressed their suspicion.t The President appears to have determined on securing the emigration of tte endtans at all hazards and at any sacrifice. For at purpose he appointed commissionersf westand fatain from the Seminole ,delegation, while yet in the western country, and absent from the tribe, an acknowledgment that the country wag suitable for a residence, and that the Creeks were anxious to unite with them as one people. This was to be obtained before the Seminole delegation should return to Florida, or make report to their nation, or give the Tribe an opportunity to judge or act n the subject. His object was accomplished (March 28). The commis- sioners obtained an "additional treaty," signed by the Seminole delegation sent West, without any authority from their Na- tion to enter into any stipulation; nor had the commissioners, on the part of the United States, authority to form any treaty whatever: yet (1) Vide Sprague's History of the Flords wa. 84 THE ExILES OF FLORIDA. ting to the West, in opposition to many of his brethren, yet he has to this day maintained a high reputation among his people. Cudjoe was less known, and, subsequently, was less conspicuous than Abraham; indeed, we know but little of him. But the experi- ence of Abraham, nor the learning of Cudjoe, could detect that vague use of language which was subsequently seized upon for justifying the fraud perpetrated under this treaty. In the preamble, it was stipulated that the Seminoles were to send six of their confidential chiefs to view the western country; and if they were satisfied with the country, etc. The Seminoles supposed the pronoun they had relation to the Tribe; while General Jackson construed it to refer to the chiefs sent West. If they were satisfied, he held the Tribe bound to emigrate at all events; and his efforts were, therefore, directed to satisfying the chiefs who went to view the country. But the leading men of the Seminoles became suspicious of the design of the Creeks to enslave the Exiles, before their delegation left Florida, and publicly expressed their suspicion.' The President appears to have determined on securing the emigration o the Indaans at all hazards and at any sacrifice. For t purpose he appointed commissionerstrgsttteWa d oitain from the Seminole delegation, while yet in the western country, and absent from the tribe, an acknowledgment that the country wa suitable for a residence, and that the Creeks were anxious to unite with them as one people. This was to be obtained before the Seminole delegation should return to Florida, or make report to their nation, or give the Tribe an opportunity to judge or act a the subject. His object was accomplished (March 28). The commis- 1883.] sioners obtained an "additional treaty," signed by the Seminole delegation sent West, without any authority from their Na- tion to enter into any stipulation; nor bad the commissioners, on the part of the United States, authority to form any treaty whatever : yet (1) vide spague'se ustory of the Pmrid& War.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 85 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 85 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 85 this additional treaty, as it was called, after reciting some of the stipulations contained in that of Payne's Landing, declares "that " the chiefs sent to examine the country are well satisfied with it;" and then stipulates, " that the Seminole Indians shall emigrate to "it so soon as the United States shall make the necessary prepara- "tions." There was also another provision in this addition treaty of vast importance to the Exiles; it designated and assigned to the Seminoles a certain tract of country, giving its metes and bounds, to the "separate use of the Seminoles forever." Their agent, Major Phagan, appears to have been willing and capable of performing his part in this diplomatic intrigue. We have no knowledge of the means used to obtain this additional treaty, nor the bribery by which it was secured; but it is known that the chiefs, before they went West, expressed their dislike of reuniting with the Creeks; that when they returned, they denied having agreed to settle under Creek jurisdiction; jiselr certain that the additional treaty stipulates that the Seminoles shell have fteiflands se rom the Creeks. When they returned, their agent, Major Phagan, represented them as having stipulated for the positive removal of the Seminoles. The chiefs denied it, and insisted they had understood their author- ity as extending only to an examination of the country, and to report the result to the Nation. They requested that the chiefs, head-men and warriors be assemlled to hear their report, and to express their own determination. But the agent refused to call such council, and assured them that their homes and heritage were already sold, and that nothing now remained for them to do but to prepare for removal. The people of Alachua County, Florida, feeling indignant at the - determination of the Seminoles to remain in that Territory, addressed a protest to the President of the United States, declaring that the Seminoles did not capture and return the fugitive slaves who fled.. to the Indian country, according to their stipulations in the treaty of Camp Moultrie, but rather afforded protection to them. They this additional treaty, as it was called, after reciting some of the stipulations contained in that of Payne's Landing, declares "that "the chiefs sent to examine the country are well satisfied with it;" and then stipulates, " that the Seminole Indians shall emigrate to "it so soon as the United States shall make the necessary prepara- "tions." There was also another provision in this additiona treaty of vast importance to the Exiles ; it designated and assigned to the Seminoles a certain tract of country, giving its metes and bounds, to the "separate use of the Seminoles forever." Their agent, Major Phagan, appears to have been willing and capable of performing his part in this diplomatic intrigue. We have no knowledge of the means used to obtain this additional treaty, nor the bribery by which it was secured; but it is known that the chiefs, before they went West, expressed their dislike of reuniting with the Creeks; that when they returned, they denied having agreed to settle under Creek jurisdiction; t ija-also certain that the additional treaty stipulates that the Seminoles al have the*ilands 'spr re rom the Creeks. When they returned, their agent, Major Phagan, represented them as having stipulated for the positive removal of the Seminoles. The chiefs denied it, and insisted they had understood their author- ity as extending only to an examination of the country, and to report the result to the Nation. They requested that the chiefs, head-men and warriors be assemlled to hear their report, and to express their own determination. But the agent refused to call such council, and assured them that their homes and heritage were already sold, and that nothing now remained for them to do but to prepare for removal. The people of Alachua County, Florida, feeling indignant at the* determination of the Seminoles to remain in that Territory, addressed a protest to the President of the United States, declaring that the Seminoles did not capture and return the fugitive slaves who fdy to the Indian country, according to their stipulations in the treaty of Camp Moultrie, but rather afforded protection to them. They this additional treaty, as it was called, after reciting some of the stipulations contained in that of Payne's Landing, declares "that " the chiefs sent to examine the country are well satisfied with it;" and then stipulates, " that the Seminole Indians shall emigrate to "it so soon as the United States shall make the necessary prepara- "tions." There was also another provision in this addition treaty of vast importance to the Exiles; it designated and assigned to the Seminoles a certain tract of country, giving its metes and bounds, to the "separate use of the Seminoles forever." Their agent, Major Phagan, appears to have been willing and capable of performing his part in this diplomatic intrigue. We have no knowledge of the means used to obtain this additional treaty, nor the bribery by which it was secured; but it is known that the chiefs, before they went West, expressed their dislike of reuniting with the Creeks; that when they returned, they denied having agreed to settle under Creek jurisdiction; jt~oaels6 certain that the additional treaty stipulates that the Seminoles all- have tiriianIi sp rom the Creeks. When they returned, their agent, Major Phagan, represented them as having stipulated for the positive removal of the Seminoles. The chiefs denied it, and insisted they had understood their author- ity as extending only to an examination of the country, and to report the result to the Nation. They requested that the chiefs, head-men and warriors be assembled to hear their report, and to express their own determination. But the agent refused to call such council, and assured them that their homes and heritage were already sold, and that nothing now remained for them to do but to prepare for removal. The people of Alachua County, Florida, feeling indignant at the determination of the Seminoles to remain in that Territory, addressed a protest to the President of the United States, declaring that the Seminoles did not capture and return the fugitive slaves who fled - to the Indian country, according to their stipulations in the treaty of Camp Moultrie, but rather afforded protection to them. They  86 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. further stated that while the Seminoles remained in the country no slaveholder could enjoy his property in peace. This protest was signed by ninety of the principal citizens of said county, and for- warded to the President. This statement aroused the ire of the President, who at once indorsed on the back of the petition an order to the Secretary of War to "inquire into the alleged facts, and if found to be true, to "direct the Seminoles to prepare to remove West and join the "Creeks." The order was characteristic of the author. He waited not for the approval or ratification of any treaty; with him the whole depended upon the alleged fact of the Seminoles failing to ring in fugitive slaves -not upon treaty, nor upon the ratification o treaties.' 184.] The Senate of the United States was subsequently called on by the President to approve the treaty after the lapse of nearly two years from its date. This was done, and the President by his proclamation immediately declared it in force. It was said by public officers, then in Florida, that had the Seminole delegation been permitted to give an unbiased opinion to their people, there would not have been a man in the Nation willing to migrate.2 Ohe whole Nation became indignant at this treatment, and such was the feeling against the agent that he deemed it prudent to retire from the agency. General Wiley Thompson was appointed to succeed him. General Clinch was appointed to the command of the troops, and every preparation was made to insure the speedy reioval of the Indians and Exiles west of the Mississippi. In the meantime, the Creeks learning that a tract of country was, by the additional treaty, agreed to be set off to the separate use of the Seminoles, saw clearly the influence which Abraham had exer- cised in the matter, and, fearing their own designs for obtaining slaves would be defeated through their principal chiefs, addressed a (1) vide D-cumeS ring to the Floid War, 1I sdsio, XXIvth cog.. (2) Vid Spnge's masry of the torids war. 86 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. further stated that while the Seminoles remained in the country no slaveholder could enjoy his property in peace. This protest was signed by ninety of the principal citizens of said county, and for- warded to the President. This statement aroused the ire of the President, who at once indorsed on the back of the petition an order to the Secretary of War to " inquire into the alleged facts, and if found to be true, to "direct the Seminoles to prepare to remove West and join the "Creeks." The order was characteristic of the author. He waited ot for the approval or ratification of any treaty; with him the whole depended upon the alleged fact of the Seminoles failing to ring in fugitive slaves -not upon treaty, nor upon the ratification 5 treaties.' 1834)] The Senate of the United States was subsequently called on by the President to approve the treaty after the lapse of nearly two years from its date. This was done, and the President by his proclamation immediately declared it in force. It was said by public officers, then in Florida, that had the Seminole delegation been permitted to give an unbiased opinion to their people, there would not have been a man in the Nation willing to migrate.2 Ghe whole Nation became indignant at this treatment, and such was the feeling against the agent that he deemed it prudent to retire from the agency. General Wiley Thompson was appointed to succeed him. General Clinch was appointed to the command of the troops, and every preparation was made to insure the speedy re oval of the Indianu and Exiles west of the Mississippi. In the meantime, the Creeks learning that a tract of country was, by the additional treaty, agreed to be set off to the separate use of the Seminoles, saw clearly the influence which Abraham had exer- cised in the matter, and, fearing their own designs for obtaining slaves would be defeated through their principal chiefs, addressed a (1) vI& Douments relutin the Florida war, 1st sesson, XXIvth cogess. (2) vie sprege's History of the Florida war. 86 THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. further stated that while the Seminoles remained in the country no slaveholder could enjoy his property in peace. This protest was signed by ninety of the principal citizens of said county, and for- warded to the President. This statement aroused the ire of the President, who at once indorsed on the back of the petition an order to the Secretary of War to "inquire into the alleged facts, and if found to be true, to "direct the Seminoles to prepare to remove West and join the "Creeks." The order was characteristic of the author. He waited not for the approval or ratification of any treaty; with him the whole depended upon the alleged fact of the Seminoles failing to ring in fugitive slaves -not upon treaty, nor upon the ratification o treaties.' 1814' The Senate of the United States was subsequently called on by the President to approve the treaty after the lapse of nearly two years from its date. This was done, and the President by his proclamation immediately declared it in force. It was said by public officers, then in Florida, that had the Seminole delegation been permitted to give an unbiased opinion to their people, there would not have been a man in the Nation willing to migrate. he whole Nation became indignant at this treatment, and such was the feeling against the agent that he deemed it prudent to retire from the agency. General Wiley Thompson was appointed to succeed him. General Clinch was appointed to the command of the troops, and every preparation was made to insure the speedy re[oval of the Indians and Exiles west of the Mississippi. In the meantime, the Creeks learning that a tract of country was, by the additional treaty, agreed to be set off to the separate use of the Seminoles, saw clearly the influence which Abraham had exer- cised in the matter, and, fearing their own designs for obtaining slaves would be defeated through their principal chiefs, addressed a (1) vide Document. ratig t the Forida W., 1s Sesslon, XXIvth congress. (2) vide Spre.'. I.r of the Fliond war.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 87 protest to the Hon. Lewis Cass, then Secretary of War, remonstra- ting against the policy of giving the Seminoles a separate country. These chiefs were sagacious men, who had attained distinction with the Creeks by their manifestation of superior intelligenee. Two of them, Rolley McIntosh and Chilley McIntosh, sons of a Scotch trader who lived with the Indians, had been educated, and were regarded as among the able politicians of the day. They, together with " Toshatchee Micro " and " Lewis," urged the propriety of uniting the two tribes as one people, without any separate organi- zation. The next day they addressed another letter to Secretary Cass, giving additional reasons and arguments why the Seminoles should not have separate lands.1 The President had already adopted the policy of compelling the Seminoles to unite under one government with the Creeks: and this stipulation for separate lands was introduced into the "ad- " ditional treaty," by commissioners who were not fully informed of the President's views. This compact, entered into at Fort Gib- son, erroneously called an "additional treaty," was known to be void : neither the Seminole chiefs nor the United States commis- sioners had authority to negotiate any treaty whatever; and this stipulation, for holding separate lands by the Seminoles, appears to have been totally disregarded by the Executive, as will more fully appear hereafter. Another circumstance had induced the Creeks to remain silent in regard to the Exiles. By the treaty of Indian Spring, they had placed at the President's disposal $250,000, out of which the slaveholders of Georgia were to be paid for slaves and property lost prior to 1802. The commissioners appointed to make the examination found but $109,000 due the claimants under this stipulation, leaving in the hands of the President $141,000 belong- ing to the Creeks. This, however, was claimed by the slave- holders, in addition to the amount allowed by the treaty. To obtain this money the slaveholders sent their petition to Congress. (1) vTide Ex. Doe. 271, XXtvth Congress, 1st sesston, pages 43 and 44. THE EXILES OF FLOaIDA. 87 protest to the Hon. Lewis Cass, then Secretary of War, remonstra- ting against the policy of giving the Seminoles a separate country. These chiefs were sagacious men, who had attained distinction with the Creeks by their manifestation of superior intelligence. Two of them, Rolley McIntosh and Chilley McIntosh, sons of a Scotch trader who lived with the Indians, had been educated, and were regarded as among the able politicians of the day. They, together with " Toshatchee Micco " and " Lewis," urged the propriety of uniting the two tribes as one people, without any separate organi- zation. The next day they addressed another letter to Secretary Cass, giving additional reasons and arguments why the Seminoles should not have separate lands.t The President had already adopted the policy of compelling the Seminoles to unite under one government with the Creeks: and this stipulation for separate lands was introduced into the "ad- " ditional treaty," by commissioners who were not fully informed of the President's views. This compact, entered into at Fort Gib- son, erroneously called an " additional treaty," was known to be void : neither the Seminole chiefs nor the United States commis- sioners had authority to negotiate any treaty whatever; and this stipulation, for holding separate lands by the Seminoles, appears to have been totally disregarded by the Executive, as will more fully appear hereafter. Another circumstance had induced the Creeks to remain silent in regard to the Exiles. By the treaty of Indian Spring, they had placed at the President's disposal $250,000, out of which the slaveholders of Georgia were to be paid for slaves and property lost prior to 1802. The commissioners appointed to make the examination found but $109,000 due the claimants under this stipulation, leaving in the hands of the President $141,000 belong- ing to the Creeks. This, however, was claimed by the slave- holders, in addition to the amount allowed by the treaty. To obtain this money the slaveholders sent their petition to Congress. (1) vide Ex. Doc. 271, XXIvth congressn,le S.nn, pages 43 and 44. THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 87 protest to the lon. Lewis Cast, then Secretary of War, remonstra- ting against the policy of giving the Seminoles a separate country. These chiefs were sagacious men, who had attained distinction with the Creeks by their manifestation of superior intelligence. Two of them, Rolley McIntosh and Chilley McIntosh, sons of a Scotch trader who lived with the Indians, had been educated, and were regarded as among the able politicians of the day. They, together with "Toshatchee Miecs " and " Lewis," urged the propriety of uniting the two tribes as one people, without any separate organi- zation. The next day they addressed another letter to Secretary Cass, giving additional reasons and arguments why the Seminoles should not have separate lands.t The President had already adopted the policy of compelling the Seminoles to unite under one government with the Creeks: and this stipulation for separate lands was introduced into the "ad- "ditional treaty," by commissioners who were not fully informed of the President's views. This compact, entered into at Fort Gib- son, erroneously called an "additional treaty," was known to be void: neither the Seminole chiefs nor the United States commis- sioners had authority to negotiate any treaty whatever; and this stipulation, for holding separate lands by the Seminoles, appears to have been totally disregarded by the Executive, as will more fully appear hereafter. Another circumstance had induced the Creeks to remain silent in regard to the Exiles. By the treaty of Indian Spring, they bad placed at the President's disposal $250,000, out of which the slaveholders of Georgia were to be paid for slaves and property lost prior to 1802. The commissioners appointed to make the examination found but $109,000 due the claimants under this stipulation, leaving in the hands of the President $141,000 belong- ing to the Creeks. This, however, was claimed by the slave- holders, in addition to the amount allowed by the treaty. To obtain this money the slaveholders sent their petition to Congress. (I) vide Ex. Do. 271, XXIvth Congreas, let Sealto, pages 43 and 44.  88 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. The subject was referred to a committee, of which Mr. Gilmer, of Georgia, was Chairman. The committee made a very elaborate report, setting forth that the claimants bad an equitable right to this money as an indemnity 'for the loss of the offspring which the " Exiles would have borne to their masters had they remained in " bondage," and it is among the inexplicable transactions of that day, that the bill passed, giving the money to those claimants without the uttering of a protest, or the statement of an objection, by any Northern representative or senator. The Creeks now having paid the full amount stipulated in the treaty, and being robbed of the $141,000, to compensate the slave- holders for children who had never been born, were excited to madness. They believed themselves to hold the beneficial interest in the bodies of the Exiles, and determined to obtain possession of them.t They immediately sent a delegation to the Seminoles to demand possession of the Exiles as their slaves. While the Creeks were thus demanding possession of the refu- gees, the Executive of the United States and his officers were endeavoring to compel them to go West, where the Creeks could, without opposition, lay hands upon them and enslave them. The six Seminole chiefs holding reservations upon the Appa- lachicola River owned some slaves, and with those slaves some of the Exiles had intermarried. Each chief, by the terms of the treaty of Camp Moultrie, was permitted to name the men who (1) The Author, whIt. sering in Congre n 147-8 so by the Speaker, placed npon the committee or Indian Affir. while ering on that committee, the Creek Indian applied for the return of thIs money whb bad belonged to them, but had been wrongfully paid ovr by Congross to theslavOhhors of eorgia, tome fourteen ero previously. Tho esa rearredo to the Author, as sub-commitee, who reported that the money, In jusIce, in equity, and In law, belonged to the Indians; that its payment to the saveholder wos njnset and wrong, and that It ought to be pitd to the Indian. The report ws cou- armed, and the money paId to the Indian. The justioe of the cauos was so obtons that it met with no oppoton, anod by the vote of both Hoes it now stands acknowlagd and declared that this sum of $141,000 so taken from the pockets or the labortng men of oe Natlon, and pad to tho otdora r imoginary sa- ciren ho ere o n ee born; nor bave we been nble to learn that an objection was rosed, or protest uttered, by any Northern member f Congress. 88 THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. The subject was referred to a committee, of which Mr. Gilmer, of Georgia, was Chairman. The committee made a very elaborate report, setting forth that the claimants had an equitable right to this money as an indemnity "for the loss of the offspring which the " Exiles would have borne to their masters had they remained in " bondage," and it is among the inexplicable transactions of that day, that the bill passed, giving the money to those claimants without the uttering of a protest, or the statement of an objection, by any Northern representative or senator. The Creeks now having paid the full amount stipulated in the treaty, and being robbed of the $141,000, to compensate the slave- holders for children who had never been born, were excited to madness. They believed themselves to hold the beneficial interest in the bodies of the Exiles, and determined to obtain possession of them.t They immediately sent a delegation to the Seminoles to demand possession of the Exiles as their slaves. While the Creeks were thus demanding possession of the refu- gees, the Executive of the United States and his officers were endeavoring to compel them to go West, where the Creeks could, without opposition, lay hands upon them and enslave them. The six Seminole chiefs holding reservations upon the Appa- lachicola River owned some slaves, and with those slaves some of the Exiles had intermarried. Each chief, by the terms of the treaty of Camp Moultrie, was permitted to name the men who (1) The Author, whil ering to Congress in 1847-8 was. by the Speaker, plood upeon the ommttee of Indian Atair. while ering on that committee, the Creek Iodians applied for the return of this monsy wheh had betonged to them, but had been wrongully paid or by Congress to the leholder of Georgia, ome fourteen yron previously. Tho c wan referred to the Author,as sob-conntote, who reported that the money, t. jstice, to equIty, and i Law, belonged to the odions; that Its paymet to the tlaveholdersa wao uonjt and wrong, and that It onght to be paid to the Indians. The report wasmco- armed, and the money pid to the Indians. The jotie of the canor was so oboons that it met with no oppostIon, and by the rote of both Hones It now stands acknowledged and delared that this sum of t141,teo was taken from the pockets of the laboring men of our Nation, anod patd to those atareholde for imaginary sta ohiten who A, h ere neer torn; nor bae we been eble to learn that an objection was ranted, or protest uttered, by any Northern member of Coogrss. 88 THE ExILEs OF FLoRIDA. The subject was referred to a committee, of which Mr. Gilmer, of Georgia, was Chairman. The committee made a very elaborate report, setting forth that the claimants had an equitable right to this money as an indemnity 'for the loss of the ofspring which the " Exiles would have borne to their masters had they remained in " bondage," and it is among the inexplicable transactions of that day, that the bill passed, giving the money to those claimants without the uttering of a protest, or the statement of an objection, by any Northern representative or senator. The Creeks now having paid the full amount stipulated in the treaty, and being robbed of the $141,000, to compensate the slave- holders for children who had never been born, were excited to madness. They believed themselves to hold the beneficial interest in the bodies of the Exiles, and determined to obtain possession of them.t They immediately sent a delegation to the Seminoles to demand possession of the Exiles as their slaves. While the Creeks were thus demanding possession of the refu- gees, the Executive of the United States and his officers were endeavoring to compel them to go West, where the Creeks could, without opposition, lay hands upon them and enslave them. The six Seminole chiefs holding reservations upon the Appa- laehicola River owned some slaves, and with those slaves some of the Exiles had intermarried. Each chief, by the terms of the treaty of Camp Moultrie, was permitted to name the men who (1) The Aothot, whIt sertong In Congress in 147-s was. by the Speaker, pleod upon the ommitee of Iodine Aotar. While sering on that committee, the Creek Indians applied for the retorn of thi money which had belonged to them, hot bad been wrongfully paid over by congresn to the slareholders of Goma, some fourteen years previously. The oe was referred a the Anthor, as sub.eommte, who reportd tbat the money, In justm, In equity, and in tow, belonged to the Indians; that Its payment to the slaeholdeors wa unjost and wrong, end that it ought to be pod to the Indions. The report ma con. firmed, and the money pid to the Indian. The jostee of the caue oa so obioues that it met with no oppostto, and by the vote of both Heouse it now atads acknowledged and eIaId that tae lum of $141,000 so takn from the pockets of the laboring moo of SNaton, and pa to those staeholder for imaginary sthat otidren who er n born ; nor have we been able to lam that n objection ws raised, or protmt uttered, by any Northern member of Congreas  TE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 89 were to reside with him, and such chief became responsible for the conduct of the persons thus named ; while the United States stipulated to " afford the chiefs and their people protection against all persons whatsoever." The white settlements had extended to the vicinity of these res- ervations, and the Exiles and Seminole slaves living on them were more immediately exposed to the rapacity of the whites than were those in the interior of the territory. The mania for obtaining slaves by piratical violence. seems to hove reacheda point lmost irdible-to the people of the free States. E-con-chattimico was one of the chiefs whose reservation lay on the west side -of he. iver He had long been highly respected by the whites. He owned some twenty slaves, who were residing with him in a state of partial freedom - -paying him an annual stipend of provisions for their time, and holding such property as they could acquire. Connected with these slaves, and wath some of the Indians on the Reser- vation, were about an equal number of Exiles, who had never known slavery, but whose ancestors, in former generations, had toiled in bondage. Unwilling to separate from their intimate friends and connexions, they had, as stated in a former chapter, come here to occupy, with E-con-chattimico and his friends, one of the extensive plantations which had been occupied by their brethren who fell at Blount's Fort, in 1816. The chief had named them as his friends, and a record of the fact had been deposited in the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs; and for their conduct E-eon-chattimico was responsible, under the treaty of "Camp Moultrie ;" while, by the same instrument, the faith of the nation had been solemnly pledged "to protect them against all persons whatsoever." The piratical slave-dealers of Georgia looked upon these people, both Exiles and slaves, with strong desire to possess them. One of these fiends in human shape, named Milton, residing in Colum- bus, Georgia, professed to have purchased them from a Creek THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 89 were to reside with him, and such chief became responsible for the conduct of the persons thus named ; while the United States stipulated to " afford the chiefs and their people protection against " all persons whatsoever." The white settlements had extended to the vicinity of these res- ervations, and the Exiles and Seminole slaves living on them were more immediately exposed to the rapacity of the whites than were those in the interior of the territory. The mania for obtaining slaves by piratical violence. 1835.] seems to have reached a point almmst iner' adrle the people of the free States. Eeon-chattimico was one of the chiefs whose reservation lav on the west sun of the rier He had long been highly respected by the whites. He owned some twenty slaves, who were residing with him in a state of partial freedom -paying him an annual stipend of provisions for their time, and holding such property as they could acquire. Connected with These slaves, and with some of the Indians on the Reser- vation, were about an equal number of Exiles, who had never known slavery, but whose ancestors, in former generations, had toiled in bondage. Unwilling to separate from their intimate friends and connexions, they had, as stated in a former chapter, come here to occupy, with E-con-chattimico and his friends, one of the extensive plantations which had been occupied by their brethren who fell at Blount's Fort, in 1816. The chief had named them as his friends, and a record of the fact had been deposited in the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs ; and for their conduct E-con-chattimico was responsible, under the treaty of " Camp Moultrie ;" while, by the same instrument, the faith of the nation had been solemnly pledged "to protect them against all persons whatsoever." The piratical slave-dealers of Georgia looked upon these people, both Exiles and slaves, with strong desire to possess them. One of these fiends in human shape, named Milton, residing in Colum- bus, Georgia, professed to have purchased them from a Creek THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 89 were to reside with him, and such chief became responsible for the conduct of the persons thus named ; while the United States stipulated to "afford the chiefs and their people protection against all persons whatsoever." The white settlements had extended to the vicinity of these res- ervations, and the Exiles and Seminole slaves living on them were more immediately exposed to the rapacity of the whites than were those in the interior of the territory. The mania for obtaining slaves by piratical violence, 1835.] seems to have reached a point almost inerdibLe-t the people of the free States. E-con-chattimico was one of the chiefs whose reservation lay on the west side of the river. He had long been highly respected by the whites. He owned some twenty slaves, who were residing with him in a state of partial freedom_ - paying him an annual stipend of provisions for their time, and holding such property as they could acquire. Connected with these slaves, and wt some of the Indians on the Reser- vation, were about an equal number of Exiles, who had never known slavery, but whose ancestors, in former generations, bad toiled in bondage. Unwilling to separate from their intimate friends and connexions, they had, as stated in a former chapter, come here to occupy, with E-con-chattimico and his friends, one of the extensive plantations which had been occupied by their brethren who fell at Blount's Fort, in 1816. The chief had named them as his friends, and a record of the fact had been deposited in the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs ; and for their conduct E-con-chattimico was responsible, under the treaty of "Camp Moultrie ;" while, by the same instrument, the faith of the nation had been solemnly pledged " to protect them against all persons whatsoever." The piratical slave-dealers of Georgia looked upon these people, both Exiles and slaves, with strong desire to possess them. One of these fiends in human shape, named Milton, residing in Colum- bus, Georgia, professed to have purchased them from a Creek  90 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Indian. The claim was presented to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and by him referred to Judge Cameron, of the United States District Court in Florida, for examination. The chief being a man of influence and respected by the whites, found friends to espouse his cause. The claimant began to doubt his success under such circumstances, and proposed to withdraw his claim; but so flagrant was its fraudulent character, that Judge Cameron felt it his duty to report upon it, showing it to be void.1 This report was duly transmitted to the proper department at Washington, and the Old Chief, with his people, once more reposed in apparent security. It has been alleged, that men who so far paralyze their own moral sensibilities as to rob their fellow-men of their labor, their liberty, their manhood, and hold them in degrading bondage, can not entertain any clear conceptions of right and wrong. However this may be, it is certain that men who deal in slaves, are ever regarded, even by slaveholders, as destitute of moral sentiment. In this case, Milton, finding that Judge Cameron had reported the claim to be fraudulent and void, professed to sell his interest in these people to certain other slaveholders, of Columbus. These men provided themselves with chains, and fetters, and bloodhounds, and all the paraphernalia of regular slave-dealers upon the African coast, and descending the river in a steamboat, intended to surprise their victims before any notice should be given of their approach. But some friendly white, who had learned the intentions of the pirates, had whispered to the aged chief the danger which threat- ened his people. They were soon armed, and prepared to defend themselves or die in the attempt. The desperadoes landed upon the Reservation ; but finding the people armed, and ready to receive them in a becoming manner, they retired into the country and alarmed the settlers, by proclaiming that Econ-chattimico had armed his people and was about to make war upon the whites. The news flew in all directions; troops were mustered into service; (1) vide Opai of Judge cameron, page 3 and 36 of Doc. 271, last quoted. 90 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Indian. The claim was presented to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and by him referred to Judge Cameron, of the United States District Court in Florida, for examination. The chief being a man of influence and respected by the whites, found friends to espouse his cause. The claimant began to doubt his success under such circumstances, and proposed to withdraw his claim; but so flagrant was its fraudulent character, that Judge Cameron felt it his duty to report upon it, showing it to be void.1 This report was duly transmitted to the proper department at Washington, and the Old Chief, with his people, once more reposed in apparent security. It has been alleged, that men who so far paralyze their own moral sensibilities as to rob their fellow-men of their labor, their liberty, their manhood, and hold them in degrading bondage, can not entertain any clear conceptions of right and wrong. However this may be, it is certain that men who deal in slaves, are ever regarded, even by slaveholders, as destitute of moral sentiment. In this case, Milton, finding that Judge Cameron had reported the claim to be fraudulent and void, professed to sell his interest in these people to certain other slaveholders, of Columbus. These men provided themselves with chains, and fetters, and bloodhounds, and all the paraphernalia of regular slave-dealers upon the African coast, and descending the river in a steamboat, intended to surprise their victims before any notice should be given of their approach. But some friendly white, who had learned the intentions of the pirates, had whispered to the aged chief the danger which threat- ened his people. They were soon armed, and prepared to defend themselves or die in the attempt. The desperadoes landed upon the Reservation ; but finding the people armed, and ready to receive them in a becoming manner, they retired into the country and alarmed the settlers, by proclaiming that E-con-chattimico had armed his people and was about to make war upon the whites. The news flew in all directions; troops were mustered into service; (1) Vidoe Opiton of Judge comoro., page. 35 and 36 of Doe. 271, last quoted. 90 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Indian. The claim was presented to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and by him referred to Judge Cameron, of the United States District Court in Florida, for examination. The chief being a man of influence and respected by the whites, found friends to espouse his cause. The claimant began to doubt his success under such circumstances, and proposed to withdraw his claim; but so flagrant was its fraudulent character, that Judge Cameron felt it his duty to report upon it, showing it to be void.1 This report was duly transmitted to the proper department at Washington, and the Old Chief, with his people, once more reposed in apparent security. It has been alleged, that men who so far paralyze their own moral sensibilities as to rob their fellow-men of their labor, their liberty, their manhood, and hold them in degrading bondage, can not entertain any clear conceptions of right and wrong. However this may be, it is certam that men who deal in slaves, are ever regarded, even by slaveholders, as destitute of moral sentiment. In this case, Milton, finding that Judge Cameron had reported the claim to be fraudulent and void, professed to sell his interest in these people to certain other slavebolders, of Columbus. These men provided themselves with chains, and fetters, and bloodhounds, and all the paraphernalia of regular slave-dealers upon the African coast, and descending the river in a steamboat, intended to surprise their victims before any notice should be given of their approach. But some friendly white, who had learned the intentions of the pirates, had whispered to the aged chief the danger which threat- ened his people. They were soon armed, and prepared to defend themselves or die to the attempt. The desperadoes landed upon the Reservation ; but finding the people armed, and ready to receive them in a becoming manner, they retired into the country and alarmed the settlers, by proclaiming that E-con-chatimico had armed his people and was about to make war upon the whites. The news flew in all directions; troops were mustered into service; (1) vid Opinion of Judgo cameron, pages 35 and 36 of Doc. 271, lst quoted.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 91. an army was organized and marched to the Reservation, and the proper oficer sent, with a white flag, to demand the object and in- tentions of the chief, in arming his people. The old man was most indignant that his honor should be impugned in such manner. He fully explained the cause which induced his people to convene, and assume a hostile attitude towards those who had come to rob them of their liberty. The officers, who sympathized with the pirates, were sustained by military force. They assured the old man that no persons should be allowed to injure him or his people; that the country was alarmed, and the public mind could only he pacified by a sur- render of his arms and ammunition. To this proposition he was constrained to yield. They took his arms and ammunition, and left him defenseless. They remained undisturbed, however, during the night; but the next morning the slave-hunters returned, fully armed. They seized every negro residing upon the Reservation, including both Exiles and the slaves of E-con-chattimico, and, faste ening the manacles upon their limbs, hurried them off to Georgia, where they were sold into interminable b'ondage.* They, and their ancestors, had enjoyed a hundred years of freedom; but they were suddenly precipitated into all the sufferings and sorrows of slavery, and now toil in chains, or have departed to that land where slavery is unknown. E-con-chattimico petitioned Congress for indemnity, but obtained no redress. Neither the President, nor the Secretary of War, manifested any interest in maintaining our most solemn treaty obliga- tions with the Indians, or attempted any redress for their violation. Disheartened and broken down in spirits, E-con-chattimico yielded NoTn.-when the author, in 1841, denounced this tErnaction, In She Hone of Repre- sentives, and spoke of the slave-eates a Pirates, Hon. mark A. cooper, of Gerge, became indignent at the denuncilaton -amid he we we acquainted with the men who serod and enslaved these peop; that they were heora mm, sad that he ti the m by the hand almost daily while at hot.e (1) The ttoal of these fcts or be fouad in En. Doutoent, I Iss. XXIvth Congrea. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 91 an army was organized and marched to the Reservation, and the proper officer sent, with a white flag, to demand the object and in- tentions of the chief, in arming his people. The old man was most indignant that his honor should be impugned in such manner. He fully explained the cause which induced his people to convene, and assume a hostile attitude towards those who had come to rob them of their liberty. The officers, who sympathized with the pirates, were sustained by military force. They assured the old man that no persons should be allowed to injure him or his people; that the country was alarmed, and the public mind could only be pacified by a sur- render of his arms and ammunition. To this proposition he was constrained to yield. They took his arms and ammunition, and left him defeoseless. They remained undisturbed, however, during the night; but the next morning the slave-hunters returned, fully armed. They seized every negro residing upon the Reservation, including both Exiles and the slaves of E-con-chattimico, and, fast- ening the manacles upon their limbs, hurried them off to Georgia, where they were sold into interminable ondage. They, and their ancestors, had enjoyed a hundred years of freedom; but they were suddenly precipitated into all the sufferings and sorrows of slavery, and now toil in chains, or have departed to that land where slavery is unknown. E-con-chattimico petitioned Congress for indemnity, but obtained no redress. Neither the President, nor the Secretary of War, manifested any interest in maintaining our most solemn treaty obliga- tions with the Indians, or attempted any redress for their violation. Disheartened and broken down in spirits, E-con-chattimico yielded NozE.-when the author, in 1841, denounced this transction, in the House of eepre- sentatives, and spoke of thee slave-catchers a Pirates, Hon. Mark A. cooere, of G er became indigoaot at the denoneiaion ; --aid he wa well eninsted with the men who seized and enslaved these people; that they were Aonorable mm, and that he took theIm by the hand aloost daily whie at home. (1) Th statement of hese facts may be found In Es. Document, It See. XXIVth Congress. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 91, an army was organized and marched to the Reservation, and the proper officer sent, with a white flag, to demand the object and in- tentions of the chief, in arming his people. The old man was most indignant that his honor should be impugned in such manner. He fully explained the cause which induced his people to convene, and assume a hostile attitude towards those who had come to rob them of their liberty. The officers, who sympathized with the pirates, were sustained by military force. They assured the old man that no persons should be allowed to injure him or his people; that the country was alarmed, and the public mind could only be pacified by a sur- render of his arms and ammunition. To this proposition he was constrained to yield. They took his arms and ammunition, and left him defenseless. They remained undisturbed, however, during the night; but the next morning the slave-hunters returned, fully armed. They seized every negro residing upon the Reservation, including both Exiles and the slaves of E-con-chattimico, and, fast- ening the manacles upon their limbs, hurried them off to Georgia, where they were sold into interminable b'ondage.* They, and their ancestors, had enjoyed a hundred years of freedom; but they were suddenly precipitated into all the sufferings and sorrows of slavery, and now toil in chains, or have departed to that land where slavery is unknown. Econ-chattimico petitioned Congress for indemnity, but obtained no redress. Neither the President, nor the Secretary of War, manifested any interest in maintaining our most solemn treaty obliga- tions with the Indians, or attempted any redress for their violation. Disheartened and broken down in spirits, E-con-chattimico yielded v NoTE.-when the author, in 1841, deounced thIs tnsactioe, in tme Hoseof Repre- sentatves, and epoke of these save.-cathes as Pirates, H.n. Mark A. cooper, of Gergia, became indigoant at the deulodon;-said heas well acquainted withthe mn who eieood and emaved thete people; that they were hoerele men, and that he took them by the hand alost daily while at home. (1) The statement of hese facts may be Sbod In Ex. Document, tst Se. XXrvth congres.  92 THE EXI:Es oF FLoRIDA. to General Jackson's orders, emigrated to the western country, and spent the remainder of his days in poverty and want. Nor were the piracies of the white people confmed to the crime of kidnapping Exiles. They robbed the Indians and Exiles of homes, cattle and money. A chief named Blunt also held a reservation on the river, under the treaty of Camp Moultrie. He had some friends among the Exiles who preferred to occupy, with him, one of the plantations left destitute by the murder of the people at " Blount's Fort," in 1816. He too had named his friends and become responsible for their conduct, and relied upon the pledged faith of the nation to protect them. Some desperadoes, said to have come from Georgia, entered his plantation, robbed him of a large amount of money, and carried away all the negroes living on the Reserve. Another chief named Walker, also residing on a reservation, with some slaves and Exiles, discovered that a notorious slave-catcher \ fro m Georgia, named Douglass, and some associates, were hanging around his plantation, with the apparent intention of capturing and enslaving the colored people. Warned by the outrage committed upon E-con-chattimico and his people, both Indians and negroes collected together, armed themselves, and determined to resist any violence that should be offered them. '--When the piratical Georgians approached, they fired upon them. Finding the people armed and determined to resist, the man- stealers retreated and disappeared. Feeling they were in danger, Walker wrote the Agent of the Seminoles, calling for protection, according to the stipulations of the treaty of Camp Moultrie. In his letter he says, "Are the free negroes (Exiles), and negroes " belonging to this town (slaves), to be stolen away publicly in " the face of law and justice-carried off and sold to fill the pockets "of those worse than land pirates?" This appeal was in vain. The Agent paid no attention to it. The kidnappers were vigilant and watchful, and when their victims 92 THE EX :Es oF FLORIDA. to General Jackson's orders, emigrated to the western country, and spent the remainder of his days in poverty and want. Nor were the piracies of the white people confined to the crime of kidnapping Exiles. They robbed the Indians and Exiles of horses, cattle and money. A chief named Blunt also held a reservation on the river, under the treaty of Camp Moultrie. He had some friends among the Exiles who preferred to occupy, with him, one of the plantations left destitute by the murder of the people at " Blount's Fort," in 1816. He too had named his friends and become responsible for their conduct, and relied upon the pledged faith of the nation to protect them. Some desperadoes, said to have come from Georgia, entered his plantation, robbed him of a large amount of money, and carried away all the negroes living on the Reserve. Another chief named Walker, also residing on a reservation, with some slaves and Exiles, discovered that a notorious slave-catcher from Georgia, named Douglass, and some associates, were hanging around his plantation, with the apparent intention of capturing and enslaving the colored people. Warned by the outrage committed upon E-con-chattimico and his people, both Indians and negroes collected together, armed themselves, and determined to resist any violence that should be offered them. '-When the piratical Georgians approached, they fired upon them. Finding the people armed and determined to resist, the man- stealers retreated and disappeared. Feeling they were in danger, Walker wrote the Agent of the Seminoles, calling for protection, according to the stipulations of the treaty of Camp Moultrie. In his letter he says, "Are the free negroes (Exiles), and negroes "belonging to this town (slaves), to be stolen away publicly in "the face of law and justice-carried off and sold to fill the pockets "of those worse than land pirates ?" This appeal was in vain. The Agent paid no attention to it. The kidnappers were vigilant and watchful, and when their victims 92 THE EXI :Es oF FLORIDA. to General Jackson's orders, emigrated to the western country, and spent the remainder of his days in poverty and want. Nor were the piracies of the white people confined to the crime of kidnapping Exiles. They robbed the Indians and Exiles of horses, cattle and money. A chief named Blunt also held a reservation on the river, under the treaty of Camp Moultrie. He had some friends among the Exiles who preferred to occupy, with him, one of the plantations left destitute by the murder of the people at " Blount's Fort," in 1816. He too had named his friends and become responsible for their conduct, and relied upon the pledged faith of the nation to protect them. Some desperadoes, said to have come from Georgia, entered his plantation, robbed him of a large amount of money, and carried away all the negroes living on the Reserve. Another chief named Walker, also residing on a reservation, with come slaves and Exiles, discovered that a notorious slave-catcher from Georgia, named Douglass, and some associates, were banging around his plantation, with the apparent intention of capturing and enslaving the colored people. Warned by the outrage committed upon Eon-cehattimico and his people, both Indians and negroes collected together, armed themselves, and determined to resist any violence that should be offered them. '-> hen the piratical Georgians approached, they fired upon them. Finding the people armed and determined to resist, the man- stealers retreated and disappeared. Feeling they were in danger, Walker wrote the Agent of the Seminoles, calling for protection, according to the stipulations of the treaty of Camp Moultrie. In his letter he says, "Are the free negroes (Exiles), and negroes " belonging to this town (slaves), to be stolen away publicly in "the face of law and justice-carried off and sold to fill the pockets "of those worse than land pirates ?" This appeal was in vain. The Agent paid no attention to it. The kidnappers were vigilant and watchful, and when their victims  THE EXILEs Oe otoRIDA. 93 supposed themselves safe, they stole upon them, seized them, and hurried them off to the interior of Alabama, and sold them into slavery. The scenes so often witnessed upon the slave coast of Africa became common in Florida; while Georgia, and Alabama, and Florida, afforded a class of men in no respect superior in moulas to those outlaws and pirates who pursue the foreign slave trade. The dangers threatening the Exiles now became imminent. They saw clearly they were to be enslaved, or compelled to resort to arms in defense of their liberties. Their entire influence was exercised to prevent emigration, as they feared that would subject them to Creek jurisdiction and enslavement. These objections were made known to the Department at Wash- ington by the Agent of the Seminoles, Wiley Thompson, who, in plain and unmistakable language, informed the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that the principal objection to removing West which operated upon the minds of the Seminoles arose from the claim of the Creeks to those people who had fled from Georgia prior to 1802, and extending back to the commencement of the Revolutionary War. He assured the Department, that if the Semi- noles were compelled to remove West, these descendants of the Exiles would be enslaved by the Creeks, and if they remained in Florida, they would be enslaved by the whites. He told the Department in plain language, that many of those negroes who had been born and raised among the Indians had been enslaved by the people of Flor- ida and of Georgia, and were then held in bondage.t Among other officers who espoused the cause of humanity at that period, so interesting to the Exiles, was the veteran General Clinch. He was a man of great probity of character. One of the most gal- lant officers in the service was at the time in actual commandof the troops in Florida. He had long been acquainted with the Indians, and no man perhaps better understood the character of the Exiles. He had twenty years before commanded the troops at the massacre (1) vide Ex. Dc., 1st ses. XXIvth Congress, poge 104. THrE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. 93 supposed themselves safe, they stole upon them, seized them, and hurried them off to the interior of Alabama, and sold them into slavery. The scenes so often witnessed upon the slave coast of Africa became common in Florida; while Georgia, and Alabama, and Florida, afforded a class of men in no respect superior in morals to those outlaws and pirates who pursue the foreign slave trade. The dangers threatening the Exiles now became imminent. They saw clearly they were to be enslaved, or compelled to resort to arms in dgfense of their liberties. Their entire influence was exercised to prevent emigration, as they feared that would subject them to Creek jurisdiction and enslavement. These objections were made known to the Department at Wash- ington by the Agent of the Seminoles, Wiley Thompson, who, in plain and unmistakable language, informed the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that the principal objection to removing West which operated upon the minds of the Seminoles arose from the claim of the Creeks to those people who had fled from Georgia prior to 1802, and extending back to the commencement of the Revolutionary War. He assured the Department, that if the Semi- noles were compelled to remove West, these descendants of the Exiles would be enslaved by the Creeks, and if they remained in Florida, they would be enslaved by the whites. He told the Department in plain language, that many of those negroes who had been born and raised among the Indians had been enslaved by the people of Flor- ida and of Georgia, and were then held in bondage.t Among other officers who espoused the cause of humanity at that period, so interesting to the Exiles, was the veteran General Clinch. He was a man of great probity of character. One of the most gal- lant officers in the service was at the time in actual command of the troops in Florida. He had long been acquainted with the Indians, and no man perhaps better understood the character of the Exiles. He had twenty years before commanded the troops at the massacre (1) vtide E. Doc., 1st ses. XXrvth congress, page 104. TIE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. 93 supposed themselves safe, they stole upon them, seized them, and hurried them off to the interior of Alabama, and sold them into slavery. The scenes so often witnessed upon the slave coast of Africa became common in Florida; while Georgia, and Alabama, and Florida, afforded a class of men in no respect superior in morals to those outlaws and pirates who pursue the foreign slave trade. The dangers threatening the Exiles now became imminent. They saw clearly they were to be enslaved, or compelled to resort to arms in defense of their liberties. Their entire influence was exercised to prevent emigration, as they feared that would subject them to Creek jurisdiction and enslavement. These objections were made known to the Department at Wash- ington by the Agent of the Seminoles, Wiley Thompson, who, in plain and unmistakable language, informed the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that the principal objection to removing West which operated upon the minds of the Seminoles arose from the claim of the Creeks to those people who had fled from Georgia prior to 1802, and extending back to the commencement of the Revolutionary War. He assured the Department, that if the Semi- noles were compelled to remove West, these descendants of the Exiles would be enslaved by the Creeks, and if they remained in Florida, they would be enslaved by the whites. He told the Department in plain language, that many of those negroes who had been born and raised among the Indians had been enslaved by the people of Flor- ida and of Georgia, and were then held in bondage. Among other officers who espoused the cause of humanity at that period, so interesting to the Exiles, was the veteran General Clinch. le was a man of great probity of character. One of the most gal- lant officers in the service was at the time in actual command of the troops in Florida. He had long been acquainted with the Indians, and no man perhaps better understood the character of the Exiles. He had twenty years before commanded the troops at the massacre (1) Tide En. Do., st Ses. XXIrth congres, pag. 10  94 THE EXILES OF FLonIDA. of " Blount's Fort," and well understood the persecutions to which the Exiles bad been subjected. In strong language, he pointed out the wrong about to be perpetrated upon them, as well as upon the Seminoles. He informed the Secretary of War, in direct and posi tive language, that if the Seminoles and their "negro allies" were sent West, the negroes would be enslaved by the Creeks.' -Hon. John H. Eaton, Governor of Florida, a warm personal and political friend of the President, in whom it was believed the Exec utive reposed great confidence, also wrote the department, delineating the wrongs about to be perpetrated upon these colored people, who fsr several generations had resided with the Seminoles. These and other officers of Government united in the opinion, that these "negroes," as they were generally called, exerted a con- trolling influence over the Indians, and that it would be in vain to attempt the removal of the Indians under these circumstances. To these remonstrances the Hon. Secretary of Wa. General Cass, replied, with apparent determination to remove the Indianaut an expense of blood, of treasure, and of national reputption._ The appeals made to the justice of our Government were stigmatized " as the promptings of afalse philanthropy;" and our agents and officers were directed to inform the Seminoles, in peremptory Ian guage, that they must emigrate to the western country. Laboring under the delusion that official station would add a con trolling influence to his language, General Cass transmitted to the Indian Agent a speech, addressed to the Seminoles and their allies, in which he endeavored to persuade them to emigrate and join the Creeks, and subject themselves to Creek authority. The Seminoles and their friends listened to the speech with that respectful atten- tion which would be expected from men who knew their lives and l'berties were in danger. It was at one of these consultations, in the presence of their Agent, that "Osceola," at that time a young warrior, attracted attention by saying, "this is the only treaty Iwill ever make with tst vs hIe leer at es in the Docament ast quseS. 94 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. of "Blount's Fort," and well understood the persecutions to which the Exiles had been subjected. In strong language, he pointed out the wrong about to be perpetrated upon them, as well as upon the Seminoles. He informed the Secretary of War, in direct and posi tive language, that if the Seminoles and their " negro allies " were sent Vest, the negroes would be enslaved by the Creeks.1 -Hon. John H. Eaton, Governor of Florida, a warm personal and political friend of the President, in whom it was believed the Exec utive reposed great confidence, also wrote the department, delineating the wrongs about to be perpetrated upon these colored people, who for several generations had resided with the Seminoles. These and other officers of Government united in the opinion, that these "negroes," as they were generally called, exerted a con- trolling influence over the Indians, and that it would be in vain to attempt the removal of the Indians under these circumstances. To these remonstrances the Hon. Secretary of.3YarGencab- Cas, replied, with apparent determination to remove the Indiansaat andexpense of blood, of treasure, and of national reputption. The appeals made to the justice of our Government were stigmatized "as the promptings of afalse philanthropy;" and our agents and officers were directed to inform the Seminoles, in peremptory Ian guage, that they must emigrate to the western country. Laboring under the delusion that official station would add aeon trolling influence to his language, General Cass transmitted to the Indian Agent a speech, addressed to the Seminoles and their allies, in which he endeavored to persuade them to emigrate and join the Creeks, and subject themselves to Creek authority. The Seminoles and their friends listened to the speech with that respectful atten- tion which would be expected from men who knew their lives and liberties were in danger. It was at one of these consultations, in the presence of their Agent, that "Osceola," at that time a young warrior, attracted attention by saying, "this is the only treaty Iwill ever make with (1t Vae hi letuer n lents In the aoenment lest quotea. 94 THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. of "Blount's Fort," and well understood the persecutions to which the Exiles had been subjected. In strong language, he pointed out the wrong about to be perpetrated upon them, as well as upon the Seminoles. He informed the Secretary of War, in direct and posi tive language, that if the Seminoles and their " negro allies " were sent West, the negroes would be enslaved by the Creeks.1 -Hon. John H. Eaton, Governor of Florida, a warm personal and political friend of the President, in whom it was believed the Exec utive reposed great confidence, also wrote the department, delineating the wrongs about to be perpetrated upon these colored people, who for several generations had resided with the Seminoles. These and other officers of Government united in the opinion, that these "negroes," as they were generally called, exerted a con- trolling influence over the Indians, and that it would be in vain to attempt the removal of the Indians under these circumstances. To these remonstrances the Hon. Secretary of War Genenal Cas, replied, with apparent determination to remove the Indian-at. any expense of blood, of treasure, and of national reputation. The appeals made to the justice of our Government were stigmatized "us the promptings of afalse philanthropy;" and our agents and officers were directed to inform the Seminoles, in peremptory Ian guage, that they must emigrate to the western country. Laboring under the delusion that official station would add a con trolling influence to his language, General Cass transmitted to the Indian Agent a speech, addressed to the Seminoles and their allies, in which he endeavored to persuade them to emigrate and join the Creeks, and subject themselves to Creek authority. The Seminoles and their friends listened to the speech with that respectful atten- tion which would be expected from men who knew their lives and liberties were in danger. It was at one of these consultations, in the presence of their Agent, that "Osceola," at that time a young warrior, attracted attention by saying, " this is the only treaty Iwill ever make with i) Vue a leter a leaue in the Dcumem lst quotesd.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 95 the whites;" at the same time drawing his knife and striking it forcibly into the table before him.' wnas at this period that abandoned white men conceived the plan of buying negroes from Seminoles while in a state of intoxica- tion, and selling them to the white people. If they could get an Indian drunk, they could of course obtain from him a bill of sale of any negro they pleased, whether the Indian had any title to him or not. This plan of separating the Seminoles from their colored friends, it was thought would conduce to their removal Applications to enter the Indian Territory for the purpose of pur- chasing slaves were referred by the Secretary of War to the Com- missioner of Indian Affairs, and by the latter officer to the Attorney General Felix Grundy, who gravely reported, that be " saw no good " reason why the white people should not be permitted to buy slaves " of the Indians;" and the President having considered the matter, ordered permission to be granted for that purpose. Officers who were in Florida saw at once that this policy would kindle the smothered indignation of the Indians and Exiles into a flame. The Agent of the Seminoles, refusing to obey the orders thus given, remonstrated against the policy in a letter addressed to the head of the Department, in which he says : " The remark in " your letter that it is not presumed the condition of these negroes " (the Exiles) would be worse than that of others in the same sen- " tion of country is true ; yet you will agree that the same remark "would apply to you, to me, or to any other individual of the United States, as we should, if subjected to slavery, be in the "precise condition of other slaves." So general and so great was the indignation excited by this order 'for establishing a commerce in human flesh with drunken Seminoles, that it was soon after countermanded; yet the immediate emigra- tion of the Indians was urged with increased earnestness, although the Department of War was informed by nearly every officer in the military and Indian service of Florida, that they could not be in- (1) vide spragues Florida war. THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 95 "the whites;" at the same time drawing his knife and striking it forcibly into the table before him.' twas at this period that abandoned white men conceived the plan of buying negroes from Seminoles while in a state of intoxica- tion, and selling them to the white people. If they could get an Indian drunk, they could of course obtain from him a bill of sale of any negro they pleased, whether the Indian had any title to him or not. This plan of separating the Seminoles from their colored friends, it was thought would conduce to their removalJ Applications to enter the Indian Territory for the purpose of pur- chasing slaves were referred by the Secretary of War to the Com- missioner of Indian Affairs, and by the latter officer to the Attorney General Felix Grundy, who gravely reported, that he " saw no good " reason why the white people should not be permitted to buy slaves "of the Indians;" and the President having considered the matter, ordered permission to be granted for that purpose. Officers who were in Florida saw at once that this policy would kindle the smothered indignation of the Indiano and Exiles into a flame. The Agent of the Seminoles, refusing to obey the orders thus given, remonstrated against the policy in a letter addressed to the head of the Department, in which he says : " The remark in your letter that it is not presumed the condition of these negroes " (the Exiles) would be worse than that of others in the same sec- " tion of country is true ; yet you will agree that the same remark "would apply to you, to me, or to any other individual of the/ United States, as we should, if subjected to slavery, be in the I "precise condition of other slaves." So general and so great was the indignation excited by this order 'for establishing a commerce in human flesh with drunken Seminoles, that it was soon after countermanded; yet the immediate emigra- tion of the Indians was urged with increased earnestness, although the Department of War was informed by nearly every officer in the military and Indian service of Florida, that they could not be in- (1) vde Sprague'. Florida war. THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 95 "the whites;" at the same time drawing his knife and striking it forcibly into the table before bim. nwas at this period that abandoned white men conceived the plan of buying negroes from Seminoles while in a state of intoxica- tion, and selling them to the white people. If they could get an Indian drunk, they could of course obtain from him a bill of sale of any negro they pleased, whether the Indian had any title to him or not. This plan of separating the Seminoles from their colored friends, it was thought would conduce to their removal Applications to enter the Indian Territory for the purpose of pur- chasing slaves were referred by the Secretary of War to the Com- missioner of Indian Affairs, and by the latter officer to the Attorney General Felix Grundy, who gravely reported, that he " saw no good " reason why the white people should not be permitted to buy slaves "of the Indians;" and the President having considered the matter, ordered permission to be granted for that purpose. Officees who were in Florida saw at once that this policy would kindle the smothered indignation of the Indians and Exiles into a flame. The Agent of the Seminoles, refusing to obey the orders thus given, remonstrated against the policy in a letter addressed to the head of the Department, in which he says : " The remark in your letter that it is not presumed the condition of these negroes "(the Exiles) would be worse than that of others in the same ee- "tion of country is true ; yet you will agree that the same remark "would apply to you, to me, or to any other individual of the 1 aUnited States, as we should, if subjected to slavery, be in the , "precise condition of other slaves." So general and so great was the indignation excited by this order 'for establishing a commerce in human flesh with drunken Seminoles, that it was soon after countermanded; yet the immediate emigra- tion of the Indians was urged with increased earnestness, although the Department of War was informed by nearly every officer in the military and Indian service of Florida, that they could not be in- (1) vide sprague' Florida war.  96 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 96 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 96 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. duced to emigrate, so long as the Exiles should be regarded as in danger of being subjected to Creek authority. But the stern decree had gone forth that " the Indians should prepare to emigrate West and join the Creeks;" and the necessary preparations were hurried forward both in the Military and Civil Departments of Government. The Exiles and Seminoles saw clearly the terrible alternative to which they were soon to be driven, and they turned their attention to active preparations for the con- flict. Their crops were carefully secured ; their cattle driven far into the interior; and their women and children removed from the frontier to places of safety. They omitted no opportunity of securing powder and lead; and while associating with the white people, they manifested a bold contempt and dislike for them, which gave gloomy forebodings of the future. duced to emigrate, so long as the Exiles should be regarded as in danger of being subjected to Creek authority. But the stern decree had gone forth that " the Indians should prepare to emigrate West and join the Creeks;" and the necessary preparations were hurried forward both in the Military and Civil Departments of Government. The Exiles and Seminoles saw clearly the terrible alternative to which they were soon to be driven, and they turned their attention to active preparations for the con- flict. Their crops were carefully secured ; their cattle driven far into the interior; and their women and children removed from the frontier to places of safety. They omitted no opportunity of securing powder and lead ; and while associating with the white people, they manifested a bold contempt and dislike for them, which gave gloomy forebodings of the future. duced to emigrate, so long as the Exiles should be regarded as in danger of being subjected to Creek authority. But the stern decree had gone forth that "the Indians should prepare to emigrate West and join the Creeks;" and the necessary preparations were hurried forward both in the Military and Civil Departments of Government. The Exiles and Seminoles saw clearly the terrible alternative to which they were soon to be driven, and they turned their attention to active preparations for the con- flict. Their crops were carefully secured ; their cattle driven far into the interior; and their women and children removed from the frontier to places of safety. They omitted no opportunity of securing powder and lead; and while associating with the white people, they manifested a bold contempt and dislike for them, which gave gloomy forebodings of the future.  CHAPTER VII. CHAPTER VII. CHAPTER VII. COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. The ncero of Exle to Floridn-Speoish Stecos-Smiole Stens-Sstota-Htl Poeete- tt-it, Cherct-tHis Wife-ler Fectegeeed sod Fae-Iettclicmeei of decod-fib eleose-IeI seve V'eegeeeee egehoet Ste. Thotepsee-Deem of Gtooel CI.eceit-Fote of Charicy F. Mfthler-Oooce aod fodo,- eeok teifeof Thom~po- Loyin .eit erort King-Fete of Me. Thomoptee sod Lictl. Smth- Of the Otanee his Ctcrke-Gootcei Clijch oclecs Mijoc Dade to Fedt Klog-The Mtcjcc seoh e faithful Guido-En-hogot therie tiof LocOs, ecSoe-His Leeceteg aed ChoeccI-IIe otettee tho MIeasae of hode eel hit men-Cococili witl the aeta -Arrcnces thoe Iof Muctc, attd inforots theme of the tihee- eales aod lcdttts rendeevooceti. whee Oecetp-Dade's AeecoIh-The precato-The M-uec- Osceooiend Locils-The Exiceaed todiasiagain meet ite Sweaeep for te iegid- Digesicen-hrcntdh. THo number of Exiles at the ctmoeocemntt of the Second Semi- nole War, has been variously estimoted. Probably their whole noutber, incloding women Dud children, woo not loss than twelve hundsired. To these mnay be added the olavos belonging to the Semictoleo, estimated at two hundred, making a population of four teen hundred bhaeks. Moot of the slaves lived with the Exileo, separate and apart feotn their masters, paying a eertain quantity of vegetables Danually, for the paetial freedom wiie they enjoyed. There mere coany half-hreeds, however, some of whom reiided with the Indians, ond othero were located with the Exiles. JeSpanish population railed the Exiles "Macsons,"t after a class of free negroes who inhabit the mountains of Cuba, Jamaica, and othee West Indian islan5s' Indeed, some of the Mairoeons of COMMENCEMtENT OtF THE SECJONDi SENLEh WAR. The otiaboc ef Eticea to rieda-Spanith Marnces-Seeinole Slaei-Oscoola-i, Freeta-Hlis recte-ieeWif-Htr PFececge cod sod Fiet-plomee cc Oeooie-Ui Oee-Ile seco veegeeees ai-ts Ste. Thomps-neonsef Gnerec Coteii-Fatuof Chey E. Stthe-Oceola and etlioceeceton iteilfef f Thomsos-Laoyieeceit er or t tKief-Frate of Ste. Teomstenc end Liesit- Dmih- Of the Octiec esd his Cierke-eceel Cihos oece Mteice Dade 10 Eon ing-The Mayior eehea etihrot acite-Eotoc the Seicte cc Inoei, Stae-Iie Learneieg eel Choeooac-ilomedihtee tht Mttcte ofecDoleeendthisnmcn-Ceoellwith titetiole -Arrcteoeo the rice of M-ceorte, cod inolets them of the hume-Felts eel Indiect eodetecou to 5ehts Steeme-Oes' Appoech-The preetode-The Mesece detec. cod Locie-Thc iee and Iodine alei meet to the Swemp foe the echi- Oloreesio-Imidete. ToE number of Exlero at the commencement of the Second Semi- nole War, has been variously estimated. Probably their whole number, including women end children, was not less than twelvn hondred. To these may be added the olaveo belonging to the Seminoles, estimated at two hundred, making a popnlation nf four teen huodeed blocks. Most of the slaves lived with the Exilene separate and apart feom their moasters, paying a certain quantity of vegetables anually, for the partial freedom which they enjoyed. There were many half-breeds, however, some ef whom resided with tho Indians, and others were located with the Exiles. Xzhe Spanish population soiled the Exilea "Marsons," after a claos of free negroes who inhabit the mountains of Cuba, Jamaiea, and other West Indian islansj" Indeed, some nf the Maroons of 7 9 171 COuMENCReNt Or THE SECOND SEM~INOLE WAD. The oeohce ef Oile IFrida-Spanih Mteemes-Semincle neaes-Oneoto-mea Paentage-oter Characte-tlde Nife-lHer Preemnee eel sod eale-Ieprtmneieet of Stoeoie-li Rieese-Ilsw oos Vceeanee egainst Dtr. Tleoupme-neccsif Geeral Cocncit- Fotc of Checico Rt Mathlet-Oeoe aol follcoers teek tahe o Thomsono-Lay ic oet ocecroe Floen-rate of Ste. Thommneod Liet. Sontdra- St the Satler aed has Cltehe-eeo Clioch ocloem Maoo Dode to eor Etee-The Stejoc see e Caithfel Gcide-n ee thI Oetvicee. of Loche, e stese-ise LeItee eed Cimoesioc- lHe medtoee ihe MaSteoe of Sole cod has moo- Coucelsa th the Falls -eececec the pice of Ocoteee, nd lnocoo thtm of the ine-Redsl nd ledone enodeevoottn Wehos 5ewcmp-ade', ApmcD- The pepeeation-Ths Mgece- Oeceele aod Lorna -Thc Exies etd Indians .gain met I t he Swene Foe the ngh- nl eeion-a-toeoth THn number of Exiles at the commeocement of the Second Semi- nole War, hase been variously estimated. lProbnbly their whale nomber, including women and children, woo not less than twelve huedred. To these may be added the slaves belonging to the Semiooles, estimated at two hundred, making a population of four- teen hundred blacks. Moot of the slaves lived with the Exiles, separate sod apart from their masters, paying a certain quantity of vegetables anoually, for the partial freedom which they enjoyed. There were many half-breeds, however, some of whom resided with the Indians, and others were located with the Exiles. hXe Spanish population culled the Exiles "Maroons,"c after a class of free negroes who inhabit the mountains of Cuba, Jamaiea, and other West Indian islaj,'j Indeed, some of tho Maroons of 7' It  98 THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. Cuba appear to have found their way to Florida,1 and many of the Exiles passed from that Territory to the West India Islands. Many officers of Government appear to have known or cared little for these people, while others manifested much intelligence and hu- manity in regard to them. We have already noticed the efforts of Mr. Thompson, the Indian Agent, of Colonel Clinch, and of Colonel Eaton, in behalf of the Exiles, who had long resided in Florida. uring the summer, the Indians committed various depredations upon e white people, such as stealing horses and killing cattle; but the first open hostilities occurred on the twenty-eighth of De- cember, when two important and bloody tragedies took place, which left the country no longer in doubt as to the actual existence of war. X young and gallant warrior, named Osceola, was the principal actor in one of these scenes. He was the son of an Indian trader, a white man, named Powell. His mother was the daughter of a Seminole chief. He had reeimtly married a woman said to have been beautiful. She was the daughter of a chief who had married one of the Exiles - but as all colored people by slaveholding laws are said to follow the condition of the mother, she was called an African slave. Osee. ola was proud of his ancestry. He hated slavery, and those who practiced the holding of slaves, with a bitterness that is but little understood by those who have never witnessed its revolting crimes. He visited Fort King, in company with his wife and a few ends, for the purpose of trading. Mr. Thompson, the Agent, was present, and, while engaged in business, the wife of Osceola was seized as a slave. Evidently having negro blood in her veins, the law pronounced her a slave; and, as no other person could show title to her, the pirate who had got possession of her body, was sup- posed of course to be her owner. (1) Lieutet Reynold., while onducting the nsat party of emtgrnntn Wet, tn 1s41, fod among the Eils pensn who posaee d so much spanth blood, that heo ofeed to leave them at New orleaos, and some of them oaeped the oger. He efa thom l that sity, and they probably now pas for santards.. 98 THE EXILEs OF FLoRIDA. Cuba appear to have found their way to Florida,1 and many of the Exiles passed from that Territory to the West India Islands. Many officers of Government appear to have known or cared little for these people, while others manifested much intelligence and hu- manity in regard to them. We have already noticed the efforts of Mr. Thompson, the Indian Agent, of Colonel Clinch, and of Colonel Eaton, in behalf of the Exiles, who had long resided in Florida. uring the summer, the Indians committed various depredations upon e white people, such as stealing horses and killing rattle; but the first open hostilities occurred on the twenty-eighth of De- cember, when two important and bloody tragedies took place, which left the country no longer in doubt as to the actual existence of war] [Ajyoung and gallant warrior, named Osceola, was the principal actor in one of these scenes. He was the son of an Indian trader, a white man, named Powell. His mother was the daughter of a Seminole chief. - He had recetotly married a woman said to have been beautiful. She was the daughter of a chief who had married one of the Exiles ; but as all colored people by slaveholding laws are said to follow the condition of the mother, she was called an African slave. Osce- ola was proud of his ancestry. He hated slavery, and those who practiced the holding of slaves, with a bitterness that is but little understood by those who have never witnessed its revolting crimes. lHe visited Fort King, in company with his wife and a few 'ends, for the purpose of trading. Mr. Thompson, the Agent, was present, and, while engaged in business, the wife of Osceola was seized as a slave. Evidently having negro blood in her veins, the law pronounced her a slave ; and, as no other person could show title to her, the pirate who had got possession of her body, was sup- posed of course to be her owner. (1) Leuton.at Reynotds, whle onducting the aSt party of emogrant west, In 1841, found among the Exile person who posaessed o much spaih blood, sat he ofred leave them at New Ormas, and some o them accepted the offer. U en tot J that oty, and they probably mnw pn for spantrde. 98 THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. Cuba appear to have found their way to Florida,l and many of the Exiles passed from that Territory to the West India Islands. Many officers of Government appear to have known or cared little for these people, while others manifested much intelligence and hu- manity in regard to them. We have already noticed the efforts of Mr. Thompson, the Indian Agent, of Colonel Clinch, and of Colonel Eaton, in behalf of the Exiles, who had long resided in Florida. nurig the summer, the Indians committed various depredations upon e white people, such as stealing horses and killing cattle; but the first open hostilities occurred on the twenty-eighth of De- cember, when two important and bloody tragedies took place, which left the country no longer in doubt as to the actual existence of war. LA young and gallant warrior, named Osceola, was the principal actor in one of these scenes. He was the son of an Indian trader, a white man, named Powell. His mother was the daughter of a Seminole chief. He had remtly married a woman said to have been beautiful. She was the daughter of a chief who had married one of the Exiles ; but as all colored people by slaveholding laws are said to follow the condition of the mother, she was called an African slave. Osce- ela was proud of his ancestry. He hated slavery, and those who practiced the holding of slaves, with a bitterness that is but little understood by those who have never witnessed its revolting crimes. He visited Fort King, in company with his wife and a few fiends, for the purpose of trading. Mr. Thompson, the Agent, was present, and, while engaged in business, the wife of Osceola was seized as a slave. Evidently having negro blood in her veins, the law pronounced her a slave; and, as no other person could show title to her, the pirate who had got possession of her body, was sup- posed of course to be her owner. 1t) Lietenat Reynolds, while onduoting the rst partyof emigrn west, in 1s41, fond among the Exales pesnon who poseed wso much spansh blood, that he offdm to eae them at New orleans, and soma of them accepted the offer. He to thom to that city, and they probably now pass Sor saniard.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 99 Osceola became frantic with rage, but was instantly seized and placed in irons, while his wife was hurried away to slaveholding pollution.' He remained six days in irons, when, General Thomp- son says, he became penitent, and was released. From the moment when this outrage was committed, the Florida War may be regarded as commenced. Osceola swore vengeance upon Thompson, and those who assisted in the perpetration of this indignity upon himself, as well as upon his wife, and upon our com- won humanity. The Exiles endeavored to stimulate the Indians to deeds of valor. In general council, they decreed that the first Seminole who should make any movement preparatory to emigration, should suffer death. Charley E. Mathler, a respected chief, soon after fell a victim to this decree. Osceola commanded the party who slew him. He had sold a portion of his rattle to the whites, for which he had received pay in gold. This money was found upon his person when he fell. Osceola forbade any one touch- ing the gold, saying it was the price of the red man's blood, and with his own hands he scattered it in different directions as far as he was able to throw it. But his chief object appeared to have been the death of General Thompson. Other Indians and Exiles were preparing for other important operations; but Osceola seemed intent, his whole soul was absorbed, in devising some plan by which he could safely reach Mr. Thompson, who was the object of his vengeance. He, or some of his friends, kept constant watch on the movements of Thompson, who was unconscious of the danger to which he was exposed. Osceola, steady to his purpose, refused to be diverted from this (I) vide acrount of Ihis trnstion by M. M. Cohen, given in the Quarterly AntOi- very Megazie, voL II, page 419. Mr. Thompson, the Agent, In hiS letter to the Commis. sIoner of Indian Affairs, bearing date soon after, says: "Powell used such language, that I wa constrainred to order him into ions." Mr. Sprague, in his history of th, Florida war, reiterates the statementof Mr. Thompson. But neith smprague, nor Thompson, nor any other person who was present, It is beseed, has ever denied the reaton which Mr. Cohm has given. TIlE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 99 Osceola became frantic with rage, but was instantly seized and placed in irons, while his wife was hurried away to slaveholding pollution.] He remained six days in irons, when, General Thomp- son says, he became penitent, and was released. From the moment when this outrage was committed, the Florida War may be regarded as commenced. Osceola swore vengeance upon Thompson, and thise who assisted in the perpetration of this indignity upon himself, as well as upon his wife, and upon our com- mon hamanity. The Exiles endeavored to stimulate the Indians to deeds of valor. In general council, they decreed that the first Seminole who should make any movement preparatory to emigration, should suffer death. Charley E. Mathler, a respected chief, soon after fell a victim to this decree. Osceola commanded the party who slew him. He had sold a portion of his cattle to the whites, for which he had received pay in gold. This money was found upon his person when he fell. Osceola forbade any one touch- ing the gold, saying it was the price of the red man's blood, and with his own hands he scattered it in different directions as far as he was able to throw it. But his chief object appeared to have been the death of General Thompson. Other Indians and Exiles were preparing for other important operations; but Osceola seemed intent, his whole soul was absorbed, in devising some plan by which he could safely reach Mr. Thompson, who was the object of his vengeance. He, or some of his friends, kept constant watch on the movements of Thompson, who was unconscious of the danger to which he was exposed. Osceola, steady to his purpose, refused to be diverted from this (1) vide aceount of this tenaection by M. M. cohen, given 1n the Quarterly Anti-st- very tagazioe, voL. II, page 419. Mr. Thompso, the Agent, in hise letter to the commis- seoner of Indian Aalrs, bearing date soon aer, says: "Powell used such language, that I was constrained to order him ino irons." Mr. Sprague, in his history of the Florida war, reiterates the satementof Mr. Thompson. nt neither sprague, nor Thompson, nor any other person who as preent, it is believed, has ever denied the relat!o which Mr. Cohn he given. THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 99 Osceola became frantic with rage, but was instantly seized and placed in irons, while his wife was hurried away to slaveholding pollution.t He remained six days in irons, when, General Thomp- son says, he became penitent, and was released. From the moment when this outrage was committed, the Florida War may be regarded as commenced. Osceola swore vengeance upon Thompson, and those who assisted in the perpetration of this indignity upon himself, as well as upon his wife, and upon our com- mon humanity. The Exiles endeavored to stimulate the Indians to deeds of valor. In general council, they decreed that the first Seminole who should make any movement preparatory to emigration, should suffer death. Charley E. Mathler, a respected chief, soon after fell a victim to this decree. Osceola commanded the party who slew him. IHe had sold a portion of his cattle to the whites, for which he had received pay in gold. This money was found upon his person when he fell. Osceola forbade any one touch- ing the gold, saying it was the price of the red man's blood, and with his own bands he scattered it in different directions as far as he was able to throw it. But his chief object appeared to have been the death of General Thompson. Other Indians and Exiles were preparing for other important operations; but Osceola seemed intent, his whole soul was absorbed, in devising some plan by which he could safely reach Mr. Thompson, who was the object of his vengeance. He, or some of his friends, kept constant watch on the movements of Thompson, who was unconscious of the danger to which he was exposed. Osceola, steady to his purpose, refused to be diverted from this (1) vide account of this traction by M. M. Cohen, given in the Quarterly Ant-sia- very Magazine, vol. II, page 419. M1,. Thoson, the Agent, in hiS letter to the Commies. er of Indian Affairs, bearing date soon after, says: "Powell used such language, that Iwa cona ed to order him into irons." Mr. Sprague, in his history of the Florida war, reiterates the satement of Mr. Thompson. But neither srngue, nor Thompson, nor any other porson who was present, it l believed, has ever denied the lation which Mr. Cohm has gienm.  100 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. favorite object. Thompson was at Fort King, and there were but few troops to protect that fortress. But Indians seldom attempt an escalade, and Osceola sought an opportunity to take it by surprise. With some twenty followers, he lay secreted near the fort for days and weeks, determined to find soie opportunity to enter by the open gate, when the troops should be off their guard. Near the close of December, a ruoer brought him information that Major Dade, with his command, was to leave Fort Brooke on the twenty-fifth of that month, and that those who intended to share in the attack upon that regiment, must be at the great " Wahoo Swamp," by the evening of the twenty-seventh. This had no effect whatever upon Osceola. No circumstance could withdraw him from the bloody purpose which filled his soul. On the twenty-eighth, in the afternoon, as he and his followers lay near the road leading from the fort to the house of the sutler, which was nearly a mile distant, they saw Mr. Thompson and a friend approaching. That gentleman and his companions had dined, and, on taking their cigars, ie and Lieut. Smith, of the Second Artillery, had sallied forth for a walk, and to enjoy conversation by them- selves. At a signal given by Osceola, the Indians fired. Thompson fell, pierced by fourteen balls; Smith received about as many.1 The shrill war-whoop followed the sound of the rifles, and alarmed the people at the fort. The Indians immediately scalped their victims, and then hastened to the house, where Mr. Rogers, the sutler, and two clerks, were at dinner. These three persons were instantly massacred and scalped. The Indians took as many valuable goods as they could carry, and set fire to the building. The smoke gave notice to those in the fort of the fate that had befallen the sutler and his clerks. But the condition in which the commandant found his troops, forbade his sending out any considerable force to ascertain the fate of Thompson and his companion. Near nightfall, a few daring spirits proceeded up the road to the hommock, and brought (1) sprague'. History of the Florida war. 100 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. favorite object. Thompson was at Fort King, and there were but few troops to protect that fortress. But Indians seldom attempt an escalade, and Osceola sought an opportunity to take it by surprise. With sone twenty followers, he lay secreted near the fort for days and weeks, determined to fnd some opportunity to enter by the open gate, when the troops should be off their guard. Near the close of December, a runner brought him information that Major Dade, with his command, was to leave Fort Brooke on the twenty-fifth of that month, and that those who intended to share in the attack upon that regiment, must be at the great " Wahoo Swamp," by the evening of the twenty-seventh. This had no effect whatever upon Osceola. No circumstance could withdraw him from the bloody purpose which filled his soul. On the twenty-eighth, in the afternoon, as he and his followers lay near the road leading from the fort to the house of the sutler, which was nearly a mile distant, they saw Mr. Thompson and a friend approaching. That gentleman and his companions had dined, and, on taking their cigars, lie and Lieut. Smith, of the Second Artillery, had sallied forth for a walk, and to enjoy conversation by them- selves. At a signal given by Osceola, the Indians fired. Thompson fell, pierced by fourteen balls; Smith received about as many.t The shrill war-whoop followed the sound of the rifles, and alarmed the people at the fort. The Indians immediately scalped their victims, and then hastened to the house, where Mr. Rogers, the sutler, and two clerks, were at dinner. These three persons were instantly massacred and scalped. The Indians took as many valuable goods as they could carry, and set fire to the building. The smoke gave notice to those in the fort of the fate that had befallen the sutler and his clerks. But the condition in which the commandant found his troops, forbade his sending out any considerable force to ascertain the fate of Thompson and his companion. Near nightfall, a few daring spirits proceeded up the road to the hommock, and brought (1) Sprague'. Hstory of the Florida war. 100 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. favorite object. Thompson was at Fort King, and there were but few troops to protect that fortress. Bnt Indians seldom attempt an escalade, and Osceola sought an opportunity to take it by surprise. With soe twenty followers, ie lay secreted near the fort for days and weeks, determined to find soeni opportunity to enter by the open gate, when the troops should be off their guard. Near the close of December, a runner brought him information that Major Dade, with his command, was to leave Fort Brooke on the twenty-fifth of that month, and that those who intended to share in the attack upon that regiment, must be at the great " Wahoo Swamp," by the evening of the twenty-seventh. This had no effect whatever upon Osceola. No circumstance could withdraw him from the bloody purpose which filled his soul. On the twenty-eighth, in the afternoon, as he and his followers lay near the road leading from the fort to the house of the sutler, which was nearly a mile distant, they saw Mr. Thompson and a friend approaching. That gentleman and his companions had dined, and, on taking their cigars, he and Lieut. Smith, of the Second Artillery, had sallied forth for a walk, and to enjoy conversation by them- selves. At a signal given by Osceola, the Indians fired. Thompson fell, pierced by fourteen balls; Smith received about as many.t The shrill war-whoop followed the sound of the rifles, and alarmed the people at the fort. The Indians immediately scalped their victims, and then hastened to the house, where Mr. Rogers, the sutler, and two clerks, were at dinner. These three persons were instantly massacred and scalped. The Indians took as many valuable goods as they could carry, and set fire to the building. The smoke gave notice to those in the fort of the fate that had befallen the sutler and his clerks. But the condition in which the commandant found his troops, forbade his sending out any considerable force to ascertain the fate of Thompson and his companion. Near nightfall, a few daring spirits proceeded up the road to the hommock, and brought (1) sprague'. History of the Florida war.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 101 the bodies to the fort; but Osceola and his followers had hastened their flight, not from fear of the troops, but with the hope of join- ing their companions at Wahoo in time to engage in scenes of more general interest. General Clinch had foreseen that hostilities were unavoidable, and, as early as the fifteenth of November, had sought to increase the number of troops at Fort King by such reinforcements as could be spared from other stations. For this purpose, he ordered Major Dade, then at Fort Brooke, near Tampa Bay, to prepare his com- mand for a march to Fort King. The distance was one hundred and thirty miles, through an unsettled forest, much diversified with swamps, lakes and honmocks. No oficer nor soldier could be found who was acquainted with the route, and a guide was indis- pensable : yet men competent to the discharge of so important a trust were rarely to be found, for the lives of the regiment might depend upon the intelligence and fidelity of their conductor. At this point in our history, even before the commencement of general hostilities, we are led to the acquaintance of one of the most romantic characters who bore part in the stirring scenes of that day. On making inquiry for a suitable guide, the attention of Major Dade was directed to a colored man named Louis. He was the slave of one of the old and respectable Spanish families, named Pacheco, who resided in the vicinity of Fort Brooke. Major Dade applied to the master, Antonio Pacheco, for information concerning his slave, and was assured that Louis, then near thirty years of age, was one of the most faithful, intelligent, and trustworthy men he had ever known. He had also been well bred, was polite, ae- complished, and learned. He read, wrote, and spoke, with facility, the Spanish, French, and English languages, and spoke the Indian, and was perfectly familiar with the route to Fort King, having fre- quently traveled it. Pleased with the character and appearance of Louis, Major Dade entered into an agreement with the master for his services in con- ducting the troops through the forest to Fort King, at the rate of THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 101 the bodies to the fort; but Osceola and his followers had hastened their flight, not from fear of the troops, but with the hope of join- ing their companions at Wahoo in time to engage in scenes of more general interest. General Clinch had foreseen that hostilities were unavoidable, and, as early as the fifteenth of November, had sought to increase the number of troops at Fort King hy such reinforcements as could be spared from other stations. For this purpose, he ordered Major Dade, then at Fort Brooke, near Tampa Bay, to prepare his com- mand for a march to Fort King. The distance was one hundred and thirty miles, through an unsettled forest, much diversified with swamps, lakes and htmmocks. No officer nor soldier could be found who was acquainted with the route, and a guide was indis- pensable : yet men competent to the discharge of so important a trust were rarely to be found, for the lives of the regiment might depend upon the intelligence and fidelity of their conductor. At this point in our history, even before the commencement of general hostilities, we are led to the acquaintance of one of the most romantic characters who bore part in the stirring scenes of that day. On making inquiry for a suitable guide, the attention of Major Dade was directed to a colored man named Louis. He was the slave of one of the old and respectable Spanish families, named Pacheco, who resided in the vicinity of Fort Brooke. Major Dade applied to the master, Antonio Pacheco, for information concerning his slave, and was assured that Louis, then near thirty years of age, was one of the most faithful, intelligent, and trustworthy men he had ever known. He had also been well bred, was polite, ac- complished, and learned. He read, wrote, and spoke, with facility, the Spanish, French, and English languages, and spoke the Indian, and was perfectly familiar with the route to Fort King, having fre- quently traveled it. Pleased with the character and appearance of Louis, Major Dade entered into an agreement with the master for his services in con- ducting the troops through the forest to Fort King, at the rate of THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. 101 the bodies to the fort; but Osceola and his followers had hastened their flight, not from fear of the troops, but with the hope of join- ing their companions at Wahoo in time to engage in scenes of more general interest. General Clinch had foreseen that hostilities were unavoidable, and, as early as the fifteenth of November, had sought to increase the number of troops at Fort King by such reinforcements as could be spared from other stations. For this purpose, he ordered Major Dade, then at Fort Brooke, near Tampa Bay, to prepare his com- mand for a march to Fort King. The distance was one hundred and thirty miles, through an unsettled forest, much diversified with swamps, lakes and hommoeks. No officer nor soldier could be found who was acquainted with the route, and a guide was indis- pensable : yet men competent to the discharge of so important a trust were rarely to be found, for the lives of the regiment might depend upon the intelligence and fidelity of their conductor. At this point in our history, even before the commencement of general hostilities, we are led to the acquaintance of one of the most romantic characters who bore part in the stirring scenes of that day. On making inquiry for a suitable guide, the attention of Major Dade was directed to t colored stan named Louis. He was the slave of one of the old and respectable Spanish families, named Pacheco, who resided in the vicinity of Fort Brooke. Major Dade applied to the master, Antonio Pacheco, for information concerning his slave, and was assured that Louis, then near thirty years of age, was one of the most faithfui, intelligent, and trustworthy men he had ever known. le had also been well bred, was polite, ae- complished, and learned. He read, wrote, and spoke, with facility, the Spanish, French, and English languages, and spoke the Indian, and was perfectly familiar with the route to Fort King, having fre- quently traveled it. Pleased with the character and appearance of Louis, Major Dade entered into an agreement with the master for his services in con- ducting the troops through the forest to Fort King, at the rate of  102 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. twenty-five dollars per month, and stated the time at which the ser- vice was to commence. The contract was made in the presence of Louis, who listened attentively to the whole arrangement, to which he of course gave his own consent. Louis Pacheco was too enlightened to smother the better sympa- thies of the human heart. He was well informed, and understood the efforts that were making to reenslave his brethren, the Exiles. With many of them he had long been acquainted ; he had witnessed the persecutions to which they had been subjected, the outrages heaped upon them, and now saw clearly the intention to subject them to slavery among the Creeks. He had spent his own life thus far in servitude, and, although his condition was regarded with envy by the plantation servants around him, he yet sighed for freedom. Blessed with an intellect of no ordinary tould, he reflected deeply upon his condition, and determined upon his course. Hos- tilities had not yet commenced, and he was in the daily habit of conversing with Indians, and often with Exiles. He was well acquainted with the character of each, and knew the men to whom he could communicate important information with safety. To a few of the Exiles, men of integrity and boldness, he imparted the facts that Dade, with his troops, would leave Fort Brooke about the twenty-fifth of December, for Fort King, and that he, Louis, was to act as their guide; that he would conduct them by the trail leading near the Great Wahoo Swamp, and pointed out the proper place for an attack.' This information was soon made known to the leading and active Exiles, and to a few of the Seminole chiefs and warriors. The Ex- iles, conscious that the war was to be waged on their account, were anxious to give their friends some suitable manifestation of their prowess. They desired as many of the Exiles capable of bearing arms as could assemble at a certain point in the Great Wahoo Swamp, to meet them there as early as the twenty-seventh of De (1) vide Testimony acompanying Pacheco's Pentton to congress for indemnIty. 102 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. twenty-five dollars per month, and stated the time at which the ser- vice was to commence. The contract was made in the presene of Louis, who listened attentively to the whole arrangement, to which he of course gave his own conseet. Louis Pacheco was too enlightened to smother the better sympa- thies of the human heart. He was well informed, and understood the efforts that were making to reenslave his brethren, the Exiles. With many of them he had long been acquainted ; he had witnessed the persecutions to which they had been subjected, the outrages heaped upon them, and now saw clearly the intention to subject them to slavery among the Creeks. He had spent his own life thus far in servitude, and, although his condition was regarded with envy by the plantation servants around him, he yet sighed for freedom. Blessed with an intellect of no ordinary mould, he reflected deeply upon his condition, and determined upon his course. Hos- tilities had not yet commenced, and ie was in the daily habit of conversing with Indians, and often with Exiles. He was well acquainted with the character of each, and knew the men to whom he could communicate important information with safety. To a few of the Exiles, men of integrity and boldness, he imparted the facts that Dade, with his troops, would leave Fort Brooke about the twenty-fifth of December, for Fort King, and that he, Louis, was to act as their guide; that he would conduct them by the trail leading near the Great Wahoo Swamp, and pointed out the proper place for an attack.t This information was soon made known to the leading and active Exiles, and to a few of the Seminole chiefs and warriors. The Ex- iles, conscious that the war was to be waged on their account, were anxious to give their friends some suitable manifestation of their prowess. They desired as many of the Exiles capable of bearing arms as could assemble at a certain point in the Great Wahoo Swamp, to meet them there as early as the twenty-seventh of De (1) Vide Teatimony accompanying Pachecs Petiton to congress fr indemnity. 102 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. twenty-five dollars per month, and stated the time at which the ser- vice was to commence. The contract was made in the presence of Louis, who listened attentively to the whole arrangement, to which he of course gave his own consent. Louis Pacheco was too enlightened to smother the better sympa- thies of the human heart. He was well informed, and understood the efforts that were making to reenslave his brethren, the Exiles. With many of them he had long been acquainted ; he had witnessed the persecutions to which they had been subjected, the outrages heaped upon them, and now saw clearly the intention to subject them to slavery among the Creeks. He had spent his own life thus far in servitude, and, although his condition was regarded with envy by the plantation servants around him, Ie yet sighed for freedom. Blessed with an intellect of no ordinary mould, he reflected deeply upon his condition, and determined upon his course. Hos- tilities had not yet commenced, and he was in the daily habit of conversing with Indians, and often with Exiles. Ile was well acquainted with the character of each, and knew the men to whom be could communicate important information with safety. To a few of the Exiles, men of integrity and boldness, he imparted the facts that Dade, with his troops, would leave Fort Brooke about the twenty-fifth of December, for Fort King, and that he, Louis, was to act as their guide; that he would conduct them by the trail leading near the Great Wahoo Swamp, and pointed out the proper place for an attack.' This information was soon made known to the leading and active Exiles, and to a few of the Seminole chiefs and warriors. The Ex- iles, conscious that the war was to be waged on their account, were anxious to give their friends some suitable manifestation of their prowess. They desired as many of the Exiles capable of bearing arms as could assemble at a certain point in the Great Wahoo Swamp, to meet them there as early as the twenty-seventh of De (1) vide Testimony accompanying Pacheco'. eiton to congresses indemnty.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 103 cember, armed, and prepared to commence the war by a proper demonstration of their gallantry. Information was sent to Osceola and his followers, inviting them to be present. They were lying secreted near Fort King, too intent upon the death of Thompson to turn their eyes for a moment from their victim. However, many other chiefs and warriors assembled at the time and place designated, in order to witness what they supposed would be the first scene in the great drama about to be acted. Their spies detached for that purpose, arrived at their ren- dezvous almost hourly, bringing information of the commencement of Dade's march, the number of men forming his battalion, and their places of encampment each night. In the evening of the twenty-seventh, their patrols brought word that Dade and his men had arrived within three miles of the point at which they intended to attack them. Of course every prepara- tion was now made for placing themselves in ambush at an early hour, along the trail in which it was expected the troops would pass. The scouts reported that precisely one hundred and ten men consti- tuted the force which they expected to encounter, and the official report fully confirms the accuracy of their intelligence. The Ex- iles looked to the coming day with great intensity of feeling. More than two hundred years since, their ancestors had been piratically seized in their own country, and forcibly torn from their friends- from the land of their nativity. For a time they submitted to de- grading bondage ; but more than a century had elapsed since they fled from South Carolina, and found an asylum under Spanish law in the wilds of Florida. There their fathers and mothers had been buried. They had often visited their graves, and mourned over the sad fate to which their race appeared to be doomed. For fifty years they had been subjected to almost constant persecution at the hands of our Government. The blood of their fathers, brothers and friends, massacred at "Blount's Fourt," was yet unavenged. They had seen individuals from among them piratically seized and en- slaved. Their friends, residing with E con-chattimico and with THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 103 cember, armed, and prepared to commence the war by a proper demonstration of their gallantry. Information was sent to Osceola and his followers, inviting them to be present. They were lying secreted near Fort King, too intent upon the death of Thompson to turn their eyes for a moment from their victim. However, many other chiefs and warriors assembled at the time and place designated, in order to witness what they supposed would be the first scene in the great drama about to be acted. Their spies detached for that purpose, arrived at their ren- dezvous almost hourly, bringing information of the commencement of Dade's march, the number of men forming his battalion, and their places of encampment each night. In the evening of the twenty-seventh, their patrols brought word that Dade and his men had arrived within three miles of the point at which they intended to attack them. Of course every prepara- tion was now made for placing themselves in ambush at an early hour, along the trail in which it was expected the troops would pass. The scouts reported that precisely one hundred and ten men consti- tuted the force which they expected to encounter, and the official report fully confirms the accuracy of their intelligence. The Ex- iles looked to the coming day with great intensity of feeling. More than two hundred years since, their ancestors had been piratically seized in their own country, and forcibly torn from their friends- from the land of their nativity. For a time they submitted to de- grading bondage ; but more than a century had elapsed since they fled from South Carolina, and found an asylum under Spanish law in the wilds of Florida. There their fathers and mothers had been buried. They had often visited their graves, and mourned over the sad fate to which their race appeared to be doomed. For fifty years they had been subjected to almost constant persecution at the hands of our Government. The blood of their fathers, brothers and friends, massacred at " Blount's Fourt," was yet unavenged. They had seen individuals from among them piratically seized and On- slaved. Their friends, residing with Econ-chattimico and with THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 103 cember, armed, and prepared to commence the war by a proper demonstration of their gallantry. Information was sent to Osceola and his followers, inviting them to be present. They were lying secreted near Fort King, too intent upon the death of Thompson to turn their eyes for a moment from their victim. However, many other chiefs and warriors assembled at the time and place designated, in order to witness what they supposed would be the first scene in the great drama about to be acted. Their spies detached for that pm-pose, arrived at their ren- dezvous almost hourly, bringing information of the commencement of Dade's march, the number of men forming his battalion, and their places of encampment each night. In the evening of the twenty-seventh, their patrols brought word that Dade and his men had arrived within three miles of the point at which they intended to attack them. Of course every prepara- tion was now made for placing themselves in ambush at an early hour, along the trail in which it was expected the troops would pass. The scouts reported that precisely one hundred and ten men consti- tuted the force which they expected to encounter, and the official report fully confirms the accuracy of their intelligence. The Ex- iles looked to the coming day with great intensity of feeling. More than two hundred years since, their ancestors had been piratically seized in their own country, and forcibly ton from their friends- from the land of their nativity. For a time they submitted to de- grading bondage ; but more than a century had elapsed since they fled from South Carolina, and found an asylum under Spanish law in the wilds of Florida. There their fathers and mothers had been buried. They had often visited their graves, and mourned over the sad fate to which their race appeared to be doomed. For fifty years they had been subjected to almost constant persecution at the hands of our Government. The blood of their fathers, brothers and friends, massacred at " Blount's Fourt," was yet unavenged. They had seen individuals from among them piratically seized and en- slaved. Their friends, residing with Econ-chattimico and with  104 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Walker, had been openly and flagrantly kidnapped, and sold into interminable servitude, where they were then sighing and moading in degrading bondage. In looking forward, they read their intended doom, clearly written in the slave codes of Florida and the adjoin- ing States, which could only be avoided by their most determined resistance. If they behaved worthy of men in their condition, their influence with their savage allies would ie confirmed, and they would be able to control their action on subsequent occasions. Every con- sideration, therefore, tended to nerve them to the work of death which lay before them. In the meantime, their victims were reposing at only four or flve miles distant in conscious security. Their encampment had been selected according to military science. The men and officers were encamped in scientifie order. Their guards were placed, their patrols sent out, and every precaution taken to prevent surprise. They had seen service, and cheerfully encountered its hardships, privations and dangers, but had no suspicion of the fate that awaited them on the coining day. At early dawn, the men were paraded, the roll called, and the order for regulating the day's march given. They were then dis- missed for breakfast, and at eight o'clock, resumed their march, and proceeded on their way in the full expectation of reaching their des- tination by the evening of that day. But the insidious foe had been equally vigilant. They had left their island encampment with the first light of the morning, and each had taken his position along the trail in which the troops were expected to march, but at some thirty or forty yards distant. Each man was hidden by a tree, which was to be his fortress during the expected action. A few rods oin the other side of the trail lay a pond of water, whose placid surface reflected the glittering rays of the morning sun. All was peaceful and quiet as the breath of summer. Unsuspicious of the hidden death which beset their pathway, the troops entered this defile, and passed along until their rear had come 104 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Walker, had been openly and flagrantly kidnapped, and sold into interminable servitude, where they were then sighing and mooding in degrading bondage. In looking forward, they read their intended doom, clearly written in the slave codes of Florida and the adjoin- ing States, which could only be avoided by their most determined resistance. If they behaved worthy of tmen in their condition, their influence with their savage allies would be confirmed, and they would be able to control their action on subsequent occasions. Every con- sideration, therefore, tended to nerve them to the work of death which lay before them. In the meantime, their victims were reposing at only four or five miles distant in conscious security. Their encampment had been selected according to military science. The men and officers were encamped in scientific order. Their guards were placed, their patrols sent out, and every precaution taken to prevent surprise. They had seen service, and cheerfully encountered its hardships, privations and dangers, but had no suspicion of the fate that awaited them on the coining day. At early dawn, the men were paraded, the roll called, and the order for regulating the day's march given. They were then dis- missed for breakfast, and at eight o'clock, resumed their march, and proceeded on their way in the full expectation of reaching their des- tination by the evening of that day. But the insidious foe had been equally vigilant. They had left their island encampment with the first light of the morning, and each had taken his position along the trail in which the troops were expected to march, but at some thirty or forty yards distant. Each man was hidden by a tree, which was to be his fortress during the expected action. A few rods on the other side of the trail lay a pond of water, whose placid surface reflected the glittering rays of the morning sun. All was peaceful and quiet as the breath of summer. Unsuspicious of the hidden death which beset their pathway, the troops entered this defile, and passed along until their rear had come 104 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. Walker, had been openly and flagrantly kidnapped, and sold into interminable servitude, where they were then sighing and moanding in degrading bondage. In looking forward, they read their intended doom, clearly written in the slave codes of Florida and the adjoin- ing States, which could only be avoided by their most determined resistance. If they behaved worthy of men in their condition, their influence with their savage allies would be confirmed, and they would be able to control their action on subsequent occasions. Every con- sideration, therefore, tended to nerve them to the work of death which lay before them. In the meantime, their victims were reposing at only four or five miles distant in conscious secrity. Their encampment had been selected according to military science. The men and oficers were encamped in scientifie order. Their guards were placed, their patrols sent out, and every precaution taken to prevent surprise. They had seen service, and cheerfully encountered its hardships, privations and dangers, but had no suspicion of the fate that awaited them on the coming day. At early dawn, the men were paraded, the roll called, and the order for regulating the day's march given. They were then dis- missed for breakfast, and at eight o'clock, resumed their march, and proceeded on their way in the full expectation of reaching their des- tination by the evening of that day. But the insidious foe had been equally vigilant. They had left their island encampment with the first light of the morning, and each had taken his position along the trail in which the troops were expected to march, but at some thirty or forty yards distant. Each man was hidden by a tree, which was to be his fortress during the expected action. A few rods os the other side of the trail lay a pond of water, whose placid surface reflected the gittering rays of the morning sun. All was peaceful and quiet as the breath of summer. Unsuspicious of the hidden death which beset their pathway, the troops entered this defile, and passed along until their rear had come  TIE EXILES 00 FLORIDA. 105 within the rang oth enmes' rifles, wheno, at a given signal, each warrioir fired, while his victim was in fulls viw and1 unprotected. One-half of that ill-fated land, iscluding tile gallant Bade, fell at tho- first flee. The remiaindor were thrown into disorder. The offi- els endleavored to rally tiheint Illne; but, their enemsy wee anseen, anl ore they could relurs an effec-tive sliot, ni see( il discharlge frout the hidden foe leid one-half their resmaining finoroistriaeinideaths. The sur!ivors retre-ited at soit distance toweard their reamhpiient of Ste prviu night, asnd, iihlile mst of thle Exiles and1 Iiidians wete cisgaged ini scailping the dead and, rotitelatkiog those w'ho wee dhialed , they foi mod a hasty brieastwoerk of lo'gs for thi de- fense. They wore0, horeever, roes insvested Iby the enemly,eiand the fess who lied taken shelter bhlindl their rude de-feses w5ee ovr- comse and masscsesd hy the Exiles, whli conversed tiith sloes in Ettglish, and Iten dispaetcede tlieel Onily twei inividuels beside Louis, the gside, made their escape. Their gallast commatnider, his off re atid soldiers, whose hesrt, lied heel high with exporta- tion ill the moingtt,iat eingi lay prostrate is death;tn asth sahle sictors relaxed fi-om their liloody workl, thcy conigratulaed ech other ott haring retenged the death of those whio, twenty years prreviously, htad fallen at the Isassacre tof "'Ilouslt's Fort"' The loss of the alliedl forces tsr-th kiio illed antd fire woundtted. After hbtrying the till' deadl, thecy returede to the island in the swamp long biefore nightfall. To thtis point1, they hrouight the spoils of victory, whichl were deemed impotanet for caeryintg on the war. Night lied scarcely closedl atroundl thtemi, howevee, 11hen1 Oseola anid his followers arrived fto sltoert Kisg, hrinrging itelligetnee of the death of Thomtpson andl Lieutettant Smiithi, togethlee wtith she satler and his two cleelts. Thear, Ills, was Louis, thle guide to lDado's commtand. le was now fre! le etigeged in convecrsation with his sable feiends. Well knorwing the time antd 111000 at wshich the attack was tu he muede, he lie psrofessed neessity foe oppitng by (t id. USt 515me1, se Tn'se1,, 5 Semnl, Ciefi, who s Peses', and nhsesac cont a e assae L m aI.iSpause'nsisry ofte Filida aii. THlE EXILES 0F FLOIDAs. 105 within the rantge otf the enlielis' rifles, wiles, at a given signal, etch warriolr fired, u-Iile his vicohm was in fall viewo and utiprotected. One-htalf of that ill fted bantd, itneltudinig the gelilant Dade, fell at Ihe-fleol fit-e, Thte rewaisder weee theown ists diestrder. The offi- cerse esdeasvored to raill- thteintIll lite; butt thteir entemy waes uniseen, Rod ore tiley' col1d ret ain off 01110sot a "ac teld ii-ehieso from Ite sudden foe laid one-hailf theie remininig fot-e prostate itn deatht. The surv-ivors reteed, a shioet Ilistaio toiwaed threneaiisttent of te previous sight, and, twhile o sit if the Exiles aind Initains wre eltgagedl in scalping the lead andlil lliialisig thlise whu were disbledl, they fiseiied ia hasty brestwsork of I ogs for tuhe de- tense. They nwole, liwtser e, soln ittvested 1by the eneimy, iand the ferw who lied taken shelter beintdi their rude ,lose5 w~ere 0vcr- rome asnd massacted by the Exiles, whti conveesed wills Ithem is English, andi tiles dispatcihed thlet n1 Only twso indlividutals heside Loitus, the guile, mwslO luer cea.pe. Their galllint commtsanider, his ofiers stil soldiies, woise hieirts lied beet hligh swith expecta- lion ins the morning, at eenting biy prostraite is death; and as thle sable victors relaxed frow their biloody work, Itley cosgratulated each otlier en havitg retinged thrie-athi of thosle woi, twenty yearn plreviously, hail fillen at ths ni-core tif '' luttls Foes'" The loss of 111e allied fotrces wse-three killed and file woundled. After burying thieie ott- lead, thley- retsrned to Ite islatnd in thtn swamp long befre sightfall. Tos thtis pint, they broughtt the spoilsn of victory, wie wsere deemeld impjortatnt for careyinlg on the war, Night Itad scarcely elsedi mounlidl threl, hlowever, witen Osceola and his folloness arrived fion s oi t 1 K11 4ing, brinigintg intelligence of the death of Thomipson attd Lieutenant Smiith, together nwitk lice sutler and his two eler-les. Thiem, 5t1o, seas Luis, thle guidle to Bade's eowmntus. le was snos fre! le engaged is convervation witht hin sable friens. Well knowing 111e time anid place lit which she attaek w-as to be nade, he htad profeised necessity fose stopping by it) ids Statemnt of T-nI-r, aSeOrssle roia, 01h5 now p'e'rst, 55d nhs Ia- sssnt ofti.. eiss s ien, n Sriernoess IliliseecofntheeFlaridaI,. THlE EXILES 00 FLORItDA. 105 within tile rtngo of the enermies' eiles, whent, at a given signal, earlh warieeor fired, while his ictimt was is fulls visv a1n1d unp~rotected. One-half sf111a1 ill-faeds basil, inludin~g thte galilant Datde, fell at the- first fit-e. Thte remiaind-er wers thron into diso dir. The sffi- cersoendeavtored to rally themtti Ilne ; but their -olly ws unseen, anid ore they eould returnl an offoetive shot, a cool ad disdoue om sthe hidlden fee leidi one-half their remiinlg fore c postralte ini deathi. The survitvore retreated a sheet di-tue toivard their 'eampmhet of Ite precious nigh~t, antd, swhile most of tile Exiles aiid Indians were enigagedin 1 scalpidng the d iead eand teliahaiisg those who were di-abled, 1th03 fRanted a hlasty b'v,'-twor-k of log- file their lie- fesse. They we~re, 1101101r, s0oo1 invyessed 1by 1the Ienm, and thie ferw who hail takent shelter bhlindii their rude defentses wvere over- cosme and mtassecred by thte Exilec, whlies covesed wiiih them in Englishi, and thlen sdispatchied tltosi. Only1 ivte iiidii iduals beside Loluis, the glcide, madlie lhie escellv. Their gallant comimnander, his offices asid soldliers, wsholse lie-lets had beet high svitht enpecta- lion intshIe mornling, at evenin~g lily prostrate is death; and as then sable slores relaxed fio th1sleir blood3- work, thley eiosgratulated each otlier ots hatvitg I-esvenged the dleath of tholse wo, twenlty years peliously, hadi flleon ill the mnassare if -' Iliouis Fort'' The loss of the allied forces5 was-threie billed and1 fitve sreunded. After brying theiir otwl deal, they- returnied so silo islandl in Ike swamp long biefoire nlightlfall. To this poiint, th1ey brottght Ike spoils of vietory, mil were deelmed importat fee carryinlg ow thn war. Night htad scareely closed arountid the, howeveor, sliet Oseola asid his followers arrisved ft-si Fort King, bringisig inteolligence of she death of Thomp~son slid Lieutenastt Smuith, toigether wiitht the satler and his twso 0111k0. Theire, too, wao Lsuis, the guhide 10 Bade's ecosmand. le was sliw fee1! Hie engagedl is conersatino wish his sable friensil. XWell knowiting the tim~e and plac~e at which the attack was to be smade, he ha111 professcd necessity fee stopiping by it risc Statem-n, o5 0515-5nger, a Semlile exit, nil s pre1,51, and os et- Ilunnt is ne, masae s 15i55 ii Epc,'n-oi. 11, 0f lau tlsrida IV.,  106 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. the way-side before entering the defile ; thus separating himself from the troops and from danger. Soon as the first fire showed him the precise position of his friends, be joined them; and swearing eter- nal hostility to all who enslave their fellow men, lent his own efforts in carrying forward the work of death, until the last individual of that doomed regiment sunk beneath their tomahawks. The massacre of the unfortunate Dade and his companions, and the murder of Thompson and his friends, at Fort King, occurred on the same day, and constituted the opening scenes of the second Seminole War. 1847.] We bespeak the indulgence of the reader, while we di- gress from the chronological narration of events which fol- lowed consecutively upon this opening of the second Seminole War, - in order to give a short sketch of some incidents which occurred in Congress, and were connected with the employment of Louis, and his subsequent service with the enemy. Twelve years after the massacre of Dade's command, Antonio Pacheco presented his petition to Congress, setting forth that be had been the owner of a valuable slave named Louis; that he hired him as guide to Major Dade to conduct his command from "Fort Brooke " to " Fort King ;" that at the time of Dade's defeat, Louis had been captured by the Indians, and by them had been subse- quently surrendered to Major General Jessup, and by that officer sent to the Indian country, west of the Mississippi, whereby he became lost to his owner, who, therefore, prayed Congress to grant him full indemnity for his loss. Among the proofs accompanying this petition was a letter from General Jessup, setting forth that, after Louis had been employed to act as guide, he had kept up a correspondence with the "Semi- nole negroes," informing them of the intended march of Major Dade, etc. He also represented Louis as a man of extraordinary intellect and learning, declaring that he regarded him as a danger- ous man ; that he would have had him tried and hanged, instead of sending him West, if he had found leisure to attend to it; that 106 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. the way-side before entering the defile ; thus separating himself from the troops and from danger. Soon as the first fire showed him the precise position of his friends, he joined them; and swearing eter- nal hostility to all who enslave their fellow men, lent his own efforts in carrying forward the work of death, until the last individual of that doomed regiment sunk beneath their tomahawks. The massacre of the unfortunate Dade and his companions, and the murder of Thompson and his friends, at Fort King, occurred on the same day, and constituted the opening scenes of the second Seminole War. 1847.] We bespeak the indulgence of the reader, while we di- gress from the chronological narration of events which fol- lowed consecutively upon this opening of the second Seminole War, in order to give a short sketch of some incidents which occurred in Congress, and were connected with the employment of Louis, and his subsequent service with the enemy. Twelve years after the massacre of Dade's command, Antonio Pacheco presented his petition to Congress, setting forth that he had been the owner of a valuable slave named Louis; that he hired him as guide to Major Dade to conduct his command from "Fort Brooke " to "Fort King ;" that at the time of Dade's defeat, Louis had been captured by the Indians, and by them had been subse- quently surrendered to Major General Jessup, and by that officer sent to the Indian country, west of the Mississippi, whereby he became lost to his owner, who, therefore, prayed Congress to grant him full indemnity for his loss. Among the proofs accompanying this petition was a letter from General Jessup, setting forth that, after Louis had been employed to act as guide, be had kept up a correspondence with the "Semi- nole negroes," informing them of the intended march of Major Dade, etc. He also represented Louis as a man of extraordinary intellect and learning, declaring that he regarded him as a danger- ous man; that he would have had him tried and hanged, instead of sending him West, if he had found leisure to attend to it; that 106 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. the way-side before entering the defile ; thus separating himself from the troops and from danger. Soon as the first fire showed him the precise position of his friends, he joined them; and swearing eter- nal hostility to all who enslave their fellow men, lent his own efforts in carrying forward the work of death, until the last individual of that doomed regiment sunk beneath their tomahawks. The massacre of the unfortunate Dade and his companions, and the murder of Thompson and his friends, at Fort King, occurred on the same day, and constituted the opening scenes of the second Seminole War. 1847.] We bespeak the indulgence of the reader, while we di- gress from the chronological narration of events which fol- lowed consecutively upon this opening of the second Seminole War, in order to give a short sketch of some incidents which occurred in Congress, and were connected with the employment of Louis, and his subsequent service with the enemy. Twelve years after the massacre of Dade's command, Antonio Pacheco presented his petition to Congress, setting forth that he had been the owner of a valuable slave named Louis; that he hired him as guide to Major Dade to conduct his command from "Fort Brooke " to " Fort King ;" that at the time of Dade's defeat, Louis had been captured by the Indians, and by them had been subse- quently surrendered to Major General Jessup, and by that officer sent to the Indian country, west of the Mississippi, whereby he became lost to his owner, who, therefore, prayed Congress to grant him full indemnity for his loss. Among the proofs accompanying this petition was a letter from General Jessup, setting forth that, after Louis had been employed to act as guide, ie had kept up a correspondence with the "Semi- nole negroes," informing them of the intended march of Major Dade, etc. He also represented Louis as a man of extraordinary intellect and learning, declaring that he regarded him as a danger- ous man ; that he would have had him tried and hanged, instead of sending him West, if he had found leisure to attend to it; that  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 107 from prudential motives he had sent him to the Indian country; and stated that he was worth a thousand dollars. The ease was most interesting in its character. Louis was proba- bly the most dangerous enemy of the United States at that time in Florida. With his intelligence, he must have felt an inveterate hostility to the Government and the people, who robbed him of his most sacred right to liberty. Probably his former master and fam- ily were in greater danger from his vengeance than any other per- sons. He had surrendered to General Jessup as prisoner of war with arms in his hands; had been treated-very properly treated- as a prisoner of war : therefore, the master called on the people of the nation to pay him a thousand dollars for protecting him, his family, friends and nation from the fury of his own slave ; and General Jessup and many Northern Representatives exerted their personal and political influence to sustain the claim. The petition and accompanying papers were referred to the com- mittee on Military Affairs, a majority of whom were known to be favorable to the interests of slavery. At the head of it was the Hon. Armisted Burt, of South Carolina, a man of intelligence and influence. He appeared devoted to the interests of the "peculiar institution." 1848.] Having examined the case, he presented it to the con- sideration of the committee, and a majority at once agreed to sustain a bill giving to the owner a fair compensation for the loss of his slave. The Chairman agreed to draw up a report sus- taining the bill, and present it to the committee the next morning. Hon. John Dickey, of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, now de- ceased, was also a member of the committee. He boarded at the same house with the author of this narrative. While at tea that evening, Mr. Dickey remarked, that his committee were about to report a bill to pay for this slave, and said, if he were familiar with the subject, he would draw up a minority report against the bill. A gentleman sitting at the table remarked, that other gentlemen, who were familiar with the subject, would doubtless feel willing to TO EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. 107 from prudential motives he had sent him to the Indian country; and stated that he was worth a thousand dollars. The case was most interesting in its character. Louis was proba- bly the most dangerous enemy of the United States at that time in Florida. With his intelligence, he must have felt an inveterate hostility to the Government and the people, who robbed him of his most sacred right to liberty. Probably his former master and fam- ily were in greater danger from his vengeance than any other per- sons. le had surrendered to General Jessup as prisoner of war with arms in his hands; had been treated-very properly treated- as a prisoner of war : therefore, the master called on the people of the nation to pay him a thousand dollars for protecting him, his family, friends and nation from the fury of his own slave ; and General Jessup and many Northern Representatives exerted their personal and political influence to sustain the claim. The petition and accompanying papers were referred to the con- mittee on Military Affairs, a majority of whom were known to be favorable to the interests of slavery. At the head of it was the Hon. Armisted Burt, of South Carolina, a man of intelligence and infnuence. He appeared devoted to the interests of the " peculiar institution." 1848.] Having examined the case, Ie presented it to the con- sideration of the committee, and a majority at once agreed to sustain a bill giving to the owner a fair compensation for the loss of his slave. The Chairman agreed to draw up a report sus- taining the bill, and present it to the committee the next morning. Hon. John Dickey, of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, now de- ceased, was also a member of the committee. He boarded at the same house with the author of this narrative. While at tea that evening, ir. Dickey remarked, that his committee were about to report a bill to pay for this slave, and said, if he were familiar with the subject, he would draw up a minority report against the bill. A gentleman sitting at the table remarked, that other gentlemen, who were familiar with the subject, would doubtless feel willing to THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. 107 from prudential motives he had sent him to the Indian country; and stated that he was worth a thousand dollars. The case was most interesting in its character. Louis was proba- bly the most dangerous enemy of the United States at that time in Florida. With his intelligence, he must have felt an inveterate hostility to the Government and the people, who robbed him of his most sacred right to liberty. Probably his former master and fam- ily were in greater danger from his vengeance than any other per- sons. He had surrendered to General Jessup as prisoner of war with arms in his hands; had been treated-very properly treated- as a prisoner of war : therefore, the master called on the people of the nation to pay him a thousand dollars for protecting him, his family, friends and nation from the fury of his own slave ; and General Jessup and many Northern Representatives exerted their personal and political infnuence to sustain the claim. The petition and accompanying papers were referred to the com- mittee on Military Affairs, a majority of whom were known to be favorable to the interests of slavery. At the head of it was the Hon. Armisted Burt, of South Carolina, a man of intelligence and influence. He appeared devoted to the interests of the " peculiar institution." 1848.1 Having examined the case, be presented it to the con- sideration of the committee, and a majority at once agreed to sustain a bill giving to the owner a fair compensation for the loss of his slave. The Chairman agreed to draw up a report sus- taining the bill, and present it to the committee the next morning. Hon. John Dickey, of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, now de- ceased, was also a member of the committee. He boarded at the same house with the author of this narrative. While at tea that evening, Mr. Dickey remarked, that his committee were about to report a bill to pay for this slave, and said, if he were familiar with the subject, ie would draw up a minority report against the bill. A gentleman sitting at the table remarked, that other gentlemen, who were familiar with the subject, would doubtless feel willing to  108 THE EXILETHE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 108 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 108 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. lend him any aid in their power. All however agreed, that an evening was too short a time to draw up a suitable report on so important a question ; yet it was known that slaveholders controlled the action of the House, and they showed no courtesy to those opposed to the " peculiar institution," and would of course grant no time to draw up a minority report. After tea, Mr. Dickey and another gentleman retired to a room by themselves, and before sun- rise the next morning, had completed the report, which now appears among the House Documents, Thirtieth Congress, first session, numbered 187, filling sixteen heavy octavo pages of printed matter. At ten o'clock the committee met, and, having listened to the report of their Chairman, they were called on to hear that of Mr. Dickey,. which took distinct and unmistakable grounds against the right of men to hold their fellow-beings as property, under the Federal Constitution. This case furnishes the first instance in which the records of the nation show a minority report from any committee against slavery. Mr. Dickey, having taken his position, stood firmly upon the doctrines lie had avowed in his report ; and the other members of the committee took their choice between the report of Mr. Burt and that of Mr. Dickey. General Dudley Marvin, of New York, General James Wilson, of New Hampshire, and Hon. David Fisher, of Ohio, signed the report of Mr. Dickey; while the four Democratic members, all of whom resided in the slave States, signed that of Mr. Burt. So far as the committee were concerned, the five Democratic members assumed the position now occupied by that party, to wit, that under our Federal Constitution, man may hold, sell and transfer human beings as property; while the four Whig members based their action upon the doctrine now occupied by the Republican party- that, under our Federal Constitution, men cannot be transformed into brutes; nor can one man hold property in another. The reports of the majority and minority were printed, and at- tracted attention among the members; but the bill did not come up for discussion until the next session. On the twenty-third of the lend him any aid in their power. All however agreed, that an evening was too short a time to draw up a suitable report on so important a question ; yet it was known that slaveholders controlled the action of the House, and they showed no courtesy to those opposed to the " peculiar institution," and would of course grant no time to draw up a minority report. After tea, Mr. Dickey and another gentleman retired to a room by themselves, and before sun- rise the next morning, had completed the report, which now appears among the House Documents, Thirtieth Congress, first session, numbered 187, filling sixteen heavy octavo pages of printed matter. At ten o'clock the committee met, and, having listened to the report of their Chairman, they were called on to hear that of Mr. Dickey,. which took distinct and unmistakable grounds against the right of men to hold their fellow-beings as property, under the Federal Constitution. This case furnishes the first instance in which the records of the nation show a minority report from any committee against slavery. Mr. Dickey, having taken his position, stood firmly upon the doctrines he had avowed in his report; and the other members of the committee took their choice between the report of Mr. Burt and that of Mr. Dickey. General Dudley Marvin, of New York, General James Wilson, of New Hampshire, and Hon. David Fisher, of Ohio, signed the report of Mr. Dickey; while the four Democratic members, all of whom resided in the slave States, signed that of Mr. Burt. So far as the committee were concerned, the five Democratic members assumed the position now occupied by that party, to wit, that under our Federal Constitution, man may hold, sell and transfer human beings as property; while the four Whig members based their action upon the doctrine now occupied by the Republican party- that, under our Federal Constitution, men cannot be transformed into brutes; nor can one man hold property in another. The reports of the majority and minority were printed, and at- tracted attention among the members; but the bill did not come up for discassion until the next session. On the twenty-third of the lend him any aid in their power. All however agreed, that an evening was too short a time to draw up a suitable report on so important a question ; yet it was known that slaveholders controlled the action of the House, and they showed no courtesy to those opposed to the " peculiar institution," and would of course grant no time to draw up a minority report. After tea, Mr. Dickey and another gentleman retired to a room by themselves, and before sun- rise the next morning, had completed the report, which now appears among the House Documents, Thirtieth Congress, first session, numbered 187, filling sixteen heavy octavo pages of printed matter. At ten o'clock the committee met, and, having listened to the report of their Chairman, they were called on to hear that of Mr. Dickey, which took distinct and unmistakable grounds against the right of men to hold their fellow-beings as property, under the Federal Constitution. This case furnishes the first instance in which the records of the nation show a minority report from any committee against slavery. Mr. Dickey, having taken his position, stood firmly upon the doctrines he had avowed in his report ; and the other members of the committee took their choice between the report of Mr. Burt and that of Mr. Dickey. General Dudley Marvin, of New York, General James Wilson, of New Hampshire, and Hon. David Fisher, of Ohio, signed the report of Mr. Dickey; while the four Democratic members, all of whom resided in the slave States, signed that of Mr. Burt. So far as the committee were concerned, the five Democratic members assumed the position now occupied by that party, to wit, that under our Federal Constitution, man may hold, sell and transfer human beings as property; while the four Whig members based their action upon the doctrine now occupied by the Republican party- that, under our Federal Constitution, men cannot be transformed into brutes; nor can one man hold property in another. The reports of the majority and minority were printed, and at- tracted attention among the members; but the bill did not come up for discussion until the next session. On the twenty-third of the  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 109 following December, the committee of the whole House, in passing through its calendar of private claims, reached this case. Mr. Dickey led off in a short, but well-arranged argument, sustaining his report. His remarks were so well directed and so pertinent, that, near the close of his speech, Mr. Burt called him to order, for discussing the suiject of slavery. Upon the conclusion of Mr. Dickey's remarks, General Wilson of New Hampshire obtained the floor, and the House adjourned. The bill did not come up again for discussion until the twenty- ninth. Before going into committee on that day, Mr. Rockwell, of Connecticut, Chairman of the committee on Claims, offered a reso- lution closing debate on this bill at half-past one o'clock, allowing but one hour and a quarter for the discussion of this important question, which now agitates the whole Union; but it was regarded at that time as meritorious in any member to prevent agitation of the subject of slavery, and the resolution passed with little opposi- tion. When the House resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. Wilson, of New Hampshire, delivered his views, sustaining the report of the minority of the committee ; making the question dis- tinctly to depend upon the right of men to hold property in men, under the Federal Constitution. Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, followed in a few remarks, taking strong ground in favor of the principle, that slaves are property, to the same extent that horses and cattle are property. Mr. Cabel, of Florida, followed in a few words to the same point. Here the time for closing the debate arrived; but Mr. Burt, having reported the bill, held the right to speak one hour, under the rules, in reply to those who opposed its passage. He had evidently expected the bill would pass without serious opposition, and had become some- what excited by the difficulties with which he had to contend ; con- fident however of final success, he at once declared the only question to be, that of property in human flesh. Many Northern men were unwilling to meet this bald question. Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, interrupted Mr. Burt, inquiring, if there were not other questions THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 109 following December, the committee of the whole House, in passing through its calendar of private claims, reached this case. Mr. Dickey led off in a short, but well-arranged argument, sustaining his report. His remarks were so well directed and so pertinent, that, near the close of his speech, Mr. Burt called him to otder, for discussing the su>ject of slavery. Upon the conclusion of Mr. Dickey's remarks, General Wilson of New Hampshire obtained the floor, and the House adjourned. The bill did not conic up again for discussion until the twenty- ninth. Before going into committee on that day, Mr. Rockwell, of Connecticut, Chairman of the committee on Claims, offered a reso lution closing debate on this bill at half-past one o'clock, allowing but one hour and a quarter for the discussion of this important question, which now agitates the whole Union ; but it was regarded at that time as meritorious in any member to prevent agitation of the subject of slavery, and the resolution passed with little opposi- tion. When the House resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. Wilson, of New Hampshire, delivered his views, sustaining the report of the minority of the committee ; making the question dis- tinctly to depend upon the right of men to hold property in men, under the Federal Constitution. Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, followed in a few remarks, taking strong ground in favor of the principle, that slaves are property, to the same extent that horses and cattle are property. Mr. Cabel, of Florida, followed in a few words to the same point. Here the time for closing the debate arrived; but Mr. Burt, having reported the bill, held the right to speak one hour, under the rules, in reply to those who opposed its passage. He had evidently expected the bill would pass without serious opposition, and had become some- what excited by the difiiculties with which he had to contend ; con- fident however of final success, he at once declared the only question to be, that of property in human flesh. Many Northern men were unwilling to meet this bald question. Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, interrupted Mr. Burt, inquiring, if there were not other questions THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. 109 following December, the contnittee of the whole House, in passing through its calendar of private claims, reahed this case. Mr. Dickey led off in a short, but well-arenged argument, sustaining his report. His remarks were so well directed and so pertinent, that, near the close of his speech, Mr. Burt called him to order, for discussing the suject of slavery. U pon the conclusion of Mr. Dickey's remarks, General Wilson of New Hampshire obtained the floor, and the House adjourned. The bill did not coen up again for discussion until the twenty- ninth. Before going into committee on that day, Mr. Rockwell, of Connecticut, Chairman of the committee on Claims, offcred a reso- lution closing debate on this bill at half-past one o'clock, allowing but one hour and a quarter for the discussion of this important question, which now agitates the whole Union; but it was regarded at that time as meritorious in any menber to prevent agitation of the subject of slavery, and the resolution passed with little opposi- tion. When the House resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. Wilson, of New Hampshire, delivered his views, sustaining the report of the minority of the committee ; making the question dis- tinctly to depend upon the right of men to hold property in men, under the Federal Constitution. Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, followed in a few remarks, taking strong ground in favor of the principle, that slaves are property, to the same extent that horses and cattle are property. Mr. Cabel, of Florida, followed in a few words to the same point. Here the time for closing the debate arrived; but Mr. Burt, having reported the bill, held the right to speak one hour, under the rules, in reply to those who opposed its passage. He had evidently expected the bill would pass without serious opposition, and had become some- what excited by the difficulties with which he had to contend ; con- fident however of final suecess, he at once declared the only question to be, that of property in human fesh. Many Northern men were unwilling to meet this bald question. Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, interrupted Mr. Burt, inquiring, if there were not other questions  110 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. of law involved? Burt replied, with some degree of arrogance, that he would "leave no other loop-hole for gentlemen to escape." This supercilious bearing of Mr. Burt greatly delighted some North- ern members, while it appeared greatly to embarrass others; but his speech was the last, and, there being no opportunity for reply, every thing gave promise of a triumphant victory to the slave- holders. After the conclusion of this speech, the vote was taken in com- mittee, where no record was kept, and stood for the bill seventy, against it forty-four-the majority being even greater than the slaveholders expected. The bill was then reported to the House, and Mr. Crowell, of Ohio, moved to lay it on the table, and called for the yeas and nays; and the recorded vote stood, ayes sixty-six, noes eighty-fve-being a majority of nineteen in favor of the claim. The bill was then ordered to a third reading without division. Soon as this result was announced, the Author moved a recon- sideration of this vote. The reconsideration being a privileged question, he held the floor, and was proceeding to deliver his views, but gave way for an adjournment. 1849.] On the sixth of January, the bill again came up in the regular order of business, and Mr. Giddings concluded his remarks. He endeavored to meet the arrogance of Mr. Burt, clearly and as fully as his abilities would permit. He accepted the challenge thrown out by that member, that he would leave no other loop-hole for gentlemen to escape, than by meeting the ques- tion of property in human flesh. To this point he directed his remarks, attempting to show the doctrine of Mr. Burt to be opposed to the Declaration of Independence, to the Constitution of the United States, to civilization, to the dictates of our common hu- manity.1 When he concluded his remarks, he withdrew his motion to reconsider, in order to test the sense of the House on the pass age of the bill, which would be the next question in order. (1) These Speeches may be fond in the cegressional Globe, 2d sess. XXXth Cangress. 110 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. of law involved? Burt replied, with some degree of arrogance, that he would " leave no other loop-hole for gentlemen to escape." This supercilious bearing of Mr. Burt greatly delighted some North- ern members, while it appeared greatly to embarrass others; but his speech was the last, and, there being no opportunity for reply, every thing gave promise of a triumphant victory to the slave- holders. After the conclusion of this speech, the vote was taken in com- mittee, where no record was kept, and stood for the bill seventy, against it forty-four-the majority being even greater than the slaveholders expected. The bill was then reported to the House, and Mr. Crowell, of Ohio, moved to lay it on the table, and called for the yeas and nays ; and the recorded vote stood, ayes sixty-six, noes eighty-fve - being a majority of nineteen in favor of the claim. The bill was then ordered to a third reading without division. Soon as this result was announced, the Author moved a recon- sideration of this vote. The reconsideration being a privileged question, he held the floor, and was proceeding to deliver his views, but gave way for an adjournment. 1849.] On the sixth of January, the bill again came up in the regular order of business, and Mr. Giddings concluded his remarks. He endeavored to meet the arrogance of Mr. Burt, clearly and as fully as his abilities would permit. He accepted the challenge thrown out by that member, that he would leave no other loop-hole for gentlemen to escape, than by meeting the ques- tion of property in human flesh. To this point he directed his remarks, attempting to show the doctrine of Mr. Burt to be opposed to the Declaration of Independence, to the Constitution of the United States, to civilization, to the dictates of our common hu- manity.t When he concluded his remarks, he withdrew his motion to reconsider, in order to test the sense of the House on the pass- age of the bill, which would be the next question in order. (1) These Speehee may be found the coagrretoal Globe, 2d sess. XXXth congress. 110 THE EXILEs oF FLoRIDA. of law involved? Burt replied, with some degree of arrogance, that he would " leave no other loop-hole for gentlemen to escape." This supercilious bearing of Mr. Burt greatly delighted some North- ern members, while it appeared greatly to embarrass others; but his speech was the last, and, there being no opportunity for reply, every thing gave promise of a triumphant victory to the slave- holders. After the conclusion of this speech, the vote was taken in com- mittee, where no record was kept, and stood for the bill seventy, against it forty-four -the majority being even greater than the slaveholders expected. The bill was then reported to the House, and Mr. Crowell, of Ohio, moved to lay it on the table, and called for the yeas and nays; and the recorded vote stood, ayes sixty-six, noes eighty-fve - being a majority of nineteen in favor of the claim. The bill was then ordered to a third reading without division. Soon as this result was announced, the Author moved a recon- sideration of this vote. The reconsideration being a privileged question, he held the floor, and was proceeding to deliver his views, but gave way for an adjournment. 1849.] On the sixth of January, the bill again came up in the reoular order of business, and Mr. Giddings concluded his remarks. He endeavored to meet the arrogance of Mr. Burt, clearly and as fully as his abilities would permit. He accepted the challenge thrown out by that member, that he would leave no other loop-hole for gentlemen to escape, than by meeting the ques- tion of property in human flesh. To this point he directed his remarks, attempting to show the doctrine of Mr. Burt to be opposed to the Declaration of Independence, to the Constitution of the United States, to civilization, to the dictates of our common hu- manity.' When he concluded his remarks, he withdrew his motion to reconsider, in order to test the sense of the House on the pass- age of the bill, which would be the next question in order. (I) These Speeches may be fonad in the Cangresseonal Globe, 2d Ses. XXXth Coangress.  THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 111 As the roll was called, and the votes given, the result became doubtful, and much interest was manifested in all parts of the hall. The bill and discussion had been thrust upon the House by slaveholders : its whole merits were based upon the most vital prin- ciples of slavery. The question of property in human flesh, con- stitutes one of the essential elements of the institution, without which it could not survive one hour. The slave power had not for many years been defeated on any proposition touching slavery, and it appeared painful for those interested in that institution to have their influence doubted. The Clerk (a deputy) was engaged a long time in counting the votes, and ascertaining the result. He was a slaveholder, and ap- peared perplexed; some members, even before he made report of the vote, expressed doubts of his accuracy. At length he passed his report to the Chair. The Speaker, Mr. Winthrop of Massa- chusetts, casting his eye upon the figures, rose from his seat, and announced the vote-" ayes ninety, noes eighty-nine," and then re- marking that the rules of the House made it his duty to vote in all cases slhen such vote would change the result, began to give his reasons for the vote he was about to record, and as he proceeded it became evident that ie was opposed to the bill. The Clerk then handed hiim another paper, and the Speaker, after reading it, an- nounced that the Clerk had mistaken the vote, and without saying more, announced-"ayes ninety-one, noes eighty-nine," and de- clared the bill "passed." The interest had now become intense in all parts of the hall. It was perfectly natural that men should be suspicious of the Clerk. Mr. Dickey, in particular, had taken a deep interest in the question. He was sitting near the Author, and expressed freely the opinion, that the Clerk had reported the vote incorrectly. So strong was this belief, that he went to the Clerk, and demanded a copy of the record giving the ayes and noes. The Clerk promised to give it soon. Dickey waited a short time, and renewed his call on the Clerk, who again promised. Dickey, after waiting a proper time, THE EXILES oF FLoRIDA. 111 As the roll was called, and the votes given, the result became doubtful, and much interest was manifested in all parts of the hall. The bill and discussion had been thrust upon the House by slaveholders : its whole merits were based upon the most vital prin- ciples of slavery. The question of property in human flesh, con- stitutes one of the essential elements of the institution, without which it could not survive one hour. The slave power had not for many years been defeated on any proposition touching slavery, and it appeared painful for those interested in that institution to have their influence doubted. The Clerk (a deputy) was engaged a long time in counting the votes, and ascertaining the result. He was a slaveholder, and ap- peared perplexed; some members, even before he made report of the vote, expressed doubts of his accuracy. At length he passed his report to the Chair. The Speaker, Mr. Winthrop of Massa- chusetts, casting his eye upon the figures, rose from his seat, and announced the vote-" ayes ninety, noes eighty-nine," and then re- marking that the rules of the House made it his duty to vote in all cases when such vote would change the result, began to give his reasons for the vote he was about to record, and as he proceeded it became evident that ie was opposed to the bill. The Clerk then handed him another paper, and the Speaker, after reading it, an- nounced that the Clerk had mistaken the vote, and without saying more, announced-"ayes ninety-one, noes eighty-nine," and de- clared the bill "passed." The interest had now become intense in all parts of the hall. It was perfectly natural that men should be suspicious of the Clerk. Mr. Dickey, in particular, had taken a deep interest in the question. He was sitting near the Author, and expressed freely the opinion, that the Clerk had reported the vote incorrectly. So strong was this belief, that he went to the Clerk, and demanded a copy of the record giving the ayes and noes. The Clerk promised to give it soon. Dickey waited a short time, and renewed his call on the Clerk, who again promised. Dickey, after waiting a proper time, THE EXILEs oF FLORIDA. ill As the roll was called, and the votes given, the result became doubtful, and much interest was manifested in all parts of the hall. The bill and discussion had been thrust upon the House by slaveholders : its whole merits were based upon the most vital prin- ciples of slavery. The question of property in human flesh, con- stitutes one of the essential elements of the institution, without which it could not survive one hour. The slave power had not for many years been defeated on any proposition touching slavery, and it appeared painful for those interested in that institution to have their influence doubted. The Clerk (a deputy) was engaged a long time in counting the votes, and ascertaining the result. He was a slaveholder, and ap- peared perplexed; some members, even before he made report of the vote, expressed doubts of his accuracy. At length he passed his report to the Chair. The Speaker, Mr. Winthrop of Massa- chusetts, casting his eye upon the figures, rose from his seat, and announced the vote-" ayes ninety, noes eighty-nine," and then re- marking that the rules of the House made it his duty to vote in all cases when such vote would change the result, began to give his reasons for the vote he was about to record, and as he proceeded it became evident that he was opposed to the bill. The Clerk then handed hiss another paper, and the Speaker, after reading it, an- nounced that the Clerk had mistaken the vote, and without saying more, announced-"ayes ninety-one, noes eighty-nine," and de- clared the bill "passed." The interest had now become intense in all parts of the ball. It was perfectly natural that men should be suspicious of the Clerk. Mr. Dickey, in particular, had taken a deep interest in the question. He was sitting near the Author, and expressed freely the opinion, that the Clerk had reported the vote incorrectly. So strong was this belief, that be went to the Clerk, and demanded a. copy of the record giving the ayes and noes. The Clerk promised to give it soon. Dickey waited a short time, and renewed his call on the Clerk, who again promised. Dickey, after waiting a proper time,  112 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. went to the Clerk's table, and took the record of yeas and nays, and brought it to the seat of the Author, and requested 'his assistance in counting the vote. They counted and re-counted several times, but were unable to make the vote other than "eighty-nine ayes, and eighty-nine noes "-showing a tie vote ; which, without the Speaker's vote, would have defeated the bill. Dickey returned the record to the Clerk, and then called the atten- tion of the House and the Speaker to the fact, that the Cleric had inaccurately reported the vote. The Speaker replied, if an error had occurred, the proper time to correct it would be the next nimon- ing, on reading the Journal, when a motion to correct the entry would be in order, in preference to any other business. On looking over the list, it was subsequently discovered, that the vote of Hon. John W. Fareelly of Crawford county, Pennsylvania, was not recorded. This added intensity to the interest already felt on the subject. The neat meeting of the Iouse was on Monday, when the Speaker recited the facts as they occurred on Saturday, and de- clared that, on a more careful examination, it was found that the votestood-"ayes eighty-nine, noes eighty nine." Mr. Farelly inquired, if his vote was recorded ? The Speaker informed him it was not, but that it wasshis right to have it record- ed, if he had actually voted on the passage of the bill. That gen- tleman declared that lie had voted no, on the passage of the bill, and the vote being recorded, the Speaker declared the result to be "ayes eighty-nine, noes NIETY," and then announced the bill " lost!" The friends of freedom were greatly cheered, from the conserao. tion, that party ties had not been strong enough to control members on this important vote. Of the twenty-one members from Ohio, only Mr. Ritchey of Perry, Mr. Cummins of Tuscarawas, and Mr. Taylor of Ross, voted with the slaveholders ; while such Democrats as Messrs. Faran, Fries, Kennon, Lamb, Miller, Morris, Sawyer and Starkweather voted against the doctrine that men and women 112 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. went to the Clerk's table, and took the record of yeas and nays, and brought it to the seat of the Author, and requested 'his assistance in counting the vote. They counted and re-counted several times, but were unable to make the vote other than "eighty-nine ayes, and eighty-nine noes "-showing a tie vote ; which, without the Speaker's vote, would have defeated the bill. Dickey returned the record to the Clerk, and then called the atten- tion of the House and the Speaker to the fact, that the Clerk had inaccurately reported the vote. The Speaker replied, if an error had occurred, the proper time to correct it would be the next morn- ing, on reading the Journal, when a motion to correct the entry would be in order, in preference to any other business. On looking over the list, it was subsequently discovered, that the vote of Hon. John W. Farrelly of Crawford county, Pennsylvania, was not recorded. This added intensity to the interest already felt on the subject. The next meeting of the House was on Monday, when the Speaker recited the facts as they occurred on Saturday, and de- clared that, on a more careful examination, it was found that the vote stood-" ayes eighty-nine, noes eighty nine." Mr. Farelly inquired, if his vote was recorded? The Speaker informed him it was not, but that it was his right to have it record- ed, if he had actually voted on the passage of the bill. That gen- tleman declared that lie had voted no, on the passage of the bill, and the vote being recorded, the Speaker declared the result to be "ayes eighty-nine, noes NINETr," and then announced the bill "lost!" The friends of freedom were greatly cheered, from the consifera- tion, that party ties had not been strong enough to control members on this important vote. Of the twenty-one members from Ohio, only Mr. Ritchey of Perry, Mr. Cummins of Tusearawas, and Mr. Taylor of Ross, voted with the slaveholders; while such Democrats as Messrs. Faran, Feies, Kennon, Lamb, Miller, Morris, Sawyer and Starkweather voted against the doctrine that men and women 112 THE EXILES oF FLORIDA. went to the Clerk's table, and took the record of yeas and nays, and brought it to the seat of the Author, and requested this assistance in counting the vote. They counted and re-counted several times, but were unable to make the vote other than "eighty-nine ayes, and eighty-nine noes "-showing a tie vote ; whici, without the Speaker's vote, would have defeated the bill. Dickey returned the record to the Clerk, and then called the atten- tion of the House and the Speaker to the fact, that the Clerk had inaccurately reported the vote. The Speaker replied, if an error had occurred, the proper time to correct it would be the next morn- ing, on reading the Journal, when a motion to correct the entry would be in order, in preference to any other business. On looking over the list, it was subsequently discovered, that the vote of Hon. John W. Farrelly of Crawford county, Pennsylvania, was not recorded. This added intensity to the interest already felt on the sobjeet. The neat meeting of the House was on Monday, when the Speaker recited the facts as they occurred on Saturday, and de- clared that, on a more careful examination, it was found that the vote stood-"ayes eighty-nine, noes eighty nine." Mr. Farelly inquired, if his vote was recorded? The Speaker informed him it was not, but that it was his right to have it record- ed, if he had actually voted on the passage of the bill. That gen- tleman declared that he had voted no, on the passage of the bill, and the vote being recorded, the Speaker declared the result to be "ayes eighty-nine, noes NItETr," and then announced the bill " lost!" The friends of freedom were greatly cheered, from the considra- tion, that party ties had not been strong enough to control members on this important vote. Of the twenty-one members from Ohio, only Mr. Ritchey of Perry, Mr. Cummins of Tusearawas, and Mr. Taylor of Ross, voted with the slaveholders; while such Democrats as Messrs. Faran, Fries, Kennon, Lamb, Miller, Morris, Sawyer and Starkweather voted against the doctrine that men and women  N w I F /~, /1"   THE EXILES OF YLORIDA. 118 may be held and treated as property. Indeed, there were but few Representatives from the free States willing to recognize that doe- trine. No member from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, Michigan, Wisconsin or Iowa voted for it. From Maine, Messrs. Clapp, Clarke and Williams; from New York, Messrs. Birdsal, McClay, Murphy, Necoll and Tall- madge; from Pennsylvania, Messrs. Brady, Bridges, Brodhead, Charles Brown, C. J. Ingersol, Levin and Job Mann ; from Indi- ana, Messrs. Dunn, R. W. Thompson and Wick ; and from Illi- nois, Messrs. McClernand and Richardson voted to pay Pacheco a thousand dollars, because General Jessup sent a most dangerous enemy out of Florida. Mr Burt, and the friends of slavery generally, appeared irritated by defeat. They had driven their Northern allies to revolt. The more they reflected upon the subject, the more important the issue appeared. They had caused great agitation, while professing to deprecate all discussion in regard to slavery. If slaves were not property under the Federal Constitution, they must be regarded as persons. If the civilized world looked upon them as persons, those who held them in bondage must of course be considered as oppres- sors of mankind, and could have no claim to the title of Democrats or of Christians. In every point of view, the result appeared die. astrous to the slave power. It was under these circumstances, that the Hon. William Sawyer of Ohio, was induced to move a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill was lost. From the fact that none but those voting in the negative could by the rulesof the House move a reconsidera- tion, and that he subsequently voted against his own motion, it is probable he made it from personal kindness to those who supported the bill. On this motion, a long discussion subsequently arose, which did not terminate until the nineteenth of January, when the motion to reconsider prevailed, and on the final passage of the bill the vote stood-ayes 101, noes 95. So the bill was passed by the House of Representatives, and the straggle in that body terminated. 8 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 113 may be held and treated as property. Indeed, there were but few Representatives from the free States willing to recognize that doc- trine. No member from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, Michigan, Wisconsin or Iowa voted for it. From Maine, Messrs. Clapp, Clarke and Williams; from New York, Messrs. Birdsal, McClay, Murphy, Necoll and Tall- madge; from Pennsylvania, Messrs. Brady, Bridges, Brodhead, Charles Brown, C. J. Ingersol, Levin and Job Mann ; from Indi- ana, Messrs. Dunn, R. W. Thompson and Wick ; and from Illi- nois, Messrs. McClernand and Richardson voted to pay Pacheco a thousand dollars, because General Jessup sent a most dangerous enemy out of Florida. Mr Burt, and the friends of slavery generally, appeared irritated by defeat. They had driven their Northern allies to revolt. The more they reflected upon the subject, the more important the isse appeared. They had caused great agitation, while professing to deprecate all discussion in regard to slavery. If slaves were not property under the Federal Constitution, they must be regarded as persons. If the eivilized world looked upon them as persons, those who held them in bondage must of course be considered as oppres- sors of mankind, and could have no claim to the title of Democrats or of Christians. In every point of view, the result appeared dis- astrous to the slave power. It was under these circumstances, that the Hon. William Sawyer of Ohio, was induced to move a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill was lost. From the fact that none but those voting in the negative could by the rules of the House move a reconsidera- tion, and that he subsequently voted against his own motion, it is probable he made it from personal kindness to those who supported the bill. On this motion, a long discnssion subsequently arose, which did not terminate until the nineteenth of January, when the motion to reconsider prevailed, and on the final passage of the bill the vote stood-ayes 101, noes 95. So the bill was passed by the House of Representatives, and the struggle in that body terminated. 8 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 118 may be held and treated as property. Indeed, there were but few Representatives from the free States willing to recognize that doe- trine. No member from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, Michigan, Wisconsin or Iowa voted for it. From Maine, Messrs. Clapp, Clarke and Williams; from New York, Messrs. Birdsal, McClay, Murphy, Necoll and Tall- madge; from Pennsylvania, Messrs. Brady, Bridges, Brodhead, Charles Brown, C. J. Ingersol, Levin and Job Mann ; from Indi- ana, Messrs. Dunn, R. W. Thompson and Wick ; and from Illi- nois, Messrs. McClernand and Richardson voted to pay Pacheco a thousand dollars, because General Jessup sent a most dangerous enemy out of Florida. Mr Burt, and the friends of slavery generally, appeared irritated by defeat. They had driven their Northern allies to revolt. The more they reflected upon the subject, the more important the issue appeared. They had caused great agitation, while professing to deprecate all discussion in regard to slavery. If slaves were not property under the Federal Constitution, they must be regarded as persons. If the civilized world looked upon them as persons, those who held them in bondage must of course be considered as oppres- sors of mankind, and could have no claim to the title of Democrats or of Christians. In every point of view, the result appeared dis- astrous to the slave power. It was under these circumstances, that the Hon. William Sawyer of Ohio, was induced to move a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill was lost. From the fact that none but those voting in the negative could by the rules of the House move a reconsidera- tion, and that he subsequently voted against his own motion, it is probable he made it from personal kindness to those who supported the bill. On this motion, a long discussion subsequently arose, which did not terminate until the nineteenth of January, when the motion to reconsider prevailed, and on the final passage of the bill the vote stood-ayes 101, noes 95. So the bill was passed by theV House of Representatives, and the straggle in that body terminated. 8  114 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 114 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 114 THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. But the bill woo never brooght op for diocassion im tho Senate, and the claim woo never more moved in either Hloooe of Congrens. The qestion of property in human flesh, however, continued to be diocosoed by the people, ond is Congress, until it boo becoee of the great iota00 on which peliticol parties now hose their notion. 1No'-.The lire of tetesieve Lwels Is perhape the mole mmecti, of any men tew ROde0. Born dmrard nle, hcen eens eclttehis ieteliet --cee foodcf eetieg; end while geecleee In the Hacuse of Ieprcaeevotiee ee engaeod it disceticng the vadce nf hiseoeeendeinewe,ih,eeeld pombablye.peekscwcitec m lmgangaeecwiheneeeced fiaility tie ay menahor et tht body. Il eeete fe, the oocreocioc to which he cwt sehjececd, hece,,eetoed thevpt e o ecrecielne egiee, oC rchilne~who ee ee age lteteseppceteefeteetce. Tnle objowteefee.d, hetneeced hieeeceencocIcrighteto fedtoe, joed his bhmthen,nta ded loody wee upo, cheenemheofliecy. Fee two ymc, he wet the etendy compectoc or Concoce, cc, mhe ens none-Ida celled, 011il eCa," no sees-ncy hecome the meet weclike ehlef in t'locide. Tihy emeeed the Amen wef thae cecciecy together, cendi,,g thcoegh ecemee nd cwcegladee, sotieg thete wee tcecgh heeraclo, ecd glidieg cc- peaictes. They hiecenehed iegcehec; ecttmd hes eed mild, hegee nd thiec, toetihec. Fee twen.c, Nhty stoed shoulderteeheeldee In etery bette; shoced thclr evceorite and defenie ennechee; ned ceboc ieweeti deesee bed ptlmed the feth or the entice tone eli Indices whe weold ecemeder ehoold he Fotecued In che cjoyc,,nt ef their 1ows, Wtild Cac nyyeaed nt heed qoarlere. thlled by Leois, whom heeclaimedte.hiaecceeet,eedce lebldlic law,nnshecnid he had ceylt.cd himl a the tee, of Itede's defee. The eeee cok. 0,e1t10 Jelete, belng e eleholdee, nd leton~ het eclee, line becems end entsl. wee the tebjecc t ylo, icemedincely Not Laent wth ether black cencriec. te Cccl Pike, neee Nee Oclene, and thoee cico the Iest eetlgen'g ertyof eCOmteIe to thew .eeercote, cehem he emr three yeece ehee. qeomtlyejoteed by Owcoocheend thae teriaede, ngtie eclid, herae internee, esrivg tnuethmr the fereanen whech Ecel them, of which we eheoL epeak ie de tme. But the bill woo never brought up for diseossion in the Sonate, and the cloim woo never more moved in either House of Congress. The quettion of properly in humun flesh, however, continued to be discutoed by the people, und is Congrens, until it boo beeotme one of the great ionoeo on whioh political portico now boase toe action. Nina-The life of thhs elne Loete te perhnpe the nest comedtIc of ny mn new leleng. Eereee~dtreeoduaslae,hs foeedevarto mrelentohie intetctt--noa fondeofeelhg; nod ehilc geetlemen in the htotse of Olepmenetiee ee engagod in discamicE the robve ofrhhnboMaee ie s,neeoi.ol prbnhioesprekeoldeoite oo 1.n19119,ewith eneeend rooilityethaeueny m. aerf ethtdy. In meetat fee tie opressientonnhich be wee enhtetd, heweoedt tns pencetof seceloing ert~fio-t or eltie ne, who weme en gnged In ehe soppect of elnvery. vits object nEoc'od, hoemeerted hie ewe netmi right to hendeo, joined hie brmthmwn, and neade bloody wee upo. tie ecetite of libecte. Foe tem ymes, hoewmste eWady cempaeoeof tea~eehee, or, eheo wr f.-I,ed e d, " wid Ott," whoeabeeqeeity heoe ete -Mc wnrlltkg ehii' in Flncino. Tley iconeeced the feemo w thee tocoiory togethee, wtdicng thoeghc eweece end ecertlndee, gopiylg thetr weny tmrou heemoche, eed gliding ere P.Mi.. They bieootokod together; coth-o hint. ndt cod, hunger nd thicec, noether. Fr twefente, theestawdeshould'r tcshcoulder to eecy heed; hb,,ed theirclteines nd Scdefe together; nd when Genia Jeseep bed neceteed the fetl of the entce that nil edion wO nold enremdee eheeld he ptectd it the eajoct,eet cf thee eaem, tWild CMe aypeneed at heed qentere.1 olwd by heels, when he cato-d ashis peeert, ondcrelenholdiog law,erhesid he hod -'e-ed himl at the tenef ntdo'e defie. The colt tech. Oeverni Jeecop, beiog neleceholdee, end heoneteng thet elnee lihe horese. end .Mle. wern the aotjeote of mxpeerr, iconodiately sent boOi with othee htlc warrites, to endt Cike, nie thee Ocieoc, end teoe with the feet smigestiog rtyiofrneminee en the wotn .ooteywhem he en tbece yeeen echen qeonle jtted by Ceoochee, and them f eede, tgetn ocitod, beetme taomto, eharieg tentherethelertueewhicheenwid theei.of whih we shall eake t.odacome. Bat the bill woo never bought Hp for dincussion in the Senate, and the cloim woo never more moved im either Noose of Congets. The qoeotion of properly in huan flesh, however, econtinoed to be oavvo \aov aat. ovC a2 \ \ , o \ o \ \o 4 0 Q ac C Covo\x \O\\ c cro t aa. a , e\oca\ woAvcCAmvAC uvccoAo v p \C aC C \C a S @ . vC t \bmAcaaiyo~'cb-vv\oc~ aa~ivA~~CO em c yo ca~a \cm .ao,4\ac eaAcr \ 4Coo~ooAA\.yme ,cCo-3 -xm~rt 4evA h~a am.ocsv~v aAac~~ Zito \owv . ~ooovccoo~so~~yc \o~o~~o m~wce_ ~vcC o~cev~mocsyoo A~~i~amo°so vAoo> \vro wov Qxvm JooCov w& Arv Cmo \. \o'eom . ao. t Va \ > o 'A.~ot ' v~o~ 4t~eotav ao~ca cz o~o. 'Aoc v~~e\'<~o -vv vAote av CA e~ccaac vAA ~SvovC A.>c asat .m, e ~osrwA.k~ > 'NA mo.e~o~cvAm~coc~ movcav&mA> CCo ea~~eaoAcowo~~ c~~oa>cma~o~_ i \ocl~~oooA>e~~ \\cc~ooaea tfour 6 nehu wiaarm ineludin thuse who, filt 13lout's Pntr. In tJlc Sercond 4oouc:it, War,. pcobably raeveseoy fi wrciolain in botle,.c an fice ntntrd were.eaavedi aa.t,,. t iateenn-itve were selnred bry the (leek Irans. 'in 1880, andI 'enslvet. 'Pro- Itlly a hndred1 aned fifly connec-ted w-th' the Seinoe show=n ride in thne Wteatere Ctoncy, and wil yon ecm aatal~afmted witb tine luedisens w t fe three hanoiJ av fondtei way t1 leico tl in e Otr cot ttepoee of ttMnenery, hr ,,gotsr to the hboundnr teve het-o tae Oi,,..t 50men xnd, )reats. 11tteethe Imutton or trilda t nd the Semnote nunue, but cmin raLa ene to the Exltne. TE XtLESOF 0FLORIA. 335 now deserted town of Santa Ros. In thsat beautiful climate, they found a rich, productive sell. Here they halted, examined the country, and finally determined to locate their new homtes in this most romantic portion of Mexico. Here they erected their cabins, planted their gardens, comnnntced plantations, nd resumed their former habits of agricultual life. There threy yet remain. Forcibly torn from their native land, oppressed. wroaged, and degraded, they became voluntary Exiles from South Carolina and Georgia. More recently exiledi frnn Florida and fromn the territory of tire Unnited States- thecy ore yet free! After the struggrles and persecutions of a hun- dred sod fifty years, tey reipose in comparative quiet under a gov- erment which repuidiates slavery. To the pen of some future historian we consign their sobsqoent history. Before tubing leave of tire reader, we would call his attentin to lict lew of ete fate erlirk attended"'diltirrent portisons of the Exiles,' and to :n few further luedents, for acute of whtich we have only newepaper athoerity; but from nil the. circutmstances we have no denilt thevparteIly transpired Of the Exile. xad their deserudanto. twelve wer delivered up at th ina, otlerlein 1111 ,adaeged ton se two' lasandedd seventyv wer esa el ac ironut'. Fort in 1816; thirty wrre taken prinenesu teo all died of wonds or were -m al~a.At the ldlaat atlin lthe first Semainole Wfia in bISIS, it i 11101 that Ire1 estf cu hns dw sre sli,includiug those who fell at Idloost's Font. lit the c ,t Ic n mltio Wo, p-ohaly s-tevtyv mure slamn in bottle. ,I nd 6ccd hodelwa cnlawan,.I tol ~aat hln avetyo-five were vitoed hy the Ornet Tdlianr n' 1-.0 and en.attled. Pr- babiv w hondrd and fi'ty eon nerc with the~ !eioe 1to es-ide so thne WVeter Coosncy, and will tee heoe aoealganeaoeehwith the Indians 'while Ptel hnndsw lestfouud choir stay to Mexico, (1t Vrde Oa,5n5t tepeest tietoe Eenoey, to esnerd to she hed-Hri tobeteeee the n,5,ed I'll" ..t exice. t1setethe ltn ofurt niCt catihe sm,,oe nnmn, bt oit, Wo meree, to the tErre.  5 OTtO EXILES 0F FLORIDA. uand are fra.' Molting, in all, thirtin hnoired and fifty souls; being some hundreds los than was reported by the of!!cets of Gov- sernment, in 1836. This discrepancy is accounted for by the foot, that the Exiles captured by individual enterprise, ond by the Geor- gia and Florida militia, were never ofmiially repoeted to she War Department, and we have no reliable data on which we can fix an estimate of the number thus piratically enslaved. There are also a few yet in Florida, not included in the above estimate. As to their present situation, we can give the reader but little further information. In the summer of 1852, Wild Cat suddenly appeared among his friends, the Seminoles, who yet remained in the Indian Country. His appearance excited sur- prise among the Creeks. They at that time maintained a guard, composed of mounted men : these were at once put in motion for the purpose of arresting this extraordinary chieftain. But while they were engaged in looking for hin, he and a company of Semi- noles, attended by a number of Exiles and black persons, previ- ously held in bondage by the Creeks, were rapidly wending their way towards their new settlement This visit of Wild Cat to the Western Country occasioned mueh excitement in that region, as well as astonishment at Washington, and constituted the occasion of a protracted a respondence between the War Department and our Military Oficers and Indian Agents of that country. Wild Cat was denounced as a " pirate"-" rob- her"-" OnAtW;" and nearly all the opprobrious epithets known to our language were heaped upon him, for thus aiding his fellow men to regain those rights to life and liberty with which the God of Nature had originally endowed them. During the year 1852, while our commissioners, appointed to establish the boundary between the United States and Mexico, were engaged in the discharge of their official duties, a small party of (1) This number has been inereased by fresh arrivals from the Indian Country, since 160. (2) vide Manumript Letters noa on ane in the Indian nureau at washingen. 336 THE nxIL.s oF FLotIa. and are fe) Making, in al, thirteu hundred tnd fifty souls; being some htndre:do les than was reported by the offiers of Gov- ernment, in 1836. This discrepancy is accounted for by the fact, that the Exiles captured by indisidual enterprise, and by the Geor- gia and Florida militia, were never officially repascd to the War Department, and we have no reliable data on which we can fix an estimate of the number thus piratically eslaved. There are also a few yet in Florida, not included in the above estimate. As to their present situation, we can give the reader but little further information. In the summer of 1852, Wild Cat suddenly appeared among his friends, the Seminoles, who yet remained in the Indian Country. His appearance excited sur- prise among the Creeks. They at that time maintained a guard, composed of mounted men: these were at once put in motion for the purpose of arresting this extraordinary ebieftain. But while they were engaged in looking for hint, he and a company of Semi- noles, attended by a number of Exiles and black persons, previ- ously held in bondage by the Creeks, were rapidly wending their way towards their new settlement.a This visit of Wild Cat to the Western Country oecasioned much excitement in that region, as well as astonishmeut at Washington, and constituted the occasion of a protracted corecspondence between the War Department and our Military Ofitces and Indian Agents of that country. Wild Cat was denounced as a "pirate"-" rot- ber"-" ovTaw;" and nearly all the opprobrious epithets known to our language were heaped upon him, for thus aiding his fellow men to regain those ights to life and liberty with which the God of Nature had originally endowed them. During the year 1852, while our commissioners, appointed to establish the boundary between the United States and Mexico, were engaged in the discharge of their official duties, a small party of (1) Ths number has been trertaed by fresh arriva1s from the Indian Co.ntry, sin 1650 tt (2) vide Manuscript Letters now on file in the Indian Bureau at washingen. 336 THE ExILEs oF FLOIDA. -anare frau.) Making, in all thirteen hundred and fifty souls; being some hundreds Is tham was reported by the offiers of Gov- erunent, in 1836. This discrepancy is accounted for by the fact, tha the Exiles captured by individual enterprise, and by the Geor- gia and Florida militia, were never officially reported to the War Department, and we have no reliable data on which we can fix an estimate of the number thus piratically enslaved. There are also a few yet in Florida, not included in the above estimate. As to their present situation, we can give the reader but little further information. In the summer of 1852, Wild Cat suddenly appeared among his friends, the Seminoles, who yet remained in the Indian Country. His appearance excited sur- prise among the Creeks. They at that time maintained a guard, composed of mounted men : these were at once put in motion for the purpose of arresting this extraordinary chieftain. But while they were engaged in looking for him, ie and a company of Semi- noles, attended by a number of Exiles and black persons, previ- ously held in bondage by the Creeks, were rapidly- wending their way towards their nw settlemcnt. This visit of Wild Cat to the Western Coutry occasioned much excitement in that region, as well as astonishment at Washington, and constituted the occasion of a protracted correspondence between the War Department and our Military Ofmeers and Indian Agents of that country. Wild Cat was denounced as a " pit ate"-" rot- ber"-" oTLaw;" and nearly all the opprobrious epithets known to our language were heaped upon him, for thus aiding his fellow men to regain those rights to life and liberty with which the God of Nature had originally endowed them. During the year 1852, while our eormmissiones, appointed to establish the boundary between the United States and Mexico, were engaged in the discharge of their official duties, a small party of (1) This number as been incraed by fresh arrivals from the Indian Country, since t85s. (2) Vide Manuscript Letter now on ile in the Iodian Ourrau at washitaon.  TILE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 337 armed men was in attendance for their protection. Some eight of these were said to have been engaged in patroling the country, when they fell in with Wild Cat and a portion of this band of Exiles, who were at all times prepared for friends or foes. The whites were made prisoners without bloodshed, and taken to their village. A council was called. Abraham was yet living, and the white men declared that he was regarded as a ruling prince by his people. They were evidently suspiciouns of the intentions of our men; but upon inquiry and consideration, they became satisfied that no hostile intentions had brought our friends to that country; they were accordingly treated with becoming hospitality, and dis- missed. These brief statements appeared in sgme of the newspa- pers of that day, which constitutes our only authority for stating them. Complaints were subsequently made through the Texan news- 1853.] papers, that slaves escaped from that region of country and found an asylum in Mexico, on the other side of the Rio Grande; and intimations were thrown out that a party of volun- teers, without authority from the United States, were about to visit the settlement, which thus encouraged slaves to seek their freedom. The suggestion was so much in character with the slaveholders of Texas, that it excited attention among those who were aware of the settlement of Exiles in the region indicated. It was believed that those men who were about to visit Wild Cat and Abraham and Louis and their companions, for the purpose of seizing and ensla- ving men, would find an entertainment for which they were not prepared. Some few months subsequently, a brief reference was made in the newspapers of Texas to this expedition, giving their readers to understand that it had failed of accomplishing the object intend- ed, and had returned with its numbers somewhat diminished by their conflict with the blacks. As was naturally expected, after the lapse of some six months, great complaint was beard through the public press of Indian depre- THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 887 armed men was in attendance for their protection. Some eight of these were said to have been engaged in patroling the country, when they fell in with Wild Cat and a portion of this band of Exiles, who were at all times prepared for friends or foes. The whites were made prisoners without bloodshed, and taken to their village. A council was called. Abraham was yet living, and the white men declared that he was regarded as a ruling prince by his people. They were evidently suspicious of the intentions of our men; but upon inquiry and consideration, they became satisfied that no hostile intentions bad brought our friends to that country; they were accordingly treated with becoming hospitality, and dis- missed. These brief statements appeared in some of the newspa- pers of that day, which constitutes our only authority for stating them. Complaints were subsequently made through the Texan news- 1853.] papers, that slaves escaped from that region of country and found an asylum in Mexico, on the other side of the Rio Grande; and intimations were thrown out that a party of volun- teers, without authority from the United States, were about to visit the settlement, which thus encouraged slaves to seek their freedom. The suggestion was so much in character with the slaveholders of Texas, that it excited attention among those who were aware of the settlement of Exiles in the region indicated. It was believed that those men who were about to visit Wild Cat and Abraham and Louis and their companions, for the purpose of seizing and ensla- ving men, would find an entertainment for which they were not prepared. Some few months subsequently, a brief reference was made in the newspapers of Texas to this expedition, giving their readers to understand that it had failed of accomplishing the object intend- ed, and had returned with its numbers somewhat diminished by their conflict with the blacks. As was naturally expected, after the lapse of some six months, great complaint was heard through the public press of Indian depre- THE EXILES OF FLORIDA. 837 armed men was in attendance for their protection. Some eight of these were said to have been engaged in patroling the country, when they fell in with Wild Cat and a portion of this band of Exiles, who were at all times prepared for friends or foes. The whites were made prisoners without bloodshed, and taken to their village. A council was called. Abraham was yet living, and the white men declared that he was regarded as a ruling prince by his people. They were evidently suspicious of the intentions of our men; but upon inquiry and consideration, they became satisfied that no hostile intentions had brought our friends to that country; they were accordingly treated with becoming hospitality, and dis- missed. These brief statements appeared in somo of the newspa- pers of that day, which constitutes our only authority for stating them. Complaints were subsequently made through the Texan news- 1853.] papers, that slaves escaped from that region of country and found an asylum in Mexico, on the other side of the Rio Grande; and intimations were thrown out that a party of volun teers, without authority from the United States, were about to visit the settlement, which thus encouraged slaves to seek their freedom. The suggestion was so much in character with the slaveholders of Texas, that it excited attention among those who were aware of the settlement of Exiles in the region indicated. It was believed that those men who were about to visit Wild Cat and Abraham and Louis and their companions, for the purpose of seizing and ensla- ving men, would find an entertainment for which they were not prepared. Some few months subsequently, a brief reference was made in the newspapers of Texas to this expedition, giving their readers to understand that it had failed of accomplishing the object intend- ed, and had returned with its numbers somewhat diminished by their conflict with the blacks. As was naturally expected, after the lapse of some six months, great complaint was heard through the public press of Indian depre-  888 THU EXILES OF FLORIDA. dations upon the frontier of Texas. Plantations were said to be destroyed; buildings burned; people murdered, and slaves carried away. This foray was said to have been made by Camanche Indians, led on by Wild Cat. He appears yet ready to make war upon all who fight for slavery; and many of the scenes which were enacted in Florida, will most likely be again presented on our south- western frontier, where the same causes exist which formerly existed in Florida, and the same effeets will be likely to follow. 8S8 T EXILIs oF FLORIDA. dations upon the frontier of Texas. Plantations were said to be destroyed; buildings burned; people murdered, and slaves carried away. This foray was said to have been made by Camanche Indians, led on by Wild Cat. He appears yet ready to make war upon all who fight for slavery ; and many of the scenes which were enacted in Florida, will most likely be again presented on our south- western frontier, where the same causes exist which formerly existed in Florida, and the same effects will be likely to follow. 888 THE EXILEs OF FLORIDA. dations upon the frontier of Texas. Plantations were said to be destroyed; buildings burned; people murdered, and slaves carried away. This foray was said to have been made by Camanche Indians, led on by Wild Cat. He appears yet ready to make war upon all who fight for slavery; and many of the scenes which were enacted in Florida, will most likely be again presented on our south- western frontier, where the same causes exist which formerly existed in Florida, and the same effects will be likely to follow.  INDEX. (Mr. Edward Silbert shared in the preparation of the Index.) INDEX. (Mr. Edward Silbert shared in the preparation of the Index.) INDEX. (Mr. Edward Silbert shared in the preparation of the Index.) ABERCROMBIE, James, 245 Abraham, 32-84, 86, 13841, 146, 155, 162, 187-88, 202, 232, 317- 19, 329, 333-34, 337 Adams, John, 24, 26 Adams, John Quincy, 30n, 49, 55, 75, 82n, 191, 227, 282n Adams-Onis Treaty, 59 Additional Treaty. See Fort Gib- son Treaty African slave trade, 1, 90, 131 A-ha-popka Lake, 137, 290 Alabama, 3, 58, 70, 93, 120, 129, 138, 141, 144, 151, 157, 201, 221, 229, 252, 255 Alachua County, 85-86 Alligator, 138, 139, 166n, 187, 305, 308 Ambrister, Robert, 55 Amelia Island, 29-31 Antislavery petitions, 191 Apalacbees, 253-54 Appalachicola Bay, 32, 52 Appalachicola River, 5, 36, 44, 55, 253 Appalachicola River settlements, 52, 68, 72, 74, 88.91 Arbuckle, M., Brig. Gen., 180n, 219.22, 233-36, 241, 325-28 Arbuthnot, Alexander, 52, 55 Arkansas, 178, 194-95, 204, 217- 19, 230, 237, 239, 325, 331, 334 Armistead, W. K., 152, 273, 285, 295 Armstrong, Gen., 131-32 Armstrong, William, 159, 163, 196-99, 234-36, 241, 320 Arpeika. See Jones, Sam Articles of Capitulation, 140-56, 231-32, 254, 270, 278, 321, 325- 26, 331 Articles of Confederation, 8 Auguste, 187, 327 BARROW, Adjutant, 124 Beall, B. L., Capt., 288 Bell, John, 285-86 Benjamin, Asst. Conductor, 231 Big Cypress Swamp, 70, 138, 282, 302, 310, 312 Birdsall, Samuel, 113 Black, Edward J., 322n Blair, Francis, 126n, 184 Bloodhounds, Cuban, 264-68, 270-73 Blount's Fort, 33-48, 56n, 57, 59, 69, 72, 83, 89, 92, 94, 105, 122, 208, 269, 318, 335 ABERCROMBIE, James, 245 Abraham, 32-84, 86, 138-41, 146, 155, 162, 187-88, 202, 232, 317- 19, 329, 333-34, 337 Adams, John, 24, 26 Adams, John Quincy, 30n, 49, 55, 75, 82n, 191, 227, 282n Adams-Onis Treaty, 59 Additional Treaty. See Fort Gib- son Treaty African slave trade, 1, 90, 131 A-ha-popka Lake, 137, 290 Alabama, 3, 58, 70, 93, 120, 129, 138, 141, 144, 151, 157, 201, 221, 229, 252, 255 Alachua County, 85-86 Alligator, 138, 139, 166n, 187, 305, 308 Ambrister, Robert, 55 Amelia Island, 29-31 Antislavery petitions, 191 Apalachees, 253-54 Appalachicola Bay, 32, 52 Appalachicola River, 5, 36, 44, 55, 253 Appalachicola River settlements, 52, 68, 72, 74, 88-91 Arbuckle, M., Brig. Gen., 180n, 219-22, 233-36, 241, 325-28 Arbuthnot, Alexander, 52, 55 Arkansas, 178, 194-95, 204, 217- 19, 230, 237, 239, 325, 331, 334 Armistead, W. K., 152, 273, 285, 295 Armstrong, Gen., 131-32 Armstrong, William, 159, 163, 196-99, 234-36, 241, 320 Arpeika. See Jones, Sam Articles of Capitulation, 140-56, 231-32, 254, 270, 278, 321, 325- 26, 331 Articles of Confederation, 8 Auguste, 187, 327 BAnnow, Adjutant, 124 Beall, B. L., Capt., 288 Bell, John, 285-86 Benjamin, Asst. Conductor, 231 Big Cypress Swamp, 70, 138, 282, 302, 310, 312 Birdsall, Samuel, 113 Black, Edward J., 322n Blair, Francis, 126n, 184 Bloodhounds, Cuban, 264-68, 270-73 Blount's Fort, 33-48, 56n, 57, 59, 69, 72, 83, 89, 92, 94, 105, 122, 208, 269, 318, 335 ABERCROMBIE, James, 245 Abraham, 32-84, 86, 138-41, 146, 155, 162, 187-88, 202, 232, 317- 19, 329, 333-34, 337 Adams, John, 24, 26 Adams, John Quincy, 30n, 49, 55, 75, 82n, 191, 227, 282n Adams-Onis Treaty, 59 Additional Treaty. See Fort Gib- son Treaty African slave trade, 1, 90, 131 A-ha-popka Lake, 137, 290 Alabama, 3, 58, 70, 93, 120, 129, 138, 141, 144, 151, 157, 201, 221, 229, 252, 255 Alachua County, 85-86 Alligator, 138, 139, 166n, 187, 305, 308 Ambrister, Robert, 55 Amelia Island, 29-31 Antislavery petitions, 191 Apalachees, 253-54 Appalachicola Bay, 32, 52 Appalachicola River, 5, 36, 44, 55, 253 Appalachicola River settlements, 52, 68, 72, 74, 88-91 Arbuckle, M., Brig. Gen., 180n, 219-22, 233-36, 241, 325-28 Arbuthnot, Alexander, 52, 55 Arkansas, 178, 194-95, 204, 217- 19, 230, 237, 239, 325, 331, 334 Armistead, W. K., 152, 273, 285, 295 Armstrong, Gen., 131-32 Armstrong, William, 159, 163, 196-99, 234-36, 241, 320 Arpeika. See Jones, Sam Articles of Capitulation, 140-56, 231-32, 254, 270, 278, 321, 325- 26, 331 Articles of Confederation, 8 Auguste, 187, 327 BARROW, Adjutant, 124 Beall, B. L., Capt., 288 Bell, John, 285-86 Benjamin, Asst. Conductor, 231 Big Cypress Swamp, 70, 138, 282, 302, 310, 312 Birdsall, Samuel, 113 Black, Edward J., 322n Blair, Francis, 126n, 184 Bloodhounds, Cuban, 264-68, 270-73 Blount's Fort, 33-48, 56n, 57, 59, 69, 72, 83, 89, 92, 94, 105, 122, 208, 269, 318, 335  INDEX. E2 INDEX. 2 INDEX. Blunt, Chief, 92, 253 Bonneville, B. L. E., Capt., 159, 163 Bowlegs, Billy, 315 Brady, Jasper, 113 Bridges, Samuel, 113 British: army, 11, 19, 20, 32-35, 143; government, 6n, 11, 19, 20, 24, 32, 35, 37, 51, 59, 60, 63; merchants, 47, 51; navy, 32-34; provinces, 37n; slavery law, 32n; vessels, 11, 19, 20 British West Indies, 32 Brodhead, Richard, 113 Brooke, George M., Col., 80 Brown, Albert, 109 Brown, Charles, 113 Brown, Harvey, Col., 149 Brown, Lt., 131 Buisson, Frederick, 208, 240 Burt, Armisted, 107-10, 113 CAESAR, John, 123 Cabell, Edward C., 109 Calhoun, John C., 49, 60-62, 72, 73, 80 Call, R. K., 116, 127, 128, 131. 33, 135, 153, 253 Caloosahatchee River, 257, 259, 262 Cameron, John A., Judge, 90 Campbell, John A., 129, 130 Camp Moultrie. See Moultrie Creek Canada, 35n Captain Parks, chief, 174 Carrol, Sgt.-Major, 278 Carollo, Negro, 327 Casey, John C., 240 Cass, Lewis, 82-95 passim, 119, 127, 130.31, 148, 173, 231, 256n, 260 Caulfield, Lt. Col., 137 Center, J. P., Lt., 177 Chambers, J. A., Lt., 138, 145, 163 Charleston, 120, 144, 145, 180, 181, 192-94, 260, 292 Charlotte Harbor, 257 Cherokees, 26, 164-89 passim, 232-80 passim, 312, 319 Chickasa-Hatchee, 183 Chickasaws, 271 Child, Thomas, Major, 145 Childs, Capt., 176, 295, 300 Chitto-Tustenuggee, 257 Choctaws, 159, 163, 271, 325 Churchill, Sylvester, Major, 153 Clapp, Ass W., 113 Clark, Franklin, 113 Clark, Isaac, 155, 202, 204-6, 210-14, 226n, 229-30, 237 Clay, Henry, 44 Clifford, Nathan, 281, 328 Clinch, Duncan, 38-47, 58, 63, 83, 86, 93, 98, 101, 116, 117, 121-24, 127-28, 208 Cloud, Chief, 166n, 170 Clymer, George, 21 Coacoochee. See Wild Cat Cobb, Williamson, 248, 250 Co-Hadjo, 148, 150, 157-58, 165. 66 Cohen, M. M., 99n Colerain, Treaty of, 18-28 pas- sim, 39, 60, 62-63, 335 Collamer, Jacob, 109-10 Collins, Nathaniel F., 201-41 pas- sim Coloosahatchee River, 257, 259, 262 Columbian Order, 10 Comanches, 338 Commissioners of Georgia, 7, 22, 62-66, 68 Commissioners of U. S., 6-9, 32, 62, 109-10, 113, 191, 246 Cook, Mrs. Margaret, 77, 80 Cooley, slave-hunter, 146, 147 Cooper, Mark A., 91n Cooper, Samuel, Capt., 226, 314 Cora-Tustenuggee, 279, 280 Corwin, Thomas, 322n Craghill, Thomas, 159 Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 241, 247 Blunt, Chief, 92, 253 Bonneville, B. L. E., Capt., 159, 163 Bowlegs, Billy, 315 Brady, Jasper, 113 Bridges, Samuel, 113 British: army, 11, 19, 20, 32-35, 143; government, 6n, 11, 19, 20, 24, 32, 35, 37, 51, 59, 60, 63; merchants, 47, 51; navy, 32-34; provinces, 37n; slavery law, 32n; vessels, 11, 19,20 British West Indies, 32 Brodhead, Richard, 113 Brooke, George M., Col., 80 Brown, Albert, 109 Brown, Charles, 113 Brown, Harvey, Col., 149 Brown, Lt., 131 Buisson, Frederick, 208, 240 Burt, Armisted, 107-10, 113 CAEsAR, John, 123 Cabell, Edward C., 109 Calhoun, John C., 49, 60-62, 72, 73, 80 Call, R. K., 116, 127, 128, 131. 33, 135, 153, 253 Caloosahatchee River, 257, 259, 262 Cameron, John A., Judge, 90 Campbell, John A., 129, 130 Camp Moultrie. See Moultrie Creek Canada, 35n Captain Parks, chief, 174 Carrol, Sgt..Major, 278 Carollo, Negro, 327 Casey, John C., 240 Cass, Lewis, 82-95 passim, 119, 127, 130-31, 148, 173, 231, 256n, 260 Caulfield, Lt. Col., 137 Center, J. P., Lt., 177 Chambers, J. A., Lt., 138, 145, 163 Charleston, 120, 144, 145, 180, 181, 192-94, 260, 292 Charlotte Harbor, 257 Cherokees, 26, 164-89 passim, 232-80 passim, 312, 319 Chickasa-Hatchee, 183 Chickasaws, 271 Child, Thomas, Major, 145 Childs, Capt., 176, 295, 300 Chitto-Tustenuggee, 257 Choctaws, 159, 163, 271, 325 Churchill, Sylvester, Major, 153 Clapp, Asa W., 113 Clark, Franklin, 113 Clark, Isaac, 155, 202, 204-6, 210-14, 226n, 229-30, 237 Clay, Henry, 44 Clifford, Nathan, 281, 328 Clinch, Duncan, 38-47, 58, 63, 83, 86, 93, 98, 101, 116, 117, 121-24, 127-28, 208 Cloud, Chief, 166n, 170 Clymer, George, 21 Coacoochee. See Wild Cat Cobb, Williamson, 248, 250 Co-Hadjo, 148, 150, 157-58, 165. 66 Cohen, M. M., 99n Colerain, Treaty of, 18-28 pas- sim, 39, 60, 62-63, 335 Collamer, Jacob, 109-10 Collins, Nathaniel F., 201-41 pas. sim Coloosahatchee River, 257, 259, 262 Columbian Order, 10 Comanches, 338 Commissioners of Georgia, 7, 22, 62-66, 68 Commissioners of U. S., 6-9, 32, 62, 109-10, 113, 191, 246 Cook, Mrs. Margaret, 77, 80 Cooley, slave-hunter, 146, 147 Cooper, Mark A., 91n Cooper, Samuel, Capt., 226, 314 Cora-Tustenuggee, 279, 280 Corwin, Thomas, 322n Craghill, Thomas, 159 Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 241, 247 Blunt, Chief, 92, 253 Bonneville, B. L. E., Capt., 159, 163 Bowlegs, Billy, 315 Brady, Jasper, 113 Bridges, Samuel, 113 British: army, 11, 19, 20, 32-35, 143; government, 6n, 11, 19, 20, 24, 32, 35, 37, 51, 59, 60, 63; merchants, 47, 51; navy, 32-34; provinces, 37n; slavery law, 32n; vessels, 11, 19, 20 British West Indies, 32 Brodhead, Richard, 113 Brooke, George M., Col., 80 Brown, Albert, 109 Brown, Charles, 113 Brown, Harvey, Col., 149 Brown, Lt., 131 Buisson, Frederick, 208, 240 Burt, Armisted, 107-10, 113 CAESAR, John, 123 Cabell, Edward C., 109 Calhoun, John C., 49, 60-62, 72, 73, 80 Call, R. K., 116, 127, 128, 131- 33, 135, 153, 253 Caloosahatchee River, 257, 259, 262 Cameron, John A., Judge, 90 Campbell, John A., 129, 130 Camp Moultrie. See Moultrie Creek Canada, 35n _ Captain Parks, chief, 174 Carrol, Sgt.-Major, 278 Carollo, Negro, 327 Casey, John C., 240 Cass, Lewis, 82-95 passim, 119, 127, 130-31, 148, 173, 231, 256n, 260 Caulfield, Lt. Col., 137 Center, J. P., Lt., 177 Chambers, J. A., Lt., 138, 145, 163 Charleston, 120, 144, 145, 180, 181, 192-94, 260, 292 Charlotte Harbor, 257 Cherokees, 26, 164-89 passim, 23280 passim, 312, 319 Chickasa-Hatchee, 183 Chickasaws, 271 Child, Thomas, Major, 145 Childs, Capt., 176, 295, 300 Chitto-Tustenuggee, 257 Choctaws, 159, 163, 271, 325 Churchill, Sylvester, Major, 153 Clapp, Asa W., 113 Clark, Franklin, 113 Clark, Isaac, 155, 202, 204-6, 210-14, 226n, 229-30, 237 Clay, Henry, 44 Clifford, Nathan, 281, 328 Clinch, Duncan, 38-47, 58, 63, 83, 86, 93, 98, 101, 116, 117, 121-24, 127-28, 208 Cloud, Chief, 166n, 170 Clymer, George, 21 Coacoochee. See Wild Cat Cobb, Williamson, 248, 250 Co-Hadjo, 148, 150, 157-58, 165. 66 Cohen, M. M., 99n Colerain, Treaty of, 18-28 pas- sim, 39, 60, 6253, 335 Collamer, Jacob, 109-10 Collins, Nathaniel F., 201-41 pas- sim Coloosahatchee River, 257, 259, 262 Columbian Order, 10 Comanches, 338 Commissioners of Georgia, 7, 22, 62-66, 68 Commissioners of U. S., 6-9, 32, 62, 109-10, 113, 191, 246 Cook, Mrs. Margaret, 77, 80 Cooley, slave-hunter, 146, 147 Cooper, Mark A., 91n Cooper, Samuel, Capt., 226, 314 Cora-Tustenuggee, 279, 280 Corwin, Thomas, 322n Craghill, Thomas, 159 Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 241, 247  INDEX. INDEX. INDEX. Crawford, Major, 146 Creek-Georgia Treaty, 5, 62, 63 Creek mercenaries, 129-30, 191, 200, 247-48, 250, 260, 261 Creek treaty: of 1833, 320-21; of 1845, 319-22, 330n Crowell, John, 110 Cuba, 97.98, 154, 267, 275 Cudjoe, 82, 84 Cummins, John D., 112 Curtis, Carlton B., 245 DADo MASSACRE, 100-106, 114n, 115, 136, 164, 291 Dalham, Major, 259 Davenport, Col., 163 Dawson, William C., 243 Declaration of Independence, 24, 26, 29, 110 Delawares, 159, 163, 173, 174 De Payster, William, 153 Dickey, John, 107-9, 111 Dill, Col., 145 Douglass, slave-catcher, 92 Downing, Charles, 227-28 Dunn, George, 113 Duval, William P., 75, 76, 79, 80 EATON, John H., 94, 98, 181 Ecahlahatohee (Shark) River, 257, 314 E-con-chattimico, Chief, 89, 91- 92, 103, 205, 253 Edgerton, Alfred P., 245 Emigration, Seminole, 71, 81-96 passim, 128, 139, 153, 184, 192. 94, 205-6, 25354, 258, 275, 280, 301-17 passim Emory, Major, 335n Eustis, Abraham, 120 Evans, Alexander, 247 Everett, Horace, 190-91 FAN[NiNc, A. C. W., Col., 136 Faran, James J., 112 Farrelly, John W., 112 First Seminole War, 38-59, 69, 256n, 335 Fisher, David, 108 Fitzpatrick, Col., 265-66, 270 Flanagan, Lt., 176 Florida: delegate to Congress, 126, 311; governor of, 43, 75, 253, 262, 285; invasion of, 54, 55; legislature of, 151, 264, 265, 270, 271; militia, 131, 147, 163, 187, 252, 264, 285, 310, 336; purchase of, 59 Flournoy, Thomas, 61 Forbes of Georgia, 32n Forney, D. M., 62 Forrester, A., 153 Fort on Appalachicola River. See Blount's Fort Fort Armstrong, 137, 145 Fort Brooke, 100, 101, 120, 141, 186, 296, 208-10 Fort Cummings, 298, 300 Fort Dade, 138, 139, 145, 327 Fort Drane, 116, 121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 148, 152 Fort Gibson, 87, 204, 211, 214, 216, 219, 221, 222, 231, 234, 252, 292, 295, 307, 312, 313, 325, 326 Fort Gibson, Treaty of, 84-85, 87, 138, 185, 188, 232, 255, 319 Fort Jackson, 230 Fort Jupiter, 181, 186, 193, 251, 287 Fort King, 79, 98, 100-103, 106, 120, 127-28, 148, 157-58, 166, 256-57, 277, 286, 288 Fort King, Macomb's treaty at, 257-59 Fort McClure, 288 Fort Mellon, 136-37, 141-45, 153, 259-60, 290-92 Fort Mitchell, 159 Fort Nichols. See Blount's Fort Fort Pearce, 295 Fort Peyton, 157, 165, 180, 193, 292 Fort Pike, 114n, 155, 161-62, 187, 192, 194-96, 200, 202-3, 206, 214, 227 Crawford, Major, 146 Creek-Georgia Treaty, 5, 62, 63 Creek mercenaries, 129-30, 191, 200, 247-48, 250, 260, 261 Creek treaty: of 1833, 320-21; of 1845, 319-22, 330n Crowell, John, 110 Cuba, 97-98, 154, 267, 275 Cudjoe, 82, 84 Cummins, John D., 112 Curtis, Carlton B., 245 DADE MASSACRE, 100-106, 114n, 115, 136, 164, 291 Dalham, Major, 259 Davenport, Col., 163 Dawson, William C., 243 Declaration of Independence, 24, 26, 29, 110 Delawares, 159, 163, 173, 174 De Payster, William, 153 Dickey, John, 107-9, 111 Dill, Col., 145 Douglass, slave-catcher, 92 Downing, Charles, 227-28 Dunn, George, 113 Duval, William P., 75, 76, 79, 80 EATOv, John H., 94, 98, 181 Ecahlahatohee (Shark) River, 257, 314 E-con-chattimico, Chief, 89, 91- 92, 103, 205, 253 Edgerton, Alfred P., 245 Emigration, Seminole, 71, 81-96 passim, 128, 139, 153, 184, 192- 94, 205-6, 253-54, 258, 275, 280, 301-17 passim Emory, Major, 335n Eustis, Abraham, 120 Evans, Alexander, 247 Everett, Horace, 190-91 FAN[NtINC, A. C. W., Col., 136 Faran, James J., 112 Farrelly, John W., 112 First Seminole War, 38-59, 69, 256n, 335 Fisher, David, 108 Fitzpatrick, Col., 265-66, 270 Flanagan, Lt., 176 Florida: delegate to Congress, 126, 311; governor of, 43, 75, 253, 262, 285; invasion of, 54, 55; legislature of, 151, 264, 265, 270, 271; militia, 131, 147, 163, 187, 252, 264, 285, 310, 336; purchase of, 59 Flournoy, Thomas, 61 Forbes of Georgia, 32n Forney, D. M., 62 Forrester, A., 153 Fort on Appalachicola River. See Blount's Fort Fort Armstrong, 137, 145 Fort Brooke, 100, 101, 120, 141, 186, 296, 208-10 Fort Cummings, 298, 300 Fort Dade, 138, 139, 145, 327 Fort Drane, 116, 121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 148, 152 Fort Gibson, 87, 204, 211, 214, 216, 219, 221, 222, 231, 234, 252, 292, 295, 307, 312, 313, 325, 326 Fort Gibson, Treaty of, 84-85, 87, 138, 185, 188, 232, 255, 319 Fort Jackson, 230 Fort Jupiter, 181, 186, 193, 251, 287 Fort King, 79, 98, 100-103, 106, 120, 127-28, 148, 157-58, 166, 256-57, 277, 286, 288 Fort King, Macomb's treaty at, 257-59 Fort McClure, 288 Fort Mellon, 136-37, 141-45, 153, 259-60, 290-92 Fort Mitchell, 159 Fort Nichols. See Blount's Fort Fort Pearce, 295 Fort Peyton, 157, 165, 180, 193, 292 Fort Pike, 114n, 155, 161-62, 187, 192, 194-96, 200, 202-3, 206, 214, 227 Crawford, Major, 146 Creek-Georgia Treaty, 5, 62, 63 Creek mercenaries, 129-30, 191, 200, 247-48, 250, 260, 261 Creek treaty: of 1833, 320-21; of 1845, 319-22, 330n Crowell, John, 110 Cuba, 97-98, 154, 267, 275 Cudjoe, 82, 84 Cummins, John D., 112 Curtis, Carlton B., 245 DADE MASSAcRE, 100-106, 114n, 115, 136, 164, 291 Dalham, Major, 259 Davenport, Col., 163 Dawson, William C., 243 Declaration of Independence, 24, 26, 29, 110 Delawares, 159, 163, 173, 174 De Payster, William, 153 Dickey, John, 107-9, 111 Dill, Col., 145 Douglass, slave-catcher, 92 Downing, Charles, 227-28 Dunn, George, 113 Duval, William P., 75, 76, 79,80 EATON, John H., 94, 98, 181 Ecablahatohee (Shark) River, 257, 314 E-con-chattimico, Chief, 89, 91- 92, 103, 205, 253 Edgerton, Alfred P., 245 Emigration, Seminole, 71, 81-96 passim, 128, 139, 153, 184, 192- 94, 205-6, 253-54, 258, 275, 280, 301-17 passim Emory, Major, 335n Eustis, Abraham, 120 Evans, Alexander, 247 Everett, Horace, 190-91 FANEN]1Nv, A. C. W., Col., 136 Faran, James J., 112 Farrelly, John W., 112 First Seminole War, 38-59, 69, 256n, 335 Fisher, David, 108 Fitzpatrick, Col., 265-66, 270 Flanagan, Lt., 176 Florida: delegate to Congress, 126, 311; governor of, 43, 75, 253, 262, 285; invasion of, 54, 55; legislature of, 151, 264, 265, 270, 271; militia, 131, 147, 163, 187, 252, 264, 285, 310, 336; purchase of, 59 Flournoy, Thomas, 61 Forbes of Georgia, 32n Forney, D. M., 62 Forrester, A., 153 Fort on Appalachicola River. See Blount's Fort Fort Armstrong, 137, 145 Fort Brooke, 100, 101, 120, 141, 186, 296, 208-10 Fort Cummings, 298, 300 Fort Dade, 138, 139, 145, 327 Fort Drane, 116, 121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 148, 152 Fort Gibson, 87, 204, 211, 214, 216, 219, 221, 222, 231, 234, 252, 292, 295, 307, 312, 313, 325, 326 Fort Gibson, Treaty of, 84-85, 87, 138, 185, 188, 232, 255, 319 Fort Jackson, 230 Fort Jupiter, 181, 186, 193, 251, 287 Fort King, 79, 98, 100-103, 106, 120, 127-28, 148, 157-58, 166, 256-57, 277, 286, 288 Fort King, Macomb's treaty at, 257-59 Fort McClure, 288 Fort Mellon, 136-37, 141-45, 153, 259-60, 290-92 Fort Mitchell, 159 Fort Nichols. See Blount's Fort Fort Pearce, 295 Fort Peyton, 157, 165, 180, 193, 292 Fort Pike, 114n, 155, 161-62, 187, 192, 194-96, 200, 202-3, 206, 214, 227  INDEX. 4 INDEX. 4 INDEX. Fort Scott, 34, 47, 50 Foster, William S., Lt. Col., 177, 291 Freeman, W. G., 192 Fries, George, 112 GADSDEN, James, 82, 155 Gag Resolutions, 242, 256, 281, 282n Gaines, Edmund P., 33-55 pas- aim, 120-24, 127, 158, 193-214 passim, 224, 225, 227, 246, 301 Galphin, George, 6n Galphinton, Treaty of, 7-9, 12, 14, 18, 62, 63 Gentry, William, Col., 175-76 Georgia: Commissioners of, 7, 22, 62-66, 68; governor of, 6-9, 13, 18, 22, 30, 31, 120, 310; legislature, 7, 31; militia, 18, 71, 163, 310, 311, 336; treaty with Creeks, 5, 62, 63 Ghent, Treaty of (1814), 33, 59 Giddings, Joshua, 91n, 110-11, 208n, 243-44, 281n, 322n, 330n Gilmer, George R., 88 Gopher, John, 32-33 Gordon, Lt., 176 Griffin, George H., 259 Grundy, Felix, 95 Guinea, 1 HALATOOCHIE, 139 HalecTustenuggee, 287, 309, 313 Hallec-Hajo, 182 Halpatter-Tustenuggee, 116 Hanson, W. K., Lt., 259, 260 Hare, Lt., 176 Harford, 50 Harney, William, Lt. Col., 145, 149, 153, 154, 257, 259, 262, 265, 266 Harris, C. A., 196-200, 202, 203, 206, 230, 23840 Harrison, William H., 32, 284 Harvil, J. H., Lt., 288 Hatchee-lustee Creek, 137 Hawkins, Benjamin, 21 Heilman, J. F., Col., 128, 159 Henderson, Arch, Lt. Col., 138- 39 Hernandez, Joseph, Gen., 163-66, 187, 292, 295 Hopson, Lt., 278 Hospetarche, 302-7 Howe, John W., 246 Humphreys, Gad, 75-81, 226-28 Hypothle Yohola, 130 INDIAN AGENT, 75, 77-79, 81, 86, 92, 95, 219, 252, 254, 318-19, 331, 336 Indian Bureau, 80, 81, 179, 238, 318 Indian Key, 276, 316 Indian Spring, Treaty of, 60-68, 72, 87, 324 Indians, slaves of, 27, 86, 88, 89, 91, 134, 140, 195, 196, 228, 246, 329 Ingersol, C. J., 113 Ingham, Samuel, 43n Ino, 120, 121 Istokopoga Lake, 257, 314 Iverson, Judge, 247 Izard, James F., Lt., 121 JACKsoN, Andrew: and Blount's Fort, 3641, 44; as President, 119, 126, 253; at New Orleans, 243; in First Seminole War, 49-56; on Seminoles, 71-72, 81, 84, 118, 173, 231 Jacksonville, 310 Jamaica, 32n, 71n, 97 James, Negro, 308 Jay, John, 20 Jay, William, 45n, 275 Jay's Treaty, 20, 59n, 60 Jefferson, Thomas, 26 Jessup (Jesup), Thomas, 106-7, 113-14, 126-71 passim, 181-87, 189-92, 225, 228, 245-46, 264- 66, 311, 326-28 Johnson of Georgia, 246, 247 Johnson, R. W., 330n, 331n Fort Scott, 34, 47, 50 Foster, William S., Lt. Col., 177, 291 Freeman, W. G., 192 Fries, George, 112 GADSDEN, James, 82, 155 Gag Resolutions, 242, 256, 281, 282n Gaines, Edmund P., 33-55 pas- arm, 120-24, 127, 158, 193-214 passim, 224, 225, 227, 246, 301 Galphin, George, 6n Galphinton, Treaty of, 7-9, 12, 14, 18, 62, 63 Gentry, William, Col., 175-76 Georgia: Commissioners of, 7, 22, 62-66, 68; governor of, 6-9, 13, 18, 22, 30, 31, 120, 310; legislature, 7, 31; militia, 18, 71, 163, 310, 311, 336; treaty with Creeks, 5, 62, 63 Ghent, Treaty of (1814), 33, 59 Giddings, Joshua, 91n, 110-11, 208n, 243-44, 281n, 322n, 330n Gilmer, George R., 88 Gopher, John, 32-33 Gordon, Lt., 176 Griffin, George H., 259 Grundy, Felix, 95 Guinea, 1 HALATOOCHIE, 139 Halee,Tustenuggee, 287, 309, 313 Hallec-Hajo, 182 Halpatter-Tustenuggee, 116 Hanson, W. K., Lt., 259, 260 Hare, Lt., 176 Harford, 50 Harney, William, Lt. Col., 145, 149, 153, 154, 257, 259, 262, 265, 266 Harris, C. A., 196-200, 202, 203, 206, 230, 238-40 Harrison, William H., 32, 284 Harvil, J. H., Lt., 288 Hatcher-luster Creek, 137 Hawkins, Benjamin, 21 Heilman, J. F., Col., 128, 159 Henderson, Arch, Lt. Col., 138- 39 Hernandez, Joseph, Gen., 163-66, 187, 292, 295 Hopson, Lt., 278 Hospetarche, 302-7 Howe, John W., 246 Humphreys, Gad, 75-81, 226-28 Hypothle Yohola, 130 INDIAN AGENT, 75, 77-79, 81, 86, 92, 95, 219, 252, 254, 318-19, 331, 336 Indian Bureau, 80, 81, 179, 238, 318 Indian Key, 276, 316 Indian Spring, Treaty of, 60-68, 72, 87, 324 Indians, slaves of, 27, 86, 88, 89, 91, 134, 140, 195, 196, 228, 246, 329 Ingersol, C. J., 113 Ingham, Samuel, 43n Ino, 120, 121 Istokopoga Lake, 257, 314 Iverson, Judge, 247 Izard, James F., Lt., 121 JACKSON, Andrew: and Blount's Fort, 36-41, 44; as President, 119, 126, 253; at New Orleans, 243; in First Seminole War, 49-56; on Seminoles, 71-72, 81, 84, 118, 173, 231 Jacksonville, 310 Jamaica, 32n, 71n, 97 James, Negro, 308 Jay, John, 20 Jay, William, 45n, 275 Jay's Treaty, 20, 59n, 60 Jefferson, Thomas, 26 Jessup (Jesup), Thomas, 106-7, 113-14, 126-71 passim, 181-87, 189-92, 225, 228, 245-46, 264- 66, 311, 326-28 Johnson of Georgia, 246,247 Johnson, R. W., 330n, 331n Fort Scott, 34, 47, 50 Foster, William S., Lt. Col., 177, 291 Freeman, W. G., 192 Fries, George, 112 GADSDEN, James, 82, 155 Gag Resolutions, 242, 256, 281, 282n Gaines, Edmund P., 33-55 pas- sim, 120-24, 127, 158, 193.214 passim, 224, 225, 227, 246, 301 Galphin, George, 6n Galphinton, Treaty of, 7-9, 12, 14, 18, 62, 63 Gentry, William, Col., 175-76 Georgia: Commissioners of, 7, 22, 62-66, 68; governor of, 6-9, 13, 18, 22, 30, 31, 120, 310; legislature, 7, 31; militia, 18, 71, 163, 310, 311, 336; treaty with Creeks, 5, 62, 63 Ghent, Treaty of (1814), 33, 59 Giddings, Joshua, 91n, 110-11, 208n, 243-44, 281n, 322n, 330n Gilmer, George R., 88 Gopher, John, 32-33 Gordon, Lt., 176 Griffin, George H., 259 Grundy, Felix, 95 Guinea, 1 HALATOOCHIE, 139 Halec,Tustenuggee, 287, 309, 313 Hallec-Hajo, 182 Halpatter-Tustenuggee, 116 Hanson, W. K., Lt., 259, 260 Hare, Lt., 176 Harford, 50 Harney, William, Lt. Col., 145, 149, 153, 154, 257, 259, 262, 265, 266 Harris, C. A., 196-200, 202, 203, 206, 230, 238-40 Harrison, William H., 32, 284 Harvil, J. H., Lt., 288 Hatchee-lustee Creek, 137 Hawkins, Benjamin, 21 Heilman, J. F., Col., 128, 159 Henderson, Arch, Lt. Col., 138- 39 Hernandez, Joseph, Gen., 163-66, 187, 292, 295 Hopson, Lt., 278 Hospetarche, 302-7 Howe, John W., 246 Humphreys, Gad, 75-81, 226-28 Hypothle Yohola, 130 INDIAN AGENT, 75, 77-79, 81, 86, 92, 95, 219, 252, 254, 318-19, 331, 336 Indian Bureau, 80, 81, 179, 238, 318 Indian Key, 276, 316 Indian Spring, Treaty of, 60-68, 72, 87, 324 Indians, slaves of, 27, 86, 88, 89, 91, 134, 140, 195, 196, 228, 246, 329 Ingersol, C. J., 113 Ingham, Samuel, 43n Ino, 120, 121 Istokopoga Lake, 257, 314 Iverson, Judge, 247 Izard, James F., Lt., 121 JACKSON, Andrew: and Blount's Fort, 36-41, 44; as President, 119, 126, 253; at New Orleans, 243; in First Seminole War, 49-56; on Seminoles, 71-72, 81, 84, 118, 173, 231 Jacksonville, 310 Jamaica, 32n, 71n, 97 James, Negro, 308 Jay, John, 20 Jay, William, 45n, 275 Jay's Treaty, 20, 59n, 60 Jefferson, Thomas, 26 Jessup (Jesup), Thomas, 106-7, 113-14, 126-71 passim, 181-87, 189-92, 225, 228, 24546, 264- 66, 311, 326-28 Johnson of Georgia, 246, 247 Johnson, R. W., 330n, 331n  INDEX. 5 INDEX. 5 INDEX. 5 Jones, Sam, 173, 174, 257, 302, 309, 315 Judge, Thomas S., 320 Jumper, 139, 166n, 174 KENNON, William, 112 King Phillip, 163, 164, 290, 292, 295, 298 Kissim[mlee River, 257, 297, 314 Knox, Hugh, 5, 7n, 8n, 12, 18 LAKE FONCE-SAFAKEE, 287 Lake Monroe, 136 Lake Oke[elchobee, 187, 290, 291, 314 Larche, Francis, 244n Lee, Gen., 4 Lee, R. B., Capt., 128 Levin, Lewis, 113 Lewis, 87 Little Doctor, 130 Little Rock, 215-18, 222 Locka-Hatchee River, 181 Loomis, Sailing Master, 33n, 34n, 39-43, 47 Louis (also called Louis Pache- co), 87, 101, 102, 105-7, 114n, 136, 143n, 164, 291, 329, 333, 337 Louisiana, 70, 124, 204, 211, 330n, 332, 334 Love, slave-dealer, 207, 229-30 MACE, Daniel, 246 Madison, James, 28-31, 38, 44 Mandarin, 310 Mann, Job, 113 Maroons (Cuban Negroes), 71, 97-98, 212, 275 Marvin, Dudley, 108 Mason, John Y., 327, 328, 331n Mathews, George, 29, 30 Mathla, 80n Mathler, Charley E., 99, 123 Maumee, 32 McClernand, John A., 113 McClintock, Major, 152 McComb (Macomb), Alexander, 215, 257-59, 261, 277, 278, 280 McDonald, Charles J., 310, 311 McGillivray, 10, 17, 23, 63 McIntosh, Chief, 38, 50, 54, 62, 83 McIntosh, Chilley, 87 McIntosh, Rolley, 87 McKay, James, 322n McLaughlin, Midshipman, 137 Mellon, Charles, Capt., 137 Mercenaries, Creek, 29, 130, 191, 200, 247.48, 250, 260, 261 Meriwether, Davis, 61-62 Micanopy, Chief, 166n, 170, 180, 216, 291 Micanopy (town), 123, 128, 129, 138, 278 Micco, Chief, 293, 298 Mickasukie Lake settlements, 47, 50, 51, 55, 72 Mickasukies, 3, 173, 257, 276, 278, 306 Miller, Lt. Col., 146, 303 Miller, Rep., 112 Mills, Col., 159 Milton, slave-dealer, 89-90 Mitchell, governor of Georgia, 30 "Monette," 33n, 34n, 40n, 52, 53n Moniac, David, Capt., 133, 160 Monroe, James, 48, 49, 55, 58- 62, 65, 68, 70, 72 Montgomery, Mrs. W. R., 278 Moravians; 3 Morgan, Mr., 259 Morris, Rep., 112 Morrison, Capt., 203, 230, 239, 251 Moultrie Creek, Treaty of, 72- 75, 80, 85, 88, 89 Murphy, Rep., 113 NASHvILLE, 36, 55 Nassau, 61n Negro Fort. See Blount's Fort Negro guides, 283, 288 Negro interpreters, 271, 272 Jones, Sam, 173, 174, 257, 302, 309, 315 Judge, Thomas S., 320 Jumper, 139, 166n, 174 KENNON, William, 112 King Phillip, 163, 164, 290, 292, 295, 298 Kissim[mlee River, 257, 297, 314 Knox, Hugh, 5, 7n, 8n, 12, 18 LAKE FONCE-SAFAKEE, 287 Lake Monroe, 136 Lake Oke[elchobee, 187, 290, 291, 314 Larche, Francis, 244n Lee, Gen., 4 Lee, R. B., Capt., 128 Levin, Lewis, 113 Lewis, 87 Little Doctor, 130 Little Rock, 215-18, 222 Locka-Hatchee River, 181 Loomis, Sailing Master, 33n, 34n, 39-43, 47 Louis (also called Louis Pache- co), 87, 101, 102, 105-7, 114n, 136, 143n, 164, 291, 329, 333, 337 Louisiana, 70, 124, 204, 211, 330n, 332, 334 Love, slave-dealer, 207, 229-30 MAcE, Daniel, 246 Madison, James, 28-31, 38, 44 Mandarin, 310 Mann, Job, 113 Maroons (Cuban Negroes), 71, 97-98, 212, 275 Marvin, Dudley, 108 Mason, John Y., 327, 328, 331n Mathews, George, 29, 30 Mathla, 80n Mathler, Charley E., 99, 123 Maumee, 32 McClernand, John A., 113 McClintock, Major, 152 McComb (Macomb), Alexander, 215, 257-59, 261, 277, 278, 280 McDonald, Charles J., 310, 311 McGillivray, 10, 17, 23, 63 McIntosh, Chief, 38, 50, 54, 62, 83 McIntosh, Chilley, 87 McIntosh, Rolley, 87 McKay, James, 322n McLaughlin, Midshipman, 137 Mellon, Charles, Capt., 137 Mercenaries, Creek, 29, 130, 191, 200, 247-48, 250, 260, 261 Meriwether, Davis, 61-62 Micanopy, Chief, 166n, 170, 180, 216, 291 Micanopy (town), 123, 128, 129, 138, 278 Micco, Chief, 293, 298 Mickasukie Lake settlements, 47, 50, 51, 55, 72 Mickasukies, 3, 173, 257, 276, 278, 306 Miller, Lt. Col., 146, 303 Miller, Rep., 112 Mills, Col., 159 Milton, slave-dealer, 89-90 Mitchell, governor of Georgia, 30 "Monette," 33n, 34n, 40n, 52, 53n Moniac, David, Capt., 133, 160 Monroe, James, 48, 49, 55, 58. 62, 65, 68, 70, 72 Montgomery, Mrs. W. R., 278 Moravians; 3 Morgan, Mr., 259 Morris, Rep., 112 Morrison, Capt., 203, 230, 239, 251 Moultrie Creek, Treaty of, 72- 75, 80, 85, 88, 89 Murphy, Rep., 113 NASHvILLE, 36, 55 Nassau, 61n Negro Fort. See Blount's Fort Negro guides, 283, 288 Negro interpreters, 271, 272 Jones, Sam, 173, 174, 257, 302, 309, 315 Judge, Thomas S., 320 Jumper, 139, 166n, 174 KENNON, William, 112 King Phillip, 163, 164, 290, 292, 295, 298 Kissimlmlee River, 257, 297, 314 Knox, Hugh, 5, 7n, In, 12, 18 LAKE FONCE-SAFAKEE, 287 Lake Monroe, 136 Lake Oke[elchobee, 187, 290, 291, 314 Larche, Francis, 244n Lee, Gen., 4 Lee, R. B., Capt., 128 Levin, Lewis, 113 Lewis, 87 Little Doctor, 130 Little Rock, 215-18, 222 Locka-Hatchee River, 181 Loomis, Sailing Master, 33n, 34n, 39-43, 47 Louis (also called Louis Pache- co), 87, 101, 102, 105-7, 114n, 136, 143n, 164, 291, 329, 333, 337 Louisiana, 70, 124, 204, 211, 330n, 332, 334 Love, slave-dealer, 207, 229-30 MACE, Daniel, 246 Madison, James, 28-31, 38, 44 Mandarin, 310 Mann, Job, 113 Maroons (Cuban Negroes), 71, 97-98, 212, 275 Marvin, Dudley, 108 Mason, John Y., 327, 328, 331n Mathews, George, 29, 30 Mathla, 80n Mathler, Charley E., 99, 123 Maumee, 32 McClernand, John A., 113 McClintock, Major, 152 McComb (Macomb), Alexander, 215, 257-59, 261, 277, 278, 280 McDonald, Charles J., 310, 311 McGillivray, 10, 17, 23, 63 McIntosh, Chief, 38, 50, 54, 62, 83 McIntosh, Chilley, 87 McIntosh, Rolley, 87 McKay, James, 322n McLaughlin, Midshipman, 137 Mellon, Charles, Capt., 137 Mercenaries, Creek, 29, 130, 191, 200, 247-48, 250, 260, 261 Meriwether, Davis, 61-62 Micanopy, Chief, 166n, 170, 180, 216, 291 Micanopy (town), 123, 128, 129, 138, 278 Micco, Chief, 293, 298 Mickasukie Lake settlements, 47, 50, 51, 55, 72 Mickasukies, 3, 173, 257, 276, 278, 306 Miller, Lt. Col., 146, 303 Miller, Rep., 112 Mills, Col., 159 Milton, slave-dealer, 89-90 Mitchell, governor of Georgia, 30 "Monette," 33n, 34n, 40n, 52, 53n Moniac, David, Capt., 133, 160 Monroe, James, 48, 49, 55, 58- 62, 65, 68, 70, 72 Montgomery, Mrs. W. R., 278 Moravians, 3 Morgan, Mr., 259 Morris, Rep., 112 Morrison, Capt., 203, 230, 239, 251 Moultrie Creek, Treaty of, 72. 75, 80, 85, 88, 89 Murphy, Rep., 113 NAsHvILLE, 36, 55 Nassau, 61n Negro Fort. See Blount's Fort Negro guides, 283, 288 Negro interpreters, 271, 272  INDEX. 6 INDEX. 6 INDEX. Nelson, C. H., 163 Nero, Negro chief, 52 Nethloke-Mathla, 309 Newnansville, 159 New Orleans: Seminoles and Negroes at, 201-13, 215-16, 228-30, 251; sheriff of, 204-12, 225, 229, 230, 236-38, 251; Spanish Negroes at, 98n New York, Treaty of, 10-18, 21- 24, 39, 60, 62, 63 Nichols, Edward, Lt. Col., 33-34, 39 Nocose Yokolo, 170 North Carolina, 24, 25 OCKMULGEE River, 50 Oconee River, 10, 12 Okefenoke Swamp, 282, 292 Old Town, 53, 131 Onis, Don Lois de, 55 Orr, James L., 247 Osceola, 94-105, 115-17, 123-29, 141, 154, 157, 164-66, 180, 189, 265, 291 Osceola's wife, 98, 99 Osuchee, 137 Otulke, 302 PACHEo, Antonio, 101, 106, 113 Pacheco, Louis. See Louis Palaklikaha Lake, 279 Paris, Treaty of (1783), 11, 12, 19, 21, 59 Parks, Captain (chief), 174 Patterson, Commodore, 39, 40 Peace treaty (1838), 258 Pearce, Major, 129, 132, 133 Pease Creek, 257, 302, 314 "Peculiar Institution," 60, 107, 191, 245 Pelican Creek, 165 Penieres, Sub-Agent, 70, 71 Pennsylvania, 26 Pensacola, 54, 59 Perrine, Henry, 276 Phagan, John, 85 Philadelphia, 10, 25 Pickens, Andrew, 21, 60, 62 Pine Island, 257 "Pirates," Georgia slave-hunters, 92, 93, 205, 253 Plympton, Major, 288 Poindexter, George, 44n Poinsett, Joel, Secretary of War: and capture of chiefs, 144-52; and continuation of war, 280- 81; disposition of captured Negroes, 160-88, 199-206, 226- 28, 233-42, 261-73 Polk, James K., 324-29 Post system in Florida, 254 Powell. See Osceola Powell, Indian-trader, 98 Presidential campaign (1840), 191, 270, 274, 280, 284 - Punta Rosa, 314 QUAKERS, 24-26 Queenston, 32 RANTOUL, Robert, 244 Reid, Robert Raymond, 262-65 Revolution, American, 4, 5, 9, 11, 17, 19, 24, 25, 93, 143, 205, 334 Reynolds, John G., 98n, 192- 240 passim, 251-52, 292 Richardson, William A., 113 Riley, Bennet, Lt. Col., 288 Rio Grande River, 332, 334, 337 Ritchey, Thomas, 112 Roane, Samuel C., 217-19, 222 Rock Landing, 10-12 Rockwell, John A., 109 Rogers, Lt., 176 Ross, John, Cherokee, 159-60, 164, 171n, 189-90 Russell, David, 243 SACKET, William A., 24446 St. Augustine, 1-2, 76, 149, 152, 155, 164-67, 176, 266, 269, 292 St. Johns River, 79, 148-52, 283, 292, 298 St. Marks (fort), 51, 52, 59, 153, 155 Nelson, C. H., 163 Nero, Negro chief, 52 Nethloke-Mathla, 309 Newnansville, 159 New Orleans: Seminoles and Negroes at, 201-13, 215-16, 228-30, 251; sheriff of, 204-12, 225, 229, 230, 236-38, 251; Spanish Negroes at, 98n New York, Treaty of, 10-18, 21- 24, 39, 60, 62, 63 Nichols, Edward, Lt. Col., 33-34, 39 Nocose Yokolo, 170 North Carolina, 24, 25 OCKMULGEE River, 50 Oconee River, 10, 12 Okefenoke Swamp, 282, 292 Old Town, 53, 131 Onis, Don Luis de, 55 Ore, James L., 247 Osceola, 94-105, 115-17, 123-29, 141, 154, 157, 164-66, 180, 189, 265, 291 Osceola's wife, 98, 99 Osuchee, 137 Otulke, 302 PACHEo, Antonio, 101, 106, 113 Pacheco, Louis. See Louis Palaklikaha Lake, 279 Paris, Treaty of (1783), 11, 12, 19, 21, 59 Parks, Captain (chief), 174 Patterson, Commodore, 39, 40 Peace treaty (1838), 258 Pearce, Major, 129, 132, 133 Pease Creek, 257, 302, 314 "Peculiar Institution," 60, 107, 191, 245 Pelican Creek, 165 Penieres, Sub-Agent, 70, 71 Pennsylvania, 26 Pensacola, 54, 59 Perrine, Henry, 276 Phagan, John, 85 Philadelphia, 10, 25 Pickens, Andrew, 21, 60, 62 Pine Island, 257 "Pirates," Georgia slave-hunters, 92, 93, 205, 253 Plympton, Major, 288 Poindexter, George, 44n Poinsett, Joel, Secretary of War: and capture of chiefs, 144-52; and continuation of war, 280- 81; disposition of captured Negroes, 160-88, 199-206, 226- 28, 23342, 261-73 Polk, James K., 324-29 Post system in Florida, 254 Powell. See Osceola Powell, Indian-trader, 98 Presidential campaign (1840), 191, 270, 274, 280, 284 - Punta Rosa, 314 QUAKERs, 24-26 Queenston, 32 RANToUL, Robert, 244 Reid, Robert Raymond, 262-65 Revolution, American, 4, 5, 9, 11, 17, 19, 24, 25, 93, 143, 205, 334 Reynolds, John G., 98n, 192- 240 passim, 251-52, 292 Richardson, William A,, 113 Riley, Bennet, Lt. Col., 288 Rio Grande River, 332, 334, 337 Ritchey, Thomas, 112 Roane, Samuel C., 217-19, 222 Rock Landing, 10-12 Rockwell, John A., 109 Rogers, Lt., 176 Ross, John, Cherokee, 159-60, 164, 171n, 189-90 Russell, David, 243 SACKET, William A., 244-46 St. Augustine, 1-2, 76, 149, 152, 155, 164-67, 176, 266, 269, 292 St. Johns River, 79, 148-52, 283, 292, 298 St. Marks (fort), 51, 52, 59, 153, 155 Nelson, C. H., 163 Nero, Negro chief, 52 Nethloke-Mathla, 309 Newnansville, 159 New Orleans: Seminoles and Negroes at, 201-13, 215-16, 228-30, 251; sheriff of, 204-12, 225, 229, 230, 236-38, 251; Spanish Negroes at, 98n New York, Treaty of, 10-18, 21- 24, 39, 60, 62, 63 Nichols, Edward, Lt. Col., 33-34, 39 Nocose Yokolo, 170 North Carolina, 24, 25 OCKMULGEE River, 50 Oconee River, 10, 12 Okefenoke Swamp, 282, 292 Old Town, 53, 131 Onis, Don Luis de, 55 Orr, James L., 247 Osceola, 94-105, 115-17, 123-29, 141, 154, 157, 164-66, 180, 189, 265, 291 Osceola's wife, 98, 99 Osuchee, 137 Otulke, 302 PACHEo, Antonio, 101, 106, 113 Pacheco, Louis. See Louis Palaklikaha Lake, 279 Paris, Treaty of (1783), 11, 12, 19, 21, 59 Parks, Captain (chief), 174 Patterson, Commodore, 39, 40 Peace treaty (1838), 258 Pearce, Major, 129, 132, 133 Pease Creek, 257, 302, 314 "Peculiar Institution," 60, 107, 191, 245 Pelican Creek, 165 Penieres, Sub-Agent, 70, 71 Pennsylvania, 26 Pensacola, 54, 59 Perrine, Henry, 276 Phagan, John, 85 Philadelphia, 10, 25 Pickens, Andrew, 21, 60,62 Pine Island, 257 "Pirates," Georgia slave-hunters, 92, 93, 205, 253 Plympton, Major, 288 Poindexter, George, 44n Poinsett, Joel, Secretary of War: and capture of chiefs, 144-52; and continuation of war, 280- 81; disposition of captured Negroes, 160-88, 199-206, 226- 28, 233-42, 261-73 Polk, James K., 324-29 Post system in Florida, 254 Powell. See Osceola Powell, Indian-trader, 98 Presidential campaign (1840), 191, 270, 274, 280, 284 . Punta Rosa, 314 QUAKERs, 24-26 Queenston, 32 RANTOUL, Robert, 244 Reid, Robert Raymond, 26265 Revolution, American, 4, 5, 9, 11, 17, 19, 24, 25, 93, 143, 205, 334 Reynolds, John G., 98n, 192- 240 passim, 251-52, 292 Richardson, William A., 113 Riley, Bennet, Lt. Col., 288 Rio Grande River, 332, 334, 337 Ritchey, Thomas, 112 Roane, Samuel C., 217-19, 222 Rock Landing, 10-12 Rockwell, John A., 109 Rogers, Lt., 176 Ross, John, Cherokee, 159-60, 164, 171n, 189-90 Russell, David, 243 SACKET, William A., 244-46 St. Augustine, 1-2, 76, 149, 152, 155, 164-67, 176, 266, 269, 292 St. Johns River, 79, 148-52, 283, 292, 298 St. Marks (fort), 51, 52, 59, 153, 155  INDEX. 7 INDEX. INDEX. 7 St. Marks River, 51, 55 Santa Rosa, Mexico, 334-35 Sanybel River, 257 Savannah, 120, 267 Sawyer, William, 113 Sconce, Major, 176 Scott, Lt., 50, 52, 54 Scott, Winfield, 32, 120, 125-27, 152, 184, 253, 256 Seacoffee, 3 Seagrove, 17, 18 Searle, Frederick, 161, 162, 197, 200 Segan, Jtmes, 320 Seymour, Origen S., 245 Shark River, 257, 314 Shawnees, 173, 174 Sherwood, Walter, Lt., 278-79 Shoulderbone, Treaty of, 8, 9, 62, 63 Skelton, Charles, 247 Slade, William, 191, 282 Slave-catching forays, 32, 77, 151, 159, 180, 212, 265, 310 Slave dealers, 1, 89, 231, 239, 329, 330, 334 Slave power, 236, 245, 253, 256, 327, 332 Slidell, Thomas, 205-6 Sloan, Lt., 200, 202 Smith, Col., 187 Smith, Constantine, Lt., 100, 105 Smith, Joseph L., 76, 150 South Carolina, 2, 4, 29, 34, 103, 141, 151, 226, 252, 324, 335 Southerland, Joseph, 248 Spain, 29, 30, 35n, 37n, 38, 43, 50, 151 Spanish: citizenship, 21, 38; Crown, 2, 16, 17, 23, 35, 43, 44; government in Florida, 2, 8, 18, 20, 23; hound-trainers, 266, 272; Indians, 315; in- habitants of Florida, 1, 2, 31, 97, 98n, 151; law, 3, 4, 13, 16, 29, 59, 103; merchants, 47; Negroes, 98n, 275, 276 Spencer, John C., 310, 311 Sprague John T., 79n, 99n, 187n, 264n, 265n, 277, 279n, 288, 301n Stanton, Benjamin, 246 Stephenson, Capt., 219 Stuart, Charles E., 247 Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 22, 75, 76, 78 Suwan[nlee, Battle of, 53-55 Suwan[nlee River, 5, 314 Suwan[nlee River settlements, 47, 48, 51, 52, 55, 72 Sweetzer, Charles, 248 TA-HoP-KA-LICA LAKE, 137 Tallahassee, 51, 128 Tallmadge, Frederick A., 113 Talmas-Hadjo (Talmeco-Hadjo), 169, 292 Talockchopco Creek, 314 Tammany Society, 10 Tampa Bay, 72, 101, 141, 154, 167, 172, 181, 192-94, 251, 254, 291, 298-313 passim Taylor, John L., 112 Taylor, Zachary, 172-79, 181, 225-28, 252-57, 267-73, 291 Tennessee militia, 31, 49-50, 70, 131-34, 160 Texas, 337, 338 Thla-pac-hatchee, 137 Thompson, Alexander R., Col., 176-77 Thompson, Richard W., 113 Thompson, Waddy, 281 Thompson, Wiley, 86, 93, 98-100, 105, 227 Tiger-tail, 302, 307-9 Tippecanoe, 32 Toalkchopeko Creek, 257 Tomoka River, 269 Toshatchee Micco, 87 Toskogee, 170, 182 Toucey, Isaac, 328 Treskal, Chief, 80n Trevitt, G. H., Lt., 154 Tuckabatchee Mice, 130 Tustenuggee, 105n St. Marks River, 51, 55 Santa Rosa, Mexico, 334-35 Sanybel River, 257 Savannah, 120, 267 Sawyer, William, 113 Sconce, Major, 176 Scott, Lt., 50, 52, 54 Scott, Winfield, 32, 120, 125-27, 152, 184, 253, 256 Seacoffee, 3 Seagrove, 17, 18 Searle, Frederick, 161, 162, 197, 200 Segan, James, 320 Seymour, Origen S., 245 Shark River, 257, 314 Shawnees, 173, 174 Sherwood, Walter, Lt., 278-79 Shoulderbone, Treaty of, 8, 9, 62, 63 Skelton, Charles, 247 Slade, William, 191, 282 Slave-catching forays, 32, 77, 151, 159, 180, 212, 265, 310 Slave dealers, 1, 89, 231, 239, 329, 330, 334 Slave power, 236, 245, 253, 256, 327, 332 Slidell, Thomas, 205-6 Sloan, Lt., 200, 202 Smith, Col., 187 Smith, Constantine, Lt., 100, 105 Smith, Joseph L., 76, 150 South Carolina, 2, 4, 29, 34, 103, 141, 151, 226, 252, 324, 335 Southerland, Joseph, 248 Spain, 29, 30, 35n, 37n, 38, 43, 50, 151 Spanish: citizenship, 21, 38; Crown, 2, 16, 17, 23, 35, 43, 44; government in Florida, 2, 8, 18, 20, 23; hound-trainers, 266, 272; Indians, 315; in- habitants of Florida, 1, 2, 31, 97, 98n, 151; law, 3, 4, 13, 16, 29, 59, 103; merchants, 47; Negroes, 98n, 275, 276 Spencer, John C., 310, 311 Sprague John T., 79n, 99n, 187n, 264n, 265n, 277, 279n, 288, 301n Stanton, Benjamin, 246 Stephenson, Capt., 219 Stuart, Charles E., 247 Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 22, 75, 76, 78 Suwan[nlee, Battle of, 53-55 Suwan[nlee River, 5, 314 Suwan[nlee River settlements, 47, 48, 51, 52, 55, 72 Sweetzer, Charles, 248 TA-HOP-KA-LIGA LAKE, 137 Tallahassee, 51, 128 Tallmadge, Frederick A., 113 Talmas-Hadjo (Talmeco-Hadjo), 169, 292 Talockchopco Creek, 314 Tammany Society, 10 Tampa Bay, 72, 101, 141, 154, 167, 172, 181, 192-94, 251, 254, 291, 298-313 passim Taylor, John L., 112 Taylor, Zachary, 172-79, 181, 225-28, 252-57, 267-73, 291 Tennessee militia, 31, 49-50, 70, 131-34, 160 Texas, 337, 338 Thla-pac-hatchee, 137 Thompson, Alexander R., Col., 176-77 Thompson, Richard W., 113 Thompson, Waddy, 281 Thompson, Wiley, 86, 93, 98-100, 105, 227 Tiger-tail, 302, 307-9 Tippecanoe, 32 Toalkchopeko Creek, 257 Tomoka River, 269 Toshatchee Micro, 87 Toskogee, 170, 182 Toucey, Isaac, 328 Treskal, Chief, 80n Trevitt, G. H., Lt., 154 Tuckabatchee Mico, 130 Tustenuggee, 105n St. Marks River, 51, 55 Santa Rosa, Mexico, 334-35 Sanyhel River, 257 Savannah, 120, 267 Sawyer, William, 113 Sconce, Major, 176 Scott, Lt., 50, 52, 54 Scott, Winfield, 32, 120, 125-27, 152, 184, 253, 256 Seacoffee, 3 Seagrove, 17, 18 Searle, Frederick, 161, 162, 197, 200 Segan, James, 320 Seymour, Origen S., 245 Shark River, 257, 314 Shawnees, 173, 174 Sherwood, Walter, Lt., 278-79 Shoulderbone, Treaty of, 8, 9, 62, 63 Skelton, Charles, 247 Slade, William, 191, 282 Slave-catching forays, 32, 77, 151, 159, 180, 212, 265, 310 Slave dealers, 1, 89, 231, 239, 329, 330, 334 Slave power, 236, 245, 253, 256, 327, 332 Slidell, Thomas, 205-6 Sloan, Lt., 200, 202 Smith, Col., 187 Smith, Constantine, Lt., 100, 105 Smith, Joseph L., 76, 150 South Carolina, 2, 4, 29, 34, 103, 141, 151, 226, 252, 324, 335 Southerland, Joseph, 248 Spain, 29, 30, 35n, 37n, 38, 43, 50, 151 Spanish: citizenship, 21, 38; Crown, 2, 16, 17, 23, 35, 43, 44; government in Florida, 2, 8, 18, 20, 23; hound-trainers, 266, 272; Indians, 315; in- habitants of Florida, 1, 2, 31, 97, 98n, 151; law, 3, 4, 13, 16, 29, 59, 103; merchants, 47; Negroes, 98n, 275, 276 Spencer, John C., 310, 311 Sprague John T., 79n, 99n, 187n, 264n, 265n, 277, 279n, 288, 301n Stanton, Benjamin, 246 Stephenson, Capt., 219 Stuart, Charles E., 247 Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 22, 75, 76, 78 Suwan[nlee, Battle of, 53-55 Suwan[nlee River, 5, 314 Suwan[nlee River settlements, 47, 48, 51, 52, 55, 72 Sweetzer, Charles, 248 TA-HOP-KA-LIGA LAKE, 137 Tallahassee, 51, 128 Tallmadge, Frederick A., 113 Talmas-Hadjo (Talmeco-Hadjo), 169, 292 Talockchopco Creek, 314 Tammany Society, 10 Tampa Bay, 72, 101, 141, 154, 167, 172, 181, 192-94, 251, 254, 291, 298-313 passim Taylor, John L., 112 Taylor, Zachary, 172-79, 181, 225-28, 252-57, 267-73, 291 Tennessee militia, 31, 49-50, 70, 131-34, 160 Texas, 337, 338 Thla-pac-hatchee, 137 Thompson, Alexander R., Col., 176-77 Thompson, Richard W., 113 Thompson, Waddy, 281 Thompson, Wiley, 86, 93, 98-100, 105, 227 Tiger-tail, 302, 307-9 Tippecanoe, 32 Toalkchopcko Creek, 257 Tomoka River, 269 Toshatchee Micco, 87 Toskogee, 170, 182 Toucey, Isaac, 328 Treskal, Chief, 80n Trevitt, G. H., Lt., 154 Tuckabatchee Mico, 130 Tustenuggee, 105n  INDEX. 8 INDEX. INDEX. Twiggs, David E., Col., 182, 185 Tyler, John, 284-85, 312-14, 317, 319 VAN BUREN, Martin, 142, 179, 226, 228, 241, 255, 263, 274-75, 277-80 Vance, Joseph, 244n Van Rensslaer, Stephen, 32 Vicksburg, 215-16, 222 Vinton, D. H., 153 Virginia Springs, 267 Volusi[a], 133, 135, 152, 153, 193 WADE, R. D. A., Capt., 309 Wahoo Swamp, 70, 100-102, 133, 160, 282, 313 Walker, Chief, 92, 103-4, 205, 253 Walker, David S., 159 Walsh, Thomas Y., 248 Warner, Col., 147 Warren, John, Col., 131, 158 Washington, George, 7-21, 78, 82 Watkahoota, 278 Watson, James C., 201-7, 214-50 passim, 261 Waxe-Hadjo, 310 Webster, Daniel, 60n Welch, John, 247 West Indies, 11, 98 Wheaton, Lt., 296 Whig party, 266, 284-85 White, James, 8n Whitman, George, 240 Whittlesey, Elisha, 244n Wick, William W., 113 Wild Cat (Coacoochee), 114n, 136, 143n, 160-75 passim, 189, 290, 292-313 passim, 333-38: daughter of, 292, 293, 295, 300; uncle of, 295, wife of, 297, 300 Williams, John Lee, 53n Wilson, James, 108 Winthrop, Robert C., 111-12 Wirt, William, 67 Wise, Henry A., 266-71 Withlacoochee River, 128, 131- 32, 139, 152-53, 178-79, 187, 282 Withlacoochee River, battles of, 116-18, 120-24 Withlacoochee River settlements, 47, 70, 135-36 Worth, William J., 286-316 passim YELco HAYO, 130 ZANTZINGER, R. D., Major, 193-6 Twiggs, David E., Col., 182, 185 Tyler, John, 284-85, 312-14, 317, 319 VAN BUREN, Martin, 142, 179, 226, 228, 241, 255, 263, 274-75, 277-80 Vance, Joseph, 244n Van Rensslaer, Stephen, 32 Vicksburg, 215-16, 222 Vinton, D. H., 153 Virginia Springs, 267 Volusi[a], 133, 135, 152, 153, 193 WADE, R. D. A., Capt., 309 Wahoo Swamp, 70, 100-102, 133, 160, 282, 313 Walker, Chief, 92, 103-4, 205, 253 Walker, David S., 159 Walsh, Thomas Y., 248 Warner, Col., 147 Warren, John, Col., 131, 158 Washington, George, 7-21, 78, 82 Watkahoota, 278 Watson, James C., 201.7, 214-50 passim, 261 Waxe-Hadjo, 310 Webster, Daniel, 60n Welch, John, 247 West Indies, 11, 98 Wheaton, Lt., 296 Whig party, 266, 284-85 White, James, On Whitman, George, 240 Whittlesey, Elisha, 244n Wick, William W., 113 Wild Cat (Coacoochee), 114n, 136, 143n, 160-75 passim, 189, 290, 292-313 passim, 333-38: daughter of, 292, 293, 295, 300; uncle of, 295, wife of, 297, 300 Williams, John Lee, 53n Wilson, James, 108 Winthrop, Robert C., 111-12 Wirt, William, 67 Wise, Henry A., 266-71 Withlacoochee River, 128, 131- 32, 139, 152-53, 178-79, 187, 282 Withlacoochee River, battles of, 116-18, 120-24 Withlacoochee River settlements, 47, 70, 135-36 Worth, William J., 286-316 passim YELco HAYo, 130 ZANTZINGER, R. D., Major, 193-96 Twiggs, David E., Col., 182, 185 Tyler, John, 284-85, 312-14, 317, 319 VAN BUREN, Martin, 142, 179, 226, 228, 241, 255, 263, 274-75, 277-80 Vance, Joseph, 244n Van Rensslaer, Stephen, 32 Vicksburg, 215-16, 222 Vinton, D. H., 153 Virginia Springs, 267 Volusi[a], 133, 135, 152, 153, 193 WADE, R. D. A., Capt., 309 Wahoo Swamp, 70, 100-102, 133, 160, 282, 313 Walker, Chief, 92, 103-4, 205, 253 Walker, David S., 159 Walsh, Thomas Y., 248 Warner, Col., 147 Warren, John, Col., 131, 158 Washington, George, 7-21, 78, 82 Watkahoota, 278 Watson, James C., 201-7, 214-50 passim, 261 Waxe-Hadjo, 310 Webster, Daniel, 60n Welch, John, 247 West Indies, 11, 98 Wheaton, Lt., 296 Whig party, 266, 284-85 White, James, 8n Whitman, George, 240 Whittlesey, Elisha, 244n Wick, William W., 113 Wild Cat (Coacoochee), 114n, 136, 143n, 160-75 passim, 189, 290, 292-313 passim, 333-38: daughter of, 292, 293, 295, 300; uncle of, 295, wife of, 297, 300 Williams, John Lee, 53n Wilson, James, 108 Winthrop, Robert C., 111-12 Wirt, William, 67 Wise, Henry A., 266-71 Withlacoochee River, 128, 131- 32, 139, 152-53, 178-79, 187, 282 Withlacoochee River, battles of, 116-18, 120-24 Withlacoochee River settlements, 47, 70, 135-36 Worth, William J., 286-316 passim YELco HAYO, 130 ZANTZINGEa, R. D., Major, 193-96