The CARIBBEAN: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA The CARIBBEAN: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA The CARIBBEAN: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA SERIES ONE VOLUME XII SERIES ONE VOLUME XII SERIES ONE VOLUME XII A publication of the SCHOOL OF INTER-AMERICAN STUDIES bea hel at the Univesty of Florida, Decembe 7, 8, an 9, 1961 A publicto o f the SCHOOL OF INTER-AMERICAN STUDIES bean hel atth Univriyo Floia December 7, 8, ad9, 1961 A publication of the SCHOOL OF INTER-AMERICAN STUDIES bean held at the Uivit oi f Florida,Decembe 7, 8, and 9, 7961  \ , . - _ e , - , , _ ,; _, , _, ,_ ,_ __ . n _. s- _~ ~_:-- ,, .. _,_ ,,. ,, _, < . _ _  The CARIBBEAN: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA edited by A. Curtis Wilgus 1962 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS Gainesville The CARIBBEAN: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA edited by A. Curtis Wilgus 1962 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS Gainesville The CARIBBEAN: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA edited by A. Curtis Wilgus 1962 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA Gainesville PRESS UNIVERSITtl OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES UNIVaSITr OF FLORIDA LIBUNRIO R UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES  A University of Florida Prose Book A University of Florida Press Book A University of Florida Press Book Copyrighet, 19562 BOARD sOF COMMSoSIeONS Or SeATE INSTITUOSo OF FLOsIDA L. C. Csatloge Coed Numsber: 51-12532 Copyrigt5, sea2 BOARso Or COMMISSIONERS OF L. C. Catalogue Coed Nsumber: 51-12532 Copyright, 19612 BOAoD OF COMISIoONEReSs sO BSAy ITITUTIOeSs OF FLORIss L. C. Cataogeg Card Numeeor: 51-1 2532 Printed by Ho&W. B. DREWs COMPANYa JACSONVILLaEo, FLORIDA Printed by H. &W. B. DosEW COMPAsNY JACKsSONVILLE, FeLOIsA Prinsed by H. &W. B. DREW COMPANYe JACKseSOVILLs, FORAss  Contributors Contributors Contributors CARLOS ANGULo V., Director, Instituto de Investigacidn Etnoldgica, Universidad del AtlAntico, Barranquilla ROBERT L. CARNERo, Assistant Curator, South American Ethnology, American Museum of Natural History, New York JAMES EDER, Mechanical Engineer and Industrialist, Stamford, Con- necticut GUILLERMO ESPINOSA, Chief, Music Division, Pan American Union, Washington ORLANDo FALs BoRDA, Dean, Facultad de Sociologia, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogota CARLOS GARCoS O., Dean, Facultad de Agronomia e Instituto Forestal, Universidad Nacional, Medellin FEDERICo G. GIL, Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill HELEN N. GILLIN, Member of the Board of Directors, Overseas Edu- cation Fund, League of Women Voters, Wash- ington ROBERT L. GILMORE, Associate Professor of History, Ohio University, Athens ERNESTO CARLOS MARTELo, Director, Empresa Colombiana de Tur- ismo, Bogota D. R. MATTHEwS, United States Congressman from Florida, Wash- ington ZEB MAYHEw, Executive Vice President, International Petroleum Com- pany, Limited, Coral Gables ELEANOR MITCHELL, Library Consultant and Art Specialist, Washing- ton Leis MONGUoI, Professor of Spanish, University of California, Berkeley MADALINE W. NICHOLs, Specialist in Latin American Affairs, Al- buquerque, New Mexico THEODORE E. NICHoLS, Associate Professor of History, Long Beach State College, Long Beach, California MAURIC10 OBREGoN, Diplomat and Industrialist, BogotA E. TAYLOR PARS, Office in Charge, Research and Guidance Review, Historical Office, Department of State, Washing- ton CARLOS ANGULO V., Director, Instituto de Investigacin Etnoldgica, Universidad del AtlAntico, Barranquilla ROBERT L. CARNEIRo, Assistant Curator, South American Ethnology, American Museum of Natural History, New York JAMES EDER, Mechanical Engineer and Industrialist, Stamford, Con- necticut GUILLERMO ESPINOSA, Chief, Music Division, Pan American Union, Washington ORLANDO FALs BoRDA, Dean, Facultad de Sociologia, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogota CARLOS GARCs O., Dean, Facultad de Agronomia e Instituto Forestal, Universidad Nacional, Medellin FEDERICO G. GIL, Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill HELEN N. GILLIN, Member of the Board of Directors, Overseas Edu- cation Fund, League of Women Voters, Wash- ington ROBERT L. GILMORE, Associate Professor of History, Ohio University, Athens ERNESTO CARLOS MARTELo, Director, Empresa Colombiana de Tur- ismo, BogotA D. R. MATTHEwS, United States Congressman from Florida, Wash- ington ZEB MAYHEw, Executive Vice President, International Petroleum Com- pany, Limited, Coral Gables ELEANOR MITCHELL, Library Consultant and Art Specialist, Washing- ton Luis MONGU1o, Professor of Spanish, University of California, Berkeley MADALINE W. NICHOLS, Specialist in Latin American Affairs, Al- buquerque, New Mexico THEODORE E. NICHOLS, Associate Professor of History, Long Beach State College, Long Beach, California MAURICIO OBREG6N, Diplomat and Industrialist, Bogota E. TAYLOR PARKS, Office in Charge, Research and Guidance Review, Historical Office, Department of State, Washing- ton CARLOS ANGULO V., Director, Instituto de Investigacidn Etnologica, Universidad del Atlintico, Barranquilla ROBERT L. CARNEIRo, Assistant Curator, South American Ethnology, American Museum of Natural History, New York JAMES EDER, Mechanical Engineer and Industrialist, Stamford, Con- necticut GUILLERMo ESPINOSA, Chief, Music Division, Pan American Union, Washington ORLANDo FALs BORDA, Dean, Facultad de Sociologia, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, BogotA CARLOS GARCES O., Dean, Facultad de Agronomia e Instituto Forestal, Universidad Nacional, Medellin FEDERICO G. GIL, Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill HELEN N. GILLIN, Member of the Board of Directors, Overseas Edu- cation Fund, League of Women Voters, Wash- ington ROBERT L. GILMORE, Associate Professor of History, Ohio University, Athens ERNESTO CARLOS MARTELo, Director, Empresa Colombiana de Tur- ismo, BogotA D. R. MATTHEwS, United States Congressman from Florida, Wash- ington ZEB MAYHEw, Executive Vice President, International Petroleum Com- pany, Limited, Coral Gables ELEANOR MITCHELL, Library Consultant and Art Specialist, Washing- ton Luis MoNGu , Professor of Spanish, University of California, Berkeley MADALINE W. NICHOLS, Specialist in Latin American Affairs, Al- buquerque, New Mexico THEODORE E. NICHOLS, Associate Professor of History, Long Beach State College, Long Beach, California MAURICIO OBREGN, Diplomat and Industrialist, Bogota E. TAYLOR PARKS, Office in Charge, Research and Guidance Review, Historical Office, Department of State, Washing- ton  vi The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia J. WAVNE REITZ, Presidenot, Univceity of Florida ADces fhooE C., United Sctte Representotive, Nationof Federation of Coffee Goscrs of Colomobia, Noew Yoek ROcoco C. WEST, Professoc of Geogrophy, Louisiano State Unicversity, Batoo Rouge A. CURTIS WILGUS, Peofessor of Historq cod Director, School of Ioter- Aomeeicao Stodies, Uoiversity of Florida vi The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia J. WANEcRETZ, Pesiden, Uierity of Foida Aecefo UcIoE C., Unoted States Repeentative, National Federationa of Coffee Gcowcees of Coloombio, Nesw York ROcocT C. WEST, Pcofessoe of Ceogeaphoy, Louisioca Stote Uniceesity, Baton Rouge A. CUcRTIS WILGS, Peofettor of Hlittory ocd nirector, School of toter- Atoericon Stodies, University of Florido vi The Caribbean : Contemporary Colombia J1. WAuNE RoITZ, Presideot,Coniversity of Foida AooofS URtoE C., Coited States Repetectatic, Nationol Fedccotioo of Coffee Growcers of Colotchia, Noew Yock ROBccT C. WEST, Professor of Geography, Looitiano Stote Coivoersity, Batoo Rooge A. CcRTISoWILoUo,Professorof itoyoand Diector, SchooltofIte- Amercicao Stadies, Coivertity of Flocida  Foreword Foreword Foreword THE TWELFTH CARIBBEAN CONFERENCE continues the plan inaugurated last year of emphasizing the importance of the countries on the periphery of the Caribbean Sea. This year the Re- public of Colombia is examined by experts from business, govern- ment, and educational organizations. Although contemporary Colombia is emphasized, the backgrounds of environment and his- tory are treated so that a balanced picture results. The subject of the Conference is especially appropriate for the Uni- versity of Florida because for a number of years our College of Agriculture in particular has had numerous contacts with individuals and organizations in that country. It has been a pleasure, therefore, to welcome to our campus leading men and women from Colombia who have made such effective contributions to the content of these sessions. We feel sure that this volume of conference proceedings will have a wide and effective use as a book of reference concerning one of the leading South American states. For the second time the School of Inter-American Studies enjoyed the cosponsorship of the International Petroleum Company, Limited, while for the first time we had the honor to have as a second cosponsor the National Federation of Coffee Growers of Colombia, which added prestige to the meetings. It is a pleasure to express here our apprecia- tion for their splendid cooperation. Appreciation is also expressed to the University of Florida Press for the high standard it has maintained in the publication of this series of conference volumes. In this second decade of Caribbean Conferences, we look forward to the continued growth and influence of our inter-American pro- gram, which has developed steadily in scope since the formation in 1950 of the School of Inter-American Studies. J. WAYNE REITz, President University of Florida THE TWELFTH CARIBBEAN CONFERENCE continues the plan inaugurated last year of emphasizing the importance of the countries on the periphery of the Caribbean Sea. This year the Re- public of Colombia is examined by experts from business, govern- ment, and educational organizations. Although contemporary Colombia is emphasized, the backgrounds of environment and his- tory are treated so that a balanced picture results. The subject of the Conference is especially appropriate for the Uni- versity of Florida because for a number of years our College of Agriculture in particular has had numerous contacts with individuals and organizations in that country. It has been a pleasure, therefore, to welcome to our campus leading men and women from Colombia who have made such effective contributions to the content of these sessions. We feel sure that this volume of conference proceedings will have a wide and effective use as a book of reference concerning one of the leading South American states. For the second time the School of Inter-American Studies enjoyed the cosponsorship of the International Petroleum Company, Limited, while for the first time we had the honor to have as a second cosponsor the National Federation of Coffee Growers of Colombia, which added prestige to the meetings. It is a pleasure to express here our apprecia- tion for their splendid cooperation. Appreciation is also expressed to the University of Florida Press for the high standard it has maintained in the publication of this series of conference volumes. In this second decade of Caribbean Conferences, we look forward to the continued growth and influence of our inter-American pro- gram, which has developed steadily in scope since the formation in 1950 of the School of Inter-American Studies. J. WAYNE REITZ, President University of Florida THE TWELFTH CARIBBEAN CONFERENCE continues the plan inaugurated last year of emphasizing the importance of the countries on the periphery of the Caribbean Sea. This year the Re- public of Colombia is examined by experts from business, govern- ment, and educational organizations. Although contemporary Colombia is emphasized, the backgrounds of environment and his- tory are treated so that a balanced picture results. The subject of the Conference is especially appropriate for the Uni- versity of Florida because for a number of years our College of Agriculture in particular has had numerous contacts with individuals and organizations in that country. It has been a pleasure, therefore, to welcome to our campus leading men and women from Colombia who have made such effective contributions to the content of these sessions. We feel sure that this volume of conference proceedings will have a wide and effective use as a book of reference concerning one of the leading South American states. For the second time the School of Inter-American Studies enjoyed the cosponsorship of the International Petroleum Company, Limited, while for the first time we had the honor to have as a second cosponsor the National Federation of Coffee Growers of Colombia, which added prestige to the meetings. It is a pleasure to express here our apprecia- tion for their splendid cooperation. Appreciation is also expressed to the University of Florida Press for the high standard it has maintained in the publication of this series of conference volumes. In this second decade of Caribbean Conferences, we look forward to the continued growth and influence of our inter-American pro- gram, which has developed steadily in scope since the formation in 1950 of the School of Inter-American Studies. J. WAYNE REITZ, President University of Florida vii  The Caribbean Conference Series Volume I (1951) : The Caribbean at Mid-Century Volume II (1952) : The Caribbean: Peoples, Problems, and Pros- pects Volume III (1953): The Caribbean: Contemporary Trends Volume IV (1954): The Caribbean: Its Economy Volume V (1955) : The Caribbean: Its Culture Volume VI (1956) : The Caribbean: Its Political Problems Volume VII (1957): The Caribbean: Contemporary International Relations Volume VIII (1958) : The Caribbean: British, Dutch, French, United States Volume IX (1959): The Caribbean: Natural Resources Volume X (1960) : The Caribbean: Contemporary Education Volume XI (1961) : The Caribbean: The Central American Area Volume XII (1962) : The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia The Caribbean Conference Series Volume I (1951) : The Caribbean at Mid-Century Volume II (1952): The Caribbean: Peoples, Problems, and Pros- pects Volume III (1953) : The Caribbean: Contemporary Trends Volume IV (1954): The Caribbean: Its Economy Volume V (1955) : The Caribbean: Its Culture Volume VI (1956) : The Caribbean: Its Political Problems Volume VII (1957): The Caribbean: Contemporary International Relations Volume VIII (1958) : The Caribbean: British, Dutch, French, United States Volume IX (1959) : The Caribbean: Natural Resources Volume X (1960): The Caribbean: Contemporary Education Volume XI (1961) : The Caribbean: The Central American Area Volume XII (1962) : The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia The Caribbean Conference Series Volume I (1951) : The Caribbean at Mid-Century Volume II (1952) : The Caribbean: Peoples, Problems, and Pros- pects Volume III (1953): The Caribbean: Contemporary Trends Volume IV (1954): The Caribbean: Its Economy Volume V (1955) : The Caribbean: Its Culture Volume VI (1956) : The Caribbean: Its Political Problems Volume VII (1957): The Caribbean: Contemporary International Relations Volume VIII (1958) : The Caribbean: British, Dutch, French, United States Volume IX (1959): The Caribbean: Natural Resources Volume X (1960): The Caribbean: Contemporary Education Volume XI (1961) : The Caribbean: The Central American Area Volume XII (1962) : The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia  Contents Contents Contents Mop of Corilbeoo Are ....o . Frontispiece List of Cootribotors..... . ... .. ... V Foreword J. WAYNE REITZ.VE .. . .... . . i IntrodIution: THE UNIVERSITY OF THE ANDES: A UNIQUE EUA TIONAL EXPERIMENT-A. CURTIS WILGUS . . . Mop of Caribbean AFea .... . .... Fronspiece List of Contribors.... .. .. .. .... V Forewoord-J. WAYNE REZ............. i Introdocioo: TEUNIVESITY OF TIE AVES: A UNIQUE EUA TIONALEXPIEIMENT-A. CURTIS WILGUS. . .I Mop of Coribbeaooo a. Moo. . .. .. .Frooispiece List of Contribouoos.... . .. ...... V Foreorod-J. WAYNE REITF..FO .. . .. .. .vi Introduction: TEE UNIVERSITY OF THE ANDES: A UNIQUE EDUCA- TIONAL EXPERIMNT-A. CURTIS WILGUS. EXI Porl I-GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 1. Robert C. West: TIE GEOGRAPHEY OF COL.OMBIA . 2. Robert L. CarFeirFo: TIE ABORIGINAL CUURVES OF 3. Corlos Aogolo V.: EVIDENCE OF TOE BARRANCOID SERIES IN Port Il-HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT 4. TheodoFeE . Nichols: COLOMBIA IN VTHE COL.ONIAL. FF0100 5. Robert L. Gilore: COLOMBIA, TIE NATIONAL PRO 6. Fedeico G. Gil: COLOMBIA'SBIATSNEPRM T Pool Ill-THE ECONOMY 7. CaFIos GaOEs0.: GENERAL ASEUTSOFCLMI'AG- 8. Joomos Eder: MINVING ANE MIANUFACTURINGVIN COLOMBIA. 9. Andres UribeoC.: EONOMICUANE SOCIAL FACTORS INECOLOM- i0. Mooricio OIrOE6: IMPORVANT FAVORS IN TEEOOI Pool IV-THE CULTURE 11. Orlondo Fols Bordo: BSSFRASCOOIANEPEA 12. Luis Moogoi6: COLOMBI AN LITERATURF. IN THE TWENTIETH 13. GuilleFrmo Espinsosa: COLOMBIAN MUSIC ANE MUSICIANS IN 1 4. HeleS N. Gutlfn: TIEOHRHL:WMNI OOBA 22 35 1. 2. 3. Port I-GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY Roboe C. WIt: TEE GEOGRAPIEY OF COLOEMBIA . Robert L. Corooiro: TIEE ABORIGINAL. CULTUERS OF Coslos Angolo V.: EIRNE OF THEE BARRANCOID SERIRS IN 22 35 1. 2. 3. Pool I-GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY RobJert C. WIest: TIE GEOGRAPHY OF COLOMBIA.... RobIe L. CarneiFo: THE ABORIGINAL CULTURES OF Corlos Aogolo V.: EVIDENVCE TEE BARRANCOID SERIES IN Pool Il-HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT 49 4. Theodore E. Nichols: COLOMBIA IN TIECLNALPRO 75 5. Robert L. Gihmore: COLOMBIA, THE NATIONAL PRO 87 6. Federico C. Gil: COL.OMEIA'SBIATSNEPRM T Pool Il-HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT 49 4. Thoodooo E. Nichols: COLOMBIA IN TIE COLONIAL PERIES 75 5. Robert L. Gilore: COLOMBIA, TIE NATIONAL PERIOD 82 6. Federico G. Gil: COL.OMEIA'SBIATSNEPRM T 193 141 159 171 183 214 227 234 7. 8. 9. 12. 11. 12. 13. 14. Pool Ill-THE ECONOMY Corlos Gao~ors 0.:GEEAASETOFCLMI'AR- JameUsEdeF: MINING ANDOMANUFACTURINGOINVOLOMBIA. Aodres Uribe C.: EONOMIC ARE SOCIAL1 FAVORS IN CLM Mooririo Oboogdn: IMP'ORTANTVFACTORS IN TIEEOOI Pool IV-THE CULTURE Orlando Fols Bordo: EASES FOR A SCOOIA NEPEA Luis MOngi6:COOMIAN LITER.VTUREVINTETWTIETHE Goillrmoo Espiooso: COLOMBRIAN MUSIC AVE MUSICIANS IN Hel1en N. GilliC: TIE OTHER HALF: WOMEN INCOMBA 105 141 159 171 183 214 227 234 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Pool Ill-THE ECONOMY Carlos Goocds 0.: GENIERAL ASPRVTS OF CLMI' GI Jooses EdeE: MINIVG ANDMNFCUIGENCLMI Andres UriISE C.: ECONOMIC ANE SOCIAL FACTORS IN COLOM- MoIA'S TRAE.6C. Pool IV-THE CULTURE Orlando Fols BErdO: BASES FOR A SCOOIA NEPEA Lois Mongoid: COLOMBIAN LITCERATURE IN TEE TWENTIETH Goillermoo Espinsoso: COLOMBIAN MUSIV ARE MUSICIANS IN Holeo N. Gitlin: THE OTHIER HALO: WMNI OOBA 22 35 49 75 87 105 141 159 171 183 214 227 234  x The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Part V-INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 15. E. Taylor Parks: RELATIONS BETWEEN COLOMBIA AND THE UNITED STATES . . . . . . 253 16. Madaline W. Nichols: A COLOMBIAN PATTERN FOR PEACE (1819-1830) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 17. Ernesto Carlos Martelo: TRAVEL IN COLOMBIA'S INTERNA- TIONAL RELATIONS . . . . . 291 18. Zeb Mayhew: THE ROLE OF THE CORPORATION IN COLOMBIA 303 19. D. R. Matthews: THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA AND INTER- AMERICAN RELATIONS . . . . . 310 Part VI-BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCE 20. EleanOr Mitchell: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA: ITS BIBLIO- GRAPHIC PRESENT AND FUTURE . . . . 321 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 x The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia x The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. Part V-INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS E. Taylor Parks: RELATIONS BETWEEN COLOMBIA AND THE UNITED STATES . . . . . , . . . . . . . Madaline W. Nichols: A COLOMBIAN PATTERN FOR PEACE (1819-1830) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ernesto Carlos Martelo: TRAVEL IN COLOMBIA'S INTERNA- TIONAL RELATIONS . ........... Zeb Mayhew: THE ROLE OF THE CORPORATION IN COLOMBIA D. R. Matthews: THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA AND INTER- AMERICAN RELATIONS ............ 253 279 291 303 310 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. Part V-INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS E. Taylor Parks: RELATIONS BETWEEN COLOMBIA AND THE UNITED STATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . Madaline W. Nichols: A COLOMBIAN PATTERN FOR PEACE (1819-1830) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ernesto Carlos Martelo: TRAVEL IN COLOMBIA'S INTERNA- TIONAL RELATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . Zeb Mayhew: THE ROLE OF THE CORPORATION IN COLOMBIA D. R. Matthews: THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA AND INTER- AMERICAN RELATIONS . .......... 253 279 291 303 310 Part VI-BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCE 20. Eleanor Mitchell: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA: ITS BIBLIO- GRAPHIC PRESENT AND FUTURE . . . . 321 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 Part VI-BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCE 20. Eleanor Mitchell: CONTEMPORARY COLOMBIA: ITS BIBLIO- GRAPHIC PRESENT AND FUTURE . . . . 321 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337  Introduction Introduction Introduction THE UNIVERSITY OF THE ANDES: A UNIQUE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIMENT IT IS SINGULARLY APPROPRIATE that, in a conference de- voted to the Republic of Colombia, cultural and educational activi- ties should be emphasized. Not only has Bogota been referred to for several generations as the "Athens of America," but the country as a whole has produced innumerable scholars and writers of prose and poetry, history and fiction, and essays of a high order. The President of the Republic, Alberto Lleras Camargo, is himself a widely known author and for a number of years he served as Secretary General of the Pan American Union where he initiated and carried out a num- ber of cultural and educational activities. In the chapters that ensue, the participants in this conference have made a real contribution in the field of Colombian life and culture, not only by emphasizing the contemporary scene but also by intro- ducing background material of historical and geographical signifi- cance in the development of the country. The educational system of Colombia has been discussed in detail in one of the chapters and has been mentioned in others. However, there is one significant develop- ment in education in Colombia that deserves special notice and emphasis. It is the establishment of the Universidad de los Andes in Bogota which has achieved a unique position in the national educa- tional system. It seems fitting, therefore, in this introduction, to THE UNIVERSITY OF THE ANDES: A UNIQUE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIMENT IT IS SINGULARLY APPROPRIATE that, in a conference de- voted to the Republic of Colombia, cultural and educational activi- ties should be emphasized. Not only has Bogota been referred to for several generations as the "Athens of America," but the country as a whole has produced innumerable scholars and writers of prose and poetry, history and fiction, and essays of a high order. The President of the Republic, Alberto Lleras Camargo, is himself a widely known author and for a number of years he served as Secretary General of the Pan American Union where he initiated and carried out a num- ber of cultural and educational activities. In the chapters that ensue, the participants in this conference have made a real contribution in the field of Colombian life and culture, not only by emphasizing the contemporary scene but also by intro- ducing background material of historical and geographical signifi- cance in the development of the country. The educational system of Colombia has been discussed in detail in one of the chapters and has been mentioned in others. However, there is one significant develop- ment in education in Colombia that deserves special notice and emphasis. It is the establishment of the Universidad de los Andes in BogotA which has achieved a unique position in the national educa- tional system. It seems fitting, therefore, in this introduction, to THE UNIVERSITY OF THE ANDES: A UNIQUE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIMENT IT IS SINGULARLY APPROPRIATE that, in a conference de- voted to the Republic of Colombia, cultural and educational activi- ties should be emphasized. Not only has BogotA been referred to for several generations as the "Athens of America," but the country as a whole has produced innumerable scholars and writers of prose and poetry, history and fiction, and essays of a high order. The President of the Republic, Alberto Lleras Camargo, is himself a widely known author and for a number of years he served as Secretary General of the Pan American Union where he initiated and carried out a num- ber of cultural and educational activities. In the chapters that ensue, the participants in this conference have made a real contribution in the field of Colombian life and culture, not only by emphasizing the contemporary scene but also by intro- ducing background material of historical and geographical signifi- cance in the development of the country. The educational system of Colombia has been discussed in detail in one of the chapters and has been mentioned in others. However, there is one significant develop- ment in education in Colombia that deserves special notice and emphasis. It is the establishment of the Universidad de los Andes in BogotA which has achieved a unique position in the national educa- tional system. It seems fitting, therefore, in this introduction, to  xii The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia examine this institution rather closely and to indicate something of its nature and influence at home and abroad and its significance as an example to educational leaders in Latin America who wish to bring their institutions and organizations into harmony with educational trends in the United States and Europe. I The idea of the University of the Andes began in the mind of Mario Laserna, a young Colombian who had a great thirst for knowl- edge. He was a brilliant young man, willful, hot-blooded, and, as some thought, an impractical dreamer. Because of his restlessness, his father sent him off to New York City where he attended Columbia University. There he proved to be a brilliant student. But not content with the education he received there, he went to Heidelberg, where he finally won a doctorate degree. At Columbia University he became fascinated with the concept of academic freedom and he felt that here was a germ of an idea which should be planted in his native land. At the University he was amazed at the stability of the educational system, and at the lack of revolutionary ideas among students and faculty. He realized that in Latin American countries the one characteristic which was lacking in most educational institutions was stability. He conceived the idea that a university might well be formed by the will of the people who create and support it. These ideas were presented to some of his fellow students and professors at the University; later he mulled them over in his mind on a bicycle trip from the French coast to Paris, always trying to find a practical way to establish such a school. When he returned to Colombia he made a nuisance of himself arguing for his idea among his friends. They knew that such a uni- versity, as he conceived it, would be contrary to the educational tradi- tions in Colombia and indeed in Latin America. He discussed his ideas with industrialists, journalists, government officials, church people, educators, and others, many of whom were young men like himself. xii The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia examine this institution rather closely and to indicate something of its nature and influence at home and abroad and its significance as an example to educational leaders in Latin America who wish to bring their institutions and organizations into harmony with educational trends in the United States and Europe. I The idea of the University of the Andes began in the mind of Mario Laserna, a young Colombian who had a great thirst for knowl- edge. He was a brilliant young man, willful, hot-blooded, and, as some thought, an impractical dreamer. Because of his restlessness, his father sent him off to New York City where he attended Columbia University. There he proved to be a brilliant student. But not content with the education he received there, he went to Heidelberg, where he finally won a doctorate degree. At Columbia University he became fascinated with the concept of academic freedom and he felt that here was a germ of an idea which should be planted in his native land. At the University he was amazed at the stability of the educational system, and at the lack of revolutionary ideas among students and faculty. He realized that in Latin American countries the one characteristic which was lacking in most educational institutions was stability. He conceived the idea that a university might well be formed by the will of the people who create and support it. These ideas were presented to some of his fellow students and professors at the University; later he mulled them over in his mind on a bicycle trip from the French coast to Paris, always trying to find a practical way to establish such a school. When he returned to Colombia he made a nuisance of himself arguing for his idea among his friends. They knew that such a uni- versity, as he conceived it, would be contrary to the educational tradi- tions in Colombia and indeed in Latin America. He discussed his ideas with industrialists, journalists, government officials, church people, educators, and others, many of whom were young men like himself. xii The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia examine this institution rather closely and to indicate something of its nature and influence at home and abroad and its significance as an example to educational leaders in Latin America who wish to bring their institutions and organizations into harmony with educational trends in the United States and Europe. I The idea of the University of the Andes began in the mind of Mario Laserna, a young Colombian who had a great thirst for knowl- edge. He was a brilliant young man, willful, hot-blooded, and, as some thought, an impractical dreamer. Because of his restlessness, his father sent him off to New York City where he attended Columbia University. There he proved to be a brilliant student. But not content with the education he received there, he went to Heidelberg, where he finally won a doctorate degree. At Columbia University he became fascinated with the concept of academic freedom and he felt that here was a germ of an idea which should be planted in his native land. At the University he was amazed at the stability of the educational system, and at the lack of revolutionary ideas among students and faculty. He realized that in Latin American countries the one characteristic which was lacking in most educational institutions was stability. He conceived the idea that a university might well be formed by the will of the people who create and support it. These ideas were presented to some of his fellow students and professors at the University; later he mulled them over in his mind on a bicycle trip from the French coast to Paris, always trying to find a practical way to establish such a school. When he returned to Colombia he made a nuisance of himself arguing for his idea among his friends. They knew that such a uni- versity, as he conceived it, would be contrary to the educational tradi- tions in Colombia and indeed in Latin America. He discussed his ideas with industrialists, journalists, government officials, church people, educators, and others, many of whom were young men like himself.  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xiii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION This group of friends often met in the office of Laserna's father, a wealthy man who derided his idea, always arguing that in Colombia there were already thirteen universities. Out of these meetings grew a "declaration of principles" that has guided the University since its founding. Because of his attendance at Columbia University and be- cause of his knowledge of other United States universities, Laserna felt that the University of the Andes should have ties with North American institutions and adopt the method and spirit of these in- stitutions in its educational system. He believed that science and engi- neering should be stressed but that at the same time the humanities should be offered. The school must be coeducational. Among the persons to whom Laserna talked was seventy-year-old Roberto Franco, an internationally known physician in Colombia. He was finally persuaded to serve as the first rector of the University; this at the very beginning put the institution on a high educational level. Among his successors as rectors were Dr. Eduardo Zuleta Angel and Dr. Alberto Lleras Camargo. This group of friends often met in the office of Laserna's father, a wealthy man who derided his idea, always arguing that in Colombia there were already thirteen universities. Out of these meetings grew a "declaration of principles" that has guided the University since its founding. Because of his attendance at Columbia University and be- cause of his knowledge of other United States universities, Laserna felt that the University of the Andes should have ties with North American institutions and adopt the method and spirit of these in- stitutions in its educational system. He believed that science and engi- neering should be stressed but that at the same time the humanities should be offered. The school must be coeducational. Among the persons to whom Laserna talked was seventy-year-old Roberto Franco, an internationally known physician in Colombia. He was finally persuaded to serve as the first rector of the University; this at the very beginning put the institution on a high educational level. Among his successors as rectors were Dr. Eduardo Zuleta Angel and Dr. Alberto Lleras Camargo. EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XIil This group of friends often met in the office of Laserna's father, a wealthy man who derided his idea, always arguing that in Colombia there were already thirteen universities. Out of these meetings grew a "declaration of principles" that has guided the University since its founding. Because of his attendance at Columbia University and be- cause of his knowledge of other United States universities, Laserna felt that the University of the Andes should have ties with North American institutions and adopt the method and spirit of these in- stitutions in its educational system. He believed that science and engi- neering should be stressed but that at the same time the humanities should be offered. The school must be coeducational. Among the persons to whom Laserna talked was seventy-year-old Roberto Franco, an internationally known physician in Colombia. He was finally persuaded to serve as the first rector of the University; this at the very beginning put the institution on a high educational level. Among his successors as rectors were Dr. Eduardo Zuleta Angel and Dr. Alberto Lleras Camargo. II II I Finally on April 24, 1949, when Laserna was about twenty-five years of age, the University opened with the blessing of the Ministry of Education and of Laserna's father, who gave some financial assist- ance. Total funds available for the project amounted to about 60,000 pesos. Seventy-eight students entered at this time, and the faculty numbered twelve teachers. The University was located some 9,000 feet above sea level on the grounds of an old prison on a steep, rocky slope of the Andean Mountains, overlooking the capital, Bogoti. At the top of the moun- tain is the Shrine of Guadalupe; lower down, the buildings of the school are scattered on hilly ground with trees and shrubs growing in profusion. Even though the school seems far away from the center of BogotA, it can be reached in a few minutes. Two years after the University was opened the so-called study- abroad program was inaugurated. In this program qualified engi- Finally on April 24, 1949, when Laserna was about twenty-five years of age, the University opened with the blessing of the Ministry of Education and of Laserna's father, who gave some financial assist- ance. Total funds available for the project amounted to about 60,000 pesos. Seventy-eight students entered at this time, and the faculty numbered twelve teachers. The University was located some 9,000 feet above sea level on the grounds of an old prison on a steep, rocky slope of the Andean Mountains, overlooking the capital, BogotA. At the top of the moun- tain is the Shrine of Guadalupe; lower down, the buildings of the school are scattered on hilly ground with trees and shrubs growing in profusion. Even though the school seems far away from the center of Bogoti, it can be reached in a few minutes. Two years after the University was opened the so-called study- abroad program was inaugurated. In this program qualified engi- Finally on April 24, 1949, when Laserna was about twenty-five years of age, the University opened with the blessing of the Ministry of Education and of Laserna's father, who gave some financial assist- ance. Total funds available for the project amounted to about 60,000 pesos. Seventy-eight students entered at this time, and the faculty numbered twelve teachers. The University was located some 9,000 feet above sea level on the grounds of an old prison on a steep, rocky slope of the Andean Mountains, overlooking the capital, Bogoti. At the top of the moun- tain is the Shrine of Guadalupe; lower down, the buildings of the school are scattered on hilly ground with trees and shrubs growing in profusion. Even though the school seems far away from the center of Bogoti, it can be reached in a few minutes. Two years after the University was opened the so-called study- abroad program was inaugurated. In this program qualified engi-  xiv The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia neering students are sent to North American universities for their junior and senior years. Scholarship money is borrowed from a ro- tating-loan fund, the loans being repaid at a rate of from 10 to 20 per cent of the monthly salary when the students return to Colombia and obtain positions. Arrangements have been made with North American universities, including the University of Illinois, University of Pittsburgh, Univer- sity of Texas, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to take the young engineering students at the beginning of their junior year. Other universities in the program are Michigan, Notre Dame, Van- derbilt, Arizona, New Mexico, and Kansas. The University of Il- linois, the oldest of the collaborating schools, has graduated over a hundred Colombian students. From the very beginning, the study of English was required of all students. This makes it somewhat easier for scholarship students to fit into university life in the United States. However, it frequently takes some time for these students to become accustomed to what they consider the frivolous side of campus life: the teenage behavior, the casual dress, and what appears to be a lack of close family ties. The Colombian students return to their native land eager to take on various occupations, some even hoping to become professors in the University of the Andes. One way in which the University is striving to become more like North American universities is in the organization of its faculty. In most Colombian universities, and in other Latin American universities as well, the faculty consists of part-time persons who usually have oc- cupations which provide income, while their teaching is more in the nature of a hobby. More and more teachers are now engaged in full-time teaching and it is the objective of the administration of the University eventually to have all teachers on full-time schedule. At present there are 143 teachers, of whom 67 are full-time. Ninety- seven are Colombians while the others came from the United States, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, France, Great Britain, and Hungary. The University has no official government connection and is non- denominational. It receives support from student tuition (about $200 a year for each student) and from various grants and gifts from in- dividuals and industries, most of the latter operating in Colombia. xiv The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia neering students are sent to North American universities for their junior and senior years. Scholarship money is borrowed from a ro- tating-loan fund, the loans being repaid at a rate of from 10 to 20 per cent of the monthly salary when the students return to Colombia and obtain positions. Arrangements have been made with North American universities, including the University of Illinois, University of Pittsburgh, Univer- sity of Texas, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to take the young engineering students at the beginning of their junior year. Other universities in the program are Michigan, Notre Dame, Van- derbilt, Arizona, New Mexico, and Kansas. The University of Il- linois, the oldest of the collaborating schools, has graduated over a hundred Colombian students. From the very beginning, the study of English was required of all students. This makes it somewhat easier for scholarship students to fit into university life in the United States. However, it frequently takes some time for these students to become accustomed to what they consider the frivolous side of campus life: the teenage behavior, the casual dress, and what appears to be a lack of close family ties. The Colombian students return to their native land eager to take on various occupations, some even hoping to become professors in the University of the Andes. One way in which the University is striving to become more like North American universities is in the organization of its faculty. In most Colombian universities, and in other Latin American universities as well, the faculty consists of part-time persons who usually have oc- cupations which provide income, while their teaching is more in the nature of a hobby. More and more teachers are now engaged in full-time teaching and it is the objective of the administration of the University eventually to have all teachers on full-time schedule. At present there are 143 teachers, of whom 67 are full-time. Ninety- seven are Colombians while the others came from the United States, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, France, Great Britain, and Hungary. The University has no official government connection and is non- denominational. It receives support from student tuition (about $200 a year for each student) and from various grants and gifts from in- dividuals and industries, most of the latter operating in Colombia. xiv The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia neering students are sent to North American universities for their junior and senior years. Scholarship money is borrowed from a ro- tating-loan fund, the loans being repaid at a rate of from 10 to 20 per cent of the monthly salary when the students return to Colombia and obtain positions. Arrangements have been made with North American universities, including the University of Illinois, University of Pittsburgh, Univer- sity of Texas, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to take the young engineering students at the beginning of their junior year. Other universities in the program are Michigan, Notre Dame, Van- derbilt, Arizona, New Mexico, and Kansas. The University of Il- linois, the oldest of the collaborating schools, has graduated over a hundred Colombian students. From the very beginning, the study of English was required of all students. This makes it somewhat easier for scholarship students to fit into university life in the United States. However, it frequently takes some time for these students to become accustomed to what they consider the frivolous side of campus life: the teenage behavior, the casual dress, and what appears to be a lack of close family ties. The Colombian students return to their native land eager to take on various occupations, some even hoping to become professors in the University of the Andes. One way in which the University is striving to become more like North American universities is in the organization of its faculty. In most Colombian universities, and in other Latin American universities as well, the faculty consists of part-time persons who usually have oc- cupations which provide income, while their teaching is more in the nature of a hobby. More and more teachers are now engaged in full-time teaching and it is the objective of the administration of the University eventually to have all teachers on full-time schedule. At present there are 143 teachers, of whom 67 are full-time. Ninety- seven are Colombians while the others came from the United States, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, France, Great Britain, and Hungary. The University has no official government connection and is non- denominational. It receives support from student tuition (about $200 a year for each student) and from various grants and gifts from in- dividuals and industries, most of the latter operating in Colombia.  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XV EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XV One of its consistent supporters is the International Petroleum Com- pany, Limited, affiliate of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. This company is employing many of the school's graduates. There are between 700 and 800 carefully selected students at the University at the present time. Some 48 per cent come from BogotA, about 51 per cent come from the remainder of Colombia, and about 1 per cent from other countries. About three times this number are regularly turned away because of the lack of teaching facilities. As it is, many professors have to use corners of classrooms as offices. There are about 200 girls attending the University. Classes begin at seven o'clock in the morning and, since there are no dormitories on the campus, students commute in cars and buses, some from a considerable distance. The school day is long, but the students seem not to mind. Classes are held in corridors, attics, Quonset huts, and temporary structures. Engineering classes are held in a building that once was set aside for women prisoners. The library is in a classroom and there are frequently not enough chairs on which to sit when studying. The new science building, however, built by funds from the Rockefeller Foundation, is one of the most notable on the campus. Student life goes on much as in the United States. Cou- ples stroll among the shaded walks and grounds, attend dances in the Quonset hut auditorium, hold picnics on the lawn, and go to the cafeteria for coffee-breaks and soft drinks. The administration of the University consists of the faculty and the rector, who strive to maintain high educational standards. Faculty members are dedicated men who serve at low pay and undergo many inconveniences for the sake of associating themselves with such an interesting project. It is believed that by keeping the enrollment low and by making careful selection of students high standards of instruc- tion can be maintained. With the aid of an Advisory Board consisting largely of leading United States scholars and of a Board of Trustees of highly regarded Colombians, the present rector (December, 1961), Dr. Jaime Sam- per Ortega, is eager to expand the facilities and influence of his uni- versity. He looks forward to a program of publishing textbooks and scholarly works. He would like to bring high school teachers to the University in order to train them in science. He would like to make One of its consistent supporters is the International Petroleum Com- pany, Limited, affiliate of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. This company is employing many of the school's graduates. There are between 700 and 800 carefully selected students at the University at the present time. Some 48 per cent come from Bogoti, about 51 per cent come from the remainder of Colombia, and about 1 per cent from other countries. About three times this number are regularly turned away because of the lack of teaching facilities. As it is, many professors have to use corners of classrooms as offices. There are about 200 girls attending the University. Classes begin at seven o'clock in the morning and, since there are no dormitories on the campus, students commute in cars and buses, some from a considerable distance. The school day is long, but the students seem not to mind. Classes are held in corridors, attics, Quonset huts, and temporary structures. Engineering classes are held in a building that once was set aside for women prisoners. The library is in a classroom and there are frequently not enough chairs on which to sit when studying. The new science building, however, built by funds from the Rockefeller Foundation, is one of the most notable on the campus. Student life goes on much as in the United States. Cou- ples stroll among the shaded walks and grounds, attend dances in the Quonset hut auditorium, hold picnics on the lawn, and go to the cafeteria for coffee-breaks and soft drinks. The administration of the University consists of the faculty and the rector, who strive to maintain high educational standards. Faculty members are dedicated men who serve at low pay and undergo many inconveniences for the sake of associating themselves with such an interesting project. It is believed that by keeping the enrollment low and by making careful selection of students high standards of instruc- tion can be maintained. With the aid of an Advisory Board consisting largely of leading United States scholars and of a Board of Trustees of highly regarded Colombians, the present rector (December, 1961), Dr. Jaime Sam- per Ortega, is eager to expand the facilities and influence of his uni- versity. He looks forward to a program of publishing textbooks and scholarly works. He would like to bring high school teachers to the University in order to train them in science. He would like to make EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XV One of its consistent supporters is the International Petroleum Com- pany, Limited, affiliate of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. This company is employing many of the school's graduates. There are between 700 and 800 carefully selected students at the University at the present time. Some 48 per cent come from BogotA, about 51 per cent come from the remainder of Colombia, and about 1 per cent from other countries. About three times this number are regularly turned away because of the lack of teaching facilities. As it is, many professors have to use corners of classrooms as offices. There are about 200 girls attending the University. Classes begin at seven o'clock in the morning and, since there are no dormitories on the campus, students commute in cars and buses, some from a considerable distance. The school day is long, but the students seem not to mind. Classes are held in corridors, attics, Quonset huts, and temporary structures. Engineering classes are held in a building that once was set aside for women prisoners. The library is in a classroom and there are frequently not enough chairs on which to sit when studying. The new science building, however, built by funds from the Rockefeller Foundation, is one of the most notable on the campus. Student life goes on much as in the United States. Cou- ples stroll among the shaded walks and grounds, attend dances in the Quonset hut auditorium, hold picnics on the lawn, and go to the cafeteria for coffee-breaks and soft drinks. The administration of the University consists of the faculty and the rector, who strive to maintain high educational standards. Faculty members are dedicated men who serve at low pay and undergo many inconveniences for the sake of associating themselves with such an interesting project. It is believed that by keeping the enrollment low and by making careful selection of students high standards of instruc- tion can be maintained. With the aid of an Advisory Board consisting largely of leading United States scholars and of a Board of Trustees of highly regarded Colombians, the present rector (December, 1961), Dr. Jaime Sam- per Ortega, is eager to expand the facilities and influence of his uni- versity. He looks forward to a program of publishing textbooks and scholarly works. He would like to bring high school teachers to the University in order to train them in science. He would like to make  xvi The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia further contacts with universities in the United States. Dr. Samper has been adviser to the University since its earliest days and he was a close friend of Mario Laserna. The University of the Andes is today probably the only truly pri- vate university in all of Latin America. It is composed of six schools and nine different departments: the schools of architecture, eco- nomics, engineering, fine arts, philosophy and letters, and sciences. Within these schools, but autonomously organized, function the de- partments of bacteriology, biology, chemistry, humanities, modern languages (other than Spanish), mathematics, physics, Spanish, and a premedical department. There are also university extension courses where part-time students can study a variety of subjects ranging from Sanskrit to interior decoration. For these extension courses a cer- tificate of attendance is given, whereas full-time students enrolled in any of the schools receive regular degrees recognized by the Ministry of Education of Colombia. It is thus possible for the young graduate from the six-year secondary system in Colombia to enter the Univer- sity of the Andes as a freshman and pursue studies in the field of his choice. The University encourages a continuation of studies beyond the traditional level of college work and places particular stress on research work in its graduate school. Graduate research at the Uni- versity of the Andes is offered in the school of science where research on mycology, bacteriology, plant pathology, embryology, cellular physiology, and protozoology is pursued. In 1961 the Ford Foundation, after careful study of the University and its most crying needs, gave a grant of $736,000. Of this, $436,000 is for the establishment of a College of Arts and Sciences, effective in February, 1962, through which all students will have to go re- gardless of what career they eventually choose. The College of Arts and Sciences will therefore be a buffer between secondary education and university studies proper. This is a completely new idea for Colombia and it is hoped that it will be successful. The remaining amount of the grant ($300,000) was given for a Work Study Center which the University will build in 1962. This will house the new library, language laboratories, seminar rooms, and, of great importance, small offices for full-time faculty, who now have no place to work when they have finished their classes. This sum of xvi The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia further contacts with universities in the United States. Dr. Samper has been adviser to the University since its earliest days and he was a close friend of Mario Laserna. The University of the Andes is today probably the only truly pri- vate university in all of Latin America. It is composed of six schools and nine different departments: the schools of architecture, eco- nomics, engineering, fine arts, philosophy and letters, and sciences. Within these schools, but autonomously organized, function the de- partments of bacteriology, biology, chemistry, humanities, modern languages (other than Spanish), mathematics, physics, Spanish, and a premedical department. There are also university extension courses where part-time students can study a variety of subjects ranging from Sanskrit to interior decoration. For these extension courses a cer- tificate of attendance is given, whereas full-time students enrolled in any of the schools receive regular degrees recognized by the Ministry of Education of Colombia. It is thus possible for the young graduate from the six-year secondary system in Colombia to enter the Univer- sity of the Andes as a freshman and pursue studies in the field of his choice. The University encourages a continuation of studies beyond the traditional level of college work and places particular stress on research work in its graduate school. Graduate research at the Uni- versity of the Andes is offered in the school of science where research on mycology, bacteriology, plant pathology, embryology, cellular physiology, and protozoology is pursued. In 1961 the Ford Foundation, after careful study of the University and its most crying needs, gave a grant of $736,000. Of this, $436,000 is for the establishment of a College of Arts and Sciences, effective in February, 1962, through which all students will have to go re- gardless of what career they eventually choose. The College of Arts and Sciences will therefore be a buffer between secondary education and university studies proper. This is a completely new idea for Colombia and it is hoped that it will be successful. The remaining amount of the grant ($300,000) was given for a Work Study Center which the University will build in 1962. This will house the new library, language laboratories, seminar rooms, and, of great importance, small offices for full-time faculty, who now have no place to work when they have finished their classes. This sum of xvi The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia further contacts with universities in the United States. Dr. Samper has been adviser to the University since its earliest days and he was a close friend of Mario Laserna. The University of the Andes is today probably the only truly pri- vate university in all of Latin America. It is composed of six schools and nine different departments: the schools of architecture, eco- nomics, engineering, fine arts, philosophy and letters, and sciences. Within these schools, but autonomously organized, function the de- partments of bacteriology, biology, chemistry, humanities, modern languages (other than Spanish), mathematics, physics, Spanish, and a premedical department. There are also university extension courses where part-time students can study a variety of subjects ranging from Sanskrit to interior decoration. For these extension courses a cer- tificate of attendance is given, whereas full-time students enrolled in any of the schools receive regular degrees recognized by the Ministry of Education of Colombia. It is thus possible for the young graduate from the six-year secondary system in Colombia to enter the Univer- sity of the Andes as a freshman and pursue studies in the field of his choice. The University encourages a continuation of studies beyond the traditional level of college work and places particular stress on research work in its graduate school. Graduate research at the Uni- versity of the Andes is offered in the school of science where research on mycology, bacteriology, plant pathology, embryology, cellular physiology, and protozoology is pursued. In 1961 the Ford Foundation, after careful study of the University and its most crying needs, gave a grant of $736,000. Of this, $436,000 is for the establishment of a College of Arts and Sciences, effective in February, 1962, through which all students will have to go re- gardless of what career they eventually choose. The College of Arts and Sciences will therefore be a buffer between secondary education and university studies proper. This is a completely new idea for Colombia and it is hoped that it will be successful. The remaining amount of the grant ($300,000) was given for a Work Study Center which the University will build in 1962. This will house the new library, language laboratories, seminar rooms, and, of great importance, small offices for full-time faculty, who now have no place to work when they have finished their classes. This sum of  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xvii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xvii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XVll $300,000 must be matched by Colombian donations, and a cam- paign for this purpose is now under way. III Some of the most important graduate investigations have been carried on, since September 1, 1958, in the Centro de Estudio sobre Desarrollo Econsmico (CEDE). This was organized by Dr. John M. Hunter from the United States who was invited to the University of the Andes for this purpose. The first investigative function in the Center for Studies in Economic Development was to examine the economic structure of Colombia. A second function was to provide research experience and training for young people interested in various problems concerning the Colombian economy. To accom- plish this a library collection has been established in the Center build- ing and bibliographies on various topics of development in the Colombian economy are being prepared. In all of its activities CEDE works closely with the Facultad de Economia. The Center was established as a result of a Rockefeller Foundation grant to the University to include the salary and travel expenses of a director, to provide needed books for a library collection, to assemble statistical equipment, and to employ foreign specialists. For the first two years the Rockefeller Foundation made grants matched by the University of the Andes. In consequence, such matching funds had to be found by the director. If and when the Foundation grant is discontinued, it is hoped that the people of Colombia will be so interested that they will wish to provide funds for carrying on CEDE. From the very beginning it was decided that CEDE was not to conduct business research but only economic research. This meant, as Dr. Hunter asserted, that they would not do research which was primarily designed to improve the profit and loss position of a single firm, since a number of business concerns were engaged in their own research on a commercial basis. One of the immediate functions of the director was to recruit per- sonnel and to train staff members. The first staff consisted of three young men with some research experience, whose work was done under the supervision of the director. An intensive study of Colom- $300,000 must be matched by Colombian donations, and a cam- paign for this purpose is now under way. III Some of the most important graduate investigations have been carried on, since September 1, 1958, in the Centro de Estudio sobre Desarrollo Econsmico (CEDE). This was organized by Dr. John M. Hunter from the United States who was invited to the University of the Andes for this purpose. The first investigative function in the Center for Studies in Economic Development was to examine the economic structure of Colombia. A second function was to provide research experience and training for young people interested in various problems concerning the Colombian economy. To accom- plish this a library collection has been established in the Center build- ing and bibliographies on various topics of development in the Colombian economy are being prepared. In all of its activities CEDE works closely with the Facultad de Economia. The Center was established as a result of a Rockefeller Foundation grant to the University to include the salary and travel expenses of a director, to provide needed books for a library collection, to assemble statistical equipment, and to employ foreign specialists. For the first two years the Rockefeller Foundation made grants matched by the University of the Andes. In consequence, such matching funds had to be found by the director. If and when the Foundation grant is discontinued, it is hoped that the people of Colombia will be so interested that they will wish to provide funds for carrying on CEDE. From the very beginning it was decided that CEDE was not to conduct business research but only economic research. This meant, as Dr. Hunter asserted, that they would not do research which was primarily designed to improve the profit and loss position of a single firm, since a number of business concerns were engaged in their own research on a commercial basis. One of the immediate functions of the director was to recruit per- sonnel and to train staff members. The first staff consisted of three young men with some research experience, whose work was done under the supervision of the director. An intensive study of Colom- $300,000 must be matched by Colombian donations, and a cam- paign for this purpose is now under way. III Some of the most important graduate investigations have been carried on, since September 1, 1958, in the Centro de Estudio sobre Desarrollo Econmico (CEDE). This was organized by Dr. John M. Hunter from the United States who was invited to the University of the Andes for this purpose. The first investigative function in the Center for Studies in Economic Development was to examine the economic structure of Colombia. A second function was to provide research experience and training for young people interested in various problems concerning the Colombian economy. To accom- plish this a library collection has been established in the Center build- ing and bibliographies on various topics of development in the Colombian economy are being prepared. In all of its activities CEDE works closely with the Facultad de Economia. The Center was established as a result of a Rockefeller Foundation grant to the University to include the salary and travel expenses of a director, to provide needed books for a library collection, to assemble statistical equipment, and to employ foreign specialists. For the first two years the Rockefeller Foundation made grants matched by the University of the Andes. In consequence, such matching funds had to be found by the director. If and when the Foundation grant is discontinued, it is hoped that the people of Colombia will be so interested that they will wish to provide funds for carrying on CEDE. From the very beginning it was decided that CEDE was not to conduct business research but only economic research. This meant, as Dr. Hunter asserted, that they would not do research which was primarily designed to improve the profit and loss position of a single firm, since a number of business concerns were engaged in their own research on a commercial basis. One of the immediate functions of the director was to recruit per- sonnel and to train staff members. The first staff consisted of three young men with some research experience, whose work was done under the supervision of the director. An intensive study of Colom-  xviii The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia bian economic problems then began. Through the preparation of a bibliography, the dearth of materials on Colombian economic affairs was immediately discovered. The first bibliography to appear was annotated and contained several hundred items dealing with econom- ic development in general and the Colombian economy in par- ticular. A series of monographs based on research was soon begun. Library materials were rapidly assembled and by June, 1960, there were 1,151 books and 1,411 reprints and pamphlets in the collection. Also a number of periodicals were regularly received. However, all activities were limited by the budget. Since there was no money for a librarian, the use of unskilled services was necessary for the library. By the middle of 1960, when his term ended, Professor Hunter believed that CEDE had more than justified its two years of existence. Certainly, as President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress begins to move along economic lines, the CEDE of the University of the Andes will undoubtedly play an important part in helping to decide the economic needs of Colombia and how the economic problems may be solved. This will more than justify its creation. IV Today the University of the Andes is at a significant crossroads in its history. It has fulfilled the hopes and plans of its founders. It now receives an annual contribution of about 70,000 pesos from the na- tional government, this subsidy being made possible by a law which provides a small fund to all college-level institutions in Colombia. Something less than one-fourth of the four million pesos annual budg- et comes from student fees. The Rockefeller Foundation has been more than generous. Besides providing for a physics laboratory some years ago, it provided in 1957, by a grant of $570,000, for the estab- lishment of a premedical school. An increasing number of business concerns in Colombia are providing modest funds for special pur- poses. But still the University is not free from financial worries. It needs more buildings so that more students can be brought to the campus. This will mean more faculty and a larger salary budget. From time to time the University has made attempts, with varying success, to seek funds from private sources in the United States. But xviii The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia bian economic problems then began. Through the preparation of a bibliography, the dearth of materials on Colombian economic affairs was immediately discovered. The first bibliography to appear was annotated and contained several hundred items dealing with econom- ic development in general and the Colombian economy in par- ticular. A series of monographs based on research was soon begun. Library materials were rapidly assembled and by June, 1960, there were 1,151 books and 1,411 reprints and pamphlets in the collection. Also a number of periodicals were regularly received. However, all activities were limited by the budget. Since there was no money for a librarian, the use of unskilled services was necessary for the library. By the middle of 1960, when his term ended, Professor Hunter believed that CEDE had more than justified its two years of existence. Certainly, as President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress begins to move along economic lines, the CEDE of the University of the Andes will undoubtedly play an important part in helping to decide the economic needs of Colombia and how the economic problems may be solved. This will more than justify its creation. IV Today the University of the Andes is at a significant crossroads in its history. It has fulfilled the hopes and plans of its founders. It now receives an annual contribution of about 70,000 pesos from the na- tional government, this subsidy being made possible by a law which provides a small fund to all college-level institutions in Colombia. Something less than one-fourth of the four million pesos annual budg- et comes from student fees. The Rockefeller Foundation has been more than generous. Besides providing for a physics laboratory some years ago, it provided in 1957, by a grant of $570,000, for the estab- lishment of a premedical school. An increasing number of business concerns in Colombia are providing modest funds for special pur- poses. But still the University is not free from financial worries. It needs more buildings so that more students can be brought to the campus. This will mean more faculty and a larger salary budget. From time to time the University has made attempts, with varying success, to seek funds from private sources in the United States. But xviii The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia bian economic problems then began. Through the preparation of a bibliography, the dearth of materials on Colombian economic affairs was immediately discovered. The first bibliography to appear was annotated and contained several hundred items dealing with econom- ic development in general and the Colombian economy in par- ticular. A series of monographs based on research was soon begun. Library materials were rapidly assembled and by June, 1960, there were 1,151 books and 1,411 reprints and pamphlets in the collection. Also a number of periodicals were regularly received. However, all activities were limited by the budget. Since there was no money for a librarian, the use of unskilled services was necessary for the library. By the middle of 1960, when his term ended, Professor Hunter believed that CEDE had more than justified its two years of existence. Certainly, as President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress begins to move along economic lines, the CEDE of the University of the Andes will undoubtedly play an important part in helping to decide the economic needs of Colombia and how the economic problems may be solved. This will more than justify its creation. IV Today the University of the Andes is at a significant crossroads in its history. It has fulfilled the hopes and plans of its founders. It now receives an annual contribution of about 70,000 pesos from the na- tional government, this subsidy being made possible by a law which provides a small fund to all college-level institutions in Colombia. Something less than one-fourth of the four million pesos annual budg- et comes from student fees. The Rockefeller Foundation has been more than generous. Besides providing for a physics laboratory some years ago, it provided in 1957, by a grant of $570,000, for the estab- lishment of a premedical school. An increasing number of business concerns in Colombia are providing modest funds for special pur- poses. But still the University is not free from financial worries. It needs more buildings so that more students can be brought to the campus. This will mean more faculty and a larger salary budget. From time to time the University has made attempts, with varying success, to seek funds from private sources in the United States. But  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XSX EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XiX EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION aXX with all its worries and problems, the administration of the University of the Andes is determined to carry on and to expand iss program of training traders in husonerm, the professions, and government services so that it may provide an ever-increasing educational fanctions in the cultoral fife of Colombia. A. CURTIS WILGSn, Director School of gnter-American Stadies Bibliographicat Nosse. Inforainas tar thsis survey comssc chiefly frow yublicasions aftshe Univesityat sths Andes; ferom she Iternational Ptroleum Coapany, Liaised; Semaa (Booni), Decemher 2, 1958; The Lamp (tndard Oil Cons- racy ct Nsa Jersey), Fatl, toss; Sea Yost Tines, July to, toot (reyort by Juan de ots) ; Thec Uaited Sases Departesnt of Agricultune, Foreitn Agri- colsual OSeics, M-t113, April, tO6t; Ths ERobkefelle roondasios Assuol Repast, tots (New Yoek, 1961) ; Joba M. Hooter, "Cstnomhia's New coomic EResech Cessee," Istessasissat Developmnt Reciea, Jose, tots, pp. 30-42; and Irons the officotDr.Jaimetoaes Oega. with all its worries and problems, the administration of the University of the Andes is determined to conry on and to expand its program of training leaders in business, the profensions, and government services so that it may provide an ever-increasing educational function in the calturat life of Colombia. A. CesTS WILars, Director School of Inter-American Studies wish all its worries and problems, the administration of the University of the Andes is determined to carry on and to expand its program of training leaders in bosinrss, the professions, and government services so that it may provide an ever-increasing educational function in the cultoral life of Colombia. A. CUTISl WILSn, Director School of Inter-American Studies Bibliographial Nate. Intormation toe shisr ey cons chiefly banm yablicains aftshe Ulnivesity af the Andes; frsom the Interatioalt Petroleum Company, Liatesd; Semasa (Bogott), Dsceaber 2, 1050; The Lawp (Standard Oil Cam- pany at Nsa Jcsey), Fall, t959; Nea Fast Times, Juty to, to6t lassos, by Jnan dc Onis) ; Tie United Sates Deyartasnt at Agricutuare, Frseign Atri- caltsaltSerice,M-1t3, Ayi, 196t; TbheRckefseerFoundaionAnnualRerps, t960 (New York, 10011 ; John M. Hanter, "Cotombhia's New Ecasamic Eesarh Cente," Internatiosal DOevetopmrst Resiea, Jan;, 1961, pp. 30-42; and team the offce of Dr. JaimesOmpes Ortega. Bibliographical Note. Intoemation foe shis msrsy mcm chiefly team pubicatism of the Uiveemity of thse Andes; teoma the Intermasinal Petroleums Company, Limited; Semose loantO), Dscraber s, tots; The Tamp (Standard Oil Cam- yany at Sea Jesey), FaoO, 1059; Nea Yso Times, July to, toot (ssyort by Junde Ois) ;Thesnited Sas DeartmenstofAgriculture, ForeignAgi- coltuoratService, M-tt3, Apri, t96t; ThseRckaeerFounaon AnnuatRerpt, tO6t (New Yosk, 1061); Jahn M. Huntes, "Colombia's Nan conamic esmsarcb Center," Intesationat Drvetapment Review, Jan;, tO6t, pp. 38-42; and loom tshefceaor. Jaime Samer Oegat.   Part 1 Part 1 Part 1 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY   1 1 Robert C. West: THE GEOGRAPHY OF COLOMBIA IN TERMS of both its natural environment and its people, Colom- bia is one of the most difficult of the Latin American countries to describe and analyze. Few other nations of similar size in the world have such a diversity of land configuration, climate, culture groups, and economies. Physically and culturally there are in reality many Colombias. This fact is reflected by a keen regional consciousness found everywhere in the country, and by political separatism that has sometimes erupted in civil strife. From a geographer's viewpoint the chief physical reasons for Colombia's complex pattern of landscape are seen in the highly varied land surface combined with its position within tropical latitudes. The cultural reasons for Colombia's geo- graphical diversity are more complex. One may be the varied histori- cal development and relationships of three racial groups and their cultural heritages: the native Indian of many different cultural levels; the Caucasian invaders of Spanish descent; and the African Negroes, imported as slaves into various parts of the country during the colo- nial era. Another cultural reason for diversity may be the prolonged isolation of particular groups of people within given areas due to difficulties of transportation and communication over rugged ter- rain and long distances. In general the present political territory of Colombia is charac- terized by two greatly different areas. The western third of the coun- try is the rugged northern Andean Cordillera with its three high 3 Robert C. West: THE GEOGRAPHY OF COLOMBIA IN TERMS of both its natural environment and its people, Colom- bia is one of the most difficult of the Latin American countries to describe and analyze. Few other nations of similar size in the world have such a diversity of land configuration, climate, culture groups, and economies. Physically and culturally there are in reality many Colombias. This fact is reflected by a keen regional consciousness found everywhere in the country, and by political separatism that has sometimes erupted in civil strife. From a geographer's viewpoint the chief physical reasons for Colombia's complex pattern of landscape are seen in the highly varied land surface combined with its position within tropical latitudes. The cultural reasons for Colombia's geo- graphical diversity are more complex. One may be the varied histori- cal development and relationships of three racial groups and their cultural heritages: the native Indian of many different cultural levels; the Caucasian invaders of Spanish descent; and the African Negroes, imported as slaves into various parts of the country during the colo- nial era. Another cultural reason for diversity may be the prolonged isolation of particular groups of people within given areas due to difficulties of transportation and communication over rugged ter- rain and long distances. In general the present political territory of Colombia is charac- terized by two greatly different areas. The western third of the coun- try is the rugged northern Andean Cordillera with its three high Robert C. West: THE GEOGRAPHY OF COLOMBIA IN TERMS of both its natural environment and its people, Colom- bia is one of the most difficult of the Latin American countries to describe and analyze. Few other nations of similar size in the world have such a diversity of land configuration, climate, culture groups, and economies. Physically and culturally there are in reality many Colombias. This fact is reflected by a keen regional consciousness found everywhere in the country, and by political separatism that has sometimes erupted in civil strife. From a geographer's viewpoint the chief physical reasons for Colombia's complex pattern of landscape are seen in the highly varied land surface combined with its position within tropical latitudes. The cultural reasons for Colombia's geo- graphical diversity are more complex. One may be the varied histori- cal development and relationships of three racial groups and their cultural heritages: the native Indian of many different cultural levels; the Caucasian invaders of Spanish descent; and the African Negroes, imported as slaves into various parts of the country during the colo- nial era. Another cultural reason for diversity may be the prolonged isolation of particular groups of people within given areas due to difficulties of transportation and communication over rugged ter- rain and long distances. In general the present political territory of Colombia is charac- terized by two greatly different areas. The western third of the coun- try is the rugged northern Andean Cordillera with its three high  4 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia ranges separated by deep longitudinal valleys and fringed on the north and west by coastal lowlands. This is the most complex and important part of the country. Here live 98 per cent of Colombia's 14.5 million people. Since preconquest times much of this area has been one of the most densely settled and economically significant sections of South America. The eastern two-thirds of the country is Colombia's "empty quarter"-the vast, sparsely settled lowland plains of tropical grass and rain forest that have not yet been effec- tively incorporated into the national life. The contrast between western and eastern Colombia is fundamental in the country's geog- raphy. . The Natural Regions of Colombia In order to simplify the presentation of Colombia's geographical diversity, many geographers have attempted to divide the country into various regions.'* Below is the author's concept of Colombia's main "natural regions," which, for the purpose of this discussion, are based principally on physical criteria, such as land configuration, climate, and vegetation. In some instances, such regions at present are closely associated with a given culture group or a particular economy. It should be recognized, however, that cultural areas in the an- thropological sense and natural regions in the geographical sense rarely correspond exactly, and that two peoples with different cul- tures or cultural values may utilize and transform a given physical setting in quite different ways. As shown in the outline below and in Figure 1, Colombia may be divided into five major natural regions. Only the more important subregions, however, are listed and mapped. I. The Andean Core A. Cordillera Oriental 1. The Altiplano 2. Santander Highlands 3. Suirez Basin 4. Western Versant 4 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia ranges separated by deep longitudinal valleys and fringed on the north and west by coastal lowlands. This is the most complex and important part of the country. Here live 98 per cent of Colombia's 14.5 million people. Since preconquest times much of this area has been one of the most densely settled and economically significant sections of South America. The eastern two-thirds of the country is Colombia's "empty quarter"-the vast, sparsely settled lowland plains of tropical grass and rain forest that have not yet been effec- tively incorporated into the national life. The contrast between western and eastern Colombia is fundamental in the country's geog- raphy. I. The Natural Regions of Colombia In order to simplify the presentation of Colombia's geographical diversity, many geographers have attempted to divide the country into various regions.'* Below is the author's concept of Colombia's main "natural regions," which, for the purpose of this discussion, are based principally on physical criteria, such as land configuration, climate, and vegetation. In some instances, such regions at present are closely associated with a given culture group or a particular economy. It should be recognized, however, that cultural areas in the an- thropological sense and natural regions in the geographical sense rarely correspond exactly, and that two peoples with different cul- tures or cultural values may utilize and transform a given physical setting in quite different ways. As shown in the outline below and in Figure 1, Colombia may be divided into five major natural regions. Only the more important subregions, however, are listed and mapped. I. The Andean Core A. Cordillera Oriental 1. The Altiplano 2. Santander Highlands 3. Suirez Basin 4. Western Versant 4 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia ranges separated by deep longitudinal valleys and fringed on the north and west by coastal lowlands. This is the most complex and important part of the country. Here live 98 per cent of Colombia's 14.5 million people. Since preconquest times much of this area has been one of the most densely settled and economically significant sections of South America. The eastern two-thirds of the country is Colombia's "empty quarter"-the vast, sparsely settled lowland plains of tropical grass and rain forest that have not yet been effec- tively incorporated into the national life. The contrast between western and eastern Colombia is fundamental in the country's geog- raphy. I. The Natural Regions of Colombia In order to simplify the presentation of Colombia's geographical diversity, many geographers have attempted to divide the country into various regions.0* Below is the author's concept of Colombia's main "natural regions," which, for the purpose of this discussion, are based principally on physical criteria, such as land configuration, climate, and vegetation. In some instances, such regions at present are closely associated with a given culture group or a particular economy. It should be recognized, however, that cultural areas in the an- thropological sense and natural regions in the geographical sense rarely correspond exactly, and that two peoples with different cul- tures or cultural values may utilize and transform a given physical setting in quite different ways. As shown in the outline below and in Figure 1, Colombia may be divided into five major natural regions. Only the more important subregions, however, are listed and mapped. I. The Andean Core A. Cordillera Oriental 1. The Altiplano 2. Santander Highlands 3. Suirez Basin 4. Western Versant *Notes to this chapter are on page 21. *Notes to this chapter are on page 21. *Notes to this chapter are on page 21.  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 5J B. The Magdalena Depression 1. The Central Magdalena 2. Magdalena Tolimense 3. Magdalena Huilense C. Cordillera Central 1. Pasto Plateau 2. Antioquian Massif D. The Cauca-Patia Depression 1. El Valle 2. Popayin area 3. Upper Patia Valley E. Cordillera Occidental II. Caribbean Region A. El Cenii B. Bolivar Savannas C. Lower Magdalena and Coast D. Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta E. La Guajira III. Pacific Coastal Lowlands IV. Llanos of the Orinoco A. Llanos Arriba B. Llanos Abajo V. Colombian Amazonia Of the five major natural regions the Andean Core is by far the most significant. Physically and culturally it is truly the "core" of the country. The other four natural regions, which almost surround the northern Andes, might be considered the "peripheral areas" of the country; for in terms of population densities, economic production, and political influence, these sections have been less important than the Andean area in the geography of Colombia. II. The Andean Core The three Andean cordilleras and the two intervening structural depressions (Magdalena and Cauca) form the physical and cultural heartland of Colombia. Owing to great differences in elevation, the resulting climatic and vegetational variations, and the extraordinary array of landforms, this region is the most complex area of the coun- try. Here are found the altitudinal temperature zones familiar to every Colombian of this region: the tierra caliente of the valleys and GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 5 B. The Magdalena Depression 1. The Central Magdalena 2. Magdalena Tolimense 3. Magdalena Huilense C. Cordillera Central 1. Pasto Plateau 2. Antioquian Massif D. The Cauca-Patia Depression 1. El Valle 2. Popayin area 3. Upper Patia Valley E. Cordillera Occidental II. Caribbean Region A. El Cenii B. Bolivar Savannas C. Lower Magdalena and Coast D. Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta E. La Guajira III. Pacific Coastal Lowlands IV. Llanos of the Orinoco A. Llanos Arriba B. Llanos Abajo V. Colombian Amazonia Of the five major natural regions the Andean Core is by far the most significant. Physically and culturally it is truly the "core" of the country. The other four natural regions, which almost surround the northern Andes, might be considered the "peripheral areas" of the country; for in terms of population densities, economic production, and political influence, these sections have been less important than the Andean area in the geography of Colombia. II. The Andean Core The three Andean cordilleras and the two intervening structural depressions (Magdalena and Cauca) form the physical and cultural heartland of Colombia. Owing to great differences in elevation, the resulting climatic and vegetational variations, and the extraordinary array of landforms, this region is the most complex area of the coun- try. Here are found the altitudinal temperature zones familiar to every Colombian of this region: the tierra caliente of the valleys and GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 5 B. The Magdalena Depression 1. The Central Magdalena 2. Magdalena Tolimense 3. Magdalena Huilense C. Cordillera Central 1. Pasto Plateau 2. Antioquian Massif D. The Cauca-Patia Depression 1. El Valle 2. Popayin area 3. Upper Patia Valley E. Cordillera Occidental II. Caribbean Region A. El Cenn B. Bolivar Savannas C. Lower Magdalena and Coast D. Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta E. La Guajira III. Pacific Coastal Lowlands IV. Llanos of the Orinoco A. Llanos Arriba B. Llanos Abajo V. Colombian Amazonia Of the five major natural regions the Andean Core is by far the most significant. Physically and culturally it is truly the "core" of the country. The other four natural regions, which almost surround the northern Andes, might be considered the "peripheral areas" of the country; for in terms of population densities, economic production, and political influence, these sections have been less important than the Andean area in the geography of Colombia. II. The Andean Core The three Andean cordilleras and the two intervening structural depressions (Magdalena and Cauca) form the physical and cultural heartland of Colombia. Owing to great differences in elevation, the resulting climatic and vegetational variations, and the extraordinary array of landforms, this region is the most complex area of the coun- try. Here are found the altitudinal temperature zones familiar to every Colombian of this region: the tierra caliente of the valleys and  6 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia 6 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Fig. 1. Natural regions of Colombia Fig. 1. Natural regions of Colombia Fig. 1. Natural regions of Colombia lower mountain slopes from sea level to 3,000 feet; the tierra tem- plada between 3,000 and 6,000 feet; the tierra fria between 6,000 and 11,000 feet; above which lie the pdramos and the snow fields and glaciers of the highest plateaus and mountain peaks. Throughout the lower mountain slopes from sea level to 3,000 feet; the tierra tem- plada between 3,000 and 6,000 feet; the tierra fria between 6,000 and 11,000 feet; above which lie the pdramos and the snow fields and glaciers of the highest plateaus and mountain peaks. Throughout the lower mountain slopes from sea level to 3,000 feet; the tierra tem- plada between 3,000 and 6,000 feet; the tierra fria between 6,000 and 11,000 feet; above which lie the pdramos and the snow fields and glaciers of the highest plateaus and mountain peaks. Throughout the  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY / Colombian Andes two rainy seasons and two dry seasons annually further complicate the climatic pattern. Since preconquest times man has utilized the fertile lowland and highland valleys and adja- cent slopes for farming; the cordilleras have yielded a variety of economically valuable minerals; but the fantastic ruggedness of this mountain area has made land transport extremely difficult, and in the past has often resulted in cultural isolation and stagnation in certain areas. Cordillera Oriental. The Cordillera Oriental is the easternmost, the longest, and the widest of the three Andean chains of Colombia. It consists chiefly of thick deposits of folded and faulted sandstone, limestone, and shale, with highest elevations (18,000 feet) in the snow- and ice-capped Sierra de Cocuy. Near the center of the cordillera is an area known as the Altiplano, a series of some fourteen highland basins of 8,500-9,000 feet elevation that extend for nearly 150 miles from Bogota northward to beyond Sogamoso in the departments of Cundinamarca and BoyacA (Fig. 2). Once covered by shallow lakes in Pleistocene times, the flattish floors of the basins contain fertile lacustrine soils. The largest and the southernmost is called the Sabana de Bogoti, the site of Colombia's capital city. Culturally these basins are the most significant features of the Cordillera Oriental. They were the sites of the Indian farming settlements that formed the Chibcha (Muisca) culture of preconquest times.' In the same localities the Spanish invaders of the sixteenth century founded the cities of Santa F6 de Bogoti, Tunja, Sogamoso, as well as large estates devoted to wheat and cattle production to form the core of the New Kingdom of Granada. And still today the basins of the Altiplano can be considered the heart of Colombia-the tra- ditional political and cultural center and one of the most densely populated sectors of the country. Most of the rural folk of this basin are mixed Indian-white (mestizo), who are highly conservative and reticent, retaining a surprisingly large number of aboriginal traits. The traditional urban element of the population, although equally conservative, takes pride in its pure Spanish ancestry. Northward from the Altiplano are other natural subregions of the Cordillera Oriental. One is the rugged, highly dissected highlands of Santander with its low, warm, dry valleys adjacent to steep slopes GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 7 Colombian Andes two rainy seasons and two dry seasons annually further complicate the climatic pattern. Since preconquest times man has utilized the fertile lowland and highland valleys and adja- cent slopes for farming; the cordilleras have yielded a variety of economically valuable minerals; but the fantastic ruggedness of this mountain area has made land transport extremely difficult, and in the past has often resulted in cultural isolation and stagnation in certain areas. Cordillera Oriental. The Cordillera Oriental is the easternmost, the longest, and the widest of the three Andean chains of Colombia. It consists chiefly of thick deposits of folded and faulted sandstone, limestone, and shale, with highest elevations (18,000 feet) in the snow- and ice-capped Sierra de Cocuy. Near the center of the cordillera is an area known as the Altiplano, a series of some fourteen highland basins of 8,500-9,000 feet elevation that extend for nearly 150 miles from Bogota northward to beyond Sogamoso in the departments of Cundinamarca and Boyaci (Fig. 2). Once covered by shallow lakes in Pleistocene times, the flattish floors of the basins contain fertile lacustrine soils. The largest and the southernmost is called the Sabana de Bogoti, the site of Colombia's capital city. Culturally these basins are the most significant features of the Cordillera Oriental. They were the sites of the Indian farming settlements that formed the Chibcha (Muisca) culture of preconquest times.' In the same localities the Spanish invaders of the sixteenth century founded the cities of Santa F6 de Bogoti, Tunja, Sogamoso, as well as large estates devoted to wheat and cattle production to form the core of the New Kingdom of Granada. And still today the basins of the Altiplano can be considered the heart of Colombia-the tra- ditional political and cultural center and one of the most densely populated sectors of the country. Most of the rural folk of this basin are mixed Indian-white (mestizo), who are highly conservative and reticent, retaining a surprisingly large number of aboriginal traits. The traditional urban element of the population, although equally conservative, takes pride in its pure Spanish ancestry. Northward from the Altiplano are other natural subregions of the Cordillera Oriental. One is the rugged, highly dissected highlands of Santander with its low, warm, dry valleys adjacent to steep slopes GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 7 Colombian Andes two rainy seasons and two dry seasons annually further complicate the climatic pattern. Since preconquest times man has utilized the fertile lowland and highland valleys and adja- cent slopes for farming; the cordilleras have yielded a variety of economically valuable minerals; but the fantastic ruggedness of this mountain area has made land transport extremely difficult, and in the past has often resulted in cultural isolation and stagnation in certain areas. Cordillera Oriental. The Cordillera Oriental is the easternmost, the longest, and the widest of the three Andean chains of Colombia. It consists chiefly of thick deposits of folded and faulted sandstone, limestone, and shale, with highest elevations (18,000 feet) in the snow- and ice-capped Sierra de Cocuy. Near the center of the cordillera is an area known as the Altiplano, a series of some fourteen highland basins of 8,500-9,000 feet elevation that extend for nearly 150 miles from Bogoti northward to beyond Sogamoso in the departments of Cundinamarca and BoyacA (Fig. 2). Once covered by shallow lakes in Pleistocene times, the flattish floors of the basins contain fertile lacustrine soils. The largest and the southernmost is called the Sabana de Bogoti, the site of Colombia's capital city. Culturally these basins are the most significant features of the Cordillera Oriental. They were the sites of the Indian farming settlements that formed the Chibcha (Muisca) culture of preconquest times.' In the same localities the Spanish invaders of the sixteenth century founded the cities of Santa F6 de BogotA, Tunja, Sogamoso, as well as large estates devoted to wheat and cattle production to form the core of the New Kingdom of Granada. And still today the basins of the Altiplano can be considered the heart of Colombia-the tra- ditional political and cultural center and one of the most densely populated sectors of the country. Most of the rural folk of this basin are mixed Indian-white (mestizo), who are highly conservative and reticent, retaining a surprisingly large number of aboriginal traits. The traditional urban element of the population, although equally conservative, takes pride in its pure Spanish ancestry. Northward from the Altiplano are other natural subregions of the Cordillera Oriental. One is the rugged, highly dissected highlands of Santander with its low, warm, dry valleys adjacent to steep slopes  The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia 8 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia 8 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Fig. 2. Central portion of the Cordillera Oriental and adjacent areas and high, frigid pdramos, or alpine mountain crests.' Another is the temperate limestone basin of Suirez characterized by karstic land- forms and dry soils where poverty-stricken farmers struggle to culti- vate subsistence crops in small, scattered, hillside plots. The steep western and eastern flanks of the cordillera are frayed by deep can- yons which have hindered transport and communication since colo- Fig. 2. Central portion of the Cordillera Oriental and adjacent areas and high, frigid pdramos, or alpine mountain crests.' Another is the temperate limestone basin of Suirez characterized by karstic land- forms and dry soils where poverty-stricken farmers struggle to culti- vate subsistence crops in small, scattered, hillside plots. The steep western and eastern flanks of the cordillera are frayed by deep can- yons which have hindered transport and communication since colo- Fig. 2. Central portion of the Cordillera Oriental and adjacent areas and high, frigid pdramos, or alpine mountain crests.' Another is the temperate limestone basin of Suirez characterized by karstic land- forms and dry soils where poverty-stricken farmers struggle to culti- vate subsistence crops in small, scattered, hillside plots. The steep western and eastern flanks of the cordillera are frayed by deep can- yons which have hindered transport and communication since colo-  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 9 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 9 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 9 nial days. The most formidable canyon is that of Chicamocha, which bisects the Santander Highlands and creates a difficult barrier to land travel between the central and northern portions of the cordillera. Since the close of the colonial period the heavy forests that once covered the cordillera's western flank overlooking the Magdalena depression have been almost destroyed by subsistence farmers who cultivate tiny fields on slopes of great steepness (45-50'). The western flank also contains one of Colombia's important coffee belts which lies within the tierra templada zone between 3,000 and 5,000 feet elevation. The thick sedimentary strata of the Cordillera Oriental contains two special minerals that have given fame to the area since pre- Spanish times. One is the enormous deposits of rock salt within the Altiplano; the other, America's only commercially important deposit of emeralds, exposed at two points (Muzo and Somondoco) on the western and eastern flanks of the cordillera.' First exploited by the Chibcha Indians for trade items, both minerals were extracted by the Spaniards during the colonial era, and the same deposits are worked today. At the present time the extensive coal and limestone deposits of the cordillera and the occurrence of iron ore near Soga- moso form the physical basis for the recently developed iron and steel industry of Colombia. The Magdalena Depression. This depression, which separates the central and eastern cordilleras, forms an important subregion of Andean Colombia. Through this low, hot, elongated basin flows the country's longest river, the Magdalena. Since the beginning of the colonial period the lower half of this river has been regarded as Colombia's calle real, the main road connecting the Caribbean Coast with the interior. Despite its utility as a line of communication, most of the Magdalena's course is treacherous to navigate. It is a shallow river with shifting channels, bars, and snags that impede modern steamboat travel. Moreover, during the two annual dry seasons (De- cember-March and July-August) the river stage may be so low that steam transport ceases. During the past one hundred years the deforestation and cultivation of the adjacent mountain slopes has so increased sedimentation that the river has become even less navigable. The head of navigation for large river boats occurs 500 miles up- nial days. The most formidable canyon is that of Chicamocha, which bisects the Santander Highlands and creates a difficult barrier to land travel between the central and northern portions of the cordillera. Since the close of the colonial period the heavy forests that once covered the cordillera's western flank overlooking the Magdalena depression have been almost destroyed by subsistence farmers who cultivate tiny fields on slopes of great steepness (45-50*). The western flank also contains one of Colombia's important coffee belts which lies within the tierra templada zone between 3,000 and 5,000 feet elevation. The thick sedimentary strata of the Cordillera Oriental contains two special minerals that have given fame to the area since pre- Spanish times. One is the enormous deposits of rock salt within the Altiplano; the other, America's only commercially important deposit of emeralds, exposed at two points (Muzo and Somondoco) on the western and eastern flanks of the cordillera. First exploited by the Chibcha Indians for trade items, both minerals were extracted by the Spaniards during the colonial era, and the same deposits are worked today. At the present time the extensive coal and limestone deposits of the cordillera and the occurrence of iron ore near Soga- moso form the physical basis for the recently developed iron and steel industry of Colombia. The Magdalena Depression. This depression, which separates the central and eastern cordilleras, forms an important subregion of Andean Colombia. Through this low, hot, elongated basin flows the country's longest river, the Magdalena. Since the beginning of the colonial period the lower half of this river has been regarded as Colombia's calle real, the main road connecting the Caribbean Coast with the interior. Despite its utility as a line of communication, most of the Magdalena's course is treacherous to navigate. It is a shallow river with shifting channels, bars, and snags that impede modern steamboat travel. Moreover, during the two annual dry seasons (De- cember-March and July-August) the river stage may be so low that steam transport ceases. During the past one hundred years the deforestation and cultivation of the adjacent mountain slopes has so increased sedimentation that the river has become even less navigable. The head of navigation for large river boats occurs 500 miles up- nial days. The most formidable canyon is that of Chicamocha, which bisects the Santander Highlands and creates a difficult barrier to land travel between the central and northern portions of the cordillera. Since the close of the colonial period the heavy forests that once covered the cordillera's western flank overlooking the Magdalena depression have been almost destroyed by subsistence farmers who cultivate tiny fields on slopes of great steepness (45-50 ). The western flank also contains one of Colombia's important coffee belts which lies within the tierra templada zone between 3,000 and 5,000 feet elevation. The thick sedimentary strata of the Cordillera Oriental contains two special minerals that have given fame to the area since pre- Spanish times. One is the enormous deposits of rock salt within the Altiplano; the other, America's only commercially important deposit of emeralds, exposed at two points (Muzo and Somondoco) on the western and eastern flanks of the cordillera.' First exploited by the Chibcha Indians for trade items, both minerals were extracted by the Spaniards during the colonial era, and the same deposits are worked today. At the present time the extensive coal and limestone deposits of the cordillera and the occurrence of iron ore near Soga- moso form the physical basis for the recently developed iron and steel industry of Colombia. The Magdalena Depression. This depression, which separates the central and eastern cordilleras, forms an important subregion of Andean Colombia. Through this low, hot, elongated basin flows the country's longest river, the Magdalena. Since the beginning of the colonial period the lower half of this river has been regarded as Colombia's calle real, the main road connecting the Caribbean Coast with the interior. Despite its utility as a line of communication, most of the Magdalena's course is treacherous to navigate. It is a shallow river with shifting channels, bars, and snags that impede modern steamboat travel. Moreover, during the two annual dry seasons (De- cember-March and July-August) the river stage may be so low that steam transport ceases. During the past one hundred years the deforestation and cultivation of the adjacent mountain slopes has so increased sedimentation that the river has become even less navigable. The head of navigation for large river boats occurs 500 miles up-  10 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia stream from the mouth, at the first rapids where the old port of Honda was established in 1560. Physically the Magdalena Depression may be divided into three parts. The lower section, often called El Magdalena Central, is a wide alluvial plain-a steamy tropical zone originally covered by dense rain forest. Sparsely peopled, this area is now being slowly colonized by highlanders, and the exploitation of underlying petroleum reserves has resulted in the recent development of the Barrancabermeja in- dustrial complex near the river. Upvalley within the department of Tolima the depression narrows, rainfall decreases, and the natural vegetation cover suddenly changes to a low scrub and grassland. This is the Magdalena Tolimense, famed since colonial times for its live- stock economy evolved on the grassy terraces and alluvial fans that compose most of valley floor, now being developed for irrigated agriculture. The upper part of the Magdalena Depression within the department of Huila is even drier than the Tolima section and the basin floor is highly dissected by intermittent streams to form a low, rough, hill land.' This is the home of the Huilense cowboys, who to- gether with the cattlemen of Tolima, form a distinctive Colombian culture group whose traits have been recorded in national literature and song. Cordillera Central. Westward from the Magdalena Depression the Cordillera Central rises abruptly as the highest of the three northern Andean chains. In contrast to the sedimentary cover of the Cordillera Oriental, the central range in part consists of geologically recent volcanoes and immense bodies of granitic intrusions called batholiths. In the middle sector of the cordillera the snow- and ice-covered volcanic peaks of Huila, Ruiz, and Tolima rise to heights that meas- ure from 17,000 to nearly 19,000 feet above the sea. In the south- ern part of the range some volcanoes, such as Purace near Popayan, are still active. On the lower flanks of the volcanoes highly fertile soils derive from the weathering of ash, pumice, and lava, while the highly mineralized edges of the great batholiths have yielded large quantities of precious metals, the exploitation of which has formed significant chapters in the aboriginal, colonial, and modern history of Colombia. There are few extensive highland basins or level plateaus within 10 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia stream from the mouth, at the first rapids where the old port of Honda was established in 1560. Physically the Magdalena Depression may be divided into three parts. The lower section, often called El Magdalena Central, is a wide alluvial plain-a steamy tropical zone originally covered by dense rain forest. Sparsely peopled, this area is now being slowly colonized by highlanders, and the exploitation of underlying petroleum reserves has resulted in the recent development of the Barrancabermeja in- dustrial complex near the river. Upvalley within the department of Tolima the depression narrows, rainfall decreases, and the natural vegetation cover suddenly changes to a low scrub and grassland. This is the Magdalena Tolimense, famed since colonial times for its live- stock economy evolved on the grassy terraces and alluvial fans that compose most of valley floor, now being developed for irrigated agriculture. The upper part of the Magdalena Depression within the department of Huila is even drier than the Tolima section and the basin floor is highly dissected by intermittent streams to form a low, rough, hill land.t This is the home of the Huilense cowboys, who to- gether with the cattlemen of Tolima, form a distinctive Colombian culture group whose traits have been recorded in national literature and song. Cordillera Central. Westward from the Magdalena Depression the Cordillera Central rises abruptly as the highest of the three northern Andean chains. In contrast to the sedimentary cover of the Cordillera Oriental, the central range in part consists of geologically recent volcanoes and immense bodies of granitic intrusions called batholiths. In the middle sector of the cordillera the snow- and ice-covered volcanic peaks of Huila, Ruiz, and Tolima rise to heights that meas- ure from 17,000 to nearly 19,000 feet above the sea. In the south- ern part of the range some volcanoes, such as Purace near Popayin, are still active. On the lower flanks of the volcanoes highly fertile soils derive from the weathering of ash, pumice, and lava, while the highly mineralized edges of the great batholiths have yielded large quantities of precious metals, the exploitation of which has formed significant chapters in the aboriginal, colonial, and modern history of Colombia. There are few extensive highland basins or level plateaus within 10 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia stream from the mouth, at the first rapids where the old port of Honda was established in 1560. Physically the Magdalena Depression may be divided into three parts. The lower section, often called El Magdalena Central, is a wide alluvial plain-a steamy tropical zone originally covered by dense rain forest. Sparsely peopled, this area is now being slowly colonized by highlanders, and the exploitation of underlying petroleum reserves has resulted in the recent development of the Barrancabermeja in- dustrial complex near the river. Upvalley within the department of Tolima the depression narrows, rainfall decreases, and the natural vegetation cover suddenly changes to a low scrub and grassland. This is the Magdalena Tolimense, famed since colonial times for its live- stock economy evolved on the grassy terraces and alluvial fans that compose most of valley floor, now being developed for irrigated agriculture. The upper part of the Magdalena Depression within the department of Huila is even drier than the Tolima section and the basin floor is highly dissected by intermittent streams to form a low, rough, hill land.' This is the home of the Huilense cowboys, who to- gether with the cattlemen of Tolima, form a distinctive Colombian culture group whose traits have been recorded in national literature and song. Cordillera Central. Westward from the Magdalena Depression the Cordillera Central rises abruptly as the highest of the three northern Andean chains. In contrast to the sedimentary cover of the Cordillera Oriental, the central range in part consists of geologically recent volcanoes and immense bodies of granitic intrusions called batholiths. In the middle sector of the cordillera the snow- and ice-covered volcanic peaks of Huila, Ruiz, and Tolima rise to heights that meas- ure from 17,000 to nearly 19,000 feet above the sea. In the south- ern part of the range some volcanoes, such as Purac6 near Popayin, are still active. On the lower flanks of the volcanoes highly fertile soils derive from the weathering of ash, pumice, and lava, while the highly mineralized edges of the great batholiths have yielded large quantities of precious metals, the exploitation of which has formed significant chapters in the aboriginal, colonial, and modern history of Colombia. There are few extensive highland basins or level plateaus within  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 11 the Cordillera Central. A rolling plateau surface occurs near the southern end of the cordillera where it joins the western and eastern chains to form the high, wind-swept, almost uninhabited Gran Macizo Colombiano. South of this cold pdramo near the Ecuadorian border is the Pasto Plateau, a high volcanic zone more akin to the Ecuadorian Andes than to those of Colombia. Many Quechua-speaking Indians as well as Spanish-speaking mestizos inhabit the fertile, densely- settled basin floors and adjacent slopes of this highland area. Cul- turally the Pasto Region is Ecuadorian, and anciently it formed the northern periphery of the Inca Empire. Another plateau occurs near the northern extremity of the Cordi- llera Central. This is the large Antioquian Batholith, or Massif, whose rolling, weathered surface lies between 7,000 and 8,000 feet elevation (Fig. 3). The steep western, northern, and eastern flanks of the gra- nitic mass are frayed by deep, narrow valleys; the Rio Porce, a trib- utary of the Rio Nechi, has carved a deep gorge through the middle of the Massif, dividing the Santa Rosa de Osos Plateau to the north from the Rionegro Plateau to the south. At the head of the Porce Gorge is a small, alluvium-filled basin called the Valle de Aburri, which since the seventeenth century has played a role in Colombian history far out of proportion to its size; for this valley is the heart of Antioquia, a cultural and political area that vies with the Altiplano of Cundinamarca and Boyaci as the economic and political center of the country. Antioquia, which encompasses the Massif and adjacent slopes of the Cordillera Central between the Cauca and Magdalena rivers, is indeed another Colombia. One of the most significant geologic-geographic aspects of the Antioquian Massif is the abundance of gold-bearing quartz veins within and around the periphery of the batholith. Streams, eroding into the deeply weathered surface, have uncovered many of the gold- bearing deposits, and have deposited gold dust and nuggets within their sandy, gravelly beds, forming rich placers. Moreover, the deep weathering of the granitic surface has formed easily worked layers of clay and gravel rich in gold. Thus the Antioquian Batholith and its drainage network was the chief source of gold that the Indians of the area in preconquest times mined and fashioned into ornaments which they traded throughout northwestern South America. During the GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 11 the Cordillera Central. A rolling plateau surface occurs near the southern end of the cordillera where it joins the western and eastern chains to form the high, wind-swept, almost uninhabited Gran Macizo Colombiano. South of this cold pdramo near the Ecuadorian border is the Pasto Plateau, a high volcanic zone more akin to the Ecuadorian Andes than to those of Colombia. Many Quechua-speaking Indians as well as Spanish-speaking mestizos inhabit the fertile, densely- settled basin floors and adjacent slopes of this highland area. Cul- turally the Pasto Region is Ecuadorian, and anciently it formed the northern periphery of the Inca Empire. Another plateau occurs near the northern extremity of the Cordi- llera Central. This is the large Antioquian Batholith, or Massif, whose rolling, weathered surface lies between 7,000 and 8,000 feet elevation (Fig. 3). The steep western, northern, and eastern flanks of the gra- nitic mass are frayed by deep, narrow valleys; the Rio Porce, a trib- utary of the Rio Nechi, has carved a deep gorge through the middle of the Massif, dividing the Santa Rosa de Osos Plateau to the north from the Rionegro Plateau to the south. At the head of the Porce Gorge is a small, alluvium-filled basin called the Valle de Aburri, which since the seventeenth century has played a role in Colombian history far out of proportion to its size; for this valley is the heart of Antioquia, a cultural and political area that vies with the Altiplano of Cundinamarca and Boyaci as the economic and political center of the country. Antioquia, which encompasses the Massif and adjacent slopes of the Cordillera Central between the Cauca and Magdalena rivers, is indeed another Colombia. One of the most significant geologic-geographic aspects of the Antioquian Massif is the abundance of gold-bearing quartz veins within and around the periphery of the batholith. Streams, eroding into the deeply weathered surface, have uncovered many of the gold- bearing deposits, and have deposited gold dust and nuggets within their sandy, gravelly beds, forming rich placers. Moreover, the deep weathering of the granitic surface has formed easily worked layers of clay and gravel rich in gold. Thus the Antioquian Batholith and its drainage network was the chief source of gold that the Indians of the area in preconquest times mined and fashioned into ornaments which they traded throughout northwestern South America. During the GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 11 the Cordillera Central. A rolling plateau surface occurs near the southern end of the cordillera where it joins the western and eastern chains to form the high, wind-swept, almost uninhabited Gran Macizo Colombiano. South of this cold pdramo near the Ecuadorian border is the Pasto Plateau, a high volcanic zone more akin to the Ecuadorian Andes than to those of Colombia. Many Quechua-speaking Indians as well as Spanish-speaking mestizos inhabit the fertile, densely- settled basin floors and adjacent slopes of this highland area. Cul- turally the Pasto Region is Ecuadorian, and anciently it formed the northern periphery of the Inca Empire. Another plateau occurs near the northern extremity of the Cordi- llera Central. This is the large Antioquian Batholith, or Massif, whose rolling, weathered surface lies between 7,000 and 8,000 feet elevation (Fig. 3). The steep western, northern, and eastern flanks of the gra- nitic mass are frayed by deep, narrow valleys; the Rio Porce, a trib- utary of the Rio Nechi, has carved a deep gorge through the middle of the Massif, dividing the Santa Rosa de Osos Plateau to the north from the Rionegro Plateau to the south. At the head of the Porce Gorge is a small, alluvium-filled basin called the Valle de Aburri, which since the seventeenth century has played a role in Colombian history far out of proportion to its size; for this valley is the heart of Antioquia, a cultural and political area that vies with the Altiplano of Cundinamarca and Boyaci as the economic and political center of the country. Antioquia, which encompasses the. Massif and adjacent slopes of the Cordillera Central between the Cauca and Magdalena rivers, is indeed another Colombia. One of the most significant geologic-geographic aspects of the Antioquian Massif is the abundance of gold-bearing quartz veins within and around the periphery of the batholith. Streams, eroding into the deeply weathered surface, have uncovered many of the gold- bearing deposits, and have deposited gold dust and nuggets within their sandy, gravelly beds, forming rich placers. Moreover, the deep weathering of the granitic surface has formed easily worked layers of clay and gravel rich in gold. Thus the Antioquian Batholith and its drainage network was the chief source of gold that the Indians of the area in preconquest times mined and fashioned into ornaments which they traded throughout northwestern South America. During the   GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 13 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 13 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 13 second half of the sixteenth century, the same gold deposits, as well as the abundant golden artifacts buried in Indian graves, attracted Spanish invaders into the Antioquian Massif and adjacent rivers, where they established the third most productive mining area in the Spanish colonies. During most of the colonial period, the interest of the Spanish Crown in the New Kingdom of New Granada focused chiefly on the wealth of gold that came from the Antioquian Massif.' Isolated from the colonial administrative seat in Santa Fd de BogotA by long distances over rough terrain and the hot Magdalena Depression, the Antioqueno miners and their Negro slaves formed the base for the development of a special culture group in Colombia. Al- though much miscegenation of blood occurred, later in the colonial period the whites of Spanish descent kept to the high plateau surfaces, the Valle de Aburri, and the adjacent malaria-free slopes, ordinarily above 3,000 feet elevation. The Negroes and mulattoes settled chiefly in the low, hot river valleys surrounding the Massif. After gold mining had declined at the end of the eighteenth century, the rapidly growing Antioqueno highland population began to expand north and south along the steep slopes of the Cordillera Central within the tierra templada belt.' There the pioneer farmers felled the dense rain forest to grow maize and manioc and to plant pasture for their livestock. Later in the nineteenth century, the Antioqueni farmers became cof- fee planters, and still today produce the greater part of Colombia's leading export crop. South of the Massif the Antioque5os founded the towns of Manizales, Pereira, and Armenia, which today are lead- ing commercial centers within the coffee zone. The Antioque5o is still a vigorous pioneer. Owing to population pressure in his home- land, he has crossed the Cauca Valley to the slopes of the western cordillera cutting the forest as he went, sowing grass for pasturing his white, black-eared cattle, and planting coffee for a cash crop. Within the Valley of Aburri, the site of the capital city, Medellin, the richer of the Antioqueno families have established a thriving in- dustry based chiefly on textile manufactures and food processing. Shrewd and thrifty but friendly and loquacious, the Antioqueio is widely known as the "Yanqui" of South America. In native dress, modes of speech, and philosophical attitude he is quite different from his more conservative compatriots of the Altiplano. second half of the sixteenth century, the same gold deposits, as well as the abundant golden artifacts buried in Indian graves, attracted Spanish invaders into the Antioquian Massif and adjacent rivers, where they established the third most productive mining area in the Spanish colonies. During most of the colonial period, the interest of the Spanish Crown in the New Kingdom of New Granada focused chiefly on the wealth of gold that came from the Antioquian Massif." Isolated from the colonial administrative seat in Santa F de Bogoti by long distances over rough terrain and the hot Magdalena Depression, the Antioqueno miners and their Negro slaves formed the base for the development of a special culture group in Colombia. Al- though much miscegenation of blood occurred, later in the colonial period the whites of Spanish descent kept to the high plateau surfaces, the Valle de Aburri, and the adjacent malaria-free slopes, ordinarily above 3,000 feet elevation. The Negroes and mulattoes settled chiefly in the low, hot river valleys surrounding the Massif. After gold mining had declined at the end of the eighteenth century, the rapidly growing Antioqueno highland population began to expand north and south along the steep slopes of the Cordillera Central within the tierra templada belt.' There the pioneer farmers felled the dense rain forest to grow maize and manioc and to plant pasture for their livestock. Later in the nineteenth century, the Antioqueno farmers became cof- fee planters, and still today produce the greater part of Colombia's leading export crop. South of the Massif the Antioque50s founded the towns of Manizales, Pereira, and Armenia, which today are lead- ing commercial centers within the coffee zone. The Antioqueno is still a vigorous pioneer. Owing to population pressure in his home- land, he has crossed the Cauca Valley to the slopes of the western cordillera cutting the forest as he went, sowing grass for pasturing his white, black-eared cattle, and planting coffee for a cash crop. Within the Valley of Aburri, the site of the capital city, Medellin, the richer of the Antioqueno families have established a thriving in- dustry based chiefly on textile manufactures and food processing. Shrewd and thrifty but friendly and loquacious, the Antioqueno is widely known as the "Yanqui" of South America. In native dress, modes of speech, and philosophical attitude he is quite different from his more conservative compatriots of the Altiplano. second half of the sixteenth century, the same gold deposits, as well as the abundant golden artifacts buried in Indian graves, attracted Spanish invaders into the Antioquian Massif and adjacent rivers, where they established the third most productive mining area in the Spanish colonies. During most of the colonial period, the interest of the Spanish Crown in the New Kingdom of New Granada focused chiefly on the wealth of gold that came from the Antioquian Massif." Isolated from the colonial administrative seat in Santa F de Bogoti by long distances over rough terrain and the hot Magdalena Depression, the Antioqueo miners and their Negro slaves formed the base for the development of a special culture group in Colombia. Al- though much miscegenation of blood occurred, later in the colonial period the whites of Spanish descent kept to the high plateau surfaces, the Valle de Aburri, and the adjacent malaria-free slopes, ordinarily above 3,000 feet elevation. The Negroes and mulattoes settled chiefly in the low, hot river valleys surrounding the Massif. After gold mining had declined at the end of the eighteenth century, the rapidly growing Antioqueno highland population began to expand north and south along the steep slopes of the Cordillera Central within the tierra templada belt.' There the pioneer farmers felled the dense rain forest to grow maize and manioc and to plant pasture for their livestock. Later in the nineteenth century, the Antioqueno farmers became cof- fee planters, and still today produce the greater part of Colombia's leading export crop. South of the Massif the Antioquenos founded the towns of Manizales, Pereira, and Armenia, which today are lead- ing commercial centers within the coffee zone. The Antioqueno is still a vigorous pioneer. Owing to population pressure in his home- land, he has crossed the Cauca Valley to the slopes of the western cordillera cutting the forest as he went, sowing grass for pasturing his white, black-eared cattle, and planting coffee for a cash crop. Within the Valley of Aburri, the site of the capital city, Medellin, the richer of the Antioqueno families have established a thriving in- dustry based chiefly on textile manufactures and food processing. Shrewd and thrifty but friendly and loquacious, the Antioqueo is widely known as the "Yanqui" of South America. In native dress, modes of speech, and philosophical attitude he is quite different from his more conservative compatriots of the Altiplano.  14 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia The Cauca-Patia Depression. The Cauca Depression separates the central and western cordilleras of Colombia. In the lower or northern half of the depression the Cauca River has cut a deep, narrow valley, and extensive dissection of former terraces has left little level land. The middle section of the depression, however, contains the elongated, alluvium-filled valley commonly called El Valle. Only ten to fifteen miles wide, El Valle extends north-south for a distance of 120 miles from near Cali to Cartago. Some 3,000 feet above sea level within the upper margin of the tierra caliente, this fertile stretch is today one of Colombia's most productive agricultural districts.' The stagnant colonial economy of stock raising has been partially replaced by the cultivation of sugar cane, cotton, and rice on the well-drained al- luvial fans that line the valley's eastern side; the low marshy grass- lands along the Cauca floodplain are devoted to fattening of livestock shipped in from other parts of the country. Cali, founded on the western edge of the valley at the terminus of an important but dif- ficult trail across the western cordillera to the Pacific, has been the commercial center of the district since its founding early in the six- teenth century. El Valle is a distinct cultural as well as a natural unit. The inhabitants call themselves "Vallecaucanos," and since the colo- nial era the towns of the valley-Cali, Buga, Toro, Caloto, and Cartago-have felt a bond of political, economic, and cultural unity. Negroes and mulattoes, products of colonial labor policy and recent immigration from the Pacific lowlands, make up a large part of the Vallecaucano population, but old white families of Spanish descent still hold most of the land in large estates. Farther south, the Popayan area forms the highest part of the Cauca Depression. At this point large quantities of volcanic ash and lava ejected from nearby volcanoes in the Cordillera Central have partially filled the depression to an elevation of 5,000 feet above the sea. The cool climate and brilliantly green landscape of this delightful land contrast with the staid, conservative attitude of the townspeople, descendants of old Spanish families who once controlled much of the land in El Valle farther north. The same structural rift that shapes the Cauca Depression con- tinues even south of Popayin to form the upper valley of the Patia River. This small lowland is still another natural and cultural region 14 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia The Cauca-Patia Depression. The Cauca Depression separates the central and western cordilleras of Colombia. In the lower or northern half of the depression the Cauca River has cut a deep, narrow valley, and extensive dissection of former terraces has left little level land. The middle section of the depression, however, contains the elongated, alluvium-filled valley commonly called El Valle. Only ten to fifteen miles wide, El Valle extends north-south for a distance of 120 miles from near Cali to Cartago. Some 3,000 feet above sea level within the upper margin of the tierra caliente, this fertile stretch is today one of Colombia's most productive agricultural districts.' The stagnant colonial economy of stock raising has been partially replaced by the cultivation of sugar cane, cotton, and rice on the well-drained al- luvial fans that line the valley's eastern side; the low marshy grass- lands along the Cauca floodplain are devoted to fattening of livestock shipped in from other parts of the country. Cali, founded on the western edge of the valley at the terminus of an important but dif- ficult trail across the western cordillera to the Pacific, has been the commercial center of the district since its founding early in the six- teenth century. El Valle is a distinct cultural as well as a natural unit. The inhabitants call themselves "Vallecaucanos," and since the colo- nial era the towns of the valley-Cali, Buga, Toro, Caloto, and Cartago-have felt a bond of political, economic, and cultural unity. Negroes and mulattoes, products of colonial labor policy and recent immigration from the Pacific lowlands, make up a large part of the Vallecaucano population, but old white families of Spanish descent still hold most of the land in large estates. Farther south, the Popayin area forms the highest part of the Cauca Depression. At this point large quantities of volcanic ash and lava ejected from nearby volcanoes in the Cordillera Central have partially filled the depression to an elevation of 5,000 feet above the sea. The cool climate and brilliantly green landscape of this delightful land contrast with the staid, conservative attitude of the townspeople, descendants of old Spanish families who once controlled much of the land in El Valle farther north. The same structural rift that shapes the Cauca Depression con- tinues even south of Popayin to form the upper valley of the Patia River. This small lowland is still another natural and cultural region 14 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia The Cauca-Patia Depression. The Cauca Depression separates the central and western cordilleras of Colombia. In the lower or northern half of the depression the Cauca River has cut a deep, narrow valley, and extensive dissection of former terraces has left little level land. The middle section of the depression, however, contains the elongated, alluvium-filled valley commonly called El Valle. Only ten to fifteen miles wide, El Valle extends north-south for a distance of 120 miles from near Cali to Cartago. Some 3,000 feet above sea level within the upper margin of the tierra caliente, this fertile stretch is today one of Colombia's most productive agricultural districts.' The stagnant colonial economy of stock raising has been partially replaced by the cultivation of sugar cane, cotton, and rice on the well-drained al- luvial fans that line the valley's eastern side; the low marshy grass- lands along the Cauca floodplain are devoted to fattening of livestock shipped in from other parts of the country. Cali, founded on the western edge of the valley at the terminus of an important but dif- ficult trail across the western cordillera to the Pacific, has been the commercial center of the district since its founding early in the six- teenth century. El Valle is a distinct cultural as well as a natural unit. The inhabitants call themselves "Vallecaucanos," and since the colo- nial era the towns of the valley-Cali, Buga, Toro, Caloto, and Cartago-have felt a bond of political, economic, and cultural unity. Negroes and mulattoes, products of colonial labor policy and recent immigration from the Pacific lowlands, make up a large part of the Vallecaucano population, but old white families of Spanish descent still hold most of the land in large estates. Farther south, the Popayin area forms the highest part of the Cauca Depression. At this point large quantities of volcanic ash and lava ejected from nearby volcanoes in the Cordillera Central have partially filled the depression to an elevation of 5,000 feet above the sea. The cool climate and brilliantly green landscape of this delightful land contrast with the staid, conservative attitude of the townspeople, descendants of old Spanish families who once controlled much of the land in El Valle farther north. The same structural rift that shapes the Cauca Depression con- tinues even south of Popayin to form the upper valley of the Patia River. This small lowland is still another natural and cultural region  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 15 of Andean Colombia, for its dry, hot, scrub-covered hills and river floodplains are inhabited almost entirely by Negroes and mulattoes who live by subsistence farming and stock raising. The Cordillera Occidental. This is the westernmost, lowest, but the most rugged of the three Andean ranges of Colombia. Its crest, whose maximum elevations rarely exceed 13,000 feet, is composed of sharp, isolated peaks weathered from a series of granitic batholiths. The steep slopes are completely clothed in dense forest, except where the Antioqueflo farmers have hewn out small farm plots chiefly on the eastern flank of the range. Few alluvium-filled basins or plateau sur- faces occur in this mountain land. In terms of man the chief func- tions of the Cordillera Occidental have been (1) a barrier separating the densely settled Andean Core from the almost empty lands of the Pacific lowlands, and (2) a source of precious metals contained in the many batholiths and later deposited in the beds of rives that flow westward to the Pacific. III. The Peripheral Lowlands Around the Andean core of Colombia lie the peripheral lowlands: to the north, the dry Caribbean area; to the west, the rain-drenched Pacific Lowlands; and to the east, the vast grass- and scrub-covered Llanos and a portion of the Amazonian Forest. These are Colombia's main areas of tierra caliente; except for parts of the Caribbean area, they are sparsely inhabited; these are the lands that may offer pos- sibilities for colonizing the expanding highland population and for the development of scientific tropical agriculture and stock raising. The Caribbean Area By far the most important of the peripheral zones is the Caribbean Area, one of the major natural regions of Colombia. At present it is second only to the Andean Core as the country's most densely popu- lated sector, and for the past fifty years it has received substantial numbers of highlanders as agricultural colonists within the river floodplains and as industrial workers in the rapidly growing urban centers. Most Colombians know the Caribbean area as La Costa and its inhabitants as Costeios, who, like the Cundinamarquenses and Boyacenses of the Altiplano and the Antioquefios of the Cor- GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY of Andean Colombia, for its dry, hot, scrub-covered hills and r floodplains are inhabited almost entirely by Negroes and mulat who live by subsistence farming and stock raising. The Cordillera Occidental. This is the westernmost, lowest, the most rugged of the three Andean ranges of Colombia. Its ci whose maximum elevations rarely exceed 13,000 feet, is compose sharp, isolated peaks weathered from a series of granitic batholi The steep slopes are completely clothed in dense forest, except wl the Antioquefio farmers have hewn out small farm plots chiefly on eastern flank of the range. Few alluvium-filled basins or plateau faces occur in this mountain land. In terms of man the chief It tions of the Cordillera Occidental have been (1) a barrier separa the densely settled Andean Core from the almost empty lands of Pacific lowlands, and (2) a source of precious metals container the many batholiths and later deposited in the beds of rivers that I westward to the Pacific. IIL The Peripheral Lowlands Around the Andean core of Colombia lie the peripheral lowlar to the north, the dry Caribbean area; to the west, the rain-drenc Pacific Lowlands; and to the east, the vast grass- and scrub-cov Llanos and a portion of the Amazonian Forest. These are ColomI main areas of tierra caliente; except for parts of the Caribbean a they are sparsely inhabited; these are the lands that may offer sibilities for colonizing the expanding highland population and for development of scientific tropical agriculture and stock raising. The Caribbean Area 15 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 15 of Andean Colombia, for its dry, hot, scrub-covered hills and river floodplains are inhabited almost entirely by Negroes and mulattoes who live by subsistence farming and stock raising. The Cordillera Occidental. This is the westernmost, lowest, but the most rugged of the three Andean ranges of Colombia. Its crest, whose maximum elevations rarely exceed 13,000 feet, is composed of sharp, isolated peaks weathered from a series of granitic batholiths. The steep slopes are completely clothed in dense forest, except where the Antioquefio farmers have hewn out small farm plots chiefly on the eastern flank of the range. Few alluvium-filled basins or plateau sur- faces occur in this mountain land. In terms of man the chief func- tions of the Cordillera Occidental have been (1) a barrier separating the densely settled Andean Core from the almost empty lands of the Pacific lowlands, and (2) a source of precious metals contained in the many batholiths and later deposited in the beds of rivers that flow westward to the Pacific. IlL The Peripheral Lowlands Around the Andean core of Colombia lie the peripheral lowlands: to the north, the dry Caribbean area; to the west, the rain-drenched Pacific Lowlands; and to the east, the vast grass- and scrub-covered Llanos and a portion of the Amazonian Forest. These are Colombia's main areas of tierra caliente; except for parts of the Caribbean area, they are sparsely inhabited; these are the lands that may offer pos- sibilities for colonizing the expanding highland population and for the development of scientific tropical agriculture and stock raising. The Caribbean Area By far the most important of the peripheral zones is the Caribbean Area, one of the major natural regions of Colombia. At present it is second only to the Andean Core as the country's most densely popu- lated sector, and for the past fifty years it has received substantial numbers of highlanders as agricultural colonists within the river floodplains and as industrial workers in the rapidly growing urban centers. Most Colombians know the Caribbean area as La Costa and its inhabitants as Costeos, who, like the Cundinamarquenses and Boyacenses of the Altiplano and the Antioquefios of the Cor- By far the most important of the peripheral zones is the Caribbean Area, one of the major natural regions of Colombia. At present it is second only to the Andean Core as the country's most densely popu- lated sector, and for the past fifty years it has received substantial numbers of highlanders as agricultural colonists within the river floodplains and as industrial workers in the rapidly growing urban centers. Most Colombians know the Caribbean area as La Costa and its inhabitants as Costefos, who, like the Cundinamarquenses and Boyacenses of the Altiplano and the Antioquefiuos of the Cor-  16 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia dillera Central, have developed particular cultural characteristics in dress, dialect, and manner. Although it contains a variety of landscapes, the Caribbean area has a semblance of physical unity. Physiographically it consists of low hills, one high mountain region, and many flattish alluvial basins. Of these, the wide, marshy floodplain and delta of the lower Magdalena is the largest, forming the central part of the lowlands. Several low coastal ranges confine the delta on the west, while immediately east- ward an isolated mountain mass, the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, rises abruptly from sea level to elevations of nearly 19,000 feet. The Caribbean area extends northeastward into the dry, desert-like Guajira Peninsula, and the alluvial plains of the Sinn and upper San Jorge rivers form its southwestern periphery. Except for the Sierra de Santa Marta, the Caribbean area is a hot land, with one half of the year (November-April) almost completely without rain, the other half (May-October) moist and muggy. Originally a low semi- deciduous and deciduous forest with scattered areas of tropical grass covered the hill slopes and alluvial flats, but today man has so altered the vegetation of this area that only spots of the natural cover remain. Since preconquest times the drainage basins of the Sind and upper San Jorge rivers in the western part of the Caribbean area have been considered a natural and cultural unit, called El Cend. Within the fertile river floodplains lived the Zenn Indians, expert goldsmiths and farmers, who buried golden artifacts with their dead." During the early sixteenth century, initial Spanish activity in this area was sim- ply grave robbing; only later were stock ranches established on the Indian-made savannas. The grasslands of El Cenud and the adjacent savannas of Bolivar in the lower Magdalena became the cradle of Spanish cattle raising in New Granada.o Stock raising continues today as the prime activity of the lowlands. As in colonial days, cattle are still driven overland from the pastures to markets in the Antioquefio highlands, though many are also taken to ports on the Magdalena for shipment upriver to the Altiplano. Within the last few decades the Sind valley has seen a thriving development of tropical agriculture based on rice, cotton, and sugar cane, with an influx of farmers from Antioquia as new settlers. So strong is the feeling of cultural and political unity and so rapidly has population recently increased that 16 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia dillera Central, have developed particular cultural characteristics in dress, dialect, and manner. Although it contains a variety of landscapes, the Caribbean area has a semblance of physical unity. Physiographically it consists of low hills, one high mountain region, and many flattish alluvial basins. Of these, the wide, marshy floodplain and delta of the lower Magdalena is the largest, forming the central part of the lowlands. Several low coastal ranges confine the delta on the west, while immediately east- ward an isolated mountain mass, the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, rises abruptly from sea level to elevations of nearly 19,000 feet. The Caribbean area extends northeastward into the dry, desert-like Guajira Peninsula, and the alluvial plains of the Sind and upper San Jorge rivers form its southwestern periphery. Except for the Sierra de Santa Marta, the Caribbean area is a hot land, with one half of the year (November-April) almost completely without rain, the other half (May-October) moist and muggy. Originally a low semi- deciduous and deciduous forest with scattered areas of tropical grass covered the hill slopes and alluvial flats, but today man has so altered the vegetation of this area that only spots of the natural cover remain. Since preconquest times the drainage basins of the Sind and upper San Jorge rivers in the western part of the Caribbean area have been considered a natural and cultural unit, called El Cenud. Within the fertile river floodplains lived the Zend Indians, expert goldsmiths and farmers, who buried golden artifacts with their dead.' During the early sixteenth century, initial Spanish activity in this area was sim- ply grave robbing; only later were stock ranches established on the Indian-made savannas. The grasslands of El Cenud and the adjacent savannas of Bolivar in the lower Magdalena became the cradle of Spanish cattle raising in New Granada." Stock raising continues today as the prime activity of the lowlands. As in colonial days, cattle are still driven overland from the pastures to markets in the Antioquefio highlands, though many are also taken to ports on the Magdalena for shipment upriver to the Altiplano. Within the last few decades the Sind valley has seen a thriving development of tropical agriculture based on rice, cotton, and sugar cane, with an influx of farmers from Antioquia as new settlers. So strong is the feeling of cultural and political unity and so rapidly has population recently increased that 16 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia dillera Central, have developed particular cultural characteristics in dress, dialect, and manner. Although it contains a variety of landscapes, the Caribbean area has a semblance of physical unity. Physiographically it consists of low hills, one high mountain region, and many flattish alluvial basins. Of these, the wide, marshy floodplain and delta of the lower Magdalena is the largest, forming the central part of the lowlands. Several low coastal ranges confine the delta on the west, while immediately east- ward an isolated mountain mass, the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, rises abruptly from sea level to elevations of nearly 19,000 feet. The Caribbean area extends northeastward into the dry, desert-like Guajira Peninsula, and the alluvial plains of the Sind and upper San Jorge rivers form its southwestern periphery. Except for the Sierra de Santa Marta, the Caribbean area is a hot land, with one half of the year (November-April) almost completely without rain, the other half (May-October) moist and muggy. Originally a low semi- deciduous and deciduous forest with scattered areas of tropical grass covered the hill slopes and alluvial flats, but today man has so altered the vegetation of this area that only spots of the natural cover remain. Since preconquest times the drainage basins of the Sind and upper San Jorge rivers in the western part of the Caribbean area have been considered a natural and cultural unit, called El Cend. Within the fertile river floodplains lived the Zend Indians, expert goldsmiths and farmers, who buried golden artifacts with their dead.' During the early sixteenth century, initial Spanish activity in this area was sim- ply grave robbing; only later were stock ranches established on the Indian-made savannas. The grasslands of El Cend and the adjacent savannas of Bolivar in the lower Magdalena became the cradle of Spanish cattle raising in New Granada." Stock raising continues today as the prime activity of the lowlands. As in colonial days, cattle are still driven overland from the pastures to markets in the Antioquefio highlands, though many are also taken to ports on the Magdalena for shipment upriver to the Altiplano. Within the last few decades the Sind valley has seen a thriving development of tropical agriculture based on rice, cotton, and sugar cane, with an influx of farmers from Antioquia as new settlers. So strong is the feeling of cultural and political unity and so rapidly has population recently increased that  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 17 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 17 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 17 the area of El Ceni in 1952 was made the new department of Crdoba. Eastward from El Cen6 lie the extensive savannas of Bolivar and the lower Magdalena; today, as in colonial times, the most important cattle raising area of Colombia. Here, as well as in the Cen6, stock- men have destroyed much of the original forest and have replaced the coarse native grasses with the more nutritious Brazilian and African species such as guinea, pari, and jaragui. In both areas a system of transhumance has developed in the cattle industry. During the rainy season when the low areas are inundated, herds are moved to the well-drained hill slopes planted to jaragui grass; in the long dry sea- son, when the hill grasses desiccate and the lowland floods recede, the cattle are driven into the moist river floodplains to pasture on guinea grass. Today more than fifteen million head of cattle graze on the planted pastures that fit so well into the climatic and hydrographic characteristics of the area." Since the sixteenth century the Caribbean area has been Colom- bia's front door to the outside world. The specific gateways have been the colonial ports of Cartagena and Santa Marta and the more recent river port of Barranquilla near the mouth of the Magdalena. The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is a physical anomaly of the Caribbean area. Since the Spanish conquest its deep valleys and high, steep slopes have served as refuge areas for Indian groups that have retained much of their native cultures. In terms of modern economy, however, the vast alluvial piedmont plains formed at the base of the mountain mass are of special significance. The western piedmont south of Santa Marta is the site of Colombia's big banana plantations; the southeastern piedmont overlooking the Cesar River basin is an area of recent agricultural colonization. Finally, the dry Guajira Peninsula, like the Sierra de Santa Marta, is a refuge area for the populous Guajiro Indians, who since the con- quest have changed from primitive hunting and gathering peoples to nomadic herders, breeding Old World goats, cattle, and sheep." The Pacific Lowlands The Pacific fringe of Colombia is a world apart from the rest of the country." It is a hot, extremely humid, forested land of many the area of El Cend in 1952 was made the new department of Crdoba. Eastward from El Ceni lie the extensive savannas of Bolivar and the lower Magdalena; today, as in colonial times, the most important cattle raising area of Colombia. Here, as well as in the Cend, stock- men have destroyed much of the original forest and have replaced the coarse native grasses with the more nutritious Brazilian and African species such as guinea, para, and jaragui. In both areas a system of transhumance has developed in the cattle industry. During the rainy season when the low areas are inundated, herds are moved to the well-drained hill slopes planted to jaragui grass; in the long dry sea- son, when the hill grasses desiccate and the lowland floods recede, the cattle are driven into the moist river floodplains to pasture on guinea grass. Today more than fifteen million head of cattle graze on the planted pastures that fit so well into the climatic and hydrographic characteristics of the area." Since the sixteenth century the Caribbean area has been Colom- bia's front door to the outside world. The specific gateways have been the colonial ports of Cartagena and Santa Marta and the more recent river port of Barranquilla near the mouth of the Magdalena. The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is a physical anomaly of the Caribbean area. Since the Spanish conquest its deep valleys and high, steep slopes have served as refuge areas for Indian groups that have retained much of their native cultures. In terms of modem economy, however, the vast alluvial piedmont plains formed at the base of the mountain mass are of special significance. The western piedmont south of Santa Marta is the site of Colombia's big banana plantations; the southeastern piedmont overlooking the Csar River basin is an area of recent agricultural colonization. Finally, the dry Guajira Peninsula, like the Sierra de Santa Marta, is a refuge area for the populous Guajiro Indians, who since the con- quest have changed from primitive hunting and gathering peoples to nomadic herders, breeding Old World goats, cattle, and sheep." The Pacific Lowlands The Pacific fringe of Colombia is a world apart from the rest of the country." It is a hot, extremely humid, forested land of many the area of El Cend in 1952 was made the new department of Crdoba. Eastward from El Ceni lie the extensive savannas of Bolivar and the lower Magdalena; today, as in colonial times, the most important cattle raising area of Colombia. Here, as well as in the Cend, stock- men have destroyed much of the original forest and have replaced the coarse native grasses with the more nutritious Brazilian and African species such as guinea, pari, and jaragui. In both areas a system of transhumance has developed in the cattle industry. During the rainy season when the low areas are inundated, herds are moved to the well-drained hill slopes planted to jaragui grass; in the long dry sea- son, when the hill grasses desiccate and the lowland floods recede, the cattle are driven into the moist river floodplains to pasture on guinea grass. Today more than fifteen million head of cattle graze on the planted pastures that fit so well into the climatic and hydrographic characteristics of the area." Since the sixteenth century the Caribbean area has been Colom- bia's front door to the outside world. The specific gateways have been the colonial ports of Cartagena and Santa Marta and the more recent river port of Barranquilla near the mouth of the Magdalena. The Siera Nevada de Santa Marta is a physical anomaly of the Caribbean area. Since the Spanish conquest its deep valleys and high, steep slopes have served as refuge areas for Indian groups that have retained much of their native cultures. In terms of modern economy, however, the vast alluvial piedmont plains formed at the base of the mountain mass are of special significance. The western piedmont south of Santa Marta is the site of Colombia's big banana plantations; the southeastern piedmont overlooking the Csar River basin is an area of recent agricultural colonization. Finally, the dry Guajira Peninsula, like the Sierra de Santa Marta, is a refuge area for the populous Guajiro Indians, who since the con- quest have changed from primitive hunting and gathering peoples to nomadic herders, breeding Old World goats, cattle, and sheep." The Pacific Lowlands The Pacific fringe of Colombia is a world apart from the rest of the country." It is a hot, extremely humid, forested land of many  18 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia rivers. These in some parts have built narrow alluvial floodplains; in other parts they have dissected the lowland into a maze of rugged hills. The Pacific Lowland is a land of rain, few areas of which receive less than 200 inches annually; one area, the upper Atrato Basin, re- ceives almost 400 inches per year-the wettest spot in the Americas. The Pacific Lowland is also a land of sparse population, 85 per cent of which is made up of Negroes and mulattoes who live as subsistence farmers, miners, and fishermen along the rivers and the coast. The northern half of the area is called the Choc6, composed of a structural depression that lies between the Cordillera Occidental and the low Serrania de Baud6, and is drained by the Atrato and San Juan rivers. The upper part of these drainage systems forms the cultural center of the Choc6. There, particularly in the vicinity of Quibd6, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Spaniards exploited rich gold placers, importing large numbers of Negro slaves for labor. The present Negroid population of the Choc6 is descendent from this colonial slave labor, and the washing of river sands for both gold and platinum still occupies a large number of native Chocoanos. The southern part of the Pacific area consists of a coastal fringe of mangrove swamp backed by hilly, stream-dissected lowlands. There, too, gold placer mining along the rivers was the main colonial econ- omy and the basis for the present Negro population. Despite the insalubrious climate and paucity of population, within this low coastal area have developed two growing port towns that may have increasing significance for Colombian commerce. One is Buenaven- tura, the colonial port of Cali, and now the most important coffee port of the country, serving most of western Colombia. The other is Tumaco, near the Ecuadorian border, which is the outlet for the southern highlands of Colombia and, formerly, of northern Ecuador. The Pacific Lowlands offer few opportunities for future coloniza- tion and development of tropical agriculture. The only fertile lands are extremely narrow strips of alluvium along the rivers; the flood- plain of the lower Atrato River forms a vast swamp unfit for produc- tion without enormous expenditure for drainage. Moreover, the hill slopes that cover most of the Pacific Lowlands carry highly infertile clay soils that are hardly suitable for successful pioneer settlement in the tropics. 18 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia rivers. These in some parts have built narrow alluvial floodplains; in other parts they have dissected the lowland into a maze of rugged hills. The Pacific Lowland is a land of rain, few areas of which receive less than 200 inches annually; one area, the upper Atrato Basin, re- ceives almost 400 inches per year-the wettest spot in the Americas. The Pacific Lowland is also a land of sparse population, 85 per cent of which is made up of Negroes and mulattoes who live as subsistence farmers, miners, and fishermen along the rivers and the coast. The northern half of the area is called the Choco, composed of a structural depression that lies between the Cordillera Occidental and the low Serrania de Baud6, and is drained by the Atrato and San Juan rivers. The upper part of these drainage systems forms the cultural center of the Choc6. There, particularly in the vicinity of Quibd6, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Spaniards exploited rich gold placers, importing large numbers of Negro slaves for labor. The present Negroid population of the Choc6 is descendent from this colonial slave labor, and the washing of river sands for both gold and platinum still occupies a large number of native Chocoanos. The southern part of the Pacific area consists of a coastal fringe of mangrove swamp backed by hilly, stream-dissected lowlands. There, too, gold placer mining along the rivers was the main colonial econ- omy and the basis for the present Negro population. Despite the insalubrious climate and paucity of population, within this low coastal area have developed two growing port towns that may have increasing significance for Colombian commerce. One is Buenaven- tura, the colonial port of Cali, and now the most important coffee port of the country, serving most of western Colombia. The other is Tumaco, near the Ecuadorian border, which is the outlet for the southern highlands of Colombia and, formerly, of northern Ecuador. The Pacific Lowlands offer few opportunities for future coloniza- tion and development of tropical agriculture. The only fertile lands are extremely narrow strips of alluvium along the rivers; the flood- plain of the lower Atrato River forms a vast swamp unfit for produc- tion without enormous expenditure for drainage. Moreover, the hill slopes that cover most of the Pacific Lowlands carry highly infertile clay soils that are hardly suitable for successful pioneer settlement in the tropics. 18 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia rivers. These in some parts have built narrow alluvial floodplains; in other parts they have dissected the lowland into a maze of rugged hills. The Pacific Lowland is a land of rain, few areas of which receive less than 200 inches annually; one area, the upper Atrato Basin, re- ceives almost 400 inches per year-the wettest spot in the Americas. The Pacific Lowland is also a land of sparse population, 85 per cent of which is made up of Negroes and mulattoes who live as subsistence farmers, miners, and fishermen along the rivers and the coast. The northern half of the area is called the Choc6, composed of a structural depression that lies between the Cordillera Occidental and the low Serrania de Baud6, and is drained by the Atrato and San Juan rives. The upper part of these drainage systems forms the cultural center of the Choc6. There, particularly in the vicinity of Quibd6, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Spaniards exploited rich gold placers, importing large numbers of Negro slaves for labor. The present Negroid population of the Choc6 is descendent from this colonial slave labor, and the washing of river sands for both gold and platinum still occupies a large number of native Chocoanos. The southern part of the Pacific area consists of a coastal fringe of mangrove swamp backed by hilly, stream-dissected lowlands. There, too, gold placer mining along the rivers was the main colonial econ- omy and the basis for the present Negro population. Despite the insalubrious climate and paucity of population, within this low coastal area have developed two growing port towns that may have increasing significance for Colombian commerce. One is Buenaven- tura, the colonial port of Cali, and now the most important coffee port of the country, serving most of western Colombia. The other is Tumaco, near the Ecuadorian border, which is the outlet for the southern highlands of Colombia and, formerly, of northern Ecuador. The Pacific Lowlands offer few opportunities for future coloniza- tion and development of tropical agriculture. The only fertile lands are extremely narrow strips of alluvium along the rivers; the flood- plain of the lower Atrato River forms a vast swamp unfit for produc- tion without enormous expenditure for drainage. Moreover, the hill slopes that cover most of the Pacific Lowlands carry highly infertile clay soils that are hardly suitable for successful pioneer settlement in the tropics.  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 19 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 19 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 19 The Llanos The largest of Colombia's peripheral areas lies east of the Andes. The better-known area is the Llanos, the grassy plains that stretch eastward 400 miles from the Andean wall to the Orinoco River. The Colombian Llanos are actually a southwestern continuation of those of Venezuela, and reach their southern limit along the Guaviare River, where the vast Amazon forest begins. Built of alluvium deposited by Andean streams, the Llanos form a great plains area that slopes gently eastward from the mountains. Tall, tropical bunch grass dominates the natural vegetation in the interfluves, but along the rivers grow strips of rain forest. During the wet season heavy rains cause the rivers to overflow, forming large shallow lakes in low areas; in the dry season the rivers shrink to shallow braided streams, the grass withers, and dust and smoke from burning grass fill the air. Possibly in no other part of Colombia are seasonal contrasts so sharp as in the Llanos. Physiographically the Llanos consist of two zones: (1) the Llanos Arriba, the higher plains near the Andean foothills, and (2) the Llanos Abajo, the lower plains that approach the Orinoco. The for- mer consist of great alluvial fans formed by streams flowing from the eastern Andean versant. Around the base of the sloping fans are wide belts of fine-grained, moisture-retentive alluvium, which supports clumps of rain forest. Such areas have proven well suited for agri- culture. The Llanos Abajo are almost flat, grass-covered plains and, except along the rivers, are characterized by highly weathered, in- fertile soils. Although the Llanos have been utilized for extensive stock raising since colonial times, they have always been sparsely populated. From the large cattle ranches and the ranch centers, or hatos, has de- veloped the peculiar llanero culture, so memorably recorded in both Colombian and Venezuelan literature. Far from markets and plagued by flood, drought, and disease, the cattle industry of the Llanos has never attained full development. The Llanos Arriba, however, has been the scene of recent colo- nization from the overpopulated Andean highlands." Productive farms of rice, maize, and plantains have been established, especially in the belt of fine soils at the base of the alluvial fans. The develop- The Llanos The largest of Colombia's peripheral areas lies east of the Andes. The better-known area is the Llanos, the grassy plains that stretch eastward 400 miles from the Andean wall to the Orinoco River. The Colombian Llanos are actually a southwestern continuation of those of Venezuela, and reach their southern limit along the Guaviare River, where the vast Amazon forest begins. Built of alluvium deposited by Andean streams, the Llanos form a great plains area that slopes gently eastward from the mountains. Tall, tropical bunch grass dominates the natural vegetation in the interfluves, but along the rivers grow strips of rain forest. During the wet season heavy rains cause the rivers to overflow, forming large shallow lakes in low areas; in the dry season the rivers shrink to shallow braided streams, the grass withers, and dust and smoke from burning grass fill the air. Possibly in no other part of Colombia are seasonal contrasts so sharp as in the Llanos. Physiographically the Llanos consist of two zones: (1) the Llanos Arriba, the higher plains near the Andean foothills, and (2) the Llanos Abajo, the lower plains that approach the Orinoco. The for- mer consist of great alluvial fans formed by streams flowing from the eastern Andean versant. Around the base of the sloping fans are wide belts of fine-grained, moisture-retentive alluvium, which supports clumps of rain forest. Such areas have proven well suited for agri- culture. The Llanos Abajo are almost flat, grass-covered plains and, except along the rivers, are characterized by highly weathered, in- fertile soils. Although the Llanos have been utilized for extensive stock raising since colonial times, they have always been sparsely populated. From the large cattle ranches and the ranch centers, or hatos, has de- veloped the peculiar llanero culture, so memorably recorded in both Colombian and Venezuelan literature. Far from markets and plagued by flood, drought, and disease, the cattle industry of the Llanos has never attained full development. The Llanos Arriba, however, has been the scene of recent colo- nization from the overpopulated Andean highlands." Productive farms of rice, maize, and plantains have been established, especially in the belt of fine soils at the base of the alluvial fans. The develop- The Llanos The largest of Colombia's peripheral areas lies east of the Andes. The better-known area is the Llanos, the grassy plains that stretch eastward 400 miles from the Andean wall to the Orinoco River. The Colombian Llanos are actually a southwestern continuation of those of Venezuela, and reach their southern limit along the Guaviare River, where the vast Amazon forest begins. Built of alluvium deposited by Andean streams, the Llanos form a great plains area that slopes gently eastward from the mountains. Tall, tropical bunch grass dominates the natural vegetation in the interfluves, but along the rivers grow strips of rain forest. During the wet season heavy rains cause the rivers to overflow, forming large shallow lakes in low areas; in the dry season the rivers shrink to shallow braided streams, the grass withers, and dust and smoke from burning grass fill the air. Possibly in no other part of Colombia are seasonal contrasts so sharp as in the Llanos. Physiographically the Llanos consist of two zones: (1) the Llanos Arriba, the higher plains near the Andean foothills, and (2) the Llanos Abajo, the lower plains that approach the Orinoco. The for- mer consist of great alluvial fans formed by streams flowing from the eastern Andean versant. Around the base of the sloping fans are wide belts of fine-grained, moisture-retentive alluvium, which supports clumps of rain forest. Such areas have proven well suited for agri- culture. The Llanos Abajo are almost flat, grass-covered plains and, except along the rivers, are characterized by highly weathered, in- fertile soils. Although the Llanos have been utilized for extensive stock raising since colonial times, they have always been sparsely populated. From the large cattle ranches and the ranch centers, or hatos, has de- veloped the peculiar ffanero culture, so memorably recorded in both Colombian and Venezuelan literature. Far from markets and plagued by flood, drought, and disease, the cattle industry of the Llanos has never attained full development. The Llanos Arriba, however, has been the scene of recent colo- nization from the overpopulated Andean highlands." Productive farms of rice, maize, and plantains have been established, especially in the belt of fine soils at the base of the alluvial fans. The develop-  20 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia ment of tropical agriculture in the Llanos Arriba may be at least a partial solution to the vexing problem of growing population pressure within the Andean core of Colombia. The Colombian Amazonia In terms of drainage, vegetation, and culture, the southern part of eastern lowlands of Colombia belongs to the Amazon Basin. South of the Guaviare and Guayabero rivers a dense rain forest covers the undulating surface. Still partially unexplored, this is Colombia's least populated area and the one that is least incorporated into the na- tional life. Only small groups of primitive forest Indians and collectors of forest products live along the rivers. A few spots along the Andean foothills, however, are being slowly settled by highland farmers from Antioquia, the upper Magdalena, and the Pasto area. This zone of colonization forms a southern continuation of that mentioned above for the Llanos Arriba. IV. Conclusion The presentation of the highly complex geography of Colombia by means of a gross regional breakdown as given above may serve as background for the papers that follow on aboriginal groups; colonial and modern history; economic, social, and political developments; and the cultural achievements of the Colombian people. It is a truism that human activity takes place upon the land and that man adapts himself to natural conditions according to his cultural attributes. Al- though natural regions and cultural areas are rarely synonymous, an attempt has been made here to relate Colombia's modern cultures and economies to the natural landscape. From this study one conclusion is outstanding: present-day Colombia, like so many of the Latin American countries, is a plural nation, made up of several different culture areas. To understand Colombia one must realize her regional differences. 20 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia ment of tropical agriculture in the Llanos Arriba may be at least a partial solution to the vexing problem of growing population pressure within the Andean core of Colombia. The Colombian Amazonia In terms of drainage, vegetation, and culture, the southern part of eastern lowlands of Colombia belongs to the Amazon Basin. South of the Guaviare and Guayabero rivers a dense rain forest covers the undulating surface. Still partially unexplored, this is Colombia's least populated area and the one that is least incorporated into the na- tional life. Only small groups of primitive forest Indians and collectors of forest products live along the rivers. A few spots along the Andean foothills, however, are being slowly settled by highland farmers from Antioquia, the upper Magdalena, and the Pasto area. This zone of colonization forms a southern continuation of that mentioned above for the Llanos Arriba. IV. Conclusion The presentation of the highly complex geography of Colombia by means of a gross regional breakdown as given above may serve as background for the papers that follow on aboriginal groups; colonial and modern history; economic, social, and political developments; and the cultural achievements of the Colombian people. It is a truism that human activity takes place upon the land and that man adapts himself to natural conditions according to his cultural attributes. Al- though natural regions and cultural areas are rarely synonymous, an attempt has been made here to relate Colombia's modern cultures and economies to the natural landscape. From this study one conclusion is outstanding: present-day Colombia, like so many of the Latin American countries, is a plural nation, made up of several different culture areas. To understand Colombia one must realize her regional differences. 20 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia ment of tropical agriculture in the Llanos Arriba may be at least a partial solution to the vexing problem of growing population pressure within the Andean core of Colombia. The Colombian Amazonia In terms of drainage, vegetation, and culture, the southern part of eastern lowlands of Colombia belongs to the Amazon Basin. South of the Guaviare and Guayabero rivers a dense rain forest covers the undulating surface. Still partially unexplored, this is Colombia's least populated area and the one that is least incorporated into the na- tional life. Only small groups of primitive forest Indians and collectors of forest products live along the rivers. A few spots along the Andean foothills, however, are being slowly settled by highland farmers from Antioquia, the upper Magdalena, and the Pasto area. This zone of colonization forms a southern continuation of that mentioned above for the Llanos Arriba. IV. Conclusion The presentation of the highly complex geography of Colombia by means of a gross regional breakdown as given above may serve as background for the papers that follow on aboriginal groups; colonial and modern history; economic, social, and political developments; and the cultural achievements of the Colombian people. It is a truism that human activity takes place upon the land and that man adapts himself to natural conditions according to his cultural attributes. Al- though natural regions and cultural areas are rarely synonymous, an attempt has been made here to relate Colombia's modern cultures and economies to the natural landscape. From this study one conclusion is outstanding: present-day Colombia, like so many of the Latin American countries, is a plural nation, made up of several different culture areas. To understand Colombia one must realize her regional differences.  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 21 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY GEGAH N NHOOOY2 EGAH N NHOOOY21 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 21 NOTES charac,testc. His system wa frs presented in aseies of articles published in the mgazine, Colobiabb, I, 1-4 (1944), an lte cndensed w ,hapter in his Nueva g,,,grafi de Colombia )BogtA, 1945), pp. 157-186. In 1947 Ernesto 2.g hisbnct 0. e, physical,, regibs Sof , th onr, basedbion physioraphy clteA,~I,, ad vegetation (ErnetipGuhl, Xolmi, (1999)i, cl4-992. tc regions 8i apan tble fo m 964-B r )Win1 D.C. 1950).cooiacloban 2 entrega; Bogota:,1, Bac Edei LXXI Re (lc,1954), 1-56. eia s aedo pe Dmepica(3d ed. 4ew V ok," 1959),andJ. B. E Butild,, LXXn (1954), 1-48.ona Geography (London,,,, N960.58Bby,17) th Assocatio of I (1955),n 67-86.sXI (99) 7432 hi,,,,, r, Ecnoi yEstadistic, VIXII (15)(1-54,1-0 1. Q.,, . Wnglewal,Miea Resource ofl,,4 4Clombia,, nited4 Sates Geo- lBgical Eurgey 1957).6-B(ahigo, .. 15) Hu,~ia," conmi Ry~ Estdisic, XXVI,(19,), 1-56.~,096)Wi~I Americ 197)o. 091-4el,14 49) NOTES the magazine, Colombi, , ,1-4 (1944), and latercondensed as achpter in, his Nueva, geograifa de Colombia (Bogota, 1945), pp. 157-186. In, 1947 Ernesto ing hi, concept of1 the physical regions of the cont based on physiography, [Bog,14, 1942]). Tbe mos reen ad detailed prsntto of Colomia's natural enrea Bogot: Ba,,co de La epublca, 1960). This material is based on,7re vios or done, by Eduardo Acevedo Latorre and Ernesto Guhl. Bimplerregional Geography (London, 1960). 2. Robern 0. Eidt, "Aboriginal C616cha Setlement in, Colomb4i," Annals of the Associtino 4American, Geographers, XLIX (1959), 574-392. Santne,,,," E,,,,,,,,1 y Estadistica,, LXXVIII (1954), 1-50. 4. Q. 0. iglewal1d, Mineral1 Resources of Colombia, United 81ates Geo- logical Surey Bullti 964-B (Washington,, D.0., 1950). Huil," Econ,,,mia p Estadistica, LXXVII (1954), 1-56. 6. Eobert C. Wes, Colonia P1lacer Mining in, Colombi, Louisiana 844t Uni- versitySudies,SoileneS erI.494, N.2 (Baton Roug, 1952). Amer,,ica No. 30 (Berkeley, 1949). 8. ERaymond E. Grist, The Cauca Valley, Colombia; Land, Tenure, and Us Departamento del Valle," Econ',mia y Estadiic, LXXX (1954), 1-48. Colombia, Ibr-meia No. 59 (Berkeley, 1952). Geographical Review,, XLII (1952), 02-06. hien,,, Geographische Rundschau,, VI (1954), 41-54. 12. RaymondOE. 044s, "Aclurto in the Guajim," Anua Repr 6fth Smithsonian~ Institutiio, 1828 (Wasbington, D.C., 1959), pp. 481-499; Homer, Ascbhman, "Indian Pastoralists of the Guajir Peninsul," Annalso t(he Associa- 13. Eobert C. Wes, The Pacific Lowlands, of Colombia,a Negroid Area, o he (Baton Roug, 1957). 14. Raymond4 C. 044s an4 Eret Guhl, 'Pioneer Settlement in Eastern Colombi," Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1954 (Washingto,, D.C., 1957), pp. 591-414. 1Bg.0 1942]) Tba wa one 4 of 4, th frs moeClobangegrbhi&tsggs thie magakz4ne, Coobya d,, A-4(144, an ae codese E as1 G aI 81ha1ter ,in his Nuevg eografi dLe4, 1940). Bgt 95) p 5716 I 97 ret Gh, Aoniei, of 4 , Coobi' XLIXos (1959)r a pesn, pubi4-d592p.sow ing his ,4 Aoncept Lof ,,, the , , phyicl 4egon o te iutr, basd1o phsgrp hy, ,4 4.goa 19470 . Thgb mosI t Miecent Rand , deaie presentatio of , Soobia' Gatur- entgi; t£ Bac de1,, 964a RWpbicga, 0, 1950). i aeili ae npe 5iou work4 doe y durd Avd L a,,,,",torre~ and Erne4sto4 Guh.,1,1 4,pe rgoa Amrica, (3d,,4 pd. New1,York, L (195 4) J .Bul, -56. eica eioa Geograph (Lo50nBdon~, 199). 8. Rert, . 044t, "Aorgia Chibch SettImen in,44 lomba,", Annal of, 3B.i,, 1955);o Acvd ae, Lnoram ge-cnmc del Departamento,1 Satne, 44oVmia," Etadstic, yLXXVIII,, X (1954), 1-40. 1. Q.,, . inglewal, 'Tbera Res1ources of Co6omb,0 Vnited Stte Geo-b, logcal ,, Sur ),ey BuleiI6- (952), ton 678 .C,15) Huil," Economiab yREstdistia, LXVII (195), 41-5. 1. Roert~, .044s, Coonalb,,, Plce Mibin in1, Colombia Louisian Stat Ui- AmB rica No.g 1952). le, 94) 8.,bi, Raymond REp. Crist, The 6,i Cauca Valle , 0926bia Land TniregndUs Georapica 1952), , pp II 591 5),414. 6  2 2 Robert L. Carneiro: THE ABORIGINAL CULTURES OF COLOMBIA THE ENVIRONMENTAL VARIETY which marks Colombia is closely paralleled by, and indeed reflected in, the native Indian cultures that developed in that country. These cultures ranged from small, simple, seminomadic groups like the present-day Guahibo of the Llanos to the large, populous, and socially complex states of the Muisca (Chibcha) area, which in degree of political evolution ranked second only to the Inca empire in all of South America. In a paper of this length, whose objective it is to present the in- digenous cultures of Colombia in broad perspective, it is not only impossible but also undesirable to portray all of this cultural diversity. Some plan must be followed which simplifies the picture and at the same time brings out its most salient and characteristic features. In an attempt to do this I will consider Colombian cultures as falling into two principal types, the Tropical Forest and the Sub-Andean types. These are two of the four types used in the Handbook of South American Indians in its very successful classification and description of the native cultures of that continent. The Tropical Forest type consists of relatively primitive shifting cultivators dwelling exclusively in areas of rain forest. The Sub-Andean type (also called Circum- Caribbean in the Handbook) comprises the sedentary, better- organized, and more advanced peoples of the higher valleys and mountain slopes. Societies representing one or the other of these two types at one time covered almost all of what is now Colombia. The native cultures of Colombia do not, of course, always fit neatly 22 Robert L. Carneiro: THE ABORIGINAL CULTURES OF COLOMBIA THE ENVIRONMENTAL VARIETY which marks Colombia is closely paralleled by, and indeed reflected in, the native Indian cultures that developed in that country. These cultures ranged from small, simple, seminomadic groups like the present-day Guahibo of the Llanos to the large, populous, and socially complex states of the Muisca (Chibcha) area, which in degree of political evolution ranked second only to the Inca empire in all of South America. In a paper of this length, whose objective it is to present the in- digenous cultures of Colombia in broad perspective, it is not only impossible but also undesirable to portray all of this cultural diversity. Some plan must be followed which simplifies the picture and at the same time brings out its most salient and characteristic features. In an attempt to do this I will consider Colombian cultures as falling into two principal types, the Tropical Forest and the Sub-Andean types. These are two of the four types used in the Handbook of South American Indians in its very successful classification and description of the native cultures of that continent. The Tropical Forest type consists of relatively primitive shifting cultivators dwelling exclusively in areas of rain forest. The Sub-Andean type (also called Circum- Caribbean in the Handbook) comprises the sedentary, better- organized, and more advanced peoples of the higher valleys and mountain slopes. Societies representing one or the other of these two types at one time covered almost all of what is now Colombia. The native cultures of Colombia do not, of course, always fit neatly 22 Robert L. Carneiro: THE ABORIGINAL CULTURES OF COLOMBIA THE ENVIRONMENTAL VARIETY which marks Colombia is closely paralleled by, and indeed reflected in, the native Indian cultures that developed in that country. These cultures ranged from small, simple, seminomadic groups like the present-day Guahibo of the Llanos to the large, populous, and socially complex states of the Muisca (Chibcha) area, which in degree of political evolution ranked second only to the Inca empire in all of South America. In a paper of this length, whose objective it is to present the in- digenous cultures of Colombia in broad perspective, it is not only impossible but also undesirable to portray all of this cultural diversity. Some plan must be followed which simplifies the picture and at the same time brings out its most salient and characteristic features. In an attempt to do this I will consider Colombian cultures as falling into two principal types, the Tropical Forest and the Sub-Andean types. These are two of the four types used in the Handbook of South American Indians in its very successful classification and description of the native cultures of that continent. The Tropical Forest type consists of relatively primitive shifting cultivators dwelling exclusively in areas of rain forest. The Sub-Andean type (also called Circum- Caribbean in the Handbook) comprises the sedentary, better- organized, and more advanced peoples of the higher valleys and mountain slopes. Societies representing one or the other of these two types at one time covered almost all of what is now Colombia. The native cultures of Colombia do not, of course, always fit neatly 22  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 23 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 23 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 23 into one or another of these types. Actually they form a graded series, the intermediate members of which could be classified in either of them. However in this paper the focus of attention will be on tribes typical of each of the two types. To describe the Indian cultures of Colombia as they were at the time of first white contact requires dealing with them at different time periods. Most Sub-Andean societies of Colombia were first en- countered by the Spaniards during the 1500's, and by 1650 they had lost not only their political independence but their cultural identity as well. On the other hand many Tropical Forest societies, especially those in the Amazon basin, have survived relatively unmodified into this century. A few of them, like the tribes of the upper tributaries of the Vaupes, are still very little known. And the much-publicized Motilones have entered into peaceful contact with whites only within the last two or three years. . The Tropical Forest Cultures The Tropical Forest cultures of Colombia are today best represent- ed in the Amazon lowlands south of the Guaviare River and on the Pacific coast. Generally speaking, societies of this type inhabit areas lying below 1,000 feet, the notable exception being the Motilones, who live at somewhat higher elevations in the well-forested Sierra de Periji. The typical Tropical Forest community consists of a small village, of perhaps 100 persons, which is autonomous both politically and economically. A number of villages together may be given a tribal name, but this means only that they speak the same language and share the same culture, not that they are organized into any higher sociopolitical unit. Villages are usually located at some distance from each other, but close enough to a river or stream to facilitate fishing, bathing, drawing water, and traveling by canoe. House types and village plans show some variation from one region to another. Throughout the Vaupes area and also among the Moti- lones a single large dwelling, generally called a maloca, houses all members of the community. On the Pacific coast however the Choc6 live in smaller, often single-family, houses that are widely scattered. into one or another of these types. Actually they form a graded series, the intermediate members of which could be classified in either of them. However in this paper the focus of attention will be on tribes typical of each of the two types. To describe the Indian cultures of Colombia as they were at the time of first white contact requires dealing with them at different time periods. Most Sub-Andean societies of Colombia were first en- countered by the Spaniards during the 1500's, and by 1650 they had lost not only their political independence but their cultural identity as well. On the other hand many Tropical Forest societies, especially those in the Amazon basin, have survived relatively unmodified into this century. A few of them, like the tribes of the upper tributaries of the Vaupes, are still very little known. And the much-publicized Motilones have entered into peaceful contact with whites only within the last two or three years. I. The Tropical Forest Cultures The Tropical Forest cultures of Colombia are today best represent- ed in the Amazon lowlands south of the Guaviare River and on the Pacific coast. Generally speaking, societies of this type inhabit areas lying below 1,000 feet, the notable exception being the Motilones, who live at somewhat higher elevations in the well-forested Sierra de Periji. The typical Tropical Forest community consists of a small village, of perhaps 100 persons, which is autonomous both politically and economically. A number of villages together may be given a tribal name, but this means only that they speak the same language and share the same culture, not that they are organized into any higher sociopolitical unit. Villages are usually located at some distance from each other, but close enough to a river or stream to facilitate fishing, bathing, drawing water, and traveling by canoe. House types and village plans show some variation from one region to another. Throughout the Vaupes area and also among the Moti- lones a single large dwelling, generally called a maloca, houses all members of the community. On the Pacific coast however the Choc6 live in smaller, often single-family, houses that are widely scattered. into one-or another of these types. Actually they form a graded series, the intermediate members of which could be classified in either of them. However in this paper the focus of attention will be on tribes typical of each of the two types. To describe the Indian cultures of Colombia as they were at the time of first white contact requires dealing with them at different time periods. Most Sub-Andean societies of Colombia were first en- countered by the Spaniards during the 1500's, and by 1650 they had lost not only their political independence but their cultural identity as well. On the other hand many Tropical Forest societies, especially those in the Amazon basin, have survived relatively unmodified into this century. A few of them, like the tribes of the upper tributaries of the Vaupes, are still very little known. And the much-publicized Motilones have entered into peaceful contact with whites only within the last two or three years. 1. The Tropical Forest Cultures The Tropical Forest cultures of Colombia are today best represent- ed in the Amazon lowlands south of the Guaviare River and on the Pacific coast. Generally speaking, societies of this type inhabit areas lying below 1,000 feet, the notable exception being the Motilones, who live at somewhat higher elevations in the well-forested Sierra de Periji. The typical Tropical Forest community consists of a small village, of perhaps 100 persons, which is autonomous both politically and economically. A number of villages together may be given a tribal name, but this means only that they speak the same language and share the same culture, not that they are organized into any higher sociopolitical unit. Villages are usually located at some distance from each other, but close enough to a river or stream to facilitate fishing, bathing, drawing water, and traveling by canoe. House types and village plans show some variation from one region to another. Throughout the Vaupes area and also among the Moti- lones a single large dwelling, generally called a maloca, houses all members of the community. On the Pacific coast however the Choc6 hve in smaller, often single-family, houses that are widely scattered.  24 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Both types of houses have a framework of stout posts and are thatched with palm leaves. Since rainfall on the Pacific coast is extremely heavy and there is frequent danger of flooding, Choc6 houses are built on piles, with a notched log serving as a ladder. Many of the Vaupes tribes use slabs of bark for the lower part of the house wall, while the Baniva and other tribes near the Llanos sometimes make their house walls by interlacing withes and coating them with mud (wattle-and- daub). The tribes of the Vaupes region sleep in hammocks, the typical sleeping arrangement of the Tropical Forest. However, the Choc6, Motilones, and other tribes that have been sufficiently influenced by Sub-Andean culture sleep on platform beds, the Choc6 using a carved block of wood as a pillow. Among all these tribes subsistence is based on slash-and-burn agri- culture, a method of cultivation in which a section of the forest is cut over and allowed to dry out during the dry season, and burned and planted just before the onset of the next rains. The staple crop plant in the Vaupes area is bitter manioc. Elsewhere in Colombia only sweet manioc is known. Along the Pacific coast manioc is of only minor importance, maize being the principal cultivated plant. Be- sides manioc and maize the Tropical Forest tribes cultivate sweet potatoes, yams, and many kinds of fruits including papaya, guayaba, pineapple, and the pupunha palm (Guilielma speciosa). Tribes of the Vaupes region remove the poisonous prussic acid from bitter manioc by soaking the root, grating it, and then squeezing the pulp, first through a woven sieve placed on a tripod and finally in an extendible tubular press known as a tipiti. The dried manioc flour is either stored as loose farina, or made into large, flat, circular cakes which when dried in the sun preserve indefinitely and are carried as provisions on long trips. While not of paramount importance among any of the Tropical Forest tribes of Colombia, hunting does add significantly to the sub- sistence of most of them. The bow and arrow is the principal all- purpose hunting weapon, but the blowgun with curare-poisoned darts is particularly favored against arboreal game. Instead of curare the Choc6 use two unusual poisons, one of which is the only New World poison known to have a specific effect on the heart. 24 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Both types of houses have a framework of stout posts and are thatched with palm leaves. Since rainfall on the Pacific coast is extremely heavy and there is frequent danger of flooding, Choc6 houses are built on piles, with a notched log serving as a ladder. Many of the Vaupes tribes use slabs of bark for the lower part of the house wall, while the Baniva and other tribes near the Llanos sometimes make their house walls by interlacing withes and coating them with mud (wattle-and- daub). The tribes of the Vaupes region sleep in hammocks, the typical sleeping arrangement of the Tropical Forest. However, the Choc6, Motilones, and other tribes that have been sufficiently influenced by Sub-Andean culture sleep on platform beds, the Choc6 using a carved block of wood as a pillow. Among all these tribes subsistence is based on slash-and-burn agri- culture, a method of cultivation in which a section of the forest is cut over and allowed to dry out during the dry season, and burned and planted just before the onset of the next rains. The staple crop plant in the Vaupes area is bitter manioc. Elsewhere in Colombia only sweet manioc is known. Along the Pacific coast manioc is of only minor importance, maize being the principal cultivated plant. Be- sides manioc and maize the Tropical Forest tribes cultivate sweet potatoes, yams, and many kinds of fruits including papaya, guayaba, pineapple, and the pupunha palm (Guilielma speciosa). Tribes of the Vaupis region remove the poisonous prussic acid from bitter manioc by soaking the root, grating it, and then squeezing the pulp, first through a woven sieve placed on a tripod and finally in an extendible tubular press known as a tipiti. The dried manioc flour is either stored as loose farina, or made into large, flat, circular cakes which when dried in the sun preserve indefinitely and are carried as provisions on long trips. While not of paramount importance among any of the Tropical Forest tribes of Colombia, hunting does add significantly to the sub- sistence of most of them. The bow and arrow is the principal all- purpose hunting weapon, but the blowgun with curare-poisoned darts is particularly favored against arboreal game. Instead of curare the Choc6 use two unusual poisons, one of which is the only New World poison known to have a specific effect on the heart. 24 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Both types of houses have a framework of stout posts and are thatched with palm leaves. Since rainfall on the Pacific coast is extremely heavy and there is frequent danger of flooding, Choc6 houses are built on piles, with a notched log serving as a ladder. Many of the Vaupes tribes use slabs of bark for the lower part of the house wall, while the Baniva and other tribes near the Llanos sometimes make their house walls by interlacing withes and coating them with mud (wattle-and- daub). The tribes of the Vaupis region sleep in hammocks, the typical sleeping arrangement of the Tropical Forest. However, the Choc6, Motilones, and other tribes that have been sufficiently influenced by Sub-Andean culture sleep on platform beds, the Choc6 using a carved block of wood as a pillow. Among all these tribes subsistence is based on slash-and-burn agri- culture, a method of cultivation in which a section of the forest is cut over and allowed to dry out during the dry season, and burned and planted just before the onset of the next rains. The staple crop plant in the Vaupes area is bitter manioc. Elsewhere in Colombia only sweet manioc is known. Along the Pacific coast manioc is of only minor importance, maize being the principal cultivated plant. Be- sides manioc and maize the Tropical Forest tribes cultivate sweet potatoes, yams, and many kinds of fruits including papaya, guayaba, pineapple, and the pupunha palm (Guilielma speciosa). Tribes of the Vaupis region remove the poisonous prussic acid from bitter manioc by soaking the root, grating it, and then squeezing the pulp, first through a woven sieve placed on a tripod and finally in an extendible tubular press known as a tipiti. The dried manioc flour is either stored as loose farina, or made into large, flat, circular cakes which when dried in the sun preserve indefinitely and are carried as provisions on long trips. While not of paramount importance among any of the Tropical Forenst tribes of Colombia, hunting does add significantly to the sub- sistence of most of them. The bow and arrow is the principal all- purpose hunting weapon, but the blowgun with curare-poisoned darts is particularly favored against arboreal game. Instead of curare the Choc6 use two unusual poisons, one of which is the only New Work poison known to have a specific effect on the heart.  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 25 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 25 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 25 For many tribes fishing is more important than hunting. All tribes fish with the bow and arrow, and in addition the Choc6 use the spear thrower for catching manatees. The most productive fishing tech- nique of all is drugging, carried out with any of a wide variety of plant poisons known collectively as barbasco. This type of fishing is generally practiced only during the dry season, since at high water the strong currents wash the drug away. Weirs are often built just be- fore the barbasco is poured in the water in order to keep the fish from escaping downstream. Several hundred fish may be caught by poi- soning, then smoked for preservation. Among most Tropical Forest peoples clothing is either distinctly limited or lacking altogether. In the Vaupis area men wear a breech- clout of bark cloth, while women, who formerly went naked, later adopted beaded aprons. For painting the face and body, bija (Bixa orellana) and jagua (Genipa americana) are universally used. Bija is often mixed with oil before being applied and gives a vivid red pigment. Jagua yields an indelible black dye which is not only es- teemed for decorative purposes but is also commonly thought to have protective magical properties. Since cotton is rare in the region, Vaupes Indians do little weav- ing. However, the Choc6 and a number of other lowland tribes raise considerable cotton which the women spin into thread with a spindle and weave into cloth on a backstrap loom. A few Tropical Forest tribes like the Yuko of the Sierra de Periji weave long sleeveless gar- ments resembling nightshirts, an obvious borrowing from neighboring Sub-Andean peoples. Vaupis ceremonial costumes of bark cloth covering the entire body are the most elaborate costumes of this ma- terial made anywhere in the Amazon Basin. The Choc6 also manu- facture bark cloth but use it only for sleeping mats. Ceremonialism is particularly striking and elaborate in the area of the Vaupis. Among the Yukuna of the Miriti Parani, for example, the botanist Richard Schultes witnessed a ceremony which continued without interruption for 24 hours, and in which 80 different dances were performed, each one representing an episode in the mythologi- cal history of the tribe. The best-known of all the ceremonies among the peoples of this region is the Yurupari. In part the Yurupari is an initiation cere- For many tribes fishing is more important than hunting. All tribes fish with the bow and arrow, and in addition the Choc6 use the spear thrower for catching manatees. The most productive fishing tech- nique of all is drugging, carried out with any of a wide variety of plant poisons known collectively as barbasco. This type of fishing is generally practiced only during the dry season, since at high water the strong currents wash the drug away. Weirs are often built just be- fore the barbasco is poured in the water in order to keep the fish from escaping downstream. Several hundred fish may be caught by poi- soning, then smoked for preservation. Among most Tropical Forest peoples clothing is either distinctly limited or lacking altogether. In the Vaupes area men wear a breech- clout of bark cloth, while women, who formerly went naked, later adopted beaded aprons. For painting the face and body, bija (Bixa orellana) and jagua (Genipa americana) are universally used. Bija is often mixed with oil before being applied and gives a vivid red pigment. Jagua yields an indelible black dye which is not only es- teemed for decorative purposes but is also commonly thought to have protective magical properties. Since cotton is rare in the region, Vaupes Indians do little weav- ing. However, the Choc6 and a number of other lowland tribes raise considerable cotton which the women spin into thread with a spindle and weave into cloth on a backstrap loom. A few Tropical Forest tribes like the Yuko of the Sierra de Periji weave long sleeveless gar- ments resembling nightshirts, an obvious borrowing from neighboring Sub-Andean peoples. Vaupis ceremonial costumes of bark cloth covering the entire body are the most elaborate costumes of this ma- terial made anywheere in the Amazon Basin. The Choc6 also manu- facture bark cloth but use it only for sleeping mats. Ceremonialism is particularly striking and elaborate in the area of the Vaupes. Among the Yukuna of the Miriti Parani, for example, the botanist Richard Schultes witnessed a ceremony which continued without interruption for 24 hours, and in which 80 different dances were performed, each one representing an episode in the mythologi- cal history of the tribe. The best-known of all the ceremonies among the peoples of this region is the Yurupari. In part the Yurupari is an initiation cere- For many tribes fishing is more important than hunting. All tribes fish with the bow and arrow, and in addition the Choc6 use the spear thrower for catching manatees. The most productive fishing tech- nique of all is drugging, carried out with any of a wide variety of plant poisons known collectively as barbasco. This type of fishing is generally practiced only during the dry season, since at high water the strong currents wash the drug away. Weirs are often built just be- fore the barbasco is poured in the water in order to keep the fish from escaping downstream. Several hundred fish may be caught by poi- soning, then smoked for preservation. Among most Tropical Forest peoples clothing is either distinctly limited or lacking altogether. In the Vaupis area men wear a breech- clout of bark cloth, while women, who formerly went naked, later adopted beaded aprons. For painting the face and body, bija (Bixa orellana) and jagua (Genipa americana) are universally used. Bija is often mixed with oil before being applied and gives a vivid red pigment. Jagua yields an indelible black dye which is not only es- teemed for decorative purposes but is also commonly thought to have protective magical properties. Since cotton is rare in the region, Vaupes Indians do little weav- ing. However, the Choc6 and a number of other lowland tribes raise considerable cotton which the women spin into thread with a spindle and weave into cloth on a backstrap loom. A few Tropical Forest tribes like the Yuko of the Sierra de Periji weave long sleeveless gar- ments resembling nightshirts, an obvious borrowing from neighboring Sub-Andean peoples. Vaupis ceremonial costumes of bark cloth covering the entire body are the most elaborate costumes of this ma- terial made anywhere in the Amazon Basin. The Choc6 also manu- facture bark cloth but use it only for sleeping mats. Ceremonialism is particularly striking and elaborate in the area of the Vaupes. Among the Yukuna of the Miriti Parani, for example, the botanist Richard Schultes witnessed a ceremony which continued without interruption for 24 hours, and in which 80 different dances were performed, each one representing an episode in the mythologi- cal history of the tribe. The best-known of all the ceremonies among the peoples of this region is the Yurupari. In part the Yurupari is an initiation cere-  26 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia mony in which pubescent boys are subjected to severe whipping which they are expected to endure without flinching, thus demon- strating their manhood. During this ceremony large bark trumpets associated with ancestral spirits are played, and these instruments the women are forbidden to see under penalty of death. A drinking bout accompanies this ceremony, and before the festivities are over an entire canoeful of chicha may have been consumed. Chicha is a mildly alcoholic drink made by chewing and spitting manioc, maize, or almost any kind of fruit into a container into which some already- cooked drink has been deposited, the ptyalin in the saliva serving to promote fermentation. The Vaupes tribes prefer to use manioc for their chicha (or cashiri as it is called here), while the Choc6 prepare theirs from corn gruel. Many musical instruments including panpipes, flutes, trumpets, and skin-headed drums are used by the Tropical Forest tribes of Colombia. Outstanding among them is the hollow log signal drum, manguari, which is found throughout the region of the Vaupes. These drums are played in pairs, the larger "male" drum producing a deeper tone than the smaller "female" one. To make such a drum the inside of a section of log is burned out with hot stones introduced through a slit cut into the log. The walls of the drum are then scraped down leaving the two "lips" forming the edges of the slit of different thicknesses so that when struck they will produce different tones. The drums are hung from a scaffold and are beaten with wooden drum- sticks whose playing ends are covered with balls of crude rubber. Although the drums may be played in accompaniment to certain ceremonies, they are used primarily for signaling between villages, and on a still day can be heard for a distance of up to 15 miles. Religious beliefs of the Vaupes tribes center around a large number of spirits with whom anyone, but especially shamans, can communi- cate. A person seeks to consult the spirits in order to gain supernatural assistance in recovering from illness, learning the identity of a sor- cerer, and the like. The most effective way of getting in touch with the spirits is through the use of narcotic plants which produce ex- tremely vivid hallucinations. Cayapi (Banisteriopsis caapi) and borrachero (Datura spp.) are commonly used for this purpose. Snuff ground from the seeds of a vine called paricd (Piptadenia peregrina) 26 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia mony in which pubescent boys are subjected to severe whipping which they are expected to endure without flinching, thus demon- strating their manhood. During this ceremony large bark trumpets associated with ancestral spirits are played, and these instruments the women are forbidden to see under penalty of death. A drinking bout accompanies this ceremony, and before the festivities are over an entire canoeful of chicha may have been consumed. Chicha is a mildly alcoholic drink made by chewing and spitting manioc, maize, or almost any kind of fruit into a container into which some already- cooked drink has been deposited, the ptyalin in the saliva serving to promote fermentation. The Vaupis tribes prefer to use manioc for their chicha (or cashiri as it is called here), while the Choc6 prepare theirs from corn gruel. Many musical instruments including panpipes, flutes, trumpets, and skin-headed drums are used by the Tropical Forest tribes of Colombia. Outstanding among them is the hollow log signal drum, manguari, which is found throughout the region of the Vaupis. These drums are played in pairs, the larger "male" drum producing a deeper tone than the smaller "female" one. To make such a drum the inside of a section of log is burned out with hot stones introduced through a slit cut into the log. The walls of the drum are then scraped down leaving the two "lips" forming the edges of the slit of different thicknesses so that when struck they will produce different tones. The drums are hung from a scaffold and are beaten with wooden drum- sticks whose playing ends are covered with balls of crude rubber. Although the drums may be played in accompaniment to certain ceremonies, they are used primarily for signaling between villages, and on a still day can be heard for a distance of up to 15 miles. Religious beliefs of the Vaupes tribes center around a large number of spirits with whom anyone, but especially shamans, can communi- cate. A person seeks to consult the spirits in order to gain supernatural assistance in recovering from illness, learning the identity of a sor- cerer, and the like. The most effective way of getting in touch with the spirits is through the use of narcotic plants which produce ex- tremely vivid hallucinations. Cayapi (Banisteriopsis caapi) and borrachero (Datura spp.) are commonly used for this purpose. Snuff ground from the seeds of a vine called paricd (Piptadenia peregrina) 26 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia mony in which pubescent boys are subjected to severe whipping which they are expected to endure without flinching, thus demon- strating their manhood. During this ceremony large bark trumpets associated with ancestral spirits are played, and these instruments the women are forbidden to see under penalty of death. A drinking bout accompanies this ceremony, and before the festivities are over an entire canoeful of chicha may have been consumed. Chicha is a mildly alcoholic drink made by chewing and spitting manioc, maize, or almost any kind of fruit into a container into which some already- cooked drink has been deposited, the ptyalin in the saliva serving to promote fermentation. The Vaupes tribes prefer to use manioc for their chicha (or cashir as it is called here), while the Choc6 prepare theirs from corn gruel. Many musical instruments including panpipes, flutes, trumpets, and skin-headed drums are used by the Tropical Forest tribes of Colombia. Outstanding among them is the hollow log signal drum, manguari, which is found throughout the region of the Vaupes. These drums are played in pairs, the larger "male" drum producing a deeper tone than the smaller "female" one. To make such a drum the inside of a section of log is burned out with hot stones introduced through a slit cut into the log. The walls of the drum are then scraped down leaving the two "lips" forming the edges of the slit of different thicknesses so that when struck they will produce different tones. The drums are hung from a scaffold and are beaten with wooden drum- sticks whose playing ends are covered with balls of crude rubber. Although the drums may be played in accompaniment to certain ceremonies, they are used primarily for signaling between villages, and on a still day can be heard for a distance of up to 15 miles. Religious beliefs of the Vaupes tribes center around a large number of spirits with whom anyone, but especially shamans, can communi- cate. A person seeks to consult the spirits in order to gain supernatural assistance in recovering from illness, learning the identity of a sor- cerer, and the like. The most effective way of getting in touch with the spirits is through the use of narcotic plants which produce ex- tremely vivid hallucinations. Cayapi (Banisteriopsis caapi) and borrachero (Datura spp.) are commonly used for this purpose. Snuff ground from the seeds of a vine called paricd (Piptadenia peregrina)  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 27 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 27 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 27 is taken by shamans to produce a delirium during which they divine and prophesy. The use of tobacco is widespread. In the Vaupes it is smoked in the form of cigars held in large cigar holders shaped some- thing like tuning forks. Another very important narcotic is coca which, chewed with ashes and its juice swallowed, arrests hunger pangs and imparts remarkable endurance. Until recent times warfare has been extremely prevalent among the tribes of the Tropical Forest. The Motilones have become famous for the redoubtable manner in which they have prevented encroach- ment on their territory. The principal weapon of war is generally the bow and arrow, but some tribes rely on the macana, or sword club, as well. Attack is usually by stealth, and once it begins each attacker fights pretty much on his own. Societies subject to recurring attacks often seek to protect themselves by making their trails winding and disguising them well. Caltrops and pitfalls may also be employed in order to increase the hazards to the attacker. Cannibalism of war prisoners was formerly quite frequent among Indians of the Vaupes. The purpose of this practice was to humiliate the enemy, while at the same time incorporating within oneself his outstanding qualities. Here and there some societies gave indications of esteeming cannibalism gastronomically as well as ritually. A person who met a quiet death at home was generally buried. Burials often took place within the house, with the deceased either being wrapped in his hammock or else placed inside a canoe which served as a coffin. I. The Sub-Andean Cultures The three principal areas of Colombia where a Sub-Andean level of culture developed were the Cauca valley, the flanks of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, and the plateau east of the Magdalena in what is now the Department of Cundinamarca. The picture of Sub- Andean culture presented here is drawn from accounts of the three societies which best typify each of these three areas: the Anserma, the Tairona, and the Muisca or Chibcha. In sheer numbers of people Sub-Andean societies far exceeded anything encountered among Tropical Forest tribes. The Anserma, is taken by shamans to produce a delirium during which they divine and prophesy. The use of tobacco is widespread. In the Vaupes it is smoked in the form of cigars held in large cigar holders shaped some- thing like tuning forks. Another very important narcotic is coca which, chewed with ashes and its juice swallowed, arrests hunger pangs and imparts remarkable endurance. Until recent times warfare has been extremely prevalent among the tribes of the Tropical Forest. The Motilones have become famous for the redoubtable manner in which they have prevented encroach- ment on their territory. The principal weapon of war is generally the bow and arrow, but some tribes rely on the macana, or sword club, as well. Attack is usually by stealth, and once it begins each attacker fights pretty much on his own. Societies subject to recurring attacks often seek to protect themselves by making their trails winding and disguising them well. Caltrops and pitfalls may also be employed in order to increase the hazards to the attacker. Cannibalism of war prisoners was formerly quite frequent among Indians of the Vaupes. The purpose of this practice was to humiliate the enemy, while at the same time incorporating within oneself his outstanding qualities. Here and there some societies gave indications of esteeming cannibalism gastronomically as well as ritually. A person who met a quiet death at home was generally buried. Burials often took place within the house, with the deceased either being wrapped in his hammock or else placed inside a canoe which served as a coffin. II. The Sub-Andean Cultures The three principal areas of Colombia where a Sub-Andean level of culture developed were the Cauca valley, the flanks of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, and the plateau east of the Magdalena in what is now the Department of Cundinamarca. The picture of Sub- Andean culture presented here is drawn from accounts of the three societies which best typify each of these three areas: the Anserma, the Tairona, and the Muisca or Chibcha. In sheer numbers of people Sub-Andean societies far exceeded anything encountered among Tropical Forest tribes. The Anserma, is taken by shamans to produce a delirium during which they divine and prophesy. The use of tobacco is widespread. In the Vaupes it is smoked in the form of cigars held in large cigar holders shaped some- thing like tuning forks. Another very important narcotic is coca which, chewed with ashes and its juice swallowed, arrests hunger pangs and imparts remarkable endurance. Until recent times warfare has been extremely prevalent among the tribes of the Tropical Forest. The Motilones have become famous for the redoubtable manner in which they have prevented encroach- ment on their territory. The principal weapon of war is generally the bow and arrow, but some tribes rely on the macana, or sword club, as well. Attack is usually by stealth, and once it begins each attacker fights pretty much on his own. Societies subject to recurring attacks often seek to protect themselves by making their trails winding and disguising them well. Caltrops and pitfalls may also be employed in order to increase the hazards to the attacker. Cannibalism of war prisoners was formerly quite frequent among Indians of the Vaupis. The purpose of this practice was to humiliate the enemy, while at the same time incorporating within oneself his outstanding qualities. Here and there some societies gave indications of esteeming cannibalism gastronomically as well as ritually. A person who met a quiet death at home was generally buried. Burials often took place within the house, with the deceased either being wrapped in his hammock or else placed inside a canoe which served as a coffin. II. The Sub-Andean Cultures The three principal areas of Colombia where a Sub-Andean level of culture developed were the Cauca valley, the flanks of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, and the plateau east of the Magdalena in what is now the Department of Cundinamarca. The picture of Sub- Andean culture presented here is drawn from accounts of the three societies which best typify each of these three areas: the Anserma, the Tairona, and the Muisca or Chibcha. In sheer numbers of people Sub-Andean societies far exceeded anything encountered among Tropical Forest tribes. The Anserma,  28 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia only one of several chiefdoms in the Cauca valley, had a population of about 40,000. The Tairona and adjacent peoples are estimated to have numbered 100,000. Most populous of all were the Muisca states which together contained approximately 1,000,000 persons. Sub-Andean populations were not only large but dense. In one valley of the Sierra Nevada it is reported that there were 250 towns, a few of the larger ones having more than 1,000 inhabitants. Unlike Tropical Forest villages, which were rapidly erected and readily abandoned, Sub-Andean settlements were substantially built and generally permanent. Houses were either of pole-and-thatch or wattle-and-daub construction. The Anserma and Tairona used stone architecturally to the extent of paving plazas and roads with flag- stones and of carving stairways into solid rock. But with the excep- tion of the archeological San Agustin culture of the headwaters of the Magdalena, no Sub-Andean people of Colombia had learned to use stone for the construction of buildings. The basis of subsistence of all Sub-Andean groups was intensive cultivation of the land. The early chroniclers speak of large, carefully laid out, and well-tended fields. The Muisca planted in camellones, or mounds, probably to conserve soil moisture. Irrigation is reported for at least one tribe of the Cauca valley, and the Tairona on the slopes of the Sierra Nevada are described as having a well-ordered system of irrigation canals. A few societies constructed terraces as well. The principal agricultural implement of the Muisca and probably of other groups was a wooden spade. The Anserma used clubs to beat down the grass in their fields before burning and planting. Ap- parently no fertilizer was used on the soil, and the practice of crop rotation as a device for soil conservation was unknown. The relative permanence of Muisca fields is attested to by the fact that agricultural land was transmitted from father to son. Maize was the leading crop of most of the Sub-Andean chiefdoms. The Muisca, on their moderately high plateau, were able to harvest only one crop a year, but the Anserma in the Cauca valley harvested two, and some tribes even three. Beans and squash, so often asso- ciated with maize throughout the Americas, were also grown. Root crops were of considerable importance too, and included, besides 28 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia only one of several chiefdoms in the Cauca valley, had a population of about 40,000. The Tairona and adjacent peoples are estimated to have numbered 100,000. Most populous of all were the Muisca states which together contained approximately 1,000,000 persons. Sub-Andean populations were not only large but dense. In one valley of the Sierra Nevada it is reported that there were 250 towns, a few of the larger ones having more than 1,000 inhabitants. Unlike Tropical Forest villages, which were rapidly erected and readily abandoned, Sub-Andean settlements were substantially built and generally permanent. Houses were either of pole-and-thatch or wattle-and-daub construction. The Anserma and Tairona used stone architecturally to the extent of paving plazas and roads with flag- stones and of carving stairways into solid rock. But with the excep- tion of the archeological San Agustin culture of the headwaters of the Magdalena, no Sub-Andean people of Colombia had learned to use stone for the construction of buildings. The basis of subsistence of all Sub-Andean groups was intensive cultivation of the land. The early chroniclers speak of large, carefully laid out, and well-tended fields. The Muisca planted in camellones, or mounds, probably to conserve soil moisture. Irrigation is reported for at least one tribe of the Cauca valley, and the Tairona on the slopes of the Sierra Nevada are described as having a well-ordered system of irrigation canals. A few societies constructed terraces as well. The principal agricultural implement of the Muisca and probably of other groups was a wooden spade. The Anserma used clubs to beat down the grass in their fields before burning and planting. Ap- parently no fertilizer was used on the soil, and the practice of crop rotation as a device for soil conservation was unknown. The relative permanence of Muisca fields is attested to by the fact that agricultural land was transmitted from father to son. Maize was the leading crop of most of the Sub-Andean chiefdoms. The Muisca, on their moderately high plateau, were able to harvest only one crop a year, but the Anserma in the Cauca valley harvested two, and some tribes even three. Beans and squash, so often asso- ciated with maize throughout the Americas, were also grown. Root crops were of considerable importance too, and included, besides 28 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia only one of several chiefdoms in the Cauca valley, had a population of about 40,000. The Tairona and adjacent peoples are estimated to have numbered 100,000. Most populous of all were the Muisca states which together contained approximately 1,000,000 persons. Sub-Andean populations were not only large but dense. In one valley of the Sierra Nevada it is reported that there were 250 towns, a few of the larger ones having more than 1,000 inhabitants. Unlike Tropical Forest villages, which were rapidly erected and readily abandoned, Sub-Andean settlements were substantially built and generally permanent. Houses were either of pole-and-thatch or wattle-and-daub construction. The Anserma and Tairona used stone architecturally to the extent of paving plazas and roads with flag- stones and of carving stairways into solid rock. But with the excep- tion of the archeological San Agustin culture of the headwaters of the Magdalena, no Sub-Andean people of Colombia had learned to use stone for the construction of buildings. The basis of subsistence of all Sub-Andean groups was intensive cultivation of the land. The early chroniclers speak of large, carefully laid out, and well-tended fields. The Muisca planted in camellones, or mounds, probably to conserve soil moisture. Irrigation is reported for at least one tribe of the Cauca valley, and the Tairona on the slopes of the Sierra Nevada are described as having a well-ordered system of irrigation canals. A few societies constructed terraces as well. The principal agricultural implement of the Muisca and probably of other groups was a wooden spade. The Anserma used clubs to beat down the grass in their fields before burning and planting. Ap- parently no fertilizer was used on the soil, and the practice of crop rotation as a device for soil conservation was unknown. The relative permanence of Muisca fields is attested to by the fact that agricultural land was transmitted from father to son. Maize was the leading crop of most of the Sub-Andean chiefdoms. The Muisca, on their moderately high plateau, were able to harvest only one crop a year, but the Anserma in the Cauca valley harvested two, and some tribes even three. Beans and squash, so often asso- ciated with maize throughout the Americas, were also grown. Root crops were of considerable importance too, and included, besides  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 29 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 29 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 29 sweet potatoes and sweet manioc, such less well-known plants as arracacha (Arracacia esculenta), oca (Oxalis crenata), and ulloco (Ullucus tuberosa). Fruit trees, often planted in orchards, also con- tributed to the diet. The political units of Sub-Andean Colombia ranged in size and degree of organization from small chiefdoms in which a petty chief exercised loose control over a few villages, to the seiorfos of the Muisca area, the largest of which virtually deserved to be called kingdoms. The rulers of the two largest Muisca states, who were known as the Zipa and the Zaque, are described by the chroniclers as being absolute monarchs with almost unlimited power and prestige. The Zipa had not only a large compound in the capital of his kingdom but also residences at other points in the realm where, affairs of state permitting, he went to take his pleasure with his wives and 300 concubines. So exalted was his status that no one could look at him directly. When he traveled he was carried in a gilded litter and sweepers preceded him to clear the road ahead. Even his spittle was so highly regarded that it was caught on a towel and preserved. At his death the Zipa was succeeded, not by his own son, but by his sister's son. During the coronation ceremony the new Zipa took an oath of office while the membees of his court pledged him their allegiance. The famous legend of El Dorado arose from an episode which traditionally accompanied the installation of a new Zipa. As part of this ceremony the Zipa was daubed over his entire body with wet clay and then sprinkled with gold dust. Thus gilded, he was taken out in a canoe to the center of a lake where he plunged into the water and washed himself off. El Dorado, the Gilded One, was then origi- nally a person. Only with later retellings was the story so transmuted that everyone today associates El Dorado with a place instead of with a man. When the Zipa died he was buried in a grave which priests had secretly prepared beforehand. His body was placed in a sitting posi- tion on a gold-covered stool, and he was surrounded by his prized personal possessions. Buried with him also were his favorite wives and retainers who were not killed but only stupefied with chicha, tobacco, and Datura before being interred with their lord and master. The rulers of other Sub-Andean states also commanded great re- sweet potatoes and sweet manioc, such less well-known plants as arracacha (Arracacia esculenta), oca (Oxalis crenata), and ulloco (Ullucus tuberosa). Fruit trees, often planted in orchards, also con- tributed to the diet. The political units of Sub-Andean Colombia ranged in size and degree of organization from small chiefdoms in which a petty chief exercised loose control over a few villages, to the senorios of the Muisca area, the largest of which virtually deserved to be called kingdoms. The rulers of the two largest Muisca states, who were known as the Zipa and the Zaque, are described by the chroniclers as being absolute monarchs with almost unlimited power and prestige. The Zipa had not only a large compound in the capital of his kingdom but also residences at other points in the realm where, affairs of state permitting, he went to take his pleasure with his wives and 300 concubines. So exalted was his status that no one could look at him directly. When he traveled he was carried in a gilded litter and sweepers preceded him to clear the road ahead. Even his spittle was so highly regarded that it was caught on a towel and preserved. At his death the Zipa was succeeded, not by his own son, but by his sister's son. During the coronation ceremony the new Zipa took an oath of office while the members of his court pledged him their allegiance. The famous legend of El Dorado arose from an episode which traditionally accompanied the installation of a new Zipa. As part of this ceremony the Zipa was daubed over his entire body with wet clay and then sprinkled with gold dust. Thus gilded, he was taken out in a canoe to the center of a lake where he plunged into the water and washed himself off. El Dorado, the Gilded One, was then origi- nally a person. Only with later retellings was the story so transmuted that everyone today associates El Dorado with a place instead of with a man. When the Zipa died he was buried in a grave which priests had secretly prepared beforehand. His body was placed in a sitting posi- tion on a gold-covered stool, and he was surrounded by his prized personal possessions. Buried with him also were his favorite wives and retainers who were not killed but only stupefied with chicha, tobacco, and Datura before being interred with their lord and master. The rulers of other Sub-Andean states also commanded great re- sweet potatoes and sweet manioc, such less well-known plants as arracacha (Arracacia esculenta), oca (Oxalis crenata), and ulloco (Ullucus tuberosa). Fruit trees, often planted in orchards, also con- tributed to the diet. The political units of Sub-Andean Colombia ranged in size and degree of organization from small chiefdoms in which a petty chief exercised loose control over a few villages, to the senorios of the Muisca area, the largest of which virtually deserved to be called kingdoms. The rulers of the two largest Muisca states, who were known as the Zipa and the Zaque, are described by the chroniclers as being absolute monarchs with almost unlimited power and prestige. The Zipa had not only a large compound in the capital of his kingdom but also residences at other points in the realm where, affairs of state permitting, he went to take his pleasure with his wives and 300 concubines. So exalted was his status that no one could look at him directly. When he traveled he was carried in a gilded litter and sweepers preceded him to clear the road ahead. Even his spittle was so highly regarded that it was caught on a towel and preserved. At his death the Zipa was succeeded, not by his own son, but by his sister's son. During the coronation ceremony the new Zipa took an oath of office while the members of his court pledged him their allegiance. The famous legend of El Dorado arose from an episode which traditionally accompanied the installation of a new Zipa. As part of this ceremony the Zipa was daubed over his entire body with wet clay and then sprinkled with gold dust. Thus gilded, he was taken out in a canoe to the center of a lake where he plunged into the water and washed himself off. El Dorado, the Gilded One, was then origi- nally a person. Only with later retellings was the story so transmuted that everyone today associates El Dorado with a place instead of with a man. When the Zipa died he was buried in a grave which priests had secretly prepared beforehand. His body was placed in a sitting posi- tion on a gold-covered stool, and he was surrounded by his prized personal possessions. Buried with him also were his favorite wives and retainers who were not killed but only stupefied with chicha, tobacco, and Datura before being interred with their lord and master. The rulers of other Sub-Andean states also commanded great re-  30 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia spect and received special privileges. The paramount chief of the Anserma wore a gold crown as a symbol of his office, and wherever he went was borne on the shoulders of his men. It was unthinkable that his feet should be allowed to touch the ground, and when he descended it was onto the thighs of his wives who gathered at the spot. When he died, his body was desiccated over a slow fire and, along with his wives and servants, he was buried in a stone cyst grave. Social classes were well-marked among almost all Sub-Andean chiefdoms. Usually there were four classes: chiefs (or kings), nobles, commoners, and slaves. Although class membership was hereditary it was possible to rise in the social scale by performing outstanding service for the state in war. Class differences were made readily evi- dent by differences in dress, and among the Muisca these differences were enforced by sumptuary laws. The power of rulers over their subjects was very considerable. In time of war men were recruited to serve in the army, and in time of peace they were called upon to perform labor service for the state. Tairona conscript labor was generally employed in road building. Deviations from the prescribed norms of conduct were also the con- cern of the state. Among the Tairona indolence was punished, while an Anserma caught stealing was enslaved forthwith. The economy of the chiefdoms and kingdoms of Colombia had advanced far beyond the level of subsistence. Many arts and crafts, including the weaving of fine cotton cloth and the working of gold and other metals, were in the hands of full-time specialists. Trading was important not only within each society but also between neigh- boring societies. Professional merchants were found among both the Tairona and Anserma. Muisca commerce was so far advanced that in large towns markets were held every four days. Salt, cotton, and gold were the most common items of trade in all areas. The Anserma and Tairona exchanged only by barter, but the Muisca not only bartered goods but also employed a form of currency consisting of gold discs. Through their political and military power the rulers of Sub- Andean states were able to exact tribute and taxes from their subjects. The Muisca took tax collecting very seriously, and a person remiss in paying his taxes would have a mountain lion quartered in his house 30 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia spect and received special privileges. The paramount chief of the Anserma wore a gold crown as a symbol of his office, and wherever he went was borne on the shoulders of his men. It was unthinkable that his feet should be allowed to touch the ground, and when he descended it was onto the thighs of his wives who gathered at the spot. When he died, his body was desiccated over a slow fire and, along with his wives and servants, he was buried in a stone cyst grave. Social classes were well-marked among almost all Sub-Andean chiefdoms. Usually there were four classes: chiefs (or kings), nobles, commones, and slaves. Although class membership was hereditary it was possible to rise in the social scale by performing outstanding service for the state in war. Class differences were made readily evi- dent by differences in dress, and among the Muisca these differences were enforced by sumptuary laws. The power of rulers over their subjects was very considerable. In time of war men were recruited to serve in the army, and in time of peace they were called upon to perform labor service for the state. Tairona conscript labor was generally employed in road building. Deviations from the prescribed norms of conduct were also the con- cern of the state. Among the Tairona indolence was punished, while an Anserma caught stealing was enslaved forthwith. The economy of the chiefdoms and kingdoms of Colombia had advanced far beyond the level of subsistence. Many arts and crafts, including the weaving of fine cotton cloth and the working of gold and other metals, were in the hands of full-time specialists. Trading was important not only within each society but also between neigh- boring societies. Professional merchants were found among both the Tairona and Anserma. Muisca commerce was so far advanced that in large towns markets were held every four days. Salt, cotton, and gold were the most common items of trade in all areas. The Anserma and Tairona exchanged only by barter, but the Muisca not only bartered goods but also employed a form of currency consisting of gold discs. Through their political and military power the rulers of Sub- Andean states were able to exact tribute and taxes from their subjects. The Muisca took tax collecting very seriously, and a person remiss in paying his taxes would have a mountain lion quartered in his house 30 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia spect and received special privileges. The paramount chief of the Anserma wore a gold crown as a symbol of his office, and wherever he went was borne on the shoulders of his men. It was unthinkable that his feet should be allowed to touch the ground, and when he descended it was onto the thighs of his wives who gathered at the spot. When he died, his body was desiccated over a slow fire and, along with his wives and servants, he was buried in a stone cyst grave. Social classes were well-marked among almost all Sub-Andean chiefdoms. Usually there were four classes: chiefs (or kings), nobles, commoners, and slaves. Although class membership was hereditary it was possible to rise in the social scale by performing outstanding service for the state in war. Class differences were made readily evi- dent by differences in dress, and among the Muisca these differences were enforced by sumptuary laws. The power of rulers over their subjects was very considerable. In time of war men were recruited to serve in the army, and in time of peace they were called upon to perform labor service for the state. Tairona conscript labor was generally employed in road building. Deviations from the prescribed norms of conduct were also the con- cern of the state. Among the Tairona indolence was punished, while an Anserma caught stealing was enslaved forthwith. The economy of the chiefdoms and kingdoms of Colombia had advanced far beyond the level of subsistence. Many arts and crafts, including the weaving of fine cotton cloth and the working of gold and other metals, were in the hands of full-time specialists. Trading was important not only within each society but also between neigh- boring societies. Professional merchants were found among both the Tairona and Anserma. Muisca commerce was so far advanced that in large towns markets were held every four days. Salt, cotton, and gold were the most common items of trade in all areas. The Anserma and Tairona exchanged only by barter, but the Muisca not only bartered goods but also employed a form of currency consisting of gold discs. Through their political and military power the rulers of Sub- Andean states were able to exact tribute and taxes from their subjects. The Muisca took tax collecting very seriously, and a person remiss in paying his taxes would have a mountain lion quartered in his house  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 31 until he paid. For every day it took him to settle his debt the offender was fined one cotton mantle. A state treasury building stood within the Zipa's royal compound and here collected taxes were stored. The form of religious organization most characteristic of Sub- Andean societies was the priest-temple-idol cult. This cult provided a means for people to communicate with their deities through the mediation of temple priests who interpreted the oracular pronounce- ments of idols representing those deities. The priests of the Muisca, called jeques, were trained in a seminary. Their novitiate lasted 12 years and throughout this time they were expected to observe periods of fasting, to do penance, and to remain continent. When finally in- vested with their office by the Zipa, jeques were assigned to temples located at various points in the kingdom. Throughout their lifetime they continued to practice rigid self-denial including mortification of the flesh and ritual blood-letting. They were also expected to re- main celibate, and for any transgression of this rule they were im- mediately unfrocked. On occasions of public concern, such as during a drought or before a military engagement, jeques performed certain ceremonies in an at- tempt to bring rain, to assure victory, or to achieve whatever other result was desired. Prominent among these rituals were human sacrifices. The most common method of sacrifice was to impale a slave or a child on the lower end of a house post. Some of the children used in these sacrifices were especially reared by their parents for this very purpose. Solar and lunar deities were common in Sub-Andean cultures. The Muisca believed also in a creator god, called Chiminigagua, but their most famous deity was the bearded god Bochica, who was a culture hero and a lawgiver as well. Public celebrations and festivals were held at frequent intervals, and on these occasions enormous quantities of chicha were consumed. These feasts were marked by great sexual license, and ended with everyone either asleep or in a drunken stupor. Of all the arts and crafts of the Sub-Andean peoples metallurgy was the one most highly developed. The metals in most common use were gold and copper and an alloy made from these two called tumbaga. Besides alloying, the techniques employed were cold ham- GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 31 until he paid. For every day it took him to settle his debt the offender was fined one cotton mantle. A state treasury building stood within the Zipa's royal compound and here collected taxes were stored. The form of religious organization most characteristic of Sub- Andean societies was the priest-temple-idol cult. This cult provided a means for people to communicate with their deities through the mediation of temple priests who interpreted the oracular pronounce- ments of idols representing those deities. The priests of the Muisca, called jeques, were trained in a seminary. Their novitiate lasted 12 years and throughout this time they were expected to observe periods of fasting, to do penance, and to remain continent. When finally in- vested with their office by the Zipa, jeques were assigned to temples located at various points in the kingdom. Throughout their lifetime they continued to practice rigid self-denial including mortification of the flesh and ritual blood-letting. They were also expected to re- main celibate, and for any transgression of this rule they were im- mediately unfrocked. On occasions of public concern, such as during a drought or before a military engagement, jeques performed certain ceremonies in an at- tempt to bring rain, to assure victory, or to achieve whatever other result was desired. Prominent among these rituals were human sacrifices. The most common method of sacrifice was to impale a slave or a child on the lower end of a house post. Some of the children used in these sacrifices were especially reared by their parents for this very purpose. Solar and lunar deities were common in Sub-Andean cultures. The Muisca believed also in a creator god, called Chiminigagua, but their most famous deity was the bearded god Bochica, who was a culture hero and a lawgiver as well. Public celebrations and festivals were held at frequent intervals, and on these occasions enormous quantities of chicha were consumed. These feasts were marked by great sexual license, and ended with everyone either asleep or in a drunken stupor. Of all the arts and crafts of the Sub-Andean peoples metallurgy was the one most highly developed. The metals in most common use were gold and copper and an alloy made from these two called tumbaga. Besides alloying, the techniques employed were cold ham- GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 31 until he paid. For every day it took him to settle his debt the offender was fined one cotton mantle. A state treasury building stood within the Zipa's royal compound and here collected taxes were stored. The form of religious organization most characteristic of Sub- Andean societies was the priest-temple-idol cult. This cult provided a means for people to communicate with their deities through the mediation of temple priests who interpreted the oracular pronounce- ments of idols representing those deities. The priests of the Muisca, called jeques, were trained in a seminary. Their novitiate lasted 12 years and throughout this time they were expected to observe periods of fasting, to do penance, and to remain continent. When finally in- vested with their office by the Zipa, jeques were assigned to temples located at various points in the kingdom. Throughout their lifetime they continued to practice rigid self-denial including mortification of the flesh and ritual blood-letting. They were also expected to re- main celibate, and for any transgression of this rule they were im- mediately unfrocked. On occasions of public concern, such as during a drought or before a military engagement, jeques performed certain ceremonies in an at- tempt to bring rain, to assure victory, or to achieve whatever other result was desired. Prominent among these rituals were human sacrifices. The most common method of sacrifice was to impale a slave or a child on the lower end of a house post. Some of the children used in these sacrifices were especially reared by their parents for this very purpose. Solar and lunar deities were common in Sub-Andean cultures. The Muisca believed also in a creator god, called Chiminigagua, but their most famous deity was the bearded god Bochica, who was a culture hero and a lawgiver as well. Public celebrations and festivals were held at frequent intervals, and on these occasions enormous quantities of chicha were consumed. These feasts were marked by great sexual license, and ended with everyone either asleep or in a drunken stupor. Of all the arts and crafts of the Sub-Andean peoples metallurgy was the one most highly developed. The metals in most common use were gold and copper and an alloy made from these two called tumbaga. Besides alloying, the techniques employed were cold ham-  32 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia mering, repousse, filigree, and casting, the latter being carried out principally by a wax method which has been lost. Stylistic differences make it possible to distinguish the goldwork of the various areas of Colombia. That of the Quimbaya of the Cauca valley is generally considered to be the best, both technically and artistically. We cannot conclude a description of Sub-Andean peoples without a brief account of war as practiced among them, since it was warfare and conquest that gave rise to the large territorial units and powerful political leaders so characteristic of the area. Among Tropical Forest tribes warfare consisted of little more than raids for taking women or avenging witchcraft. Sub-Andean warfare on the other hand was directed to the subjugation of enemy tribes, the exaction of tribute, the conquest of territory, and the capture of prisoners to serve either as sacrificial victims or as slaves. Large armies took the field: the Spaniards faced a Tairona army of 20,000 men, and even larger armies were marshaled by the Muisca. These armies were led by officers who were professional soldiers. The bulk of the army was chosen from among the able-bodied men of the society, but in addi- tion to draftees the Muisca had a class of specially selected and trained soldiers called guechas who garrisoned border outposts in time of peace and who comprised the most reliable contingent of fighting men during war. Armies marched and attacked in formation, and military tactics and stratagems were employed. Engagements were not simply skir- mishes but often pitched battles in which many warriors were killed on both sides. To bring them good luck the Anserma carried with them into battle the mummified bodies of their most distinguished war leaders of the past. Weapons of war included the bow and arrow, the spearthrower, slings, and sword clubs. In attacking an enemy village fire arrows were shot into the thatched roofs of the houses in an attempt to burn them down. For defensive purposes villages were often palisaded. After winning a battle it was common for most Sub-Andean peoples to cut off the heads of slain enemies and to bring them back home and display them as trophies. Prisoners taken alive were also brought back, and those that were not sacrificed were kept as slaves. 32 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia mering, repouss6, filigree, and casting, the latter being carried out principally by a wax method which has been lost. Stylistic differences make it possible to distinguish the goldwork of the various areas of Colombia. That of the Quimbaya of the Cauca valley is generally considered to be the best, both technically and artistically. We cannot conclude a description of Sub-Andean peoples without a brief account of war as practiced among them, since it was warfare and conquest that gave rise to the large territorial units and powerful political leaders so characteristic of the area. Among Tropical Forest tribes warfare consisted of little more than raids for taking women or avenging witchcraft. Sub-Andean warfare on the other hand was directed to the subjugation of enemy tribes, the exaction of tribute, the conquest of territory, and the capture of prisoners to serve either as sacrificial victims or as slaves. Large armies took the field: the Spaniards faced a Tairona army of 20,000 men, and even larger armies were marshaled by the Muisca. These armies were led by officers who were professional soldiers. The bulk of the army was chosen from among the able-bodied men of the society, but in addi- tion to draftees the Muisca had a class of specially selected and trained soldiers called giechas who garrisoned border outposts in time of peace and who comprised the most reliable contingent of fighting men during war. Armies marched and attacked in formation, and military tactics and stratagems were employed. Engagements were not simply skir- mishes but often pitched battles in which many warriors were killed on both sides. To bring them good luck the Anserma carried with them into battle the mummified bodies of their most distinguished war leaders of the past. Weapons of war included the bow and arrow, the spearthrower, slings, and sword clubs. In attacking an enemy village fire arrows were shot into the thatched roofs of the houses in an attempt to bum them down. For defensive purposes villages were often palisaded. After winning a battle it was common for most Sub-Andean peoples to cut off the heads of slain enemies and to bring them back home and display them as trophies. Prisoners taken alive were also brought back, and those that were not sacrificed were kept as slaves. 32 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia mering, repousse, filigree, and casting, the latter being carried out principally by a wax method which has been lost. Stylistic differences make it possible to distinguish the goldwork of the various areas of Colombia. That of the Quimbaya of the Cauca valley is generally considered to be the best, both technically and artistically. We cannot conclude a description of Sub-Andean peoples without a brief account of war as practiced among them, since it was warfare and conquest that gave rise to the large territorial units and powerful political leaders so characteristic of the area. Among Tropical Forest tribes warfare consisted of little more than raids for taking women or avenging witchcraft. Sub-Andean warfare on the other hand was directed to the subjugation of enemy tribes, the exaction of tribute, the conquest of territory, and the capture of prisoners to serve either as sacrificial victims or as slaves. Large armies took the field: the Spaniards faced a Tairona army of 20,000 men, and even larger armies were marshaled by the Muisca. These armies were led by officers who were professional soldiers. The bulk of the army was chosen from among the able-bodied men of the society, but in addi- tion to draftees the Muisca had a class of specially selected and trained soldiers called gaechas who garrisoned border outposts in time of peace and who comprised the most reliable contingent of fighting men during war. Armies marched and attacked in formation, and military tactics and stratagems were employed. Engagements were not simply skir- mishes but often pitched battles in which many warriors were killed on both sides. To bring them good luck the Anserma carried with them into battle the mummified bodies of their most distinguished war leaders of the past. Weapons of war included the bow and arrow, the spearthrower, slings, and sword clubs. In attacking an enemy village fire arrows were shot into the thatched roofs of the houses in an attempt to bum them down. For defensive purposes villages were often palisaded. After winning a battle it was common for most Sub-Andean peoples to cut off the heads of slain enemies and to bring them back home and display them as trophies. Prisoners taken alive were also brought back, and those that were not sacrificed were kept as slaves.  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 33 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 33 III. Conclusion When we compare the Sub-Andean chiefdoms of Colombia with the Tropical Forest tribes we find that in virtually every respect the former were more elaborate and more complex than the latter. Since the Sub-Andean peoples were once at the same general level of culture as the Tropical Forest tribes are today, it is evident that the process of cultural evolution went further in the Colombian highlands than it did in the lowlands. The stages of this evolutionary process can be discerned fairly clearly since among the various peoples inhabiting Colombia at the time of the Spanish conquest every gradation in cultural development between the Tropical Forest and the Sub- Andean levels was represented. A variety of environmental factors has made the Tropical Forest an area unsuited for the development of high culture. However, in the mountain valleys and plateaus of Colombia the environment was more favorable, and the process of cultural development reached a culmination in the populous and well-organized Muisca states. Perhaps the word "culmination" is not completely appropriate since the climax toward which the Sub-Andean cultures were head- ing was interrupted before it was fully achieved. It seems very likely that, had the Spaniards not arrived on the scene when they did, the entire Muisca area would shortly have been unified into a single political unit by force of arms of the Zipa. The next step might well have been the conquest of the chiefdoms of the Cauca valley. In fact, it is probably not too fanciful to suppose that had the Spanish con- quest been delayed a century or two, a single large state, almost com- parable to that of the Inca, might have exercised its rule over much of Colombia. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Abad Salazar, Ins Lucia. Los Ansermas. Bogot: Escuela Tipografica Salesiana, 1955. Ghisletti, Louis V. Los Mwiskas, una gran civilizacion precolombina. 2 Vols. Bogota: Biblioteca de Autores Colombianos Nos. 73-74, 1954. III. Conclusion When we compare the Sub-Andean chiefdoms of Colombia with the Tropical Forest tribes we find that in virtually every respect the former were more elaborate and more complex than the latter. Since the Sub-Andean peoples were once at the same general level of culture as the Tropical Forest tribes are today, it is evident that the process of cultural evolution went further in the Colombian highlands than it did in the lowlands. The stages of this evolutionary process can be discerned fairly clearly since among the various peoples inhabiting Colombia at the time of the Spanish conquest every gradation in cultural development between the Tropical Forest and the Sub- Andean levels was represented. A variety of environmental factors has made the Tropical Forest an area unsuited for the development of high culture. However, in the mountain valleys and plateaus of Colombia the environment was more favorable, and the process of cultural development reached a culmination in the populous and well-organized Muisca states. Perhaps the word "culmination" is not completely appropriate since the climax toward which the Sub-Andean cultures were head- ing was interrupted before it was fully achieved. It seems very likely that, had the Spaniards not arrived on the scene when they did, the entire Muisca area would shortly have been unified into a single political unit by force of arms of the Zipa. The next step might well have been the conquest of the chiefdoms of the Cauca valley. In fact, it is probably not too fanciful to suppose that had the Spanish con- quest been delayed a century or two, a single large state, almost com- parable to that of the Inca, might have exercised its rule over much of Colombia. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Abad Salazar, Ins Lucia. Los Ansermas. Bogoti: Escuela Tipogrifica Salesiana, 1955. Ghisletti, Louis V. Los Mwiskas, una gran civilizacidn precolombina. 2 Vols. Bogota: Biblioteca de Autores Colombianos Nos. 73-74, 1954. GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 33 III. Conclusion When we compare the Sub-Andean chiefdoms of Colombia with the Tropical Forest tribes we find that in virtually every respect the former were more elaborate and more complex than the latter. Since the Sub-Andean peoples were once at the same general level of culture as the Tropical Forest tribes are today, it is evident that the process of cultural evolution went further in the Colombian highlands than it did in the lowlands. The stages of this evolutionary process can be discerned fairly clearly since among the various peoples inhabiting Colombia at the time of the Spanish conquest every gradation in cultural development between the Tropical Forest and the Sub- Andean levels was represented. A variety of environmental factors has made the Tropical Forest an area unsuited for the development of high culture. However, in the mountain valleys and plateaus of Colombia the environment was more favorable, and the process of cultural development reached a culmination in the populous and well-organized Muisca states. Perhaps the word "culmination" is not completely appropriate since the climax toward which the Sub-Andean cultures were head- ing was interrupted before it was fully achieved. It seems very likely that, had the Spaniards not arrived on the scene when they did, the entire Muisca area would shortly have been unified into a single political unit by force of arms of the Zipa. The next step might well have been the conquest of the chiefdoms of the Cauca valley. In fact, it is probably not too fanciful to suppose that had the Spanish con- quest been delayed a century or two, a single large state, almost com- parable to that of the Inca, might have exercised its rule over much of Colombia. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Abad Salazar, Inis Lucia. Los Ansermas. Bogota: Escuela Tipografica Salesiana, 1955. Ghisletti, Louis V. Los Mwiskas, una gran civilizacidn precolombina. 2 Vols. Bogota: Biblioteca de Autores Colombianos Nos. 73-74, 1954.  34 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia oldmappp, Irtding. "Thy Tribes of the Uaup~s-Caquet0 Regiont," Hanpdbook of Sou~th Americant~ Indianst, ed. Juian H. Stewarpd, Volt. III, The Tropical Forest Tribe, pp. 763-798. (Smtithsoniap TIpstittio, Bureau of Amteicp Ethnology Butlletin No. 143.) Washingtont, 0.C., 1948. Ktpeber, A. L. "The Chibcha," Hantdbook of Sou~th Ameicpan Indians, ed. Julianp H. Stewartd. Vol. II, The Andean Civitizationsp, pp. 887-909. (Smtith- sontian Inttiution, Bureaut off American Ethnology Bulletin Np. 143.) Washington, D.C., 1946. Peypz de Barrada, Jot,6. Los Muiscas anltesd it tpppqist. 2 Vols. Madrid: In,- stituto~pjp Benrid Sahagdn, Consejo Superitr ie Invetiaiones Cieti- fitas, 1950-1951. Reichel-ohnatoff, Gerardp. Daptos hlip~ip-clturatpes psobre las Iti de l Magdalena Santa Mat, 1951. .____ "Notas plppp.Afitpt spbtrt los Inies del Ohoi,' Revista otmbiana de Atro~potlogia, IX (1960), 73-158. _____ "Cpptribptiones alpconoimpientode lm. tribus, it la typitit tie 15/1)," Rtvista Colpombiana it Atrotpologia,, IX (1969), 159-199. Restepo, Vicente. Los Chibchas atesde lt conitaspanopla. Eoyotit Impretat ie la Liuz, 1995. 1955), pp. 120-127, 165. Steward, Juliap H., ei. Handb~o of Soupth Ameripcan Initnst. 7 Vols. (Smtpih- sontian Instituion, Bureaup of Aperipcan Ethnolipgy Builetin No. 143.) Washingtn, D.0., 1946-1959. Tri,,bppp, Heran Senoraplppl p barpbarie en otvale detl Cauc. Trappslated from the Germant by Jptti Maria Gippepp Cappella. Mpdrid: Consejo Suppetitor de Itvgstiacione Cientificas, Instituto opzalp Fepphpip it Ovido, 1949. 34 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia oldmap, Itrtittg. "The Tribes of tht Upttp6s-Caqueti Regio," Handbook o7 Soth Amptricatn Inipnp, ed. Julian H. Stewpapi, Vol. III, The Tropical Forest Tribes, pp. 763-798. (Smtithsonian Institution, Bppretu of Amerticpp Ethnolopy Bulltinp No. 145.) Wasinpgtpp, D.0., 1948. Ktpphpp, A. L. "The Chibcha," Handbook of Soth Amttricpn Ipians, ed. Juliap H. Stpewpr. Vopl. II, Tht Apndean Civilipptipn, pp. 887-909. (Smtith- sopian Ipttipppip, Bprpap pf Amepicanp Ethnlogy Bulletin Np. 143.) Wasingtpo, D.C.. 1946. Peypp it Bpyraips, Jos6. Ltt Miscap anptes it la conquist. 2 Volst. Madid:i In,- titppo Berprinp dep SaIappiP, Contejo Sperior de Ipvesigaippp Ciend- flcat, 1950-1951. Richel-Dplmatopff, Gerardp. Dplpp Aitico-cuplturates spbreit. lastibusp it lit pntigpa goerac9 de,3 Sitntap Mprtp. Bpyppt: Iptitutp Etnplbiit del Mapgilepa Saptp Mppta, 1931. ."Notas tt.gtafit.. sobtp loo Ipips del Clppy," Rtita Cptpombiana dt Antropotogia, IX 71969), 73-158. ."Contribuciones al cppocimpiento tie laspl tribu d la rygitn ie Peij0," ReviPta Colpombiana~ it Antropotogia, IX 71960), 159-198. Retpttp, Viteppe. App Chibhhp antts it la conquista, espanla. Bopgot: Ipetat deplaLuz, 1895. Schultes, Rithari. "Twplve Years pn p'ppep Hepvep,' "NaturalHitory (March, 1955), pp. 120-127, 165. Stewapt, Juplian H., ed. Handbpo of outA Ametripcan Iniansp. 7 Vpls. (Smith- sppiap Institutipp, Beaupy pf Atpeticanp Ethpnplpgy Buplepin Np. 143.) Washington, D.C., 1946-1959. Trimbohp, Hermannt. Stefior pybarbritentltpll dl Cauc. Tranltedifrom the Getrman by JotA Marlp Gipppp Cptlla. Mpadrid: Consejo Speripr tip InvPstigaciotes C~ientifipps, Iptitptp onzplp Fpttipip it Oviedo, 1949. 34 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia oldmapp, Ittin~g. "Thy Tibpet p8 thpe Uap8-Caqpt Region," Handbook of opth Amptrican Iniapp, ed. Jplipn H. Stewaprd, Vop. III, The Tropical~ Fprest Tribes, pp. 763-798. (Smpithsonpia Ipstitptipp, Bureypu ot Ampepicap Ethnology Bplletin Np. 147.) Washipgtop, 0.0., 1949. Krpeber, A. L. "Thy Chibh," Handbook of South Ametippn Iipap, pi. Jlianp H. Stewapp. VpI. II, Tht Apitpp Civiiztionp, pp. 887-909. (Smith,- sonipn Institutipp, Bureaup of Apmeritap Ethnologyp Bulltip N. 145.) Washipgtpn, 0.0., 1946. Pipyt it Barracip, Jpos. Lpp Mpipcas pntes de li conqpuit. 7 Vp!. Mpdid:i fIp- stipppo Berpardipp it Sahagip, Cpnsejp Spertior it Investigaciopt Cjeppi- fiya, 1959-1951. Rpichetl-Dplmtoff, Gerappo. Datps 6istit-cullptprap spbre las, tribus it la .atgua gobernacihtn it Sata Mart. Bppypt: Institto Etnpliit dpI Magdlena Sapta Mart, 1951. ."Ntas tppytiyp tobty Ipm Inios dtl Chpp6," evitap Cpopombiapa it Anttpologia, IX 71960), 75-158. ."Cotibuiones al conocimtiento de las tibus de la tygitn de Petijh," Rttvitta Cpopombiana it Antpoltogia, IX 71960), 159-198. Rtpoy, Vicente. Lpp Chibchasp antep td 1a conqutita espanlat. Bogotit Impretta 1953), pp. 128-122, 165. Stewardi, Jutliatt H., ed. Hantdbook o7 Soth Ametrican Iipansp. 7 Vol.. (Smpith- tponipp Intittpipp, Bureaut. of Apperitap Ethpplpgy Bplletip Np. 143.) Wahigto, D.0., 1946-1959. Trimborn, Hermanppn. ,8iy barbartpie entelpValetdelCauc. Transltedifrom tht Germanp by Jpsi Mapia Gimenop Capella. Madid:i Contejo Speripr tip Investigaciones Cienptificas, Insttutp opzplo Ftypitpip it Oiedp, 1949.  3 3 Carlos Angulo V.: EVIDENCE OF THE BARRANCOID SERIES IN NORTH COLOMBIA DURING THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS recently carried out in the village of Malambo near the western bank of the Magdalena River in the department of Atlantic, Colombia, we found in the aboriginal pottery a style of decoration that is unrelated to the aboriginal pottery in the north part of Colombia. If that zone of the country, that is, the great structural depression which stretches from the foot of the last spurs of the Eastern Cordillera and from the lowlands beginning at the foothills of the Central and Western Cordi- llera to the Caribbean Sea, had not been intensively investigated so that we had a good idea of the aboriginal sequence for the region, the problem involved in the pottery from the archeological sites in Malambo would not have stirred in us the interest that it did from the beginning of the research. From the onset of our researches to define the cultural meaning and temporal sequence of the Malambo area, we had observed a series of traits in the decoration of pottery, that together with other cultural elements, furnishes a basis for cor- relating them tentatively with some of the phases of the archeology of Venezuela rather than Colombia. We hope that as our field work progresses, it will permit us to broaden the frame of spacial reference, 35 Carlos Angulo V.: EVIDENCE OF THE BARRANCOID SERIES IN NORTH COLOMBIA DURING THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS recently carried out in the village of Malambo near the western bank of the Magdalena River in the department of Atlantic, Colombia, we found in the aboriginal pottery a style of decoration that is unrelated to the aboriginal pottery in the north part of Colombia. If that zone of the country, that is, the great structural depression which stretches from the foot of the last spurs of the Eastern Cordillera and from the lowlands beginning at the foothills of the Central and Western Cordi- llera to the Caribbean Sea, had not been intensively investigated so that we had a good idea of the aboriginal sequence for the region, the problem involved in the pottery from the archeological sites in Malambo would not have stirred in us the interest that it did from the beginning of the research. From the onset of our researches to define the cultural meaning and temporal sequence of the Malambo area, we had observed a series of traits in the decoration of pottery, that together with other cultural elements, furnishes a basis for cor- relating them tentatively with some of the phases of the archeology of Venezuela rather than Colombia. We hope that as our field work progresses, it will permit us to broaden the frame of spacial reference, 35 Carlos Angulo V.: EVIDENCE OF THE BARRANCOID SERIES IN NORTH COLOMBIA DURING THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS recently carried out in the village of Malambo near the western bank of the Magdalena River in the department of Atlantic, Colombia, we found in the aboriginal pottery a style of decoration that is unrelated to the aboriginal pottery in the north part of Colombia. If that zone of the country, that is, the great structural depression which stretches from the foot of the last spurs of the Eastern Cordillera and from the lowlands beginning at the foothills of the Central and Western Cordi- llera to the Caribbean Sea, had not been intensively investigated so that we had a good idea of the aboriginal sequence for the region, the problem involved in the pottery from the archeological sites in Malambo would not have stirred in us the interest that it did from the beginning of the research. From the onset of our researches to define the cultural meaning and temporal sequence of the Malambo area, we had observed a series of traits in the decoration of pottery, that together with other cultural elements, furnishes a basis for cor- relating them tentatively with some of the phases of the archeology of Venezuela rather than Colombia. We hope that as our field work progresses, it will permit us to broaden the frame of spacial reference, 35  36 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia that is very limited at present, of this important aboriginal ceramic complex of the northern part of Colombia. These archeological phases are those which Rouse and Cruxent (1959) have defined as typified by an elaborate ceramic complex un- der the name of the Barrancoid Series. For the purpose of our com- parative study we have made use of the description they give of the large amount of material secured from systematic excavations and from surface collections, and supplemented in some cases with the data collected by archeologists who preceded them into Venezuela and neighboring areas. It is pertinent to mention that Irving Rouse of Yale University had an opportunity to examine the collections in Barranquilla in 1957. Several modeled-incised potsherds from a surface collection from the Malambo area were of unusual interest. His opinion was that some of the decorative traits of the Malambo material were very similar to some of those of the various styles of the Barrancoid Series of Vene- zuela, but that it would be necessary to carry out extensive excava- tions in order to know exactly the meaning of this material. In December of the same year, Betty J. Meggers and Clifford Evans of the Smithsonian Institution, archeologists who have worked extensively in various parts of South America, examined the same collection and also classified it as Barrancoid. Finally, at the Seminar in Archeologi- cal Techniques which took place in June-July, 1961, in Barranquilla under the auspices of the National Science Foundation of the United States and the Organization of American States, archeologists from eight Latin American countries in addition to those of the United States, classified the pottery from two of the stratigraphic excavations made by the author in 1959 at Malambo. From these sherds, one of the classificatory units adopted, because of the distinct decoration of the pottery, was classified as material with Barrancoid characteristics. Thus, what was once scant and inconclusive evidence to show rela- tionships of the Malambo area with distinct archeological horizons outside of Colombia, by means of the Barrancoid pottery of Vene- zuela, had now become a distinct cultural complex with a well- defined position in the time sequence for the area that could not be taken lightly and deserved careful consideration from the standpoint of what this meant in the aboriginal history of northern South America. 36 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia that is very limited at present, of this important aboriginal ceramic complex of the northern part of Colombia. These archeological phases are those which Rouse and Cruxent (1959) have defined as typified by an elaborate ceramic complex un- der the name of the Barrancoid Series. For the purpose of our com- parative study we have made use of the description they give of the large amount of material secured from systematic excavations and from surface collections, and supplemented in some cases with the data collected by archeologists who preceded them into Venezuela and neighboring areas. It is pertinent to mention that Irving Rouse of Yale University had an opportunity to examine the collections in Barranquilla in 1957. Several modeled-incised potsherds from a surface collection from the Malambo area were of unusual interest. His opinion was that some of the decorative traits of the Malambo material were very similar to some of those of the various styles of the Barrancoid Series of Vene- zuela, but that it would be necessary to carry out extensive excava- tions in order to know exactly the meaning of this material. In December of the same year, Betty J. Meggers and Clifford Evans of the Smithsonian Institution, archeologists who have worked extensively in various parts of South America, examined the same collection and also classified it as Barrancoid. Finally, at the Seminar in Archeologi- cal Techniques which took place in June-July, 1961, in Barranquilla under the auspices of the National Science Foundation of the United States and the Organization of American States, archeologists from eight Latin American countries in addition to those of the United States, classified the pottery from two of the stratigraphic excavations made by the author in 1959 at Malambo. From these sherds, one of the classificatory units adopted, because of the distinct decoration of the pottery, was classified as material with Barrancoid characteristics. Thus, what was once scant and inconclusive evidence to show rela- tionships of the Malambo area with distinct archeological horizons outside of Colombia, by means of the Barrancoid pottery of Vene- zuela, had now become a distinct cultural complex with a well- defined position in the time sequence for the area that could not be taken lightly and deserved careful consideration from the standpoint of what this meant in the aboriginal history of northern South America. 36 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia that is very limited at present, of this important aboriginal ceramic complex of the northern part of Colombia. These archeological phases are those which Rouse and Cruxent (1959) have defined as typified by an elaborate ceramic complex un- der the name of the Barrancoid Series. For the purpose of our com- parative study we have made use of the description they give of the large amount of material secured from systematic excavations and from surface collections, and supplemented in some cases with the data collected by archeologists who preceded them into Venezuela and neighboring areas. It is pertinent to mention that Irving Rouse of Yale University had an opportunity to examine the collections in Barranquilla in 1957. Several modeled-incised potsherds from a surface collection from the Malambo area were of unusual interest. His opinion was that some of the decorative traits of the Malambo material were very similar to some of those of the various styles of the Barrancoid Series of Vene- zuela, but that it would be necessary to carry out extensive excava- tions in order to know exactly the meaning of this material. In December of the same year, Betty J. Meggers and Clifford Evans of the Smithsonian Institution, archeologists who have worked extensively in various parts of South America, examined the same collection and also classified it as Barrancoid. Finally, at the Seminar in Archeologi- cal Techniques which took place in June-July, 1961, in Barranquilla under the auspices of the National Science Foundation of the United States and the Organization of American States, archeologists from eight Latin American countries in addition to those of the United States, classified the pottery from two of the stratigraphic excavations made by the author in 1959 at Malambo. From these sherds, one of the classificatory units adopted, because of the distinct decoration of the pottery, was classified as material with Barrancoid characteristics. Thus, what was once scant and inconclusive evidence to show rela- tionships of the Malambo area with distinct archeological horizons outside of Colombia, by means of the Barrancoid pottery of Vene- zuela, had now become a distinct cultural complex with a well- defined position in the time sequence for the area that could not be taken lightly and deserved careful consideration from the standpoint of what this meant in the aboriginal history of northern South America.  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 37 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 37 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 37 I. Location and Character Malambo is located on the western shore of one of the many shal- low bays, called cidnagas, made by the Magdalena River before it flows into the Caribbean Sea. It is 11 kilometers south of Barranquilla (Fig. 1). Properly speaking, Malambo is not on the river, because the Magdalena has already made a distinct turn at a distance of 11 kilo- meters from Barranquilla. The Malambo ciinaga is connected with the river through two narrow channels, called canos. The depth of both the ciinaga and the caos varies according to the seasonal fluc- tuations of the level of the water in the river. When at its lowest, dur- ing the dry season in the Andean region, the volume of water in the ciinaga is so reduced that only one of the many canoe landings can be used. This landing is called by the inhabitants "Puerto del Cerrito," or "Little Hill," because it is located in a zone relatively high but of short extension that belongs to one of the last offshoots of the com- plex hills, branching off from the western range of mountains of the department of Atlantic. The depth of the cidnaga at this point is in marked contrast with the level of the water all along the shore on the village's side, which in the dry season becomes a broad, marshy beach. Malambo has the same climatic range as the coastal zone of north- ern Colombia, characterized by high temperatures and scarce rains. Its median temperature of 28' C. (82.4'F.) varies very little during the year and the precipitation only occasionally reaches as much as 880 millimeters (34.7 inches). The rain is irregular, distributed be- tween the months of April and November, after which hardly a drop of rain falls. Beginning in December the drying effect and the violence of the trade winds from the northeast affect the vegetation. The trees lose their leaves as a protection against rapid dehydration and appear as part of the shrub-sized thicket where the grass and small plants live in a dormant stage awaiting the return of the rains. The Malambo cidnaga, as all others in the zone, must have been in the past a great reservoir for fishing and for hunting water birds. Even today, notwithstanding the immoderate and unreasonable manner in which these activities have been carried out, the inhabitants can L Location and Character Malambo is located on the western shore of one of the many shal- low bays, called cidnagas, made by the Magdalena River before it flows into the Caribbean Sea. It is 11 kilometers south of Barranquilla (Fig. 1). Properly speaking, Malambo is not on the river, because the Magdalena has already made a distinct turn at a distance of 11 kilo- meters from Barranquilla. The Malambo cidnaga is connected with the river through two narrow channels, called caos. The depth of both the cidnaga and the cahos varies according to the seasonal fluc- tuations of the level of the water in the river. When at its lowest, dur- ing the dry season in the Andean region, the volume of water in the ciinaga is so reduced that only one of the many canoe landings can be used. This landing is called by the inhabitants "Puerto del Cerrito," or "Little Hill," because it is located in a zone relatively high but of short extension that belongs to one of the last offshoots of the com- plex hills, branching off from the western range of mountains of the department of Atlantic. The depth of the cidnaga at this point is in marked contrast with the level of the water all along the shore on the village's side, which in the dry season becomes a broad, marshy beach. Malambo has the same climatic range as the coastal zone of north- ern Colombia, characterized by high temperatures and scarce rains. Its median temperature of 28* C. (82.4"F.) varies very little during the year and the precipitation only occasionally reaches as much as 880 millimeters (34.7 inches). The rain is irregular, distributed be- tween the months of April and November, after which hardly a drop of rain falls. Beginning in December the drying effect and the violence of the trade winds from the northeast affect the vegetation. The trees lose their leaves as a protection against rapid dehydration and appear as part of the shrub-sized thicket where the grass and small plants live in a dormant stage awaiting the return of the rains. The Malambo cidnaga, as all others in the zone, must have been in the past a great reservoir for fishing and for hunting water birds. Even today, notwithstanding the immoderate and unreasonable manner in which these activities have been carried out, the inhabitants can L Location and Character Malambo is located on the western shore of one of the many shal- low bays, called cienagas, made by the Magdalena River before it flows into the Caribbean Sea. It is 11 kilometers south of Barranquilla (Fig. 1). Properly speaking, Malambo is not on the river, because the Magdalena has already made a distinct turn at a distance of 11 kilo- meters from Barranquilla. The Malambo cidnaga is connected with the river through two narrow channels, called cafos. The depth of both the cidnaga and the canos varies according to the seasonal fluc- tuations of the level of the water in the river. When at its lowest, dur- ing the dry season in the Andean region, the volume of water in the ciinaga is so reduced that only one of the many canoe landings can be used. This landing is called by the inhabitants "Puerto del Cerrito," or "Little Hill," because it is located in a zone relatively high but of short extension that belongs to one of the last offshoots of the com- plex hills, branching off from the western range of mountains of the department of Atlantic. The depth of the cidnaga at this point is in marked contrast with the level of the water all along the shore on the village's side, which in the dry season becomes a broad, marshy beach. Malambo has the same climatic range as the coastal zone of north- ern Colombia, characterized by high temperatures and scarce rains. Its median temperature of 28* C. (82.4*F.) varies very little during the year and the precipitation only occasionally reaches as much as 880 millimeters (34.7 inches). The rain is irregular, distributed be- tween the months of April and November, after which hardly a drop of rain falls. Beginning in December the drying effect and the violence of the trade winds from the northeast affect the vegetation. The trees lose their leaves as a protection against rapid dehydration and appear as part of the shrub-sized thicket where the grass and small plants live in a dormant stage awaiting the return of the rains. The Malambo cidnaga, as all others in the zone, must have been in the past a great reservoir for fishing and for hunting water birds. Even today, notwithstanding the immoderate and unreasonable manner in which these activities have been carried out, the inhabitants can  38 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia 38 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia 38 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia Fig. 1. The Malambo Area rig. 1. The Malambo Area Fig. 1. The Malambo Area  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 39 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 39 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 39 still obtain-although not without great endeavor-a number of species of fish and birds to supplement their diet. Today, Malambo is a decaying pottery-making center. Only six families carry on the trade by means of a very rudimentary technique using a stretching method instead of coiling. Although the village is only 11 kilometers from Barranquilla, the main market for their wares, the potters still ignore the advantages of the potter's wheel and still bake the pottery in open fires at a low temperature. Both form and decoration are very simple. The globular and semiglobular pot with broad mouth and the bowl with low sides and rounded bottom are the favorite forms. They are made in all the workshops according to these standard forms without individual variation. The decoration is limited to incised semicircles with the opening downwards, made with a chip of the shell of the totumo fruit (Crescencia cujete). This decoration is placed between the upper part of the pot and the lower neck. Occasionally, this incision is combined with a decorated border, made by pressure exerted with the index finger and thumb. There seems to be little in this modern pottery tradition that is related to the past aboriginal pottery found at Malambo. The large amount of potsherds that still crop out through the house yards and the village streets gives evidence of the great activity of this industry in the past. Indeed, in the first test excavations and later in the systematic excavations carried out by Angulo in 1959 it could be observed that this upper layer of pottery was from 10 to 30 centi- meters thick. We estimate that this deposit of sherds could easily extend back in time to the earliest Spanish contact in the sixteenth century. However, without any doubt, much of the deposit is the result of the establishment of an Indian reservation at Malambo in the middle of the eighteenth century (Posada and Ibafiez, p. 24). This layer is a mixture of aboriginal pottery and European-manu- factured sherds showing porcelain enameling, majolica Spanish ware, and glass. Underneath this bed of European cultural materials we found a layer of sterile soil deposited by flooding and ranging from 20 to 40 centimeters in thickness. Below this, the archeological materials of pre-Spanish times appear. (Fig. 2). It is this horizon that interests us in this paper. still obtain-although not without great endeavor-a number of species of fish and birds to supplement their diet. Today, Malambo is a decaying pottery-making center. Only six families carry on the trade by means of a very rudimentary technique using a stretching method instead of coiling. Although the village is only 11 kilometers from Barranquilla, the main market for their wares, the potters still ignore the advantages of the potter's wheel and still bake the pottery in open fires at a low temperature. Both form and decoration are very simple. The globular and semiglobular pot with broad mouth and the bowl with low sides and rounded bottom are the favorite forms. They are made in all the workshops according to these standard forms without individual variation. The decoration is limited to incised semicircles with the opening downwards, made with a chip of the shell of the totumo fruit (Crescencia cujete). This decoration is placed between the upper part of the pot and the lower neck. Occasionally, this incision is combined with a decorated border, made by pressure exerted with the index finger and thumb. There seems to be little in this modern pottery tradition that is related to the past aboriginal pottery found at Malambo. The large amount of potsherds that still crop out through the house yards and the village streets gives evidence of the great activity of this industry in the past. Indeed, in the first test excavations and later in the systematic excavations carried out by Angulo in 1959 it could be observed that this upper layer of pottery was from 10 to 30 centi- meters thick. We estimate that this deposit of sherds could easily extend back in time to the earliest Spanish contact in the sixteenth century. However, without any doubt, much of the deposit is the result of the establishment of an Indian reservation at Malambo in the middle of the eighteenth century (Posada and Ibafiez, p. 24). This layer is a mixture of aboriginal pottery and European-manu- factured sherds showing porcelain enameling, majolica Spanish ware, and glass. Underneath this bed of European cultural materials we found a layer of sterile soil deposited by flooding and ranging from 20 to 40 centimeters in thickness. Below this, the archeological materials of pre-Spanish times appear. (Fig. 2). It is this horizon that interests us in this paper. still obtain-although not without great endeavor-a number of species of fish and birds to supplement their diet. Today, Malambo is a decaying pottery-making center. Only six families carry on the trade by means of a very rudimentary technique using a stretching method instead of coiling. Although the village is only 11 kilometers from Barranquilla, the main market for their wares, the potters still ignore the advantages of the potter's wheel and still bake the pottery in open fires at a low temperature. Both form and decoration are very simple. The globular and semiglobular pot with broad mouth and the bowl with low sides and rounded bottom are the favorite forms. They are made in all the workshops according to these standard forms without individual variation. The decoration is limited to incised semicircles with the opening downwards, made with a chip of the shell of the totumo fruit (Crescencia cujete). This decoration is placed between the upper part of the pot and the lower neck. Occasionally, this incision is combined with a decorated border, made by pressure exerted with the index finger and thumb. There seems to be little in this modern pottery tradition that is related to the past aboriginal pottery found at Malambo. The large amount of potsherds that still crop out through the house yards and the village streets gives evidence of the great activity of this industry in the past. Indeed, in the first test excavations and later in the systematic excavations carried out by Angulo in 1959 it could be observed that this upper layer of pottery was from 10 to 30 centi- meters thick. We estimate that this deposit of sherds could easily extend back in time to the earliest Spanish contact in the sixteenth century. However, without any doubt, much of the deposit is the result of the establishment of an Indian reservation at Malambo in the middle of the eighteenth century (Posada and Ibanez, p. 24). This layer is a mixture of aboriginal pottery and European-manu- factured sherds showing porcelain enameling, majolica Spanish ware, and glass. Underneath this bed of European cultural materials we found a layer of sterile soil deposited by flooding and ranging from 20 to 40 centimeters in thickness. Below this, the archeological materials of pre-Spanish times appear. (Fig. 2). It is this horizon that interests us in this paper.  40 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia II. Materials Found Six excavations were made in the yards of four houses in Malambo. Only four of the stratigraphic excavations could be used because the other two seemed to have been dug in disturbed and backfilled dirt from various excavations made by the modem residents. The strati- graphic excavations were made in arbitrary levels of 10 centimeters, covering an area of 2 by 10 meters, with each cut at least 200 or more meters from the others. In all cases it was possible to notice a natural stratigraphy in the soil following the same pattern in each excavation : first a layer of 10 to 30 centimeters with historic items; then a layer of sterile alluvial soil 20 to 40 centimeters thick; followed by the aborigi- nal archeological layer ranging from 65 to 95 centimeters in thickness, resting upon sterile alluvial deposits. All the stratigraphic excavations produced an abundance of pottery, mostly in the form of sherds but with an occasional complete specimen, great quantities of bones of fish, turtle, caymans, rodents, birds, and large mammals such as deer (Mazama americana) and capybara (Hydrochoerus capybara). Shells were not found, indicating they made no use of this food source. Only in one excavation did we find human bones and these were in a very poor state of preservation, without any evidence of a distinct burial pattern. In order to indicate the importance of the Malambo sequence and to be able to compare the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela with Malambo pottery, it is necessary to give a general description of the details of the pottery, such as form, paste, etc., in order to demon- strate the relationship of the paste and method of manufacture with the development and changes of certain styles of decoration. This will also permit the establishment of what may be called the Malambo complex, with the proposition of then placing this complex tenta- tively in a chronological sequence for northern Colombia. The manner of fracture of the sherds indicates that the vessels had been made by a coiling process, a technique of manufacture that continues throughout all the aboriginal archeological material at Malambo. The temper is sand, but there is a slight variation through- out the history of the site. For example, in studying the seriation 40 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia II. Materials Found Six excavations were made in the yards of four houses in Malambo. Only four of the stratigraphic excavations could be used because the other two seemed to have been dug in disturbed and backfilled dirt from various excavations made by the modern residents. The strati- graphic excavations were made in arbitrary levels of 10 centimeters, covering an area of 2 by 10 meters, with each cut at least 200 or more meters from the others. In all cases it was possible to notice a natural stratigraphy in the soil following the same pattern in each excavation: first a layer of 10 to 30 centimeters with historic items; then a layer of sterile alluvial soil 20 to 40 centimeters thick; followed by the aborigi- nal archeological layer ranging from 65 to 95 centimeters in thickness, resting upon sterile alluvial deposits. All the stratigraphic excavations produced an abundance of pottery, mostly in the form of sherds but with an occasional complete specimen, great quantities of bones of fish, turtle, caymans, rodents, birds, and large mammals such as deer (Mazama americana) and capybara (Hydrochoerus capybara). Shells were not found, indicating they made no use of this food source. Only in one excavation did we find human bones and these were in a very poor state of preservation, without any evidence of a distinct burial pattern. In order to indicate the importance of the Malambo sequence and to be able to compare the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela with Malambo pottery, it is necessary to give a general description of the details of the pottery, such as form, paste, etc., in order to demon- strate the relationship of the paste and method of manufacture with the development and changes of certain styles of decoration. This will also permit the establishment of what may be called the Malambo complex, with the proposition of then placing this complex tenta- tively in a chronological sequence for northern Colombia. The manner of fracture of the sherds indicates that the vessels had been made by a coiling process, a technique of manufacture that continues throughout all the aboriginal archeological material at Malambo. The temper is sand, but there is a slight variation through- out the history of the site. For example, in studying the seriation 40 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia II. Materials Found Six excavations were made in the yards of four houses in Malambo. Only four of the stratigraphic excavations could be used because the other two seemed to have been dug in disturbed and backfilled dirt from various excavations made by the modem residents. The strati- graphic excavations were made in arbitrary levels of 10 centimeters, covering an area of 2 by 10 meters, with each cut at least 200 or more meters from the others. In all cases it was possible to notice a natural stratigraphy in the soil following the same pattern in each excavation: first a layer of 10 to 30 centimeters with historic items; then a layer of sterile alluvial soil 20 to 40 centimeters thick; followed by the aborigi- nal archeological layer ranging from 65 to 95 centimeters in thickness, resting upon sterile alluvial deposits. All the stratigraphic excavations produced an abundance of pottery, mostly in the form of sherds but with an occasional complete specimen, great quantities of bones of fish, turtle, caymans, rodents, birds, and large mammals such as deer (Mazama americana) and capybara (Hydrochoerus capybara). Shells were not found, indicating they made no use of this food source. Only in one excavation did we find human bones and these were in a very poor state of preservation, without any evidence of a distinct burial pattern. In order to indicate the importance of the Malambo sequence and to be able to compare the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela with Malambo pottery, it is necessary to give a general description of the details of the pottery, such as form, paste, etc., in order to demon- strate the relationship of the paste and method of manufacture with the development and changes of certain styles of decoration. This will also permit the establishment of what may be called the Malambo complex, with the proposition of then placing this complex tenta- tively in a chronological sequence for northern Colombia. The manner of fracture of the sherds indicates that the vessels had been made by a coiling process, a technique of manufacture that continues throughout all the aboriginal archeological material at Malambo. The temper is sand, but there is a slight variation through- out the history of the site. For example, in studying the seriation  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 41 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 41 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 41 tables from the site based on the classification of the pottery accord- ing to temper we note that in the deepest levels of the stratigraphic cuts a very fine sand was used that might be merely a natural mixture with the clay. However, in the middle and especially the upper levels, the sand grains are larger and could never have been the result of natural inclusions in the clay, but were intentionally added to the clay. This is especially noticeable in the large vessels so common in the upper levels of the cut. In 73 per cent of the sherds the core is gray to gray-black, indicating incomplete oxidation. Vessel wall thick- ness ranges from 3 to 11 millimeters with the majority of vessels being around 8 millimeters thick. Fire clouds, due to poorly controlled open firing, are frequent. A distinct detail of the pottery of the Malambo site is the polishing of the surfaces on almost all the vessels. About 64 per cent of the sherds show this as a distinct feature, but bad erosion on some speci- mens makes the treatment indeterminable, so actually the percentage could be higher. The exterior surfaces have a distinct sheen, are smooth to the touch of the finger tips, and at times show distinct polishing lines indicating the use of pebbles in polishing. The colors range from light red or orange to gray as a result of uncontrolled firing techniques and incomplete oxidation. In the lowest levels of the cut no sherds have a slip applied to the surface, but in the middle to the upper levels in the stratigraphic cut the sherds have a slipped surface. This new characteristic coincides with the appearance of the addition of sand as a temper. The paste is well mixed, showing homo- geneity, and there are no fissures or crackle lines. The well-polished surfaces have a strong resistance and did not erode easily. Surface hardness measured by Moh's scale is 3.5 to 4.0. The most characteristic forms are: semispherical bowls with round- ed base, rounded rim, and insloping walls (Plate 1, a); vessels with waist that is restricted as if drawn up by a belt, with rounded rim and an outflaring mouth (Plate 1, b); bowls with the walls vertical or slightly incurving (Plate 1, c) ; vessels with the shoulders curving out- ward giving a double silhouette (Plate 1, d) ; and boat-shaped vessels (Plate 1; e, f). In the seriation table of forms for Malambo, the semispherical vessels are the most frequent in the lower levels in the stratigraphic tables from the site based on the classification of the pottery accord- ing to temper we note that in the deepest levels of the stratigraphic cuts a very fine sand was used that might be merely a natural mixture with the clay. However, in the middle and especially the upper levels, the sand grains are larger and could never have been the result of natural inclusions in the clay, but were intentionally added to the clay. This is especially noticeable in the large vessels so common in the upper levels of the cut. In 73 per cent of the sherds the core is gray to gray-black, indicating incomplete oxidation. Vessel wall thick- ness ranges from 3 to 11 millimeters with the majority of vessels being around 8 millimeters thick. Fire clouds, due to poorly controlled open firing, are frequent. A distinct detail of the pottery of the Malambo site is the polishing of the surfaces on almost all the vessels. About 64 per cent of the sherds show this as a distinct feature, but bad erosion on some speci- mens makes the treatment indeterminable, so actually the percentage could be higher. The exterior surfaces have a distinct sheen, are smooth to the touch of the finger tips, and at times show distinct polishing lines indicating the use of pebbles in polishing. The colors range from light red or orange to gray as a result of uncontrolled firing techniques and incomplete oxidation. In the lowest levels of the cut no sherds have a slip applied to the surface, but in the middle to the upper levels in the stratigraphic cut the sherds have a slipped surface. This new characteristic coincides with the appearance of the addition of sand as a temper. The paste is well mixed, showing homo- geneity, and there are no fissures or crackle lines. The well-polished surfaces have a strong resistance and did not erode easily. Surface hardness measured by Mob's scale is 3.5 to 4.0. The most characteristic forms are: semispherical bowls with round- ed base, rounded rim, and insloping walls (Plate 1, a); vessels with waist that is restricted as if drawn up by a belt, with rounded rim and an outflaring mouth (Plate 1, b) ; bowls with the walls vertical or slightly incurving (Plate 1, c) ; vessels with the shoulders curving out- ward giving a double silhouette (Plate 1, d) ; and boat-shaped vessels (Plate 1; e, f). In the seriation table of forms for Malambo, the semispherical vessels are the most frequent in the lower levels in the stratigraphic tables from the site based on the classification of the pottery accord- ing to temper we note that in the deepest levels of the stratigraphic cuts a very fine sand was used that might be merely a natural mixture with the clay. However, in the middle and especially the upper levels, the sand grains are larger and could never have been the result of natural inclusions in the clay, but were intentionally added to the clay. This is especially noticeable in the large vessels so common in the upper levels of the cut. In 73 per cent of the sherds the core is gray to gray-black, indicating incomplete oxidation. Vessel wall thick- ness ranges from 3 to 11 millimeters with the majority of vessels being around 8 millimeters thick. Fire clouds, due to poorly controlled open firing, are frequent. A distinct detail of the pottery of the Malambo site is the polishing of the surfaces on almost all the vessels. About 64 per cent of the sherds show this as a distinct feature, but bad erosion on some speci- mens makes the treatment indeterminable, so actually the percentage could be higher. The exterior surfaces have a distinct sheen, are smooth to the touch of the finger tips, and at times show distinct polishing lines indicating the use of pebbles in polishing. The colors range from light red or orange to gray as a result of uncontrolled firing techniques and incomplete oxidation. In the lowest levels of the cut no sherds have a slip applied to the surface, but in the middle to the upper levels in the stratigraphic cut the sherds have a slipped surface. This new characteristic coincides with the appearance of the addition of sand as a temper. The paste is well mixed, showing homo- geneity, and there are no fissures or crackle lines. The well-polished surfaces have a strong resistance and did not erode easily. Surface hardness measured by Mob's scale is 3.5 to 4.0. The most characteristic forms are: semispherical bowls with round- ed base, rounded rim, and insloping walls (Plate 1, a); vessels with waist that is restricted as if drawn up by a belt, with rounded rim and an outflaring mouth (Plate 1, b); bowls with the walls vertical or slightly incurving (Plate 1, c) ; vessels with the shoulders curving out- ward giving a double silhouette (Plate 1, d) ; and boat-shaped vessels (Plate 1; e, f). In the seriation table of forms for Malambo, the semispherical vessels are the most frequent in the lower levels in the stratigraphic  42 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia cuts until the middle levels of cut 1 and 3, when this form is related directly with the modeled-incised decorated tradition and with a low annular base (Plate 2; a, b). The naviform vessels appear only in the middle to lower levels of the cuts, showing up after levels 3 or 4 in strata cuts 1, 2, and 4. In the bottom levels the perforations in the annular bases are not abundant and are tubular, while in the upper levels the annular bases are higher and the perforations become larger and assume a semicircular form (Plate 2; c, d). In the lower levels there is also a type of support in the form of cylinders imitating a leg with a foot that is designated by simple incisions to show the toes (Plate 2; e, f, g, h). The rims that were originally plain and simple now are altered with small semispherical applique radiating from a central point (Plate 2; i, j). The platters or griddles are flat and open with rectilinear incisions all over the interior and are frequent in all the levels (Plate 3, a). These griddles could be the origin of large plates that have simple and double horizontal handles (Plate 3; b, c). We shall now discuss the details of the decoration called modeling and incising, because this item in the decorative techniques offers the most important opportunity to compare the pottery of Malambo with certain styles that form the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela. The modeling and incising consist of geometric, zoomorphic, and anthro- pomorphic adornos or applique. These adornos vary but are propor- tionate in size to the various vessels upon which they are placed. The geometric type are the most varied, at times consisting of protuber- ances situated upon the rim, giving a sort of discoidal or curved out- line, and upon which parallel lines are incised in the exterior and interior (Plate 3; g, h). At times the adornos are in the form of a vertical handle along the rim and continue inward to the vessel mouth with the head of an animal on the adorno (Plate 3, i). Small semispherical protuberances having a central point and marked around the base with continuing incised lines are other variations (Plate 4; a, b, c). The zoomorphic adornos represent a large part of the fauna of the region, such as ophidia (Plate 4; d-f), caymans (Plate 5; a, d), dogs (Plate 4; g, h), lizards (Plate 4, f), turtles (Plate 4, j), birds (Plate 5, i), and armadillos (Plate 4, 1). The figures are always accompanied by semispherical applique with a central punctate dot that represent the eyes, the legs, the arms, or 42 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia cuts until the middle levels of cut 1 and 3, when this form is related directly with the modeled-incised decorated tradition and with a low annular base (Plate 2; a, b). The naviform vessels appear only in the middle to lower levels of the cuts, showing up after levels 3 or 4 in strata cuts 1, 2, and 4. In the bottom levels the perforations in the annular bases are not abundant and are tubular, while in the upper levels the annular bases are higher and the perforations become larger and assume a semicircular form (Plate 2; c, d). In the lower levels there is also a type of support in the form of cylinders imitating a leg with a foot that is designated by simple incisions to show the toes (Plate 2; e, f, g, h). The rims that were originally plain and simple now are altered with small semispherical applique radiating from a central point (Plate 2; i, j). The platters or griddles are flat and open with rectilinear incisions all over the interior and are frequent in all the levels (Plate 3, a). These griddles could be the origin of large plates that have simple and double horizontal handles (Plate 3; b, c). We shall now discuss the details of the decoration called modeling and incising, because this item in the decorative techniques offers the most important opportunity to compare the pottery of Malambo with certain styles that form the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela. The modeling and incising consist of geometric, zoomorphic, and anthro- pomorphic adornos or applique. These adornos vary but are propor- tionate in size to the various vessels upon which they are placed. The geometric type are the most varied, at times consisting of protuber- ances situated upon the rim, giving a sort of discoidal or curved out- line, and upon which parallel lines are incised in the exterior and interior (Plate 3; g, h). At times the adornos are in the form of a vertical handle along the rim and continue inward to the vessel mouth with the head of an animal on the adorno (Plate 3, i). Small semispherical protuberances having a central point and marked around the base with continuing incised lines are other variations (Plate 4; a, b, c). The zoomorphic adornos represent a large part of the fauna of the region, such as ophidia (Plate 4; d-f), caymans (Plate 5; a, d), dogs (Plate 4; g, h), lizards (Plate 4, f), turtles (Plate 4, j), birds (Plate 5, i), and armadillos (Plate 4, 1). The figures are always accompanied by semispherical applique with a central punctate dot that represent the eyes, the legs, the arms, or 42 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia cuts until the middle levels of cut 1 and 3, when this form is related directly with the modeled-incised decorated tradition and with a low annular base (Plate 2; a, b). The naviform vessels appear only in the middle to lower levels of the cuts, showing up after levels 3 or 4 in strata cuts 1, 2, and 4. In the bottom levels the perforations in the annular bases are not abundant and are tubular, while in the upper levels the annular bases are higher and the perforations become larger and assume a semicircular form (Plate 2; c, d). In the lower levels there is also a type of support in the form of cylinders imitating a leg with a foot that is designated by simple incisions to show the toes (Plate 2; e, f, g, h). The rims that were originally plain and simple now are altered with small semispherical applique radiating from a central point (Plate 2; i, j). The platters or griddles are flat and open with rectilinear incisions all over the interior and are frequent in all the levels (Plate 3, a). These griddles could be the origin of large plates that have simple and double horizontal handles (Plate 3; b, c). We shall now discuss the details of the decoration called modeling and incising, because this item in the decorative techniques offers the most important opportunity to compare the pottery of Malambo with certain styles that form the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela. The modeling and incising consist of geometric, zoomorphic, and anthro- pomorphic adornos or applique. These adornos vary but are propor- tionate in size to the various vessels upon which they are placed. The geometric type are the most varied, at times consisting of protuber- ances situated upon the rim, giving a sort of discoidal or curved out- line, and upon which parallel lines are incised in the exterior and interior (Plate 3; g, h). At times the adornos are in the form of a vertical handle along the rim and continue inward to the vessel mouth with the head of an animal on the adorno (Plate 3, i). Small semispherical protuberances having a central point and marked around the base with continuing incised lines are other variations (Plate 4; a, b, c). The zoomorphic adornos represent a large part of the fauna of the region, such as ophidia (Plate 4; d-f), caymans (Plate 5; a, d), dogs (Plate 4; g, h), lizards (Plate 4, f), turtles (Plate 4, j), birds (Plate 5, i), and armadillos (Plate 4, 1). The figures are always accompanied by semispherical appliqu with a central punctate dot that represent the eyes, the legs, the arms, or  GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 43 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 43 GEOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 43 the tail. Small appliqu6 almost always are found on the rims (Plate 5; f-j). Some of these are so well modeled and well placed along the rims that the impression is given of the animal in a state of rest or position of attack (Plate 4, f). The appliqu6 outside the area of the rim usually rest upon a tubular soil applique as a central portion of the decorative element near the border (Plate 2, a). Incised lines or grooves are utilized to outline or emphasize the modeling and to fill up empty space, preferably on the head, body, or tail of the applique figure. These incised lines are made in spirals, concentric triangles, curvilinear motives, undulating frets, or straight lines (Plate 7; e-1). Other incised lines run along the base of the figure to accentuate the modeling (Plate 2, b). Another detail that contributes a distinct expression to the modeled-incised decoration is the tendency to use on certain applique adornos a double representa- tion so that you can see one when you look at the exterior of the vessel and see the other when you view the interior (Plate 3; k, 1). The use of the incised-modeled technique on the body of vessels is very frequent and often this technique is used to represent human figures that were applied to the wall of the vessel. Actually there are no true figurines, but there are examples of small masks, one of which is complete (Plate 7; a, b). The incised-modeled tradition of decoration becomes more fre- quent in the middle levels of the stratigraphic cuts, approximately at the moment that zoned red painting appears (Plate 3, n). Actually this is a complement to the modeled and incised tradition of decora- tion, for it is limited to the filling of free spaces between some of the modeled and incised motifs. III. Comparisons and Conclusions From the general description that we have made of the traits most characteristic of the aboriginal pottery of Malambo, it is the modeled- incised decoration that offers the greatest quantity of comparative elements with some styles of decoration that belong to the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela. These decorative elements are not related di- rectly to any other pottery complex in Colombia and therefore the the tail. Small applique almost always are found on the rims (Plate 5; f-j ). Some of these are so well modeled and well placed along the rims that the impression is given of the animal in a state of rest or position of attack (Plate 4, f). The applique outside the area of the rim usually rest upon a tubular soil appliqu6 as a central portion of the decorative element near the border (Plate 2, a). Incised lines or grooves are utilized to outline or emphasize the modeling and to fill up empty space, preferably on the head, body, or tail of the appliqu6 figure. These incised lines are made in spirals, concentric triangles, curvilinear motives, undulating frets, or straight lines (Plate 7; e-1). Other incised lines run along the base of the figure to accentuate the modeling (Plate 2, b). Another detail that contributes a distinct expression to the modeled-incised decoration is the tendency to use on certain appliqu6 adornos a double representa- tion so that you can see one when you look at the exterior of the vessel and see the other when you view the interior (Plate 3; k, 1). The use of the incised-modeled technique on the body of vessels is very frequent and often this technique is used to represent human figures that were applied to the wall of the vessel. Actually there are no true figurines, but there are examples of small masks, one of which is complete (Plate 7; a, b). The incised-modeled tradition of decoration becomes more fre- quent in the middle levels of the stratigraphic cuts, approximately at the moment that zoned red painting appears (Plate 3, n). Actually this is a complement to the modeled and incised tradition of decora- tion, for it is limited to the filling of free spaces between some of the modeled and incised motifs. III. Comparisons and Conclusions From the general description that we have made of the traits most characteristic of the aboriginal pottery of Malambo, it is the modeled- incised decoration that offers the greatest quantity of comparative elements with some styles of decoration that belong to the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela. These decorative elements are not related di- rectly to any other pottery complex in Colombia and therefore the the tail. Small applique almost always are found on the rims (Plate 5; f-j). Some of these are so well modeled and well placed along the rims that the impression is given of the animal in a state of rest or position of attack (Plate 4, f). The applique outside the area of the rim usually rest upon a tubular soil appliqu6 as a central portion of the decorative element near the border (Plate 2, a). Incised lines or grooves are utilized to outline or emphasize the modeling and to fill up empty space, preferably on the head, body, or tail of the applique figure. These incised lines are made in spirals, concentric triangles, curvilinear motives, undulating frets, or straight lines (Plate 7; e-1). Other incised lines run along the base of the figure to accentuate the modeling (Plate 2, b). Another detail that contributes a distinct expression to the modeled-incised decoration is the tendency to use on certain appliqu6 adornos a double representa- tion so that you can see one when you look at the exterior of the vessel and see the other when you view the interior (Plate 3; k, 1). The use of the incised-modeled technique on the body of vessels is very frequent and often this technique is used to represent human figures that were applied to the wall of the vessel. Actually there are no true figurines, but there are examples of small masks, one of which is complete (Plate 7; a, b). The incised-modeled tradition of decoration becomes more fre- quent in the middle levels of the stratigraphic cuts, approximately at the moment that zoned red painting appears (Plate 3, n). Actually this is a complement to the modeled and incised tradition of decora- tion, for it is limited to the filling of free spaces between some of the modeled and incised motifs. III. Comparisons and Conclusions From the general description that we have made of the traits most characteristic of the aboriginal pottery of Malambo, it is the modeled- incised decoration that offers the greatest quantity of comparative elements with some styles of decoration that belong to the Barrancoid Series of Venezuela. These decorative elements are not related di- rectly to any other pottery complex in Colombia and therefore the  44 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia comparison is of greatest importance to the reconstruction of the cultural history of aboriginal man in northern South America. The Malambo pottery complex shows the greatest number of characteristics to be related to the El Palito style and to the La Cabrera style, both being the oldest styles of the Barrancoid Series. Rouse and Cruxent (1961, Table 1) have established a date of 1050 B.C. to 350 A.D. for El Palito, La Cabrera, and Las Barrancas styles. Some of these resemblances are more specific in the use of applique adornos in the form of small circular, semicircular, or oval adornos; ribs appliqued at the side of the base with incised lines; the tendency to decorate the applique elements with incised lines and punctate dots and with units radiating from a central punctate dot; and the use of applique in the form of small semispherical units with a central dot combined with incised decoration on the rims and on the appliqued parts of anthropomorphic or zoomorphic figures such as arms, eyes, etc. (Plates 3, 4, 5). The use of incised spirals on the applique parts and adornos is also very characteristic (Plate 3; g, h) of both areas (Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 28). Other features showing direct relationships are geometric adornos, adornos in the form of zoomor- phic or anthropomorphic figures, handles that end in zoomorphic or anthropomorphic adornos (Plate 6; a, b, c), mask type adornos (Plate 6; j-p), griddles, perforated or cut out annular bases, and small cylindrical supports (Plate 2). According to Rouse and Cruxent (1961, p. 285) Malambo pot- tery has the following features: modeled-incised applique and adornos (Plate 5), handles in the form of D and in the form of the wishbone of a bird (Plates 2-3; see Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 92); handles that end in the form of peg lugs (Plate 3, k); hollow adornos, especially those that represent birds (Plate 2; a, b) ; small, smoothed applique and adornos like protuberances with a line or a central dot or with a line outlining the base (Plate 4) ; vessel supports that resemble legs (Plate 2); incised decoration characterized by wide parallel lines, and grooves that are smoothed or polished (Plate 7; see Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 94). There are also charac- teristics of pottery decoration in the incised motifs in Malambo that are common in Las Barrancas style, such as triangles incised one in- side the other, frets, and wavy lines. The abundance of griddles in 44 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia comparison is of greatest importance to the reconstruction of the cultural history of aboriginal man in northern South America. The Malambo pottery complex shows the greatest number of characteristics to be related to the El Palito style and to the La Cabrera style, both being the oldest styles of the Barrancoid Series. Rouse and Cruxent (1961, Table 1) have established a date of 1050 B.C. to 350 A.D. for El Palito, La Cabrera, and Las Barrancas styles. Some of these resemblances are more specific in the use of appliquE adornos in the form of small circular, semicircular, or oval adornos; ribs appliqued at the side of the base with incised lines; the tendency to decorate the applique elements with incised lines and punctate dots and with units radiating from a central punctate dot; and the use of appliquE in the form of small semispherical units with a central dot combined with incised decoration on the rims and on the appliquEd parts of anthropomorphic or zoomorphic figures such as arms, eyes, etc. (Plates 3, 4, 5). The use of incised spirals on the appliquE parts and adornos is also very characteristic (Plate 3; g, h) of both areas (Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 28). Other features showing direct relationships are geometric adornos, adornos in the form of zoomor- phic or anthropomorphic figures, handles that end in zoomorphic or anthropomorphic adornos (Plate 6; a, b, c), mask type adornos (Plate 6; j-p), griddles, perforated or cut out annular bases, and small cylindrical supports (Plate 2). According to Rouse and Cruxent (1961, p. 285) Malambo pot- tery has the following features: modeled-incised appliquE and adornos (Plate 5), handles in the form of D and in the form of the wishbone of a bird (Plates 2-3; see Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 92); handles that end in the form of peg lugs (Plate 3, k); hollow adornos, especially those that represent birds (Plate 2; a, b) ; small, smoothed applique and adornos like protuberances with a line or a central dot or with a line outlining the base (Plate 4) ; vessel supports that resemble legs (Plate 2); incised decoration characterized by wide parallel lines, and grooves that are smoothed or polished (Plate 7; see Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 94). There are also charac- teristics of pottery decoration in the incised motifs in Malambo that are common in Las Barrancas style, such as triangles incised one in- side the other, frets, and wavy lines. The abundance of griddles in 44 The Caribbean: Contemporary Colombia comparison is of greatest importance to the reconstruction of the cultural history of aboriginal man in northern South America. The Malambo pottery complex shows the greatest number of characteristics to be related to the El Palito style and to the La Cabrera style, both being the oldest styles of the Barrancoid Series. Rouse and Cruxent (1961, Table 1) have established a date of 1050 B.C. to 350 A.D. for El Palito, La Cabrera, and Las Barrancas styles. Some of these resemblances are more specific in the use of applique adornos in the form of small circular, semicircular, or oval adornos; ribs appliquEd at the side of the base with incised lines; the tendency to decorate the appliquE elements with incised lines and punctate dots and with units radiating from a central punctate dot; and the use of applique in the form of small semispherical units with a central dot combined with incised decoration on the rims and on the appliqued parts of anthropomorphic or zoomorphic figures such as arms, eyes, etc. (Plates 3, 4, 5). The use of incised spirals on the applique parts and adornos is also very characteristic (Plate 3; g, h) of both areas (Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 28). Other features showing direct relationships are geometric adornos, adornos in the form of zoomor- phic or anthropomorphic figures, handles that end in zoomorphic or anthropomorphic adornos (Plate 6; a, b, c), mask type adornos (Plate 6; j-p), griddles, perforated or cut out annular bases, and small cylindrical supports (Plate 2). According to Rouse and Cruxent (1961, p. 285) Malambo pot- tery has the following features: modeled-incised appliquE and adornos (Plate 5), handles in the form of D and in the form of the wishbone of a bird (Plates 2-3; see Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 92) ; handles that end in the form of peg lugs (Plate 3, k); hollow adornos, especially those that represent birds (Plate 2; a, b) ; small, smoothed appliquE and adornos like protuberances with a line or a central dot or with a line outlining the base (Plate 4) ; vessel supports that resemble legs (Plate 2); incised decoration characterized by wide parallel lines, and grooves that are smoothed or polished (Plate 7; see Rouse and Cruxent, 1959, Lam. 94). There are also charac- teristics of pottery decoration in the incised motifs in Malambo that are common in Las Barrancas style, such as triangles incised one in- side the other, frets, and wavy lines. The abundance of griddles in  Maamo, CutI Malambo. (.ut I Malambo. Cut I Malamb, Cutt 4 0DM 0.30 0~fo -{ 1.20 0AM 0.30 4- 0.60 1.20 0.30 0.60 1.20 1.50 A A -~ A A RAL STRL SOI NAIV SOI ARH g L Fig. 2. Malambo, Cut 1 H A A AL STRL 5A1 NAIV SOI AR O IAL Fig. 2. Mal ao Cut I HIATORICIA STERIL Al IL NATIV SOIL . ARCHEOOGAAAA FAg 2. Mlambot Cut  errr ter:., t: E LF n l k 0 W aw - t 1 - _ r = a . 0 w i ' S. y r tj ?4 -r - 7N 0 a. 0 a ,r(p a t x ' Hr  Ak K ''ia PLATE 2. Pottery from Malambo 9 b f . 7 c e I Air, PLATE 2. Pottery from Malambo i a b r f 9 t t5 rift 1 is r.  w -mow J . . ... - F '1'-'- c j..d.n_ tSHi6 fi I o m o ' u. -... T-.,_ o P. a ......... .. .. F q, . a ? w r - -: t ,' ! r > ' ,,Y .. ,. , , .. . ; :. ' ; -:= e .W . i m Y 0 , 4 --- T'r w° a F it a . ...a w R. n r Y 'r' ((f F N' n j .W c t i : i ' 4 ,. .. k m ' '- [, . T -QFY..Y I q, . ,v ti'r ., r .. . , # G ti1 4. c '  PLATE 4. Pottery from Malambo PLATE 4. Pottery from Malambo b iier 3 h.. t at , P 9 h i - k 1 A)a PLATE 4. Pottery from Malambo NM-- h e a. 9 h r t 1 ILL. 4r"91 1 k I  PLATE 5. Pottery from Malambo "NOW r. b PLT 5. Potr frmMaab PLATE 5. Pottery from Malambo .r .. 1 { fir na b a I i9 1 ( 7" V V {; f  PLATE 6. Pottery from Malambo PLATE 6. Pottery from Malambo PLATE 6. Pottery from Malambo I