A DESCRIPTION Of theC ENCJLtS PROVIV tr of CA ROL AN A, By the 4..AJd caged FLORIDA$ And by the F 4 La LOUISl,4NE A DESCRIPTION Of the £Et1tsn PevIN:: of CA ROLANA, By the SpJ calid FLORIDA And by the R~.,& La LOUISI,4NE A D ES CR IP TION1 Of the EN L-u PtovuIk of CAROLANA, By the s.-..t.d FLORIDAs And by the F-.4 La LOUISI-AN1E  Courtesy of the Historical Sodoty of Pooos.Nl-a. Courtesy of the Ilbotoneol Society= of Pensylvo-I.. Courtesy of the Historical Society of Penosylvania. Colonel Daniel Coxe. 1673-1739. Colonel Daniel Coxe, 1673-1739. Colonel Daniel Coxe, 1673-1739.  A DESCRIPTION Of the ENwjLISH PROVINC Y Of- CA ROLAN A, By the Spauiards calla FLORIDA, And by the Frenc La LOUISI ANE By DANIEL COXES Ef; A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1722 EDITION with an INTRODUCTION by William S. Coker and an INDEX by Polly Coker. BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES. A UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA BOOK. THE UNIVERSITY PRESSES OF FLORIDA. GAINESVILLE 1976. A D E SC R IP TION Of the ENGLISH PaovxI:F of CA ROLAN A, By the Spairdk cail'd FLORIDA, And by the French La LOUIS.JANE By DANIEL CoxEI Efq; A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1722 EDITION with an INTRODUCTION by William S. Coker and an INDEX by Polly Coker. BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES. A UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA BOOK. THE UNIVERSITY PRESSES OF FLORIDA. GAINESVILLE 1976. A D E SC R IP TION Of the ENGLISH PROvzINCj Of CA ROLAN A, By the Spaesiard& calI'd FLORIDA, And by the Frencb La LOUISIJANE By DANIEL C oxEI LAq; A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION of the 1722 EDITION with an INTRODUCTION by William S. Coker and an INDEX by Polly Coker. BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES. A UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA BOOK. THE UNIVERSITY PRESSES OF FLORIDA. GAINESVILLE 1976.  THE BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES published under the sponsorship of the BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA SA-MUEL PRcOCTOR, General Editor. A FA-sIuiLE REP IDIUcTIoN OF THE 1722 Esarlore Wit PREFATORY MATERIAL., INTRODUCTION, AND INDEx ADDED. THE BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES published under the sponsorship of the BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA SAMUEL PROCTOR, General Editor. A FACSID-E REPRODUItIoN oF flu 1722 ED-T-O WIH PREFATORY MATERIAL, 1NTRODCtITON, AND IN-E ADDED. THE BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES published under the sponsorshsip of the BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA SAMUoEL PROCTOR, General Editor. A FA('SIFiOL REPRODUCTION OF IlE 1722 EDI'TON WITH PREFATORY MATERIAL, INTRODUCTION, AND INDEX ADDED. NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHT C 1976 DY THE: BOARD oF REGENTs OF THE STATE OE FLORIDA. All rights creered. PRINTED IN FLORIDA. NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHT ©o 1976 DY THE BOARD OF REGENTS OF THE STATE oF FLORIDA. A11 rights reserved. PRINTED IN FLORIDA. NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHFL © 1976 DY !tDFE BOARD OF REGENTS OF TIE STATEi of FLORIDA, All rights reserved, PRIINTED IN EFLORID.A. Df pF or I S Y Dr ,y/{ 2^ I~ s Y Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data.. Coxe, Daniel. 1673-1739. A description of the English province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French La Louisiane. (Bicentennial FlOESiiaDD facsinile series) Photo reprint of the 1722 ed. published by B. Crowse, Loodon. "A University of Florida book." Includes bibliographicnl references and indexes. 1. Moisussppi Valley-Descrspvon and crarel. 1. Title: A de- scription of the English province of Carolana . ' F352.C86 1976 917.7 76-18184 ISBN 0-8130-0402-0 Library- of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Coxe, Daniel, 1673-1739. A description of the English province of Carolana, by the Spaniards csll'd Florida, and by the French La Loulsiane. (Bicentennial Floridiana facsimile series) Photo reprint of the 1722 ed. published by B. Crovw, London. "A University of Florida book." Includes bibliographical reference and indexes. L. Missisuippi Valley Description and travel. 1. Title: A de- scription of the English province of Carolana.. ' F3S2.C8il 1976 917.7 76-18184 ISBN 0-8130-0402-0 Library of Congress Cataloging in Psblicationa Da Coxt. Daniel, 1673-1739. A description of the English province of Caroiana, by the Spnniards csli'd Florida, and by the French La Louisiane. (Bicentennial Floridiana facsimile series) Photo reprint of the 1722 ed. published by B. Crowse. London "A University of Florida books." Includes bibliographical references and indexes. 1.Msisip ValeyDescripuon and travel. I. Title: A de- Fs2cto 1fth9 Eg6 s province of Carolana .. F5C8196917.7 76-18184 ISBN 0-8130-0402-0  BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA. BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA. BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA. Governor Reubin O'D. Askew, Honorary Chairman Lieutenant Governor J. H. Williams, Chairman Harold W. Stayman, Jr., Vice Chairman William R. Adams, Executive Director Dick J. Batchelor, Orlando Johnnie Ruth Clarke, St. Petersburg A. H. "Gus" Craig, St. Augustine James J. Gardener, Fort Lauderdale Jim Glisson, Tavares Mattox Hair, Jacksonville Thomas L. Hazouri, Jacksonville Ney C. Landrum, Tallahassee Mrs. Raymond Mason, Jacksonville Carl C. Mertins, Jr., Pensacola Charles F. Perry, Miami Governor Reubin O'D. Askew, Honorary Chairman Lieutenant Governor J. H. Williams, Chairman Harold W. Stayman, Jr., Vice Chairman William R. Adams, Executive Director Dick J. Batchelor, Orlando Johnnie Ruth Clarke, St. Petersburg A. H. "Gus" Craig, St. Augustine James J. Gardener, Fort Lauderdale Jim Glisson, Tavares Mattox Hair, Jacksonville Thomas L. Hazouri, Jacksonville Ney C. Landrum, Tallahassee Mrs. Raymond Mason, Jacksonville Carl C. Mertins, Jr., Pensacola Charles E. Perry, Miami Governor Reubin O'D. Askew, Honorary Chairman Lieutenant Governor J. H. Williams, Chairman Harold W. Stayman, Jr., Vice Chairman William R. Adams, Executive Director Dick J. Batchelor, Orlando Johnnie Ruth Clarke, St. Petersburg A. H. "Gus" Craig, St. Augustine James J. Gardener, Fort Lauderdale Jim Glisson, Tavares Mattox Hair, Jacksonville Thomas L. Hazouri, Jacksonville Ney C. Landrum, Tallahassee Mrs. Raymond Mason, Jacksonville Carl C. Mertins, Jr., Pensacola Charles F. Perry, Miami  vi Bicentennial Commission. W. E. Potter, Orlando F. Blair Reeves, Gainesville Richard R. Renick, Coral Gables Jane W. Robinson, Cocoa Mrs. Robert L. Shevin, Tallahassee Don Shoemaker, Miami Mary L. Singleton, Jacksonville Bruce A. Smathers, Tallahassee Alan Trask, Fort Meade Edward J. Trombetta, Tallahassee Ralph D. Turlington, Tallahassee William S. Turnbull, Orlando Robert Williams, Tallahassee Lori Wilson, Merritt Island vi Bicentennial Commission. W. E. Potter, Orlando F. Blair Reeves, Gainesville Richard R. Renick, Coral Gables Jane W. Robinson, Cocoa Mrs. Robert L. Shevin, Tallahassee Don Shoemaker, Miami Mary L. Singleton, Jacksonville Bruce A. Smathers, Tallahassee Alan Trask, Fort Meade Edward J. Trombetta, Tallahassee Ralph D. Turlington, Tallahassee William S. Turnbull, Orlando Robert Williams, Tallahassee Lori Wilson, Merritt Island vi Bicentennial Commission. W. E. Potter, Orlando F. Blair Reeves, Gainesville Richard R. Renick, Coral Gables Jane W. Robinson, Cocoa Mrs. Robert L. Shevin, Tallahassee Don Shoemaker, Miami Mary L. Singleton, Jacksonville Bruce A. Smathers, Tallahassee Alan Trask, Fort Meade Edward J. Trombetta, Tallahassee Ralph D. Turlington, Tallahassee William S. Turnbull, Orlando Robert Williams, Tallahassee Lori Wilson, Merritt Island  GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE. HE post-Civil-War era made it a commonplace thing for railroad companies and promoters and de- velopers like Hamilton Disston and Henry Morrison Flagler to advertise Florida. They were responsible for the publication of all kinds of printed material designed to sell land to prospective settlers. In the twentieth century, particularly during the boom era of the 1920s and the years since World War II, the promo- tion of Florida land has come to be recognized almost as a way of life. Large and small devel- opers have printed and circulated books, pam- phlets, articles, brochures, photographic essays, and a variety of other materials. The effort to GENERAL EDITOR'S GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE. HE post-Civil-War era made it a commonplace thing for railroad companies and promoters and de- velopers like Hamilton Disston and Henry Morrison Flagler to advertise Florida. They were responsible for the publication of all kinds of printed material designed to sell land to prospective settlers. In the twentieth century, particularly during the boom era of the 1920s and the years since World War II, the promo- tion of Florida land has come to be recognized almost as a way of life. Large and small devel- opers have printed and circulated books, pam- phlets, articles, brochures, photographic essays, and a variety of other materials. The effort to PREFACE. HE post-Civil-War era made it a commonplace thing for railroad companies and promoters and de- velopers like Hamilton Disston and Henry Morrison Flagler to advertise Florida. They were responsible for the publication of all kinds of printed material designed to sell land to prospective settlers. In the twentieth century, particularly during the boom era of the 1920s and the years since World War II, the promo- tion of Florida land has come to be recognized almost as a way of life. Large and small devel- opers have printed and circulated books, pam- phlets, articles, brochures, photographic essays, and a variety of other materials. The effort to  viii Preface. advertise and promote Florida to would-be set- tiers had its beginnings in the book published in 1722 which is being reprinted as one of the facsimiles in the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsim- ile Series. A Description of the English Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane was written by Col- onel Daniel Coxe, who hoped to entice colonists to the vast tract of land, Carolana, which the family had acquired at the end of the seventeenth century. It was quite a property, about one- eighth the total land area of Canada and the United States, and the largest grant by the Eng- lish crown in America to a private individual. Carolana extended from 310 to 36* north lati- tude, or from the River St. Mattheo (the St. Johns River) north to Passo Magno (Albemarle Sound) and west to the South-Sea. Dr. Daniel Coxe, the colonel's father, developed the first plans to establish the colony. Many of the con- cepts which he devised for the governing of his colony anticipated the later Oglethorpe settle- ment in Georgia. At the very moment that Dr. Coxe was trv- ing to develop Carolana, the French were de- veloping their plans for colonizing the Gulf Coast. The Spanish in Florida were particularly alarmed at these threats to their security, al- though they took no steps until the enemy was already approaching their threshold. They were spurred to action early in 1698 when it was re- viii Preface. advertise and promote Florida to would-be set- tiers had its beginnings in the book published in 1722 which is being reprinted as one of the facsimiles in the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsim- ile Series. A Description of the English Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane was written by Col- onel Daniel Coxe, who hoped to entice colonists to the vast tract of land, Carolana, which the family had acquired at the end of the seventeenth century. It was quite a property, about one- eighth the total land area of Canada and the United States, and the largest grant by the Eng- lish crown in America to a private individual. Carolana extended from 31* to 36* north lati- tude, or from the River St. Mattheo (the St. Johns River) north to Passo Magno (Albemarle Sound) and west to the South-Sea. Dr. Daniel Coxe, the colonel's father, developed the first plans to establish the colony. Many of the con- cepts which he devised for the governing of his colony anticipated the later Oglethorpe settle- ment in Georgia. At the very moment that Dr. Coxe was try- ing to develop Carolana, the French were de- veloping their plans for colonizing the Gulf Coast. The Spanish in Florida were particularly alarmed at these threats to their security, al- though they took no steps until the enemy was already approaching their threshold. They were spurred to action early in 1698 when it was re- viii Preface. advertise and promote Florida to would-be set- tIers had its beginnings in the book published in 1722 which is being reprinted as one of the facsimiles in the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsim- ile Series. A Description of the English Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane was written by Col- onel Daniel Coxe, who hoped to entice colonists to the vast tract of land, Carolana, which the family had acquired at the end of the seventeenth century. It was quite a property, about one- eighth the total land area of Canada and the United States, and the largest grant by the Eng- lish crown in America to a private individual. Carolana extended from 31* to 36* north lati- tude, or from the River St. Mattheo (the St. Johns River) north to Passo Magno (Albemarle Sound) and west to the South-Sea. Dr. Daniel Coxe, the colonel's father, developed the first plans to establish the colony. Many of the con- cepts which he devised for the governing of his colony anticipated the later Oglethorpe settle- ment in Georgia. At the very moment that Dr. Coxe was try- ing to develop Carolana, the French were de- veloping their plans for colonizing the Gulf Coast. The Spanish in Florida were particularly alarmed at these threats to their security, al- though they took no steps until the enemy was already approaching their threshold. They were spurred to action early in 1698 when it was re-  Preface. ix Preface. fx Preface. ix ported that he French were fitting out four ships for an expedition to the Gulf of Mexico. After the years of procrastination and delay, the Span- ish now moved rapidly, and a settlement was made at Pensacola Bay on November 17, 1698. Earlier that year, May 2, 1698, Dr. Coxe had transferred 500,000 acres of land west of the Apalachicola River to Sir William Waller and his French Huguenot associates. The conditions of the transfer required that the new owners settle 200 Protestant families on the land in two years. Shortly after this transaction, a one-page pamphlet, Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida, appeared. Extolling the valuable prod- ucts of Florida and the prospects for trade, Dr. Coxe invited dispersed Protestants in England and northern Europe to settle in Florida. There was enough of a response for him to fill two small brigantines which left England in October 1698 for the Gulf Coast. The Spanish arrived in Pensacola in November, and a French expe- dition under Pierre Lemoyne, Sieur d'Iberville settled at Biloxi, February 22, 1699. Dr. Coxe and his associates were pushing their settlement plans for Carolana. The brigan- tines arrived in Charleston where they were forced to remain through the winter. The fol- lowing spring, one vessel sailed south along the Florida east coast, around the Keys, and into the Gulf of Mexico, past both Pensacola and Biloxi without observing the settlements. The ported that he French were fitting out four ships for an expedition to the Gulf of Mexico. After the years of procrastination and delay, the Span- ish now moved rapidly, and a settlement was made at Pensacola Bay on November 17, 1698. Earlier that year, May 2, 1698, Dr. Coxe had transferred 500,000 acres of land west of the Apalachicola River to Sir William Waller and his French Huguenot associates. The conditions of the transfer required that the new owners settle 200 Protestant families on the land in two years. Shortly after this transaction, a one-page pamphlet, Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida, appeared. Extolling the valuable prod- ucts of Florida and the prospects for trade, Dr. Coxe invited dispersed Protestants in England and northern Europe to settle in Florida. There was enough of a response for him to fill two small brigantines which left England in October 1698 for the Gulf Coast. The Spanish arrived in Pensacola in November, and a French expe- dition under Pierre Lemoyne, Sieur d'Iberville settled at Biloxi, February 22, 1699. Dr. Coxe and his associates were pushing their settlement plans for Carolana. The brigan- tines arrived in Charleston where they were forced to remain through the winter. The fol- lowing spring, one vessel sailed south along the Florida cast coast, around the Keys, and into the Gulf of Mexico, past both Pensacola and Biloxi without observing the settlements. The ported that he French were fitting out four ships for an expedition to the Gulf of Mexico. After the years of procrastination and delay, the Span- ish now moved rapidly, and a settlement was made at Pensacola Bay on November 17, 1698. Earlier that year, May 2, 1698, Dr. Coxe had transferred 500,000 acres of land west of the Apalachicola River to Sir William Waller and his French Huguenot associates. The conditions of the transfer required that the new owners settle 200 Protestant families on the land in two years. Shortly after this transaction, a one-page pamphlet, Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida, appeared. Extolling the valuable prod- ucts of Florida and the prospects for trade, Dr. Coxe invited dispersed Protestants in England and northern Europe to settle in Florida. There was enough of a response for him to fill two small brigantines which left England in October 1698 for the Gulf Coast. The Spanish arrived in Pensacola in November, and a French expe- dition under Pierre Lemoyne, Sicur d'Iberville settled at Biloxi, February 22, 1699. Dr. Coxe and his associates were pushing their settlement plans for Carolana. The brigan- tines arrived in Charleston where they were forced to remain through the winter. The fol- lowing spring, one vessel sailed south along the Florida east coast, around the Keys, and into the Gulf of Mexico, past both Pensacola and Biloxi without observing the settlements. The  X ~ Preae. x Preface. X Preface English ship explored the Mississippi, and there encountered d'Iberville's brother, who had en- tered the river earlier. Although the English claimed prior settlement rights, the French per- suaded the captain of Coxe's expedition to with- draw. If Dr. Coxe had failed, he had helped precipi- tate the French-Spanish settlement race for the Gulf Coast. The War of the Spanish Secession, which involved the great powers of Europe, seriously interrupted Dr. Coxe's promotional enterprises. His interest in America continued, however, and he tried to keep the Carolana project alive. More and more, though, it had become the responsibility of his son, Daniel Coxe, the author of A Description of the Eng- lish Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Lonisiane. The publication of this volume was intended to revive interest in Carolana. In the preface, Coxe explained that the purpose of his book was to provide a description of the colony, the Indian nations, and the flora and fauna of the area. It was also designed to defend Britain's claim to the province and to show what an attractive place it would be for settlement. The project was never successful. The Coxe family con- tinued to hold title to it until 1769 when, finally, Daniel Coxe V surrendered the claim in ex- change for a crown grant of 100,000 acres in New York. English ship explored the Mississippi, and there encountered d'Iberville's brother, who had en- tered the river earlier. Although the English claimed prior settlement rights, the French per- suaded the captain of Coxe's expedition to with- draw. If Dr. Coxe had failed, he had helped precipi- tate the French-Spanish settlement race for the Gulf Coast. The War of the Spanish Secession, which involved the great powers of Europe, seriously interrupted Dr. Coxe's promotional enterprises. His interest in America continued, however, and he tried to keep the Carolana project alive. More and more, though, it had become the responsibility of his son, Daniel Coxe, the author of A Description of the Eng- lish Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Lonisiane. The publication of this volume was intended to revive interest in Carolana. In the preface, Coxe explained that the purpose of his book was to provide a description of the colony, the Indian nations, and the flora and fauna of the area. It was also designed to defend Britain's claim to the province and to show what an attractive place it would be for settlement. The project was never successful. The Coxe family con- tinued to hold title to it until 1769 when, finally, Daniel Coxe V surrendered the claim in ex- change for a crown grant of 100,000 acres in New York. English ship explored the Mississippi, and there encountered d'Iberville's brother, who had en- tered the river earlier. Although the English claimed prior settlement rights, the French per- suaded the captain of Coxe's expedition to with- draw. If Dr. Coxe had failed, he had helped precipi- tate the French-Spanish settlement race for the Gulf Coast. The War of the Spanish Secession, which involved the great powers of Europe, seriously interrupted Dr. Coxe's promotional enterprises. His interest in America continued, however, and he tried to keep the Carolana project alive. More and more, though, it had become the responsibility of his son, Daniel Coxe, the author of A Description of the Eng- lish Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane. The publication of this volume was intended to revive interest in Carolana. In the preface, Coxe explained that the purpose of his book was to provide a description of the colony, the Indian nations, and the flora and fauna of the area. It was also designed to defend Britain's claim to the province and to show what an attractive place it would he for settlement. The project was never successful. The Coxe family con- tinued to hold title to it until 1769 when, finally, Daniel Coxe V surrendered the claim in ex- change for a crown grant of 100,000 acres in New York.  Preface. xi Preface. xi Preface. xi If the book had value in the eighteenth cen- tury in focusing attention on an area about which so little was known, it continues to have value for twentieth-century scholars who are working in Florida and Southern history. It pro- vides interesting data on the Indians and on the resources of the Carolana area. Many questions as to its accuracy have been raised, and there is good reason to doubt some of Dr. Coxe's state- ments. Yet as Professor Coker, the author of the introduction to the facsimile, notes, "Colonel Coxe's Carolana has earned its niche in the liter- ature of the colonial history of America." This facsimile is one of the twenty-five be- ing published under the auspices of the Florida Bicentennial Commission as part of its program of Bicentennial activities. To plan Florida's role and involvement in the national celebration, the Florida legislature created the Commission in 1970. Governor Reubin O'D. Askew serves as its chairman. Other members represent the Flor- ida legislature and several state agencies. Also, ten persons are appointed public members by the governor. Florida is the oldest state in the United States, and it is the fastest growing major state. All Floridians and all Americans are interested in knowing and sharing in its rich heritage. Pub- lication of the facsimiles of the twenty-five rare, out-of-print volumes will make a substantial con- tribution to the scholarship of Florida history. The titles were selected to represent the whole If the book had value in the eighteenth cen- tury in focusing attention on an area about which so little was known, it continues to have value for twentieth-century scholars who are working in Florida and Southern history. It pro- vides interesting data on the Indians and on the resources of the Carolana area. Many questions as to its accuracy have been raised, and there is good reason to doubt some of Dr. Coxe's state- ments. Yet as Professor Coker, the author of the introduction to the facsimile, notes, "Colonel Coxe's Carolana has earned its niche in the liter- ature of the colonial history of America." This facsimile is one of the twenty-five be- ing published under the auspices of the Florida Bicentennial Commission as part of its program of Bicentennial activities. To plan Florida's role and involvement in the national celebration, the Florida legislature created the Commission in 1970. Governor Reubin O'D. Askew serves as its chairman. Other members represent the Flor- ida legislature and several state agencies. Also, ten persons are appointed public members by the governor. Florida is the oldest state in the United States, and it is the fastest growing major state. All Floridians and all Americans are interested in knowing and sharing in its rich heritage. Pub- lication of the facsimiles of the twenty-ive rare, out-of-print volumes will make a substantial con- tribution to the scholarship of Florida history. The titles were selected to represent the whole If the book had value in the eighteenth cen- tury in focusing attention on an area about which so little was known, it continues to have value for twentieth-century scholars who are working in Florida and Southern history. It pro- vides interesting data on the Indians and on the resources of the Carolana area. Many questions as to its accuracy have been raised, and there is good reason to doubt some of Dr. Coxe's state- ments. Yet as Professor Coker, the author of the introduction to the facsimile, notes, "Colonel Coxe's Carolana has earned its niche in the liter- ature of the colonial history of America." This facsimile is one of the twenty-five be- ing published under the auspices of the Florida Bicentennial Commission as part of its program of Bicentennial activities. To plan Florida's role and involvement in the national celebration, the Florida legislature created the Commission in 1970. Governor Reubin O'D. Askew serves as its chairman. Other members represent the Flor- ida legislature and several state agencies. Also, ten persons are appointed public members by the governor. Florida is the oldest state in the United States, and it is the fastest growing major state. All Floridians and all Americans are interested in knowing and sharing in its rich heritage. Pub- lication of the facsimiles of the twenty-five rare, out-of-print volumes will make a substantial con- tribution to the scholarship of Florida history. The titles were selected to represent the whole  xii Preface. spectrum of Florida's rich and exciting history. Scholars with a special interest and knowledge of Florida history will edit each volume, write an introduction, and compile an index. William Coker, professor of history at the University of West Florida, is a graduate of the University of Southern Mississippi and the Uni- versity of Oklahoma. The Spanish borderlands, Latin American and United States diplomatic history, and Florida history are his special re- search areas of interest. Professor Coker has been actively involved in the activities of the Gulf Coast History and Humanities Conference, and is the editor of The Americanization of the Gulf Coast, 1803-1850. He is editor of the Papers of Panton, Leslie and Company, and his articles have appeared in scholarly journals in the United States and Latin America. SAMUEL PROCTOR. General Editor of the BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIEs. University of Florida. xii Preface. spectrum of Florida's rich and exciting history. Scholars with a special interest and knowledge of Florida history will edit each volume, write an introduction, and compile an index. William Coker, professor of history at the University of West Florida, is a graduate of the University of Southern Mississippi and the Uni- versity of Oklahoma. The Spanish borderlands, Latin American and United States diplomatic history, and Florida history are his special re- search areas of interest. Professor Coker has been actively involved in the activities of the Gulf Coast History and Humanities Conference, and is the editor of The Americanization of the Gulf Coast, 1803-1850. He is editor of the Papers of Panton, Leslie and Company, and his articles have appeared in scholarly journals in the United States and Latin America. SAMUEL PROCTOR. General Editor of the BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES. University of Florida. xii Preface. spectrum of Florida's rich and exciting history. Scholars with a special interest and knowledge of Florida history will edit each volume, write an introduction, and compile an index. William Coker, professor of history at the University of West Florida, is a graduate of the University of Southern Mississippi and the Uni- versity of Oklahoma. The Spanish borderlands, Latin American and United States diplomatic history, and Florida history are his special re- search areas of interest. Professor Coker has been actively involved in the activities of the Gulf Coast History and Humanities Conference, and is the editor of The Americanization of the Gulf Coast, 1803-1850. He is editor of the Papers of Panton, Leslie and Company, and his articles have appeared in scholarly journals in the United States and Latin America. SAMUEL PROCTOR. General Editor of the BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES. University of Florida.  INTRODUCTION. HE Rose and Crown press located in St. Paul's Churchyard, London, printed in 1722 a volume entitled A Description of the English Prov- ince of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane.' Published as promotional literature by Colonel Daniel Coxe to defend the family title to Carolana, to attract settlers to America, and to assert the priority of British claims to the Mississippi Valley, the vol- ume has been the subject of praise or censure ever since. The book capped a half century of collection of travel accounts, maps, and writings about America by Coxe's father, Dr. Daniel Coxe. The first Daniel Coxe of interest to this study, the colonel's grandfather, came from INTRODUCTION. HE Rose and Crown press located in St. Paul's Churchyard, London, printed in 1722 a volume entitled A Description of the English Prov- ince of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane.' Published as promotional literature by Colonel Daniel Coxe to defend the family title to Carolana, to attract settlers to America, and to assert the priority of British claims to the Mississippi Valley, the vol- ume has been the subject of praise or censure ever since. The book capped a half century of collection of travel accounts, maps, and writings about America by Coxe's father, Dr. Daniel Coxe. The first Daniel Coxe of interest to this study, the colonel's grandfather, came from INTRODUCTION. HE Rose and Crown press located in St. Paul's Churchyard, London, printed in 1722 a volume entitled A Description of the English Prov- ince of Carolana, by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane.' Published as promotional literature by Colonel Daniel Coxe to defend the family title to Carolana, to attract settlers to America, and to assert the priority of British claims to the Mississippi Valley, the vol- ume has been the subject of praise or censure ever since. The book capped a half century of collection of travel accounts, maps, and writings about America by Coxe's father, Dr. Daniel Coxe. The first Daniel Coxe of interest to this study, the colonel's grandfather, came from  xiv Introduction. xiv Introduction. Stoke Newington, now a borough of London. He died on September 3, 1686, and was buried in the church there. His son, Daniel Coxe II, born in 1640 or 1641, had lived to about age ninety when he died on January 19, 1730. Dr. Daniel Coxe II married Rebecca, daughter of John Coldham, an alderman of London, on May 12, 1671, and Daniel Coxe III, the colonel, was the first son of this union. Dr. Coxe lived on Aldersgate Street in Lon- don for many years, but by 1723 he had moved to Hoxton. He had revealed an active interest in science before receiving his degree in medi- cine from Cambridge in 1669. He performed an experiment upon animals, using nicotine of tobacco, and had read a paper on that subject to the faculty of Gresham College on May 3, 1665. It was about the same time that the Royal Soci.. ety elected Coxe to membership in that dis- tinguished body. Two papers written by him appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of 1674: A Discourse on Alcalizates and Fixed Salts, A Way of extracting Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, and The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand. Coxe owned a chemi- cal laboratory and once described the pictur- esque effects produced by crystallization during one of his experiments. He became physician to Charles II and later to Queen Anne. The Royal College of Physicians of London admitted Dr. Coxe as an Honorary Fellow on September 30, Stoke Newington, now a borough of London. He died on September 3, 1686, and was buried in the church there. His son, Daniel Coxe II, born in 1640 or 1641, had lived to about age ninety when he died on January 19, 1730. Dr. Daniel Coxe II married Rebecca, daughter of John Coldham, an alderman of London, on May 12, 1671, and Daniel Coxe III, the colonel, was the first son of this union. Dr. Coxe lived on Aldersgate Street in Lon- don for many years, but by 1723 he had moved to Hoxton. He had revealed an active interest in science before receiving his degree in medi- cine from Cambridge in 1669. He performed an experiment upon animals, using nicotine of tobacco, and had read a paper on that subject to the faculty of Gresham College on May 3, 1665. It was about the same time that the Royal Soci- ety elected Coxe to membership in that dis- tinguished body. Two papers written by him appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of 1674: A Discourse on Alcalizates and Fixed Salts, A Way of extracting Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, and The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand. Coxe owned a chemi- cal laboratory and once described the pictur- esque effects produced by crystallization during one of his experiments. He became physician to Charles II and later to Queen Anne. The Royal College of Physicians of London admitted Dr. Coxe as an Honorary Fellow on September 30, xiv Introduction. Stoke Newington, now a borough of London. He died on September 3, 1686, and was buried in the church there. His son, Daniel Coxe II, born in 1640 or 1641, had lived to about age ninety when he died on January 19, 1730. Dr. Daniel Coxe II married Rebecca, daughter of John Coldham, an alderman of London, on May 12, 1671, and Daniel Coxe III, the colonel, was the first son of this union. Dr. Coxe lived on Aldersgate Street in Lon- don for many years, but by 1723 he had moved to Hoxton. He had revealed an active interest in science before receiving his degree in medi- cine from Cambridge in 1669. He performed an experiment upon animals, using nicotine of tobacco, and had read a paper on that subject to the faculty of Gresham College on May 3, 1665. It was about the same time that the Royal Soci- ety elected Coxe to membership in that dis- tinguished body. Two papers written by him appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of 1674: A Discourse on Alcalizates and Fixed Salts, A Way of extracting Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, and The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand. Coxe owned a chemi- cal laboratory and once described the pictur- esque effects produced by crystallization during one of his experiments. He became physician to Charles II and later to Queen Anne. The Royal College of Physicians of London admitted Dr. Coxe as an Honorary Fellow on September 30,  Introduction. xv Introduction. xvn Introduction, xv 1680. He was noted as a "physician of eminence, a man of learning, and an author."2 Besides his interests and writing about scien- tific and medical subjects, Dr. Coxe wrote the preface to A Short Account of the Kingdoms around the Euxine and Caspian Seas, which was published along with other works in 1677 by J. Phillip.' Dr. Coxe next turned his attention and literary talents to the New World. In this connection he has been characterized as a "man of grandiose ideas & one of the great American speculators of his age."' He was first interested in the Jerseys, and in 1684 acquired an interest in West Jersey. Two years later Coxe purchased property in East Jersey. On February 26, 1686, he bought from the heirs of Edward Byllinge an extensive estate and the right of government in West Jersey. Within a short time his land in the Jerseys and elsewhere in America exceeded one million acres. Coxe established the seat of gov- ernment for West Jersey in Burlington, where his agents and deputy governor settled. John Skene, Byllinge's deputy, acted for Coxe until Skene's death in December 1687, after which Coxe appointed Edward Hunloke as deputy governor.' Dr. Coxe and Governor Robert Barclay of East Jersey agreed upon a boundary line be- tween the two colonies in 1688. This line was later challenged, but because of the opposition of Colonel Coxe, its resurvey was delayed until 1680. He was noted as a "physician of eminence, a man of learning, and an author."' Besides his interests and writing about scien- tific and medical subjects, Dr. Coxe wrote the preface to A Short Account of the Kingdoms around the Euxine and Caspian Seas, which was published along with other works in 1677 by J. Phillip.' Dr. Coxe next turned his attention and literary talents to the New World. In this connection he has been characterized as a "man of grandiose ideas & one of the great American speculators of his age."' He was first interested in the Jerseys, and in 1684 acquired an interest in West Jersey. Two years later Coxe purchased property in East Jersey. On February 26, 1686, he bought from the heirs of Edward Byllinge an extensive estate and the right of government in West Jersey. Within a short time his land in the Jerseys and elsewhere in America exceeded one million acres. Coxe established the seat of gov- ernment for West Jersey in Burlington, where his agents and deputy governor settled. John Skene, Byllinge's deputy, acted for Coxe until Skene's death in December 1687, after which Coxe appointed Edward Hunloke as deputy governor.' Dr. Coxe and Governor Robert Barclay of East Jersey agreed upon a boundary line be- tween the two colonies in 1688. This line was later challenged, but because of the opposition of Colonel Coxe, its resurvey was delayed until 1680. He was noted as a "physician of eminence, a man of learning, and an author."' Besides his interests and writing about scien- tific and medical subjects, Dr. Coxe wrote the preface to A Short Account of the Kingdoms around the Euxine and Caspian Seas, which was published along with other works in 1677 by J. Phillip." Dr. Coxe next turned his attention and literary talents to the New World. In this connection he has been characterized as a "man of grandiose ideas & one of the great American speculators of his age."' He was first interested in the Jerseys, and in 1684 acquired an interest in West Jersey. Two years later Coxe purchased property in East Jersey. On February 26, 1686, he bought from the heirs of Edward Byllinge an extensive estate and the right of government in West Jersey. Within a short time his land in the Jerseys and elsewhere in America exceeded one million acres. Coxe established the seat of gov- ernment for West Jersey in Burlington, where his agents and deputy governor settled. John Skene, Byllinge's deputy, acted for Coxe until Skene's death in December 1687, after which Coxe appointed Edward Hunloke as deputy governor.^ Dr. Coxe and Governor Robert Barclay of East Jersey agreed upon a boundary line be- tween the two colonies in 1688. This line was later challenged, but because of the opposition of Colonel Coxe, its resurvey was delayed until  xvi Introduction. 1743. Dr. Coxe sought to organize the Church of England in West Jersey, a province heavily populated by Quakers, and successfully solicited the Reverend Thomas Bridges to move there from Bermuda. Dr. Coxe's avowed intention to bring the gospel to the Indians was probably why he was proposed for membership in the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.' Most noteworthy, however, was Dr. Coxe's attempt to exploit his West Jersey holdings, which brought forth his first piece of New World promotional literature. That advertising tract, published about 1688, held out the prospect of great whaling and fish- ing along the Jersey coast. There were adjacent salt works, naval stores, and lumber of all kinds, agricultural products including grapes for good wine and brandy, mines and minerals, and the possibility of a thriving trade with the West Indies and Europe. Important to those interested in early westward exploration and trade were Dr. Coxe's assertions of significant discoveries toward the Great Lakes. He claimed to have es- tablished a close friendship with the Indian chiefs in that region where the French and English trappers caught 100,000 beavers annually, and he promised prospective colonists exclusive rights to the fur trade.' The thrust of the article, which he wrote from accounts of colonial trav- elers-Dr. Coxe never visited America and ac- cepted somewhat naively such memoirs and xvi Introduction. 1743.4 Dr. Coxe sought to organize the Church of England in West Jersey, a province heavily populated by Quakers, and successfully solicited the Reverend Thomas Bridges to move there from Bermuda. Dr. Coxe's avowed intention to bring the gospel to the Indians was probably why he was proposed for membership in the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts Most noteworthy, however, was Dr. Coxe's attempt to exploit his West Jersey holdings, which brought forth his first piece of New World promotional literature. That advertising tract, published about 1688, held out the prospect of great whaling and fish- ing along the Jersey coast. There were adjacent salt works, naval stores, and lumber of all kinds, agricultural products including grapes for good wine and brandy, mines and minerals, and the possibility of a thriving trade with the West Indies and Europe. Important to those interested in early westward exploration and trade were Dr. Coxe's assertions of significant discoveries toward the Great Lakes. He claimed to have es- tablished a close friendship with the Indian chiefs in that region where the French and English trappers caught 100,000 beavers annually, and he promised prospective colonists exclusive rights to the fur trade.' The thrust of the article, which he wrote from accounts of colonial trav- elers-Dr. Coxe never visited America and ac- cepted somewhat naively such memoirs and xvi Introduction. 1743." Dr. Coxe sought to organize the Church of England in West Jersey, a province heavily populated by Quakers, and successfully solicited the Reverend Thomas Bridges to move there from Bermuda. Dr. Coxe's avowed intention to bring the gospel to the Indians was probably why he was proposed for membership in the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.' Most noteworthy, however, was Dr. Coxe's attempt to exploit his West Jersey holdings, which brought forth his first piece of New World promotional literature. That advertising tract, published about 1688, held out the prospect of great whaling and fish- ing along the Jersey coast. There were adjacent salt works, naval stores, and lumber of all kinds, agricultural products including grapes for good wine and brandy, mines and minerals, and the possibility of a thriving trade with the West Indies and Europe. Important to those interested in early westward exploration and trade were Dr. Coxe's assertions of significant discoveries toward the Great Lakes. He claimed to have es- tablished a close friendship with the Indian chiefs in that region where the French and English trappers caught 100,000 beavers annually, and he promised prospective colonists exclusive rights to the fur trade.* The thrust of the article, which he wrote from accounts of colonial trav- elers-Dr. Coxe never visited America and ac- cepted somewhat naively such memoirs and  Introduction. xvii Introduction. n ii Introduction, xvii maps-was to advertise his Jersey lands in glow- ing terms." With this tract Dr. Coxe had planted the seed which, nurtured by subsequent publica- tions, would blossom full blown in 1722 in the volume to be published by his son. In the fall of 1689 Coxe's Hall was built just above Cape May overlooking Delaware Bay. This estate, complete with quit rents and feudal services, is cited as one of the few attempts to establish a medieval manor in West Jersey.'' According to Coxe, he invested 43,000 on whaling and sturgeon fisheries on the bay and sent French artisans to pan salt in order to ship salted fish to the West Indies, Spain, and Portu- gal." An account in 1696 by Edward Randolph indicated that a Frenchman did pan some salt for Coxe, but the doctor's agent failed to pay the man, who went elsewhere and left the salt works to be ruined.2 In his report of the progress of his West Jer- sey plantations Dr. Coxe wrote that one ship of 30 to 40 tuns was under construction at Cape May and another ship of 130 tuns had been built either at Cape May or Burlington. At the latter place Coxe had erected a pottery at a cost of about 42,000 and claimed to have sold 41,200 worth of china from it in the neighboring col- onies and in the West Indies where it was in great demand." Dr. Coxe's enthusiasm seemed to inspire him more than it did his prospective tenants and clients. maps-was to advertise his Jersey lands in glow- ing terms.' With this tract Dr. Coxe had planted the seed which, nurtured by subsequent publica- tions, would blossom full blown in 1722 in the volume to be published by his son. In the fall of 1689 Coxe's Hall was built just above Cape May overlooking Delaware Bay. This estate, complete with quit rents and feudal services, is cited as one of the few attempts to establish a medieval manor in West Jersey.'' According to Coxe, he invested 43,000 on whaling and sturgeon fisheries on the bay and sent French artisans to pan salt in order to ship salted fish to the West Indies, Spain, and Portu- gal." An account in 1696 by Edward Randolph indicated that a Frenchman did pan some salt for Coxe, but the doctor's agent failed to pay the man, who went elsewhere and left the salt works to be ruined.2 In his report of the progress of his West Jer- sey plantations Dr. Coxe wrote that one ship of 30 to 40 tuns was under construction at Cape May and another ship of 130 tuns had been built either at Cape May or Burlington. At the latter place Coxe had erected a pottery at a cost of about 42,000 and claimed to have sold 41,200 worth of china from it in the neighboring col- onies and in the West Indies where it was in great demand." Dr. Coxe's enthusiasm seemed to inspire him more than it did his prospective tenants and clients. maps-was to advertise his Jersey lands in glow- ing terms.' With this tract Dr. Coxe had planted the seed which, nurtured by subsequent publica- tions, would blossom full blown in 1722 in the volume to be published by his son. In the fall of 1689 Coxe's Hall was built just above Cape May overlooking Delaware Bay. This estate, complete with quit rents and feudal services, is cited as one of the few attempts to establish a medieval manor in West Jersey.'' According to Coxe, he invested 4:3,000 on whaling and sturgeon fisheries on the bay and sent French artisans to pan salt in order to ship salted fish to the West Indies, Spain, and Portu- gal." An account in 1696 by Edward Randolph indicated that a Frenchman did pan some salt for Coxe, but the doctor's agent failed to pay the man, who went elsewhere and left the salt works to be ruined.2 In his report of the progress of his West Jer- sey plantations Dr. Coxe wrote that one ship of 30 to 40 tuns was under construction at Cape May and another ship of 130 tuns had been built either at Cape May or Burlington. At the latter place Coxe had erected a pottery at a cost of about 42,000 and claimed to have sold 41,200 worth of china from it in the neighboring col- onies and in the West Indies where it was in great demand." Dr. Coxe's enthusiasm seemed to inspire him more than it did his prospective tenants and clients.  xviii Introduction. xviii Introduction. xviii Introduction. In 1690 Dr. Coxe and others petitioned for an extensive grant of land between 36030N and 46°30'N stretching westward from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York to the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean). This modest request in- cluded about one-fourth of the land in what is now the United States and Canada. This was part of Dr. Coxe's schemes for a vast inland trading empire. The Lords of Trade declined the petition." At the same time, Dr. Coxe's Jer- sey properties were not doing well either. The Andros interlude, 1688-1689, had placed the Jerseys under the Dominion of New England and its Governor Edmond Andros. No sooner had that issue been resolved with the flight of the king and the imprisonment of An- dros, than war with France erupted. Coxe's an- ticipation of attracting French settlers to his Jer- sey holdings, which seemed to have bulked large in his settlement plans, were obviously dashed. Even the prospect of the impeachment of the proprietary charters threatened. As a result, Coxe negotiated the sale of most of his Jersey properties with the West Jersey Society, a group of London merchants and businessmen, for £9,000. He received £4,000 cash and took a mortgage for 45,000. He reportedly made a modest profit from the sale. By 1697, Coxe had sold most of his land in West Jersey. During the years that Coxe worked to pro- mote his New World holdings, he was also en- gaged in commercial ventures in America. In In 1690 Dr. Coxe and others petitioned for an extensive grant of land between 36 30'N and 46 30'N stretching westward from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York to the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean). This modest request in- cluded about one-fourth of the land in what is now the United States and Canada. This was part of Dr. Coxe's schemes for a vast inland trading empire. The Lords of Trade declined the petition." At the same time, Dr. Coxe's Jer- sey properties were not doing well either. The Andros interlude, 1688-1689, had placed the Jerseys under the Dominion of New England and its Governor Edmond Andros. No sooner had that issue been resolved with the flight of the king and the imprisonment of An- dros, than war with France erupted. Coxe's an- ticipation of attracting French settlers to his Jer- sey holdings, which seemed to have bulked large in his settlement plans, were obviously dashed. Even the prospect of the impeachment of the proprietary charters threatened. As a result, Coxe negotiated the sale of most of his Jersey properties with the West Jersey Society, a group of London merchants and businessmen, for £9,000. He received £4,000 cash and took a mortgage for 45,000. He reportedly made a modest profit from the sale. By 1697, Coxe had sold most of his land in West Jersey." During the years that Coxe worked to pro- mote his New World holdings, he was also en- gaged in commercial ventures in America. In In 1690 Dr. Coxe and others petitioned for an extensive grant of land between 36 30'N and 46 30'N stretching westward from Virginia, Pemsylvania, and New York to the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean). This modest request in- cluded about one-fourth of the land in what is now the United States and Canada. This was part of Dr. Coxe's schemes for a vast inland trading empire. The Lords of Trade declined the petition." At the same time, Dr. Coxe's Jer- sey properties were not doing well either. The Andros interlude, 1688-1689, had placed the Jerseys under the Dominion of New England and its Governor Edmond Andros. No sooner had that issue been resolved with the flight of the king and the imprisonment of An- dros, than war with France erupted. Coxe's an- ticipation of attracting French settlers to his Jer- sey holdings, which seemed to have bulked large in his settlement plans, were obviously dashed. Even the prospect of the impeachment of the proprietary charters threatened. As a result, Coxe negotiated the sale of most of his Jersey properties with the West Jersey Society, a group of London merchants and businessmen, for £9,000. He received £4,000 cash and took a mortgage for £5,000. He reportedly made a modest profit from the sale. By 1697, Coxe had sold most of his land in West Jersey." During the years that Coxe worked to pro- mote his New World holdings, he was also en- gaged in commercial ventures in America. In  Introduction. xix March 1687, he and others applied to the crown for incorporation of a mining and trading com- pany for New England. They planned to exploit the lead and copper mines, forest products, salt deposits, drugs, and dyestuffs of that region. In the ensuing debates over the charter, the two functions of mining and trading were separated. King James II approved the petition for incor- poration of the mining company, but formal preparation of the charter was interrupted by the revolution which deposed the king. Four years passed before Coxe and his associates re- newed their request. The new king, William III, granted the charter for the mining company in 1692." The problems arising from the French victories and the lack of cooperation among the various colonies during the last year of King William's War, 1697, caused Dr. Coxe and others on behalf of the New England agents to recommend a modified plan of colonial union. They called for New England and New York to be united under one civil governor and sug- gested the Earl of Bellomont for the position. The governor was also to have military com- mand over Connecticut, the Jerseys, and the adjacent charter colonies." Dr. Coxe's associa- tion with the idea of colonial union is of interest because it would later be more fully developed by his son. In August 1702, following the outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession, Coxe and his friends petitioned Queen Anne to charter a com- Introduction. xix Introduction. xix March 1687, he and others applied to the crown for incorporation of a mining and trading com- pany for New England. They planned to exploit the lead and copper mines, forest products, salt deposits, drugs, and dyestuffs of that region. In the ensuing debates over the charter, the two functions of mining and trading were separated. King James II approved the petition for incor- poration of the mining company, but formal preparation of the charter was interrupted by the revolution which deposed the king. Four years passed before Coxe and his associates re- newed their request. The new king, William III, granted the charter for the mining company in 1692." The problems arising from the French victories and the lack of cooperation among the various colonies during the last year of King William's War, 1697, caused Dr. Coxe and others on behalf of the New England agents to recommend a modified plan of colonial union. They called for New England and New York to be united under one civil governor and sug- gested the Earl of Bellomont for the position. The governor was also to have military com- mand over Connecticut, the Jerseys, and the adjacent charter colonies." Dr. Coxe's associa- tion with the idea of colonial union is of interest because it would later be more fully developed by his son. In August 1702, following the outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession, Coxe and his friends petitioned Queen Anne to charter a com- March 1687, he and others applied to the crown for incorporation of a mining and trading com- pany for New England. They planned to exploit the lead and copper mines, forest products, salt deposits, drugs, and dyestuffs of that region. In the ensuing debates over the charter, the two functions of mining and trading were separated. King James II approved the petition for incor- poration of the mining company, but formal preparation of the charter was interrupted by the revolution which deposed the king. Four years passed before Coxe and his associates re- newed their request. The new king, William III, granted the charter for the mining company in 1692."8 The problems arising from the French victories and the lack of cooperation among the various colonies during the last year of King William's War, 1697, caused Dr. Coxe and others on behalf of the New England agents to recommend a modified plan of colonial union. They called for New England and New York to be united under one civil governor and sug- gested the Earl of Bellomont for the position. The governor was also to have military com- mand over Connecticut, the Jerseys, and the adjacent charter colonies."' Dr. Coxe's associa- tion with the idea of colonial union is of interest because it would later be more fully developed by his son. In August 1702, following the outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession, Coxe and his friends petitioned Queen Anne to charter a com-  xx Introduction. xx Introduction. xx Introduction. pany to deal in naval stores from America which they believed would be of great service to the crown during the war. Queen Anne granted the request in March 1 704.'" Nothing about the suc- cess or failure of these companies has been dis- covered. Sometime after the disposal of his Jersey lands, Dr. Coxe embarked on a venture which guaranteed him a place in the annals of colonial America. Unsuccessful in 1690 in the effort to secure the vast area between 36 30'N and 460 30'N, Coxe turned his attention farther south. Sometime between 1692 and 1698, the exact date is unknown, Dr. Coxe acquired title to Carolana. This province, named for Charles I, had been granted by that monarch to his attor- ney general, Sir Robert Heath, in 1629. Heath disposed of it to Lord Maltravers who passed it on to Coxe. The details of Dr. Coxe's acquisition remain a mystery. Carolana extended from 31 °N to 36N, or (as it was described) from the River St. Mattheo to Passo Magno and west to the South Sea. It did not include the Spanish settle- ments of St. Augustine and New Mexico, but it did take in Norfolk County, Virginia." Carolana and Carolina were two distinct provinces. Caro- lana joined Carolina at its western boundary."' The area involved was about one-half as large as that requested in the 1690 petition, about one- eighth the total land area of Canada and the United States. It was the largest grant by the pany to deal in naval stores from America which they believed would be of great service to the crown during the war. Queen Anne granted the request in March 1704. Nothing about the suc- cess or failure of these companies has been dis- covered. Sometime after the disposal of his Jersey lands, Dr. Coxe embarked on a venture which guaranteed him a place in the annals of colonial America. Unsuccessful in 1690 in the effort to secure the vast area between 36 30'N and 46* 30'N, Coxe turned his attention farther south. Sometime between 1692 and 1698, the exact date is unknown, Dr. Coxe acquired title to Carolana. This province, named for Charles 1, had been granted by that monarch to his attor- ney general, Sir Robert Heath, in 1629. Heath disposed of it to Lord Maltravers who passed it on to Coxe. The details of Dr. Coxe's acquisition remain a mystery. Carolana extended from 31 °N to 36*N, or (as it was described) from the River St. Mattheo to Passo Magno and west to the South Sea. It did not include the Spanish settle- ments of St. Augustine and New Mexico, but it did take in Norfolk County, Virginia."' Carolana and Carolina were two distinct provinces. Caro- lana joined Carolina at its western boundary." The area involved was about one-half as large as that requested in the 1690 petition, about one- eighth the total land area of Canada and the United States. It was the largest grant by the pany to deal in naval stores from America which they believed would be of great service to the crown during the war. Queen Anne granted the request in March 1704." Nothing about the suc- cess or failure of these companies has been dis- covered. Sometime after the disposal of his Jersey lands, Dr. Coxe embarked on a venture which guaranteed him a place in the annals of colonial America. Unsuccessful in 1690 in the effort to secure the vast area between 36*30'N and 460 30'N, Coxe turned his attention farther south. Sometime between 1692 and 1698, the exact date is unknown, Dr. Coxe acquired title to Carolana. This province, named for Charles I, had been granted by that monarch to his attor- ney general, Sir Robert Heath, in 1629. Heath disposed of it to Lord Maltravers who passed it on to Coxe. The details of Dr. Coxe's acquisition remain a mystery. Carolana extended from 31'N to 360N, or (as it was described) from the River St. Mattheo to Passo Magno and west to the South Sea. It did not include the Spanish settle- ments of St. Augustine and New Mexico, but it did take in Norfolk County, Virginia."' Carolana and Carolina were two distinct provinces. Caro- lana joined Carolina at its western boundary." The area involved was about one-half as large as that requested in the 1690 petition, about one- eighth the total land area of Canada and the United States. It was the largest grant by the  Introduction. xxi English crown in the New World to a private individual. Geographic knowledge of America was neither accurate nor concise. Passo Magno is now Albermarle Sound and the 36th parallel passes through the sound. The mouth of the River St. Mattheo, present-day St. Johns River, was actually at 30*10'N. The point where the Satilla River empties into St. Andrew Sound, just south of Brunswick, Georgia, is almost ex- actly 31°N." But Spain and England had not yet settled the Florida-Carolina boundary. The English, based on the Carolina grant of 1665, still claimed title to 29*N, a full degree south of St. Augustine. The contest over what is now Georgia would not be resolved for years." After acquiring Carolana, Dr. Coxe began to make plans to establish a colony on his huge grant. One of the early suggestions, the exact date of which is also unknown but prior to 1700, recommended the formation of a great common- wealth. Coxe delegated preparation of the char- ter and bylaws to a James Spooner, probably an attorney. They called their brain child the "New Empire" and specified that a governor, deputy- governor, and a dozen assistant officers should preside over it. Spooner recommended the ap- pointment of several committees: religion, law, trade, accounts, poor, criminals, charity, and natives. Creation of the Imperial Company with a capital stock of 4400,000 (80 thousand shares Introduction, xxi English crown in the New World to a private individual. Geographic knowledge of America was neither accurate nor concise. Passo Magno is now Albermarle Sound and the 36th parallel passes through the sound. The mouth of the River St. Mattheo, present-day St. Johns River, was actually at 30*10'N. The point where the Satilla River empties into St. Andrew Sound, just south of Brunswick, Georgia, is almost ex- actly 31"N.*" But Spain and England had not yet settled the Florida-Carolina boundary. The English, based on the Carolina grant of 1665, still claimed title to 29"N, a full degree south of St. Augustine. The contest over what is now Georgia would not be resolved for years." After acquiring Carolana, Dr. Coxe began to make plans to establish a colony on his huge grant. One of the early suggestions, the exact date of which is also unknown but prior to 1700, recommended the formation of a great common- wealth. Coxe delegated preparation of the char- ter and bylaws to a James Spooner, probably an attorney. They called their brain child the "New Empire" and specified that a governor, deputy- governor, and a dozen assistant officers should preside over it. Spooner recommended the ap- pointment of several committees: religion, law, trade, accounts, poor, criminals, charity, and natives. Creation of the Imperial Company with a capital stock of 4400,000 (80 thousand shares Introduction. xxi English crown in the New World to a private individual. Geographic knowledge of America was neither accurate nor concise. Passo Magno is now Albermarle Sound and the 36th parallel passes through the sound. The mouth of the River St. Mattheo, present-day St. Johns River, was actually at 30*10'N. The point where the Satilla River empties into St. Andrew Sound, just south of Brunswick, Georgia, is almost ex- actly 31*N.2" But Spain and England had not yet settled the Florida-Carolina boundary. The English, based on the Carolina grant of 1665, still claimed title to 29*N, a full degree south of St. Augustine. The contest over what is now Georgia would not be resolved for years." After acquiring Carolana, Dr. Coxe began to make plans to establish a colony on his huge grant. One of the early suggestions, the exact date of which is also unknown but prior to 1700, recommended the formation of a great common- wealth. Coxe delegated preparation of the char- ter and bylaws to a James Spooner, probably an attorney. They called their brain child the "New Empire" and specified that a governor, deputy- governor, and a dozen assistant officers should preside over it. Spooner recommended the ap- pointment of several committees: religion, law, trade, accounts, poor, criminals, charity, and natives. Creation of the Imperial Company with a capital stock of £400,000 (80 thousand shares  xxii Introduction. at 45 each) was one of the central provisions of the plan. Fourteen original proprietors were to hold 20,000 shares, the rest would be distributed among a thousand associates and others accord- ing to a scheme intended to entice subscribers. In order to create a national interest, Spooner thought that the associates should include some of the outstanding public figures of England and Wales. Two important features of the plan were an obligation to bring the gospel to the Indians and infidels and the transportation to the New World of the poor, especially persons impris- oned for debts. Thus, they anticipated the Bray- Oglethorpe project in Georgia by a generation? What Coxe did with the plan after Spooner de- livered it to him is not known. There is no evi- dence that he ever presented it to the crown. That Coxe intended to do something, however, is amply documented. His ambition to plant a settlement in Carolana triggered an international contest which had as its ultimate objective the control of the entire Mississippi Valley. The narratives of two colonial travelers, Father Louis Hennepin and Henri de Tonti, inspired Dr. Coxe in his plans for Carolana. Hen- nepin knew of English designs to establish a colony on the Mississippi before he wrote his notorious Nouvelle dicouverte d'un tris grand pays situi dans I'Amirique in 1697, because he referred to them in the book. He had even sent his English correspondent (probably William xxii Introduction. at £5 each) was one of the central provisions of the plan. Fourteen original proprietors were to hold 20,000 shares, the rest would be distributed among a thousand associates and others accord- ing to a scheme intended to entice subscribers. In order to create a national interest, Spooner thought that the associates should include some of the outstanding public figures of England and Wales. Two important features of the plan were an obligation to bring the gospel to the Indians and infidels and the transportation to the New World of the poor, especially persons impris- oned for debts. Thus, they anticipated the Bray- Oglethorpe project in Georgia by a generation. What Coxe did with the plan after Spooner de- livered it to him is not known. There is no evi- dence that he ever presented it to the crown. That Coxe intended to do something, however, is amply documented. His ambition to plant a settlement in Carolana triggered an international contest which had as its ultimate objective the control of the entire Mississippi Valley. The narratives of two colonial travelers, Father Louis Hennepin and Henri de Tonti, inspired Dr. Coxe in his plans for Carolana. Hen- nepin knew of English designs to establish a colony on the Mississippi before he wrote his notorious Nouvelle dicouverte d'un tris grand pays situi dans 'Amirique in 1697, because he referred to them in the book. He had even sent his English correspondent (probably William xxii Introduction. at £5 each) was one of the central provisions of the plan. Fourteen original proprietors were to hold 20,000 shares, the rest would be distributed among a thousand associates and others accord- ing to a scheme intended to entice subscribers. In order to create a national interest, Spooner thought that the associates should include some of the outstanding public figures of England and Wales. Two important features of the plan were an obligation to bring the gospel to the Indians and infidels and the transportation to the New World of the poor, especially persons impris- oned for debts. Thus, they anticipated the Bray- Oglethorpe project in Georgia by a generation.? What Coxe did with the plan after Spooner de- livered it to him is not known. There is no evi- dence that he ever presented it to the crown. That Coxe intended to do something, however, is amply documented. His ambition to plant a settlement in Carolana triggered an international contest which had as its ultimate objective the control of the entire Mississippi Valley. The narratives of two colonial travelers, Father Louis Hennepin and Henri de Tonti, inspired Dr. Coxe in his plans for Carolana. Hen- nepin knew of English designs to establish a colony on the Mississippi before he wrote his notorious Nouvelle dicouverte d'un tras grand pays situi dans 'Amirique in 1697, because he referred to them in the book. He had even sent his English correspondent (probably William  Introduction. xxiii Introduction. xxiii Introduction. xxiii Blathwayt, a colonial expert and member of the Board of Trade) some information on the sub- ject. Hennepin believed that once the boundaries of Carolina and Carolana were established, there would be plenty of room for both the English and the French. Dr. Coxe is thought to have been responsible for having the Nouvelle dicou- verte and other travel tales published in London in October 1697. The London volume, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, ended with a bid for a colonization project for Caro- lana and referred to a map and an account of the natives, commodities, and materials of the region which was under preparation." Likewise, Coxe secured a copy of Tonti's Derniares di- cotvertes (Paris, 1697). According to Coxe, it was his copy which was translated into English and published in London in 1698. It is doubtful that Coxe needed any spurring for his Carolana project, but, if he did, the Hennepin and Tonti tales provided the inspiration." On May 2, 1698, Coxe transferred 500,000 acres of land west of the "Spiritu Santo" River (Apalachicola)20 to Sir William Waller and sev- eral French Huguenot refugees, the Marquis Olivier de la Muce, and M. Charles de Sailly. Conditions of the quit-rent sale required that the new owners must settle 200 Protestant families on the land in two years. After seven years, pro- vided all conditions had been met, they could secure an additional 500,000 acres of land.' Blathwayt, a colonial expert and member of the Board of Trade) some information on the sub- ject. Hennepin believed that once the boundaries of Carolina and Carolana were established, there would be plenty of room for both the English and the French. Dr. Coxe is thought to have been responsible for having the Nouvelle dicou- verte and other travel tales published in London in October 1697. The London volume, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, ended with a bid for a colonization project for Caro- lana and referred to a map and an account of the natives, commodities, and materials of the region which was under preparation." Likewise, Coxe secured a copy of Tonti's Dernieres di- couvertes (Paris, 1697). According to Coxe, it was his copy which was translated into English and published in London in 1698. It is doubtful that Coxe needed any spurring for his Carolana project, but, if he did, the Hennepin and Tonti tales provided the inspiration." On May 2, 1698, Coxe transferred 500,000 acres of land west of the "Spiritu Santo" River (Apalachicola)" to Sir William Waller and sev- eral French Huguenot refugees, the Marquis Olivier de la Muce, and M. Charles de Sailly. Conditions of the quit-rent sale required that the new owners must settle 200 Protestant families on the land in two years. After seven years, pro- vided all conditions had been met, they could secure an additional 500,000 acres of land.2' Blathwayr, a colonial expert and member of the Board of Trade) some information on the sub- ject. Hennepin believed that once the boundaries of Carolina and Carolana were established, there would be plenty of room for both the English and the French. Dr. Coxe is thought to have been responsible for having the Nouvelle dicou- verte and other travel tales published in London in October 1697. The London volume, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, ended with a bid for a colonization project for Caro- lana and referred to a map and an account of the natives, commodities, and materials of the region which was under preparation." Likewise, Coxe secured a copy of Tonti's Dernieres di- couvertes (Paris, 1697). According to Coxe, it was his copy which was translated into English and published in London in 1698. It is doubtful that Coxe needed any spurring for his Carolana project, but, if he did, the Hennepin and Tonti tales provided the inspiration." On May 2, 1698, Coxe transferred 500,000 acres of land west of the "Spiritu Santo" River (Apalachicola)" to Sir William Waller and sev- eral French Huguenot refugees, the Marquis Olivier de la Muce, and M. Charles de Sailly. Conditions of the quit-rent sale required that the new owners must settle 200 Protestant families on the land in two years. After seven years, pro- vided all conditions had been met, they could secure an additional 500,000 acres of land."  xxiv Introduction. xxiv Introduction. xxiv Introduction. Not long after the land transaction, perhaps that summer, there appeared a one-page pam- phlet entitled Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida. It appealed for assistance for the dis- persed Protestants in northern Europe and Eng- land. The valuable products of Florida, the prospects for trade, and other inducements were dangled before the public view. It proposed creation of two organizations: a company to han- die all matters pertaining to land and trade, and a group of merchants to provide food and trans- portation. Sale of stock in the enterprise offered investors land and profits. A one-quarter share bought a settler one hundred acres of land, trans- portation, and food for the trip to the Florida colony. Meetings were scheduled at a tavern near Cheapside and at the home of the marquis.? But Coxe and his friends were not the only ones interested in a settlement in Florida (Carolana). France and Spain had been laying plans for ex- peditions to the Florida Gulf Coast for some years. For more than a decade, the French had in- tended to follow up on the disastrous La Salle expedition. It was, of course, the same ill-fated La Salle adventure which had stimulated the Spaniards to renew their long-dormant plans for a base on the upper Gulf. Thus, on-again-off- again plans were afoot in France and Spain pre- cisely at the same time that Coxe was readying his plans for an expedition for the Carolana colony." Not long after the land transaction, perhaps that summer, there appeared a one-page pam- phlet entitled Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida. It appealed for assistance for the dis- persed Protestants in northern Europe and Eng- land. The valuable products of Florida, the prospects for trade, and other inducements were dangled before the public view. It proposed creation of two organizations: a company to han- die all matters pertaining to land and trade, and a group of merchants to provide food and trans- portation. Sale of stock in the enterprise offered investors land and profits. A one-quarter share bought a settler one hundred acres of land, trans- portation, and food for the trip to the Florida colony. Meetings were scheduled at a tavern near Cheapside and at the home of the marquis." But Coxe and his friends were not the only ones interested in a settlement in Florida (Carolana). France and Spain had been laying plans for ex- peditions to the Florida Gulf Coast for some years. For more than a decade, the French had in- tended to follow up on the disastrous La Salle expedition. It was, of course, the same ill-fated La Salle adventure which had stimulated the Spaniards to renew their long-dormant plans for a base on the upper Gulf. Thus, on-again-off- again plans were afoot in France and Spain pre- cisely at the same time that Coxe was readying his plans for an expedition for the Carolana colony." Not long after the land transaction, perhaps that summer, there appeared a one-page pam- phlet entitled Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida. It appealed for assistance for the dis- persed Protestants in northern Europe and Eng- land. The valuable products of Florida, the prospects for trade, and other inducements were dangled before the public view. It proposed creation of two organizations: a company to han- die all matters pertaining to land and trade, and a group of merchants to provide food and trans- portation. Sale of stock in the enterprise offered investors land and profits. A one-quarter share bought a settler one hundred acres of land, trans- portation, and food for the trip to the Florida colony. Meetings were scheduled at a tavern near Cheapside and at the home of the marquis." But Coxe and his friends were not the only ones interested in a settlement in Florida (Carolana). France and Spain had been laying plans for ex- peditions to the Florida Gulf Coast for some years. For more than a decade, the French had in- tended to follow up on the disastrous La Salle expedition. It was, of course, the same ill-fated La Salle adventure which had stimulated the Spaniards to renew their long-dormant plans for a base on the upper Gulf. Thus, on-again-off- again plans were afoot in France and Spain pre- cisely at the same time that Coxe was readying his plans for an expedition for the Carolana colony."  Introduction. xxv Introduction. xxv Introduction. xxv Coxe had seized the psychological moment. Coxe's plans for his colony reached the French Minister of Marine, the Comte de Pontchartrain, in June 1698." The following month the min- ister learned that Hennepin had been in cor- respondence with the English. France was not worried about the Spanish pretensions to the Mississippi Valley, but Coxe was a problem. France had sent a secret agent to keep watch on the English company. The Sieur d'Iberville, leader of the French expedition, who had pre- viously been informed of the English activities and was already rushing preparations for his de- parture, was urged to even greater efforts by Pontchartrain." For her part, Spain had intended to establish a post at Pensacola (La bahia de Santa Maria de Galve) and a cedula to that effect was issued on June 13, 1694, but lack of funds prevented occupation of the site. When news reached Spain of the French expedition, a new cidula dated April 19, 1698, made the establishment of a settle- ment at Pensacola a matter of urgency." The Spaniards were also aware of England's interest in the Gulf Coast. During the summer of 1698 Francisco Romo de Uriza, an officer from St. Augustine, visited Charleston. While there he met several Indians and was startled to learn that they were from Pensacola. The En- glish governor, Joseph Blake, countered Romo's claim that Pensacola belonged to Spain, and as- Coxe had seized the psychological moment. Coxe's plans for his colony reached the French Minister of Marine, the Comte de Pontchartrain, in June 1698." The following month the min- ister learned that Hennepin had been in cor- respondence with the English. France was not worried about the Spanish pretensions to the Mississippi Valley, but Coxe was a problem. France had sent a secret agent to keep watch on the English company. The Sieur d'Iberville, leader of the French expedition, who had pre- viously been informed of the English activities and was already rushing preparations for his de- parture, was urged to even greater efforts by Pontchartrain." For her part, Spain had intended to establish a post at Pensacola (La bahia de Santa Maria de Galve) and a c6dula to that effect was issued on June 13, 1694, but lack of funds prevented occupation of the site. When news reached Spain of the French expedition, a new cidula dated April 19, 1698, made the establishment of a settle- ment at Pensacola a matter of urgency." The Spaniards were also aware of England's interest in the Gulf Coast. During the summer of 1698 Francisco Romo de Uriza, an officer from St. Augustine, visited Charleston. While there he met several Indians and was startled to learn that they were from Pensacola. The En- glish governor, Joseph Blake, countered Romo's claim that Pensacola belonged to Spain, and as- Coxe had seized the psychological moment. Coxe's plans for his colony reached the French Minister of Marine, the Comte de Pontchartrain, in June 1698." The following month the min- ister learned that Hennepin had been in cor- respondence with the English. France was not worried about the Spanish pretensions to the Mississippi Valley, but Coxe was a problem. France had sent a secret agent to keep watch on the English company. The Sieur d'Iberville, leader of the French expedition, who had pre- viously been informed of the English activities and was already rushing preparations for his de- parture, was urged to even greater efforts by Pontchartrain." For her part, Spain had intended to establish a post at Pensacola (La bahia de Santa Maria de Galve) and a cedula to that effect was issued on June 13, 1694, but lack of funds prevented occupation of the site. When news reached Spain of the French expedition, a new cidula dated April 19, 1698, made the establishment of a settle- ment at Pensacola a matter of urgency. The Spaniards were also aware of England's interest in the Gulf Coast. During the summer of 1698 Francisco Romo de Uriza, an officer from St. Augustine, visited Charleston. While there he met several Indians and was startled to learn that they were from Pensacola. The En- glish governor, Joseph Blake, countered Romo's claim that Pensacola belonged to Spain, and as-  xxvi Introduction. xxvi Introduction. xxvi Introduction. serted that France and England no longer rec- ognized the Spanish title to Pensacola Bay. Blake told Romo that the two countries had agreed that when one of them first occupied Pensacola, the other would recognize that nation's claim to it. Blake also informed Romo that he intended to take Pensacola the following year anyway. Romo's warning of England's intent was sent to Havana, but by that time the Spaniards needed no further prompting." By the fall of 1698, Coxe and the French Huguenot leaders had joined hands in their plans for a settlement in Carolana. Coxe proceeded with plans to dispatch several ships, and the Marquis de Muce and his accomplices selected one Ceuhu to head the advance party of French settlers." Two small brigantines, one under the command of Captain William Bond, left Eng- land in October 1698." That same month, Iberville departed for Santo Domingo and the Gulf Coast, and Andres de Arriola left Veracruz for Pensacola. The race was on! lberville hoped to beat Coxe's ships, and Arriola hurried to pre- cede the French to Florida. The Spaniards won the race, reaching Pensacola in November 1698. Iberville arrived at Pensacola the following Jan- uary, but finding that site occupied, he pushed on to the Biloxi area." Interestingly, two schol- arly studies of the Spanish race to beat France to Pensacola failed to mention Coxe or his expedi- tion." Only the English seemed unconcerned serted that France and England no longer rec- ognized the Spanish title to Pensacola Bay. Blake told Romo that the two countries had agreed that when one of them first occupied Pensacola, the other would recognize that nation's claim to it. Blake also informed Romo that he intended to take Pensacola the following year anyway. Romo's warning of England's intent was sent to Havana, but by that time the Spaniards needed no further prompting." By the fall of 1698, Coxe and the French Huguenot leaders had joined hands in their plans for a settlement in Carolana. Coxe proceeded with plans to dispatch several ships, and the Marquis de Muce and his accomplices selected one Ceuhu to head the advance party of French settlers." Two small brigantines, one under the command of Captain William Bond, left Eng- land in October 1698." That same month, Iberville departed for Santo Domingo and the Gulf Coast, and Andres de Arriola left Veracruz for Pensacola. The race was on! Iberville hoped to beat Coxe's ships, and Arriola hurried to pre- cede the French to Florida. The Spaniards won the race, reaching Pensacola in November 1698. Iberville arrived at Pensacola the following Jan- uary, but finding that site occupied, he pushed on to the Biloxi area." Interestingly, two schol- arly studies of the Spanish race to beat France to Pensacola failed to mention Coxe or his expedi- tion." Only the English seemed unconcerned serted that France and England no longer rec- ognized the Spanish title to Pensacola Bay. Blake told Romo that the two countries had agreed that when one of them first occupied Pensacola, the other would recognize that nation's claim to it. Blake also informed Romo that he intended to take Pensacola the following year anyway. Romo's warning of England's intent was sent to Havana, but by that time the Spaniards needed no further prompting.'x By the fall of 1698, Coxe and the French Huguenot leaders had joined hands in their plans for a settlement in Carolana. Coxe proceeded with plans to dispatch several ships, and the Marquis de Muce and his accomplices selected one Ceuhu to head the advance party of French settlers." Two small brigantines, one under the command of Captain William Bond, left Eng- land in October 1698.' That same month, Iberville departed for Santo Domingo and the Gulf Coast, and Andres de Arriola left Veracruz for Pensacola. The race was on! Iberville hoped to beat Coxe's ships, and Arriola hurried to pre- cede the French to Florida. The Spaniards won the race, reaching Pensacola in November 1698. Iberville arrived at Pensacola the following Jan- uary, but finding that site occupied, he pushed on to the Biloxi area." Interestingly, two schol- arly studies of the Spanish race to beat France to Pensacola failed to mention Coxe or his expedi- tion." Only the English seemed unconcerned  Introduction. xxvii about reaching the Gulf Coast ahead of their rivals. When Coxe's ships and its passengers, which included a party of English gentlemen along with the Frenchmen, arrived in Charleston for provisions to continue the voyage, they decided to winter there. The leaders learned of the western travels and explorations of the Caro- linians, and made plans to rendezvous with sev- eral of the Chickasaw traders on the Mississippi in 1699. One of the ships remained at Charleston and the Carolina Galley, a British corvette of 12 guns which had replaced the other, sailed in May 1699 with Captain Bond in command." Bond coasted westward along the Florida coast. He missed the Espiritu Santo (Apala- chicola) River. He also passed Spanish Pensacola and French Biloxi without observing those set- tlements, and reportedly sailed on to the Rio Pinuco (Tampico). Coxe later stated that Bond only went one hundred leagues west of the Mis- sissippi, which would have left him far from Pinuco." In either event, Bond doubled back to arrive at the mouth of the Mississippi on August 29, 1699. Bond was aided in his search for the great river by a map constructed by Dr. Coxe from Spanish sources and believed accurate within twenty leagues." Unknown to Bond, Iberville had preceded him by nearly six months and had entered the Mississippi by way of the Gulf of Mexico on March 2, 1699." Introduction. xxvii about reaching the Gulf Coast ahead of their rivals. When Coxe's ships and its passengers, which included a party of English gentlemen along with the Frenchmen, arrived in Charleston for provisions to continue the voyage, they decided to winter there. The leaders learned of the western travels and explorations of the Caro- linians, and made plans to rendezvous with sev- eral of the Chickasaw traders on the Mississippi in 1699. One of the ships remained at Charleston and the Carolina Galley, a British corvette of 12 guns which had replaced the other, sailed in May 1699 with Captain Bond in command." Bond coasted westward along the Florida coast. He missed the Espiritu Santo (Apala- chicola) River. He also passed Spanish Pensacola and French Biloxi without observing those set- tlements, and reportedly sailed on to the Rio Pinuco (Tampico). Coxe later stated that Bond only went one hundred leagues west of the Mis- sissippi, which would have left him far from Pinuco." In either event, Bond doubled back to arrive at the mouth of the Mississippi on August 29, 1699. Bond was aided in his search for the great river by a map constructed by Dr. Coxe from Spanish sources and believed accurate within twenty leagues." Unknown to Bond, Iberville had preceded him by nearly six months and had entered the Mississippi by way of the Gulf of Mexico on March 2, 1699." Introduction. xxvii about reaching the Gulf Coast ahead of their rivals. When Coxe's ships and its passengers, which included a party of English gentlemen along with the Frenchmen, arrived in Charleston for provisions to continue the voyage, they decided to winter there. The leaders learned of the western travels and explorations of the Caro- linians, and made plans to rendezvous with sev- eral of the Chickasaw traders on the Mississippi in 1699. One of the ships remained at Charleston and the Carolina Galley, a British corvette of 12 guns which had replaced the other, sailed in May 1699 with Captain Bond in command."s Bond coasted westward along the Florida coast. He missed the Espiritu Santo (Apala- chicola) River. He also passed Spanish Pensacola and French Biloxi without observing those set- tlements, and reportedly sailed on to the Rio Pinuco (Tampico). Coxe later stated that Bond only went one hundred leagues west of the Mis- sissippi, which would have left him far from Panuco." In either event, Bond doubled back to arrive at the mouth of the Mississippi on August 29, 1699. Bond was aided in his search for the great river by a map constructed by Dr. Coxe from Spanish sources and believed accurate within twenty leagues." Unknown to Bond, Iberville had preceded him by nearly six months and had entered the Mississippi by way of the Gulf of Mexico on March 2, 1699. '  xxviii Introduction. During the next several days Bond sailed up the river and observed that while he could not make headway in the middle of the stream, he could run up the side of the river where the cur- rent was not so strong. Some details of this part of the voyage are contained in a 1766 letter by Phineas Lyman who had Bond's journal with him while he wrote. Traditional accounts give, September 15, 1699, as the date Bond encoun- tered the Sieur de Bienville, Iberville's brother, about 23 leagues upriver. If Lyman's account can be trusted, the meeting was probably on September 5 or 6 rather than September 15.« Bienville and his small party in two canoes were sounding the river when to their surprise they saw an ocean-going vessel approaching. During the ensuing conference Bienville informed Bond that the French had established a settlement on the coast. Because he had not observed the Biloxi colony, Bond did not believe Bienville and con- cluded that the Frenchmen had come downriver from Canada to trade with the Indians. Bienville also told him that the river was not the Missis- sippi, but had a communication with it higher up. Bond was not deluded by this obvious at- tempt to confuse him as to his location. Bienville advised Bond that he must turn around and re- trace his route to the Gulf. Bond retorted that the area had been discovered by the English fifty' years previously and that the English had a stronger claim to it than the French. Bienville xxviii Introduction. During the next several days Bond sailed up the river and observed that while he could not make headway in the middle of the stream, he could run up the side of the river where the cur- rent was not so strong. Some details of this part of the voyage are contained in a 1766 letter by Phineas Lyman who had Bond's journal with him while he wrote. Traditional accounts give, September 15, 1699, as the date Bond encoun- tered the Sieur de Bienville, Iberville's brother, about 23 leagues upriver. If Lyman's account can be trusted, the meeting was probably on September 5 or 6 rather than September 15." Bienville and his small party in two canoes were sounding the river when to their surprise they saw an ocean-going vessel approaching. During the ensuing conference Bienville informed Bond that the French had established a settlement on the coast. Because he had not observed the Biloxi colony, Bond did not believe Bienville and con- cluded that the Frenchmen had come downriver from Canada to trade with the Indians. Bienville also told him that the river was not the Missis- sippi, but had a communication with it higher up. Bond was not deluded by this obvious at- tempt to confuse him as to his location. Bienville advised Bond that he must turn around and re- trace his route to the Gulf. Bond retorted that the area had been discovered by the English fifty' years previously and that the English had a stronger claim to it than the French. Bienville xxvmii Introduction. During the next several days Bond sailed up the river and observed that while he could not make headway in the middle of the stream, he could run up the side of the river where the cur- rent was not so strong. Some details of this part of the voyage are contained in a 1766 letter by Phineas Lyman who had Bond's journal with him while he wrote. Traditional accounts give September 15, 1699, as the date Bond encoun- tered the Sieur de Bienville, Iberville's brother, about 23 leagues upriver. If Lyman's account can be trusted, the meeting was probably on September 5 or 6 rather than September 15." Bienville and his small party in two canoes were sounding the river when to their surprise they saw an ocean-going vessel approaching. During the ensuing conference Bienville informed Bond that the French had established a settlement on the coast. Because he had not observed the Biloxi colony, Bond did not believe Bienville and con- cluded that the Frenchmen had come downriver from Canada to trade with the Indians. Bienville also told him that the river was not the Missis- sippi, but had a communication with it higher up. Bond was not deluded by this obvious at- tempt to confuse him as to his location. Bienville advised Bond that he must turn around and re- trace his route to the Gulf. Bond retorted that the area had been discovered by the English fifty years previously and that the English had a stronger claim to it than the French. Bienville  Introduction. xxix Introduction. xxix Introduction. xxix must have been surprised when Bond showed him Coxe's map which he had used to reach his destination. Nevertheless, Bond did not press the issue and left with a warning that he would re- turn with a larger force and that he intended to lay claim to the country. This meeting place has ever since been known as the English Turn. Iberville, who knew Bond from an earlier en- counter on Hudson's Bay, later referred to the Englishman as un estourdy peu capable, best translated as "a scatter-brain of little efficiency." The sight of the English ship gave sufficient fright to the French that by February of 1700 they had begun construction of Fort de Missis- sippi, more rarely called Fort de la Boulaye. Lo- cated about fifty miles from the mouth of the river, this short-lived fortification was intended to protect the Mississippi from further English encroachment." Captain Bond returned to England in Febru- ary 1700, about fifteen months after he had de- parted for Carolana." The companion ship which had remained in Charleston had already sailed for England, but it was wrecked and all hands were lost on the voyage." When Coxe in- troduced Bond to the members of the Board of Trade in mid-February, the captain presented them several maps which he had drawn of the Gulf Coast and Dr. Coxe gave the Board a re- port on the health, fertility, and pleasantness of the country." The French refugees who had must have been surprised when Bond showed him Coxe's map which he had used to reach his destination. Nevertheless, Bond did not press the issue and left with a warning that he would re- turn with a larger force and that he intended to lay claim to the country. This meeting place has ever since been known as the English Turn. Iberville, who knew Bond from an earlier en- counter on Hudson's Bay, later referred to the Englishman as un estourdy peu capable, best translated as "a scatter-brain of little efficiency."" The sight of the English ship gave sufficient fright to the French that by February of 1700 they had begun construction of Fort de Missis- sippi, more rarely called Fort de la Boulaye. Lo- cated about fifty miles from the mouth of the river, this short-lived fortification was intended to protect the Mississippi from further English encroachment." Captain Bond returned to England in Febru- ary 1700, about fifteen months after he had de- parted for Carolana." The companion ship which had remained in Charleston had already sailed for England, but it was wrecked and all hands were lost on the voyage." When Coxe in- troduced Bond to the members of the Board of Trade in mid-February, the captain presented them several maps which he had drawn of the Gulf Coast and Dr. Coxe gave the Board a re- port on the health, fertility, and pleasantness of the country." The French refugees who had must have been surprised when Bond showed him Coxe's map which he had used to reach his destination. Nevertheless, Bond did not press the issue and left with a warning that he would re- turn with a larger force and that he intended to lay claim to the country. This meeting place has ever since been known as the English Turn. Iberville, who knew Bond from an earlier en- counter on Hudson's Bay, later referred to the Englishman as un estourdy peu capable, best translated as "a scatter-brain of little efficiency."" The sight of the English ship gave sufficient fright to the French that by February of 1700 they had begun construction of Fort de Missis- sippi, more rarely called Fort de la Boulaye. Lo- cated about fifty miles from the mouth of the river, this short-lived fortification was intended to protect the Mississippi from further English encroachment." Captain Bond returned to England in Febru- ary 1700, about fifteen months after he had de- parted for Carolana." The companion ship which had remained in Charleston had already sailed for England, but it was wrecked and all hands were lost on the voyage." When Coxe in- troduced Bond to the members of the Board of Trade in mid-February, the captain presented them several maps which he had drawn of the Gulf Coast and Dr. Coxe gave the Board a re- port on the health, fertility, and pleasantness of the country." The French refugees who had  xxx Introduction. failed to secure a home in Carolana under Eng- lish protection petitioned Louis XIV to be per- mitted to settle in the Mississippi Valley under the French flag. The French monarch, who had no sympathy for the Protestants, "replied that he had not chased heretics out of his kingdom to create a republic for them in America."" The significance of the expedition Coxe sent to Carolana was several-fold. Inspired by the Hennepin-Tonti narratives, it had precipitated the French-Spanish race for the Gulf Coast. The Bond-Bienville encounter was the first meeting between England and France in the lower Mis- sissippi Valley." Bond's journal laid the basis for Lyman's arguments many years later that sailing ships could reach settlements on the Ohio and other tributaries by sailing up the Mississippi, even against northerly winds, more easily than French reports suggested."" More important, Bond's voyage up the Mississippi and later the sight of his maps at Paris created a sensation and established Dr. Coxe "as the leading exponent of the English transappalachian movement.""1 That movement had at its heart destruction of the French-Indian commerce in the Mississippi Val- ley and warned of the danger of French encircle- ment of the English Atlantic colonies. The meet- ing of Bond's corvette and Bienville's canoes touched off the contest for control of the Mis- sissippi Valley which lasted until the end of the xxx Introduction. failed to secure a home in Carolana under Eng- lish protection petitioned Louis XIV to be per- mitted to settle in the Mississippi Valley under the French flag. The French monarch, who had no sympathy for the Protestants, "replied that he had not chased heretics out of his kingdom to create a republic for them in America."" The significance of the expedition Coxe sent to Carolana was several-fold. Inspired by the Hennepin-Tonti narratives, it had precipitated the French-Spanish race for the Gulf Coast. The Bond-Bienville encounter was the first meeting between England and France in the lower Mis- sissippi Valley. Bond's journal laid the basis for Lyman's arguments many years later that sailing ships could reach settlements on the Ohio and other tributaries by sailing up the Mississippi, even against northerly winds, more easily than French reports suggested."* More important, Bond's voyage up the Mississippi and later the sight of his maps at Paris created a sensation and established Dr. Coxe "as the leading exponent of the English transappalachian movement."" That movement had at its heart destruction of the French-Indian commerce in the Mississippi Val- ley and warned of the danger of French encircle- ment of the English Atlantic colonies. The meet- ing of Bond's corvette and Bienville's canoes touched off the contest for control of the Mis- sissippi Valley which lasted until the end of the xxx Introduction. failed to secure a home in Carolana under Eng- lish protection petitioned Louis XIV to be per- mitted to settle in the Mississippi Valley under the French flag. The French monarch, who had no sympathy for the Protestants, "replied that he had not chased heretics out of his kingdom to create a republic for them in America."" The significance of the expedition Coxe sent to Carolana was several-fold. Inspired by the Hennepin-Tonti narratives, it had precipitated the French-Spanish race for the Gulf Coast. The Bond-Bienville encounter was the first meeting between England and France in the lower Mis- sissippi Valley." Bond's journal laid the basis for Lyman's arguments many years later that sailing ships could reach settlements on the Ohio and other tributaries by sailing up the Mississippi, even against northerly winds, more easily than French reports suggested.'" More important, Bond's voyage up the Mississippi and later the sight of his maps at Paris created a sensation and established Dr. Coxe "as the leading exponent of the English transappalachian movement."" That movement had at its heart destruction of the French-Indian commerce in the Mississippi Val- ley and warned of the danger of French encircle- ment of the English Atlantic colonies. The meet- ing of Bond's corvette and Bienville's canoes touched off the contest for control of the Mis- sissippi Valley which lasted until the end of the  Introduction. xxxi Seven Years' War in 1763." Before Captain Bond and his French charges returned to Eng- land, Dr. Coxe seemed to despair for the success of his little expedition. During the winter of 1699-1700 Coxe spon- sored several alternative proposals. On Novem- ber 13, 1699, he submitted a memorial for the incorporation of a trading and colonizing com- pany. Coxe claimed to have determined at great expense that the soil and natural products of Carolana were ideally suited for settlement and trade. He offered to surrender his title to that province provided a joint stock company could be organized and 450,000 raised by June 24, 1700. He suggested that the company be in- corporated as the Florida Company, and that it be granted the same privileges and protection as other English trading companies. He requested a large land grant to be added to the north of Carolana. Aware that the southern boundary of Carolana at 31N did not reach the Gulf, he asked for some small tracts on the coast to pro- vide access to his lands in the interior." Since there was some question about crown jurisdic- tion over the territory, Coxe followed his me- morial with an interesting paper entitled "A demonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England to the Province of Carolana alias Florida."" This assertion of English priority in the Mississippi Valley, along with other ma- Introduction. xxxi Seven Years' War in 1763." Before Captain Bond and his French charges returned to Eng- land, Dr. Coxe seemed to despair for the success of his little expedition. During the winter of 1699-1700 Coxe spon- sored several alternative proposals. On Novem- ber 13, 1699, he submitted a memorial for the incorporation of a trading and colonizing com- pany. Coxe claimed to have determined at great' expense that the soil and natural products of Carolana were ideally suited for settlement and trade. He offered to surrender his title to that province provided a joint stock company could be organized and 450,000 raised by June 24, 1700. He suggested that the company be in- corporated as the Florida Company, and that it be granted the same privileges and protection as other English trading companies. He requested a large land grant to be added to the north of Carolana. Aware that the southern boundary of Carolana at 31"N did not reach the Gulf, he asked for some small tracts on the coast to pro- vide access to his lands in the interior." Since there was some question about crown jurisdic- tion over the territory, Coxe followed his me- morial with an interesting paper entitled "A demonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England to the Province of Carolana alias Florida."" This assertion of English priority in the Mississippi Valley, along with other ma- Introduction. xxxi Seven Years' War in 1763." Before Captain Bond and his French charges returned to Eng- land, Dr. Coxe seemed to despair for the success of his little expedition. During the winter of 1699-1700 Coxe spon- sored several alternative proposals. On Novem- ber 13, 1699, he submitted a memorial for the incorporation of a trading and colonizing com- pany. Coxe claimed to have determined at great expense that the soil and natural products of Carolana were ideally suited for settlement and trade. He offered to surrender his title to that province provided a joint stock company could be organized and £50,000 raised by June 24, 1700. He suggested that the company be in- corporated as the Florida Company, and that it be granted the same privileges and protection as other English trading companies. He requested a large land grant to be added to the north of Carolana. Aware that the southern boundary of Carolana at 31*N did not reach the Gulf, he asked for some small tracts on the coast to pro- vide access to his lands in the interior." Since there was some question about crown jurisdic- tion over the territory, Coxe followed his me- morial with an interesting paper entitled "A demonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England to the Province of Carolana alias Florida."" This assertion of English priority in the Mississippi Valley, along with other ma-  xxxii Introduction. xxxii Introductiond xxxii Introduction. terials which Dr. Coxe collected over a period of many years, served as the basis for his son's 1722 essay. Although the attorney general upheld the validity of Coxe's title to Carolana, some adja- cent islands, and Norfolk County, Virginia, the Board of Trade did not support his bid for in- corporation of the Florida Company. The Board feared that a settlement in Carolana would weaken the crown's other possessions in America. If the conditions were as good as Coxe claimed, the Board held, the new colony might attract set- tlers from the older colonies and depopulate them. The Board had other objections as well. French Huguenots in Carolana might incite an attack upon them because of their religion. The Board probably recalled the Spanish massacre of the French Protestants in East Florida in 1565. The Spaniards were also certain not to like the idea of a foreign colony in Carolana for the potential threat it would pose to Spanish ship- ping in the Gulf. Accordingly, the Spaniards might retaliate against English commerce. In addition, there was the prospect that the colo- nists would engage in illicit trade and that the coast settlements might offer a haven for pirates. There was also the possibility of stockjobbing in the proposed company. Still, the Board recognized that considera- tions of state were involved in Coxe's proposal and submitted it with their objections to the king terials which Dr. Coxe collected over a period of many years, served as the basis for his son's 1722 essay. Although the attorney general upheld the validity of Coxe's title to Carolana, some adja- cent islands, and Norfolk County, Virginia, the Board of Trade did not support his bid for in- corporation of the Florida Company. The Board feared that a settlement in Carolana would weaken the crown's other possessions in America. If the conditions were as good as Coxe claimed, the Board held, the new colony might attract set- tlers from the older colonies and depopulate them. The Board had other objections as well. French Huguenots in Carolana might incite an attack upon them because of their religion. The Board probably recalled the Spanish massacre of the French Protestants in East Florida in 1565. The Spaniards were also certain not to like the idea of a foreign colony in Carolana for the potential threat it would pose to Spanish ship- ping in the Gulf. Accordingly, the Spaniards might retaliate against English commerce. In addition, there was the prospect that the colo- nists would engage in illicit trade and that the coast settlements might offer a haven for pirates. There was also the possibility of stockjobbing in the proposed company. Still, the Board recognized that considera- tions of state were involved in Coxe's proposal and submitted it with their objections to the king terials which Dr. Coxe collected over a period of many years, served as the basis for his son's 1722 essay. Although the attorney general upheld the validity of Coxe's title to Carolana, some adja- cent islands, and Norfolk County, Virginia, the Board of Trade did not support his bid for in- corporation of the Florida Company. The Board feared that a settlerment in Carolana would weaken the crown's other possessions in America. If the conditions were as good as Coxe claimed, the Board held, the new colony might attract set- tlers from the older colonies and depopulate them. The Board had other objections as well. French Huguenots in Carolana might incite an attack upon them because of their religion. The Board probably recalled the Spanish massacre of the French Protestants in East Florida in 1565. The Spaniards were also certain not to like the idea of a foreign colony in Carolana for the potential threat it would pose to Spanish ship- ping in the Gulf. Accordingly, the Spaniards might retaliate against English commerce. In addition, there was the prospect that the colo- nists would engage in illicit trade and that the coast settlements might offer a haven for pirates. There was also the possibility of stockjobbing in the proposed company. Still, the Board recognized that considera- tions of state were involved in Coxe's proposal and submitted it with their objections to the king  Introduction. xxxiii for his consideration." Colonel Coxe later wrote that this Carolana project met with crown ap- proval and that William III promised to aid the venture. Lord Lonsdale, Lord Privy Seal, and other gentlemen also pledged their patronage. Again, according to Colonel Coxe, Lord Lons- dale's death in the summer of 1700, followed by the king's death and the War of the Spanish Succession, both in 1702, forced abandonment of the project." There is reason to doubt the accuracy of Colonel Coxe's claims of such impressive support for the project. On January 2, 1700, just twelve days after the Board had listed its objections to the scheme, Dr. Coxe proposed abandoning ef- forts to settle Carolana by way of the Gulf of Mexico, and intimated that he would ask for a grant of land at the head of the Morisco River in Virginia, where he hoped to plant a settle- ment of those who had wanted to go to Caro- lana."' It does not seem likely that Dr. Coxe would have offered to give up the Carolana proj- ect at such an early date if he had been promised the kind of official support later implied by his son. In fact, a Monsieur Galdie on January 25, 1700, predicted that the Carolana project was not likely to succeed because of a shortage of money and the opposition of the French and Spanish. Galdie revealed that the Board had con- sidered diverting the Protestants to Jamaica, but because the French were not naturalized subjects Introduction. xxxiii for his consideration." Colonel Coxe later wrote that this Carolana project met with crown ap- proval and that William III promised to aid the venture. Lord Lonsdale, Lord Privy Seal, and other gentlemen also pledged their patronage. Again, according to Colonel Coxe, Lord Lons- dale's death in the summer of 1700, followed by the king's death and the War of the Spanish Succession, both in 1702, forced abandonment of the project." There is reason to doubt the accuracy of Colonel Coxe's claims of such impressive support for the project. On January 2, 1700, just twelve days after the Board had listed its objections to the scheme, Dr. Coxe proposed abandoning ef- forts to settle Carolana by way of the Gulf of Mexico, and intimated that he would ask for a grant of land at the head of the Morisco River in Virginia, where he hoped to plant a settle- ment of those who had wanted to go to Caro- lana." It does not seem likely that Dr. Coxe would have offered to give up the Carolana proj- ect at such an early date if he had been promised the kind of official support later implied by his son. In fact, a Monsieur Galdie on January 25, 1700, predicted that the Carolana project was not likely to succeed because of a shortage of money and the opposition of the French and Spanish. Galdie revealed that the Board had con- sidered diverting the Protestants to Jamaica, but because the French were not naturalized subjects Introduction. xxxiii for his consideration." Colonel Coxe later wrote that this Carolana project met with crown ap- proval and that William III promised to aid the venture. Lord Lonsdale, Lord Privy Seal, and other gentlemen also pledged their patronage. Again, according to Colonel Coxe, Lord Lons- dale's death in the summer of 1700, followed by the king's death and the War of the Spanish Succession, both in 1702, forced abandonment of the project." There is reason to doubt the accuracy of Colonel Coxe's claims of such impressive support for the project. On January 2, 1700, just twelve days after the Board had listed its objections to the scheme, Dr. Coxe proposed abandoning ef- forts to settle Carolana by way of the Gulf of Mexico, and intimated that he would ask for a grant of land at the head of the Morisco River in Virginia, where he hoped to plant a settle- ment of those who had wanted to go to Caro- lana." It does not seem likely that Dr. Coxe would have offered to give up the Carolana proj- ect at such an early date if he had been promised the kind of official support later implied by his son. In fact, a Monsieur Galdie on January 25, 1700, predicted that the Carolana project was not likely to succeed because of a shortage of money and the opposition of the French and Spanish. Galdie revealed that the Board had con- sidered diverting the Protestants to Jamaica, but because the French were not naturalized subjects  xxxiv Introduction. they could not own land and they did not have the necessary capital for the development of plantations on that island."M By that date, Dr. Coxe had withdrawn his proposal of January 2, and had substituted other plans, including a pro- posal to shift the French settlers from Carolana to Norfolk County. By January 8 Dr. Coxe had informed the French refugee leaders of the difficulties which he anticipated in establishing a colony in Caro- lana. Since he did not know of Bond's fate, his fears at this point were undoubtedly motivated by news of the French on the Mississippi. The objections of the Board probably influenced him too. At the time, the French leaders unanimously rejected Coxe's offer to provide an alternate site in Norfolk County and accused him of having deceived them. They feared that they would lose their investment and that they would be taken advantage of by those already established in Norfolk County. Coxe, who valued his repu- tation, argued that, on the contrary, he had not deluded them. The controversy so upset Coxe that he announced plans to publish an account of what he had done in the New World during the last twenty years which had cost him per- sonally more than 410,000. If this account did not reveal that he had always acted in the best interests of his country without regard to his own private welfare, he would be willing to be censured."" If Coxe ever published the paper in xxxiv Introduction. they could not own land and they did not have the necessary capital for the development of plantations on that island." By that date, Dr. Coxe had withdrawn his proposal of January 2, and had substituted other plans, including a pro- posal to shift the French settlers from Carolana to Norfolk County. By January 8 Dr. Coxe had informed the French refugee leaders of the difficulties which he anticipated in establishing a colony in Caro- lana. Since he did not know of Bond's fate, his fears at this point were undoubtedly motivated by news of the French on the Mississippi. The objections of the Board probably influenced him too. At the time, the French leaders unanimously rejected Coxe's offer to provide an alternate site in Norfolk County and accused him of having deceived them. They feared that they would lose their investment and that they would be taken advantage of by those already established in Norfolk County. Coxe, who valued his repu- tation, argued that, on the contrary, he had not deluded them. The controversy so upset Coxe that he announced plans to publish an account of what he had done in the New World during the last twenty years which had cost him per- sonally more than £10,000. If this account did not reveal that he had always acted in the best interests of his country without regard to his own private welfare, he would be willing to be censured."* If Coxe ever published the paper in xxxiv Introduction. they could not own land and they did not have the necessary capital for the development of plantations on that island." By that date, Dr. Coxe had withdrawn his proposal of January 2, and had substituted other plans, including a pro- posal to shift the French settlers from Carolana to Norfolk County. By January 8 Dr. Coxe had informed -the French refugee leaders of the difficulties which he anticipated in establishing a colony in Caro- lana. Since he did not know of Bond's fate, his fears at this point were undoubtedly motivated by news of the French on the Mississippi. The objections of the Board probably influenced him too. At the time, the French leaders unanimously rejected Coxe's offer to provide an alternate site in Norfolk County and accused him of having deceived them. They feared that they would lose their investment and that they would be taken advantage of by those already established in Norfolk County. Coxe, who valued his repu- tation, argued that, on the contrary, he had not deluded them. The controversy so upset Coxe that he announced plans to publish an account of what he had done in the New World during the last twenty years which had cost him per- sonally more than £10,000. If this account did not reveal that he had always acted in the best interests of his country without regard to his own private welfare, he would be willing to be censured." If Coxe ever published the paper in  Introduction. xxxv Introduction. xxxv Introduction. xxxv his defense, no copy of it has been discovered by this author. A month later, February 1700, Coxe's plans were still not firm. He submitted to the Board a request to settle the French in either of two locations: at the head of the River Matthco (the St. Johns) which he believed was in the north- east coast of the Gulf of Mexico, or, as formerly proposed, in Norfolk County."' A few days later Sailly attended a meeting of the Board as a substitute for Dr. Coxe, who was ill. The Board was informed that Coxe, who looked upon the French Catholics as dangerous neighbors, still planned to prevent them from settling on the Mississippi. Nevertheless, he would await word from the Board about where the French Huguenot refugees should go. The Board also learned that the Archbishop of Can- terbury had offered to provide charity money for the refugees on their voyage." A memorial from the French leaders on February 20 reported that they had negotiated with Dr. Coxe for a tract of land on the Nanse- mond River in the vicinity of the Dismal Swamp in Norfolk County. Because some of them were poor and distressed, they asked the king to rec- ommend them to the governor of Virginia and to grant some assistance for their trip." By March 7 the decision to send the French to Nor- folk County was firm and the Board asked the king to consider the French request for assistance his defense, no copy of it has been discovered by this author. A month later, February 1700, Coxe's plans were still not firm. He submitted to the Board a request to settle the French in either of two locations: at the head of the River Mattheo (the St. Johns) which he believed was in the north- east coast of the Gulf of Mexico, or, as formerly proposed, in Norfolk County."' A few days later Sailly attended a meeting of the Board as a substitute for Dr. Coxe, who was ill. The Board was informed that Coxe, who looked upon the French Catholics as dangerous neighbors, still planned to prevent them from settling on the Mississippi. Nevertheless, he would await word from the Board about where the French Huguenot refugees should go. The Board also learned that the Archbishop of Can- terbury had offered to provide charity money for the refugees on their voyage." A memorial from the French leaders on February 20 reported that they had negotiated with Dr. Coxe for a tract of land on the Nanse- mond River in the vicinity of the Dismal Swamp in Norfolk County. Because some of them were poor and distressed, they asked the king to rec- ommend them to the governor of Virginia and to grant some assistance for their trip." By March 7 the decision to send the French to Nor- folk County was firm and the Board asked the king to consider the French request for assistance his defense, no copy of it has been discovered by this author. A month later, February 1700, Coxe's plans were still not firm. He submitted to the Board a request to settle the French in either of two locations: at the head of the River Mattheo (the St. Johns) which he believed was in the north- east coast of the Gulf of Mexico, or, as formerly proposed, in Norfolk County."° A few days later Sailly attended a meeting of the Board as a substitute for Dr. Coxe, who was ill. The Board was informed that Coxe, who looked upon the French Catholics as dangerous neighbors, still planned to prevent them from settling on the Mississippi. Nevertheless, he would await word from the Board about where the French Huguenot refugees should go. The Board also learned that the Archbishop of Can- terbury had offered to provide charity money for the refugees on their voyage." A memorial from the French leaders on February 20 reported that they had negotiated with Dr. Coxe for a tract of land on the Nanse- mond River in the vicinity of the Dismal Swamp in Norfolk County. Because some of them were poor and distressed, they asked the king to rec- ommend them to the governor of Virginia and to grant some assistance for their trip." By March 7 the decision to send the French to Nor- folk County was firm and the Board asked the king to consider the French request for assistance  xxxvi Introduction. and to appoint them denizens (subjects) of Eng- land, which would permit them to enjoy many privileges not ordinarily accorded foreigners. On the same day, the king approved the request, designated certain forms of assistance to be given to the refugees, and authorized letters of deniza- tion for those petitioners that were properly cer- tified before they left England. The king ad- dressed a letter to the governor of Virginia, Francis Nicholson, and directed him to give all possible aid and encouragement to these poor colonists destined for Norfolk Country." The king advanced 4 3,000 through the Committee for the Distribution of the Royal Bounty for the passage of the Frenchmen to Virginia and di- rected that Dr. Coxe supervise the emigration." The first shipload of the refugees-110 men, 59 women, and 38 children-under the general supervision of the Marquis de la Muce and M. de Sailly departed England in mid-April aboard the Mary-Anne. After a passage of thirteen weeks they arrived at the mouth of the James River on July 23. But Norfolk County was not the promised land they had expected to find. Because of the poor soil, unhealthy climate, and a boundary dispute between Virginia and North Carolina involving Norfolk County, Governor Nicholson decided against settling them there. Instead, he selected Manikin Town in the Pied- mont, about twenty miles above the falls of the xxxvi Introduction. and to appoint them denizens (subjects) of Eng- land, which would permit them to enjoy many privileges not ordinarily accorded foreigners. On the same day, the king approved the request, designated certain forms of assistance to be given to the refugees, and authorized letters of deniza- tion for those petitioners that were properly cer- tified before they left England. The king ad- dressed a letter to the governor of Virginia, Francis Nicholson, and directed him to give all possible aid and encouragement to these poor colonists destined for Norfolk Country." The king advanced 43,000 through the Committee for the Distribution of the Royal Bounty for the passage of the Frenchmen to Virginia and di- rected that Dr. Coxe supervise the emigration." The first shipload of the refugees-110 men, 59 women, and 38 children-under the general supervision of the Marquis de la Muce and M. de Sailly departed England in mid-April aboard the Mary-Anne. After a passage of thirteen weeks they arrived at the mouth of the James River on July 23. But Norfolk County was not the promised land they had expected to find. Because of the poor soil, unhealthy climate, and a boundary dispute between Virginia and North Carolina involving Norfolk County, Governor Nicholson decided against settling them there. Instead, he selected Manikin Town in the Pied- mont, about twenty miles above the falls of the xxxvi Introduction. and to appoint them denizens (subjects) of Eng- land, which would permit them to enjoy many privileges not ordinarily accorded foreigners. On the same day, the king approved the request, designated certain forms of assistance to be given to the refugees, and authorized letters of deniza- tion for those petitioners that were properly cer- tified before they left England. The king ad- dressed a letter to the governor of Virginia, Francis Nicholson, and directed him to give all possible aid and encouragement to these poor colonists destined for Norfolk Country." The king advanced £3,000 through the Committee for the Distribution of the Royal Bounty for the passage of the Frenchmen to Virginia and di- rected that Dr. Coxe supervise the emigration." The first shipload of the refugees-110 men, 59 women, and 38 children-under the general supervision of the Marquis de la Muce and M. de Sailly departed England in mid-April aboard the Mary-Anne. After a passage of thirteen weeks they arrived at the mouth of the James River on July 23. But Norfolk County was not the promised land they had expected to find. Because of the poor soil, unhealthy climate, and a boundary dispute between Virginia and North Carolina involving Norfolk County, Governor Nicholson decided against settling them there. Instead, he selected Manikin Town in the Pied- mont, about twenty miles above the falls of the  Introduction. xxxvii James River, as their future home. On July 31 the refugees left for the new location, where good land was available for them." A few weeks later, Sailly wrote: "We are, thank God, in a fine and beautiful country, where, after the first difficulties, we shall live well and happily."" Governor Nicholson and the French leaders were critical of Dr. Coxe. Nicholson had some acquaintanceship with Coxe and believed him to be an honest gentleman and an able physician. The governor was familiar with the poor success of Coxe's Jersey venture, and thought the doctor had given up such projects. But Coxe had ven- tured forth on two more: Carolana and Norfolk County. Nicholson was afraid that some people had taken advantage of Coxe's good nature and generosity, had told him of strange lands, and had supplied him with maps. He wished that Coxe would come to America to survey his great holdings, which he believed would include so much of the country that he would not care to come again. In spite of the happy ending to the Muce-Sailly expedition, those two French worthies considered their association with Dr. Coxe and his Norfolk County holdings a dis- tinct failure." Coxe might well have agreed with them. He had sponsored three projects: West Jersey, Carolana, and Norfolk County. Not one had succeeded, but their failures did not diminish his determination to sponsor a winner. Introduction. xxxvis Introduction. xxxvii James River, as their future home. On July 31 the refugees left for the new location, where good land was available for them." A few weeks later, Sailly wrote: "We are, thank God, in a fine and beautiful country, where, after the first difficulties, we shall live well and happily."" Governor Nicholson and the French leaders were critical of Dr. Coxe. Nicholson had some acquaintanceship with Coxe and believed him to be an honest gentleman and an able physician. The governor was familiar with the poor success of Coxe's Jersey venture, and thought the doctor had given up such projects. But Coxe had ven- tured forth on two more: Carolana and Norfolk County. Nicholson was afraid that some people had taken advantage of Coxe's good nature and generosity, had told him of strange lands, and had supplied him with maps. He wished that Coxe would come to America to survey his great holdings, which he believed would include so much of the country that he would not care to come again. In spite of the happy ending to the Muce-Sailly expedition, those two French worthies considered their association with Dr. Coxe and his Norfolk County holdings a dis- tinct failure." Coxe might well have agreed with them. He had sponsored three projects: West Jersey, Carolana, and Norfolk County. Not one had succeeded, but their failures did not diminish his determination to sponsor a winner. James River, as their future home. On July 31 the refugees left for the new location, where good land was available for them." A few weeks later, Sadly wrote: "We are, thank God, in a fine and beautiful country, where, after the first difficulties, we shall live well and happily."" Governor Nicholson and the French leaders were critical of Dr. Coxe. Nicholson had some acquaintanceship with Coxe and believed him to be an honest gentleman and an able physician. The governor was familiar with the poor success of Coxe's Jersey venture, and thought the doctor had given up such projects. But Coxe had ven- tured forth on two more: Carolana and Norfolk County. Nicholson was afraid that some people had taken advantage of Coxe's good nature and generosity, had told him of strange lands, and had supplied him with maps. He wished that Coxe would come to America to survey his great holdings, which he believed would include so much of the country that he would not care to come again. In spite of the happy ending to the Muce-Sailly expedition, those two French worthies considered their association with Dr. Coxe and his Norfolk County holdings a dis- tinct failure." Coxe might well have agreed with them. He had sponsored three projects: West Jersey, Carolana, and Norfolk County. Not one had succeeded, but their failures did not diminish his determination to sponsor a winner.  xxxviii Introduction. xxxviii Introduction. xxxviii Introduction. The War of the Spanish Succession (Queen Anne's War) between England on the one hand and Spain and France on the other seriously interrupted Dr. Coxe's promotional enterprises. That his interest in America continued during those years is evidenced by his continued collec- tion of information and documents about the New World. One student of the period believed Dr. Coxe responsible for the printing of the 1705 alliance between South Carolina and the Creek Indians. This broadside entitled The Humble Submission of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England appeared in Lon- don in 1707. In it the Creeks pledged to rout the French and Spaniards and not to permit them to settle in their territories nor within reach of their arms." Such an alliance would have received Coxe's blessings because the Creeks lived in Carolana, to which he still held the patent. The aftermath of the war in Europe gave Dr. Coxe yet another opportunity to assert his claim to Carolana. During the peace negotiations at Utrecht, it was decided to leave for later discus- sion the boundaries of the French and English colonies of America. In 1718 the appearance of Guillaume Delisle's map, which restricted the English middle and southern colonies to the Appalachians, created concern regarding French western claims. The next year Colonel Martin Bladen, a member of the Board of Trade, was one of the commissioners selected to treat with The War of the Spanish Succession (Queen Anne's War) between England on the one hand and Spain and France on the other seriously interrupted Dr. Coxe's promotional enterprises. That his interest in America continued during those years is evidenced by his continued collec- tion of information and documents about the New World. One student of the period believed Dr. Coxe responsible for the printing of the 1705 alliance between South Carolina and the Creek Indians. This broadside entitled The Humble Submission of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England appeared in Lon- don in 1707. In it the Creeks pledged to rout the French and Spaniards and not to permit them to settle in their territories nor within reach of their arms." Such an alliance would have received Coxe's blessings because the Creeks lived in Carolana, to which he still held the patent. The aftermath of the war in Europe gave Dr. Coxe yet another opportunity to assert his claim to Carolana. During the peace negotiations at Utrecht, it was decided to leave for later discus- sion the boundaries of the French and English colonies of America. In 1718 the appearance of Guillaume Delisle's map, which restricted the English middle and southern colonies to the Appalachians, created concern regarding French western claims. The next year Colonel Martin Bladen, a member of the Board of Trade, was one of the commissioners selected to treat with The War of the Spanish Succession (Queen Anne's War) between England on the one hand and Spain and France on the other seriously interrupted Dr. Coxe's promotional enterprises. That his interest in America continued during those years is evidenced by his continued collec- tion of information and documents about the New World. One student of the period believed Dr. Coxe responsible for the printing of the 1705 alliance between South Carolina and the Creek Indians. This broadside entitled The Humble Submission of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England appeared in Lon- don in 1707. In it the Creeks pledged to rout the French and Spaniards and not to permit them to settle in their territories nor within reach of their arms.* Such an alliance would have received Coxe's blessings because the Creeks lived in Carolana, to which he still held the patent. The aftermath of the war in Europe gave Dr. Coxe yet another opportunity to assert his claim to Carolana. During the peace negotiations at Utrecht, it was decided to leave for later discus- sion the boundaries of the French and English colonies of America. In 1718 the appearance of Guillaume Delisle's map, which restricted the English middle and southern colonies to the Appalachians, created concern regarding French western claims. The next year Colonel Martin Bladen, a member of the Board of Trade, was one of the commissioners selected to treat with  Introduction. xxxix the French for a settlement of the colonial boun- daries between the two countries. The Board was asked to draft Bladen's instructions, and the search began to secure all possible evidence to bolster England's claims to the American West. The Board summoned Dr. Coxe immediately. He jumped at the opportunity, hoping of course to revive his project for a colony on the Missis- sippi." Coxe produced his considerable collection of papers, journals, and maps, and a revised copy of his 1699 memorial at several appearances before the Board during the summer of 1719.~ One of the most striking features of the 1719 memorial was Coxe's suggestion to draw the boundary with France at the Mississippi." This meant that he was willing to give up his claims to Carolana west of the Mississippi for an unquestioned right to the area east of the river. After the confer- ences with Dr. Coxe the Board thought it ad- visable to get the settlement of Carolana under- way at once. In spite of the Board's decision, nothing was accomplished, however. War be- tween France and Spain in 1719, which saw Pensacola fall to the French, may have discour- aged Coxe, but he did not give up his efforts to keep the Carolana project alive. In 1720 Dr. Coxe was suspected of trying to resurrect the project in order to make a bubble out of it." But that attempt fell through, too. As for Carolana after 1720, Colonel Coxe picked up where his Introduction. xxxix the French for a settlement of the colonial boun- daries between the two countries. The Board was asked to draft Bladen's instructions, and the search began to secure all possible evidence to bolster England's claims to the American West. The Board summoned Dr. Coxe immediately. He jumped at the opportunity, hoping of course to revive his project for a colony on the Missis- sippi." Coxe produced his considerable collection of papers, journals, and maps, and a revised copy of his 1699 memorial at several appearances before the Board during the summer of 1719." One of the most striking features of the 1719 memorial was Coxe's suggestion to draw the boundary with France at the Mississippi." This meant that he was willing to give up his claims to Carolana west of the Mississippi for an unquestioned right to the area east of the river. After the confer- ences with Dr. Coxe the Board thought it ad- visable to get the settlement of Carolana under- way at once. In spite of the Board's decision, nothing was accomplished, however. War be- tween France and Spain in 1719, which saw Pensacola fall to the French, may have discour- aged Coxe, but he did not give up his efforts to keep the Carolana project alive. In 1720 Dr. Coxe was suspected of trying to resurrect the project in order to make a bubble out of it." But that attempt fell through, too. As for Carolana after 1720, Colonel Coxe picked up where his Introduction. xxxix the French for a settlement of the colonial boun- daries between the two countries. The Board was asked to draft Bladen's instructions, and the search began to secure all possible evidence to bolster England's claims to the American West. The Board summoned Dr. Coxe immediately. He jumped at the opportunity, hoping of course to revive his project for a colony on the Missis- sippi." Coxe produced his considerable collection of papers, journals, and maps, and a revised copy of his 1699 memorial at several appearances before the Board during the summer of 1719.' One of the most striking features of the 1719 memorial was Coxe's suggestion to draw the boundary with France at the Mississippi." This meant that he was willing to give up his claims to Carolana west of the Mississippi for an unquestioned right to the area east of the river. After the confer- ences with Dr. Coxe the Board thought it ad- visable to get the settlement of Carolana under- way at once. In spite of the Board's decision, nothing was accomplished, however. War be- tween France and Spain in 1719, which saw Pensacola fall to the French, may have discour- aged Coxe, but he did not give up his efforts to keep the Carolana project alive. In 1720 Dr. Coxe was suspected of trying to resurrect the project in order to make a bubble out of it." But that attempt fell through, too. As for Carolana after 1720, Colonel Coxe picked up where his  xl Introduction. father had left off, although Dr. Coxe lived on for another ten years. Likely he played a sig- nificant role in the younger Coxe's plans to pro- mote the colony. As for evidence of certain English explora- tions and priority in the Mississippi Valley for use at the Paris conference by Colonel Bladen, Dr. Coxe could not find the papers necessary to support some of his statements. His failure to locate the missing documents undoubtedly caused some of his contemporaries to believe "that his numerous explorers' tales were indications of a credulous temperament and a penchant for exag- gerated statements."" Nevertheless, one of Dr. Coxe's defenders has analyzed the 1719 memo- rial and has shown that only two of the five ex- ploration tales related therein are questionable, and even those may have some basis in fact yet undiscovered. The two stories represented only a very small fraction of the entire memorial." What does an evaluation of Dr. Coxe's activi- ties to 1720 indicate? Presumably, he was a good medical doctor, confirmed by his appoint- ment as physician to two English monarchs and by his membership in several prestigious pro- fessional societies. As an author his writings cov- ered medicine, travel, and promotion. No con- troversy has been disclosed over his medical tracts. His travel and promotional publications, which have undergone considerable criticism, were largely incorporated in the 1722 publica- xl Introduction. father had left off, although Dr. Coxe lived on for another ten years. Likely he played a sig- nificant role in the younger Coxe's plans to pro- mote the colony. As for evidence of certain English explora- tions and priority in the Mississippi Valley for use at the Paris conference by Colonel Bladen, Dr. Coxe could not find the papers necessary to support some of his statements. His failure to locate the missing documents undoubtedly caused some of his contemporaries to believe "that his numerous explorers' tales were indications of a credulous temperament and a penchant for exag- gerated statements."" Nevertheless, one of Dr. Coxe's defenders has analyzed the 1719 memo- rial and has shown that only two of the five ex- ploration tales related therein are questionable, and even those may have some basis in fact yet undiscovered. The two stories represented only a very small fraction of the entire memorial." What does an evaluation of Dr. Coxe's activi- ties to 1720 indicate? Presumably, he was a good medical doctor, confirmed by his appoint- ment as physician to two English monarchs and by his membership in several prestigious pro- fessional societies. As an author his writings cov- ered medicine, travel, and promotion. No con- troversy has been disclosed over his medical tracts. His travel and promotional publications, which have undergone considerable criticism, were largely incorporated in the 1722 publica- xl Introduction. father had left off, although Dr. Coxe lived on for another ten years. Likely he played a sig- nificant role in the younger Coxe's plans to pro- mote the colony. As for evidence of certain English explora- tions and priority in the Mississippi Valley for use at the Paris conference by Colonel Bladen, Dr. Coxe could not find the papers necessary to support some of his statements. His failure to locate the missing documents undoubtedly caused some of his contemporaries to believe "that his numerous explorers' tales were indications of a credulous temperament and a penchant for exag- gerated statements."" Nevertheless, one of Dr. Coxe's defenders has analyzed the 1719 memo- rial and has shown that only two of the five ex- ploration tales related therein are questionable, and even those may have some basis in fact yet undiscovered. The two stories represented only a very small fraction of the entire memorial." What does an evaluation of Dr. Coxe's activi- ties to 1720 indicate? Presumably, he was a good medical doctor, confirmed by his appoint- ment as physician to two English monarchs and by his membership in several prestigious pro- fessional societies. As an author his writings cov- ered medicine, travel, and promotion. No con- troversy has been disclosed over his medical tracts. His travel and promotional publications, which have undergone considerable criticism, were largely incorporated in the 1722 publica-  Introduction. xli Introduction. xli tion of his son. He was a collector of New World literature, reports, maps, and related ma- terials, although he was not always discerning about their authenticity. He failed as a promoter of colonial projects. Factors such as the three major wars between 1689 and 1720 diminished his prospects for success. Even without Coxe, France and Spain would have eventually occu- pied the upper Gulf Coast, but he served as the spur which hurried these operations. Several ideas came from Dr. Coxe's plans for the New World. The transportation and settlement of imprisoned debtors was original. He foresaw the desirability of colonial union when he endorsed the 1697 plan of the New England agents. He was foremost in his era as a propagandist for western expansion. Dr. Coxe was the first in England to promote the idea that the destiny of England in America demanded expansion west of the Appalachians. He warned of the dangers of French encirclement through their occupation and control of the Mississippi Valley. Contrary to his own personal interests, Dr. Coxe first pro- posed division of the continent at the Mississippi River." Unfortunately, Dr. Coxe was a prophet crying in the wilderness. Colonel Coxe soon added his voice to that of his father. Daniel Coxe was born in 1673, and was bap- tized in the church of Botolph, Aldersgate, Lon- don, on August 31. There are no details of his tion of his son. He was a collector of New World literature, reports, maps, and related ma- terials, although he was not always discerning about their authenticity. He failed as a promoter of colonial projects. Factors such as the three major wars between 1689 and 1720 diminished his prospects for success. Even without Coxe, France and Spain would have eventually occu- pied the upper Gulf Coast, but he served as the spur which hurried these operations. Several ideas came from Dr. Coxe's plans for the New World. The transportation and settlement of imprisoned debtors was original. He foresaw the desirability of colonial union when he endorsed the 1697 plan of the New England agents. He was foremost in his era as a propagandist for western expansion. Dr. Coxe was the first in England to promote the idea that the destiny of England in America demanded expansion west of the Appalachians. He warned of the dangers of French encirclement through their occupation and control of the Mississippi Valley. Contrary to his own personal interests, Dr. Coxe first pro- posed division of the continent at the Mississippi River." Unfortunately, Dr. Coxe was a prophet crying in the wilderness. Colonel Coxe soon added his voice to that of his father. Daniel Coxe was born in 1673, and was bap- tized in the church of Botolph, Aldersgate, Lon- don, on August 31. There are no details of his Introduction, xli tion of his son. He was a collector of New World literature, reports, maps, and related ma- terials, although he was not always discerning about their authenticity. He failed as a promoter of colonial projects. Factors such as the three major wars between 1689 and 1720 diminished his prospects for success. Even without Coxe, France and Spain would have eventually occu- pied the upper Gulf Coast, but he served as the spur which hurried these operations. Several ideas came from Dr. Coxe's plans for the New World. The transportation and settlement of imprisoned debtors was original. He foresaw the desirability of colonial union when he endorsed the 1697 plan of the New England agents. He was foremost in his era as a propagandist for western expansion. Dr. Coxe was the first in England to promote the idea that the destiny of England in America demanded expansion west of the Appalachians. He warned of the dangers of French encirclement through their occupation and control of the Mississippi Valley. Contrary to his own personal interests, Dr. Coxe first pro- posed division of the continent at the Mississippi River." Unfortunately, Dr. Coxe was a prophet crying in the wilderness. Colonel Coxe soon added his voice to that of his father. Daniel Coxe was born in 1673, and was bap- tized in the church of Botolph, Aldersgate, Lon- don, on August 31. There are no details of his   Introduction. xliii Introduction. xliii Introduction. xliii Quakers should be expelled from the council and Coxe and others appointed in their place. The Board of Trade advised Nottingham that all members of the council had good estates, but it was unaware that Coxe held property in the Jerseys. If that was not enough, the Board had already received twelve names for the council unanimously approved by the proprietors, and the group agreed that it should stick to those nominees." The exact time that Coxe arrived in America is not known, but his first stay was short. Perhaps he came with Lord Cornbury in 1702." But whether he did or not, Cornbury favored him, and soon after they arrived Coxe was appointed colonel and commander of the military forces of West Jersey." Little is known about his role in the military, but thereafter he was referred to as Colonel Coxe. By December 1703 Coxe was back in London, where he delivered some papers from Cornbury to the Board of Trade."2 He had returned to England, however, primarily to defend himself against charges brought by the proprietors." The proprietors had advised the Board of Trade that Coxe had been recommended for membership on the Council of New Jersey with- out their approval. They stated that Coxe had no lands in New Jersey except those he claimed to have received from his father. The proprie- tors claimed that Dr. Coxe had sold all of his Quakers should be expelled from the council and Coxe and others appointed in their place. The Board of Trade advised Nottingham that all members of the council had good estates, but it was unaware that Coxe held property in the Jerseys. If that was not enough, the Board had already received twelve names for the council unanimously approved by the proprietors, and the group agreed that it should stick to those nominees." The exact time that Coxe arrived in America is not known, but his first stay was short. Perhaps he came with Lord Cornbury in 1702." But whether he did or not, Cornbury favored him, and soon after they arrived Coxe was appointed colonel and commander of the military forces of West Jersey."' Little is known about his role in the military, but thereafter he was referred to as Colonel Coxe. By December 1703 Coxe was back in London, where he delivered some papers from Cornbury to the Board of Trade."Z He had returned to England, however, primarily to defend himself against charges brought by the proprietors." The proprietors had advised the Board of Trade that Coxe had been recommended for membership on the Council of New Jersey with- out their approval. They stated that Coxe had no lands in New Jersey except those he claimed to have received from his father. The proprie- tors claimed that Dr. Coxe had sold all of his Quakers should be expelled from the council and Coxe and others appointed in their place. The Board of Trade advised Nottingham that all members of the council had good estates, but it was unaware that Coxe held property in the Jerseys. If that was not enough, the Board had already received twelve names for the council unanimously approved by the proprietors, and the group agreed that it should stick to those nominees." The exact time that Coxe arrived in America is not known, but his first stay was short. Perhaps he came with Lord Cornbury in 1702." But whether he did or not, Cornbury favored him, and soon after they arrived Coxe was appointed colonel and commander of the military forces of West Jersey."' Little is known about his role in the military, but thereafter he was referred to as Colonel Coxe. By December 1703 Coxe was back in London, where he delivered some papers from Cornbury to the Board of Trade." He had returned to England, however, primarily to defend himself against charges brought by the proprietors." The proprietors had advised the Board of Trade that Coxe had been recommended for membership on the Council of New Jersey with- out their approval. They stated that Coxe had no lands in New Jersey except those he claimed to have received from his father. The proprie- tors claimed that Dr. Coxe had sold all of his  xliv Introduction. xl~uInroucio.xliv Introduction.Inr uti. Introduction. Jul he dation, nain ndation,  xlv Introduction. xiv Introduction. xlv Induction. Queen Anne appointed Coxe November 29, 1705." In the meanwhile, Coxe launched a strong protest against the Quakers to the Board of Trade. Coxe's opposition stemmed from his ap- pointment to command the West Jersey military and from his near-fanatic support of the Angli- can Church. The Quaker members of the assem- bly and council, he wrote, could not be expected to support the militia or the revenue bills to finance it since they opposed military service. They had also refused to pay tithes on pretense of conscience and opposed acts favoring the Church of England. The Quakers, he argued, intimidated and frightened those who might otherwise come over to the Christian Church. He asked the Board of Trade to prohibit the ad- mission of Quakers to public office in the Jerseys since there were enough good people to fill the position without them.? He was unsuccessful on that score, and Colonel Coxe's animosity toward the Quakers continued over the years. A few years later he vehemently protested that the con- tinued admission of Quakers to public offices hurt the Anglican Church; they intended to "de- stroy our religion, lives, liberties, reputations and estates."" By the summer of 1706 Coxe had returned to New Jersey and had taken his council seat."2 He quickly became a member of the inner circle, known as the Cornbury Ring. He led the anti- Quaker faction, and along with his co-conspira- Queen Anne appointed Coxe November 29, 1705." In the meanwhile, Coxe launched a strong protest against the Quakers to the Board of Trade. Coxe's opposition stemmed from his ap- pointment to command the West Jersey military and from his near-fanatic support of the Angli- can Church. The Quaker members of the assem- bly and council, he wrote, could not be expected to support the militia or the revenue bills to finance it since they opposed military service. They had also refused to pay tithes on pretense of conscience and opposed acts favoring the Church of England. The Quakers, he argued, intimidated and frightened those who might otherwise come over to the Christian Church. He asked the Board of Trade to prohibit the ad- mission of Quakers to public office in the Jerseys since there were enough good people to fill the position without them.** He was unsuccessful on that score, and Colonel Coxe's animosity toward the Quakers continued over the years. A few years later he vehemently protested that the con- tinued admission of Quakers to public offices hurt the Anglican Church; they intended to "de- stroy our religion, lives, liberties, reputations and estates."" By the summer of 1706 Coxe had returned to New Jersey and had taken his council seatY He quickly became a member of the inner circle, known as the Cornbury Ring. He led the anti- Quaker faction, and along with his co-conspira- Queen Anne appointed Coxe November 29, 1705." In the meanwhile, Coxe launched a strong protest against the Quakers to the Board of Trade. Coxe's opposition stemmed from his ap- pointment to command the West Jersey military and from his near-fanatic support of the Angli- can Church. The Quaker members of the assem- bly and council, he wrote, could not be expected to support the militia or the revenue bills to finance it since they opposed military service. They had also refused to pay tithes on pretense of conscience and opposed acts favoring the Church of England. The Quakers, he argued, intimidated and frightened those who might otherwise come over to the Christian Church. He asked the Board of Trade to prohibit the ad- mission of Quakers to public office in the Jerseys since there were enough good people to fill the position without them.** He was unsuccessful on that score, and Colonel Coxe's animosity toward the Quakers continued over the years. A few years later he vehemently protested that the con- tinued admission of Quakers to public offices hurt the Anglican Church; they intended to "de- stroy our religion, lives, liberties, reputations and estates."" By the summer of 1706 Coxe had returned to New Jersey and had taken his council seat." He quickly became a member of the inner circle, known as the Cornbury Ring. He led the anti- Quaker faction, and along with his co-conspira-  xlvi Introduction. xlvi Introduction. xlvi Introduction. tors helped himself to the proprietors' lands." tors helped himself to the proprietors' lands." tors helped himself to the proprietors' lands." In 1708, when the opposition attacked Corn- In 1708, when the opposition attacked Corn- In 1708, when the opposition attacked Corn- bury and his corrupt administration, Coxe de- bury and his corrupt administration, Coxe de- bury and his corrupt administration, Coxe de- fended the governor and blamed his problems on fended the governor and blamed his problems on fended the governor and blamed his problems on the Scotch-Quaker-dominated assembly." John the Scotch-Quaker-dominated assembly." John the Scotch-Quaker-dominated assembly." John Lovelace replaced Cornbury as governor in De- Lovelace replaced Cornbury as governor in De- Lovelace replaced Cornbury as governor in De- cember 1708, but the proprietors' efforts to pre- cember 1708, but the proprietors' efforts to pre- cember 1708, but the proprietors' efforts to pre- vent Coxe's reappointment to the council were vent Coxe's reappointment to the council were vent Coxe's reappointment to the council were unsuccessful." Although their protests temporar- unsuccessful."' Although their protests temporar- unsuccessful." Although their protests temporar- ily went unheeded, the proprietors continued to ily went unheeded, the proprietors continued to ily went unheeded, the proprietors continued to complain about Coxe's position on the council." complain about Coxe's position on the council." complain about Coxe's position on the council." Conditions did not improve during the Love- Conditions did not improve during the Love- Conditions did not improve during the Love- lace governorship nor during that of his succes- lace governorship nor during that of his succes- lace governorship nor during that of his succes- sor, Richard Ingoldsby, whose rule ended in the sor, Richard Ingoldsby, whose rule ended in the sor, Richard Ingoldsby, whose rule ended in the spring of 1710." spring of 1710." spring of 1710." During at least part of the time that Coxe During at least part of the time that Coxe During at least part of the time that Coxe served on the council, he was also an associate served on the council, he was also an associate served on the council, he was also an associate justice of the supreme court of the province. justice of the supreme court of the province. justice of the supreme court of the province. Cornbury may have appointed Coxe to the Cornbury may have appointed Coxe to the Cornbury may have appointed Coxe to the court, but the first documented record of his court, but the first documented record of his court, but the first documented record of his service on the bench does not appear until 1709." service on the bench does not appear until 1709." service on the bench does not appear until 1709." There is nothing to substantiate one author's There is nothing to substantiate one author's There is nothing to substantiate one author's statement that Colonel Coxe "was an eminent statement that Colonel Coxe "was an eminent statement that Colonel Coxe "was an eminent lawyer."" His judgeship ended about 1713, but lawyer."" His judgeship ended about 1713, but lawyer."" His judgeship ended about 1713, but he returned in later years to the bench. he returned in later years to the bench. he returned in later years to the bench. Robert Hunter, who became governor in Robert Hunter, who became governor in Robert Hunter, who became governor in June 1710, proved more than a match for Colo- June 1710, proved more than a match for Colo- June 1710, proved more than a match for Colo- nel Coxe and his associates. When Hunter first nel Coxe and his associates. When Hunter first nel Coxe and his associates. When Hunter first arrived, Coxe made overtures to him, and despite arrived, Coxe made overtures to him, and despite arrived, Coxe made overtures to him, and despite the proprietors' cries of alarm, Hunter seemed the proprietors' cries of alarm, Hunter seemed the proprietors' cries of alarm, Hunter seemed  Introduction. xlvii Introduction. xlvii Introduction. xlvii pleased to have him on the council." It wasn't long, however, before the governor began to defend the Quakers from the incessant attacks upon them and sided with the proprietors in their efforts to prevent the continued peculation of their lands. Coxe, whose opposition to the Quakers was well known, was still in dispute with the London proprietors over his Jersey lands. Thus, on both counts-the Quakers and the land-Coxe and his friends declared war on the governor."' It quickly became a struggle for political survival. Hunter complained to Lon- don that unless Coxe and his friends were re- moved from office, there was no hope for peace and quiet in New Jersey.'" Coxe retaliated, and among other charges he accused the governor of soliciting his removal because Coxe was a mem- ber of the Church of England."' But the Queen sided with her governor and dismissed Coxe from the council on April 15, 1713."' The colonel, his father, and brother Samuel, aided by the Anglican minister, the Reverend John Talbot, then endeavored to prevent the renewal of Hunter's commission as governor." But they were prominent Tories, and any political influ- ence which the Coxe family may have had ended with the change in governments following the death of Queen Anne and the rise to power of the Whig party."' Although Governor Hunter had emerged victorious, Colonel Coxe refused to pleased to have him on the council." It wasn't long, however, before the governor began to defend the Quakers from the incessant attacks upon them and sided with the proprietors in their efforts to prevent the continued peculation of their lands. Coxe, whose opposition to the Quakers was well known, was still in dispute with the London proprietors over his Jersey lands. Thus, on both counts-the Quakers and the land-Coxe and his friends declared war on the governor."' It quickly became a struggle for political survival. Hunter complained to Lon- don that unless Coxe and his friends were re- moved from office, there was no hope for peace and quiet in New Jersey."' Coxe retaliated, and among other charges he accused the governor of soliciting his removal because Coxe was a mem- ber of the Church of England." But the Queen sided with her governor and dismissed Coxe from the council on April 15, 1713.'" The colonel, his father, and brother Samuel, aided by the Anglican minister, the Reverend John Talbot, then endeavored to prevent the renewal of Hunter's commission as governor."' But they were prominent Tories, and any political influ- ence which the Coxe family may have had ended with the change in governments following the death of Queen Anne and the rise to power of the Whig party."' Although Governor Hunter had emerged victorious, Colonel Coxe refused to pleased to have him on the council.1" It wasn't long, however, before the governor began to defend the Quakers from the incessant attacks upon them and sided with the proprietors in their efforts to prevent the continued peculation of their lands. Coxe, whose opposition to the Quakers was well known, was still in dispute with the London proprietors over his Jersey lands. Thus, on both counts-the Quakers and the land-Core and his friends declared war on the governor."' It quickly became a struggle for political survival. Hunter complained to Lon- don that unless Coxe and his friends were re- moved from office, there was no hope for peace and quiet in New Jersey." Coxe retaliated, and among other charges he accused the governor of soliciting his removal because Coxe was a mem- ber of the Church of England." But the Queen sided with her governor and dismissed Coxe from the council on April 15, 1713.'" The colonel, his father, and brother Samuel, aided by the Anglican minister, the Reverend John Talbot, then endeavored to prevent the renewal of Hunter's commission as governor."' But they were prominent Tories, and any political influ- ence which the Coxe family may have had ended with the change in governments following the death of Queen Anne and the rise to power of the Whig party." Although Governor Hunter had emerged victorious, Colonel Coxe refused to  xlviii Introduction. xlviii Introduction. xlviii Introduction. concede defeat. Unable to continue influential in New Jersey politics as a member of the coun- cil, Colonel Coxe turned to the assembly. In 1714, much to Governor Hunter's chagrin, Coxe was elected to the assembly through the political support of the Swedish vote."" Before the next election and without any foundation, Coxe and his henchmen spread rumors that the governor was to be replaced. Apparently the fear that Coxe might be a favorite of the new governor, whoever that might be, produced a majority for Coxe's party in the spring election of 1715."* Hunter accused Coxe of using false suggestions and the rum bottle to secure his re- election and subsequent selection as speaker of the assembly. On the grounds that the voters had been deceived, Hunter dissolved the assembly, only to see Coxe re-elected and again chosen speaker on April 4, 1716. The governor then prorogued the assembly until May 7. Coxe and his friends refused to attend the May 7 meeting, and it was May 21 before Hunter managed to get a quorum. Coxe was again expelled and de- clared ineligible for re-election. But he was re- elected anyway, only to be expelled for the third time." This time Coxe circulated a petition for Hunter's removal. When the governor learned of it, he ordered Coxe's arrest. The council and the assembly also charged Coxe with disturbing the peace and forming a combination against the concede defeat. Unable to continue influential in New Jersey politics as a member of the coun- cil, Colonel Coxe turned to the assembly. In 1714, much to Governor Hunter's chagrin, Coxe was elected to the assembly through the political support of the Swedish vote * Before the next election and without any foundation, Coxe and his henchmen spread rumors that the governor was to be replaced. Apparently the fear that Coxe might be a favorite of the new governor, whoever that might be, produced a majority for Coxe's party in the spring election of 1715." Hunter accused Coxe of using false suggestions and the rum bottle to secure his re- election and subsequent selection as speaker of the assembly. On the grounds that the voters had been deceived, Hunter dissolved the assembly, only to see Coxe re-elected and again chosen speaker on April 4, 1716. The governor then prorogued the assembly until May 7. Coxe and his friends refused to attend the May 7 meeting, and it was May 21 before Hunter managed to get a quorum. Coxe was again expelled and de- clared ineligible for re-election. But he was re- elected anyway, only to be expelled for the third time."' This time Coxe circulated a petition for Hunter's removal. When the governor learned of it, he ordered Coxe's arrest. The council and the assembly also charged Coxe with disturbing the peace and forming a combination against the concede defeat. Unable to continue influential in New Jersey politics as a member of the coun- cil, Colonel Coxe turned to the assembly. In 1714, much to Governor Hunter's chagrin, Coxe was elected to the assembly through the political support of the Swedish vote.'* Before the next election and without any foundation, Coxe and his henchmen spread rumors that the governor was to be replaced. Apparently the fear that Coxe might be a favorite of the new governor, whoever that might be, produced a majority for Coxe's party in the spring election of 1715." Hunter accused Coxe of using false suggestions and the rum bottle to secure his re- election and subsequent selection as speaker of the assembly. On the grounds that the voters had been deceived, Hunter dissolved the assembly, only to see Coxe re-elected and again chosen speaker on April 4, 1716. The governor then prorogued the assembly until May 7. Coxe and his friends refused to attend the May 7 meeting, and it was May 21 before Hunter managed to get a quorum. Coxe was again expelled and de- clared ineligible for re-election. But he was re- elected anyway, only to be expelled for the third time."* This time Coxe circulated a petition for Hunter's removal. When the governor learned of it, he ordered Coxe's arrest. The council and the assembly also charged Coxe with disturbing the peace and forming a combination against the  Introduction. xlix Introduction. xlix government. Coxe fled to Pennsylvania and then to England."' During the next two years, Colonel Coxe and his father did their utmost to get Hunter re- placed as governor. The fight became so intense that rumors circulated that the colonel and his accomplices had even encouraged the governor's assassination. But, for all his efforts, Colonel Coxe did not succeed, and in February 1718 the Board of Trade wrote Governor Hunter that his troubles with Coxe were over.' The colonel remained in England for several additional years, during which time he assisted his father in efforts to revive the older Coxe's Carolana project. In 1723 Colonel Coxe was back in New Jer- sey. Two years later he was a candidate for the assembly from Burlington and, true to form, was again involved in controversy. Governor Wil- liam Burnet, Hunter's successor, accused the sheriff of Burlington of favoring Colonel Coxe against his Quaker opponent. The sheriff had moved the polling place to the edge of the county without the Quakers' consent and had kept the poll open for two weeks."2 Whatever the out- come of that election-it is not recorded-Coxe demonstrated his sense of survival when he be- came a member of the Council of Proprietors of West Jersey in 1728."" In 1734 confidence had been sufficiently restored in Coxe to secure his appointment as third judge of the provincial su- government. Coxe fled to Pennsylvania and then to England."'" During the next two years, Colonel Coxe and his father did their utmost to get Hunter re- placed as governor. The fight became so intense that rumors circulated that the colonel and his accomplices had even encouraged the governor's assassination. But, for all his efforts, Colonel Coxe did not succeed, and in February 1718 the Board of Trade wrote Governor Hunter that his troubles with Coxe were over."' The colonel remained in England for several additional years, during which time he assisted his father in efforts to revive the older Coxe's Carolana project. In 1723 Colonel Coxe was back in New Jer- sey. Two years later he was a candidate for the assembly from Burlington and, true to form, was again involved in controversy. Governor Wil- liam Burnet, Hunter's successor, accused the sheriff of Burlington of favoring Colonel Coxe against his Quaker opponent. The sheriff had moved the polling place to the edge of the county without the Quakers' consent and had kept the poll open for two weeks."' Whatever the out- come of that election-it is not recorded-Coxe demonstrated his sense of survival when he be- came a member of the Council of Proprietors of West Jersey in 1728."" In 1734 confidence had been sufficiently restored in Coxe to secure his appointment as third judge of the provincial su- Introduction. xlix government. Coxe fled to Pennsylvania and then to England."' During the next two years, Colonel Coxe and his father did their utmost to get Hunter re- placed as governor. The fight became so intense that rumors circulated that the colonel and his accomplices had even encouraged the governor's assassination. But, for all his efforts, Colonel Coxe did not succeed, and in February 1718 the Board of Trade wrote Governor Hunter that his troubles with Coxe were over."' The colonel remained in England for several additional years, during which time he assisted his father in efforts to revive the older Coxe's Carolana project. In 1723 Colonel Coxe was back in New Jer- sey. Two years later he was a candidate for the assembly from Burlington and, true to form, was again involved in controversy. Governor Wil- liam Burnet, Hunter's successor, accused the sheriff of Burlington of favoring Colonel Coxe against his Quaker opponent. The sheriff had moved the polling place to the edge of the county without the Quakers' consent and had kept the poll open for two weeks." Whatever the out- come of that election-it is not recorded-Coxe demonstrated his sense of survival when he be- came a member of the Council of Proprietors of West Jersey in 1728."' In 1734 confidence had been sufficiently restored in Coxe to secure his appointment as third judge of the provincial su-  I I  Introduction. Ii Introduction. Ii Provincial Grand Master of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. Coxe visited the Grand Lodge of England on January 29, 1731, and on that occasion his health was drunk as the "Pro- vincial Grand Master of 'North America.' " Extensive research by Masonic historians has failed to produce any record of Masonic activity by Colonel Coxe in America. It has been sug- gested that the lodge known to have existed in Philadelphia in 1732 may have been warranted through the provincial masonic authority of Col- onel Coxe. The same source seems to believe that Benjamin Franklin was made a Mason under the deputation to Daniel Coxe. In both cases there is nothing more than inference to Colonel Coxe's part in these events. The colonel's priority of ap- pointment as the first provincial grand master of Masons in America is the only fact we have re- garding his part in the history of masonry in the New World."' Colonel Coxe's animosity toward the Quakers has been registered, but he disliked the Roman Catholics even more. In 1715 he and his party in West Jersey encouraged the residents not to pay their taxes because the assessor was a Roman Catholic. The colonel considered it a betrayal to the crown and to all true Protestants for any Roman Catholic to hold an office of profit or trust. In 1716 when he refused to pay his taxes, his goods were seized and sold at public auction."' On the other hand, the colonel was a staunch Provincial Grand Master of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. Coxe visited the Grand Lodge of England on January 29, 1731, and on that occasion his health was drunk as the "Pro- vincial Grand Master of 'North America.' " Extensive research by Masonic historians has failed to produce any record of Masonic activity by Colonel Coxe in America. It has been sug- gested that the lodge known to have existed in Philadelphia in 1732 may have been warranted through the provincial masonic authority of Col- onel Coxe. The same source seems to believe that Benjamin Franklin was made a Mason under the deputation to Daniel Coxe. In both cases there is nothing more than inference to Colonel Coxe's part in these events. The colonel's priority of ap- pointment as the first provincial grand master of Masons in America is the only fact we have re- garding his part in the history of masonry in the New World."' Colonel Coxe's animosity toward the Quakers has been registered, but he disliked the Roman Catholics even more. In 1715 he and his party in West Jersey encouraged the residents not to pay their taxes because the assessor was a Roman Catholic. The colonel considered it a betrayal to the crown and to all true Protestants for any Roman Catholic to hold an office of profit or trust. In 1716 when he refused to pay his taxes, his goods were seized and sold at public auction."" On the other hand, the colonel was a staunch Introduction. i Provincial Grand Master of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. Coxe visited the Grand Lodge of England on January 29, 1731, and on that occasion his health was drunk as the "Pro- vincial Grand Master of 'North America.' " Extensive research by Masonic historians has failed to produce any record of Masonic activity by Colonel Coxe in America. It has been sug- gested that the lodge known to have existed in Philadelphia in 1732 may have been warranted through the provincial masonic authority of Col- onel Coxe. The same source seems to believe that Benjamin Franklin was made a Mason under the deputation to Daniel Coxe. In both cases there is nothing more than inference to Colonel Coxe's part in these events. The colonel's priority of ap- pointment as the first provincial grand master of Masons in America is the only fact we have re- garding his part in the history of masonry in the New World."' Colonel Coxe's animosity toward the Quakers has been registered, but he disliked the Roman Catholics even more. In 1715 he and his party in West Jersey encouraged the residents not to pay their taxes because the assessor was a Roman Catholic. The colonel considered it a betrayal to the crown and to all true Protestants for any Roman Catholic to hold an office of profit or trust. In 1716 when he refused to pay his taxes, his goods were seized and sold at public auction."" On the other hand, the colonel was a staunch  Iii Introduction. lii Introduction. Iii Introduction. defender and supporter of the Church of Eng- land. He was one of the first subscribers and incorporators of St. Mary's Church in Burling- ton. In 1723 the Reverend Mr. Talbot credited Coxe with doing his part in maintaining the Society house and property in Burlington. There is some question, however, about whether he gave 200 acres of his land for a glebe for a mis- sionary at Hopewell. In his will, written in 1737, he devised 100 acres for the use of the church at Maidenhead. His son, John, deeded the ground in Trenton where St. Michael's Church now stands."' Although the family's support was not extraordinary, they did make some contribution toward the growth and progress of the Anglican Church in New Jersey. Unlike his father, who left a well-marked trail of literature which stretched over a period of more than thirty years, Colonel Coxe did not exhibit much of a literary persistence. Over the years he penned or endorsed a number of peti- tions and memorials to the London Board of Trade, which more often than not took the form of polemics. No learned legal treatises or judicial opinions have survived, if, indeed, the colonel ever wrote any. He authored one short tract in defense of West Jersey's claim to the Island of Burlington in the Delaware River. It contained something of the social and economic import- ance of the island to the town of Burlington, but the piece was hardly more than a sketch."' But defender and supporter of the Church of Eng- land. He was one of the first subscribers and incorporators of St. Mary's Church in Burling- ton. In 1723 the Reverend Mr. Talbot credited Coxe with doing his part in maintaining the Society house and property in Burlington. There is some question, however, about whether he gave 200 acres of his land for a glebe for a mis- sionary at Hopewell. In his will, written in 1737, he devised 100 acres for the use of the church at Maidenhead. His son, John, deeded the ground in Trenton where St. Michael's Church now stands."' Although the family's support was not extraordinary, they did make some contribution toward the growth and progress of the Anglican Church in New Jersey. Unlike his father, who left a well-marked trail of literature which stretched over a period of more than thirty years, Colonel Coxe did not exhibit much of a literary persistence. Over the years he penned or endorsed a number of peti- tions and memorials to the London Board of Trade, which more often than not took the form of polemics. No learned legal treatises or judicial opinions have survived, if, indeed, the colonel ever wrote any. He authored one short tract in defense of West Jersey's claim to the Island of Burlington in the Delaware River. It contained something of the social and economic import- ance of the island to the town of Burlington, but the piece was hardly more than a sketch."" But defender and supporter of the Church of Eng- land. He was one of the first subscribers and incorporators of St. Mary's Church in Burling- ton. In 1723 the Reverend Mr. Talbot credited Coxe with doing his part in maintaining the Society house and property in Burlington. There is some question, however, about whether he gave 200 acres of his land for a glebe for a mis- sionary at Hopewell. In his will, written in 1737, he devised 100 acres for the use of the church at Maidenhead. His son, John, deeded the ground in Trenton where St. Michael's Church now stands."" Although the family's support was not extraordinary, they did make some contribution toward the growth and progress of the Anglican Church in New Jersey. Unlike his father, who left a well-marked trail of literature which stretched over a period of more than thirty years, Colonel Coxe did not exhibit much of a literary persistence. Over the years he penned or endorsed a number of peti- tions and memorials to the London Board of Trade, which more often than not took the form of polemics. No learned legal treatises or judicial opinions have survived, if, indeed, the colonel ever wrote any. He authored one short tract in defense of West Jersey's claim to the Island of Burlington in the Delaware River. It contained something of the social and economic import- ance of the island to the town of Burlington, but the piece was hardly more than a sketch."" But  liii Introduction. lia Introduction. liii Introduction. his obvious lack of literary experience proved no handicap for the production of Carolana. The colonel got along reasonably well under Governors Cornbury, Lovelace, and Ingoldsby, although the London proprietors were out to unseat him because of his clouded land titles. Considerable controversy arose over the legal and ethical manner by which Coxe and his ac- complices in the Cornbury Ring engrossed thou- sands of acres of the proprietors' lands. The col- onel found things extremely unfavorable during Hunter's administration, and the governor man- aged to oust Coxe from the council, the supreme court, and the assembly. The combined efforts of the Coxe family and friends to depose Hunter fell on barren ground. Little can be said in de- fense of the colonel's attitude toward the Quak- ers and Catholics, except that it was not uncom- mon to discover religious partisans at that time. As an Anglican he was a strong advocate and supporter of the established church. Although not completely devoid of controversy, condi- tions were far less difficult politically after Col- onel Coxe returned to New Jersey in 1723 than they had been prior to his departure for England in 1716.m'2 His deputation as the first provincial grand master of North American Masons indi- cates that his character was above reproach as far as his fellow brethern of the craft were con- cerned. Of his second appearance on the pro- vincial supreme court, one New Jersey historian his obvious lack of literary experience proved no handicap for the production of Carolana. The colonel got along reasonably well under Governors Cornbury, Lovelace, and Ingoldsby, although the London proprietors were out to unseat him because of his clouded land titles. Considerable controversy arose over the legal and ethical manner by which Coxe and his ac- complices in the Cornbury Ring engrossed thou- sands of acres of the proprietors' lands. The col- onel found things extremely unfavorable during Hunter's administration, and the governor man- aged to oust Coxe from the council, the supreme court, and the assembly. The combined efforts of the Coxe family and friends to depose Hunter fell on barren ground. Little can be said in de- fense of the colonel's attitude toward the Quak- ers and Catholics, except that it was not uncom- mon to discover religious partisans at that time. As an Anglican he was a strong advocate and supporter of the established church. Although not completely devoid of controversy, condi- tions were far less difficult politically after Col- onel Coxe returned to New Jersey in 1723 than they had been prior to his departure for England in 1716.'21 His deputation as the first provincial grand master of North American Masons indi- cates that his character was above reproach as far as his fellow brethern of the craft were con- cerned. Of his second appearance on the pro- vincial supreme court, one New Jersey historian his obvious lack of literary experience proved no handicap for the production of Carolana. The colonel got along reasonably well under Governors Cornbury, Lovelace, and Ingoldsby, although the London proprietors were out to unseat him because of his clouded land titles. Considerable controversy arose over the legal and ethical manner by which Coxe and his ac- complices in the Cornbury Ring engrossed thou- sands of acres of the proprietors' lands. The col- onel found things extremely unfavorable during Hunter's administration, and the governor man- aged to oust Coxe from the council, the supreme court, and the assembly. The combined efforts of the Coxe family and friends to depose Hunter fell on barren ground. Little can be said in de- fense of the colonel's attitude toward the Quak- ers and Catholics, except that it was not uncom- mon to discover religious partisans at that time. As an Anglican he was a strong advocate and supporter of the established church. Although not completely devoid of controversy, condi- tions were far less difficult politically after Col- onel Coxe returned to New Jersey in 1723 than they had been prior to his departure for England in 1716.121 His deputation as the first provincial grand master of North American Masons indi- cates that his character was above reproach as far as his fellow brethern of the craft were con- cerned. Of his second appearance on the pro- vincial supreme court, one New Jersey historian  liv liv Introduction.  Iv Introduction. Iv Introduction. l Introduction. gested such a division at the Mississippi River, with everything east of the river going to Brit- ain, except St. Augustinei' It will be recalled that in 1719 Dr. Coxe had recommended the Mississippi as the boundary, but between France and England, not between Spain and England. Because of the lack of cooperation on matters of defense among the British colonies in Amer- ica, Colonel Coxe recommended a colonial plan of union.12' This draft is often cited as one of the most important, if not the most important, fea- tures of the treatise because it was one of the earliest printed plans of union for the American colonies.' Although there is some similarity between them, it is an exaggeration to allege, as one Coxe partisan did, that Benjamin Franklin's Albany Plan of Union of 1754 was little more than a transcript of Coxe's plan."" Parts two and three are the text and appen- dix. The text presents an attractive picture of the Mississippi Valley and the region beyond it. The appendix consists of three parts: an extract of the charter granted by King Charles I to Sir Robert Heath, the Board of Trade's acknowl- edgment of Dr. Coxe's title to Carolana, and an abridged copy of Dr. Coxe's 1699 memorial."' The final part, the map, is similar in places to the 1718 map of Delisle and was obviously copied in part from that map"2' Coxe acknowl- edged Delisle's map to be the best of America recently published, but he called attention to the gested such a division at the Mississippi River, with everything east of the river going to Brit- ain, except St. Augustine."" It will be recalled that in 1719 Dr. Coxe had recommended the Mississippi as the boundary, but between France and England, not between Spain and England. Because of the lack of cooperation on matters of defense among the British colonies in Amer- ica, Colonel Coxe recommended a colonial plan of union."' This draft is often cited as one of the most important, if not the most important, fea- tures of the treatise because it was one of the earliest printed plans of union for the American colonies.'" Although there is some similarity between them, it is an exaggeration to allege, as one Coxe partisan did, that Benjamin Franklin's Albany Plan of Union of 1754 was little more than a transcript of Coxe's plan."' Parts two and three are the text and appen- dix. The text presents an attractive picture of the Mississippi Valley and the region beyond it. The appendix consists of three parts: an extract of the charter granted by King Charles I to Sir Robert Heath, the Board of Trade's acknowl- edgment of Dr. Coxe's title to Carolana, and an abridged copy of Dr. Coxe's 1699 memorial.'"' The final part, the map, is similar in places to the 1718 map of Delisle and was obviously copied in part from that map."' Coxe acknowl- edged Delisle's map to be the best of America recently published, but he called attention to the gested such a division at the Mississippi River, with everything east of the river going to Brit- ain, except St. Augustine.'" It will be recalled that in 1719 Dr. Coxe had recommended the Mississippi as the boundary, but between France and England, not between Spain and England. Because of the lack of cooperation on matters of defense among the British colonies in Amer- ica, Colonel Coxe recommended a colonial plan of union.2'8 This draft is often cited as one of the most important, if not the most important, fea- tures of the treatise because it was one of the earliest printed plans of union for the American colonies.'" Although there is some similarity between them, it is an exaggeration to allege, as one Coxe partisan did, that Benjamin Franklin's Albany Plan of Union of 1754 was little more than a transcript of Coxe's plan."" Parts two and three are the text and appen- dix. The text presents an attractive picture of the Mississippi Valley and the region beyond it. The appendix consists of three parts: an extract of the charter granted by King Charles I to Sir Robert Heath, the Board of Trade's acknowl- edgment of Dr. Coxe's title to Carolana, and an abridged copy of Dr. Coxe's 1699 memorial."' The final part, the map, is similar in places to the 1718 map of Delisle and was obviously copied in part from that map."52 Coxe acknowl- edged Delisle's map to be the best of America recently published, but he called attention to the  lvi Introduction. lvi Introduction. Ivi Introduction. limits assigned the English colonies on the map by this royal cartographer of France." The editors of the 1840 edition, taking into account the primitive state of geographical knowledge at the time, called it a well-executed map of as- tonishing accuracy." On the surface Carolana seems to have en- joyed considerable success. Between 1722 and 1940 seven editions of the volume were pub- lished. Clarence W. Alvord refers to a 1705 edition, but a thorough investigation has failed to produce it." From all evidence, it must be concluded that a volume that early never existed. The first edition appeared in 1722. George Wat- son Cole thought that it sold out and rather quickly went through several new editions.'" On the contrary, everything except the title pages in the three succeeding editions of 1726, 1727, and 1741, were from the 1722 printing. Thus, it was not a success. It did not sell out for nineteen years despite periodic efforts to adver- tise the original as a new edition."' Of the 1726 reprinting there is nothing to say. But an exami- nation of the 1727 issue shows that there were two different title-pages. Typographically they were nearly identical, but close examination re- veals that they were the result of different type settings."' In 1741 Carolana appeared as a part of A Collection of Voyages and Travels printed by Oliver Payne. Included were "The dangerous voyage of Capt. Thomas James in his intended discovery of a northwest passage into the South limits assigned the English colonies on the map by this royal cartographer of France.1" The editors of the 1840 edition, taking into account the primitive state of geographical knowledge at the time, called it a well-executed map of as- tonishing accuracy."' On the surface Carolana seems to have en- joyed considerable success. Between 1722 and 1940 seven editions of the volume were pub- lished. Clarence W. Alvord refers to a 1705 edition, but a thorough investigation has failed to produce it.' From all evidence, it must be concluded that a volume that early never existed. The first edition appeared in 1722. George Wat- son Cole thought that it sold out and rather quickly went through several new editions.1" On the contrary, everything except the title pages in the three succeeding editions of 1726, 1727, and 1741, were from the 1722 printing. Thus, it was not a success. It did not sell out for nineteen years despite periodic efforts to adver- tise the original as a new edition."' Of the 1726 reprinting there is nothing to say. But an exami- nation of the 1727 issue shows that there were two different title-pages. Typographically they were nearly identical, but close examination re- veals that they were the result of different type settings.'"" In 1741 Carolana appeared as a part of A Collection of Voyages and Travels printed by Oliver Payne. Included were "The dangerous voyage of Capt. Thomas James in his intended discovery of a northwest passage into the South limits assigned the English colonies on the map by this royal cartographer of France."" The editors of the 1840 edition, taking into account the primitive state of geographical knowledge at the time, called it a well-executed map of as- tonishing accuracy."' On the surface Carolana seems to have en- joyed considerable success. Between 1722 and 1940 seven editions of the volume were pub- lished. Clarence W. Alvord refers to a 1705 edition, but a thorough investigation has failed to produce it.'" From all evidence, it must be concluded that a volume that early never existed. The first edition appeared in 1722. George Wat- son Cole thought that it sold out and rather quickly went through several new editions."* On the contrary, everything except the title pages in the three succeeding editions of 1726, 1727, and 1741, were from the 1722 printing. Thus, it was not a success. It did not sell out for nineteen years despite periodic efforts to adver- tise the original as a new edition."' Of the 1726 reprinting there is nothing to say. But an exami- nation of the 1727 issue shows that there were two different title-pages. Typographically they were nearly identical, but close examination re- veals that they were the result of different type settings.'" In 1741 Carolana appeared as a part of A Collection of Voyages and Travels printed by Oliver Payne. Included were "The dangerous voyage of Capt. Thomas James in his intended discovery of a northwest passage into the South  Ivii Introduction. lvii Introduction. loui Introduction. Sea (in 1731-1632)," "An Authentick and par- ticular account of the taking of Carthagena by the French in 1697 by Sieur Pointis," and Colo- nel Coxe's Carolana.'* After a lapse of almost a century, Churchill and Harris published another edition in 1840. In their "Preface to the American Edition" the editors praised the book: it threw light on the history of the aborigines; after comparing its statistical data with other historical accounts, the preface claimed that the Mississippi Valley once teemed with Indians; Carolana could serve as a textbook for the original uncorrupted Indian names (they cited the Massourites-the Missouri -and the Meschacebe-the Mississippi-as ex- amples); and it showed the value and resources of the country beyond that of gold and silver. The products of the region could be used to produce a favorable balance of trade; commer- cial nations such as England and Holland would trade gold and silver for these products. The volume predicted the rise of King Cotton and, the editors pointed out, it was Tench Coxe, Col- onel Coxe's grandson, who played such an im- portant role in the development of America's cotton industry. This praise of Carolana by Churchill and Harris was motivated by their desire to achieve a better sales record than the earlier editions. Two later editions appeared. In 1850 B. F. French published the account without the pref- ace and appendix as part 2 of the Historical Col- Sea (in 1731-1632)," "An Authentick and par- ticular account of the taking of Carthagena by the French in 1697 by Sieur Pointis," and Colo- nel Coxe's Carolana."* After a lapse of almost a century, Churchill and Harris published another edition in 1840. In their "Preface to the American Edition" the editors praised the book: it threw light on the history of the aborigines; after comparing its statistical data with other historical accounts, the preface claimed that the Mississippi Valley once teemed with Indians; Carolana could serve as a textbook for the original uncorrupted Indian names (they cited the Massourites-the Missouri -and the Meschacebe-the Mississippi-as ex- amples); and it showed the value and resources of the country beyond that of gold and silver. The products of the region could be used to produce a favorable balance of trade; commer- cial nations such as England and Holland would trade gold and silver for these products. The volume predicted the rise of King Cotton and, the editors pointed out, it was Tench Coxe, Col- onel Coxe's grandson, who played such an im- portant role in the development of America's cotton industry. This praise of Carolana by Churchill and Harris was motivated by their desire to achieve a better sales record than the earlier editions. Two later editions appeared. In 1850 B. F. French published the account without the pref- ace and appendix as part 2 of the Historical Col- Sea (in 1731-1632)," "An Authentick and par- ticular account of the taking of Carthagena by the French in 1697 by Sieur Pointis," and Colo- nel Coxe's Carolana."* After a lapse of almost a century, Churchill and Harris published another edition in 1840. In their "Preface to the American Edition" the editors praised the book: it threw light on the history of the aborigines; after comparing its statistical data with other historical accounts, the preface claimed that the Mississippi Valley once teemed with Indians; Carolana could serve as a textbook for the original uncorrupted Indian names (they cited the Massourites-the Missouri -and the Meschacebe-the Mississippi-as ex- amples); and it showed the value and resources of the country beyond that of gold and silver. The products of the region could be used to produce a favorable balance of trade; commer- cial nations such as England and Holland would trade gold and silver for these products. The volume predicted the rise of King Cotton and, the editors pointed out, it was Tench Coxe, Col- onel Coxe's grandson, who played such an im- portant role in the development of America's cotton industry. This praise of Carolana by Churchill and Harris was motivated by their desire to achieve a better sales record than the earlier editions. Two later editions appeared. In 1850 B. F. French published the account without the pref- ace and appendix as part 2 of the Historical Col-  lviii Introduction. lviii Introduction. lections of Louisiana. And in 1940 the Sutro Branch of the California State Library issued a mimeographed reprint (Occasional Papers No. 11) sponsored by the Works Progress Admin- istration."" The facsimile copy of the 1722 edi- tion which follows this introduction makes a total of eight editions of Carolana. Since its first appearance over 250 years ago, Carolana has received attention from a wide variety of readers. In 1756 James Maury inti- mated that it had spurred Colonel Joshua Fry in his 1753 scheme of western exploration."' The anonymous author of An impartial enquiry into the right of the French King to the territory west of the great river Mississippi . .. (1762) acknowledged that he owed many of his facts to some authentic materials collected by Dr. Coxe. It is believed he was referring to Coxe's Carolana."2 Phineas Lyman wrote in 1766 that Coxe's imperfect description of the South Seas, which he must have obtained from others, should not prejudice acceptance of those parts of his book of which he had knowledge."' In London in 1768 there appeared The present state of the British empire in Europe, America, Africa and Asia. Since Florida was a new acquisition of the British Empire, more space was allotted to it than to any of the other colonies. The author, thought to have been J. Goldsmith, included material on the Coxes' interest in Florida (Caro- lana).'" The History of North America . . . lections of Louisiana. And in 1940 the Sutro Branch of the California State Library issued a mimeographed reprint (Occasional Papers No. 11) sponsored by the Works Progress Admin- istration."' The facsimile copy of the 1722 edi- tion which follows this introduction makes a total of eight editions of Carolana. Since its first appearance over 250 years ago, Carolana has received attention from a wide variety of readers. In 1756 James Maury inti- mated that it had spurred Colonel Joshua Fry in his 1753 scheme of western exploration."' The anonymous author of An impartial enquiry into the right of the French King to the territory west of the great river Mississippi .. . (1762) acknowledged that he owed many of his facts to some authentic materials collected by Dr. Coxe. It is believed he was referring to Coxe's Carolana."2 Phineas Lyman wrote in 1766 that Coxe's imperfect description of the South Seas, which he must have obtained from others, should not prejudice acceptance of those parts of his book of which he had knowledge."" In London in 1768 there appeared The present state of the British empire in Europe, America, Africa and Asia. Since Florida was a new acquisition of the British Empire, more space was allotted to it than to any of the other colonies. The author, thought to have been J. Goldsmith, included material on the Coxes' interest in Florida (Caro- lana)."* The History of North America . . . lviii Introduction. lections of Louisiana. And in 1940 the Sutro Branch of the California State Library issued a mimeographed reprint (Occasional Papers No. 11) sponsored by the Works Progress Admin- istration." The facsimile copy of the 1722 edi- tion which follows this introduction makes a total of eight editions of Carolana. Since its first appearance over 250 years ago, Carolana has received attention from a wide variety of readers. In 1756 James Maury inti- mated that it had spurred Colonel Joshua Fry in his 1753 scheme of western exploration."' The anonymous author of An impartial enquiry into the right of the French King to the territory west of the great river Mississippi . . . (1762) acknowledged that he owed many of his facts to some authentic materials collected by Dr. Coxe. It is believed he was referring to Coxe's Carolana.' Phineas Lyman wrote in 1766 that Coxe's imperfect description of the South Seas, which he must have obtained from others, should not prejudice acceptance of those parts of his book of which he had knowledge."' In London in 1768 there appeared The present state of the British empire in Europe, America, Africa and Asia. Since Florida was a new acquisition of the British Empire, more space was allotted to it than to any of the other colonies. The author, thought to have been J. Goldsmith, included material on the Coxes' interest in Florida (Caro- lana)."' The History of North America . . .  lix Introduction. lix Introduction. lix Introduction. (1776) discussed British claims to Florida and devoted nineteen pages to the activities of the two Coxes.'" It is of interest to note that Thomas Jefferson, whose concern for the West was well known, owned a copy of Coxe's Carolana.'" In 1816 the North American Review called Caro- lana "a crude performance, drawn from various journals and voyages, to impress the publick with the great importance of the region de- scribed, and to make them jealous of its occupa- tion by the French.""' About Dr. Coxe's title to Carolana, the same author concluded, "Probably there is no other instance on record of any pri- vate individual pretending to such an extensive property."'" Jared Sparks, distinguished early nineteenth-century editor and historian, was es- pecially critical of Dr. Coxe's memorial ap- pended to Carolana. Sparks could not find any supporting evidence for some of Dr. Coxe's expeditions, especially his tales of discoveries to the northwest. As a result, Sparks wrote "we are disposed to doubt all Dr. Coxe's statement rela- tive to English travellers upon the Mississippi.""" Since Sparks, many historians and bibliophiles writing about the early western explorations have seen fit to mention the volume. If for no other reason than the continued attention de- voted to it, Colonel Coxe's Carolana has earned its niche in the literature of the colonial history of America. On the other hand, if we judge the book on (1776) discussed British claims to Florida and devoted nineteen pages to the activities of the two Coxes."' It is of interest to note that Thomas Jefferson, whose concern for the West was well known, owned a copy of Coxe's Carolana.'" In 1816 the North American Review called Caro- lana "a crude performance, drawn from various journals and voyages, to impress the publick with the great importance of the region de- scribed, and to make them jealous of its occupa- tion by the French.""' About Dr. Coxe's title to Carolana, the same author concluded, "Probably there is no other instance on record of any pri- vate individual pretending to such an extensive property.""" Jared Sparks, distinguished early nineteenth-century editor and historian, was es- pecially critical of Dr. Coxe's memorial ap- pended to Carolana. Sparks could not find any supporting evidence for some of Dr. Coxe's expeditions, especially his tales of discoveries to the northwest. As a result, Sparks wrote "we are disposed to doubt all Dr. Coxe's statement rela- tive to English travellers upon the Mississippi.""" Since Sparks, many historians and bibliophiles writing about the early western explorations have seen fit to mention the volume. If for no other reason than the continued attention de- voted to it, Colonel Coxe's Carolana has earned its niche in the literature of the colonial history of America. On the other hand, if we judge the book on (1776) discussed British claims to Florida and devoted nineteen pages to the activities of the two Coxes.'" It is of interest to note that Thomas Jefferson, whose concern for the West was well known, owned a copy of Coxe's Carolana."' In 1816 the North American Review called Caro- lana "a crude performance, drawn from various journals and voyages, to impress the publick with the great importance of the region de- scribed, and to make them jealous of its occupa- tion by the French."'"' About Dr. Coxe's title to Carolana, the same author concluded, "Probably there is no other instance on record of any pri- vate individual pretending to such an extensive property.""* Jared Sparks, distinguished early nineteenth-century editor and historian, was es- pecially critical of Dr. Coxe's memorial ap- pended to Carolana. Sparks could not find any supporting evidence for some of Dr. Coxe's expeditions, especially his tales of discoveries to the northwest. As a result, Sparks wrote "we are disposed to doubt all Dr. Coxe's statement rela- tive to English travellers upon the Mississippi."'" Since Sparks, many historians and bibliophiles writing about the early western explorations have seen fit to mention the volume. If for no other reason than the continued attention de- voted to it, Colonel Coxe's Carolana has earned its niche in the literature of the colonial history of America. On the other hand, if we judge the book on  Ix Introduction. !x Introduction. Ix Introduction. whether it accomplished its primary objective to revive the Carolana project; it failed. The Coxe family continued to hold title to Carolana until 1769. In that year Daniel Coxe V and the other heirs surrendered their title to Carolana to the crown in exchange for a grant of 100,000 acres of land in New York. It was within this grant that Cox's Manor, Coxboro, and Carolana were established in honor of the family name and the province which Dr. Coxe and Colonel Coxe worked so diligently to colonize.''' WILIAM S. COKER. whether it accomplished its primary objective to revive the Carolana project; it failed. The Coxe family continued to hold tidle to Carolana until 1769. In that year Daniel Coxe V and the other heirs surrendered their title to Carolana to the crown in exchange for a grant of 100,000 acres of land in New York. It was within this grant that Cox's Manor, Coxboro, and Carolana were established in honor of the family name and the province which Dr. Coxe and Colonel Coxe worked so diligently- to colonize.'"' WILLIAM S. COKER. whether it accomplished its primary objective to revive the Carolana project; it failed. The Coxe family continued to hold title to Carolana until 1769. In that year Daniel Coxe V and the other heirs surrendered their title to Carolana to the crown in exchange for a grant of 100,000 acres of land in New York. It was within this grant that Cox's Manor, Coxboro, and Carolana were established in honor of the family name and the province which Dr. Coxe and Colonel Coxe worked so diligently to colonize.'"' WILLIAM S. COKER. University of Whest Florida. University of West Florida. University of West Florida. NOTES. NOTES. NOTES. 1. Hereinafter cited as Carolana. 2. G. D. Scull, "Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe, of Loodon," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 (1883): 317-18. 3. Ibid., p. 318. 4. John E. Pomfret, Colonial New Jersey (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973), p. 61. 5. Gabriel Thwos, An istorical and Geographical Ac- count of the Province and Country osf Pensilvenia, and of West-.New-Jersey in America... (Lonon, 1698), also pub- lished in Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware, 1630-1707, ed. Albert Cook Myers (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1919), pp. 34647; Justin Winsor, ed., Narra- tisve and Critical History of Amnerica (New York: AMS Press, 1967), 3:442; Scull. "Cone," pp. 324-25, 327; Pomfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 46, 61-62. 1. Hereinafter cited as Carolana. 2. G. D. Scull, "Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Core, of Loodon," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 (1883): 317-18. 3. Ibid., p. 318. 4. Johno E. Pomsfret, Colonaial New Jersey (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973), p. 61. 5. Gabriel TLhosoas, An Historiral and Geographical Ac- count of the Province and Country of Pesilvania, and of West-New-Jersey in America... (London. 1698), also pub- lished in Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware, 16309-1 707, ed. Albert Cook Myers (New- York: Barnes & Noble, 1959), pp. 346-47; Justin Wmnsr, ed., Narra- tive and Critical History of America (New York: AMS Press, 1967), 3:442; Scull, "Coxe," pp. 324-25, 327; Ponmfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 46, 61-62. 1. Hereinafter cited as Carolasa. 2. G. D. Scull, "Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe, of London," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 (1883): 317-18. 3. Ibid., p. 318. 4. John E. Pomsfret, Colonial New Jersey (New York; Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973), p. 61. 5. Gabriel Thomsas, An Historical and Geographical Ac- count of the Province and Country of Pensil-aia, and of West-New-Jersey in America . .. (London 1698), also pub- lished in Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware, 163 0-1 707, ed. Albert Conk Mvers (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1919), pp. 346-47; Justin Wisor ed., Narra- nive and Critical History of America (New= York; AMS Press, 1967), 3:442; Scull, "Cone," pp. 324-25, 327; Pomsfret, Colaonial N.J., pp. 46. 61-62.  lxi Introduction. lxi Introduction. 1xi Introduction. 6. Pomfret, Colonial N.J, pp. 62-63, 94-95, 160; Scull, "Coxe," p. 325; Francis Barley Lee New Jersey as a Colony asnd as a State: One of the Original Thirteen (New York: Pub- lishing Society of New Jersey, 1902). 1:168-69; Journal of the Cononissioners for Trade and Plantations fronm Januay 1722 to December 12t (London: HM Stationery Office, 1928), pp. 440-42, 438-39. 7. "Nores and Queries," Pennsylvania Magazine of Hisory and Bliography 5 (1881): 114-16; Scull, "Cone," p.324; Justin Winaor, 'The Sn'aggle sn America betwseen Egadand France, 1697-1763 (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Preas 1995), p. 46. 8. Scull, "Con,," pp. 327-29. 9. Clarence Walworth Alvord and Lee Bidgood, The First Explorations of the Transr-Allegheny region by the Virginians, 1650-474 (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1912), p. 212n184. Although Dr. Coxe made -ln to go to America and the Board of Trade drafted insructions for him to do an in 1693, he never made the voyage, Calendar of State P'apers, Colonial, America and West Indies, 1693, no. 138, p. 36 (hereinafter cited as CSPA WI); Scull, "Coxe," p. 325. 10, Pomfret. Colonial N.J, pp. 48, 62; Lee. Now Jertey, 3:60. 11. Scull, "Cone," p. 327; Pomafret, Colonial N.J., p. 62; Thomas, West Jersey, p. 32. 12. CSP'AWI, 1696, no. 108, p. 54. 13. Stull, "Cone," pp. 326-29. 14. Vetner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Preas, 1964), p. 50. The Lords of Trade became the Board of Trade in 1696 and will hereafter he referired to as the Board of Trade. 15. Pomfret, Colonial N.J., p. 62; Lee, News Jersey, 1:167; Scull, "Coxe," p. 125. 'The dare of sala varies fronm March 4, 1691 to March 4, 1691; are Scull. For much on Dr. Coxe and Ease and West Jersey see John E. Pomfret, The Province of West News Jersey, 1609-1702: A History of the Origins of an American Colony (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956); The Province of Eant Ne Jersey, 1609-1702: The Re- bellious Proprietary (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962). 16. CSPA WI, 1692, no. 2, 467, pp. 701-2; W. L. Grant and James Murn, eda., Acts of Privy Couoncil of England, Colonial Series, 1680-1720 (London: H4MS Office, 1910; reprinted., Nendeln, Liechtenstein, Kraus Reprint 1966), 2:107, 193-95. 17. CSPA WI, 1697, no. 620, p. 318; Scull, "Cone," pp. 323-. 24; Justin Winsor reviewed the intercolonial congresses and plans of union but failed to mention this 1697 recommendation, Narie Hisory, 5:611. 6. Pomfret, Colonial N.J. pp. 62-63, 94-95, 160; Scull, "Cone," p. 325; Francis Barley Lee, News Jersey at a Colony and as a State: One of the Original Thirteen (New York: Pub- lishing Society of New Jersey, 1902), 1:168-69; Jotarual of the Comnmissioners for Trade and Plantations from Jaesery 1722 to D~ecenmber 1721 (London: HMd Stationery Office, 1928), pp. 440-42, 438-39. 7. "Nores and Queries," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Bilography 5 (1881): 114-16; Scuill, "Cone," p. 324; Justin Wmnsor, The Struggle in America between England and France, 1697-1763 (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 18995), p. 46. 8. Scull, "Cone," pp. 327-29. 9. Clarence Walworth Alvord and Lee Bidgood, The First Exp~lorations of the Trans-Allegheny region by the Virginians,. 1650-1674 (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1912), p. 2320194. Although Dr. Coat made plans to go to America and the. Board of Trade drafted instructions for him to do an in 1693, he never made the voae Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, Amserica and West Indiles, 1693, no. 138, p. 36 (hereinafter cited as CSPAWI); Scull, "Coxe," p. 323. 10. Psomfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 48, 62; Lee. News Jersey, 3:60. 11. Scull, "Coxe," p. 327; Pomafret, Colonial N.J., p, 62; Thomas, West Jersey, p. 352. 12. CSP'AWI, 1696. no. 108, p. 54. 13. Scull, "Cone," pp. 328-29. 14. Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Preas, 1964), p. 50. The Lords of Trade became the Board of Trade in 1696 and will hereafter he referred to as the Board of Trade. 15. Pomfret, Colonial N.J., p. 62; Lee, Netw Jersey. 1:167; Scull, "Coxe," p. 325. The date of sale varies from March 4, 1691 to March 4, 3693; see Scull. For much on Dr. Coat and East and West Jeraey see John E. Pomofret, The Province of West News Jersey, 1609-1702: A History of the Origins of an American Colony (Princeton: Princeton University Pes 1956); The Province of Est News Jersey, 1609-1702: The Re- bellious Proprietary (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962). 16. CSPA WI, 1692, no. 2, 467, pp. 701-2; W. L. Grant and Janmes Munro, eds, Aces of Privy Council of England, Colonial Series, 1680-1720 (London: HMS O0fice, 1910; reprintead., Nendeln, Liechtenstein, K(raus Reprint. 1966), 2:107, 193-95. 17. CSPA WI, 1697, no. 620, p. 318; Scull, "Coxe," pp. 321- 24,Justin Winsoc reviewed the interolonlal congresses and pl ans of union but failed to mention this 1697 recommendation, 6, Pomfret. Colonial N.J. pp. 62-63, 94-95, 160; Scull, "Cone," p. 325; Francis Barley Lee, New Jersey as a Colony and as a State: One of the Original Thirteen (New York: Pub- lishiasg Society of New Jersey, 1902), 1:168-69; Journal of the Contissioners for Trade and Plantations from Janueary 1722 to Dcembsler 1725 (London: HIM Stationery Office, 1929), pp. 440-42, 439-39. 7. "Notes and Queries," Pensaylvania Magazine of History and iography 5 (1991): 114-16; Scull, "Cone," p. 324; Justin Winsr, The Struggle in Amnerica between England and France, 1697-1763 (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1895), p. 46. 8. Scull, "Cone," pp. 327-29. 9. Clarence Walworth Alvord and Lee Bidgood, The First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny region by the Virginians, 1650-1674 (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1912), p. 232n184. Although Dr. Coat made plans to go to America and the Board of Trade drafted instructions for him to do an in 1693, he never made the voyage, Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and West Indies, 1693, no. 138, p. 36 (hereinafter cited as CSPA WI); Scull, "Coxe," p. 325. 10. Pomfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 48, 62; Lee. News Jersey, 3:60. 11. Scull, "Cone," p. 327; Pomafret, Colonial N.J., p. 62; Thomas, West Jersey, p. 352. 12. CSPA WI, 1696, no. 108, p. 54. 13. Scull, "Cone," pp. 328-29. 14. Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ansn Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1964), p. 50. The Lords of Trade becamec the Board of Trade in 1696 and will hereafter he referred to as the Board of Trade. 15. Pomfreet, Colonial N.J., p. 62; Lee, Ness Jersey, 1:167; Scull, "Cone," p. 325. The date of sale varies fronm March 4, 1691 to March 4, 1693; see Scull. For much on Dr. Cone and East and West Jersey me John E. Pomfret, The Province of West New Jersey, 1609-1702: A History of the Origins of an American Colony (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956); The Province of East Ness Jersey, 1609-1702: The Re- bellious Proprietary (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1962). 16. CSPA WI, 1692, no. 2. 467, ppp. 701-2; W. L. Grant and Junms Munro, eds., Acts of Privy Council of England, Colonial Series, 1680-13720 (London: HMS Office, 1910; reprint ed,. Nendelo, Liechtenstein: K~rams Reprint, 1966), 2:107, 193-95. 17. CSPA WI, 1697, no. 620, p. 318; Scull, "Cone," pp. 323- 24;, Jmstin Win-o reviewed rise intercolonial congresses and plans of union but failed to mention this 1697 reconmnendation, Nasrative History, 5:611.  Ixii Introduction. kxii Introduction. Ixii Introduction. no. 282, p. 187; Grant and Munro, Acts 18, CSPAIWI, 1702, no. 282, p. 187; Grant and Munro, Acts 18. CSPA WI, 1702, no. 282, p. 187; Grant and Munro. Acts 1702-4, 2;196-98; Scull, "Cole," p. 324. of the Prisvy Council, 1702-4, 2: 195-98; Scull, '"Cos." p. 324. of the Privy Countcil, 1702-4, 2: 196-98; Scull, "~Cose,- p. 324. p. 318; Winsor, Struggle, p. 46; Crane, 19. Scull, "Cone," p. 318; Winsor, Struggle, p. 46; Crane, 19, Scull, 'Coxt,; p. 318; Winsor, Struggle, p. 46; Crane, 50I.Southern Frontier, pp. 50-51. Souther Frontin', pp. 50-51. ttnling, The Southeast in Early Maps 20. W-illiam P. Carusng, The Southeast in Early Maps 20. Wkilliam P. Cumuning, The Southeast in Early Maps d;ty of North Carulina Press, 1958), p. 25. (Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1958), p. 25. (Chapel Hill; University- of North Carolina Prtss, 1958), p. 25. AS atlas of the Atlantic coast. 21. See any detailed atlas of the Atlantic coast. 21. See soy detailed atlas of the Atlantic coast. e Bo~lton and Marv Russ, The Debatable 22. Herbeer Eugene Bllston and Mary Ross, The Debastabsle 22. Herber Eugene Bolton and MacRoss, The Dlebatable e Astglo-Spanslish Contest for the Georgia Land: A Sketch of the Anglot-Spanish Contest for the Georgia Land: A Sketch of the Anglo-Spanish Contest for the Georgia Russell & Russell, 1968), pp. 69-70, 108- Country (New York; Russell & Russell, 1968), pp. 69-70, 108- Country (New York: Russell &. Russell, 1968), pp. 69-70, 108- 10. 10. n Frontier, p. 58; Scull, "Coxe," pp. 323- 23. Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 58; Scull, °Coxe," pp. 323- 23. Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 58; Scull, °Coxe," pp. 323- 24. 24.  Introdluction. Lxiii Introduction. lxiii Introduction. lxiii d., Documrnts Relating to the Early His- 35. J. B. Tyrrell, ed., Documrents Relating to the Early His- 35. J. B. Tyrrell, ed., Doct ments Relating to the Early His- (To.onto Chamiplalin Society, 1931; re- tory of Hudsost Bay (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1931; ro- tory of Hudson Bay (Tornto: Chamsplain Society, 1931; re- Greenwood Press, 1968), p. 400. From print ed., New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p. 400. From print ed., New Forks: Greenwood Press, 1968), p. 400. From csanme flund who sailed for Dr. Coxe in all evidence this is the samte floid who sailed for Dr. Coxe in all evidenlce this is the samse Bonsd who sailed for Dr. Cone in 1698. 1698. ns Frontier, pp. 56-57; Alvord, First Ex- 36. Crane, Souatiers Frontier, pp. 56-57; Alvord, First Ex-. 36. Crane, Southsera Frontier, pp. 56-57; Alvord, First Ex- ploration, pp. 246-47. ploration, pp. 246-47. and Frencb Rivalry; Weddle, Wildersess 37. Dunni, Spanish and French Rivalry; Weddle, Wilderness 37. Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry; Weddle, Wilderss Manhuant. Manhutnt. u Frontier, pp. 56-57; Alvord, First Ex- 38. Crane, Sonthsern Frontier, pp. 56-57; Alvord, First En- 38. Crane, Soutsern Frontier, psp. 56-37; Alvord, First Ex- ploration, pp. 246-48. ploration, pp. 246-48. *no. 124. p. 69. 39. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 124, p. 69. 39. CSPAWI, 1700, no. 124, p. 69. n Frontier, p. 57; Alvord, First Explora- 40. Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 57; Alvord, First Explora- 40. Crane, Southera Frontier, p. 57; Alvord, First Explora- 'oe"p. 319. tion. p. 244; Scull, "Cone," p. 319. tin, p. 244; Scull, "Coxe," p. 319. lillard MctWillianms, 'Iberville st the Bird- 41. Richebourg Gaillard eMeWllisms, "iberville at the Bird- 41. Richebourg Gaillard McWilliams, "iberviLle at tie Bird- Discovery of the Missisppi River," in foot Subdelts: Final Discovery of the Mississippi River," in foot Subhdelta: Final Discovery of the M~ississippi River," in -b Ways intshe Missssisppi Valley, John Frenchman and French Ways in the Mississippi Valley, John Frenchmten and French Ways in the Misissipp Valley, John d. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Francis Mcllerinott, ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Pres, Frantis .Mcfleriott, ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, .le, "Pontchartrain," p. 190. 1969), pp. 127-40s, Role, "Pootcheronin," p. 190. 1969), pp. 127-40; Role, "Pontehartrain," p. 190. ,osth Alvord and Clarence Edwin Car- 42. Clarence 'Walworth Alhord and Clarence Edwin Car- 42. Clarence 'Walworths Alvord and C~larence E~dwin Caer- Regime, 1765-1767 (Springfield: Illinsis tot, eds., The Neu Regimie, 1765-1767 (Springfield: Illinois ter, eds., Thse New Reginie, 1765-1767 (Springfield: Illinois ry, 1916), pp. 402, 415-18. State Historical Library, 1916), pp. 402, 415-18. State Historical Library, 1916), pp. 402, 415-18. ns Frontier, p. 57; Marcel Giraud, A 43. Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 57; Marcel Giraud, A 43. Crane, Southerns Frontier, p. 57; Marce Girauid, A nisisiana (Baro Rouge; Louislana Stare History of French Loueisiana (Blaton Rouge: Louisina Stare History of Frencph Louisiana (Blaton Rouge Louisiana State 3), 1:80; Wisn, Struggle, pp. 45-46; University Press, 1933), 1:80; Winsor, Strsaggle, pp. 45-46; University Press, 1533), 1:80; Winsor, Striule, p p. 45-46; 'isrory, 5:20; Alvord, First Expsloration,. Winsor, Narrative History, 3:20; Alvord, First Exploration,. Winsor, Narrative History, 3:20; Alvord, First Exploration, id's encounter with Blienville could net p p. 233nl84, 244, Blond's encounter with Bienville eould net pp. 233n]84, 244. Bond's encounter with Bliensville coulid not surprise to Iberville, who wrote before have boe much of a surprise to Iberville, who wrote before have bee much of a surprise to Iherville, who wrote before it that he know tho English were on the he learned of the event that he knew the English were on the he learned of the event that ho knew the English were on tels a; Iberville to Monsieur Tonenart, La west coast of Florida; Iberv-ille to Monsieur Tonenart, La west coast of Florida; Iberville to Monsieur Touear, La 1699, original in Pierre LeMoyne Iber- Rochelle October 13 169 orgnli Pierre LeMoyneIbier- Rochelle, Ocetober 13, 1699, original in Pierre LeMoyne Ier- Collection. Chicago Historical Society. ville folder, Gunther Collection, Chicago Historical Soity. ville folder. Gunther Collection, Chicago HistoricalSoiw Louisiana, 1:39-41, esp. 40.29 on Inca- 44. Giraud, French Louisiana, 1:39-41, esp. 40029 en ioca- 44. Giraud, French Louiiansa, 1:39-41, esp. 40n29 en Inca- "Pontchartrain," p. 191. tion of the fort; Rule, "Pantchartrain," p. 191. tion of the fort, Rule, '"Pontchartrain," p. 191. no. 124, p. 69. 45. CSPA WI, 17010, no. 124, p. 69. 45. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 124, p. 69. :nploration, p. 247, 46. Alvord, First Exploration, p. 247, 464 Alvord, First Exploratioan, p. 247. no. 127, p. 70. 47. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 127, p. 70. 47. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 127, p. 70. use History, 5:20. 48. Winsor, Narrative History, 5:20. 48. Winsor, Narrative History, 5:20. 'Early French Travellers in the West," 49. Jared Sparks, 'Early French Travellers ins the West," 49. Jared Sparks, 'Early French "Travellers in the West," owv 48 (1819): 102. North American Review 48 (1839): 102. North American Reviess 48 (1839): 192. rte, Noew Regisne, pp. 405-21. 50. Alvord and Carter, Netw Reglime, pp. 405-21. 50. Alvord and Carter, Nets Regimse, pp. 405-21. 1 Cone," p. 261. 51. Melvin, "Daniel Co," p. 261. 51. Melvin, "Daniel Coxe" p. 261. iTravellers," p. 102. 52. Spaks, "French Travellers,' p. 102. 52. Sparks, "French Travellers," p. 102. ,no. 953, ps. 317, no. 1012, pp. 57840; 53. CSPAW1, 1699, no. 953, p. 517, no. 1082, pp. 578-80; 53. CSP'AWL, 1699, no. 953, p. 517, no. 1082, pp. 578-80; Nov. 13, 1699, SF 44/238: 363-.65, Public Petition of Dr. Cone, Nov. 13, 1699, SP 44/238: 363-63 , Public Petition of Dr. Cone, Nov. 13, 1699, SP 44/238: 363-65, Public ii Record Office, London. Record Office, London. no. 967, pp. 522-26. 54. CSPA WI, 1699, no. 967, pp. 522-26. 54. CSPA WI, 1699, no. 967, pp. 522-26. no. 1082, pp. 37840. 55. CSP'AWI, 1699, no. 1082, pp. 578-80. 55. CSFA WI. 1699, no. 1082, pp. 578-80.  lxiv Introduction. lxiv Introduction. Introduction. 56. Co.e. Carol-ss, pp. is-vi. 57. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 2, p. 1. 58. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 56, p. 37. 59. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 18, pp. 22-23, no. 20, p. 24. 60. CSPAWI, 1700, no. 124, p. 69. 61. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 127, p. 71, no. 132, p. 73; Baird, Huguenot Emigration, 2:179-00. 62. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 146. pp. 75-76; see Baird, Huguenot. Emigrarion, 2:177-78, on the location in Norfolk County. 63. CSPA WI, 1700, nos. 1919, 200, 201, p. 113; see also no. 263. p. 140, no. 306, p. 156. 64. CSPAWI, 1700. no. 739 XIII, pp. 501-2; Becu, "Coxe,"~ p. 321; Baird, Huaguenot Emairatn, 2:176, 179. 65. CSPA WI, 1700 no. 681, pp. 448-50, no. 681 XI, pp. 456-57, no. 704, pp. 472-73; Richard L. ,Morton, Colonial Vir- ginia (Chl Hill Unaiversity of North Carolina Press, 1960), 1:367-68; Scull, "Coxe," pp. 321-23; Baird, Huguaenor Emigra- tion, 2:176-77. 66. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 739 V, p. 498. 67. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 739, p. 497. 68. Crane, Sourherna Frontier, pp. 82-83. 69. Ibid., pp. 59, 224-25; CSPA WI, 1719, no, 323, p. 174. 70. CSPAWI, 1719, no. 349, p. 186; Alvord, First Explora- tion, pp. 23149; see Melvin, "Daniel Coxe," pp. 257-62 for a critique of the copy of Coxe's 1719 memorial in Alvord, Firsr Exploration, pp. 231-49. 71. Alvord, First Exploration, pp. 248-49. 72. Melvin, "Daniel Cone," pp. 258-6; Crane, Soutrher; Frontier, p. 226. 73. Melvin, "Daniel Coe," p. 260. 74. Ibid., pp. 260-61. 75. Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 50, 19-60. 76. Scull, "Coxe," p. 326; Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:82-83; Hanmilton Schoyler, History of St. Mliebael's Church, Trenton, 1703-1926 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1926), p. 359; Charles P. Keith, "Andrew Allen, Pennsylvania Magazine of Hisrory and Biography 10 (1886): 364. 77. CSPA WI, 1701, nos. 745i, 745ii, 745iii, pp. 420-22, no. 1083, p. 681. 78. Pomafret, Colonial N.J., p. 87. 79. CSPA WI, 1702, noa. 806, 806i, p. 500, no. 834, p. 518, nos. 928, 928i, pp. 571-72, no. 932, pp. 574-75. 80. Collections of the Neew Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; Robert K. Turner, Jr., "Cones A Description of Carolana (1722-1741)," in Studies in Bibliography, Frtdaon Bowers, ed. 56. Cone, Corolana, pp. iv-vi. 57. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 2, p. 1. 58. CSPAWI, 1700, no. 56, p. 37. 59. CS.PA WI, 1700. no. 10, pp. 22-23, no. 20, p. 24. 60. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 124, p. 69. 61. CSP'AWI, 1700, nso. 127, p. 71, no. 132, p. 73; Baird, Huguenot Emigration, 2:179-00. 62. CSPAWI, 1700, no. 146, pp. 75-76; see Baird, Huguaenot Emigration, 2:177-78, on the location in Norfolk County. 63. CSPA WI, 1700, nos. 1919, 200, 201, p. 113; see also no, 263, p. 140, no. 306, p. 156. 64. CSPAWI, 1700, no. 739 X111, pp. 501-2; Scull, "Cone," p. 321; Baird, Htaguenos Emtigraton, 2:176, 179. 65. CSPA WI, 1700 no. 681, pp. 448-50, no. 681 XIpp. 450-57, no. 704, pp. 472-73; Richard L. Morton, Colonial Vir- ginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960), 1:367-68; Scull, "Cone," pp. 321-23; Baird, Huguaenot Emigra- tion, 2:176-77. 66. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 739 VT, p. 498. 67. CSPA WI, 1700, en,. 739, p. 497. 68. Crane, Soutrhern Frontier, pp. 82483. 69. Ibid., p. 59, 224-25; CSPA WI, 1719, no. 323. p. 174. 70. C~SPA WI, 1719, no. 349, p. 186; Alvord, Firss Explora- tion, pp. 231-49; see Melvin, "Daniel Cone," pp. 257-62 for a critique of the copy of Coxe's 1719 memorial in Alvord, Firt-s Exploration, pp. 231-49. 71. Alvord, First Explorasion, pp. 248-49. 72. Melvin, "Daniel Cone," pp. 258-60; Crane, Souether; Frontier, p. 226. 73. Melvin, "Daniel Cone," p. 260. 74. Ibid., pp. 260-61. 75. Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 50, 59-60. 76. Scull, "Coxe," p. 326; Collection, of the Netw Jersey Historical Society, 9:82-03; Hamnilton Srhuyler, History of St. ,Iichael's Charcd, Trenton, 1703-1926 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1926), p. 339; Charles P. Keith, "Andrew Allen, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 10 (1886): 364. 77. CSPA WI, 1701, nra. 745i. 745i1, 745ui, pp. 420-22, no. 1083, p. 681. 78. Peanfret, Colonial N.J., p. 87. 79. CSPA WI, 1702, noa. 806, 806i, p. 500, no. 834, p. 518, nos. 928, 9281, pp. 571-72, no. 932, pp. 574-75. 80. Collections of the Nets Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; Robert K. Turner, Jr., "Cone's A Description of Carolana (1722-1741)," in Studies in Bibliography. Fredson Bowers, ed. 56. Cone, Carolama, pp. iv-vi. 57. CSPATWI, 1700, no. 2, p. 1. 58. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 56, p. 37. 59. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 18, pp. 22-23, no. 20, p. 24. 60. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 124, p. 69, 61. CSPA WI, 1700, n0. 127, p. 71, no. 132, p. 73; Baird, Huguenot Emaigration, 2:179-0. 62. CSP"AWI, 1700, no. 146, pp. 75-76; see Baird, Hugenot. Emigration, 2:177-78, on the location in Norfolk County. 63. CSPA WI, 1700, nos. 1919, 200, 201, p. 113; see also no. 263, p. 140, no, 306, p. 156. 64, CSPA WI, 1700, no. 739 XIII, pp. 501-2; Scull, "Cone," p. 321; Baird, Htuguenot Emigraron, 2:176, 179. 65. CSPA WI, 1700 no. 681, pp. 448-50, no. 681 XI, pp. 456-57, no. 704, pp. 472-73; Richard L. Morton, Colonial Vir- 3*tia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960), 1:367-64; Scull, "Cone," pp. 321-23; Baird, Hugrnot Emigre- ctass, 2:176-77. 66. CSPA WI, 1700, no. 719 VT, p. 498. 67. CSPA WI, 1700. no. 739, p. 497. 68. Crane, Sousthern Frontier, pp. 0243. 69. Ibid., p. 59, 224-25; CSPA WI, 1719, no. 323. p. 174. 70. CSPAIWI, 1719, no. 349, p. 186; Alvord, First Explora- tion, pp. 23149; see Melvin, "Daniel Cone," pp. 257-62 fur a critique of the copy of COue's 1719 memorial in Alvord, First Exploration, pp. 23149. 71. Alvurd, First Exploration, pp. 248-49. 72. Melvin, "Daniel Coxe," pp. 258-60; Crane, Soutcherns Frontier, p. 226. 73. Melvin, "Daniel Cone," p. 260. 75. Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 50, 59-60. 76. Scull, "Coxe," p. 326; Collectione of the Nets Jersey Historical Society, 9:82-43; Hamilton Schuyler, History of St. Michael's Chturch, Trenaton, 1703-1926 (Princton: Princeton University Press. 1926), p. 339; Charles P. Keith, "Andrew Allen, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 10 (1886): 364. 77. CSPA WI, 1701, nos. 745i, 745ii, 74510i, pp. 420-22, no. 1083, p. 681. 78. Pomifret, Colostial N.J., p. 87. 79. CSPAWI, 1702, nos. 806, 806i, p. 500, no. 034, p. 510. nos. 920, 928i, pp. 571-72, no. 932, pp. 574-75. 80. Collections of she Nets Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; Robert K. Turner, Jr., "Cone's A D eription of Csrolana (1722-1741)," in Studlies in Bibliography, Freson Bowers, ed.  Introduction. Irv (Charlottesville: Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, 1957), 9:252. 8.NwJersey Archives, Series 1, 3:44. 82. CSPA WL, 1703, no. 1372, p. 867. 83. Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; CSPA WI, 1704, no. 48, p. 23. 84. CSPA WI, 1704, nso. 48, p. 23; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:35-38. 85. Collections of the News Jersey Historical Society, 9:.82; CSPA WI, 1704, no. 92, p. 37; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:42-47. 86. John Clemsent, "William Penn." Pennssylvansia Magaziec of History and Biograpshy 3 (1881): 328. 87, Pomfret, Colonial N.J., p. 137. 88. CSPA WI, 1705, no. 878, pp. 381-88, no. 1010, p. 477; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:68-81. 89. CSPA WL, 1703, no. 1465, p. 709, no. 1482, p. 722. 1706, no. 80, p. 38; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:115-16, 124-29; Grant and Munro, Acts of Privy Council, 2:818-19. 90. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:82-85; CSPA WI, 1703, no 00 .477. 91 SAWL, 1711, no. 58, p. 53, no. 58i, pp. 53-54. 92. New Jersey Archives. Series 1, 3:132, 160. 93. Pomnfret, Colonial N.J., pps. 125-28. 94. CSPA WL, 1708, sos. 1329i and 1329ii, pp. 662-4; Newv Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:287-90; Pomofret, Colonial N.J., p. 133. 95. New Jerse Archives, Series 1, 3:300-302, 316-17; Pomn- fret, Colonial N.J., p. 129. 96. CSPA WI, 1708, no. 1597, pp. 783-84, 1709, no. 876, pp. 534-35; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:497-98. 97. Poinrtie, Colonial NTJ, pp. 129-33. 98. Collections of the Ness Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:459; Pomfdret, Colonial N.J., p. 129 refers to Coxes appointment to the court as an associate justice in 1709. Coxe's first appearance on etse Court of Quarter Sessions for Burlington Couney came on Sepeember 13, 1709. H. Clay Rend and George J. Miller, eds., The Burlington Court Book: A Record of Quakeer Jurisprudensce in West Ness Jersey, 1680-1 709 (Washington: American Historical Association, 99. Jseph Hl. Housgh, Origin of Masonry ins the State of New Jersey, and the entire Proceedings of the Grand Lodge, from its First Organiration, AL. 5786. Compiled front Authen- tic Sonrce (T1renton, N.J.: Pub. by Joseph H. Hlough, Murphy & Bechtel, Printers. 1870), ps. x. 100. New Jersey Archives. Series 1, 4:324-25, Introduction. 1xv (Charlottesville: Bibliographical Somety of the University of Virginia, 1957), 9:252. 81. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:44. 82. CSP~AWI, 1703, o. 1372, p. 867. 83. Collections of the New Jersey Hitorical Society, 9:82; CSPA WI, 1704, no. 48, p. 23. 84. CSPA WI, 1704, no. 48, p. 23; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:35-38. 85. Collections of ehe Nest Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; CSPA WL, 1704, no. 92, p. 37; New Jersey Archives, Series 1. 3:42-47. 86. John Clement, "Willamn Pens," Pennsylvania Magazane of History and Biography 5 (1881): 328. 87. Pomfret, Colonial N.J., p. 137. 88. CSPA WI, 1705. no. 878, pp. 381348, no. 1010, p. 477; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:68-81. 89. CSPA WI, 1705, no. 1465, p. 709, no. 1482, p. 722, 1706. no. 80, p. 38; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:115-16, 124-29; Grant and Muno, Acre of Privy Council, 2:818-19. 90. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:82-85; CSPA WL, 1705, n.91.1 CSPA WL, 1711, no. 58, p. 33, no. 58i, pp. 53-54 92. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:132, 160. 93. Pomfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 125-28. 94. CSPA WI, 1708, nes. 13291 and 13293. pp. 662-64; New Jersey Archives, Series I, 3:287-90; Ponsfret, Colonial N.J., p. 133. 95. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:300-302, 316-17; Poos- fret, Colonial N.J., p. 129. 96. CSPR WI, 1708, no. 1597, pp. 783-84, 1709, no. 876, pp. 534-35; New Jersey Arehives, Series 1, 3:497-98. 97. Pomofret, Colonial N.J., pp. 129-33. 98. Collections of the Nest Jersey Hstorical Society, 9:82; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:459; Posnfret, Colonial N.J., p. 129 refers to Cone's appointment to the coast as an associate justice in 1709. Core's first appearance on the Court of Quarter Sessions for Burlington County eanc o September 13, 1709. H. Clay Reed and George J. Miller,eds., The Burlington Court Book: A Record of Quaker Jurisprudenece in West Nae Jersey, 1680-1709 (Washington: Amseriean Historical Association, 1944), p. 338. 99. Joseph H. Houngh, Origin of Masonry in the State of News Jersey, and the entire Proceedings of the Grand Lodge, from its Finst Organization, A.L. 5786. Compiled front Authbr- tic Sonrce (Trenton, N.J.: Pub. by Joseph H. Hough, Murphy & Bechtel. Printers, 1870), p. x. 100. New Jerscy Archives, Series 1, 4:324-23. Introduction. lxv (Chasrlottesville: Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, 1957), 9:252. 81. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:44. 82. CSPA WI, 1703, no. 1372, p. 867. 83. Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; CSPA WL, 1704, no. 48, p. 23. 84. CSPA WI, 3704, no. 48, p. 23; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:35-38. 85. Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; CSPA WI, 1704, no. 92, p. 37; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:42-47. 86. Joshn Clement, "'Wlliamn Pens," Pennsylvania Magasine of History and Biography 3 (1881): 328. 87. Pomifret. Colontial N.J., p. 137. 88. CSPA WI, 1705. no. 878, pp. 381-48, no. 1010, p. 477; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:68-8]. 89. CSPA WI, 1703, no. 1465, p. 709, no. 1482, p. 722, 1706, no. 80, p. 38; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:115-16, 124-29; Grant and Munro, Acts of Privy Council, 2:818-19. 90. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:82-85; CSPA WI, 1703, no. 100, p. 477. 91. CSPA W7, 1711, no. 58, p. 53. no. 58i, pp. 53-54. 92. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:132, 160. 93. Pomsfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 125-28. 94. CSPA WI, 1708, nos. 13293 and 13293, pp. 662-64; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:287-90; Pomsfret, Coloniol N.J., p. 133. 95. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:300-302, 316-17; Pomn- fret, Colonial N.J., p. 129. 96. CSPA WI, 1708, no. 1397, pp. 783-84, 1709, no. 876, pp. 534-35; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:497-98. 97. Pomsfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 129-33. 98. Collections of the News Jersey Historical Society, 9:82; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:459; Posnfret, Colonial N.J., p. 129 refers to Cone's appointment to the court as an associate jstice in 1709. Coxe's lirst appearance on the Court of Quarter Sessions for Burligtn Count, cam on September 13, 1709. H. Clay Reed and George J. Miller eds., The Burlington Courr Book: A Record of Quaker Jurisprudence in West Nets Jersey, 1680-1709 (Washington: American Historical Association. 1944), p. 338. 99. Joseph H. Hough, Origin of .Masonry in the Stare of New Jersey, and the entire Proceedings of the Grand Ledge, fromt ire Finst Organization, A.L. 5786. Compiled frost Authens- tic Sources (TIreeson, N.J.: Pub. by Joseph H. Hough, Murphy & Bechtel. Printers, 1870), p. x. 100. New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:324-23.  lxvi Introduction. 101. Pomsfret, Coloanial N.J., pp. 125318; CSP'AWI, 1711, no. 8, p. 2, no. 156, p. 137, 1717, no. 674, p. 355; Wieaor, Narrative History, 5:219; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:325. 102. CSPA WI, 1711, no. 832, pp. 472-86, 1712, no. 65, p. 37, no. 249, pp. 188-89, no. 413, p. 282, 1713, no. 436, p. 193; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:51-70, 149-50O, 153. 103. CSPA WI, 1716, no. 1381, pp. 70-71; New Jersey Ar- chives, Series 1, 4:242-46. 104. CSPA WI, 1713, no. 315, p. 168, no. 324, pp. 170-71; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:35-36. 105. CSPA4WI, 1715, no. 164, p. 69, no. 229, pp. 102-3,. 1716, nos. 176 and 1761, p. 97, no. 193, p p. 105-6; New Jersey Ar- chives, Series 1, 4:199; Poenfret, Colonial N.J., p. 136. 106. CSPA WI, 1717, no. 674, p. 355; George Morgan Hills, "John Talbot, the First Bishop in North America," Pennesyl- vantia Magazine of History ased Biogyraphy 3 (1879): 41-42. 107. CSPAWIV, 1715, no. 435, pp. 186-88; Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:83. 108. Pomfre, Colonial N.J., p. 136. 109. Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:83; Richard S. Field, The Provincial Coeurts of New Jersey, weith Sketches of the Benach and Bar (New York: Published for the Society, 1849) in Collections of the New Jersey Historictal Society, 3:92-99; CSPA WI, 1716, no. 135, pp. 68-70, no. 176, p. 97; Pomsfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 137-38; te, Nets Jersey, 1:391. 110. CSPA WI, 1716, no. 192, pp. 104-5, no. 349, p. 183, noa. 192 and 392i, pp. 202-3; Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:258, 260-62, 266-67. 111. CSPA WI, 1717. no. 523, p. 284, no. 565, pp. 299-300, no. 588i, pp. 312-13, no. 690, pp. 363-64, no. 195, p. 103, 1718, no. 344, pp. 169-70, no. 373, pp. 182-83; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:291-97, 262-64, 313. 112. CSPA WI, 1723, no. 788, pp. 468-69; Sehoyler, St. Michael's Cheurch, pp. 12-13, ntains a letter from the Rev. John Talbot dated Sept 20, 1723, which indicates Col. Core, had returned to Now Jersey. by that dare. 113, New- Jersey Archives, Seties 1, 5:211-12. 114. Field, Provcial Courts, pp. 132, 137. 115. Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 11:400, 431-32, 439, 581. 116. Ibid., pp. 586-87. 117. Hough,. Masonry int Now Jertey, pp. vi-ix; Schuyler, St. Mlichael's Church, p. 161; Conrad Hahn, Executive Stecte- tary, The Masonic Service Association of the U.S. to author, March 5, 1973. 118. Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:213-15, 230-33. 119. Schuyler, St. Michael's Church, pp. 12-13, 32-33, 63, 68. lxvi Introduction. 101. Pomafret, Colonial N.J., pp. 125-38; CSPA4WI, 1711, no. 8, p. 2, no. 156, p. 137, 1717, no. 674, p. 355; Winto, Narrative History, 5:219; New Jersey Archtives, Series 1, 4:325. 102. CSPA WI, 1711, no. 832. pp. 472-86, 1712, no. 65, p. 37, no. 249, pp. 189--89, no. 413, p. 282, 1715, no. 436, p. 193; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:51-70, 149-50, 153. 103. CSPA WI, 1716, no. 1381. pp. 70-71; Now Jersey Ar- chives, Series 1, 4:242-46. 104. CSPA WI, 1713, no. 315, p. 168, no. 324, pp. 170-71; Now Jersey Archives, Series 1. 3:35-36. 103. CSPA WI, 1713, no. 164, p. 69, no. 229, pp. 102-3, 1716, nes. 176 and 176i, p. 97, no. 193, pp. 105-6; New Jersey Ar- chives, Series 1, 4:199; Ponmfrer, Colonial N.J., p. 136. 106. CSPA WI, 1717, no. 674, p. 355; George Morgan Hills, "John Talbot, the First Bishop in North America," Penmsyl- s-nia Magazine of History and Biography 3 (1879): 41-42. 107. CSPA WI, 1715, no. 435, pp. 186-88; Colleceios of the New Jertey Historical Society, 9:83. 108. Pomnfre, Colonial N.J., p. 136. 109. Collections of the Now Jersey Historical Society, 9:83; Richard S. Field, The Proinacial Courts of Now Jersey, ssdth Sketches of the Benach and Bar (New York: Published for the Society, 1849) in Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 3:92-99; CSPA WI, 1716, no. 133, pp. 68-70, no. 176, p. 97; Pomfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 137-38;1Lee, Ntew Jersey, 1: 391. 110. CSPA WI, 1716, no. 192, pp. 104-5, no. 349, p. 183, nos. 392 and 3921, pp. 202-3; Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:258, 260-62, 266-67. Il1. CSPA WI, 1717, no. 53, p. 284, no. 565, pp. 299-300, no. 3881, pp. 312-13, no. 690, pp. 363-64, no. 195, p. 103, 1718, no. 344, pp. 169-70, no. 373, pp. 182-83; Now Jersey Archbives, Series 1, 4:291-97, 262-64, 313. 112. CSPA WI, 1723, no. 788, pp. 468-69; Schuyler, St. Michaal's Church, pp 12-13, contains a letter from the Rev. John Talbot dated Sept 20, 1723, which indicates Col. Core, had returned to New Jersey. by shat date. 113. Neu Jersey Archives, Series 1, 5:211-12. 114. Field, Provincial Courts, pp. 132, 137. 115. Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 11:400, 431-32, 439, 581. 116. Ibid., pp. 586-87. 117, Houghs, Masonry int Now Jertey, pp. vi-ix; Schuyler, St. Michael's Church, p. 361; Conrad Hahn, Exective Secre- tary, The :Masonic Service Association of the U.S. to author, ,March 5, 1973. 118. Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:213-15, 230-33. 119. Schuyler, St. Michael's Church, pp. 12-13, 32-33, 65, 68. lxvi Introduction. 101. Pomafret, Colonial N.J., pp. 125-38; CSPA WI, 1711, no. 8, p. 2, no. 136, p. 137, 1717, no. 674, p. 355; Winsor, Narratice Hiotory, 5:219; New Jersey Archaives, Series 1, 4:325. 102. CSPA WI, 1711, no. 832, pp. 472-86, 1712, no. 65, p. 37. no. 249, pp. 188-89, no. 413, p. 282, 1713, no. 436. p. 193; Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:51-70, 149-50, 133. 103. CSPA WI, 1716. no. 1381, pp. 70-71; New Jersey Ar, chives, Series 1, 4:242-46. 104. CSP'AWI, 1713, no. 315, p. 168, no. 324, pp. 170-71; Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 3:35-36. 105. CSPAWI, 1713, no. 164, p. 69, no. 229, p p. 102-3, 1716, na. 176 and 176i, p. 97, o. 193. pp. 105-6; New Jersey Ar- chives, Series 1, 4:199; Pomfret, Coilonial N.J., p. 136. 106. CSPA WI, 1717, eao. 674, p. 355; George Morgan Hills, "John Talbot, the First Bishop in Noah America," Pennsyl- t'ania Magazine of History and Biography 3 (1879): 41-42. 107. CSP'AWI, 1715, no. 435, pp. 186-88; Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, 9:83. 108. Pomsfret, Colonaial N.J., p. 136. 109. Collections of the Now Jersey Historical Society, 9:83; Richard S. Field, The Provincial Courts of New Jersey, wtith Sketches of the Banch and Bar (New York: Published for the Society, 1849) in Collectiont of the Now Jersey Historical Society, 3:92-99; CSPA WJ, 1716, no. 135, pp. 68-70, no. 176, p. 97; Pomfret, Colonial N.J., pp. 137-38; Lee, Now Jersey, 1:391. 110. CSPA WI, 1716, no. 192, pp. 104-5, no. 349, p. 183, nos. 392 and 3921, pp. 202-3; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:258, 260-62, 266-67. 111. CSPA WI, 1717, no. 323, p. 284, no. 363, pp. 299-300, o. 5881, pp. 312-13, no. 690, pp. 363-64, n. 195, p. 103, 1718, no. 344, pp. 169-70, no. 373. pp. 182-43; New Jerney Archives, Series 1, 4:291-97, 262-64, 311. 112. CSPA WI, 1725, no. 788, pp. 468.69; Schuyler, Sc. Michael's Church, pp. 12-13, contains a letter from the Rev. John Talbot dated Sept. 20, 1723. which indicates Col. Core. had returned to New Jersey. by that date. 113. New Jere ArchiveSre 1, 5:211-12. 114. Field, P'rov'incial Courts, pp. 132, 137. 115. Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 11:400, 431-32, 439, 581. 116. Ibid., pp. 586-87. 117, H~ough, Masonry in Now Jertey, pp. vi-ix; Schoyler, St..Michael's Church, p. 361; Conrad Hahn, Executive Secre- tary, The Manic Service Association of the U.S. to author, ,March 5, 1973. 118. Now Jersey Archives, Series 1, 4:213-15, 23(6-33. 119. Schuyler, St. Michael's Church. pp. 12-13, 32-33, 65,  Introduction. 1XVii 120. Journal of the Commissoners for Trade and Planta- tlons, Nov. 1718 to Dec. 1722, pp. 281-83, 293-95, 362-63; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 5:38-43. 121. In 1735 Coxe got into a dispute over a debt he owed Lord Clinton, which resulted in an expose of Coete's affairs bay Robert Hunter Morris; Beverly McAnear, "An American in London, 1735-36, PermsryIvania Magazine of History and Biog- raphsy 64 (1940): 194-95, 360, 364. 122. Field, Provinscial Courts, p. 137. 123. Carolina, pp. i-ii. 124. Southern Frontier, p. 226. 125. Carolina, pp. vii-viiu. 126. Ibid., pp. xsi-xii. 127. Ibid., p. s-si. 128. Ibid.,p.--. 129. The Clebrated Collection of Americana formed by the late Thomas Winthrop Streeter (New York: Parke-Bernet Galleries, 1967), 2:846. 130. Field. Provincial Courts, p p. 136-37; the editor of the Franklin Papers never msentioned Coxe's plan in his detailed analsi o the origin of the Albany Plan of Union, Leonard WLabeed., The Papers of Benjain Franklin (New Ha- van: Yale University Press, 1962), 53174487. 131. A comsparison of the 1699 memorial and the copy printed by Col. Cone shows mucs deleted and somne few things added. See CSPA WI, 1699, no. 967, pp. 522-26. 132. This is especially true of the Florida peninsula in which the two man are almost identical and both in error. Cope Carte de la Louisiane et dun Cours sn Mississippi by 133. Caroline, p. ssivi. 114. Daniel Coxe, A Description of the English Provi nce of Carolina . . . (St. Louis: Churchill and Harris Printers, 1840), p. iv. 135. Alvord, First Explos'ation, pp. 234n, 24. 136. A Catalogue of Books Relating to the Discovery and Early History of North and South Anmeria (New York: Peter Smith. 1951), 4:1836. 137. T'unr, "Coat's Description," p. 233. 138. Ibid., p. 253n7. 139. Winsor, Narrative History, 5:69. 140. Turner, '"Coxe's Derion" p. 252n2. 141, Winsnt, Stnuggle, p. 216-17. 142. London: W. Nicol, 1762; Thomas D. Clark, ed., Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography (Nosrnan: Univer- sity of Oklahonma Press, 1956), 1:230. 143. Alvord and Carter, Nest Regimte, p. 409. 144. London: W. Griffin, J. Johnson, W. Nicoll, and Rich- Introduction. lxvii 120. Journal of the Commnntioners for Trade and Planta- tions, Nov. 1718 to Dec. 1722, pp. 281-83, 293-95, 362-63; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 5:38-43. 121. In 1735 Cose got into a dispute over a debt he owed Lord Clinton, which resulted in an espose of Coe's affairs by Robert Hunter Morris; Beverly Mchncas, "An American in London, 1735-36, Pent eylvanfa Magazine of History and Blog- raphy 64 (1840): 194-95, 360, 364. 122. Field, Provincial Court{, p. 137. 123. Carolawo, pp. i-ii. 124. Southern Frontier, p. 226. 125. Carolana, pp. vii-viii 126. Ibid., pp. ass-sass. 127. Ibid., p. sasi. 128. Ibid., pp. xv-ss. 129. The Celebrated Collection of Americana formed by the late Thomas Winthrop Streeter (New York: Parke-Bernet Galleries, 1967), 2:846. 130. Field. Provincial Courts, p p. 136-37; the editor of the Franklin Papers never mnentioned Coat's plan in his detailed analysis of the orn of the Albany Plan of Union, Leonard W. Larabee, ed., The Papers of Benjamin Frankliu (New Hae- ven: Yale University Press. 1962), 5:374-87. 131. A comparison of thse 1699 memorial and the copy printed by Col. Coxe shows much deleted and same few things added. Sme CSPA WI, 1699, o. 967, pp. 522-26. 132. Thus is especially true of the Florida peninsula in which the two m s are almost identical and both in error. Compre Crte eal.Louisiane et dun Court do Missussippi by 133. Carol-n., p. sanyoi. 134. Daniel Coxe, A Description of the English Provi nce of Carolana ...(St. Louis: Churchill and Harris Printers, 1840), p. iv. 133. Alvord, First Exploration, pp. 234n, 254. 136.4A Catalogue of Books Relating to the Discovery and Early History of North and South America (New York: Peter Smith, 1951), 4:1836 137. Turner, '"Coxe's Descripstion," p. 253. 138. Ibid., p. 2530s. 139. Winsor, Narrative History, 5:69. 140. Turner, "Coxe's Description," p. 252n2. 141. Winsor, Strueggle, pp. 216-17. 142. London: W. Nicoll, 1762; Thomas D. Clark, ed., Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography (Norman: Univer- sity of Oklahoma Press, 1956), 1:230. 143. Als'ord and Carter, New Regimte, p. 409. 144. London: W. Griffin, J. Johnson, W. Nicoll, and Rich- Introduction. IZIJIZ 120. Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Planta- tions, Nov. 1718 to Dec. 1722, pp. 281-83, 293-95, 362-63; New Jersey Archives, Series 1, 5:38-43. 121. In 1735 Case got into a dispute over a debt he owed Lord Clinton, which resulted in an expose of Coat's affairs by Robert Hunter Morris; Beverly McAnear, "An American in London, 1735-36," Pennsylvania Mfagazine of History and Biog- raphy 64 (1940): 194-95, 360, 384. 122. Field, Provincial Corts, p. 137. 123. Carol-na pp. tili. 124. Southern Frontier, p. 226. 125. Caolana, pp. vsi-is. 126. Ibid., pp. xs-ri. 127. Ibid., p. xxxii. 128, Ibid., pp. xv-sn. 129. The Celebrated Collection of Americana formed by the late Thomas Winthrop Streeter (New York: Parke-Bernet Galleries, 1967), 2:846. 130. Field. Provincial Courts, pp. 136-37; the editor of the Franklin Papers never mentioned Cox's plan in his detailed aalyi of th orgi of the Albany Plan of Union. Leonard W. Larabee, ed., The Papers of Benjaminn Franklin (New Ha- yen: Yale University Press, 1962), 5:374-87. 131. A comparison of the 1699 memorial and the copy printed by Col. Coat shows much deleted and some few things added. Sme CSPA WI, 1699, no. 967, pp. 522-26. 132. This is especially true of the Florida peninsula in which the two maps are almost identical and both in error. CmaeCarte de laLoiiae ntd Court do Mdistissippi by 133. Carolaa p. nsiit. 134. Daniel Cone, A Description of the English Province of Carolana ..(St. Louis: Churchill and Harris Printers, 1840). p. iv. 135. Alvord, First Explorationpp. 234n, 234. 136.4A Catalogue of Books Reaig to the Discovery and Early History of North and South America (New York: Peter Smith. 1951). 4:1836. 137. Turner, "Cost's Description," p. 253. 138. Ibid., p. 25306. 139. Wlinsor,. Narrative History, 5:69. 140. Turner, "Coxe's Desciption,"' p. 252n52. 141. Winsor, Strnggle, pp. 216-17. 142. London: W. Nicoll, 1762; Thoms D. Clark, ed., Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography (Norman: Univer- sity of Oklahsoma Press, 1956), 1:230. 143. Alvord and Carter, Ness Regime, p. 409. 144. London: W. Griffin. J. Johnson, W. Nicoll, and Rich-  Ixvii Introduction. ardson and Urquhart, 1768; Clark, Old South, 1:217-18. 145. London: Sold by Mlilar, etc., 1776; Clark, Old South, 1:225-26. 146. E. Millicent Sowerby, comap., Catalogue of the Library of Thomas JeffeOrson (Waahington: Library of Congress, 1955), 4:20748. 147. The North American Reviewt and Miscellaneous Jou- nal 4 (1815): 1. 148. Ilbid., p. 2. 149. Sparks, "French Travellers," p. 104. 150. E.B.O'Calaghan, ed., Documents Relativ~e to the Colonial History of the State of Now-York. . (Albany: Weed, Paraons & Co., Printers, 1855-56), 5:204, 7:926. Ixviii Introduction. ardson and Urquhart, 1768; Clark, Old South, 1:217-18. 145. London: Sold by Millar, etc., 1776; Clark, Old South, 1:225-26. 146. E. Millicent Sowerhy, comap., Catalogue of rhe Library of Thomas Jefferson (Washington: Library of Congress, 1955), 4:207-8. 147. The North American Revsiew and .Miscellaneous Jour- nal 4 (1815): 1. 148. Ib~id., p. 2, 149. Sparks, "French Travellers," p. 104. 150. E. B. O'Callaghan, ed., Documencs Relative to the Colonial History of tho State of New-York .. (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Co., Printers, 1.855-56), 5:204, 7:926. Ixviii Introduction. ardson and Urquhart, 1768; Clark, Old South, 1:217-18. 145, London: Sold by Millar, etc., 1776; Clark, Old South, 1:225-26. 146. E. Millicent Sowes-by, comp., Catalogue of rhe Library of Thomas Jeff ersoss (Washington: Library of Congress, 1955), 4:207-8. 147. The North American Review and Miscellaneous Jour- nal 4 (1815): 1. 148. Ib~id., p. 2. 149. Sparks, "French Travellers," p. 104. 150. E. B. O'Callaghan, ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of Now-York. . (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Co., Printers, 1855-56), 5:204, 7:926.  N ~ a 'mw; --N N-N NC' NNCN tea. ire. N\ N-  A DESCRIPTION Of the ENGLiISH PROVINCE. of CA ROLAN A, By the Spaniard call'd FLORIDA4. And by the Fr'ench La LOUISI.XNE. As alfo of the Great and Famous River MESCHACEBE Or MI S Sis IP I: The Five vaft Navigable Lakes of Frcfh Water, and the Parts Adjacent. T OGE T HE R With an Account of the Commuodities of the Growth and Production of the faid Province. And a PsRACE containing foeConfidera-. tions on the Confequenccs of the IResc making Settlements there. By DANIEL COXE2 Efq; Nonz minoef srt 'ru m quoeff~re parta tued. L 0 71C D 0 TC, Prirrde for B. COwsF,twt the Rofe ad Crown i. St. Paul's Church-Yard. M ncc 1.zIl, A D ESC RI PT I ON Of the ENGLISH PROVINCY~ Of CA ROLAN A, By the Spauiards call'd FLORIDAI, And by the French La LOUISI..NE. As alfo of the Great and Famous Rivet MESCHACEBE Or MI s SisI P h The Five vaft Navigable Lakea of Freflh Water, and the Parts Adjacent. TOGETHER With an Account of the Commodities of the Growth and Production of the faid Province. And a PREFACEl containing force Contidera. Lions on the Confequences of the Ile6c making Settlements there. By DANIEL COE Efq; NMo~ minor rf T ,sirt ue um quarere pared ei. L 0 7% D 0 7%r P'rinted for B. CowsE,Vw the Rofe ando Crown i. St. Paul's Church-Yard. M ncc :xI A D ESC RI PT IO N Of the ENGLISH PRO VINCE Of CA ROLAN A, By the Spaiard; calH'd FLORIDA,- And by the Feacb La LOUISIANE. As alfo of the Great and Famous River MESCHACEBE Or MI s SisI P I The Five vaft Navigable Lakes of Frelh Water, and the Parts Adjacent. TOGETHER With an Account of the Commodities of the Growth and Production of the faid Province. And a PREFACE containing ibne Confidera. Lions on the Confequences of the Flvmh making Settlements there. By DANIEL COXE, Efq; 2'Jon minor e,/iM 'rus qusen qur ere pared sued. L 0 ZZ D 0 X_; Printed for B. CowsF.,vat the Rofe and Crown i4. St. Paul's Church-Yard. M ncc yxi,   T HE PREF A CE. T HE T H E PREF A CE. PREF A CE. 13 GCH7  The PREFACE. ders, who had often pierc'd into and rang'd through the Heart of it, and were Perfons of good Underftanding and Probity, whofe Relations agreeing fa well to,~ether, tho' mofily Strangers to eacb other, it is not to be fiuppos'd, they could conjp~ire to impofe Fables and Fal- fites on the World. THE vaft Trouble and Expence (thole Two great Impediments of Pub- lick Good) the [aid Proprietor baa un- dergone to effea* all this, will fcarcely be credited ; for he not only, at hips ole Charge, for feveral Years, eftabli~hd and kept up a Correfpondence with the Go- vernors and Chief Indian Traders in all the Englifh Colonies on the Continent of A- merica, imploy'd many People on Difcove- ries by Land to the Weft,North and South of this vajil Extent of Ground, but like- wif~ in the rear 168 he equipp'd and fitted out Two Ships, provided with above Twenty great Guns, Sixteen Patereroes, abundance of Small Arms, Ammuni- tion, Stores and Provifions of all Sorts, not only fcr the Uife of thofe on Board, and The PREFACE. ders, who had often pierc'd into and rang'd through the Heart of it, and were Perfons of good Underftanding and Probity, whofe Relations agreeing fo well together, tho' mnoJI ly Strangershto eacb other, it is not tob2fuppos'dte could confpire to impofr Fables and Fal- fities on the World. THE vaft Trouble and Expence (thofe Two great Impediments of Pub-. lick Good) the [aid Proprietor baA un- dergone to efea. all this, will fcarcely be credited ; for he not only, at his ole Charge, for feveral Years, eflabli~hd and kept up a Correfpondence with the Go- vernors and Chief Indian Traders in all the Englifh Colonies on the Continent of A- merica, imploy'd many People on Difcove- ries by Land to the W eft,North and South of this va ff Extent of Ground, but like- wife in the rear 168 he equipp'd and fitted out Two Ships, provided with above Twenty great Guns, Sixteen Patereroes, abundance of Small Arms, Ammuni- tion, Stores and Provifions of all Sorts, not only fir the Uife of thofe on Board, and The PREFACE. ders, who had often pierc'd into and rang'd through the Heart of it, and were Perfons of good Underftanding and Probity, whofe Relations agreeing fo well toyether, tho' rnoflly Strangers to eacb other, it is not to be fuppos'd, they could confpire to impofe Fables and Fal- fities on the World. THE tvaft Trouble and Expence (thofe Two great Impediments of Pub- lick Good) the [aid Proprietor bhw un- drone to effet all this, will fcarcely be credie ;or he not only, at his [ole Charge, forfeveral Years, eftablilh'd and kept up a Correfpondence with the Go- vernors and Chief lndian Traders in adl the Englifh Colonies on the Continent of A- merica, implo'd many People on Difcove- ries by Land to the Weft,North and South of this va fl Extent of Ground, but like- wife in the rear 1698. he equipp'd and fitted out Two Ships, provided with above Twenty great Guns, Sixteen Patereroes, abundance of Small Arms, Ammuni- tion, Stores and Provifions of all Sorts, not only fir the Uife of thofe on Board, and  The PREFA CE. and for Dircovery by Sea, hut alfo for building a Fortification, and fettling a Colony by Land , there being in both Veffels, bejides Sailors and Common Men, above Thirty Englifh and French Volunteers, fome Noblemen, and all Gentlemen. 0ON H of then Veflels difcoverd the Mouths of the great and famous River Mefchacebe, or, as termn'd by the French, Miflufippi, enter'd and aft ended it above One Hunrdred Miles, and had perfecfed a Settlement therein, if the Captain of the other Ship bad done his Duty and not de fied them. They homfoever took Poffeffion of this Country in the King's Name, and left, in [ee- ral Places, the Arms of Great-Britain aflz'd on Boards and 'Trees for a Memorial thereof. AND here I cannot forbear taking .Notice, that this Tras the firfi Ship that ever enter'd that River from the Sea, or that perfecty dif over'd or def rib'd it's feveral Mouths, tn Oppojition to the Boafts and Falfities of the French, B a who The PREF A CE. and for 5bicovery by Sea, but alfo for building a Fortification, and fttiinge a Colony by Land , there being in both Veffels, bejides Sailors and Common Men, above Thirty Englilh and French Volunteers, force Noblemen, and all Gentlemen. 0 N H of thefn Veflels difcover'd the Mouths of the great and famous River Mefchacebe, or, as term'd by the French, Miffifippi, ,nter'd and aftcended it above One H1undired Miles, and had perfelled a Settlement therein, if the Captain of the other Ship had done hi Duty and not dfi red them. They homfoever took Poffeffion of this Country in the King's Name, and left, in f ve- ral Places, the Arms of Great-Britain af/iz'd on Boards and Trees for a Memorial thereof. AND here I cannot forbear taking Notice, that this etas the firjf Ship that ever enttr'd that River from the Sea, or that perfedly difiover'd or deflrib'd it's feveral Mouths, in Oppofition to the Boafts and Falfities of the French, B a who The PREF ACE. and for Dticovery by Sea, hut alfo for building a Fortification, and fettling a Colony by Land , there bigin both Veffels, hefides Sailors and Common Men, above Thirty Englifh and French Volunteers, ome Noblemen, and all Gentlemen. 0 N H of thefn Vefiels difcover'd the Mouths of the great and famous River Mefchacebe, or, as term'd by the French, Miffifippi, enter'd and aft ended it above One Hundred Miles, and had perfefed a Settlement therein, if the Captain of the other Ship had done his Duty and not de fied th-em. They howfoever took Peffeflion of this Country in the King's Name, and left, in feve- ral Places, the Arms of Great-Britain a(Iiz'd on Boards and Trees for a Memorial thereof. AND here I cannot forbear taking Notice, that this wtas the f rjf Ship that ever enter'd that River from the Sea, or that perfe~ly dioverd or def rib'd it's feveral Mouths, in Qppo~ition to the Boafts and Falfities of the French, B a who  The PREFACE. tvho in their Printed Books and Ac- counts thereof, oflume to themfelves the Honour of both ; Providence feeminj to referve the Glory of fucceeding ino noble an Enterprize, to the Zeal and Indutry of a Private Subject of Eng- land, which was Twice in vain attempted by Louis XIV. of France, the moft ambitios and p~owerful Monarch of Europe. BUT~ ea the perfeH Dif overy of that great River, its Seven Mouths, and althe Coaft of Carolana, on the Bay of Mexico, for at leai f r + Degrees of Longitude, was then effi~ed, and mojt of the Perfons who were atually upon it, with their Journals, Drafts and Charts, return'd fafe to England, the Proprietor prefented a Memorial thereof to hie then Mfajefly King William of Glorious Memory, wherewith He was fo well pleas'd and fatisfy'd, that in a General Council calld for that Purpofe, he erderd it to be read, and taken into Confideration, Him/fel f, and above Twenty of the Council, who were then prefent, The PREFACE. who in their Printed Books and Ac- counts thereof, affime to tbem/elves the Honour of both ; Providence fleming to referve the Glory of fucceeding in Jo noble an Enterprize, to the Zeal and Induftryo a Private SubjeiV of Eng~. land, which was Twice in vain attempted by Louis XIV. of France, the moft ambitious and powerfl Monarch of Europe. BUT as the perfect Difeovery of that great River, its Seven Mouths, and all the Coaft of Carolana, on the Bay of Mexico, for at keaff vIIDegrees of Lonigitude, was then effeed, and moft of the Perfons who were atfually upon it, with their Journals, Drafts and Charts, return'd fafe to England, the Proprietor prefented a Memorial thereof to bee then Mvajefry King William of Glorious Memory, wherewith He was fo well pleas'd and fatisfy'd, that in a General Council call'd for that Purpofe, he erder'd it to be read, and taken into Confideration, Him/elf, and above Twenty of the Council, who were then prefent, The PREFACE. who in their Printed Books and Ac- counts thereof, ajjime to tbemfehves the Honour of both ; Providence fleming to refer've the Glory of fucceeding in Jo noble an Enterprize, to the Zeal and I nduftry of a Private Suhjea of Eng. land, which was Twice in vain attempted by Louis XIV. of France, the moll ambitiows and powerful Monarch of Europe. BUT as the perfet Dfiovery'o that great River, its Seven Mouths, and all the Coaft of Carolana, on the Bay of Mexico, for at leaffi,14Degrees of Longitude, was then effc~ed, and moft of the Perfons who were a~fually upon it, with their journals, Drafts and Charts, return'd fafe to England, the Proprietor prefented a Memorial thereof to bis then Majefly King William of Glorious Memory, wherewith He was Jo well pleas'd and fatisfy'd, that in a General Council call'd for that Purpofe, he srder'd it to be read, and taken into Confideration, Him/elf, and above Twenty of the Council, who were then prefent,  The PR.E F A CE, prfnunaninioufly agreeing, that the Defign of fettling the fail Province ought to be fpeedily encourag'd and pro. mnoted. His aid Majefly being afterwards more fully coninc'd, that juch an Un- dertaking_ would greatly9 tend to the Benefit of the Englifi Nation, and the Security of its Colonies on the Con- tinent of North America, often declae'd, that he would leap ov'er TJwenty Stum- bling-Blocks, rather than not effeJf it; and frequently affurd the prefent Proprietor, that it ]hoeudd not only receiv~e a Publick Encouragement, but that he would par- ticularly contribute towards it, by fending at his own Cogi Six or Eight Hundred French Refugees and Vaudois, to joyn with thofe Englifb who could be procur'd to begin the Settlement tiore, BESIDES divers Noblemen, Gen- tlemen and Merchants, profer'd the fame. Particularly the Lord Lonfdale, then Lord Privy-Sea], being highly Jenfible or the grat Advantages would redound to the Englifhi Nation thereby, B3 5 fer'd The PR EF ACE~. prfnunanimoeifly agreeing, that the ~efign of fettling the faid Province ought to be fpeedi&y encourag'd and pro- moted. His aid Majefty being afterwards more fully coninc'd, that fch an Un- dertaking would greatly tend to the Benefit of the Englifli Nation, and the Security of its Colonies on the Con- tinent of North America, often declar'd, that he would leap over T fwenty Stum- bling-Blocks, rather than not e f ea it; and frequently ajfurd the prefent Proprietor, that it Ihould not only receiv~.e a Publick Encouragement, but that be would par- ticularly contribute towards it, by fending at his own Co fl Six or Eight Hundred French Refugees and Vaudfois, to joyn with thofe Englifh who could he procur'd to begin the Settlement tbere, BESIDEs divcrs Noblemen, Gen- tlemen and Merchants, proffer'd the fame. Particularly the Lord Lonfdaley then Lord Privy-Sea], being highly Jenjible of' the neat Advantages would redound to the Englifh Nation thereby, B 5 gffed The P'R EF ACEZ. prefe nt, unanimoufly agreeing, that the )efign of fettling the faid Province ought to be fpeedily encourag'd and pro. moted. His aid Majefty being afterwards more fully convinc'd, that fch an Un- dertaking would greatly tend to the Benefit of the Englifb Nation, and the Security of its Colonies on the Con. tinent of North America, often declar'd, that he would leap over Twenty Stum- bling-Blocks, rather than not ef eifit ; and frequently ajfur'd the prefent Proprietor, that it lbx,4d not only receivze a Publick Encouragement, hut that be would par- ticularly contribute towards it, by fending at hi-s own Co fl Six or Eight Hundred French Refugees and Vaudois, to joyn with thoe Englifh who could be procur'd to begin the Settlement tbere, BESIDEs dimcrs Noblemen, Gen- tlemen and Merchants, pro fer'd the fame. Particularly the Lord Lonfdaley then Lord Privy-Seal, lieing hig hly jenfible of ' the preat Advantages would redound to the Engiib Nation the reby, B 5 g fer'd  The PREFACE. offer'd to afff the Defign with Two Thoufand Pounds in ready Mony, or a Ship of Two Hundred Tuns, with One hurndred Perfons of what f ever Trrades or E mployments Ihould be thought moji convenient; and to provide themr with Provifions, necefary Tools and Infrumrents, for the Space of One rear; not making the leafi Capitulation for himf If or thm, beyond the Grant of a C'ompetent Trai of Land for their Habitation and nece(jary Subfiflance: But the fudden Death of" that. Lord, and foon after of King WNilliami, put a Period, at that Time, to this noble Undertaking. THE prefent Proprietor, not long after the ]death of thazt Monarch, did in the Jubfequent Reign prrpofe the reviving and promoting the afore faid Enterprize, but the Wars enfuwing, which prov'd ex- cej/ive chargeable, and emplo)'d the whole Thoughts and Attention of the Mini.- ftry, hinder'd the encouraging thereof. Whereupon he dejfilled from any further Profecution of that Affair, till a fitter Opportunity The PREFACE. offer'd to af/ig the Defign with Two Thoufand Pounds in ready Mony, or a Ship of Two Hundred Tuns, with One hundred Perfons of whatfiever Trades or E mployments Jhould be thought moji convceniet; and to provide therm with Provifions, neceffary Tools and Inifrum~ents, for the Space of One Tear; not making the Ieaf I Capitulation for himf lf or than, beyond the Grant of a Competent Traci of Land for their Habitation and necejiary Subfiftance: But the fudden Death of that Lord, and foon after of King W illiam, put a Period, at that Time, to this noble Undertaking. THE prefent Proprietor, not long after the Beath of that Monarch, did tn the Jubf quen Reign prcopofe the reviving and promoting the a forefaid Enterprize, but the Wars enfuing, which proy'd ex- celive chargeable, and emnploy'd the whole Thoughts and Attention of the Mini- ftry, hinder'd the encouraging thereof. Whereupon he defi/led from any further Profecution of that Affair, till a fitter Opportunity The PREFACE. ofer'd to ajil the Defign with Two Thoufand Pounds in ready Mony, or a Ship of Two Hundred Tuns, with One hundred Perfons of whatroever Trades or Employments Ihould be though; moji crnvenient; and to provide them) with Provifions, neceffary Tfools and Inifruments, for the Space of One Tear; not making the llf Capitulation for himfelf or tb~m, beyond the Grant of a Comnpetent Traci of Land for their Habitation and nece jary Subfiftance : But the fudden Beath of that Lord, and foon after of King William, put a Period, at that Tme, to this noble Undertaking. THE prefent Proprietor, not long after the VBeath of that Monarch, did in the Jub'f quent Reign propofe the reviving and promoting the a foref aid Enterprize, but the Wars enfuing, which prov'd ex- cef live chargeable, and employ'd the whole Thoughts and Attention of the Mini- ftry, hinder'd the encoursaging thereof. Whereupon he deft/led from any further Profecution of that Affair, till a fitter Opportunity  The PREFACE. Oportunity Ahould offer itfi If, though vbery forry hie Country had loft fo favou- rable a Gonjunture, when nhat he had propos'd night have been accomplilh'd writh much let Trouble and Expence, than a~fter a Peace fhould be concluded ; fcr he forefawr, and often warn'd the then Minifiry, that when foever that happen'd, the French would certainly endeavour to po -fs and fettle that Count-ry, for Rea. fons too many and tedious bzre to relate, as afterwards too manifrfily appear'd. HOWSOEVER 16 this Colony does moft certainly of Right belong to the Crown of Great-Britain, if the frfi Difcovery, Grant, Poffeffion, and o- t-her mto/i material Circumftances, may be alloin'd to carry any Weight writh them, it may he a fatisfaciory Enter- tainment, if not a real Service, to the Publiec, to attempt a hOwt Defcrip- tion of it in Print, and of the Lunds to the Northwards, ad far &5, and among the Five great Lakes, the Nations of Indians inhabiting therein, and the Lakes themtfilves, ahs rued as of the tufeful A- B 4. nimals The PREFACE. Oportunity Ihould ofe~r itfelf, though very forry &,s Country had loft fo favou- rable a Conjunature, mhen what he hadf propos'd~ might have been accomplilh'd with much left Trouble and Expence, than azfter a Peace j/boull be concluded ; for he forefawr, and often warn'd the then Miniftry, that wrhen foever that happen'd, the French would certainly endeazour to pofffs and fettle that C'ountry, far Rea- fons too many and tedious bere to relate, as afterwards too manifefily appear'd. HOWSOEVER z6 this Colony does moji certainly of Right belong to the Crown of Great-Britain, if the Jirjl Difcovery, Grant, Poffeffion, and o- ther mo/i material Circumnftances, may he alloiw'd to carry any Weight with them, it may be a fatisfoaiory Enter- tainmient, if not a real Service, to the Publicky, to attempt a (hort Defcrip- tion of it in Print, and of the Lunds to the Northwards, a,6 far an, anid among the Five great Lakes, the Nations of Indians inhabiting therein, and the Lakes tbemfelves, as wued as of the tuf ful A-. B 4 ~ ninmals The PREFACE. Oportunity Ihould ojfer itfe f, though very forry &,6 Country had loft fo favou- rable a Conjuncture, mhen what he had propos'd might have been accompli/h'd pith much lefs Trouble and Expence, than after a Peace ihould be concluded ; for he fore faw, and often warn'd the then Minifiry, that wrhen foever that happen'd, the French would certainly endeaeour to poffefs and fettle that Country, fi~r Rea- foes too many andl tedioudh bre to relate, as afterwards too manijfeftly appear'd. HowsoEvER. a5 this Colony does moft certainly of Right belong to the Crown of Great-Britain, if the fr/i Difcovery, Grant, Poffeffion, and o- t-her mo/i material Circumftances, may be allowa'd to carry any Weight with theme, it may be a fatisfaco~ Enter- tainnment, if not a real Service, to the Public, to at tempt a (hart Defcrip- tion of it in Prinm, and of the Lands to the Northwards, ads far as, and among the Five great Lakes, the Nations of Indians inhabiting therein, and the Lakes tbemflves, a6 well as of the tufeful A. B 4 ninmals  The PREFACE. nimials, Vegetables, Mettals, Mine- rals, and other the Produce thereof ; toge- ther with an Account of the great River Mlchacebe, and the Rivers which in- creafe it both from the Laft and the We]1 i ah likewife a brief Relation of the Coaft of this Province, on the Bay of Mexico, and the Rivers, Harbors, and Illands belonging to it ; all which, I,atter myfelf, are more particular andl exali than any Thing the French have publih'd relating thereto. The Janie may be faid of the annex'd Map, which no doubt is the bell of its Kind extant. By both which the Reader will fee, heo contiguou6 this Province lies to our al- ready fettled Colonies, which are entirely furrounded by it, and the other Lands to the Northward, by the French caliN Canada or New France, tho' thofe to the Southward of the great Lakes they mofk unijuftly claim the Property of. For they ware, about the Beginning of the Reign of King James IL. made over and furrender'd, by the Irocois and the ir Allies, to the Crown op England, The PREFACE. njimals, Vegetables, Mettals, Mine- rals, and other the Produce thereof ; toge- thcr with an Accoun~t of the great River Mlefchacebe, and the Rivers which in- creafe it both from the Ea/I and the Weft3 av likcwifi a brief Relation of the Ccaft of thisi Province, on the Bay of Mexico, and the Rivers, Harbors, and lllands belonging to it ; all which, I1 flatter myfel f, are more particular andt exatif than any Thing the French have publih'd relating thereto. The Janie may be faid of the annex'd Map, which no doubt is the befI of its Kind extant. By both which the Reader will fee, ho contiguous this Province lies to our al- ready fetc led Colonies, which are entirely fusrrounded by it, and the other Lands to the Northward, by the French caliN Canada or New France, tro' thofe to the Southward of the great Lakes they mojt unjuftly claim the Property of. For they ware, about the Beginning of the Reign of King James 11. made over and furrendcrd, by the Irocois and their Allies, to the Crown of England, The PREFACE. nimpals, Vegetables, Mettals, Mine- rals, and other the Produce thereof ; toge- rher with an Account of the great River Mefchacebe, and the Rivers which in- creafe it both from the Ea/I and the Wejfr1 ae likewufe a brief Relation of the Coafi' of this Province, on the Bay of Mexico, and the Rivers, Harbors, and iflands belonging to it ; all which, I flatter mnyfel f, are more particular and exaci than an~y Thing the French have pubbih'd relating thereto. The Jame may be faid of the annex'd Map, which no doubt is the beff of its Kind extant. By both which the Reader will fee, heo contiguous this Province lies to our al- ready f tt led Colonies, which are entirely furrounded by it, and the other Lands to the Northward, by the French cah'd Canada or New F~rance, tho' thofe to the Southward of the great Lakes they mofi unjuftly claim the Property of. For they wire, about the Beginning of the Reign of King James 1J. made over and furrender'd, by the Irocois and their Allies, to the Crownr or England,  The PRE FACE. the Right and Poffeflion whereof we have ever jince afferted and endeavour'd to fecure, both by ourfelves and the abovefaidi Indians our Confederates, who on their Parts, on all Occasions of Difference with the French or their Indians, do for that and other Con- fiderations, demand the good Offices and Prote~lion of the Englifb, who knowing it their Intereft, never fail, if the Caufe is juji, to ajford it them: As they did in the rear 1696. When the Count Frontenac Giovernour of Ca- nada, with feveral Thoufand French and Indians, attack'd the Onondages, One of the Five Nations, and Ra- vag'd their Country ; but on the Ap- proach of Collonel Fletcher Governour of New-York , with fome Regular Forces, Militia and Indians, ewaanIdishe was forc'd to retire, not without a confide- rable Lofs from tbofe Natives, who conjiantly attended him in his Retreat, often fell on his R~ear, cut of many of' his People, and all the Straglers they could meet with. T113 The PIE FACE. the Right and Poffeflion whereof we have ever fince afferted and endeavour'd to .fecure, both by ourfelves and the abovefaid Indians our Confederates, who on their Parts, on all Occasions of Difference with the French or their Indians, do for that and other Con- fiderations, demand the good Offices and Protedion of the Englifh, who knowing it their Intereft, never fail, if the Caufe is juf#, to ajford it them: As they did in the rear 1696. When the Count Frontenac Governour of Ca- nada, with feveral Thoufand French and Indians, attack'd the Onondages, One of the Five Nations, and Ra- vag'd their Country ; but on the Ap- proach of Collonel Fletcher Governour of New-York , with fome Regular Forces, Militia and Indians, he wpas forc'd to retire, not without a conftde- rable Lofs from thofe Natives, who conjiantly attended him in his Retreat, Often fell on his lgear, cut of many 4f his People, and all the Straglers they could meet with. T11m The PIE FACE. the Right and Poffeflion whereof wae have ever fince a fferted and endeavour'd to fecure, both by ourfees and the abovefaid Indians our Confederates, who on their Parts, on all Occasions of Difference with the French or their Indians, do for that and other Con- fiderations, demand the good Offices and Protedlioni of the Engliflh, who knowing it their Intereft, never fail, if the Caufe is juft, to ajford it them: As they did in the rear 1696. When the Count Frontenac Governour of Ca- nada, with feveral Theoufand French and Indians, attack'd the Onondages, One of the Five Nations, and Ra- vag'd their Country ; but on the Ap- proach of Collonel Fletcher Governousr of New-York , with fame Regular Forces, Militia and Indians, he was forc'd to retire, not without a confide- rable Lofs from thoj e Natives, who conflantly attended him in his Retreat, often fell on his Rear, cut of many o his People, and all the Straglers they could meet with. 1113  The PREFACE. THE Five Nations, when fummon'd on our two la/I unfortunate Expeditions againt Canada, readily join'd the Eng- lith Troops under the Command of Ge- neral Nichol'on, with about a Thou- fand Men ; And the reft of them were in Motion in dijrent Parts; fme to diflover and obferve the Pofpure of the.Enemy in their own Country3 Others to Scout about the Rivers and Lakes. And they have fo great a Reliance on the Friendfhip and Prote&ion of the Englifh, whom they have ever found and acknowledg'd to be truly Juft, Honeft and Punaual, in their Treaties and Dealings with them, that during the late War, they not only permitted, but alfo invited them, to build a Fort in the very heart of their Country and on their Main River, the Gate of which adjoyns to and Opens into One of their Capital Towns or Fortifications, Inhabited by the Mohacks, the chief and mopi War- like Nation among them. The Eng- lifh Garrifon being a Detachment from the Independent Companies of New- York The PREFACE. Tu Five Nations, when fummon'd on our two laI unfortunate Expeditions again Canada, readily join'd the Eng- lith Troops under the Command of Ge- neral Nicholfon, with about a Thou- fand Men i And the red of them were in Motion in diferent Parts3 fime to difover and obferve the Poflure of the-Enemy in their own Country3 Others to Scout about the Rivers and Lakes. And they have fo great a Reliance on the Friendfhip and Prote&ion &f the Englith, whom they have ever found and acknowledg'd to be truly Ju, Honel and Punaual, in their Treaties and Dealings with them, that during the late War, they not only permitted, but alfo invited them, to build a Fort in the very heart of their Country and on their Main River, the Gate of wbicb adjoyns to and Opens into One of their Capital Towns or Fortifications, Inhabited by the Mohacks, the chief and mofi War- like Nation among them. The Eng- lifh Garrifon being a Detachment from the Independent Companies of New- York The PREFACE. Tn Five Nations, when fummon'd on our two la4 unfortunate Expeditions againfi Canada, readily join'd the Eng- lith Troops under the Command of Ge- neral Nicholfon, with about a Thou- fand Men ; And the ref of them were in Motion in difrent Parts3 fame to diefover and obferve the Pojpure of the-Enemy in their own Country; Others to Scout about the Rivers and Lakes. And they have fo great a Reliance on the Friendfhip and Prote'ion of the Englifh, whom they have ever found and acknowledg'd to be truly Jul!, Honeft and Punaual, in their Treaties and Dealings with them, that during the late War, they not only permitted, but alfo invited them, to build a Fort in the very heart of their Country and on their Main River, the Gate of wbicb adjoyns to and Opens into One of their Capital Towns or Fortifications, Inhabited by the Mohacks, the chief and mofi War- like Nation among them. The Eng- lifh Garrifon being a Detachment from the Independent Companies of New- York  The PREFACE. York and Albany, live with them in the ffrifefi Amity, and dayly enter their Caftle as the Indians do Our Fort, who conf[antly fupply the' Sol- diers with Venifon, Wild-Fowl, Fifh, and other Neceffaries in their Way. FR O M thefe Indians of the Five Nations, the Englifh of New-York, purchafe the greateft Part of their Furr and Peltry-Trade, and in Exchange fupply them with Duffels, Strowds, Blankets, Guns, Powder, Shot, and other the Manufactures of Great-Bri- taim, at a much eaier Rate than the French ever could. THAT Nation knowing and envy- ing the great Friendfhip and Com- merce the Englifh of New-York cul- tivate and carry on with thefe Indians, and being fenfble of the mighty Vfe and Service they are of, not only to that Colony, but to all our other Colo- nies to the Northward, have on, many Occafons endeavour'd, by all the Artifi- ces imaginable, to draw them over to their Party and Interefts, which when they The PREFACE. York and Albany, live with them in the frrief Amity, and dayly enter their Caftle as the Indians do Our Fort, who conflantly fupply the' Sol- diers with Venifon, Wild-Fowl, Fifh, and other Necefaries in their Way. F R O M thefe Indians of the Five Nations, the Englifh of New-York, purchafe the greateji Part of their Furr and Peltry-Trade, and in Exchange fupply them with Duffels, Strowds, Blankets, Guns, Powder, Shot, and other the Manufacures of Great-Bri- tain, at a much eafier Rate than the French ever could. THAT Nation knowing and envy- ing the great Friendfhip and Com- merce the Englifh of New-York cul- tivate and carry on with thefe Indians, and being fenfible of the mighty Vfe and Service they are of, not only to that Colony, but to all our other Colo- nies to the Northward, have on, many Occafons endeavour'd, by all the Artifi- ces imaginable, to draw them over to their Party and Interefts, which when they The PREFACE. York and Albany, live with them in the ftriefl Amity, and dayly enter their Cafle as the Indians do Our Fort, who con fantly fupply the' Sol- diers with Venifon, Wild-Fowl, Fifh, and other Necefaries in their Way. FR O M thefe Indians of the Five Nations, the Englifh of New-York, purchafe the greatef Part of their Furr and Peltry-Trade, and in Exchange fupply them with Duffels, Strowds, Blankets, Guns, Powder, Shot, and other the Manufactures of Great-Bri- tain, at a much eawer Rate than the French ever could. THAT Nation knowing and envy- ing the great Friendfhip and Com- merce the Englifh of New-York cul- tivate and carry on with thefe Indians, and being fenfible of the mighty Vfe and Service they are of, not only to that Colony, but to all our other Colo- nies to the Northward, have on, many Occafons endeavour'd, by all the Artifi- ces imaginable, to draw them over to their Party and Interefts, which when they  The PREFACE. they fail'd in, They have attempted, by force or Fraud to Extirpate or Subjec.f them : But that cunning and Warlike Peolby the Advice and Allitknce fthe Englilhb, have ever prevented their Leiigns, to whom they continue moft incens'd and irreconcileable Enemies ; tho' as long as the Englith have Peace nrith them, they are perfuadj to con- tinue the fazme. INDEEn during the Reign of King James II. They had certainly bren Cut off and exterminated by the French (the Englifla being prohibited, to give them the leafi A , fance) bad not the happy Revolution of King William intervened, 'and the War with France fJon fucceeded. NAY, even Collon~el Dungan a Ro- man Catholick, made Gove rnour of Newv-York by King James, was at that Time fo very fenjible of the Ruin intended to the Five Nations our Allies, and in Confequence to the Englith Plan- tations, that he order'd the Popifh Priefts, ;whq were by Leave come into hir The PREFACE. they fail'd in, They have attempted, by Force or Fraud to Extirpate or Subje~i them : But that cunning and Warlike People, by the Advice and Afllkance ofteEnalifb, have ever prevented their %'efigns, to whom they continue mots incens'd and irreconcileable Enemies ; tho' as long as the Englifh have Peace irith them, they are perfuade4 to con- tinue the fame. INDEED during the Reign of King James 11. They had certainly been Cut off and exterminated by the French (the Engliflh being prohibited, to give them the lea fl Ajliffance) bad not the bappy Revolution of King William intervened, and the War with France foon fucceeded. NAY, even Collonel Dlungan a Ro- man Catholick, made Governour of Newv-York by King James, was at that Time fo very fenjible of the Ruin intended to the Five Nations our Allies, and in Confequence to the Englith Plan- tations, that he order'd the Popifh rriefts, whQ were by Leave come into his The PREFACE. they fail'd in, They have attempted, by Force or Fraud to Extirpate or Subject them : But that cunning and Warlike People, by the Advice and Alliance of the Englilb, have ever prevented their Defigns , to whom they continue moft incens'd and irreconcileable Enemies ; tho' as long as the Enolifh have Peace with them, they are perfuadej to con- tinue the fame. IrNDELD during the Reign of King James 11. They a certainly bren Cut off and exterminated by the French (the Engliflh being prohibited, to give them the leafi Aj fiance) had not the bappy Revolution of King William intervened, 'and the War with France foon fucceeded. NAY, even Collonel Dungan a Ro- man Catholick, made Governour of Newi-York by King James, was at that Time fo very fenjible of the Ruin intended to the Five Nations our Allies, and in Confequence to the Englith Plan- tations, that he order'd the Popifli rriefts, whQ were by Leave come into his  The PRiFACE bis Government, under pretence of making Profelytes, to depart from thence, becaufe he found their Deign was to be- tray our Colonies to the French, in fead of making Converts of the Inhabitants. TH E French, as is related above, have many ways endeavour'd to ruin or diftrefs the Irocois; but as they are well affur'd, Nothing will afec5 them fo much and near- ly, as to deprive them of their Fithing and Hunting, which is mojily on the Bor- ders of, and between the Great Lakes, and without which they muf Starve; therefore they have attempted to build Forts on the feveral narrow Paffages thereof, and the Rivers which empty themfelves thereinto, in order to intercept them, either in their going or returning from thofe Places; but the Indians have as often prevented the finihing of them, or otherwife oblig'd them to demoliA or de- fert them. BUT /hould the French be permitted to effablifb their proje Red Communication, between Cape Breton the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence , as far as the The PREFACE- his Government, under pretence of makin Profelytes, to depart from thence, becaufe he found their Deign was to be- tray our Colonies to the French, inflead of making Converts of the Inhabitants. THE French, as is related above, have many ways endeavour'd to ruin or difrefs the 'Irocois; but as they are well ajfur'd, Nothing will afeti them fo much and near- ly, as to deprive them of their Fithing and Hunting, which is mojily on the Bor- ders of, and between the Great Lakes, and without which they muff Starve5 therefore they have attempted to build Forts on the feveral narrow Paffages thereof, and the Rivers which empty themfelves thereinto, in order to intercept them, either in their going or returning from thofe Places; but the Indians have as often prevented the finiJing of them, or otherwife oblig'd them to demoliA or de- fert them. BUT Ihould the French be permitted to effablifh their proje Red Communication, between Cape Breton the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence , as far as the The PREFACE. his Government, under pretence of making Profelytes, to depart from thence, becaufe he found their Defign was to be- tray our Colonies to the French, inflead of making Converts of the Inhabitants. THE French, as is related above, have many ways endeavour'd to ruin or dilrefr the Irocois; but as they are well affur'd, Nothing will affecl them fo much and near- ly, as to deprive them of their Fithing and Hunting, which is mojily on the Bor- ders of, and between the Great Lakes, and without which they muf Starve; therefore they have attempted to build Forts on the feveral narrow Paffages thereof, and the Rivers which empty themfelves thereinto, in order to intercept them, either in their going or returning from thofe Places; but the Indians have as often prevented the fini/hing of them, or otherwife oblig'd them to demoliA or de- fert them. BUT Ihould the French be permitted to effablifh their projetled Communication, between Cape Breton the Gulf and River of at. Lawrence, as far as the  The PREFACE. the Mefchacebe, and fo downwards to the Bay of Mexico, which will be a mh- ty Addition and Increafe of Territory, Strength and Power to them, It is much to be fear'd, They'l carry their Point one Time or another, and thereby diflrefs and Subjel thefc our Allies, the Confe- quence of which will not only be very ihocking, but of the utmojl Concern to the Safety of our Northern Plantations: For if we now, info great Meafure, fland in need of, and depend on them as our Friends, for the Security of our Fron- tiers, what mufl we expea, when that Barrier is remov'd, and they become our Enemies; and not only they, but all the Reji of our Friendly Indians to the South- ward, which we may of Courfe depend on. WE have lately experienc'd the difinal and Tragical Confequences attending a Defection, of only one or two Paltry Nations of Indians, bordering on Caro- lina, and though other Pretences have been ug'd as the Caufe thereof, and were perhaps in fume Meafure true, yet the French, The PREFACE. the Mefchacebe, and Jo downwards to the Bay of Mexico, which will be a mbgh- ty Addition and Increafe of Territory, Strength and Power to them, It is much to be fear'd, They'l carry their Point one Time or another, and thereby diflrefs and Subjecl thefe our Allies, the Confe- quence of which will not only be very chocking, but of the utmofl Concern to the Safety of our Northern Plantations: For if we now, in fogreat Meafure,fland in nced of, and depend on them as our Friends, for the Security of our Fron- tiers, what mu? we exped, when that Barrier is remov'd, and they become our Enemies ; and not only they, but all the Refl of our Friendly Indians to the South- ward, which we may of Courfe depend on. WE have lately experienc'd the difmal and Tragical Confequences attending a Defe&ion, of only one or two Taltry Nations of Indians, bordering on Caro- lina, and though other Pretences have been wg'd as the Caufe thereof, and were perhaps in fume Meafure true, yet the French, The PREFACE. the Mefchacebe, and fo downwards to the Bay of Mexico, which will be a migh- ty Addition and Increafe of Territory, Strength and Power to them, It is much to be fear'd, They'l carry their Point one Time or another, and thereby diflrefs and Subjecl thefe our Allies, the Confe- quence of which will not only be very fhocking, but of the utmof Concern to the Safety of our Northern Plantations: For if we now, info great Meafure, fland in need of, and depend on them as our Friends, for the Security of our Fron- tiers, what mu? we expc, when that Barrier is remov'd, and they become our Enemies ; and not only they, but all the Refl of our Friendly Indians to the South- ward, which we may of Courfe depend on. WE have lately experienc'd the difmal and Tragical Confequences attending a Defection, of only one or two Taltry Nations of Indians, bordering on Caro- lina, and though other Pretences have been wg'd as the Caufe thereof, and were perhaps in fume Meafure true, yet the French,  The PREFACE. French, ince their late Settlements on the Mefchacehe and th3 Bay of Mexi- co, are violently fufpecled to have clan- deflinely fomented and aiden'd tlx Breach, which ioccafon'd the butchering of Jo ma- nyhundreds of the Inhabitants of that Colony, with the Burnings, Devafla- tions, and almofl intire Defolation there. Of IT is well known that the Frontiers of our Colonies are large, naked, and open, there being fcarce any Forts or Garrifons to defrnd them for near Two Thoufand Miles. The dwellings of the Inhabitants arc fcattering and at a Diflance fromn one another; and its almnofi imn- poffible according to the prefent E~ftablifhi- ment and Scituation o f our Affairs there, from the great Number of our Colonies indcpendent on each other, their djfoernt Sorts of Governments, Views, and In- terefts, to draw any confi'derable Body of Forces together on an Emergency, though the Safety and Prefervation, not only of any particular Colony, but of oil the Englilh Plantations on the Continent, were never fo nearly concern'd, FR The PREFACE, French, f6nee their late Settlements on *the Mefchacehe and th Bay of Mexi- co, are violently fufpei~ld to have clan- deflinely fomented and widen'd the Breach, which eocaJfon'd the butchering of fo ma- ny hundreds of the Inhabitants of that Colony, with the Burnings, Devaffa- tions, and almnofi intire Defolation there- of IT is well known that the Frontiers of our Colonies are large, naked, and open, there being fcarce any Forts or Garrifons to defend theme for near Two Thoufand Miles. The dwellings of the Inhabitants are feattering and at a D:ilance from one another; and its aimoji imt- pofjible according to the prefent Eflablifh- ment and Scituation o f oucr Afairs there, from the great Number o f our Colonies independent on each other, their different Sorts of Governments, Views, and In- tereffs, to dr-aw! any conjiderable Body of Forces together on an Emergency, though the Safety and Prefervation, not only of any particular Colony, but of oil the Englih Plantations on the Continent were never J0 nearly cowcern'd. FO R The PREFACE. French, fince their late Settlements on the Mefchacebe and the Bay of Mexi- co, are violently fuf e6led to have clan-. deflinely fomented and widen'd the Breach, which occajkon'd the butchering of fo ma- ny hundreds of the Inhabitants of that Colony, with the Burnings, Devaffa- tions, and almofi intire Defolation there- Of. IT' is well known that the Frontiers of our Colonies are large, naked, and open, there being frarte any Forts or Garrifons to defend theme for near Two Thoufand Miles. The dwellings of the Inhabitants are feattering and at a Diflanee from one another; and its almofi imr- pof/ible according to the prefent Eflablith- ment and Scituation of our Ai~hirs there, from the great Number of our Colonies independent on each other, their di ferent Sorts of Governments, Views, and fin- tereffs, to draw) any conji derable Body of Forces together on an Emergency, though the Safety and Prefervation, not only of any particular Colony, but of oil the Englilh Plantations on the Continent, were never fi' nearly conco-n'd. FoR  The PREFACE. FOR, fez'eral of the/c Governments; petending to or enoyn Tme exraordinary Pivileges, which tc Favour of the Crown has formerly granted them, ex- clujve of others, if their Affiftance is demanded or implord by any of their di- flrefs'd Neighbours, attack'd by Enemies, perhaps in the v'ery Heart of their Set- tlements, they either by afJelrled Delays, inj4fling on Pundlilios and Niceties, flart- ing unreafonable Objections, and making extrav~agant Demands, or other frivolous Pretences, yrpofely elude their juff ard reaonbl Lpeatations ; and by an in- ac~flA Stulpidity or Indolence, feem in- fenfible of their particular and moff de- plorable Gircutnftances, as welasre ganilefs of the General or Common Dan- gebca they feel not the immediate Efet o t; Not cnfidering their ownt Security is precarious, fince what hap? pens to one Colony to Day, may reach another to Morrow : A Wife Man will not ffand with his Arms folded, when his Neighbours Houfe is on Fire. The PREFACE. FOR, feveral of the/c Governments; pretending to or enjoying fome extraordinary P~rivileges, which the Favour of the Crown has formerly granted them, ex- dlujke of others, if their Affiftance is demanded or implor"d by any of their di- Jlrefs'd Neighbours, attack'd by Enemies, perhaps in the very Heart of their Set- tlements, they either by a/Jelcled Delays, inJ4?ing on Pun&ilios and Niceties, Jflart- in unreafonale Objections, and making extravagant Demands, or other frivolous Pretences, purpofely elude their puff and reafonable Expectations ; and by an in- aclive Stupidity or Indolence, feem in- fenfible oftheir particular and mof? de- plorable Gircumftances, as well as re- gardkfrof the General or Common Dan- gerau e th ey feel not the immediate Efcsoit ; Not confdering their oiwl Security is precarious, fine what hap? pens to one Colony to Day, may reach another to Morrow : A Wife Man will not ffand with his Arms folded, when his Neighbours Houfe is om Fire. The PREFACE- Fox, feveral of the/c Governmnents; pretending to or enjoyngfome extraordinary Privileges, which the Favour of the Crown has formerly granted them, ex- lufve of othecrs, if their Affiftance is demanded or implord by any of their di- flrefs'd Neighbours,attack'd by Enemies, perhaps in the very Heart of their Set- tlements, they either by a/Jelled Delays) injflfing on Pundilios and Niceties, flart- in unreafonable Objedions, and making extravagant Demands, or other frivlous Pretences, rpofely elude their jufl and reafonable 1kxpedation ;and byan in- aclive Stupidity or Indolence, feem in- frnflble of their particular and muffde- plorable Circumftances, as well as re- gardlefs of the General or Common Dan- gr, becaufe they feel not the immediate Effels ofit ; Not con/idering their orml Security is precariou~s, fine what hap- pens to one Colony to Day, may reacb another to Morrow: A Wife Man will not jland with his Arms folded, wben his Neighbours Houfe is on Fire.  The PREFACE. THEt only Expedient I can at pre- flnt think of, or fhl~al prefume to men- tion (witb the utmo#f Deference to its MAJESTY and His Minifters) to.help and obv~iate theft Abfurdities and In- conveniencies, and apply a Remedy to them, is) That Al) the Colonies appertaining to the Crown of GREAT BRITAIN on the Northern Continent of America, be Vnited under a Legal, Regular, and firm Etablifhmnent; )Oer which, it's pro pos'd, a Lieutenant, or Supreme Governour, may be conflituted, and appointed to Prufde on the Spot, to wThom the Governours of each Colo- ny )hall be Subordinate. IT i4 further humbly proposaJ, That two Deputies hall be annually .Eleaed by the Council and Alffmbly of each Pro- vince, who are to be in the Nature of a Great Council, or General Con- vention of the Elfates of the Colonies; and by the Order, Confent or A ppro- bation of the Lieutenant or Gover- nour General, hall meet together, Con- fult and Advilk for the Good of the c vbile, The PREFACE, TH only Expedient I can at pre- feent think of, or $hall prefume to men- tion (with the utmoji Deference to I-i MAJESTY and HiS Minifters) to. help and obviate thefe Abfurdities and In- conveniencies, and apply a Remedy to them, i51 That AUl the Colonies appertaining to the Crown of GREAT BRITAIN on the Northern Continent of America, be Vnited under a Legal, Regular, and firm Eftablifibment ; Over whicb, it's pro pos'd, a Lieutenant, or Supreme Governour, may be conftituted, and appointed to Prufde on the Spot, to wrhoma the Governours of each Colo- ny Ihall be Subordinate. IT ie further humbly pro pos'dl, That two Deputies hall be annualy .Elecled by the Council and A11embly of each Pro- vince, who are to be in the Nature of a Great Council, or General Con- vention of the Eftates of the Colonies; and by the Order, Confent or A ppro- bation of the Lieutenant or Gover- nour General, all meet together, Con- fult and Advai for the Good of the c while The PREFACE. TH only Expedient I can at pre- -fent think of, or Ihall prefume to men- tion (with the utmofi Deference to Rdis MAJESTY and His Minifters) to. help and obvoiate theft Abfurdities and In- con veniencies, and apply a Remedy to them , is , That All the Colonies appertaining to the Crown of GREAT BRITAIN on the Northern Continent of America, be Vnited under a Legal, Regular, and firm Eftablilliment ; Over which, it's pro pos'd, a Lieutenant, or Supreme Governour, may be conftituted, and appointed to Prejide on the Spot, to wrhom the Governours of each Colo- ny Ihall be Subordinate. IT is further humbly propos'd, That two Deputies Ihall be annually Eledled by the Council and Affembly of each Pro- vince, who are to be in the Nature of a Great Council, or General Con- vention of the Eftates of the Colonies; and by the Order, Consent or A ppro- bation of the Lieutenant or Gover- nour General, jhall meet together, Con- fult and Advife for the Good of the c w-h9le,  The PREFACE. whole, Settle and Appoint particular Quota's or Proportions of Money, Men, Provifions, &c. that each refpe- Hive Government is to raife, for their mutual Defence and Safety , as well, as, if neceffary, for Offence and Invafi- on of their Enemies ; in all which Ca- fes the Governour General or Lieu- tenant is to have a Negative3 but not to Ena&t any Thing without their Con- currence, or that of the Majority of them. THE Quota or Proportion, as above allotted and charg'd on each Colony, may, nevertbelefs, be ley'd and rais'd by its own Affembly, in fuch Manner, as They (hall judge mot Eafy and Con- venient, and the Circumfiances of their Afairs will permit. OTHER Jurifdinions, Powers and Authorities, refpetling the Honour of .Hi MAJESTY, tbe Intereft of the Plantations, and the Liberty and Pro- perty of the Proprietors , Traders , Planters and Inhabitants in them, may be Vefed in and Cognizable by the above- faid The PREFACE. whole, Settle and Appoint particular Quota's or Proportions of Money, Men, Provilons, yc. that each refpe- Hive Government is to raife, for their mutual Defence and Safety , as well, as, if necefary, for Offence and Invafi- on of their Enemies ; in all which Ca- fes the Governour General or Lieu- tenant i to have a Negative3 but not to Enac any Thing without their Con- currence, or that of the Majority of them. THE Quota or Proportion, as above allotted and charg'd on each Colony, may, nevertbelefs, be ley'd and rais'd by its own Affembly, in fuch Manner, as They (hall judge mol Eafy and Con- venient, and the Circumftances of their Afairs will permit. OTHER Jurifdidtions, Powers and Authorities, refpe[Iing the Honour of JEb M A J E S T Y, the Interefi of the Plantations, and the Liberty and Pro- perty of the Proprietors , Traders , Planters and Inhabitants in them, may be Ve/led in and Cognizable by the above- faid The PREFACE. whole, Settle and Appoint particular, Quota's or Proportions of Money, Men, Provifions, &c. that each refpe- Sfive Government s to raife, for their mutual Defence and Safety , as well, as, if neceffary, for Offence and Invafn- on of their Enemies ; in all which Ca- fes the Governour General or Lieu- tenant is to have a Negative5 but not to Ena&i any Thing without their Con- currence, or that of the Majority of them. THE Quota or Proportion, as above allotted and charg'd on each Colony, may, neverthelels, be levy'd and rais'd by its own Affembly, in fuch Manner, as They fhall judge moft Eafy and Con- venient, and the Circumfiances of their Affairs will permit. OTHER Jurifdidions, Powers and Authorities, refpefling the Honour of His M A J E S T Y, the Intereft of the Plantations, and the Liberty and Pro- perty of the Proprietors , Traders , Planters and Inhabitants in them, may he Vefted in and Cognizable by the above- faid  The PREFACE. faid Governour General or Lieute- nant, and Grand Convention of the Eatates, according to the Laws of En- gland , but are not thought fit to he torech'd on or inferted here ; 7hi Pro- pofal being General, and w ithafi humi- lity fubmitted to the Conjideration of our Superiours, who may Improve, Model, or Reje&t it, as they in their Wifdons J'hall judge pro per. A COALITION or Union cof tis Nature, temper'd with and grounded on Prudence, Moderation and Jualice, and a generous Incouragement given to the Labour, Induifry, anid good Management of adl Sorts and Conditi- ons o f Perfons inhabiting, or, any ways, concern'd or interefled in the feveral Colonies abovie mention'd, will, in all pro- hability, lay a fure and la fling Founda- tion of Dominion, Strength, and Trade, fufficient not only to Secure and Promote the Profperity of the Planta- tions, but to revive and greedyl increafe the late Flourilhing State acd Condi- tion o f GREAT ERTITAIN, and there- c by The PREFACE. faidl Governour Ge-neral or Lieute- nant, and Grand Convention of the Eatates, according to the Laws of En. gland , but are not thought fit to he touch'd on or inferted here ; Tbii Pro- pofal being General, and w ithall humi- lity fubmitted to the Conjideration of our Superiours, who may Improve, Model, or Reje&t it, as they in tbeir Wifdonz fhall judge pro per. A COALITION or Union cf this Nature, temper'd with and grounded on Prudence, Moderation and Juatice, and a generous Incouragement given to the Labour, Induftry, and good Management of all Sorts and Conditi- ons o f Perfons inhabiting, or, any mays, concern'd or interefled in the feveral Colonies above mention'd, will, in all pro- bability, lay a fare and lafling Founida- tion of Dominion, Strength, and Trade, ifuficient not only to Secure and Promote the Profperity of the Planta- tions, but to revive and greatly increafe the late JFlouri/hing State and Condi- tion of GREAT ERTITAIN, an), there- The PREFACE. faid Governour General or Lieute- nant, and Grand Convention of the Effates, according to the Laws of En- gland , bat are not thought fit to he tour/i'd on or inferted here ; 7 i Pro- pofal being General, and w ithall humi- lity fubmitted to the Conjideration of our Superiours, who may Improve, Model, or Reed it, as they in tbeir Wifdonz fhaal judge proper. A COALITION or Union o f this Nature, temper'd with and grounded on Prudence, Moderation and Juftice, and a generous Incotiragement given to the Labour, Induftry, and good Management of all Sorts and Conditi- ons o f Perfons inhabiting, or, any ways, concern'd or interefled in the feveral Colonies above mention'd, will, in all pro- bability, lay a fare and lafling Founda- tion of Dominion, Strength, and Trade, fufficient not only to Secure and Promote the Profperity of the Planta- tions, but to revive and greatlyv increafe the late Flourilhing State aind Condi- tion of GREAT I3ITITAIN, a';d there-  The PREFACE. b render it, once more, the Envy and Admiration of its Neighbours. LET us confider the Fall of our An- ceffors, and grow wifi by their Misfor- tunes. if the Ancient Britains had been united among (Ithemfekles, the Ro- mans, in all probability, had never be- come their Majfiers : For ae Cxfar oh- ferv'd of them, Dum Singuli pug- nabant, Univerfi vincebantur, whilft they fought in feperate Bodies, the whole Ifland was fubdued. So if the Englifh Colonies in America were Confolidated as one Body, and joyn'd in one Common Intereft, as they are un- der one Gracious Sovereign, and with united Forces were ready and willing to as in Concert, and affift each o ther, they would be better enabled to pro- vzide fr and defend themifeIves, again any troublefome Ambitious Neighbour, or bold Invader. For Union and Con- cord increae and eftabli/h Strength and Power, whbilft Divifion and Difcord bave the contrary Effe~ts. BUT The PREFACE, hy render it, once more, the Envy and Admiration of its Neighbours. LET us confider the Fall of our An- ceffors, and grow wife by their Misfor- tunes. if the Ancient Britains had been united among tbemfeknes, the Ro- mans, in all probability, had never be- come their Mafters : For izs Gxfar oh- f rvd of them, Dum Singuli pug- nabant, Univerfi vincebantur, whilft they fought in feperate Bodies, the whole I{land was fubdued. So if the Englifh Colonies in America were Confolidated as one Body, and joyn'd in one Common Intereff, as they are un- der one Gracious Sovereign, and with united Forces were ready and willing to adf in Concert, and atit each o ther, they would be better enabled to pro- voide for and defend themfelves, againi any troublefome Ambitious Neighbour, or bold Invader. For Union and Con- cord increa fe and e/*abliih Strength and Power, whilJ* Divifion and Difcord bavie the cont rary Effeffs. The PREFACE, by render it, once more, the Envy and Admiration of its Neighbours. LET us confider the Fall of our An- ceffors, and grow wife by their Misfor- tunes. if the Ancient Britains had been united among themfilves, the Ro- mans, in all probability had never be- come their Majiers : For a6 Cxfar oh- f rvm'd of them, Dum Singuli pug- nabant, Univerfi vincebantur, whilft they fought in feperate Bodies, the whole Ifland was fubdued. So if the Englifh Colonies in America were Confolidated as one Body, and joyn'd in one Common Intereft, as they are un- der one Gracious Sovereign, and with united Forces were ready and willing to aR in Concert, and aftftf each o- ther, they would be better enabled to pro- vide for and defend themfees, againft any troublefome Ambitious Neighbour, or bold Invader. For Union and Con- cord increa and eftablifh Strength and Power, whilft Divifion and Dicord bave the contrary Eft'e6ts. BUT  The PREFACE. B UT to put a Period to this Di- greflion ; It feems to me a very great Indignity offer'd to His MAJESTYr and the Nation, that when there are Five Hundred Thoufand Britifhi Subjedls (which are above five times more than the French have both in Canada and Loui- fiana put together) inhabiting the feve- ral Colonies on the Eaft ide of the Continent of North America, along the Sea Shoare, from the Gulf ofl St. Lau- rence to that of Florida, all contigu-. ous to each other, wrho, for almofl a Cen- tury, have eflahlijb'd a Correfpondence, contrac fed a Friendfhip, and carry'd on a ftouri/lhing Trade and Commerce with the feveral Nations of Indians, lying on their Back, to the Weftward and Northward, for Furs, Skins, & c. g moft rich and valuable Traffick, the Co- lonies themfebes abounding with Me- tals and Minerals of Copper, Iron, Lead, z~e. producing Hemp, Flax, Pitch, Tarr, Rofin, Turpintine, Mats, Timber and Planks of Oak, C 3 Fir, The PRP.EF A CE. B uT to put a Period to this Di- greflion; It fems to me a very great Indignity offer'd to His MAJESTY and the Nation, that when there are Five Hundred Thoufand Britifh SubjeL&s (which are above five times more than the French have both in Canada and Loui- fiana put together) inhabiting the f eve- ral Colonies on the Eaft fide of the Continent of North America, along the Sea Shoare, from the Gulf of St. Lau- rence to that of Florida, all contigu. ous to each other, who, for almoji a Cen- tury, have eflablijb'd a Correfpondence, conrracfed a Friendihip, and carry'd on a ftouri/hing Trade and Commerce with the feverl Nations of Indians, lying on their Back, to the Weftward and Northward, for Furs, Skins, &c. g moji rich and valuable Traffick, the Co- lonies them f elves abounding with Me. tals and Minerals of Copper, Iron, Lead, v c. producing Hemp, Flax, Pitch , Tarr, Rofin , Turpintine , Mafts, Timber and Planks of Oak, c 3 Fir, The PREFACE. B u T to put a Period to this Di- greflion; It feems to me a very great Indignity oferd to His MAJESTY and the Nation, that -when there are Five Hundred Thoufand Britifh Subjeffs (which are above five times more than the French have both in Canada and Loui- fiana put together) inhabiting the five- ral Colonies on the Eaft ide of the Continent of North America, along the Sea Shoare, from the Gulf of St. Lau- rence to that of Florida, all contigu_. ous to each other, who, for almoji a Cen- tury, have eflablijb'd a Correfpondence, conrra~fied a Friendfhip, and carry'd on a flourilhing Trade and Commerce with the feveral Nations of Indians, lying on their Back, to the Weftward and N orthward, for Furs, Skins, &c. g moft rich and valuable Traffick, the Co- lonies them felves abounding with Me- tals and Minerals of Copper, Iron, Lead, Qjc. producing Hemp, Flax, Pitch , Tarr, Rofin, Turpintine , Mafts, Timber and Planks of Oak, C 3 Fir,  The PREFACE. Fir, and all other forts of Naval Stores, in great abundance, and the beft of their Kind in the World ; be/ides Wheat, Beef, Pork, Tobacco, Rice, and other rzecefary and profitable Commodities ; with a Noble Fifhery f r Whales, Cod- fifh, c.along the Coaft and in tbe Bays thereof, 1 fay, it feems a great In- dignity offer'd to Is MA.JESTY and the Britifh Nation, that the French Jhould feize on and Fortify this Province of Carolana, remote from Canada near a Thoufand Mhiles, as well as the other Lands to the Weffward, or on the Back of our Settlements (the great er Part of which are comprehended in divers Pa- tents granted long ago, by feveral of His TM~afESTY s Royal Predecetf'ors, Kings and Queens of England,) El pecially Aice the Englifh have Planted and Im- prov'd them, from the Sea Coaft, almo/k up to the Sources of the largefi Rivers, by the Confent of the Natives, whofe Lands they have. allually purchas'd and paid for, and whofe Traffick we are b~~reby intirely deprii,'d of. M ROE The PREFACE. Fir, and all other forts of Naval Stores, in great abundance, and the bejfi of their Kind in the World ; be/ides Wheat, Beef, Pork, Tobacco, Rice, and other neceffary and profitable Commodities ; with a Noble Fifhery fir Whales, Cod- fifh, &e. along the Coaft and in the Bays thereof, I fay, it feems a great In- dignity ofe~r'd to Hr6 MAJEsTY and the Britifh Nation, that the French Ihould feize on andl Fortify this Province of Carolana, remote from Canada near a Thoufand Miles, as well as the other Lands to the Weftward, or on the Back of our Settlements (the greateft Part of which are comprehended in divers Pa- tents granted long ago, byf fveral of His -M~AJESTY s Royal Predecelffrs, Kings and Queens of England,) E~peciatdy fince the lEnglifh have Planted and Im- pray'1 them, f rom the Sea Coafi, alma/ki up to the Sources of the largefi Rivers, by the Confent of the Natives, whofe Lands they have. alually purchas'd and paid for, and rahofe Traffick we are bi~rebvy intirely dejpriv'd of.MO0 R The PREFACE. Fir, and all other forts of Naval Stores, in great abundance, and the beft of their Kind in the World; be/ides Wheat, Beef, Pork, Tobacco, Rice, and other neceffary and profitable Commodities; with a Noble Filbery fir Whales, Cod- fifh, &~e. along the Coaft and in the Bays thereof, I fay, it fems a great In- dignity offer'd to His MAJESTY and the Britifh Nation, that the French should feize on and Fortifythis Province of Carolana, remote fr'om Canada near a Thotefand Miles, as well as the other Lands to the Weftward, or on the Back of our Settlements (the greateft Part of which are comprehended in divers Pa- tents granted long ago, by feveral of His TMAJESrY's Royal Predeceffors, Kings and Queens of Eng land,) Liipecialy fince the Englifh have Planted and Im- pray'd them, f rom the Sea Coaft, alma/kf up to the Sources of the largefi Rivers, by the Confent of the Natives, whofe Lands they have. a'ually purchas'd and paid for, and whofe Traffick we are b~reby intirely depri'o'd of. MROE  The PREFACE. MOREOVER if the Englifh faffr themnfelves to be thus firaitly coop'd up, without ft retching their Plantations fur-. ther back into the Continent, what will become of their Off-fpring and Defcen- dants, the Increafe of their Owna and the Nations Stock, who Claim and De- mand an Habitation and Inheritance mear their Parents, Relations and Friends, and have a Right to be pro- ~vided for in the Country where they are Born, both by the Laws of' GOD and Man ; and which the Prudence and Policy of the State does likewife require, as convenient and neceffary, both for ex- tending our Territories, ,firengtbnn our Hands, and enlarging ou~r Trde BESIDES, as the Englifh are not fond of extending their Dominions on the Con- tinent of Europe, but confine themfelves to their Iflands, being content with their Ancient Territories and Poffeffions, ex- cept what is abfolutly neceffary to promote and ficure their Trade and Commperce, the very Vitals of the State, I cannot apprehend with what Reafon or Juftice C a the The PREFACE. MOREOVER if the Englifh fIfrr themfelves to be thus firaitly coop'd up, without firetching their Plantations fur.. ther back into the Continent, what will become of their Off-fpring and Defcen- dants, the Increafe of their Own and the Nations Stock, who Claim and De- mand an Habitation and Inheritance near their Parents, Relations and Friends, and have a Right to be pro-. vinded for in the Country where they are Born, both by the Laws of- GOD and Man ; and which the Prudence and Policy of the State does likewife require, as convenient and neceffary, both for ex- tending our Territories, ,flrengthening our Hands, and enlarging our Trade. BESIDEs, as the Eziglifh are not fond of extending their Dominions on the Con- tinent of Europe, but confine themfelves to their Iflarnds, being content with their Ancient Territories and Poffeffions, ex- cept what is abfolutly neceffary to promote and ficure their Trade and Commierce the very Vitals of the State, I cannot apprehend with what Reafon or Juftice c 4 the The PREFACE. MOREOVER if the Engliffi fffr themfelves to be thus firaitly coop'd up, without firetching their Plantations fur- ther back into the Continent, what will become of their Off-fpring and Defcen- dants, the Increafe of their Own and the Nations Stock, who Claim and De- mand an Habitation and Inheritance mear their Parents, Relations and Friends, and have a Right to be pro- 'oided for in the Country where they are Born, both by the Laws of GOD and Man; and which the Prudence and Policy of the State does likewife require, as convenient and neceffary, both for ex- tending our Territories, flrengthening our Hands, and enlarging our Trade. BESIDES, as the Eiiglifh are not fond of extending their Domiinions on the Con- tinent of Europe, but confine themfelves to their Iflands, being content with their Ancient Territories and Poffeffions, ex- cept what is abfolutly neceffary to promote and fecure their Trade and Commierce, the very Vitals of the State, I cannot apprehend with what Reafon or Juffice c +. the  The PREFACE. the French, or any other Nation, (hould encroach upon their Claims, Colonys, or Plantations in America. THAT They have done this is plain, from the Accounts we continually receiv'd from France, for many Tfears panr, of tbe. feveral Embarkations for the Mefchace- be or Louifiana, and the Encouragement given to their Wefa-India Company, for the Planting and Raing Materials for Manufa&ures therein. W E have likemife been, with jifr E eafo, alarm'd here in Great Britain, bthe many Letters,Memorials, Repre- Ientations and Remonfirances, which have, from Time to Time, been tranfmnit- ted, from divers of our Colonies upon the Continent of America, jetting forth the Danger tbzy are like to be expos'd to, f romn the Neighbourhood of the French, if they obtain full ?offeffion of this our Province of Carolana, and the Lands to the Northward of it, as far as the Five great Lakes, which comprehends great Part of what they cadll a Loui- panv. FOR The PREFACE. the French, or any other Nation, fhould encroach upon their Claims, Colonys, or Plantations in America. THAT They have done this is plain, from the Accounts we continually receiv'd fromi France, for many Tears pallf, of the, feveral Embarkations for the Mefchace- be or Louifiana, and the Encouragement given to their Weft-India Company, for the Planting and Raing Materials for Manufa&ures therein. W E have likerife been, wnith juft Rearon, alarm'd here in Great Britain, by the many Letters,Memorials, Repre- fentations and Rem onfirances, which have, from Time to Time, been tranfrnit- ted, from divers of our Colonies upon the Continent of America, jetting forth the .manger tb-y are like to be expos'd to, from the Neighbourhood of the French, if they obtain full Pofffion of this our Province of Carolana, and tbe Lands to the Northward of it, as far as the Five great Lakes, which comprehends great Past of what they call la Loui- lianv. FOR The PREFACE. the French, or any other Nation, Mhould encroach upon their Claims, Colonys, or Plantations in America. THAT They have done this ih plain, from the Accounts we continually recetv'd f rom France, for many Tears pajq, of the, feveral Embarkations for the Mefclhace- be or Louifiana, and the Encouragement given to their Wei}-India Company, for the Planting and Railing Materials for Manufaaures therein. W E have lierrife been, with luft Beaon, alarnm'd here in Great Britain, by the many Letters,Memorials, Repre- fentations and Remonfirances, which have, from Time to Time, been tranfrait- ted, from divers of our Colonies upon the Continent of America, jtting forth the Danger tb-y are like to be expos'd to, from the Neighbourhood of the French, if they obtain full Pofflon of this our Province of Carolana, and the Lands to the Northward of it, as far as the Five great Lakes, which comprehends great Part of what they call la Loul- lsanIl. FOR  The PREFACE. Fox through thefe Countries many great Rivers have their Courfe, proceeding from the Back of our Colonies of New York, New Jerfey, Penfilvania, Mary- land, Virginia, North andSouth Caro- lina, (their Springs being not far diflant from the Heads of the Chief Rivers, that belong to and run through thofe Colonies) moll ofthem Navigable without Interruption from their Fountains, till they fall into the Mefchacebe. And by means of their Settlements on that and the other Inland Rivers and Lakes, from the Bay of Mexico, to the River and Bay of St. Laurence, the French are drawing a Line of Communication, and endeavour- ing to furround and f]reighten all our Co- lonies, from Nova Scotia to South Ca- rolina. Thus are they working out their own Grandure and Our Deftrudion. INDEED the French,who all the World acknowledge to be an Enterpizing, Great and Politick Nation, are fo fenfible of the Advantages of Foreign Colonies, both in reference to Empire and Trade, that they ufe all manner of Artifices to lull their The PREFACE. FoR through thefe Countries many great Rivers have their Courfe, proceeding from the Back of our Colonies of New York, New Jerfey, Penfilvania, Mary- land, Virginia, North andSouth Caro- lina, (their Springs being riot far diftant from the Heads of the Chief Rivers, that belong to and run through thofe Colonies) moI of them Navigable without Interruption from their Fountains, till they fall into the Mefchacebe. And by means of their Settlements on that and the other Inland Rivers and Lakes, from the Bay of Mexico, to the River and Bay of St. Laurence, the French are drawing a Line of Communication, and endeavour- ing to furround and fireighten all our Co- lonies, from Nova Scotia to South Ca- rolina. Thus are they working out their own Grandure and Our Deltrudion. INDEED the French,who all the World acknowledge to be an Enterpizing, Great and Politick Nation, are fofenfible of the Advantages of Foreign Colonies, both in reference to Empire and Trade, that they ufe all manner of Artifices to lull their The PREFACE. FoR through thefe Countries many great Rivers have their Courfe, proceeding from the Back of our Colonies of New York, New Jerfey, Penfilvania, Mary- land, Virginia, North andSouth Caro- lina, (their Springs being not far diflant f rom the Heads of the Chief Rivers, that belong to and run through thofe Colonies) mo/I ofthem Navigable without Interruption from their Fountains, till they fall into the Mefchacebe. And by means of their Settlements on that and the other Inland Rivers and Lakes, from the Bay of Mexico, to the River and Bay of St. Laurence, the French are drawing a Line of Communication, and endeavour- ing to furround and fireighten al our Co- lonies, from Nova Scotia to South Ca- rolina. Thus are they working out their own Grandure and Our Deftrudion. INDEED the Frenchwho all the World acknowledge to be an Enterpizing, Great and Politick Nation, are ofenfible of the Advantages of Foreign Colonies, both in reference to Empire and Trade, that they ufe all manner of Artifices to lug their  The PREFACE. their Neighbours a fleep, with Fine Speeches and plaufible Pretences, whil fk they cunningly endeavour to compafs their De6gns by degrees, tho' at the hazard of encroaching on their Friends and Al- lies, and depriving them of their Terri- tories and Dominions in Time of Pro- found Peace, and contrary to the mofk Solemn Treaties. FOR befdes their feizing on, and fit- ling the great River Mefchacebe , and fome part of the North Side of the iBay of Mexico, and the claim they feem clandeftinely to make to another of our inhabited Southern Colonies ad- joyning thereunto, a I (hall in the Sequel demonf rate, they in fome of their Writings boafI, that their Colony of Louifiana, hath no other Bounds to the North than the Ardick Pole, and that its Limits on the Weft and North Well are not known much better, but extend to the South Sea, Japan, or where-ever they (hall think fit to Fix them, if they can be perfwaded to fix any at all ; intending thereby to deprive the Britifh Nation of all that vaft TradI Of The PR EFA C E. their Neighbours a fleep, with Fine Speeches and plaufible Pretences, whil f they cunningly endeavour to compafs their Defigns by degrees, tho' at the hazard of encroaching on their Friends and Al- lies, and depriving them of their Terri- tories and Dominions in Time of Pro- found Peace, and contrary to the mofi Solemn Treaties. FOR befdes their feizing on, and fet- ling the great River Mefchacebe , and fome part of the North Side of the -Bay of Mexico, and the claim they feem clandeftinely to make to another of our inhabited Southern Colonies ad- joyning thereunto, ad I (hall in the Sequel demonf rate, they in fome of their Writings boa/I, that their Colony of Louifiana, hath no other Bounds to the North than the Ar~lick Pole, and that its Limits on the Weft and North Weft are not known much better, but extend to the South Sea, Japan, or where-ever they (hall think fit to Fix them, if they can be perfwaded to fix any at all ; intending thereby to deprive the Britilh Nation of all that va f Tra& of The PREFACE. their Neighbours a fleep, with Fine Speeches and plaufible Pretences, whilft they cunningly endeavour to compafs their Defigns by degrees, tho' at the hazard of encroaching on their Friends and Al- lies, and depriving them of their Terri- tories and Dominions in Time of Pro- found Peace, and contrary to the mot Solemn Treaties. FOR befdes their feizing on, and fet- ling the great River Mefchacebe , and fome part of the North Side of the Bay of Mexico, and the claim they feem clandeflinely to make to another of our inhabited Southern Colonies ad- joyning thereunto, a6 I (hall in the Sequel demonfirate, they in fome of their Writings boa f, that their Colony of Louifiana, hath no other Bounds to the North than the Araick Pole, and that its Limits on the Well and North Wefl are not known much better, but extend to the South Sea, Japan, or where-ever they (hall think fit to Fix them, if they can be perfwaded to fix any at all ; intending thereby to deprive the Britifh Nation of all that vaft Trad of  The P REF ~A CE. ofLand Situate between the Gulf of Mexico and [HudfonsBay,which includes this our Province of Carolana, the afore- faid great Lakes, and the whole Country of our Five Nations, with the Fur, Peltry, and other Trade thereof. And what further Views and Deigns they may entertain againff the Spanifh Provoinces of New Mexico and New Bifcay, may he eafily conjedur'd fince the World has been certainly appriz'd of the Project fram'd by Monfteur Dela Salle, to Vt and Seize on the Rich Mines of St. Bar- be, 7c. which if he thought no difficult Task to accompli, with about Two Huen- dred French, and the Aflifance of the In- dians adjjoyning to, and in actual War with the Spaniards, how much more eaji- ly will they become Mafters of them, when with the United Strength of Canada and Louifiana, both French and Na- tives, they Thadl think fit to attack them. And after fuch an Acquition of the Nu- merous Mines of ehofe Provinces, with the Immenfe Riches thereof, what may not our Colonies, on the Continent of America, apprehend from them. Bfi- The P REF1~A CE. of Land Situate between the Gulf of Mexico and HudfonsBay,which include this our Province of Carolana, the afore- faid great Lakes, and the whole Country o our Five Nations, with the Fur, eltry, and other Trade thereof. And what further Views and Deigns they may entertain againfi the Spanifh Provsinces of New Mexico and New Bifcay, may be eafiy conjecIur'd fince the World has been certainly appriz'd of the Projeat fram'd by Mon fieur Dela Salle, to Vi/it and Seize on the Rich Mines of St. Bar- be, &!c. which if he thoug~ht no difcult Task to accomnpli~ with about Two THun- dred French, and the Afliflance of the In- dians adjoyning to, and in actual War with the Spaniards, how much more eaf-~ ly will they become Matters of them, when with the United Strength of Canada and Louifiana, both French and Na-. tives, they (hall think fit to attack them. And after fuch an Acqu4ition of the Nu- merous Mines of thoe Provinces, with the Immenfe Riches thereof, what may not our Colonies, on the Continent of America, apprehend from them. BE- The P RERF A CE. of Land Situate between the Gulf of Mexico and HudfonsBay,which include this our Province of Carolana, the afore- fid great Lakes, and the whole Country of our Five Nations, with the Fur, leltry, and other Trade thereof. And what further Views and Dbeigns they may entertain again/k the Spanifh Provoinces of New Mexico and New Bifcay, may b eafily conjeclur'd fince the World has been certainly appriz'd of the Projeat framn'd by Monfieur Dela Salle, to Vi/it and Seize on the Rich Mines of St. Bar- be, &c. which if he thought no difficult Task to accomplif/, with aou Two THun- dred French, and the Afli jiance of the In- dians adjoyning to, and in actual War with the Spaniards, how much more eafi- ly wil they become Mafters of them, when with the United Strength of Canada and Louifiana, both French and Na- tives, they hadl think fit to attack them. And after fuch an Acquifition of the Nu- merous Mines of thofe Provinces, with the Immenfe Riches thereof, what may not our Colonies, on the Continent of America, apprehend from them. BE-  The PREFACE. BESIDES Jamaica lying, as it were,lockt up, between their Settlemnents in the Island of H-ifpaniola, and thofe on the Bay of Mexico, will foon be in Danger of fall- ing into their HLands ; and whether the H-a vana itfelf, and the whole fland of Cuba, with the Key of Old Mexico, La vera Cruz,will long remain in the Poffl- on of the Spaniards, is very much to be doubted. And fuppof/ng the hefl that can happen to us, it will be but Uliffes's Fate, to bave the Favour of being de flroy'd loft: A very Comfortable Confideration. WEare all fenjible what Clamours were rais'd at the Conceffons made to France, on the Conclufon of the late Peace at Utrecht. There's fcarce a Alan well vers'd in the InterOf of Trade and Plantations, but b!amV the then Miniftry for not injifling on the Surrenler of Canada, as well r Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, fr the Security of our Northern Colonies on the Continent of America) and the Traffick thereof: Nor ought th~ey to have alloaw'd them the PofJeiion of Cape Bre- ton, if they had xell con fder'd or under, flood The PREFACE. BESIDES Jamaica lying, as it were,!ockt up, between their Settlements in the lIland of Hifpaniola, and thofe on the Bay of Mexico, will foon be in filanger o f fall- ing into their Ha~nds ; and whether the Hfavana itfif, and the whole Ifland of Cuba, with the Key of Old Mexico, La vera Cruz,wmill long remain in the Poff-i on of the Spaniards, is very much to be doubted. And fuppofing the hef that can happen to us, it will be but Uliffes's Fate, to bave the Favour of being deflroy'd laft: A very Comfortable Confide-ration. WE are all fenjible what Clamours were rais'dat the Conceifions made to France,on the Conclufion of the late Peace at Utrecht. There'sr fiarce a Alan well vers'd in the Interefi of Trade and Plantations, but Iilam'd the then Miniftry for not inffling on the Surrenler of(Canada, as well ah Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, fr the Security of our Northern Colonies on the Continent of America, and the Traffick thereof: Nor ought they to have allow'd them the Poffeflion of Cape Bre- ton, if they had well con/ider~d or under- flood The PREFACE. BESIDES Jamaica lying, as it were,Iockt up, between their Settlements in the Island of Hifpaniola, and thofe on the Bay of Mexico, will foon be in jDanger o f fall-. ing into their Hands ; and whetter the H-avana itfeif, and the whole If1ind of Cuba, with the Key of Old Mexico, La vera Cruz,will long remain in the Po ffeli-- on of the Spaniards, is very much to be doubted. And fuppojing the heft that can happen to us, it will be but Uliffes's Fate, to bave the Favour of being de/lroy'd loft: A 'very Comfortable Confideration. WE are all fen/ible what Clamours were rais'd at the Conceflions made to France, on the Concluflon of the late Peace at Utrecht. There's Pearce a Alan 'well vers'd in the Interef of Trade and Plantations, but h!am'd the then Miniftry for not in/ fling on the Surrenler of Canada, as well eas Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, fr the Security of our Northern Colonies on the Continent of' America, and the Traffick thereof-: Nor ought they to have allow'd them the Poffe ion of Cape Bre- ton, if they had well conf/der'd or under- flood  The PREFACE. flood the Nature of the Fifliery in thofe Seas. THE THfrory of former Ages, and the Experience of then latter Times have inform'd us, that the French hazever been troublefome Neighbours, wherefo- evrthey were feated : Hiflorians affjert- ing, that the natural Levity and rejtlefi-' neft of their Temper, their enherprizing Genius, and Ambition of extending their Dominions, and rai fang the Glory and Grandeur of their Monarchs, contribute in great Aleafure to make them ro. WHEREFORE it's to be hop'd, that tle Britifh Nation, will be fo far from conti- nuing idle or indifferent Spe~fators of the unreafonable and unu furpations and Encroachments of the French, on the Continent of America, that they'll let 'en know, they have enough already of Canada adCape Breton, and that it's expected they abandon their New Acquilitions on the Meichacebe and the Bay of Mexico, that River and Country belonging of Right to the Crown of Great Britain. And 1 believe it mill fcarce be deny'd, that at pre- The PREFACE. flood the Nature of the Fifhery in thofe Seas. THE THiory of former Ages, and the Experience of thene latter Times have inform'd us, that the French haze ever been troublefome Neighbours, wherefo- ever they were feated : Hiftorians offert- ing, taot the natural Levity and reftlefs-- nefs of their Temper, their enterprizing Genius, and Ambition of extending their Dominions, and raifrng the Glory and Grandeur of their Monarchs, contribute in great Aleafure to make them ro. WHEREFORE it's to be hop'd, that tle Britifh Nation, will be fo far from conti- nuing idle or indi frent Spe~fators of the unreafonable and unjuji Ufurpations and Encroachments of the French, on the Continent of America, that they'll let 'ens know, they have enough already of Canada and C~ape Breton, and that it's expelled they abandon their new Acquifitions on the Meichacebe and the Bay of Mexico, that River and Country belonging of Right to the Crown of Great Britain. And 1 believe it will fcarce be deny'd, that at pre- The PREFACE. flood the Nature of the Fifhexy in thoe Seas. THE TH]2ory of former Ages, and the Ex perience of thenf latter Times have inform'd us, that the French have ever been troublefome Neighbours, wherefo- ever they were feated : Hiftorians affert- ing, that the natural Levity and reftlefi. nefs of their Temper, their enterprizing Genius, and Ambition of extending their Dominions, and railig the Glory and Grandeur of their Monarchs, contribute in great Meafure to make themfo. WHEREFORE it's to be hop'd, that tke Britifh Nation, will be fo far from conti- nuing idle or indiferent Speaators of the unreafonable and unjujk Ufurpations and Encroachments of the French, on the Continent of America, that they'll let 'ema know, they have enough already ofCanadla adCape Breton, and that it's expelled they abandon their new Acquifitions on the Meichacebe and the Bay of Mexico, that River and Country belonging of Right to the Crown of Great Britain. And 1 believe it will fcarce be dmny'd, that at pre-  The PREFACE. prefent, wbilfi they are weak, and in the Infancy and Confufion of their Settle-- ments in Louifiana, we have a much bet- ter Chance, and are in far happier Circum-- ftances, to put in our Claim to, and dif- pute the Right and Poffeffion of that and the other Land, above mention'd with them, than we (hall be fome ears hence, when they have augmented the Number of their Inhabitants, debauch'd the Natives to their Party, and further ftrengthen'd themfelves, by fecuring, with Forts and Garrifons, the Paffes of the Rivers, Lakes and Mountains, even tho' they fhould not have obtain'd any Advantage over the Spaniards, or inrich'd themfelves with the Wealth of Mexico. I muff acknowledge, that in Cafe the Britifh Nation, Ihould be fo far infatua- ted, as not to affert their Right to this fo noble, and to them fo ufeful and necefary a Colony, and endeavour to regain the Poffeffion thereof, or fecure, at leapt, fo much of it, as lies on the Back of our Plan- tations, as far Weftwardas the Mefcha- cebe, it will be much more eligible and for The PREFACE. prefent, wbilk they are weak, and in the Infancy and Confufion of their Settle- ments in Lonifiana, we have a much bet- ter Chance, and are in far happier Circum- ftances, to put in our Claim to, and dif- pute the Right and Potieffion of that and the other Land, above mention'd with them, than we /hall be fome rears hence, when they have augmented the Number of their Inhabitants, debauch'd the Natives to their Party, and further flrengthen'd themfelves, by fecuring, with Forts and Garrifons, the Paffes of the Rivers, Lakes and Mountains, even tho' they fhould not have obtain'd any Advantage over the Spaniards, or inrich'd themfelves with the Wealth of Mexico. I muff acknowledge, that in Cafe the Britifh Nation, /hould be fo far infatua- ted, as not to affert their Right to this fo noble, and to them fo ufeful and necefJary a Colony, and endeavour to regain the Poffeflion thereof, or fecure, at leaft, fo much of it, as lies on the Back of our Plan- tations, as far Weftwardas the Mefcha- cebe, it will be much more eligible and for The PREFACE. prefent, whilfi they are weak, and in the nfancy and Confufion of their Settle- ments in Louifiana, we have a much ht- ter Chance, and are in far happier Circum- flances, to put in our Claim to, and dif- pute the Right and Poleffion of that and the other Land, above mention'd with them, than we Ihall be fome rears hence, when they have augmented the Number of their Inhabitants, debauch'd the Natives to their Party, and further flrengthen'd themfelves, by fecuring, with Forts and Garrifons, the Paffes of the Rivers, Lakes and Mountains, even tho' they Ihould not have obtain'd any Advantage over the Spaniards, or inrich'd themfelves with the Wealth of Mexico. I muff acknowledge, that in Cafe the Britifh Nation, fhould be fo far infatua- ted, as not to affert their Right to this fo noble, and to them fo ufeful and neceffary a Colony, and endeavour to regain the Poffeflion thereof, or fecure, at leap, fo much of it, as lies on the Back of our Plan- tations, as far Weftwardas the Mefcha- cebe, it will be much more eligible and for  The PREFACE. for their Interefi, that the Spaniards were Maflers of it than the French, we not ha- ving fo much Reafon to apprehend the fame danger ,either to ourColonies,Trade orNa- vigation, from the FirfI, as from the Lafi. Tho' I'm far from admitting the Ce.Llon of it to either of them, on any Terms what- foever, without an abfolute and apparent iqece/Jty, which, Itbank GOD, we are not yet reduc'd to, nor appreben/ive of. AND I am apt to think, that Prudence and Poliey, will or ought to prompt us, to keep aBadlance ofPower in America, a6 well as nearer Home ; and that as we hav.e, for a- bove Thirty rears paft, found it our In- tereft to check and put a flop to the grow- ing Power of France, and fet Bounds to their Dominions here in Europe, we flhall not eaily be induc'd to allow them to encroach on, and deprivre us of our Colo- nies and Plantations in America. THE Spaniards are faid to be very uneafy at the fo near Neighbourhood of the French on the Mefchacebe, and are perhaps more jealous of the Confequences thereof than we are, the' not more than we ought to be; and The PREFACE. for their Intereft, that the Spaniards were Mafiers of it than the French, we not ha- ving fo much Reafon to apprehend the fame danger ,either to our~olonies,Trade crNa- vigation, from the Fir ff, as from the Lagi. Tho' I'm far from admitting the Cef/on I it to either of them, on any Terms what- aever, without an abfolute and apparent Neceftity, which, Ithank GOD, we are not yet reduc'd to, nor appreben/ive of. AND Ilam apt to think, that Prudence and Policy, will or ought to prompt us, to keep aBallance of Power in America, a6 well as3 nearer Home ; and that as we have, for a- bove Thirty rears pafi, found it our In- tereft to check and put a flop to the grow- ing Power of France, and fet Bounds to their Dominions here in Europe, we Ihall not eaily be induc'd to allow them to encroach on, and deprive us of our Colo- nies and Plantations in America. THE Spaniards are faid to be very uneafi at the fo near Neighbourhood of the French on the Mefchacebe, and are perhaps more jealous of the Confequences thereof than we are, th.' not more than we ought to be; and The PREFACE. for their Intereft, that the Spaniards were Maflers of it than the French, we not ha- ving fo much Reafon to apprehend the fame danger ,either to ourColonies,Trade orNa- vigation, from the Firft, as from the Lafi. The' I'm far from admitting the Cefon of it to either of them, on any Terms what- former, without an abfolute and apparent Necefity, which, It hank GOD, we are not yet reduc'd to, nor apprebenfive of. AND Ilam apt to think, that Prudence and Policy, will or ought to prompt us, to keep aBalance ofPower in America, a6 well as nearer Home ; and that as we have, for a- [ove Thirty rears paft, found it our In- tereft to check and put a flop to the grow- ing Power of France, and fet Bounds to their Domiinions here in Europe, we )hall not eajily be induc'd to allow them to encroach on, and deprivze us of our Colo- nies and Plantations in America. THE Spaniards are faid to be very uneafy at the fo near Neighbourhood of the French on the Mefchacebe, and are perhaps more jealous of the Confequences thereof than we are, the' not more than we ought to be; and  The PREFACE. end, it's pre fum'd, that on a proper Appli- cation and Incouragemient, they'll joyst with us to oppo fe and diffojfefr them of their Settlements there and on the Bay o Mexico, keaft they render themfelves ofe Mafr othe Navigation thereof, and with the Ajlijlance of the Indians, make Irruptions into the very Heart of their Colonies, attack their. Towns, feize their Mines, and Fortify and Maintain the mfelves therein. AND perhaps I may not be in the wrong to fgeff, that the Spaniards will rea- dily divide this Country with us, and furrender all their Pretentions to what- foever lies Eaft ward of the Mefchacebe, except St. Augutin, one Condition the French are oblig'd to remove thence and retire elfewhere. And indeed nothing feems more proper and ra fonable, than for that Great River to be the fettl'd and asknowledg'd Bounda- ry and Partition, bet'ween the Terri- tories of Spain and Great-Britain, on the Northern Continent of America, Nature fmigto have form'd it almofl purpofe- ly The PREFACE. and, it's prefuni'd, that on a proper Appli- cation and Incouragement, they'll joyn with us to oppofe and difffefr them of their Settlements there and on the Bay of Meico, leaf} they render thernfelves fole .Maffers of the Navigation thereof, and with the Alffance of- the Indians, make Irruptions into the very Heart of their Colonies, attack their. Towns, feize their Mines, and Fortify and Maintain the mfelves therein. ANDs perhaps I may not be in the wrong tofggft, that the Spaniards will rea- dily divide thin Country with us, and furrender all their Pretentions to what- foev.er lies Eaftward of the Mefchacebe, except St. Augutin, on Condition the French are oblig'd to remove thence and retire elfewhere. And indeed nothing feems more proper and ra fonable, than for that Great River to he the fettc'd and a~knowledg'd Bounda- ry and Partition, b'et'ween the Terri- tories of Spain and Great-Britain, on the Northern Continent ofAmerica, Nature feein to have form'd it almofl purpof - ly The PREFACE. and, it's prefuni'd, that on a proper Appli- cation and Incouragenment, they'll jo~yn with us to oppofe and difpffefi them of their Settlements there and on the Bay of Meico, leaft they render themfelves fole Mfesothe Navigation thereof, and with the 4//ffance of the Indians, make Irruptions into the very Heart of their Colonies, attack their. Towns, feize their Mines, and Fortify and Maintain the mfelves therein. AND perhaps I may not he in the wrong to fu~geft, that the Spaniards will rea- dily ~lvide thid Country with us, and furrender all their Pretentions to what- foever lies Eaftward of the Mefchacebe, except St. Auguftin, one Condition the French are oblig'd to remove thence and retire elfewhere. And indeed nothn feems more proper and rea- fonable, than for that Great River to he the fettd'd and a:-knwledg'd Bounda- ry and Partition, betw~teen the Terri- tories of Spain and Great-Britain, on the Northern Continent of America, Nature feeming to have form'd it almofl purpofe- ly  The PREFACE. ly for that End, as will be evident to thole who /hall give themfives the T'rou- ble of viewing the annexed Map. And at the fame Time They'll perceive how the French have wormn'd themnfelves into a Settlement between the Englifh and Spanifh Plantations, on Pretence of a Va- cancy; and with an Affurance fcarce to be parrallefd, have fet Bounds to the Dominions of both. PERHAPS I may be fifpeffed by force People of a Defgjn to plead for a War with. France under Pretence of afierting our Right to the abovemention'd Colony and Lands adjacent, at a Time, when, b~y Reafon of the prefent unf tti'd Pofture of our Affairs we are fo unfit for it, But I prote ft a Thought of that Nature i6 fo contrary to my Intentions, and Jo foreign to my Inclinations, that I heartily and fincere4y with, if conf (lent with our Ho- nour, Intereft: and Safety, we may ever avoid one with that Nation ; But then it is reafonable to expe5f from them a due Obfervance and Execution of Treaties, part icularly that of Utrecht, by which, d I The PREFACE. ly for that End, a6 will he evident to thofe who (hall give themf elves the Trou- ble of viewing the annexed Map. And at the fame Time They'll perceive how the French have worm'd themnfIves into a Settlement between the Englifh and Spanifh Plantations, on Pretence of a Va.- cancey; and with an Affurance fcarce to be parrallefd, have fit Bounds to the Dom~inions of both. PERHAPS I may be iuJpeffed byfome Pepl o a, etg t pea fra War with FrnceunderPreence of affertrng our Right to the abovemention'd Colony and Lands adjacent, at a Time, when, by Reafon of the prefent unf etti'd Pofture of our Affairs we are Jo unfit for it. But I prote ft a Thought of that Nature iajf contrary to my Intentions, and Jo foireign to my Inclinations, that I heartily and frncerely with, if confiflent with our Ho- nour, Intereft and Safety, we may ever avoid one with that Nation ; But then it is reafonable to expeff from them a due Obfervance and Execution of Treaties, particularly that of Utrecht, by which, d I The PREFACE. ly for that End, as will be evident to thofe who (hall give themnfelves the 7-rou- ble of videwing the annexed Map. And at the fame Tlime They'll perceive how the French have wormn'd themnfelves into a Settlement between the Englih and Spanifhl Plantations, on Pretence of a Va- cancy; and with an Affurance fcarce to he parrallefId, have fit Bounds to the Domninions of both. PERHAPS I may be fif pefIed byfome People of a Defign to plead for a War with France under Pretence of ajfe ting our Right to the abovementiond Colony and Lands adjacent, at a Time, when, by Reafon of the prefent unf ttl'd Pofture of our Affairs we are J o unfit for it. But I proteft a Thought of that Nature ife contrary to my Intentions, and Jo foreign to my Inclinations, that I heartily and fincerely wi/h, if conjf lent with our Ho- nour, Intereft: and Safety, we may ever avoid one with that Nation ; But then it is reafonable to expeH from them a due Obf~ervance and Execution of Treaties, particularly that of Utrecht, by which, d I  The PREFACE. I am in form'd, They are excluded from enjoying any Acquifitions, They have made in America during the Late War. I WOULD not wi~ingly charge them dirtily with a Violation of that Trea- ty, Juice their Refentmenr again ft the Spaniards for a Breach of it, il fo freib in our Memories, and the War comn- menc'd with them, on that Account fo lately terminated. 7'et if its alledg'd, They have ailed, with Re pel to Treaties, fmcerely and without Referve on their Part, howr comes it, that rvbiljl we were Glorioufly and Generoufly risking our Fleets by Sea in Europe, at fuch a di- fiance from Home, at fo vafi anEx pence, and even at the Inflance of France etfelf only to preferve the San~lion of Treaties, and do fufrice to our Allies, They Jould clandeftinely apply theirNaval Force, to fize on and deprive us of our Trade and Territories in America, and Settle and Aggrandize themfelves at our Expence, where they had no Right, -and The PREFACE. I am in form'd, They are excluded from enjoying any Acquifitions, They have made in America during the Late War. I WOULD not willingly charge them direaly with a Violation of that Trea- ty, Juice their Refentment again ft the Spaniards for a Breach of it, isfo freib in our Memories, and the War comn- menc'd with themn, on that Account fo lately terminated. et itsafled'd, They have ailfed, with Rpefto Treaties, fmcerely and without Referve on their Part, how comes it, that whilft we were Glorioutly and Generoutly risking our Fleets by Sea in Europe, at D'uch a di- fiance from Home, at fo vaft anEx pence, and even at the luffiance of France utfelf only to preferve the Sanajion of Treaties, and do Yuftice to our Allies, They/hould clandeftinely apply theirNaval Force, to feize on and deprive us of our Trade and Territories in America, and Settle ad Aggrandize themfelves at our Expence$ where they had no Right, -and The PREFACE. I am in form'd, They are excluded from enjoying any Acquilitions, They bave made in America during the Late War. I WoUL.D not willingly charge them direa4l with a Violation of that Trea- ty, fence their Refentment again ft the Spaniards for a Breach of it, ie fo freib in our Memories, and the War comn- menc'd with them, on that Account JZ lately terminated. ret if its aledg ', They have ailed, with ReIjpil to Treaties, fmcerely and without Referve on their Part, how comes it, that whilfi we were Glorioufly and Generoutly risking our Fleets by Sea in Europe, at fiich a di- fiance from Home, at fo vaft an Ex- pence, and even at the Inffiance of France stfelf only to preferve the San~tion of Treaties, and do Yuftice to our Allies, They Aould clandeftinely apply theirNaval Force, to feize on and deprive us of our Trade and Territories in America, and Settle ad Aggrandize themfelves at our Expence) whe~re they ha no Right, -and  The PRE~FACE. and even, as is fugge/*ed, contrary to the woft folemn Engagements. Tats is ce rtainly a rreatment mofi' Unjuft and Difhonourable to the Bri- tifli Nation, which I Jhbould not ha've mention'd, if the ;Duty I owe to my Sove- reign, and the Affedion I bear to m~y Country, did net for'bid me at fuch a Jun~~Iure, and on o Imoportant an Occa- fion, to be/fient and unconcern'd. i we tamely Autbmit to Infults and Injuries of this Natwe, without being alarm'd, and taking the neceffaq Steps towards a fpeedy and e felual Redrefs of them, Jba~ we not fem Infatuated and Wanting to ourfelves, be arraign'd a6 Felod e an accounted, with good Reafon, the Bubbles of the French ? Wan'ta Noble and Generous Struggle, for the refcuing and preferviing Our Ho- nour, Our Dominions and OurTrade, better become Us, than a Bafe and Cow- ardly Subiniflion and Surrender of them ? Shall we negledl the Means our Safety asks ? Or /ball we fufpeai that our Good and Potent Allies, whofe Intereft d S and The PREJFACE. and even, as is ('uggefled, contrary to the waft folemn Engagements. Tats is certainly a rreatment mogk Unjuft and Dilbonourable to the Bri- tift Nation, which I ./hould net have menitiosi'd, if the Duty Ieowe to my Sove- reign, and the Affection I hear to my Country, did net for bid me at fuch a Junctre, and on fo Important an Occa- lion, to be Jilent and unconcern'd. hr we tamely (iibmit to Infults and Injuries of this N~ature, without being alarm'd, and taking the neceffary Steps towards a fpeedy and cfellaal Redrefs of them, JbaYl we not fewm Infatuated and Wanting to ourfelvtes, be arraign'd a6 Felo de fe, and accounted, with good Reafon, the Bubbles of the French ? Want a Noble and Generous Struggle, for the refcuing and prfertiing Our Ho- nour, Our Dominions and OurTrade, better become Us, than a Bafe and Cow- ardly Submiflion and Surrender of them? Shall we neglecih the Means our Safety asks ? Or /hell we fufpe&E that our Good and Potent Allies, whofe Intereft d a and The PRE~FACE. and even, as is fuggefled, contrary to the waft folemn Engagements. Taxs is certainly a rreatment moll Unjuft and Difhonourable to the Bri- tifli Nation, which I hould not have mentian'd, if the Duty I owe to my Sove- reign, and the Affe Iion I hear to my Country, did net forbid me at fuch a Junaure, and on fo Important an Occa- lion, to be lent and unconcern'd. hr we tamely fu~bmit to Infults and Injuries of this N~atw-e, without being alarm'd, and taking the neceffary Steps towards a [peedy and eJe~lual Redrefs of them, JbaYi we not fewm Infatuated and Wanting to omnfehies, be arraign'd a Felo de fe, and accounted, with good Reafon, the Bubbles of the French ? Woen't a Noble and Generous Struggle, for the refcuing and prefervin Our Ho- nour, Our Dominions and OurTrade, better become Us, than a Bafe and Cow- ardly Submiffion and Surrender of them ? Shall we negleff~ the Means our Safety asks ? Or /hall we fufpe[d that our Good and Potent Allies, whofe Intereft d '2 and  The PREFACE. The PREFACE. The PREFACE.  The PREFACE. of thi6 Colony for Thirty rears pa#t, and the ,reat Advantages They propofed to themfelves thereby. And the better to engage their late Great Monarch's Am- bition of being Renown'd in Future Hi- fiory, in Allufion to hib Name, They Jlil'd it La Louifiane, and the Mefcha- cebe, the River of St. Louis, tho' at that Time, They had but one fmnall Stoc- kadoed Fort, above Two hundred Miles from the Northern, and Seven or Eight Hundred Mlies from the Southern Bounds of this Province. BY what is before mention'd, and the feveral Writings, Charts, and Maps of the French, it is evident, to whata narrow Extent of Ground They have confin'd the Englifh Plantations. And particularly in Llfles Map, the heft aind mogapprovd of any they have lately pub- liI/'d, befides many very Remarkables there is One, which I cannot omit taking Notice of, viz. That on the Part where They fix Carolina, now and long /ince inhabited by the Englifh, They have in- ferted this Memorable Paffage, Caroline d 3 ainfi The PREFACE. of thi6 Colony for Thirty rears pafi, and the great Advantages They propofed to themfelves thereby. And the better to engage their late Great Monarch's Am- bition of being Renown'd in Future Hii- fiory, in Allufion to hib Name, They ftil'd it La Louifiane, and the Mefcha- cebe, the River of St. Louis, tho' at that Tilme, They had but one fmnal! Stoc- kadoed Fort, above Two hundred Miles from the Northern, and Seven or Eight Husndred Mlies from the Southern Bounds of this Province. BY what is before mention'd, and the feveral Writings, Charts, and Maps of the French, it is evident, to what a narrow Extent of Ground T hey have confin'd the Englifh Plantations. And particularly in L'lfles Map, the heft and mno/T approv'd of any they have lately pub- li//Id, befides many very Remarkables there is One, which f cannot omit taking Notice of, viz. That on the Part where They fix Carolina, now and long fince inhabited by the Englifh, They have in- ferted this Memorable Pafrge, Caroline d 3 ainfi The PREFACE. of this Colony for Thirty rears pa]1, and the '£reat Advantages They propofed to themelves thereby. And the better to engage their late Great Monarch's Am- bition of being Renown'd in Future Hi- flory, in Allution to his Namie, They fftild it La Louifiane, and the Mefcha- cebe, the River of St. Louis, tho' at that Time, They had but one [mall Stoc- kadoed Fort, above Two hundred Miles from the Northern, and Seven or Eight Hundred Miles f rom the Southern Bounds of this Province. BY what is before mention'd, and the .f venal Writings, Charts, and Maps of the French, it is evident, to what a narrow Extent of Ground They have confin'd the Englifb Plantations. And particularly in L'lfles Map, the heft and mofA approv'd of any they have lately pub- iJlh'd, hefe many very Remarkables there is One, which I cannot omit taking Notice of, viz. That on the Part where They fix Carolina, now and long /ince inhabited by the Exkgliil, They have in- ferted this Mlemorable Paflsge, Caroline d 3 ainfi  The PREFACE. ainfi nommez enhonneu de Charles IX, par les Francois quil a decouvri- rent en prirent Poff'eflion et s' eftabli- rent Ian 15. Caroline fo nam'd in Honour of Chare thelXth, by the French, mho difcover'd, took Poifrion of, and fettl'd it in the ear 1 5.. by which the Author feems to intimate the Right of his Nation to that Province; who, if they are fo Bold already, in fo Publick a manner, to put in their Claim, to it, may, its to be f ear'd, when they think themfelvesftrong enough, by Force affert it. BiTT howfoever thefe Things may hap- pen (which I pray Gov may not in our Days) the Proprietor of Carolana will have the Comfort and Satisfation of having diJcharg'd his Duty to the Pub. lick, in affording Matter for the following Sheets, which I here ofer to the View and Perufal of all true Britains, in hopes They may prove acceptable, and engage their Attention for the Publick Good. BUT if the Jaid Proprietor after fo great Trouble and Extpence, J15uld have thbe The PREFACE. ainfi nomimez en P'honneur de Charles IX, par les Francois qui la decouvri- rent en prirent Poffeeffion et s' effabli- rent lan 15. Caroline fo nam'd in Honour of Charles the lXth, by the French, ,'ho difcover'd, took PoJJeion of, and fetl'd it in the Tear r 5.. by which the Author feems to intimate tIhe Right of his Nation to that Province; who, if they are ft Bold already, in fo Publick a manner, to put in their Claim, to it, may, its to be f ear'd, when they think themfelves firong enough, by Force afert it. BUIT howfoever tbefe Things may hap- pen (which I pray Gov may not in our Days) the Proprietor of Carolana will have the Comfort and Satisfadion of having dYfcharg'd his Duty to the Pub. lick, in affording Matter for the following Sheets, which I here offer to the View and Perufal of all true Britains, in hopes They may prove acceptable, and engage their Attention for the Publick Good. BUT if the Jaid Proprietor after fb great Trouble and Expence, #hould have the The PREFACE. ainfi nomimez en l'honneur de Charles IX, par les Francois qui Ia decouvri- rent en prirent Poffelion et s' eftabli- rent Ian 15. Caroline (a nam'd in Honour of Charles the IXth, by the French, ipho difcov.er'd, took Poffejon of, and fettl'd it in the ear 15.. bi, which the Authorf fems to intimate the Right of his Nation to that Province; who, if they are fo Bold already, in fo Publick a manner, to put in their Claim, to it, may, its to be f ear'd, when they think themfelvesftrong enough, by Force 'Pfert it. BitT hoirfoever thefe Things may hap- pen (which I pray GOD may not in our Days) the Proprietor of Carolana will have the Comfort and Satista&ion of hav~ing diJcharag'd his Duty to the Pub.. lick, in affording Matter for the following Sheets, which I here offer to the View and Perufal of all true Britains, in hopes They may prove* acceptable, and engage their Attention for the Publick Good. BUT if the Paid Proprietor after fo great Trouble and Expcnce, A~ould have the  Th PREFACE. the Mortificartion to fee all his honeft and well meant Endeavours rejefIed, and the Fruits of his Labour and Subftance render'd Ineffeatual, and loft both to his Country, himfelf anid Family, anid this Noble Province fecur'd by the French, without a Probability of Reepin he mu f f t down with Patience, and be- wail his own Misfortunes, and the In- fatuation of his Countrymen, who, as they formerly ref us'd the Honour of being the lirfi Difcoverers of America, when it was ofer'd them by the great Columbus, in heRein f KngHenry the VIIth. do omflgh ad ejpthe Pofeffion of a Country, whicb is One of the kNiueft and moilt Valuable in that Part of the World, and in their Power to Jecure, at leaft the greateft Part of it. YET notwithfianding theft his unfuc, cefsful and difcouraging Efforts, it will appear and continue as a Memorial to F~uturity, by the Difcoveries and Re- lations here publ*ihd, and the Petitions, Memorials, and Reprefentations for- merly by him prefented to King WILLIAM d44 anid The PREFACE. the Mortifica.tion to fee all his honeft and well meant Endeavours reje(Ied, and the Fruits of his Labour and Subftance render'd Iueffe61ual, and loft both to his Country, himfelf and Family, and this Noble Province jecur'd by the French, without a Probability of Redemption, he mu ft fit down with Patience, and be- wail his own Misfortunes, anid the In- fatuation of his Countrymen, who, as they formerly re fus'd the Honour of being the irfl Difcoverers of America, when it was #ffr'd them bythe great Columbus, in the Reign of King Henry the VIth. do now flight and delfpfe the Poffeffion oa Country , whicb is One of the tineft and molt Valuable in that Part of the World, and in their Power to ficure, at lea ft the greateft Part of it. YET notwitbftaading theft his unfuc- cefsful and difcouraging Efforts, it will appear and continue as a Memorial to Ftrtby the D~ifcoveries and Re- lations here publif'd, and the Petitions, Memorials, and Reprefentations for-. merly by him prefented to King WILLIAM 4 4 arid The PREFACE. the Mortification to fee all his honeft and well meant Endeavours rejecled, and the Fruits of his Labour and Subftance render'd Ineffe~tual, and loft both to his Country, himfelf and Family, and this Noble Province fecur'd by the French, without a Probability of Redemption, he mu ft f t down with Patience, and be- wail his own Misfortunes, arid the In- fatuation of his Countrymen, who, as they ormeryre fus'd the Honour of being thefr Difcoverers of America, when it was oIIr'd them by th geat Columbus, in the Reino King~ Henry the VIth. do now flight and defpife the Pofifeflion ofaCountry, whicb is One of the F~ineftc and moft Valuable in that Part of the World, and in their Power to Jecure, at leaf the greateft Part of it. YET notwitbftanding the his unfuc. cefsful and difcouraging Efforts, it will a ppear arid continue as a Memorial to Futurity, by the .Difcoveries and Re- lations here puhlifb'd, and the Petitions, Memorials, and Reprefentations for-. merly by him prefented to King WILLIAM 4 4 anid  The PRE~FACE. and fucceding Miniftries relating there- unto (many of the Things he then fore. told betngjitnce come to pats) that be has acted the Part both of a Friend and Prophet of his Country ; and that had his Advice been taken, and Meafures put in Pra~tice, many of the Inconvenien- cies (to fa5y no worfe) that have already happen'd, and are like flill to befall the Englifb Plantations on the Continent of Amercia and the Trade thereof, as well as in Confiquence of that of their Mother good Old England, from thee Efltablifh- nient of the French on the Mefchacebe and the Bay of Mexico, would in all Probability, have been nipt in the Bud, and intirely prevented. WAT is yet to be done therein (and there is no doubt but fomething may be/tic- cefsfully attempted) muff be left, with all due Subn4ion, to the Wifdom of Hlis MA- JESTY and His Councils, who, it's pre- fum'd, will not neglect fo favourable a Conjun~ture, as the enfuing Congfres or Treaty of Peace, to affert and main- tain the R{ight of the JBritifh Nation to this The PREFPACE. and fucceding Miniftries relating there- unto (many of the Things he then fore- told betnglifnce come to paft) that be has ailed the Part both of a Friend and Prophet of his Country ; and that had his Advice been taken, and Meafures put in Praffice, many of the Inconvenien- cies (to fay no worfe) that have already happen'd, and are like flid1 to befall the Englifhi Plantations on the Continent of Amercia and the Trade thereof; as well as in Confiquence of that of thi Mte good Old England, from this Eflablilh- nment of the French on the Mefchacebe and the Bay of Mexico, would in all Probability, have been nipt in the Bud, and intirely prevented WH AT is yet to he done therein (and there is no doubt but fomething may he/auc- refsfully attempted) muff be left, with all due Subnmfion, to the Wifdom of THi MA- JESTY and Hi Councils, who, it's pre- /um'd, will not neglect fo favourable a ConjunaIure, as the enftuing Congfres or Treaty of Peace, to affert and main- tain the Right of the Britifh Nation to this The PREFACE. and fucceding Miniftries relating there- unto (many of the Things he then fore- told betng fne come to pat) that be has ailed the Part both of a Friend and Prophet of his Country ; and that had his Advice bean taken, and Meafures put in Prafice, many of the Inconvenien- cies (to fay no worfe) that have already happen'd, and are like fill to befall the Englifh Plantations on the Continent of Amercia and the Trade thereof, as well as in Confequence o f that of their 1Mot her good Old England, from this Efliablifh- mient of the French on the Mefchacebe and the Bay of Mexico, would in all Probability, have been nipt in the Bud, and intirely prevented. WH AT is yet to he done therein (and there is no doubt but fomething may he/auc- refsfully attempted) muff he left, with all due Submifon, to the Wifdom of His MA- JEsTY and Htis Councils, who, it's pre- fum'd, will not neglect fo favourable a Conjun~1ure, as the enfting Congfres or Treaty of Peace, to affert and main- tain the Right of the Britifh Nation to this  The PREFACE. this Province and the Lands adjacent, or at leaft to whatfoevcr lies to the Eaft- ward of the Mefchacebe, and on the Back, and contiguous to our already fettled Plantations, whofe Welfare and Profpe- rity depends intirely on our being Matters thereof, or on our preventing the French from being fo, which I am perfuaded is flt in our Power, and may be ufefCled. THE Probability of a Communica- tion by Water (except about haif a fbay's Land Carriage) between the River Mef- chacebe and the South-Sea, flretching fro America to Japan and China, which is reprefented in the Fifth Chapter of the enfuing 'Treatife, with the great Advantages to he made thereof, deferves to be woell and duely conjider'd. I have only given a IJort and fuccind~ Account and Difcription of fame of the moft' ufeful Animals, Vegetables, Mettals, Minerals, Precious Stones, and other Commodities, which are iNaturally, or may with Industry be produc'd in this our IProvince, with Jome particular Remarks thereon, As for thofe which are merely rare, The PREFACE. this Province and the Lands adjacent, or at leaft to whatfoer lies to the Eaft- ward of the Metchacebe, and on the Back, and contiguous to our already f ettled Plantations, whofe Welfare and Profpe- rity depends intirely on our being Matters thereof, or on our preventing the French from being fo, which I am perfuaded is Jiul in our Power, and may he effefied. THE Probability of a Communica- tion by Water (except about haif a Day's Land Carriage) between the River Mef- chacebe and the South-Sea, firetching from America to Japan and China, which is repre finted in the Fifth Chapter of the enfuing 'Treatife, with the great Advantages to he made thereof, deferves to be well and duely conjider'd. I have only givuen a lbort and fuccin$i Account and DiJ ription of fome of the mofl ufeful Animals, Vegetables, Mettals, Minerals, Precious Stones, and other Commodities, which are .Naturally, or may with Industry be produc'd in this our Province, with J ome particular Remarks thereon. As for thofe which are merelyrae The PREFACE. this Province and the Lands adjacent, or at leaft to whatfoevcer lies to the Eaft- ward of the Metchacebe, and on the Back, and contiguous to our already fettled Plantations, whofe Welfare and Profpe- rity depends intirely on our being Matters thereo, or on our preventing the French from being [a, which I am perfuaded is fl in our Power, and may be efeaed. THE Probability of a Communica- tion by Water (except about haif a gbay's Land Carriage) between the River Mef- chacebe and the South-Sea, flretching from America to Japan and China, which is reprefented in the Fifth Chapter of the enfuing 'Treatife, with the great Advantages to he made thereof, deferves to be well and duely confider'd. I have only given a ihort and fuccin1rf Account and Difcription of [oweof the molt ufeful Animals, Vegetables, Mettals, Mineral, Precious Stones, and other Commodities, which are Naturally, or may with Induttry be produc'd in this our ~Province, with J ome particular Remarks thereon. As for thofe which are merely rare,  The Pa E i 4c). landf frvechiefly for Seculation andAmufe- ,rnnt~, I have not fo much as touch'dup on them ; neither have I made any Ob - fervations upon the Manners, Cuftomis or Religion of the Natives, as being foreign to my prfnt Purpofe Vifionary, who reprefent fuch Advanta- ges may accrue to a Coun~try not yet by usfully Poffefs'd or Planted; Butai will not/feem fo Ridiculous ort Incredu- lous to them, that confider the wonderful Progrefs the Spaniards made, reho in a little above Thirty Tears after their Dif- covryof the Empire of Mexico, C'on- que'd hatofPeru, and Part of Chili, from whence they bring fuech lImmenfe TFreafures unto Old Spain. Their Be- ginnings were Ten times mcre Contemp.. tible and Improbable than what I fieggeft. However, tho' the Undertakings hereafter mention'd may he fu fpended, till the/c Parts are well Secur'd and Inhabited by the Subjedts of Great Britain. I have dif harg'd my Duty in repref nting to the Pub lick., what may be e ffeiled, and The PAL Fa ) landf frvechiefly for Speculation andAinufe- mnent, I have not fo much as toucb'd up- on them ; neither have I made any Ob- fer vations upon the Manners, Cuftom~s or Religion of the Natives, as being foreign to my p~refent Purpofi, PERHPS 1may e look'd upon asa Vifionary, who reprefent fuch Advanta- ges may accrue to a Country not yet b~y us fully Poffefs'd or Planted; But it will not feem fo Ridiculous or Incredu- lous to them, that confider the wonderful 2Progrefs the Spaniards made, who in a littl above Thirty Tears after their Dif- covery of the Empire of Mexico, Con- quer'd that of Peru, and Part of Chili, from whence they bring [fuch Immenfe Treafures unto Old Spain. Their Be- ginnings were Ten times mcre Contemp- tible and Improbable than what I feeggeft. However, the' the Undertakings hereafter mention'd may hefuofpended, till tbefe Parts are well Secr'd and Inhabited by the Subjeas of Great Britain. I have dif barg'd my Duty in reprefenting to the Publick, what may be effiilca, and The P a E FA4CE*. land frvechi efly for Speculation andAmufe- ument, 1 have not fo much as toucb'd up- on them ; neither have I made any Ob- 1er vatious upon the Manners, Cuftoms or Religion of the Naitives, as being foreign to my prefint Purpofi. PERHAPS 1 miay be look'd upon a Vifionary, mho repeemt fuch Advanta- ges may accrue to a Coun~try not yet b~y ufully Poffefs'd or Planted; But at will not feem fo Ridiculous or Incredu- lous to them, that confider the wonderful Progrefs the Spaniards made, who in a little above Thirty "ears after their Dif- covery of the Empire of Mexico, Con- quer'd that of Peru, and Part of Chili, from whence they bring [fuch Immne Treafures unto Old Spain. Their Be- ginnings were Ten times uncre~ontemp- tible and Improbable than what I jueggell. owevoer, tho' the Undertakings hereafter mention'd may befa/fpended, till the/c Parts are well Scrdand Inhabited by the Subjeds of Great Britain. I have difcharg'd my Duty in reprefenting to the Publick, what may be effeteea and  The PREFACE. and bow, srben Opportunity /hall pre_ ent. IF fu~ch Objetions had prevail'd, we had never got that Footing on the Con- tinent of America as now we have. And to fay nothing of other Commodities, bow vaft a Revenue doth Tobacco alone bring nto the Crown, and how Staple andBeefiia aMerchandize for Fo- reign Trade ? Not to enlarge about the Trade wiith our Iflands, who by Sugar, Cotton, Indico, and many other Com- modities, befides their Traffick with the Spaniards, bring a great Treafure to the Nation. And the Circular Trade to and from the Continent and Iflands , greatly increafe our Shipping, Seamen, and Wealth, perhaps as much as all the Trade we have with the whole Commer- cial World beides. To ,which may be added, that nothing is of greater Impor- tance to Great Britain, than the Con- fumption of its Native Growths and Manufaaures, and what vaft Quanti- ties of them are fent to and expended in our American Plantationas, the Bills of Entry The PREFACE. anrd horn, tthen Opportunity fhal! pre. fent. IF fuch Obje&ions had prevail'd, we had never got that Footing on the Con- tinent of America as now we have. And to fey nothing of other Commodities, bow aiafr a Revenue doth Tobacco alone bring unto the Crown, and how Staple and Beneficial a Mercharndize for Fo. reign Trade ? ANot to enlarge about the Trade with our Iflands, who by Sugar, Cotton, Indico, and many other Com- modities, befides their Traflick with the Saniards, bring a great Treafure to the Nation. And the Circular Trade to and from~ the Continent and Jflands, greatly increafe our Shipping, Seamen, and Wealth, perhaps as miuch mall the Trade we have with the whole Commer- cial World befideL. To irhich may be added, that nothing is of greater Impor- tance to Great Britain, than the Con- furmption of its Native Growths and Manufaatures, and what veji Quanti- ties of themi are font to and extended i our American Plantations, th Bills of Entry The PREFACE. anrd horn, when Opportunity /hall pro. fern. IF fuch Obje&ions had prevail'd, we bad never got that Footing on the Con- tinent of America as now we have. And to fey nothing of other Commodities, bow vaft a Revenue doth Tobacco alone bring unto the Crown, and how Staple and Beneficial a Merchandize for F~o. reign Trade ? Not to enlarge about the Trade with, our Iflands, who by Sugar, Cotton, Indico, and many other Com- modities, befides their Traffick with the Saniards, bring as great Treafure to the Nation. And the Circular Trade to and from the Continent and Iflands, greatly increafe cur Shipping, Seamen, and Wealth, perhaps as much mall the Trade we have with the whole Commer- cial World befides. To which may be added, that nothing is of greater Impor- tance to Great Britain, then the Con- fumption of its Native Growths and Manufa~tures, and what va]ft Quanti- ties of them are font toand expended in our American Plantations, th~e Bills of Entry  The PREFCi. Entry, and the Cuftom-Houfe Books wigl inform as. BESIDES the great quantities of Mafts, Pitch, Tarr, Rofin,Turpentine, Hemp, Flax, Timber, Plank, Deal Boards, and other Naval Stores, which are brought home from thence, or, on due Encourage- ment, may be had and rail d there, prve not only ext remely Beneficial to Great Britain at prefent, but wigl be render'd much mIore o, on a War or Mifunder- ftanding with any of the Northern Po- tentates, from whofe Territories we ufuall Import them, and to whom we pay for the mo fl Part, ready Money and B~ullion for them, to the amount offeve- ral Hundred Tbaoufand Pounds per An- num, which will he kept within the King- dom., when once awe are fupplji'd 'with thofe Commodities frm uown Colonies, which with due Ecuaeent we fon may. FOR Proof of which, Experience has taught us, that formerly on the pang the Ad of Parliament, which encoura- ges the making Pitch and Tarr, in our Planta- The PREF1ACE. Entry, and the Cuftom-Houfe Books wigl inform us. BESIDES the great quantities of Mafts, Pitch, Tarr, Rofin,Turpentine, Hemp, Flax, Timber, Plank, Deal Boards, and other Naval Stores, which are brought homne from thence, or, on due Encourage- ment, may be had and raid there,prove not only extremely Beneficial to Great Britain at prefent, but wigl be render'd much more jo, on a War or Mifunder- ftanding with any of the Northern Po- tentates, from whofi Territories we ufuall Import them, and to whom we pay for the moft Part, ready Money and Bullion for them, to the amount off eve- v.1 Hundred Tboufand Pounds per An- num, which will he kept within the King- dom, when once we are fupply'd 'with thofr Commodities from our own Colonies, which with due 7Encouragement we Joon may. FOR Proof of which, Experience has taught us, that formerly on the palng the Ad~ of Parliament, which encoura- ges the making Pitch and Tarr, in our Planta- The PREFACE. Entry, and the Cuftom-Houfe Book. wigl inform Us. BESIDES the great quantities of Mafts, Pitch, Tarr, Rofin,Turpentine, Hemp, Flax, Timber, Plank, Deal Boards, and other Naval Stores, which are brought home front thence, or, on due Encourage- ment, may be had and raijid there, prove not only extremely Beneficial to Great Britain at prejent, but will be render'd much more Jo, on a War or M~ifundler- ftanding with any of the Northern Po- tentates, from whofe Territories we ufually Import them, and to whom we pay for the inoff Part, ready Money and Bullion for the m, to the amount of feve- ral Hundred Tboufand Pounds per An- num, which will he kept within the King- dom, when once we are fupply'd 'with thof e Commodities from our own Colonies, which with due E~ncouragement we Joon Fox Proof of which, Experience has taught us, that formerly on the pafng the A61 of Parliament, which encoura- ges the making Pitch and Tarr, in our Planta-  T he P REF A CIL Plantations, the Defign wws foon put in Pra&ice, and the End fully anfwer'd4 thofe Commodities being in a fewTears rai,'d and Imported in fuch Quantities, as to fupply the Demands and Necef- fities of mojft, if not all the Shipping of Great Britain, at much lefs than half the Price, they were fold for before. By about Fourteen Tears Refidence on the Continent of America, and the Obfervations I have mode of the Pro- duce and Trade of the feveral Colonies therein, the mojft confid erab14. of which I have often viited, I think I can eaftly demonfirate, that there is not one Com- modity of any Confequence, which we have from Rafia or the Baltick, but may be found or rais'd there, and in as great Quantities and Perfe&ion. So that if the Nation would inti rely flight the Trade and Navigation of thoe Countries,and apply themfilves vigoroufly to the Traffick of our Plantations, they would fioon find their Account in it, and gain by the Change Annually near, if not full, HalIf a Million of Money; befider refcuing The PRBFACIL Plantations, the Defign wom foot put in Practice, and the End fiy anfwer'dt thoe Commodities being in a few Theass raii'd and Imported in fuch Quantities, as to fupply the Demands and Neef- fities of mo ft, if not all the Shipping of Great Britain, at much let than half the Price, they were fold for before. Br about Fourteen Tears Refidence on the Continent of America, and the Obfervations I have mode of the Pro- duce and Trade of the feveral Colonies therein, the moft confiderable of which I have often vi/ised, I think I can eajily demonfirate, that there is niot one Com- modity of any Confequence, which we have from Rafia or the Baltick, but may be found or rais'd there, and in as great Quantities and Perfe~tion. So that if the Nation would inti rely flight the Trade and Navigation of thoe Countries,and apply the mfelves vigoroufly to the Traffickc of our Plantations, they would loon find their Account in it, and gain by the Change Annually near, if not full, Half a Million of Money; befides ref uing The PREFACIL Plantations, the Defign was foot put in Pra~ice, and the End fully anfwer'd, thoe Commodities being in a few Tears rais'd and Imported in fuch Quantities, as to fupply the Demands and Necef- fities of moft, if not agl the Shipping of Great Britain, at much lefs than balf the Priue, they were fold frr before. By about Fourteen Tears Refidence on the Continent of America, and the Obfervations I have made of the Pro- duce and Trade of the feveral Colonies therein, the mo ft confiderable of which I have often vifited, I think I can eajily demonjitrate, that there is niot one Com- modity of any Confequence, which we have from Rafia or the Baltick, but may be found or rais'd there, and in as great Quantities and Perfeffion. So that if the Nation would inti rely flight the Trade and Navigation 'of thoe Countries ,and apply themfelves vigoroufly to the Traffick of our Plantations, they would foon find their Account in it, and gain by the Change Annually near, if not full, Half a Million of Money; befides refcuin$  The PRE~FACE. refening ourfilves from a fort of Depen-. dance on the Northern Powers, whofe unreafonable Caprices and lmpofitions, We~ have, to our great Difcredit and Detriment, too long experienc'd. BUT if the French Ihould evier grow Jo Powerful in America, as to be able to Intercept or Engrojs the Trade with the Indians, or Ruin or Subjedf our Plantations, there's an End of this Con- fu mption of our Home Produce and Nanufa~ures, of all our Shipping Trade thither, of the Cuftoms for Goods Exported there or imported thence, the Increafe of our Sailors, and the Advantages of raiing our own Naval Stores ; 7befides the Lofs of fo Large an Extent of Dominion, and Five Hundred Thoufand Britifh Subjeas therein. We may likewife be af ur'd that all our Iflands irn the Weft-Indies, will oon undergo the fame Fate, or be terribly diflrefs'd, for want of their ufual Supplies of Fiib,Luin- ber and other Neceffaries, they con- Jiantly Jiund in need of, and receive from our Plantations on the Continent wbic1 The PREFPACE. refcuing ourfelves from a fort of Depen- dance on the Northern Powers, whofe unreafonable Caprices and Impofitions, We have, to our great Discredit and Detriment, too long experienc'd. BUT if the French Ihould ever grow fo Powerful in America, as to be able to Intercept or Engrofs the Trade with the Indians, or Ruin or Subjed our Plantations, there's an Endof this Con- fumption of our Home Produce and Mtanufa~ures, of all our Shipping Trade thither, of the Cuftoms for Goods Exported there or imported thence, the Increafe of our Sailors, and the Advantages of raiing our own Naval Stores ; befdes the Lofs of fo Large an Extent of Dominion, and Five Hundred Thoufand Britifh Subjects therein. We may likewi be afJur'd that all our Iflands in the Weft-Indies, will foon undergo the fame Fate, or be terribly difirefs'de, for want of their ufual Supplies of Fiflh,Lum- ber and other Neceflaries, they con- Jfantlyjfund in need of, and receive from our Plantations on the Continent wbic9 The PR~EFACE. refcuing ourfelves from a fort of Depen- dance on the Northern Powers, whofe unreafonable Caprices and Imnpofitions, We have, to our great Difcredit and Detriment, too long experienc'd. BUT if the French Ilhould ever grow fo Powerful in America, as to be able to Intercept or Engrofs the Trade with the Indians, or Rush or Subjell our Plantations, there's an En o this Con- fumption of our Home Produce and Mvanufadures, of all oar Shipping Trade thither, of the Cuftoms for Goods Exported there or imported thence, the Increafe of our Sailors, and the Advantages of raiing our own Naval Stores ; befides the Lofs of fo Large an Extent of Dominion, and Five Hundred Thoufand .Britilh Subjets therein. We may likeije he afJur'd that all our Iflands in the Weft-Indies, will foon undergo the fame Fate, or be terribly diflrefs'd, for want of their ufual Supplies of Fifh,Luni- ber and other Neceffaries, they con- Jiantly fond in need of, and receive from or Plantations on the Continent wbic?  The PREFACE. which neither Great Britain nor Ire- land can a/if! them with, and which They purcbafe with their Sugar, Rum and Maloffes ; the Vent of which will be in great meafure flop: on the Lofs of our Colonies, whereby they'dl be mightily difcourag'd and impoverifh'd, fo as to be- come an eaf Acquifition to any Am- bitious and Powerful Invador. Thus GREAT BRITAIN being de- privd of its Subje&s, Domninions and Trade in and to America, our Mer- chants wigl be ruin'd, our Cuftotns and Funds will Sink, our Manufaaures will want Vent, our Lands widl Pal in Value, and inflead of deeeajing, our Debts will increafe, without the leaf! l'rofpeaI of the Nation's emerging. I have thought fit to fubjoin an A ppen- dix at the End of the Book, containing a flhort Extra& of the Grant from King Charles I. to Sir Robert Heath, op this our Province of Carolana, and the Veanis and Bahama Iflands. Together with an Additional Claufe, taken f rom the Reprefentation of the Right Honou- rable The PREFACE. which neither Great Britain nor Ire- land can arti]1 them with, and which They purchafi with their Sugar, Rumn and Mvaloffes ; the Vent of which will be in great meafure flopt on the Lofs oJf our Colonies , whereby they'll be mightily difcourag'd and impoverifh'd, fo as to be- come an ea y Acquifition to any Am- bitious and Powerful Invador. Thus GREAT BRITAIN being de- priv'd of its Subje&s, Dominions and T.rade in and to America, our Mer- chants wigl be ruin'd, our Cuftonis and Funds will Sink, our Manufa~lures wigl want Vent, our Lands -wigl Fall in Value, and inflead of dereajing, our Debts will increafe, without the lea ft Profpeff of the Nation's emerging. I have thought fit to fubjoin an Appen- dix at the End of the Book, containing a fliort Extrad of the Grant from King Charles I. to Sir Robert Heath, of this our Province of Carolana, and the Veanis and Bahama Iflands. Together with an Additional Claufe, taken f rom the Reprefentation of the Right Honou- rable The PREFACE. which neither Great Britain nor Ire- land can al/if! them with, and which They purch4f with their Sugar, Rum and Maloffes ; the Vent of which will be in great meafure flop: on the Lofs of our Colonies, whereby they'll be mightily difcourag'd and impoverith ci, fo as to be- come an eafy Acquifition to any Am- bitious an Powerful Invador. Tbus GREAT BRITAIN being de- priv'd of its Subje&s, Dominions and Trade in and to America, our Mer- chants wigl he rurin'd, our Cuftonis and Funds will Sink, our Manufa&ures will want Vent, our Lands will Fail in Value, and infi ead of deereajing, our Debts will increafe, without the leaf! Profpel* of the Nation's emerging. I have thought fit to fubjoin an Appen- dix at the End of the Book, containing a Ihort Extra& of the Grant from King Charles I. to Sir Robert Heath, of this our Province of Carolana, and the Veanis and Bahama Iflands. Together with an Additional Claiffe, taken from the Reprefentation of the Right Honou- rable  The TJEPREFACE. Th~ePREFACE.  The PREFACE. The PREF~ACE. The PREFACE. :nd at- let, I enou~gh nd at- let, I enough mnd at-. let, I enough ig ania the a Defire to an Affair of !, and wh.ich, o know. and a i..enre 10 an Affair o e, and which to know ; and a uenre to an Affair of e, and which to know ; and r on them uiebefore z  The PRLEFACE. Car~olana, bordering on te North or Atlantick Ocean, which comprehends the great eft Part of Carolina, was, becaufe it hars been fo often and ro well perfortn'd already, in the fe ieral Prin- ted Accounts of that lafi mention'd Colony, to abijch I referr. The PREFACE. Carolana, bordering on the North or Atlantick Ocean, which comprehends the great eft Part of Carolina, was, becaufe it haes been fo often and ro well perform'd already, in the feveral Prinz- ted Accounts of that lafi mention'd Colony, to arbich I referr. The PREFACE. Carolina, border ing on the North or Atlantick Ocean, which comprehends the greatejk Part of Carolina, was, becaufe it h~rA been fo often and fo well perform'd alread~y, in the feveral Prin- ted Accounts of that laft mention'd Colony, to abuich I referr. T H E THE ~THETH THE  TH ETH T H E T HE CONTEN'TS. CHAP. I. MI DESCRIPTION of the great and famous River Mefchacebe or Miii- fipi, the Rivers increafing it both from the Eaft and Wet, the Countries adjacent, and the feveral Nations of Ins- diams inhabiting therein. Page I. CHAP. IL A Defcription. of the Countries, People, Ri- vers, Bays, H~arbours and Iflands, to the Eaft of the Mefchacebe, which do not communicate with it. p. 2!. C H AP. III. A Defcription of the Sea-Coaft, the largce Rivers, their Heads and Courfes, beyond or tothe Weftof Mefchacebe, F* j 5 CONTENT S. CHAP. I. DESCRIPTION of the great and famous River Mefchacedw or Miffi- fipi, the Rivers increafing it both from the EajZ and Weft, the Countries adjacent, and the feveral Nations of I's- diam inhabiting therein. Page t. C HA P. II. A Defcription of the Countries, People, Ri- vers, Bays, H~arbours and Iflands, to the Ea#t of the Mefchacebe, which do not communicate with it. p. 2I. C HA P. III. A Defcription of the Sea-Coaft, the large Rivers, their Heads and Courfes, beyond or to the W~fof Mefhaebe. p. 35" CONTENTS. CHAP. I. DESCRIPTION~ of the great and famous River Mefchacebe or Ml/i- fti4 the Rivers increafing it both from the EasjZ and Weft, the Countries adjacent, and the feveral Nations of l's- diam inhabiting therein. Page =. CHAP. II, A Defcription of the Countries, People, Ri- vers, Bays, H~arbours and Iffands, to the Eaft of the Mefckacebe, which do not communicate with it. p. 2!. C HA P. IHI. A Defcription of the Sea-Coaft, the large Rivers, their Heads and Courfes, beyond or to the Wfi ofMefcacebe. p 3%5. C HA P.CHA .CHAP CHAP. CHAP.  The CONTENTS. The CONTENTS. The CONTENTS. CHAP. IV. A Defcription of the Five great Seas or Lakes of Freili Water, which are to the ~North of this Province, and the We#t and Nor-!Weft of our other Plantations, on the Eag Side of the River Mf4ctace, with the Rivers falling into them, the Countries bordering thereon, and the fe- veral Nations of Inidians who inhabit therein. P- 41. CHAP. V. A New and Curious Difcovery and Relation of an eafy Communication betwixt the River Mefchacebe, and the Soutb Sea, which feparates America fr~om Chinta, by means of feveral large Rivers and Lakes, with a Defcription of the Coaft of the laid Sea to the Streights of VDries. As alfo of a rich and conffderable Trade to be carry'd on from thence to, Yapn, China and Tar- ar?. p. 62. C HA P. VI. An Account of the uffu Animals, Vegeta- bles, Metals, Minerals, and other rich and valuable Commodities, which are natural- ly produc'd, or may with Induftry be rais d in this Province. p. 70. Ilie APPENDpIX. p. 1og. A CHAP. IV. A Defcription of the Five great Seas or Lakes of Frefhi Water, which are to the North of this Province, and the Wceft and North- Weft of our other Plantations, on the Etg Side of the River Mefchacebe, with the Rivers falling into them, the Countries bordering thereon, and the fe- veral Nations of Indians who inhabit therein. P. 41. CHAP. V. A New and Curious Difcovery and Relation of an eafy Communication betwixt the River Mefchacebe, and the Soutb Sea, which feparates America from Cbhn, by means of feveral large Rivers and Lakes, with a Defcription of the Coaft of the faid Sea to the Streights of VCries. As alfo of a rich and confiderable Trade to bie carry'd on from thence to, japan, China and Tar- w7r. p. 62. C H AP. VI. An Account of the ulfeful Animals, Vegeta- bles, Metals, Minerals, and other rich and valuable Commodities, which are natural- ly produc'd, or may with Indufkry be rais d in this Province. p. 70. 'Lhe APPENDIX. p. t0g. A CHAP. IV. A Defcription of the Five great Seas or Lakes of Frefh Water, which are to the North of this Province, and the Weft and North- Weji of our other Plantations, on the Eaft Side of the River Mefchacee with the Rivers falling into them, the Countries bordering thereon, and the fe- veral Nations of JIndians who inhabit therein. p. 41. CHAP. V. A New and Curious Difcovery and Relation of an eafy Communication betwixt the River Mfchacebe, and the South Sea, which feparates America fr~om Chine, by means of feveral large Rivers and Lakes, with a Defription of the Coaft of the laid Sea to the Sriits of VDries. As alfo of a rich andeonderbleTrade to be carry'd on fr~om thence to, :7apn, China and Tar- tarp p. 62. C H AP. VI. An Account of the ufefiul Animals, Vegeta- bles, Metals, Minerals, and other rich and valuable Commodities, which are natural- ly produc'd, or may with Indufiry be rats d in this Province. p. 70. 'The AYP E V DI X. p. 109. A  A A DESCRIPTION, &c. CHAP. L. c/A Defcription of the great and famous River Mefchacebe or Miflifippi , the Rivers in- creaing it both from the Ealt and We ft, the Countries ad ja - cent, and the feveral Nations of Indians inhabiting therein. DESCRIPTION, &ac. C HAP. L. c,IDefcription of the great and famous River Mefchacebe or Mififippi , the Rivers in- creaing it both from the Eajt and We ft, the Countries ad ja - cent, and the feveral Nations of Indians inhabiting therein. A DESCRIPTION, &C. C HAP. I. c.a Defcription of the great and famous River Mefchacebe or Mififippi , the Rivers in- creafing it both from the Eaft and Weft, the Countries adja- cent, and the feveral N at Ions of Indians inhabiting therein.  (2) which faid Sir Robert was the then Attor- ney-General, and by him convey'd unto the Earl of Arundel, from whom it came by mean Conveyances unto the prefent Pro- prietary. This Province of Carolana is extended North and South from the River St. Mattheo, lying according to the Patent in 31 Degrees (tho' by later and more accurate Obfervations, it is found to lie exaaly in 3o Degrees and to Minutes) unto the River Paffo Mag- no, which is in 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude; and in Longitude from the Wel6- ern or Atlantck Ocean unto New Mexico now in Poffefion of the Spaniards, which is in a direc Line above iooo Miles, and were not inhabited by them, unto the South- Sea. It comprehends within its Bounds, the greateff Part of the Province of Carolina , whofe Proprietors derive their Claim and Pre- tenfions thereto, by Charters from King Charles II. about Thirty Years after the a- bovemention'd Grant to Sir Robert Heath. The great River Mefchacebe runs through the midli of this Country, having a Courfe almoft direfly North and South from its fird Fountains, in about 5o Degrees of North . Latitude, to its difimboguing into the Middle of the Gulph of Mexico. The Rivers that make this, which the Spaniards call'd Rio-grand del Norte, proceed about one half from the Weft, the other from the Eaft, fo that tl e whole Country may be almof (2) which faid Sir Robert was the then Attor- ney-General, and by him convey'd unto the Earl of Arundel, from whom it came by mean Conveyances unto the prefent Pro- prietary. This Province of Carolina is extended North and South from the River St. Mattheo, lying according to the Patent in 31 Degrees (tho' by later and more accurate Obfervations, it is found to lie exa&ly in 30 Degrees and 1o Minutes) unto the River Paffo Mag- no, which is in 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude; and in Longitude from the Weil- ern or Atlant ck Ocean unto New Mexico now in Poffeflion of the Spaniards, which is in a direa Line above 0oo0 Miles, and were not inhabited by them, unto the South- Sea. It comprehends within its Bounds, the greateft Part of the Province of Carolina , whofe Proprietors derive their Claim and Pre- tenfions thereto, by Charters from King Charles II. about Thirty Years after the a- bovemention'd Grant to Sir Robert Heath. The great River Mefchacebe runs through the midi} of this Country, having a Courfe almoff direaly North and South from its firli Fountains, in about 5o Degrees of North .Latitude, to its difimboguing into the Middle of the Gulph of Mexico. The Rivers that make this, which the Spaniards call'd Rio-grand del Norte, proceed about one half from the Well, the other from the Eaft, fo that tl e whole Country may be almoft which faid Sir Robert was the then Attor- ney-General, and by him convey'd unto the Earl of Arundel, from whom it came by mean Conveyances unto the prefent Pro- prietary. This Province of Carolana is extended North and South from the River St. Mattheo, lying according to the Patent in 31 Degrees (tho' by later and more accurate Obfervations, it is found to lie exaaly in 3o Degrees and so Minutes) unto the River Paffo Mag- no, which is in 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude; and in Longitude from the Wel- een or Atlantick Ocean unto New Mexico now in PofefLion of the Spaniards, which is in a direa Line above 1oo Miles, and were not inhabited by them, unto the South- Sea. It comprehends within its Bounds, the greatefl Part of the Province of Carolina , whofe Proprietors derive their Claim and Pre- tenfions thereto, by Charters from King Charles II. about Thirty Years after the a- bovemention'd Grant to Sir Robert Heath. The great River Mefchacebe runs through the midd of this Country, having a Courfe almoft direaly North and South from its firt Fountains, in about 5o Degrees of North .Latitude, to its difimboguing into the Middle of the Gulph of Mexico. The Rivers that make this, which the Spaniards call'd Rio-grand del Norte, proceed about one half from the Well, the other from the Eaft, fo that tl e whole Country may be almoft  almofl entirely vifited by Navigable Rivers without any Falls or Cataracs, which are ufual in mot of the Northern Rivers of America, and in all Rivers of Long-Courfe, even in Carolina, ( tho' to this Country contiguous) and thence Northward to the great River of St. Laurence or Carnada, and other Rivers Northward innumerable. The excellent and convenient Situation of this Country for Inland Trade and Navigation, and for Trade with the Spaniards in New Mexico, the whole Gulph of Mexico, and the South-Sea ( which I (hall hereafter demon- firate) will be greatly for the Advantage, and not in the lealt to the Prejudice of our Home Plantation Trade , as will appear more evident by the Defeription of this great River Mefihacebe, and thofe Rivers that enter into it, together with the vaft Navigable Lakes of frefh Water adjoyning thereunto. We will for good Reafons begin our De- fcription of it from its Entrance into the Sea , afcending up unto its Source ; and from very good Journals both by Sea and Land, give an Account of the Chief Ri- vers that run into it from the Eaft and Well, as we find them in our Afcent, to- gether with their Courfe, Length and Big- nefs, the Nature of the Countries, and the Names of the Nations through which they pafs. B The (3) almoft entirely vifited by Navigable Rivers without any Falls or Cataraas, which are ufual in mont of the Northern Rivers of America, and in all Rivers of Long-Courfe, even in Carolina, ( tho' to this Country contiguous) and thence Northward to the great River of St. Laurence or Carnada, and other Rivers Northward innumerable. The excellent and convenient Situation of this Country for Inland Trade and Navigation, and for Trade with the Spaniards in New Mexico, the whole Gulph of Mexico, and the South-Sea ( which I (hall hereafter demon- ftrate) will be greatly for the Advantage, and not in the least to the Prejudice of our Home Plantation Trade , as will appear more evident by the Defcription of this great River Mefchacebe, and thofe Rivers that enter into it, together with the vaft Navigable Lakes of frelh Water adjoyning thereunto. We will for good Reafons begin our De- fcription of it from its Entrance into the Sea , afcending up unto its Source ; and from very good Journals both by Sea and Land, give an Account of the Chief Ri- vers that run into it from the Eaft and Well, as we find them in our Afcent, to- gether with their Courfe, Length and Big- nefs, the Nature of the Countries, and the Names of the Nations through which they pafs. B The (3) almoft entirely vifited by Navigable Rivers without any Falls or Catarats, which are ufual in mot of the Northern Rivers of America, and in all Rivers of Long-Courfe, even in Carolina, ( tho' to this Country contiguous) and thence Northward to the great River of St. Laurence or Carnada, and other Rivers Northward innumerable. The excellent and convenient Situation of this Country for Inland Trade and Navigation, and for Trade with the Spaniards in New Mexico, the whole Gulph of Mexico, and the South-Sea ( which I fhall hereafter demon- ftrate) will be greatly for the Advantage, and not in the leall to the Prejudice of our Home Plantation Trade , as will appear more evident by the Defcription of this great River Mefchacebe, and thofe Rivers that enter into it, together with the vaft Navigable Lakes of frefh Water adjoyning thereunto. We will for good Reafons begin our De- fcription of it from its Entrance into the Sea , afcending up unto its Source ; and from very good Journals both by Sea and Land, give an Account of the Chief Ri- vers that run into it from the Eaft and Weft, as we find them in our Afcent, to- gether with their Courfe, Length and Big- nefs, the Nature of the Countries, and the Names of the Nations through which they pas. Be The  (4) The River 3Mefthacebe is fo call'd by the Tnh hi ants of the North; Cebe, being the Name for a River, even as far as Hudjon's Bay; and Me/rim, great, which is the great River; And by the Frenciz, who learn'd it from them , corruptly , Mliippi ; which Name of Mf fiacebe it doth retain among the Savages, during half its Courfe : Af- terwards fonme call it Cbucagu,, others Saffa- goula, and Alalaibaria, as it fares with the Danubiws, which 40o Miles before it enters the Euxice Sea, is ftil'd the Ifler ; and the like happens to all the Rivers of Long Courfe in America, as Oronoluw, the River of thne Amazons, and Rio de la Piata. This River enters the Gulph of Mexico 14o Lea- gues from the North Wefi Part of the Pe- vw~jula of Florida, keeping along the Coaft in 3o Degrees North Latitude, and r 20 Leagues from the moll wefterly Part of the faid Gulph in about 29 Degrees the fame Latitude ; and thence the Coaft extends S. and by W. to the River Panucoe, which is under the Tropick of Cancer in 23' Degrees, the utmofi Part inhabited by the Span~iards towards the N. and N. E. on the Gulph of Mexico. The Province of Carolina, from the Con- junaion wvith the Peninfula of Florida, for 25o Leagues is fitoated about the 3cth De- gree of North Latitude, and feldom varies zo Leagues N. or S. from the fame ; ex- cepting the Entrance of the River Mef ha- ( 4) The River JMPfcbacebe is fo call'd by tile Inha bi ants of the North ; Cebe, being the Name for a River, even as far as Had/on's Bay ; and Mefelm, great, which is the great River; And by the Frernh, who learn'd it from themn, corruptly, A1Jifippi ; which Name of M~frhacebe it cdoth retain among the Savages, during half its Courfe : Af- terwards force call it Cbuca-gaa, others Sa~fa- gouad~, and Mlaiabamhbia, as it fares with the Dan n4ius, which 40o Miles before it enters the Eaexine Sea, is ftil'd the Ifler ; and the like happens to all the Rivers of Long Courfe in America, as Oronne, the River of' the Amazons, and Rio tie la Piata. Th'is River enters the Gulph of Mexico 14o Lea- gues from the North Weft Part of the Pe- iijala of Florida, keeping along the Coaft in 30 Degrees North Latitude, and 120 Leagues from the molt weflerly Part of the Thid Gulph in about 29 Degrees the fame Latitude; and thence the Coaft extends S. and by W. to the River Panuco, which is under the Tropick of Cancer in 23, Degrees, the utmoft Part inhabited by the Spaniards towards the N. and N. E. on the Gulph of "Mexico. The Province of Carolina, from the Con- junction with the Peninfula of Florida, for 250 Leagues is firoated about the 3oth De- gree of North Latitude, and feldom varies 1o Leagues N. or S. from the fame ; ex- cepting the Entrance of the River lefcba- eebe, (4) The River Mefchacebe is fo call'd by the Inlrdbi ants of the North; Cebe, being the Name for a River, even as far as Huedjon's Bay ; and Me/rima, great, whichi is the great River; And by the hrencb, wvho learn'd it from them , corruptly , M jflppi ; which Name of Me/crhacebe it doth retain among the Savages, during half its Courfe: Af- terwards fome call it Chuaouea, others Safa- gou/a, and Malabancbia, as it fares with the Danubins, which 400 Miles before it enters the Euxiae Sea, is ffil'd the I/Icr ; and the like happens to all the Rivers of Long Courfe in America, as Oroangece, the River of the Amazons, and Rio die la Plata. This River enters the Gulph of Mexico 140 Lea- gues from the North Well Part of the Pe- ninjula of Florida, keeping along the Coaft in 30 Degrees North Latitude, and x 20 Leagues from the moft weflerly Part of the faid Guhph in about 29 Degrees the fame Latitude ; and thence the Coaft extends S. and by W. to the River Panuco, which is under the Tropick of Cancer in 23,, Degrees, the utmoft Part inhabited by the Spaniards towards the N. and N. E. on the Guiph of Mexico. The Province of Carolina, from the Con- junftion with the Pecinjla of Florida, for 250 Leagues is fitoated about the 3oth De- gree of North Latitude, and feldom varies 1o Leagues N. or S. from the fame ; ex- cepting the E~ntrance of the River Me/eha- cebe,  cebe, which I am now about to deferibe from the Mouth unto its firfl Foun- tains. The River Mafebtce empties itfelf into the Gulph of Mexico by feven Channels like the River Nile, of which Hwodoaui the Fa- ther of Hiftory, and who liv'd long in Egypt, affirms in his Time, three were al- ways Navigable, and the others only fo du- ring the Inundations of the faid River, which were made by Art and Labour, tho' cur Modern Navigators allow only two; but our River hath Seven Navigable at all Times; the Three great Ones by Ships, the Four fmaller, Two on each fide (as ap- pears by the Chart) by Boats and Sloops, efpecially during the Time of the Waters riling or the Frefihes, as they call them, which are always confrant, and return in the Spring, and fometimes happen in the Summer upon the great Rains, which is not frequent. The Three great Branches always Navi- gable by Shipping , are fituated about 6 Miles diflant from each other, and unite all at one Place with the main River, a- bout 12 Miles from their Mouths. There is not above 14 Foot on the Barr at Low-Water in Neep-Tides, excepting when the Frefhes come down in the Spring or upon great Rains, but when you are o- ver the Barr, which is not in m-ny Places above a Ship's length Broad, you enter im- B 3 mediately (5s) cebe, which I am now about to defcribe from the Mouth unto its firif Foun- tains. The River Mafchacebe empties itfelf into the Gulph of Mexico by feven Channels like the River Nile, of which Hwodku the Fa- ther of Hiftory, and who liv'd long in Egypt, affirms in his Time, three were al- ways Navigable, and the others only fo du- ring the Inundations of the faid River, which were made by Art and Labour, tho' cur Modern Navigators allow only two; but our River hath Seven Navigable at all Times; the Three great Ones by Ships, the Four fmaller, Two on each fide (as ap- pears by the Chart) by Boats and Sloops, efpecially during the Time of the Waters riling or the Frefies, as they call them, which are always conflant, and return in the Spring, and fometimes happen in the Summer upon the great Rains, which is not frequent. The Three great Branches always Navi- gable by Shipping, are fituated about 6 Miles dinlant from each other, and unite all at one Place with the main River, a- bout 12 Miles from their Mouths. There is not above 14 Foot on the Barr at Low-Water in Neep-Tides, excepting when the Frelhes come down in the Spring or upon great Rains, but when you are o- ver the Barr, which is not in mdny Places above a Ship's length Broad, you enter im- B 3 mediately (5) cebe, which I am now about to defcribe from the Mouth unto its fira Foun- tains. The River Mafchcebe empties itfelf into the Gulph of Mexico by feven Channels like the River Nile, of which Hwodotui the Fa- ther of Hiftory, and who liv'd long in Egypt, affirms in his Time, three were al- ways Navigable, and the others only fo du- ring the Inundations of the faid River, which were made by Art and Labour, tho' cur Modern Navigators allow only two; but our River hath Seven Navigable at all Times; the Three great Ones by Ships, the Four fmaller, Two on each fide (as ap- pears by the Chart) by Boats and Sloops, efpecially during the Time of the Waters riling or the Frelhes, as they call them, which are always conifant, and return in the Spring, and fometimes happen in the Summer upon the great Rains, which is not frequent. The Three great Branches always Navi- gable by Shipping , are fituated about 6 Miles diflant from each other, and unite all at one Place with the main River, a- bout 12 Miles from their Mouths. There is not above .4 Foot on the Barr at Low-Water in Neep-Tides, excepting when the Freies come down in the Spring or upon great Rains, but when you are o- ver the Barr, which is not in mny Places above a Ship's length Broad, you enter im- B 3 mediately  ( 6) mediately into deep Water , the Laif 5 Fathom, which increafes to io Fathom be- fore you come to the main River: After that it deepens gradually, to above 30, and you have no where lefs than 20 Fathom for a Sco Miles, and little lefs for too Leagues, and afterwards from 1o to 17 for 100 Leagues more: Then from 6 to to, Zoo Leagues further ; thence to the great Catarad or Fall which is 16oo Miles from its Entrance into the Sea, from 3 Fathom to 6: Its Breadth is generally during its great Depth fcarce a Mile, but as it leffens in Depth, it encreafes in Breadth, and is in moft Places of its Courfe Two Miles broad, and where it makes Iflands (as it does very frequently) from the Middle of its Courfe 2 or 3 Leagues. The Banks in moil Places are no more than 5, or 6 Feet a- bove the River, and Ships may almoft in all Places lie by the fide of the Shore, there being generally from 3 to 6 Fathom, and deepens gradually , as you approach the Middle of the River, which hath moffly a pretty ifrong Current, but there are di- vers Promontories, under which you may Anchor, where is good Shelter from Winds, and curious Eddy-Tides. When you are afcended the River 4 or 5 Leagues, it is border'd on each fide with high Trees of divers Sorts, from half a Mile to 2 Miles deep into the Country , very little under Woods, no Trouble in tra- velling (6) mediately into deep Water , the kaE 5 Fathom, which increafes to to Fathom be- fore you come to the main River: After that it deepens gradually, to above 3o, and you have no where lefs than 20 Fathom for a co Miles, and little lefs for too Leagues, and afterwards from to to 17 for oo Leagues more: Then from 6 to to, 200 Leagues further ; thence to the great Catarad or Fall which is 16oo Miles from its Entrance into the Sea, from 3 Fathom to 6: Its Breadth is generally during its great Depth fcarce a Mile, but as it leffens mn Depth, it encreafes in Breadth, and is in molt Places of its Courfe Two Miles broad, and where it makes Iflands (as it does very frequently) from the Middle of its Courfe 2 or 3 Leagues. The Banks in molt Places are no more than 5, or 6 Feet a- bove the River, and Ships may almoft in all Places lie by the fide of the Shore, there being generally from 3 to 6 Fathom, and deepens gradually , as you approach the Middle of the River, which hath mofily a pretty ifrong Current, but there are di- vers Promontories, under which you may Anchor, where is good Shelter from Winds, and curious Eddy-Tides. When you are afecnded the River 4 or 5 Leagues, it is border'd on each fide with high Trees of divers Sorts, from half a Mile to 2 Miles deep into the Country, very little under Woods, no Trouble in tra- velling ( 6) mediately into deep Water , the laaL 5 Fathom, which increafes to to Fathom be- fore you come to the main River: After that it deepens gradually, to above 3o, and you have no where lefs than 20 Fathom for a to Miles, and little lefs for roo Leagues, and afterwards from 10 to 17 for oo Leagues more: Then from 6 to to, 200 Leagues further ; thence to the great Catarac or Fall which is 16oo Miles from its Entrance into the Sea, from 3 Fathom to 6: Its Breadth is generally during its great Depth fcarce a Mile, but as it leffens in Depth, it encreafes in Breadth, and is in mol Places of its Courfe Two Miles broad, and where it makes Iflands (as it does very frequently) from the Middle of its Courfe 2 or 3 Leagues. The Banks in molt Places are no more than 5, or 6 Feet a- bove the River, and Ships may almoft in all Places lie by the fide of the Shore, there being generally from 3 to 6 Fathom, and deepens gradually , as you approach the Middle of the River, which hath moffly a pretty ifrong Current, but there are di- vers Promontories, under which you may Anchor, where is good Shelter from Winds, and curious Eddy-Tides. When you are afcended the River 4 or 5 Leagues, it is border'd on each fide with high Trees of divers Sorts, from half a Mile to 2 Miles deep into the Country , very little under Woods, no Trouble in tra- velling  ( 7) velling , befides what proceeds from the Vines ramping upon the Ground. Divers others furround and mount up the Trees, almofn unto their Tops, which are feldom lefs than 1oo Feet from their Roots, and often 30 , or 40 Feet more. When you come out of the agreeable Shade, you fee a moll beautiful level Country, only about 6 or 8 Miles diflance, there are Collins or gentle Afcents, for the mof Part round or oval, crown'd with flately Trees, which looks more like a Work of laborious con- fummate Art than of mere Nature ; and this on both fides the River, fo far as the acutefn Sight can reach ; in which Meadows the wild Bulls and Kine, befides other Beafns, graze, and in the Heat of the Day retire into thefe Woods for Shelter, where they chew the Cudd. There is no confiderable River empties itfelf into tile he/chacebe from the Mouths, until you come about 12 Miles above the Bzzegola and Moagolaches, two Nations who dwell together on the Wefi-fide thereof, 200 Miles from the Sea ; then on the Eaft fide, there falls out of the Mefchacebe a Branch, which after a Courfe of 16o Miles, empties itfelf into the N. F. End of the great Bay of Sgirito Sarto ; it is not above 40 or 5o Yards broad, and 2 or 3 Fathom deep at its beginning ; but foon enlarges in Breadth and Depth by the Acceffion of divers Rivers and Rivulets, and is a B 4 mod: ( 7) velling , befides what proceeds from the Vines ramping upon the Ground. Divers others furround and mount up the Trees, almoft unto their Tops, which are feldom lefs than too Feet from their Roots, and often 30 , or 4o Feet more. When you come out of the agreeable Shade, you fee a moln beautiful level Country, only about 6 or 8 Miles didance, there are Collins or gentle Afcents, for the moft Part round or oval, crown'd with flately Trees, which looks more like a Work of laborious con- fummate Art than of mere Nature ; and this on both fides the River, fo far as the acuteft Sight can reach ; in which Meadows the wild Bulls and Kine, befides other Beafis, graze, and in the Heat of the Day retire into thefe Woods for Shelter, where they chew the Cudd. There is no confiderable River empties itfelf into tie ek/chRcebe from the Mouths, until you come about 12 Miles above the B4egola and lougolaches, two Nations who dwell together on the Weft-fide thereof, 200 Miles from the Sea ; then on the Eaft fide, there falls out of the Mefchacebe a Branch, which after a Courfe of 16o Miles, empties itfelf into the N. F. End of the great Bay of Spirito Sarto ; it is not above 4o or 5o Yards broad, and 2 or 3 Fathom deep at its beginning ; but foon enlarges in Breadth and Depth by the Acceffion of divers Rivers and Rivulets, and is a B4 mot; ( 7) velling , befides what proceeds from the Vines ramping upon the Ground. Divers others furround and mount up the 'Irees, almoft unto their fops, which are feldom lefs than zoo Feet from their Roots, and often 30 , or 40 Feet more. When you come out of the agreeable Shade, you ice a moll beautiful level Country, only about 6 or 8 Miles didance, there are Collins or gentle Afcents, for the monL Part round or oval, crown'd with flately Trees, which looks more like a Work of laborious con- fummate Art than of mere Nature ; and this on both fides the River, fo far as the acutefn Sight can reach ; in which Meadows the wild Bulls and Kine, befides other Beafns, graze, and in the Heat of the Day retire into thefe Woods for Shelter, where they chew the Cudd. There is no confiderable River empties itfelf into the Melchacebe from the Mouths, until you come about 12 Miles above the B~ycala and Mougoaches, two Nations who dwell together on the Weft-fide thereof, 200 Miles from the Sea ; then on the Eaft fide, there falls out of the Mefchacebe a Branch, which after a Courfe of 16o Miles, empties itfelf into the N. E. End of the great Bay of Spirito £sro ; it is not above 40 or 5o Yards broad, and 2 or 3 Fathom deep at its beginning ; but foon enlarges in Breadth and Depth by the Acceflion of divers Rivers and Rivulets, and is a B4 imof  (8) mol lovelv River, making pleafant Lakes, and palling, during its whole Courfe, thro' a Country exaaly like that we have for- merly defcrib'd : It is Navigable by the greateft Boats, Sloops, and finall Ships of Engl/b Building ; and by large Ones , if built after the Dutch manner with flat Bot- toms. On the North-fide of one of the above- mention'd Lakes, call'd by the Frech Lake Pontcharrrain, they have erefed a fmall Fort, and Storehoufes, whither after unloading their large Velfels at Ifle aux Vaiffeaux, or Ships Ifland, they bring the Goods in Sloops or Shallops, and from thence difperfe them by their Traders amongll their own Settle- ments and the feveral Nations of Indian, inhabiting on and about the MefcEacebe, and the Rivers which enter it, both from the Eaft and Welt. About 5o Miles above the Place where this River is diinif'd from the Mfchacee, on the other fide, viz. the Well, enters the River of the Hou&.,es fo nam'd from a con- fiderable Nation, who inhabit upon it in the Country, 6 or 8 Miles from its Mouth. This is a mighty River deep and broad, and comes from the Mountains of New Mexico; its Courfe is mofly N. W. and is Navigable by large Vefhds above 300 Miles, and thence by large Boats and Sloops almoft unto its Fountains. By this River you may have Communication with above 4o Nati- ons, (8) monl lovely River, making pleafant Lakes, and palling, during its whole Courfe, thro' a Country exaaly like that we have for- merly defcrib'd : It is Navigable by the greateft Boats, Sloops, and inall Ships of Englhh Building; and by large Ones , if built after the Dutch manner with flat Bot- toms. On the North-fide of one of the above- mention'd Lakes, call'd by the French Lake Pontchartraia, they have ereaed a fmall Fort, and Storehoufes, whither after unloading their large Vel1els at Ifle aux Vvffeaux, or Ships Ifland, they bring the Goods in Sloops or Shallops, and from thence difperfe them by their Traders amongll their own Settle- ments and the feveral Nations of Indran, inhabiting on and about the Mefcacebe, and the Rivers which enter it, both from the Eafl and Welt. About 5o Miles above the Place where this River is difmif,'d from the Mfchacebe, on the other fide, viz. the Well, enters the River of the Houmae fo nam'd from a con- fiderable Nation, who inhabit upon it in the Country, 6 or 8 Miles from its Mouth. This is a mighty River deep and broad, and comes from the Mountains of New Mexico; its Courfe is moftly N. W. and is Navigable by large Veffds above 3oo Miles, and thence by large Boats and Sloops almoft unto its Fountains. By this River you may have Communication with above 40 Nati- onls, (8) mol lovelv River, making pleafant Lakes, and palling, during its whole Courfe, thro' a Country exaaly like that we have for- merly defcrib'd : It is Navigable by the greateft Boats, Sloops, and fmall Ships of En gibh Building ; and by large Ones , if built after the Dutch manner with flat Bot- toms. On the North-fide of one of the above- mention'd Lakes, call'd by the French Lake Pontchartrain, they have ereaed a fmall Fort, and Storehoufes, whither after unloading their large Velels at Ifle aux Vaffeaux, or Ships Ifland, they bring the Goods in Sloops or Shallops, and from thence difperfe them by their Traders amongft their own Settle- ments and the feveral Nations of Indian, inhabiting on and about the Mefcbacebe, and the Rivers which enter it, both from the Eall and Well. About 5o Miles above the Place where this River is difmif.'d from the Melfchacebe, on the other fide, viz. the Well, enters the River of the Houwas fo nam'd from a con- fiderable Nation, who inhabit upon it in the Country, 6 or 8 Miles from its Mouth. This is a mighty River deep and broad, and comes from the Mountains of New Mexico; its Courfe is moftly N. W. and is Navigable by large Veflls above Soo Miles, and thence by large Boats and Sloops almoft unto its Fountains. By this River you may have Communication with above 40 Nati- ons,  ( 9) ons, who live upon it, or its Branches ; and alto with the Spaniar4 of New Mexico, from whom its furtheft Heads are not above an eafy Day's Journey. Upon this River and moft of its Branches, are great Herds of wild Kine, which bear a fine Wooll, and Abundance of Horfe, both wild and tame of the Spanifb Breed, on which the Indians Ride, with almoff as much Skill as the Eu- ropean,, tho' the Bridles, Sadles, and Stirrups are fomewhat different from ours, yet not the lefs commodious. Twelve Leagues Higher upon the Ri- ver Mefihacebe, is the River of the Nacher, which, so or 12 Leagues above its Mouth, divides itfelf into two Branches, and forms an Ifland about 30 Miles in Circumference, very pleafant and fertile. The South Branch is Inhabited by the Corroas, the North by the Naches, both confiderable Nations, a- bounding in all Neceifaries for Humane Life. Some Leagues above the Divifion is a pretty large Lake, where there is a great Fifhery for Pearl, large and good, taken out of a Shell-Fifh of a middle Nature be- tween an Oyffer and a Mufcle. About 12 or 14 Leagues higher on the fame, that is the Weft fide, the Me/chacebe, makes a little Gulph about 20 Miles long and 3 or 4 broad, upon which Inhabit in many Towns the Populous and Civilized Nation of the Tahen#, who alfo abound in Pearls, and enjoy an Excellent Coun- try ; ( 9) ons, who live upon it, or its Branches ; and alfo with the Spaniards of New Mexico, from whom its furtheft Heads are not above an eafy Day's Journey. Upon this River and molt of its Branches, are great Herds of wild Kine, which bear a fine Wooll, and Abundance of Horfe, both wild and tame of the Spanifb Breed, on which the Indians Ride, with almoft as much Skill as the Eu- ropeans, tho' the Bridles, Sadles, and Stirrups are fomewhat different from ours, yet not the lefs commodious, Twelve Leagues Higher upon the Ri- ver Mefchacebe, is the River of the Naches, which, 1o or 12 Leagues above its Mouth, divides itfelf into two Branches, and forms an Ifland about 3o Miles in Circumference, very pleafant and fertile. The South Branch is Inhabited by the Corroas, the North by the Nacbes, both confiderable Nations, a- bounding in all Neceifaries for Humane Life. Some Leagues above the Divilion is a pretty large Lake, where there is a great Fifbery for Pearl, large and good, taken out of a Shell-Fifh of a middle Nature be- tween an Oyfter and a Mufcle. About 12 or 14 Leagues higher on the fame, that is the Wet fide, the Mefchacebe, makes a little Gulph about 20 Miles long and 3 or 4 broad, upon which Inhabit in many Towns the Populous and Civilized Nation of the TAhenyE, who alfo abound in Pearls, and enjoy an Excellent Coun- try ; ( 9) ons, who live upon it, or its Branches ; and alfo with the Spaniard, of New Mexico, from whom its furtheft Heads are not above an eafy Day's Journey. Upon this River and mol of its Branches, are great Herds of wild Kine, which bear a fine Wooll, and Abundance of Horfe, both wild and tame of the Spanib Breed, on which the Indians Ride, with almofn as much Skill as the Eu- ropeans, tho' the Bridles, Sadles, and Stirrups are fomewhat different from ours, yet not the lefs commodious Twelve Leagues Higher upon the Ri- ver Mefchacebe, is the River of the Naches, which, to or 12 Leagues above its Mouth, divides itfelf into two Branches, and forms an Ifland about 3o Miles in Circumference, very pleafant and fertile. The South Branch is Inhabited by the Corroas, the North by the Nacbes, both confiderable Nations, a- bounding in all Neceifaries for Humane Life. Some Leagues above the Divifion is a pretty large Lake, where there is a great Fifhery for Pearl, large and good, taken out of a Shell-Fifh of a middle Nature be- tween an Oyfter and a Mufcle. About 12 or 14 Leagues higher on the fame, that is the Weft fide, the Me/chacebe, makes a little Gulph about 20 Miles long and 3 or 4 broad, upon which Inhabit in many Towns the Populous and Civilized Nation of the Tabenfa, who alfo abound in Pearls, and enjoy an Excellent Coun- try ;  ( 10 try; Are very hofpitable to Strangers, and tho' as mol Indian Nations, at War with there Neighbours, yet together with the three laft mentioned, and thofe to be here- after named, joyfully receive and kindly entertain all with whom they have not aclu- al Hollilities. Fourteen or Fifteen Leagues higher on the Eall fide of Mefcbacebe, is the Nation and River of Tafoue which comes two or 3oo Miles out of the Country, on which dwell the Nations in order mention'd after the Taffouees, the Touncas, kjurouas, Tihiou, Samboukia and Epitoupa. Ten or 12 Leagues higher on the Weft Side, is the River Natchaocki which has a Courfe of many Hundred Miles : And after ; it is Afcended about one hundred, there are many Springs, Pitts, and Lakes, which afford moft Excellent common Salt in great Plenty, wherewith they Trade with Neigh- bouring Nations for other Commodities they want, and may be of great Service to the Europenn Inhabitants of this Country, to preferve Fleth, and Fifh for their own Ufe, and Exportatioa to Natives, 'pniards, and our Ilands, to the great Profit of them, who have not Stock to engage in greater and more beneficial Undertakings. Upon this River inhabit not only the Aarhirocks, Na- uateeres, Nc iarks? but higher feveral o- ther Nations. iaccn ( 1o try; Are very hofpitable to Strangers, and tho' as mol Indian Nations, at War with there Neighbours, yet together with the three laft mentioned, and thofe to be here- after named, joyfully receive and kindly entertain all with whom they have not a.u-. al Hodilities. Fourteen or Fifteen Leagues higher on the Hant fide of Mefchacebe, is the Nation and River of Tafoue which comes two or 3oo Miles out of the Country, on which dwell the Nations in order mention'd after the Taffouees, the Tounicas, Kuroaas, Tihau, San boukia and Epitoupa. Ten or 12 Leagues higher on the Well Side, is the River Natchnock, which has a Courfe of many Hundred Miles : And after ; it is Afcended about one hundred, there are many Springs, Pitts, and Lakes, which afford moln Excellent common Slt in great Plenty, wherewith they Trade with Neigh- bouring Nations for other Commodities they want, and may be of great Service to the Euro ern Inhabitants of this Country, to preferve Fleth, and Fifh for their own Ufe, and Exportation to Natives, prniards, and our Ilands, to the great Profit of them, who have not Stock to engage in greater and more beneficial Undertakings. Upon this River inhabit not only the A'achirocks, Na- pateeres, Na; :asks, but higher feveral 0- ther Nations. try; Are very hofpitable to Strangers, and tho' as mofl Indian Nations, at War with there Neighbours, yet together with the three laft mentioned, and thofe to be here- after named, joyfully receive and kindly entertain all with whom they have not acu- al Holilities. Fourteen or Fifteen Leagues higher on the Fail fide of Mefchacebe, is the Nation and River of Tafoue which comes two or 300 Miles out of the Country, on which dwell the Nations in order mention'd after the Taffouees, the Tountcas, Kpurouas, Tzkhou, Saneboukia and Epitoupa. Ten or 12 Leagues higher on the Weft Side, is the River Natcbock, which has a Courfe of many Hundred Miles: And after ; it is Afcended about one hundred, there are many Springs, Pitts, and Lakes, which afford monl Excellent common Salt in great Plenty, wherewith they Trade with Neigh- bouring Nations for other Commodities they want, and may be of great Service to the Euro en Inhabitants of this Country, to preferve Fleh, and Fifh for their own Ufe, and Exportation to Natives, Spaniards, and our Iflands, to the great Profit of them, who have not Stock to engage in greater and more beneficial Undertakings. Upon this River inhabit not only the Nashirocks, Na- guatecres, Najbarks, but higher feveral 0- ;her Nations. :ixtcco  II Sixteen Leagues further upon the Weft fide, enter the Mefchacebe two Rivers, which unite about io Leagues above, and make an Ifland call'd by the Name of the Tori- mans, by whom it is inhabited. The Southerly of thefe two Rivers, is that of the Oufoutiwy upon which dwell firft the Akanfas, a great Nation, higher upon the fame River the YNpaf, Mntou, Erabacha and others. The River to the North is nam'd Nisks, upon which live Part of the Nation of the Osages; their great Body Inhabiting a large River which bears their Name, and Emp- ties itfelf into the Yellow River, as will be hereafter mention'd : And upon this Ri- ver near the Mouth is the Nation Tongin- ga, who with the Torimans are Part of the Akanfaes. Ten Leagues higher is a Small River named Cappa, and upon it a People of the fame Name, and another called Ouefferies, who fled, to avoid the Perfecution of the Irocois, from a River which Rill bears their Name to be mention'd hereafter. Ten Miles higher, on the fame fide of the Mefchacebe, is a little River nam'd Mat- chicebe upon which dwell the Nations Mar- chagamia and Epimingura; over againft whom is the great Nation of the CLicaz s, whole Country exte; ds above forty Leagues to the River of the Cherurer, which we fhall defcribe ( II Sixteen Leagues further upon the Well fide, enter the Mefphacebe two Rivers, which unite about to Leagues above, and make an Ifland call'd by the Name of the Toni. mans, by whom it is inhabited. The Southerly of thefe two Rivers, is that of the Oufoutiwy upon which dwell firia the 4kanfas, a great Nation, higher upon the fame River the 1(aufa, Minrou, Erabicha and others. The River to the North is nam'd Niska, upon which live Part of the Nation of the Ozages; their great Body Inhabiting a large River which bears their Name, and Emp- ties itfelf into the Yellow River, as will be hereafter mention'd : And upon this Ri- ver near the Mouth is the Nation Tongin- ga, who with the Torimans are Part of the Akanfaes. Ten Leagues higher is a Small River named Cappa, and upon it a People of the fame Name, and another called Ouefecries, who fled, to avoid the Perfecution of the Irocois, from a River which Rill bears their Name to be mention'd hereafter. Ten Miles higher, on the fame fide of the Mefchacebe, is a little River nam'd Mat- chicebe upon which dwell the Nations Miat- chagamia and Epimingura; over againft whom is the great Nation of the Clicaz's, whofe Country extends above forty Leagues to the River of the Cherurer, which we Ihall deferibe ( II ) Sixteen Leagues further upon the Well fide, enter the Mefchacebe two Rivers, which unite about to Leagues above, and make an Ifland call'd by the Name of the Trii- mans, by whom it is inhabited. The Southerly of thefe two Rivers, is that of the Oufouriwy upon which dwell fril the Akanfas, a great Nation, higher upon the fame River the anfs, Mintog, Erabacha and others. The River to the North is nam'd Niska, upon which live Part of the Nation of the Ozages ; their great Body Inhabiting a large River which bears their Name, and Emp- ties itfelf into the Yellow River, as will be hereafter mention'd : And upon this Ri- ver near the Mouth is the Nation Tongin- g-t, who with the Torimans are Part of the Akanfaes. Ten Leagues higher is a Small River named Cappa, and upon it a People of the fame Name, and another called Ouef~eries, who fled, to avoid the Perfecution of the Irocois, from a River which rill bears their Name to be mention'd hereafter. Ten Miles higher, on the fame fide of the Mefchacebe, is a little River nam'd Mat- chicebe upon which dwell the Nations Mat- chagamia and Epimingura; over againf, whom is the great Nation of the Clicazas, whofe Country extends above forty Leagues to the River of the Cberdrrs, which we fhall deferibe  ( 12 deferibe when we come to Difcourfe of the great River Hohio. Ten Leagues higher on the Eaft fide is the River and Nation of Chongue, with fome others to the Eall of them. Fifteen Leagues higher, on the Weft fide, is the River and Nation of Sjpouri. ' Thirty Leagues higher on the Eaft fide, is the opening of a River that proceeus out of a Lake. 20 Miles long, which is a- bout so Miles from the kepfhacebe. Into this Lake empty themfelves four large Ri- vers : The molt Northerly, which comes from the North Eait, is called Ouabachicou or Ouabache upon which dwelt the Nations Cha- chakinguas, Peprpicokia, Hohio, Pianuchia. The next 'South of this, is the vaft River Hobio, which comes from the back of New-Tork, Marland, and Virginia, and is Navigable 6oo Miles. Hobio in the Indian Language fignifies the fair River ; And certainly it runs from its Heads through the moll Beau- tiful fertile Countries in the Univerfe, and is form'd by the Confluence of ao or 12 Rivers, and innumerable Rivulets. A Town fettled upon this Lake , or the Entrance of the River Hobio thereinto, would have Communication with a molt lovely Fruit- full Country 6oo Miles Square. Foimerly divers Nations dwelt on this River as the Ch.anoes, a mighty and very populous Peo- ple, who had above 5o Towns, and ma- ny other Nations who were totally dedroy- ed, (12 defcribe when we come to Difcourfe of the great River Hohio. Ten Leagues higher on the Eaft fide is the River and Nation of Chongue, with fome others to the Eaft of them. Fifteen Leagues higher, on the Well fide, is the River and Nation of Sipouria. Thirty Leagues higher on the Eaft fide, is the opening of a River that proceeus out of a Lake. 20 Miles long, which is a- bout 1o Miles from the Akepfhacebe. Into this Lake empty themfelves four large Ri- vers : The molt Northerly, which comes from the North Ead, is called Ouabachicou or Ouabache upon which dwelt the Nations Cha- chakingu, Pepepicnkia, Hobio, Pianguichia. The next South of this, is the vaft River Hohio, which comes from the back of New-Tork, Haryland, and Virginia, and is Navigable 6oo Miles. Hobio in the Indian Language fignifies the fair River ; And certainly it runs from its Heads through the molt Beau- tiful fertile Countries in the Univerfe, and is form'd by the Confluence of so or 12 Rivers, and innumerable Rivulets. A Town fettled upon this Lake , or the Entrance of the River Hobio thereinto, would have Communication with a moll lovely Fruit- full Country 6oo Miles Square. Formerly divers Nations dwelt on this River as the Chwanoes, a mighty and very populous Peo- ple, who had above 50 Towns, and ma- ny other Nations who were totally dellroy- ed, (12 ) deferibe when we come to Difcourfe of the great River Hobio. Ten Leagues higher on the Eaft fide is the River and Nation of Chongue, with fome others to the Eail of them. Fifteen Leagues higler, on the Well fide, is the River and Nation of Sjpourri. Thirty Leagues higher on the Eafr fide, is the opening of a River that proceeus out of a Lake 20 Miles long, which is a- bout so Miles from the kefcbacebe. Into this Lake empty themfelves four large Ri- vers : The molt Northerly, which comes from the North Eaft, is called Ouabachicou or Ouabache upon which dwelt the Nations Cba- chakinga, Pepepienkia, Hobio, Pianguichia. The next South of this, is the vaft River Hohio, which comes from the back of New-Tork, Maryland, and V rginia, and is Navigable 6oo Miles. Hobi in the Indian Language fignifies the fair River ; And certainly it runs from its Heads through the mot Beau- tiful fertile Countries in the Univerfe, and is form'd by the Confluence of so or 12 Rivers, and innumerable Rivulets. A Town fettled upon this Lake , or the Entrance of the River Hohto thereinto, would have Communication with a molt lovely Fruit- full Country 6oo Miles Square. Foimerly divers Nations dwelt on this River as the Chavanoes, a mighty and very populous Peo- ple, who had above So Towns, and ma- ny other Nations who were totally defiroy- ed,  ('13) ed, or driven out of their Country by the Irocois; this River being their ufuA Road when they make War upon the Nations who lie to the South or to the Weft. South of the Eiio is another River which about 30 Leagues above the Lake is di- vided into two Branches; the Northerly is call'd Ouefpere, the Southerly the Black Ri- ver, there are very few People upon ei- ther, they having been deftroy'd or driven away by the aforemention'd Irocois. The Heads of this River proceed from the Weft fide of the vaff Ridge of Mountains, which run on the Back of Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland; on whofe oppofite or Eaft fide, are the Sources of the great River Potomack, which by a Mouth of fome Leagues broad, difgorges itfelf into the middle of the Bay of Chefeprack, and feparates the two laft men- tion'd Provinces from each other. The Mountains afford a fhort Paffage or Com- munication between thofe two Rivers, which the Indians are well acquainted with, and by which in Conjundion with the French of the Me/chacebe, they may in Time infult and harrafs thofe Colonies. The moil Southerly of the abovefaid four Rivers, which enter into the Lake, is a Ri- ver fome call Ksfqui, fo nam'd from a Na- tion Inhabiting a little above its Mouth ; o- thers call it the Cufates or the River of the Cberaquees, a mighty Nation, among whom it hath its chief Fountains ; it comes from the South ('13 ) ed, or driven out of their Country by the Irocois; this River being their ufual Road when they make War upon the Nations who lie to the South or to the Weft. South of the H io is another River which about 30 Leagues above the Lake is di- vided into two Branches; the Northerly is call'd Ouefpere, the Southerly the Black Ri- ver, there are very few People upon ei- ther, they having been deftroy'd or driven away by the aforemention'd Irocois. The Heads of this River proceed from the Well fide of the vanl Ridge of Mountains, which run on the Back of Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland; on whofe oppofite or Eaft fide, are the Sources of the great River Potomack, which by a Mouth of fome Leagues broad, difgorges itfelf into the middle of the Bay of Cheippeack, and feparates the two laft men- tion'd Provinces from each other. The Mountains afford a ihort Paffage or Com- munication between thofe two Rivers, which the Indians are well acquainted with, and by which in Conjundion with the French of the Me/chacebe, they may in Time infult and harrafs thofe Colonies. The moft Southerly of the abovefaid four Rivers, which enter into the Lake, is a Ri- vet' fome call Kafini, fo nam'd from a Na- tion Inhabiting a little above its Mouth ; o- thers call it the Cufates or the River of the Cberaquees, a mighty Nation, among whom it hath its chief Fountains; it comes from the South ed, or driven out of their Country by the Irocois; this River being their ufual Road when they make War upon the Nations who lie to the South or to the Weft. South of the Hio is another River which about 3o Leagues above the Lake is di- vided into two Branches; the Northerly is call'd Ouefyere, the Southerly the Black Ri- ver, there are very few People upon ei- ther, they having been deftroy'd or driven away by the aforemention'd Iracois. The Heads of this River proceed from the Well fide of the vaff Ridge of Mountains, which run on the Back of Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland; on whofe oppofite or Eaft fide, are the Sources of the great River Potomack, which by a Mouth of fome Leagues broad, difgorges itfelf into the middle of the Bay of Cheieprack, and feparates the two laft men- tion'd Provinces from each other. The Mountains afford a fbort Paffage or Com- munication between thofe two Rivers, which the Indians are well acquainted with, and by which in Conjinion with the French of the Me/chacebe, they may in Time infult and harrafs thofe Colonies. The molt Southerly of the abovefaid four Rivers, which enter into the Lake, is a Ri- vet' fome call Kfqui, fo nam'd from a Na- tion Inhabiting a little above its Mouth ; o- thers call it the Cufates or the River of the Cheraquees, a mighty Nation, among whom it bath its chief Fountains ; it comes from the South  ('14) South Eafi, and its Heads are among the Mountains, which feparate this Country from Carolina, and is the great Road of the Traders, from thence to the Mefihacebe, and intermediate Places. Above 20o Miles up this River to the South Eaft, is the great and pow- erful Nation of the Chicazas, good Friends to the Engli/h, whofe Dominion extends thence to the Mefchacebe: Before you come at them, is a fmall Fall or Cataraa, the only one I have yet heard of, in any of the Rivers that enter the Mefphaceb,, either from the Eaft or from the Weft. Thirty or Forty Leagues above the Chi- eazas, this River forms four delicate Iflands which have each a Nation Inhabiting them, viz. Tahoga!e, kigaue, Cocbali, and Tali. Sixty Leagues above the Ifland and Nation of the Tali, inhabits the aforemention'd Na- tion of the Cberaguees, who have at leaft 6o Towns, fome of which are not above 6o Miles from Carolina. They have great Friendflhip with the Englif/ of that Pro- vince, who from thence carry on a free Trade with, and are .always very kindly entertain'd by them. Fifteen Leagues above the Hohio, or the River coming out of the Lake aforemention'd, to the Weft, is the River Honabanou, upon which dwells a Nation of the fame Name, and another call'd Amicea: And 1o Leagues above that, is the great Ifland of the Ta- maroas, and over againit it on the Eaft fide a Nation which goes by its Name, and an- other ( 4) South Eafi, and its Heads are among the Mountains, which feparate this Country from Carolina, and is the great Road of the Traders, from thence to the Mchacebe, and intermediate Places. Above 200 Miles up this River to the South Eaft, is the great and pow- erful Nation of the Chiazas, good Friends to the Engli/b, whofe Dominion extends thence to the Mefchacebe: Before you come at them, is a fmall Fall or Cataraa, the only one I have yet heard of, in any of the Rivers that enter the Mefehacebc, either from the Eaft or from the Weft. Thirty or Forty Leagues above the Chi- eazas, this River forms four delicate Iflands which have each a Nation Inhabiting them, viz. Tai a!e, Kekgue, Cochali, and Tali. Sixty Leagues above the Ifland and Nation of the Tali, inhabits the aforemention'd Na- tion of the Cheraguees, who have at leaft 6o Towns, fome of which are not above 6o Miles from Carolinas. They have great Friendfhip with the Engls/b of that Pro- vince, who from thence carry on a free Trade with, and are .always very kindly entertain'd by them. Fifteen Leagues above the Hohio, or the River coming out of the Lake aforemention'd, to the Weft, is the River Honabanou, upon which dwelhs a Nation of the fame Name, and another call'd Amicea: And io Leagues above that, is the great Ifland of the Ta- maroas, and over againi it on the Eaft fide a Nation which goes by its Name, and an- other (1'4) South Eafi, and its Heads are among the Mountains, which feparate this Country from Carohina, and is the great Road ofthe Traders, from thence to the Me/chacebe, and intermediate Places. Above 200 Miles up this River to the South Eaft, is the great and pow- erful Nation ofthe Chicazas, good Friends to the Englijb, whofe Dominion extends thence to the Me/chacebe: Before you come at them, is a fmall Fall or Catara&, the only one I have yet heard of, in any of the Rivers that enter the Me/ebaceb,, either from the Eaft or from the Weft. Thirty or Forty Leagues above the Chi- cazas, this River forms four delicate Iflands which have each a Nation Inhabiting them, viz. Tagale, Kikrgue, Cochali, and Tali. Sixty Leagues above the Ifland and Nation of the Tali, inhabits the aforemention'd Na- tion of the Cheraguees, who have at leaft 6o Towns, fome of which are not above 6o Miles from Carolina. They have great Friendfhip with the Engli/ of that Pro- vince, who from thence carry on a free Trade with, and are always very kindly entertain'd by them. Fifteen Leagues above the Hohio, or the River coming out of the Lake aforemention'd, to the Welt, is the River Honabanou, upon which dwells a Nation of the fame Name, and another calI'd Amicoa: And 1o Leagues above that, is the great Ifland of the Ta- maroas, and over againfi it on the Eaft fide a Nation which goes by its Name, and an- other  ( 15) other by that of Cahokia who dwell on the Banks of the River Chepuffo.. Fifteen Leagues above which to the Well is the Great Yellow River, fo nam'd becaufe it is Yellowifh and fo muddy, That tho' the Me/chacebe is very clear where they meet, and fo many great Rivers of Chrifta- line water below, mix with the Mejch - eebe, yet it difcolours them all even unto the Sea. When you are up this River 6o or 70 Miles, you meet with two Branch- es. The leffer, tho' large, proceeds from the South, and molt of the Rivers that compofe it falls from the Mountains, which fepa- rate this Country from New Mexico ; not- withifanding which, there is a very eafie Communication between them. This is cal- led the River of the Orages, from a Nu- merous People, who have 16 or i8 Towns feated thereupon, efpecially near its mixing with the Yellow River. The other which is the main Branch, comes from the North Weft, monl of whofe Branches defcend like- wife from the Mountains of New Mexico, and Divers other large Provinces which are to the North of New-Mexico, wholly poffeffed by Indians, who are faid to be very Nu- merous , and well polic'd : They are all at War with the Spaniards, from whom they have defended their Countries above i 5o Years, and have rather recovered than loft Ground. They are likewife at War, as generally the Indians are, amongft them- felves. ( 15) other by that of C#hokia who dwell on the Banks of the River Chepuffo.. Fifteen Leagues above which to the Weft is the Great Yellow River, fo nam'd becaufe it is Yellowifh and fo muddy, That tho' the Melchaerbe is very clear where they meet, and fo many great Rivers of Chrifta- line water below, mix with the Meehe- cebe, yet it difcolours them all even unto the Sea. When you are up this River 6c, or 70 Miles, you meet with two Branch- es. The leffer, tho' large, proceeds from the South, and molt of the Rivers that compofe it falls from the Mountains, which fepa- rate this Country from New Mexico ; not- withlanding which, there is a very eafie Communication between them. This is cal- led the River of the Orages, from a Nu- merous People, who have 16 or i8 Towns feated thereupon, efpecially near its mixing with the Yellow River. The other which is the main Branch, comes from the North Weft, molt of whofe Branches defcend like- wife from the Mountains of New Mexico, and Divers other large Provinces which are to the North of New-Mexico, wholly poffefed by Indians, who are faid to be very Nu- merous , and well polic'd : They are all at War with the Spaniards, from whom they have defended their Countries above r 5o Years, and have rather recovered than loft Ground. They are likewife at War, as generally the Indians are, amongft them- felves. other by that of Cahokia who dwell on the Banks of the River Clepuffo.. Fifteen Leagues above which to the Weft is the Great Yellow River, fo nam'd becaufe it is Yellowifh and fo muddy, That tho' the Me/chacebe is very clear where they meet, and fo many great Rivers of Chrifta- line water below, mix with the Me/cha- cebe, yet it difcolours them all even unto the Sea. When you are up this River 6o or 70 Miles, you meet with two Branch- es. The leffer, tho' large, proceeds from the South, and molt of the Rivers that compofe it falls from the Mountains, which fepa- rate this Country from New Mexico ; not- withftanding which, there is a very eafie Communication between them. This is cal- led the River of the Orages, from a Nu- merous People, who have 16 or 18 Towns feated thereupon, efpecially near its mixing with the Yellow River. The other which is the main Branch, comes from the North Weft, moll of whofe Branches defcend like- wife from the Mountains of New Mexico, and Divers other large Provinces which are to the North of New-Mexico, wholly poffeffed by Indans, who are faid to be very Nu- merous , and well polic'd : They are all at War with the Spaniards, from whom they have defended their Countries above 55o Years, and have rather recovered than loll Ground. They are likewife at War, as generally the Indi ns are, amongft them- felves.  ( 16) felves. The moil Northerly Branches of this River, are interwoven with other Branch- es, which have a contrary Courfe, pro- ceeding to the Wel, and empty them- felves into a vaft Lake, whofe Waters by means of another great River, difembogues into the South-Sea. The Indians affirm, they fee great Ships failing in that Lake, Twen- ty times bigger then their Canows. The Yellow is called the River of the Mafforites, from a great Nation inhabiting in many Towns near its junaure with the River of the Ozages : There are many other Na- tions upon the iame, little inferior to them in Extent of Territories or number of Towns, as the Panimaha's, Tancafa's Pana's, Paneloga's, Matotantes, few of them having lefs than 20 Towns, fearce any of which count lefs then 200 Cabans. Forty Miles above the Yellow River, on the Eail fide is the River Chbcagou or the River of the Alinouecks, corruptly by the French call'd linis, which Nation liv'd up- on and about this River, having above 60 Towns, and formerly confiled of 2oooo fighting Men, but are now alrmoil totally deiroy'd by the Irocois, or driven beyond the Mefchacebe Weilward. This is a large Plea-. fant River ; And about 250 Miles above its Entrance into the Mefihacebe, it is divided into two Branches; the leer comes from North and by Eail, and its Head is within 4 or 5 Miles of the great Lake of the Ali- naucch ( 16) felves. The mol Northerly Branches of this River, are interwoven with other Branch- es, which have a contrary Course, pro-. ceeding to the Weft, and empty them- felves into a vaft Lake, whofe Waters by means of another great River, difembogues into the South-Sea. The Indians affirm, they fee great Ships failing in that Lake, Twen- ty times bigger then their Canows. The Yellow is called the River of the Msfforites, from a great Nation inhabiting in many Towns near its jun&ure with the River of the Ozages : There are many other Na- tions upon the ame, little inferior to them in Extent of 'Territories or number of Towns, as the Panimnaha's, Tancafla's Pana's, Paneloga's, Marotantes, few of them having lefs than 20 Towns, fearce any of which count lefs then 200 Cabans. Forty Miles above the Yellow River, on the Eail fide is the River Chucagou or the River of the Alinouecks, corruptly by the French call'd Ilianis, which Nation liv'd up- on and about this River, having above 6o Towns, and formerly confined of 20000 fighting Men, but are now almoft totally deltroy'd by the Irocois, or driven beyond the Mefchacebe Weilward. This is a large Plea- fant River ; And about 250 Miles above its Entrance into the Me/cfhacebe, it is divided into two Branches; the lefer comes from North and by Eat, and its Head is within 4 or 5 Miles of the great Lake of the Ali- ncuccks ( 16) felves. The moil Northerly Branches of this River, are interwoven with other Branch- es, which have a contrary Courfe, pro- ceeding to the Weft, and empty them- felves into a vail Lake, whofe Waters by means of another great River, difembogues into the South-Sea. The Indians affirm, they fee great Ships failing in that Lake, Twen- ty times bigger then their Canows. The Yellow is called the River of the Mafforites, from a great Nation inhabiting in many Towns near its jun&ure with the River of the Ozages : There are many other Na- tions upon the fame, little inferior to them in Extent of Territories or number of Towns, as the Panimaha's, Tancaqa's Pana's, Paneloga's, Marotantes, few of them having lefs than 20 Towns, fearce any of which count lefs then 200 Cabans. Forty Miles above the Yellow River, on the Eail fide is the River Chucagou or the River of the Alinouecks, corruptly by the French call'd IRinvis, which Nation liv'd up- on and about this River, having above 6o Towns, and formerly confiled of 2oooo fighting Men, but are now almoft totally deftroy'd by the Irocois, or driven beyond the Mefchacebe WefAward. This is a large Plea- fant River ; And about 250 Miles above its Entrance into the Mrfhacebe, it is divided into two Branches; the leter comes from North and by Eal, and its Head is within 4 or 5 Miles of the great Lake of the Ali-- nouck  ( 17 ) huecks on its Weft-fide ; the other conmes al= ver Miawiha, which empties itfelf into the fame Lake. On the South-Eafi-fide, there is an eafy Communication between thefe two Rivers, by a Land-Carriage of x Leagues, about So Miles to the South-Eaft of the foremention'd Lake. The Courfe of this River from its Head exceeds 400 Miles, Navigable above half way by Ships, and moft of the reft Soops, and large Boats or Barges. Many malRivers run into it, and it forms 2 or 3 Lakes ; but one migh- tilyextoll'd, call'd Piitii which is 20 Mlslng, and 3 Miles broad ; it affords great Quantities of good Fifh , and the Country round about it, abounds with Game, both Fowls and Beafts. Befides the llxoueek, are the Nations Prouai, the great Nation C*afaui and Carataxon ; and on the Northern Branch inhabit Part of the Nation of the Mafreatens. On the South Eaft Bank of this River, Monfieur de la Sale ereFted a Fort in the Year i68o, which he nam'd Cre've-aur, from the Grief which feiz'd him, on the Lofs of one of his chief trading Barks rich- ly laden, and the Mutiny, and villanous In- trigues of fome of his Comipany; who firft at- tempted to poyfon, and afterwards defert him. This Fort Ra~nds about half Way between C thereof ( 17 ) rwaeeks on its Weft-fide ; the other comes al= mnol dire&-fy from the Haft, and proceeds fr~om a Moraffe within 2 Miles of the Ri- vet Miamiha, which empties itfelf into the famne Lake. On the South-Baft-fide, there is an eafy Communication between thefe two Rivers, by a Land-Carriage of 2 Leagues, about So Miles to the South-Eaft of the foremention'd Lake. The Courfe of this River from its Head exceeds 400 Miles, Navigable above half way by Ships, and moft of the reft by Soops, and large Boats or Barges. Many mal Rivers run into it, and it forms 2 or 3 Lakes ; but one migh- tily exold ald Piitoi, which is 20 Mileslong and3 Miles broad ; it affords great Quantities of good Fibh, and the Country round about it, abounds with Game, both Fowls and Beafts. Beides the Ilicoueck, are the Nations Proaaria, the great Nation Carcafqia and Caracoftsesn; and on the Northern Branch inhabit Part of the Nation of the Mafowews. On the South EafR Bank of this River, Monfieur de. la Sale erected a Fort in the Year 168o, which he namn'd Creve-caure, from the Grief which feiz'd him, on the Lols of one of his chief trading Barks rich- ly laden, an~d the Mutiny, and villanous In- trigues of fame of his Companyi whofwrft at- tempted to poyfon, and afterwards defert him. This Fort Ratnds about half Way between G thereof ( 17 ) pouecks on its Weft-fide ; the other comes al= moft direly from the Eaft, and proceeds from a Morafie within 2 Miles of the Ri- vet Mia.miha, which empties itfelf into the fasme Lake. On the South-Eaft-fide, there is an eafy Communication between thefe two Rivers, by a Land-Carriage of 2 Leagues, about So Miles to the South-Eaft of the foremention'd Lake. The Courfe of this River from its Head exceeds 400 Miles, Navigable above half way by Ships, and moft of the e& by Soopsand large Boats or Brges Man fmal Riersrun into it, and it forms 2 or 3 Lakes ; but one migh- tily xtoll'd, call'd Pimit.oi, which is 20 Mlslnand 3 Miles broad ; it affords great Quantities of good Filh , and the Country round aibout it, abounds with Game, both Fowls and Beafts. Befides the Illroaek, are the Nations Proaari, the great Nation Cafcfia and Caracont won; and on the Northern Branch inhabit Part of the Nation of the Mafiowtens. On the South Eaft Bank of this River, Monfieur det la Sale ereaed a Fort in the Year 168o, which he nam'd Creve-caure, from the Grief which feiz'd him, on the Loll of one of his chief trading Barks rich- ly laden, aiid the Mutiny, and villanous In- trigues of fame of his Company; whotfirft at- tempted to poyfon, and afterwards defert him. This Fort 1}ands about half Way between G thereof  ( 18 ) the Bay of M'vexico and Canada, and was for- merly the ufual Rout of the Frech in go- ing to or returning from either of thofe Places: But fince they have difcover'd a nearer and eafier PaTage by the Oue6acbe and Ohio, the Eources of both which Ri- vers, are at a final Difiance from the Lake E~rie, or fome Rivers which enter in- to it. Forty Leagues higher cn the Weft-fide is a fair River, which our People were at the Mouth of, but could not learn its Name. I fuppofe its the fame the French call Moia. gna. Some nmake it to proceed from the Mitchayowa or long River, as may be dif- cern'd in the annex'd Map ; but as all our journals are fillent in that Matter , fo fball 1, till fome more perfe& Difcoveries thereof afford us further Light and Certain- ty therein. When you are afeended about 4o Leagues more ; then on the Eall-fide, falls into the Mefcebe, the River Jfl iesfiag. This is much of the fame Nature with that of the Ainouecks, whether you confider its Breadth, Depth and Courfe ; as alfo the Pleafantnefs, and Fertility of the Country, adjacent unto all its Branches. After you have row'd or fail'd up it 6o Miles, joyns with it, the River of the Kikap ouz, which is alfo Navi- gable, and conies a great Way from the North-Raft. Eighty Miles further, almoft dircLly Raff, there is a ready Communi- cation, ( 18 ) the Bay of :Mexico and Canada, and was for- merly the ufual Rout of the Frembh in go. ing to or returning from either of thofe Places : But fine they have difcover'd a nearer and eafier PaThge by the Oueaahe and Ohio, the Sources of both which Ri- vers, are at a finall Difsance from the Lake E~rie, or fome Rivers which enter in- toit. Forty Leagues higher on the Weft-fide is a fair River, which our People were at the Mouth of; but could not learn its Name. I fuppofe its the fame the Freinch call Min-* goa. Some make it to proceed from the Atfitchayowa or long River, as may be dif- cern'd in the annex'd Map ; but as all our journals are filent in that Matter , fo fba111, till fome mare perfea Difcoveries thereof afford us further Light and Certain- ty therein. When you are afeended about 40 Leagues more ; then on the Eaft-fide, falls into the Mefchacebe, the River Jki]Cnralg. This is much of the fame Nature with that of the Alinouecks, whether you confider its Breadth, Depth and Courfe ; as alfo the Pleafantnefs, and Fertility of the Country, adjacent u')to all its Branches. After you have row'd or fail'd up it 6o Miles, joyns with it, the River of the Kikapoa, which is alfo Navi- gable, and comes a great Way from the North-Raft. Eighty Miles further, almoft direly Raff, there is a ready Communi- Cation, ( 18 ) the Bay of Mex~ico and Canad.a, and was for- mierly the ufual Rout of the French, in go. igto or returning from either of thofe Places : But fine they have difcover'd a nearer and eafier PaTage by the Ouasahe and Ohio, the Sources of both which Ri- vers, are at a finll Dificnce from the Lake E~rie, or fame Rivers which enter in- toit. Forty Leagues higher on the Weft-fide is a fair River, which our People were at the Mouth of; but could not learn its Name. I fuppofe its the fame the French call Moia- gcar. Some make it to proceed from the Mit rhiycwa or long River, as may be dif- crn'd in the annex'd Map ; but as all our journals are filent in that Matter , fo fbaI I, till fame more perfe&l Difcoveries thereof afford us further Light and Certain- ty therein. When you are afeended about 40 Leagues more ; then on the Raft-fide, falls into the Mefchacebe, the River Mg infag. This is much of the fame Nature with that of the Alinoueeks, whether you confider its Breadth, Depth and Courfe ; as alfo the Plealantnefs, and Fertility of the Country, adjacent uuto all its Branches. After you have row'd or fail'd up it 6o Miles, joyns with it, the River of the Kikapoaue, which is alfo Navi- gable, and comes a great Way from the North-Raft. Eighty Miles further, almoft direly Raft, there is a ready Communi- cation,  C 19) cation, by a Carriage of sa Leagues, with the River of' M'lfrow.qui, which hath a quito contrary Courfe, runtling to the Nortli-Eaff, and empties irfelf, after a Pa1~sge of s~o Miles from the Land Carriage, into the great Bay of the Pouteoiuoarns, or the Puanis, which joyns, on the North-Wefl, with the great Lake of the Ahnouecks. This River and Bay I (hall have Occafion to mention, when I come to def ribe the vail Lakes, or Seas of Frelh-Water, which are to the afl of the VejcdrtbP. Forty Leagues higher, on the fame Side, is the fair large River Matcbaoyrwa, which is the fame the Birrmi ke Hontax, calls the long River, and gives a very particular De- fcription thereof, having navigated it alinoft to its Heads. It has a Courfe of above Soo Miles, and the Southern Rivers, of which it is compos'd, are near the Northern Heads of the River of the Mefoarites, both taking their Original from the Mountains, which di- vide this Country, from that which leads to the South Sr.,. Several Rivers proceed fromi the other fide of the Mountains, which are eflpasdin let than one Day, and fall in: charges itlelf by a great River into the afore- laid Sea. As you afcend this River from the Melfcrbe, you meet with the NationsEokoro', Efaape, Gnaitrisr, who have each many Towns, and very populous. And the laid Bsron acquaints us, from very good Infor- C 2 mation, ( 19) cation, by a Carriage of 2 Leagues, with the River of' Mifawxtqui, which bath a quite contrary Courfe, rwuling to the North-Eafl, and empties itlelf, after a Paffage of i~a Miles from the Land Carriage, into the great Bay of the Pout ewuotrms, or the Puanzs, which joyns, on the North-Well, with the great Lake of the Abnouaecks. This River and Bay I flhall have Occafion to mention, when I come to defcribe the vail Lakes, or Seas of Frelh-Water, which are to the Bail of the MVejcktcte. Forty Leagues higher, on the fame Side, is the fair large River Macbaaywa, which is the fame the lArna le Honax a , calls the long River, and gives a very particular De- fcription thereof, having navigated it almroft to its Heads. It has a Courfe of above Soo Miles, and the Southern Rivers, of which it is compos'd, are near the Northern Heads of the River of the Mef'oariter, both taking their Original from the Mountains, which di- vide this Country, from that which leads to the South Se,. Several Rivers proceed from the other fide of the Mountains, which are eafily pafs'd in let than one Day, and fall in- to the fame Lake abovemention'd, which dif- charges itlelf by a great River into the afore- laid Sea. As you afcend this River from the Mefchsacrbr, you meet with the Nations Ekoro'?, Eglaxipe, Ginafaari to, who have each many Towns, and very populous. And the laid Baron acquaints us, from very good Infor- C 2 snationg C 19) cation, by a Carriage of s Leagues, with the River of Mifcoxiqoei, which bath a quite contrary Courfe, runAing to the North-Bail, and empties irfelf, after a Paffaige of 15o Miles from the Land Carriage, into the great Bay of the Poarsoaouaris, or the Puans, which joyns, on the North-Well, with the great Lake of the Adlinouecks. This River and Bay I (hall have Occafion to mention, when I come to defcribe the vail Lakes, or Seas of Frelh-Water, which are to the Ball of the Meficanh. Forty Leagues higher, on the fame Side, is the fair large River Macbagyrva, which is the fame the iiAron le H+oaws, calls the long River, and gives a very particular De- fcription thereof, having navigated it alnmo& to its Heads. It has a Courfe of above Soo Miles, and the Southern Rivers, of which it is compos'd, are near the Northern Heads of the River of the Meff-ourites both taking their Original from the Mountains, which di- vide this Country, from that which leads to the South Sr,(. Several Rivers proceed from the other fide of the Mountains, which are eafily pafs'd in let than one Day, and fall in- to the fame Lake abovemention'd, which dif- charges itlelf by a gre at River into the afore- laid Sea. As you afcend this River from the Mofhacobz, you meet with the Nations~ckoros, Ef1 #ape, Gnaffraries, who have each many "Towns, and very populous. And the laid Baron acquaints us, from very good Infor- C mnation,  ( 20) mation, That beyond thefe Bills, are Two or Three Mighty Nations, under Potent Kings, abundantly more civiliz'd, numerous, and warlike, than their Neighbours, diffe- ring greatly in Cuftoms, Buildings, and Go. vernment, from all the other Natives of this Northern Continent : That they are cloath- ed, and build Houfes, and Ships, like Ea. ropea~ws, having many of great Bignefs, in length 120 or 13~o Foot, and carry from 2, tod 300 Men, which navigate the great Lake, adit is thought the adjacent Parts of the Ocean. And Herrera, Gcrasra, and fome other Spamtib Hiftoriographers affert, that the Spaniatrds faw, upon that Coaft, fuch Ships, which they apprehended, came from Yap~A or Ckina. A little higher up is the River Cbabodeibt, above which the Mefsbwcbe makes a fine Lake, 20 Miles long, and 8 or io broad. Nine or io Miles above that Lake, on the Eaft-fide, is a large fair River call'd the River of Tories, after you have enter- ed a little Way, which leads far into the Country to the North-Eaft, and is naviga. ble by the greateft Boats 40 Miles. About the fame Diftance fu~rthser up, the Maiibacebe is precipitated from the Rocks about go Foot, but is fo Far Navigable by confidera- ble Ships, as alfo beyond, excepting another Fall 8o or go Miles higher, by large Ve$tels unto its Sources, which are in the Coun- try of th ie uxj, not at a very great Di- fiance ( 20) (20)  ( 21 fiance from Hudfon's Bay. There are many other fmoaller Rivers which fail into the Me/.. chcbon both Sides of it, but being of little Note, and the Defcription of them of fmnall Confequence, I have pa6s'd them over in Silence. CHAP. 11. cA Defcription f the Coun- tries, People, Rivers, Bays, Harbours and Iflands, to the Eaff of the Mefchacebe, which do not communicate with it. NOW proceed to defcribe that Part of this Province, which is to the East of the Mefckaceb; the Rivers, which pats through it, having no Communica- tion therewith. From the Pexiua of Blorida, where this Country begins, to the South-Ball, there are only two large Rivers: The Firft that of Pache4, the true Indian Name, by the Spmarids call'd the River of C ;Spirito ( 21) itance from Hadfon's Bay. There are many other fmaller Rivers which flli into the Mef- chacebe, on both Sides of it, but being of little Note, and the Defcription of them of finall Confequence, I have paIs'd them over in Silence. CHAP. H. c.. Defcription of the Coun- tries, People, Rivers, Bays, Harbours and Ifiands, to the Eaft of the Mefchacebe, which do not communicate w~ith it. NOW proceed to defcribe that Part of this Province, which is to the Eaft of the Mefcbacebe ; the Rivers, which pafs through it, having no Comimunica- tion therewith. From the Peautfala of FRorida, where this Country begins, to the South-Bill, there are only two large Rivers: The Firft that of Pslahe, the true Indian Name, by the Spaiards call'd the River of C 3 Spirito ( 21) stance from H*4fon's Bay. There are many other fmnaller Rivers which fail into the Mef. chacebe, on both Sides of it, but being of little Note, and the Defription of them of finall Confequence, I have pafs'd them over in Silence. CHAP. IL A Defcription of the Coun- tries, People, Rivers, Bays, Harbours and Iflands, to the Eift of the Mefchacebc , 'which do not communicate 'with it. NOW proceed to defcribe that Part of this Province, which is to the Eaft of the Mefcbaebe; the Rivers, which pafs through it, having no Comimunica- tion therewith. From the Pewixfa of Blorida, where this Country begins, to the South-Bill, there are only two large Rivers: The Firft that of Pslach, the true 1adcax Name, by the Spaxjards call'd the River of C 3 pro  ( 22 ) Spirito Ssjnto or of Apalache, adding an A, after the Arabiani manner, from which a great Part of their Language is deriv'd ; as in the Provinces of A~dco, [Mlaoia, they pro- Pounce Arnlco, and Af icoia, and fo in di- vers others. This River enters the Gulph of Mexico about ioo Miles from the Cod of the Bay of Palach, at the North-Weft End of the Peninfur4 of 1florida, in 3o Degrees of North Latitude, and force few Minutes. It L& fomewhat hard to find, by Realon of the Ifles and Lagunes before it ; and though a ftately River, and comes far out of the Country, hath not above 2 Fathoms and a halT or 3 Fathoms Water at mot on the Barr, as the People fent on D~ifcovery fbund but that being pafs~'d its very deep and large; and the Tide flows higher than into any other River upon all the Coall, forme affirm 5o Miles, which is no wonder, the Country being a perfe& Level, and the Ri- ver having a double Current ; one from the South, all along the PewiRluas, from 25 De- Frees to 30 : The ocher from the Well. Near it, on both Sides towards the Sea-Coaft, dwell divers Nations, Pa4,rkecs, ChatroAs, Sul- lIgoes, Tommakees, &c ; Who are generally call'd by one Name of 4p'Aaecb7 Indians. This River proceeds chiefly from Rivers, which have their Origin on the South or South- Well fide of the great Ridge of Hills, that divides this Country from Caro!rna, and is llippos'd to have a Courfe of about 400 ( 22) Spirito Siuto or of Apalic6e, adding an A, after the Arabian! manner, from which a great Part of their Language is deriv'd ; as in the Provinces of Auico, AVimaia, they pro- nounce AniI'o, and Africoia, and lb in di- vers others. This River enters the Gulph of Mexicro about z oo Miles from the Cod of the Bay of Palachr, at the North-Well End of the Peninf ida of Florida, in 30o Degrees of North Latitude, and force few Minutes. It i, fomewhat hard to find, by Reafonr of the Illes and Lagune before it; and though a llately River, and comes fir out of the Country, bath not above 2 Fathoms and a hat', or 3 Fathoms Water at moil on the Barr, as the People Lent on D~ifcovery found ; but that being pafs'd its very deep and large ; and the Tide flows higher than into any other River upon all the Coall, force affim 5o Miles, which is no wonder, the Country being a perfe&t Level, and rhe Ri- ver having a double Current ; one from the South, all along the Pruinfrlo, from 25 De- grees to 30o: The ocher from the Well. Near it, on both Sides towards the Sea-Coaft, dwell divers Nations, Palaie,s, Chatroesr, Sul-. luggoes, Tomwnakee, &c ; who are generally call'd by one Name of A44acby Indians. Tis River proceeds chiefly from Rivers, which have their Origin on the South or South- 'Well fide of the great Ridge of Hills, that divides this Country from Caro'rna, and is liippos d to have a Courfe of about 400 Miles. ( 22) Spirito Santo or of Apashe, adding an 4, after the Arabian manner, from which a great Part of their Language is deriv'd ; as in the Provinces of A's/co, tlzuia, they pro- nounce Axsilco, and kAriaiA, and fo in di- vers others. This River enters the Gulph of M'exiro about ioo Miles from the Cod of the Bay of Palache, at the North-Well End of the Peiidua of Florida, in 30o Degrees of North Latitude, and force few Minutes. It i; fomewhat hard to find, by Reafon of the fles and LaRunes before it; and though a (lately River, and comes far out of the Country, hath not above 2 Fathoms and a haP; or 3 Fathoms Water at moil on the Barr, as the People Lent on Difcovery fouind; but that being pafs'd its very deep and large; and the Tide flows higher than into any other River upon all the Coall, forme affirm 5o Miles, which is no wonder, the Country being a perfoe& Level, and the Ri- ver having a double Current; one from the South, all along the Pcwneewla, from 25 De- Frees to 30 : The ocher from the Well. Near it, on both Sides towards the Sea-Coaft, dwell divers Nations, Palaccs, Chattoes, Sul- luggoes, Te mnak-s, &c; who are generally call'd by one Name of Atalatchy Indtians. This River proceeds chiefly from Rivers, which have their Origin on the South or South- Well fide of the great Ridge of' Hills, that divides this Country from Caro'eua, and is fuppos'd to have a Courfe of about 400 Miles.  ( 23) Miles. Upon or near the Middle of it live the great Nations of the Cuiifhesaes, T4'liboa- fes and A~gekacbes. To the Weft of this, is the famous Coza , or as ours call it the Couffa River, and the Frencb Mobile, the bigeft, next un- to Mfcharebe, and HoWi, of any in this, or the Neighbouring Provinces. Its firft Heads are likewife from the aforeiaid Pla- cbewu Mountains. The mot Northerly be- ing at Gxaxula Town and Province, near the Foot of the Mountain. Many Rivulets uniting, after a Courfe of 8o Miles, form a River bigger than the Thames at Kp'g- fton, making feveral delicious fles, fome 3, or 4Miles long, and Half a Mite bra; the Country is wonderful pleafant and fertil. The first confiderable Town or Province is Chiabat, famous for its Pearl-Fifhing, there being thereabouts , in the River and little Lakes it makes, a Sore of Shell-Fifh, the An- cients nami'd Psia, between a Mufcle and Oyfter ; concerning which I have difcours'd in the Account of the Produces or Comn- mnodities of this Country. From thence the River grows larger and deeper, by Ac- c.'fllon of others from the Mountains, and from the Weft, until it enters the Province of Coza, or Cou.ffa, which is reckon'd one of the mofl pleafant and fruitful Parts of this Country, and very populous. Through this Ferdinia,4o Soto pafs'd, and refided there- in a confiderable Time ; and all the Spau# C 4 Wri- Miles. Upon or near the Middle of it live the great Nations of the Cufshetaev, Tdibou- fie and Rdeba/N. To the Weft of this, is the famous Coza , or as ours call it the Coaffa River, and the French Mobile, the biggeft, next un- to M fchacebe, and Ho/ko, of any in this, or the Neighbouring Provinces. Its firft Heads are likewife from the aforefaid Pala- cbeauc Mountains. The mot Northerly be- ing at Gxaxula Town and Province, near the Foot of the Mountain. Many Rivulets uniting, after a Courfe of 8o Miles, form a River bigger than the Thames at KIagn- ffei, making feveral delicious fInes, fame 3, or 4Miles long, and Half a Mile broad ; the Country is wonderful pleafant and fertil. The firli confiderable Town or Province is Chiaba, famous for its Pearl-Fiffling, there being thereabouts , in the River and little Lakes it makes, a Sore of Shell-Fibh, the An- cients nam'd Pinna, between a Mufcle and Oyfter ; concerning which I have difcours'd in the Account of the Produces or Com- modities of this Country. From thence the River grows larger and deeper, by Ac- e _ffion of others from the Mountains, and from the Weft, until it enters the Province of Coza, or Couffa, which is reckon'd one of the moft pleafant and fruitful Pares of this Country, and very populous. Through this Ferdmind oto pafs'd, and refided there- in a confiderable Time ; and all the Spana# C 4 Wri- ( 23) Miles. Upon or near the Middle of it live the great Nations of the Crufibetae, Talibou- A's and Adgebaches. To the Weft of this, is the famous Coza , or as our s call it the Couffa River, and the French Mobile, the bigeft, ne un- to Mfchsrebe, and Hohio, of any in this, or the Neighbouring Provinces. Its firt Heads are likewife from the aforefaid Pala- cheaua Mountains. The moft Northerly be- ing at Gaxula Town and Province, near the Foot of the Mountain. Many Rivulets uniting, after a Courfe of 8o Miles, form a River bigger than the Thames at Kjng- iEm, making feveral delicious Illes, fome 3, or 4 Miles long, and Half a Mile broa the Country is wonderful pleafant and ifertil. The firft confiderable Town or Province is Chiaba, famous for its Pearl-Fiihing, there being thereabouts, in the River and little Lakes it makes, a Sore of Shell-Fifh, the An- cients nam'd Pinna, between a Mufcle and Oyfter; concerning which I have difcours'd in the Account of the Produces or Com- modities of this Country. From thence the River grows larger and deeper, by Ac- cffion of others from the Mountains, and from the Welt, until it enters the Province of Coza, or Couffa, which is reckon'd one of the moft pleafant and fruitful Parts of this Country, and very ppulous. Through this Ferdtnando Soto ps', an refiled there- in a confiderable Time; and all the Spw# C 4 Wri-  ) ( 24)  ( 25 ) the Enib cal Mak4el, and the Freuds Mo- ile, is yet in eing, tho' farifhort ofkit former Grandeur. About 100 Miles from hience, it enters the Giulph of Mexico, being fbrft increas'd, as by mnany fmall Rivers and Rivulets, fo by the fair Rier of the Chat-. 1wa, which is made by a Colle&ion of feve- ral other little Streams and Rivers, and which at length form a fine River that would feem confiderable, if it were not obfcur'd by the great River in which it is loft. This migh-. ty Nation of the Chttuas confifting of near 3ooo Fighting Men, live chiefly about the Middle of the River, and is not far from the Cbick's,whom I mention'd to inhabit 30 or 40 Towns, in the Defcription of the Caf- qui or Crifats River, and fpeak the fame Language. And to the Eaft between them and the (.'fzas, are the Baee or Aeat who have 13 Towns, and dwell upon di- vers fmall Rivers, which run into the Couf- fn. It is a very pleafant Country, like that of the Coza, full of Hills and Vallues; their Ground is generally more marly, or fatter than many other Provinces; which are moft- Iyof alighter Mould. And a little more to theSouth-Weft, between the Becaes and Chnt- ta', dwell in divers Towns, being 5co Fight- ing Men, the Eaemals, upon a fair River of their Name, which comning from the Eaft, mixes with the Cot fi. This mighty River enters the Gulph of Mexico, about 1 5 Leag. to the Welt of the great Bay of Nsffau or S'pirae ( 25 ) ( 25 ) the EngtI Jb cal Maubela, and the Fruech iMo- file, is yet in Being, tho' farlfhort of its former Grandeur. About too Miles from hence, it enters the Guiph of Mexico, being firft increas'd, as by many finall Rivers and Rivulets, fo by the fair River of the Chat- 1w, which is made by a Colle~fon of feve- ral other little Streams and Rivers, and which at length form a line River that would feem confiderable, if it were not obfcur'd by the great River in which it is loft. This mnigh- ty Nation of the Chats confifting of near 3ooo Fighting Men, live chiefly about the Middle of the River, and is not far from the Chbicas,whom I mention~'d to inhabit 30 or 4o Towns, in the Defcription of the Caf- jut or Cufites River, and fpeak the fame Language. And to the Eaft between them and the Cowas, are the Bette: or Abecser, who have 13 Towns, and dwell upon di- vers fmall Rivers, which run into the Couf- ftu. It is a very pleafant Country, like that of theCoza, full of Hills and Vallies; their Ground is generally more marly, or fatter than many other Provinces; which are moft- ly of alighter Mould. And a little more to the South-Weft, between the Becavs and Char- mas, dwell in divers Towns, being Soo Fight- ing Men, the Ewemalas, upon a fair River of their Nanme, which coming from the Eaff, mixes with the Couf'. This mighty River enters the Gulph of Mexico, about 15~ Leag. to the Welt of the great Bay of Pkjfau or Spirit.  ( 26 ) Spirito Sato, or from the N. E. Cape of Mirtle Ille, which is the South Land, be- tween which, and the Continent to the North, is the Entrance of that vaft Inlet. The River runs into a Kind of a Lrune or Bay, which is barred 4 Miles from the Mouth of the River, fuppos'd to be occa- fion'd, as the M/chacee, in long Procefs of Time, by the Silt or Sediment of the Water , this being almofl as muddy, coming, for the mofl Part, thro' a rich Clay or Marle; fo that at the Barr, when it is Low-Water (and it flows little there ; excepting the South Wind drive in a great Sea) there is not above 14 or 15 Foot; but the Mouth being fome Miles Broad, and our People not having Leifure to examine nicely, perhaps there may be found deeper Places upon o- ther Parts of the Barr ; but fo foon as you are over it, there is a moil noble Harbour, very large, from 4 to 6 Fathom Depth. Near the Mouth of this River the French have lately made a new Settlement, call'd Fort Louis, which is the ufual Refdence of the Chief Governor of Loura~ia-a, who is neverthelefs fubordinate to him of Canada. In this Fort are fome Companies of Soldi- ers, and from thence Detachments are fent to fecure the feveral Stations, they have a- mongft the Indian in the Inland Parts. As the Vilibalys or Altibmous, Chicazs, and Chattaes, are the moil populous and Potent Nations upon and between this River and the ( 26 ) Spirito Sato, or from the N. E. Cape of Mirtle Ifle, which is the South Land, be- tween which, and the Continent to the North, is the Entrance of that vaft Inlet. The River runs into a Kind of a Lagune or Bay, which is barred 4 Miles from the Mouth of the River, fuppos'd to be occa- fion'd, as the McJhacebe, in long Procels of Time, by the Silt or Sediment of the Water , this being almoft as muddy, coming, for the moll Part, thro' a rich Clay or Marle; fo that at the Barr, when it is Low-Water (and it flows little there ; excepting the South Wind drive in a great Sea) there is not above 14 or Y5 Foot; but the Mouth being fome Miles Broad, and our People not havin; Leifure to examine nicely, perhaps there may be found deeper Places upon o- ther Parts of the Barr ; but fo foon as you are over it, there is a mol noble Harbour, very large, from 4 to 6 Fathom Depth. Near the Mouth of this River the French have lately made a new Settlement, calld Fort Louis, which is the ufual ReGdence of the Chief Gevernor of LoauiAiNs, who is neverthelefs fubordinate to him of Canada. In this Fort are fome Companies of Soldi- ers, and from thence Detachments are fent to fecure the feveral Stations, they have a- mongif the Indians in the Inland Parts. As the %alibalys or Allibamous, Cicaw, and Chattaes, are the moil populous and Potent Nations upon and between this River and the ( 26 ) Spirito Sat, or from the N. E. Cape of Mirtle Ille, which is the South Land, be- tween which, and the Continent to the North, is the Entrance of that vaft Inlet. The River runs into a Kind of a Lagune or Bay, which is barred 4 Miles from the Mouth of the River, fuppos'd to be occa- fion'd, as the Me/chacebe, in long Procefs of Time, by the Silt or Sediment ot the Water, this being almoil as muddy, coming, for the moil Part, thro' a rich Clay or Marle; fo that at the Barr, when it is Low-Water (and it flows little there ; excepting the South Wind drive in a great Sea) there is not above 14 or t5 Foot; but the Mouth being forne Miles Broad, and our People not hiving Leifure to examine nicely, perhaps there may be found deeper Places upon o- ther Parts of the Barr; but fo foon as you are over it, there is a mol noble Harbour, very large, from 4 to 6 Fathom Depth. Near the Mouth of this River the French have lately made a new Settlement, calld Fort Louis, which is the ufual Reddence of the Chief Governor of Loaira~ia, who is neverthelefs fubordinate to him of Canada. In this Fort are fome Companies of Soldi- ers, and from thence Detachments are fent to fecure the feveral Stations, they have a- mongif the Indians in the Inland Parts. As the iUllbalys or Allibamous, Chicaza, and Chattaes, are the moil populous and Potent Nations upon and between this River and the  ( 27 ) the Meficdveb, the Englifb~ for feveral Year, refided peaceably amongfl, carry'd on a confiderable Trade with, and were as Friends kindly entertain'd by them, till about the Year 1715. by the Intrigues and Pracices of the Irencb, they were either murther'd, or oblig'd to retire, and make Room for thofe new Intruders , who have fmnce un- juftly poffefsd and fortify'd the very fame Stations, in order to keep the Natives in Awe and Subje&ion, and to cut off' the Communication of the Engifb Traders with the Indianu thereabouts, and as far as, and beyond the Me/cbac~ee; whereby they have fecur'd to themfelves an extenfive and pro-. fitable Trade of above 500 Miles, which the Subjecis of Great Britain were a few Years ago the Sole Mafters of. Befides the Frencb Settlement abovemen- tion'd on the Continent, they have another fmall Town and Fort in the Isle Dazuphine ; formerly call'd Slautghter Ifland, from a great Number of Mens B ones found there on its firff Difcovery, the Remains, as is faid, of a bloody Battle fought between two Na- tions of Indians. This Ifland lies about q Lcag. South of Fort Louis, and 14, Leag. Wetof PenfJacola. It is inhabited and for- tify'd only on Account of its Harbour, it beingf the firil Place the Frtmb Shipping ufually touch at in their Voyage from France. The Didtance between this River, and that of Paebce or SPiriiw Santoe to the I-all, ( 27) the Mefcb'aebe, the Englifb for feveral Year, refided peaceably amongft, carry'd on a confiderable Trade with, and were as Friends kindly entertain'd by them, till about the Year 1715. by the Intrigues and Praaices of the Frencb, they were either murther'd, or oblig'd to retire, and make Room for thofe new Intruders , who have fince un- juftly poffefs'd and fortify'd the very fame Stations, in order to keep the Natives in Awe and Subjeaion, and to cut off the Communication of the En~glifb Traders with the lndaun thereabouts, and as far as, and beyond the Mejchacebe ;whereby they have f cur'd to themfelves an extenfive and pro- fitable Trade of above Soo Miles, which the Subjecs of Great Britain were a few Years ago the Sole Maflers of. Befides the Frencb Settlement abovemen- tion'd on the Continent, they have another fmall Town and Fort in the Idle Dauphine ; formerly call'd Slaughter bland, fr-om a great Number of Mens Bones found there on its flrft Difeovery, the Remains, as is faid, of a bloody Battle fought between two Na- tions of Indean. This bland lies about g Lcag. South of Fort Louis, and 14 Leagu. Well of Pen~facola. It is inhabited and for- tify'd only on Account of its Harbour, it being the firft Place the krrnb Shipping ufually touch at in their Voyage from trance. The Diifance between this River, and that of Paad or Spiriio Santo to the Eafl, ( 27) the Me42hacee, the Englifb for feveral Year& refided peaceably ainongif, carry'd on a confiderable Trade with, and were as Friends kindly entertain'd by them, till about the Year 1715. by the Intrigues and Pracices of the Frencb, they were either murther'd, or oblig'd to retire, and make Room for thofe new Intruders , who have fonce un- juflly poffefs'd and fortify'd the very fame Stations, in order to keep the Natives in Awe and Subjealion, and to cut off the Communication of the Englifb Traders with the Inaians thereabouts, and as far as, and beyond the Melcbaccbe ; whereby they have fecur'd to themfelves an extenfive and pro-. fitable Trade of above Soo Miles, which the Subje&s of Great Britain were a few Years ago the Sole Matters of. Befides the Frencb Settlement abovemen-. tion'd on the Continent, they have another fmall Town and Fort in the Idec Dauphine ; formerly call'd Slaughter Ifland, from a great Number of Mens Bones found there on its firfl Difcovery, the Remains, as is faid, of a bloody Battle fought between two Na- tions of Indeanc. This Ifland lies about g Leag. South of Fort Louais, and 14 Leag. Welt of Penaaola. It is inhabited and for- tify'd only on Account of its Harbour, it being the flr-f Place the Frtnib Shipping ufually touch at in their Voyage fromi prance. The Diftance between this River, and that of P ache or Spir Santo to the Eafl,  ( 28 ) ( 28 ) ( 28 )  ( 29 ) Mayters thereof a fecond Time, but whe-. ther they have deferred it, or keep it ilull in their Polleffion I know not. If the Frenb fecure this Port and Harbour, which is not above 14 Leagues Hall of their chief Settlement at Mobile, they may with eafe, at all Seafons, infell, with large Mlen of War and Privateers, the Navigation of the Englifb and Spaniiards in the Bay of Mexico, by lying in Wait for and intercepting their Fleets and private Ships, trading to and from Panaco, Vera Cruz, Camipeche, Porto Bel- 1 ramica, and the Hav'ana. Thirty Leagues to the Ball is Apaub4 Cola, which is alfo a good Harbor, and Wefl of Apaa4c River 3o Leagues. The Bay of Naffa or S5piriro .anto is made by Four Islands, which run almoft due South, a little inclining to the Weft. The mal Northerly, between which and the Main is the Entrance of the Bay, being 8 Leagues long, our People call'd Mtrtle-IAnd , from the great Quantity of that Tree or Shrub, which grows there, where digging they found excellent good Water very plentifully. This Isand in Lome Places is very narrow. Whether itbe the fame the Frencb call 47.e Auex Vsifeaux, or Ships Isand, I can't tell, but its Situation, Diftance from Ifle Dauphine, or Slaughter Isand, and its Commodioufhefs for ibletring Ships from the Wind, creates a~ Probability of its being fo. The Bay is 15 Miles broad, from Mtrtle Island to a Row ( 29 ) Maylers thereof a fecond Time, but whe- ther they have deferred it, or keep it Rill in their Poffeffion I know not. If the Frencb fecure this Port and Harbour, which is not above r4 Leagues Hall of their chief Settlement at Mobile, they may with eafe, at all Seafons, infell, with large Alen of War and Privateers, the Navigation of the Englof and Spaniards in the Bay of Mexico, by lying in Wait for and intercepting their Fleets and private Ships, trading to and from Pauo, Fera Cruz, Campece, torto Bel- 11, 7amiaica, and the Hav'aa. Thirty Leagues to the Eall is Apalacby Cola, which is alfo a good Harbor, and Wefl of Apalarchy River 3o Leagues. The Bay of NaJfau or Spiriro .Jaro is made by Four Iflands, which run almoft due South, a little inclining to the Wefl. The mal Northerly, between which and the Main is the Entrance of the Bay, being 8 Leagues long, our People call'd Mirdle-Iiared , from the great Quantity of that Tree or Shrub, which grows there, where digging they found excellent good Water very plentifully. This Island inflome Places is very narrow. Whether itbe the fame the French call I(Ze Axex VAffe~ox, or Ships Isand, I can't tell, but its Situation, Diiftance from I/ic D~aupbine, or Slaughter Isand, and its Commodioufnefs for fheltriag Ships from the Wind, creates a Probability of itsbeing fo. The Bay is 15 Miles broad, from Mtrtle Ifland to a Row ( 29 ) Mailers thereof a fecond Time, but whe- ther they have deferted it, or keep it ill in their Poffeffion I know not. If the Frencb fecure this Port and Harbour, which is not above 14 Leagues Eaft of their chief Settlement at Mobile, they may with eafe, at all Seafons, infefl, with large Mlen of War and Privateers, the Navigation of the Englijb and Spaniards in the Bay of Mexico, byr lying in Wait for and intercepting their Flesand private Ships, trading to and from Paneo, !Vera Cruz, Campecke, P'orto Bel- i, fasm4ica, and the Havzaa. Thirty Leagues to the Eall is 4paarcly. Cola, which is alfo a good Harbor, and Wefl of Apalarchy River 3o Leagues. The Ba y of Naffiw or Spiriro .Janto is made by Four Islands, which run almoft due South, a little inclining to the Well. The mal Northerly, between which and the Main is the Entrance of the Bay, being 8 Leagues long, our People call'd Mirle-/wand, trom the great Quantity of that Tree or Shrub, which grows there, where digging they found excellent good Water very plentifully. This Wsand in forme Places is very narrow. Whether it be the fame the Fraecb call I4le Auex VAiffeAux, or Ships Isand, I can't tell, but its Situation, Diftance from 1le Daupbine, or Slaughter Isand, and its Commodioufnefs for ibeltring Ships from the Wind, creates a Probability of its bein f. The Bay is 15 Miles broad, from Mtrtle Isand to a Row  (30) (30) (30) ofIfans hih unPaalelwih heManof Iflands, which run Parallel with the Main, of Iflands, which run Parallel with the Main, of TfadwihrnPrallwt h a and another Bay or Lagu e etween thiem, and another Bay or Lagrne between them, and another Bay or Lagne between them, wti wic Ty di o'o h within which They did not go. Thcee wti whc Teydino go Te Ifland~s ftretch Southward oor6o Miles, Iflands firetch Southward 5o or 6o Miles, Iffands fireach Southward 50 or 6o Miles, as5ra n f h mie ou o f h as far as one of the fmailer Mouths of the as far as eone of the fmnaller Mouths of the as ta as onehabe and thet1 theree mouff beth MesMk n obe~teemf every good Harblours, being defended fro very good Harbours being defended from verygoo Haour, bingdeisldd fOIU he ea nd ind bya dubl Ro ofthe Sea and Winds by double Row of the Sea and Winds by a double Row of th e n id yadul o fb Jadadhvn rbbygo ets flands, and having probably good Depths. Iflands, and having probably good Depths. Ournds and le ving obabl goeod Deths.l Our Peopl vifited only the moffNortherly, Our People vifited only the moff Norherly, Orepleviyteddhe moff Nrtheiiy, which they nami'd Rofe-Ifland, a mofi fra- which they nam d Rofe-Ifland, a. moltff - which they nan'd Ro f a a ol ran Smnell comingr from it Lea ues ofl grant Smell coming from it 3 Lea ues off grant Smell coming from it 3 Leapues off grant ~~~~~which exceeded all Perfumes; 'it is about which exceeded all Pefes'iisaotwchxedd flerfumes; 'it is about whic Miles e long erume;and isabor morilselog, nd62LMilessr longfom 6andes2onLeand2uesguorormmoreroorromm hz6 MMilesnglndngLeauand mr2 teeartues o orfemorain Bewoe Loteno eftr a inguesene the Northern or Weftern Mai. Between teNrhr rWfe~ an ewe thesan Nortl-atherneth of~an BeWa- this and Mirtsk4Tflad, the Depths of Wa- this and Mirf Ie4IM4a, the Depths of Wa- this and wereaate etsofW- ~ , 6,, q Fathom. Roe- ter were 4, 5, 6, 5, 4. Fathom. Rofe- ter were 4, 5, 6, 5, 4 Fathom. Rofe- , 5 4f114 Pd is a brave Ifland, and full of Wood. 114Pd is a brave Ifland, and full of wood. I14ied is a brave Iflaind, and full of Wood. Th fon ibfmewhat difficult to go They found it fomuewhat difficult to go They found it fomewhat difficult to go Y~ thga ewenteIlns down the Bay between the Iflancis, meeting onteBybtenteIlnsmei down the Bay between the Iflands, meeting wit foe Soas, her tey ad otmuci wth am Shals werethe hd nt mchwith forme Shoals, where they had ntmc wib oe S ahomls water. they thad not muabitoe S ahomls watere they hard o undi above 2 Fathom Water. They tundround above2 Fahom ater.Theyturnd roud abve F~tho ae.Te un' on it-fwd into the Main-Sea, and coai'ced AitcIln noteManSa n ofe irt-Ifa,4 into the Main-Sea, aund coafted Mk~-fmdinoth ai-Sa ad oftdthe Eaft-fide, which is very bold. Over a- the Eat-~fide, which is very bold. Over a- the Eaf*-fid;, which is very bold. Over a- aif Mitl- sn ote ot about gainff M tle-Ifland to the North, about 5 gainft Mite-fli,4 to the North, about 5 ga-ie ftnonheM nLnd is Leagues diflance, on the Main-Land, is a Le'e dit 'e on the Main-Land, is aLegedifneonheMi-ad saihPitofW dwerishenrne hig Pont f Wods whre s te Etrace ighPoit o Wods'wheefiWoodsrane wherein oisootheerEntrancntanc of PLit oefbcb Wor her is~ thBnranc hcefLtle ffbcb or the Eaft Branch which ofLittleMetacebe, or the Eaft Branch which I mention'd in my Defcription of the great I mnention'd in my Defcription of the great I mention'd in my Defeription of the grat y pRiver. And about 15 Leagues to thieNorth River. And about 15 Leagues tote ot River. And about i 5 Leagues to the Noth Eafk of this Branch of the Mefcbacebe, is the Bafl of this Branch of the Mefcbiacelb, is the Bafl of this Branch of the Muefcbacebe, is the Bay of ThLdohy, which is, within a fair Bay of Bdocbyj, which is, within a fair Bay of Thiou7c*, which is, within a fair Harbour, with a fmail River falling into or Harbour, with a fmall River falling into or Harbour, with a f(mall River falling into eor nernear na  ( 31) near it, call'd Pffagouht bordering on which and the aforefaid Bay , is a fine Country, but on the Barr there is not above 7 or 8 Foot Water. It was on the Continent ly-. ing, I think, on the Eafterly Part of this Bay, that Monfieur a' JIbervdie in the Begin- ning of the Year 1700, built a fmall Sconce, and left therein about Forty Men well pro- vided with Neceflitries. He afterwards re- turn'd twice to Prance for further Reinforce- ments, but on his Third Voyage back to Biocobi hie died. The Fr'enh being about that Time hotly ena' na War with the Englifb and their Cofdres in Europe, this and another fmall Settlement, they had there- abouts, were deferred, for Want of timely and necelfary Supplies. Our Ship pafs'd on the Eaft-fide of Mirtle- Yand4, which is 24 Miles long, and Three other Iflands, there being Openings between a Mile or 2 over. The Fourth and Laft Ifland, is the broadeft and higheft, and a god Mark to find the Mef4baceb. Thefe fod lie all together in a dire& Line South and by Weft, Eaft and by North, at leaf} joMiles, and have all along, 2 Leagues off, rom 5 to 9 Fathom Water. When you come to the Fourth Ifle you muff be caus- tious, the Sounin being uncertain ; for force Points of Sadftretch out into the Sea 3League, and varies the Depths from 9 Fahom to4, then 8, 9,allat once. Be- twman near it, calld P4Jfagnuli, bordering on whtich and the aforefaid Bay , is a fine Country, but on the Barr there is not above 7 or 8 Foot Water. It was on the Continent ly- ing, I think, on the Eafterly Part of this Bay, that Monfieur 4' Iberville in the Begin- nuing of the Year 1700, built afinall Sconce, and left therein about Forty Men well pro- vided with ,Neceflaries. He afterwards re- turruM twice to P~rance for further Reinforce. ments, but on his Third Voyage back to &iocobi hie died. The Fremb being about that Time hotly engag'd in a War with the Engiefb and their Confederates in Europe, this and another fimallSettlemnent, they had there- abouts, were deferred, for Want of timely and neceffary Supplies. Our Ship pafs'd on the Eaff-fide of Mirtle- I1Zv,4, which is 24 Miles long, and Three other Iflandis, there being Openings between a Mie or 2 over. The Fourth and Laft Ifland, is the broadeft and higheft, and a good Mark to find the Mecacbe.Thefe Iflands lie all together in a dire& Line South and by Weft, Eaft and by North, at leaft 0 Miesandhave all along, 2 Leagues offt rom5 t 9Fathom Water. Whe you come to the Fourth Ifle you muff be caus- tiou, te Sundng binguncrtan ;for 3 Leagues, and varies the Depths from 9 Fathomisto 4, then 8, 9,all at once. Be- tweea C 3' near it, call'd Pa~ffsgoult bordering on which and the aforefaid Bay , is a fine Country, but on the Barr there is not above 7 or 8 Foot Water. It was on the Continent ly- ing, I think, on the Eafterly Part of this Bay, that Monfieur d' 1bervile in the Begin- suing of the Year 1700. built a ftall Sconce, and left therein about Forty Men well pro- vided with Neceflries. He afterwards re- turruM twice to Praaae for further Reinforce-. ments, but on his Third Voyage hack to B&ocobi hie died. The Frec being about that Time hotly ena'di a War with the Ergiefb and their Cofdrtes in Europe, this and another fmall Settlemnent, they had there- abouts, were deferted, for Want of timely and neceflary Supplies. Our Ship pafs'd on the Eaft-fide of Mirtle- jjland, which is 24 Miles long, and Three other Iflands, there being Openings between a Mie or 2 over, The Fourth and Laft; Ifland, is the broadeft and highieft, and a good Ma rk to find the Mefchaceb. Thefe Iflnsleall together in a dire& Line South and by Wefl, Baft and by North, at leaft o Miles, and have all along, 2 Leagues offt fr'om 5to 9j Fathom Water. When you come to the Fourth Ifle you muff be caus- tious, the Sounding being uncertain ; for fore Points of Sandl ftreth out into the Sea 3Leagues, and varies the Depths from 9j Fathoms to 4, then 8, 9, all at once. Be- tween  ) ) ( 32)  ( 33) which lie before it, call'd Los Martypres. The Toruga Iflands lie between the Latitude of 24 Degrees, and from 35 to 5o Minutes. They are not in a Round, ascommonly reprefented in Charts, btea amoft N and South. If' you come there in the Months of April, May, or the Beginning of 5rne you will find great Numbers of Tur- tle, which are then in good Plight, extra- ordinary good Food both fr~efh and falted, and a wholfome Change of Diet for Sea- men, afterwards they will not well take Salt, decaying and running into a Gelly or Water, andbefore JM1J is expir'd quite leave the Ilands 'till the next Year. The Courfe from the Tortuga Iflands to Pwnfiola, is N. 44 W. diflance 158 Leagues, the Shore bold, bearing Eaft and Weft. Nine Leagues from the Land you will have 3;3 FahmWater, but if you make the Ri- ver of the Cozwa or Couffas which is 167 Leagues, and a very remarkable Place, be- ing a fpacious large Opening, having a fmnall fandy Tile in the Middle, you'll find the Land flretch Eall and Well, and within a- bout 18 Leagues you will fall in with Mr- tle-Ilaxd, which, with the Main, mnakes the Entrance into the great Bay of Sfirito Santo in which Tile, as I faid before, is very good fr~efh Water. This with Five or Six other low Ifles, run in a Range 14 Leagues, and S. W. from them, about 5 Leagues, are high Woods : Stand over for the Cauth Part D of ( 33) which lie before it, call'd Los Mr(,res. The Tortua Iflands lie between the Latitude of 24 Degrees, and from 35 to 50 Minutes. They are not in a Round, as commonly reprefented in Charts, but bear almoft N. and South. If you come there in the Months of April, May, or the Beginning of Drun, you will find great Numbers of Tur= fle, which are then in good Plight, extra- ordinary good Food both frelh and fakted, and a wholfome Change of Diet for Sea- men, afterwards they will not well take Salt, decaying and running into a Gelly or Water , and befoire duly is expir'd quite leave the Iflands 'till the next Year. The Courfe from the Tortuga Iflands to Penfitola, is N. 44 WY. diftance 158 Leagues, the Shore bold, bearing Eaft and Weil. Nine Leagues from the Land you will have 3 3 Fathom Water, but if you make the Ri- ver of the Cosa or Ccuffas which is 167 Leagues, and a very remarkable Place, be- ing a fpacious large Opening, having a fmall fandy Tile in the Middle, you'll fid the Land ftretch Eall and Well, and within a- bout 18 Leagues you will fall in with Mir- tle-j/axd, which, with the Main, makes the Entrance into the great Bay of Sirto Santo in which Ile, as I faid before, is very good fr~eib Water. This with Five or Six other low Ifles, run in a Range 14 Leagues, and S. W. from them, about 5 Leagun, are high Woods : Stand over for teSuhPr D of ( 33) which lie before it, call'd Los Martyres. The Tortug.. Iflands lie between the Latitude of 24 Degrees, and from 35 to 50 Minutes. They are not in a Round, as commonly keprefented in Charts, but bear almoft N. and South. If you come there in the Months of April, May, or the Beginning of fwun, you will find great Numbers of Tur.. tle, which are then in good Plight, extra- ordinary good Food both fr~efb and fakted, and a wholfome Change of Diet for Sea- men, afterwards they will not well take Salt, decaying and running into a Gelly or Water , and before jniy is expir'd quite leave the Iflands 'till the next Year. The Courfe from the Tortuga Iflands to Penfrtola, is N. 44 W. diftance 158 Leagues, the Shore bold, bearing Eall and Wet Nine Leagues from the Land you will have 33 Fathom Water, but if you make the Ri- ver of the Cowa or Couffas which is 167 Leagues, and a very remarkable Placze, be- ing a fpacious large Opening, havin a Iinall fandy Tile in the Middle, yo'l ind the Land flretch Eatt and Well, and within a- bout 18 Leagues you will fall in with Mir- tle-Ifla4d, which, with the Main, makes the Entrance into the great Bay of Sprito Sano - in which Ile, as I faid before, is very good fr-efh Water. This with Five or Six other low Iles, run in a Range 14 Leagues, and S. W. from themi, about 5Leagues, are high Woods : Stand over for the South Part D of  (34) of there Woods, until you come to 4 Fa- thom, there caft your Anchor, and fend your Boat to a low Point along the Shore to the Southward. In 5 Foot Water you will find a fmall Branch of the River; row up it, the Current, will carry you to the Barr, where you may take your Marks for the Entrance into it. Perhaps fome Times the Waters may be fo low that you cannot pafs this Channel: In Cafe this fhould hap- pen (which I fuppofe it feldom or never doth) then run by the Soundings of the Shore, in 5 or 6 Foot Water, and keep that Depth till you come to the Pitch of the EaN Cape, where you will find the Eafterly Branch in 14 or 15 Foot Water: Then row up, take your Marks, return, and place two Buoys, and you may carry your Ship in to the River very fafely , as you may perceive by the Draught. The fame or like Caution muff be us'd, for entering into either of the other Mouths, to keep near the Shore, and by anchoring flop the Tide of Ebb. There is a Bay, which our Men in the Ship, call'd Salt-Water Bay ; They who went to the Head of it , Fre#.- Water-Ba ; a feeming Contradi&ion, but thus eafily reconcil'd. This Bay lies between the Eaft and Middle great Branch of the River: The great Branches bring down fo confiderable a Quantity of Water, at the Ebb, with a ftrong Currrent, that then the frelh Water enters the Sea 2 or 3 Leagues, and (34) of there Woods, until you come to 4 Fa- thom, there caft your Anchor, and fend your Boat to a low Point along the Shore to the Southward. In 5 Foot Water you will find a (mall Branch of the River; row up it, the Current, will carry you to the Barr, where you may take your Marks for the Entrance into it. Perhaps fome Times the Waters may be fo low that you cannot pafs this Channel: In Cafe this fhould hap- pen (which I fuppofe it feldom or never doth) then run by the Soundings of the Shore, in 5 or 6 Foot Water, and keep that Depth till you come to the Pitch of the EaR Cape, where you will find the Eafterly Branch in 14 or 15 Foot Water: Then row up, take your Marks, return, and place two Buoys, and you may carry your Ship in to the River very fafely , as you may perceive by the Draught. The fame or like Caution muff be us'd, for entering into either of the other Mouths, to keep near the Shore, and by anchoring flop the Tide of Ebb. There is a Bay, which our Men in the Ship, call'd Salt.Water Bay ; They who went to the Head of it , Fre/b- Water-Bay ; a feeming Contradi&ion, but thus eafiy reconcil'd. This Bay lies between the Eaft and Middle great Branch of the River: The great Branches bring down fo confiderable a Quantity of Water, at the Ebb, with a firong Currrent, that then the frelh Water enters the Sea 2 or 3 Leagues, and (34) of thefe Woods, until you come to 4 Fa- thom, there caft your Anchor, and fend your Boat to a low Point along the Shore to the Southward. In 5 Foot Water you will find a fmall Branch of the River; row up it, the Current, will carry you to the Barr, where you may take your Marks for the Entrance into it. Perhaps fome Times the Waters may be fo low that you cannot pals this Channel: In Cafe this fhould hap- pen (which I fuppofe it feldom or never doth) then run by the Soundings of the Shore, in 5 or 6 Foot Water, and keep that Depth till you come to the Pitch of the Eaft Cape, where you will find the Eafterly Branch in 14 or 15 Foot Water: Then row up, take your Marks, return, and place two Buoys, and you may carry your Ship in to the River very fafely , as you may perceive by the Draught. The fame or like Caution mufn be us'd, for entering into either of the other Mouths, to keep near the Shore, and by anchoring flop the Tide of Ebb. There is a Bay, which our Men in the Ship, call'd Salt-Water Bay ; They who went to the Head of it , Fre/b- Water-Ba ; a feeming Contradi&ion, but thus eafily reconcil'd. This Bay lies between the Eaft and Middle great Branch of the River: The great Branches bring down fo confiderable a Quantity of Water, at the Ebb, with a firong Currrent, that then the frelh Water enters the Sea 2 or 3 Leagues, and  ( 35 ) and between them the Sea enters this Bay, not mixing with the Waters of the Rivers, which are to Miles diftant; fo that Ships, who anchor at the lower End of the Bay, find the Waters Salt ; but there is a Creek, at the N. W. End of the Bay, which comes out of the Middle Branch, and a little be- fore it enters the Bay is divided. This Creek hatha from 8 Foot at the fhallowefl to 9, to and it Foot Water, by which they enter'd, out of Sdtitsr Bay, into the River. CHAP. mI. ,4 Jefcription of the Sea-Coaft, the large Rivers, theirifeads and Corfes, beyond or to the Weft of Mefchacebe. AV IN G made a faithful Narratve, from good Journals and Itineraries by Sea and Land, of the great River IJfbsebe, the Rivers increafiing it, the Countries adjacent, and Inhabitants thereof: As alfo of the Countries, People Rivers and Harbors, towards the Eaft beloning*O unto this Province, which do not comnum- D 2 cats ( 35 ) and between them the Sea enters this Bay, not mixing with the Waters of the Rivers, which are to Miles diftant; fo that Ships, who anchor at die lower End of the Bay, find the Waters Salt ; but there is a Creek, at the N. W. End of the Bay, which comes out of the Middle Branch, and a little be- fore it enters the Bay is divided. This Creek hath from 8 Foot at the fhialloweft to 9, t0 and as Foot Water, by which they enter'd, out of Sit-Weser Bay, into the River. CHAP. III. A Defcriptirn of the Sea-Cofl, the large Rivers, their Heads and Cou~rfes, beyond or to the W~eft of Mefchacebe. AV IN G made a faithful Narrative, from good Journals and Itineraries by Sea and Land, of the great River Mefcbaebe, the Rivers increafing it, the Countries adjacent, and Inhabitants thereof: As alfo of the Contries, People, Rivers and Harbors, towards the Eaft belonging unto this Province, which do not communi- D 2 cats ( 35 ) and between them the Sea enters this Bay, not mixing with the Waters of the Rivers, which are to Miles diftant; fo that Ships, who anchor at the lower End of the Bay, find the Waters Salt ; but there is a Creek, at the N. W. End of the Bay, which comes out of the Middle Branch, and a little be.. fore it enters the Bay is divided. This Creek hath from 8 Foot at the fhialloweft to q, t 0 and ast Foot Water, by which they enter'd, out of Sit-Weser Bay, into the River. CHAP. Im. ,4 Defcription of the Sea-Coaqfl, the large Rivers, their Heads and Courfes, beyond or to the Weft of Mefchacebe.  Vii tel Lt to w) to  ( 37) therefore knew not the Breadth: They kept near the Latitude of 29 Degrees, the Depths generally as follows, 7, 8, 9, 8, 7, 6 Fa- thom : At length they came to the Bot- tom of the Bay or Gulph, from whence they return'd unto the Welterly Branch of the Mefchacebe. From the River Mefcbacebe unto the Bot- tom of the Bay are innumerable fine fmall Rivers, very pleafant: Great Store of Buf- fHloes or wild Kine frequent them to the very Sea-fide, as alfo Deer of divers Sorts, wild Turkies, and many other large Water and Sea-Fowl ; the Coal} abounds with good Fifh ; but I cannot learn there are above Four very large Rivers, and of long Courfe. The firft and greatelt is that of the Quo- noatinnos, or of the Coeis, a great and po- pulous Nation, who dwell in Forty or Fifty Villages upon the Middle of this River, and others which run into it. They are about five Days Journey diftant from the Habita- tions of the .genirds and near 200 Miles from the Sea, into which the River empties itfelf, about So Leagues to the Weft of the Mefchacebe ; it is broad, deep, and Naviga- ble almoft to its Heads, which chiefly pro- ceed from the Ridge of Hills that feparate this Province from New Mexico : And its North Welt Branches, approach near the South-Welt Branches of the River of the Hoama. There dwell upon it, more to- D 3 wards ( 37 ) therefore knew not the Breadth: They kept near the Latitude of 29 Degrees, the Depths generally as follows, 7, 8, 9, 8, 7, 6 Fa- thom : At length they came to the Bot- tom of the Bay or Gulph, from whence they return'd unto the Wenlerly Branch of the Mefchacebe. From the River Mefcbacebe unto the Bot- tom of the Bay are innumerable fine fmall Rivers, very pleafant: Great Store of Buf- fNloes or wild Kine frequent them to the very Sea-fide, as alfo Deer of divers Sorts, wild Turkies, and many other large Water and Sea-Fowl ; the Coall abounds with good Fifh ; but I cannot learn there are above Four very large Rivers, and of long Courfe. The firif and greatelt is that of the QRua- noatinnos, or of the Coenis, a great and po- pulous Nation, who dwell in Forty or Fifty Villages upon the Middle of this River, and others which run into it. They are about five Days journey diftant from the Habita- tions of the Spaniards and near 200 Males from the Sea, into which the River empties itfelf, about 8o Leagues to the Weft of the Mefchacebe ; it is broad, deep, and Naviga- ble almoft to its Heads, which chiefly pro- ceed from the Ridge of Hills that feparate this Province from New Mexico : And its North Welt Branches, approach near the South-Welt Branches of the River of the Hoama. There dwell upon it, more to- D 3 wards ( 37) therefore knew not the Breadth: They kept near the Latitude of 29 Degrees, the Depths generally as follows, 7, 8, 9, 8, 7, 6 Fa- thom : At length they came to the Bot- tom of the Bay or Gulph, from whence they return'd unto the Welterly Branch of the Mefchacebe. From the River Mefchacebe unto the Bot- tom of the Bay are innumerable fine fmall Rivers, very pleafant: Great Store of Buf- faloes or wild Kine frequent them to the very Sea-fide, as alfo Deer of divers Sorts, wild Turkies, and many other large Water and Sea-Fowl ; the Coalt abounds with good Fifh ; but I cannot learn there are above Four very large Rivers, and of long Courfe. The firlt and greateft is that of the Quo- noatinnos, or of the Cows, a great and po- pulous Nation, who dwell in Forty or Fifty Villages upon the Middle of this River, and others which run into it. They are about five Days journey diftant from the Habita- tions of the Spaniards and near 200 Mles from the Sea, into which the River empties itfelf, about 8o Leagues to the Welt of the Mefcbacebe ; it is broad, deep, and Naviga- ble almolt to its Heads, which chiefly pro- ceed from the Ridge of Hills that feparate this Province from New Mexico : And its North Welt Branches, approach near the South-Welt Branches of the River of the Hoama. There dwell upon it, more to- D 3 wards  ( 38 ) wards its Mouth, divers other Nations, whofe Names are unknown, excepting the Taraea, Tycap'as, Paogeffens and Pdoams, All thefe Nations have good Horfes. About 3o Leagues further to the South of the Weft, is the River of the K(irononaa, who with divers other Nations dwell there- upon. It is little lefs than th~at of the Kv- noatinnos, and as that bath its Sources in the Mountains of Nero Meiir, the Courfe of this is likewife from the N. W. until it enters the Sea. Between this and the aforefaid River of Qwooatkws or C'oenis , lies the Bay of St. Bernard, call'd by Monfieur de la Salle, the Bay ofSt. Lors, and a River that falls into it he nam'd the River of Facbes. In the Year 1685. he built there a Fort (after he had purpofely, as it is faid, overfhot the Mouth of the River Mefrkacebe ) having form'd a Defign from thence to vifit the Mines of St. Barbe in Neiv Bkray, which were not much, above 300 Miles diftant. But one of his Veflels returning to France, and the other Three being loft with great Part of his Stores , Ammunition and Provifions ; withal failing in his Attempt to engage the Jcndians in his Party and Intereft, who, inflead of Friends, prov'd his mortal Enemies, con- tinually fculking about his infant Settlement, and deftroying many of his People, he was oblig'd to delift fr~om that Enterprize. He afterwards with Twenty c';ofen Men went by ( 38 ) wards its Mouth, divers other Nations, whofe Names are unknown, excepting the Tarabas, Tyeappas, Pa4ogueffens and Paioeaass All thefe Nations have good Horfes. About 3o Leagues further to the South of the Weft, is the River of the I(frmzcwic, wvho with divers other Nations dwell there- upon. It is little let than that of the Kp- noatinnas, and as that hath its Sources in the M~.ountains of Nero Me.sise, the Courfe of this is likewife from the N. W. until it enters the Sea. Between this and the aforefaid River of kaom tinnw or Coenis , lies the Bay of St. Bernard, call'd by Monfieur de la Salle, the Bay of St. Lou, and a River that falls into it hie nam'd the River of Vaches. In the Year 1685. he built there a Fort (after he had purpofely, as it is faid, overfhot the Mouth of the River Mefchacebe ) having form'd a Defign from thence to vifit the Mines of St. Barbe in Nov Brfcay, which were not much, above 300 Miles diftant. But one of his Vcffels returning to France, and the other Three being lof with great Part of his Stores , Ammunition andr Provifions ; withal failing in his Attempt to engage the Indians in his Party and Intereft, who, inflead of Friends, prov'd his mortal Enemies, con- tinually fculking about his infant Settlement, and deftroying many of his People, he was oblig'd to delift fr~om that Enterprize. He afterwards with Twenty chofen Men went by ( 38 ) wards its Mouth, divers other Nations, whofe Names are unknown, excepting the Tarahas, ycappans, Patagueffens and Piaions All thefe Nations have good Ilorfes. About 3o Leagues further to the South of the Weft, is the River of the K/rononat, wvho with divers other Nations dwell there- upon. It is little lets than that of the Kp- n2oatinnos, and as that bath its Sources in the Mountains of New Mexico, the Courfe of this is likewife from the N. W.until it enters the Sea. Between this and the aforefa~id River of Qaoatinn or Coenis , lies the Bay of St. Bernard, call'd by Monfieur de la Sale, the Bay of St. Lou'is, and a River that falls into it he nam'd the River of Vacbes. In the Year 1685~. he built there a Fort (after lie had purpofely, as it is faid, overf~hot the Mouth of the River Mefchacebe ) having formad a Defign from thence to vifit the Mines of St. Barbe in New Brfcay, which were not much, above 300 Miles diftant. But one of his Veffels returning to France, and the other Three being loft with great Part of his Stores, Ammunition and Provifions; withal failing in his Attempt to engage the Inzdians in his Party and Intereft, who, inflead of Friends, prov'd his mortal Enemies, con- tinually fculking about his infant Settlement, and deftroying many of his People, he was oblig'd to delift from that Enterprize. He afterwards with Twenty c'wien Men went by  ( 39 ) by Land in fearch of the River Mef$udee, in which Attempt he loft his Life, being bar- baroufly murther'd by forme of his own Fol- lowers. This Fort was foon after taken and deftroy'd by the Spanirds and Indians, all the frencb remaining therein, being either kll'd or made Prifoners. About the fame Diftance further S. W. is the River of the Bifcaterongs, which is of the fame Magnitude with the former, hath the fame Courfe from the N. W. to the Sea, and its Heads from the fame Mountains. The laft River of Note is aRiver of much the fame Bignefs with the two preceding, and enters the Bay of Mexico at the N. W. End, between the Degrees of 27 and 28, it is nam'd Abotu. It may not be amifs to mention another River, which altho' it be not within the Bounds of this Colony, may be of great U~fe, when it is well eflla ', by Reafon of the Conveniency of Traflick with the Spa- oiarks, it being near the aforefaid famous Mines of New Bifcay, a large Province lin between Mexico and New Mexico. This ftately River bath its Fountains, in the mol Northerly Parts of New Mexic, in the Lati- tude of 38 Degrees, and being gradually increas'd by the Conflux of many finall Waters, becomes large and Navigable, till it approaches the 3oth Degree; then it turns to the S. E. and enters a Parcel of high Mountains, from whence it is no fur- D 4 ther ( 39 ) by Land in fearch of the River MeJchacebe, in which Attempt he loft his Life, being bar- baroufly murther'd by fome of his own Fol- lowers. This Fort was foon after taken and deflroy'd by the Spaniards and Indians, all the fencb remaining therein, being either klll'd or made Prifoners. About the fame Diftance further S. W. is the River of the Bifcaterongs, which is of the fame Magnitude with the former, hath the fame Courfe from the N. W. to the Sea, and its Heads from the fame Mountains. ThelTaft River of Note is aRiver of much the fame Bignefs with the two preceding, and enters the Bay of Mexico at the N. W. End, between the Degrees of 27 and 28, it is nam'd Abot u. It may not be amifs to mention another River, which altho' it be not within the Bounds of this Colony, may be of great U~fe, when it is well eftablifh', by Reafon of the Conveniency of Traffick with the Spa- niards, it being near the aforefaid famous Mines of New i/fay, a large Province lying between Mexico and New Mexico, This ftately River hath its Fountains, in the mofl Northerly Parts of New Mexico in the Lati- tude of 38 Degrees, and being gradually increas'd by the Conflux of many finall Waters, becomes large and Navigable, till it approaches the 3oth Degree; then it turns to the S. E. and enters a Parcel of high Mountains, from whence it is no fur- D 4 ther ( 39 ) by Land in fearch of the River Merlhacebe, in which Attempt he loft his Life, being bar. baroufly murther'd by forme of his own Fol- lowers. This Fort was foon after taken and deftroy'd by the Spaniardk and Indians, all the rench remaining therein, being either kill'd or made Prifoners. About the fame Diftance further S. W. is the River of the Bifcaterongs, which is of the fame Magnitude with the former, hath the fame Courfe from the N. W. to the Sea, and its Heads from the fame Mountains. The lafi River of Note is aRiver of much the fame Bignefs with the two preceding, and enters the Bay of Mexico at the N. W. End, between the Degrees of 27 and 28, it is nam'd Abotas. It may not be amifs to mention another River, which altho' it be not withi the Bounds of this Colony, may be of great U~fe, when it is well eftablifh'd, by Reafon of the Conveniency of Traffick with the Spa- nards, itbeing~ near the aforefaid famous Mie Mo ewifa, a large Province lying between MeioadNew Mexico, This flately River hath its Fountains, in the moft Northerly Parts of New Mexico in the Lati- tude of 38 Degrees, and being gradually increas'd by the Conflux of many finall Waters, becomes large and Navigable, till it approaches the 30th Degree; then it turns to the S. E. and enters a Parcel of high Mountains, from whence it is no fur- D 4 ther  (40) ther Navigable ; it is call'd by the Spaniards, Rio Bravo. They differ in their Accounts hereof; fome affirming it is fwallow'd up in a hideous Gulph, and paffes Three Days Journey under the Earth, like their great River Guadzana in Spain, of which their fa. mous Embaffador Gundamore faid, when ask- ed, Whether his Mafler could thew fuch a Bridge as that over the Thames at London, that he had a Bridge upon which many Hundred Thoufand Sheep daily fed. Others write that the River doth not dive under Ground , but paffes among Rocks full of fireight Paffages, with many Cataraas ; that after it has broke its Way through, it glides very placidly crofs a level Country for a 15o Miles, being both large and deep, and at length empties itfelf into a broad and long Lagune, which is Navigable, with two or three PafIages into it, between the Iflands that form it, and whofe Entrances are at leaR between 3 and 4 Fathom deep. I have a Journal of Captain Parker, who in the Year 1688, was there with Two Ships: One very large in fearch of a Spanrb Wreck, but will not trouble my Reader with the Relation of what there happen'd to them. All Accounts agree this Country is well wa- tered, that it abounds with vail Quantities of Wild Kine, the Spaniards call Cibolas, and is fruitful, pleafant and populous. ( 40 ) ther Navigable ; it is call'd by the Spaniards, Rio Bravo. They differ in their Accounts hereof; fome airming it is fwallow'd up in a hideous Gulph, and paffes Three Days Journey under the Earth, like their great River Guadiana in Spain, of which their fa- mous Embaffador Gundamore faid, when ask- ed, Whether his Mailer could Thew fuch a Bridge as that over the Thames at London, that he had a Bridge upon which many Hundred Thoufand Sheep daily fed. Others write that the River doth not dive under Ground , but paffes among Rocks full of ftreight Paffages, with many Cataraas ; that after it has broke its Way through, it glides very placidly crofs a level Country ora 150 Miles, being both large and deep, and at length empties itfelf into a broad and long Lagune, which is Navigable, with two or three Palages into it, between the Iflauds that form it, and whofe Entrances are at leal between 3 and 4 Fathom deep. I have a Journal of Captain Parker, who in the Year 1688, was there with Two Ships: One very large in fearch of a Spanfb Wreck, but will not trouble my Reader with the Relation of what there happen'd to them. All Accounts agree this Country is well wa- tered, that it abounds with vaft Quantities of Wild Kine, the Spaniards call Cibojas, and is fruitful, pleafant and populous. ( 40 ) ther Navigable ; it is calPd by the Spaniards, Rio Bravo. They differ in their Accounts hereof; fome affirming it is fwallow'd up in a hideous Gulph, and pafes Three Days Journey under the Earth, like their great River Guad-ana in Spain, of which their fa- mous EmbalTador Gundamore faid, when ask- ed, Whether his Mailer could Thew fuch a Bridge as that over the Thames at London, that he had a Bridge upon which many Hundred Thoufand Sheep daily fed. Others write that the River doth not dive under Ground , but paffes among Rocks full of ftreight Palages, with many Catara&s ; that after it has broke its Way through, it glides very placidly crofs a level Country for a 15o Miles, being both large and deep, and at length empties itfelf into a broad and long Lagune, which is Navigable, with two or three Paffages into it, between the Illands that form it, and whofe Entrances are at leaf between 3 and 4 Fathom deep. I have a Journal of Captain Parker, who in the Year 1688, was there with Two Ships: One very large in fearch of a Spanr/b Wreck, but will not trouble my Reader with the Relation of what there iappen'd to them. All Accounts agree this Country is well wa- tered, that it abounds with vail Quantities of Wild Kine, the Spaniards call Ciboias, and is fruitful, pleafant and populous. CHAP F CHAP CHAF  (+1l ) CHAP. IV. cJ Defcription of the five great Seas or Lakes of frefh Wa- ter, which are to the North of this Province , and the Weft and North Weft of our other Plantations, on the Eaft Side of the River Mef- chacebe, with the Rivers falling into them, the Coun- tries bordering thereon, and the feveral Nations of In- dians who inhabit there- in. (4') CHAP. IV. cd Defcription of the five great Seas or Lakes of freh Wa- ter, which are to the North of this Province , and the Weft and North Weft of our other Plantations, on the Eaft Side of the River Mef- chacebe, with the Rivers falling into them, the Coun- tries bordering thereon, and the feveral Nations of In- dians who inhabit 'there- in. (4' ) CHAP. IV. cd Defcription of the fve great Seas or Lakes of jrefh Wa- ter, which are to the North of this Province , and the Weft and North Weft of our other Plantations, on the Eaft Side of the River Mef- chacebe, with the Rivers falling into them, the Coun- tries bordering thereon, and the feveral Nations of In- dians who inhabit there- in.  ( 42 ) Bounds of this Province, may prove very beneficial, both to the Inhabitants of this and our Colonies of New Tork , Penfilvania, Marylard, and Virginia, who are not very remote from fome of them, and may have an eafy Accefs thereunto, and confequently by Navigation with thofe that are more re- mote, they having all Communication with each other, as may be prefently difcern'd by the Map. The Seas or Lakes are Five. Firft the fuperior Lake beforemention'd, it being of almoft Northerly, and is call'd by moit of the Savages, the Lake of the Nadouejfons, the greateft and mol valiant Nation o' the North, divided into feveral Tribes, who go by divers Names. This Lake is efteem'd at leaft 15o Leagues in Length, 6o Leagues in Breadth, and Soo in Circumference. The South fide, which we reckon its length is all along fituated in very near 46 Degrees of Latitude from the Ean End to the Weft. The North fide where it is broadeft, is in about 49 Deg. It is all over Navigable, hath fome Ifles; but one efpecially call'd Mfinong above 6o Miles in Compafs, wherein, both Indians and French affirm, is a great Mine of very pure Copper, which from the Oar, affords without any Preparation befides mel- ting, above 3 Fifths fine Metal. It is very remarkable of this Sea, that on all the South fide upon the Shore, it is not above 4 or 5 Fathom deep, and gradually increafes as you ( 42) Bounds of this Province, may prove very beneficial, both to the Inhabitants of this and our Colonies of New Tork , Penfilvania, Marylard, and Virginia, who are not very remote from fome of them, and may have an eafy Accefs thereunto, and confequently by Navigation with thofe that are more re- mote, they having all Communication with each other, as may be prefently difcern'd by the Map. The Seas or Lakes are Five. Firft the fuperior Lake beforemention'd, it being of almoft Northerly, and is call'd by moit of the Savages, the Lake of the Nadoueffons, the greateft and molt valiant Nation of the North, divided into feveral Tribes, who go by divers Names. This Lake is efteem'd at leans 15o Leagues in Length, 6o Leagues in Breadth, and Soo in Circumference. The South fide, which we reckon its length is all along fituated in very near 46 Degrees of Latitude from the Ealt End to the Weil. The North fide where it is broadeft, is in about 49 Deg. It is all over Navigable, hath fome Ifles; but one efpecially call'd Minong above 6o Miles in Compafs, wherein, both Indians and French affirm, is a great Mine of very pure Copper, which from the Oar, affords without any Preparation befides mel- ting, above 3 Fifths fine Metal. It is very remarkable of this Sea, that on all the South fide upon the Shore, it is not above 4 or 5 Fathom deep, and gradually increafes as you ( 42) Bounds of this Province, may prove very beneficial, both to the Inhabitants of this and our Colonies of New Tork , Penibvania, Maryland, and Virgini, who are not very remote from fome of them, and may have an eafy Accefs thereunto, and confequently by Navigation with thofe that are more re- mote, they having all Communication with each other, as may be prefently difcern'd by the Map. The Seas or Lakes are Five. Firfi the fuperior Lake beforemention'd, it being of almofi Northerly, and is call'd by molt of the Savages, the Lake of the Nadoueffons, the greatet and molt valiant Nation o, the North, divided into feveral Tribes, who go by divers Names. This Lake is efteem'd at leat 15o Leagues in Length, 6o Leagues in Breadth, and Soo in Circumference. The South fide, which we reckon its length is all along fituated in very near 46 Degrees of Latitude from the Eatt End to the Weft. The North fide where it is broaden, is in about 49 Deg. It is all over Navigable, hath fome Iles; but one efpecially call'd Minong above 6o Miles in Compafs, wherein, both Indians and French affirm, is a great Mine of very pure Copper, which from the Oar, affords without any Preparation befides mel- ting, above 3 Fifths fine Metal. It is very remarkable of this Sea, that on all the South fide upon the Shore, it is not above 4 or 5 Fathom deep, and gradually increafes as you  (43) you pas over to the North, until you can. notfin Botomwith r 5o Fathom of Line. It is mot wonderfully ftorett with admi- rable Fifhi, and the Land about it with Deer and Elk, or Moofe, cfjpecially thle North fide. With this latter and fomne Iflands, the French drive a confiderable Trade among the Natives, for Skins and Furrs; an flate Years have intercepted a great Part of the more remote Inkwr, who us'd formerly to Traihck with the Englit, in Hfldfon's Bay, at Port Nelfon and New Severn. This Lake or Sea is made up of innumera- ble frnall Rivers and Rivulets, and Three large Rivers, all on the North fide of the Lake, entering at the N. E. End thereof, whofe Names are Lempiffaki, Michipiketon and Nemlpigon, which laft proceeds out of a Lake, of the famneNamne, full of Iflands; at the upper End whereof, enters a River, which comes from the North, and bath its Origine from divers fmhall Lakes and Maribes. The Lake of Nemipigon is above 2oo Miles in Compafs The Barron le Honan is cer- tainly miftaken about the Original of this River, and makes it vaffly bigger than it is ; he accounts it the Head ofthe great River of Canadla or St. Laurence, and to come out of the Lake of the Affeipcuvals; but I have been informn'd by a Perfon who liv'd two Years in thofe Parts, and had often been upon thefe two Lakes, that the Lake of the AlAr- nwpoeuaas (for that is the true Name) which is (43) you pas over to the North, until you can. no idBottom with z 5o Fathom of Line. It is mot wonderfully ftored with admi- rabie Fifli, and the Land about it with Peer and Elk, or Moofe, efpecially the North fide. With this latter and fome Iflands, the French drive a confiderable Trade among the Natives, for Skins and Furrs; and of late Years have intercepted a great Part of the more remote Indian, who us'd formerly to Traffck with the Englijb, in Hudfbn's Bay, at Port NdlfoS and New Severn,. This Lake or Sea is made up of innumera- ble f hall Rivers and Rivulets, and Three large Rivers, all on the North fide of the Lake, entering at the N. E. End thereof, whofe Names are Lemipiffaki, Michipiketon and Nemlpigon,, which laft proceeds out of a Lake, of thie famie Name, full of Iflands; at the upper End whereof, enters a River, which comes from the North, and bath its Origine from divers fmall Lakes and Marfh~es. The Lake of Nemipgon is above 200 Miles in Compafs. The Barron le Horan is cer- tainly miftaken about the Original of this River, and makes it vaftly bigger than it is ; be accounts it the Head of the great River of Caaaor St. Laurence, and to come out of the Lake of the Affeipouvals; but I have been inform'd by a Perfon who liv'd two Years in thofe Parts, and had often been upon thefe two Lakes, that the Lake of the AlA- necpoualaos (for that is the true Name) which is (43) you pafs over to the North, until you can- not find Bottom with r 5o Fathom of Line. It is mot wonderfully ftored with admi- rabie Fifli, and the Land about it with Deer and Elk, or Moofe , efpecially the North fide. With this latter and fome Iflands, the Fr'ench drive a confiderable Trade among the Natives, for Skins and Furrs; an flate Years have intercepted a great Part of the more remote Indiias, who us'd formerly to Traffick with the Englijb, in Hudron's Bay, at Port Nd/fos and New Severn. This Lake or Sea is made up of innumera- ble fmall Rivers and Rivulets, and Three large Rivers, all on the North fide of the Lake, entering at the N. E. End thereof, whofe Names are Lempiffaki, Micbipiketon and Nemlpigon, which laft proceeds out of a Lake, of the famne Name, full of Iflands ; at the upper End whereof, enters a River, which comes from the North, and bath its Origine from divers ftnall Lakes and Marfhes. The Lake of Nemipigon is above 200 Miles in Compafs. The Barron le Honans is cer- tainly miftaken about the Original of this River, and makes it vaftly bigger than it is ; he accounts it the Head of the great River of Canada or St. Laurence, and to come out of the Lake of the Affenipoual; but I have been informn'd by a Perfon who liv'd two Years in thofe Parts, and had often been upon thefe two Lakes, that the Lake of the Af/i- nepoaaos (for that is the true Name) which is  (44) is con~kderable to the N. W. and as the Indian often affur'd, was the biggeft Lake in all this Northern Continent, had no Commu- nication with that of N'emipigox. The N. W. of this Lake Superiouir or of the Nadouaeffons, is not above o Leagues ina freight Line ; from the Lake of Nemipigonu; but the Communication by Land is difficult , by Reafon the Earth abounds with Bogs and Marfhes. The great or fuperior Lake empties itfelf into that of Kgrgdi or the deep Lake, it being in moft Parts more profound thanz the Three we fhall hereafter mention. For- merly it was calld the Lake Hounonate, from a great Nation, who inhabited on its Eaft fide, nam'd from their brifly Hair on their Head, Hurons, fince totally deflroy'd or Mpiers'd into very remote Parts by the Irocois. This Lake is much of the Figure of an zquilateral Triangle, whofe Balls is to the .North. It abounds with divers Sorts of ex- cellent Fifh, great and fiuall, efpecially a large Fifb nam'd Affi~beiido, of the Bignefs of New- foundland Codd. This Fifh is the Mamnia of moil of the Nations which inhabit about the Lake, being half their Subl'ance. And Europearn of all Nations, who have eaten thereof; agree, there is not in Seas or Ri- vers, a better tailed, more wholfome Fifh, and the Numbers are fuch as of Codd on the Bank of Newfouandland, and never to be leffen'd, (44) is confiderable to the N. W. and as the Indian often affur'd, was the biggeft Lake in all this Northern Continent, had no Commu- nication with that of Nemipiox. The N. W. of this Lake Superiour or oftheNaoefns is not above ; oLeagues ina ireight Lie from the Lake of Nempigon; but the Communication by Land is difficult , by Reafon the Earth abounds with Bogs and Marfhes. The great or fuperior Lake empties itflf into that of Kiregnondi or the deep Lake , it being in moft Parts more profound than the Three we (hall hereafter mention. For- merly it was calld the Lake Hfounondate, from a great Nation, who inhabited on its Eaft fide, nani'd from their brifly Hair on their Head, Hurons, fince totally deftroy'd or difpers'd into very remote Parts by the Irocois. This Lake is much of the Figure of an xquilateral Triangle, whofe Bafis is to the North. It abounds with divers Sorts of ex- cellent Fifh, great and lfhahl, efpecially a large Fifb nam'd Affibendo, of the Bignefs of New- foundland Codd. This Fifh is the [Manna of moil of the Nations which inhabit about the Lake, being half their Subfltance. And Furoeans of all Nations, who have eaten thereof, agree, there is not in Seas or Ri- vers, a better tailed, more wholfome Fifh, and the Numbers are fuch as of Codd on the Bank of Newfoundland, and never to he leffen'd, (44) is confiderable to the N. W. and as the Indian often ailur'd, was the biggeft Lake in all this Northern Continent, hdno Commu- nication with that of Nemipigon. The N. W. of this Lake Sueriour or of the Nadoueijons, is not above o Leagues in aftreight Line ; fr~om the Lake of Nemnipigon ;but the Communication by Land is difficult , by Reafon the Earth abounds with Bogs and Marfhes. The great or fuperior Lake empties itfelf into that of Kegnondi or the deep Lake , it being in mofl Parts more profound than the Three we Shall hereafter mention. For- merly it was call'd the Lake Honondate, from a great Nation, who inhabited on its Eaft fide, nam'd from their brifly Hair on their Head, urons, Since totally deflroy'd or difpers'd into very remote Parts by the Irocois. This Lake is much of the Figure of an xquilateral Triangle, whofe Balis is to the North. It abounds with divers Sorts of ex- cellent Fifh, great and finall, efpecially a large Fifh nam'd .4i&en4o of the Bignefs of New- found/and Codd. This Fifh is the Manna of moft of the Nations which inhabit about the Lake, being half their Sublillance. And Europeans of all Nations, who have eaten thereof, agree, there is not in Seas or Ri- vers, a better tailed, more wholfome Fifh, and the Numbers are fuch as of Codd on the Bank of Newfound/lad, and never to be leffen'd.  (45) leffen'd. Befides thefe, there is Abundance of good Sturgeons , Salmons or Salmon Trouts, weighing from Twenty to Fifty Pounds, large Carps, and many other Kinds of Filh, fmall and great, not inferior to any in Europ. The Inhabitants almoft round this Lake are mofnly deftroy'd by the Iro- coir, except a fmall Remnant of Two or Three Nations, who have, with the Help of the Frrnch, ereded a ifrong Fort, near ano- ther built by that Nation for a Refuge to their Allies and Traders, when the Irocois happen to invade thefe, or the adjacent Parts. This Lake bath many Iflands, efpe- cially on the North fide, where the great- eft Filbery is for the A(/ihendo, but none at Maintoualm, which is 20 Leagues long and to broad, lying dire&ly over againit the Continent , from which it is only 6 or 7 Leagues dilant. The North-fide of the Country bordering upon this Lake, is not fo pleafant in molt Places as the South, Eaft and Weft; but to make amends, it abounds with all Sorts of Skins and Furrs, and hath thefe great Conveniencies, that by the River of the N#piferini, there is a Communication with all the French of Canada, and many Nati- ons bordering thereupon ; for afcending this River, you enter into a large Lake of the fame Name, which is made by divers fmall, and one large River coming far from the North-Well. Near this Lake , pafles the great (45) leffen'd. Befides thefe, there is Abundance of good Sturgeons , Salmons or Salmon Trouts, weighing from Twenty to Fifty Pounds, large Carps, and many ether Kinds of Fifh, fmall and great, not inferior to any in Europ,. The Inhabitants almonl round this Lake are moflly deflroy'd by the Iro-. coir, except a fmall Remnant of Two or Three Nations, who have, with the Help of the French, ereded a ftrong Fort, near ano- ther built by that Nation for a Refuge to their Allies and Traders, when the Irocois happen to invade thefe, or the adjacent Parts. This Lake hath many Iflands, efpe- cially on the North fide, where the great- efl Fifhery is for the Af/ihendo, but none at Maintoualn, which is 20 Leagues long and ro broad, lying direcly over againit the Continent , from which it is only 6 or 7 Leagues diftant. The North-fide of the Country bordering upon this Lake, is not fo pleafant in moit Places as the South, Eall and Weft; but to make amends, it abounds with all Sorts of Skins and Furrs, and hath thefe great Conveniencies, that by the River of the eppiferini, there is a Communication with all the French of Canada, and many Nati- ons bordering thereupon ; for afcending this River, you enter into a large Lake of the fame Name, which is made by divers fmall, and one large River coming far from the North-Well. Near this Lake , pafles the great (45) leffen'd. Befides thefe, there is Abundance of good Sturgeons , Salmons or Salmon Trouts, weighing from Twenty to Fifty Pounds, large Carps, and many cther Kinds of Fifh, fmall and great, not inferior to any in Europ-. The Inhabitants almod round this Lake are moflly delfroy'd by the Iro- coir, except a fmall Remnant of Two or Three Nations, who have, with the Help of the French, ereded a ftrong Fort, near ano- ther built by that Nation for a Refuge to their Allies and Traders, when the Irocois happen to invade thefe, or the adjacent Parts. This Lake hath many Iflands, efpe- cially on the North fide, where the great- efl Filhery is for the A/fhendo, but none at MaintoaalIn, which is 20 Leagues long and ro broad, lying dire&ly over againil the Continent , from which it is only 6 or 7 Leagues diftant. The North-fide of the Country bordering upon this Lake, is not fo pleafant in molt Places as the South, Eall and Weft; but to make amends, it abounds with all Sorts of Skins and Furrs, and hath thefe great Conveniencies, that by the River of the NAyferini, there is a Communication with all the French of Canada, and many Nati- ons bordering thereupon ; for afcending this River, you enter into a large Lake of the fame Name, which is made by divers fmall, and one large River coming far from the North-Wel. Near this Lake , pafles the great  C46) gret River of the Outmacwks, once at great Nation, but now almoft extirpated by the aforefaid Iroco,,', which after a Courfe of 300o Leag. brings you to the Ifland and City of Montrel, the next for Bignefs and Strength to PQuwbur, the Capital of Canada, and there joins with the great River of St. Laurence ; from the Junaure of thofe Two Rivers to ,Quebvec, is 6o Leagues. Both Sides of the River are inhabited all the Way in Plantations very little remote from each other ; befides Two or Three fmall Towns and Fortifications. Such another Communi- cation there is, though much more eafy, of which I (ball difcourfe at large, when I come to defcribe the lovely Pernfutd of Erie. Towards the lower End of the South- Wefl Continent, is the large and fair Bay of Sakinam , which is about Fifty Miles deep and 18 wide, and in the Middle of the Opening are Two Ifles very advan- tageoufly fituated, for fbeltring Boats or o- ther Veffels, that happen to he furpriz'd with a Storm ; there being no other Har- bour within divers Leagues. Into the Bottom of this Bay empties itfelf; after aCourfe of 6o Leagues, a very 11i1l quiet Stream, excepting Three fmiall Fails, pafs'd eafily and without the leaft Danger. On this River and the Branches thereof, is one of the greatefl Beavour Huntings in America. Twent Leagues from this Bay to the Southi-Eal, this ( 46) Bret River of the Oatouaks, once a great Nation, but now almoft extirpated by the aforefid Irocoif, which after a Courfe of 300 Leag. brings you to the Ifland and City of Montrel, the next for Bignefs and Strength to guere, the Capital of Canada, and there joins with the great River of St. Lau~rene ; from the Juncture of thofe Two Rivers to ,Qebc is 6o Leagues. Both Sides of the River are inhabited all the Way in Plantations very little remote from each other ; befides Two or Three fmall Towns and Fortifications. Such another Communi- cation there is, though much more eafy, of which I (hall difcourfe at large, when I come to defcribe the lovely Penmfula of Erie. Towards the lower End of the South- Weft Continent, is the large and fair Bay of Sakinam , which is about Fifty Miles deep and 18 wide, and in the Middle of the Opening are Two Ifles very advan- tageoufly fituated, for fhieltring Boats or o- ther VeL1els, that happen to be furpriz'd with a Storm ; there being no other Har- bour within divers Leagues. Into the Bottom of this Bay empties itfelf; after a Courfe of 6o Leagues, a very 11i11 quiet Stream, excepting Three fmall Pails, pafs'd eafily and without the leaft Danger. On this River and the Branches thereof, is one of the greateft Be5vura Huntings in America. Twenty Leagues from this Bay to the Sot-al this (46) gret River of the Oatouewks, once a great Nation, but now almoft: extirpated by the aforefaid Irocoit, which after a Courfe of 300 Leag. brings you to the Ifland and City of Montrel, the next for Bignefs and Strength to ,Zuehfr, the Capital of Canada, and there joins with the great River of St. Lauirence ; from the Jundure of thofe Two Rivers to Queec, is 6o Leagues. Both Sides of the River are inhabited all the Way in Plantations very little remote from each other ; beides Two or Three fmall Towns and Fortifications. Such another Communi- cation there is, though much more eafy, of which I fhall difcourfe at large, when I come to defcribe the lovely Pewnfiua of Erie. Towards the lower End of the South- Weft Continent, is the large and fair Bay of Sakinam , which is about Fifty Miles deep and i 8widle, and in the Middle of the Opening are Two Idles very advan- tageoufly fituated, for flieltring Boats or o- ther Veffels, that happen to be furpriz'd with a Storm ; there being no other Har- bour within divers Leagues. Into the Bottom of this Bay empties itfelf; after a Courfe of 6o Leagues, a very [till quiet Stream, excepting Three fmsail Fails, pafs'd eafily and without the leaft Danger. On this River and the Branches thereof, is one of the greateft Bejvawr Huntings in America. Twenty Leagues from thi Bay to the South-Eaft, this  ( 47 ) this Lake, which is above 48o Leagues in Circumference, empties itfelf into the Lake Erie by a Channel, which I fhall defcribe, when I have given an Account of the Lake of the IIinouerck, which is to the Well of Kregnondi, and communicates therewith , towards the N. W. End, by a Streight, 9 or i o Miles long, and 3 or 4 broad. The Breadth of it on the North Coat, is 40 Leag. but it increafes gradually in Breadth, till you come to the Bottom of the Bay. The North-fide is in the Latitude of 45 and 30 Minutes; the South in almoft 42 Degrees. 'Forty Leagues from the Entrance due Weft, it makes the great Bay of the Poutouotaww, a Nation who inhabit a large Country upon, and to the South of this Bay, which is 8 Leagues broad , and 30 Leagues deep, South and by Wefl, the En- trance being full of Iflands. And into the Bottom comes the fair River Mifcouaqui, af- ter a Courfe of zoo Miles. This River is remarkable upon divers Accounts : Fira when you are afcended it 5o Leagues, there is a Carriage of a little above a League and a half; afterwards you meet with the lovely River Mefconfing, which carries you down into the Mcfchacebe, as I before de- clar'd. Next upon this River efpecially near the Carriage, is a Country famous for Bea- vour Hunting like that of Sakinam. You mull know, that moll Parts of Nortb-Ame- rica have Bravourrs ; you fhall fearce meet with (47 ) this Lake, which is above 40o Leagues in Circumference, empties itfelf into the Lake Erie by a Channel, which I iball defcribe, when I have given an Account of the Lake of the IBinouecks, which is to the Well of KOzregnondi, and communicates therewith , towards the N. W. End, by a Streight, 9 or 10 Miles long, and 3 or 4 broad. The Breadth of it on the North Coanl, is 40 Leag. but it increafes gradually in Breadth, till you come to the Bottom of the Bay. The North-ide is in the Latitude of 45 and 3o Minutes; the South in almoll 42 Degrees. 'Forty Leagues from the Entrance due Well, it makes the great Bay of the Pourouorami, a Nation who inhabit a large Country upon, and to the South of this Bay, which is 8 Leagues broad , and 30 Leagues deep, South and by Wefl, the En- trance being full of lands. And into the Bottom comes the fair River Mifcouaqui, af- ter a Courfe of zoo Miles. This River is remarkable upon divers Accounts : Firft when you are afcended it 5o Leagues, there is a Carriage of a little above a League and a half; afterwards you meet with the lovely River Mefconfing, which carries you down into the Mchacebe, as I before de- clar'd. Next upon this River efpecially near the Carriage, is a Country famous for Bea- vour Hunting like that of Sakinam. You mull know, that moll Parts of North-Ame- rica have Bravours ; you Ihall fcarce meet with ( 47 ) this Lake, which is above 40o Leagues in Circumference, empties itfelf into the Lake Erie by a Channel, which I (ball defcribe, when I have given an Account of the Lake of the Ilinoucks, which is to the Well of /Caregnondi, and communicates therewith , towards the N. W. End, by a Streight, 9 or xo Miles long, and 3 or 4 broad. The Breadth of it on the North Coaft, is 40 Leag. but it increafes gradually in Breadth, till you come to the Bottom of the Bay. The North-fide is in the Latitude of 45 and 30 Minutes; the South in almoll 42 Degrees. Forty Leagues from the Entrance due Wefl, it makes the great Bay of the Poutouotami, a Nation who inhabit a large Country upon, and to the South of this Bay, which is 8 Leagues broad , and 30 Leagues deep, South and by Well, the En- trance being full of Iflands. And into the Bottom comes the fair River Mifcouaqui, af- ter a Courfe of 200 Miles. This River is remarkable upon divers Accounts : Firll when you are afcended it 5o Leagues, there is a Carriage of a little above a League and a half; afterwards you meet with the lovely River Mefconing, which carries you down into the Mcfchacebe, as I before de- clar'd. Next upon this River efpecially near the Carriage, is a Country famous for Bea- vour Hunting like that of Sakinam. You mull know, that mol Parts of North-Ame- rica have Beavours ; you fhall fearce meet with  (4 )( 48) ( 4$) with a Lake, where there are not fomce of with a Lake, where there are not fome of with a Lake, where there are not famce of their Dams anJ Hutts. But thefe two Places their Dams and Hutts. But thefe two Places their Dams and Hutts. But thefe two Places I have mentiond, and others I flhall fpeak I have mention'd, and others I fhall fpeak I have mention'd, and others I flhall fpeak of hereafter, are Countr'ies 40 or 5o Miles of hereafter, are Countries 40 or 5o Miles of hereafter, are Countries 4o or 5o Miles long, abounding with fimall Rivers and Ri- long, aboundin~g with fmnall Rivers and Ri- long, aboundig with fsmall Rivers and Ri- vulets, wherewith they make their Dams or vulets, wherewith they make their Dams or vulets, wherewith they make their Dams or Cawfways ; and confequently fmall Lakes, Cawfways ; and confequently fmall Lakes, Cawvfways ; and confequently frmall Lakes, feated opportunely for Wood to build, and, feated opportunely for Wood to build, and, feated opportunely for Wood to build, and, produces plentifully fuch Plants and young produces plentifully fuch Plants and young produces plentifully fulch Plants and young Trees, upon which they moily fubfil This Trees, upon which they moftly fubfif. This Trees, upon which they mostly fubfifl This is chiefly poffefs'd by th e induftrious and va- is chiefly poffefs'd by the induftrious and va- is chiefly poffefs'd by the induf rious adva- liant Nation of the Outgamii. Thirdly, This liant Nation of the Ouro~garni. Thirdly, This liant Nation of the Outogaiu. Thirdly, This River and others entering thereinto, abound River and others entering thereinto, abound River and others entering thereinto, abound in that Corn call'd Mffaomin, which grows in that Corn call'd Mlfaomin, which grows in that Corn call'd Malomiii, which grows in the Water in marihy wet Places, as Rice in the Water in marihy wet Places, as Rice in the Water in marihy wet Places, as Rice in the Indie,, Tnurkey and Carolina, &c: But in the Indie,, Tnurkey and Carolina, &c: But in the Indie,, '1nrkey and Carolina, &c: But much more like our Oats, only longer, big- much more like our Oats, only longer, big- much more like our Oats, only longer, big- ger, and better, than either that, or Indian ger, and better, than either that, or Indian ger, and better, than either that, or Indian Corn, and is the chief Food of many Na- Corn, and is the chief Food of many Na- Corn, and is the chief Food of many Na- tions hereabouts and elfewhere. The Nati- tions hereabouts and elfewhere. The Nati- tions hereabouts and elfewhiere. The Nati- tions who dwell on this River, are Outoga- tions who dwell on this River, are Outoga- tions who dwell on this River, are Outoga- mis, Malominic, Nikic, Oualeanicou, Sacky, and mis, Malominis, Nikic, Oualeanicow, Sacky, and mis, Maloninis, Nikic, Qualeanieca, Sacky, and the POetwuatamoot beforemention'd. the Poutouatamia beforemention'd. the Poutonatamis beforemention'd. On the Eaft-fide of this Lake, about 20 On the Eaft-fide of this Lake, about so On the Eaft-fide of this Lake, about 20 Leagues from the Streight by which it en- Leagues from the Streight by which it en- Leagues from the Streight by which it en- ters Kgrcgnondi, is a Bay call'd Bear Bay, ters ijrgnondi, is a Bay call'd Bear Bay, ters I(grfgnondi, is a Bay call'd Bear Bay, and a River of the fame Name, becaufe of and a River of the fame Name, becaufe of and a River of the fame Name, becaufe of great Numbers of thofe Animals, who haunt great Numbers of thofe Animals, who haunt great Numbers of thofe Animals, who haunt thole Parts. This River comes out of a thofe Parts. This River comes out of a thofe Parts. This River comes out of a Ridge of lsna th Lge s Not n , of - Ridge of Hills near too Leaues ong be ige of Hills near too Leaues Iong, be- ginn lol tteNrh Ed0thsginning alutofl at the North End of this ginning almoff at the North End of this PenJinaa, out of which flow abundance ?oioinJula, out of which flow abundance Peninjiala, out of which flow abundance of fmnall Rivers ; thofe, whofe Courfe is to of firsall Rivers ; thofe, whofe Courfe is to of (m~all Rivers ; thofe, whofe Courfe is to the the the  into the Lake Weft, into that )p of this Ridge ice there is a de- Lakes , and le- 'here is a great into the Lake eft, into that of this Ridge there is ade :es , and le- ~s into the Lake Weft, into that )p of this Ridge ice there is ade ra rc~ _ nd le- 2 re- of in hat 2 ar Cbe- 'iver of main Near dc, is 'd be- hiat 2 ar Che-  ) ) )  (s 5) in vaft Numbers of divers Sorts, fome ram- ping up to the Tops of the hightefl Trees ; others running upon the Ground : The Grapes are fome very fmall, others wonder- fully large, big as Damfons, and many of a Middle Size, of divers Colours and Tales ; they are all good to eat, only fome, which otherwife promife very well , have great Stones or Kernels and tough Skins, which certainly would be remedied by due Cul- ture. But of the worfl doubtlefs good Brandy might be made, were there Artifis and convenient Velflsb for preflig, ferment- ing and diflilling. There ramble about in great Herds, e- fpiecially about the Bottom of this Lake, in- finite Quantities of Wild Kine. Some Hun- dreds ufually together, which is agreat Part of the Subfiflancc of the Savages who ivuon them while the Scafon ofgHuntt- ing lfs;for at thofe Times they leave their Towns quite empty. They have a Way of preferving their Flefhi without Salt 6 or 8 Months, which both looks, and eats fo freibt, Strnes apprehended the Cattle had not been klld one Week. Befides, they ufe the Hair, or rather Wool, cut off their Hides, for Garments, and Beds, and fpin it into Yarn, of which they make great Bags, wherein they put the Flefhs they kill, after they have cured it, to bring Home to their Houfes ; for their Huntings are from the latter End of Arvtumr, when the Cattle are E1z far, (s 5) in vail Numbers of divers Sorts, fome rani. ping up to the Tops of the highieft Trees ; others running upon the Ground : The Grapes are fome very fmail, others wonder- fuilly large, big as Damfons, and many of a Middle Size, of divers Colours and Tamles ; they are all good to eat, only fome, which otherwife promife very well , have great Stones or Kernels and tough Skins, which certainly would he remedied by due Cul- ture. But of the worfl doubtlefs good Brandy might be made, were there Artifis and convenient Veffels for preflig, ferment- ing and diftillingaotin.etHede There ramble aoti ra ede fpecially about the Bottom of this Lae, in- finite Quantities of Wild Kine. Some Hun- dreds ufually together, which is a great Part of the Subfiltance of the Savages who liv upn tem hil th Sefonoflluntt- their Towns quite empty. They have a Way of preferving their Flefh without Salt 6 or 8 Months, which both looks, and eats fo frefb, Stages apprehended the Cattle had not been kill'd one Week. Befides, they ufe the Hair, or rather Wool, cut off their Hides, for Garments, and Beds, and fpin it into Yarn, of which they make great Bags, wherein they put the Flefh they kill, after they have cured it, to bring Home to their Houfes ; for their Huntings are from the latter End of A ramr, when the Cattle are 11s2 far, (s 5) in vail Numbers of divers Sorts, Tome ram- ping up to the Tops of the higheft Trees ; others running upon the Ground : The Grapes are fome very fmall, others wonder- fully large, big as Damfons, and many of a Middle Size, of divers Colours and Taftes ; they are all good to eat, only fome, which otherwife promife very well , have great Stones or Kernels and tough Skins, which certainly would be remedied by due Cul- ture. But of the worft doubtlefs good Brandy might be made, were there Artifts and convenient Vef1els for prelling, ferment- ing and diftilling. There ramble about in great Herds, e- fpeilly about the Bottom of this Lake, in- finite Quantities of Wild Kine. Some Hun- dreds ufually together, which is a great Part of the Subfillance of the Savages who liv uon them while the Seafon ofgI~untt- in at;for at thofe Times they leave their Towns quite empty. They have a Way of preferving their Flefh without Salt 6 or 8 Months, which both looks, and eats fo freth, Staners apprehended the Cattle had not been kill' one Week. Befides, they uife the Hair, or rather Wool, cut off their Hides, for Garments, and Beds, and fpin it into Yarn, ofwhich they make grat Bags wherein they put the Flefh they kill, after they have cured it, to bring Home to their Houfes ; for their Huntings are from the latter End of Awtumr, when the Cattle are E11, fat,  fato the beginning of the Spring, and fat, to the beginning of the Spring, and fat, to the beginning of the Spring, and of the Hids drefs'd they make Shoes Ala of the Hidesdrefs'd they make ShoesiA!a ofthe ids drefs'd they make Shoes Ala Savatge. Savage. Swage. But its Time we fhould return to the But its Time we fhould return to the But its Time we fhould return to the Lake Krpregnondi, which empties itfelf into Lake X regaani'd, which empties itfelf into Lake Yp~regnondi, which empties itfelf into the Lakte Erie, by a Channel 30 Leagues the Lakte Erie, by a Channel 30 Leagues the Lakte Erie, by a Channel 30 Leagues long, and where narroweft a League broad ; long, and where narroweft a League broad ; long, and where narrowert a League broad ; in the Middle whereof is a fmnall Lake, cal- in the Middle whereof is a fmall Lake, cal-. in the Middle whereof is a finall Lake, cal- led by the Indians, Orfeka, i o Leag. long and led by the Indin, Orfeka, t o Leag. long and led by the In~dians, OTfek4, 10o Leag. long and 7 or 3 over, being of an Oval Figure. In 7 or 8 over, being of an Oval Figure. In 7 or 3 over, being of an Oval Figure. In this Lake and Channel, are divers fmnall this Lake and Channe, are divers fmnall this Lake and Channe, are divers finall Iflands, exceedingly pleafaint and fruitful, in Iflands, exceedingly pleafat and fruitful, in Iflands, exceedingly pleafat and fruitful, in which, and all the Country, on both Sides which, and all the Country, on both Sides which, and all the Country, on both Sides of them, are great Quantities of Beafts and of them, are great Qjiantities of Beafis and of them, are great Quantities of Beafis and Fowl, as Deer of feveral Kinds, wild Tur- Fowl, as Deer of feveral Kinds, wild Tur- Fowl, as Deer of feveral Kinds, wild Tur- ies, Pheafants, and a large excellent Fowl, ies, Pheafants, and a large excellent Fowl, kies, Pheafaints, and a large excellent Fowl, which they call Dindo's. The Lake Erie is which they call Dindo's. The Lake Erie is which they call Diado's. The Lake Erie is about 250 Leagues long, and almoft equal- about 250 Leagues long, and almoft equal- about 250 Leagues long, and almoft equal- ly 4o broad. Eight Leagues from its Mouth ly 40 broad. Eight Leagues from its Mouth ly 40 broad. Eight Leagues from its Mouth are Eight or Ten Iflands, moftof them fihall ; are Eight or Tea Iflands, moft of them finall ; are Eight or Ten Iflands, moit of them finaeD; One in the Middle is 5 or 6Miles inaCir- One in the Middle is 5 or 6Miles in Cir- One in the Middle is 5 or 6Miles in Cir- cumference, and all very agreeable. Near cumference, and all very agreeable. Near cumference, and afl very agreeable. Near the Mouth on the Weft-fide, is a large Har- the Mouth on the Weft-fide, is a large Har- the Mouth on the Weft-fide, is a large Har- bour for Ships, defended from miot Winds, bour for Ships, defended from mnot Winds, bour fur Ships, defended from mot Winds, made like our Downs by a great Bank of made like our Downs by a great Bank of made like our Downs by a great Bank of Sand ; tho' Winds feldom infeft this Lake, Sand ; tho' Winds feldom infeft this Lake, Sand ; tho' Winds feldom infeft this Lake, in Refpe& of the others; where fometirnes in Refpe&t of the others; where fometimes in Refpe& of the others; where fometimnes they Rage as in the Main Ocean, fo that it they Rage as in the Main Ocean, fo that it they Rage as in the Main Ocean, fo that it may be defervedly call'd the Pacifick Lake. may be defervedly calld the Pacifick Lake. may be defervedly calld the Pacifick Lake. And if we ma, give Credit to the Relati- And if we may give Credit to the Relati- And if we may give Credit to the Relati- ons of the E?4gli2? who have long frequented ons of the Englilb who have long frequented ons of the Engli#6 who have long frequented it, and tunanimoufly agree herein, there is it, and unanimoufly agree herein, there is it, and unanimoufly agree herein, there is niot a more pleafant Lake, or Country fur- not a more pleafanit Lake, or Country fur- not a more pleafant Lake, or Country fur- rounding rounding rounding  ( 53 ) ',e Univerfe. It is not in. the others, yet is in all by the greatert Ships, there fs then io or 12 Fathom Id round about it is per- usnding with Trees , both Bruit, Co happily plac'd that xt to apprehend it to be a rt, and contriv'd to declare nid Magnificence of fume ( 53 ) 'seUniverfe. Itis not in. the others, yet is in all by the greater Ships, there Cs then io or 12 Fathom Id round about it is per- umding with Trees , both ;ruit, fo happily plac'd that .)t to apprehend it to be a rt, and contriv'd to declare nd Magnificence of fore aind nor of Nature. Ahun.. ( 53 ) aie Univerfe. It is not in- the rntm er 'it i.s in i11 ry Jut it is per. Trees , both ly plac'd that ad it to he a I'd to declare ice of force atiure. Abun- charge them- ire Four very J)ne about i o the Canal, in if the Lake, ues, and its :he Mimikas, F' the Lake of )f there is a therewith , and its te Lake of :here is a herewith I auum i 0 e Canal, in the Lake, ~s, and its :he Lake of there is a :herewith , a  ( 54 ) Cbefepi.ak in Maryland. And 20 Leagues S. Wefterly is another fair River which comes near 5o Leagues out of the Country ; from whofe Head, which iffues from a Lake, is but a fhort Cutt to the River Hoio, from whence to a Branch of tihe aforefaid Suafquebannab River is about t League. By thefe two lfal mnention'd Rivers, the En~glrfb may have a ready and eafy Com- munication with this and confequently with all the other Lakes. If the French fbould ever fettle thereon, which for above Twenty Years they have endeavoured, but have been, in great Meafure, wonderfully frufira- ted by the Iroccs our Subje&s or Allies, they might greatly molefft, by themfelves and their Indians, the Colonies of New-T'ork, Pen. rtlvania, Marylad and Virgini, which, I hope by theWifdom and Care of His Majefty and Minifry, ill e fpedilyprevnted Places aLeague broad, call'd by the Na- tives Niagara, having a delicate level, beau- tiful, fertil Country on each Side of it; but beinb pafs'd about two Thirds of the Way, it is firaiten'd by mighty Rocks, and pre. cipitates itfelf feveral Hundred Feet, being the greateft Cararack, that hath ever yet con,. unto our Knowledge, in the whole World. This lying within five or fix Days Journey of Albany and &Smenla, (two re- inarkable Towns and Fortifications of New- Tork) ( 54 ) Cliefepeak in MIaad. And 2o Leagues S. Wefterly is another fair River which comes near 5o Leagues out of the Country ; from whofe Head, which iffues from a Lake, is but a fhort Cutt to the River Hohi , from whence to a Branch of the aforefaid Sufquehsaib River is about t League. By thefe two ae mention' d Rivers, thce Enghibh may have a ready and eafy Com- munication with this and confequently with nil the other Lakes. If the Ftrnh fbould ever fettle thereon, which for above Twenty Years they have endeavoured, but have been, in great Meafure, wonderfully *iuftra- ted by the Irocds our Subje&s or Allies, they might greatly moleff , by themfelves and their Indians, the Colonies of New-Tork, Pen- Jllvania, Marylad and Virgii, which, I hope by theWifdomi and Care of His Majefty and Minifiry, will be fpeedily prevented. At the North-Eaft End of this Lake is another Canal 40o Miles long, and in moll Places a League broad, call'd by the Na- tives Niagara, having a delicate level, beau- tiful, fertil Country on each Side of it ; but being pafs'd about two Thirds of the Way, it is firaiten'd by mighty Rocks, and pre. cipitates itfelf feveral Hundred Feet, being the greateft Catarack, that hath ever yet come unto our Knowledge, in the whole World. This lying within five or fix Days Journey of Albany and Scbemleda, (two re- inarkable Towns and Fortifications of New- t ork) ( 54 ) Cbefepeak in Maryland. And 2c Leagues S. Wefterly is another fair River which comes near 5o Leagues out of the Country ; from whofe Head, which iffuies from a Lake, is but a fhort Cutt to the River Hohio , from whence to a Branch of the aforefaid Sufquehnab River is about r League. By tlieIe two Taft mention'd Rivers, the Englrfb may have a ready and eafy Com- mumication with this and confequently with nil the other Lakes. If the Freneh fhould ever fettle thereon, which for above Twenty Years they have endeavoured, but have been, in great Meafure, wonderfully f*uftra- ted by the Irocrois our Subje~ls or Allies, they might greatly moleft , by thetnfelves and their Ind ians, the Colonies of New-Tork, Pea- ftlt'aia Maryland and Virgina which, I hope by theWifdom and Care of His Majefty and Miniftry, will be fpeedily prevented. At the North-Eaft End of this Lake is another Canal 40Miles long, and in mofl Places a League broad, call'd by the Na- tives Niagara, having a delicate level, beau- tiful, fertil Country on each Side of it ; but being pafs'd about two Thirds of the Way, it is flraiten'd by mighty Rocks, and pre- cipitates itfelf feveral Hundred Feet, being the greateft Catarack, that hath ever yet coma unto our Knowledge, in the whole World. This lying within five or fix Days Journcy of Albany and Scbemileda, (two re- inarkable Towns and Fortifications of New- 2Tirk)  ( 55 ) York) and adjacent unto our Confederates or Subleats the five Nations, (by the Fr~encb call'd Irocoiw) efpecially the Sonnotatns (by force nam'd Senecews) the moff populous of the Five. I have receiv'd an Account from divers Perfons, who have with get Atten- tion and Curiofity view'd it, futtng very well with the Defcription Henniapn gives thereof, who had been there feveral Times. The Noife of fuch a Multitude of Waters falling from fo great a Hieight, is fo ex- traordinar, that altho' the Country is very pleafant, lvland fruitful below the Fall , yet the So nnotoas were not able to bear it, but were forc'd to remove and fettle 2 Leagues lower, I have had it from very cre- dible People, that when the Wind fets due South, they have heard it difiin~tly above 3o Miles. The River, as may be eafilJ, zmagin'd, below this Catara&, is very rapid for the Space of 3 or 4 Miles ; then for 6 or 8, is more placid and navigable, until it enters the Lake Ontario, which is So Leagues long, and in the Middle 2 or 30 broad, being of an Oval Figure. The Name of this Lake in the Irocois Language (that Nation bordering upon it to the South ) fignifies the pleafatnt or beautiful Lake, as it may be defervedly llil'd ; the Country round it being very champain, fertil, and every 2 or 3 Miles water'd with fine Rivulets : It has on the South-fide three fair Rivers ; that next the Fall coming out of the Coun- E 4 try ( 55 ) York ) and adjacent unto our Confederates or Subeas the five Nations, (by the Frencb call'd Irocoi) efpecially the Sonontovans (by force nam'd Seneces) the mofi populous of the Five. I have receiv'd an Account from divers Perfons, who have with great Atten- tion and Curiofity view'd it, fuiting very well with the Defription Henrnepin gives thereof, who had been there feveral Times. The Noife of fuch a Multitude of Waters fallng from fobgreat aHeight, is fo ex- traordinary, that altho' the Country is very pleafant, level and fruitful below the Fall , yet the Sonnotavvans were not able to bear it, but were lbrc'd to remove and fettle 2 Leagues lower, I have had it from very cre- dible People, that when the Wind fets due South, they have heard it diftinaly above 'o Miles. The River, as may be eafily smagin'd, below this Catara&l, is very rapid, for the Space of 3 or 4 Miles ; then for 6 or S, is more placid and navigable, until it enters the Lake Ontario, which is So Leagues long, and in the Middle 25 or 30 broad, being of an Oval Figure. The Name of this Lake in the Irocois Language (that Nation bordering upon it to the South ) fignifies the pleafaint or beautiful Lake, as it may be defervedly ftil'd ; the Country round it being very champain, fertil, and every 2 or 3 Miles water'd with line Rivulets : It has on the South-fide three fair Rivers ; that next the Fall coming out of the Coun- t 4 try ( 55 ) York ) and adjacent unto our Confederates or SubFes the five Nations, (by the Frencb call'd Irocois) efpecially the Sonnontovans (by force nam'd Seneces) the moff populous of the Five. I have receiv'd an Account from divers Perfons, who have with great Atten- tion and Curiofity view'd it, fuiting very well with the Defcription Henepin gives thereof, who had been there feveral Times. The Noife of fuch a Multitude of Waters falling fronm lo great a Height, is fo ex- traordinary, that altho' the Country is very pleafant, level and fruitful below the Fall , yet the Sonvwovjns were not able to bear it, but were fbrc'd to remove and fettle 2 Leagues lower. I have had it from very cre- dible People, that when the Wind fets due South, they have heard it diflin~tly above 30 Miles. The River, as may be ealy imagin'd, below this Catara&, is very rapid for the Space of ; or 4 Miles ; then for 6 or 8, is more placid and navigable, until it enters the Lake Ontario, which is So Leagues long, and in the Middle 25 or 30 broad, being of an Oval Figure. The Name of this Lake in the Irocois Language (that Nation bordering upon it to the South ) fignifies the plcafant or beautiful Lake, as it may be defervedly fli'd ; the Country round it being very champain, fertil, and every 2 or 3 Miles water'd with line Rivulets : It has on the South-fide three fair Rivers ; that next the Fall coming out of the Coun- £ 4 try  C C C  ( 57 ) ed in its Courfe by divers Falls fucceffive- ly ;fome very deep and lkng, for above ioo Mile;, until it meets with the great River of the Outaaks, at the End ofT the Iflad and City of Montre4l, and together with that makes the River of Canada or St. Laurence, fo nam'd by the Freunch, becaufe difcover'dl on the Day dedicated to his Me- morial. The North-part of the Lake Onario was formerly pofiets'd by Two Tribes of the Irooi, who were in Time of perfect Peace, without the leaft Provocation, but only to gtterCountry, deftcroy'd, cnfiav'd, or tett Face, and put into the Gallies ; of which you may read at large in the Journals of the Btaron la !Iontau, an impar- tial and judicious Author, who faw and relates that Tragedy with much Indigna- The Nation of the Irois, as they are call'd by the French, for what Reatbn I could never learn, who inhabit the South- part of the Country are ftil'd by the Eng- iti, the five Nations, being fo many, di- ftinat in Name, and Habitations, from each other ; But leagu'd by a moft ftri&t Confe- deracy, like the Cantons of Switzerland , which they frequently in avery foilema manner renew ; Efpecially fince te French grew powerful in their Neighbourhood . They have always been an excellent and ufeful Barrier between us and them, being ready ( 57) ed in its Courfe by divers Falls fucceffive- ly ; fome very deep and lung, for above ioo Miles, until it meets with the great River of the Oe~aacsi at the End of the Ifand and City of Montreal, and together with that makes the River of Canada or St. Larn, fo nam'd by the Frernch, becaufe difcover'd on the Day dedicated to his Me. moril.L The North-part of the Lake Onarvio was formerly pofefs'd by Two Tribes of the lrcoisr, who were in Time of perfe& Peace, without the leaft Provocation, but only to g et their Country, deftroy'd, enflav'd, or Pent to France, and put into the Gallies ; of which you may read at large in the Journals of the Baron' a Honau', an impar- tial and judicious Author, who faw and relates that Taeywt uhIdga Trgtywihmuhn.iga The Nation of the Irois, as they are call'd by the Frnch, for what Reatbn I could never learn, who inhabit the South- part of the Country are fil'd by the Eng- iifb, the five Nations, being fo many, di- ftfn~1 in Name, and Habitations, from each other ; But leagu'd by a molt ftria Confe- deracy, like the Cantons of Switzerlnd , which they frequently in a very folemn manner renew; Efpecially fince the French grew powerful in their Neighbourhood . Thyhave always been an excellent and ufeful Barrier between us and them, being ready ( 57 ) ed in its Courfe by divers Falls fuccefiive- ly ;fomne very deep and long, for above ioo Miles, until it meets with the great River of the Oatouackr, at the End of the Ifland and City of Montreal, and together with that makes the River of Canada or St. Laurence, fo namn'd by the Frnch, becaufe difcover'd on the Day dedlicated to his Me- morial. The North-part of the Lake Onairio was formerly pofliefs'd by Two Tribes of the lrooi, who were in Time of perfect Peace, without the leaft Provocation, but only to get their Country, deftroy'd, enflav'd, or fent to France, and put into the Gallies ; of which you may read at large in the Journals of the Baron La Hoan, an impar- tial and judicious Author, who faw and relatesthtTaeywtmuhIdg- thtTrgdiotnmc.ndgn The Nation of the Irocoi, as they are call'd by the French, for what Reatbn I could never learn, who inhabit the South- part of the Country are ftil'd by the Eg lif, the five Nations, being fo many, di- ftin~t in Name, and Habitations, from each other ; But leagu'd by a molt ftri&t Confe~- deracy, like the Cantons of Switzerland , whc they freqently in a very~ folema mannr rnew; Epecially fince the French grew powerful in their Neighbourhood . They have always been an excellent and ufeful Barrier between us and them, being ready  ready, on all Occaflons, upon the mofl ready, on all Occafions, upon the moft ready, on all Occafions, upon the moft {lender Invitations, and the leaft Afiftance, (lender invitations, and the leaft Affiftance, flender Invitations, and the leaf I Afffftance, to moleft and invade them, unto whom, to moleft and invade them, unto whom, to moleft and invade them, unto whom, they are the moll irreconcileable Enemies, they are the mofl irreconcileable Enemies, they are the moft irreconcileable Enemies, adI think upon good Grounds ; altoug and I think upon good Grounds ; although and I think upon good Grounds ; although the French fay the hardeft Things imaginab'le the French fay the hardeft Things imgnal the French fay the hardeft Things imaginable againft them; but I believe unto any im- againft them ; but I believe unto any im- againft them ; but I believe unto any im- partial judges, they will appear more blame- partial Judges, they will appear more blame- partial Judges, they will appear more blame- able themielves. The Original of this En. able themfelves. The Original of this E~n- able themfelves. The Oiina of this En- ity proceeded from the French, who, about ity proceeded from the French, who, about mity proceeded from the French, who, about 100 Years fence, fetted at the Place, now 100 Years fine, ettled at the Place, now 100 Years fine, fettled at the Place, now their Capital, call'd pQebeck. The Irocois their Capital , call'd ,Q~ebeck. The Irocois their Capital,~ call'd pQuebck. The Irocois knowing of the French little Habitation knowing of the French little Habitation knowing of the French little Habitation (where were not above Forty Men) came (where were not above Forty Men) came (where were not above Forty Men) came according to their ufual Manner, being a. according to their ufual Manner, being a- according to their ufual Manner, being a- bout zoo of their prime Youth, under an bout Zoo of their prime Youth, under an bout Zoo of their prime Youth, under an efteem'd Captain to war againft the Algon- efteem'd Captain to war againft the Algon- efteem'd Captain to war againft the Algon- juwns, then a very populous Nation ; and juins, then a very populous Nation ; and feaws, then a very popeulous Nation ; and to Phew their Contempt of them, made to thew their Contempt of them , made to Thew their Contempt of them , made a Fort on the South-fidc of the River , a Fort on the South-fide of the River , a Fort on the South-fide of the River , before they who dwelt on the North-fide before they who dwelt on the North-Cfe before they who dwelt on the North-fide could gather into a Body, Their Habitati- could gather into a Body, Their Habitati- could gather into a Body, Their Habitati- ons or Villages being fomewhat remote onts or Villages being fomnewhat remote ons or Villages being fomnewhat remote from each other : But having drawn their from each other : But having drawn their from each other : But having drawn their Forces together in great Numbers, they at- Forces together in great Numbers, they at- Forces together in great Numbers, they at- tack'd the Irocis, who always valiantly re- tack'd the Irocoi', who always valiantly re- tack'd the froceis, who always valiantly re- pulsd them, with great Loffes to their E- puls'd them, with great Lolfes to their E- ptils'd them, with great Loifes to their E- nemies and little unto themfelves. Where- nemies and little unto themfelves. Where- nemies and little unto themfelves. Where- upon the Aldo,,kins had recourfe unto the upon the AIlgenkins had recourfe unto the upon the AIldonkins had recourfe unto the french, defiring they would affift them with Frencb, defiring they would affift them with French, defiring they would affift them with their Thunder andf Lightning darting En- their Thunder and Lightning darting En- their Thunder and Lightning darting En- gines. They readily comply'd, and did pines. They readily comply'd, and did gines. They readily comply'd, and did f~uch Execution with their Gunis, (which be- Ifuch Execu~tion with their Guns, (which be- fuch Execuition with their Guns, (which be- ing ing ing  ( 59) ing aloehrnew and very furprizing or rather al nfhn) that the Irocois were dif-. coit~ed, not above Two or Three efuaping to give an Account thereof to their ownCoua- trymen, who by Tradition have propagated the Story to Pofterity ; which may~, in fonc Meafure, excufe the irreconcileabl Enmity, this Nation hath conceiv'd againfi the French, between whom there have been formerly al- minof conflant Wars, accompanied with vari- ouls Events . The Frenh with their Allies endeavouring to extirpate them, who have bitherto bravely defended themfelves ; the Eng# for their Furrs fupplying them with Ammunition, and during Time of War with the Frencb, powerfiully affifting them. They have been a very ufeflhl Barrier, and without their help New.Tork, and probably other Neighbouring Provinces, had long fince been poffefs'd by the IFrencI having been very flenderly aided from Englad. The Frcnch in nil their Writings concern. lag Canada, make many tragical Relations of, and Exclamations againft the barbarous Cruelties of this Nation exercis'd upon them, and the Iin their Allies ; but feldom tell us that the very fame Things are pra&ic'd by themfelves and their Irndins againft the Ircois, and often during Time of Peace : For when the Iroceis or five Nations, as we call them, were abandon'd by Order of King Cbiriei 11. towards the latter End of his Reign, and during the whole Reign of K. Yemes, ( 59)" ing aloehrnew and very furprizing or rather allnfig that the Irocois were dd-. comfied, not above Two or Three efcaping to give an Account thereof to their ownCowi.. trymnen, who by Tradition have propagated the Story to Pofterity ; which may, in force Meafure, excufe the irrecoacileable Enmity, this Nation bath conceiv'd againft the French, between whom there have been formerly al. moft eonflant Wars, accompanied with vari- ous Events : The French with their Allies endeavouring to ex~tirpate them, who have hitherto bravely defended themfelves ; the E*Ilijk for their Furrs fupplying them with Ammunition, and during Time of War with the French, powerfully alfifling them. They have been a very ufeful Barrier, and without their help New.Tork, and probably other Neighbouring Provinces, had long fince been poifffs'd by the French, having been very flenderly aided from Englanid. The French in nil their Writings concern- ig Can,&da, make many tragical Relations oand Exclamations againft the barbarous Cruelties of this Nation exercis'd upon them, and the Indians their Allies; but feldom tell us that the very fame Things are pracic'd by themfelves and their In4wars againft the Irocou, and often during Time of Peace : For when the Iroeis or five Nations, as we call them, were abandon'd by Order of King Cbarles If. towards the latter End of his Reign, and during the whole Reign of K. games, ( 59 ) ing aloehrnew and very furprizing or rather allnfig that the irocois were dii:. conmfited, not above Two or Three efcaping to give an Account thereof to their owaCoun-. trymnen, who by Tradition have propagated the Story to Pofterity ; which may, in fomce Meafure, excufe the irreconcileabl Enmity, this Nation bath conceiv'd aganft the French, between whom there have been formerly al- moft conftant Wars, accompanied with vari- ous Events : The French with their Allies endeavouring to extirpate them, who have hitherto bravely defended themfelves ; the Englifb for their Furrs fupplying them with Ammunition, and during Time of War with the Frenchk, powerfulllyaffifting them. They have been a very ufeflil Barrier, and without their help iNew-Tork, and probably other Neighbourng~ Provinces, had long fince been poefs'd by the hwmhc, having been very flenderly aided from England. The French in all their Writings concern. igCaada, make many tragical Relations oand Exclamations againft the barbarous Cruelties of this Nation exercis'd upon them, and the Indians their Allies ; but feldom tell us that the very fame Things are pra~lic'd by themfelves and their Indians againft the Jrocois, and often during Time of Peace : For 'when the Iroceis or five Nations, as we call them, were abandon'd by Order of King CharleS IL. towards the latter End of his Reign, and during the whole Reign of K. ames,  (6o) (6o) (6o) )rawes, and obnoxious unto the Refentmients 7awes, and obnoxious unto the Refentmients )aws, and obnoxious unto the Refentments of the Frencb, (The Englifb being ftriafly of the Frenc, (The Engif being ftri~fly of the Frencb, (The Engtifb being ftridly fojrbidden any ways to affift them) They forbidden any ways to affift them) They forbidden any ways to affift them) They were under a Neceffity of mnaking a very were under a Neceffity of mnaking a very were under a Neceffity of mnaking a very difadvantageous Peace, which how perfidi- difadvantageous Peace, which how perfidi- difadvantageous Peace, which how perfidi- oufly it was broken, may be feen at large oufly it was broken, may be feen at large oufly it was broken, may be feen at large in that faithful and judicious Hiftory of the in that faithful and judicious Hiftory of the in that faithful and judicious Hiftory of the Baron a ~iHonai. And had it not been for the Baron iA Hontan. And had it not been for the Baron IA Honani. And had it not been for the Revolution in England , the Irocois had been to- Revolution in England, the Irocois had been to- Revolution in En~glnd, the Irocois had been to- tally' deftroy'd,, or fubjeded unto the Frenh, tally defiroy'd,, or fubjeded unto the Frencb, tally deftroy'd,, or fubjeded unto the French, wich, as I hinted before in the Preface, would which, as I hinted before in the Preface, would which, as I hinted before in the Preface, would have been of dreadfual Confequence to divers have been of dreadful Confequence to divers have been of dreadful Confequence to divers of our E*gl ib Colonies, on the Continent.'Tis of our Engli b Colonies, on the Continent.'Tis of our Englifb Colonies, on the Continent.'Tis true, the Ikocis have extirpated or fubjeded true, the Irocois have extirpated or fubjeaed true, the Irocois have extirpated or fujeded feveral Nations of Indians round about them; feveral Nations of Inudans round about them; feveral Nations of Indians round about them; but it hath been either becaufe they were but it hath been either becaufe they were but it hath been either becaufe they were in Confederacy with their Enemies, defiroy. in Confederacy with their Enemies, deftroy. in Confederacy with their Enemies, deftroy. ed their Country, murther'd their People, cd their Country, murther'd their People, ed their Country, murther'd their Peole, hinder'd them in thieir Seaver Hunting hinder'd them in their Beaver Hunting hinder'd them in their Beaver Hunting (without which they could not fubfift) or (without which they could not fubfift) or (without which they could not fubfift) or fiurnifh'd their Enemies with Furrs, which flirnifh'd their Enemies with Furrs, which furnifh'd their Enemies with Furrs, which oocafion'd the increafing the Numbers of oocafion'd the increafing the Numbers of oocafion'd the increafing the Numbers of the Frencb from Prance,* and confequentdy the Frencb from Prance, and confequeandy the Frencb from Prance, and confecluently threatned them with utter Ruin, when Ca- threatned them with utter Ruin, when Ca- threatned them with utter Ruin, when Ca-. nuada fhall be more populated from Europe. nada flhall be more populated from Europe. nada (hall be more populated from Europe. So that certainly the Meafures they take So that certainly the Meafures they take So that certainly the Meafures they take for their own Prefervation and Security , for their own Prefervation and Security , for their own Prefervation and Security , are more innocent, and excufable, than are more innocent, and excufable, than are more innocent, and excufable, than thofe have been by the PFrenc{; Forty Years thofe have been by the Frencl ; Forty Years thofe have been by the Frencb; Forty Years lafi pat, exercis'd in Europe, whofe Wars laftipaft, exercis'd in Europe, whofe Wars laft part, exerisdin Europe, whofe Wars have according to a modeft Calculation , have according to a inodeft Calculation , have according to a nuodeft Calculation , occafion'd the Death of above Two Millions occafion'd the Death of above Two Millions occafionrM the Death of above Two Millions of their own Country People, and other Ea. of their own Country People, and other En. of their own Country People, and other Es. rop earnes,Tropeans,  ( 61 ) repea', and mol unjuftly invaded or grie. vouly opprefs'd their Neighbours ; Defire of increafmng their Wealth, enlarging their Territories, or advancing the Glory of their Great Monarch, being the chief Caufes, tho' fome other flender and eafily confuted Pro.. tences, have fometimes been alledg'd. But to return unto the Iroceis whom we call Subjeasof the Crown of Englu4, they only Lie thenifelves Brethren, Friends, Allies, being a People highly tenacious of their Li- berty, and very impatient of the leaf} In- croachments thereon. Thefe five Cantons or Nations, have fold, given, and in a veyformal Puliick manner, made over adconvey'd to the Engif divers large Countries conquer'd from the Indans upon the South-fide of the great Lakes, as far as the Mefchaebe, and the noble, beautiful , fertil Peifuafituated between the Three Midle ake : hatof the Ha~rows to the Weft, Ontario to the Ea~l, and Erie to the South ; a Country almoft as large as Eg land without Wales; admirably feated for Traffick, pleafant, healthful, and Eartil, as any Part of Noth-Aerka; and the Terri- tory to the South' is of the fame Nature, and Confines with the Borders of our Pro- vince of Carolina, which extends to all the North-fide of the Gulph of Mexico. ( 61 ) ropean, and moft unjuftly invaded or grie- voufly opprefs'd their Neighbours ; Defire of increafing their Wealth, enlarging their Territories, or advancing the Glory of their Great Monarch, being the chief Caufcs, thoe fome other flender and eafily confuted Pre.. tences, have fometimes been alledg'd. But to return unto the lrocou whom we call Subjets of the Crown ofEgad they only ftle themfelves Brethren, Friends, Allies, being a People highly tenacious of their Li- berty, and very impatient of the leaft In- croachnients thereon. Thefe five Cantons or Nations, have fold, given, and in a very formal Publick manner, made over and convey'd to the Eongij divers large Countries conquer 'd from the Indians, upon the South-fide of the great Lakes, as far as the Mfchrek, and th noble, beautiful, fertil Peinel fituated between the Three Midle ake :That of the H.ram to the Weft, Ontario to the Eaft, and Erie to the South ; a Country almioft as large as Eg lad without Wales; admirably featedfo Traffck, pleaaint, healthful, and fertil, as any Part of North-Aweria; and the Terni- toyto the SouthC is of the fame Nature, adConfines with the Borders of our Pro- vince of Carolina, which extends to all the North-fide of the Gulph of Mexico. (61 ) ropeans, and moft unjuflly invaded or grie- voufly opprefs'd their Neighbours ; Defire of increafing their Wealth, enlarging their Territories, or advancing the Glory of their Great Monarch, being the chief Caufes, tho' fome other flender and eafily confuted Pre- tences, have fometimes been alledg'd. But to return unto the Irocci whom we call Subjeas~of the Crown of Englaud, they only ftle themfelves~ Brethren, Friends, Allies, being a People highly tenacious of their Li- berty, and very impatient of the leaft In- croachments thereon. Thefe five Cantons or Nations, have fold, given, and in a ver formal Publick maniner, made over adconvey'd to the E#S!#f divers large Countries conquer'd from the Indian, upon the South-fide of the great Lakes, as far as the Mefebarehe, and the noble, beautiful, fertil Peiuafiuated between the Three Midle ake : hatof the Haromn to the Weft,Ontario to the Faft, and Erie to the South ; a Country alnioft as large as Eng- lad without Wales; admirably feated for Traffick, pleafant, healthful, and fertil, as any Part of North-Awrka; and the Terri- tory to the South' is of the fame Nature, and Confines with the Borders of our Pro- vince of Carolina, which extends to all the North-fide of the Gulph of Mexico. CHAP. C H A P. C H AP. CHAP CHAP.  ( 62 ) (62) (62) (2 ( 62) CHAP. V~. e/A New and Curious Difco- covery and Relation of an eafy Communication betwixt the River Mefchacebe and the South-Sea, which fepa. rates America from China, by Means of feveral large Rivers and Lakes, with a D~efcription of the Coaft of the faid Sea to the Streightsr of Uries. e....s alfo of a rich and confiderabAle Trade to be carried on from thence to Japan, China and Tartary. IN4 T will be one great Conveniency of this Country, if ever it comes to be fettled, that there is an eafy Com- munication therewith , and the S&utb-.&a, which CHAP. V. r-A New and Curious Di fco- covery and Relation of an eafy Communication betwixt the River Mefchacebe and the South-Sea, which fepa- rates America from China, by Means of feveral large Rivers and Lakes, with a Defcription of the Coaft of the faid Sea to the Streightsr of Uries. c,& alfo of a rich and confiderabAle Trade to Ac carried on from thence to Japan, China and Tartary. ST will be one great Conveniency of Sthis Country, if ever it comes to be fettled, that there is an eafy Com- munication therewith , and the Soueb-Sea, which CHAP. V. elA New and Curious' Difco- covery and Relation of an eafy Communication betwixt the River Mefchacebe and the South-Sea, which fepa- rates America from China, by Means of feveral large Rivers and Lakes, with a D~efcription of the Coaft of the faid Sea to the Streightsr of Uries. c.As alfo of a rich and confiderabAle Trade to Ac carried on from thence to Japan, China and Tartary. V-.8 >i T will be one great Conveniency of itis Country, if ever it comes to be fettled, that there is an eafy Com- munication therewith , and the &,,ek.Sex, which  ( 63 ) which lies between America and China, and that two Ways : By the North Branch of the great Yellow River, by the Natives call'd the River of the Mafforites, which hath a Courfe of 5oo Miles, Navigable to its Heads or Springs, and which proceeds from a Ridge of Hills fomewhat North of New Mexico, paffable by Horfe, Foot, or Wag- gon in lefs than half a Day. On the other Side are Rivers, which run into a great Lake, that empties itfelf by another great Navigable River into the South Sea. The fame may be faid of the River Mefchaoua, up which our People have been, but not fo far as the Baron le Honta, who pafs'd on it above 300 Miles almoft due Weft, and declares it comes from the fame Ridge of Hills abovemention'd ; and that divers Ri- vers from the other fide foon make a large River, which enters into a vail Lake, o Which inhabit Two or Three great Nati- ons, much more populous and civiliz'd than other Indias ; and out of that Lake a great River difimbogues into the Soutb-Sea, which is doubtlefs the fame with that beforemen- tion'd, the Head of the Two Rivers being little diftant from each other. About Twelve or Fourteen Years fince, I had imparted unto me a Journal from a Gentleman admirably well skill'd in Geo. graphy, efpecially of America, who had made thither divers Voyages from New England, and all our Engib Plantations in America, and ( 63 ) which lies between America and China, and that two Ways : By the North Branch of the great Yellow River, by the Natives call'd the River of the Mafforites, which hath a Courfe of goo Miles, Navigable to its Heads or Springs, and which proceeds from a Ridge of Hills fomewhat North of New Mexico, paffable by Horfe, Foot, or Wag- gon in lefs than half a Day. On the other Side are Rivers, which run into a great Lake, that empties itfelf by another great Navigable River into the South Sea. The fame may be faid of the River Mefcbaouay, up which our People have been, but not fo far as the Baron le Boman, who pafs'd on it above 300 Miles almoft due Weft, and declares it comes from the fame Ridge of Hills abovemention'd ; and that divers Ri- vers from the other fide foon make a large River, which enters into a vail Lake, an Which inhabit Two or Three great Nati- ons, much more populous and civiliz'd than other Indias; and out of that Lake a great River difimbogues into the South Sea, which is doubtlefs the fame with that beforemen. tion'd, the Head of the Two Rivers being little diftant from each other. About Twelve or Fourteen Years fincei I had imparted unto me a Journal from a Gentleman admirably well skill'd in Geo. graphy, efpecially of America, who had made thither divers Voyages from New England, and all our Engjlb Plantations in America, and ( 63 ) which lies between America and China, and that two Ways : By the North Branch of the great Yellow River, by the Natives call'd the River of the Mafforites, which bath a Courfe of 5oo Miles, Navigable to its Heads or Springs, and which proceeds from a Ridge of Hills fomewhat North of New Mexico, pafdable by Horfe, Foot, or Wag- gon in lefs than half a Day. On the other Side are Rivers, which run into a great Lake, that empties itfelf by another great Navigable River into the South Sea. The fame may be faid of the River Mefchaouay, up which our People have been, but not fo far as the Baron le Bonta, who pafs'd on it above 300 Miles almoft due Weft, and declares it comes from the fame Ridge of Hills abovemention'd ; and that divers Ri- vers from the other fide foon make a large River, which enters into a vant Lake, o which inhabit Two or Three great Nati- ons, much more populous and civiliz'd than other Indians; and out of that Lake a great River difunbogues into the South Sea, which is doubtlefs the fame with that beforemen- tion'd, the Head of the Two Rivers being little dinlant from each other. About Twelve or Fourteen Years fince, I had imparted unto me a Journal from a Gentleman admirably well skill'd in Geo- graphy, efpecially of America, who had made thither divers Voyages from New Englad, and all our Engifb Plantations in America, and  (64) and vifited miot Parts of the Gulph of Mexi- c, where he became acquainted with one Captain Coxton a famous Privateer , who was towards the fatter End of the Reign of King Charles II. entertain'd in His Maje- fty's Service : But whether hie was difoblig- ed, or that his Genius prompted him to follow his old Trade, having with his Co- partners fitted up a Ship of Twenty-fix Guns , He failed to the South-Sea, with a Defgn to take the Ship, which comes an- nually from the Mani~ia or Philippine Ifands in the Eafl-Idies to .Jcaplco, the Chief Port of Mexico ; which Ship, as he had been well inform'd , ufually made that Part of the Continent, that lies between a and Ame- rice, at a famous Port in 42 Degrees. But when he came to the Head of the IWand, or Peninfsla of Caliornia (it being too foon by force Months frteptting in Execu- tion his intended Defign,) romaging the Coaft, he difcover'd a great River mo about Degrees North-Latitude, which enter'd a great Lake, near the Mouth whereof he found a very convenient Ifland, where he ftaid Two or Three Months to refit himfelf, happening to have a Man on board, who 'underftood the Language of the Country. The Natives finding he was enggd in an Expedition againft the Spaniards, treated him very kindly, fupply'd him very chear- fllly with whatfoever he wanted, and he contra&ed great Friendfhip with te.He (64) and viflted moll; Parts of the Gulph of Mexi- co, where he became acquainted with one Captain Coxton a famous Privateer , who was towards the fatter End of the Reign of King Charles If. entertain'd in His Maje- fty 's Service : But whether he was difoblig- ed, or that his Genius prompted him to follow his old Trade, having with his Co- partners fitted up a Ship of Twenty-fix Guns , He faied to the South-Sea, with a Defign to take the Ship, which comes an- nually~ from the Maniki or Philippine Ifands in the Eafl -Iadies to .Acauco, the Chief Port of Mexico ; which Ship, as he had been well inform'd , ufually made that Part of the Continent, that lies between a and Ame- ri, at a fmous Port in 42 Degrees. But when hie came to the Head of the Ifand, orPennula of Caliornia (it being too foon by forne Months fo~r the putting in Execu- tion his intended Defign,) roma~ing the Coaft, he difcover'd a great River in about Degrees North-Latitude, which enter'd a great Lake, near the Mouth whereof he found a very convenient IWand, where he ftaid Two or Three Months to refit himfeif, happening to have a Man on board, who underftood the Language of the Country. The Natives finding he was engag'd in an Expedition againft the Spaiards, treated him very kindly, fupply'd him very chear- fully with whatfoever he wanted, and he contraaed great Friendfbip with them. He calls (64) and vifited moft Parts of the Gulph of Mexi-. co, where he became acquainted with one Captain Caxton a famous Privateer , who was towards the fatter End of the Reign of King Charles II. entertain'd in His Maje- fty's Service : But whether he was difoblig- eor that his Genius prompted him to follow his old Trade, having with his Co- partners fitted up a Ship of Twenty-fix Guns , He faied to the S~oth-Sea with a Defign to take the Ship, which comes an- nually from the Maniia or Philippine Ifands in the Eaft-Indies to .Acalco, the Chief Port of Mexico ; which Ship, as he had been well inform'd , ufually made that Part of the Continent, that lies between ya and Ame- rica, at a famous Port in 42 Degrees. But when he camne to the Head of the Wfand, or Peniiad of California (it being too foon by fome Months for the putting in Execu- tion his intended De~ign,) roma~ing the Coaft, he difcover'd a great River mn about Degrees North-Latitude, which enter'd a great Lake, near the Mouth whereof hie found a very convenient Ifand, where he ftaid Two or Three Months to refit himfelf, happening to have a Man on board, who 'underfiood the Language of the Country. The Natives finding he was engag'd in an Expedition againft the S~pani ard, treated him very kindly, fupply'd him very chear- filly with whatfoever he wanted, and he eontra&ed great Friendihip with diem. He calls  ( 65) calls them the Nation of floja. The Spaui. arks, as I find in divers of their Expeditions, call it Thoyago, fometimes Tejago. They are often at War with the Spaniards, who have been always repulsd by them. They bring Thirty or Forty Thoufand Men in one Bo- dy into the Field. Thefe and Two other Nations Neighbouring, and not much inferior unto them, are accounted the mot fenfible and civiliz'd Indians in Amearica. When the Seafon came fit fo~r their Expe- dition, they failed Weft and by South, and happen'd to flop upon fomne Occafion at an Ifland call'd Earind' or Carndaz, there were Five in all near each other, like the Canary Iflands, but lay rounder, and were one with another about 5o or 6o Miles in Compafs The Inhabitants were not fby of them, but fupply'd them with Provifions, and brought them Gold to barter for futch Commodities of ours as they lik'd, antd in Three or Four Days they purchas'd 8641. Weight of that Metal. The Natives told them they were forry they had no more, they taking Care to provie only againft a certain Time of the Year for Perbons, who came from the Sun-fetting at a particular Seafon and bar- ter'd divers Commodities with them for Gold. Thefe Traders or Merchants muiff certainly be Inhabitants of japan., which I gather from a large Relation in the Hiftory of that Ifland, publifh'd by the Du'tcb, and tranflated into our Tongue, and makes the F Sixth ( 65) calls them the Nation of lhoya. The Spw4i ards as I find in divers of their Expeditions, call it Thoyagc, fometimes Tejago. They are often at War with the Spaniards, who have been always repulsd by them. They bring Thirty or Forty Thoufatnd Men in one Bo- dy into the Field. Thefe and Two other Nain Neighbouring, and not much inferior unto them, are accounted the muff fenfible and civiliz'd Indin in America. When the Seafon came fit for their Expe- dition, they failed Weft and by South, and happen'd to flop upon lbine Occafion at an Ifland call'd &rinda or Carina, there were Five in all near each other, like the Canay Iflands, but lay rounder, and were one with another about 5o or 6o Miles in Compafs The Inhabitants were not fhy of them, but fupply'd them with Provifions, and brought them Gold to barter fur futch Commodities of ours as they lik'd, and in Three or Four Days they purchas'd 86 1. Weight of that Metal. The Natives told them they were lorry they had no more, they taking Care to provide only againft a certain Time of the Year for Perfons, who came from the Sun-.fetting at a particular Seafo~n and bar- ter'd divers Commodities with them for Gold. Thefe Traders or Merchants muff certainly be Inhabitants of japan, which I gather from a large Relation in the Hiftory of that Ifland, publifh'd by the Dutch, and tranflated into our Tongue, and makes the F Sixth calls them the Nation of hoya. The Spam'. ark, as I find in divers of their Expeditions, call it Thoyago, fometinies Tejago~. They are often at War with the Sp~aniards, who have been always repulsd by them. They bring Thirty or Forty Thoufaind Men in one Bo. dy into the Field. Thefe and Two other Nations Neighbouring, and not much inferior unto them, are accounted the moft feneble and civiliz,'d Indians in America. When the Seafon came fit for theirExpe- dition, they failed Weft and by South, and happen'd to flop upon fome Occafion at an Ifland call'd Earimia or Carndk, there were Five in all near each other, like the Canaut Iflands, but lay rounder, and were one with~ another about 5o or 6o Miles in Compafs The Inhabitants were not lby of them, but fupply'd them with Provifions, and brought them Gold to barter for futch Commodities of ours as they lik'd, and in Three or Four Days they purchas'd 86 1. Weight of that Metal. The Natives told them they were furry they had no more, they taking Care to provide only againft a certain Time of the Year for Perfbons, who came from the Sun-Petting, at a particular Seafon and bar- ter'd divers Commodities with them for Gold. Thefe Traders or Merchants muff certainly be Inhabitants of apau, which I gather from a large Relation in the Hiftory of that Ifland, publifl'd by the Dutcb, and tranuflated into our Tongue, and makes the F Sixth  (66) Sixth Volume of Oplebf a Cofleu ios. They therein declare, That they fent from Bat.'- via' Two Ships (as they pretended) to dif- cover a PafI'age from the North-Eaft Part of Japan, round Tartary to Eronpe; Though, its very probable, they had other Views. Theft Ships were feparated a little Eaft of ,1pis by a Storm ; the Caflrilome proceed-. eand found the Streight entring into the Guilph of Tar:try or .feffo, and fearch'd the Coaft on the Weft-fide to 49 Degrees ; the other Ship the Blefkixs having fuffer'd much by the Storm, put into the Port of N.amboe; near the N. E. End of Y'p'x, not doubting they fhould be kindly receiv'd , being in League, and having a Free Trade with that Empire ; but while they were refitn' they were uaexpe&edly furpriz'd by the 911ptwfe, fent to Court, and very kli&ly examika'd, whither they had not been at, or went not to difcover the Gold Iflands (as the call'd them) to the Eaft, of which TrafiektheEmproris fo jealous, that it is Capital for any to go thither except by his Permniflion, or to declare to others the Diftance and Situation thereof ; and had not the Datcb given uncontroulable Evidence , that they had not been, nor were they go. ing thither, but only upon the foremention- ed Difcovery , they had been all execu- There are upon the Coaft between Ame- rica and Y'paa divers very large and fate Har- (66) Sixth Volume of Oglebi's Collet"ions. They therein declare, That they feat from Bat.'- vi.' Two Ships (as they pretended) to dif- cover a Pafllige from the North-Eaft Part of ja'pan, round Tartaryv to Europe Though, its very probable, they had other Views. Theft Ships were feparated a little Eaft of 5fapn by a Storm ; the C.'flrilome proceed- ed, and found the Streight eatring into the Gulph of Tartary or Jeff , and fearch'd the Coaft on the Weft-ide to 49 Degrees ; the other Ship the Pkfkiws having fuffer'd much by the Storm, put into the Port of Namboec; near the N. E. End of aan not doubting they should be kindly receiv'd, being in League, and having a Free Trade with that Empire ; but while they were reitn they were unexpe&edly furpriz'd by the °ap.aefe, fent to Court, and very ftri&ly examin'd, whither they had not been at, or went nor to difcover the Gold Iflands (as e call'd them) to the Eaft, of which Trfikthe Emperor is fo jealous, that it is Capital for any to go thither except by his Permiffion, or to declare to others the Diftance and Situation thereof ; and had not the Durtch given uncontroulable Evidence , that they had not been, nor were they go. in thither, but only upon the fbremention- edDifcovery , they had been all execu- There are upon the Coaft between Ame- rica and Ygp~a divers very large and fafe Hiar- (66) Sixth Volume of Oglebk's Colecions. They therein declare, That they feat from Bata-. vi.' Two Ships (as they pretended) to dif- cover a Paffage from the Norrh-.Eaft Parr of 1.'p.', round T.'rta'sy to EroLpe ; Though, its very probable, they had other Views. Theft Ships were feparated a little Eaft of D.ipI by a Storm ; the Cafriome proceed- ed, and found the Streight entring into the Gulph of Ta.rtary or Je f, and fearchld the Coaft on the Weft-fide to 49 Degrees ; the other Ship the BIefkirn having fufler'd much by the Storm, put into the Port of Namboe near the N.E. End of Yqei not doubting they Thould be kindly receiv'd, being in League, and having a Free Trade with that Empire ; but while they were refitting , they were unexpe&edly furpriz'd by the f.'p.amfe, fent to Court, and very itridly examn'd, whither they had not been at, or went nor to difcover the Gold Iflands (as they call'drthem) to the Eaft, of which Traflick the Emperor is fo jealous, that it is Capital for any to go thither except by his Permiflion, or to declare to others the Diftance and Situation thereof ; and had not the Datch given uncontroulable Evidence , that they had not been, nor were they go. ing thither, but only upon the foremention- ed Difcovery , they had been all execu- There are upon the Coaft between Ame- rica and 7'ma divers very large and fafe liar-  (67 ) Harbours, and a very good Climate, the Coafl ftretching South-Weft, moflly fron 40 to Degrees of North-Latitude. The Seas abound with Fifb, and the Land with Fowl and Venifon. The Inhabitants arefo ciable and hofpitable. I have a Draught and Journals of all the Coaft from America, with thzofe of divers Harbours, until you are within about zoo Leag. of the Streight of Vre, which the Dutcb difcover'd about Sixty or Seventy Years fince, and which is the Entrance of the Sea or Guiphz of Tartar7 lyig 1o Leagues North-Eaft from Nambue, th otNortherly Haven and Promontory of qaan. This Streight, or rather, theft Streights (there being Two made by a long Ifland) are the Inlets into a great Sea or Bay, into which difimbogues a vaft River, oni the Weft-fide of it, betweeni 49 and 5o Degrees of North-Latitude, Navigable ma- ny Hundred Miles by the bigsell Ships, and is made by the Conflux of divers great Ri- vers z fme of which come from the South- Wet sCbmi~oa, Hiluran, Via, Sungoro, and their Fountains, near the great Wall of Chi- ns, and run throu~gh the Dominions of the Eafterm Tartars, who are now M~alers of China. Other Rivers from the North-Weft, proceed from the Territories of the Czar cf Mafrtnzy, who bath built divers large and well fortify'd Cities on the Main River of Tawear, and feveral of its Branches, as Ne- gesvii, Nepebou, Xbini, .Agun, Nevftakoj, &e. F 2 Thus ( 67) Harbours, and a very good Climate , the Coaft firetching South-Weft, molily from 40 to Degrees of North-Latitude. The Seas abound with Fifb, and the Land with Fowl and Venifon. The Inhabitants are fo- ciable and hofpitable. I have a Draught and Journals of all the Coaft from America, with thofe of divers Harbours, until you are within about ioo Leag. of the Streight of VDries, which the Dutch difc~over'd about Sixty or Seventy Years fence, and which is the Entrance of the Sea or Guiph of Tarta.y, lying 12o Leagues North-Eall from Nambee, the mall Northerly Haven and Promontory of _fapan. This Streight, or rather, theft Streights (there being Two made by a long Ifland) are the Inlets into a great Sea or Bay, into which difimibogues a vaft River, on the Well-fide of it, between 49 and 5o Degrees of North-Latitude, Navigable ma- ny Hundred Miles by the biggeft Ships, and is made by the Conflux of divers great Ri- vers force ofwhich come from the South- Wek s Cixgoafilurs, (ha, S. oro, and their Fountains, near the great Nall of Chi- n", and run through the Dominions of the Eaftern Tartars, who are now Mallers of China. Other Rivers from the North-Well, proceed from the Territories of the Czmr of Ma#,v~, who bath built divers large and well fortify'd Cities on the Main River of Taraear, and feveral of its Branches, as Ne- goiw, Nepeboa, A~bai, Argun, Naitiaskey, &c. F 2 This (67) Harbours, and a very good Climate , the Coafl ftretching South-Welt, moflly from 40 to Degrees of North-Latitude. The Seas abound with Fil-b, and the Land with Fowl and Venifon. The Inhabitants are fo- ciable and hofitable. I have a Draught and Jounasoal the Coaft from America, with thofe of divers Harbours, until you are within about zoo Leag. of the Streight of Vnie, which the Dutcb difcover'd about Sixty or Seventy Years fuzce, and which is the Entrance of the Sea or Gulph of Tarta7~, lying 12o Leagues North-Eafl from Nambee, the moil Northerly Haven and Promontory o pa.TiStegtorrteteStreights (there being Two made by a long Ifland) are the Inlets into a great Sea or Bay, into which difimbogues a vaft River, on the Well-fide of it, between 49 and 5o Degees of North-Latitude, Navigable ma- nyHnrdMiles by the biggedt Ships, and is made by the Conflux of divers great Ri- versfomne of which come from the South- WJ sChigola, filera, Ula, S noro, and their Fountains, near the great Wal of Chi- ta, and run through the Dominions of the Eaftem Tatars, who are now Mallers of China. Other Rivers from the North-Welt, proceed from the Territories of the Czar of Mfnazy, who bath built divers large and well fortify'd Cities on the Main River of Tame.5, and feveral of its Branches, as Ne- gov~iwv, Neqeboa, Xbase, Argun, Neftintkey, &C. F 2 Thus  (68) This River of 7iwour or Imunia, hath a Courfe , from its flirtheft Fountains, above isco Miles, without any Interruption by Cataracts fo frequent in all the other great Rivers in Mufcovy, as the Ob,, Yeniffg or Yenifca, &c. By this River you may Trade with the Inhabitants of 7edb for Furrs, who have great ftbre, and thole very rich. They inhabit all the Coal} on both Sides the Mouth of the River , and a confiderable Way up it. You may Iikewife Traffick with the Mufcovites for the fame Commo- dities, who fell them there for a Fourth Part of what they yeild in Mu>fcoro or c- agl;thefe Parts bigabove 4000 Miles aimoft due Eafl, from Mujow their Capital City, a mot prodigious, tedious and diffi- cult Journey , as appears by divers large and accurate journals, which have been ma- fly Years publifh'd in Print. And by means of the Rivers whicht come from the South- Wefl, you may correfpond with the Eaftern Tartar-, Chiatfe, and the great rich King- dom of Tangutb, all now united under one and the fame Emperor, being very civiliz.'d Nations, and kind to Strangers. To fay nothing of the great and rich Peainfula of Corea, which is contiguous to one or two Branches of this River, was once a Pro- vince of China , hath the lame Manners and Language, and is now Tributary to the prefent Emnperour. This River and its Branches are in a good Clime, it never va- rying (68) This River of 7'aWour or .1mura, hath a Courfe, from its furtheft Fountains, above a 20o Miles, without any Interruption by Cataraifs fo frequent in all the other great Rivers in Mufcovuy, as the Oby, Yeniffgor 7enifca, &c. By this River you may T~rade with the Inhabitants of fedf' for Furrs, who have great ftore, and thofe very rich. They inhabit all the Coaft on both Sides the Mouth of the River , and a confiderable Way up it. You may Iikewife Traflick with the Murfcvries for the fame Commo- dities, who fell them there for a Fourth Part of what they yeild in Mufcoro orAr- angel; thefe Parts being above 4000 Miles almoil due Ball, fr-om Mufiow their Capital City, a mol prodigious, tedious and diffi- cult Journey , as appears by divers large and accurate journals, which have been ma~- ny Years publifb'd in Print. And by means of the Rivers whicht come from the South- Weft, you may correfjpond with the Eaf era Tartar-, Cbiaefe, and the great rich King-. dom of Tangutb, all now united under one and the fame Emperor, being very civiliz.'d Nations, and kind to Strangers. To fay nothing of the great and rich Peninfula of Corea, which is contiguous to one or two Branches of this River, was once a Pro- vince of Chinaa, bath the fame Manners and Language, and is now Tributary to the prefent Emperour. This River and its Branch-s are in a good Clime, it never va- rying (68) This River of 74mour or Amur,,, fiath a Courfe, from its furtheft Fountains, above 1200 Miles, without any Interruption by Cataraas fo frequent in all the other great Rivers in Mufovy, as the Oby, Yife or 5enifca, &c. By this River you may Trade with the Inhabitants of edf) for Furrs, who have great ftore, and thofe very rich. They inhabit all the Coaft on both Sides the Mouth of the River , and a confiderable Way up it. You may Iikewife Trafllck with the Mufcovites fbr the fame Commo- dities, who fell them there for a Fourth Pact of what they yeild in Muefcoro or Arch- angel; thefe Parts being above 4000 Miles almoft due Eafl, from Majiow their Capital City, a mot prodigious, tedious and diffi- cult Journey , as appears by divers large and accurate journals, which have been ma- ny Years publifh'd in Print. And by means of the Rivers wh come from the South- Well, you may correfpond with the Eajler,, Tartar-, Cbinefe, and the great rich King- dom of Tanguth, all now united under one and the fame Emperor, being very civiliz'd Nations, and kind to Strangers. To fay nothing of the great and rich Peninfala of Corea, which is contiguous to one or two Branches of this River, was once a Pro- vince of China , hath the fame Manners and Language, and is now Tributary to the prefent Emperour. This River and its Branch~s are in a good Clime, it never va- rying  (69) tying above 2 or 3 Degrees from a due Easterly Courfe. Three or more Ships may be fent every Year , wjio may Part at the Streights of the Tartarian Gulph or Sea; one for Tedzo and the River; another for jpan~, and a Third for North China to the great City Tunxo, the Port of Pekin, the Capital of that Kingdom, from which it is not a- bove One Days Journey by Land or Wa- ter. And there is not a better Commodi- ty, or of which more Profit may be made, than of the Furrs, which are fo eafily pro- cur'd, and fo foon brought unto that im- perial City, where, in the Court and a- mnong the Grandees, there is a prodigious Conflumption of them, and molt extrava- gant Prices given for them, efpecially thofe of the better Sort, tho' even the meaneft conmc to an extraordinary good Market. Thus, after a thorough Search and Dlif- covery' both by Sea and Land, have I gi- ven the Reader a Topographical Defcripti- on of a Country, the timely Pofreffion and due Improvement whereof by the Englfbi may be mnore beneficial to them, than all the ether Colonies they are at prefent pof- fef'd of : Befides that they will thereby fe- cure forever all the reft of our Plantations upon the Continent of America, which if this Country be by them n~egd, and fufiierd to remain in the Hans of any am- bitious, Politick and powerful Prince or Po- tentate, may be diftrefs'd, conquer'd or ut- terly extermninated. C H A P~. (69) tying above 2 or 3 Degrees from a due Eafterly Courfe. Three or mnore Ships may he fent every Year , wjio may Part at the Streights of the Tartaria Gulph or Sea ; one for Tedzo and the River; another for Japan, and a Third for North Chin/a to the great City 7'usx, the Port of Pekins, the Capital of that Kingdom, from which it is not a- bove One Days Journey by Land or Wa- ter. And there is net a better Commodi- ty, or of which more Profit may be made, than of the Furrs, which are fo eafily pro- cur'd, and fo Icon brought unto that Im- perial City, wherin the Court and a- mong the Grandees, there is a prodigious Confumnption of them, and molt extrava- gant Prices given for them, efpecially thofe of the better Sort, tho' even the meaneft comec to an extraordinary good Market. "Thus, after a thorough Search and Dif-~ covery both by Sea and Land, have I gi- ven the Reader a Topographical Defcripti- on of a Country, the timely Poff'eflion and due Improvement whereof by the Engljp may be more beneficial to them, than all the other Colonies they are at prefent pof- fefs'd of : Befides that they will thereby fe- cure forever all the reft of our Plantations upon the Continent of America, which if this Country be by them negle~led, and fufler'd to remain in the Hands of any am- bitious, Politick and powerful Prince or Po- tentate, may be diftrell'd, conquer 'd or ut- terly exterminated. C H A P. (69) rying above 2 or 3 Degrees from a due Easterly Courfe. Three or more Ships may be fent every Year , ivjo may Part at the Streights of the Tart'rian Gulph or Sea; one for Tedzo and the River ; another for Yaan and a Third for North China to the great City Tnxo, the Port of Pekin, the Capital of that Kingdom, from whicht it is not a- bove One Days Journey by Land or Wa- ter. And there is net a better Commodi- ty, or of which more Profit may be made, than of the Purrs, which are fo eafily pro- cur'd, and fo foon broughlt unto that Im- perial City, where, in the Court and a- mong the Grandees, there is a prodigious CZonfumption of them, and moll extrava- gant Prices given for them, efpeciafly thofe of the better Sort, tho' even the meanest come to an extraordinary good Market. Thus, after a thorough Search and Dif- covery both by Sea and Land, have I gi- ven the Reader a Topographical Defcripti- on of a Country, the timely Pofteflion and due Improvement whereof by the Eanglifl may be more beneficial to them, than all the other Colonies they are at prefent pof- fef'd of : Befides that they will thereby fe- cure forever all the reft of our Plantations upon the Continent of America, which if this Country be by them negle~ted , and futlhr'd to remain in the Hands of any am- bitious, P'olitick and powerful Prince or Po- tentate, may be diftres7d, conquer 'd or utt- terly exterminated. C H AP.  ( 70) (70) (70) (0 ( 70) CHAP. VI. ac/fccount of the ufefud Animalsr, Vegetables, .Met- tals, M5iinerals, and other rich and valuable Commodi- ties 'which are naturally pro- daced or may with Indufiry be rais'd in this Pro- vince, CHAP. VL. t~n tAcount of the ufeful Animals, Vegetables, Mlet- tals, _Jvinerals, and other rich and valuable Commodi- ties 'which are naturally pro- daced or may with Indu/iry be rais'd in this Pro- vince. MN a new Colony the firft Care is to provide Food for their Subfifaance. The great Duke of Rhos famous for Wifdom and Valour, who hath written fo many celebrated Treatifes, efpccially re- lating to Military Affairsi, and Politicks, ad- vances it as a Maxim, That he who will be a great Warrior, muff in the firft Place make Provifion for the Belly ; and in the late War with the French, our feafonable and plentifuil Supplies of the Soldiers hath not a little contributed to our wonderful Succeffes, and CHAP. VI. ~an c/ccount of the ufeful Animals, Vegetables, AMet- tals, M2vinerals, and other rich and valuable Commodi- ties which are naturally pro- daced or may with Indufiry be rais'd in this Pro- vince. N a new Colony the firft Care is to provide Food for their Subfifaance. The great Duke of Rhona famous for Wifdom and Valour, who bath written fo many celebrated Treatifes, efpccially re- lating to Military AffairF, and Politicks, ad- vances it as a Maxim, That he who will be a great Warrior, muff in the irft Place make Provifion for the Belly ; and in the late War with the French, our feafonable and plentiful Supplies of the Soldiers biath not a little contributed to our wonderful Succeffesa and  ( 71 ) and both ftrengthned and animated our Troops, to perform fu~ch Ads of Valour, as will be celebrated in Future Ages. The Spaiardsk tell a pretty, and I think inftru- £bive Story, That upon the Dlifcovery of the immenfe Riches containAd in the Mountain Potofi in Peru, two Spnards reforted thi- ther ; the one bought Slaves, hir'd Servants, Overfeers, and found a rich Vein of Silver Oar. The other (Land being then Com- mon in the Neighbourhood) fed Sheep. The Minie Mafte wanting Wool for the cloath- V o his Servants (that Place beirg much codrthan others in the fame Latitude) and Food for his Overfeers (who could not N ftisfiedf, being Spaiards, with the poor Fare of' the Indias and Negroes) bought Flefh and Wool of the Shepherd, and after fome few Years the Shepherd grew rich, and the Mafter-Miner poor. If the Spiauds had further improv'd this Notion, the Englifb, Dutch and Frenh, had not exchang'd fo many of their Manufaftures for Gold and Silver ; fo that they are the richeft and pooreft Nation in the Southern Part of Eu- And even our own Nation hath not to- taly efa' hMisfortune ; for how many haveI kownthatcariedcompetent E- fiates to North Amierica, negjedting Tillage, and breeding Cattle, in a few Years their Servants have been their Equals, and fome- times Superiors ; fuch is the Eotce of Pru- F 4 dence ( 71 ) and both ftrengthned and animated ottr Troops, to perform fuch Ads of Valour, as will be celebrated in Future Ages. The Spaniards tell a pretty, and I think inftru- R~ive Story, That upon the Difcovery of the immenfe Riches contairM4 in the Mountain Potoft in Peu, two Spnirds reforted thi- ther ; the one bought Slaves, hir'd Servants, Overfeers, and found a rich Vein of Silver Oar. The other (Land being then Com- mon in the Neighbourhood) fed Sheep. The Mine Mafte waing Wool for the cloath- ing of his Servat that Place beirg much colder than others in the fame Latitude) and Food for his Overfeers (who could not be fatisfied, being Spanards, with the poor Fare of the Indians and Negroes) bou~ht Flefh and Wool of the Shepherd, and after fome few Years the Shepherd grew rich, and the Mafter-Miner poor. If the Spaiars had further imaprov'd this Notion, the Englifb, Dutch and French, had not exchang'd fo many of their Manufadures for Gold and Silver ; fo that they are the richeft and pooreft Nation in the Southern Part of Eu- And even our own Nation bath not to-. tally efcap'd this Misfortune ;for how many have I known that carried competent E- ftates to North Amrca, neglecaing Tillage, and breeding Cattle, in a few Years their Servants have been their Equals, and fome- times Superiors ; fuch is the F~orceof Pru- F 4 dence ( 71 ) and both ftrengthned and animated our Troos to perform fuch Adts of Valour, as wlbecelebrated in Future Ages. The Spairstell a pretty, and I think inftru- Ei Sory, That upon the Difcovery of the immenfe Riches contain'd in the Mountain Potoji in Peru, two Spaniards reforted thi- ther ; the one bought Slaves, hir'd Servants, Overfeers, and found a rich Vein of Silver Oar. The other (Land being then Com- mon in the Neighbourhood) fed Sheep. The Mine Mafter wanting Wool for the cloath- ing of his Servants (that Place beirg much colder than others in the fame Latitude) and Food for his Overfeers (who could not be fatisfied, being Spiards, with the poor Fare of the Indin and Ne.gros) bought Flefha and Wool of the Shepherd, and after fome few Years the Shepherd grew rich, and the Mafter-Miner Poor. If the Spanirds had further improv'd this Notion, the Eagifb, Dutch and Frenh, had not extchang'd fo many of their Manufaftures for Gold and Silver ; fo that they are the richeft and pooreft Nation in the Southern Part of Eu- And even our own Nation bath not to- tally efcap'd this Misfortune ; for how many have I known that carried competent E- ftates to North Amrica, negle~ting Tillage, and breeding Cattle, in a few Years their Servants have been their Equals, and fome- times Superiors ; fuch is the Fotce of Pru- F 4 dence  ( 72 ) dence and Induftry. But as fbr our Courn- try of Carol ans, if Perfons, who carry over Effe~ls and Servants, be not fbttithly foolifi, or fupinely negligent, they cannot fail of improving their own Fortunes, and without Injury to themfelves, contribute to make others eafy, and comparatively happy. I will not fay that Mailers and Superinten- dants of any Sort or Kind, need take nothing with them, but that they will find all Things neceffary and convenient to theirHands:Doubt- lefs Common Senfe will teach them, they ought to have at leaft Half a Years& Provi- fions of Thngs necefa~ry, until they are acquainted with the Natives, and have efta- blith'd a Friendiluip and Correfpondency with them : But abundance of Trouble and Expence will be fav'd in Planting this Coun- try, which could not be well avoided in thofe the EDtglhy have hitherto fettled on the Continent or in their Iflands. For Bread in this Country, we have a great Advantage at firft coming. They may have Indian Corn of the Inhabitants, who have almoft every where Two, and in fome Places Three Cropis in a Year ; and I have betn very credibly inform'd, that when the New comes in, they cafl away a great Part of the Old to make Room in their little Granaries. Be- fides all along the Coafl, and 2 01 30o Miles up the Country from the Sea, they have the Root Manihboca, whereof Caffavi Bread and Flower is made, whereupon almf nil Amrim between ( 72 ) dence and Induflry. But as fbr our Coun- try of CaroliaM if Perfons, who carry over Effe~s and Servants, be not fbttifluly foollif, or fupinely negligent, they cannot fail of improving their own Fortunes, and without Injury to themfelves, contribute to make others eafy, and comparatively happy. I will not fay that Mailers and Superinten- dants of any Sort or Kind, need take nothing with them, but that they will find all Things neceffary and convenient to theirHands:Doubt- lefs~ Common Senfe will teach them, they ought to have at leaft Half a Years Provi- fions of Things neceilary, until they are acquainted with the Natives, and have efla- blith'd a Friendfhip and Correfpondency with them : But abundance of "Trouble and Expence will be fav'd in Planting this Coun- try, which could not be well avoided in thofe the Edgl lib have hitherto fettled on the Continent or in their Iflands. For Bread in this Country, we have a great Advantage at firft coming. They may have Indian Corn of the inhabitants, who have almoft every where Two, and in fome Places Three Crops in a Year ; and I have been very credibly inform'd, that when the New comes in, they caft away a great Part of the Old to make Room in their little Granaries. Be- fides all along the Coaft, and 2 of 300 Miles up the Country from the Sea, they have the Root Manidihoca, whereof Caffavn Bread and Flower is made, whereupon almnoft all America between ( 72 ) dence and Indultry. But as for our Coun- try of Carol ans, if Perfons, who carry over Effc&s and Servants, be not fottifhly foolifh, or fupinely negligent, they cannot fail of improving their own Fortunes, and without Injury to themfelves, contribute to make others eafy, and comparatively happy. I will not fay that Mailers and Superinten- dants of any Sort or Kind, need take nothing with them, but that they will find all Things neceffary and convenient to theirHands:Doubt- lefs Common Senfe will teach them, they ought to have at leall Half a Years Provi- lions of Things neceffary, until they are acquainted with the Natives, and have ella- blith'd a Friendfhip and Correfpondency with them : But abundance of Trouble and Expence will be fav'd in Planting this Coun- try, which could not be well avoided in thofe the &)glifb have hitherto fettled on the Continent or in their Iflands. For Bread in this Country, we have a great Advantage at firft coming. They may have Indian Corn of the Inhabitants, who have almoft every where Two, and in fome Places Three Crops in a Year ; and I have been very credibly inform'd, that when the New comes in, they call away a great Part of the Old to make Room in their little Granaries. Be- fides all along the Coaft, and 201f 300 Miles up the Country from the Sea, they have the Root Mandihoca, whereof Cif fat a Bread and Flower is made, whereupon almoft~ all Amric between  ( 73) between the Tropicks doth fubfihl, (excepting what is brought them at great Expence from Erope, or our Northern Plantations) andi which many effeem as goda Nourifhttent as our Manchet, and fix times cheaper. Befides , this Country naturally aflords a- nother Sort of excellent Corn, which is the moll like Oats of any Europea Grain , but longer and larger ; and Ihave been affur'd by many very credible Perfons, who often, out of Curiofity had divers Ways prepar'd it , that it far exceeds our bell oatmeal. This is not fown and cultivated by the ln- dwvs, but grows tpontaneoully in Marfby Places, in and by the Sides of Rivers, like Reeds or Rufhes. The Indian when it is ripe take Handfulls, (hake them into their Canows ; what efcapes them falling into the Water, without any further Trouble, pro- duces the next Years Crop. Rice may be there rais'd in as great Plenty as in Ca- rdlina. For Fruits, they have not divers growing in Europe, which were once Stran- gers to us , and by Art and Induftry in tome Meafure naturaliz'd ; but they hae others little , if at all Inferior , fuch as molt excellent Limes or wild Lemons, and Prunes, growing in, the open Fields with- ou= Culture , which they' eat plentifully, immediately from the Trees , and keep dry for Winter Provifion. Many, who have tafted both, unanimoufly affirm, they naever did meet with either Sort in Europe comparable ( 73) between the Tropicks doth fubfift, (excepting what is brought them at great Expence from Erpor our Northern Plantation) and which many efteem as good a Nourif mlent as our Manchet, and fix times cheaper. Befides , this Country naturally affords a- nother Sort of excellent Corn, which is the mofl like Oats of any European Grain , but longer and larger ; and I have been affu r'd by many very credible Perfons, who often, out of Curiofity had divers Ways prepar'd it , that it far exceeds our belt oatmeal. This is not fown and cultivated by the In- dins, but grows lpontaneoully in Marfhy Places, in and by the Sides of Rivers, like Reeds or Rufhes. The Indian when it is ripe take Handfulls, fiake them into their Canows ; what efcapes them fallingr into the Water, without any further Trouble, pro- duces the next Years Crop. Rice may be there rals'd in as great Plenty as in Cv.- rling. Foar Fruits, they have not divers growing in Europe, which were once Stran- gers to us , and by Art and Induflry in tome Meafure naturaliz'd ; but they have others little , if at all Inferior , fuch as moft excellent Limes or wild Lemons, and Prunes, growing in, the open Fields with- ou= Culture , which they' eat plentifully, immediately from the Trees , and keep dry for Winter Provifion. Many, who have tafted both, unanimoufly affirm, they naever did meet with either Sort in Europe comparable ( 73) between the Tropicks doth fubfift, (excepting what is brought them at great Expence from Europe, or our Northern Plantations) and which many efteem as good a Nouriflimlent as our Manchet, and fix times cheaper. Beides , this Country naturally affords a- nother Sort of excellent Corn, which is the molt like Oats of any European Grain , but longer and larger ; and I have been affur'd by many very credible Perfons, who often, out of Curiofity had divers Ways prepaid it , that it far exceeds our bell oatmeal. This is not fown and cultivated by the In- dians, but grows fpontaneoufly in Marfhy Places, in and by the Sides of Rivers, like Reeds or Rufbes. The Indians when it is ripe take Handfulls, flake them into their Canows ; what efbapes them falling into the Water, without any further Trouble, pro- duces the next Years Crop. Rice may be there rais'd in as great Plenty as in Ca- rolia. For Fruits, they have not divers growing in Europe., which were once Stran- gers to us, and by Art and Induffry in lome Meafuire naturaliz'd ; but they have others little , if at all Inferior , fuch as molt excellent Limes or wild Lemons, and Prunes, growing in, the open Fields with- out Culture, which they' eat plentifully, immediately from the Trees , and keep dry for Winter Provifion. Many, who have tafted both, unanimoufly affirm, they naever did meet with either Sort in Europe comparable  ( 74) comparable thereunto : And thoe dry'd will not prove a contemptible Commodity, when we contra&l Friendihip with the Natives, who being directed by us how to gather arnd order them, would fupply us with gget Quantities, nor only for our own Subfifane and Delight, but even for Exportation. Be- fides, the Tunas a molt delicious Fruit, efpe- cially in hot Weather, and alto not only agreeable to the Palate, but Salubrious, and as our Europeans call it, when in Maturity, their Cordial Julep. I now come to that Tree, I mean die Vine, which a great Part of the World al- moll idolizes. I know, there have been great Difputes amongt the learn'd, (and po- fitively derermin'd by Maboriea and the Ma. /awmetens all over the World,) whither it had not been better for Maunkind it had ne- ver exifIed , confidering how much that noble juice hath been abus'd, and how of- ten it has been the Caufe of numnberlefs Ca- lamities. For nmy own particular, I mutt own it is my Opinion, that, next to Bread which is the Staff of Life, it is one of the greateft, mneerly material Comforts, we in thefe Northern Climates enjoy; and having been long thereunto accuftom'd, when tranf- planted into a more Southern Country, we (hall hanker after it : Mid if we cannot have good of our own Produce, we (hall certain- ly have Rec:ourfe to Foreigners, and pur- chafe it at any Rare, and thereby impove- rilb ( 74) comparable thereunto : And thofe dry'd will not prove a contemptible Commodity, when we contra&t Friendfhip with the Natives, who being direfted by us how to gather and order them, would fuipply us with ret Quantities, not only for our own Subfltane and Delight, but even for Exportation. Be- fides, the Tunas a mot delicious Fruit, efpe- cially in hot Weather, and alfo not only agreeable to the Palate, but Salubrious, and as our Europeans call it, when in Maturity, their Cordial julep. I now come to that Tree, I mean the Vine, which a great Part of the World al- most idolizes. I know, there have been great Difputes amongft the learn'd, (and pa. fitively determin'd by Makom and the Ma. homn:es all over the World,) whither it had not been better for Mankind it had ne- ver exifted , confidering how much that noble Juice hath been abus'd, and how of- ten it has been the Caufe of numberlefs Ca- lanmities. For my own particular, I mnut own it is my Opinion, that, next to Bread which is the Staff of Life, it is one of the greateft, meerly material Comforts, we in thee Northern Climates enjoy ; and having been long thereunto accuflom'd, when tranf- planted into a more Southern Country, we sall hner after it : And if we cannot have good of our own Produce, we fhall certain- ly have Recourfe to Foreigners, and pur- chafe it at any Rare, and thereby impove- rilb ( 74) comparable thereunto : And thofe dry'd will not prove a contemptible Commodity, when we contra&l Friendfhip with the Natives, who being diretled by us how to gather and order them, would fupply us with reat Quantities, nor only for our own Subfiftance and Delight, but even far Exportation. Be- ides, the Tunas a moft delicious Fruit, efpe- cially in hot Weather, and alto not only agreeable to the Palate, but Salubrious, and as our Europeans call it, when in Maturity, their Cordial Julep. I now come to that Tree, I mean the Vine, which a great Part of the World al- molt idolizes. I know, there have been great Difputes amongit the learn'd, (and po. fitively determin'd by M#a4omet and the Ma. hametnas all over the World,) whither it had not been better for Mankind it had ne- ver exifted , confidering how much that noble Juice bath been ahus'd, and how of- ten it has been the Caufe of numberlefs Ca- lamities. For my own particular, I mut own it is my Opinion, that, next to Bread which is the Staff of Life, it is one of the greareft, meerly material Comforts, we in thefe Northern Climates enjoy ; and having been lon~g thereunto accuftom'd, when tranf-. planted into a more Southern Country, we Ibhall hanker after it : And if we cannot have good of our own Produce, we (hall certain- ly have Recourfe to Foreigners, and pur- chafe it at any Rare, and thereby imapove- riub  ( 75 ) rif h our Infant Colony. But thanks to Al- mighty GoDz, who hath not only fo long, fo wonderfully, favour'd the Enyjb Nation in their own Ifland, hut takes Care even of them, who forme account their Out-.cails, tho' they have the true EngI#f Courage, hove to their Country, and contribute, per- haps as much, to itsWealth and Ware by theirbInduflry , as any equal Number, of - their Rank and Qualiy, thy have left be- hind. But, to put a Period to this Digref- ion, Vines of divers Sorts and Kinds grow naturally in this Country. We have alrea- dy difcover'd and diflinguif I'd Five or Six Sorts very diJ~reat from each other ; but in fuch great Plenty, that in a Thoufand Places, either upon the Continent, or in the Miantds, efp~ecially in or near the great Ri, vers, they make your Journies fhorter, by mrtangling your Legs, it being natural fov them to run upon the Ground, unlefs they meet with Trees, up which they creep, loaded with Chllers of Grapes, of fome Sorts, comminonly half a Yard, fometimes a Foot loing. It is true force of thefe Grpes for want of Culture, tho' large asDafrs have great Stones, and atough Skin ; yet the might be ealiy meliorated by Euroew Sil; tho' as they are, efpeciuiiy Two or Three Sorts of the fmialler Kind, are as grateful to the Palate, as mofi we have in Egid-but the very worft, duly manag- ed, produces B~randy, hardily inferior to any in ( 75 ) rifh our Infnt Colony. But thanks to Al. mighty Go D, who hath not only fo long, fo wonderfully, favour'd the Eulf Nation in their own Ifland, hut takes Care even of them, who fome account their Out-cafls, tho' they have the true Eiifb Courage, Love to their Country, and contribute, per- haps as much, to its Wealth and Welurc by their Induftry, as any equal Number, of - their Rank and Qultthey have left be-. hind. But, to put a Period to this Digref. lion, Vines of divers Sorts and Kinds grow naturally in this Country. We have alrea- dy dificover'd and ditinguifli'd Five or Six Sorts very differeat from each other ; but in fuch great Plenty, that in a Thoufandi Places, either upon the Continent, or in the Iflands, 4fecially in or near the great Ri7 vers, they make your Journies Ihorter, by intangling your Legs, it being natural fow them to run upon the Ground, unlefs they meet with Trees, up which they creep, loaded with Chllers of Grapes, of fome Sorts, commsonlyr half a Yard, fornetipies a Foot lung. It is true force of thefe Grapes, for want of Culture, tho~' large as Daifnlbs, have great Stones, and a tough Skin ; yet the mih b afily meliorated by Eroea Skl h'a they are, efpecially Two or Three Sorts of the fm~aller Kind, are as grateful to die Palate, as mofl we have in E1%14ned; but the very worf% duly manag- ed, produces Brandy, hardly inferior to any in ( 75 ) rifh our Infat Colony. But thanks to Al- mighty Go D, who bath not only fo long, fo wonderfully, favour'd the E&gh4l Nation in their own lIfland, but takes Care even of them, who force account their Our-cails, tho' they have the true Engifh Courage, Love to their Country, and contribute, per- haps as much, to its Wealth and Walfare by their Induftry, as any equal Number, of their Rank and Quality, they have left be- hind. But, to put a Period to this Digref- tion, Vines of divers Sorts and Kinds grow naturally in this Country. We have alrea- dy difcover'd and dillinguifi'd Five or Six Sorts very difierent from each other ; but in fuch great Plenty, that in a Thoufand Places, either upon the Continent, or in rhe Iflands, efpecially in or near the great Rii vers, they make your Journies fhorrer, by intangling your Legs, it being natural fosa them to run upon the Ground, unlefs they meet with Trees, up which they creep, loaded with Chllers of Grapes, of force Sorts, commsonly half a Yard, fuinetipes a Foot long. It is true force of thefe Grps for want of Culture, tho' large as Dmos have greatrStones, and atoughiSkin ; yet tey might be Badily mpeliorated by Europes Sil; tho' as they are, efpecially Two or Three Sorts of the fmnaller Kind, are as grateful to the Palate, as moll we have in Ilsnm4- but the very worfl, duly manag- ed, produces Brandy, hardly inferior to any in  ( 76 ) in Europe; fo that had we Vef els to diM111l, and skilful Operators, we might Coon abate the Price of that Liquor in England, and our Plantations and keep a fufficient Referve for ourfelves. And further, when we have once ob- tain'd the Skill of Meliorating the Grapes, we fball alfo produce not only as good Wine, but alfo as good Baifons, as in moff Coun, triosof Europe ; the Climate being admira- bly adapted thereunto ; and thereby not onyfupply ourfelves and Neighorn Co- Ionis,but fomewhat abate thieExpen~ce of our Mother, good OdEnglad, from whom we proceed, and upon whomt we, and (I h1ope and believe) all our other Colonies, will not only acknowledge their fole De- pendance, butt ever defire, with the utter-. moft of their Power, to manifeft, upon all Occafions, their Love and Gratitude. But Corn and Drink are not fufficient for Eiseflinn, who are us'd to feed upon good Beef, Mutton, Bacon, Veal and Pork : Therefore for the Encouragement of fuch as Thall hereafter inhabit this Province, they will find good Beef, and confequently Veal, there being a Sort of Kine natural to this Country, which, though they differ a little in Shape from ours (having a Bunch upon their Shoulders , which is delicious Food ) yet otherways are not in the leaft inferior to our Bulls and Cows, and they make them Oxen when they pleafe ;and by dry Fodder ffall ( 76 ) in Europe ; fo that had we Velfels to diftill, and skilful Operators, we might Coon abate the Price of that Liquor in Ensglnd, and our Plantations and keep a fufficient Referve for ourfelves. And further, when we have once ob- tain'd the Skill of Meliorating the Grapes, we fbll alfo produce not only as good Wine, but alfo as good R~aifons, as in mofll Coun? tries of Europe ; the Climate being admira- bly adapted thereunto ; and thereby not only fupply ourfelves and Neighbouring Co- lonies, but fomewhat abate the Expence of our Mother, good Old England, from whom we proceed, and upon whom we, and (I hxope and believe) all our other Colonies, will not only acknowledge their fole De- pendance, butt ever defire, with the utter. mtol of their Power, to manifeil, upon all Occaions, their Love and Gratitude. But Corn and Drink are not fufficient for EnglifImen , who are us'd to feed upon good Beef, Mutton, Bacon, Veal and Pork : Therefore for the Encouragement of fuch as (hall hereafter inhabit this Province, they will find good Beef, and confequently Veal, there being a Sort of Kine natural to this Country, which, though they differ a little in Shape from ours (having a Bunch upon their Shoulders , which is delicious Food ) yet otherways are not in the leaft inferior to our Bulls and Cows, and the y make them Oxen when they pleafe ; and by dry Fodder ftal ( 76 ) in uroe ;fo hathad we Vefllls to diflili, andsklfl Oertoswe might foon abate the Price of that Liquor in Englan~d, and our Plantations and keep a fufficient Referve for ourfelves. And further, when we have once ob- tain'd the Skill of Meliorating the Grapes, we (hall alfo produce not only as good Wine, but alfo as good Raifons, as in mufll Counv tries of Europe ; the Climate being admira- bly adapted thereunto ; and thereby not only fu pply ourfelves and Neighbouring Co- lonies, but fomewhat abate thieExpence of our Mother, good Old England, from whom we proceed, and upon whom we, and (I hope and believe) all our other Colonies, will not only acknowledge their fole De- pendance, butt ever defire, with the uttr. moolt of their Power, to manifeft, upon all Occafions, their Love and Gratitude. But Corn and Drink are not fufficient for Engifbweni , who are us'd to feed upon good Beef, Mutton, Bacon, Veal and Pork : Therefore for the Encouragement of fuch as Thall hereafter inhabit this Province, they will find good Beef, and confequensly Veal, there being a Sort of Kine natural to this Country, which, though they differ a little iShape from ours (having a Bunch upon terSoulders , which is delicious Fiood ) yet otherways are not in the leaft inferior to our Bulls and Cows, and they make them Oxen when they pleafe ; and by dry Fodder flall  ( 77 ) fall Oxen like thofe in England; but, as they are without Art and Care, they almofl equal our grafs Cattle. There are alfo Sheep of the Spm/b Breed in good Numbers, whole Flefh is as good as ours, and their Wooll better ; as alfo Hogs very plentiful, on the Sea-Coaf efpecially, and fome within Land, tho' not fo numerous, Acorns, Chefnuts, and other Mals abounding in this Country, ren- der them more grateful Food, (as all who have fed upon them affirm) than ours in Eng- land; and fit for Exportation for the Iflands. Next to Food we are to confider a very material Circumftance, and that is, Cattle for Draught, and Horfes for Riding, which are carried into the Plantations, whither on the Continent, or in the Iflands. Thefe are already prepar'd unto your Hands, with no great Trouble and Expence. For Horfes, they are commonly us'd among the Indians on the Weft-fide of the great River for Riding and Burthens, as amongfl us, tho' they have not improv'd them for Draught, be- ing totally ignorant of Coaches, Waines, Carts or Plows, unto all which they may foon by Care and Skill be adapted. And the Price of a good Horfe will not amount unto above Five Shillings of our European Commodities at firil Col, as I am well affur'd by Traders, who have been offer'd a very good one for a very ordinary Hat- chet. And as for Oxen for Plow and Cart, when their young Males are cailrated, they will ( 77 ) fall Oxen like thofe in Ensland; but, as they are without Art and Care, they almoil equal our grafs Cattle. There are alfo Sheep of the Spanb Breed in good Numbers, whofe Flefh is as good as ours, and their Wooll better ; as alfo Hogs very plentiful, on the Sea-Coa efpecially, and fume within Land, tho' not fo numerous, Acorns, Chefnuts, and other Mals abounding in this Country, ren- der them more grateful Food, (as all who have fed upon them affirm) than ours in Eng- land; and fit for Exportation for the Iflands. Next to Food we are to confider a very material Circumatance, and that is, Cattle for Draught, and Horfes for Riding, which are carried into the Plantations, whither on the Continent, or in the Iflands. Thefe are already prepar'd unto your Hands, with no great Trouble and Expence. For Horfes, they are commonly us'd among the Indians on the Weft-fide of the great River for Riding and Burthens, as amongfl us, tho' they have not improv'd them for Draught, be- ing totally ignorant of Coaches, Waines, Carts or Plows, unto all which they may foon by Care and Skill be adapted. And the Price of a good Horfe will not amount unto above Five Shillings of our European Commodities at firl Col, as I am well affur'd by Traders, who have been offer'd a very good one for a very ordinary Hat- chet. And as for Oxen for Plow and Cart, when their young Males are caftrated, they will ( 77 ) flail Oxen like thofe in Englasd; but, as they are without Art and Care, they almoft equal our grafs Cattle. There are alfo Sheep of the Syfb Breed in good Numbers, whole Flefb is as good as ours, and their Wooll better ; as alfo Hogs very plentiful, on the Sea-Coal efpecially, and fome within Land, tho' not fo numerous, Acorns, Chefnuts, and other Mails abounding in this Country, ren- der them more grateful Food, (as all who have fed upon them affirm) than ours in Eng- land; and fit for Exportation for the Iflands. Next to Food we are to confider a very material Circumlance, and that is, Cattle for Draught, and Horfes for Riding, which are carried into the Plantations, whither on the Continent, or in the Iflands. Thefe are already prepar'd unto your Hands, with no great Trouble and Expence. For Horfes, they are commonly us'd among the Indians on the Weil-fide of the great River for Riding and Burthens, as amongil us, tho' they have not improv'd them for Draught, be- ing totally ignorant of Coaches, Waines, Carts or Plows, unto all which they may foon by Care and Skill be adapted. And the Price of a good Horfe will not amount unto above Five Shillings of our Europan Commodities at firf Col, as I am well affur'd by Traders, who have been offer'd a very good one for a very ordinary Hat- chet. And as for Oxen for Plow and Cart, when their young Males are caftrated, they will  ( 78 ) will be as tame and as ferviceable as our Oxen ; tho' amongf the Tartars, from whom thefe Kine originally came, the great Bulls, of almofi twice the Strength and Bignefs of ours, are by them fo far tam'd, that they imploy them to draw their Houfes or Huts put upon Carts many Hundred Miles, as they have occafion to remove their Haia tbons, which is only for convenient Pafiure, marching in the Winter to the South, im the Summer to the North. This Sort of Cattle are not only ufeful for Food and La. bour, but alfos for their Hair, or rather Wool, which is very long, very thick, and very fine ; and I think, as do many others who underfiand the Ufe of it , for Hats, Cloathing , and divers other NecefIaries , with fome fmall fuitable Addition or Mix- tures , is preferrable to Common Wool. Their Shins may be partly imported to England, and partly imploy'd in our owr Cooyfor Harnefs, Boots, Shoes, and ma- ny oder Ufes. Beides, we are near Nem Mexico, all which Country generally imploy for Carriage mighty great and fIronrg Mules, produc'd by Allaegos, or Male Arles, many of which there are of abundantly greater Bignefs , Strength, and Mettle, than in Earope, which with the Mares of that Country would pro- duce an excellent Breed, if it be thought advantageous to raife them. There ( 78 ) will be as tame and as ferviceable as outr Oxen ; tho' amongft the Tartars, from whom thefe Kine originally came, the great Bulls, of almoft twice the Strength and Bignefs of ours, are by them f~o far tam'd, that they imiploy them to draw their Houfes or Huts put upon Carts many Hundred Miles, as they have occalion to remove their Habita- tions, which is only for convenient Pafiure, marching in the Winter to the South, in the Summer to the North. This Sort of Cattle are not only ufeful for Food and La- bour, but alfo for their Hair, or rather Wool, which is very long, very thick, and very fine ; and I think, as do many others who underfland the Ufe of it , for Hats, Cloathing , and divers other Neceffaries , with fome fmall fuitable Addition or Mix- tures , is preferrable to Common Wool. Their Shins may be partly imported to Englan, and partly imploy'd in our owr Colonjy for Harnefs, Boots, Shoes, and ma- n ter Ufes. Beides, we are near New Mexico, all which Country generally imploy for Carriage mighty great and' ftrong Mules, produc'd by Atco or Male Arles, many of which there are of abundantly greater Bignefs, Strength, and Mettle, than inEarope, which with the Mares of that Country would pro- duce an excellent Breed, if it be thought advantageous to raife them. There ( 78 ) will be as tame and as ferviceable as our Oxen ; tho' amongif the Tartars, from whom thefe Kine originally came, the great Bulls, of almoff twice the Strength and Bignefs of ours, are by them fo far tam'd, that they imnploy them to draw their Houfes or Huts put upon Carts many Hundred Miles, as they have occafion to remove their Habita- tions, which is only for convenient Pafiur;, marching in the Winter to the South, in the Summer to the North. This Sort of Cattle are not only ufeful for Food and La- bour, but alfos for their Hair, or rather Wool, which is very long, very thick, and very fine ; and I think, as do many others who undcrfiand the Ufe of it , for Hats, Cloathing , and divers other Neceffaries , with fonme (mall fuitable Addition or Mix- tures , is preferrable to Common WooL Their Shins may be partly imported to Engla, and partly imploy'd in our own' Colony~ for Harnefs, Boots, Shoes, and ma- ny other Ufes. Beides, we are near Nero Mexico, all which Country generally imploy for Carriage mighity great and firong' Mules, produc'd by A4Iif wos, or Male Affes, many ofT which there are of abundantly greater Bignefs , Strength, and Mettle, than in Earope, which with the Mares of that Country would pro- duce an excellent Breed, if it be thought advantageous to raife them. There  ( 79 ) There are feveral Tra&s of Land in this Country that would fuit very well with Cammels, many of which are imnploy'd by the Spaniards, efpecially in Peru and T'erra irmia, or the South-part of the Guiph of Mexico. They have them moftly from the Canary Iflands, and fume from Africa. They ftand well in America, are very ufeful, and a very little Trouble and Charge will fub. fift them. The wild Animals of this Country, befides the Elk or Bufflo abovemention'd, are Pan- thers, Bears, Wolves, Wild Catts, none of which are hurtful to Mankind ; Deer of di- vers Sorts, Bever, Otter, Fox, Racoons, Squirrels, Martins, and Conies between ours and Hares in great Abundance; as likewife a Rat with a Bag under its Throat, where- in it conveys its Young when forc'd to fly. All thefe are ufeful for their Furrs or Skins, and fonmefor Food ; but Ithink it not material nor contfiftent with my defign'd Bre- vity to enter into a particular Defcriptioi, of them : No more than of the following Birds or Wild Fowl found all over the Coun- try, Sea-fhore, and Rivers, fuch as Eagles, Golfe Hawks, Falcons, Jer-Falcons and moft other Birds of hrey that are in Europe ; Great Companies of Turkies, Buftards, Pheafants, Partridges, Pidgeon, Thrufhes, Black-birds, Snipes, Cranes, Swans, Geefe, Ducks, Teale, Pelicans, Parrots, and many other Sorts of curious Birds differing from ours. For ( 79) There are feveral Tra~s of Land in this Country that would fuit very well with Cammnels, many of which are imploy'd by the Spanardk, efpecially in Peru and Terra Firma, or the South-part of the Gulph of Mexico. They have them moftly from the Canary Iflands, and fome from Africa. They ftand well in America, are very ufeful, and a very little Trouble and Charge will fub- fift them. The wild Animals of this Country, betides the Elk or Buflalo abovemention'd, are Pan- thers, Bears, Wolves, Wild Carts, none of which are hurtful to Mankind ; Deer of di-. vers Sorts, Bever, Otter, Fox, Racoons, Squirrels, Martins, and Conies between ours and Hares in great Abundance; as likewife a Rat with a Bag under its Throat, where- in it conveys its Young when forc'd to fly. All thefe are ufeful for their Fuzrrs or Skins, nd oe for Food ; but Ithink it not material nor confillent with my defign'd Bre- vity to enter into a particular Defcriptioa of them : No more than of the following Birds or Wild Fowl found all over the Coun- try, Sea-fhore, and Rivers, fuch as Eagles, Golfe Hawks, Falcons, Jer-Falcons and moft other Birds of Prey that are in Eurpe ; Great Companies of Turkies, Buftards, Pheafants, Partridges, Pidgeon, Thruthes, Black-birds, Snipes, Cranes, Swans, Geefe, Ducks, Teale, Pelicans, Parrots, and many other Sorts of curious Birds differing from ours. For ( 79) There are feveral Tra&s of Land in this Country that would fuit very well with Cammels, many of which are imploy'd by the Spaniard, efpecially in Peru and Terra firma, or the South-part of the Guiph of Mexuico. They have them moftly from the Canary Iflands, and fome from A1 rica. They ftand well in America, are very ufeful, and a very little Trouble and Charge will fu6- fiff them. The wild Animals of this Country, beides the Elk or Butlilo abovenmention'd, are Pan- thers, Bears, Wolves, Wild Catts, none of which are hurtful to Mankind ; Deer of di-. vers Sorts, Bever, Otter, Fox, Racoons, Squirrels, Martins, and Conies between ours and Hares in great Abundance ; as likewife a Rat with a Bag under its Throat, where- in it conveys its Young when fore'd to fly. All thefe are ufeful for their Furrs or Skins, and fome for Food ; but Ithink itnot material nor contiffent with my defign'd Bre- vity to enter into a particular Defbriptioa of them : No more than of the following Birds or Wild Fowl found all over the Coun- try, Sea-f hore, and Rivers, fuch as Eagles, Gotre Hawks, Falcons, Jer-Falcons and nmoi other Birds of Prey that are in Europe ; Great Companies of Turkies, Buffards, Pheafants, Partridges, Pidgeon, Thrutbes, Black-birds, Snipes, Cranes, Swans, Geefe, Ducks, Teale, Pelicans, Parrots, and many other Sorts of curious Birds differing from ours. For  (8o) For Cloathing, tho' we may reafonably fuppofe, that by our Correfpondence with our Native Country, we may be fupply'd there- with, as alfo with Beds, Carpets, Coverlets, : . yet it would not be amifs~, if in the Infaincy of this Colony , the poorer Sort were encourag'd to mnachure the Wool of Sheep and Kine, as alfo Cotton, to fupply their urgent Neceiities. Hats may be made of the long foft Hair of the Kine mix'd, if need be, with a little of the Hair or Wool of Bever , both which are in great Plenty , and eafily procur'd, and nothing wanting but a few Artifts to manufa~ture them as in England. I have receiv'd Information fronm divers Perfons, who unanimoufly affirm, That fonte of the mot civiliz'd Nations in this Coun- try , efpecially of the better Sort, are cloath- edwith a Subftance like good Courfe , ferviceable Linnen, very White. Upon In- quiry, they found it was made with the inward Bark of Trees, which grow plenti- fully there, and is as becoming as mnolt of the ordinary Linnen of Euro~pe ; and by the Relation of the Natives no lefs durable. Of the fame and other Barks, they make Thread, Cords and Ropes, of divers Lengths, and Magnitudes, which might be greatly im- prov'd by our Ent hb Planters. Olives would certainly grow here as well as in New Spain, whiere they thrive, efpeci. ally in thofe Parts contiguous to our Coun- try (so) For Cloathing, tho' we may reafonably fuppofe, that by our Correfpondence with our Native Country, we may be fupply'd there- with, as alfo with Beds, Carpets, Coverlets, &c'. yet it would not be amifs, if in the Infancy of this Colony , the poorer Sort were encourag'd to manufafture the Wool of Sheep and Kine, as alfo Cotton, to fupply their urgent Necefiieis. Hats may be made of the long foft Hair of the Kine mix'd, if need be, with a little of the Hair or Wool of Beveer , both which are in great Plenty , and eafily procur'd, and nothing wanting but a fe~w Artifts to manu&&ur. them as in England. I have receiv'd Information front divers Perfons, who unanimoufly affirm, That fome. of the molt civiliz'd Nations in this Coun- try, efpecially of the better Sort, are cloath- ed with a Subftance like good Courfe , ferviceable Linnen, very White. Upon In- quiry , they found it was made with the inward Bark of Trees, which grow plenti-. fully there, and is as becoming as molt of the ordinary Linnen of Europe ; and by the Relation of the Natives no lefs durable. Of the fame and other Barks, they make Thread, Cords and Ropes, of divers Lengths, and Magnitudes, which might be greatly ima- prov'd by our Englifb Planters. Olives would certainly grow here as well as in New Spain, where they thrive, efpcei- ally in thofe Parts contiguous to our Coun- try (8o) For Cloathing, tho' we may reafonably fuppofe, that by our Correfpondence with our Native Country, we may be fupply'd there- with, as alto with Beds, Carpets, Coverlets, &'c. yet it would not be amifs, if in the Infaincy of this Colony , the poorer Sort were encourag'd to inanuhafure the Wool of Sheep and Kine, as alfo Cotton, to fupply their urgent Neceffities. Hats may be made of the long foft Hair of the Kine mix'd, if need be, with a little of the Hair or Wool of Bever , both which are in great Plenty , and eafily procur'd, and nothing wanting but a few Artifts to manufa~ture them as in I have receiv'd Information front divers Perfons, who unanimoufly ai~m, That fome of the molt civiliz~'d Nations in this Coun- try, efpecially of the better Sort, are cloath- ed with a Subifance like good Courfe, ferviceable Linnen, very White. Upon In- quiry , they found it was made with the inward Bark of Trees, which grow plenti- fully there, and is as becoming as molt of the ordinary Linnen of Europe ; and by the Relation of the Natives no lefs durable. Of the famne and other Barks, they make Thread, Cords and Ropes, of divers Lengths, and Magnitudes, which might be greatly im- prov'd by our Enoij Planters. Olives would certainly grow here as well as in New Spain, where they thrive, efpeci- ally in thofe Parts contiguous to our Coun- try  ( 81 ) try, and are not inferior, either for eating or making Oil, to thofe of lpainz and Por- tugal: As alln Almonds, feveral aflirming, particularly, I remember, the famous Acofla writes concerning the Productions of the We/i-Iudies, where he long refided, that they far exceed thofe of Spai or any other"Part of Europe;: But for political Reafons, both they and Vines are forbidden to be us'd for the Production of Oil or Wine. Currants alfo would probably profper in this Country , the Climate being much of the fame Nature and Latitude with the Iflands of 2Zjnt, and Cepheloni, from whence we now do generally brime them ; and the famous City of Corinth, from which they derive their Name, and from whence they were tranfplanted to the foremention'd Mfands; the Latin Name being VUve Ccrintbiacr, or Grapes of Cornthk, which we corruptly call Currants, inftead of Corinths. Thefe Three Commodities were thought fo needful, that King Charles IL. with the Advice of His Council, gave great Encouragement, in His Patent for Carolina, to the Proritrs Plan- ters or any others, who fhould produce and import them to Englnd; As alfo Capers and fome other Commodities there mention'd. Cotton grows wild in the Codd and in great Plenty, may be manag'd and improv'd as in our Iflands , and turn to as great Account ; and in Time pierhaps manufaau- (I red ( 8[ ) try, and are not inferior, either for eating or making Oil, to thofe of lpai and Por- mtugal: As alfo Almonds, fcveral affirming, particularly, I remember, the famous Acofja writes concerning the Productions of the Weg-Indies, where he long refided, that they far exceed thofe of Spain or any other Part of Eurape : But for political Reafons, both they and Vines are forbidden to be us'd for the Production of Oil or Wine. Currants alfo would probably profper in this Country , the Climate beig much of the fame Nature and Latitude with the Iflands of Zjlxt, and Cephelonia, from whence we now do generally bring them ; and the famous City of Corinth, from which they derive their Name, and from whence they were tranfplanted to the foremention'd Iflands; the Latin Name being Vve' Ccrintbuew, or Grapes of Corinth, which we corruptly call Currants, inftead of Corinths. Thefe Three Commodities were thought fo needful, that King Charles IL with the Advice of His Council, gave great Encouragement, in His Patent for Carolina, to the Proprietors, Plan- ters or any others, who fhould produce and import them to England; As alfo Capers and fome other Commodities there mention'd. Cotton grows wild in the Codd and in great Plenty, may be manag'd and improv~'d as in our Iflands, and turn to as great Account ; and in 'Time perhaps manufiahi- G red ( 81 ) try, and are not inferior, either for eating or making Oil, to t~hofe of Spain and Por- tugal: As alfo Almonds, feveral aflirming, particularly, I remember, the faimous Acafta writes concerning the Productions of the We#Indies, where he long refided, that they far exceed thofe of Spain or any other Part of Erope : But for political Reafons, both they and Vines are forbidden to be us'd for the Produ~fion of Oil or Wine. Currants alfo would probably profper in this Country , the Climate being much of the fame Nature and Latitude with the Iflands of 74nt, and Cephelonia, from whence we now do generally brink them ; and the famous City of Corinth, from which they derive their Name, and from whence they were tranfplanted to the foremention'd Iflands; the Latin Name being VUvc Corintbiacz, or Grapes of Corinth, which we corruptly call Currants, inftead of Carintbs. Thefe "Three Commodities were thought fo needful, that King Charles II. with the Advice of His Council, gave great Encouragement, in His Patent for Carolina, to the Proprietors, Plan. ters or any others, who fhould produce and import them to England; As alfo Capers and fome other Commodities there mention'd. Cotton grows wild in the Codd and in great Plenty, may be manag'd and improv'd as in our Iflands , and turn to as great Account ; and in Time perhaps manukh~tu- (I red  red either in the Country or in Great-Britain, which will render it a Commodity Bill more valuable. Pearls are to be found in great Abundance in this Country : The Indians put fome Va- lue upon them, but not fo much as on the colour'd Beads we bring them. On the whole Coaft of this Province , for 200 Leagues, there are many van Beds of Oy- flers, which breed Pearls, as has been found in divers Places : But, which is very remar- kable, far from the Sea in frefh Water Rivers and Lakes, there is a Sort of Shell- Fifh between a Mufcle and a Pearl Oyler, wherein are found abundance of Pearls, and many of an unufual Magnitude. The In- dias, when they take the Oyfters , broil them over the Fire 'till they are fit to eat, keeping the large Pearls they find in them, which by the Heat are tarnifh'd and lofe their Native Luftre : But when we have taught them the right Method, doubtlefs it would be a very profitable Trade. There are two Places we already know within Land, in each of which there is a great Pearl Fifhery. One about 120 Leagues up the River Mefchaebe, on the Wef-fide, in a Lake made by the River of the Naks, about 40 Miles from its Mouth, where they are found in great Plenty and many very large. The other on the River Chiaha, which runs into the Coza or Cuaffa River (as ( 82 ) red either in the Country or in Great-Britain, which will render it a Commodity fill more valuable. Pearls are to be found in great Abundance in this Country : The Indians put fome Va- lue upon them, but not fo much as on the colour'd Beads we bring them. On the whole Coaft of this Province , for 200 Leagues, there are many vad Beds of Oy- flers, which breed Pearls, as has been found in divers Places : But, which is very remar- kable, far from the Sea in frefh Water Rivers and Lakes, there is a Sort of Shell- Fifh between a Mufcle and a Pearl Oyfder, wherein are found abundance of Pearls, and many of an unufual Magnitude. The a. dias, when they take the Oyfters , broil them over the Fire 'till they are fit to eat, keeping the large Pearls they find in them, which by the Heat are tarnifh'd and lofe their Native Luftre : But when we have taught them the right Method, doubtlefs it would be a very profitable Trade. There are two Places we already know within Land, in each of which there is a great Pearl Fiflery. One about 120 Leagues up the River Mechacebe, on the Weft-fide, in a Lake made by the River of the Naces, about 4o Miles from its Mouth, where they are found in great Plenty and many very large. The other on the River Chiaha, which runs into the Coza or Cuaffa River (as ( 82 ) red either in the Country or in Great-Britain, which will render it a Commodity Rill more valuable. Pearls are to be found in great Abundance in this Country : The Indians put fome Va- lue upon them, but not fo much as on the colour'd Beads we bring them. On the whole Coaft of this Province , for 200 Leagues, there are many vaft Beds of Oy- fiers, which breed Pearls, as has been found in divers Places : But, which is very remar- kable, far from the Sea in frefh Water Rivers and Lakes, there is a Sort of Shell- Fifh between a Mufcle and a Pearl Oyfler, wherein are found abundance of Pearls, and many of an unufual Magnitude. The In- dias, when they take the Oyfters , broil them over the Fire 'till they are fit to eat, keeping the large Pearls they find in them, which by the Heat are tarnifh'd and lofe their Native Luftre : But when we have taught them the right Method, doubtlefs it would be a very profitable Trade. There are two Places we already know within Land, in each of which there is a great Pearl Fifhery. One about a2o Leagues up the River Mefchaebe, on the Weft-fide, in a Lake made by the River of the Nakhns, about 40 Miles from its Mouth, where they are found in great Plenty and many very large. The other on the River Chiaha, which runs into the Coza or Ca/Jaw River (as  ( 8s3) ( as our Engfl calls it ) and which comes fr~om the N. E. and after a Courfe of fome Hundred Miles difimbogues into the Gulph of Florid, about too Miles to the Eadt of the Mefcrkwbe. Thle judicious and faithfual Writer of the famnous Expedition of Ferdnwdo Soto, who was therein from the Beginning unto the End, acquaints us, That when they came to Catifrcbia, the chief of that Country find- ing thcy valu'd Pearl, oflfr'd to load all their Horfes therewith, which were at leaft Two Hundred. And to confirm them in the Be- lief of what they advanc'd , carried themn unto Two of their chief Temples, where they foiund vaft Quantities, but took only Fourteen B~ufhels for a Shew to the Havana, and other of the Spanifh Doinions, to en- courage the Peopling of this Colony, not being willing to ncumber their Horfs with more, their Welfare and Succefs depending much upon their Horlinnon, the Indiajs be- ing abundantly more afraid of them than the Foot ; whofe Guns being ufelefs after a lhort Time for want of Powder, they only made UfIe of Crofa-Bows. And Garwilaff, who was not with Soto, but writ only up- on Memoirs lie receiv'd from divers who were prefent, gives a mote full Account of the prodigious Quantity of Pearls in that Country, affirnming, the Spanirds calculated them to amount unto a Thoufand Bulbels. Gaz And ( 83) ( as our Eing# calls it ) and which comes from the N. E. and after a Courfe of force Hundred Miles difimbogues into the Gulph of Flori, about too Miles to the Fail of the .Alefikacebe. The judicious and faithfiil Writer of the famuous Expedition of Ferkinaxdo Soto, who was therein from the Beginning unto the End, acquaints us, That when they came to CwuifacSia, the chief of that Country find- ing they valu'd Pearl, offer'd to load all their Horfes therewith, which were at leafi Two Hundred. And to confirm them in the Be- lief of what they advanc'd , carried them unto Two of their chief Temples, where they found vaft Quantities, but took only Fourteen Buihaels for a Shew to the Havan, and other of the S'panjb Domninions, to en- courage the Peopling of this Colony, not being willing to ncumnber their Horfs with more, their Welfare and Succefs depending much upon their Horfemen, the Ludians be- ing abundantly mote afraid of them than the Foot ; whofe Gus being ufelefs after a short Time for want of Powder, they only made tife of Crofa-Bows. And Garcil4Ja, who was not with Sto, but writ only up- on Memoirs hie receiv'd from divers who were prefent, gives a more full Account of the prodigious Quantity of Pearls in that Country, affirming, the Spaniads calculated them to amount unto a Thoufand Bulhels. Gaz And ( 83 ) ( as our Eisgcbl calls it) and which comes from the N. E. and after a Courfe of force Hundred Miles difimbogues into the Gulph of F~lorida, about too Miles to the Eaft of the Mefibca& Thle judicious and faithful Writer of the famous Expedition of Ferdinwdo Soto, who was therein from the Beginning unto the End, acquaints us, That when they came to Ctitfaci, the chief of that Country find- ing they valu'd Pearl, ofler'd to load all their Horfes therewith, which were at leaft Two Hundred. And to confirm them in the Be- lief of what they advanc'd , carried them unto Two of their chief Temples, where they found vaft Quantities, but took only Fourteen Bufhels far a Spew to the Hava,jg and other of the Sp.nifb Domninions, to en- courage the Peopling of this Colony, not being willing to ic~umber their Horfs with more, their Welfare and Succefs depending much upon their Horfemnen, the Indians be- in abundantly more afraid of them than teFoot ; whiofe Guns being ufelefs after a lhort Time for want of Powder, they only made UJfe of Crofs-Bows. And GarzilJaff, who was not with Soto, but writ only up- on Memoirs he receiv'd from divers who were prefent, gives a more full Account of the prodigious Quantity of Pearls in that Country, affirming, the Spaniards calculated them to amount unto a Thoufan Bufhels. G W And  (84) And afterwards when the Spaniards at Chia. hs were gathering Oyfters for their Food, they found many large Pearls, and and one particularly that was priz'd at Four Hundred Ducats, not having loft the leant of its Lu- ftre, being taken out of a Raw Oyfler. And that one Terron a Spaniard had above Six Pounds Weight of Pearl very large, and moftly of a beautiful Lufire, and were va- lu'd at Six Thoufand Ducats. It need not feem incredible, that Pearl fhould be taken in frelh Water Lakes and Rivers, there being many Relations of un- queftionable Reputation, which declare, very good and large Pearls are found in divers Parts of China, and the Countries to the Weft and South-Weft of their great Wall (with which Quotations I will not enlarge this Difcourfe) as will appear by reading the China Atla of Martinius, Marcus Paulus Venetus, and other credible Writers on Lakes and frefh Water Rivers. Cochineal is a Commodity of great Va- lue, very neceffary as the World goes, and cols this Nation annually great Sums of Money, which may be all fav'd, there be- ing in this Province fufficient to furnifh both us, and our Neighbours, who are no lefs fond of it than ourfelves. There have been great Enquiries, and many Difputes, about the Original of this Commodity, which is the famous Ingredient for dying in Grain, the Purple ( 84 ) And afterwards when the Spaniards at Chi- ha were gathering Oyfters for their Food, they found many large Pearls, and and one particularly that was priz'd at Four Hundred Ducats, not having loft the leaft of its Lu- ftre, being taken out of a Raw Oyfter. And that one Terron a Spaniard had above Six Pounds Weight of Pearl very large, and moftly of a beautiful Lufnre, and were va- lu'd at Six Thoufand Ducats. It need not feem incredible, that Pearl fhould be taken in frelh Water Lakes and Rivers, there being many Relations of un- queftionable Reputation, which declare, very good and large Pearls are found in divers Parts of China, and the Countries to the Weft and South-Weft of their great Wall (with which Quotations I will not enlarge this Difcourfe) as will appear by reading the China Atlas of Martinius, Marcus Paulus Venetus, and other credible Writers on Lakes and frefh Water Rivers. Cochineal is a Commodity of great Va- lue, very neceffary as the World goes, and cols this Nation annually great Sums of Money, which may be all fav'd, there be- ing in this Province fucfiient to furnifh both us, and our Neighbours, who are no lefs fond of it than ourfelves. There have been great Enquiries, and many Difputes, about the Original of this Commodity, which is the famous Ingredient for dying in Grain, the Purple ( 84 ) And afterwards when the Spaniards at Chia- ha were gathermg Oyfters for their Food, they found many large Pearls, and and one particularly that was priz'd at Four Hundred Ducats, not having loft the leaft of its Lu- ftre, being taken out of a Raw Oyfter. And that one Terron a Spaniard had above Six Pounds Weight of Pearl very large, and monly of a beautiful Luftre, and were va- lu'd at Six Thoufand Ducats. It need not feem incredible, that Pearl fhould be taken in frelh Water Lakes and Rivers, there being many Relations of un- queftionable Reputation, which declare, very good and large Pearls are found in divers Parts of China, and the Countries to the Wefn and South-Weft of their great Wall (with which Quotations I will not enlarge this Difcourfe) as will appear by reading the China Atla of Martinius, Marcus Paulus Venetus, and other credible Writers on Lakes and frefh Water Rivers. Cochineal is a Commodity of great Va- lue, very neceffary as the World goes, and coils this Nation annually great Sums of Money, which may be all fav'd, there be- ing in this Province fulficient to furnifh both us, and our Neighbours, who are no lefs fond of it than ourfelves. There have been great Enquiries, and many Difputes, about the Original of this Commodity, which is the famous Ingredient for dying in Grain, the Purple  Purple and Scarlet Colours, generally efteem. ed by opulent and civiliz'd Nations. This noble Ingredient for dying, is pro- duc'd by a Tree or Shrub call'd the Tunal or Tuna, of which there are divers Sorts ; fome bearing an excellent Fruit very plea- fant and wholfome. It is made of certain Infefs breeding in the Fruit of this Plant, when it is well husbanded, and are thereun- to faan'd, cover'd with a fmall fine Webb, which doth Compafs them about, and when come to Maturity they eat through it, fall off the Tree, and being carefully gather'd, dry'd, and curioufly put up, are fent to Spain, and thence difiributed to molt civiliz'd Parts of Europe, and Aia. Acofa tells us, That in the Fleet wherein he return'd from Mexico, that Province only, fhipp'd 5677 Arobes, each whereof is 25 1. Weight, and valu'd at 283750 Peices of Eight. The Cochineal is of two Sorts, one growing Wild, which they call Silvefter. This, tho' it gives a good Price, is far fhort of that, which is duly cultivated in Gardens and Fields, much after the manner the Enghfb do Tobacco in their Plantations. This Province both on the Eaft and Weft-fide of the Mefcbacebe , from the Gulph of Aexico, fome Hundred Miles up the Country, abounds with all Sorts of Tu- nals, or Tuna's (as fome ftyle them) ufually found in the Province of Mexico, which bor- ders upon it, and is only divided by an imaginary Line, from the Dcgrees of 30 to G 3 36. Purple and Scarlet Colours, generally efleem- ed by opulent and civiliz'd Nations. This noble Ingredient for dying, is pro- duc'd by a Tree or Shrub call'd the Tunal or Tuna, of which there are divers Sorts ; fome bearing an excellent Fruit very plea- fant and wholfome. It is made of certain Infefs breeding in the Fruit of this Plant, when it is well husbanded, and are thereun- to faln'd, cover'd with a fmall fine Webb, which doth Compafs them about, and when come to Maturity they eat throngh it, fall off the Tree, and being carefully gather'd, dry'd, and curioufly put up, are fent to Spain, and thence difiributed to moll civiliz'd Parts of Europe, and Afia. Acofla tells us, That in the Fleet wherein he return'd from Mexico, that Province only, fhipp'd 5677 Arobes, each whereof is 25 1. Weight, and valu'd at 283750 Peices of Eight. The Cochineal is of two Sorts, one growing Wild, which they call Silvefter. This, tho' it gives a good Price, is far fhort of that, which is duly cultivated in Gardens and Fields, much after the manner the Englh do Tobacco in their Plantations. This Province both on the Eaft and Weft-fide of the Mecbacebe , from the Gulph of Mexico, fome Hundred Miles up the Country, abounds with all Sorts of Tu- nals, or Tuna's (as fome ftyle them) ufually found in the Province of Mexico, which bor- ders upon it, and is only divided by an imaginary Line, from the Degrees of 30 to G 3 36. ( 85) Purple and Scarlet Colours, generally eeem. ed by opulent and civiliz'd Nations. This noble Ingredient for dying, is pro- duc'd by a Tree or Shrub call'd the Tunal or Tuna, of which there are divers Sorts ; fome bearing an excellent Fruit very plea- fant and wholfome. It is made of certain Infeds breeding in the Fruit of this Plant, when it is well husbanded, and are thereun- to fatn'd, cover'd with a fmall fine Webb, which doth Compafs them about, and when come to Maturity they eat through it, fall off the Tree, and being carefully gather'd, dry'd, and curioufly put up, are fent to Spain, and thence diftributed to moft civiliz'd Parts of Europe, and Aia. Acofa tells us, That in the Fleet wherein he return'd from Mexico, that Province only, fhipp'd 5677 Arobes, each whereof is 25 /. Weight, and valu'd at 283750 Pcices of Eight. The Cochieal is of two Sorts, one growing Wild, which they call Silvefter. This, tho' it gives a good Price, is far fhort of that, which is duly cultivated in Gardens and Fields, much after the manner the Engh/b do Tobacco in their Plantations. This Province both on the Eaft and Weft-fide of the Mechiacebe , from the Gulph of Mexico, fome Hundred Miles up the Country, abounds with all Sorts of Tu- nals, or Tuna's (as fome tyle them) ufually found in the Province of Mexico, which bor- ders upon it, and is only divided by an imaginary Line, from the D-grecs of 3o to G 3 36.  ( 86 ) 36. When this Country is fettled, and we let upon this Manufa&ure, the Indians may be very helpful unto us, it being eafy La- bour , and wherein we need only imploy their Women and Young People, if their Men, who are generally very lazy, decline it. The Plant of which Indico is made , is very frequent in molt of the Southern Parts of this Country, and may poffibly produce better than that made in our Iflands of Ja- maica, &c. This Province being in the fame Latitude with Agra and Byana, Territories in the great Mogut's Country, whofe Indico is accounted the befl of its Kind in the World, and is double the Price of ours. It is eafi- ly made, and the Indians may be aflifting to us herein, if we think fit to undertake it. Befides if we believe that judicious na- tural Hiflorian Hernando, there is in Mexico, and confequently here (being much the fame Climate) a Plant or little Shrub, which pro- duces an Indico abundantly more noble, and the Colour more lively, than that which is the Common Indico. This the Spaniards call Azul, as being like Ultramarine. Ambergris or grey Amber, is often found upon this Coanl from the Cape of Florida to Mexico, which is of great Value. The befl (for there are divers Sorts) is of equal worth to its weight in Gold. This is agreed upon by the Learned, to be a Bitumen or Naptha, which comes from certain Springs or ( 86 ) 36. When this Country is fettled, and we fet upon this Manufa&ure, the Indians may be very helpful unto us, it being eafy La- bour , and wherein we need only imploy their Women and Young People, if their Men, who are generally very lazy, decline it. The Plant of which Indico is made , is very frequent in molt of the Southern Parts of this Country, and may poffibly produce better than that made in our Iflands of Ja- maiCa, &c. This Province being in the fame Latitude with Agra and Byana, Territories in the great Mogut's Country, whofe Indico is accounted the befl of its Kind in the World, and is double the Price of ours. It is ea(- ly made, and the Indians may be aflifting to us herein, if we think fit to undertake it. Befides if we believe that judicious na- tural Hintorian Hernando, there is in Mexico, and confequently here (being much the fame Climate) a Plant or little Shrub, which pro- duces an Indico abundantly more noble, and the Colour more lively, than that which is the Common Indico. This the Spaniards call Azul, as being like Ultramarine. Ambergris or grey Amber, is often found upon this Coaft from the Cape of Florida to Mexico, which is of great Value. The bel (for there are divers Sorts) is of equal worth to its weight in Gold. This is agreed upon by the Learned, to be a Bitumen or Naptha, which comes from certain Springs or ( 86 ) 36. When this Country is fettled, and we fet upon this Manufature, the 1ndians may be very helpful unto us, it being eafy La- bour , and wherein we need only imploy their Women and Young People, if their Men, who are generally very lazy, decline it. The Plant of which Indico is made , is very frequent in moft of the Southern Parts of this Country, and may poffibly produce better than that made in our Iflands of Ja- maica, &c. This Province being in the fame Latitude with Agra and Byana, Territories in the great Mogul's Country, whofe Indico is accounted the bel of its Kind in the World, and is double the Price of ours. It is eaGi- ly made, and the Indians may be affifting to us herein, if we think fit to undertake it. Befides if we believe that judicious na- tural Hiftorian Hernando, there is in Mexico, and confequently here (being much the fame Climate) a Plant or little Shrub, which pro- duces an Indico abundantly more noble, and the Colour more lively, than that which is the Common Indico. This the Spaniards call Azul, as being like Ultramarine. Ambergris or grey Amber, is often found upon this Coall from the Cape of Florida to Mexico, which is of great Value. The bel (for there are divers Sorts) is of equal worth to its weight in Gold. This is agreed upon by the Learned, to be a Bitumen or Naptha, which comes fi-om certain Springs or  ( 87 or Fountains, that empty themfelves into the Sea, and is coagulated by the Salt-Wa- ter, as Succinumn, commonly call'd Amber, from another Sort of Bitumen or Naptha, and in Storms call upo the Coafl. The fame Ambergris is alfo fund upon the Eall- ide of the Cape or Peniaf.udi of Florida, the Baasm Iflands, in the Eafi-Indies, and Braid, and fometimes great Lumps, even upon the Coaft of Cornall and Ireland And among others , I have read of a Piece weighing Eighty Pounds, cart upon the Coaft of Co~rn- wlin the Reign of King Charl I. which was bigger, till diminilh'd by the Country- man who found it, by greafing his Cart Wheels, and Boots, but difcover'd acciden- tally by an intelligent Gentleman, who ri- ding by one of his Carts, and perceiving a very gratefusl Smell, enquir'd of the Man whence it proceeded ; he told him he had found a nafty Greefe on the Shore , which he hop'd would have fav#'d him the Extpence of Kiechin Stuff and Tarr for Carts, Har- nefs, and Boots, but it was of fo poyfoaous a Smell , that they were not able to en- dure it. The Gentleman defiring to fee the Remainder , found it what he expelled , purchas'd it at a very eafy Rate, prefented it unto the Quieen , and was requited in Places or Employments faro beyond the Va- lue of it. There is found in great Qaantities upon the fame Coaft on the Shore to the Eall and G 4 Weft ( 87 ) or Fountains, that empty themfelves into the Sea, and is coagulated by the Salt-Wa- ter, as Succinum, commonly call'd Amber, from another Sort of Bitumen or Naptha, and in Storms cart upon the Coaft. The fame Ambergris is alfo found upon the Eall- fide of the Cape or Penuiafli of Florid , the Baa blIands, in the Eafl-Indies, and Brafil, and fometimes great Lumps, even upon the Coaft of Cornwl and Ireland And among others , I have read of a Piece weighing Eighty Pounds, caft upon the Coaft of Cor..re W,31,in the Reign of KingChares L. which was bigger, till diminilh'd by the Country- man who found it, by greafing his Cart Wheels, and Boots, but difcover'd acciden- tally by an intelligent Gentleman, who ri- ding by one of his Carts, and perceiving a very grateful Smell, enquir'd of the Man whence it proceeded ; lie told him he had found a nasty Greefe on the Shore , which he hop'd would have fav'd him the Expence of Kitcbin Stuff and Tarr for Carts, Har- nefs, and Boots, but it was of fo poyfonous a Smell , that they were not able to en- dure it. The Gentleman defining to fee the Remainder , found it what hie expeaed , purchasd it at a very eafy Rate, prefented it unto the (Oieen , and was requited in Places or Employments far beyond the Va- lue ofit. There is found in great Qaantities upon the fames Coaft on the Shore to the Eafl and G 4 Weft (87 ) or Fountains, that empty themfelves into the Sea, and is coagulated by the Salt-Wa- ter, as Succinum, commonly call'd Amber, from another Sort of Bitumen or Naptha, and in Storms call upon the Coafl. The fame Ambergris is alto found upon the Eall- fide of the Cape or Ptiiinfula of Florida, the Bahama Iflands, in the Eaf-Inis, and Br4jil, and fometimes great Lumps, even upon the Coaft of Cornwl and Irelad And among others , I have read of a Piece weighing Eighty Pounds, call upon the Coaft of L'oew- wll, i the Reign of King Charles L which was bigger, tll diminilli'd by the Country- man who found it, by greafing his Cart Wheels, and Boots, but dilizover'd acciden- tally by an intelligent Gentleman, who ri- ding by one of his Carts, and perceiving a very grateful Smell, enquir'd of the Man whence it proceeded ; lie told him hie had found a natty Greefe on the Shore , which he hop'd would have fav'd him the Expence of Kitchin Stuff and Tarr for Carts, Har- nfs and Boots, but it was of fo poyfbnous a Smell , that they were not able to en- dure it. The Gentleman defiring to fee the Remainder , found it what he extpeaed , purchasd it at a very eafy Rate, prefented it unto the Qupeen , and was requited in Places or Employments far' beyond the Va- lue of it. There is found in great Quantities upon the fame. Coaft on the Shore to the Ball and G 4 Nvcft  ( 88 ) Weft of the Mefcbacee, efpecially after high South Winds, a Sort of Stone Pitch by the Spanards call'd Copec, which they likewife find in the Soitb.&e upon the Coaft of Peru. They mix it with Greefe to make it more liquid, and ufe it as Pitch for their Veffels, and a~lrm it to be better in hot Countries, not being apt to melt with the Heat of the Sunt or Weather. And at Trindad ia large Ifland over apainft the great River of Oro- wague, there is a Mountain of the faid Sub- ftance, of which Sir Waltr Raeigb gives an Account in his Expedition, fo fatal untdl him, of the Difcovery of the faid River ; and feveral Navigators lince have done the fame. Ac ffa, the famous Author of the na- tural Hiftory of the WefhIndies, affirms it to be generated of an il, which empties itfelf, he knows not how, into feveral Parts of the Ocean, in lo great Quantities, that the Sai- lors, when at a Lofs, know where they are by its Floating on the Sea, or the Smell there- af, whieh,he Ltys, they fcented at a conliderable JDiftance, The Evglt/b fent to difcover the River Mefcbacebe, affrm the fame, and that they found it in two Places, which I have well mark'd. Moreover, that the Sea was cover'd with an Oil or Slime, as they ftie it, which had a very firong Smell for many Leagues together. I fi4pofe they had much the lame Conceptions with the Countryman be. fo~remencion'd, and therefore their Curiofity dide not prompt thenm to take it up, and examine ( 88 ) Weft of the Mefcbacebe, efpecially after high South Winds, a Sort of Stone Pitch by the Spaniards call'd Copec, which they likewife find in the Soutb.Sea upon the Coaft of Peru. They mix it with Greefe to make it more liquid, and ufe it as Pitch for their Veffels, and affrm it to be better in hot Countries, not being apt to melt with the Heat of the Sun or Weather. And at Trinadad it large Ifland aver apinft the great River of Oro- acgae, there is a Mountain of the faid Sub- ftance, of which Sir Waler Raleigh gives an Account in his Expedition, fu fatal until him, of the Difcovery of the faid River ; and feveral Navigators fince have done the fame. Ac 11a, the famous Author of the a- tural fory of the Weft-Idies, affirms it to be generated of an Oil, which empties itfelf, he knows not how, into feveral Parts of the Ocean, in lb great Quantities, that the Sai- lors, when at a Lofs, know where they are by its Floating on the Sea, or the Smell there- owhioh,he fays, they fcented at a confiderable ,Diftance, The E&glib fent to difcover the River Mefcbsacebe, affirm the fame, and that they found it in two Places, which I have well mark'd. Moreover, that the Sea was cover'd with an Oil or Slime, as they Rile it, which had a very firong Smell for many Leagues together. I f4pofe they had much the lame Conceptions with the Countryman be- foremencion'd, and therefore their Curiofity did not prompt them to take it up, and examine ( 88 ) Weft of the Mfcbascebe, efpecially after high South Winds, a Sort of Stone Pitch by the Spanards calld Copec, which they likewife find in the Soutb.Sea upon the Coaft of Peru. They mix it with Greefe to make it more liquid, and uafe it as Pitch for their Veffels, and affirm it to be better in hot Countries, not being apt to melt with the Heat of the Sun or Weather. And at Trinadad at large Ifland aver~ againfl the great River of Oro- wigue, there is a Mountain of the faid Sub- ftance, of which Sir Walter Rdeigh gives an Account in his Expedition, fo fatal until him, of the Difcovery of the faid River ; and feveral Navigators lince have done the fame. Acj1a, the famous Author of the a- tural flory of the WeflIdies, affirms it to be generated of an Oil, which empties itfelf, he kowsnothow, into feveral Parts of the Ocean, in fo great Quantities, that the Sai- lrs, when at a Lofs, know where they are by its Floating on the Sea, or the Smell there- of, whioh,hefays, they fcented at a conliderable Diftance, The Evgi~b fent to difcover the River Mefcbacebe, affirm the fame, and that they found it in two Places, which I have well mark'd. Moreover, that the Sea was cover'd with an Oil or Slime, as they Rile it, which had a very firong Smell for many Leagues together. I *fl)ofe they had much the lame Conceptions with the Cotuntryman be- ibremenrion'd, and therefore their Curiofity dide not prompt them to take it up, and examine  (89) examine its Qualities ; tho' probably, it might be of the fame Nature and Ufe, with that of divers Wells in the Province of Adi- srbiiauin Peria, near the Ca f iii Sea, whence thy fetch it many Hundred Miles on Ca- me},being us'd to burn it in Lamps in- flead of (i1, it emitting a moll grateful and wholfome Odour. I might add Sperma Cete Whales, out of which that Subftance is extra&ed,are fometinies kill'd by the Natives, and fometimes by Storms, as it were fhip- wreck'd on the Shore, hut either of thefe feldoin happening, there can be no great Dependance or Expe~tation from them. Salt is of great Ufe, eljpecially unto Eura- pean, without which they cannot well fub- fift, being accuftom'd thereunto from their Infancy, and without which Food hath no Reifhb. Befides it is fuppos'd, that it pre-. vents Putrefa&ion , and innumerable Dif- cafes ; and in Foreign Countries, where it harh been wanting, they have greatly fiuf- fer'd. It is moreover neceflutry to preferve Fifh and Flefb, which without it cannot be longkept fweet. In this Country it may b eaiy and abundantly procur'd. We know divers Places, on both Sides of the River, where there are many Springs and Lakes, producing plentifully excellent Salt ; and alfo one Mine of Rock-Salt, almoft clear as Criflal, and probably there may be many more of the fame. By thefe we may not only fupply ourfelves with what is ( 89) examine its Qualities ; tho' probably , it might be of the fame Nature and Ufe, with that of divers Wells in the Province of A44i eriiau in Peria, near the Caf iim Sea, whence they fetch it many Hundred PMiles on Ca.. mels, being us'd to burn it in Lamps in- ftead of Oil , it emitting a mafl grateful and wholfonie Odour. I might add Sperma Cete Whales, out of which thtSubflance is extra&ed,are fometimes kill'd by the Natives, and fometimes by Storms, as it were fbip- wreck'd on the Shore, but either of thefe feldom happen, hre can be no great Dependance or xpctatonfrom them. Salt is of great Ufe, efpecially unto Earo- pean, without which they cannot well fub- fifl, being accuftoin'd thereunto from their Infancy, and without which Food hath no Relifh. Befides it is fuppos'd, that it pre- vents Putrefa ion , and innumerable Dif- cafes ; and in Foreign Countries, where it hath been wanting, they have greatly fief- fer'd. It is moreover neceffatry to preferve Fiih and Flefb, which without it cannot be long kept fweet. In this Country it may be eafily and abundantly procur'd. We know divers Places, on both Sides of the River, where there are many Springs and Lakes, producing plentifuilly excellent Salt ; and alfo one Mine of Rock-Salt, almoft clear as Criftal, and probably there may be many more of the fame. By thefe we may not only fupply ourfelves with what is ( 89) examine its Qualities ; tho' probably , it might be of the famne Nature and Ufe, with that of divers Wells in the Province of Adi- erbiiain Peria, near the Caijaii Sea, whence they fech it many Hundred Miles on Ca- mels, bengus'd to burn it in Lamps in- ftead of Oil, it emitting a moft grateful and wholfomle Odour. I mightadd Sperma Cete Whales, out of which tha Subftance is extra&ed,are fometirnes kill'd by the Natives, and fometimes by Storms, as it were fhip- wreck'd on the Shore, but either of thefe feldonm happenng, there can be no great Dependance orEp~ tion from them. Salt is of great Ufe, elfpecially unto Euro- pewn, without which they cannot well fub- fift, being accuftom'd thereunto from their Infancy, and without which Food hath no Relifh. Befides it is fuppos'd, that it pre- vents Putrefadion , and innumerable Dif- cafes ; and in Foreign Countries, where it hath been wanting, they have greatly fiuf- fer'd. It is moreover necefliry to preferve Fifb and Flefb, which without it cannot be longkept fweet. In this Country it may b ealy and abundantly procur'd. We know divers Places, on both Sides of the River, where there are many Springs and Likes, producing plentifuilly excellent Salt ; and alfo one Mine of Rock-Salt, alnmoft clear as Criftal, and probably there may be many more of the fame. By thefe we may not only fupply ourfelves with what is  ( 9o) is neceffary for our ordinary daily Food, du- ring the Winier or other Seafbus, but alfo furnifh our (I may call them Neighbour) Plantations i the Iflands , (we not being very remote from them,) with Filh, Flefli, and Salt; when hy 2Reafo~n of War, or o- ther finifter Accidents, they cannot receive due and expe&ed Recruits from Engla or elfewhere. Silk is a Commodity of great tUfe in Eng- lad for many Manu&&ures, it being im- ported to us from krance, Italy, Sicily, J urky, and the Eot lIndies ; and there is no Fo- reign Commodity, which exhaufls more of our Treafure. I am not fo vain as to pro- mife, this Couintry can furnifh Great- Br i- tain with fo much Silk, as is therein manu- fa&ured, which would amount to above half a Million or a Million Sterling annally : But if this Province is ever fettled, (it abounding in moft Parts wiith Forefts of Mulberry Tfrees, both White and Red) and we keep a good Correfpondence with the Natives, which is both our Duty and Intereftc, certainly a con- fiderable Quantity of Silk may be here pro- duced. It bath been already experimented, in Soutb Carolina, by Sir Natbaniel fokafau and others, which would have return'd to g reat Account, but that they' wanted Hands, Labourers being not to he hir'd but at a vaft Charge. Yet if the Natives or Negroes were emnploy'd, who delight in fuch eafy light Labours, we could have that done; for ( 9o) 6t neceffary for our ordinary dailyr Food, du- ring the Winter or other Seaton, but alfb furnifh our (I may call them Neighbour) Plantations i the Iflands , (we not being very remote from them,) with Fifb, Flefh, and Salt; when by Reafon of War, or o- ther finifter Accidents, they cannot receive due and expe&ed Recruits from England or elfewhere. Silk is a Commodity of great tife in Eng- land for many Manufa~tures, it being im- ported to us from France, Italy, .Sicily, JI urky, and the EawJL-ndies ; and there is no Fo- reign Commodity, which exhaulls more of our Treafure. I am not fo vain as to pro- mife, this Couzntry can furnifb Great-Bri-. tain with fo much Silk, as is therein mann- fa&ured, which would amount to above half a Million or a Million Sterling annually : But if this Province is ever fettled, (it abounding in moll Parts with Forefts of Mulberry Tfrees, both White and Red) and we keep agood Correfpondence with the Natives, which is both our Duty and Interefl, certainly a con- fiderable Quantity of Silk may be here pro- duced. It hath been already experimented, in South Carolina, by Sir Nathaniel 'Johnfoa and others, which would have return'd to grea t Account, but that they'wanted Hands, Labourers being not to be hir'd but at a vqaft Charge. Yet if the Natives or Neg roes were employ'd , who delight in fuch eafy light Labours, we could have that done ; for (9o0) 6a neceffary for our ordinary daily Food, du- ring the Winter or other Seaton, but alfo furnifh our (I may call them Neighbour) Plantations in the Iflands , (we not being very remote from them,) with Fifh, Flelh, and Salt; when by Reafonof War, or o- ther finifter Accidents, they cannot receive due and expe~ted Recruits from England or elfewhere. Silk is a Commodity of great Ufe in Eng- land for many Manufadures, it being imt- ported to us from krance, kIay, Sicily, J urky, and the E41l-lndies ; and there is no Fo- reign Commodity, which exhbaulls more of our Treafure. I am not fo vain as to pro- mife, this Country can furnifh Great-Bri-. tain with fo much Silk, as is therein manu- fa~tured, which would amount to above half a Million or a Million Sterling annually : But if this Province is ever fettled, (it abounding in miolt Parts with Forefts of Mulberry Trees, both White and Red) and we keep agood Correfpondence with the Natives, which is both our Duty and Intereft, certainly a con- fiderable Quantity of Silk may be here pro- duced. It hath been already experimented, in Soutb Carolina, by Sir Nathaniel fohpfoa and others, which would have return'd to great Account, but that the/y'wanted Hands, Labourers being not to be hir'd but at a vaft Charge. Yet if the Natives or Negroes were employ'd , who delight in fuch eafy light Labours, we could have that done ; for  (91 ) for lefs than One Shilling, which confs them more then fix. Now I appeal to all good Eogli/bmen, if we can raife only a Tenth Part of the Silk expended in Great-Britain, &c. and perhaps half an Age hence the Fifth, whe- ther it would not be very beneficial to our Native Country, and a little Check upon others, with whom we deal in that Com- modity, by letting them know, if they are unreafonable and exorbitant in their De- mands, that we may in a lhort Time fup- ply ourfelves, in a great Meafure, from our own Plantations ? I am not ignorant there are feveral Sorts of Silks, proper for divers diftina Ufes, as of China, Bengaes, and other Parts of the Eaft-Indies, Perfa, Turkej, Naples, and Sicily ; for what Manu- faures ours is moft proper, I know not ; but it hath given a good Price, and Expe- rience may teach us to raife for more Ufes than one. I would advife my Countrymen, when they fet up this Manufa&ure, to imi- tate the Chinefe, who fow the Mulberry Seeds as we do Pot-herbs, and to mow thofe of one Years growth for the Young Silk Worms, the Leaves being fhort and tender, fit Food for them when frefh hatch- ed ; and the Second for them when in their Infancy, as I may defervedly frile it ; when grown ftrong they may be fupply'd with Leaves from the Trees; which Method fe- cures them from the Difeafes, whereunto they are obnoxious, when fcd from the Beginning, ( 9L ) for lefs than One Shilling, which cols them more then fix. Now I appeal to all good Enag/bmen, if we can raife only a Tenth Part of the Silk expended in Great-Britain, &c. and perhaps half an Age hence the Fifth, whe- ther it would not be very beneficial to our Native Country, and a little Check upon others, with whom we deal in that Com- modity, by letting them know, if they are unreafonable and exorbitant in their De- mands, that we may in a fhort Time fup- ply ourfelves, in a great Meafure, from our own Plantations ? I am not ignorant there are feveral Sorts of Silks, proper for divers difnin& Ufes, as of China, Bengale, and other Parts of the Eaft-Indies, Perfs, Turkey, Naples, and Sicily; for what Manu- fa&ures ours is molt proper, I know not ; but it hath given a good Price, and Expe- rience may teach us to raife for more Ufes than one. I would advife my Countrymen, when they fet up this Manufature, to imi- tate the Chinefe, who fow the Mulberry Seeds as we do Pot-herbs, and to mow thofe of one Years growth for the Young Silk Worms, the Leaves being fhort and tender, fit Food for them when frefh hatch- ed ; and the Second for them when in their Infancy, as I may defervedly lue it ; when grown ftrong they may be fupply'd with Leaves from the Trees; which Method fe- cures them from the Difeafes, whereunto they are obnoxious, when fed from the Beginning, for lefs than One Shilling, which cols them more then fix. Now I appeal to all good EngliJ/men, if we can raife only a Tenth Part of the Silk expended in Great-Britain, &c. and perhaps half an Age hence the Fifth, whe- ther it would not be very beneficial to our Native Country, and a little Check upon others, with whom we deal in that Com- modity, by letting them know, if they are unreafonable and exorbitant in their De- mands, that we may in a 1hort Time fup- ply ourfelves, in a great' Meafure, from our own Plantations ? I am not ignorant there are feveral Sorts of Silks, proper for divers diflina Ufes, as of China, Bengale, and other Parts of the Eft-Indies, Perfa, Turkej, Naples, and Sicily; for what Manu- fa&ures ours is mot proper, I know not ; but it hath given a good Price, and Expe- rience may teach us to raife for more Ufes than one. I would advife my Countrymen, when they fet up this Manufaaure, to imi- tate the Chinefe, who fow the Mulberry Seeds as we do Pot-herbs, and to mow thofe of one Years growth for the Young Silk Worms, the Leaves being ibort and tender, fit Food for them when frefh hatch- ed ; and the Second for them when in their Infancy, as I may defervedly file it ; when grown firong they may be fupply'd with Leaves from the Trees; which Method fe- cures them from the Difeafes, whereunto they are obnoxious, when fed from the Beginning,  ( 92 ) Beginning, with great rank Leaves, faves much Trouble, and leffens the Number of Hands to attend them, which is the greateft Expence. Hemp and Flax are not only Materials for divers Manufafures in England, but ex- ceedingly ufeful, and indeed almoft neceffa- ry in a new Colony, to fupply them with Courfe Linnens of divers Kinds, whereof, if we made much and finer, it would be no Injury to our Mother England, who hath molt from Foreign Parts; 'as alfo Cordage, Thread, Twine for Nets, and other Ufes. The Plants which produce Hemp and Flax, are very common in this Country, and a- bundantly fufficient to fupply not only the Necelfities thereof, but likewife of the whole Britifb Nation. Befides we have a Grafs, as they call it Silk Grafs, which makes very pretty Stuffs, fuch as come from the EafF- Indies, which they call Herba Stuffs, where- of a Garment was made for Queen Eliza- beth, whofe Ingredient came from Sir Wal- ter Raleigh's Colony, by him call'd Virginia, Now NAorth-Caralrna, a Part of this Pro- vince, which, to encourage Colonies and Plantations, fie was pleas'd to wear for di- vers Weeks. This Country affords excellent Timber for Building Ships, as Oak, Fir, Cedar, Spruce, and divers other Sorts : And as I faid be- fore, Flax and Hemp for Cordage and Sails; as likewife Iron for Nails and Anchors. But with- ( 92 ) Beginning, with great rank Leaves, faves much Trouble, and lelfens the Number of Hands to attend them, which is the greateft Expence. Hemp and Flax are not only Materials for divers Manufaaures in England, but ex- ceedingly ufeful, and indeed almoft neceffa- ry in a new Colony, to fupply them with Courfe Linnens of divers Kinds, whereof, if we made much and finer, it would be no Injury to our Mother England, who hath mot from Foreign Parts; as alfo Cordage, Thread, Twine for Nets, and other Ufes. The Plants which produce Hemp and Flax, are very common in this Country, and a- bundantly fufficient to fupply not only the Neceflities thereof, but likewife of the whole Britrfb Nation. Befides we have a Grafs, as they call it Silk Grafs, which makes very pretty Stuffs, fuch as come from the Ealf- Indies, which they call Herbs Stuffs, where- of a Garment was made for Queen Eliza- beth, whofe Ingredient came from Sir Wal- ter Raleigh's Colony, by him call'd Virginia, Now North-Carolena, a Part of this Pro- vince, which, to encourage Colonies and Plantations, ihe was pleas'd to wear for di- vers Weeks. This Country affords excellent Timber for Building Ships, as Oak, Fir, Cedar, Spruce, and divers other Sorts : And as I faid be- fore, Flax and Hemp for Cordage and Sails; as likewife Iron for Nails and Anchors. But with- ( 92 ) Beginning, with great rank Leaves, faves much Trouble, and leffens the Number of Hands to attend them, which is the greateft Expence. Hemp and Flax are not only Materials for divers Manufaaures in England, but ex- ceedingly ufeful, and indeed almoft neceffa- ry in a new Colony, to fupply them with Courfe Linnens of divers Kinds, whereof, if we made much and finer, it would be no Injury to our Mother England, who hath mol from Foreign Parts; as alfo Cordage, Thread, Twine for Nets, and other Ufes. The Plants which produce Hemp and Flax, are very common in this Country, and a- bundantly fufficient to fupply not only the Neceflities thereof, but likewife of the whole Britrfb Nation. Befides we have a Grafs, as they call it Silk Grafs, which makes very pretty Stufs, fuch as come from the Eaf- Indies, which they call Herba Stuffs, where- of a Garment was made for Queen Eliza- beth, whofe Ingredient came from Sir Wal- ter Raleigh's Colony, by him call'd Virginia, Now North-Carlina , a Part of this Pro- vince, which, to encourage Colonies and Plantations, the was pleas'd to wear for di- vers Weeks. This Country affords excellent Timber for Building Ships, as Oak, Fir, Cedar, Spruce, and divers other Sorts : And as I faid be- fore, Flax and Hemp for Cordage and Sails; as likewife Iron for Nails and Anchors. But with-  ( 93 ) without Tarr, Pitch, and Rofin, a Ship can never be well equipp'd ; wherefore there are divers Places in this Country near the Sea and great Rivers, which were o- therwife ufelefs, being the moff fandy bar- ren Parts of the Country, wherein that Tree grows which produces all thofe Ma- terials for Naval Architecture; the fame Tree likewife produces Turpentine, which is no contemptible Commodity. This Tree being peirc'd, and a Veffel conveniently fatn'd un- to or plac'd under the Aperture, the Tur- pentine diftills plentifully into it : If cut, and a Hole made under the Tree in the Sand (for in that Soil it generally grows) the Turpentine by the Influence of the Air and Sun, without any further Trouble, be- comes good Rofin. Pitch and Tarr are made by cutting the dry Trees into Scant- lings, taking the Knotts of old Trees fal- len, and the reft of the Wood rotted, burn- ing, as you make here Charcoal, covering with Turf, and leaving Orifices for as much Air as will keep the Fire from extinguifh- ing. The Moifture partly Aqueous, partly Bituminous, runs by a gentle Defcent into a Pit, what fwims is Tarr, which inflam'd to a certain Degree and extinguifh'd is Pitch. I fuppofe it will not feem a Grievance for us to build Ships in this Country to bring Home our Native Commodities, when it is allow'd in our other PRantations, and fup- ( 93 ) without Tarr, Pitch, and Rofin, a Ship can never be well equipp'd ; wherefore there are divers Places in this Country near the Sea and great Rivers, which were o- therwife ufelefs, being the moo fandy bar- ren Parts of the Country, wherein that Tree grows which produces all thole Ma- terials for Naval Architeaure; the fame Tree likewife produces Turpentine, which is no contemptible Commodity. This Tree being peirc'd, and a Veffel conveniently faftn'd un- to or plac'd under the Aperture, the Tur- pentine diftills plentifully into it : If cut, and a Hole made under the Tree in the Sand (for in that Soil it generally grows) the Turpentine by the Influence of the Air and Sun, without any further Trouble, be- comes good Rofin. Pitch and Tarr are made by cutting the dry Trees into Scant- lings, taking the Knotts of old Trees fal- len, and the rell of the Wood rotted, burn- ing, as you make here Charcoal, covering with Turf, and leaving Orifices for as much Air as will keep the Fire from extinguilh- ing. The Moifnure partly Aqueous, partly Bituminous, runs by a gentle Defcent into a Pit, what fwims is Tarr, which inflam'd to a certain Degree and extinguifh'd is Pitch. I fuppofe it will not feem a Grievance for us to build Ships in this Country to bring Home our Native Commodities, when it is allow'd in our other Pantations, and fup- ( 93 ) without Tarr, Pitch, and Rofin, a Ship can never be well equipp'd ; wherefbre there are divers Places in this Country near the Sea and great Rivers, which were o- therwife ufelefs, being the moft fandy bar- ren Parts of the Country, wherein that Tree grows which produces all thofe Ma- terials for Naval Architeaure; the fame Tree likewife produces Turpentine, which is no contemptible Commodity. This Tree being peirc'd, and a Veffel conveniently faftn'd un- to or plac'd under the Aperture, the Tur- pentine diftills plentifully into it : If cut, and a Hole made under the Tree in the Sand (for in that Soil it generally grows) the Turpentine by the Influence of the Air and Sun, without any further Trouble, be- comes good Rofin. Pitch and Tarr are made by cutting the dry Trees into Scant- lings, taking the Knotts of old Trees fal- len, and the reft of the Wood rotted, burn- ing, as you make here Charcoal, covering with Turf, and leaving Orifices for as much Air as will keep the Fire from extinguilh- ing. The Moiffure partly Aqueous, partly Bituminous, runs by a gentle Defcent into a Pit, what fwims is Tarr, which inflam'd to a certain Degree and extinguifh'd is Pitch. I fuppofe it will not feem a Grievance for us to build Ships in this Country to bring Home our Native Commodities, when it is allow'd, in our other Pantations, and fup-  (94) fuzppofed to fave us a vall Expence of Boards, Mails, Yards, Efrl'. which were for- merly brought us from Norway and Sweden, where its well known , that three Parts in four are pay'd for in ready Money, and not a Fourth in our own Native Commodi- ties or Manufa~lures. Beides the Pitch , Tarr, Rofin and Turpentine, the Produce of the Trees beforemention'd, the Afhes wich remain, with ; a very fmall Acceffi- on, and little Trouble, will make Pot-Afhes, no contemptible Commodity, and which coils England every Year to Foreign Parts, (as I have been inform'd by competent judges) above Fifty Thoufand Pounds! But I wiln not mnfifc fuxrther hereon, or mani- fefl what great Quantities hereof may eafi- ly be made, and how much flronger, than snoft of that we imnport from Ru/A%, Live- xa, Coartae4, PruJa, Sweden, Norway, and other Countries ; we halving fo many other valuable Commodities to imploy our Time and Labour about. The mention of Pot-.Afhes, fo much us'd by Soap-Boilers and Dyers, brings to mind feveral Materials for Dying. This Couintry affords Logwood, otherwf call'd Camipeche- Wood , and many other Dying Woods, Fuflick, c'c. which, divers, who try'd them, ari are not inferior to thofe growing on thie opfa filde ofthe Gulph, in the 5ps- Al Dominions, whence we have hitherto receiv'd them, with uhel Charge, Hazard and (94) fuppofed to fave us a vall Expence of Boards, Mails, Yards, &c'. which were for- merly brought us from Norway and Sweden, where its well known , that three Parts in four are pay'd for in ready Money, and not a Fourth in our own Native Commodi- ties or Manufaflures. Befides the Pitch , Tarr, Rofin and Turpentine, the Produce of the Trees beforeinention'd, the Afhes which remain, with ; a very f(mall Acceffi- on, and little Trouble, wi make Pot-Afhes, no contemptible Commodity, and which cois England every Year to Foreign Parts, (as I have been iniform'd by competent judges) above Fit Thsoufand Pounds: But Iwill not infifl further hereon, or mai- feft what great quantities hereof may eafi- ly be made, and ho much ftronger, than minc of that we import from Rua, Live- xis, Coodavd, Prujii, Swreden, Norway, and other Countries ; we having fo many other valuable Commodities to imploy our Time and Labour about. The mention of Pot-Afhes, fo much us'd by Soap-Boilers and Dyers, brings to mind feveral Materials for Dying~. This Country a'ffords Logwood, otherwif call'd Camnpeche- Wood, and many other Dying Woods, Fuftick, 6% which, divers, who try'd them, affirm, are not inferior to thofe growing on thie ppofae fide ofthe Gulph, in the Sp- aiNb Dominions, whence we have hitherto race iv'd tkemn, with mnuehi Charge, Hazard and (94.) fuppofed to Pave us a vaft Expence of Boards, Mails, Yards, &c. which were for- merly brought us from Norway and Sweden, where its well known, that three Parts in four are pay'd for in ready Money, and not a Fourth in our own Native Commodi- ties or Manufaaures. Befides the Pitch , Tarr, Rofin and Turpentine, the Produce of the Trees beforeinention'd, the Alies which remain, with ; a very fmall Accefi- on, and little Trouble, will make Pot-Afhes, no contemptible Commodity, and which coils England every Year to Foreign Parts, (as I have been inform'd by competent j udges) above Fifty Thoufand Pounds : But Iwill not inffillifrther hereon, or mani- foil what great Quantities hereof may eafi- ly be made, and how much fironger, than moll of that we import from R,#', Liva- xia, Coudlavd, Prufii, Sweden,, Norway, and other Countries ; we having fo many other valuable Commaodities to siploy our Time and Labour about. The mention of Pot-Afhes, fo much us'd by Soap-Boilers and Dyers, brings to mind feveal Materials for Dying. This Country afforeds Logwood, otberwi' cilld Campechie- Wood, and many other Dying Woods, Fuflick, 6-c. which, divers, who try'd them, affirm, are not inferior to thofe growing on the oppofise fide of the Gulph, in the Ss ai0f Domiinions, whence we have hitherto rcciv'd them, with muche~ Charge, Hazad and  ( 95 ) and Trouble. There are beides the Woods in this Country, divers Shrubs and Plants, whofe~ Roots even as us'd by the Indu., die the fineft aad raofl durable Colours, Black, Yellow, Blue, and efpecially Red ; which if planted, and cultivated, as Ma-. ther Wood, and Saffr'on amongft us, might probhably be benefiil unoteUnderta- kers. Some Perfos are very inquifitive, whe- ther this Country produces Gemsnrn: I pre- tend not to the Knowledge of Diamonds, R~ubies and Balaffes, Saphire, Emeralds, or Chryfl~ites ; all that have come to miy Knowledge ne Amethifts, of which there are very fine and large, and to the We#f- Tiirchoijii, thought to beas large and good as any in the ktnownaWorld; and poffibly upon Inquiry and diligent Search, others may be bound. which is an Idcto, as Mine-Mafters gnrlyaffirm, that Gold is not far off. Invrdid fe b ear of any Lapis Lans*U extraordinary good, but had vifible Streaks, or Veins ofpure Gold; But tho' it is not ordinarily rkon'd amongt precioustons, yet if good inh Kind, i ifld for its marvelous , and durable Painuing can be mate -And Ivnftur T7in for is his Voy- aeto the Levam obierves, Thar befide that ( 95 ) and Trouble. There are be&Ies the Woods in this Country, divers Shrubs and Plants, whofe± Roots even as us'd by the Indigut, die the fief& and raof& durable Colours, Black, Yellow, Blue, and efpecially Red ; which if planted, and cultivated, as A- ther Wood, and Snifrort amongft us, might proably be beneficial unto the Underta- Some Perlixus are very nquifiive, whe-. ther this Country produces Gemms : I pre- tend not to the Knowledge of Diamonds, R~ubies and Balaffes, Saphiires, Emeralds, or Chryfo~lites ; all that have come to my Knowledge are Amethifts, of which there ar eyfr n lare and to the We f- as any in the known World; and pfit upon Inquiry and diligent Search, others may be found. We have an Account of Lapis Lszali, which is anIniain asMe-ftr genraly ffimthat Gold is not far off. I ee i eir hear of any Lapis Lazeti extraordinary good, but had vifible Streaks, or Veins of pure Gd Buttho' it is not madte -And Moferar fm in his Voy- that ( 95 ) and Trouble. There are beides the Woods in this Country, divers Shrubs and Plants, whofe Roots oven as us'd by the Indices, die the fineft aid ineft durable Colours, lack, Yellow, Blue, and efpecizlly Red ; which if planted, and cultivated, as Ma- ther Wood, and Saffronaamongst us, might proably be benefiil unto the Underta- Some Perfons are very inquifntive, wh~e- ther this Country produces Gemmns: I pre- tend not to the Knowledge of Diamonds, Rubies and Balaffm, Saphires, Emeralds, or Chryflites ; all that have come to my Knowledge are Amethrifis, of which thre are vecry fine and large, and to the W~e#- as any in the kown World; and PoEbl upon Inquiry and diligent Search, others may be found. which is an Idcto, asMie-Mafters generally affirm, that Gold is not far off: I never did fee or hear of an ai Lazuli or Veins of pure Golds Buttho' it is not ordinarily rekn'd amongst precious Stons, ye, fg o~d~ ito Kini ifld for its Azure caUl'd Ulcamnrine, witow hic n marvelous, and durable Painting can he ade. And Moafieur Torn fort in his Voy-. age to the Leviot obferves, That befdecs that  (96) that Lazuli is found in Gold-Mines, there feemn to be in this Stone fome Threads of Gold as it were bill uncorrupted. I had almoft forgot to communicate two Commodities one for the Health, the other for the Defence of our Bodies. The formner is a Shrub call'd Caffine , much uskl and celebrated by the Natives, the Leaves where- of dry'd will keep very long, of which fe- veral People have had many Years Experi- ence. The Indians drink plentifully thereof, (as we do Tea in Europe, and the Chiatfes, from whom it is exported) more efpeeially when they undertake log and dangerous Expeditions againif their Enmies, affirmig it takes away Hunger, Thirft, Weainfs and that tormenting Paffion , Fear , for Twenty-four Hours : And none among(} them are allow'd to drink it, but thof, who have well deferv'd by their Military Atcheivments, or otherwife obtain'd the Fa- vour of their petty Royteletts. The latter is Salt-Peter, which may proba- bly be here procur'd, cheap and plentifully, there being at certain Seafons of the Year mot prodi'gious Flights of Pidgeons, I hav~e been affurdby fome who have feen them, above a League long, and half as broad. Thefe come , many Flocks fucceffively , much the fame Courfe, rooft upon the Trees in fuch Numbers,, that they often break the Boughs, and leave prodigious Heaps of Dung behind them ; fom which, with good (96) that Laa'ul is found in Gold-Mines, there feem to be in this Stone fome Threads of Gold as it were dil1l uncorrupted. I had almoft forgot to communicate two Commodities one for the Health, the other for the Defence of our Bodies. The former is a Shrub call'd Cafline , much us'd and celebrated by the Natives, the Leaves where-. of dry'd will keep very long, of which fi- veral People have had many Years Excperi- ence. The Indirns drink plentifully thereof, (as we do Tea in Europe, and the Ckinefes, from whom it is exported) more efpeeially when they undertake long and dangerous Expeditions againif their Enemies, affrming, it takes away Hunger, Thirft, Wearinefi and that tormenting Paffion , Fear , for Twenty-four Hours : And none amongft t~hem are allow'd to drink it, but thofe, who have well deferv'd by their Military Atcheivments, or otherwife obtain'd the Fa- vour of their petty Royteletts. The latter is Salt-Peter, which may proba. bly be here procur'd, cheap and plentifully, there being at certain Seafons of the Year mot prodigious Flights of Pidgeons, I have been affur~d by fome who have feen them, above a League long, and half as broad. Thefe come , many Flocks fucceffively , much the fame Courfe, rooft upon the Trees in fuch Numbers,, that they often break the Boughs, and leave prodigious Heaps of Dung behind them ; from which, with good  ( 97 ) good Management, and very little Expence, great Quantiies of the bet Salt-Peter may be extraded. Having given an Account of the mot valuable Animals and Vegetables this Country produces, for Food and other Ufes, as well as Materials for Trade and Manufafure, Some, who have heard or read of the immenfe Riches in Gold and Silver, that are annually exported from Pe- ru, Mexico, and other Territories of the Spaiards in America to Spain, and of the incredible Quantities of Gold that have been imported from Brazil into Portugal, for above Thirty Years pat (The Benefit of which all the World knows we have fhar'd in) will be ready to enquire, whither the like Mines exifn in this Country? Whereunto it may be anfwer'd ; were there no fuch Mines , yet where there is fo good , rich, fertil, Land ; fo pure and healthful an Air and Climate; fuch an Abundance of all Things for Food and Raiment; valua- ble Materials for Domenrick and Foreign Trade; thefe Advantages alone, if induftri- oully improv'd, and prudently manag'd, will in the Event, bring in Gold and Silver by the Ballance of Trade, as in the Cafe of England and Holand ; who without Mines of Gold or Silver, are perhaps the richeft Nations, for the Quantity of Land they pof- fefs, and Number of Inhabitants, in the whole Commercial World. And its well H known (97) good Management, and very little Expence, great Quantities of the bet Salt-Peter may be extracted. Having given an Account of the mot valuable Animals and Vegetables this Country produces , for Food and other Ufes, as well as Materials for Trade and Manufaure, Some, who have heard or read of the immenfe Riches in Gold and Silver, that are annually exported from Pe- ra, Mexico, and other Territories of the Spaiards in America to Spain, and of the incredible Quantities of Gold that have been imported from Brazil into Portugal, for above Thirty Years part (The Benefit of which all the World knows we have fhar'd in) will be ready to enquire, whither the like Mines exifn in this Country? Whereunto it may be anfwer'd ; were there no fuch Mines , yet where there is fo good , rich, fertil, Land ; fo pure and healthful an Air and Climate; fuch an Abundance of all Things for Food and Raiment; valua- ble Materials for Domefnick and Foreign Trade ; thefe Advantages alone, if induftri- oufly improv'd, and prudently manag'd, will in the Event, bring in Gold and Silver by the Ballance of Trade, as in the Cafe of England and Holand who without Mines of Gold or Silver, are perhaps the richeft Nations, for the Quantity of Land they pof- fefs, and Number of Inhabitants, in the whole Commercial World. And its well H known ( 97 ) good Management, and very little Expence, great Quantities of the bel Salt-Peter may be extradted. Having given an Account of the molt valuable Animals and Vegetables this Country produces , for Food and other Ufes, as well as Materials for Trade and Manufaure, Some, who have heard or read of the immenfe Riches in Gold and Silver, that are annually exported from Pe- ru, Mexico, and other Territories of the Spaiards in America to Spain, and of the incredible Quantities of Gold that have been imported from Brazil into Portugal, for above Thirty Years pall (The Benefit of which all the World knows we have fhar'd in) will be ready to enquire, whither the like. Mines exifn in this Country? Whereunto it may be anfwer'd ; were there no fuch Mines, yet where there is fo good , rich, ertil, Land ; fo pure and healthful an Air and Climate; fuch an Abundance of all Things for Food and Raiment; valua- ble Materials for Domenlick and Foreign Trade ; thefe Advantages alone, if indufiri- oufly improv'd, and prudently manag'd, will in the Event, bring in Gold and Silver by the Ballance of Trade, as in the Cafe of England and Holand : who without Mines of Gold or Silver, are perhaps the richeft Nations, for the Quantity of Land they pof- fefs, and Number of Inhabitants, in the whole Commercial World. And its well H known  ( 98 ) known, that we and fome other induifri- ous Er.--peans receive, in Exchange for our Commodities, the greateft Pact of the Wealth, which comes in Bullion from the W1efil-- dies, either to Spain or Portugal. But not to difcourage any whole Genius inclines them to the Difcovery and Working of Mines, I will add, Who knows, but we may have here as rich as any in the known World ? Who bath fearched ?AsTacitas faid of Ger'- mayin the Heighth of the Roman Empire ; I mean the Reign of the great Trajan, Six- teen Hundred Years fence. Yet aftewad there were found, Gold, Silver, Lead, Tin, Copper , Quick-filver, Spelter , Antimo- nay, Vitriol, the bet in the World, Blue Green, and White ; befcides many other Mi- neral Produ&ions, which are now wrought to the great Advantage of divers Sovereign Princes and their Subje&s. But to make a more particular Reply to fuich Sug~eflions. They mnay be affur'd, that Copper is in Abundance, and fo fine, that it is found in Plates, Bitts and Pieces very p ure without Melting, of which confiderable Quantities have ben ah d on the Suir- face of the Earth. And they who have tried fome of the Oar affrm, by common Methods, it gives above F orty per Cent. The famous Alonfo Barba, who bath given an admirable Account of the Mines the SpaniArds have difleover'd in America, and the Ways of working them, allures us, that befcdes (98 ) known, that we and fome other induifri- ous Ec- - eams receive, in Exchange for our Commodities, the greateft Pact of the Wealth, which comes in Bullion from the W1efl.-uv. dies, either to Spain or Portugal. But not to difcourage any whole Genius inclines them to the Difc~overy and Working of Mines, I wiUl add, Who knows, but we may have here as rich as any in the known World ? Who bath fearched ? As T>citsus faid of Ger- many in the Heighth of the Roman, Empire ; I mean the Reign of the great Trajan, Six~- teen Hundred Years fince. Yet afterwards there were found, Gold, Silver, Lead, Tin. Copper , Quick-filver, Spelter , Antimo-. ny, Vitriol, the bet in the World, Blue, Green, and White ; befcides many other Mi- neral Produ&ions, which are now wrought to the great Advantage of divers Sovereign Princes and their Subje&s. But to make a more particular Reply to fuch Sug~eftions. They may be affur'd, that Copper is in Abundance, and fo fine, that it is found in Plates, Bitts and Pieces very pure without Melting, of which confiderable Quantities have been gatherfd on the Suir- face of the Earth. And they who have tried fome of the Oar affrm, by common Methods, it gives above Forty per Cent. The famous Alojo Barba, who hath given an admirable Account of the Mines the SpaniArds have difcover'd in America, and the Ways of working them, affures us, that befcdes ( 93) known, that we and fome other induftri- ous Ee-eans receive, in Exchange for our Commodities, the greatefc Pact of the Wealth, which comes in Bullion from the WtefhIei' dies, either to Spain or PortugoAl. But not to difcourage any whole Genius inclines them to the Difcovery and Working of Mines, I will add, Who knows, but we may have here as rich as any in the known World ? Who bath fearche? As 4cittds fid of Ger'- many in the Heighth of the Roman, Empire ; I mean the Reign of the great Troan, Six-~ teen Hundred Years fine. Yet afterwards there were found, Gold, Silver, Lead, Tin, Copper , Quick-filver, Spelter , Antimo- n~y, Vitriol, the betin the World, Blue, -Green, and White ; befides many other Mi- neral Produaions, which are now wrought to the great Advantage of divers Sovereign Princes and their Subjes. But to make a more particular Reply to filch Sugpeftions. They may be aff~ur'd, that Copper is in Abundance, and fo fine, that it is found in Plates, Bitts and Pieces very pure without Melting, of which confiderable tlunticies have been gather 'd on the Suir- face of the Earth. And they who have tried fbnme of the Oar affirm, by common Methods, it gives above Forty per Cent. The famous Alonjfo Barb.a, who bath given an admirable Account of the Mines the SpaniArds have difcover'd in America, and the Ways of working them, affures us, that befides  ( 99) befides the Mines abounding in that Metal nea~r the Surface of the Earth, they found, digging deeper, that they prov'd the rich- eft Silver Mines, they have hitherto dif- cover'd. And all agree, the Gold extra&t. ed out of Copper, is Finer, of a higher Tjndure, or more Caratts, than that ex- traded from Silver or any other Metal; and that without the tedious Procefs of burn- ing feveral Times before Melting, imploy'd confiantly, in order to the extra~ting Copper, by Swedes and other European Nations. Lead is there in great Qupantities. 'What has already been difcover'd, is more than %ficiezit forc Common Ufe, and the Oar af- fo~rds Sixty per Cent. I need not perhaps mention Coal , the Country fo much abounding in Wood . But becaufe in fonme Cafes, that may be more ufeful and proper than Wood, I will add, That in many Places there are known to he Mines of Pit-Coal, like that we have from Scotlad, Wales, atu forme of our In- land Countries in Eqland. Iron Oar is in abundance of Places near the Surfatce of the Earth ; and forne parts produce Iron, little inferior to Staeel in Good- nefs, and ufeful in many Cafes, wherein Steel is commonly imploy'd, as divers atteft, who Lave made Trials thereof. This Country affords another profitable Commodity orMineral, which is Qick-iil-; ver. We have Knowledge of two Mines Ha2 one ( 99) befides the Mines abounding in that Metal near the Surfaceeof the Earth, they found, dign eeper, that they prov'd the rich- cover'd. And all agree, the Gold extract- ed out of Copper, is Finer, of a higher Tin&ure, or more Caratts, than that ex- traded from Silver or any other Metal; and that without the tedious Procfs of burn- ing feveral Times before Melting, imploy'd confiantly, in order to the extrafting Copper, by Swedes and other European Nations. Lead is there in great Quantities. What has already been difcover'd, is more than fuflicient for Common Ufe, and the Oar af- fords Sixty par Cent. I need not perhaps mention Coal , the Country fo much abounding in Wood . But becaufe in force Cafes, that may be more ufefl and proper than Wood, I will add, That in many Places there are known to he Mines of Pit-Coal, like that we have from Scotlad, Wales, and fome of our In- land Countries in Enfl and. Iron Oar is in abundance of Places near the Surface of the Earth ; and forme Parts produce Iron, little inferior to Steel in Good- refs, and ufefl in many Cafes, wherein Steel is commonly imploy'd, as divers atcudt, who have made Trials thereof. This Country affords another profitable Commodity orMineral, which is Qick-fil-i ver. We have Knowledge of two Msines Ha on0e1 ( 99) befides the Mines abounding in that Metal near the Surface of the Earth , they found, digging deeper, that they prov'd the rich- eft Silver Mines, they have hitherto dif- cover'd. And all agree, the Gold extra&-. ed out of Copper, is Finer, of a higher Tindure, or more Caratts, than that ex- traded from Silver or any other Metal; and that without the tedious Procefs of burn- ing feveral Times before Melting, imploy'd conflantly, in order to the extrafting Copper, by Sweks and other European Nations. Lead is there in great Quantities. What has already been difcover'd, is more than fufficient for Common Ufe, and the Oar af- fords Sixty per Cern. I need not perhaps mention Coal, the Country fo much abounding in Wood. But becaufe in force Cafes, that may be more ufeful and proper than Wood, I will add, That in many Places there are known to he Mines of Pit-Coal, like that we have fr~om Scotl d, Waes, and fome of our In- land Countries in England. Iron Oar is in abundance of Places near the Surfasce of the Earth ; and famne Parts produce Iron, little inferior to Steel in Good- nefs, and ufefual in many Cafes, wherein Steel is commonly imaploy'd, as divers atcudt, who Lave made Trials thereof. This Country affords another profitable Commodity orMinerai, which is Quick-fil-i ver. We have Knowledge of twvo Ml~ines Ha2 oae  one on the Wen ; the other on the Eaft of the great River ; and doubtlefs many more might be found if enquir'd after. The Natives make no other Ufe thereof, than to paint their Faces and Bodies therewith , in Time of War, and great Feftivals. This we call Quick-filer, is the Mother of Quick- filver, or the Mineral out of which it is ex- tra&ed, and is a Rock of a Scarlet or Pur- ple Colour ; which being broke and diftill'd in Earthen Pots , the Necks whereof are put into others almoft full of Water , the latter, for the greater Part of each of them in the Ground, then are plac'd in Rows, al- moft contiguous, cover'd with fpray Wood, which burning drives the Quickfilver by Def- cent out of the Mineral into the Water. Three or Four Men will tend fome Thou- fands of thefe Pots. The great Trouble is in digging ; all the Expence not amount- ing unto a Tenth Part of the Value of the Produce. And it is generally obferv'd by all, who write well on Mines, Metals, and Minerals, That tho' Silver be often found, where there is no Cinnabar of Quick-ilver in its Neigh- bourhood, yet Cinnabar is rarely found but Silver Mines are near. This Cinnabar or Ver- million, tho' a good Commodity in itfelf in Europe, and among the Savages, for fome pick'd chofen Pieces, is chiefly valuable for the Quick-filver it produces; efpecially if we ever obtain a free Trade with the Spanids; and one on the Wel ; the other on the Eaft of the great River ; and doubtlefs many more might be found if enquir'd after. The Natives make no other Ufe thereof, than to paint their Faces and Bodies therewith , in Time of War, and great Feftivals. This we call Quick-filver, is the Mother of Quick- filver, or the Mineral out of which it is ex- traded, and is a Rock of a Scarlet or Pur- ple Colour ; which being broke and dinfill'd in Earthen Pots , the Necks whereof are put into others almoft full of Water, the latter, for the greater Part of each of them in the Ground, then are plac'd in Rows, al- moft contiguous, cover'd with fpray Wood, which burning drives the Quickfilver by Def- cent out of the Mineral into the Water. Three or Four Men will tend fome Thou- fands of thefe Pots. The great Trouble is in digging ; all the Expence not amount- ing unto a Tenth Part of the Value of the Produce. And it is generally obferv'd by all, who write well on Mines, Metals, and Minerals, That tho' Silver be often found, where there is no Cinnabar of Quick-filver in its Neigh- bourhood, yet Cinnabar is rarely found but Silver Mines are near. This Cinnabar or Ver- million, tho' a good Commodity in itfelf in Europe, and among the Savages, for fome pick'd chofen Pieces, is chiefly valuable for the Quick-filver it produces; efpecially if we ever obtain a free Trade with the Spaniards; and (zoo) one on the Wel ; the other on the Eaft of the great River ; and doubtlefs many more might be found if enquir'd after. The Natives make no other Ufe thereof, than to paint their Faces and Bodies therewith , in Time of War, and great Feftivals. This we call Quick-filver, is the Mother of Quick- filver, or the Mineral out of which it is ex- traaed, and is a Rock of a Scarlet or Pur- ple Colour ; which being broke and diftill'd in Earthen Pots , the Necks whereof are put into others almoft full of Water, the latter, for the greater Part of each of them in the Ground, then are plac'd in Rows, al- moft contiguous, cover'd with fpray Wood, which burning drives the Quickfilver by Def- cent out of the Mineral into the Water. Three or Four Men will tend fome Thou- fands of thefe Pots. The great Trouble is in digging ; all the Expence not amount- ing unto a Tenth Part of the Value of the Produce. And it is generally obferv'd by all, who write well on Mines, Metals, and Minerals, That tho' Silver be often found, where there is no Cinnabar of Quick-filver in its Neigh- bourhood, yet Cinnabar is rarely found but Silver Mines are near. This Cinnabar or Ver- million, tho' a good Commodity in itfelf in Europe, and among the Savages, for fome pick'd chofen Pieces, is chiefly valuable for the Quick-filver it produces; efpecially if we ever obtain a free Trade with the Spaniards; and  (O io and will be beyond all Exception for our and their mutual Benefit : For moll of the Silver Oar in America, mix',d with Quick-fil- ver, produces alnoft double the Quantity of Metal, it would do only by Melting ; fo that the Spaniards have annually fix or eight Thoufand Quiintals , or Hundred Weight , brought unto them from the Bottom of the Adriatick Gulph, out of the Territories of the Emperor, and the Venetin;, viz. from IriSyiCarinthia, Cirrniola, Friuli, and Dalmatie can fell it themi, and deliver it for half what that coils, which comes from Eure, they being within fix or eight Days fail of the Place where it is produc'd. And for Mexio we can deliver it for the Mines in New Bifcay &c. in the River of Pailmes, or Rio Brav~o, otherwife call' the River of Efondido : As alto by tke River of the Hewu- ;l~a, which enters the Mefchaceb~e, ioo Leag, from its Mouth, on the Weft-fide, after a Courfe of above Soo Miles. It is a very lag deep River, Navigable at leaft 300 Mesby Ships; afterwards unto its Heads by Barks and flat-bottom'd Boats, having no Falls. It proceeds from that Narrow Ridge of low Mountains, which divides this Country, and the Province of New Mexicro. The Hills may be pafs'd not only by Men and Horfes , but alfo by Waggons inlefs than half a Day. On the other fide are fmall Navigable Rivers, which, after a fhort Courfe of 30 o o 40 Miles, empty theznfelves H 3 iLnto (ioi) end will be beyond all Exception for our and their mutual Benefit : For moil of the Silver Oar in America, mix'4d with Quiick-fil ver, produces almoft double. the Quantity of Metal , it would do only by Melting ; fu that the Spanards have annually fix or eight Thoufand Quintals , or Hundred Weigh brought unto them from the Bottom of the 4kiaick Gulph, out of the Territories of the Emperor, and the Venetians, viz, from I4lria, Styria, Carinthia, Cariola, Friuli, and D~almti. We can fell it them, and deliver it for half what that coils, which comes from Europe, they being within fix or eight Days fail of the Place where it is produc'd. And for Mexico we can deliver it for the Mines in Nero B~icy, &c. in the River of Palmes, or Rio Brav~o, otherwife callad the River of Efcondido : As alfo by theRiver of the lHia- mas which enters the Mefchacebe, too Leag. from its Mouth, on the Weft-fide, after a Couirfeof above Soo Miles. It is a very large deep River, Navigable at leaft 300 M~iles by Ships; afterwards unto its Heads by Barks and flat-bottom'd Boats, having no Falls. It proceeds from that Narrow Ridge of low Mountains, which divides this Country, and the Province of New Mexico. The Hills mnaybe pafs'd not only by Men than half a Day. On the other fide are fmnall Navigable Rivers, which, after a fhort Courfeof 3o or 40 Miles, empty themfelves H 3 into ( ioi) end will be beyond all Exception for our and their mutual Benefit : For moil of the Silver Oar in America, mix'd with Quick-fl-~ v~er, produces almoft double. the Quantity of Metal, it would do only by Melting ; fo that the Spanarvs have annually fix or eight Thoufand Quintals , or Hundred Weight , brought unto them from the Bottom of the Adriatik Giulph, out of the Territories of the Emperor, and the Veeians, viz, from lflria, Styria, Carinthia, Cariola, Friuli, and Dalmatia. We can fell it them, and deliver it for half what that coils, which comes from Europe, they being within fix or eight Days fail of the Place where it is produc'd. And for Mexico we can deliver it for the Mines in New Bifcay, &c. in the River of Palmes, or Rio Bravo, otherwife call'd the River of Efcondido : As alfo by the River of the Hou- mase, which enters the Mefchacebe, too Leag, from its Mouth, on the Weft-fide, after a Courfe of above Soo Miles. It is avery lredeep River, Navigable at leaft 300 Mlsby Shis;afterwards unto its Heads by Barks adfa-tom Boats, having no Falls. It proceeds from that Narrow Ridge of low Mountains, which divides this Country, and the Province of New Mexico. The Hills may be pafs'd not only by Men and Horfes, but alfo by Waggons in lefs than half a Day. On the other fide are finall Navigable Rivers, which, after a fhort Courfeof 30or 40 Miles, empty thenifelves H 3 into  (102) into the abovefaid Rio Bravo, which comies from the mot Northerly Part of New Mclxi- co, i 38 Degrees of Latitude, and enters the Sea at the N. W. End of the Gulph of me ci 27 Degrees of Latitude. There is alfo another eafy Paffage, to the Norther, Part of Newv Measico, by the Yel- low River, which about 6o Mils above its Mouth,. is divided into Two great Branches ; or rather thiofe Two Branches form that great River, which is no Iefs than the Mef-. 6',acebe, where they are united. The North Branch proceeds from the North-Weft, and is call'd the River of the Maffiwtes, from a great Nation who live thereon. The other which comes from the Weft and by South, is nam'd the River of the Oza~ges, a popu- lous Nation of that Name inhabiting on its Banks ; and their Heads proceed from the aibrefaid Hills, 'which Part the Province cf New Mtexico from Carolaxa, and are eafily parfable; as are thofe fbremention'd of the River of the IHoumai, which may be plain- ly difcern'd by the Map, or Charte hereunto annex'd. But all this is infgnificant to our Pluto- nifh, whom nothing will farisfy beides Gold and Silver ; I will therefore here declare all I know, or have receiv'd from credible Per- fons, and will not add a Title I am well inform'd of a Place, from whence the Irdi- ami have brought a Mettal, (not well in- ed refi'd) and that divers Timnes, which purified, (102) into the abovefaid Rio Bravo, which cornes from the moll Northerly Part of New Mexi- co, in 38 Degrees of Latitude, and enters the Sea at the N. Wt. End of the Gulph of Mexico, in 27 Degrees of Latitude. There is alfo another eafy Pafllge, to the Nnriheri Part of Newv Mexico, by the Yel- low River, which about 6o Mik1s above its Alout, is divided into Two great Branches ; or rather thole Two Branches form that great River, which is no lets than the Mef- 6lacebe, whlere they are united. The North Bmunch proceeds from the North-Weil, and is call'd the River of the Maff resc, from a great Nation who live thereon. The other which comes from the Weft and by South, is nam'd the River of the Ozigecs, a popu- lous Nation of that Name inhibiting on its Banks ; and their Heads proceed from the aibreiliid Hill1s, which Part the Province of New Irexico from Carolana , and are eafily paraible; as are thole fbremention'd of the River of the Houmas, which may be plain- ly difcernkl by the Map, or Chart hereunato annex'd. But all this is infignificant to our Pluto- ?*ifl, whom nothing wril faisfy beides Gold and Silver ; I will therefore here declare all I know, or have receiv'd from credible Per- fons, and will not add a Tittle. I am well inform'd of a Plate, from whence the Ivdi- '*s have brought a M1ettal, (not well in-. dmd refln'd) and that divers Timies, which purified, (102) into the abovefa~id Rio Bravo, which comes from the moll Northerly Part of New Mexi- co, in 38 Degrees of Latitude, and enters the Sea at the N. Wt. End of the Gulph of Mexico, in 27 Degrees of Latitude. There is alfo another eafy Paffage, to the Northerni Part of New Mexico, by the Yel- low River, which about 6o AMit:s above its Mouthi, is divided into Two great Branches i or rather thofe Two Branches form that great River, which is no lefs than the Mef- ,fehae, where they are united. The North Branch proceed's from the North-Weft, and is calI'd the River of the Maf40t icer, from a great Nation who live thereon. The other which comes from the Weft and by South, is nam'd the River of the Ozages, a popu- lous Nation of that Name inhibiting on its Banks ; and their Heads proceed from the afbrefaid Hills, which Part the Province of New Mexico from Carolana, and are eafily palfable; as are thofe foremention'd of the River of the Houmas, which may be plain- ly difkern'd by the Msap, or Chartc hereunto annex'd. But all this is inignificant to our Pluto- niffa whom nothing will fatisfy beides Gold and Silver ; I will therefore here declare all I know, or have receiv'd. from credible Per- fons, and will not add a Tittle. I amn well inform'd of a Place, from whence the Ludi- amr have brought a Mlettal , (not well in- ded reliu'd) and that divers Timnes, which  (103) prfeproduc'd Two Parts Silver. And I hae an Account from another, who was with the Indin, and had from them in- form Malfes of fuich like Silver, and very fine Pale Copper, though above 2oo Miles fr~om the Country, where the foremenxtion- ed was found. I have by me Letters from New' ferfqy, written many Years fence, by a Perfon very well skill'd in the Refin- ing of Metals, lignifying, that divers Years fucceffively, a Fellow, who was there of lit. die Efteem, took a Fancy to ramble with the Indin beyond the Hills, wihfprt that Colony and New, Turk from ti on try ; he always brouzght Home with him a Bag, as heavy as he could well carry, of Duft, or rather fruali Particles of divers Sorts ofMe- talsvry ponderous. When melted it appear- ed a Mixture of Metals, unto which they could affign no certain Denomiation; but perceiv'd by anyTrilsthat it contain'd Lead, Cop. pradwhen i~fizi'd, abovre a Third Part Silver and Gold ; fbr tho' the Gold was the leaft in Quantity, yet it was confiderable in Value ; which is eafily dffover't by any tolerable Artifi" of a Refiner, who knows, how to feparate Gold and Silver, and what Proportion the Maf contains of each, There were great Pains taken, to bring this Fellow to dilcover, where he ha3 this, I may call, Treafure, it ferving him to drtink and fot, till ho went on another Ex- H 4 pedition j ( 103) purified, produc'd Two Parts Slver. And r have an Account from another, who was with the Indian, and had from them in- form Malfes of fuch like Silver, and very fine Pale Copper, though above 200 Miles fr~om the Country, where the foremetnion- ed was found. I have by me Letters from New Yerfey, written many Years fence, by a Perfon very well tkill'd in the Refin- ing of Metals, fignifying, that divers~ Years fuicceffively, a Fellow, who was there of lit- fleEfeem, took a Fancy to ramble with the Iians beyond the lls, w~ihich feparate that Colony and New prk fromt this Coun- try ; he always brought Home with him a. Bag, as heavy as hecould well carry, offluff, or rather fmnall Particles of divers Sorts of Me- ealkvery ponderous. When melted it appear- ed a Mixture ofMetals, unto which they could affign no certain Deoiai__bteci' by many Trials, thatit cotain' La,Cp per, and, when idfiui'd, above a Third Part Silver and Gold ; fbrt tho' the Gold was the Jeaft in Quantty yet it was confiderable in Value ; which is eafily difcover'd by any tolerable Artift of a Rfilner, who knows, how to feparate Gold and Siler, and what Proportion the Mfs contains of each, There were great Pains taken, to bring this Fellow to difeover, where he haA this, I may call, Treafure, it ferving him to drink and for, till he went on another Ex- H 4 pedition j ( 103) purified, produc'd Two Parts Silver. And I have an Account from another, who was with the lxdiwn, and had from them in-. form Maffes of fuch like Silver, and very fine Pale Copper, though above 200 Miles from the Country, where the foremention- ad was found. I have by me Letters from New Yerfey, written many Years fence, by a Perfon very well skill'd in the Refin- ing of Metals, fignifying, that divers Years fuicceffively, a Fellow, who was there of lit. tle Efleem, took a Fancy to ramble with the Indian beyond the ills, wihich feparate that Colony and New T7iyk fromt this Coun- try ; he always brought Home with him a. Bag, as heavy as he could well carry, of Dufl, or rather fmall Particlts of divers Sorts of Me- tals-very ponderous. When melted it appear- ed a Mixture of Metals, unto which they could afign no certain Denomination; but perceiv'd by many Trials, that it contmin'd Lead, Cop- per, and, when n'~1ink1, above a Third Part Silver ad Gold ; fbr tho' the Gold was the leaf} in Quantity, yet it was confiderable in Value ; which iv eafily dithover'd by any tolerable Artifi of a Rkefiner, who knows, how to feparate Gold and Silver, and what Proportion the Maf contains of each. There were great Pains taken, to bring this Fellow to difeover, where he had this, I may call, Treafure, it ferving him to drink and for, till he went on another Ex- H 4 pedition j  (104o+) pedition ; But neither Promiifes nor Impor- tunitics would prevail. Some made him Drunk, yet he Hil kept his Secret. All they coul ever fifh out of him was, that about 3oo Leagues South-Weft of Ver- fey, at a certain Seafon of the Year, there fell great Torrents of Water from fome Mountains, I fuppofe from Rains, which be- ing pafs'd over , the I~dians wafh'd the Sand or Earth fome Diftance below the Falls, and in the Bottom remain'd this Medley of Metals: Which brings to mind what happen'd lately in Brafil. Several Por- tsgiafe being guilty of heinous Crimes, or afraid of the Refentment of powerful Ene- muies, retreated from their Habitations, to the Mountains of St. Paul, as they call'd them, lying in between 20 and 3o Degrees of South-Latitude, above 2oo Miles from their neareft Plantations, and yearly increafing, at length form'd a Government amongft them- felves. Some inquifutive Perfon perceiving, in divers Places, fomewbat glyfter, after thc Canals of the Torrents, produc'd by great Rains, at a certain Time of the Year, were dry , upon Trial found it (the Sand and Filth being wafli'd away) very fine Gold. They havinug upon Confliltation amafs'd a good Quantity thereof, made their Peace with the King of Portald, and are a pe- cuirJurifdiaion, paying the King his Quint or Ffth, wichis refery'd in all Grants of ( 104) pedition ; But neither Proinifes nor Impor- tunities would prevail. Some made hinm Drunk, yet he ftill kept his Secret. AUl they could ever fifh out of him was, that about 300 Leagues South-Weft of Ver- fey, at a certain Seafon of the Year, there fell great Torrents of Water from fome Mountains, I fuppofe from Rains, which be- ing pafs'd over , the Ind4'ans wafh'd the Sand or Earth fome Diftance below the Falls, and in the Bottom remain'd this Medley of Metals: Which brings to mind what happen'd lately in Brafil. Several Por- tugefR being guilty of heinous Crimes, or afadof the Refentmeent of powerful Ene- mies, retreated from their Habitations, to the Mountains of St. Paul, as they call'd them, lying in between 20 and 30 Degrees of South-Latitude, above 200 Miles from their neareft Plantations, and yearly increafing, at length form'd a Government amongft them- felves. Some inquifitive Perfon perceiving, in divers Places, fomewhat glyfter, after the Canals of the Torrents, produc'd by great Rains, at a certain Time of the Year, were dry , upon Trial found it (the Sand and Filth being wafh'd awa) very fine Gold. Thyhavinu upon Confultation amafs'd a gooX Quantity thereof, made their Peace with the King of Porugal and are a pe- culiar Jurifdidion, paying the King his Quint or Fifth , which is relery'd inallGrans of ( 104) pedition ; But neither Promifes nor Impor-. tunities would prevail. Some made him Drunk, yet he Rill kept his Secret. AUl they could ever fifb out of him was, that about 300 Leagues South-Weft of Ver- fey, at a certain Seafon of the Year, there fell great Torrents of Water from fome Mountains, I fuppofe from Rains, which be- ing pafs'd over , the Iudsans wafh'd the Sand or Earth fume Diftance below the Falls, and in the Bottom remain'd this Medley of Metals: Which brings to mind whthpe' lately in Brafil. Several Por- tgeebeing guilty of heinous Crimes, or afaid of the Refentment of powerful Ene- mnies, retreated from their Habitations, to the Mountains of St. Paul, as they call'd them, lying in between 20 and 30 Degrees of South-Latitude, above 200 Miles from their neareft Plantations, and yearly increafing, at length form'd a Government amongft them- felves. Some inquifitive Perfon perceiving, in divers Places, fomewhat glyfier, after the Canals of the Torrents, produc'd by great Rains, at a certain Time of the Year, were dry , upon Trial found it (the Sand and Filth being wafh'd awa) very line Gold, The having upon Confultation amafs'd a godQuantity thereof; made their Peace with the King of Porugal, and are a pe- culiar Jurifdi~fion, paying the King his Quint or Fifth , which is refery' nall Grants of  ( 105 ) of the Crown of Spain and Portiigal: and are conflantly fupply'd by the Mer- chants for ready Money, with whatfoever Commodities they want. And I am inform-. ed by divers credible Perfons, who have 1on liv'd in Porug1l, that from this otherwif contemptible ufelefs Country, is brought by every Bracil Fleet above Twelve Hundred and Fifty Thoufand Pounds Sterl. only in Gold. Who knows but what happen'd to them, may one Time or other, in like manner, happen to the Future Inhabitants of this Country, not yet cultivated, fully difcover'd. or ranakkd by Europens? There are in divers Parts of this Province, Orpimnent, and Sandaracha in great Quanti- ty; and all the Writers on Metals and Minerals ailrm , they not only contain Gold, but where they are found they are generally the Covering of Mines of Gold or silver. But fbppofe all that preceded is Conje. &ure, Impofture , or Vifionary ; what I now fuggeft deferves great Attention,; and when the Country is fettled, may invite the beft Heads, and longeft Purfes, to combine, at leaft, to make a fair Trial of what the Spanards attempted upon naked Conje&ures. The Mines of Nero Bifceq, Gdlicia and New Mexico, out of which fuch vaft Quan- tities of Silver is Yearly feat to Spain, be- fides ( ios) of the Crown of Spi and Portisgal: and are conflantly fupply'd by the Mer- chants for ready Money, with whatfoever Commodities they want. And I am inform-. ad by divers credible Perfons, who have long liv'd in Portual, that from this other wf contemptible ufelefs Country, is brought by every Brazi Fleet above Twelve Hundred and Fifty Thoufand Pounds Sterl. only in Gold. Who knows but what happen'd to them, may one Time or other, in like manner, happen to the Future Inhabitants of this Country, not yet cultivated, fully difcover'd1, or ranfacl'd by European? There are in divers Parts of this Province, Orpiment, and Sandaracha in great Quanti- ty; and all the Writers on Metals and Minerals affirm , they not only contain Gold, but where they are found they are generally the Covering of Mines of Gold or Silver. But fippofe all that preceded is Conic. &ure, Impofture , or Vifionary ; what I now fuggeft deferves great Attention ; and when the Country is fettled, may invite the beft Heads, and longeft Purfes, to combine, at leaft, to make a fair Trial of what the Spaniards attempted upon naked ConjeEures. The Mines of NwBifcay, Gdksia and New Mexico, out of which fuch vaft Quan- tities of Silver is Yearly feat to Spit, he- fides ( 105. of the Crown of Span and Portaugal: and are conflantly fupply'd by the Mer- chants for ready Money, with whatfoever Commodities the want. And I am inform- ed by divers credble Perfons, who have long liv'd in Portugal, that from this other wife contemptible ufelefs Country, is brought by every Brzi Fleet aboe Twelve Hundred and Fifty Thoufand Pounds Sterl. only in Gold. Who knows but what happen'd to them, may one Time or other, in like manner, happen to the Future Inhabitants of this Country, not yet cultivated, fully difc~over'd, or ranfack'd by Europeans ? There are in divers Parts of this Province, Orpiment, and Sandaracha in great Quanti- ty ; and all the Writers on Metals and Minerals affirm, they not only contain Gold, but where they are found they are generally the Covering of Mines of Gold or Silver. But fbippofe all that preceded is Conje. &ure, Impofture , or Vifionary ; what I now fuggeft deferves great Attention ; and when the Country is fettled, may invite the befl Heads, and longeft Purfes, to combine, at leafl, to make a fair Trial of what the Spaniards attempted upon naked Conieaures. The Mines of New Bifca , GalIcia and New Mexico, out of which fuch vafl Quan- tities of Silver is Yearly feat to Sparn, he- fides  ( I 6 ) fides what is detain'd for their Domficik Uterfils, wherein they are very miagnificent, lie contiguous to this Country. To fay no- thing of Gold, whereof they have confide- rabie Quantities, tho' not proportioniable in Bulk or Value to the Silver. But there is a Ridge of Hills which rin almoft due North and South between their Country and ours, not 3o Miles broad, and in di- vers Places, for many Miles, abounding with Silver Mines more than they can work, for want of Native Spaniards, and NVegroes. And, which is very remarkable, they unanimously afirm, the fujrther North, the Richer the Mines of Silver are. Which brings to mind what Polibiusy Livy, Piney, and many others of the Greek and Roana Hiftcorians, and Writers of Natural Hiflory unanimoufly re- port ;That the rich Mines in Spa, upon which the Carthagiians fo much depended, and which greatly inrich'd them, were in the Aj1.rius and P~yrenean Mountains, the molt Northerly Part of Spain , and in a much greater Northern Latitude, than the furtheft Mines of New Mexico, near their Capital City St. a Fee, fituate in about 36 Degrees: Not but that there are more and richer Mines more N jt1ry than St. a Fee, but they are hinder d from working them, by Three or Four populous and wellUplic'd Na- tions, who have beat the Spanird in many Renouncers , not to fay Battles ; and fur a (I o6 ) fides what is detain'd for their Donieflick Utenfils, wherein they are very magnificent, lie contiguous to this Country. To fay no- thing of Gold, whereof they have confide- rablv Quiantities, tho' not proportioniable in Bulk or Value to the Silver. But there is a Ridge of Hills which rim almnoft duo North and South between their Country and ours, not 3o Miles broad, and in di- vers Places, for many Miles, abounding with Silver Mines more than they can work, for want of Native Spaniiards, and Negres. And, which is very remarkable, they unanimously affirm, the further North, the Richer the Mines of Silver are. Which brings to mind what Polibiusy~ Livy, Pliny, and many others of the Greek and Romans Hiftrorians, and Writers of Natural Hiftory unanimoufly re- port ; That the rich Mines in Spain, upon which the Carth ainas fo much depended, and which greatly inrich'd them, were in the Ajiaries and Pyrenan Mountains, the mot Northerly Part of S~pain , and in a much greater Northern Latitude, than the furtheft Mines of Newo Mexico, near their Capital City St. A Fee, fituare in about 36 Degrees Not but that there are more and richer Mines more Northierly than St. a Fee, but they are binder d from working them, by Three or Four populous and wellfpolic'd Na- tions, who have beat the Speanard/s in many Rencounters , not to fay Battles ; and for a (i o6 ) fides what is detain'd fur their Domeflick Utenfils, whterein they are very magnificent, lie contiguous to this Country. To fay no- thing of Gold, whereof they have confide- rable Quantities, tho' not proportionable in Bulk or Value to the Silver. But there is a Ridge of Hills which run almoft duo North and South between their Country and ours, not 30 Miles broad, and in di- vers Places, for many Miles, abounding with Silver Mines, more than they can work, for want of Native S~paiards, and Nvfgroes. And, which isyvery remarkable, they unanimously affim, the further North, the Richer the Mines of Silver are. Which brings to mind what Poibiusy Livy, Piny, and many others of the Greek and Romsan Hiftorians, and Writers of Natural Hiftory unanimnoully re- port ; That the rich Mines in Spain, upon which the Carthaginias fo much depended, and which greatly inrich'd them, were in the Aflri and Pyrenean Mountains, the moft Northerly Part of Spin and in a much greater Northern Latitude, than the furthefi Mnsof New Mexio, near their Capital City St. A Fee, fituate in about 36 Degrees Not but that there are more and richer Mines more N~therly than St. a Fee, but they are hinder d from working them, by Three or Four populouis and well polic'd Na- tions, who have beat the Spiaerds in many Reacounters , not to fay Battles ; and for a  ( 107) a Hundred Years, they have not been able, by their own Confeffion, to gain from them one Inch of Ground. Pliny in particular affirms , That every Year Twenty Thoulitnd Pounds of Gold were brought fromt their Mines in Spain : And that one Mine calld Brbelo, from the firft Difc~overer, yeilded to Hanib al, every Day Three Hundred Pounds Weight of Silver; befides a very rich copious Mine of Mini- urn, Cinnabaris, or Vermillion, the Mother of Quickfilver, out of which only it is ex- traL1ted. He adds, That the Romans con- tinued to work there Mines unto his Time, which was above Three Hundred Years; but they were not then fo profitable , by Reafon of Subterraneal Waters, which gave them much Trouble, they having then dig-. ged Fifteen Hundred Paces into the Moun- tain. But what is very remarkable, and to our prefent Purpofe, Thefe Mines were not in the moft Southerly or Middle Parts of S~pan, but as above to the Northward. Now I defire any Intelligent Perfon, skilful in Mineral Affirs, to allign a probable Rea- fon, why we, who are on that Side of the Ridge of Hills obverted to the Rifing Sun, which was always (how jufily I know not) reckon'd to abon in Mettals and Mi- nerals, more than thofe expos'd to the Set- ting Sun, may not hope for, and expe&t as many and1 as rich Mines, as any the Spenin ard, ( 107) a Hundred Years, they have not been able, by their own Confeffion, to gain from them one Inch of Ground. Pliny in particular afiirms, That every Year Twenty Thoufatnd Pounds of Gold were brought fromt their Mines in Spain : And that one Mine caflla BebrIlo, from the firftc Difcoverer, yeilded toHannib al, every Day Three Hundred Pounds Weight of Silver; befides a very rich copious Mine of Mini- urn, Cinnabaris, or Vermillion, the Mother of Quickfilver, out of which only it is ex- tra&ed. He adds, That the Romans con- tinued to work thelb Mines unto his Time, which was above Three Hundred Years ; but they were not then fo profitable , by Reafon of Subterraneal Waters, which gave them much Trouble, they having then dig-. ged Fifteen Hundred Paces into the Moun- tain. But what is very remarkable, and to our prefent Purpofe, Thefe Mines were not in the molt Southerly or Middle Parts of Span, but as above to the Northward. Now I defire any Intelligent Perfon, skilful in Mineral Affirs, to alflgn a probable Rea- fon, why we, who are on that Side of the Ridge of Hills obverted to the Rifing Sun, which was always ( how juftly I know not) reckon'd to abon in Mettals and Mi- nerals, more than thofe expos'd to the Set- ting Sun, may not hope for, and expe&t as many anid as rich Mines, as any the Spanin ard; ('107) a Hundred Years, they have not been able, by their own Confeffion, to gain from them one Inch of Ground. Pliny in particular affirmns, That every Year Twenty Thoufand Pounds of Gold were brought from their Mines in Spain : And that one Mine calld Bebedo, from the firif Difcoverer, yeilded to Hannbal, every Day Three Hundred Pounds Weight of Silver; befides a very rich copious Mine of Mini- urn, Cinnabaris, or Vermillion, the Mother of Quickfilver, out of which only it is ex- tra~ted. He adds, That the Romans con- tinued to work there Mines unto his Time, which was above Three Hundred Years ; but they were not then fo profitable, by Reafon of Subterraneal Waters, which gave them much Trouble, they having then dig-. ged Fifteen Hundred Paces into the Moun- tain. But what is very remarkable, and to our prefent Purpofe, Thefe Mines were not in the molt Southerly or Middle Parts of Span, but as above to the Northward. Now I defire any Intelligent Perfon, skilful in Mineral Affairs, to affign a probable Rea- fon, why we, who are on that Side of the Ridge of Hills obverted to the Riling Sun, which was always (how juftly I know not) reckon'd to abound in Mettals and Mi-. nerals, more than thofe expos'd to the Set- ting Sun, may not hope for, and expe&t as many and as rich Mines, as any the Spanin ard,  .APPENDIX. .APPENDIX. APPENDIX.  APPENDIX. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. A N A N A N EXTRACT OF TH E CHARTER Granted by King CHARLES I. To Sir RpEERT HEATH. CHARLES by the Grace cf GOD, &C. To all to whom thefe Prefents Ihail come Greeting. EXTRACT OF TH E CHARTER Granted by King CHARLES L. To Sir ROEERT HEATH. CHARLES by the Grace cf GOD, &C. To all to whom thefe Prefints hail come Greeting. EXTRACT OF TH E CHARTER Granted by King CHARLES L. To Sir ROBERT HEATH. CHARLES by the Grace of GOD, &C. To all to whom thefe Pref nts hail come Greeting.  ( IIO) ment of Our Empire and Dominions, aMd the Increafe of Trade and Commerce of Our Kingdom, has humbly befought Leave of Us, by his own Induftry and Charge, to tran- fport an ample Colony of Our Subjeds, 6cv. unto a certain Country hereafter deflrib'd, in the Parts of Amrca between the De- grees of 3 r and 36, of Northern Latitude in- clufively, not yet cultivated or planted, &c. K N o w ye therefore, That We favour- ing the pious and laudable Purpofe of Our faid Attorney, of our fpecial Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, have given, gran ted and confirm'd, and by this Our pre- fen Charter do give, grat and confirm urn- to the faiid Sir Rtobert Jiisrh Knight, his Heirs, and Affignes, for ever, All that River or Ri- vulet of St. Mattheo on the South Part, and all that River or Rivulet of Pafo Mugno on the North Part, and all Lands, Teneatents, and Hereditaments, lying, beng and ex- tending between or within the faid two Ri- vers, by the Tra& there unto the Ocean on the Eaflern and Weflrn Parts, fo fr forth and as much as the Continent there extends itfelf, with every of their Appurtenances. And alfo all thofe Iflands of Vwis and Ba- hama And all other Iflands and Iflets near thereto, and lying Southward of and fr~om the faid Continent, all which lie within 31 and 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude ia~clufively. And aland fmgla Ha~vens of Ships, Roads an~d Creekts ofthe Sca, to the faid Rivers, Thuads ( IIO) ment of Our Empire and Dominions, am the Increafe of Trade and Commerce of Our Kingdom, has humbly befought Leave of Us, by his own Induftry and Charge, to tran- fport an ample Colony of Our Subje~s, 6c. unto a certain Country hereafter defcrib'd, in the Parts of America, between the De- grees of 3 and 36, of Northern Latitude in- clufively, not yet cultivated or planted, Ufc. K N o w ye therefore, That We favour- ing the pious and laudable Purpofe of Our faid Attorney, of owr fpecial Grace, certain Knowledge, and mecre Motion, have given, granted and conflrm'd, and by this Our pre- fotCharter do give, grat and confirm un- to the faid Sir Roknrt THath Knight, his Heirs, and Aflignes, for ever, All that River or Ri. vulet of St. Mattheo on the South Part, and all that River or Rivulet of P4Juo Mugno on the Norti, Part, and all Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, lying, beng and ex- tending between or within the fid two Ri- vers, by the Tra& there unto the Ocean on the Eaftern and Wejiern Parts, fo far forth and as much as the Continent there extends itfelf, with every of their Appurtenances. And alfo all thofe Iflands of I'eaais and Ba- hama~ And all other Iflands and Ilsts near thereto, and lying Southward of and fhom the faid Continent, all which lie within 3 n and 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude inclufively. And aUl and fingular Havens ofShis, Roads ad Crees of the Sea, to the faid Rivers, Islands ( IIO) meat of Our Empire and Domnioons, and the Increafe of Trade and Commerce of Our Kingdom, has humbly befought Leave of Us, by his own Induftry and Charge, to tran- fport an ample Colony of Our Subje~ts, 6c. unto a certain Country hereafter defirib'd, in the Parts of America, between the De- grees of 3 rand 36, of Northern Latitude in- clufively, not yet cultivated or planted, Oc. K N 0 w ye therefore, That We favour- ing the pious and laudable Purpofe of Our faid Attorney, of our fpecial Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, have given, granted and conflrm'd, and by this Our pre- fen Charter do give, grant and confirm un- to the faid Sir Robert Heath Knight, his Heirs, and Affignes, for ever, All that River or Ri- vulet of St. Matuheo on the South Part, and all that River or Rivulet of Paffo Megtro on the North Part, and all Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, lying, being, and ex- tending between or within the faid two Ri- vers, by the Tra& there unto the Ocean on the Eaflern and We/hera Parts, fo far forth and as much as the Continent there extends itfelf, with every of their Appurtenances. And alfo all thofe Iflands of Veanis and Ba- hama~. And all other Iflands and Ilets near thereto, and lying Southward of and from the faid Continent, all which lie within 31r and 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude inclufively. And aland fmgla Havens of Ships, Roads and Creeks of the Sea, to the faid Rivers, Iflands  ( III Iflands and Lands belonging , and A Grounds, Lands, Woods, Lakes and Rivers within the Regions, Iflands and Limits a- forefaid, fituate or being; with all Kinds of Fifies whatfoever, Whales, Sturgeons, and other Royal Fifb and Fifhings in the Sea and Rivers. And all Veins, Mines, Pits, as well open as fhut, of Gold, Silver, Gems, precious Stones, and other Stones, Metals or Things whatfoever, within the faid Region, Territory, Iflands or Limits aforefaid, found or to be found. And all Patronages and Ad, vowfonsof all Churches, which, by Increafe of Chriftian Religion, ihll hereafter happen to be built within the fid Region, Territory, Ifland and Limits aforefaid ; with all and fin~ ular, and with as ample Rights, Jurit- dions, Privileges, Prerogatives, Royalties, Liberties, Immunities, Royal Rights and Franchifes whatfoever, as well by Sea as Land, within the faid Region, Territory, Iflands and Limits aforelaiid. To have, ufe~, exercife and enjoy, in as ample Manner, as any Bifhop of Durham in Our lringdom of Englnd, ever heretofore have, held, ufed or enjoyed, or of Right ought or cou.ld have, ufe or enjoy. AND himi the faid Sir Roert Huth, his Heirs and Affigns, We do by thefe Prefents, for Us, Our Heirs and Succeffors, mnake, create and conflitute the true and abiblute Lords and Proprietors of the faid Region and Ter- ritory aforefaid, and of all other the Pre- ( lit Iflands and Lands belonging , and all Grounds, Lands, Woods, Lakes and Rivers within the Regions, Iflands and Limits a- forefaid, fituate or being; with all Kinds of Fillies whatfoever, Whales, Sturgeons, and other Royal Fill and Fillings in the Sea and Rivers. And all Veins, Mines, Pits, as well open as fhunt, of Gold, Silver, Gems, precious Stones, and other Stones, Metals or Things whatfoever, within the fatid Region, Territory, Iflands or Limits aforefaid, found or to be found. And all Patronages and Ad, vowfonsof all Churches, which, by Increa&e of Chriftian Religion, (hll hereafter happen to be built within the fatid Region, Territory, Ifland and Limits aforefaiid ; with all and fingular, and with as ample Rights, Jurif.. di~ions, Privileges, Prerogatives, Royalties, Liberties, Immunities, Royal Rights and Franchifes whatfoever, as well by Sea as Land, within the faid Region, Territory, Iflands and Limits aforefaid. To have, ufe, exercife and enjoy, in as ample Manner, as any Bifbop of Vurham in Our kingdom of England, ever heretofore have, held, ufed or enjoyed, or of Right ought or coul1d have, ueor enjoy. AND him,~ the faid Sir Roert Heath, his Heirs and Affigns, We do by thefe Prefents, for~ Us, Our Heirs and Succeffors, make, create and conftitute the true and abfolute Lords and Proprietors of the faid Region and Ter- ritory aforefaid, and of all other the Pre- miifes, (III ) Iflands and Lands belonging , and anl Grounds, Lands, Woods, Lakces and Rivers within the Regions, Iflands and Limits a- forefaid, fituate or being; with all Kids of Fifies whatfoever, Whales, Sturgeons, antd other Royal Fifh and Fillings in the Sea and Rivers. And all Veins, Mines, Pits, as well open as Phut, of Gold, Silver, Gems, precious Stones, and other Stones, Metals or Things whatfoever, within the laid Region, Territory, Iflands or Limits aforefaid, found or to be found. And all Patronages and Ad- vowfonsof all Churches, which, by Increafe of Chriftian Religion, shll hereafter happen to be built within the fatid Region, Territory, Ifland and Limits aforefaid ; with all and fingular, and with as ample Rights, Jurif- di~ions, Privileges, Prerogatives, Royalties, Liberties, Immunities, Royal Rights and Franchifes whatfoever, as well by Sea as Land, within the faid Region, 'Territory, Iflands and Limnits aibrefaid. To have, uife, exercife and enjoy, in as ample Manner, as any Bifhiop of Vurham in Our K~ingdom of England, ever heretofore have, held, ufed or enjoyed, or of Right ought or could have, ueor enjoy. AND him, the faid Sir Roert, Heath, his Heirs and Alligns, We do by thefe Prefents, for Us, Our Heirs and Succeffors, make, create and conftitute the true and abfolute Lords and Proprietors of the faid Region and Ter- ritory aforefaid, and of all other the Pre- inifes,  ( 112 )( 112 )(11 112 NB. T H E RE are divers other Grants, Licences and Privileges, Royalties, and Im- munities, in the faid Charter contain'd and fet forth, which, upon perufal thereof will more fully and at large a ppear. THE Additional Claufe from the Board of Trade. NB. THiERE are divers other Grants, Licences and Privileges, Royalties, and Im- mnunities, in the faid Charter contain'd and fet forth, which, upon perufl thereof will more fully and at large a ppear. T HE Additional Claufe from the Board of Trade. NB. THRa are divers other Grants, Licences and Privileges, Royalties, and Im- munities, in the fid Chmrer coutain'd and fet forth, which, upon perufal thereof will more fully and at large appear. THE Additional Claufe from the Board of Trade. Ta To Ta TO  ( 113 ) ( 113 ) (113 ) To the 1 jnb'" meft Excellent MAJESTY, May it pleafe 2uOWMAJESTY, IN Obedience to Your MAJESTY's Corn- nimands fignified to us by the Right Ho- nourable Mr. Secretary eraon, upon the Petition of Dr. Coxce in Relation to the Province of Carlaa, alias Carolana Florida, We have confider~'d his faid Petition, and humbly crave leave to reprefent unto Your MAJSYa'1. THAT Your MAJESTY's Attorney-Gene- ral upon the Perufal of Letters Patents and Conveyances produc'd to him by Dr. Coxe, has reported to us his Opinion, That Dr. Coxe has a good Title in Law to the laid Province of Carolana, extending from 31 to 36 Degrees of North Latitude inclufive, on the Continent of America, and to feveral adjacent Iflands. To the K/ang's mojl Excellent MAJESTY, Mayf it leafetou 2wM A J E ST, IN Obedience to Your MAJESTY'S Com- mands fignified to us by the Right Ho- nourable Mr. Seretar Vetsow, upon the Petition of Dr. Coxe in Relation to the Province of Carolana, alias Carolana Florida, We have cenfide'd his faid Petition, and humbly crave leave to reprefent unto Your MAJESTY. THAT Your MAJESTY's Attorney-Gene- ral upon the Perufal of Letters Patents and Conveyances produc'd to him by Dr. Coxe, has reported to us his Opinion, That Dr. Coxe has agood Title in Law to the faid Province of Carolna, extending from 31 to 36 Degrees of North Latitude inclufive, on the Continent of Ameria, and to feveral adjacent Iflands. To the 1 jng's meefl Excellent MAJESTY, May it yleafe 'Oar M A J E TY, IN Obedience to Your MAJESTY's Cm Co-mands fignified to us by the Right Ho- nourable Mr. &Sretar Persosn, upon the Petition of Dr. Coxe in Relation to the Province of Carlei'A, alias Carolana Florida, We have confider'd his faid Petition, and humbly crave leave to reprefent unto Your MAJESTY. THAT Your MAJESr's Attorney-Gene- ral upon the Perufail of Letters Patents and Conveyances produc'd to him by Dr. Coxe, has reported to us his Opinion, That Dr. Coxe has a good Title in Law to the faid Province of Carolana, extending from 31 to 36 Degrees of North Latitude inclufive, on the Continent of America, and to feveral adjacent Iflands. Sigs'd Sign'd Sign'd Whitehall, Dee 21,1699" Stam~ford Lxngton P. Meadow William Blatbhwit. grobn Pollexfen Abraham Hill George Stepney I Whiehll Die 21.1699. Stamford Lexington P. Meadorot William Blathwrair. 3rohn Pollexf n Araham Hill George Stepney I An Whhal Stamford Lexington P. Meadow William Blatbhi. foks Polfesfes Arahams Hill George Stepney I An  ( 114) , .4bfrrJ* of the trf Merial prefend to King William, beig a Desofiratioin of the jirft Pretenfjow of his MAJESTYr the Kiajg of England uato the Proincse of Carolana, alias Florida, and of thae pre- fent Prorit nds.r wawis MAJSTYri. SEBI4STION Cabaot in the Year 1497, by the Commiffion and at the Ezine of King Henn VII. difcover'd althe Coaft of A~mricau, fronting the North or 4tlwtick Ocean, fromi the Degrees of q6 to 28 of North Latitude, 'twenty Years be- fore any other Europeans had vifited that vaft: Continent ; As appears not only from our own Hiftorians adCofmrographers, but alfo from the Tefimony of the mot emi- nent amongft the Sprib viz. Peter Martyr their great Secretary in his Dredes; Oviedo Governor of 116pIola ; Herrra their ce- lebrated Hiftorian, and Goara, unto whom We appeal: As alfo unto the famous Ra- muia molt impartial Perfon, Secretary to the renowned Republick of Venice, whofe Works were Printed in the Year 1550; and his elegant Contemporary Paulus Yovius. ABOUT Twenty Years after, the Southern Part of this Continent adjacent to the Gulph of Bahama, and that afterwards ftyl'd the Gulph of Mexico, was vifited firft by the Spaniards commanded by Yan Ponce die beoa. Ten Years after, Vaez Ajlon landed upon it, with a more confiderable Force ; and in ( 114) 4canAbflr*Jl of the firfl Memorial pefented toKi h ilam beinga aDewionfltion of the jeft Preteejioat of hit MvAJESTrY the Bing of England uato the Provhince of Carolana, alias Florida, ad of the pre- feat Projricer under his MAJESTY SEBAISTION Cuhota in the Year 1497, by the Commiflon and at the Expence of King Henry VII. difieover'd all the Coaft of A~mrica, fronting the North or 4*antick Ocean, from the Degrees of 56 to 28 of North Latitude, 'twenty Years be- fore any other Europeans had vifited that vaft Continent ; As appears not only from our own Hiftorians and Cofmographers, but alfo from the Teftimony of the mol emi- nenst amongft the 8paitrb, viz. Peter Martyr their great Secretary in his Decades; Oviedo Governor of fifpauiola ; Herrera their ce- lebrated Hiftorian, and Gomara, unto whom~ We appeal: As alfo, unto the famous Ri- muto a moft impartial Perfon, Secetary to the renowned Republick of Veice, whofe Works were Printed in the Year 155o; and his elegant Contemporary Paulus Yovis. ABOUT Twenty Years after, the Southern Part of this Continent adjacent to the Gulph of Bahaa, and that afterwards ftyl'd the Gulph of Mexitc, was vifited firft by the Spaniards commanded by Yuan Poace de beoa. Ten Years after, Vafqmez Ayllon landed upon it, with a more confiderable Force ; and in (114) ,4o AbflraJJ of the f1rfl Memorial prefented to Kfing William, being a Deioajretion of the jeff Pretmflons of hit MAJESY the Kiag of England uato the Province of Carolana, alias Florida, and of the pre- feat Proprietor under his MAJESTY EBASTION Cabota in the Year 147 Sby the Commiffion and at the Expenco of King Heary VII. difcover'd all the Coaft of 4America, fronting the North or Adatick Ocean, from the Degrees of 56 to 28 of North Latitude, Twenty Years be- fore any other Europeans had vifited that vaft Continent ; As appears not only 4rom our own Hiftorians and Cofarographers, but alfo from the Teftimony of the mot emi- nent amongft the 6pa'*jb, vi. Peter Marty their great Secretary in his Decades; Ovedo Governor of I fpaaiola; Herrera their ce- lebrated Hiftorian, and Gomaa unto whoma We appeal: As alfo unto the famous Ra- saaJto, a moft impartial Perfon, Secretary to the renowned Republick of Venice, who0fe Works were Printed in the Year 155o; and his elegant Contemporary Paulus Jovius. ABOUT Twenty Years after, the Southern Part of this Continent adjacent to the Gulph of Bahama, and that afterwards ftl'd the Guilph of Mexico, was vifited firft by the Sprniards commanded by Ya Poace de boa. Ten Years after, Vtfqaez Ajloa landed upon it, with a more coniderable Force ; and in  ('115) is the Year 1 52 Panmphi Nrvaz with a greater. Next tolhim in the Year 1539" 1~4dianco Soto. But their enormous Cruelties did fo enrage the Natives, that they fuc- ceffively expell'd them. And thefe pretend- ed Conquerors, cannot have a much worfe Charader, beftow'd upon them by their Enemies or Foregee than they receive Tita laft Expedition of the Spaniards, uun- to that Part of Floridk, now Cirdotene, which borders upon the Gulpha of Maiso, was in the Year 1558, by the Orders of Do Logs 4r Velec, then Vice-Roy of Maxice; but the Spaniads after their Arrival falling into great this vail Continent, except that of St. Aags- flime, "uted upon theNortb Sea, between the neareft Habitation to the Weft, which is 6o Leagues from ,Meicw. * The French indeed attempted a Settlement about Fourteen Years fice at a Place they named St. Lois Bay, not far from .P'nac between 26 and 27 Degrees North Latitud, but were foo difperse4. t And again this Year under Monfleur Ikzrvile, and built a Sconce near the Weft and leaft Branch of MpfIwer*, leaving therein abiout 40 Men. 12 KING *fhj ra. 1 A 1. # i s p, in the Year 1527 Psnp4ilo Narqviez with a greater. Next to him in the Year 1539" reirao Soto. But their enormous Cruelties did fo enrage the Natives, that they fuc- efilvely expelld them. And thefe pretend- ed Conquerors, cannot have a much worfe Chara~lcr, beftow'd upon them by their Enemies or Foe~gerta they receive from their own I-iiborians, and that fo ill as almoft exceeds Credit. Tivt left Expedition of the Spniards, unt- to that Part of &ioridk, now Carolw t, which borders u~pon the Gulph of Mexico, was in the Year 1558, by theOrdersof Don Laqs J*Velafco, thea Vice-Roy of Mexico; but the Spaniards after their Arrival falling into great fiae,~ Iltuated upon theNetshSea, between the 29tfi and 3oth Degraees of Nthern Latitude, above xmoo Miles diffent fromn Amoco their neareft Habitation to the Wrfl, which is 6o Leagues from ,Me.i 4a. '* The French indeed attempted a Settlement about Fourteen Years fince at a Place they named St. Lou~is Bay, not far from Panaco between 26 and 27 Degrees Noth Latitude, but were on difpers'4d. -' And again this Year under Monfleur Iiervillk, and built a Sconce near the Weft and leaft Branc~h of Alhfbarbe, leaving therein about 4o Men. 12IIN in the Year 1527 Paraphilv N..waez with a greater;: Next to him in the Year 1539 redxmoSto. But their enormous Cruelties did fo enrage the Natives, that they fuc- ceffively expell'd them. And thefe pretend- ed Conquerors, cannot have a much worfb Charader, beftow'd upon them by their Enemies or Foreiges than they receive from their own Hftoia5n, and that fo ill as almuft exceeds Credit. THE lWI Expedition of the Spaniwrd, un- to that Part of Flord, now Carolmo, which borders upon the Gulph of Maxiso, was in the Year 1558, by the Orders of Den Lueys .4eVelafeu, then Vice-Roy of bhlexio; but the Sairsafter their Arrival falling into great Fedreturned without makin nSetle, meat. Nor have they everfficemaeuo this vaft Continent, except that of St. Aagei- f ine, "kuted upon theNebSea, between the 2t and 3oth Degrees of Norkbera Latitude, above 1200 Miles diftant from Pasco, their neareft Habitation to the Wri, which is 6o Leagues from :ico.k * The Frenc indeed attempted a Settlement about Fourteen Years fence at a Place they nanm St. Lou Bay, not far from ,Peaac betw~een 26 and 27 Degrees North Latitude, but were fon difpersM". + And again this Year under Monfieur Ibarv~ill. and built a Sconce near the Wefi and lean Branch of X rd, leaving therein about 40 Men. I 2KN  ( n6 ) KING Chrl .in the Fifth Year of his Reign, granted unto Sir Robert Huth his Ator-General, a Patent of all that Part of Amria, from dhe River St. Mnsbeo, ly- ingadein in o Degrees of North La- titud, unt the ivr Paffo MAkao in 36 Degrees; extending in Longitude from the N~orth or Atlatick Ocean, unto the Pociek or South-Sea, not then being in the aftual Poffeffion of any Christian Prince or State. And no Part of this Grant was then or fence in the aetual Pcidlon of any Chrifti- an Prince or State, excepting St. Aagsuia aforefasd ; and. New ,Mexico, a great Pro- vine, unto which the Engilf lay no Claim. S I Robert Heath in the Thirteenth Year of King Charles L. convey'd the Prlnifes unto the Lord Measravars, foon after, upon his Father's Deceafe, Earl of dranad~ and &Srrey, Earl Marshat of Engamd, who at grea Expnceplanted feveral Parts of the PadCunty and had ofe&ed much more, had he not been prevented by the War with Sctlamd, in which lie was General for King Charles; and afterwards by the Civil Wars inEngland, and the Lunacy of his tldeft Son. IN the Beginning of the Prpte&orate of Crommel, One Captain Watts (afterwards knighted by King Chardes 11. and by him made Governor of St. C#hiflophmns) falling accidentally upon the Coaft of Florida, and meeting with One Leer an EsnglJbuws, who having ( 116 ) KINGi Chakle .inthe Fifth Year of his Reign, granted unto Sir Robert Hath his Attorney-General, a Patent of all that Part of America, from the River St. Minheo, ly- ing and being in 3oDegrees of North La- titude, unto the Rier Paff* Maegno in 36 Degrees; extending in Longitude from the North or Atlaxick Ocean, unto the Pacifick or Souh-Sea, not then being in the a&ual Poffeffion of any Chriftian Prince or State. And nso Part of this Grant was then or fence in the a&ual Poffelon of any Chrifti- ana Prince or State, excepting St. Aagutiie aforefisd ; ansd New .Mexico, a great Pro- vince, unto which the Enlib lay no Claim. S I Robert Hhath in the Thirteenth Year of King Charles I. convey'd the Premifts unto the Lord Alwsraers, foon after, upon his Father's Deceaft, Earl of drondd and Surey Earl Marshal of Englad, who at great Expence planted feveral Parts of the Paid Country, and had eft~etd much more, had he not been prevented by the War with &otlud, in which he was General for King Charles; and afterwards by the Civil Wars inEngland, and the Lunacy of his Eldeft Son. IN~ the Beginning of the Prpte&orate of Crommwel, One Captain Watts (afterwards knigfrted by King Charles 1I. and by him made Governor of St. C'hrifjephers) flling accidentally upon the Coal* of lrida, andi mneeting with One Leer an Englifhman, who having (x16 ) KING Charles I. in the Fifth Year of his Reign, granted unto Sir Robert Heath his Attorney-General, a Patent of all that Part of America, from the River St. Matuheo, ly-. ing and being is 3o Degrees of North La- titude, unto thes River Paffo Migno in36 Degrees; extending in Longitude from the North or Atl4.ick Ocean, unto the Pacifik or South-Sea, not then being in the a&ual Poffeffion of any Chriftian Prince or State. And no Part of this Grant was then or fence in the a~ual Pofffon of any Chriti-~ ana Prince or State, excepting St. Augu/lime aforesaid ; and. New Mexico, a great Pro- vince, unto wiceh the Englif lay no Claim. SIR Robert Heah in the Thirteenth Year of King Charles L. conavey'd the Preinifes unto the Lord M4Irawrs, Loon after, upon his Father's 1)eceafe, Earl of .drunval and Surrey Earl Marlhat of Englamd, who at E eat Expence planted feveral Parts of the dCountry, and had el*e&ed much more, had he not been prevented by the War with Scotlad, in which ha was General for King Charles; and afterwards by the Civil Wars in England, and the Lunacy of his Eldeft Son. IN the Beginning of the Prpte&orate of Cromwel, One Captain Watts (afterwards knighted by King Charles 11. and by him made Governor of St. Chriflophers) faflln accidentally upon the Coaft of Florida, and meeting with One Leer an Englufbman, who having  ( 117 ) having divers Years before been Thipwreck'd, and the only Man efcap'd, and then in great Favour with the chief Peraouff or Roytelet: of that Country, by his influence the En- gf weepermite t tade, and kindly inie ofettle there. Not long after the King as they ftyNd him, fesnt One of his chief Subjects Emubafador to Eglad ; and the EnglJb had divers Tra&fs of Land given them by the Isdieaus, and furvey'd that Continent (a Map whereof is ftffl in being) for above Two Hundred Miles fqulare. AFTE this a ret Numaber of Perfons enga 'd to contrbt confiderably, towards the fettling a Colony of Exg4Jb in the fai Province, which Original Subfeription is now in my Poffefion. They nami'd divers Places, efpeciall~y Rivers, Harbors and Iles, by the Names of the Captains of Ships, che raders, and other Circumftnces re- lating to the Englilb Nation, as by the faid Map or Chart dloth more fuclly appear. I N the Year r678, a considerable Numf- her of Perfons went from New llaxw up- on Difcovery, and proceeded fo far as New Mexico, r~o Leagues beyond the River Me~cbaebe, and at their Return render'd an Account to the Government of Fejofa, as will be attefled, among many others, by Colonel Dudley, then O)ne of the Magi- firates, afterwards Governor of New Esng- ad, and at prefet Deputy GoernTor of the Ile of Wight, under th~e Honourable the ( 117) having divers Years before been Thipwreck'd, and the only Man efcap'd, and then in great Favour with the chief Pauof or Roytelet of that Country, by his Influence the En- gf weepermite t trde, and kindly invied t fettle thr.Not long after the King as they fiyi'd him, fenit One of his chief Subjects Embaffador to Eglad; and the Engl b had divers Tra&s of Land given them by the Iadiana, and fuirvey'd that Continent (a Map whereof is atlt in being) for above Two Hundred Miles fquare. the fetig aColony of Ex.l#in the aid Province, which Original Subfbription is now in my Poffcflion. They nam'd divers Places, efpecially Rivers, Harbors and Iles, by the Names of the Captains of Ships, chief Traders, and other Circumfta~nces re- lating to the Englf1b Nation, as by the faid Map or Chart cloth more ful1ly appear. IN the Yer 1678, a confiderable Num- ber of Perfons went from New England up- on Difcovery, and proceeded fo far as New Mexico, t 5o Leagues beyond the River M#efae, and at their Return render'd an Account to the Government of Bfom, as will be attefted, among many others, by Colonel Dudley, then One of the Magi- itrates, afterwards Governor of New Erg- 4w4d and at prefent Deputy Governor of the Wfe of Wight, under the Hionourable the ( 117) having divers Years befbre been Thipwreck'd, and the only Man efcap'd, and then in great Pavour with the chief Paaouffr or Roytelet of that Country, by his Influence the En- glob were permitted to trade, and kindly invited to fettle there. Not long after the King as they ftl'd him, fenit One of his chief Subiets Embaffador to En~glnd ; and the Engbijb had divers Tra~s of Land given them by the Indianar, and furvey'd that Continent (a Map whereof is fill in being) for above Two Hundred Miles fquiare. AFTR this a get Numbher of Perfons the fetig a Colony of Exg#f in the id Province, which Original Subkeription is now in my PoilefIlon. They nam'd divers Places, efpecially Rivers, Harbors and Iles, by the Names of the Captains of Ships, che raders, and other Circumftances re- lating to the Estgiqb Nation, as by the faid Miap or Chart cloth more fully appear. INc the Year 1678, a conliderable Num- ber of Perfons went from New England up- on Dlifcovery, and proceeded fo far as New Mexico, 150 Leagues beyond the River MecbObe, and at their Return render'd an Account to the Government of Bjfoa, as will be attefted, among many others, by Colonel Dudle, then One of the Magi- itrates, afterwards Governor of New Esg- 4w4, and at prelioit Deputy Governor of- the Wfe of Wight, under the Honourable the  (I8) the Lord Cates. The War foon after break- ing out between the F- wt, and Inians, man~y of the Indians, wh were in that Expedition, retreated to Caxud.., from whom Monfieur De Sall receiv'd mot of his in- formation, concerning that Country, by him afterwards more fully difcover'd. And they ferv'd him for Gides and Interpre- ters ; as is attef]ed by Monficur Le Temy, who accompany'd Moieur De Sale : As alto by Monfieur Le Clerk, in a Book pub- lh'd by Order of the Frexck King. For which Reafon* and divers other Paffages favouring inadvertently the En~glh Preero- fions, his Journal Printed at Paris, was cal- led in, and that Book of One Livre Price, is not now to be purehas'd for Thirty Livres. THS Five Nations, in the Territory of Amw Tark, commonly0 call'd Irecis by the Fruec, who have frabove Thirty Years voluntarily fubjefted theanlelves to the King of Englansd, had coaquer'd all that Pare of the Country, from their own Habitations to and beyond Mefcbw~eke (as the aforemen- tion'd Monfieur Le Tox~y more than once acknowledges : As alfo Father Le Clark in his Hift~ry of Caaads Printed by Order in x 691) fold, made over and furndrd all their Conquefts and Acquifitions therein, to the Government of New Tork, which therefore of Right belongs to the Englifb. Tn (IB) the Lord Cater. The War foon after break- ing out between the Eengi& sa n ldiwn, any of the frdim who were in that Expedition, retreated to Caa, from whom Monfieur De Salle receiv'd mot of his In- formation, concerning that Country, by him afterwards more fully difcover'd. And they ferv'd him for Guides and Interpre- ters ; as is attefted by Monfieur Le Toemy, who accompany'd Monfieur Pt SYale: As alfo by Monfieur Le Clerk, in a Book pub- li~hd by Order of the Freer/b King. For which Reafonr and divers other Pa1ages favouring inadvertently the Eanglifb Preten- fians, his Journal Printed at Pie, was cal- led inand that Book of One Livre Price, is not now to be pumchas'd for Thirty Livres. THS Five Nations, in the Territory of New Tark, commonly cafl'd ketesis by the Jiexcb, who have for above Thirty Years vohwrtaily fuibjeaed thmeeflves to the King of En~gland, had conquer'd all that Part of the Country, from their own Habitations to and beyond Mefub webs (as the aforemen- tion'd Monfieur Le Tonly more than once acknowledges : As alfo Father Le Clerk in his Hiftory of Canada Printed by Order in x691) fold, made over and furrender'd, all their Conquefts and Acquifitions therein, to the Government of New Tork, which therefore of Right belongs to the Englf. Tan l II8 the Lord Catr. The War foon after break- ing out between the REsllib and nas, many of the Ind/ins, who were in that Expedition, retreated to Canads, from whom Menhieur De Sale raceiv'd mot of is In- formation, concerning that Country, by him afterwards more fully difcover'd. And they ferv'd him for Guides and Interpre- tars ; as is attefted by Monfieur Le Tomy, who accomapany'd Monfieur De Salle :As alfo by Monfieur Le Clerk, in a Book pub- lilhd by Order of the Frexcis King. For which Reafonr and divers other Paffages favouring inadvertently the Esnglifb Preaaat- frons, his Journal Printed at Paris, was cal- led in, and that Book of One Livre Price, is not nowto be purhas'd for Thirty Livres. THS Five Nations, in the Territory of New Tark, common] caU'a Iracois by the Francb, who have frabove Thirty Years volinetarily fubje&ed thasufeives to the King of England, had coaquer'd all that Part of the Country, from their own Habitations to and beyond Mefcbaehe (as the aforemen- tion'd Monfieur Le Tongy more than once acknowledges : As alto Father Li Clerk in his Hiftory of Cs raid Printed by Order in x691) fold, made over and furndrd all their Conquefis and Acquifitions therein, to the Government of New Tork , which therefore of Right belongs to the Englif.  ("19 ) ("19) ("19 ) Proprietary of Car.Iaua ap. Tm Pr4fent Proprietary of C~ara ap. Tirs Pr4fent Proprietary of CsrIU4s ap- om what Informaiona he had prehending, from what tInration he had prehendinggfrom what Information he had he Planting of this Country rect~v'd, tlut the Planting of this Country ronst d, thttePlanting of this Country ;hl beefiia totheE~gif wuldbe hlybeneficial toteE4.,wol ehihybenficial to the E#f, versWay to cquint im-endaaour'd divers Ways to acuan hi. ndeavour'd divers Ways to acquaint him- People, Said and Prodt*% feWf with the People, Soil and Produas feif with the People, Soil and Produ% ier'tI divers of isParts ; fift thereof; difcover'd divers of itsParts ; ilcft thereof; diIeover'd divers of its Parts ; firf Lfterwards from Feidmitr, by from Carolia, afterwards from V endvmia, by from Carolina, afterwards from Jitmaln a, by River ; and uay of fiis Peo- tbe Sf/xebash River ; and many of flis Peo- th fguhawab River ; and many of fds Peo- Nero Mexico. pie travelld to Nerr Mexico. pie trave'ed to New Mexico. the laid Proprietary of Ca. Soox after the faid Proprietary of Ca. Soont after the faid Proprietary of C&6 ither Difcevery MMe South- relana, made another Pifcevery .South. meine, made atbother Pifcvery melt South- great River Cho epite, and erly, by the great River (MRo~epwn, and erly, by the great River (Ievur* and cunt of that Country before reiv'd an Account of that Country before rweiv'd an Account of that Country before *now*, and whereuto the alkogether unknownz, and whemtinto the altogether uinknowns, and whemwuto the Say are utter Strangers Fro to this Pay are ttmer Strangers limba to this Pay are utter Stragerm Proprietary, about tbo fame T x a Paid Proprietary, about the fame T s a fad Proprietary, ab"t the fame another Dii-mvery more to Time, made another Dii~overy more to Time, mrade another Diferwery more to ft, beyond the River Mrfcba- the North-Weft, beyond the River M,1eba.. the North-Weil, beyond the River M,1cbs- gfreat Sea er take of frl ahe. of a verv g reat Sea or talc- e frl' itS. of a verv gfreat Sea a itake of *i.M1  ( 120) ran, found it going and returning a very eafy quick and fafe Navigation, and the People much civiliz'd; and during the Voy- age, though they did not ( in the Places where they call'd) ftay in the whole Ten Days, yet they obtain'd, by Barter with the Natives, above Fourdlore Pound Weight of pure Gold. DivEas other Parts of this Country were djfcover'd by the Engib, from feveral Co- lonies, long before the French had the leaft Knowledge thereof. Colonel Wood in Virtni inhabiting at the Falls of 5ames River, above ico Miles Weft of Cbefepeaick Bay, from the Year 1654 to 1664, difco.. ver'd at feveral Times, feveral Branches of the great Rivers Obio and Mlef bacebe I was poffefs'd about Twenty Years ago of the Journal of Mr. Needham employ'd by the aforefaid Colonel, and it is now in the Hands of, 6ec. THEa Engifb have not only furvey'd by Land the greateft Part of Florida and Caro~- ism, but have been as induftrious and fu- cefsfhl in their Attempts by Sea. The pre- fent Proprietary of Cirolana, 23 Years ago, was poffefsd of a Journal from the Mouth of the Mefcbacebe, where it difembogues it- felf into the Mexiani Gulph, unto the Yel- low or Muddy River, as they call it ; which faid Journal was in En~gi:Ib, and feem'd to have been written many Years before ; to- gether with a very large Map or Chart, with ( 120) pan, found it going and returning a very eafy quick and fafe Navigation, and the People much civiliz'd; and during the Voy- age, though they did not ( in the Places where they call'd) flay in the whole Ten Days, yet they obtain'd, by Barter with the Natives, above Fourfcore Pound Weight of pure Gold. DIVERS other Parts of this Country were djfcover'd by the Eglifb, from feveral Co- lonies, long befbre the French had the leaft Knowledge thereof. Colonel J44ed in riniia inhabiting at the Falls of 5James River, above ico Miles Weft of Cbefepesck Bay, from the Year 1654 to 1664, difco- ver'd at feveral Times, feveral Branches of the great Rivers Ohio and Mefcbacee I was poffefs'd about Twenty Years ago of the Journal of Mr. Needhm employ'd by the aforefaid Colonel, and it is now in the Hands of, 6-r, Trn Englib have not only furvey'd by Land the greateft Part of Florida and Care- Lan, but have been as induftriou~s and fu- ceIfful in their Attempts by Sea. The pre- fent Proprietary of Carol ana, 23 Years ago, was poffefs'd of a Journal from the Mouth of the Mefcbacebe, where it difembogues it- felf into the Mexican Gulph, unto the Yel- low or Muddy River, as they call it ; which faid journal was in Englfb, and feem'd to have been written many Years before ; to- gether with a very large Map or Chart, with ( 120) ran, found it going and returning a very eafy quick and fat Navigation, and the People much civiliz'd ; and during the Voy- age, though they did not ( in the Places where they call'd) flay in the whole Ten Days, yet they obtain'd, by Barter with the Natives, above Fourfcore Pound Weight of pure Gold. DIVERS other Parts of this Country were djifcover'd by the Englifh, from feveral Co- lonies, long before the French had the leaft Knowledge thereof. Colonel Wcod in I'ezirwna inhabiting at the Falls of Jams River, above ioo Miles Weft of Chefepud Bay, from the Year 1654 to 1664, difco- ver'd at feveral Times, feveral Branches of the great Rivers Ohio and Mefcbacebe. I was poffefs'd about Twenty Years ago of the Journal of Mr. NeedhmI employ'd by the aforefaid Colonel, and it is now in the Hands of, & Tita Englifbi have not only furvey'd by land the greateft Part of Florida and Caro- Iane, but have been as induftriou~s and fu- cefsfiul in their Attempts by Sea. The pre- feat Proprietary of Carol ana, 23 Years ago, was poffefs'd of a Journal from the Mouth of the Mfcbacbe, where it difembogues it- felf into the Mexican Gulph, unto the Yel- low or Muddy River, as they call it ; which faid Journal was in EngJbj, and feem'd to have been written many Years before ; to-. gether with a very large Map or Chart, with  (~I2) with the Names of divers Nations, and fhort Hints of the chief Produfas of each Country. And by Modern Journals of En- glif and French, the moft material Parts thereof are confirm'd, the Nations, in divers Places there nam'd, continuing ftill in the fame Stations, or very little remote. From a Confidence in thefe Journals, the Engi#h were encourag'd to attempt further Difc~o- veries by Sea and bind. And the prefent Proprietary hath expended therein, for his Share only, above Nine Thoufand Pounds, as he can eafily and readily demonftrate. THE laft Year being 1698, the prefent Proprietary, at his own Expence, fet out Two Ships from Englad well Mann'd and Vi&uail'd; order'd a Barceano to be bought at Carolina, purpofely built for that Coaft, and for Difcovery of Shoals, Lavunes or ~Bays, and Rivers ; As alto all Materials for building and equipping another Ship in the Country. one of thefe Ships returning, was unhappily caft away upon the Eng~ifb Coaft in a great Storm, but very providen- tinily the Journal was fav'd, though all the Men were loft; which Journal contains an ample Account of the Country all along the Coaft, which they reprefent as the moft plea- fant in the World, and abounding, with all Tignot only for Necefity, but for the Cofot of Human Life. And amongft many others, there's a Draft of one of the moft Ca- p~acious Harbors in the Univerfe, the mnoft in- K viting 121[ with the Names of divers Nations, and fhort Hints of the chief Produ~ts of each Country. And by Modern Journals of En- glij and French, the moft material Parts thereof are confirm'd, the Nations, in divers Places there nam'd, continuing ftill in the fame Stations, or very little remote. From a Confidence in thefe Journals, the Enpfi# were encourag'd to attempt further Difco-. veries by Sea and Land. And the prefent Proprietary hath expended therein, for his Share only, above Nine Thoufiand Pounds, as he can eafily and readily demonfcrate. THE laft Year being 1698, the prefent Proprietary, at his own Expence, fet out Two Ships from England well Mann'd and Vi&uaiil'd; order'd a Barcelengo to be bought at Carol ina, purpofely built for that Coaft, and for Difcovery of Shoals, Lagunes or Bays, and Rivers ; As alto all Materials for building and equipping another Ship in the Country. One of thefe Ships returning, was unhappily calt away upon the Eng~ifb Coaftin a great Storm, but very providen- tially the Journal was fav'd, though all the Men were loft; which Journal contains an ample Account of the Country all along the Coaft, which they reprefent as the moft plea. fant in the World, and abounding with all Thins, not only for Necefity, but for the Comfort of Human Life. And amongft many others, there's a Draft of one of the moft Ca- pcious Harbors in the Univerfe, the molt in- K viting (121 ) with the Names of divers Nations, and fhort Hints of the chief Produas of each Country. And by Modern Journals of En- glj and French, the moft material Parts thereof are confirm'd, the Nations, in divers Places there nam'd, continuing still in the fame Stations, or very little remote. From a Confidence in thefe Journals, the EagI were encourag'd to attempt further Difco- veries by Sea and Land. And the prefent Proprietary hath expended therein, for his Share only, above Nine Thoufand Pounds, as he can eafily and readily demonstrate. THE laft Year being 1698, the prefent Proprietary, at his own Expence, fet out Two Ships from En~gland well Mann'd and Vi&uail'd ; order'd a Barcieago to be bought at Carolina, purpofely built for that Coaft, and for Difcovery of Shoals, Lagunes or Bays, and Rivers ; As alto all Materials for building and equipping another Ship in the Country. One of thefe Ships returning, was unhappily caft away upon the EngI'fI Coaft in a great Storm, but very providen- tially the Journal was fav'd, though all the Men were loft; which Journal contains an ample Account of the Country all along the Coaft, which they reprefent as the moft plea. fant in the World, and abounding with all Thns not only for Neceffity, but for the Cmotof Human Life. And amongft many others, there's a Draft of one of the nmoft Ca- paicious Harbors in the Univerfe, the moft in- K viting  ( 122 ) 122( 122 )2 ( 122 ) FI IIS. F l .18I F I N IS. i :n yi_'4 ,'_._R. r_. :a42; r i"!w i ^i,:: If"i . =:J C'i "'n+Sfn :v__sR. r y b2.vri'i ,Si "ii^y: " . ^._'- _1  INDEXES. INDEX TO CAROLANA. (Page i is the beginning of the preface.) Amapuleo, 64 Acosta, Joe de, 81. 85, 88 AdiebiganPerianprovince, $9 Africa, 79 Ara India, 86 Albany, N.Y., xi, 54, 56 Ambergris (grey anmber), 8487 America, ii, -vi, xx, xxiv, xxvixxviii, xxix, xxxi-xxvin, xxxiv, -xxi A-li, xliii, xlv-xlvii, hii, 3-4, 46, 62-67, 69, 72, 79, 97-98, 101, 110, 113-114, 116 Ammunition and powder, ii, xi, 38, 59, 83 Apalatclsy-Cola, 29 Appalaehian M,., 22 Armamernt guns, ii, xi, 28, 58, 64, 83; cress bowa. 83 Arundel, Earl of, 2 Asia, 85 Assinegus (see mules), 78 Asturias Milt, 106 Atlantickr Ocean, 1, 2. 114, 116 Ayllon, Vasquez, 114 Azul (see indico [indigo] ), 86 Balance of Power, adviaed for America, xxxi. Baltic, xiv INDEXES. INDEX TO CAROLANA. (Page ius the beginning of the preface.) Acapulco, 64 Acosta, Jose de, 81, 85, U8 Adierbigian, Persian province, 89 Adriaicir Golf, 101 Africa, 79 Albany, N.Y., xi, 54, 56 Ambergris (grey amber), 86-87 America, ii, xvi, ax, xxmv, xxvii-xxvii, xxix, xxxs-xxu, xxxiv, xxx, )l-xli, xliii, xlv-xlvii, Iii 3-4, 46, 62-67, 69, 72, 79, 97-98, 101, 110, 113-114, 116 Ammunition and powder, ii, xi, 38, 59, 83 Apaleeclsy-Cola, 29 Appalachian A,, 22 Armsament, gums, ii, xi, 28, 58, 64, 83; cross bows, 33 Arundel, Earl of, 2 Asia, 85 Assissegos (see mules)i, 78 Asturias t., 106 Atlanick Ocean, 1, 2, 114, 116 Ayllon, Vasquer, 114 Arul (see indico [indigo]), 86 Balance of Power, advised for America, xxxi Baltic, xlv INDEXES. INDEX TO CAROLA NA.. (Page i is the beginning of the preface.) Acapulco, 64 Acosta, Jose de, 81, 85, 88 Adierbigian, Persian provinsce, 89 Adriatickt Gulf, 101 Africa, 79 Agra, India, 86 Albany, N.Y., xi, 54, 56 Ambergris (grey amber), 86-87 America, ii, xvii, xx, xxiv, xxvii-xxvio, xxix, -a-xu, xxxiv, xxxix Al-li, xliii, xlv-xlvii, Iii, 3-4, 46, 62-67. 69, 72, 79, 97-98, 101, 110, 113-114, 116 Ammunition and powder. ii, xi, 18, 39, 83 Apalawhly-Cola, 29 Appalachian Mt., 22 Armamnt, gum, ii, xi, 28, 58, 64, 83; cress bows, 83 Arundel, Earl of, 2 Asia, 85 Assinegms (see mules), 78 Ainurias Mt., 306 Atlantick Ocean, 1, 2, 114, 116 Ayllon, Vasquez, 114 Axel (see indico [indigo]), 86 Balance of Power, advised for America, xxx Baltic, xiv  2 Indexes. Barba, Alono, 98 Batavia, 6 Bay, Hudson's, -xii, 4, 21, 43; Spirito Santo, 7, 26, 29, 33; Chesepeark (Chepeak), 13, 54, 120; Palachse, 22; Nassau, 25, 29; Bilocly, 30; Fresh-Water, 34; Salt-Water, 34-35; St. Bernard, 38; St. Louis, 38, 115; Saktinam,, 46; Pououot- mis, 47; Bear, 48 Buads, 82 Bears, 79 Beavour (beaver), 46-47, 49, 60, 79-80 Bebllo. 107 Bengale, 91 Bilocohi, 31 Bitmern, 86-87 Blathwait [Blathwaytl, William, 113 Blefkias. 66 Bond, [William] Captain, Mississippi, Expedition. of 1698-1700, al, iv Boston, 717 Brandy, 51, 75 Brasil (Brazil), 87, 97, 104-105 Bread, 72, 74; Cassavsi, 72 Brcon, Cape, xiii, xxiii, xxix Buffaloea, 37, 79 Bullion, xliv, 98 Byana, 86 Cabota, Sebastion,. 114 Caesar, xx Cafine, 96 California Peninsula, 64 Camrels (camels), 79, 89 Camnperlht, 29, 94 Canada, viii, x, xxi-xxii, xxvii-xxviih, xxix, 18, 26, 45-46, 59-60, 338; History of, 118 Cantons, 57, 61 Capers, 8; Carniola, 101 Carolana, -,ixixiv, xxvii, -,xiin, xlvi, L, 1-2, 72, 102, 112-115, 119-120 Carolina, xiv, xxxvii, L, 1-4, 33-14, 22, 48, 61, 73, 81, 119,1321 Carthaia 'ans, 106 Carts, 77-78, 87 Caspian Sea, 89 Cantrifonte, 66 Cattle, 51, 71, 77-78 Chol 93 2 Indexes. Barba, Alonan, 98 Batvia, 66 Bay, Hudson's, xxvii, 4, 21, 43; Spirito Santo, 7, 26, 29, 33; Chexpesel (Clsapeak), 13, 54, 120; Palarise, 22; Nassau, 25, 29; Biloechv, 30; Fresh-Water, 34; Salt-Water, 34-35; St. Bernard. 38; St. Louis, 38, 115; Sakinam., 46; Poutouot- mis, 47; Bear, 48 Beads, 82 Bears, 79 Beavour (beaver), 46-47, 49., 60. 79-80 Bebelle, 10 Bengale, 91 Bilocohsi, 31 Bitumen, 86-87 Blathiwait [Blarliwayt], Wiiams, 313 Blefkear, 66 Bond, IWilhami Captain, Mississippi, Expedition: of 1698-1700, ii, iv Boston, 117 Brandy, 51, 75 Brasil (Brarzil), 87, 97, 104-105 Bread, 72. 74; Ca.savi, 72 Breton, Cape, xiii, xxviii, ox Buffaloes, 37, 79 Bullion, xbiv, 98 Byana, 86 Cabota, Sebastimn, 114 Caesar, xx Cafl~ne, 96 California Peninsula, 64 Cammels (tamnels), 79, 89 Camspee 29, 94 Canada, vii,. x, xxi-xxii, xxvii-xxvuli, xxix, 18, 26, 45-46, 59-60, 318; History of, 118 Cantons, 57, 61 Capers, 81 Caniola, 101 Carolana. i, i, xxi-xv, xxii, xxxviii, xlvii, ,L, 1-2, .72. 102, 112-115, 119-120 Carolina, xiv, xxxvii, L, 1-4, 13-14, 22, 48, 61, 73, 81, 119, 121 Carthaginams, 106 Carts, 77-78, 87 Caspian Sea, 89 Ca-rifesse, 66 Cattle, 51, 71, 77-78 Chacal 93 2 Indexes. Barba, Alonan, 98 Batvia, 66 Bay, Hudson's, xxvii, 4, 21, 43; Spirlto Santo, 7, 26, 29, 33; C[eaepeack (Cheapeak), 13, 54, 120; Palathe, 22; Nassau, 25. 29; Bilocolsy, 30; Freshs-Water, 34; Salt-Water, 34-35; St. Bernard. 38; St. Louis, 38, 115; Sakeinama, 46; Poutouota- mis, 47; Bear, 48 Beads, 82 Bears, 79 Beavour (beaver), 46-47, 49, 60, 79-80 Bebel. 107 Bengae 91 Bilocohi, 31 Bitumen. 86-87 Blathwait [Bladswaytl, William, 113 Rlefkias, 66 Bond, IWilliam] Captain, Mississippi, Expedition of 1698-1700, u1, Iv Boston, 117 Brandy, 51, 75 Brasil (Brazil), 87, 97, 104-105 Bread, 72, 74; Cassavi, 72 Breton, Cape, xuii, xxviii, xxix Buffaloes, 37. 79 Bullion, byi, 98 Byana, 86 Cabota, Sebasrlon,, 114 Caesar, xx Cailne, 96 California Peninsula, 64 Cammels (camels), 79, 89 Camspeche, 29, 94 Canada, viii, a, xxi-xxii, xxvii-xxvcii, xxix, 18, 26, 45-46, 59-60, 318; History of, 118 Cantons, 57, 61 Capers, 81 Carniola, 301 Caolana, i, iv, xxii, --i, xxvii, xxxviii, xlvii, L, 1-2,. 72, 102, 112-115, 119-120 Carolina, xiv, xxxvii, L, 1-4, 13-14, 22, 48, 61, 73, 81, 119, 121 Carthaginians, 196 Carts, 77-78, 87 Caspian Sea, 89 Casrilomce, 66 Cattle, 51, 71, 77-78 Charcoal, 93  Indexes.. 3 Chiaha, 23 Chili, xlii China, xli, lx, 20, 62-63, 68--69, 91; Wall of, 67, 84; tWa, 84 Chinese, 68, 91, 96 Churchaes, ill Cibolas (wee trine). 40, 53 Cinnabar (cinnabaria), 100, 107 Clothed, 20,980; clothing, 71, 78,80 Cochineal (see Silvesrer), 84-85 Coal 99 Collin,7 Colonial Union, Pian of, xvii-ax Cnlonies, iiv, viii, xi, xv, xvii, mix, xx.-xxi, xxiv-xxvi, xxxi- xxxii, xliv-xlv, xlvii, 1, 13, 42, 69, 76, 92, 120. Columbus, xxxix Copec (tar), xxi, xiiv, 87-8, 93-94 Copper, xvi, xxi, 42, 98-99, 103 Cord, 80; cordage, 92 Corea Peninsnla, 68 Corinth (see currats), 91. Corn (see mnalon), 24, 48, 50, 72-73, 76 Cornwall, 97 Cotton, xliii, 8081 Couuland, 94 Coxe, Dr. [Daniell, 11ll Coxton, Captain, 64 Coza (Coussa), 23-25 Crmnwxl, 116 Cuba, xxviii Curifachia, 83 Curts, Lord, 118 Dalmatia. 101 Damsona (axe grapes), 51, 75 Deer, 37, 43. 52. 79 dx Leon, Juan Ponce, 114 de V elasco, Luys, I15 Dindo (see fowl). 52 Dodley, Colonel, 117 Dung (guano), 96 Dungan, Colonel, xii Durham, Bishop of, 111 Dutch, 8, 65--67, 71 Dlying, 84-85, 94-95 Indexes. 3 Chah, 23 Chili, xlii China, xli, Iii, 20, 62-3, 68-69,91; Wall of. 67, 94; AIas, 84 Chinxse, 68, 91, 96 Churches, 111 Cibolas (wxe kine), 40, 53 Cinnabar (tinnabaris). 100, 107 Clothed, 20.,80; clothing, 71, 78, 80 Cochineal (see Silvester), 94-85 Coal, 99 Collin,7 Colonial Union, Plan of, xvii-xx Colonies, ii, v, viii, xi, xv, xvii, xi;, xx-xxi, xniv-xcxviii, xxxi- xxxii, xiiv-xlv, xlvii, 1, 13, 42, 69, 76, 92. 120. Columbus, xxxix Copex (tar), xxi, xliv, 87-88, 93-94 Copper, xvi, xxi, 42, 38-99, 103 Cord, 80; cordagx, 92 Corea Peninsula, 68 Corinth (axe currants), 81 Corn (sex mnlnein), 24, 48, 50, 72-73, 76 Cornwall, 87 Cotton, xliii, 80-81 Courland, 94 Coxe, Dr. [Daniell, IRS Coxton, Captain, 64 Coxa (Coussa), 23-25 Crmnwel, 116 Cuba, xxviii Curifarhia, 83 Cutts, Lord, 118 Dalmnatia, 101 Danuons (sxe grapes), 51, 75 Deer, 37, 43, 52, 79 de Leon, Juan Ponce, 114 dx V elasco, Luys, 15 Dindo (sec fowl), 52 Dudley, Colonel, 117 Dung (guano), 96 Durha, Bishops of, 111 Dutch, 8, 65-67, 71 flying, 94-85, 94-95 Indexes. 3 Chaa 23 Chili, xlii China, Al, Iii, 20, 62-63, 68-69, 91; Wall of, 67,.94; AtWa, 84 Chinese, 68. 91, 96 Churches. 13 Cibolas (sex kine), 40, 53 Cinnabar (cinnabaris), 100, 107 Clothed, 20, 80; clothing, 71, 78,890 Cochineal (see Silvester), 84-85 Coal, 99 Collins,7 Colonial Union, Plan of. xvii-xx Colonies, ii, v, viii, xi, xv, xvii, sx, x-xi, xxiv-xxviii, xxxi- xxxii, xliv-xlv, xlvii, 1, 13, 42, 69, 76, 92, 320. Columbus, xxxix Copes (tar), xxi, xliv, 87-88, 93-94 Copper, xvi, xxi, 42, 98-99, 103 Cr,80; cordage. 92 Core. Peninsula, 68 Corinth (axe currants), 93 Corn (sex malonin), 24, 48, 50, 72-71, 76 Cornwall, 87 Cotton, xliii, 80481 Courland, 94 Coxt, Dr. [Daniel), 113 Coxton, Captain, 64 - Coza (Coussa), 23-25 Cromawel, 116 Cuba, xxviii Cutifathia, 83 Cotta, Lord, 118 Dalmia, 101 Damsons (axe grapes), 51, 75 Deer, 37, 43, 52, 79 de Leon, Juan Pence, 114 de Velasco, Luys, 115 Dindo (aee fow-l), 52 Dudley, Colonel, 117 Dung (guano), 96 Dungan, Colonel, zii Durhiama,Bishop of, 111 Dutch, 8, 65-67, 71 Dying, 84-85, 94-95  4 Indexes. Encirclement of English colonies by France, xxii-xxii, xxv England, iv, viii, xix, xxii, xl, xlviii, 26, 59-61, 75-78, 90-81, 90, 92. 94, 97, 99, 111, 116-118, 121 English, 1, v, ix, x-xi, xv, xx, xaii-xeiii, xxxiii, xxxvii, xi, 8, 14, 25, 27, 29, 31, 43, 49, 52, 54, 57, 59-61, 63. 69, 71-72, 75-76, 80, 83, 65, 88, 91, 116-121 Erie Peninsula, 46 Europe, iv, xxiii, xxxi, xxxiv, 31, 45, 60, 66, 71, 73, 76, 79-81, 85, 96, 100101 European, 9-10, 20, 44, 50, 60, 73-75, 77, 69, 96-99, 105, 114 Euxine Sea, 4 Expedition to Mississippi River, 1698-1700 (Bond), ii-iv Fish, xi, xlvi, 10, 17, 37, 4345, 56, 67. 89-90, 111; s-uhendo, 44-45; Newfoundland codd, 44; sturgeons, 45; salmons, 45; salmon trout, 45; carps, 45 Fishing, xiii, xxix; codfish, xxii; oyster, 6, 23, 62, 64, 122; shell- fishs, 9, 23, 62; msusele, 9, 23,682; whales, xiii Flex, xxi, xbiv, 92 Fletcher, Colosnel. ix Florida, xxi, 4, 32, 114-116, 120; Pessinsula, 4, 21-22, 26, 67; Cape, 32. 66-67; Gulf, 83; Carolana, 113. Fort Creve-e-ure, 17 Fort Louis, 26-27 Forts, x-xi, xiii, xv, xxii, xxx, xxxvii-xxxvii, 6, 26, 36-19,' 45, 49-50, 56 Fowl, xi, 17, 37, 50, 52, 67, 79 Fox, 79 France, iv, xii, xxiv, xxviii, xxxi, xxxii-xxiv, 27, 31, 38, 57, 60 90 French, iii, vii-viii, ix, xi-xiii xv, xxi-xxii, xxiv-xxv, xxvii, xxx, xxxi-xxxuli, xxxv-xxxviii, xxxix, xl-all, xlvi, 13, 16,18,25-29, 31, 39, 42-43, 45, 54-60, 70-71, 115, 120-121; refugees, v Friubi, 101 Frontenac, Count, ix Fruit, 50, 73; grapes, 51, 75-76, 61; trees, 53, 73; lemons, 73; lismes, 73; prunes, 24, 73; tonal or tosses, 74, 65; raisons, 76; crrants (see Corinth). 61 Collicie, 105 G-rilessa [la Vega, Garcilszo del, 83 Gesss (precious stones), xii, 95, 111 Gersmasny, 96 Glorious Revolution, xii Goaxa, 23 Gold, 65, 71, 95-99, 102-107, 111,.120. Gemsara, 20, 114 Grass, 92. 4 Indexes. Encirclement of English colonies by France, xxii-xxiii, xxv England, iv, viii, six, xxii, Il, xlviii, 26, 59-61. 75-78, 80481, 90, 92. 94, 97, 99, 111, 116-118, 121 Eng~lish, i, v, ix, x-xii, xv, xx, xxii-xxiii, xxxiii, xxxvii, xi, 8, 14, 25, 27, 29, 31, 43, 49, 52, 54, 57, 59-61, 63, 69, 71-72, 75-76, 80, 63, 65, 86, 91, 116-121 Erie Peninsuls. 46 Europe, iv, xxiii, xxxi, xxxiv, 31, 45, 60, 66, 71, 73, 76, 76481, 65, 96, 100-101 European, 9-10, 20, 44. 50, 60, 73-75, 77, 89, 96-99, 105, 114 Euxine See, 4 Expedition to M~issippi River, 1698-1700 (Bond), ii-iv Fish, xi, xlv, 10, 17, 37, 43-45, 56, 67, 89-90, 111; assilsendo, 44-45; Newfoundland codd, 44; sturgeos, 45; salmons, 45; salmon trout, 45; carps, 45 Fishing, xii, xxix; codfish, xxii; oyster, 9, 23,682,684, 122; shell- fish, 9, 23,682; musele, 9, 23,682; whales, xxii Flex. xxi, xliv, 92 Fletcher, Colonel, ix Florida, xxi, 4, 32, 114-116, 120; Penisula, 4, 21-22, 26, 67; Cape, 32, 86-67; Gulf, 65; Carolans, 113. Fort Creve-coeure, 17 Fort Louis, 26-27 Forts, x-si, x iii, xv, xxii, xxx, xxxvii-xxxvlii,. 6, 26, '36-39,' 45, 49-50, 58 Fowl, xi, 17, 37, 50, 52, 67, 79 Fox, 79 France, iv, xii, xxiv, xxvii, xxxi, xxxiii-xxiv, 27, 31, 38, 57, 60 90 French, dii, vii-viii, ix, xi-xiii, xv. xxi-xxii, xxiv-xxv, xxvui, xxi-, xxxi-xxxiii, xxxv-xxxviii, xxxix, al-all, xlvi, 1, 16, 18,25-29,31, ?9, 42-43, 45, 54-60, 70-71, 115, 120-121; refugees, v Friuli, 101 Frosntenac, Count, ix Fruit, 50, 73; grapes, 51, 75-76, 61; trees, 53, 73; lemons, 75; limses, 73; prunes, 24, 73; tonal or muas, 74, 85; raisos, 76; currants (see Corinth), 81 Gallicis, 505 G-rilessa [Ia Vega, Gaeilazo del, 83 Gems (precious stones), xii, 95, 111 Germany, 98 Glorious Revolution, xii Goaxa, 23 Gold, 65, 71, 95-99, 102-107, 111, 120 Gomiara, 20, 114 Grass, 92 4 Indexes, Encirclement of Englishs colonies by France, xxii-iii, xxv England, iv, viii, six, -xi, xl, xlviii, 26, 59-61, 75-78, 604-1, 90, 92, 94, 97, 99, 111, 116-118, 121 English, i, v, ix, x-ii, xv, xx, xxii-xxuii., xxxiii, xxxvii, xl, 6, 14, 25, 27, 29, 31, 43, 49, 52, 54, 57, 59-61, 61, 69, 71-72, 75-76, 60, 63, 65, 66, 91, 116-121 Erie Peninsula, 46 Europe, iv, xxsss, sxsi, xxxiv, 31, 45, 60, 66, 71, 73, 76, 76-63, 85, 96, 100-101 European, 9-10, 20, 44, 56, 60, 73-75, 77, 69, 96-99, 105, 114 Euxine Sea, 4 Extpeditioo to Mississippi River, 1696-1700 (Bond). ii-iv Fish, xi, xlvi, 10, 17, 37, 43-45, 56, 67, 89-90, 111; assihesado, 44-45; Newfoundland todd, 44;. sturgeons, 45; salmons, 45; salmnon trout, 45; carps. 45 Fishing, xiii, xxix; codfish, xxii; oyster, 9, 23, 62, 84, 122; shell- fish, 9, 23,682; musele, 9, 23,682; whales, xxi Flax, xxi, xliv, 92 Fletcher, Colonel, is Florida, xxi, 4, 32, 114-116, 120; Peninsula. 4, 21-22, 26, 67; Cape, 32, 86-87; Gulf, 83; Carolana, 113 Fort Creve-coeure, 17 Fort Louis, 26-27 Forms, s-m. am, xv, xxii, xxx, xxxvii-xxxviii, 6, 26, 36-39, 45, 49-50, 58 Fowl. xi, 17, 37, 50, 52, 67, 79 Fox, 79 France, iv, xii, xxiv, xxviii, xxxi, xxxiii-xxiv, 27, 31, 38, 57, 60 60 French. iii, vil-viii, ix, xi-xuii, xv, xxi-xxii, xxiv-xxv, xxvi, xxix, xxas-xxxis, xxv-xxxviii, xxxix, al-all, xlvi. 13, 16, 16,25-29, 31, 39, 42-43, 43, 54-60, 70-71, 115, 120-121; refugees, v Friuli, 101 Frontenae, Count, ix Fruit, 50, 73; grapes, 51, 75-76, 61; trees, 53, 73; lemons, 73; lmes, 73; prunes, 24, 73; tonal or moss, 74, 85; raisons, 76; currants (see Corinth), 81 Gallicia, 105 Garsilessa [la Vega. Garilazo del, 83 Gems (precious atones), xii, 95, 111 Germoany, 96 Glorious Revolution, xii Gamuls, 23 Gold, 65, 71, 95-99, 102-107, 111, 120 Goruara, 20, 114 Grass, 92.  Indexes. 5 Indexes. 5 Great Britain, iii, vii,A x va, xix, xxiv, xxix, xxxu, xhs- xlv, xlvii, 27. 82, 90-91 Greek, 106 Gundamore, 40 H-anoibal, 107 Havana, xxviii, 29. 83 Heath, Sir Robert, xlvii, 1-2, 109-111,.116. Hemp, xxi, xliv, 92 Hennsepin, 55 Hernando, 86 Herodslo, 5 Herrera, 20, 114 Hill, Abraham, 113 Hispnioa, -iii, 114 Honses. 9, 38, 63, 77, 83, 101 d'Iberville, 31, 115 Indians, i, ix, xi ,i. xiv, xxvii, xxii, Alvi-xli i, li, 9,13, 15-16, 26-27, 38-39, 41, 44, 50, 54, 59. 61, 63, 65, 71, 73, 77,.82483, 86, 95-96, 102-104, 117-118; Nations, vii, ix-xn, env, xSd, -xii, h-i-, 1, 7-8, 10, 12, 20, 41, 44-45, 48, 50, 55, 57, 50.61,. 63, 118; Aberaca, 25; Adgebaches, 23; Ainove%, 50; Akana, 11; Algonquin (Algonkuxa), 58; Alinnuecks (AlBsnecks), 1IC 18-19, 49; Alibano-, 24, 26; Anino-, 16, Anthiontans4, 50 plth,2;Bayogola, 4; Becaea, 25; Biscaterngs, 39; C aiaY15 ; aps1; Caracontauon, 17; Cascaschia, 50; Casvas qoia, 17; Casqui, 25; Chachakingua, 12; Chattas (Chat- tams), 25-26; Chattoes (Apalatchsy), 22; Chawanos, 12; Cheragusees (Clseraquces), 11, 13-14; Chics-a, 14, 25-26; Chongue, 12; Clicazas, 11; Cochahi, 14; Cocnis, 37-38; Cor- roas, 9; Cozas, 25; Cusshetaes, 23; Eokoro, 19; Epimingoia, 11; Epitoupa, 10; Erabacha, 31; F canape, 19; Ewemualas, 25; Gnaaararies, 19; Htihio, 12; Hoxabanon, 14; Houaa, 8, 37, 101-102; Hudson, 56; Hurons, 44: Illicoueck, 17, 47; Illinois, 16; Illinonecks, 47, 53; Irocois, viii, xiii, 11, 13, 16, 44-46, 49, 54-61, 138; Kakigue, 14; Kanaa, 11; Kasqui, 13; Kikapouz (Kikpouz), 18, 50; Kirononas, 38; Konoatiunna, 38; Ko- oua, 30; Mahsomnetans, 74; Malominis, 48; Mascontens (Mas- conen), 17, 50; Mtassorites (M1esanurites), 16, 19, 102; Matchagamia, 11; Mlarotantes, 16; Minron, ti; Mohacks, x, 56; Mougolaches, 7; Nachbs, 9, 82; Nachsitocka, 10 Nadoues- sum, 44; Naguate-se, 10; Natschocks, 10; Neirn, 45; Nikie, 48; Olhbahalies, 24; Qasriouks, 56; Onots16; Ononsdages (Onont e), ix, 56; (Stages, 15; Qualeanicou, 48; (Suesperies, 11; Ouoai,48, 50; Ournuacks, 46, 57; Great Britain, iii vii, xi, xva. xix, xxsv, xxix, xxxio, xhsi-xlv, xlvii, 27, 82, 90-91 Greek, 106 Gundamore, 40 Hannibal, 107 Havana, xxviii, 29, 83 Heath, Sir Robert, xlvii, 1-2, 109-111, 116. Hemp, xxi, xliv, 92 Hennepin, 55 Hernando, 86 Hcrodos, 5 Herrera, 20, 114 Hill, Abraham, 113 Hsaia, xxviii, 114 Horara, 9, 38, 63, 77, 83, 101 d'lberville, 31, 115 Indians, i, ix, xi, xiii, xiv, xxii, xxi, xlvi-xlvi, i, 9, 13, 15-16, 26-27, 30-39, 41, 44, 50, 54, 59. 61, 63, 65, 71, 73, 77,.82483, 86, 95-96, 102-104, 117-118; Nations, vii, ix-ma, xiv, xxi, xxvii, li-li, 1, 7--, 10, 12, 20, 41, 44-45, 48, $0, 55, 57, 59-61, 63, 118; Abecaes, 23; Adgebaches, 23; Ainoves, 50; Akana, 11; Algonquin (Algonluns), 58; Alinnuecks (Allinnuecka), 16, 18-19, 49; Allibansoa, 24, 26, Alnico, 14, Anthontans, 50; Apalatchy, 22; Bayogola, 4; Becaes, 23; Biasateronl;N 39; Cahokia, 15; Cappa, 11; Caracontaun, 17; Catraschia, 50; Cascasquaia, 17; Casqui, 25; Chachakingusa, 12; Chatrs (Chat- tats), 25-26; Chattoes (Apalatchy), 22; Chawances, 12; Cheraguees (Cheraquees). 11, 13-14; Chica-a, 14, 25-26; Chongue, 12; Clicaz s, 11; Cochali, 14; Coenis, 37-38; Cur- roas, 9; Comas, 25; Cusabetaes, 23; Eokorq, 19; Episninguia. 13; Epitoupa, 10; Emabacha, 11; Essanape, 19; Ewemalas, 25; Gnasitaries, 19; Hohio, 12; Hoabanmm, 14; Houmas, 8, 37, 101-102; Hudson, 56; Huros, 44: Illicoueck, 17, 47; Illinois, 16; Illinouecks, 47, 53; Iracois, viii, xiii, 11, 13, 16, 44-46, 49, 54-61, 118; Kakigue, 14-, Kama, 11; Kaaqui, 13; Kikapouz (Kikpouz), 18, 50; Kirononas, 38; Konuatmuos, 38; Kour- ouxa, 10; Mahomserans, 74; Malominia, 48; Masconren (Mas- courems), 17, i0; Maxaniras (Meatourites), 16, 19, 102; Matchagamia, 11; Matantta, 16; Mintou, 11; Mohacks, x, 56; Mongolaches, 7; Naches, 9, 82; Nachsitoeks, 10 Nadoues- sons, 44; Nauters 10; Natachucka, 10; Nepiacerini, 43; Nikie, 48; Obbhahalies, 24-, Onaeiouks, 36, Onineta, 56; Onondagea (Onout es) is, 56; Ortages, 15; Oualeanicou, 48; Ouesperies, 11; Ouori48, 50; Ourtuacks, 46. 57; Indexes. 5 Great Britain, iii, vii, xi, xvii, xix, xxiv, xxix, xxxii xlii-xlv, xlvii, 27, 82, 90-91 Greek, 106 Gundamore. 40 Hannibal, 107 Havana, xxiii, 29, 83 Heath, Sir Robert, xlvii, 1-2, 109-ill, 116 Hemp, xxi, xliv, 92 Hennsepin, 55 Hernando, 86 Herodorus, $ Herrera, 20, 114 Hill, Abraham, 113 Hispaiola, xxvi-1, 114 Horaes, 9, 38, 63, 77, 83, 101 d'lherville, 31. 115 Indians, j, ix, xi, xiii, xiv, xxvii, xxxii, xlvi-xvii , i 9, 13, 15-16, 26-27, 38-39, 41, 44, 50, 54, 59, 61. 63, 65, 71, 73, 77, 82453, 86, 95-96, 102-104, 117-118; Nations. vii, ix-xi,. xiv,: ind, xxvii, li-ui, 1, 7-8, 10, 12, 20, 41, 44-45, 48, 50, 5,7,59-61, 63, 118; Abecaes, 25; Adgebachex, 25; Ainoves, 50; Akansas 11; Algonquin (Algoaskim), 58; Alinonecks (Allinoecka), 16, 18-19, 49; Allihamoux, 24, 26, Amicoa, 14, Anthenrams, 50; Apalatchy, 22; Bayogola, 4; Becam, 23; Biasateronga, 39; Cahokia, 15; Cappa, 11; Caracotaaon, 17; Caxcaxchia, 50; Cascasquia, 17; Casqui, 23; Chachakinsgua, 12; Chatrs (Chat- tes), 25-26; Chsattoes (Apalatchsy), 22; Chawanoes, 12; Cheraguecs (Cheraqueea), 11, 13-14; Chicara, 16, 25-26;. Chongue, 12; Ch-za, 11; Cotchali, 14; Coe-is, 37-38; Cor- russ, 9; Cuzas, 25; Cxathetaes. 23; Eokornq 19; Epinsinguis. 11; Epitoupa, 10; Erabacha, 11; Fasanape. 19; Ewvealas, 25; Gonasitaries, 19; Hohio, 12; Honabanoui, 14; Houmuas, 8, 37, 101-102; Hudson, 56; Huron, 44: Illicoueck, 17, 47; Illinois, 16; Ilinoecks, 47, 53; Irucois, viii, xiii, 11, 13, 16, 4446, 49, 54-61, 118; Kakigue, 14; Kamsa, 11; Kasqui, 13; Kikapu (3(ikpor), 18, 56, Kirononsa, 38; Konoatinnos, 38; Kour- ouas, 16, Mahonmerans, 74; Malominis, 48; Maaconcens (:Max- coutens), 17, 50; Massorites (Messourites), 16, 19, 102; .Matchagamnix, 11; Martantes, 16; Minston, 11; .Mohacks, x, 56; Mougoilaches, 7; Nachem, 9, 82; Naclsiraks, 10; Nadoues- ana, 44; Naguatecres, 10; Natswhocks, 10; Nepiserini, 43; Niktie, 48; Olibahalies, 24, Oneiouks, 56; Onioets, 56; Onondages (Onunrages). ix, 56; Orages, 15; Onxleanicou, 48; (Suesperirs, 11; Outogamis, 48, 50; Ourouacks, 46, 57;  6 Indexes. Oxages, 11, 16, 102; Palachees, 22; Palogueases, 38; Palon- ns, 38; Pans. 16; Panrassa, 16; Paneloga, 16; Panimsaha, 16; Pepeperolon, 12; Pianguichia, 12; Poutcooamis (Poutousata- ntis), 19. 48; Prouaria, 17; Puans, 19', Quonoatinnos, 37-38; Sacky, 48; Sambouka, 10; Senecaes, 55; Sieux, 20; Sonnon- mevans, 55-56; Sulluggoes, 22; Sypouria, 12; Tabogale, 14; Tahensa, 9; Tahogale, 14; Tali. 14; Tallihousies, 23; Talfises, 24; Tamsaroas, 14; Tarahas, 38; Thoya (Thoyago-Tejago), 65; Tihiou, 10; Tomakees, 22; Ton~ginga, 11; Torinmans, 11; Tounicas, 10; Tycappans, 38; Ullibahies, 24, 26; Yasoue. 10; Yassoutes, 10 Indico (indigo), xliii, 86 Indies, 48; West, xlvi, 81, 88, 98; East, 64, 87, 90-92 Ireland, xlvii, 87 Islands, Bahanma, xlvii, 87, 110, 114; Canary, 65, 79; Carinda (Earinda), 65; Carolana, 112; Cephelonia, 81; Dauphine, 27, 29; Earinda (Carinda), 63; Gold, 66; Los Marryres, 33; Maintoualin, 45; Manilliss, 64;, Ming, 42; -Mirtle, 26, 29-31, 33; Philippine, 64; Rose, 30; Ships, 8, 29; Slausghrer, 27, 29; Tamnaros, 14; Torimans, 11; Tortssga, 32-33; Veassis, xlvii, 110; Vaisseaux, 8, 29; Wight, 117; Zasst, 81 Istria, 101 Italy. 90 Jamaica, xxviii, 29, 86 Japan, xxvi, xli, lii, 20, 652, 64-67, 69, 119-120 Jedsn, 68 Jersey, 104 Jesse Gulf, 66 Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, 90 Journal, i, iv, 3, 28, 3, 40, 57, 63, 67-68, 118, 120-121 Jovias, Paulus, 114 Kine (Ciboilas), 4, 7, 9, 37, 40. 51, 53, 76, 78, 80 King Charles 1, xlvii, 1,987, 109, 116 King Chsarles 11, 2, 59, 64, 81, 116 King Charles IX, mviii King Henry VII, sxsixs, 114 Kiog James II, viii, xii, 59-W0 King Lousis XIV, iv, 61 King William Ill, iv, vi, xii, xxxix, xlviii, 114 Kingston, 23 La Hosian, Baron, 19, 43, 57, 60, 63 Lake, Alinouerlks, 49; Asseniponavals (Assinepouslaos), 43; Erie, 18, 47, 52, 61; Hounndate, 44; Great, xiii, xxiv, 3, 19, 41; Huron, 61; Ihinossecks, 47, 53; Karegnondi, 44, 4749, 32; Nadosessons, 42, 44; Nensipigsas, 43-44;, Nepiserini, 45; 6 Indexes. Orages, 11, 16, 102; Palathees, 22; Paloguessens, 38; Palon- nua, 38; Pans, 16; Panrassa, 16; Panelosga, 16; Psninmaha, 16; Pepepicoksia, 12; Piangusichsia, 12; Ponteeonanamis (Poarouata- mis), 19, 48; Prouaria, 17; Puans, 19;, Quonoatinnas, 37-38; Sacky, 48; Sanshoukis, 10; Senerses, 55; Sieux, 20; Sennon- tovsns, 55-56; Sulluggoes, 22; Sypura, 12; Tabogale, 14; Tahensa, 9; Tahogale, 14; Tali, 14; Tallihousies, 23; Tallises, 24; Tamsaroas, 14; Tarahas, 38; Thoya (Thoyago-Tejago), 65; Tihiou, 10; Tommtaketes, 22; Toasginga, 11; Toimnsss, 11; Tounicas, 10; Tycappans, 38; Ullibsalies, 24, 26; Yasoue, 10; Yassouets, 10 Indico (indigo), xliii, 86 Indies, 48; West, xlvi, 81, 88, 98; East, 64, 87, 90-92 Ireland, xlvii, 87 Islands, Bahama, xlvii. 87, 110, 114; Canary, 65, 79; Carinda (Esrinda), 65; Carolana, 112; Cephelonia, 81; Dauaphine, 27, 29; Earinda (Carinda), 65; Gold, 66; Los Martyres, 33; Maintouslin, 45; Manilliss, 64;, Minong, 42; .Mirtle, 26, 29-31, 33; Philippine, 64; Rose. 30; Ships, 8, 29; Slaughter, 27, 29; Tamsaroas, 14; Torinsans, 11; Tortaga, 32-33; Vesnis, xlvii, 110; Vaisseasax, 8, 29; Wight, 117; Zant, 91 Iatria, 101 Italy, 90 Jamaica, xxviii, 29, 86 Japan, -xi, all, lii, 20, 62, 64-67, 69, 119-120 Jedso, 68 Jersey, 1I4 Jesso Guslf, 66 Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, 90. Journal, i, iv. 3, 29. 35, 40, 57, 63, 67-68, 119, 120-121. Jovases, Psaulus, 114 Kine (Ciholas), 4, 7, 9, 37, 40, 51. 53, 76, 78, 80 King Charles I, xlvii, 1, 87, 109, 116 King Charles 11, 2, 39, 64, 91, 116 Long Charles IX, xxxiii Long Henry VII, xxix, 114 Long James II, viii, xii, 59-60 Long Louis XIV, iv, 61 King William III, iv, vi, xii, xxxix, xlviii, 114 Kingston, 23 La Hossan, Baron, 19, 43, 57, 60, 60 Lake, Alinouecks, 49; Assenipouvals (Assinepouaines), 43; Erie, 18, 47, 52, 61; Hoanondate, 44; Great, xiii, xxiv, 3, 19, 41; Huron, 61; lllissoaeelo, 47. 53; Karegnondi, 44, 47-49, 32; Nadosessons, 42, 44; Nenspigoss, 43-44; Nepiserini, 45; 6 Indexes. Orages, 11, 16, 102; Palarhees, 22; Paloguesses, 38; Palou- nas, 38; Pans, 16; Panrassa, 16; Paneloga, 16; Panimaha, 16; Pepepiokia, 12; Pianguichia, 12; Pouteouotamsis (Ponrouata- mis), 19, 48; Prouaria, 17; Pas, 19;, Qaonoarinnos, 37-38; Sacky, 48; Samboukis, 10; Senaecaes, 55; Sieux, 20; Sonnon-. tovam, 55-56; Sulluggoes, 22; Sypouria, 12; Tabogale, 14; Tahensa, 9; Tahogale, 14; Tali, 14; Tallibonsies, 23; Tallises, 24; Tamaroas, 14; Tarthas, 38; Thoya (Thoyago-Tejago), 65; Tihiou, 10; Tommasees, 22; Toanginsga, 11; Torimsans, 11; Toniess, 10; Tycappans, 38; Ullibalies, 24, 26; Yasoue, 10; Yassousees, 10 Ireland, xlvii, 87 Islands, Bahama, xlvil, 87, 110, 114; Canary, 65, 79; Carinda (Esrinda), 65; Carolana, 112; Cephelonia, 81; Dasuphine, 27, 29; Earinda (Carinda), 65; Gold, 66; Los Manvyres, 33; :Maintonalin, 45; Manillias, 64; Missong, 42; Mirtle. 26, 29-31, 33; Philippine, 64; Rose, 30; Ships, 8, 29; Slaughter, 27, 29; Tamnaroas, 14; Torimans, 11; Tortuga, 32-33; Vesans, xlvii, 110; Vaisseaux, 8, 29;, Wight, 117; Zanst, 91 Istria, 101 Italy, 90 Jamaica, xxvii, 29, 86 Japan, xxvi, xhi, Iii, 20, 62, 64-67, 69, 119-120 Jedso, 68 Jersey, 104 Jesso Gulf, 66 Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, 90 Journal, i, iv, 3, 28, 35, 40, 57, 63, 67-68, 118, 120-121 Jovius, Pasulus, 114 Kine (Cibolas), 4, 7, 9. 37, 40, 51, 53, 76, 78, 80 King Charles I, xlvii, I, 87, 109, 116 King Charles I1, 2,359, 64, 81, 116 King Charles IX, xxxiii Long Henry VII, xxxix, 114 Long James II, viii, xii, 59-60 Long Louis XIV, iv, 61 Long William III, iv, vi, xii, xxxix, xlviii, 114 Kingston, 23 La Hontan, Baron, 19, 43, 57, 610, 63 Lake, Alinouerks, 49; Asseniponvals (Assineposalans), 43; Erie, 18, 47, 52. 61; Hossnondate, 44; Great, xiii, xxiv, 3, 19, 41; Huron, 61; Illinnueclo, 47, 53; Karegsondi, 44, 479, 52; Nadouessons, 42, 44; Namipigon, 43-44;, Nepiserisi, 45;  Indexes. 7 Indexes. 7 Indexes. 7 Ontario, 55-57, 61; Otseka, 52; Pimiteoui, 17; Pontchartrain, 8; Superior, 42,.44; Thoyago (Tejago), 653 Lapis Laruli, 95-96 la Salle, Sicur de, xxvii, 17, 38, 49, 118 Le Clerk, 118 Le Tonty, 118 Levant, 95 Lexington, 113 Linnen, 8% .92 Liquor, 76 Livonsia, 94 Livy, 106 London, 40 Lon-dale, Lord, v-vi Louisiana (Louiasiana-La Louisiane),. xxi, xx v, xxvi-xxvi i, x xxxvii. 26 Mtahomet, 74 Malosnin, 48 :Manclset, 73 Mandihoeca roor. 72 Map of Guillaume Delisle, mentioned, viui, xxxvui-xxxviu Marie (clay), 26 Martiniu-, 84 Martins, 79 Marshal, Earl, 116 Martyr. Peter, 114 Maryland, xxv, 12-13, 42, 54 Mantravecs, Lord, 116 Maubela, 25 Meadows, P., 113 M~eat, xxi, 76-77 Memorial of Dr. Daniel Coxe, 1699, rrferred to, iv-v, xlviii; abstract of, 114-122 Mketals and minerals, viii, xxi, xii, Iii, 42, 65, 70, 92, 105, 107, 11l Mexico, xxviii, xxx, xlii, 28, 30, 39, 64, 85-86, 97, 101, 115; Gulf or Bay, iv, viiv-xxviii, xxix, xxxi, 2-5, 18, 22, 25, 28-29, 32, 39, 61, 64, r79, 85, 102, 114-11$, 120 Michigan Peninsula, 61 .Mines, xxvii, xxxii, 38, 42, 71, 89, 95-101, 105-108, 111 Minoia (Aminoia), 22 :Mississippi River, as dividing line, xxxii-xxxmi :Mobile, 25, 29 Montreall (Montreal), 46, 37 Mouse, 43 Mountains, xxx, 8, 22-23, 39, 71, 101, 10, 106-108 Mouvilla, 24 Mulberry, trees, 90; seeds, 91 Ontario, 55-57, 61; Otsekta, 52; Pimiiteoui, 17; Pontchactrain, 8; Superior, 42, 44; Thoyago (TIejago), 63 Lapis Lazuli, 91-96 la Salle, Sirur de, xxvii, 17, 38, 49, 118 Le Clesrk, 118 Le Tonsy. 118 Levant, 95 Lexington, 113 Linrn, 80, 92 Liquor, 76 Livonia, 94 Liy, 106 London, 40 Lonsdale, Lord, -vi Louisiana (Louiasiana-La Lonisiane), aai, xxiv, xxvi-xxvii, sax, xxxii, 26 Mlalomet, 74 Malontin, 48. Mauchce, 73 :Mandihoca rout 72 Map of Guillaumne Delisle, meetioned, vian, xxxvu-saxxviu Marle (clay), 26 Martinius, 84 Martins, 79 Marshal, Earl, 116 Marrvr, Peter, 114 Maryland, xxv, 12-13, 42, 54 IMattravera, Lord, 116 Mauhela, 25 Meadows, P., 113 Meat, xxi, 76-77 :Memoerial of Dr. Daniel Coxe, 1699, referred to, iv-v, xlviii; abstract of, 114-122 Metals and minerals, viii, xxi, xli, Iii, 42, 65,70.,97, 105, 107, Ill :Mexico, xxviii, xxx, xlii, 28, 30, 39, 64, 85-86, 97, 101, 115; Gulf or Bay, iv, viii, xiv-xxviii, xxix, xxxi, 2-5, 18, 22, 23, 28-29, 12, 39, 61, 64, 79. 85, 102, 114-115, 120 Michigan Penienla, 61 Mines, xxvii, xxxii, 38, 42. 71, 89, 95-101, 105-108, 111 Minola (&ninoia), 22 MNisasippi River, as dividing line, xxxii-xxxiii Mobsile, 25. 29 Montreall (Montreal), 46, 57 Moose, 43 :Mountains, xxx, 8, 22-23, 39, 71, 101, 104,106-108 Mouvilla, 24 Mulberry, trees, 90; seeds, 91 Ontario, 55-57, 61; Otseka, 52; Pinuiceoui, 17; Pontcharrain, 8; Superior. 42, 44; Thoyago (Tejago),.63 Lapis Lazuli, 95-96 la Salle. Sieur de, xxvii, 17, 38, 49, 118 Le Clerk, 118 Le Tonty, 118 Levant, 95 Lexington, 113 Liones, 80, 92 Liquor, 76 Livonia, 94 Liv-, 106 London, 40 Lonsdale, Lord, v-vi Louisiana (Louisiana-La Louisiane), xxi, xxiv, xxvi-xxvii, xxx, xxxii, 26 Mahomet, 74 Malonmin, 48 Manchec, 73 Mandilsoca rout, 72 Map of Guillaumse Delisle, mentioned, vimi, xxxvai-xxxrvna Mlarle (clay), 26 Martini-s, 84 Martins, 79 Macshsal, Earl, 116 Martyr, Peter, 114 Maryland, xxv, 12-13, 42, 54 Matrravecs, Lord, 116 Maubsela, 23 Meadows, P., 113 Meat, xxi, 76-77 Memorial of Dr. Daniel Coxe, 1699, referred to, iv-v, xlviii; abstract of, 114-122 Metals and minerals, viii, xxi, xi, Iii, 42, 63, 70, 92, 105, 107, 111 :Mexico. xxiii, xx, x.6i, 28, 30, 39, 64, 85-86, 97, 101, 115; Gulf or Bay, iv, viii, xiv-xxviii, xxix, xxxi, 2-3, 18, 22, 23, 28-29, 32, 39, 61, 64, 79, 85, 102, 114-115, 120 :Michigan Penienla, 61 Mines, xxvii, xxxii, 38, 42. 71, 89, 95-101. 105-108, 111 Minois (Aminoia), 22 ,Mississippi River, as dividing lise, xxxin-xxxsii Mobile, 23, 29 Montreall (Montreal), 46, 57 Moose, 43 Mountains, xxx, 8, 22-23, 39, 71, 101, 104, 106-108 Mouvila, 24 Mulberry, trees, 90; seeds, 91  Indexes. 8 Indexes, Indexes. Males (Assineges), 78 Muscovites, 68 Mescovy, 67-68 Moscow (Archangel), 68 Namhboe Port, 66-67 Naples, 91 Naptha, 86-87 Narvaez, Pamephilo, 115 Natral History of the Wes-udes, 88 Naval Stores, xxi-xxii, xliv, xlvi, 92--94 Needham, Mir., 120 Negroes, 71, 90, 106 New Biscay, xxii, 38-39, 101, 105 New England, 63, 117 Newfossodland, xxviii, 44 New Franre, viii New Jersey, xxv,103 New Mexico, xxvii, 2-3, 8-9, 15, 37-39, 63, 78, 101-102, 105-106, 116-117, 119 New Severn, 43 New Spain, 80 New York, ix-xii, xxv, 12, 42, 54, 59, 103, 018 Niagara Canal. 34 Nichlson, General, x Nilco (Anilco), 22 North America, v, xxi, 47, 61, 71 North Carolina, xxv, 92 Noahl Sea, 115 Norway, 94 Nova Scotia, xxv, xxviii Noes, 77, 81; acorns, 77; elassuta, 77; alsmonds, 81 Osrintsia, 101 Oars, 48, 73 Ogleby's Collection, 66 Olives, 80 Orsonrague, 36 Orpiment, 10i Oviedo, 114 - Oxen, 76-78. Pacificks Ocean, 52, .116 Palacheau .Mt., 23 Palmetto, 28 Panther, 79 Panuco, 29, 115 Pacacoassi, 117 Males (Assinegos), 78 Mescovites, 68 Muscovy. 67-68 Mouscow (Archangel), 68 Narahon Port, 66-67 Naples, 91 Naptha, 86-87 Narvoer, Pamnphsilo, 113 Natural Hisbory of the West-Indier, 88 Naval Stores, xxi-xxii, xliv, xlvi, 92-94 Needham, Mr., 120 Negroes, 71, 96, 106 New Biscay, xxii, 38-39, 101, 105 New England, 63, 117 Newfoundland, xxviii, 44 New France, viii New Jersey, xxv, 103 New Mexico, -xii, 2-3, 8-9, 15, 37-39, 63, 78, 101-102, 105-106, 116-117, 119 New Severn, 43 New Spain, 80 New York, ix-xii, xxv,..12, 42, 54, 59, 103, 118 Niagara Canal, 54 Nicholson, General, x Nilco (Anilco), 22 North America, v, xxi, 47, 61, 71 North Carolina, xxv 92 North Sea, 115 Norway, 94 Nova Scotia, xxv, xxviii Nuts, 77, 81; acomsn, 77; elsesnuta, 77; alsmonds, 81 Oarinthia, 101 Oars, 48, 78 Ogleby's Collection, 66. Olives, 80 Onontague, 36 Orpimnscn, 105 Oviedo. 114 Oxen, 76-78 Patifick Ocean, 52, 116 Palacheau Mt., 23 Palmetto, 28 Panther, 79 Parso, 29, 113 P.aracoescsi, 117 Males (Assinegos), 78 :Muscovites, 68 Muscovy, 6768 Moscow (Archangel), 68 Namhoe Port, 6667 Naples, 91 Naptha, 86-87 Narvue-, Poosphilo, 115 Natural History of the West-Indiese, 88 Naval Stores, xxi-xali, xliv, xlvi, 92-94 Needhame, Mr., 120 Negroes, 71, 90, 106 New Biscay, xxvii, 38-39, 101, 105 New England, 63, 117 Newfoundland, xxviii, 44 New France, viii New Jersey, xxv, 101 New Mexico, xxvii, 2-3, 8-9, 15, 37-39, 63, 78, 101-102, 103-106, 116-117, 119 New Severn, 43 New Spain, 80 New York, ix-xii, xxv, 12, 42,354, 59, 103, 118 Nilco (Anilco), 22 North America, v, xxi, 47, 61, 71 North Carolina, xxv, 92 North Sea, 115 Norway, 94 Nova Scotia, xxv, ,xviii Nuts, 77, 81; acorns, 77; chesnsuts, 77; almonds, 81. Osrinthia, 101 Oars, 48, 73 Ogleby's Collectiont, 66 Olives, 80 Onontague, 56 Orpmiment, 105 Oviedo, 114 Oxen, 76-78 Pacificks Ocean, 52, 116 Palacheau Mr., 23 Palmetmo, 28 Panther, 79 Parso, 29, 113 Paraemassi, 117  Indexes. 9 Indexes. 9 Indexes. 9 Paris, 118 Parker, Captain, 40 Peatls, 9, 23, 8244 Pekin, 69 Pensacola (Penacola), 27-28, 52-33 Pensilvania, xxv, 42, 53-54, 119 Persa, 89, 91 Peru, xlii, 71, 79, 88, 97, 108 Plnny (shell fish), 23 Pidgeon, 96 Pliny, 106-107 Plows, 77 Polibius, 106 Pollemsen, John, 113 Portland, 122 Port Nelson, 43 Porto Bello, 29 Portugal, 81, 97-98, 104-105. Pruus,104 Potosi Mt., 71, 108 Privateers, 29, 64 Prussia, 94 Pyrenean Mt., 106 Quebec (Quebeck), 46, 58 Queen ElIzabeth, 92 Quicksilver, 98-101, 107 Racoons, 79 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 88, 92 Ransusiox, 114 Refugees, French, v Rhsoan, Duke of, 70 Rice, xxii, 48, 73 Rivers, Aboer., 39; Albazin, 67; Amanaos, 4; Apalache (Apal- atchsy), 22,29; Argun, 67; Best, 49; Biscaterongs, 39; Blacks, 13; Cannada (Canada), 3, 43, 57; Cappa, 11; Chabadeba, 20; Chattas, 25; Checagou, 16, 18, 49; Chepusan, 15; Chilaha, 82, 8;Cigl,67; C~hongue, 12; Cocrus, 37-38; Coza (Cosa-), 2,3,8;Cusates, 13, 25; Cussawv (Coza), 82; Danubios, 4;, Escondido, 101; Guadiana, 40; Hilura, 67; Hohiso (Fair River), 12-14, 23, 54; Honabanou, 14;, Hudson, 56; later, 4; James, 120; Jeolsas, 68; Jenimseg, 68; Kanadaci, 56; Kasqnl, 13; Lemiplsaaki, 43; Massozites, 63; Matchicebe, 11; Mesc a- cee(%is~ ppi), iii-iv, viii, xiv-xv, xlv-xxvi, xxix-xxxn, xxxvii, xl-xi, li-Ili, 1-5, 7-16, 18-21, 23, 26-27, 30-32, 35-39, 41, 47, 61-62, 82483, 83, 88, 101-102, 115, 117-120 (are also Paris, 118 Parker, Captain, 40 Pearls, 9, 23, 82-4 Pekin, 69 Pensacola (Penaicola), 27-28, 32-33 Penslvanla, xxv, 42, 53-54, 119 Persia, 89, 91 Peru, xlii, 71, 79, 88, 97, 108 Plumy (shell fish), 23 Pidgeon, 96 Pliny, 106-107 Plows, 77 Polibiun, 106 Polleasen, John, 313 Portland, 122 Port Nelson, 43 Porto Bello, 29 Portugal, 81, 97-98, 104-105 Pot-he, 94 Potosi Mt., 71, 108 Privateers, 29, 64. Prowsi, 94 Pyrenean Mt. 106 Quebec (Quebeck), 46, 38 Queen Elizabeth, 92 Quicksilver, 98-101, 107 Racoos, 79 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 88, 92 Ramsnuaon, 114 Refugees, French, v Rhoan, Duke of, 70 Rice, xxii, 48, 73 Rivens, Abotas, 39; Albazin, 67; Amazon, 4; Apalache (Apal- atchsy), 22. 29; Argun, 67; Bear, 49; Biscaterongs, 39; Black, 13; Cannada (Canada), 3, 43, 57; Ca pp, 11; Chabadeba, 20; Chatttas, 25; Chsecagou, 16, 18, 49; Clsepuaso, 15; Chsiahsa, 82, 84; Chingola, 67; Chongue, 12; Cotnia, 37-38; Coza (Counsa), 23, 33, 82; Casates, 13, 23; Cussaw (Cues), 82; Danubins, 4;, Eacondido, 101; Guadiana, 40; Hilura, 67; Hohio (Fair River), 12-14, 23, 34; Honabanou, 14; Hudson, 56; later, 4; James, 120; Jenisca, 68; Jenisseg, 68; Kanadari, 56; Kasu, 13; Lenaipissaki, 43; Massorites, 63; Matchsicebe, 11; Meacha- cebe.(Miispi) iii-iv, viii, xiv-xv, xalv-xxvi, xxix-xxxii, xxxii, xl-xli, l-Iii, 1-5, 7-16, 18-21, 21, 26-27, 3032, 35-39, 41, 47. 61-62, 82483, 85, 88, 101-102, 115, 117-120 (see also Pads, 118 Parker, Captain, 40 Pearls, 9, 23, 82-4 Pekin, 69 Pensacola (Penaicola), 27-28, 32-33 Pensilvania, xxv, 42, 53-54, 119 Persia, 89, 91 Peru, xlii, 71, 79, 88, 97, 108 Plans (shell fish), 23 Pidgeoma, 96 Pliny, 106-107 Plowys, 77 Polibiun, 106 Polltxsen, Johns, 113 Portland, 122 Port Nelson, 43 Porto Bello, 29 Portugal, 81, 97-98, 104-105 Potosi Mt., 71, 108 Privarteers, 29, 64 Prussia, 94 Pyrenean Mt., 106 Quebec (Qssebeck), 46, 58 Queen Elizabeth, 92 Quicksilver, 98-101, 107 Raoons, 79 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 88, 92 Rainasioz, 114 Refugees, Frtnch, v Rhoan, Duke of, 70 Rice, xxii, 48, 73 Rivers, Abotas, 19; Albazin, 67; Amazon, 4; Apalache (Apal- atchy), 22, 29% Argon, 67; Bear, 49; Bsamg,39; Black, 13; Casanada (Canada), 3, 43, 57; Capp, 11; Chbb, 20; Clhattrs, 25; Checgu 16, 18, 49; Chepusan, 15; Chiaha, 82, 84; Chsingola, 67; Coge, 12; Coes, 37-38; Coza (Coussa), 23, 33, 82; Cusates, 13, 25; Cussaw (Cues), 82; Danubiw, 4; Escondido, 101; Guadiana, 40; Hilura, 67; Hohio (Fair River), 12-14, 23. 54; Honabanuu, 14;, Hudson, 56; later, 4; Jamses, 120; Jenisca, 68; Jeniaseeg, 68; Kanadari, 56; Kasqol, 13; Lesnipissaki, 43; Massozites, 63; Matchsicebe, 11; Meacha- cebe (Mississippai), iiiv, viii, xiv-xv. xxiv-xxvi, xxix-xxxai, xxvii, xl-xdi, h-GI, 1-5, 7-16, 18-21, 21, 26-27, 3012, 35-39, 41, 47, 61-62, 8243, 85, 88, 101-102, 113, 117-120 (ste also  10 Inidexes. Cebe, 4; Chucague, 4; Malabanchia, 4; Mescha, 4; Mississippi. li, 4; Little Matchecebe, 30); Mesehacibe, 19; Meecheouay, 63; Mesconsing, 47; Miamiha, 17, 49, 53; Michipiketon, 43; Misconsiag (Misconsiog), 18, 50; Mistouaqui, 19, 47; Mit- chaoywa (Mlitchayowa-Long River), 18-19; :Mobile, 23: Moingona, 18; Muscovy, 68; Natchitock, 10; Negovim,. 67: Nemipigon, 43; Nphou 67; Netlskoy, 67; Niagara, 54; Nile, 5; Niska, 11; Oby, 68; Oclsequiton, 119; Ohio, 18, 120; Ole, 67; Orages, 15; Oronogue, 4, 88; Ouabache (Ouabaciih), i, 12, 18, 49; Ooabacliicou, 12; Ouespere, 13; Ououoaiw'y, 11; Palache, 21-22. 27; Palmes, 101; Panoco, 4; Pasagoula, 31; Passo Magno, 2, 110, 116; Poomsackc, 13; Rio Bravo (Escon- dido), 40, 101-102; Rio de le Plate, 4; Rio-grand del Norne, 2; Sassagoula, 4; Spirito Santo, 22, 27; St. Barbe, xxvii, 38; St. Laurence (St. Lawencse), xiii, xxi, xxv, 3, 43, 46, 57; St. Louis, xxxii; St. Nlattheo, 2, 110, 116; Suogoro, 67; Susquehannah (Susquehanahs), 53-54, 119; Sypootia, 12; Tamour (Amesra), 67-68; Thames (Kingston), 23; Thames (London), 40; Tortoises, 20; Vaches, 18; Yamour, 68; Yellow (Muddy), 11, 15-16, 63, 102, 120; Yosouc, 10 Roman, xx, 106-107; Enspire, 98 Rope, 80 Rum, xlvii Russia, xlv, 94 Sakinam, 47 Salt, 10, 33, 35, 51, 87, 89-90; springs, 56; peter, 96-97. Sandaratha, 105 Schenecteda, 54 Sconce, 31 Scotland, 99, 116 Sheep, 40, 71, 77, 80 Ships, 16, 29, 40, 49, 52, 66, 93; Dutch, 8; English, 8; French, 8; China, 20; European, 20; Japan, 20 Shoes, 52, 78, 87 Sicily, 90-91 Silk, 90-92 Silver, 71. 97-103, 105-107, 111 Silvester (see Cochineal), 85 Sisand furs, xi, xxi, xxvii, 41, 45, 51-52, 59-60, 68-69, 78-79 Sa-olr,94 Soldirs, xi, 26, 28, 70 Soto, Ferdinando, 23-24, 85, 115 Sooth Carolina, xxv, 90 Sooth Sea, xxvi, xli, Iii, 2-3, 16, 19, 62--64, 88, 116, 119 Spain, xxxii, xlhi, 24, 40, 81, 85, 97-98, 105-107 Spaniards, xxvii-xxviii, xxx-xxxii, xxxiv, xixli,2-4, 9-10, 15, 20-21, 28-29, 37, 39-40, 64-65, 71, 79, 83-84, 86, 88, 97-98, loo-101, 105-106, 114-115 10 Indexes. Coe.e 4; Chocagos, 4; Malabanehia, 4; Mescha, 4; Mississippi, Ii, 4; Litrle Mleschacebe, 30); Meschacihe, 19; :Meschaooay, 63; Meseoiiug, 47; Miansiha, 17, 49, 53; Michuipiketon, 43; Misconsiag (Mlisconsing), 18, 50; Mliscouaqui, 19, 47; Mlit- . chaNyw (Mitchaynwa-Long River). 18-19; Mobile, 23: Moingona, 18; Muscovy, 68; Natchitockt, 10; Neovm 67; Nemipigon, 43; Nepehon, 67; Nettinskoy. 67; Niagara, 54; Nile, 5; Niska, 11; Oby, 68; Ochequiton, 119; Ohio, 18, 120; Ola, 67; Orages, 15; Oronogue, 4, 88; Ouabache (Ouabachsi), i, 12, 18, 49; Ouabachiicou, 12; Oueapere, 13; Ousoutia'y, 11; Palachse, 21-22, 27; Palmes, 101; Panuco, 4; Passagoula, 31; Pasan Magnso, 2, 110, 116; Poromack, 13; Rio Bravo (Eaton- dido), 40, 101-102; Rio de la Plata, 4; Rio-grand del Norre, 2; Sassagoula, 4; SpirIto Santo, 22, 27; Sr. Beebe, xxvii, 38; St. Laurence (St. Lawrence), xiii, x xi, xxv, 3, 43, 46, 57; St. Louis, xxvii; St. Matcheo, 2, 110, 116; Sungoro, 67; Ssssqoehannah (Susquehasah), 53-54, 119; Sypouria, 12; Taour (Amara), 67-69; Thames (Kingston), 23; Thames (London). 40; Tortoises, 20; Vaches, 38; Yamour, 68; Yellow (:Muddy), 11, 15-16, 63, 102, 120; Yosoue, 10 Roman, xx, 106-107; Empire, 98 Rope, 80 Eons, xlvii Russia, xlv, 94 Sakinam, 47 Salt, 10, 33, 35, 51, 87. 89-90; springs, 56; peter, 96-97. Sanderatha, 105 Scheneceeda, 54 Sconce. 31 Scotland, 99, 116 Sheep, 40, 71, 77, 80 Ships, 16, 29, 40, 49, 52, 66, 93; Dutch, 8; English, 8; French, 8; Chine, 20; European, 20; Japan, 20 Shoes, 52, 78, 87 Sicily. 9091 Silk, 90-92 Silver, 71, 97-103, 105-107, 111 Silvester (see Cochineal), 85 Skins and furn, xi. xxi, xxvii, 41, 45, 51-52, 59-60, 68-69, 78-99 Soap-boilers, 94 Soldiers, xi, 26, 28, 70 Soto, Ferdinando, 23-24, 83, 115 South Carolina, xxv, 90 Sooth Sea, xxvi, xli, Iii, 2-3, 16, 19, 62--64, 88, 116, 119 Spain, xxxii, xlii, 24, 40, 81, 85, 97-98, 105-107 Spaniards, xxvi-xxi xxx.-xxxii, xxiv, xhii-xliii, 2-4, 9-10, 15, 20-21, 28x29, 37, 39-40, 64--65, 71, 79, 83-84, 86, 88, 97-98, 100-101, 105-106, 114-115 10 In~dexes. Ceb,, 4; Chocegos, 4; Malabanclue, 4; Mescha, 4, Mississippi, Ii, 4; Little Meschacebe, 30); Meschacibe, 19; Mmechaooay, 63; Mlesconaisag, 47; Miamiha, 17, 49, 53; Michipiketoa, 43; Misconsiag (Misconsing), 18, 50; Miscouaqui, 19, 47; Mit- chaovwa (Mitchaynwe-Long River), 18-19; Mobile, 23: Moingona, 18; Muscovy, 68; Natchitockr, 10; Neovm 67; Nenuipigon, 43; Nepehon, 67; Neetinakoy, 67; Niagara, 54; Nile, 5; Niska, 11; Oby, 68; Ochequiton, 119; Ohio, 18, 120; Ole, 67; Orages, 15; Oronogue. 4, 8; Ouabachse (Ouabachi), i, 12, 18, 49; Ouabachicou, 12; Ouespere, 13; Ousoutiwy, 11; Palacho, 21-22, 27; Pales, 101; Panoco, 4; Passagoula, 31; Paso Maguso, 2, 110, 116; Potomaeck, 13; Rio Bravo (Eaton- dido), 40, 101-102; Rio de la Plars, 4; Rio-grand del Nonte, 2; Sassagoula, 4; Spirito Santo, 22, 27; St. Bathe, xxv i, 38; St. Laurence (St. Lawrence), xiii, xxi, xxv, 3. 43, 46, 57; Sr. Louis, xxxi; St. Macthen, 2, 110, 116; Sungoro, 67; Susquehannah s(Soeqoehanah), 53-54, 119; Sypouria, 12; Tamour (Amura). 67-68; Themes (Kingston). 23; Thames (London), 40; Tortoises, 20; Vaches, 38; Yeemour, 68; Yellow (Muddy), 11, 15-16, 60, 102, 120; Yesoue, 10 Roman, xx, 106-107; Empire. 8 Rope, 80 Roes, xlvii Russia, xlv, 94 Sakinam, 47 Salt, 10, 33, 35, 51, 87, 89-90; springs, 56; peter, 9697 Sandaraucha, 105 Schenecteda, 54 Sconce, 31 Scotland, 99, 116 Sheep, 40, 71, 77, 80 Shp,1,2940,49,52, 66, 93; Dutch, 8; English, 8; French, 8; Chn,20; European, 20; Japan, 20 Shoes, 52, 78, 87 Sicily, 5091 Silk, 90-92 Silver, 71, 97-103, 105-107, 111 Silvester (see Cochineal), 85 Skies and furs, xi, xxi, xxvii, 43, 45, 51-52, 59-60, 68-9, 78-799 Sa-ilr,94 Soldier, xi, 26, 28, 70 Sote. Ferdinand., 23-24, 83, 115 South Carolina, xxv, 90 Sooth Sea, xxvii, x1i, Iii, 2-3, 16, 19, 62-64, 88, 116, 119 Spain, xxxii, xlii, 24, 40, 81, 85, 97-98, 105-107 Spaniards, xxii-xii, xxx-xxxii, xxxiv, xlii-xliii, 2-4, 9-10, 15, 20-21, 28-29, 37, 39-40, 64-65, 71, 79, 83-84, 66, 88, 97-98, 100-101, 105-106, 114-115  Indexes, 11 Spanish, xxvii, xxxii, 9, 20, 23, 40, 77, 83, 94, 108, 114; Succes- lion, War of, 31 St. A Fee, 106 Stamford, 113 St. Auutn -xii, 115-116 St. Christophers, 116 Stepney, Gere 113 St. Paul Mlt., 104 Stytia, 101 Sugar, xliii, xvii Sweden, 94 Swedes, 99 Swia-reead, 57 Tacitus, 98 Tanguth, 68 Tartarian Gulf, 69 Tartars, 67-68, 78 Tartary, lIn, 62, 66-67, 119 Tasculura, 24 Tea, 96 Tedzo, 69 Terra firmna, 79 Terron, 84 Thread, 80, 92 Timber, xxi, xliv, 92 Tobacco, xxii, xliii, 85 Trade, vis, xix, xxi, xziii, xxv-xxvuli, mlx, mwi-am, xi, xliii, xlv-xlviii, Iii, 3, 10, 14, 27, 29, 43, 49, 62, 64, 66, 68, 82, 97, 100, 110, 112, 117 Tradera, i-ii, xviii, 8, 14, 27, 45, 50, 65, 77, 117 Trajas, 98 Trees, 6-7, 29, 48, 73, 75; fruit, 50, 53, 85, 90; timber, 51, 92-93 Trevru [Trevor], Sir Thomas, xlviii Trinadad, 88 Tuanxo, 69 Turkey, 48, 90-91 T urkies, 37, 52, 79 Tumnefore, Mloslur, 95 Turtle, 33 Uries, Streights uf, lii, 67 Utrecht, xxiii, xxiii Vaudois, v Vene-sans, 101 Venetus, Marcus Paulus, 84 Venice, 114 Indexes, 11 Spanish, xxvii, xxcxiii, 9, 20, 23, 40, 77, 83, 94, 108,'.114; Suwees- lon. War of, 31 St. A Fee, 106 Stamford, 113 St. Augustin, xxii, 115-116 St. Barb,, xxvii, 38 St. Christophers, 116 Stepney, George, 113 St. Paul Mt, 104 Styria, 101 Sugar. xlhii, xlvii , Sweden, 94 Swedes, 99 Switerrland, 57 Taritus, 98 Tanguth, 68 Tartarian Gulf, 69 Tarrars, 67-68, 78 T'artary, Iii, 62, 66-67, 119 Txaculura, 24 Tea, 96 Tedzo, 69 Terna firms, 79 Terron, 84 Thread, 80, 92 Timber, xxi, xliv, 92 Tobacco, xxii, xlhii, 85 Trade, vi, xi, xix, xxi, xmhi, xxv-xaviu, xxxi, xaiv-xxv,xl xliii, xlv-xlviii, lii, 3, 10, 14, 27, 29, 43, 49, 62, 64, 66, 68, 82, 97, 100, 110, 112, 117 Traders, i-di, xviii, 8, 14, 27, 45, 50, 65, 77, 117 T1rajan, 98 Trees, 6-7. 29, 48, 73, 75; fruit, 50, 53, 85, 90; timber, 51, 92-93 Trevro I Frevori, Sir Thomias, xlviii Trinadad, 88 Tunxo, 69 Turkey, 48, 90-91 Turkies, 37, 52, 79 Taumefort, Monsieur, 95 Turtle, 33 Uners, Sereighos of, lii, 62, 67 Utrecht, xxvii, xxiii Vaudoi, v Venesans, 101 Veostus, Marcua Paulus, 84 Veruce, 114 Indexes. 11 Spanish, xxii, xxxiii, 9, 20, 23, 40, 7,3,94, 10,314; Snorces. aloe, War of, 31. St. A Fee. 106 Stamford, 113 St. Augustin, xxxii, 115-116 St. Iarbe, xxvii, 38 St. Christophers, 116. Stepney. George, 113 St. Paul Mt, 104 Styria, 101 Sugar, xliii, xlvii Sweden, 94 Swedes, 99 Switzerland, 57 Tariras, 98 Tanguth, 68 Tartansou Gulf, 69 Tartars, 67-68, 78 Tartary, Iii, 62, 66-67, 119 Tasculuza, 24 Tea, 96 Tedzo, 69 Tera firma, 79 Terron, 84 Thread, 80, 92 Timber, xxi, xliv. 92 Tobacco, xxii, xliii, 85 Trade, vi, xi, xix, xxi, xxaaa, xxv-xxviui. ~, xxxiv-xxxv, xi,. xliii, xlv-lviii, Iii, 3, 10, 14, 27, 29, 43, 49, 62, 64, 6, 6$, 82. 97, 100, 110, 112, 117 Traders, i-li, xviii, 8, 14, 27, 45, 50, 65, 77, 117 Tman, 98 Trees, 6-7, 29, 48, 73, 75; fruit, 30, 53, 83, 90; timber, 55, 92-93 Trevro t Trevor I, Sir Thomas, xlviii Trinadad, 88 Tunxo, 69 Turkey, 48, 90-91 Tansies, 37. 52. 79 Tluenefort, Monsieur, 953 Turtle, 33 Uries, Streights of, lii, 62,67 Utretht, xxviii, xxiii Vaudois, v Venesians, 101 Venetus, Marcus Paulus, 84 Venice, 114  12 Indexes. 12 Indexes.' Vera Crux. xxiii, 29 Vernon, Secretary, 113 Virjginia xxv, 12-13, 42, 54, 92, 120 Watts, Captain, 116 West-India Company, %xiv Westmsinster, 112 West-Turchoises, 95 Whales, xxii, 111; Sperm.a Cete, 89 Wheat, xxdi Whitehall, Il3 Wild cat, 79 Wine, 50, 76, 81 Wolves, 79 Wood, 48, 99-100; Campeche, 94; Mather, 95' Wood, Colonel, 120 Wool, 9, 51, 71, 77-78, 80 Writers, Portuguese, 24; Spanish, 24; on metals,. 105; on naturals history, 106 Yedzo, 69 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. Aldersgate, B~oolph Church (London), x1i Aldeesgate St., xiv Alvord, Clarence W., Ivi America, aid, xo-xavi, -vii-xxi, xxx, xxii, xxxess-xxva iii,.a- M,. 1-Ii, Isv, Ivii, lix American, as', lv Andros, Edmond, aui Anglican Church. See Church of England Appalachians, xxxiii, xi Arriola, Andres, de. cmvi Attisam., French, r ii Assembly of New Jersey, xlv-xls'i, xlvi- x Atlantic, xxx Barciay, Rohert. asv Beavers, xvi Bellonmont, Earl of, xix Bermuda, xvi Vera Crux, xxvii 29 Vernon, Secretary, 113 Virginia, xxv, 12-13, 42, 54, 92, 120 Volsuneers, iii Watts, Captain, 116 West-India Company, xxiv Westminster, 112 West-Turchoises, 95 Whales, sil, Ill; Spernna Cete, 89 Wheat, xxii Whitehall, 113 Wild car, 79 Wise,4 50, 76, 81 Wolves, 79 Wood, 48, 99-100; Campeche, 94; Mathser, 95 Wood, Colonel, 120 Wool, 9, 51, 71, 77-78, 80 Writers, Portuguese, 24; Spanish, 24; on metals,. 105; n natural history, 106 Yedzo, 69 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. Aldensgate. Botolph Church (London), xl Aldeesgate St., ass' Alvod, Clarence W., doi America, xidi, xv-xvi, xvii-xxi, xxx, xxxii, xxxms-axasnn6, xla-alesR, Vili, Iv, lvii, lix American, xx, lv Andres, Edmond, xviii Anglican Church. See Church of England Appalachians, saoud, xl i Arriola, Andres, de, xxvi Artisans, French, xxii Asseeshly of New Jersey, xllv-alvi, axidi-.ada Atlantic, xxx Barclay, Rohert, asv Beavers, axal Blellonmont, Earl of. xix Bermouda, xvi 12 Indexes. Vera Crux, xxviii, 29 Vernon, Secretary, 113 Virginia, xxv, 12-13, 42, 54, 92, 120 Volunees, iii Wagons, 63 Wales, 61, 99 Warn, Captain, 116 West-India Company. xxiv Westminster, 112 West-Turchoises, 95 Whales, axii, Ill; Spers Cere, 89 Wheat, xxii Whitehall, 113 Wild cat, 7r9 Wine, 50, 76, 81 Wolves, 79 )Wood, 48, 99-100; Campeche, 94; Meether, 95 Wood, Colonel, 120 Wool, 9, 51, 71, 77-78, 80 Writers, Portuguese, 24; Spanish, 24; on metals, 105; on natural history, 106 Yedro, 69 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. Alderngate, Botolph Church (London), xli Aldersgate St., xiv Alvord, Clarence W, Ivi America, xiii, xo-xvi, xvii-xxi, xxx, xxxii, xxxvii-xxxvu, xd-,lud, American, xv, lv, Andros, Edmond, xviid Anglican Church. See Church of England Appalachians. xxxviii, adi Arriola, Andres, de, xxi Artisans, French, xvii Assembhly of New Jersey, xliv-xls'l, alviii-xdxa Atlaneic, xxx Barclay, Rohert, xv Beavers, xxi Bellunmont, Earl of, xix, Bermuda, xvi  Indexes. 13 Indexes. 13 Indexes. 13 Bienville, Sieur de, xxviso-xxx Biloxi, xXr i-xvii Bladen, Martin, xxxviii-xl BlJoepxx xv Board of Trade, xxiii, xxix, xixaa-xxv, xxxsani-xxxix, xlan-x iv xlix, Iii, liv-lv. See alfso Lords of Trade Bond, Capt. Williamu, xxvi-xxzi, xxxiv Bay-OgeoreGeoaProec, xxii Brunswick, Ga., xxi Burlington, xv, avii, xii, xlix, Iii Burnet, William, xlix Byllinge, Edward, xv California State Library, Sutro Branch, lviii Cambridge, xiv Canada, xviii, xx, xxviii Canterbury, Archibiasop of, xxxv Cape May, asia Caroliana, aii, xx-xxiv, xe xvi xm-xxxw, xxss--xx'x xis, ha- lai, Iviii-Ix Carolina, xx-xxi, xxiii Carolina Galley, xxvii Carthagena, lvii Catholics, xxxv, li, i Cauho, xxvi Charles I, xx, Itv Charles 11, xiv Charleston, xxv, xxvii, xxix Cheapside, xxiv Church of Enlad xv, xlv, xlis,. l Churchill & H ri, Printer ia Coidhan, John, xiv Coidham,, Rebecca, xiv Cole, George Watson, ivi Collection of Voyages ansd Travels, Ivi Colonies, xv, xvii, xix, xxx, xxxii, xxxvii,, 4 -lvs, ivus Colonists, xvi, xxxii, xxxvi, liv Connecticut, xix Cormbury, Lord, xii-xivi, i See also Hyde, Edward' Couocil of New Jersey, xiii-xiviii Council of Proprietors of West Jersey, xlix Coxboro, ls Coxe, Daniel 1, xiii Coxc, Daniel V, lx: Cost, John, lii Biesnlle, Sleur de, xxviii-xxx Edoad, xxv-xxiin Bllade., Martin, xxvii-xl Blake, Joseph, xxo-xxvi Blathwayt. Williamn, xxii-xxuiii Board of Trade, xxiii, xxix, xxixii-v, xxxviii-xxtx, xhii-xiv xlix, Iii, liv-lv. See also Lords of Trade Bond, Capt. William, xxvi-xxxi, xxxiv Ba-gehreGeorgia Project, xtar BridesRev.Thoas, xvi Brunswick, Ga., xxi Burlington, xv, xvii, xlii, xlix, li Burnet, William, xlix Byllinge, Edward, xv California Stare Library. Sotro Branch, lviii Cambridge, xiv Canada, xviii, xx, xxviii Canterbury, Archihishop of, Axx Cape May, -vii Carelana, xiii, xx-xxiv, xav4 xxix-xxxiv, xxxvos-xxxix, xlx,. Wl-- Ivi, lonii-lx Carolina, xx- ti, =xi Carolina Galley, xxvii Carthagena, lvii Catholics, xxxv, li, ina. Cauhe, xxvi Charles I, xx, Iv Charles 11, xiv Charleston, xxv, xxvii, xxix Cheapside, xxiv Church of England, xv, xlv, xlvii, i Churchill & Harris, Printer lvi Coldham, John, xiv Coudham, Rebecca, xiv Cole, George Watson, lvi Collectivn of Voyages and Travels, lvi Colonies, xv,, xvii, xix, xxx, xxxii, xxxvii, I, ;v-lvi, li i Colonists, xvi, xxxii, xxxvi, liv Connecticut, xix Cornbury, Lord, xlii-xil, liii. See also Hyde,. Edward' Council of New Jersey, xhii-xlviii Council of Proprietors of West Jersey, xlx Coxboro, Ix Coxe, Daniel I, xiii Coxe, Daniel V, ha Coxc, John, Iii Bienville, Bleat de, xxvlii-xx Biloxi x--xii Blade., Martin, xxxviii-x! Blake, Joseph, xxv-xxv Blathwayt, Wilinm, sti-xxiii Board of Trade, xxiii, xxix, xxxii-x, xxxvsi-xix, xlsixlv xlix, Iii, liv-lv. See also Lords of Trade Bond, Capt. William, xxvi -xexx, xxxiv Brandy, xui Bray-Oglethorpe Georgia Project, xxii Bridges, Rev. Thomas, xvi Brunswick, Ga,, xxi Burlington, xv, xvii, xlii, xlix, Iii Burner, Williamn, xlix Byllinge, Edward, xv California State Library, Burro Branch, lvi Cambridge, xiv Canada, xviii, xx, xxviii Canterbury, Archibishop of, xxxv Cape May, xvfi Carolana, xiii, xx-xxiv, xxvi, xxix-xxxw, xxvoi-xxxsx, xlix, Wr- lvi, ivui-ix Carolina, xx-xxi, xxiii Carolina Galley, xxvi Carthiagena, lvii Catholics, xxxv ri, Iiii Cauhn, xxvi Charles I, xx, iv Charles 11, xiv Charleston, xxv, xxvii, xxix Cheapside, xxiv Church of Englnd, xv, xlv, xlvii, hai Churchill & Haris, Printer lia Coldham., John, xiv Coldhiam, Rebecca, xiv Cole, George Watson, lvi Collection of Voyages andI Travels, lvi Colonies, xv, xvin, xix, xxx, xxxii, xxxviii, 1, lv-lvi, lh"i Colonists, xvi, xxxii, xxxvi, liv Connecticut, xix Cornbory, Lord, xlii xlvi, Iiii. See also Hyde, Edward Council of New Jersey, xhii-xlviii Council of Proprietors of West Jersey, xlix Coxboro, Ir Coxc, Daniel I, xiii Cost, Danmel V, ha Cost, John, Iii  14 Indexes. 14 Indexes. 14 Indexes. Coxe, Samuel, xlvii Coxe. Tench, Iii Coxe's Hall, xvii Cox's Manor, Ix Crane, Verner W., liv Cimainals, xxi Delaware Bay, xvii Delaware River, Iii Delisle, Guillaumne, xxxviii, Iv "~Demsonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England to the Provinc~e of Carolana alis Florida," xxxi Derniires decouvertes, xxi Description of the English Provinace of Carolana, by the Span- iards call'd Florid~a, and by the French La Louisiana, xiii Discourse on Alcalinates and Fixed Salts, Way of extraction Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, xiv Dismal Swaamp, xxxv Drags & dye souffs, xix England, xxi -xxii, xxiv-xxva, xxix-xxxi, xxxvi, xxxeiii-xxi English Turn, xxix E~spiritu Santo (Apalachicola) River, xxvi- Europe, xvi, xxiv Finch, Daniel (Earl of Nottingham), xii-xliii Fisheries, sturgeon, xvii Florida, xxi, xxiv, xxvi-xnvii xxxi, Iviii-lix Florida Company, xxxi-xxxii Food, xxiv Forest products, xix Fort de Mississippi (Fort de Ia Bfoulaye), xxix France, xviii, xxiv-xxva, xxx, xxxviii-xxxix, xli, liv-lvi 'Franklin, Benjamin, Ii, Iv French, B. F., lvii Fry, Joshma, Iviii Far, xvi Galdie, Monsieur, xxxiii Georgia, xxi-xi Gold, Ivii Golsmuith, J., lviii Grapes, xvi Great Britain, liv-lv Great Lakes, xvi Coxe, Samuel, xlvii Coxe, Tenth, lvii - Cart's Hall, xvii Con's Manor, Is Crane, Vemner W., lit Crimils, xxi Delaware Bay, xvii Delaware River, Iii Delisle, Guillanme, xxxviii, lv, "Demnonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England eo the Province nf Carolana alis Florida," xxxi Denures decouveres, xxiii Description of the English Province of Carolana, by the Span- iards call'd Florida, and by the French La Louisiana, xiii Discourse on Alcalirwtes and Fixed Salts, Way of extraction Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, xiv Dismal Sw~amp, xxxv Drags & dye stuffs, xix Eckley, Joshn, xliii Eckaley, Sarah, xliii Enland, xxi-xxii, xxiv-xxva, xxix-xxxi, xxxui, xxxviil-xxxixf xii- xliii, alit, xlix-li, Iiii, lv', Ili English Turn. xxix Espiritu Santo (Apalacicola) River, anusi Europe, xvi, xxiv Finch, Daniel (Earl of Nottingham), xiii-xliii Fisheries, sturgeon, xvii Florida, xxi, xxiv, xxvi-xxvii, xxxi, Iviii-lix Florida Company, xxxi-xxxi Fond, xxiv Forest products, xix Fort de Mississippi (Fort de Ia Boulayel, xxix France, xviii, xxi-v, xxx, xxxviii-xxxix, xli, liv-lvi Franklin, Benjamin, Ii, lv French, B. F., Ivii Fry, Joshua, lviii Fur, xvi Galdie, Monsieur, xxxua Georgia, xxi-xxii Gold. Ivii Goldsmith, J., lviii Grapes, xvi Great Britain. liv-lv Great Lakes, xvi Coxe, Samuel, xlvii Coxe, Tenth, Ivii - Co-'~s Hall, xvii Co.'s Manor, Ix Crane, Veroer W., liv Crimsinals, xxi Delawsre Bayv, xvii Delaware River, ii Ddlisla, Gouillaume, xxxiii, Iv "Demonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England to the Province of Carolana alis Florida," axxxl Dennulnes decouvertes, xxhiii Destription of the English Province of Carolana, by the Span- iards cali'd Florida, and by the French La Louisiana, xiii Discourse on Alcalintates and Fixed Salts, Way of extraction Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, xiv Dismal Swamp, xx Drags & dye stuffs, xix Eckley, Johnas, xiii Ecley, Sarah, xliii England, xxi-xxii, xxiv-xxva, xxix-xxxi, xxxvi, xxxvixu-xxxx, xl0 xliii, xliv, xlix-li, Iiii, Iv, Iii English Turn, xxix Espiritu Santo (Apalachtiola) River, xxvii- Europe, xvi, xxiv Finch, Daniel (Earl of Notoingham), xiii-xhiil Fisheries, samrgeon, xvii Florida, xxi, xxiv, xxvi-xsvii, xxxi, Iviii-lix Florida Company, xxxi-xxxii Food, xxiv Forest products, air Fort de Mississippi (Fort de Ia Boulayel, xxix France, xviii, xxav-xxvi, xxx, xxxvi-xxxix, xli, lici-Ivi Franklin, Benjamin, Ii, Iv French, B. F., lvi Fry, Joshua, lviii Fur, xvi Galdie, Monsieur, xxxiii Georgia, xxi-xxii Gold. Ivii Goldamith, J., Iviii Grapes, xvi Great Britain, liv-lv Gre Lakes, xvii  Indexes. 15 Indexes. 15 Indexes. 15 Gresham College, xis, Gulf of !Meaico, xxii-xviii, xxxi -xxxik, xxxv Hamilton, Andrew, xii Havana, xxvi Heath, Sir Roblert, xx, Iv Hennepin, Father Louis, xxii-xxiii, xxv, xxx Historical Collections of Louisiana, Ivii-(viiil History of North America, lsib Holland, Ivii Hopewell, 1, lii Hoxton, xiv Hudson's Bay. xxix H uguenons, French, xxiii xxvi, xxxii, xxxv Htnble Subtoittioti of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England, xxxiii Hunloke, Edward, xv Hunter, Robert, xilvi-xlix, Iiii Hyde, Edw ard. See also Lord Comobury, xiii Iberville, Sicur d', xx-xix Imopartial enquiry into the right of the French King to the territory wett of the great river Mississippi, lviii Imoperial Company, xxi Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand, xiv Indians, xvi, xxii, ,x1xv, xxviii, xxx, liv, lvii Ctrek, xxxviii; Mays- sorites (Missouri), lvii; Meschacebe (Mississippi), lvi lug1dsj.Rcard, xlvi, ii Wado urlington, litt Jamaica, xxxiii James 11. rix James, Capt. Thomas, Ivi Janmes River, xxvi-xxxvnt Jefferson, Thomas, lix Jetsey, East, xrv; We~st, xv-xvi ii, xxxvii, xhiii-xlv, I-lui Jerseys, xv-xx, xiii-xliv, xivii Judgeship, xivi, xiix-l King Cotton, lvii King Willamo's War (1697), xix La Salle, xxiv Law, xxi London, xiii-xiv., xviii, xxnii, xxxviii, xliii, xlvii, iii-!ii, Iviii L-ndale, Lord, xxxiii Lords of Trade, xviii. See also Board of Trade Louis XIV, .xxx Gresham College, xiv Gulf of Mexico, xxvii-ii, xxxixxxt, XXXV Hamilton, Andrew, xiii Havana, xxv Heath, Sir Robert, xx, lv Hennsepin, Father Louis, xxii-xxii, xxv, xxx Historteal Collections of Louisiana, Ivii-viii. History of North America, l viii Holland, lvii Hopewell, 1, lit Hoxton. -i Hudson's Bay, xxix Huguenotn, French, xxni, xxvi, xxxii, xaxxv Hiannle Suhmisstion of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England, xxxviii Hunloke, Edward, xv Hunter, Robhett, xlvi-xlix, lii Hyde, Edward. See also Lord Corsbusy, xlii Therille, Sinsr d', xxv-xxix Impartial enquairy into the right of the French King to the territory west of the greet river Mississippi, lvi Imperial Company, xxi Improvement of Cornwoall by Sea Sand, xiv Indians, xvi, xxii, xxv, xxviii, xxx, liv, lvii; Creelcs, xxxvii; Mas- sorites (Missouri), lvii; Meschacbe (Mississippi), hi Inguldshy, Richard, xlvi, liii Island of Burlington, Iii Jaaca xxi James 11, xix Jamns, Capt. Thomas, Ivi James River, xxxvi-xxxvii Jefferson, Thomas, lix Jersey, East, xtv; West, xv-xviii, xxxvii, xliii-xlv, l-lii Jerseys, .xv-xx, nil-a iv, xls'ii Judgeship, xlvi, xlix-I King Cotton, lvii King Willamn's War (1697), xix La Salle, xxiv Law, xxi London, xiia-xiv., xviii, xxiii, xxxviii, xliii, xlvii, iii-liii, lviii Lomadale, Lord, xxxiii Lords of Trade, xviii. See also Board of Trade Louis XIV, xxx Gresham College, xiv Gulf of Mexico, xxvii-xaeviii, xxxi-oxx , XXXv Hamuilton, Andrew, xlii Havana, xxvi Heath. Sir Robert, xx, lv Hennepsin, Father Lousis, xasm-xxesi, xxv, x.x Historical Collections of Lousiana, lvii-viii History of North America, lviii Holland, lvii Hopewell. , l it Hoamon, xi:. Hudson's Bay, xxix Huguenots.Frensch, xxiii, xxvi, xxxui, xxxv Humle Suhmission of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England, xxxviii Hunloke, Edward, xv Hunter, Rohert, xlvi-xlix, liii Hyde, Edward. See also Lord Cornbsury, xli lbervilie, Sieur d', xxv-xxix lmpartial enquiry into the right of the French King to stc territory west of the great river Mississippi, lviii Imperial Company, xxi Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand, xlv Indians xv xii, -x, xxviii, xxx, liv, lvii; Creeks, XXVii; May- sourtes (Missouri), lvii; Meschsacebe (Mississippi), lvi Ingolds7y Rtichard, xlvi li Jamaica, xxxiii James 11, xix James, Capt. Thomas, lvi James Rivet, xx-xxxii Jefferson, Thomas, hax ,Jersey, East, xv; West, x-xviii, xxxvii, xlui-zlt, ii Jerseys, x-xx, xlmi-xliv, xlii Judgeship, xli, xlix-l King Cotton, lvii King William's War (1697), xix La Salle, xxive Law, xxi London, xiii-xsiv, xviii, xxiii, xxxviii, xliii, xlvii, Ii-Iiii lviii Lonsdale, Lord, xxxiii Lords of Trade, xvini. See also Board of Trade Louis XIV, xxx  16 Indexes. Lovelace, John, xlvi, liii Lumber, rvi Lyman, Phineas, xxzdli, xxx, k!iii Maidenhead, ii Maltravers, Lord, xx Manikin Town, xxxvi Mary Anne, xxxvi Masonic Order. i-i, Iiii Maury, James, lviii Militia, xiv Mines & minerals, xvi; lead, xix; copper, xix Miasissppi River, xxii, xxvoi-xx, xxxiv-v, xxxix, xhi, lv Mure, Oliver, Marquia de la, xxiia-xxwv, xxvi, xxxvi-xxxvai Nansemond River, xxxv Naval stores, xvi, rix New Discovery of a Vasr Country in America,. xxiii. New Empire, xxi New England, xvlii-xix, xli New Jersey, xlii-xlv, xlvii-xlix, li-lnu New Mexico, xx New Yorld, xv-vi, xviii, xxl-xxli, xxxivi, xxxviii, xli, Ii New York, xviii, xix, li, Ix Nicholson. Francia, xxxvi-xxxvii Nicoine, xiv Norfolk, Duke of, 1 Norfolk County, Va., xx, xxxii, xxxiv-xxrvin North America, 1i, Iiii North American Review, lix North Carolina, xxxvm Nouvelle decouverte, xxii-xxiii Ohio River, xxx Paciic Ocean (South Sea), xvii Panuco, Rio (Tamnpico), xxii Paria, xxx, xl Paaao Magno (Albemarle Sound),.xx-xxi Payne, Oliver, lvi Penn, William, xliv Pennaylvania, xviii, xlix, 1i Pensacola, xxv-xxxii, xxxix Philadelphna, xlii, It Phlllp J, xv Philosophical Transactions, xiv 16 Indexes. Lovelace, John, xlvi, Iiii Lumber, xvi Lymn, Phineaa, xxviii, xxx, lviii Maidenhead, i Maltrav-r, Lord, xx Manikin Town, xxxWi Mary Arnie, xxxvi Masonic Order, i-li, Iiii Maury, James, lVii Militia, xlv Mines & m~inerals, xvi; lead, xix; copper, xix Missisaippi River, xxii, xxxii.-xxx, xxxiv-xxxv, xxxix, xli, lv Mbissippi Valley, xiii, xxii, xxv, xxx'-xxxi, x1-xli, lvi-lvii, lix Moic iexxxiii Morue, Oliver, Marquas de la, xxiii-xxav, xxvi, xxxvi-xxxvai Nansemand River, xxxv ?Naval stores, xvi, xix New Discovery of a Vasr Country in America, xxiii New Empire, xxi New England, xviii-xix, xli New Jersey, xlii-alv, xlvii-xlix, li-Ii New Mexico, xx New Yord .xv-xvi, xviii, xxi-xxii, xxxiv, xxxviii; xli, i New York, xviii, xix, li, Ix Nicholson, Francia, xxxvi-xxxvii Nicotine, xiv Norfolk, Duke of, I Norfolk County, Va,, xx, xxxii, xxxiv-xxxvni North America, Ui, Iiii Narth American Review, lix North Carolina, xxxvi Nouvelle datcou~verie, xxii-xxiii Ohio River, xxx Pacifiac Ocean (Soith Sea), xvii Palnuco, Rio (Tampico), xxvii Paria, xxx, xl Paaao Magno (Albemnarle Sound), xx-xxi Payne, Oliver, lvi Penn, William. xliv Pennsylvania, xviii, xlix, hi Penaacola, xxv-xxvii, xxxix Phili~p, JxvxiiI Philosophical Tranaactiona, sx 16 Indexes. Lovelace, John, xlvi, lIiii Lumber, xvi Lyman, Plalneaa, xxviii, xxx, lviii Maidenhead, Iii Maltravers, Lord, xxs Manikin Town, xxxvi Mary Arnie, xxxvi Maaonic Order, 1-li, Iiii Maury, James, lviii Militia, xiv Mines & minerals, xvi; lead, xix; copper, xix Miaaissippi River, xxii, xxvil-xxx, xxxiv-v, xxxix, xli, iv Misissippi Valley, xiii, xxii, xxv, xx-xxxs, xl-xla Ii-Ivuii lix Moriaco River, xxxiii Moce, Oliver, Marquin de Ia, xxiii-xxiv xx-i, xx-xxxva Nansemnond River, xxv Naval stores, avi, xix New Discovery of a Vasr Couantry ia America,. xxiii New Empire, xxi New England, xviil-xix, xli New Jersey, xlii-xlv, xlvii-lix, l iiia New Mexico, xx New Yorld, xv:-xvi, xviii, xxi-xxii, xxxiv, xxxviii; xli, la New York, xviii, xix, Ui, lx Nicholson, Francia, umvi-vii Nicotine, xiv Norfolk, Duke of, I Norfolk Couory, Va., xx, xxxii, xxxiv-xxxvti North America, li, liii North American Review, lit North Carolina, xxxvi Noumvelie dvtcouverte, xxii-xxiii Ohio River, xxx Pacific Ocean (South Sea), xvii Painuco, Rio (Tampico), xxvii Paria, xxx, xl Paaao Magno (Albemnarle Sound), xx-xxi Payne, Oliver, lati Penn, Wlliam, xliv Pennsylvania, xviii, xlix. i Penaacola, x ovi, xxxix Philadelphia, xlhi, li Phillip, J, xv Philosophical Transactions, xiv  Indexes. 17 Indexes. 17 Indexes. 17 Physician (Medical Doctor), xwv-xv, xxxvii, xl; to Charles IL, xiv; to Queen Anne, xiv Piedmont, xxxvi Pirates, xxxii Plantations xvii mxix Pointis, Sieur, lvii Pontchartrain, Comute de, xxv Portugal, xv i Pottery, alas Present stale of the British empyire i Europe, Ameria, Africa and Asia, lviii Promotion, xl Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida, xxiv. Proprietors, xxi, xxx, xlii-xhiii, xivi-xivii, liii Protestants, =xiii-xxiv, xxx, xxxii-xxxiii, li Quakers, xvi, xlii-xivii, xlix, li, liii Queen Anne, xiv, xix-ax, xix, xhv, xlvii Queen Anne's War, -.xii Randolph, Edwad xviu Religion, xxi, xxxss- Romo de Urnsa, Franico, xxv-xxvi Rose & Crown Press, xiii Royal College of Physicians, xiv Royal Society, xiv Rum, xlii Sadl, Chae de, xxiii, xxxv-xxxvii St. Augustine, x-xi, xx, iv St. Johns (St. Mattheo) River, x-xi, xxxv St. Mary's Church, xlii, Iii St. Msrvtheo (St. Johns) River, xx-xxi, xxxv St. Michael Church, Iii St. Paul's (churchyard), xiii Salt, xvui -xvi, xix Santa Maria da Galve, La bais de (Pensacola), xxv Santo Domingo, xxus Satilla River, xxi Settlers, xiii, xxi, xxxii; French, xvid, xxvi, .xxxwv Seven years' War, xxxi Sharp, Rev, John, xiii Short Account of Kingdoms, around the Euxne and Caspian Seas, ee Silver, lvii Skene, John, xv Society for Propagation of Gospel in Foreign Parts, xvi Physician (Medical Doctor), xis-, xxxvn, xl; to Charl6es L xiv; to Queen Anne, xiv Piedmont, myxv Pirates, xxxii Plantatios, rxx ix Pointis, Sievr, Ivii Pontchartrain, Comnte de, xxv Portugal, xvii Pottery, roni Present state of ehe Britsh empire ini Europe, Amterica, Africa and Asia, lviii Promnotion, xl Prop~ossls for Settling a Colony in Florida, xxiv Proprietors, xxi, xxx, xli-xlii, xivi-i, li Protestants, xxli-,vxiv, xxx, xxxis-xxaii,.i Quakers, xvi, xli-xlvii, xlix, li, lin Queen Anne, xiv, xix-xx, xiii, xlv, xlvii Queen Anne's War, xxxviii Randvlph, Edwad assi Religian, xxi, xxxii Rosen de Usirs, Francisco, xxv-xxvl Rose & Crown Press, xiii Royal College of Physicians, xiv Royal Society, xiv Rumn, xvi Sailly, M.Charles de,xxiii, xxxv-xxavii St Andrew Sound, xxi St. Augustine, xx-xxi, xxv, lv St. Johns (St. Mattheo) River, a -=x., xxxv St. Mary's Church, xlii, Iii St Matheo (St. Johns) River, x-xi, xxxV St. Michael Church, Iii St. Paul's (churchyard), xiii Salt, xvi -xvii, xix Santa Maria da Galve, La lshia de (Pensacola), xxv Santo Domngo, xxvi Saulila River, xxi Settlers. xiii, xxi, xxxii; French, xviii, xxvi, xxxiv Seven years' War, xxxi Sharp, Rev. John, xli Short Account of ingdoms, around th~e Euxine anid Caspians Seas, xv Silver, lvii Skene, John, xv Society for Propagation of Gospel in Foreign Parts. xvi Physician (Medical Doctor), xiv-xv, xxxvii, xl; to Charles Il, xiv;, to Queen Anne, xiv Piedmont, myxv Pirates, xxxii Plantations =ii, xxxix Pointis, Sieur, lvii Pontchartamn, Comste de, xxv Portugal, xvi Pottery, rati Present pase of the Britich aumpire in Ewrope, America Africa and Asia, lviii Pronmotion, xi Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida, xxiv Proprietors, xxi, xxx, xlii-xilii, xlvi-xlvi, iii Protestants, axiixiv, xxx, .xxxii-xxxai,.i Quakers, xvi, xiii-xlsss,.xlix, li, ii Queen Anne, xiv, rix-an, xlii, xiv, xlvfi Queen Anne's War, xxiii Randolph, Edward, rtis Religion, asi, xxxx Room de Utica, Frsncisco, xxv-xxvs Rose & Crown Press, xiii Royal College of Physicians, xiv Royal Society, xiv Rum, xiii Sailly, M.Charles dn, xxiii, xxxv -xxve St nrwSound, xxi St. Augustine, xx-xxi, xx, ltv St. Johns (St. Mattheo) River, xx-xxs, xxxv St. Mary's Church, xlii, Ini St. Macthen (St. Johns) River, xa-xxi, xxxv St. Michael Church, Iii St, Paul's (churchyard), xiii Salt, xvi-xvi xix Santa Maria Ms Galve, La hahia Ms (Pensacola), xxv Santo Domingo, xrei Satilla River, xxi Settlers, xiii, xxi, xxxii; Frenchs, xviii, xxvi, xxxiv Seven years' War. xxxi Sharp, Rev. John, xlii Short Acrount of Kingdoms, around the Euxinie and Caspsians Seas, xv Silver, ivii Skene, John, xv Society for Propagation of Gospel in Foreign Parts, xvi  18 Indexes. Society, West Jersey, xxiii South Carolina, xxxviii South Sea (Pacific Ocean), xxiii, xx, lvi-lviii Spain, xvii, xxi, xxiv-xxxi, xxxvlii-xxxix, xli, lic l Spaniards, xxirv-xx xxxii, xxxvii Spanish Succession, War of, xix, xxxiii, xxxviii Sprk, Jared, fix "Spito Santo" (Apalachucola) River, xxiii Spooner, James, xxi-xxii Stokre Newington, England, xiv Talbot, Rev. John, xlvii, Ini Taxes, Ii Tobacco, xiv Tonti, Henri de, xxii-xxiii, xxx Tories, xlvii Trade, x-i-xi, xxiv, xxxi-xxxi, Ivii Traders, Chickasaw, xxxii 'Transappalachian Movememe xxx Transportation, xxii, xxiv, xli Trappers, x ,. Trenton, Iii Union, Albany Plan of, 1v Union, Colonial Plan of, xix, xli, he United States, xvii, xx Utrecht, xxxii Veracruz, xx Virginia, xviii, xxiii-xxxiii, xxxv~xxwv Wales, xxi Waller, Sir Willbam, xxiii War of Spanish Succession. Queen Anne's War. xix, xxxiii, xawciit West Indies, xvi-xvni Whg arty, xon Wila Ixis, xxxii Wine, xt l 18 Indexes. Society, West Jersey, xxiii South Carolina, xxxiii Sooth Sea (Pacific Ocean), xviii, xx, lvi-Iviii Spain, xcii, xxi, xxiv-xxvi, Kxxvii-xxxix, xli, liv-Iv Spnars xxvxv, xxxii xxxviii Spanish Succession, War of, xix, xxxiii, xxxviii Sparks, Jared, fix 'Spirits Santo" (Apalachicola) River, xxii Spooner, James, xxi-xxii Stoke Newington, England, xiv Talbot, Rev. John, xlvii, Iii Taxes, Ii Tobacco, xiv Tonti, Henrn de, xxni-xxiii, xxx Tonies, xlvii Trade, xss-xxi, xxiv, xxxi-xxxii, lvii Traders, Chickasaw, xxvi Transappalacian Movemsen, xxx Transportation, xxii, xxiv, adi Trappers, -ci Trenton, ii Union, Albany Plan of, Iv, Union, Colonial Plan of, xix, xli, It, United States, xvii, xx Utrecht, xxxviii Veracruz, xxvi Virginia, xviii, xxxii-xxxiii, xxiv-xxxvl Wales, xxii Waller, Sir William, xxiii War of Spanish Succession. Queen Anne's War, xix, xxxiii, xxxiii West Indies, xvi-xcii WiliamII,xixxxi Wine, xvi 15 Indexes. Society, West Jersey, xviii South Carolina, xxxviii South Sea (Pacific Ocean), xviii, xx, Ivi-lviii Spain, .xvii, xxi, xxiv-xxvi, xxsiii-xxxix, xhi, lw-It, Spnars xxv-xvi xxxi,xxvi Spanish Succession, War of, xix, xxxiii, xxxvori Sparks, Jared, fix "Spirims Santo" (Apalachicola) River, xxiii Spooner, James, xxi-xi Stoke Newington, England. xiv Talbot, Rev. John, xlvii, Iii Taxes, Ii Tobacco, xiv Tonti, Henri de, xxii-xxiii,xxx Tories, xlvii Trade, xvi-xxi, xxiv, xxxi-xxxii, lvii Traders, Chickasaw, xxvii Transappalachian Movementi, xxx Tranaportation, xxii xxiv, adi Trappers, xvi Trenton, Iii Union, Albany Plan of. lv Union, Colonial Plan of, xir, xli, Iv' United States, xvii, x Utrecht, xx=ini Veracruz, xxvi Virginia, wvin, xxxii-xxxiii, xxx'-xxxvi Waes, xii Wailer, Sir William, xxiii War of Spanish Succession. Queen Anne's War, xie, xxxiii, xxxviu West Indies, xvi -xvii Whain, xvi-xvii Whig Piarty, xon William IlI, xix, xxxii Wine, .xvi  -i0 'i)_ S - --- ,; a lC : \ ,1 r J t: P' ,, ti r ' LACHIr :B AY A. A fIl F, y5 A 4,FL A(.IIITI 1 I A YI UT f, r, 27 ,1, /. J 9 p ,2 ,V ,,ya,' 41 'P 1l -~ It, fit p IB oEll (2i II NWESTERN PART D -F WVESTE'ARN PART int 1% F WE STERN FART I iTl::>; . ' Id. FIX SACOLA ~JOHN L.WILLIAMS,FEAC(A 1''i':.i 3' 'LA JOxN'T.WILLI MS, F AN PENSACOLA ~~~~~JOHN L.WILLIAVJH .XLAMS,