The CARIBBEAN: ITS ECONOMY SERIES ONE VOLUME IV A publication of the SCHOOL OF INTER-AMERICAN STUDIES which contains the papers delivered at the fourth annual conference on the Caribbean held at the University of Florida, December 3, 4, and 5, 1953. The CARIBBEAN: ITS ECONOMY The CARIBBEAN: ITS ECONOMY SERIES ONE VOLUME IV SERIES ONE VOLUME IV A publication of the SCHOOL OF INTER-AMERICAN STUDIES which contains the papers debvered at the fourth annual conference on the Caribbean held at the University of Florida, December 3, 4, and 5, 1953. A publication of the SCHOOL OF INTER-AMERICAN STUDIES which contains the papers delivered at the fourth annual conference on the Caribbean held at the University of Florida, December 3, 4, and 5, 1953. ISSUED WITH ASS ISTANCE FROM THE WALTER B. FRAS E FR PUBLICATION FUND ISSUED WITH ASS ISTANCE FRoOM THE WALTER B. FRA SER PUBLICATION FUND ISSUED WITH ASSISTANCE FROM THE WALTER B. FRASER PUBLICATION FUND  MA MA MA. o CA IBB AN V CA IBB AN CA IBE GU P of GU Fof -- f - -- n -- ------------ k h., ----- ------------ Ef EA PA IFIC EA PA IFIC PA 'IFLC . w OICEAN 0 EAN 0 PAN i 1 S 'SCALE I SG LC I Y .s __ L ° j-J  The CARIBBEAN: ITS ECONOMY edited by A. Curtis Wvilgus 1962 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS Gainesville The CARIBBEAN: ITS ECONOMY edited by A. Curtis Wilgus 1962 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS Gainesville The CARIBBEAN: ITS ECONOMY edited by A. Curtis Wilgus 1962 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS Gainesville UNKRINTY OF FLORIP!A MR AES U~~iVFI~SITY OF FLFRIFA L~~:d~S UNMVF .ITY OF FLgpt I .E:.d NVOSyO F010t~.~ UNIERSIrr OF FLTIMA LRRA.MES  Copyight, 1954, by the UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA ALL RIGHS RESERVED A Un irity ofFlorida Ps~sBook C. C. Catalogue Card Numsber: 54-11459 FIRST EDITION, 1954 LITHOFRINTED EDITION, 1962 Coyrigh, 1954, by the UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA ALRIHSRSERVED Copyrigh, 1954, by the UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA AUirsityofjFlorida Presslook L. C. Catllgue Card Numsber: 54-11459 A University ofFlorida PrssBook C. C. Cataogues Card Number: 54-11459 FIRST EDITION, 1954 LITHIOPRINTED EDITION, 1962 FIRST EDITION, 1954 LITHIOFRINTED EDITION, 1912 C'19sp,ioA~ by L69s9,-iweld by LftA..psbnspd by DOUGLAS FRINTING COMPANY, INC. JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA DOUGLAS FRINTING COMPANY, INC. JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA DOUGLAS PRINTING COMPANY, INC. JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA  Contributors Contributors Contributors JOHN S. ALLEN, Acting President, University of Florida FRANK K. BELL, Vice President, Alcoa Steamship Company, Inc. JOHN M. CABOT, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, U. S. Department of State MARY M. CANNON, Chief, International Division, Women's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor FELISA RINCoN GAUTIER, City Manager of San Juan, Puerto Rico EARL P. HANSON, Chairman, Department of Geography and Geology, University of Delaware, Newark ROSCOE R. HILL, Former Chief, Division of National Archives, United States Department of State WILLIS KNAPP JONES, Professor of Romanic Languages, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio PERCY C. MAGNUS, President, Magnus, Mabee, and Reynard, Inc., New York City OCTAvIO MENDiZ PEREIRA, Rector, University of Panama, Panama JOHN M. MITCHELL, Manager, Export Division, Aluminum Company of America LILLY DE JONGH OSBORNE, Writer and Lecturrer, Guatemala City JoHN S. ALLEN, Acting President, University of Florida FRANK K. BELL, Vice President, Alcoa Steamship Company, Inc. JOHN M. CABOT, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, U. S. Department of State MARY M. CANNON, Chief, International Division, Women's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor FELISA RINcON GAUTIER, City Manager of San Juan, Puerto Rico EARL P. HANSON, Chairman, Department of Geography and Geology, University of Delaware, Newark ROSCOE R. HILL, Former Chief, Division of National Archives, United States Department of State WILLIS KNAPP JONEs, Professor of Romanic Languages, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio PERCY C. MAGNUS, President, Magnus, Mabee, and Reynard, Inc., New York City OCTAVIo MENDiz PEREIRA, Rector, University of Panama, Panama JOHN M. MITCHELL, Manager, Export Division, Aluminum Company of America LILLY DE JONGH OSBORNE, Writer and Lecturer, Guatemala City JOHN S. ALLEN, Acting President, University of Florida FRANK K. BELL, Vice President, Alcoa Steamship Company, Inc. JOHN M. CABOT, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, U. S. Department of State MARY M. CANNON, Chief, International Division, Women's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor FELISA RINcON GAUTIER, City Manager of San Juan, Puerto Rico EARL P. HANSON, Chairman, Department of Geography and Geology, University of Delaware, Newark ROSCOE R. HILL, Former Chief, Division of National Archives, United States Department of State WILLIS KNAPP JONES, Professor of Romanic Languages, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio PERCY C. MAGNUS, President, Magnus, Mabee, and Reynard, Inc., New York City OCTAVIO MENDieZ PEREIRA, Rector, University of Panama, Panama JOHN M. MITCHELL, Manager, Export Division, Aluminum Company of America LILLY DE JONGH OSBORNE, Writer and Lecturer, Guatemala City v  vi The Caribbean WILSON POPENoE, Director, Pan American Agricultural School, Tegucigalpa, Honduras ALAN PROBERT, Assistant Regional Director, Region IX, Bureau of Mines, U. S. Department of the Interior JoSo ROLz BENNETT, Dean, Faculty of Humanities, University of San Carlos of Guatemala CARL O. SAUER, Chairman, Department of Geography, Uni- versity of California, Berkeley ERNST SCtwARz, Asistant Secretary of the Inter-American Regional Organization and Executive Secretary, Committee on Latin-American Affairs, CIO, New York CLARENCE SENIOR, Research Associate, Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University CARLETON SPRAGUE SMITH, Chief, Division of Music, New York Public Library DAVID B. STEINMAN, Consulting Engineer, New York City VICTOR L. URQUID, Acting Director, Economic Commission for Latin America, United Nations, Mexico City A. CURTIS WILGUS, Director, School of Inter-American Studies, University of Florida Vi The Caribbean Vi The Caribbean WILSON PoPENOE, Director, Pan American Agricultural School, Tegucigalpa, Honduras ALAN PROBERT, Assistant Regional Director, Region IX, Bureau of Mines, U. S. Department of the Interior Jos ROLz BENNETT, Dean, Faculty of Humanities, University of San Carlos of Guatemala CARL O. SAUER, Chairman, Department of Geography, Uni- versity of California, Berkeley ERNST SCHWARz, Assistant Secretary of the Inter-American Regional Organization and Executive Secretary, Committee on Latin-American Affairs, CIO, New York CLARENCE SENIOR, Research Associate, Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University CARLETON SPRAGUE STrrH, Chief, Division of Music, New York Public Library DAVID B. STEINMAN, Consulting Engineer, New York City VfCTOR L. URQUIDI, Acting Director, Economic Commission for Latin America, United Nations, Mexico City A. CURTIS WILGUS, Director, School of Inter-American Studies, University of Florida WILSON POPENOE, Director, Pan American Agricultural School, Tegucigalpa, Honduras ALAN PROBERT, Assistant Regional Director, Region IX, Bureau of Mines, U. S. Department of the Interior Josu ROLz BENNETT, Dean, Faculty of Humanities, University of San Carlos of Guatemala CARL O. SAUER, Chairman, Department of Geography, Uni- versity of California, Berkeley ERNST SCHWARz, Assistant Secretary of the Inter-American Regional Organization and Executive Secretary, Committee on Latin-American Affairs, CIO, New York CLARENCE SENIOR, Research Associate, Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University CARLETON SPRAGUE SMITH, Chief, Division of Music, New York Public Library DAVD B. STEINMAN, Consulting Engineer, New York City VICTOR L. URQUIDI, Acting Director, Economic Commission for Latin America, United Nations, Mexico City A. CURTIS WILGUS, Director, School of Inter-American Studies, University of Florida  Foreword Foreword Foreword THE ECONOMIC PROBLEMS discussed in this volume of proceedings of our Fourth Annual Caribbean Conference are of considerable current importance. The Caribbean area is coming more and more into the spotlight of public interest in the United States, and our businessmen are looking toward the area as one to be developed with the assistance of United States capital. The presence of business representatives at our conference testi- fies to their awareness of and increasing attention to a part of this hemisphere which is assuming an ever-greater role in world trade. The State of Florida, so closely related to this area, is naturally interested in the economic life and character of the countries immediately south of us. We believe that these papers make a real contribution to the literature on the Caribbean, and we are sure that these yearly conferences serve a very real purpose in calling attention in a scholarly way to the innumerable Caribbean problems. Con- sequently, we are glad to publish these papers in book form in the belief that the volume will serve as a useful aid to the student, teacher, businessman, or government official who finds his interests centered in the area. Again, the University of Florida expresses its appreciation to the Aluminum Company of America, through the Alcoa Steam- ship Company, Inc., for helping to make the conference possible and successful. We feel that the association in this project of one of the great national business organizations with our School of Inter-American Studies is a significant example of the rising interest in the neighboring Caribbean area. JOHN S. ALLEN, Acting President University of Florida THE ECONOMIC PROBLEMS discussed in this volume of proceedings of our Fourth Annual Caribbean Conference are of considerable current importance. The Caribbean area is coming more and more into the spotlight of public interest in the United States, and our businessmen are looking toward the area as one to be developed with the assistance of United States capital. The presence of business representatives at our conference testi- fies to their awareness of and increasing attention to a part of this hemisphere which is assuming an ever-greater role in world trade. The State of Florida, so closely related to this area, is naturally interested in the economic life and character of the countries immediately south of us. We believe that these papers make a real contribution to the literature on the Caribbean, and we are sure that these yearly conferences serve a very real purpose in calling attention in a scholarly way to the innumerable Caribbean problems. Con- sequently, we are glad to publish these papers in book form in the belief that the volume will serve as a useful aid to the student, teacher, businessman, or government official who finds his interests centered in the area. Again, the University of Florida expresses its appreciation to the Aluminum Company of America, through the Alcoa Steam- ship Company, Inc., for helping to make the conference possible and successful. We feel that the association in this project of one of the great national business organizations with our School of Inter-American Studies is a significant example of the rising interest in the neighboring Caribbean area. JOHN S. ALLEN, Acting President University of Florida vii THE ECONOMIC PROBLEMS discussed in this volume of proceedings of our Fourth Annual Caribbean Conference are of considerable current importance. The Caribbean area is coming more and more into the spotlight of public interest in the United States, and our businessmen are looking toward the area as one to be developed with the assistance of United States capital. The presence of business representatives at our conference testi- fies to their awareness of and increasing attention to a part of this hemisphere which is assuming an ever-greater role in world trade. The State of Florida, so closely related to this area, is naturally interested in the economic life and character of the countries immediately south of us. We believe that these papers make a real contribution to the literature on the Caribbean, and we are sure that these yearly conferences serve a very real purpose in calling attention in a scholarly way to the innumerable Caribbean problems. Con- sequently, we are glad to publish these papers in book form in the belief that the volume will serve as a useful aid to the student, teacher, businessman, or government official who finds his interests centered in the area. Again, the University of Florida expresses its appreciation to the Aluminum Company of America, through the Alcoa Steam- ship Company, Inc., for helping to make the conference possible and successful. We feel that the association in this project of one of the great national business organizations with our School of Inter-American Studies is a significant example of the rising interest in the neighboring Caribbean area. JOHN S. ALLEN, Acting President University of Florida vii   Contents Contents Contents Map of Caribbean Area.. . . . . .Fronispiece List of Coetribotoes ... .. . . . ...V Forrsoord-JouN S. ALLEN ........... i introduction A. CURTIS WILGUSro . . . . ..X Part I - INTRODUCTION 1. John M. Cabot: CONTEM PORARY FORCES AT WORE IN THE CARIBBEAN TODAY. . 3 Part II -RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 2. Carl 0. Saur: ECONOMIC PROSPECTS OF THE CARIBEA . . . . . . 15 3. Wilson Popenor: AGRICLTURAL. ENGINEERING tN THE CARIBBEAN . . . . .28 4. Alan Probert: THE ROLE HE MINERAL RESOURCES5 IN THE ECONOMIY OF THE CARIBBEAN .. 35 5. Felisa Rinrcon de Gatier: PUERTO RICO-ITS RE- SOUERCES AND GOVERNMENT. .. 60 6. Josi Rola Bennett: GEATEMALA-ITS RESOURCES AN EETEVOLET ION .. . 67 ParI III-MANUFACTURING AND IN VESTMENTS 7. Victor L. Urqoidi: FINANCING INVESTMENT IN MEXtCO ANDOCENTRAL AMERIEA . .. 87 8. Perry C. Magnus: POITICO-ENrsOMIC REELEC- TIONS ON EXPROPRIATION IN THE CARIRBEAN .105 Map of Caribbean Area... ..... Frontispiece List of Contributors ... .. . .. ...v Forword-JOHN S. ALLEN ........... i Introductsion-A. CURTIS WILGUor ...o ..X Part I INTRODUCTION 1. John M. Cabot: CONTEMIPORARYEFORCES AT WORE IN THE CAtRIBEAN TODAY .... 3 Port N7-RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 2. Carl O. Saner: ECONOMIC PROSPECTS OF THE CARIBEAN15 3. Wilson Popenoe: AGRICULTCRAL ENINEERING tN THE CARtBBEAN .. .. .28 4. Alan Peobere: THE ROLE HE MINERAL REOURES IN THE rrON OMY OF THE EARIRREAN ..33 5. Felisa Rincoin deGautier: PUERTO RICO-ITS RE. SOURES ND GVERMENT. .. .60 6. JoO Role Bennett: GUATEMALA--ITS EORE AND RECENT EVOLUTION. . .67 Port IIl-MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 7. Victor L. Ceqaidi: EINANCING INCCSTMENT IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERtCA . .. 67 8. Perry C. Magnus: POLITICO-ECONOMIC REELEC- TIONS ON EXPROPRIATION IN THE CARIBBEAN .105 Map of Caribbean Area.. .. . . P.ronispiece List of Contributoes ... .. . . . ...v Foreword-JOHN S. ALLEN ... ... . . .i lotroduction--A3. CRIS WILGUS ........X PartI I-INTRODUCTION 1. John M. Cabot: CONTEMPORARY FORCES AT WORE IN THE CARtBEAN TODAY .... 3 Port lI-RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 2. Carl O. Saacr: ECONOMICePROSECTS OP THE CARIBBEAN. . . 15 3. Wilson Popenor: AGRICELTRAL ENGINEERING IN THE CARIBBEAN. . . 28 4. Alan Probeet: THE 001L0 HE MINERA oREORS INTEECONOMY Or THE CARIBBEAN .. 35 5. Felisa Rincon de Cantier: PUERTO RICO-ITSRE SOERCES AND GOVERNMENT. .. 60 6. JosO Role Bennett: GUATMtAIA-ITS RESOURCES AND RECENT EVOLUTION .. . 67 FarI INI- MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 7. Vitor L. Urqaidi: FINANCtNG INVESTMENT IN MEXICO ANDS CENTRAL AMERICA . .. 87 8. Perry C. Magnus: POLITICO-ECONOMIC REFLEC- TIONS ON EXPROPRIATION IN THE CARIBBEAN .105  x The Caribbean Part IV-TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 9. Frank K. Bell: SHIPS AND SHIPPING IN THE CARIBBEAN . . . . 117 10. David B. Steinman: ROADS AND BRIDGES IN THE CARIBBEAN-THE ROLE OF THE ENGINEER . 126 11. John M. Mitchell: CARIBBEAN TRADE-A TWO-WAY STREET .... 136 Part V - LABOR AND INDUSTRY 12. Mary M. Cannon: LABOR AND GOVERNMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN .... 151 13. Ernst Schwarz: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON LABOR ORGANIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN ... 163 14. Clarence Senior: HOUSING AND SANITATION IN THE CARIBBEAN . ... 177 15. Earl Parker Hanson: INDUSTRY AND PUBLIC WORKS IN PUERTO RICO. . . . 191 Part VI -CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 16. Octavio Mindez Pereira: BASIC EDUCATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN THE CARIBBEAN . 203 17. Willis Knapp Jones: THE CARIBBEAN DRAMA- A LITERARY COCKTAIL . .. 219 18. Carleton Sprague Smith: MUSICAL SETTINGS OF CARIBBEAN POETRY . . . 240 19. Lilly de JOngh Osborne: GUATEMALAN ARTS AND CRAFTS-A SUMMARY . . . 259 20. Roscoe R. Hill: CARIBBEAN ARCHIVALIA . . . 268 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 x The Caribbean Part IV-TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 9. Frank K. Bell: SHIPS AND SHIPPING IN THE CARIBBEAN . . . . 117 10. David B. Steinman: ROADS AND BRIDGES IN THE CARIBBEAN-THE ROLE OF THE ENGINEER . 126 11. John M. Mitchell: CARIBBEAN TRADE-A TWO-WAY STREET .... 136 Part V - LABOR AND INDUSTRY 12. Mary M. Cannon: LABOR AND GOVERNMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN . . . . 151 13. Ernst Schwarz: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON LABOR ORGANIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN ... 163 14. Clarence Senior: HOUSING AND SANITATION IN THE CARIBBEAN.. . . 177 15. Earl Parker Hanson: INDUSTRY AND PUBLIC WORKS IN PUERTO RICO. . . . 191 Part VI--CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 16. Octavio Mendez Pereira: BASIC EDUCATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN THE CARIBBEAN . 203 17. Willis Knapp Jones: THE CARIBBEAN DRAMA- A LITERARY COCKTAIL . . . 219 18. Carleton Sprague Smith: MUSICAL SETTINGS OF CARIBBEAN POETRY . . . 240 19. Lilly de Jongh Osborne: GUATEMALAN ARTS AND CRAFTS-A SUMMARY . . . 259 20. Roscoe R. Hill: CARIBBEAN ARCHIVALIA . 268 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 x The Caribbean Part IV-TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 9. Frank K. Bell: SHIPS AND SHIPPING IN THE CARIBBEAN . . . . 117 10. David B. Steinman: ROADS AND BRIDGES IN THE CARIBBEAN-THE ROLE OF THE ENGINEER . 126 11. John M. Mitchell: CARIBBEAN TRADE-A TWO-WAY STREET .136 Part V - LABOR AND INDUSTRY 12. Mary M. CannOn: LABOR AND GOVERNMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN .... 151 13. Ernst Schwarz: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON LABOR ORGANIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN ... 163 14. Clarence Senior: HOUSING AND SANITATION IN THE CARIBBEAN . ... 177 15. Earl Parker HansOn: INDUSTRY AND PUBLIC WORKS IN PUERTO RICO . ... 191 Part VI -CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 16. Octavio Mendez Pereira: BASIC EDUCATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN THE CARIBBEAN . 203 17. Willis Knapp Jones: THE CARIBBEAN DRAMA- A LITERARY COCKTAIL. . . 219 18. Carleton Sprague Smith: MUSICAL SETTINGS OF CARIBBEAN POETRY . . . 240 19. Lilly de JOngh Osborne: GUATEMALAN ARTS AND CRAFTS-A SUMMARY . . . 259 20. ROscoe R. Hill: CARIBBEAN ARCHIVALIA . 268 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279  Introduction Introduction Introduction THE CARIBBEAN AREA, to a greater or lesser degree, con- tains most of the economic characteristics found in other parts of Latin America. It is true that the Caribbean rivers may not be so long, the mountains not so high, the soil not so rich, the climate not so intensely tropical, the mineral resources not so extensive, nor the industries so varied as in some other parts of Latin America. Nevertheless the people are able to obtain from the soil the kinds of products that are found in other continental areas. Year by year man learns more about the natural re- sources of the Caribbean and takes more effective steps to wrest from nature the things which he needs to sustain life and to develop his culture. In this conference the participants have examined the natural and human resources of the Caribbean area with the dual aim of discovering the critical economic factors and of suggesting solutions for economic problems. It is the object of this brief in- troduction to discuss a few of the economic and human factors found in the whole of Latin America so that the reader may appreciate how the economic life of the Caribbean compares with and is related to the economic life of Latin America in general. The geographic area of Latin America is about 8,600,000 square miles. This embraces one-seventh of the total area of the world. In this vast region, however, live only about 4 per cent of the earth's total population. The majority of these 150,000,000 Latin Americans live along or near the borders of the continent. There are large interior areas where the population is less than THE CARIBBEAN AREA, to a greater or lesser degree, con- tains most of the economic characteristics found in other parts of Latin America. It is true that the Caribbean rivers may not be so long, the mountains not so high, the soil not so rich, the climate not so intensely tropical, the mineral resources not so extensive, nor the industries so varied as in some other parts of Latin America. Nevertheless the people are able to obtain from the soil the kinds of products that are found in other continental areas. Year by year man learns more about the natural re- sources of the Caribbean and takes more effective steps to wrest from nature the things which he needs to sustain life and to develop his culture. In this conference the participants have examined the natural and human resources of the Caribbean area with the dual aim of discovering the critical economic factors and of suggesting solutions for economic problems. It is the object of this brief in- troduction to discuss a few of the economic and human factors found in the whole of Latin America so that the reader may appreciate how the economic life of the Caribbean compares with and is related to the economic life of Latin America in general. The geographic area of Latin America is about 8,600,000 square miles. This embraces one-seventh of the total area of the world. In this vast region, however, live only about 4 per cent of the earth's total population. The majority of these 150,000,000 Latin Americans live along or near the borders of the continent. There are large interior areas where the population is less than THE CARIBBEAN AREA, to a greater or lesser degree, con- tains most of the economic characteristics found in other parts of Latin America. It is true that the Caribbean rivers may not be so long, the mountains not so high, the soil not so rich, the climate not so intensely tropical, the mineral resources not so extensive, nor the industries so varied as in some other parts of Latin America. Nevertheless the people are able to obtain from the soil the kinds of products that are found in other continental areas. Year by year man learns more about the natural re- sources of the Caribbean and takes more effective steps to wrest from nature the things which he needs to sustain life and to develop his culture. In this conference the participants have examined the natural and human resources of the Caribbean area with the dual aim of discovering the critical economic factors and of suggesting solutions for economic problems. It is the object of this brief in- troduction to discuss a few of the economic and human factors found in the whole of Latin America so that the reader may appreciate how the economic life of the Caribbean compares with and is related to the economic life of Latin America in general. The geographic area of Latin America is about 8,600,000 square miles. This embraces one-seventh of the total area of the world. In this vast region, however, live only about 4 per cent of the earth's total population. The majority of these 150,000,000 Latin Americans live along or near the borders of the continent. There are large interior areas where the population is less than  xii The Caribbean one per square mile. These uninhabited, or nearly uninhabited regions, are the extensive deserts, the rugged mountain areas, and the impenetrable and often unexplored jungle areas, where man has not found nature congenial and where he cannot live without a tremendous struggle. Climate is an important environmental factor in the life of Latin America. Because climatic conditions are generally in- escapable, man must either take advantage of his environment or succumb to its influence. About three-quarters of Latin America lies within the tropics, where life is difficult. But even at high elevations where the climate is considerably modified, man also finds difficulty in making a comfortable living. Hence the remaining areas of Latin America in the temperate zone have been the chief centers of economic, social, and political progress. II Since colonial days, the economic life of Latin America has been predominantly agricultural, or based upon agriculture. Today in most of the countries the rural element predominates, and it is estimated that 58 per cent of the population of Latin America is now engaged in agriculture or animal husbandry. Despite this seeming uniformity in economic character, each of the Latin American countries during the past century has de- veloped an economic individuality. For example, Argentina and Uruguay are known for their wheat and meat production. Brazil has become universally recognized as one of the great coffee-producing countries of the world. Cuba has specialized in sugar production. Paraguay has produced the well-known yerba mati. Several of the Central American countries are leading banana-producing areas. When we examine mineral production in Latin America, we think of nitrates and copper in Chile; vanadium, silver, and gold in Peru; tin in Bolivia; oil and iron in Venezuela; platinum and emerald in Colombia; silver and oil in Mexico, and so on. When we look at manufacturing xii The Caribbean one per square mile. These uninhabited, or nearly uninhabited regions, are the extensive deserts, the rugged mountain areas, and the impenetrable and often unexplored jungle areas, where man has not found nature congenial and where he cannot live without a tremendous struggle. Climate is an important environmental factor in the life of Latin America. Because climatic conditions are generally in- escapable, man must either take advantage of his environment or succumb to its influence. About three-quarters of Latin America lies within the tropics, where life is difficult. But even at high elevations where the climate is considerably modified, man also finds difficulty in making a comfortable living. Hence the remaining areas of Latin America in the temperate zone have been the chief centers of economic, social, and political progress. II Since colonial days, the economic life of Latin America has been predominantly agricultural, or based upon agriculture. Today in most of the countries the rural element predominates, and it is estimated that 58 per cent of the population of Latin America is now engaged in agriculture or animal husbandry. Despite this seeming uniformity in economic character, each of the Latin American countries during the past century has de- veloped an economic individuality. For example, Argentina and Uruguay are known for their wheat and meat production. Brazil has become universally recognized as one of the great coffee-producing countries of the world. Cuba has specialized in sugar production. Paraguay has produced the well-known yerba mati. Several of the Central American countries are leading banana-producing areas. When we examine mineral production in Latin America, we think of nitrates and copper in Chile; vanadium, silver, and gold in Peru; tin in Bolivia; oil and iron in Venezuela; platinum and emerald in Colombia; silver and oil in Mexico, and so on. When we look at manufacturing xii The Caribbean one per square mile. These uninhabited, or nearly uninhabited regions, are the extensive deserts, the rugged mountain areas, and the impenetrable and often unexplored jungle areas, where man has not found nature congenial and where he cannot live without a tremendous struggle. Climate is an important environmental factor in the life of Latin America. Because climatic conditions are generally in- escapable, man must either take advantage of his environment or succumb to its influence. About three-quarters of Latin America lies within the tropics, where life is difficult. But even at high elevations where the climate is considerably modified, man also finds difficulty in making a comfortable living. Hence the remaining areas of Latin America in the temperate zone have been the chief centers of economic, social, and political progress. II Since colonial days, the economic life of Latin America has been predominantly agricultural, or based upon agriculture. Today in most of the countries the rural element predominates, and it is estimated that 58 per cent of the population of Latin America is now engaged in agriculture or animal husbandry. Despite this seeming uniformity in economic character, each of the Latin American countries during the past century has de- veloped an economic individuality. For example, Argentina and Uruguay are known for their wheat and meat production. Brazil has become universally recognized as one of the great coffee-producing countries of the world. Cuba has specialized in sugar production. Paraguay has produced the well-known yerba mati. Several of the Central American countries are leading banana-producing areas. When we examine mineral production in Latin America, we think of nitrates and copper in Chile; vanadium, silver, and gold in Peru; tin in Bolivia; oil and iron in Venezuela; platinum and emerald in Colombia; silver and oil in Mexico, and so on. When we look at manufacturing  EDITOR S INTRODUCTION XiII EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xiii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xiil development, we see Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and, to a lesser extent, Venezuela as leaders, but with this activity increasing in most of the Latin American states owing in part to United States technical assistance and the Point Four programs. Since agriculture predominates in Latin America generally, let us look a little closer at the production of the soil. Dr. George Wythe* has asserted that about 5 per cent of the land area of Latin America is farm land and that of this percentage perhaps two-thirds is cultivated in any given year. It is believed that most of the readily available farm land has been put to cultiva- tion, though not to the fullest extent of productivity. With larger expenditures for fertilizer and possible irrigation and drainage, other land may eventually be brought into agricultural produc- tion. Some areas like the Amazon basin, though rich in soil, cannot be used for the production of annual crops because of climatic conditions. The most efficiently produced agricultural products in Latin America today are grains in Argentina; sugar in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Peru; coffee in Central America, Brazil, and Colombia; bananas in Central America; fresh winter vegetables in Cuba and Mexico; and cotton in irri- gated valleys of northern Mexico and Peru. Even in some of these areas the soils are exhausted, primitive methods keep down production, and human energy limits standards of living. In many Latin American countries agricultural products are raised on large estates, while in others the peasant farmer uses perhaps one or two acres at the most (but more often less than an acre of land) for his agricultural activities. In some countries, as in Mexico for example, where the land has been distributed to the * For some detailed information used in this paper, the writer is indebted to Dr. George Wythe, director, American Republics Division, U.S. De- partment of Commerce, for his studies in Latin American economic life, especially his "International Trade in the Caribbean Area" in The Carib- bean: Peoples, Problems, and Prospects (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1952), and his forthcoming article on "Latin America: Economic Factors" for the Encyclopedia Americana (1955 ed.). development, we see Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and, to a lesser extent, Venezuela as leaders, but with this activity increasing in most of the Latin American states owing in part to United States technical assistance and the Point Four programs. Since agriculture predominates in Latin America generally, let us look a little closer at the production of the soil. Dr. George Wythe* has asserted that about 5 per cent of the land area of Latin America is farm land and that of this percentage perhaps two-thirds is cultivated in any given year. It is believed that most of the readily available farm land has been put to cultiva- tion, though not to the fullest extent of productivity. With larger expenditures for fertilizer and possible irrigation and drainage, other land may eventually be brought into agricultural produc- tion. Some areas like the Amazon basin, though rich in soil, cannot be used for the production of annual crops because of climatic conditions. The most efficiently produced agricultural products in Latin America today are grains in Argentina; sugar in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Peru; coffee in Central America, Brazil, and Colombia; bananas in Central America; fresh winter vegetables in Cuba and Mexico; and cotton in irri- gated valleys of northern Mexico and Peru. Even in some of these areas the soils are exhausted, primitive methods keep down production, and human energy limits standards of living. In many Latin American countries agricultural products are raised on large estates, while in others the peasant farmer uses perhaps one or two acres at the most (but more often less than an acre of land) for his agricultural activities. In some countries, as in Mexico for example, where the land has been distributed to the * For some detailed information used in this paper, the writer is indebted to Dr. George Wythe, director, American Republics Division, U.S. De- partment of Commerce, for his studies in Latin American economic life, especially his "International Trade in the Caribbean Area" in The Carib- bean: Peoples, Problems, and Prospects (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1952), and his forthcoming article on "Latin America: Economic Factors" for the Encyclopedia Americana (1955 ed.). development, we see Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and, to a lesser extent, Venezuela as leaders, but with this activity increasing in most of the Latin American states owing in part to United States technical assistance and the Point Four programs. Since agriculture predominates in Latin America generally, let us look a little closer at the production of the soil. Dr. George Wythe* has asserted that about 5 per cent of the land area of Latin America is farm land and that of this percentage perhaps two-thirds is cultivated in any given year. It is believed that most of the readily available farm land has been put to cultiva- tion, though not to the fullest extent of productivity. With larger expenditures for fertilizer and possible irrigation and drainage, other land may eventually be brought into agricultural produc- tion. Some areas like the Amazon basin, though rich in soil, cannot be used for the production of annual crops because of climatic conditions. The most efficiently produced agricultural products in Latin America today are grains in Argentina; sugar in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Peru; coffee in Central America, Brazil, and Colombia; bananas in Central America; fresh winter vegetables in Cuba and Mexico; and cotton in irri- gated valleys of northern Mexico and Peru. Even in some of these areas the soils are exhausted, primitive methods keep down production, and human energy limits standards of living. In many Latin American countries agricultural products are raised on large estates, while in others the peasant farmer uses perhaps one or two acres at the most (but more often less than an acre of land) for his agricultural activities. In some countries, as in Mexico for example, where the land has been distributed to the * For some detailed information used in this paper, the writer is indebted to Dr. George Wythe, director, American Republics Division, U.S. De- partment of Commerce, for his studies in Latin American economic life, especially his "International Trade in the Caribbean Area" in The Carib- bean: Peoples, Problems, and Prospects (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1952), and his forthcoming article on "Latin America: Economic Factors" for the Encyclopedia Americana (1955 ed.).  xiv The Caribbean peasant by the government, agricultural production has in- creased. An example of this is found in a recent announcement that Mexico will export corn in 1954. Crop surpluses have often been the result of improvement in plant breeding, assisted in some areas by the Rockefeller Foundation and by the Inter- national Basic Economy Corporation. Moreover, United States government agencies and the Food and Agricultural Organiza- tion of the United Nations have rendered assistance in certain areas. Another phase of agricultural production is animal husbandry. The area of greatest development is in the La Plata countries, which supply wool, hides, and meat for export. Ranching is in- creasing in some other areas of Latin America, notably Brazil, Chile, Peru, and Mexico. The dairy industry also is rising to importance in various regions. As would be expected, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile have developed the milk-and-cheese in- dustry. Still another phase of agricultural production relates to forests. It is estimated that Latin America has about 30 per cent of the forested areas of the world, a large proportion of which consists of hard woods or tropical soft woods, for which there as yet seems to be very little commercial use. The largest reserves of temperate-zone soft woods are in southern Brazil, southern Chile, and in Mexico and Central America. There are vast areas, such as the pampas of Argentina, where no trees grow unless planted, and in the lanos of Venezuela where trees also must be planted. A related phase of agriculture concerns fisheries. Despite the fact that the people of Latin America are chiefly Catholics, the consumption of fish has not been as great as normally would be expected. According to Dr. Wythe, the per capita consumption of fish in Latin America is slightly less than ten and a half pounds per individual, although in Chile and Venezuela it is over thirty pounds per individual. Today the leading countries engaged in fishing are Brazil, Peru, Chile, Argentina, Venezuela, and Mexico. xiv The Caribbean xiv The Caribbean peasant by the government, agricultural production has in- creased. An example of this is found in a recent announcement that Mexico will export corn in 1954. Crop surpluses have often been the result of improvement in plant breeding, assisted in some areas by the Rockefeller Foundation and by the Inter- national Basic Economy Corporation. Moreover, United States government agencies and the Food and Agricultural Organiza- tion of the United Nations have rendered assistance in certain areas. Another phase of agricultural production is animal husbandry. The area of greatest development is in the La Plata countries, which supply wool, hides, and meat for export. Ranching is in- creasing in some other areas of Latin America, notably Brazil, Chile, Peru, and Mexico. The dairy industry also is rising to importance in various regions. As would be expected, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile have developed the milk-and-cheese in- dustry. Still another phase of agricultural production relates to forests. It is estimated that Latin America has about 30 per cent of the forested areas of the world, a large proportion of which consists of hard woods or tropical soft woods, for which there as yet seems to be very little commercial use. The largest reserves of temperate-zone soft woods are in southern Brazil, southern Chile, and in Mexico and Central America. There are vast areas, such as the pampas of Argentina, where no trees grow unless planted, and in the llanos of Venezuela where trees also must be planted. A related phase of agriculture concerns fisheries. Despite the fact that the people of Latin America are chiefly Catholics, the consumption of fish has not been as great as normally would be expected. According to Dr. Wythe, the per capita consumption of fish in Latin America is slightly less than ten and a half pounds per individual, although in Chile and Venezuela it is over thirty pounds per individual. Today the leading countries engaged in fishing are Brazil, Peru, Chile, Argentina, Venezuela, and Mexico. peasant by the government, agricultural production has in- creased. An example of this is found in a recent announcement that Mexico will export corn in 1954. Crop surpluses have often been the result of improvement in plant breeding, assisted in some areas by the Rockefeller Foundation and by the Inter- national Basic Economy Corporation. Moreover, United States government agencies and the Food and Agricultural Organiza- tion of the United Nations have rendered assistance in certain areas. Another phase of agricultural production is animal husbandry. The area of greatest development is in the La Plata countries, which supply wool, hides, and meat for export. Ranching is in- creasing in some other areas of Latin America, notably Brazil, Chile, Peru, and Mexico. The dairy industry also is rising to importance in various regions. As would be expected, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile have developed the milk-and-cheese in- dustry. Still another phase of agricultural production relates to forests. It is estimated that Latin America has about 30 per cent of the forested areas of the world, a large proportion of which consists of hard woods or tropical soft woods, for which there as yet seems to be very little commercial use. The largest reserves of temperate-zone soft woods are in southern Brazil, southern Chile, and in Mexico and Central America. There are vast areas, such as the pampas of Argentina, where no trees grow unless planted, and in the lanos of Venezuela where trees also must be planted. A related phase of agriculture concerns fisheries. Despite the fact that the people of Latin America are chiefly Catholics, the consumption of fish has not been as great as normally would be expected. According to Dr. Wythe, the per capita consumption of fish in Latin America is slightly less than ten and a half pounds per individual, although in Chile and Venezuela it is over thirty pounds per individual. Today the leading countries engaged in fishing are Brazil, Peru, Chile, Argentina, Venezuela, and Mexico.  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION III XV EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION III XV EDITOR S INTRODUCTION XV III A great variety of minerals are produced in the Latin Ameri- can countries. In 1950, Latin America accounted for 40 per cent of the world production of silver, 19 per cent of the copper, lead, and tin, 16 per cent of the zinc, 6 per cent of the gold, 5 per cent of the manganese and chrome, 3 per cent of the mer- cury, and significant proportions of metals used as alloys in the chemical industry. Latin America also is the main source of supply of such minerals as quartz crystals and of nonmetallic minerals, such as sodium nitrate in Chile, graphite in Mexico, and various kinds of precious stones in Brazil, Venezuela, and Colombia. The chief Latin American countries producing coal are Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, and Ar- gentina, in that order. Of petroleum, Latin America accounts for nearly 19 per cent of the world output and 54 per cent of the world exports of crude petroleum. In the leading producer, Venezuela, oil provides 97 per cent of the total value of exports and 60 per cent of the federal revenues of the country. Export surpluses of petroleum also are found in Mexico, Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador. IV An important aspect of economic life concerns economic sta- bility, which in Latin America has been upset frequently by political instability. The local currencies of the Latin American countries have fluctuated from time to time, some in relation to the pound sterling and some in relation to the dollar. In several of the countries the pressure of inflation has forced devaluation and occasionally exchange restrictions. During the period of economic expansion, from about 1870 to 1930, exchange trans- actions and the financing of foreign trade comprised the banking activities of most of the countries. Frequently these banks were branches of foreign banks. After the First World War, central banks were established in many of the countries and new bank- ing laws were enacted. Especially after 1930, some of the central A great variety of minerals are produced in the Latin Ameri- can countries. In 1950, Latin America accounted for 40 per cent of the world production of silver, 19 per cent of the copper, lead, and tin, 16 per cent of the zinc, 6 per cent of the gold, 5 per cent of the manganese and chrome, 3 per cent of the mer- cury, and significant proportions of metals used as alloys in the chemical industry. Latin America also is the main source of supply of such minerals as quartz crystals and of nonmetallic minerals, such as sodium nitrate in Chile, graphite in Mexico, and various kinds of precious stones in Brazil, Venezuela, and Colombia. The chief Latin American countries producing coal are Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, and Ar- gentina, in that order. Of petroleum, Latin America accounts for nearly 19 per cent of the world output and 54 per cent of the world exports of crude petroleum. In the leading producer, Venezuela, oil provides 97 per cent of the total value of exports and 60 per cent of the federal revenues of the country. Export surpluses of petroleum also are found in Mexico, Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador. IV An important aspect of economic life concerns economic sta- bility, which in Latin America has been upset frequently by political instability. The local currencies of the Latin American countries have fluctuated from time to time, some in relation to the pound sterling and some in relation to the dollar. In several of the countries the pressure of inflation has forced devaluation and occasionally exchange restrictions. During the period of economic expansion, from about 1870 to 1930, exchange trans- actions and the financing of foreign trade comprised the banking activities of most of the countries. Frequently these banks were branches of foreign banks. After the First World War, central banks were established in many of the countries and new bank- ing laws were enacted. Especially after 1930, some of the central A great variety of minerals are produced in the Latin Ameri- can countries. In 1950, Latin America accounted for 40 per cent of the world production of silver, 19 per cent of the copper, lead, and tin, 16 per cent of the zine, 6 per cent of the gold, 5 per cent of the manganese and chrome, 3 per cent of the mer- cury, and significant proportions of metals used as alloys in the chemical industry. Latin America also is the main source of supply of such minerals as quartz crystals and of nonmetallic minerals, such as sodium nitrate in Chile, graphite in Mexico, and various kinds of precious stones in Brazil, Venezuela, and Colombia. The chief Latin American countries producing coal are Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, and Ar- gentina, in that order. Of petroleum, Latin America accounts for nearly 19 per cent of the world output and 54 per cent of the world exports of crude petroleum. In the leading producer, Venezuela, oil provides 97 per cent of the total value of exports and 60 per cent of the federal revenues of the country. Export surpluses of petroleum also are found in Mexico, Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador. IV An important aspect of economic life concerns economic sta- bility, which in Latin America has been upset frequently by political instability. The local currencies of the Latin American countries have fluctuated from time to time, some in relation to the pound sterling and some in relation to the dollar. In several of the countries the pressure of inflation has forced devaluation and occasionally exchange restrictions. During the period of economic expansion, from about 1870 to 1930, exchange trans- actions and the financing of foreign trade comprised the banking activities of most of the countries. Frequently these banks were branches of foreign banks. After the First World War, central banks were established in many of the countries and new bank- ing laws were enacted. Especially after 1930, some of the central  xvi The Caribbean banks became major instruments of national policy through the control of credit, foreign exchange, and trade, and also by pro- viding funds for economic development within the country. To help develop such facilities as ports, railways, and public utilities, foreign capital has gone into Latin America in large amounts. Foreign investments reached a peak of about 8.5 bil- lion dollars in 1913, of which half was British, 1.6 billion French, 1.2 billion American, and the rest German and other invest- ments. When French and German investments were liquidated after the First World War, United States investments increased rapidly. By 1950, direct investments of United States capital in Latin America stood at 4.7 billion dollars. British investments had declined to about 1.5 billion. By the end of 1950, direct private investments in Latin America were distributed as follows (in millions of dollars) : petroleum, 1,408; transportation, com- munications, and public utilities, 1,042; manufacturing, 780; mining and smelting, 628; agriculture, 520; trade, 243; finance and insurance, 71; miscellaneous, 45. By the middle of 1953, the indebtedness of the Latin American governments to the United States government, chiefly from Export-Import Bank loans, stood at 684 million dollars. V Latin America's share of world trade, according to Dr. Wythe, has risen from about 7 per cent before the Second World War to slightly under 10 per cent by the end of 1950. In 1951, Latin American exports exceeded imports by about 200 million dollars. During the last fifty years the economic life of Latin America has become very closely linked to the economic life of the United States. According to Dr. Wythe, the factors working in this direction have been "improvements in transportation and com- munications, a large increase in U. S. investments, the effect of two world wars, the industrial expansion of the United States, and the trend toward colonial preferences on the part of Euro- xvi The Caribbean xvi The Caribbean banks became major instruments of national policy through the control of credit, foreign exchange, and trade, and also by pro- viding funds for economic development within the country. To help develop such facilities as ports, railways, and public utilities, foreign capital has gone into Latin America in large amounts. Foreign investments reached a peak of about 8.5 bil- lion dollars in 1913, of which half was British, 1.6 billion French, 1.2 billion American, and the rest German and other invest- ments. When French and German investments were liquidated after the First World War, United States investments increased rapidly. By 1950, direct investments of United States capital in Latin America stood at 4.7 billion dollars. British investments had declined to about 1.5 billion. By the end of 1950, direct private investments in Latin America were distributed as follows (in millions of dollars): petroleum, 1,408; transportation, com- munications, and public utilities, 1,042; manufacturing, 780; mining and smelting, 628; agriculture, 520; trade, 243; finance and insurance, 71; miscellaneous, 45. By the middle of 1953, the indebtedness of the Latin American governments to the United States government, chiefly from Export-Import Bank loans, stood at 684 million dollars. Latin America's share of world trade, according to Dr. Wythe, has risen from about 7 per cent before the Second World War to slightly under 10 per cent by the end of 1950. In 1951, Latin American exports exceeded imports by about 200 million dollars. During the last fifty years the economic life of Latin America has become very closely linked to the economic life of the United States. According to Dr. Wythe, the factors working in this direction have been "improvements in transportation and com- munications, a large increase in U. S. investments, the effect of two world wars, the industrial expansion of the United States, and the trend toward colonial preferences on the part of Euro- banks became major instruments of national policy through the control of credit, foreign exchange, and trade, and also by pro- viding funds for economic development within the country. To help develop such facilities as ports, railways, and public utilities, foreign capital has gone into Latin America in large amounts. Foreign investments reached a peak of about 8.5 bil- lion dollars in 1913, of which half was British, 1.6 billion French, 1.2 billion American, and the rest German and other invest- ments. When French and German investments were liquidated after the First World War, United States investments increased rapidly. By 1950, direct investments of United States capital in Latin America stood at 4.7 billion dollars. British investments had declined to about 1.5 billion. By the end of 1950, direct private investments in Latin America were distributed as follows (in millions of dollars) : petroleum, 1,408; transportation, com- munications, and public utilities, 1,042; manufacturing, 780; mining and smelting, 628; agriculture, 520; trade, 243; finance and insurance, 71; miscellaneous, 45. By the middle of 1953, the indebtedness of the Latin American governments to the United States government, chiefly from Export-Import Bank loans, stood at 684 million dollars. V Latin America's share of world trade, according to Dr. Wythe, has risen from about 7 per cent before the Second World War to slightly under 10 per cent by the end of 1950. In 1951, Latin American exports exceeded imports by about 200 million dollars. During the last fifty years the economic life of Latin America has become very closely linked to the economic life of the United States. According to Dr. Wythe, the factors working in this direction have been "improvements in transportation and com- munications, a large increase in U. S. investments, the effect of two world wars, the industrial expansion of the United States, and the trend toward colonial preferences on the part of Euro-  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xvii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Xvii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XVSi pean countries. ... Since the Second World War the United States has provided on the average slightly over half of Latin American imports, while the European share has been about 29%. Although the volume of European shipments is consider- ably above the prewar level, most of the substantially increased volume of Latin American imports has come from the United States." In 1952, inter-Latin American trade stood at about 9 per cent of the total. Trade between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile ac- counts for about 80 per cent of this inter-American trade, while Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador take about 8 per cent of the total. Considerable interest now exists in developing regional preferen- tial trade arrangements among various groups of countries-for example, the Central American republics and the three states of Gran Colombia (Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador). VI Since the mid-1930's, the manufacturing and construction in- dustries have increased, being favored by improved fiscal policies, government public works programs, and the necessity to produce certain products cut off by war and international tensions. All the countries have some modern manufacturing plants, but Brazil is the most highly industrialized if judged by the number of workers and the value of output. Besides, it possesses the most advanced research and technology. However, Mexico, Argen- tina, Chile, and Colombia have higher per capita production of manufactured goods. The chief manufactured products are food, beverages, tobacco products, textiles, and clothing, which represent about 60 per cent of the total manufacturing produc- tion in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, and some 70 to 80 per cent of the production of the other countries. The chem- ical and building materials industries are expanding rapidly in some areas, as are the paper and pulp industry, the pharmaceu- tical industry, and especially the textile industry. Four of the pean countries. . . . Since the Second World War the United States has provided on the average slightly over half of Latin American imports, while the European share has been about 29%. Although the volume of European shipments is consider- ably above the prewar level, most of the substantially increased volume of Latin American imports has come from the United States." In 1952, inter-Latin American trade stood at about 9 per cent of the total. Trade between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile ac- counts for about 80 per cent of this inter-American trade, while Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador take about 8 per cent of the total. Considerable interest now exists in developing regional preferen- tial trade arrangements among various groups of countries-for example, the Central American republics and the three states of Gran Colombia (Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador). VI Since the mid-1930's, the manufacturing and construction in- dustries have increased, being favored by improved fiscal policies, government public works programs, and the necessity to produce certain products cut off by war and international tensions. All the countries have some modern manufacturing plants, but Brazil is the most highly industrialized if judged by the number of workers and the value of output. Besides, it possesses the most advanced research and technology. However, Mexico, Argen- tina, Chile, and Colombia have higher per capita production of manufactured goods. The chief manufactured products are food, beverages, tobacco products, textiles, and clothing, which represent about 60 per cent of the total manufacturing produc- tion in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, and some 70 to 80 per cent of the production of the other countries. The chem- ical and building materials industries are expanding rapidly in some areas, as are the paper and pulp industry, the pharmaceu- tical industry, and especially the textile industry. Four of the pean countries. ... Since the Second World War the United States has provided on the average slightly over half of Latin American imports, while the European share has been about 29%. Although the volume of European shipments is consider- ably above the prewar level, most of the substantially increased volume of Latin American imports has come from the United States." In 1952, inter-Latin American trade stood at about 9 per cent of the total. Trade between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile ac- counts for about 80 per cent of this inter-American trade, while Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador take about 8 per cent of the total. Considerable interest now exists in developing regional preferen- tial trade arrangements among various groups of countries-for example, the Central American republics and the three states of Gran Colombia (Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador). VI Since the mid-1930's, the manufacturing and construction in- dustries have increased, being favored by improved fiscal policies, government public works programs, and the necessity to produce certain products cut off by war and international tensions. All the countries have some modern manufacturing plants, but Brazil is the most highly industrialized if judged by the number of workers and the value of output. Besides, it possesses the most advanced research and technology. However, Mexico, Argen- tina, Chile, and Colombia have higher per capita production of manufactured goods. The chief manufactured products are food, beverages, tobacco products, textiles, and clothing, which represent about 60 per cent of the total manufacturing produc- tion in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, and some 70 to 80 per cent of the production of the other countries. The chem- ical and building materials industries are expanding rapidly in some areas, as are the paper and pulp industry, the pharmaceu- tical industry, and especially the textile industry. Four of the  xviii The Caribbean Latin American countries-Mexico, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil -have integrated iron and steel plants, and Colombia will have one in 1954. Manufacturing in some of the countries has been limited by the lack of electric power. Dr. Wythe states that although the power industries in Latin America have expanded since the Second World War at an annual rate of about 10 per cent, the demand for electricity has increased even more rapidly. Ap- proximately one-third of all of the International Bank for Re- construction and Development and Export-Import Bank loans between 1947 and 1952, amounting to 330 million dollars, were for power development in Latin American countries. To assist many of the countries in their internal economic development, the United States Government since 1938 has pro- vided funds and personnel on a generally expanding scale to carry out technical and scientific assistance programs. This has involved the training in the United States or in the recipient countries of large numbers of persons in the fields of aviation, weather forecasting, seismography, geology, statistics, fisheries, child welfare, education, and public administration. Coopera- tive projects have been carried out in the fields of health, agri- culture, and industrial training. During the last war especially, technical assistance included aid to improve transportation, to expand food production, to improve health and sanitation, and to develop productive capacity of industry, mining, and agricul- ture. Private United States industries have engaged in a notable effort to train both United States citizens and Latin Americans in special work for their companies. VII Labor has made important gains since the First World War. The growth of industry in some Latin American countries has caused a demand for women workers. Local labor organizations and international labor organizations have stimulated interest in xviii The Caribbean xviii The Caribbean Latin American countries-Mexico, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil -have integrated iron and steel plants, and Colombia will have one in 1954. Manufacturing in some of the countries has been limited by the lack of electric power. Dr. Wythe states that although the power industries in Latin America have expanded since the Second World War at an annual rate of about 10 per cent, the demand for electricity has increased even more rapidly. Ap- proximately one-third of all of the International Bank for Re- construction and Development and Export-Import Bank loans between 1947 and 1952, amounting to 330 million dollars, were for power development in Latin American countries. To assist many of the countries in their internal economic development, the United States Government since 1938 has pro- vided funds and personnel on a generally expanding scale to carry out technical and scientific assistance programs. This has involved the training in the United States or in the recipient countries of large numbers of persons in the fields of aviation, weather forecasting, seismography, geology, statistics, fisheries, child welfare, education, and public administration. Coopera- tive projects have been carried out in the fields of health, agri- culture, and industrial training. During the last war especially, technical assistance included aid to improve transportation, to expand food production, to improve health and sanitation, and to develop productive capacity of industry, mining, and agricul- ture. Private United States industries have engaged in a notable effort to train both United States citizens and Latin Americans in special work for their companies. VII Labor has made important gains since the First World War. The growth of industry in some Latin American countries has caused a demand for women workers. Local labor organizations and international labor organizations have stimulated interest in Latin American countries-Mexico, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil -have integrated iron and steel plants, and Colombia will have one in 1954. Manufacturing in some of the countries has been limited by the lack of electric power. Dr. Wythe states that although the power industries in Latin America have expanded since the Second World War at an annual rate of about 10 per cent, the demand for electricity has increased even more rapidly. Ap- proximately one-third of all of the International Bank for Re- construction and Development and Export-Import Bank loans between 1947 and 1952, amounting to 330 million dollars, were for power development in Latin American countries. To assist many of the countries in their internal economic development, the United States Government since 1938 has pro- vided funds and personnel on a generally expanding scale to carry out technical and scientific assistance programs. This has involved the training in the United States or in the recipient countries of large numbers of persons in the fields of aviation, weather forecasting, seismography, geology, statistics, fisheries, child welfare, education, and public administration. Coopera- tive projects have been carried out in the fields of health, agri- culture, and industrial training. During the last war especially, technical assistance included aid to improve transportation, to expand food production, to improve health and sanitation, and to develop productive capacity of industry, mining, and agricul- ture. Private United States industries have engaged in a notable effort to train both United States citizens and Latin Americans in special work for their companies. VII Labor has made important gains since the First World War. The growth of industry in some Latin American countries has caused a demand for women workers. Local labor organizations and international labor organizations have stimulated interest in  EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XIX EDITOR S INTRODUCTION legislation for laborers and their improvement generally. Today most of the countries have compulsory insurance for old age and industrial injury. Schools and hospitals are provided for labor. Also in most countries there are laws for minimum wages, lim- ited working hours, and guaranteed holidays. The arbitrary discharge of workers is generally discouraged by law. However, labor unions are still politically controlled and are often kicked about by the government. VIII It is evident that Latin America is still an economic laboratory where new advances are being made by explorers, experimenters, and promoters. Each new advance in economic activity opens new vistas of economic life. Economic progress is generally con- stant, though because of uneven distribution of natural resources, population patterns, political policies, and other influences, it proceeds at varying rates in different areas. Taken as a whole, the picture of progressive prosperity in the Latin American countries is hopeful. Comparisons between the Caribbean region and the remainder of Latin America need not be discouraging, as is amply shown in this volume by the eminent authorities who analyze the problems of the Caribbean area. Throughout Latin American life the stream of economic history is flowing steadily along a clearly marked course, despite the occasional shoals of political adversity. As a tributary of this main stream, the Carib- bean region is moving rapidly toward the common economic objective of all of Latin America and toward a better economic life. A. CURTIS WILGUS, Director School of Inter-American Studies legislation for laborers and their improvement generally. Today most of the countries have compulsory insurance for old age and industrial injury. Schools and hospitals are provided for labor. Also in most countries there are laws for minimum wages, lim- ited working hours, and guaranteed holidays. The arbitrary discharge of workers is generally discouraged by law. However, labor unions are still politically controlled and are often kicked about by the government. VIII It is evident that Latin America is still an economic laboratory where new advances are being made by explorers, experimenters, and promoters. Each new advance in economic activity opens new vistas of economic life. Economic progress is generally con- stant, though because of uneven distribution of natural resources, population patterns, political policies, and other influences, it proceeds at varying rates in different areas. Taken as a whole, the picture of progressive prosperity in the Latin American countries is hopeful. Comparisons between the Caribbean region and the remainder of Latin America need not be discouraging, as is amply shown in this volume by the eminent authorities who analyze the problems of the Caribbean area. Throughout Latin American life the stream of economic history is flowing steadily along a clearly marked course, despite the occasional shoals of political adversity. As a tributary of this main stream, the Carib- bean region is moving rapidly toward the common economic objective of all of Latin America and toward a better economic life. A. CURTIS WILGUS, Director School of Inter-American Studies EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION XIX legislation for laborers and their improvement generally. Today most of the countries have compulsory insurance for old age and industrial injury. Schools and hospitals are provided for labor. Also in most countries there are laws for minimum wages, lim- ited working hours, and guaranteed holidays. The arbitrary discharge of workers is generally discouraged by law. However, labor unions are still politically controlled and are often kicked about by the government. VIII It is evident that Latin America is still an economic laboratory where new advances are being made by explorers, experimenters, and promoters. Each new advance in economic activity opens new vistas of economic life. Economic progress is generally con- stant, though because of uneven distribution of natural resources, population patterns, political policies, and other influences, it proceeds at varying rates in different areas. Taken as a whole, the picture of progressive prosperity in the Latin American countries is hopeful. Comparisons between the Caribbean region and the remainder of Latin America need not be discouraging, as is amply shown in this volume by the eminent authorities who analyze the problems of the Caribbean area. Throughout Latin American life the stream of economic history is flowing steadily along a clearly marked course, despite the occasional shoals of political adversity. As a tributary of this main stream, the Carib- bean region is moving rapidly toward the common economic objective of all of Latin America and toward a better economic life. A. CURTs WILGUS, Director School of Inter-American Studies   Part I Part I Part I INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION   1 1 1 I John M. Cabot: CONTEMPORARY FORCES AT WORK IN THE CARIBBEAN TODAY IN THE CARIBBEAN AREA, as in every other part of the world, we face the implacable challenge of Communism. If in general we are meeting it successfully in this area, Communism has nonetheless established one center of infection, and there are some circumstances which favor its spread elsewhere. From the viewpoint of our national security, there is practically no area which is more vital to us. When we think of the cold war, let us not think only of the far-flung front lines on the Elbe, in the Caucasus, about Hanoi, or north of the 38th parallel where our forces so recently threw back Communist aggression. The Caribbean region is our innermost defense area against the enor- mous totalitarian threat we face and must continue to face. What is the substance of the Caribbean area? Some twelve independent republics and several European dependencies. On the mainland a Spanish civilization superimposed on an Indian. On the islands, including the dependencies, a Spanish, French, English, and Dutch civilization on a more or less broad Negro base. Histories older and more romantic than ours; exotic cul- tures with colorful Indian and Negro influences resurgent be- John M. Cabot: CONTEMPORARY FORCES AT WORK IN THE CARIBBEAN TODAY IN THE CARIBBEAN AREA, as in every other part of the world, we face the implacable challenge of Communism. If in general we are meeting it successfully in this area, Communism has nonetheless established one center of infection, and there are some circumstances which favor its spread elsewhere. From the viewpoint of our national security, there is practically no area which is more vital to us. When we think of the cold war, let us not think only of the far-flung front lines on the Elbe, in the Caucasus, about Hanoi, or north of the 38th parallel where our forces so recently threw back Communist aggression. The Caribbean region is our innermost defense area against the enor- mous totalitarian threat we face and must continue to face. What is the substance of the Caribbean area? Some twelve independent republics and several European dependencies. On the mainland a Spanish civilization superimposed on an Indian. On the islands, including the dependencies, a Spanish, French, English, and Dutch civilization on a more or less broad Negro base. Histories older and more romantic than ours; exotic cul- tures with colorful Indian and Negro influences resurgent be- John M. Cabot: CONTEMPORARY FORCES AT WORK IN THE CARIBBEAN TODAY IN THE CARIBBEAN AREA, as in every other part of the world, we face the implacable challenge of Communism. If in general we are meeting it successfully in this area, Communism has nonetheless established one center of infection, and there are some circumstances which favor its spread elsewhere. From the viewpoint of our national security, there is practically no area which is more vital to us. When we think of the cold war, let us not think only of the far-flung front lines on the Elbe, in the Caucasus, about Hanoi, or north of the 38th parallel where our forces so recently threw back Communist aggression. The Caribbean region is our innermost defense area against the enor- mous totalitarian threat we face and must continue to face. What is the substance of the Caribbean area? Some twelve independent republics and several European dependencies. On the mainland a Spanish civilization superimposed on an Indian. On the islands, including the dependencies, a Spanish, French, English, and Dutch civilization on a more or less broad Negro base. Histories older and more romantic than ours; exotic cul- tures with colorful Indian and Negro influences resurgent be- 3  4 The Caribbean neath the long-prevailing European domination, economics based on the produce of tropics and mines; governments which, owing to their defects and difficulties, have been unable to satisfy their people's needs; a history of instability, foreign interference, back- wardness-but of aspiration to better things. The unrest caused by those aspirations is the key to the Caribbean story today. We should not fool ourselves that Soviet Communism was the major force which produced that unrest. We ourselves were primarily responsible. On the remotest shore of these sparkling seas the most ignorant peon was aware of our wealth, our power, our impact on his life. To him we brought such new ideas as equality before the law, individual freedom and dignity, educa- tion for all, a fabulous standard of living for the masses; and we distributed these ideas in his feudal society by such typical Amer- ican vehicles as the auto, the movie, the radio, the airplane. Through our businessmen developing the resources of the Carib- bean region, the same unspoken message reached the people. When there are great disparities between rich and poor in a community, there is not likely to be much understanding between them. Neither seeks to analyze the other side with understanding and compassion. Great disparities exist between the power and wealth of the United States and that of most of the Caribbean republics, and equally great disparities exist in the living stand- ards of individual citizens. These disparities have had very marked repercussions on relations in the Caribbean area. If we had not invariably respected the rights and interests of the Caribbean republics as we do today, we did sympathize with our neighboring sister peoples in their desire to win and maintain their independence. We did help them with material aid on several critical occasions when they were threatened with foreign domination. We helped win Cuba's independence with our blood, and we have now given Puerto Rico the full autonomy they themselves have chosen. We never sought to take advan- tage of the weakness of our small neighbors to annex them as colonies. 4 The Caribbean 4 The Caribbean neath the long-prevailing European domination, economics based on the produce of tropics and mines; governments which, owing to their defects and difficulties, have been unable to satisfy their people's needs; a history of instability, foreign interference, back- wardness-but of aspiration to better things. The unrest caused by those aspirations is the key to the Caribbean story today. We should not fool ourselves that Soviet Communism was the major force which produced that unrest. We ourselves were primarily responsible. On the remotest shore of these sparkling seas the most ignorant peon was aware of our wealth, our power, our impact on his life. To him we brought such new ideas as equality before the law, individual freedom and dignity, educa- tion for all, a fabulous standard of living for the masses; and we distributed these ideas in his feudal society by such typical Amer- ican vehicles as the auto, the movie, the radio, the airplane. Through our businessmen developing the resources of the Carib- bean region, the same unspoken message reached the people. When there are great disparities between rich and poor in a community, there is not likely to be much understanding between them. Neither seeks to analyze the other side with understanding and compassion. Great disparities exist between the power and wealth of the United States and that of most of the Caribbean republics, and equally great disparities exist in the living stand- ards of individual citizens. These disparities have had very marked repercussions on relations in the Caribbean area. If we had not invariably respected the rights and interests of the Caribbean republics as we do today, we did sympathize with our neighboring sister peoples in their desire to win and maintain their independence. We did help them with material aid on several critical occasions when they were threatened with foreign domination. We helped win Cuba's independence with our blood, and we have now given Puerto Rico the full autonomy they themselves have chosen. We never sought to take advan- tage of the weakness of our small neighbors to annex them as colonies. neath the long-prevailing European domination, economics based on the produce of tropics and mines; governments which, owing to their defects and difficulties, have been unable to satisfy their people's needs; a history of instability, foreign interference, back- wardness-but of aspiration to better things. The unrest caused by those aspirations is the key to the Caribbean story today. We should not fool ourselves that Soviet Communism was the major force which produced that unrest. We ourselves were primarily responsible. On the remotest shore of these sparkling seas the most ignorant peon was aware of our wealth, our power, our impact on his life. To him we brought such new ideas as equality before the law, individual freedom and dignity, educa- tion for all, a fabulous standard of living for the masses; and we distributed these ideas in his feudal society by such typical Amer- ican vehicles as the auto, the movie, the radio, the airplane. Through our businessmen developing the resources of the Carib- bean region, the same unspoken message reached the people. When there are great disparities between rich and poor in a community, there is not likely to be much understanding between them. Neither seeks to analyze the other side with understanding and compassion. Great disparities exist between the power and wealth of the United States and that of most of the Caribbean republics, and equally great disparities exist in the living stand- ards of individual citizens. These disparities have had very marked repercussions on relations in the Caribbean area. If we had not invariably respected the rights and interests of the Caribbean republics as we do today, we did sympathize with our neighboring sister peoples in their desire to win and maintain their independence. We did help them with material aid on several critical occasions when they were threatened with foreign domination. We helped win Cuba's independence with our blood, and we have now given Puerto Rico the full autonomy they themselves have chosen. We never sought to take advan- tage of the weakness of our small neighbors to annex them as colonies.  INTRODUCTION 5 INTRODUCTION 5 INTRODUCTION 5 Unhappily, independence is not enough. On the one hand, national independence did not mean individual freedom, as the Caribbean republics quickly discovered; on the other, with na- tions as with individuals, independence is inseparable from a sense of responsibility. Those factors basically have molded the history of the Caribbean republics since they won their inde- pendence; as never before, they pose the basic question today. Throughout the area social conditions were still feudal when modern influences began invading it: a small upper class of landowners, soldiers, prelates, politicians, to whom a few native and foreign businessmen had but recently been added; an almost nonexistent middle class; and great masses living in abject pov- erty and virtual peonage. The gap between the Spanish descent of the upper classes and the Indian or Negro origins of the masses added to the explosiveness of the mixture. Though not lacking in natural resources, they were almost totally lacking in native capital. They lacked roads, railways, utilities, industries, and even the major staple exports which, directly or indirectly, would bring the capital for their development. II Into this Arcadian society foreign capital was attracted by the opportunities it afforded and the deliberate policies of the local governments. It developed railways, mines, sugar production, utilities, banana plantations, oil. If it had no more fully de- veloped social sense than had capital in Europe and in the United States at that period, it generally behaved not worse, but better, than the prevailing standards in the countries to which it went. In particular, it commonly found that to attract labor to distant, desolate places it had to pay better than prevailing wages and offer better than prevailing working conditions; and in its own interests it often had to provide hospitals, housing, and schools. It developed the jungle and the desert; it produced im- Unhappily, independence is not enough. On the one hand, national independence did not mean individual freedom, as the Caribbean republics quickly discovered; on the other, with na- tions as with individuals, independence is inseparable from a sense of responsibility. Those factors basically have molded the history of the Caribbean republics since they won their inde- pendence; as never before, they pose the basic question today. Throughout the area social conditions were still feudal when modern influences began invading it: a small upper class of landowners, soldiers, prelates, politicians, to whom a few native and foreign businessmen had but recently been added; an almost nonexistent middle class; and great masses living in abject pov- erty and virtual peonage. The gap between the Spanish descent of the upper classes and the Indian or Negro origins of the masses added to the explosiveness of the mixture. Though not lacking in natural resources, they were almost totally lacking in native capital. They lacked roads, railways, utilities, industries, and even the major staple exports which, directly or indirectly, would bring the capital for their development. II Into this Arcadian society foreign capital was attracted by the opportunities it afforded and the deliberate policies of the local governments. It developed railways, mines, sugar production, utilities, banana plantations, oil. If it had no more fully de- veloped social sense than had capital in Europe and in the United States at that period, it generally behaved not worse, but better, than the prevailing standards in the countries to which it went. In particular, it commonly found that to attract labor to distant, desolate places it had to pay better than prevailing wages and offer better than prevailing working conditions; and in its own interests it often had to provide hospitals, housing, and schools. It developed the jungle and the desert; it produced im- Unhappily, independence is not enough. On the one hand, national independence did not mean individual freedom, as the Caribbean republics quickly discovered; on the other, with na- tions as with individuals, independence is inseparable from a sense of responsibility. Those factors basically have molded the history of the Caribbean republics since they won their inde- pendence; as never before, they pose the basic question today. Throughout the area social conditions were still feudal when modern influences began invading it: a small upper class of landowners, soldiers, prelates, politicians, to whom a few native and foreign businessmen had but recently been added; an almost nonexistent middle class; and great masses living in abject pov- erty and virtual peonage. The gap between the Spanish descent of the upper classes and the Indian or Negro origins of the masses added to the explosiveness of the mixture. Though not lacking in natural resources, they were almost totally lacking in native capital. They lacked roads, railways, utilities, industries, and even the major staple exports which, directly or indirectly, would bring the capital for their development. II Into this Arcadian society foreign capital was attracted by the opportunities it afforded and the deliberate policies of the local governments. It developed railways, mines, sugar production, utilities, banana .plantations, oil. If it had no more fully de- veloped social sense than had capital in Europe and in the United States at that period, it generally behaved not worse, but better, than the prevailing standards in the countries to which it went. In particular, it commonly found that to attract labor to distant, desolate places it had to pay better than prevailing wages and offer better than prevailing working conditions; and in its own interests it often had to provide hospitals, housing, and schools. It developed the jungle and the desert; it produced im-  6 The Caribbean portant exports; it built the railways and utilities which thereto- fore had been almost totally lacking and which many of the Caribbean peoples would scarcely have had today if they had had to depend on their own resources. If most of the Caribbean republics are still relatively poor, it is to be remembered that they started far worse off than they are today, and that their progress has been increasingly rapid. These massive injections of foreign capital into hands thereto- fore almost totally devoid of capital also produced grave prob- lems. The governments were weak, unstable, often venal; the mass of the people had a long record of submission to authority. Because of the risks and the scarcity of capital, high returns on it were normal, and in the prevailing circumstances unsavory deals by no means unknown. But the introduction of large for- eign capital investments brought in new factors. Their very size gave them a vital position in the countries' economies; and, giv- en the political, economic, and ethical conditions prevailing in the Caribbean area at that time, they could scarcely have avoided using their financial power for their own ends even if they had wished to do so. Moreover, this capital was backed by powerful foreign governments; those governments were by no means loath to use force to protect it, and in fact numerous foreign interventions occurred. If these were often provoked by the despoiling of foreign capital, they were sometimes merely the pretext for imperialist adventures. American capital had a better record than European capital in this regard, perhaps in part because it entered the field later. Recognizing the dangers of extracontinental intervention to the Monroe Doctrine and the excuses for it afforded by disorder in the Caribbean area, Theodore Roosevelt in effect announced during his administration that the United States would see to it that order was maintained in the Caribbean area; and there- after a series of interventions was undertaken to re-establish order and inculcate democracy in several of the Caribbean repub- lics. Our efforts to impose democracy were notably unsuccessful, 6 The Caribbean 6 The Caribbean portant exports; it built the railways and utilities which thereto- fore had been almost totally lacking and which many of the Caribbean peoples would scarcely have had today if they had had to depend on their own resources. If most of the Caribbean republics are still relatively poor, it is to be remembered that they started far worse off than they are today, and that their progress has been increasingly rapid. These massive injections of foreign capital into hands thereto- fore almost totally devoid of capital also produced grave prob- lems. The governments were weak, unstable, often venal; the mass of the people had a long record of submission to authority. Because of the risks and the scarcity of capital, high returns on it were normal, and in the prevailing circumstances unsavory deals by no means unknown. But the introduction of large for- eign capital investments brought in new factors. Their very size gave them a vital position in the countries' economies; and, giv- en the political, economic, and ethical conditions prevailing in the Caribbean area at that time, they could scarcely have avoided using their financial power for their own ends even if they had wished to do so. Moreover, this capital was backed by powerful foreign governments; those governments were by no means loath to use force to protect it, and in fact numerous foreign interventions occurred. If these were often provoked by the despoiling of foreign capital, they were sometimes merely the pretext for imperialist adventures. American capital had a better record than European capital in this regard, perhaps in part because it entered the field later. Recognizing the dangers of extracontinental intervention to the Monroe Doctrine and the excuses for it afforded by disorder in the Caribbean area, Theodore Roosevelt in effect announced during his administration that the United States would see to it that order was maintained in the Caribbean area; and there- after a series of interventions was undertaken to re-establish order and inculcate democracy in several of the Caribbean repub- lics. Our efforts to impose democracy were notably unsuccessful, portant exports; it built the railways and utilities which thereto- fore had been almost totally lacking and which many of the Caribbean peoples would scarcely have had today if they had had to depend on their own resources. If most of the Caribbean republics are still relatively poor, it is to be remembered that they started far worse off than they are today, and that their progress has been increasingly rapid. These massive injections of foreign capital into hands thereto- fore almost totally devoid of capital also produced grave prob- lems. The governments were weak, unstable, often venal; the mass of the people had a long record of submission to authority. Because of the risks and the scarcity of capital, high returns on it were normal, and in the prevailing circumstances unsavory deals by no means unknown. But the introduction of large for- eign capital investments brought in new factors. Their very size gave them a vital position in the countries' economies; and, giv- en the political, economic, and ethical conditions prevailing in the Caribbean area at that time, they could scarcely have avoided using their financial power for their own ends even if they had wished to do so. Moreover, this capital was backed by powerful foreign governments; those governments were by no means loath to use force to protect it, and in fact numerous foreign interventions occurred. If these were often provoked by the despoiling of foreign capital, they were sometimes merely the pretext for imperialist adventures. American capital had a better record than European capital in this regard, perhaps in part because it entered the field later. Recognizing the dangers of extracontinental intervention to the Monroe Doctrine and the excuses for it afforded by disorder in the Caribbean area, Theodore Roosevelt in effect announced during his administration that the United States would see to it that order was maintained in the Caribbean area; and there- after a series of interventions was undertaken to re-establish order and inculcate democracy in several of the Caribbean repub- lics. Our efforts to impose democracy were notably unsuccessful,  INTRODUCTION 7 INTRODUCTION 7 INTRODUCTION 7 as we should have foreseen from the very nature of democracy. The principal effect of our well-intentioned efforts was to stir up a hornet's nest for us throughout Latin America. Finally, at Montevideo in 1933 we solemnly agreed not to intervene in the internal affairs of our sister republics, and we have scrupulously respected that pledge since that date throughout the area which we are discussing. Into this unbalanced, rapidly developing situation American ideas increasingly thrust themselves. These ideas, which we ac- cept for ourselves today without a single thought, were as revolu- tionary in the conditions existing in the Caribbean area as they were for us in 1775. The masses did not stop to think out to a nicety the equities of each case; they had no long democratic tradition to temper and guide their emotions; they had no demo- cratic processes to enable them to get what they thought they should have by peaceful means, and in remedying abuses they made many mistakes. By no accident Mexico, as our closest neighbor and the coun- try of greatest extremes, flamed into revolution in 1911. In the following events, we again learned the unwisdom of interfering in our neighbors' affairs. Today a transformed Mexico is among the most progressive and prosperous of the American republics, and to that prosperity massive infusions of United States capital have contributed importantly. In recent years, moreover, no other country in the Caribbean area has had a record of greater political stability. III Today we face in many Caribbean lands movements which have some similarity to the Mexican revolution-and which also have fundamental dissimilarities. We should never fail to recog- nize the sound impulses which seek change, betterment, or real national identity in that area, and we should never try to block these forces insofar as they are wisely directed. But today there is another force working overtime in the Caribbean region-the as we should have foreseen from the very nature of democracy. The principal effect of our well-intentioned efforts was to stir up a hornet's nest for us throughout Latin America. Finally, at Montevideo in 1933 we solemnly agreed not to intervene in the internal affairs of our sister republics, and we have scrupulously respected that pledge since that date throughout the area which we are discussing. Into this unbalanced, rapidly developing situation American ideas increasingly thrust themselves. These ideas, which we ac- cept for ourselves today without a single thought, were as revolu- tionary in the conditions existing in the Caribbean area as they were for us in 1775. The masses did not stop to think out to a nicety the equities of each case; they had no long democratic tradition to temper and guide their emotions; they had no demo- cratic processes to enable them to get what they thought they should have by peaceful means, and in remedying abuses they made many mistakes. By no accident Mexico, as our closest neighbor and the coun- try of greatest extremes, flamed into revolution in 1911. In the following events, we again learned the unwisdom of interfering in our neighbors' affairs. Today a transformed Mexico is among the most progressive and prosperous of the American republics, and to that prosperity massive infusions of United States capital have contributed importantly. In recent years, moreover, no other country in the Caribbean area has had a record of greater political stability. III Today we face in many Caribbean lands movements which have some similarity to the Mexican revolution-and which also have fundamental dissimilarities. We should never fail to recog- nize the sound impulses which seek change, betterment, or real national identity in that area, and we should never try to block these forces insofar as they are wisely directed. But today there is another force working overtime in the Caribbean region-the as we should have foreseen from the very nature of democracy. The principal effect of our well-intentioned efforts was to stir up a hornet's nest for uss throughout Latin America. Finally, at Montevideo in 1933 we solemnly agreed not to intervene in the internal affairs of our sister republics, and we have scrupulously respected that pledge since that date throughout the area which we are discussing. Into this unbalanced, rapidly developing situation American ideas increasingly thrust themselves. These ideas, which we ac- cept for ourselves today without a single thought, were as revolu- tionary in the conditions existing in the Caribbean area as they were for us in 1775. The masses did not stop to think out to a nicety the equities of each case; they had no long democratic tradition to temper and guide their emotions; they had no demo- cratic processes to enable them to get what they thought they should have by peaceful means, and in remedying abuses they made many mistakes. By no accident Mexico, as our closest neighbor and the coun- try of greatest extremes, flamed into revolution in 1911. In the following events, we again learned the unwisdom of interfering in our neighbors' affairs. Today a transformed Mexico is among the most progressive and prosperous of the American republics, and to that prosperity massive infusions of United States capital have contributed importantly. In recent years, moreover, no other country in the Caribbean area has had a record of greater political stability. III Today we face in many Caribbean lands movements which have some similarity to the Mexican revolution-and which also have fundamental dissimilarities. We should never fail to recog- nize the sound impulses which seek change, betterment, or real national identity in that area, and we should never try to block these forces insofar as they are wisely directed. But today there is another force working overtime in the Caribbean region-the  8 The Caribbean force of that modern colonialism, Communist imperialism. Communism has nothing to offer people in the Caribbean area except false promises. It will not-it cannot-bring better living standards to the common man anywhere. By robbing the foreign investor it could give the workman a bit more for a short time-and destroy his job. But those in the Caribbean area who listen to Communist agitation should remember the Communist record in the countries they control-the long, sad tale of ex- ploitation and forced labor and concentration camps and living standards lower than they were when the Communists seized power. Even in the eighteenth century, unbridled exploitation was not well regarded by Europe-note the trial of Warren Hastings. No colonial power has ever exploited the people of its colonies as the Communists exploit their own people. How many voices are raised today in Soviet Russia to defend the rights of slave laborers? Let us nevertheless not deceive ourselves as to the allure of Communist propaganda. The present generation in our neighboring republics has for- gotten what conditions were like before foreign capital came in to provide them facilities, employment, and exports. Many of them have no appreciation of what it means to them and to their countries' progress. The Communists seek to exploit the unthinking emotions of the still-backward people. They know that in no other area of the world has a great power shown such respect for the rights of weak neighbors as has the United States for the smaller Caribbean republics. They know that in no other area have such diverse nations cooperated more harmoni- ously for their mutual benefit. They see Caribbean living stand- ards rising day by day, aided by expanding, profitable trade, by increasing private investment, by our effective Point Four work, by the basic facilities constructed with the aid of government loans. Recognizing the effect which bettering conditions in this area must have on the plans to dominate the world, they attack where they think attack will be most effective. 8 The Caribbean 8 The Caribbean force of that modern colonialism, Communist imperialism. Communism has nothing to offer people in the Caribbean area except false promises. It will not-it cannot-bring better living standards to the common man anywhere. By robbing the foreign investor it could give the workman a bit more for a short time-and destroy his job. But those in the Caribbean area who listen to Communist agitation should remember the Communist record in the countries they control-the long, sad tale of ex- ploitation and forced labor and concentration camps and living standards lower than they were when the Communists seized power. Even in the eighteenth century, unbridled exploitation was not well regarded by Europe-note the trial of Warren Hastings. No colonial power has ever exploited the people of its colonies as the Communists exploit their own people. How many voices are raised today in Soviet Russia to defend the rights of slave laborers? Let us nevertheless not deceive ourselves as to the allure of Communist propaganda. The present generation in our neighboring republics has for- gotten what conditions were like before foreign capital came in to provide them facilities, employment, and exports. Many of them have no appreciation of what it means to them and to their countries' progress. The Communists seek to exploit the unthinking emotions of the still-backward people. They know that in no other area of the world has a great power shown such respect for the rights of weak neighbors as has the United States for the smaller Caribbean republics. They know that in no other area have such diverse nations cooperated more harmoni- ously for their mutual benefit. They see Caribbean living stand- ards rising day by day, aided by expanding, profitable trade, by increasing private investment, by our effective Point Four work, by the basic facilities constructed with the aid of government loans. Recognizing the effect which bettering conditions in this area must have on the plans to dominate the world, they attack where they think attack will be most effective. force of that modern colonialism, Communist imperialism. Communism has nothing to offer people in the Caribbean area except false promises. It will not-it cannot-bring better living standards to the common man anywhere. By robbing the foreign investor it could give the workman a bit more for a short time-and destroy his job. But those in the Caribbean area who listen to Communist agitation should remember the Communist record in the countries they control-the long, sad tale of ex- ploitation and forced labor and concentration camps and living standards lower than they were when the Communists seized power. Even in the eighteenth century, unbridled exploitation was not well regarded by Europe-note the trial of Warren Hastings. No colonial power has ever exploited the people of its colonies as the Communists exploit their own people. How many voices are raised today in Soviet Russia to defend the rights of slave laborers? Let us nevertheless not deceive ourselves as to the allure of Communist propaganda. The present generation in our neighboring republics has for- gotten what conditions were like before foreign capital came in to provide them facilities, employment, and exports. Many of them have no appreciation of what it means to them and to their countries' progress. The Communists seek to exploit the unthinking emotions of the still-backward people. They know that in no other area of the world has a great power shown such respect for the rights of weak neighbors as has the United States for the smaller Caribbean republics. They know that in no other area have such diverse nations cooperated more harmoni- ously for their mutual benefit. They see Caribbean living stand- ards rising day by day, aided by expanding, profitable trade, by increasing private investment, by our effective Point Four work, by the basic facilities constructed with the aid of government loans. Recognizing the effect which bettering conditions in this area must have on the plans to dominate the world, they attack where they think attack will be most effective.  INTRODUCTION 9 INTRODUCTION 9 INTRODUCTION 9 Hence the vicious propaganda against American companies operating in the Caribbean area. By their attacks the Commu- nists seek, of course, to discredit the United States. But they have other objectives, too. They want to prevent the development of these republics and the improvement of living standards in them, and they know that increasing foreign investments will endanger their objectives. They seek to turn the Caribbean nations against foreign investment, and foreign investors against the Caribbean nations. But if in one Caribbean country a misguided govern- ment is dancing to their tune, in all the other independent coun- tries they have little enough to show for their efforts. If political problems arise in the Caribbean area, we have evolved a set of principles peculiarly well adapted for dealing with them. So long as we follow those principles in endeavoring to settle our differences, the latter should never become serious. In short, these principles are respect for the rights, interests, and individualities of our sister republics, nonintervention in their internal affairs, and cooperation with them in developing their resources, basic facilities, and living standards. There is, however, a word which I should like to add to that. We expect of our sister republics the same consideration that we strive to show them. Weakness does not confer rights on a na- tion; and rights cannot be divorced from responsibilities. We have gladly recognized that our sister republics have attained maturity. In the last few days we have again demonstrated that we do not wish to dominate any other people, by announcing that this administration would recommend to Congress that Puerto Rico become completely independent if it so chooses. But we do expect from our sister republics a due regard for our views, rights, and interests in return. IV The fundamental problems of our Caribbean relations are not, then, the question of Cuban sugar or Panama Canal treaties or Hence the vicious propaganda against American companies operating in the Caribbean area. By their attacks the Commu- nists seek, of course, to discredit the United States. But they have other objectives, too. They want to prevent the development of these republics and the improvement of living standards in them, and they know that increasing foreign investments will endanger their objectives. They seek to turn the Caribbean nations against foreign investment, and foreign investors against the Caribbean nations. But if in one Caribbean country a misguided govern- ment is dancing to their tune, in all the other independent coun- tries they have little enough to show for their efforts. If political problems arise in the Caribbean area, we have evolved a set of principles peculiarly well adapted for dealing with them. So long as we follow those principles in endeavoring to settle our differences, the latter should never become serious. In short, these principles are respect for the rights, interests, and individualities of our sister republics, nonintervention in their internal affairs, and cooperation with them in developing their resources, basic facilities, and living standards. There is, however, a word which I should like to add to that. We expect of our sister republics the same consideration that we strive to show them. Weakness does not confer rights on a na- tion; and rights cannot be divorced from responsibilities. We have gladly recognized that our sister republics have attained maturity. In the last few days we have again demonstrated that we do not wish to dominate any other people, by announcing that this administration would recommend to Congress that Puerto Rico become completely independent if it so chooses. But we do expect from our sister republics a due regard for our views, rights, and interests in return. IV The fundamental problems of our Caribbean relations are not, then, the question of Cuban sugar or Panama Canal treaties or Hence the vicious propaganda against American companies operating in the Caribbean area. By their attacks the Commu- nists seek, of course, to discredit the United States. But they have other objectives, too. They want to prevent the development of these republics and the improvement of living standards in them, and they know that increasing foreign investments will endanger their objectives. They seek to turn the Caribbean nations against foreign investment, and foreign investors against the Caribbean nations. But if in one Caribbean country a misguided govern- ment is dancing to their tune, in all the other independent coun- tries they have little enough to show for their efforts. If political problems arise in the Caribbean area, we have evolved a set of principles peculiarly well adapted for dealing with them. So long as we follow those principles in endeavoring to settle our differences, the latter should never become serious. In short, these principles are respect for the rights, interests, and individualities of our sister republics, nonintervention in their internal affairs, and cooperation with them in developing their resources, basic facilities, and living standards. There is, however, a word which I should like to add to that. We expect of our sister republics the same consideration that we strive to show them. Weakness does not confer rights on a na- tion; and rights cannot be divorced from responsibilities. We have gladly recognized that our sister republics have attained maturity. In the last few days we have again demonstrated that we do not wish to dominate any other people, by announcing that this administration would recommend to Congress that Puerto Rico become completely independent if it so chooses. But we do expect from our sister republics a due regard for our views, rights, and interests in return. IV The fundamental problems of our Caribbean relations are not, then, the question of Cuban sugar or Panama Canal treaties or  10 The Caribbean expropriations in Guatemala or migrant labor from Mexico. With due consideration on each side for the other's viewpoint, all of these can be solved. The fundamental problem is that, in a narrowing world, smaller, weaker, poorer countries exist so close to us; that their people are increasingly anxious to have for themselves the good things of life they see their neighbors to the north enjoying; and that the Communists are striving to get them to choose unwisely, even wrongfully, the means of securing them. If our policy is to thwart them, we prefer to think of the problem facing us in more positive terms. It is not enough to analyze it, to appreciate the difficulties we face and to talk in generalities of the objectives we should seek to obtain. We need a concrete, constructive program to attain those objectives. The objectives are clear. We want in our relations with our sister republics of the Caribbean to promote peace, mutual secu- rity, democratic practices, rising standards of living, and economic development. We seek their friendship based on understanding, cooperation, and mutual respect. The means by which we seek to obtain these objectives are primarily the following: (1) An expanding trade promoted by stability in rules and terms. Since we produce practically none of the staple export products of the Caribbean countries in adequate quantity for our domestic consumption, and since indeed our products tend to complement rather than to compete with each other, this is a serious problem today only in restricted sectors. (2) The continuing investment of American private capital in those countries favoring such investment. Men cannot have what they do not produce; capital tools help men to produce; native capital in the Caribbean is woefully inadequate to fill the area's needs and, therefore, additional foreign capital is needed to raise living standards rapidly. That capital will go only where it is welcomed and fairly treated. The money invested by our private citizens is bettering wages, working conditions, hospi- tals, and schools, is expanding vital exports, is providing know- 10 The Caribbean 10 The Caribbean expropriations in Guatemala or migrant labor from Mexico. With due consideration on each side for the other's viewpoint, all of these can be solved. The fundamental problem is that, in a narrowing world, smaller, weaker, poorer countries exist so close to us; that their people are increasingly anxious to have for themselves the good things of life they see their neighbors to the north enjoying; and that the Communists are striving to get them to choose unwisely, even wrongfully, the means of securing them. If our policy is to thwart them, we prefer to think of the problem facing us in more positive terms. It is not enough to analyze it, to appreciate the difficulties we face and to talk in generalities of the objectives we should seek to obtain. We need a concrete, constructive program to attain those objectives. The objectives are clear. We want in our relations with our sister republics of the Caribbean to promote peace, mutual secu- rity, democratic practices, rising standards of living, and economic development. We seek their friendship based on understanding, cooperation, and mutual respect. The means by which we seek to obtain these objectives are primarily the following: (1) An expanding trade promoted by stability in rules and terms. Since we produce practically none of the staple export products of the Caribbean countries in adequate quantity for our domestic consumption, and since indeed our products tend to complement rather than to compete with each other, this is a serious problem today only in restricted sectors. (2) The continuing investment of American private capital in those countries favoring such investment. Men cannot have what they do not produce; capital tools help men to produce; native capital in the Caribbean is woefully inadequate to fill the area's needs and, therefore, additional foreign capital is needed to raise living standards rapidly. That capital will go only where it is welcomed and fairly treated. The money invested by our private citizens is bettering wages, working conditions, hospi- tals, and schools, is expanding vital exports, is providing know- expropriations in Guatemala or migrant labor from Mexico. With due consideration on each side for the other's viewpoint, all of these can be solved. The fundamental problem is that, in a narrowing world, smaller, weaker, poorer countries exist so close to us; that their people are increasingly anxious to have for themselves the good things of life they see their neighbors to the north enjoying; and that the Communists are striving to get them to choose unwisely, even wrongfully, the means of securing them. If our policy is to thwart them, we prefer to think of the problem facing us in more positive terms. It is not enough to analyze it, to appreciate the difficulties we face and to talk in generalities of the objectives we should seek to obtain. We need a concrete, constructive program to attain those objectives. The objectives are clear. We want in our relations with our sister republics of the Caribbean to promote peace, mutual secu- rity, democratic practices, rising standards of living, and economic development. We seek their friendship based on understanding, cooperation, and mutual respect. The means by which we seek to obtain these objectives are primarily the following: (I) An expanding trade promoted by stability in rules and terms. Since we produce practically none of the staple export products of the Caribbean countries in adequate quantity for our domestic consumption, and since indeed our products tend to complement rather than to compete with each other, this is a serious problem today only in restricted sectors. (2) The continuing investment of American private capital in those countries favoring such investment. Men cannot have what they do not produce; capital tools help men to produce; native capital in the Caribbean is woefully inadequate to fill the area's needs and, therefore, additional foreign capital is needed to raise living standards rapidly. That capital will go only where it is welcomed and fairly treated. The money invested by our private citizens is bettering wages, working conditions, hospi- tals, and schools, is expanding vital exports, is providing know-  INTRODUCTION 11 INTRODUCTION 11 INTRODUCTION 11 how to more and more people, and is enabling people to buy better merchandise at cheaper prices. (3) Government loans to aid in the construction of basic facilities such as roads, utilities, irrigation, and in the develop- ment of agricultural resources. (4) Direct aid for such major mutually beneficial projects as the Inter-American Highway. (5) The dissemination of know-how through scholarships, trainee grants, American libraries, and through our Point Four work. I should like particularly to emphasize how much we get for every dollar that we put into Point Four work. I have seen with my own eyes how it is increasing agricultural production and thereby helping the people of the Caribbean area to eat better. Agricultural yields have in some instances been multiplied several times; and, to pick but one example, Costa Rica, which used to import corn, beans, rice, and sugar, is now exporting all of them. The scourges of malaria, yaws, and other pestilences have been virtually eliminated. Pure water has been brought to many villages which never knew it before. Clinics, hospitals, and trained nurses attend to the medical needs of a populace former- ly without them. Here is the refutation of the oft-repeated story that our aid does not reach the common man, for millions throughout the Caribbean area have benefited from it. Even if the means at our disposal were greater, we should not quickly attain our objectives. What we are doing is to build slowly but truly the foundations upon which the nations of the Caribbean area can rise in future majesty. We are at times criticized for not doing more to promote democracy now. I have already mentioned how notably unsuccessful our direct efforts to promote democracy have been. To my mind, the proper and the surer way-if at times its slowness makes us im- patient-is the course we are now following. By raising living standards, by creating a middle class through trade and economic development, by promoting education through Point Four aid, how to more and more people, and is enabling people to buy better merchandise at cheaper prices. (3) Government loans to aid in the construction of basic facilities such as roads, utilities, irrigation, and in the develop- ment of agricultural resources. (4) Direct aid for such major mutually beneficial projects as the Inter-American Highway. (5) The dissemination of know-how through scholarships, trainee grants, American libraries, and through our Point Four work. I should like particularly to emphasize how much we get for every dollar that we put into Point Four work. I have seen with my own eyes how it is increasing agricultural production and thereby helping the people of the Caribbean area to eat better. Agricultural yields have in some instances been multiplied several times; and, to pick but one example, Costa Rica, which used to import corn, beans, rice, and sugar, is now exporting all of them. The scourges of malaria, yaws, and other pestilences have been virtually eliminated. Pure water has been brought to many villages which never knew it before. Clinics, hospitals, and trained nurses attend to the medical needs of a populace former- ly without them. Here is the refutation of the oft-repeated story that our aid does not reach the common man, for millions throughout the Caribbean area have benefited from it. Even if the means at our disposal were greater, we should not quickly attain our objectives. What we are doing is to build slowly but truly the foundations upon which the nations of the Caribbean area can rise in future majesty. We are at times criticized for not doing more to promote democracy now. I have already mentioned how notably unsuccessful our direct efforts to promote democracy have been. To my mind, the proper and the surer way-if at times its slowness makes us im- patient-is the course we are now following. By raising living standards, by creating a middle class through trade and economic development, by promoting education through Point Four aid, how to more and more people, and is enabling people to buy better merchandise at cheaper prices. (3) Government loans to aid in the construction of basic facilities such as roads, utilities, irrigation, and in the develop- ment of agricultural resources. (4) Direct aid for such major mutually beneficial projects as the Inter-American Highway. (5) The dissemination of know-how through scholarships, trainee grants, American libraries, and through our Point Four work. I should like particularly to emphasize how much we get for every dollar that we put into Point Four work. I have seen with my own eyes how it is increasing agricultural production and thereby helping the people of the Caribbean area to eat better. Agricultural yields have in some instances been multiplied several times; and, to pick but one example, Costa Rica, which used to import corn, beans, rice, and sugar, is now exporting all of them. The scourges of malaria, yaws, and other pestilences have been virtually eliminated. Pure water has been brought to many villages which never knew it before. Clinics, hospitals, and trained nurses attend to the medical needs of a populace former- ly without them. Here is the refutation of the oft-repeated story that our aid does not reach the common man, for millions throughout the Caribbean area have benefited from it. Even if the means at our disposal were greater, we should not quickly attain our objectives. What we are doing is to build slowly but truly the foundations upon which the nations of the Caribbean area can rise in future majesty. We are at times criticized for not doing more to promote democracy now. I have already mentioned how notably unsuccessful our direct efforts to promote democracy have been. To my mind, the proper and the surer way-if at times its slowness makes us im- patient-is the course we are now following. By raising living standards, by creating a middle class through trade and economic development, by promoting education through Point Four aid,  12 The Caribbean by the very example our democracy sets for our sister republics, we shall in my opinion set them in their turn on the path to democracy, without improper interference on our part. V If I have spoken at length of the social forces working in the Caribbean, I do not wish to overemphasize their explosive na- ture. Although Communism has established a beachhead in one republic (and has recently been smacked down in an effort to establish another in a European colony), other Caribbean repub- lics are without exception progressing rapidly through stable evolutionary processes. Already the Red Star has clearly passed its zenith in Mexico, Cuba, and some of the other republics. While complacency would be unwise, we can be quietly confi- dent in the progress we are making and we can devote increased efforts to the sectors in which the battle is still not going as well. That is the message of encouragement and exhortation which I wish to bring you today. For Communism will not be beaten by oratory. It will be beaten when the underprivileged-and there are still many of them in the Caribbean area-are convinced that while Com- munism rants, democracy produces the goods. Let us go for- ward, confident in our strength to meet the tasks before us, in the soundness of our principles, in the values, spiritual and ma- terial, which our way of life has to offer our sister nations. Let us continue to cooperate with them in friendship and trust, to thwart the efforts of a new imperialism to make colonies of us 12 The Caribbean by the very example our democracy sets for our sister republics, we shall in my opinion set them in their turn on the path to democracy, without improper interference on our part. V If I have spoken at length of the social forces working in the Caribbean, I do not wish to overemphasize their explosive na- ture. Although Communism has established a beachhead in one republic (and has recently been smacked down in an effort to establish another in a European colony), other Caribbean repub- lics are without exception progressing rapidly through stable evolutionary processes. Already the Red Star has clearly passed its zenith in Mexico, Cuba, and some of the other republics. While complacency would be unwise, we can be quietly confi- dent in the progress we are making and we can devote increased efforts to the sectors in which the battle is still not going as well. That is the message of encouragement and exhortation which I wish to bring you today. For Communism will not be beaten by oratory. It will be beaten when the underprivileged-and there are still many of them in the Caribbean area-are convinced that while Com- munism rants, democracy produces the goods. Let us go for- ward, confident in our strength to meet the tasks before us, in the soundness of our principles, in the values, spiritual and ma- terial, which our way of life has to offer our sister nations. Let us continue to cooperate with them in friendship and trust, to thwart the efforts of a new imperialism to make colonies of us all. 12 The Caribbean by the very example our democracy sets for our sister republics, we shall in my opinion set them in their turn on the path to democracy, without improper interference on our part. V If I have spoken at length of the social forces working in the Caribbean, I do not wish to overemphasize their explosive na- ture. Although Communism has established a beachhead in one republic (and has recently been smacked down in an effort to establish another in a European colony), other Caribbean repub- lics are without exception progressing rapidly through stable evolutionary processes. Already the Red Star has clearly passed its zenith in Mexico, Cuba, and some of the other republics. While complacency would be unwise, we can be quietly confi- dent in the progress we are making and we can devote increased efforts to the sectors in which the battle is still not going as well. That is the message of encouragement and exhortation which I wish to bring you today. For Communism will not be beaten by oratory. It will be beaten when the underprivileged-and there are still many of them in the Caribbean area-are convinced that while Com- munism rants, democracy produces the goods. Let us go for- ward, confident in our strength to meet the tasks before us, in the soundness of our principles, in the values, spiritual and ma- terial, which our way of life has to offer our sister nations. Let us continue to cooperate with them in friendship and trust, to thwart the efforts of a new imperialism to make colonies of us all.  Part II Part II Part II RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION   Carl O. Sauer: ECONOMIC PROSPECTS OF THE CARIBBEAN THE AMERICAN MEDITERRANEAN is one of the chief crossroads of the world, second perhaps only to the Near East. This is an elemental and permanent fact of position of sea and land to which different times may give different value and ex- pression, but which no political or economic pattern of the world can diminish in the long run. Our own Middle Atlantic seaboard became important three centuries ago as the opposite and colonial shore of northwest Eu- rope, and it has continued to depend mainly on the business crossing the North Atlantic. In the not-too-distant future, south- ward communication, across climatic belts through the West Indies and along them to South America, may take first place in the commerce of our eastern ports. I. Advantage of Position Middle America, by mainland corridor and island stepping- stones, as well as through its sheltered seas, links the two Amer- icas. Between its island guards and across the isthmuses of its mainland passes must pass, in the future, the main traffic be- tween Atlantic and Pacific. Florida, Panama, and Trinidad bound the strategic triangle of the New World; it is not by chance that these have become world centers of air lanes. 15 Carl O. Sauer: ECONOMIC PROSPECTS OF THE CARIBBEAN THE AMERICAN MEDITERRANEAN is one of the chief crossroads of the world, second perhaps only to the Near East. This is an elemental and permanent fact of position of sea and land to which different times may give different value and ex- pression, but which no political or economic pattern of the world can diminish in the long run. Our own Middle Atlantic seaboard became important three centuries ago as the opposite and colonial shore of northwest Eu- rope, and it has continued to depend mainly on the business crossing the North Atlantic. In the not-too-distant future, south- ward communication, across climatic belts through the West Indies and along them to South America, may take first place in the commerce of our eastern ports. I. Advantage of Position Middle America, by mainland corridor and island stepping- stones, as well as through its sheltered seas, links the two Amer- icas. Between its island guards and across the isthmuses of its mainland passes must pass, in the future, the main traffic be- tween Atlantic and Pacific. Florida, Panama, and Trinidad bound the strategic triangle of the New World; it is not by chance that these have become world centers of air lanes. 15 Carl O. Sauer: ECONOMIC PROSPECTS OF THE CARIBBEAN THE AMERICAN MEDITERRANEAN is one of the chief crossroads of the world, second perhaps only to the Near East. This is an elemental and permanent fact of position of sea and land to which different times may give different value and ex- pression, but which no political or economic pattern of the world can diminish in the long run. Our own Middle Atlantic seaboard became important three centuries ago as the opposite and colonial shore of northwest Eu- rope, and it has continued to depend mainly on the business crossing the North Atlantic. In the not-too-distant future, south- ward communication, across climatic belts through the West Indies and along them to South America, may take first place in the commerce of our eastern ports. I. Advantage of Position Middle America, by mainland corridor and island stepping- stones, as well as through its sheltered seas, links the two Amer- icas. Between its island guards and across the isthmuses of its mainland passes must pass, in the future, the main traffic be- tween Atlantic and Pacific. Florida, Panama, and Trinidad bound the strategic triangle of the New World; it is not by chance that these have become world centers of air lanes. 15  16 The Caribbean These large features of our globe are so salient that they must never be overlooked. They have operated in the geologic past in the dispersal of plants and animals. This history of man in the New World-aboriginal, colonial, and contemporary-is a series of solutions of the tactical positions and interior lines of this area as lying between the two continental Americas. Lately we have become aware of the superior transport position and strategic implications of the great and critical mineral resources lying within the Caribbean rim-petroleum, bauxite, and iron ore-as affecting the industrial future of the New World. Man always economizes expenditure of energy and so his as- sembly points grow up where the assembly costs are least, his busiest routes of trade involve the fewest ton-miles. The more commerce draws upon the ends of the earth for primary materi- als, the more advantage accrues to the most central locations. Middle America has such distance-saving position, on which routes converge from all quadrants; in particular, the cheap routes of the sea, the fast ones of the air. II. Energy Resources On the Lesser Antilles the ruined towers of windmills recall the days when the trade winds were used to perform the labor of grinding cane. At the same time, wherever cane was grown, the woods were heavily depleted for boiling the cane juice. The modern fuel era began in the nineteenth century with imported bunker coal, and in the twentieth has shifted to fuel oil. The greatest proved oil districts of the New World are at the north- ern and southern rims of our Mediterranean, between the Mis- sissippi and Panuco rivers, and along the southern shores of the Caribbean. Low-cost fuel oils are available on short hauls by pipe line and tanker-perhaps the cheapest and most flexible of all means of transport-to island and Central American shores, where nature has made generous provision of natural harbors, 16 The Caribbean 16 The Caribbean These large features of our globe are so salient that they must never be overlooked. They have operated in the geologic past in the dispersal of plants and animals. This history of man in the New World-aboriginal, colonial, and contemporary-is a series of solutions of the tactical positions and interior lines of this area as lying between the two continental Americas. Lately we have become aware of the superior transport position and strategic implications of the great and critical mineral resources lying within the Caribbean rim-petroleum, bauxite, and iron ore-as affecting the industrial future of the New World. Man always economizes expenditure of energy and so his as- sembly points grow up where the assembly costs are least, his busiest routes of trade involve the fewest ton-miles. The more commerce draws upon the ends of the earth for primary materi- als, the more advantage accrues to the most central locations. Middle America has such distance-saving position, on which routes converge from all quadrants; in particular, the cheap routes of the sea, the fast ones of the air. II. Energy Resources On the Lesser Antilles the ruined towers of windmills recall the days when the trade winds were used to perform the labor of grinding cane. At the same time, wherever cane was grown, the woods were heavily depleted for boiling the cane juice. The modern fuel era began in the nineteenth century with imported bunker coal, and in the twentieth has shifted to fuel oil. The greatest proved oil districts of the New World are at the north- ern and southern rims of our Mediterranean, between the Mis- sissippi and Panuco rivers, and along the southern shores of the Caribbean. Low-cost fuel oils are available on short hauls by pipe line and tanker-perhaps the cheapest and most flexible of all means of transport-to island and Central American shores, where nature has made generous provision of natural harbors, These large features of our globe are so salient that they must never be overlooked. They have operated in the geologic past in the dispersal of plants and animals. This history of man in the New World-aboriginal, colonial, and contemporary-is a series of solutions of the tactical positions and interior lines of this area as lying between the two continental Americas. Lately we have become aware of the superior transport position and strategic implications of the great and critical mineral resources lying within the Caribbean rim-petroleum, bauxite, and iron ore-as affecting the industrial future of the New World. Man always economizes expenditure of energy and so his as- sembly points grow up where the assembly costs are least, his busiest routes of trade involve the fewest ton-miles. The more commerce draws upon the ends of the earth for primary materi- als, the more advantage accrues to the most central locations. Middle America has such distance-saving position, on which routes converge from all quadrants; in particular, the cheap routes of the sea, the fast ones of the air. II. Energy Resources On the Lesser Antilles the ruined towers of windmills recall the days when the trade winds were used to perform the labor of grinding cane. At the same time, wherever cane was grown, the woods were heavily depleted for boiling the cane juice. The modern fuel era began in the nineteenth century with imported bunker coal, and in the twentieth has shifted to fuel oil. The greatest proved oil districts of the New World are at the north- ern and southern rims of our Mediterranean, between the Mis- sissippi and Panuco rivers, and along the southern shores of the Caribbean. Low-cost fuel oils are available on short hauls by pipe line and tanker-perhaps the cheapest and most flexible of all means of transport-to island and Central American shores, where nature has made generous provision of natural harbors,  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 17 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 17 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 17 beyond the necessities of commerce.* The processing of primary materials, the growth of service industries, and facilities of com- munication within the Caribbean area are not held back by transport cost of introduced fuels, nor will they be so long as these major oil fields last. Cane bagasse is probably, at the moment, in first place as energy source for the islands. Hydroelectric energy is available in largest amount from the rainy mountains of the Dominican Republic, where economical hydro-power stations are now func- tioning. III. Harvest of the Sea The harvest of the sea is nearly abandoned. The salt pans on which the North Atlantic fisheries once depended are gone, ex- cept for a little salt still made on Turks and Caicos Islands. The pearl fisheries along the semiarid coasts of the Caribbean main- land became devastated very early and have not been restored. In aboriginal days, the land provided man with carbohy- drates, the sea with proteins. The manati, or sea cow, weighing up to a ton, furnished superior meat to the Spaniards. It was declared to be fish by the Church and thus proper for meatless days. The water pastures of the stream mouths where once it fed in large numbers were gradually depopulated, and are today unutilized by man. The great herbivorous green turtles were a mainstay of Indian populations, produced in such abundance all about the West Indies as to provide for many years the chief flesh food of the black slaves. Fleets of turtlers were engaged the year around out of Jamaican harbors for the provisioning of the plantations. When the Jamaican waters were exhausted, these fishing vessels operated on the keys and shores of Cuba and the Caymans. A few Caymanian vessels continue the business to the present, no * Especially of ria-type, deep, narrow drowned river channels, beyond the necessities of commerce.0 The processing of primary materials, the growth of service industries, and facilities of com- munication within the Caribbean area are not held back by transport cost of introduced fuels, nor will they be so long as these major oil fields last. Cane bagasse is probably, at the moment, in first place as energy source for the islands. Hydroelectric energy is available in largest amount from the rainy mountains of the Dominican Republic, where economical hydro-power stations are now func- tioning. III. Harvest of the Sea The harvest of the sea is nearly abandoned. The salt pans on which the North Atlantic fisheries once depended are gone, ex- cept for a little salt still made on Turks and Caicos Islands. The pearl fisheries along the semiarid coasts of the Caribbean main- land became devastated very early and have not been restored. In aboriginal days, the land provided man with carbohy- drates, the sea with proteins. The manati, or sea cow, weighing up to a ton, furnished superior meat to the Spaniards. It was declared to be fish by the Church and thus proper for meatless days. The water pastures of the stream mouths where once it fed in large numbers were gradually depopulated, and are today unutilized by man. The great herbivorous green turtles were a mainstay of Indian populations, produced in such abundance all about the West Indies as to provide for many years the chief flesh food of the black slaves. Fleets of turtlers were engaged the year around out of Jamaican harbors for the provisioning of the plantations. When the Jamaican waters were exhausted, these fishing vessels operated on the keys and shores of Cuba and the Caymans. A few Caymanian vessels continue the business to the present, no * Especially of ria-type, deep, narrow drowned river channels. beyond the necessities of commerce.0 The processing of primary materials, the growth of service industries, and facilities of com- munication within the Caribbean area are not held back by transport cost of introduced fuels, nor will they be so long as these major oil fields last. Cane bagasse is probably, at the moment, in first place as energy source for the islands. Hydroelectric energy is available in largest amount from the rainy mountains of the Dominican Republic, where economical hydro-power stations are now func- tioning. III. Harvest of the Sea The harvest of the sea is nearly abandoned. The salt pans on which the North Atlantic fisheries once depended are gone, ex- cept for a little salt still made on Turks and Caicos Islands. The pearl fisheries along the semiarid coasts of the Caribbean main- land became devastated very early and have not been restored. In aboriginal days, the land provided man with carbohy- drates, the sea with proteins. The manati, or sea cow, weighing up to a ton, furnished superior meat to the Spaniards. It was declared to be fish by the Church and thus proper for meatless days. The water pastures of the stream mouths where once it fed in large numbers were gradually depopulated, and are today unutilized by man. The great herbivorous green turtles were a mainstay of Indian populations, produced in such abundance all about the West Indies as to provide for many years the chief flesh food of the black slaves. Fleets of turtlers were engaged the year around out of Jamaican harbors for the provisioning of the plantations. When the Jamaican waters were exhausted, these fishing vessels operated on the keys and shores of Cuba and the Caymans. A few Caymanian vessels continue the business to the present, no * Especially of ria-type, deep, narrow drowned river channels.  18 The Caribbean longer in home waters but along the wilder shores of Central America. The former common food of slaves has become a delicacy of luxury markets in the United States, the turtles being shipped to our urban markets by air freight. The green turtles have been depleted by the practice of catch- ing them while mating, by taking females when they come to shore to lay eggs, and by stealing the eggs. Protection might be had for beaches still visited by sea turtles. As the situation stands, they are rapidly going the way of the manati. A con- servation policy for the resources of the sea would not be diffi- cult to draw up, but would be difficult of acceptance because of the many political jurisdictions and interests. None has been tried; as a result, the plankton-rich areas of the Caribbean and Sargasso seas are not being utilized beneficially by man. A further difficulty is that most of the present inhabitants know nothing of fishing as a means of livelihood, excepting the colored folks of the Bahamas and the Cayman whites. Thus, even where sunlit shallow banks afford superior fishing grounds, as about most of Cuba, sea food is scarce and expensive. It is likely to cost more than beef, and it may be imported from the United States. IV. Cropping the Tropical Forest The islands have more people than the whole of Canada. Need of tilled land has caused the removal of most of the forest cover, except from the steeper mountain slopes. The Dominican Republic, with least pressure of population, has most forest left. Neither on islands nor on Caribbean mainland is effective at- tention given to trees as a permanent resource, except perhaps by the United Fruit Company. The Caribbean pine of the low- lands, nearly related to our Southern slash pine, has been almost wholly cut out in Cuba. It is now also being cut heavily on the mainland, from British Honduras to Nicaragua, mainly for export. The highland pines, being less accessible, have been less invaded, but logging roads are now being pushed into the moun- 18 The Caribbean 18 The Caribbean longer in home waters but along the wilder shores of Central America. The former common food of slaves has become a delicacy of luxury markets in the United States, the turtles being shipped to our urban markets by air freight. The green turtles have been depleted by the practice of catch- ing them while mating, by taking females when they come to shore to lay eggs, and by stealing the eggs. Protection might be had for beaches still visited by sea turtles. As the situation stands, they are rapidly going the way of the manati. A con- servation policy for the resources of the sea would not be diffi- cult to draw up, but would be difficult of acceptance because of the many political jurisdictions and interests. None has been tried; as a result, the plankton-rich areas of the Caribbean and Sargasso seas are not being utilized beneficially by man. A further difficulty is that most of the present inhabitants know nothing of fishing as a means of livelihood, excepting the colored folks of the Bahamas and the Cayman whites. Thus, even where sunlit shallow banks afford superior fishing grounds, as about most of Cuba, sea food is scarce and expensive. It is likely to cost more than beef, and it may be imported from the United States. IV. Cropping the Tropical Forest The islands have more people than the whole of Canada. Need of tilled land has caused the removal of most of the forest cover, except from the steeper mountain slopes. The Dominican Republic, with least pressure of population, has most forest left. Neither on islands nor on Caribbean mainland is effective at- tention given to trees as a permanent resource, except perhaps by the United Fruit Company. The Caribbean pine of the low- lands, nearly related to our Southern slash pine, has been almost wholly cut out in Cuba. It is now also being cut heavily on the mainland, from British Honduras to Nicaragua, mainly for export. The highland pines, being less accessible, have been less invaded, but logging roads are now being pushed into the moun- longer in home waters but along the wilder shores of Central America. The former common food of slaves has become a delicacy of luxury markets in the United States, the turtles being shipped to our urban markets by air freight. The green turtles have been depleted by the practice of catch- ing them while mating, by taking females when they come to shore to lay eggs, and by stealing the eggs. Protection might be had for beaches still visited by sea turtles. As the situation stands, they are rapidly going the way of the manati. A con- servation policy for the resources of the sea would not be diffi- cult to draw up, but would be difficult of acceptance because of the many political jurisdictions and interests. None has been tried; as a result, the plankton-rich areas of the Caribbean and Sargasso seas are not being utilized beneficially by man. A further difficulty is that most of the present inhabitants know nothing of fishing as a means of livelihood, excepting the colored folks of the Bahamas and the Cayman whites. Thus, even where sunlit shallow banks afford superior fishing grounds, as about most of Cuba, sea food is scarce and expensive. It is likely to cost more than beef, and it may be imported from the United States. IV. Cropping the Tropical Forest The islands have more people than the whole of Canada. Need of tilled land has caused the removal of most of the forest cover, except from the steeper mountain slopes. The Dominican Republic, with least pressure of population, has most forest left. Neither on islands nor on Caribbean mainland is effective at- tention given to trees as a permanent resource, except perhaps by the United Fruit Company. The Caribbean pine of the low- lands, nearly related to our Southern slash pine, has been almost wholly cut out in Cuba. It is now also being cut heavily on the mainland, from British Honduras to Nicaragua, mainly for export. The highland pines, being less accessible, have been less invaded, but logging roads are now being pushed into the moun-  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 19 tains throughout the island of Haiti. Watershed protection is thereby being lost where it is greatly needed. The valuable cabinet woods have been logged out earlier. Tropical cedar (Cedrela), mahogany (Swietenia), and blond mahogany (Ta- bebuia) are being priced out of the market by their growing scarcity. Both cabinet woods and pines have been cut with little thought given to what becomes of the land afterward. The pine lands in many cases are of low fertility and little suited to agriculture or even to pasture. Reforestation is warranted com- mercially in many localities, especially for cabinet woods. These are natives of the rain forests in which trees, to succeed, must grow tall, straight, and fast. The mahoganies and tropical cedar may make saw logs in as little as twenty to thirty years, and they establish themselves readily because they seed freely into clearings. Given simple management, the highly diverse rain forest may be simplified into stands dominated by the fine species. Queensland has introduced these Central American trees successfully into forest plantations; in their native home they are in process of being destroyed, but might be increased as a valuable and permanent resource, especially on the Central American mainland. The once-important industries of cutting dyewoods, collect- ing aromatic resins, gums, and drugs have given way to the laboratory products of the organic chemist. There may be a modest place in the future economy for some of these woody plants. A little cash income to supplement subsistence farming is a sharply increasing need of the growing and often unem- ployed populations. For many of the people it is not a question of how much they can earn, but whether they can earn anything. Possibly, with some aid in marketing, some of these products can compete here and there with those of the chemical and pharmaceutical factories. Perhaps there is a valid customer preference for some natural flavors, perfumes, and cosmetics, as against the products of coal mines and gas wells. Perhaps RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 19 tains throughout the island of Haiti. Watershed protection is thereby being lost where it is greatly needed. The valuable cabinet woods have been logged out earlier. Tropical cedar (Cedrela), mahogany (Swietenia), and blond mahogany (Ta- bebuia) are being priced out of the market by their growing scarcity. Both cabinet woods and pines have been cut with little thought given to what becomes of the land afterward. The pine lands in many cases are of low fertility and little suited to agriculture or even to pasture. Reforestation is warranted com- mercially in many localities, especially for cabinet woods. These are natives of the rain forests in which trees, to succeed, must grow tall, straight, and fast. The mahoganies and tropical cedar may make saw logs in as little as twenty to thirty years, and they establish themselves readily because they seed freely into clearings. Given simple management, the highly diverse rain forest may be simplified into stands dominated by the fine species. Queensland has introduced these Central American trees successfully into forest plantations; in their native home they are in process of being destroyed, but might be increased as a valuable and permanent resource, especially on the Central American mainland. The once-important industries of cutting dyewoods, collect- ing aromatic resins, gums, and drugs have given way to the laboratory products of the organic chemist. There may be a modest place in the future economy for some of these woody plants. A little cash income to supplement subsistence farming is a sharply increasing need of the growing and often unem- ployed populations. For many of the people it is not a question of how much they can earn, but whether they can earn anything. Possibly, with some aid in marketing, some of these products can compete here and there with those of the chemical and pharmaceutical factories. Perhaps there is a valid customer preference for some natural flavors, perfumes, and cosmetics, as against the products of coal mines and gas wells. Perhaps RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 19 tains throughout the island of Haiti. Watershed protection is thereby being lost where it is greatly needed. The valuable cabinet woods have been logged out earlier. Tropical cedar (Cedrela), mahogany (Swietenia), and blond mahogany (Ta- bebuia) are being priced out of the market by their growing scarcity. Both cabinet woods and pines have been cut with little thought given to what becomes of the land afterward. The pine lands in many cases are of low fertility and little suited to agriculture or even to pasture. Reforestation is warranted com- mercially in many localities, especially for cabinet woods. These are natives of the rain forests in which trees, to succeed, must grow tall, straight, and fast. The mahoganies and tropical cedar may make saw logs in as little as twenty to thirty years, and they establish themselves readily because they seed freely into clearings. Given simple management, the highly diverse rain forest may be simplified into stands dominated by the fine species. Queensland has introduced these Central American trees successfully into forest plantations; in their native home they are in process of being destroyed, but might be increased as a valuable and permanent resource, especially on the Central American mainland. The once-important industries of cutting dyewoods, collect- ing aromatic resins, gums, and drugs have given way to the laboratory products of the organic chemist. There may be a modest place in the future economy for some of these woody plants. A little cash income to supplement subsistence farming is a sharply increasing need of the growing and often unem- ployed populations. For many of the people it is not a question of how much they can earn, but whether they can earn anything. Possibly, with some aid in marketing, some of these products can compete here and there with those of the chemical and pharmaceutical factories. Perhaps there is a valid customer preference for some natural flavors, perfumes, and cosmetics, as against the products of coal mines and gas wells. Perhaps  20 The Caribbean 20 The Caribbean 20 The Caribbean some plants synthesize certain compounds better than do the laboratories. Perhaps applied science is thinking too exclusively in terms of large enterprise. The native economy depends in numerous ways on trees and shrubs and will continue to do so because they may be most useful and least expensive. (1) I neither think nor hope that the functionally admirable native house, the bohio, will give way generally to concrete-block construction and roofs of tin or aluminum. The palms that provide so characteristic an accent to Caribbean landscapes do so because they are good primary structural and household materials: the fanleaved sabals for their excellent thatch, the corozos, split into thin strips that serve as weatherboarding, as well as for their fruits used as mast, the chontaduras, termite-resistant, for house posts and frames. (2) Postes vivos, living fences continue to be preferred because they are not subject to termite attack and wood rot, and serve ad- mirably and inexpensively in enclosure of field and garden, yielding also a variety of fruits and other household items. (3) Commercial fuels and the expensive stoves they require cannot replace firewood and charcoal where people live at minimal income levels. We of the North, living in easiest circumstances, need awareness that our neighbors to the South have made most sensible adaptations of resources to severely limited economic capacities. We need to use caution in urging the transfer of the pattern of our commercial culture into situations that must remain very different from ours. V. The Conuco as an Economic System The native Indian crops were a varied lot of high-yielding roots or tubers, yucca, or cassava, sweet potatoes, yautia or malanga, arrowroot, certain yams, peanuts, and, I think, plan- tains. These, with fruits such as of palms, pineapple, and mamey gave starches and sugars in plenty, as well as greens. Corn, beans, and squashes were of secondary importance. Plant pro- some plants synthesize certain compounds better than do the laboratories. Perhaps applied science is thinking too exclusively in terms of large enterprise. The native economy depends in numerous ways on trees and shrubs and will continue to do so because they may be most useful and least expensive. (1) I neither think nor hope that the functionally admirable native house, the bohio, will give way generally to concrete-block construction and roofs of tin or aluminum. The palms that provide so characteristic an accent to Caribbean landscapes do so because they are good primary structural and household materials: the fanleaved sabals for their excellent thatch, the corozos, split into thin strips that serve as weatherboarding, as well as for their fruits used as mast, the chontaduras, termite-resistant, for house posts and frames. (2) Postes vivos, living fences continue to be preferred because they are not subject to termite attack and wood rot, and serve ad- mirably and inexpensively in enclosure of field and garden, yielding also a variety of fruits and other household items. (3) Commercial fuels and the expensive stoves they require cannot replace firewood and charcoal where people live at minimal income levels. We of the North, living in easiest circumstances, need awareness that our neighbors to the South have made most sensible adaptations of resources to severely limited economic capacities. We need to use caution in urging the transfer of the pattern of our commercial culture into situations that must remain very different from ours. V. The Conuco as an Economic System The native Indian crops were a varied lot of high-yielding roots or tubers, yucca, or cassava, sweet potatoes, yautia or malanga, arrowroot, certain yams, peanuts, and, I think, plan- tains. These, with fruits such as of palms, pineapple, and mamey gave starches and sugars in plenty, as well as greens. Corn, beans, and squashes were of secondary importance. Plant pro- some plants synthesize certain compounds better than do the laboratories. Perhaps applied science is thinking too exclusively in terms of large enterprise. The native economy depends in numerous ways on trees and shrubs and will continue to do so because they may be most useful and least expensive. (1) I neither think nor hope that the functionally admirable native house, the bohio, will give way generally to concrete-block construction and roofs of tin or aluminum. The palms that provide so characteristic an accent to Caribbean landscapes do so because they are good primary structural and household materials: the fanleaved sabals for their excellent thatch, the corozos, split into thin strips that serve as weatherboarding, as well as for their fruits used as mast, the chontaduras, termite-resistant, for house posts and frames. (2) Postes vivos, living fences continue to be preferred because they are not subject to termite attack and wood rot, and serve ad- mirably and inexpensively in enclosure of field and garden, yielding also a variety of fruits and other household items. (3) Commercial fuels and the expensive stoves they require cannot replace firewood and charcoal where people live at minimal income levels. We of the North, living in easiest circumstances, need awareness that our neighbors to the South have made most sensible adaptations of resources to severely limited economic capacities. We need to use caution in urging the transfer of the pattern of our commercial culture into situations that must remain very different from ours. V. The Conuco as an Economic System The native Indian crops were a varied lot of high-yielding roots or tubers, yucca, or cassava, sweet potatoes, yautia or malanga, arrowroot, certain yams, peanuts, and, I think, plan- tains. These, with fruits such as of palms, pineapple, and mamey gave starches and sugars in plenty, as well as ,greens. Corn, beans, and squashes were of secondary importance. Plant pro-  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 21 teins were few and little required since sea food was abundantly taken. The diet was ample, balanced, and varied. When Indians gave way to Negro slaves, the latter took over for themselves, rather than for their masters, the cultivation of the Indian crops, and added thereto such African things as the greater yam, the pigeon pea or guandul, okra, and the keeping of fowls. In the Spanish and French colonies of the Caribbean, these Indian and African foodstuffs and ways of preparing them passed gradually into the kitchens of their masters and became the creole cooking of the present. In the English settlements they remained mainly the provisions of the colored folk. The island of Haiti, both on the Spanish and French side, still grows about every plant described by Oviedo when he first informed the Europeans of the crops of the Indies. In the Dominican Re- public, these provide abundance; on Haiti, they make possible survival. Cuba, largely resettled only in late years, knows and uses the fewest root crops. The food potential of the traditional conuco planting, or pro- vision ground, is hardly appreciated by ourselves, be we agri- cultural scientists, economists, or planners, because its tradition as well as content are so different from what we know and practice. Yields are much higher than from grains, production is continuous the year around, storage is hardly needed, indi- vidual kinds are not grown separately in fields but are assembled together in one planted ground, to swhich our habits of order would apply neither the name of field nor garden. And so we are likely to miss the merits of this system. The proper conuco is, in fact, an imitation by man of tropical nature, a many-storied cultural vegetation, producing at all levels, from tubers underground through understory of pigeon peas and coffee, a second story of cacao and bananas, to a canopy of fruit trees and palms. Such an assemblage makes full use of light, moisture, and soil-its messy appearance to our eyes meaning really that all the niches are properly filled. A proper planting of this sort is about as protective of the soil RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 21 teins were few and little required since sea food was abundantly taken. The diet was ample, balanced, and varied. When Indians gave way to Negro slaves, the latter took over for themselves, rather than for their masters, the cultivation of the Indian crops, and added thereto such African things as the greater yam, the pigeon pea or guandul, okra, and the keeping of fowls. In the Spanish and French colonies of the Caribbean, these Indian and African foodstuffs and ways of preparing them passed gradually into the kitchens of their masters and became the creole cooking of the present. In the English settlements they remained mainly the provisions of the colored folk. The island of Haiti, both on the Spanish and French side, still grows about every plant described by Oviedo when he first informed the Europeans of the crops of the Indies. In the Dominican Re- public, these provide abundance; on Haiti, they make possible survival. Cuba, largely resettled only in late years, knows and uses the fewest root crops. The food potential of the traditional conuco planting, or pro- vision ground, is hardly appreciated by ourselves, be we agri- cultural scientists, economists, or planners, because its tradition as well as content are so different from what we know and practice. Yields are much higher than from grains, production is continuous the year around, storage is hardly needed, indi- vidual kinds are not grown separately in fields but are assembled together in one planted ground, to which our habits of order would apply neither the name of field nor garden. And so we are likely to miss the merits of this system. The proper conuco is, in fact, an imitation by man of tropical nature, a many-storied cultural vegetation, producing at all levels, from tubers underground through understory of pigeon peas and coffee, a second story of cacao and bananas, to a canopy of fruit trees and palms. Such an assemblage makes full use of light, moisture, and soil-its messy appearance to our eyes meaning really that all the niches are properly filled. A proper planting of this sort is about as protective of the soil RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 21 teins were few and little required since sea food was abundantly taken. The diet was ample, balanced, and varied. When Indians gave way to Negro slaves, the latter took over for themselves, rather than for their masters, the cultivation of the Indian crops, and added thereto such African things as the greater yam, the pigeon pea or guandul, okra, and the keeping of fowls. In the Spanish and French colonies of the Caribbean, these Indian and African foodstuffs and ways of preparing them passed gradually into the kitchens of their masters and became the creole cooking of the present. In the English settlements they remained mainly the provisions of the colored folk. The island of Haiti, both on the Spanish and French side, still grows about every plant described by Oviedo when he first informed the Europeans of the crops of the Indies. In the Dominican Re- public, these provide abundance; on Haiti, they make possible survival. Cuba, largely resettled only in late years, knows and uses the fewest root crops. The food potential of the traditional conuco planting, or pro- vision ground, is hardly appreciated by ourselves, be we agri- cultural scientists, economists, or planners, because its tradition as well as content are so different from what we know and practice. Yields are much higher than from grains, production is continuous the year around, storage is hardly needed, indi- vidual kinds are not grown separately in fields but are assembled together in one planted ground, to which our habits of order would apply neither the name of field nor garden. And so we are likely to miss the merits of this system. The proper conuco is, in fact, an imitation by man of tropical nature, a many-storied cultural vegetation, producing at all levels, from tubers underground through understory of pigeon peas and coffee, a second story of cacao and bananas, to a canopy of fruit trees and palms. Such an assemblage makes full use of light, moisture, and soil-its messy appearance to our eyes meaning really that all the niches are properly filled. A proper planting of this sort is about as protective of the soil  22 The Caribbean 22 The Caribbean 22 The Caribbean as is the wild vegetation. The conuco system can make intensive use of steep slopes and thereby may encounter erosion hazards that should not be blamed on the system itself, as commonly they have been. Nor do I see chances of success for pulling down by decree the ever-crowding populations from their hillsides. Its commercial disadvantages are that most of the things produced are difficult to store and ship, that it is best suited to the small producer, and that it resists mechanization. However, no field agriculture can match it in over-all productivity and continuous production. It is the best way of subsistence agri- culture and of support for increasing numbers of people. Cacao and coffee fit well into conuco culture, can be satisfactorily marketed by small producers, and add cash income to self- sufficiency in food. The Dominican Republic offers especially good illustrations of peasant subsistence at a good level, with cash items from cacao, coffee, peanuts, and tobacco. A major obligation of agricultural science and economy will be to learn the merits of the native systems and aid them by discovering, developing, and distributing superior kinds and races of plants. VI. A Permanent Place for the Plantation A good word is next in place for the plantation system which came as naturally to the West Indies as did the industrial revolu- tion to the English Midlands. It has dominated our area for three centuries and, despite its critics, seems to have life in it for quite a time ahead. It is the classical model of the factory farm that is now making such inroads on the family farm system of present-day United States. The plantation has had a very bad press ever since people developed a conscience about slavery, but it has a well-reformed character and hardly deserves to be the whipping boy it often is for politicians, unless one is con- sistent in decrying all industrialization. Sugar was the earliest and still is the first product of the plantation. The sugar cane is not only the most effective pro- as is the wild vegetation. The conuco system can make intensive use of steep slopes and thereby may encounter erosion hazards that should not be blamed on the system itself, as commonly they have been. Nor do I see chances of success for pulling down by decree the ever-crowding populations from their hillsides. Its commercial disadvantages are that most of the things produced are difficult to store and ship, that it is best suited to the small producer, and that it resists mechanization. However, no field agriculture can match it in over-all productivity and continuous production. It is the best way of subsistence agri- culture and of support for increasing numbers of people. Cacao and coffee fit well into conuco culture, can be satisfactorily marketed by small producers, and add cash income to self- sufficiency in food. The Dominican Republic offers especially good illustrations of peasant subsistence at a good level, with cash items from cacao, coffee, peanuts, and tobacco. A major obligation of agricultural science and economy will be to learn the merits of the native systems and aid them by discovering, developing, and distributing superior kinds and races of plants. V. A Permanent Place for the Plantation A good word is next in place for the plantation system which came as naturally to the West Indies as did the industrial revolu- tion to the English Midlands. It has dominated our area for three centuries and, despite its critics, seems to have life in it for quite a time ahead. It is the classical model of the factory farm that is now making such inroads on the family farm system of present-day United States. The plantation has had a very bad press ever since people developed a conscience about slavery, but it has a well-reformed character and hardly deserves to be the whipping boy it often is for politicians, unless one is con- sistent in decrying all industrialization. Sugar was the earliest and still is the first product of the plantation. The sugar cane is not only the most effective pro- as is the wild vegetation. The conuco system can make intensive use of steep slopes and thereby may encounter erosion hazards that should not be blamed on the system itself, as commonly they have been. Nor do I see chances of success for pulling down by decree the ever-crowding populations from their hillsides. Its commercial disadvantages are that most of the things produced are difficult to store and ship, that it is best suited to the small producer, and that it resists mechanization. However, no field agriculture can match it in over-all productivity and continuous production. It is the best way of subsistence agri- culture and of support for increasing numbers of people. Cacao and coffee fit well into conuco culture, can be satisfactorily marketed by small producers, and add cash income to self- sufficiency in food. The Dominican Republic offers especially good illustrations of peasant subsistence at a good level, with cash items from cacao, coffee, peanuts, and tobacco. A major obligation of agricultural science and economy will be to learn the merits of the native systems and aid them by discovering, developing, and distributing superior kinds and races of plants. VI. A Permanent Place for the Plantation A good word is next in place for the plantation system which came as naturally to the West Indies as did the industrial revolu- tion to the English Midlands. It has dominated our area for three centuries and, despite its critics, seems to have life in it for quite a time ahead. It is the classical model of the factory farm that is now making such inroads on the family farm system of present-day United States. The plantation has had a very bad press ever since people developed a conscience about slavery, but it has a well-reformed character and hardly deserves to be the whipping boy it often is for politicians, unless one is con- sistent in decrying all industrialization. Sugar was the earliest and still is the first product of the plantation. The sugar cane is not only the most effective pro-  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 23 ducer of sugar, but its toll on soil fertility is relatively low (especially as to nitrogen and phosphorus), the energy demand in tillage is low, and this giant grass forms a superior ground cover against surface runoff. That there is at present overproduction of sugar is true only because of political restrictions. Sugar entered world markets as a luxury and was immediately levied upon for the support of treasuries. Window and salt taxes have disappeared, but sugar is still in nearly all countries subjected to a variety of special taxes, direct and indirect. No other commodity has been entangled so long and so deeply in mercantilistic controls and manipulations. There is no way back from the large sugar factory, or central, to small processing units except at increased cost of the product. Optimum size will be determined by cost sheets, and these register the disadvantage of small factories and plantations. Much the same is true of banana, pineapple, and tropical fibres for world markets. Size is self-regulating in industrial compe- tition, and the present direction is toward larger units. Bigness is no more bad in sugar or bananas than it is in shoes or auto- mobiles. If the Caribbean is to prosper in access to world markets it has to produce attractive goods at attractive prices. No one has discovered anything for the area equal to its planta- tion products, for which it has real natural advantage. I think there is nothing seriously wrong with the cane-sugar business except a heavy incrustation of political interventions, external and internal. The gradual reduction in late years of the role of American capital in the over-all industry is tactically to the good, since it diminishes the national sensitivities to foreign domination. Except for the inflow of American capital, ulti- mately from the savings of very many individuals and not from some mythical money colossus, the sugar industry and the in- ternal improvements of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic would largely not have been achieved. Scores of millions of dollars in such investments have been written off, RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 23 ducer of sugar, but its toll on soil fertility is relatively low (especially as to nitrogen and phosphorus), the energy demand in tillage is low, and this giant grass forms a superior ground cover against surface runoff. That there is at present overproduction of sugar is true only because of political restrictions. Sugar entered world markets as a luxury and was immediately levied upon for the support of treasuries. Window and salt taxes have disappeared, but sugar is still in nearly all countries subjected to a variety of special taxes, direct and indirect. No other commodity has been entangled so long and so deeply in mercantilistic controls and manipulations. There is no way back from the large sugar factory, or central, to small processing units except at increased cost of the product. Optimum size will be determined by cost sheets, and these register the disadvantage of small factories and plantations. Much the same is true of banana, pineapple, and tropical fibres for world markets. Size is self-regulating in industrial compe- tition, and the present direction is toward larger units. Bigness is no more bad in sugar or bananas than it is in shoes or auto- mobiles. If the Caribbean is to prosper in access to world markets it has to produce attractive goods at attractive prices. No one has discovered anything for the area equal to its planta- tion products, for which it has real natural advantage. I think there is nothing seriously wrong with the cane-sugar business except a heavy incrustation of political interventions, external and internal. The gradual reduction in late years of the role of American capital in the over-all industry is tactically to the good, since it diminishes the national sensitivities to foreign domination. Except for the inflow of American capital, ulti- mately from the savings of very many individuals and not from some mythical money colossus, the sugar industry and the in- ternal improvements of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic would largely not have been achieved. Scores of millions of dollars in such investments have been written off, RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 23 ducer of sugar, but its toll on soil fertility is relatively low (especially as to nitrogen and phosphorus), the energy demand in tillage is low, and this giant grass forms a superior ground cover against surface runoff. That there is at present overproduction of sugar is true only because of political restrictions. Sugar entered world markets as a luxury and was immediately levied upon for the support of treasuries. Window and salt taxes have disappeared, but sugar is still in nearly all countries subjected to a variety of special taxes, direct and indirect. No other commodity has been entangled so long and so deeply in mercantilistic controls and manipulations. There is no way back from the large sugar factory, or central, to small processing units except at increased cost of the product. Optimum size will be determined by cost sheets, and these register the disadvantage of small factories and plantations. Much the same is true of banana, pineapple, and tropical fibres for world markets. Size is self-regulating in industrial compe- tition, and the present direction is toward larger units. Bigness is no more bad in sugar or bananas than it is in shoes or auto- mobiles. If the Caribbean is to prosper in access to world markets it has to produce attractive goods at attractive prices. No one has discovered anything for the area equal to its planta- tion products, for which it has real natural advantage. I think there is nothing seriously wrong with the cane-sugar business except a heavy incrustation of political interventions, external and internal. The gradual reduction in late years of the role of American capital in the over-all industry is tactically to the good, since it diminishes the national sensitivities to foreign domination. Except for the inflow of American capital, ulti- mately from the savings of very many individuals and not from some mythical money colossus, the sugar industry and the in- ternal improvements of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic would largely not have been achieved. Scores of millions of dollars in such investments have been written off,  24 The Caribbean 24 The Caribbean again mainly at the expense of citizens of the United States, in the forced reorganizations during depression years, mainly in the 1930's. The industry is now operating on valuations greatly below actual cost and even more so below replacement costs. The investment in and valuation of centrales, railroads, ports, power plants, and housing and the necessary accumulation of working capital are far in excess of that in lands and crops. For one of the largest corporations, for example, producing mainly from administration-grown cane, the land represents about one-third of the physical property, and one-sixth of the total investment at current book value. The record of American management is good as to wages, housing, sanitation, and health services. We ought to stop being apologetic about the role we have held as fair, and even generous, partners in the economic life of the Caribbean. It is in the common interest that this partnership be maintained and developed into the future, with mutual growth of understanding and good feeling. The sugar industry is admirable technically in its extraction of raw sugar, but the utilization of by-products has made less headway. I am inclined to think that in part it is not technical but psychologic blocks that are in the way, the big gains or losses that a minor price change on the sugar market brings, the exhausting tension of the grinding season, the priority making the sugar zafra has over everything else. A central will carry to the mill hundreds of thousands of tons, even a million or more, of cane within a few months, a tenth to an eighth of which will become raw sugar. The residual molasses is a fourth or somewhat less of the sugar tonnage. The remainder of crushed stalk, or bagasse, is the fuel by which the central operates, which also may provide electric power to be distributed to towns round about. This admittedly may not be the most economical con- version of the great mass of residual organic matter, but it is always available and is tax free, which imported fuel oils may not be. The potash-rich ash in some cases is returned to the cane fields. again mainly at the expense of citizens of the United States, in the forced reorganizations during depression years, mainly in the 1930's. The industry is now operating on valuations greatly below actual cost and even more so below replacement costs. The investment in and valuation of centrales, railroads, ports, power plants, and housing and the necessary accumulation of working capital are far in excess of that in lands and crops. For one of the largest corporations, for example, producing mainly from administration-grown cane, the land represents about one-third of the physical property, and one-sixth of the total investment at current book value. The record of American management is good as to wages, housing, sanitation, and health services. We ought to stop being apologetic about the role we have held as fair, and even generous, partners in the economic life of the Caribbean. It is in the common interest that this partnership be maintained and developed into the future, with mutual growth of understanding and good feeling. The sugar industry is admirable technically in its extraction of raw sugar, but the utilization of by-products has made less headway. I am inclined to think that in part it is not technical but psychologic blocks that are in the way, the big gains or losses that a minor price change on the sugar market brings, the exhausting tension of the grinding season, the priority making the sugar zafra has over everything else. A central will carry to the mill hundreds of thousands of tons, even a million or more, of cane within a few months, a tenth to an eighth of which will become raw sugar. The residual molasses is a fourth or somewhat less of the sugar tonnage. The remainder of crushed stalk, or bagasse, is the fuel by which the central operates, which also may provide electric power to be distributed to towns round about. This admittedly may not be the most economical con- version of the great mass of residual organic matter, but it is always available and is tax free, which imported fuel oils may not be. The potash-rich ash in some cases is returned to the cane fields. 24 The Caribbean again mainly at the expense of citizens of the United States, in the forced reorganizations during depression years, mainly in the 1930's. The industry is now operating on valuations greatly below actual cost and even more so below replacement costs. The investment in and valuation of centrales, railroads, ports, power plants, and housing and the necessary accumulation of working capital are far in excess of that in lands and crops. For one of the largest corporations, for example, producing mainly from administration-grown cane, the land represents about one-third of the physical property, and one-sixth of the total investment at current book value. The record of American management is good as to wages, housing, sanitation, and health services. We ought to stop being apologetic about the role we have held as fair, and even generous, partners in the economic life of the Caribbean. It is in the common interest that this partnership be maintained and developed into the future, with mutual growth of understanding and good feeling. The sugar industry is admirable technically in its extraction of raw sugar, but the utilization of by-products has made less headway. I am inclined to think that in part it is not technical but psychologic blocks that are in the way, the big gains or losses that a minor price change on the sugar market brings, the exhausting tension of the grinding season, the priority making the sugar zafra has over everything else. A central will carry to the mill hundreds of thousands of tons, even a million or more, of cane within a few months, a tenth to an eighth of which will become raw sugar. The residual molasses is a fourth or somewhat less of the sugar tonnage. The remainder of crushed stalk, or bagasse, is the fuel by which the central operates, which also may provide electric power to be distributed to towns round about. This admittedly may not be the most economical con- version of the great mass of residual organic matter, but it is always available and is tax free, which imported fuel oils may not be. The potash-rich ash in some cases is returned to the cane fields.  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 25 The disposal of the great flood of blackstrap molasses is a chronic dilemma, which has grown worse now that industrial alcohol is produced more cheaply from natural gas and petro- leum. The industry has shown little initiative in helping the use of molasses as stock feed. Indeed, the Cuban common distributing agency has priced molasses lower to purchasers for industrial alcohol than it has to buyers for feed. Its cheapness and high feed value for cattle, hogs, and poultry has long been well known. The difficulty has been in handling the sticky stuff, especially to and at the farm. It may be that this problem is at last being solved and that a large, dependable, and profitable market is opening overseas. The economy of the sugar islands is under seasonal strain by reason of the long dead season, when there is little employment either in cane fields or central. However good the wages during employment, they are likely to have been spent before the beginning of the next zafra. Obviously this may suggest a possi- bility, still virtually unexplored, for off-season employment in light industries, such as small factories making work clothes, shoes, and the like, for which we have successful examples in many small towns of the Middle West. The efforts both by companies and government to get the sugar workers to produce their own food rather than to buy everything at the stores are not new and are continuing. It is not that the workers cannot have land to plant but that they are really not farmers or peas- ants, and are accustomed only to work for wages. In the Cuban sugar areas, for example, native provisions and fruits are woe- fully wanting, and California rice and fruit juices, as well as Midwestern flour and meat are staples in rural stores. This uneconomic situation rests on social habit rather than on denial of opportunity. VII. Tropical Pastures The Caribbean lands have immediate, and in part long-range opportunities in livestock. We must not forget that the New RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 25 The disposal of the great flood of blackstrap molasses is a chronic dilemma, which has grown worse now that industrial alcohol is produced more cheaply from natural gas and petro- leum. The industry has shown little initiative in helping the use of molasses as stock feed. Indeed, the Cuban common distributing agency has priced molasses lower to purchasers for industrial alcohol than it has to buyers for feed. Its cheapness and high feed value for cattle, hogs, and poultry has long been well known. The difficulty has been in handling the sticky stuff, especially to and at the farm. It may be that this problem is at last being solved and that a large, dependable, and profitable market is opening overseas. The economy of the sugar islands is under seasonal strain by reason of the long dead season, when there is little employment either in cane fields or central. However good the wages during employment, they are likely to have been spent before the beginning of the next zafra. Obviously this may suggest a possi- bility, still virtually unexplored, for off-season employment in light industries, such as small factories making work clothes, shoes, and the like, for which we have successful examples in many small towns of the Middle West. The efforts both by companies and government to get the sugar workers to produce their own food rather than to buy everything at the stores are not new and are continuing. It is not that the workers cannot have land to plant but that they are really not farmers or peas- ants, and are accustomed only to work for wages. In the Cuban sugar areas, for example, native provisions and fruits are woe- fully wanting, and California rice and fruit juices, as well as Midwestern flour and meat are staples in rural stores. This uneconomic situation rests on social habit rather than on denial of opportunity. VII. Tropical Pastures The Caribbean lands have immediate, and in part long-range opportunities in livestock. We must not forget that the New RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 25 The disposal of the great flood of blackstrap molasses is a chronic dilemma, which has grown worse now that industrial alcohol is produced more cheaply from natural gas and petro- leum. The industry has shown little initiative in helping the use of molasses as stock feed. Indeed, the Cuban common distributing agency has priced molasses lower to purchasers for industrial alcohol than it has to buyers for feed. Its cheapness and high feed value for cattle, hogs, and poultry has long been well known. The difficulty has been in handling the sticky stuff, especially to and at the farm. It may be that this problem is at last being solved and that a large, dependable, and profitable market is opening overseas. The economy of the sugar islands is under seasonal strain by reason of the long dead season, when there is little employment either in cane fields or central. However good the wages during employment, they are likely to have been spent before the beginning of the next zafra. Obviously this may suggest a possi- bility, still virtually unexplored, for off-season employment in light industries, such as small factories making work clothes, shoes, and the like, for which we have successful examples in many small towns of the Middle West. The efforts both by companies and government to get the sugar workers to produce their own food rather than to buy everything at the stores are not new and are continuing. It is not that the workers cannot have land to plant but that they are really not farmers or peas- ants, and are accustomed only to work for wages. In the Cuban sugar areas, for example, native provisions and fruits are woe- fully wanting, and California rice and fruit juices, as well as Midwestern flour and meat are staples in rural stores. This uneconomic situation rests on social habit rather than on denial of opportunity. VII. Tropical Pastures The Caribbean lands have immediate, and in part long-range opportunities in livestock. We must not forget that the New  26 The Caribbean World was stocked with cattle and hogs via Hispaniola, where the Spanish colonists had found that all forms of livestock thrived exceedingly well. In the old plantation days, cattle were im- portant on most estates, and cane tops and leaves were fully used as feed. The nineteenth century saw the introduction of a series of valuable African forage grasses that naturalized readily. Colombia has well shown that the tropics may have superior advantages for growing livestock. Lately, a number of sugar companies, in particular in the Dominican Republic, have become meat and dairy producers in a large way, feeding cane waste and rotating cane fields with pasture. Molasses is at hand to be added to local feed. Nitrogenous feed is still short, but the American tropics are perhaps the foremost area in the world in diversity of nitrogen-rich leguminous plants. We have hardly begun to look into their potentialities because we are accustomed to the clovers of the high latitudes. VIII. Sum of Prospect There should be moderately good days ahead for the Carib- bean lands, or for some of them. I can see little prospect for the sadly crowded islands, unless they stabilize their populations, nor do I know how that may be done. Emigration never is more than momentary easing of population pressure. The world as a whole is no longer receptive to immigration. The wistful hope for tourist dollars cannot be realized by every spot that lies in beauty upon the Carib Sea. By sum of position, climate, and soil, these are about the world's best lands for sugar, bananas, pineapples, cacao, and other tropical fruits. Such should remain the major source of cash income, properly divided between worker and the always necessary venture capital, for such operations require large enterprise. Nowhere is a climate of international and internal good will and respect more needed and the voice of the dema- gogue more mischievous. Sugar, at the moment once again 26 The Caribbean 26 The Caribbean World was stocked with cattle and hogs via Hispaniola, where the Spanish colonists had found that all forms of livestock thrived exceedingly well. In the old plantation days, cattle were im- portant on most estates, and cane tops and leaves were fully used as feed. The nineteenth century saw the introduction of a series of valuable African forage grasses that naturalized readily. Colombia has well shown that the tropics may have superior advantages for growing livestock. Lately, a number of sugar companies, in particular in the Dominican Republic, have become meat and dairy producers in a large way, feeding cane wiste and rotating cane fields with pasture. Molasses is at hand to be added to local feed. Nitrogenous feed is still short, but the American tropics are perhaps the foremost area in the world in diversity of nitrogen-rich leguminous plants. We have hardly begun to look into their potentialities because we are accustomed to the clovers of the high latitudes. VII. Sum of Prospect There should be moderately good days ahead for the Carib- bean lands, or for some of them. I can see little prospect for the sadly crowded islands, unless they stabilize their populations, nor do I know how that may be done. Emigration never is more than momentary easing of population pressure. The world as a whole is no longer receptive to immigration. The wistful hope for tourist dollars cannot be realized by every spot that lies in beauty upon the Carib Sea. By sum of position, climate, and soil, these are about the world's best lands for sugar, bananas, pineapples, cacao, and other tropical fruits. Such should remain the major source of cash income, properly divided between worker and the always necessary venture capital, for such operations require large enterprise. Nowhere is a climate of international and internal good will and respect more needed and the voice of the dema- gogue more mischievous. Sugar, at the moment once again World was stocked with cattle and hogs via Hispaniola, where the Spanish colonists had found that all forms of livestock thrived exceedingly well. In the old plantation days, cattle were im- portant on most estates, and cane tops and leaves were fully used as feed. The nineteenth century saw the introduction of a series of valuable African forage grasses that naturalized readily. Colombia has well shown that the tropics may have superior advantages for growing livestock. Lately, a number of sugar companies, in particular in the Dominican Republic, have become meat and dairy producers in a large way, feeding cane waste and rotating cane fields with pasture. Molasses is at hand to be added to local feed. Nitrogenous feed is still short, but the American tropics are perhaps the foremost area in the world in diversity of nitrogen-rich leguminous plants. We have hardly begun to look into their potentialities because we are accustomed to the clovers of the high latitudes. VIII. Sum of Prospect There should be moderately good days ahead for the Carib- bean lands, or for some of them. I can see little prospect for the sadly crowded islands, unless they stabilize their populations, nor do I know how that may be done. Emigration never is more than momentary easing of population pressure. The world as a whole is no longer receptive to immigration. The wistful hope for tourist dollars cannot be realized by every spot that lies in beauty upon the Carib Sea. By sum of position, climate, and soil, these are about the world's best lands for sugar, bananas, pineapples, cacao, and other tropical fruits. Such should remain the major source of cash income, properly divided between worker and the always necessary venture capital, for such operations require large enterprise. Nowhere is a climate of international and internal good will and respect more needed and the voice of the dema- gogue more mischievous. Sugar, at the moment once again  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 27 beaten to earth, will rise again; for the political follies of the past will not all be repeated, and new consumer demands will come. There are important possibilities in conuco planting, given some helping hand by science. This system makes the most intensive and balanced use of the soil, and it gives work to most hands. Also, it is well, perhaps best suited to certain commercial products such as cacao, coffee, and peanuts. In parts, a per- manently valuable tropical-forest industry can be developed. In others, the raising of cattle and hogs has superior attractions. A good ecologic balance of culture and nature is attainable without upsetting either by prefabricated action programs, with or without doctrinal blueprints. We neighbors of the North do not need to think that we can, or even should, supply the know-how. There is a lot of experience and ability below our borders, from which we may learn and to which we may perhaps join ourselves as associates. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 27 beaten to earth, will rise again; for the political follies of the past will not all be repeated, and new consumer demands will come. There are important possibilities in conuco planting, given some helping hand by science. This system makes the most intensive and balanced use of the soil, and it gives work to most hands. Also, it is well, perhaps best suited to certain commercial products such as cacao, coffee, and peanuts. In parts, a per- manently valuable tropical-forest industry can be developed. In others, the raising of cattle and hogs has superior attractions. A good ecologic balance of culture and nature is attainable without upsetting either by prefabricated action programs, with or without doctrinal blueprints. We neighbors of the North do not need to think that we can, or even should, supply the know-how. There is a lot of experience and ability below our borders, from which we may learn and to which we may perhaps join omrselves as associates. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 27 beaten to earth, will rise again; for the political follies of the past will not all be repeated, and new consumer demands will come. There are important possibilities in conuco planting, given some helping hand by science. This system makes the most intensive and balanced use of the soil, and it gives work to most hands. Also, it is well, perhaps best suited to certain commercial products such as cacao, coffee, and peanuts. In parts, a per- manently valuable tropical-forest industry can be developed. In others, the raising of cattle and hogs has superior attractions. A good ecologic balance of culture and nature is attainable without upsetting either by prefabricated action programs, with or without doctrinal blueprints. We neighbors of the North do not need to think that we can, or even should, supply the know-how. There is a lot of experience and ability below our borders, from which we may learn and to which we may perhaps join ourselves as associates.  3 3 Wilson Popenoe: AGRICULTURAL ENGINEERING IN THE CARIBBEAN AS AN OBSERVER of agricultural development around the Caribbean during more than a quarter of a century, I shall try to point out some of the trends in the field of agricultural engi- neering which seem to me significant and interesting. To begin with, I want to tell you what I tell young Latin Americans who come to me for advice. They say to me, "I want to go in for agriculture. In what particular field do you think there are the greatest opportunities?" I reply: "Agricultural engineering. In my opinion (and I should have no bias, since I am not an agricultural engineer), the great developments of your generation are going to be in drainage and irrigation, and in more extensive use of farm machinery." In giving this advice I am not unaware of the importance of crop improvement and of pest control (which, in a way, ties in with agricultural engineering); I am simply trying to put myself in the place of a young Latin American, with no par- ticular leanings toward any specialized branch of agriculture, who wants to get into a field with a great future. If I myself could go back fifty years or so, and did not have the overwhelm- ing yen to grow plants which has possessed me from childhood, I would try to get a thorough knowledge of tropical soils, of plant-water relationships, of drainage, of irrigation, and of farm machinery as needed in tropical countries. Wilson Popenoe: AGRICULTURAL ENGINEERING IN THE CARIBBEAN AS AN OBSERVER of agricultural development around the Caribbean during more than a quarter of a century, I shall try to point out some of the trends in the field of agricultural engi- neering which seem to me significant and interesting. To begin with, I want to tell you what I tell young Latin Americans who come to me for advice. They say to me, "I want to go in for agriculture. In what particular field do you think there are the greatest opportunities?" I reply: "Agricultural engineering. In my opinion (and I should have no bias, since I am not an agricultural engineer), the great developments of your generation are going to be in drainage and irrigation, and in more extensive use of farm machinery." In giving this advice I am not unaware of the importance of crop improvement and of pest control (which, in a way, ties in with agricultural engineering) ; I am simply trying to put myself in the place of a young Latin American, with no par- ticular leanings toward any specialized branch of agriculture, who wants to get into a field with a great future. If I myself could go back fifty years or so, and did not have the overwhelm- ing yen to grow plants which has possessed me from childhood, I would try to get a thorough knowledge of tropical soils, of plant-water relationships, of drainage, of irrigation, and of farm machinery as needed in tropical countries. 28 Wilson Popenoe: AGRICULTURAL ENGINEERING IN THE CARIBBEAN AS AN OBSERVER of agricultural development around the Caribbean during more than a quarter of a century, I shall try to point out some of the trends in the field of agricultural engi- neering which seem to me significant and interesting. To begin with, I want to tell you what I tell young Latin Americans who come to me for advice. They say to me, "I want to go in for agriculture. In what particular field do you think there are the greatest opportunities?" I reply: "Agricultural engineering. In my opinion (and I should have no bias, since I am not an agricultural engineer), the great developments of your generation are going to be in drainage and irrigation, and in more extensive use of farm machinery." In giving this advice I am not unaware of the importance of crop improvement and of pest control (which, in a way, ties in with agricultural engineering); I am simply trying to put myself in the place of a young Latin American, with no par- ticular leanings toward any specialized branch of agriculture, who wants to get into a field with a great future. If I myself could go back fifty years or so, and did not have the overwhelm- ing yen to grow plants which has possessed me from childhood, I would try to get a thorough knowledge of tropical soils, of plant-water relationships, of drainage, of irrigation, and of farm machinery as needed in tropical countries. 28  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 29 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 29 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 29 This is a pretty broad program, of course, but it is capable of realization. Let us stand back for a few minutes and talk about what has been done and where we are going. Perhaps the simon- pure, dyed-in-the-wool agricultural engineers may not agree that a thorough knowledge of tropical soils is basic. But what is more basic in the whole field of agriculture than a sound knowl- edge of soils? And how much do we know about tropical soils in general? Not enough, by any means. We need more studies like the one made years ago by Bennett and Allison in Cuba. Ask any intelligent Cuban sugar-cane grower what that epoch- making work has meant to him. It is encouraging to see the attention being given today to our soils. There are technicians, like Robert L. Pendleton, who are working on the broad problems of land use in the tropics. There are others who are making detailed soil surveys of specific areas. The accurate mapping of considerable regions has saved millions of dollars to the banana industry (for example) by eliminating unsuitable lands from planting programs. This, it seems to me, needs to be followed by more complete knowledge as to how much water a given crop needs for efficient growth and production, which in turn involves the problem of how much water can be held and passed on to plants by a given soil. I touch upon this point with fear and trembling, for it is one which only experts should discuss. But in many regions water is scarce or expensive, and it behooves us to make the best possible use of it. I admit that the water requirement of crop plants is not essentially a problem of agricultural engineering, but the engineers have to plan for the application of water to the land, so why shouldn't they know how much to apply? In spite of great progress made during the past quarter of a century, the problem of draining vast areas in the wet tropical rain-forest zone around the Caribbean will continue to require This is a pretty broad program, of course, but it is capable of realization. Let us stand back for a few minutes and talk about what has been done and where we are going. Perhaps the simon- pure, dyed-in-the-wool agricultural engineers may not agree that a thorough knowledge of tropical soils is basic. But what is more basic in the whole field of agriculture than a sound knowl- edge of soils? And how much do we know about tropical soils in general? Not enough, by any means. We need more studies like the one made years ago by Bennett and Allison in Cuba. Ask any intelligent Cuban sugar-cane grower what that epoch- making work has meant to him. It is encouraging to see the attention being given today to our soils. There are technicians, like Robert L. Pendleton, who are working on the broad problems of land use in the tropics. There are others who are making detailed soil surveys of specific areas. The accurate mapping of considerable regions has saved millions of dollars to the banana industry (for example) by eliminating unsuitable lands from planting programs. This, it seems to me, needs to be followed by more complete knowledge as to how much water a given crop needs for efficient growth and production, which in turn involves the problem of how much water can be held and passed on to plants by a given soil. I touch upon this point with fear and trembling, for it is one which only experts should discuss. But in many regions water is scarce or expensive, and it behooves us to make the best possible use of it. I admit that the water requirement of crop plants is not essentially a problem of agricultural engineering, but the engineers have to plan for the application of water to the land, so why shouldn't they know how much to apply? In spite of great progress made during the past quarter of a century, the problem of draining vast areas in the wet tropical rain-forest zone around the Caribbean will continue to require This is a pretty broad program, of course, but it is capable of realization. Let us stand back for a few minutes and talk about what has been done and where we are going. Perhaps the simon- pure, dyed-in-the-wool agricultural engineers may not agree that a thorough knowledge of tropical soils is basic. But what is more basic in the whole field of agriculture than a sound knowl- edge of soils? And how much do we know about tropical soils in general? Not enough, by any means. We need more studies like the one made years ago by Bennett and Allison in Cuba. Ask any intelligent Cuban sugar-cane grower what that epoch- making work has meant to him. It is encouraging to see the attention being given today to our soils. There are technicians, like Robert L. Pendleton, who are working on the broad problems of land use in the tropics. There are others who are making detailed soil surveys of specific areas. The accurate mapping of considerable regions has saved millions of dollars to the banana industry (for example) by eliminating unsuitable lands from planting programs. This, it seems to me, needs to be followed by more complete knowledge as to how much water a given crop needs for efficient growth and production, which in turn involves the problem of how much water can be held and passed on to plants by a given soil. I touch upon this point with fear and trembling, for it is one which only experts should discuss. But in many regions water is scarce or expensive, and it behooves us to make the best possible use of it. I admit that the water requirement of crop plants is not essentially a problem of agricultural engineering, but the engineers have to plan for the application of water to the land, so why shouldn't they know how much to apply? In spite of great progress made during the past quarter of a century, the problem of draining vast areas in the wet tropical rain-forest zone around the Caribbean will continue to require  30 The Caribbean the attention of agricultural engineers for many years to come. And, it may be added, the drainage problem exists not only in the coastal rain-forest areas. The most difficult thing about drainage projects is that usually they must be carried out on a large scale, which means that they must be organized and financed by governments or companies with large interests. If I am not mistaken, the broad techniques of drainage are thoroughly understood by the engineers; it is only when we come down to the drainage of localized areas that we run into the need for complete information regarding the depth and spacing of drains required to keep water out of the root zone of the crop we are cultivating, and this in turn involves knowledge of the soils with which we are dealing. The intensive investigation required to provide adequate drainage for banana farms around the Caribbean has occupied an amount of time and effort which would amaze many people. Increased use of irrigation may be the most important step in the future development of tropical American agriculture in general. This is a broad statement; let us see why it may be true. In the first place, large areas of the best land have not been utilized up to now, or have been cropped during only part of each year, owing to lack of adequate rainfall. In the second place, agriculture under irrigation is less hazardous than agri- culture in regions where one has to depend upon the vagaries of climate. Is it not likely that some of the great civilizations of the world-for example, those of Mesopotamia and Egypt-- were indirect results of irrigation? Man was able to practice the art of agriculture with relative security, with returns year after year that were sufficient to give leisure for the development of culture. This was not true of peoples living under the hazardous conditions of tropical rain forests-hazardous with regard to weather and handicapped by relatively poor soils. Great progress has been made in the development of irrigation around the Caribbean. Vast projects have been carried out in Mexico, the Dominican Republic, and other areas-not to 30 The Caribbean 30 The Caribbean the attention of agricultural engineers for many years to come. And, it may be added, the drainage problem exists not only in the coastal rain-forest areas. The most difficult thing about drainage projects is that usually they must be carried out on a large scale, which means that they must be organized and financed by governments or companies with large interests. If I am not mistaken, the broad techniques of drainage are thoroughly understood by the engineers; it is only when we come down to the drainage of localized areas that we run into the need for complete information regarding the depth and spacing of drains required to keep water out of the root zone of the crop we are cultivating, and this in turn involves knowledge of the soils with which we are dealing. The intensive investigation required to provide adequate drainage for banana farms around the Caribbean has occupied an amount of time and effort which would amaze many people. Increased use of irrigation may be the most important step in the future development of tropical American agriculture in general. This is a broad statement; let us see why it may be true. In the first place, large areas of the best land have not been utilized up to now, or have been cropped during only part of each year, owing to lack of adequate rainfall. In the second place, agriculture under irrigation is less hazardous than agri- culture in regions where one has to depend upon the vagaries of climate. Is it not likely that some of the great civilizations of the svorld-for example, those of Mesopotamia and Egypt-- were indirect results of irrigation? Man was able to practice the art of agriculture with relative security, with returns year after year that were sufficient to give leisure for the development of culture. This was not true of peoples living under the hazardous conditions of tropical rain forests-hazardous with regard to weather and handicapped by relatively poor soils. Great progress has been made in the development of irrigation around the Caribbean. Vast projects have been carried out in Mexico, the Dominican Republic, and other areas-not to the attention of agricultural engineers for many years to come. And, it may be added, the drainage problem exists not only in the coastal rain-forest areas. The most difficult thing about drainage projects is that usually they must be carried out on a large scale, which means that they must be organized and financed by governments or companies with large interests. If I am not mistaken, the broad techniques of drainage are thoroughly understood by the engineers; it is only when we come down to the drainage of localized areas that we run into the need for complete information regarding the depth and spacing of drains required to keep water out of the root zone of the crop we are cultivating, and this in turn involves knowledge of the soils with which we are dealing. The intensive investigation required to provide adequate drainage for banana farms around the Caribbean has occupied an amount of time and effort which would amaze many people. Increased use of irrigation may be the most important step in the future development of tropical American agriculture in general. This is a broad statement; let us see why it may be true. In the first place, large areas of the best land have not been utilized up to now, or have been cropped during only part of each year, owing to lack of adequate rainfall. In the second place, agriculture under irrigation is less hazardous than agri- culture in regions where one has to depend upon the vagaries of climate. Is it not likely that some of the great civilizations of the world-for example, those of Mesopotamia and Egypt-- were indirect results of irrigation? Man was able to practice the art of agriculture with relative security, with returns year after year that were sufficient to give leisure for the development of culture. This was not true of peoples living under the hazardous conditions of tropical rain forests-hazardous with regard to weather and handicapped by relatively poor soils. Great progress has been made in the development of irrigation around the Caribbean. Vast projects have been carried out in Mexico, the Dominican Republic, and other areas-not to  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 31 mention the excellent ones in Peru, which country is not, of course, in the Caribbean area. One of the most spectacular developments-if I may call it such-is the use of overhead irrigation in many banana-producing regions, a system which provides what may probably be termed maximum efficiency in the use of water. Necessity for stretching limited supplies of water as far as possible gives this system great advantages. Again, I think it safe to say that the competent irrigation engineer, with a thorough knowledge of soils, drainage, and the installation of irrigation systems, has a great future in several of the countries around the Caribbean. Unfortunately, the rela- tive scarcity of surface water in certain regions, such as the island of Cuba, limits the development of badly needed irrigation. II Throughout the American tropics there is much talk these days about mechanized agriculture. Tractors and more or less appropriate equipment are more and more coming into use. On the whole, this is unquestionably a wholesome trend. But some of us think serious mistakes are likely to be made, here and there. We like to talk about the old-fashioned wooden plow to illustrate our point. Not that we think the wooden plow is an efficient instrument for turning over the soil. Quite the con- trary; but we think it has been the salvation of many hillside farms because it does not turn over the soil-to any great depth at least. The problems in connection with mechanized agriculture seem to be two: In the first place, where is it feasible and de- sirable to use tractors and plows? Secondly, just what sort of equipment is most suitable? As regards the latter, we would point out that conditions of terrain in many tropical regions are by no means those of the Mississippi Valley. In undertaking to mechanize the cultivation of banana farms in several coun- tries, it was found that the tractor-drawn plows and disc harrows RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 31 mention the excellent ones in Peru, which country is not, of course, in the Caribbean area. One of the most spectacular developments-if I may call it such-is the use of overhead irrigation in many banana-producing regions, a system which provides what may probably be termed maximum efficiency in the use of water. Necessity for stretching limited supplies of water as far as possible gives this system great advantages. Again, I think it safe to say that the competent irrigation engineer, with a thorough knowledge of soils, drainage, and the installation of irrigation systems, has a great future in several of the countries around the Caribbean. Unfortunately, the rela- tive scarcity of surface water in certain regions, such as the island of Cuba, limits the development of badly needed irrigation. II Throughout the American tropics there is much talk these days about mechanized agriculture. Tractors and more or less appropriate equipment are more and more coming into use. On the whole, this is unquestionably a wholesome trend. But some of us think serious mistakes are likely to be made, here and there. We like to talk about the old-fashioned wooden plow to illustrate our point. Not that we think the wooden plow is an efficient instrument for turning over the soil. Quite the con- trary; but we think it has been the salvation of many hillside farms because it does not turn over the soil-to any great depth at least. The problems in connection with mechanized agriculture seem to be two: In the first place, where is it feasible and de- sirable to use tractors and plows? Secondly, just what sort of equipment is most suitable? As regards the latter, we would point out that conditions of terrain in many tropical regions are by no means those of the Mississippi Valley. In undertaking to mechanize the cultivation of banana farms in several coun- tries, it was found that the tractor-drawn plows and disc harrows RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 31 mention the excellent ones in Peru, which country is not, of course, in the Caribbean area. One of the most spectacular developments-if I may call it such-is the use of overhead irrigation in many banana-producing regions, a system which provides what may probably be termed maximum efficiency in the use of water. Necessity for stretching limited supplies of water as far as possible gives this system great advantages. Again, I think it safe to say that the competent irrigation engineer, with a thorough knowledge of soils, drainage, and the installation of irrigation systems, has a great future in several of the countries around the Caribbean. Unfortunately, the rela- tive scarcity of surface water in certain regions, such as the island of Cuba, limits the development of badly needed irrigation. II Throughout the American tropics there is much talk these days about mechanized agriculture. Tractors and more or less appropriate equipment are more and more coming into use. On the whole, this is unquestionably a wholesome trend. But some of us think serious mistakes are likely to be made, heere and there. We like to talk about the old-fashioned wooden plow to illustrate our point. Not that we think the wooden plow is an efficient instrument for turning over the soil. Quite the con- trary; but we think it has been the salvation of many hillside farms because it does not turn over the soil-to any great depth at least. The problems in connection with mechanized agriculture seem to be two: In the first place, where is it feasible and de- sirable to use tractors and plows? Secondly, just what sort of equipment is most suitable? As regards the latter, we would point out that conditions of terrain in many tropical regions are by no means those of the Mississippi Valley. In undertaking to mechanize the cultivation of banana farms in several coun- tries, it was found that the tractor-drawn plows and disc harrows  32 The Caribbean supplied by some of the big manufacturers in the United States would not stand up under the rough conditions and (perhaps) less expert operation of the tropics. In recent years this problem has been solved in large part by one or two manufacturers who have designed equipment adapted to tropical needs. There is at least one heavy disc plow on the market which is nearly ideal for our purposes, and there are several types of heavy disc har- rows. I shall not detail other items, such as combines, and the like; there are too many of them. But to return to the general question of mechanized agri- culture in the tropics. It is a moot subject. Some of us think there is a definite danger that we may go in for too much tillage, especially on sloping lands. We like to have such men as Hugh Bennett and William Vogt and Louis Bromfield come to our part of the world. They point out the dangers of erosion. They emphasize the importance of abundant organic matter in the soil-a subject we suspect can never be stressed sufficiently. Under the all-year-round growing conditions of the tropics, organic matter seems to be used up much more rapidly than in regions of long cold winters. All in all, we suspect the immediate future of mechanized agriculture lies principally in the flat coastal lands outside the wet zone-the irrigated lands-and that even here we should proceed with caution, to avoid damaging such lands irreparably within a few short years. Fortunately, this problem is not proper- ly one pertaining to agricultural engineering, so I can drop it and thereby avoid letting myself in for acrimonious criticism. It might also seem that the discussion of pest control does not fall within the scope of agricultural engineering; but the use of mechanical equipment for this purpose definitely brings in engineering problems. Witness the tremendous installations now used in the banana industry in connection with the control of Sigatoka, a leaf disease. These require powerful stationary pumps, each serving seven hundred acres of bananas, through which Bordeaux mixture is piped to frequent outlets. The de- 32 The Caribbean 32 The Caribbean supplied by some of the big manufacturers in the United States would not stand up under the rough conditions and (perhaps) less expert operation of the tropics. In recent years this problem has been solved in large part by one or two manufacturers who have designed equipment adapted to tropical needs. There is at least one heavy disc plow on the market which is nearly ideal for our purposes, and there are several types of heavy disc har- rows. I shall not detail other items, such as combines, and the like; there are too many of them. But to return to the general question of mechanized agri- culture in the tropics. It is a moot subject. Some of us think there is a definite danger that we may go in for too much tillage, especially on sloping lands. We like to have such men as Hugh Bennett and William Vogt and Louis Bromfield come to our part of the world. They point out the dangers of erosion. They emphasize the importance of abundant organic matter in the soil-a subject we suspect can never be stressed sufficiently. Under the all-year-round growing conditions of the tropics, organic matter seems to be used up much more rapidly than in regions of long cold winters. All in all, we suspect the immediate future of mechanized agriculture lies principally in the flat coastal lands outside the wet zone-the irrigated lands-and that even here we should proceed with caution, to avoid damaging such lands irreparably within a few short years. Fortunately, this problem is not proper- ly one pertaining to agricultural engineering, so I can drop it and thereby avoid letting myself in for acrimonious criticism. It might also seem that the discussion of pest control does not fall within the scope of agricultural engineering; but the use of mechanical equipment for this purpose definitely brings in engineering problems. Witness the tremendous installations now used in the banana industry in cbnnection with the control of Sigatoka, a leaf disease. These require powerful stationary pumps, each serving seven hundred acres of bananas, through which Bordeaux mixture is piped to frequent outlets. The de- supplied by some of the big manufacturers in the United States would not stand up under the rough conditions and (perhaps) less expert operation of the tropics. In recent years this problem has been solved in large part by one or two manufacturers who have designed equipment adapted to tropical needs. There is at least one heavy disc plow on the market which is nearly ideal for our purposes, and there are several types of heavy disc har- rows. I shall not detail other items, such as combines, and the like; there are too many of them. But to return to the general question of mechanized agri- culture in the tropics. It is a moot subject. Some of us think there is a definite danger that we may go in for too much tillage, especially on sloping lands. We like to have such men as Hugh Bennett and William Vogt and Louis Bromfield come to our part of the world. They point out the dangers of erosion. They emphasize the importance of abundant organic matter in the soil-a subject we suspect can never be stressed sufficiently. Under the all-year-round growing conditions of the tropics, organic matter seems to be used up much more rapidly than in regions of long cold winters. All in all, we suspect the immediate future of mechanized agriculture lies principally in the flat coastal lands outside the wet zone-the irrigated lands-and that even here we should proceed with caution, to avoid damaging such lands irreparably within a few short years. Fortunately, this problem is not proper- ly one pertaining to agricultural engineering, so I can drop it and thereby avoid letting myself in for acrimonious criticism. It might also seem that the discussion of pest control does not fall within the scope of agricultural engineering; but the use of mechanical equipment for this purpose definitely brings in engineering problems. Witness the tremendous installations now used in the banana industry in connection with the control of Sigatoka, a leaf disease. These require powerful stationary pumps, each serving seven hundred acres of bananas, through which Bordeaux mixture is piped to frequent outlets. The de-  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 33 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 33 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 33 velopment of these installations involved engineering problems of the first order. The use of airplanes for dusting cotton is now standard practice in certain regions. Portable spraying equip- ment is utilized here and there, for citrus and other crops. III Finally, I should like to mention a subject which logically should have come in for attention earlier in this brief discussion. This is the storage of such crops as corn and beans. I will paraphrase a favorite Biblical quotation by asking, What shall it profit a man if he raise one hundred bushels of corn, and the weevils eat fifty of them? We talk much these days of crop improvement, and we cite the remarkable job done by the Rockefeller Foundation, work- ing in collaboration with the government of Mexico. The production of corn and beans, per unit of land, has been in- creased to a surprising degree; and this increase is now realized on a very considerable scale. Similar projects, on somewhat smaller scales, have been carried on and are being continued, in various other countries under various auspices. All this is not only to the good; it is excellent. But we ven- ture to suggest that there might well be more programs under way, looking toward the protection of these increased crops from insect devastation. I refer to harvested crops, of course. It is only fair to reiterate that such programs are under way, in several countries-I am thinking of Venezuela and El Salva- dor especially, because I have seen the grain storage facilities that have been provided in these two countries. Admittedly, it is not a simple matter for the government of a relatively small country to provide the necessary facilities for storing corn, beans, and the like in large quantities. Not all the problems connected with such projects are those of economics; some of them seem to be psychological in nature. But the whole subject is one which opens up vast possibilities, and which velopment of these installations involved engineering problems of the first order. The use of airplanes for dusting cotton is now standard practice in certain regions. Portable spraying equip- ment is utilized here and there, for citrus and other crops. III Finally, I should like to mention a subject which logically should have come in for attention earlier in this brief discussion. This is the storage of such crops as corn and beans. I will paraphrase a favorite Biblical quotation by asking, What shall it profit a man if he raise one hundred bushels of corn, and the weevils eat fifty of them? We talk much these days of crop improvement, and we cite the remarkable job done by the Rockefeller Foundation, work- ing in collaboration with the government of Mexico. The production of corn and beans, per unit of land, has been in- creased to a surprising degree; and this increase is now realized on a very considerable scale. Similar projects, on somewhat smaller scales, have been carried on and are being continued, in various other countries under various auspices. All this is not only to the good; it is excellent. But we ven- ture to suggest that there might well be more programs under way, looking toward the protection of these increased crops from insect devastation. I refer to harvested crops, of course. It is only fair to reiterate that such programs are under way, in several countries-I am thinking of Venezuela and El Salva- dor especially, because I have seen the grain storage facilities that have been provided in these two countries. Admittedly, it is not a simple matter for the government of a relatively small country to provide the necessary facilities for storing corn, beans, and the like in large quantities. Not all the problems connected with such projects are those of economics; some of them seem to be psychological in nature. But the whole subject is one which opens up vast possibilities, and which velopment of these installations involved engineering problems of the first order. The use of airplanes for dusting cotton is now standard practice in certain regions. Portable spraying equip- ment is utilized here and there, for citrus and other crops. III Finally, I should like to mention a subject which logically should have come in for attention earlier in this brief discussion. This is the storage of such crops as corn and beans. I will paraphrase a favorite Biblical quotation by asking, What shall it profit a man if he raise one hundred bushels of corn, and the weevils eat fifty of them? We talk much these days of crop improvement, and we cite the remarkable job done by the Rockefeller Foundation, work- ing in collaboration with the government of Mexico. The production of corn and beans, per unit of land, has been in- creased to a surprising degree; and this increase is now realized on a very considerable scale. Similar projects, on somewhat smaller scales, have been carried on and are being continued, in various other countries under various auspices. All this is not only to the good; it is excellent. But we ven- ture to suggest that there might well be more programs under way, looking toward the protection of these increased crops from insect devastation. I refer to harvested crops, of course. It is only fair to reiterate that such programs are under way, in several countries-I am thinking of Venezuela and El Salva- dor especially, because I have seen the grain storage facilities that have been provided in these two countries. Admittedly, it is not a simple matter for the government of a relatively small country to provide the necessary facilities for storing corn, beans, and the like in large quantities. Not all the problems connected with such projects are those of economics; some of them seem to be psychological in nature. But the whole subject is one which opens up vast possibilities, and which  34 The Caribbean merits much more attention than it is now receiving. Perhaps more is being done, actually, than I realize, for here again I am treading upon ground with which I am not too familiar. IV In conclusion, I hope that any agricultural engineers present will take part in the panel discussion, not limiting their com- ments to ones like that of an old chap in California who once attended a meeting of the Avocado Society at which I was a speaker. I had just come back from eighteen months in Guate- mala, where I had traveled throughout the back country on horseback, living on pretty scanty fare. I was a stripling of twenty-five years or so, and at the end of the trip I weighed only a hundred and twenty-four pounds. I told how I had traveled from Indian village to Indian village, sampling the avocados in each one, and cutting budwood of the best to send back to Washington. When I had finished my talk and called for questions, the old chap rose in the back of the hall and asked, "Mr. Speaker, just how many of those avocado pears did you eat in Guate- mala?" Obviously, I could not give an accurate answer, but I replied, "Oh, I suppose between one and two thousand." .\ look of surprise came over his face, he shools his head, and sat down muttering, "Good Lord, they claim that fruit is fattening." 34 The Caribbean 34 The Caribbean merits much more attention than it is now receiving. Perhaps more is being done, actually, than I realize, for here again I am treading upon ground with which I am not too familiar. IV In conclusion, I hope that any agricultural engineers present will take part in the panel discussion, not limiting their coom- ments to ones like that of an old chap in California who once attended a meeting of the Avocado Society at which I was a speaker. I had just come back from eighteen months in Guate- mala, where I had traveled throughout the back country on horseback, living on pretty scanty fare. I was a stripling of twenty-five years or so, and at the end of the trip I weighed only a hundred and twenty-four pounds. I told how I had traveled from Indian village to Indian village, sampling the avocados in each one, and cutting budwood of the best to send back to Washington. When I had finished my talk and called for questions, the old chap rose in the back of the hall and asked, "Mr. Speaker, just how many of those avocado pears did you eat in Guate- mala?" Obviously, I could not give an accurate answer, but I replied, "Oh, I suppose between one and two thousand." A look of surprise came over his face, he shoos his head, and sat down muttering, "Good Lord, they claim that fruit is fattening." merits much more attention than it is now receiving. Perhaps more is being done, actually, than I realize, for here again I am treading upon ground with which I am not too familiar. IV In conclusion, I hope that any agricultural engineers present will take part in the panel discussion, not limiting their com- ments to ones like that of an old chap in California who once attended a meeting of the Avocado Society at which I was a speaker. I had just come back from eighteen months in Guate- mala, where I had traveled throughout the back country on horseback, living on pretty scanty fare. I was a stripling of twenty-five years or so, and at the end of the trip I weighed only a hundred and twenty-four pounds. I told how I had traveled from Indian village to Indian village, sampling the avocados in each one, and cutting budwood of the best to send back to Washington. When I had finished my talk and called for questions, the old chap rose in the back of the hall and asked, "Mr. Speaker, just how many of those avocado pears did you eat in Guate- mala?" Obviously, I could not give an accurate answer, but I replied, "Oh, I suppose between one and two thousand." A look of surprise came over his face, he shook his head. and sat down muttering, "Good Lord, they claim that fruit is fattening."  4 4 r Alan PrObert: THE ROLE OF MINERAL RESOURCES IN THE ECONOMY OF THE CARIBBEAN M INERALS have played a significant part in the past eco- nomic history of many of the countries of the Caribbean; and if industrial development and progress are desirable goals, the future of minerals in the Caribbean area will command greater importance. To introduce the subject of mining and the mineral industry in the Caribbean, I should like to direct your attention to two important factors that may serve as guidelines-one as a reliable backsight, and the other as a target toward which ambitious governments may direct their efforts. First, prudent and efficient development and exploitation of its mineral resources has been the major contributing factor that has made the United States the great industrial leader among nations. This example may well demonstrate to realistic colonial and republican governments of the Caribbean that more intensive study and investigation of their mineral potentials may improve their own economic circumstances. The successful experiences of one American neighbor should be scrutinized, appraised, adapted, and applied by others, in their own interest. Great 35 Alan PrObert: THE ROLE OF MINERAL RESOURCES IN THE ECONOMY OF THE CARIBBEAN MINERALS have played a significant part in the past eco- nomic history of many of the countries of the Caribbean; and if industrial development and progress are desirable goals, the future of minerals in the Caribbean area will command greater importance. To introduce the subject of mining and the mineral industry in the Caribbean, I should like to direct your attention to two important factors that may serve as guidelines-one as a reliable backsight, and the other as a target toward which ambitious governments may direct their efforts. First, prudent and efficient development and exploitation of its mineral resources has been the major contributing factor that has made the United States the great industrial leader among nations. This example may well demonstrate to realistic colonial and republican governments of the Caribbean that more intensive study and investigation of their mineral potentials may improve their own economic circumstances. The successful experiences of one American neighbor should be scrutinized, appraised, adapted, and applied by others, in their own interest. Great 35 Alan Probert: THE ROLE OF MINERAL RESOURCES IN THE ECONOMY OF THE CARIBBEAN M INERALS have played a significant part in the past eco- nomic history of many of the countries of the Caribbean; and if industrial development and progress are desirable goals, the future of minerals in the Caribbean area will command greater importance. To introduce the subject of mining and the mineral industry in the Caribbean, I should like to direct your attention to two important factors that may serve as guidelines-one as a reliable backsight, and the other as a target toward which ambitious governments may direct their efforts. First, prudent and efficient development and exploitation of its mineral resources has been the major contributing factor that has made the United States the great industrial leader among nations. This example may well demonstrate to realistic colonial and republican governments of the Caribbean that more intensive study and investigation of their mineral potentials may improve their own economic circumstances. The successful experiences of one American neighbor should be scrutinized, appraised, adapted, and applied by others, in their own interest. Great 35  36 The Caribbean mineral wealth exists in the island and continental Caribbean land areas which, with due regard for conservation and with intelligent development, can have tremendous economic sig- nificance to the countries involved. A second generalization well worth consideration by Caribbean governments is that the Western Hemisphere can, with one or two minor exceptions, become self-sufficient in minerals in peace or war if we are willing to meet the higher costs. Recent testi- mony offered before investigating bodies of the Congress and executive agencies of the United States government indicates that the mineral raw materials essential to inter-American de- fense are abundantly available within the limits of the Americas. This encouraging news makes due allowance for the Caribbean countries and what is known of their important mineral re- sources; these are multiplied in value by proximity to United States processing facilities, which are currently unchallenged as the logical destination. II This is a favorable point at which to assess the diversity and extent of Caribbean mineral deposits in general terms. The commodity approach would be most useful to an audience of mineral people, but here it seems more suitable to adhere to the geographical-area basis for correlating mineral data with other fundamental information. A convenient course to follow is the clockwise route from Jamaica, around the island chain, across the top of South America, and through Central America to Mexico. The commodities will be mentioned without regard for order of importance within the particular country or colony, but mineral-poor areas and minor occurrences must necessarily be omitted. An outstanding example of the influence of mineral resources on Caribbean economy is given by the newly developed baux- ite industry of Jamaica. For decades the North American aluminum industry has drawn the larger part of its bauxite 36 The Caribbean mineral wealth exists in the island and continental Caribbean land areas which, with due regard for conservation and with intelligent development, can have tremendous economic sig- nificance to the countries involved. A second generalization well worth consideration by Caribbean governments is that the Western Hemisphere can, with one or two minor exceptions, become self-sufficient in minerals in peace or war if we are willing to meet the higher costs. Recent testi- mony offered before investigating bodies of the Congress and executive agencies of the United States government indicates that the mineral raw materials essential to inter-American de- fense are abundantly available within the limits of the Americas. This encouraging news makes due allowance for the Caribbean countries and what is known of their important mineral re- sources; these are multiplied in value by proximity to United States processing facilities, which are currently unchallenged as the logical destination. II This is a favorable point at which to assess the diversity and extent of Caribbean mineral deposits in general terms. The commodity approach would be most useful to an audience of mineral people, but here it seems more suitable to adhere to the geographical-area basis for correlating mineral data with other fundamental information. A convenient course to follow is the clockwise route from Jamaica, around the island chain, across the top of South America, and through Central America to Mexico. The commodities will be mentioned without regard for order of importance within the particular country or colony, but mineral-poor areas and minor occurrences must necessarily be omitted. An outstanding example of the influence of mineral resources on Caribbean economy is given by the newly developed baux- ite industry of Jamaica. For decades the North American aluminum industry has drawn the larger part of its bauxite 36 The Caribbean mineral wealth exists in the island and continental Caribbean land areas which, with due regard for conservation and with intelligent development, can have tremendous economic sig- nificance to the countries involved. A second generalization well worth consideration by Caribbean governments is that the Western Hemisphere can, with one or two minor exceptions, become self-sufficient in minerals in peace or war if we are willing to meet the higher costs. Recent testi- mony offered before investigating bodies of the Congress and executive agencies of the United States government indicates that the mineral raw materials essential to inter-American de- fense are abundantly available within the limits of the Americas. This encouraging news makes due allowance for the Caribbean countries and what is known of their important mineral re- sources; these are multiplied in value by proximity to United States processing facilities, which are currently unchallenged as the logical destination. II This is a favorable point at which to assess the diversity and extent of Caribbean mineral deposits in general terms. The commodity approach would be most useful to an audience of mineral people, but here it seems more suitable to adhere to the geographical-area basis for correlating mineral data with other fundamental information. A convenient course to follow is the clockwise route from Jamaica, around the island chain, across the top of South America, and through Central America to Mexico. The commodities will be mentioned without regard for order of importance within the particular country or colony, but mineral-poor areas and minor occurrences must necessarily be omitted. An outstanding example of the influence of mineral resources on Caribbean economy is given by the newly developed baux- ite industry of Jamaica. For decades the North American aluminum industry has drawn the larger part of its bauxite  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 3/ requirements from the deposits of Surinam and British Guiana; almost half of the world's supply of bauxite originated in the Guianas in 1952. The Caribbean proper has been the scene of great advances in the exploration of world bauxite reserves within the past ten years. Jamaica is the largest beneficiary of new discoveries, although Haiti and the Dominican Republic also have minor bauxite deposits. Jamaica's economy has always been tied to agriculture. With the recent investment of large capital and with governmental approval and encouragement for the development and rational utilization of its bauxite deposits, Jamaica has achieved an important step toward industrialization. The over-all labor re- quirement will doubtless be small and is currently estimated at fewer than 1,500 workers directly employed, although through- out the construction period employment was much greater and contributed importantly though temporarily to the national in- come. Three foreign companies, two American and one Ca- nadian, have undertaken the responsibility of the new bauxite industry. All have invested heavily in land and equipment over a period of several years. Production has already begun, with regular exports to the United States and Canada totaling 350,- 000 metric tons in 1952. The total estimated bauxite reserve of the area amounts to 350 million metric tons, or nearly a thou- sand times the quantity exported during 1952, and comprises the largest known reserve in the world. West Indies bauxite differs in composition from that exported from the Guianas, upon which the North American industry was built. It is high in iron and low in silica and more like many European ores. Because of this dissimilarity to Guiana ore, further investment of large sums of money in the United States was necessary to adapt processing flowsheets to the raw material. The benefits to Jamaica have been manifold, but most important is permanence of the new industry. Enough bauxite is now known in Jamaica to duplicate the combined 1952 pro- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 37 requirements from the deposits of Surinam and British Guiana; almost half of the world's supply of bauxite originated in the Guianas in 1952. The Caribbean proper has been the scene of great advances in the exploration of world bauxite reserves within the past ten years. Jamaica is the largest beneficiary of new discoveries, although Haiti and the Dominican Republic also have minor bauxite deposits. Jamaica's economy has always been tied to agriculture. With the recent investment of large capital and with governmental approval and encouragement for the development and rational utilization of its bauxite deposits, Jamaica has achieved an important step toward industrialization. The over-all labor re- quirement will doubtless be small and is currently estimated at fewer than 1,500 workers directly employed, although through- out the construction period employment was much greater and contributed importantly though temporarily to the national in- come. Three foreign companies, two American and one Ca- nadian, have undertaken the responsibility of the new bauxite industry. All have invested heavily in land and equipment over a period of several years. Production has already begun, with regular exports to the United States and Canada totaling 350,- 000 metric tons in 1952. The total estimated bauxite reserve of the area amounts to 350 million metric tons, or nearly a thou- sand times the quantity exported during 1952, and comprises the largest known reserve in the world. West Indies bauxite differs in composition from that exported from the Guianas, upon which the North American industry was built. It is high in iron and low in silica and more like many European ores. Because of this dissimilarity to Guiana ore, further investment of large sums of money in the United States was necessary to adapt processing flowsheets to the raw material. The benefits to Jamaica have been manifold, but most important is permanence of the new industry. Enough bauxite is now known in Jamaica to duplicate the combined 1952 pro- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 37 requirements from the deposits of Surinam and British Guiana; almost half of the world's supply of bauxite originated in the Guianas in 1952. The Caribbean proper has been the scene of great advances in the exploration of world bauxite reserves within the past ten years. Jamaica is the largest beneficiary of new discoveries, although Haiti and the Dominican Republic also have minor bauxite deposits. Jamaica's economy has always been tied to agriculture. With the recent investment of large capital and with governmental approval and encouragement for the development and rational utilization of its bauxite deposits, Jamaica has achieved an important step toward industrialization. The over-all labor re- quirement will doubtless be small and is currently estimated at fewer than 1,500 workers directly employed, although through- out the construction period employment was much greater and contributed importantly though temporarily to the national in- come. Three foreign companies, two American and one Ca- nadian, have undertaken the responsibility of the new bauxite industry. All have invested heavily in land and equipment over a period of several years. Production has already begun, with regular exports to the United States and Canada totaling 350,- 000 metric tons in 1952. The total estimated bauxite reserve of the area amounts to 350 million metric tons, or nearly a thou- sand times the quantity exported during 1952, and comprises the largest known reserve in the world. West Indies bauxite differs in composition from that exported from the Guianas, upon which the North American industry was built. It is high in iron and low in silica and more like many European ores. Because of this dissimilarity to Guiana ore, further investment of large sums of money in the United States was necessary to adapt processing flowsheets to the raw material. The benefits to Jamaica have been manifold, but most important is permanence of the new industry. Enough bauxite is now known in Jamaica to duplicate the combined 1952 pro-  38 The Caribbean duction of British Guiana and Surinam annually for the next sixty years. Furthermore, it is axiomatic that extensions to mineral reserves generally occur as a direct result of intelligent exploration during development. Apart from initial capital ex- penditures for acquisition of mineral concessions and the eco- nomic stimulus resulting from payrolls for construction of roads, plants, loading facilities, and housing, other lasting effects are apparent. The Jamaica Government Railway has profited by bauxite shipments; farming methods on bauxite lands owned by the companies have been improved; many Jamaicans have re- ceived technical training; villages have grown to towns; and the Jamaica government is pleased with the prospect of a million- dollar tax and royalty income each year. In addition, Jamaica has recently organized a competent Geological Survey Depart- ment, which is evaluating the mining potential of the island in minerals other than bauxite. III Cuba is a rich mineral area. The more important products are manganese, chromite, nickel, iron ore, and copper. The lateritic nickeliferous iron ores of Cuba represent a Western Hemisphere resource of tremendous importance. About 80 per cent of the world's 1952 nickel production originated in Canada and Cuba in the proportions of 17:1. Two-thirds of the nickel produced in the world is consumed in the United States as an essential ingredient of stainless steels and armor-plate steel, to which nickel imparts hardness, toughness, and strength. Hemi- spheric self-sufficiency is a goal worthy of great effort in these times of cold war and enforced preparedness of self-defense. Possible eventual depletion of Canadian deposits through heavy industrial demands points to the need for reliable new future sources. The Cuban laterites provide the Western world with guaran- teed future nickel reserves. The Nicaro operations produced 38 The Caribbean duction of British Guiana and Surinam annually for the next sixty years. Furthermore, it is axiomatic that extensions to mineral reserves generally occur as a direct result of intelligent exploration during development. Apart from initial capital ex- penditures for acquisition of mineral concessions and the eco- nomic stimulus resulting from payrolls for construction of roads, plants, loading facilities, and housing, other lasting effects are apparent. The Jamaica Government Railway has profited by bauxite shipments; farming methods on bauxite lands owned by the companies have been improved; many Jamaicans have re- ceived technical training; villages have grown to towns; and the Jamaica government is pleased with the prospect of a million- dollar tax and royalty income each year. In addition, Jamaica has recently organized a competent Geological Survey Depart- ment, which is evaluating the mining potential of the island in minerals other than bauxite. III Cuba is a rich mineral area. The more important products are manganese, chromite, nickel, iron ore, and copper. The lateritic nickeliferous iron ores of Cuba represent a Western Hemisphere resource of tremendous importance. About 80 per cent of the world's 1952 nickel production originated in Canada and Cuba in the proportions of 17:1. Two-thirds of the nickel produced in the world is consumed in the United States as an essential ingredient of stainless steels and armor-plate steel, to which nickel imparts hardness, toughness, and strength. Hemi- spheric self-sufficiency is a goal worthy of great effort in these times of cold war and enforced preparedness of self-defense. Possible eventual depletion of Canadian deposits through heavy industrial demands points to the need for reliable new future sources. The Cuban laterites provide the Western world with guaran- teed future nickel reserves. The Nicaro operations produced 38 The Caribbean duction of British Guiana and Surinam annually for the next sixty years. Furthermore, it is axiomatic that extensions to mineral reserves generally occur as a direct result of intelligent exploration during development. Apart from initial capital ex- penditures for acquisition of mineral concessions and the eco- nomic stimulus resulting from payrolls for construction of roads, plants, loading facilities, and housing, other lasting effects are apparent. The Jamaica Government Railway has profited by bauxite shipments; farming methods on bauxite lands owned by the companies have been improved; many Jamaicans have re- ceived technical training; villages have grown to towns; and the Jamaica government is pleased with the prospect of a million- dollar tax and royalty income each year. In addition, Jamaica has recently organized a competent Geological Survey Depart- ment, which is evaluating the mining potential of the island in minerals other than bauxite. III Cuba is a rich mineral area. The more important products are manganese, chromite, nickel, iron ore, and copper. The lateritic nickeliferous iron ores of Cuba represent a Western Hemisphere resource of tremendous importance. About 80 per cent of the world's 1952 nickel production originated in Canada and Cuba in the proportions of 17: 1. Two-thirds of the nickel produced in the world is consumed in the United States as an essential ingredient of stainless steels and armor-plate steel, to which nickel imparts hardness, toughness, and strength. Hemi- spheric self-sufficiency is a goal worthy of great effort in these times of cold war and enforced preparedness of self-defense. Possible eventual depletion of Canadian deposits through heavy industrial demands points to the need for reliable new future sources. The Cuban laterites provide the Western world with guaran- teed future nickel reserves. The Nicaro operations produced  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 3 CARIBBEAN MINERAL PRODUCTION -1952 9 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION3 CARIBBEAN MINERAL PRODUCTION-1952 BAUXITE SILVER PETROLEUM FLUORS PA R LEAD GRA PHITE AN TIM ONY ZINC ME RCUARY MANGANESE NICKEL PLATINUM GOLD COPPER CHROMITE TUNGSTEN IRON ORE BAUXITE SILVER PETROLEUM FLOORS PA R LEAD GRAPHITE ANTIMONY DINE MEREDURY MANOON ESE NICKEL PLATINUM GOLD COPPER CHROMITE TONG STE N IRON ORE ~a I I 9RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION CARIBBEAN MINERAL PRODUCTION-1952 BAUXITE 1~SLY 2+ SILVER PETROLEUM -oV4 FLUORSPAR_____________ LEAD X GRAPHITE 3. ANTIMONY o~U ZINC C MERCURY MANGANESE NICKEL PLATINUM GOLD U COPPER - CHROMITE . TOUNOGSTE N IRON ORE tU' CARIBBEAN PRODUETION ALL OTHER WORLD PRODUCTION Prepared OR: Bureau of Mines, DepoOrmen of thIn terior-Nov. 1953 39 II [I1 I J II' ".TT^ _ T I I I * I I I S . CARIBBEAN PRODUCTION ALL OTHER WORLD PRODUCTION Prepareby Brea of01 ines, Depadrmen of the IRterior. NoR. 1953 ALL OTHER WORLD PRODUCTION Prepared Ay: Bureau of Mines, DepartmentI of thInteror-NoD. 1950  40 The Caribbean 8,000 metric tons of contained metal in nickel oxides during 1952. There is no immediate necessity for mushrooming the output of Cuban nickel in peacetime. There is enough known nickel in Cuba now to meet Western Hemisphere needs for fifty or sixty years. Production is an established fact and has recently doubled the 1952 output. New metallurgical processes are under study, and research to improve recovery is well advanced. The outstanding need for technologic improvement is the recovery of the accessory minerals-cobalt, chrome, and iron. Chromite was first imported into the United States from Cuba in 1916, when a thirty-four-ton shipment arrived; since then the business expanded to an average of 47,000 metric tons annually between 1930 and 1940 and reached a peak figure of 286,000 metric tons in 1943 under the stimulus of wartime prices. Both refractory-grade chromite, of suitable composition for manu- facture of industrial brick, and metallurgical-grade, for produc- tion of ferrochrome, have been mined in Cuba. Known deposits are not very large, but production has been consistent for several decades; and the record shows that, when price incentives have existed, the chromite producers of Cuba responded. In 1952, Cuba shipped 86,000 metric tons of chromite to the United States, an amount larger by half than the average of the 1930 decade. The chromite reserves of Cuba were reliably reported in 1918 to be between 93,000 and 170,000 metric tons; for the next decade chromite demand was low and production waned, but by 1933 the higher figure had been exceeded. Again, in 1943, the reserves were conservatively set at 550,000 metric tons, with a factor that could be used to estimate extensions in depth at the rate of 1 million metric tons of shipping-grade refractory chromite for each 100 feet of depth. As mining progresses new ore is being discovered. Another proved mineral occurrence in Cuba that has afforded work to many and contributed taxes to government, profit to owners, and wages to labor over a long period is manganese. In 40 The Caribbean 8,000 metric tons of contained metal in nickel oxides during 1952. There is no immediate necessity for mushrooming the output of Cuban nickel in peacetime. There is enough known nickel in Cuba now to meet Western Hemisphere needs for fifty or sixty years. Production is an established fact and has recently doubled the 1952 output. New metallurgical processes are under study, and research to improve recovery is well advanced. The outstanding need for technologic improvement is the recovery of the accessory minerals-cobalt, chrome, and iron. Chromite was first imported into the United States from Cuba in 1916, when a thirty-four-ton shipment arrived; since then the business expanded to an average of 47,000 metric tons annually between 1930 and 1940 and reached a peak figure of 286,000 metric tons in 1943 under the stimulus of wartime prices. Both refractory-grade chromite, of suitable composition for manu- facture of industrial brick, and metallurgical-grade, for produc- tion of ferrochrome, have been mined in Cuba. Known deposits are not very large, but production has been consistent for several decades; and the record shows that, when price incentives have existed, the chromite producers of Cuba responded. In 1952, Cuba shipped 86,000 metric tons of chromite to the United States, an amount larger by half than the average of the 1930 decade. The chromite reserves of Cuba were reliably reported in 1918 to be between 93,000 and 170,000 metric tons; for the next decade chromite demand was low and production waned, but by 1933 the higher figure had been exceeded. Again, in 1943, the reserves were conservatively set at 550,000 metric tons, with a factor that could be used to estimate extensions in depth at the rate of 1 million metric tons of shipping-grade refractory chromite for each 100 feet of depth. As mining progresses new ore is being discovered. Another proved mineral occurrence in Cuba that has afforded work to many and contributed taxes to government, profit to owners, and wages to labor over a long period is manganese. In 40 The Caribbean 8,000 metric tons of contained metal in nickel oxides during 1952. There is no immediate necessity for mushrooming the output of Cuban nickel in peacetime. There is enough known nickel in Cuba now to meet Western Hemisphere needs for fifty or sixty years. Production is an established fact and has recently doubled the 1952 output. New metallurgical processes are under study, and research to improve recovery is well advanced. The outstanding need for technologic improvement is the recovery of the accessory minerals-cobalt, chrome, and iron. Chromite was first imported into the United States from Cuba in 1916, when a thirty-four-ton shipment arrived; since then the business expanded to an average of 47,000 metric tons annually between 1930 and 1940 and reached a peak figure of 286,000 metric tons in 1943 under the stimulus of wartime prices. Both refractory-grade chromite, of suitable composition for manu- facture of industrial brick, and metallurgical-grade, for produc- tion of ferrochrome, have been mined in Cuba. Known deposits are not very large, but production has been consistent for several decades; and the record shows that, when price incentives have existed, the chromite producers of Cuba responded. In 1952, Cuba shipped 86,000 metric tons of chromite to the United States, an amount larger by half than the average of the 1930 decade. The chromite reserves of Cuba were reliably reported in 1918 to be between 93,000 and 170,000 metric tons; for the next decade chromite demand was low and production waned, but by 1933 the higher figure had been exceeded. Again, in 1943, the reserves were conservatively set at 550,000 metric tons, with a factor that could be used to estimate extensions in depth at the rate of 1 million metric tons of shipping-grade refractory chromite for each 100 feet of depth. As mining progresses new ore is being discovered. Another proved mineral occurrence in Cuba that has afforded work to many and contributed taxes to government, profit to owners, and wages to labor over a long period is manganese. In  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 41 the manufacture of steel, manganese is essential; wherever steel is produced manganese will be in demand. During the fifty-five years before 1943, Cuba exported 2 million metric tons of man- ganese ore; the annual rate fluctuated greatly, but the incentive of wartime prices resulted in a peak year of 300,000 metric tons in 1943. During 1952, the output was almost as high, and Cuba produced a quarter of a million metric tons during a year when the United States consumed four times that amount. The utilization of Cuban laterites as iron ores depends some- what upon the more nearly complete removal of chrome, nickel, and cobalt. The tailings rejected from the Nicaro operation might well be considered as iron ore, except for the small amount of these contained metals, which from an iron-ore viewpoint comprise residual impurities. Metallurgical progress eventually will provide a solution, and the tailings that are now being impounded in the shallow portions of the bay may then be recovered and smelted for the iron content. Over a period of about three decades Cuba exported 4 million metric tons of nodulized Mayari iron ore, which was advantageously utilized by the steel industry for its nickel-chrome alloying properties, but this ore failed to meet the more rigid grade tolerances that steel manufacturers were forced to adopt to meet metallurgical speci- fications developed during World War II, and demand has declined accordingly. Cobalt occurs in the Cuban laterites in approximately the ratio of one pound for every fifteen pounds of nickel. A small amount of cobalt is currently recovered mixed with nickel oxide from the Nicaro operation, but no concerted effort is being made to separate it by the present metallurgical process, which was essentially developed to recover the nickel with no emphasis on cobalt. Investigations are now in progress to yield cobalt as well as nickel for the industry. If it can be recovered at a reasonable price, it may add another economic asset to the Cuban list. Such technologic advances would not apply exclusively to Cuban ores and, of course, might well be equally, or even more, advanta- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 41 the manufacture of steel, manganese is essential; wherever steel is produced manganese will be in demand. During the fifty-five years before 1943, Cuba exported 2 million metric tons of man- ganese ore; the annual rate fluctuated greatly, but the incentive of wartime prices resulted in a peak year of 300,000 metric tons in 1943. During 1952, the output was almost as high, and Cuba produced a quarter of a million metric tons during a year when the United States consumed four times that amount. The utilization of Cuban laterites as iron ores depends some- what upon the more nearly complete removal of chrome, nickel, and cobalt. The tailings rejected from the Nicaro operation might well be considered as iron ore, except for the small amount of these contained metals, which from an iron-ore viewpoint comprise residual impurities. Metallurgical progress eventually will provide a solution, and the tailings that are now being impounded in the shallow portions of the bay may then be recovered and smelted for the iron content. Over a period of about three decades Cuba exported 4 million metric tons of nodulized Mayari iron ore, which was advantageously utilized by the steel industry for its nickel-chrome alloying properties, but this ore failed to meet the more rigid grade tolerances that steel manufacturers were forced to adopt to meet metallurgical speci- fications developed during World War II, and demand has declined accordingly. Cobalt occurs in the Cuban laterites in approximately the ratio of one pound for every fifteen pounds of nickel. A small amount of cobalt is currently recovered mixed with nickel oxide from the Nicaro operation, but no concerted effort is being made to separate it by the present metallurgical process, which was essentially developed to recover the nickel with no emphasis on cobalt. Investigations are now in progress to yield cobalt as well as nickel for the industry. If it can be recovered at a reasonable price, it may add another economic asset to the Cuban list. Such technologic advances would not apply exclusively to Cuban ores and, of course, might well be equally, or even more, advanta- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 41 the manufacture of steel, manganese is essential; wherever steel is produced manganese will be in demand. During the fifty-five years before 1943, Cuba exported 2 million metric tons of man- ganese ore; the annual rate fluctuated greatly, but the incentive of wartime prices resulted in a peak year of 300,000 metric tons in 1943. During 1952, the output was almost as high, and Cuba produced a quarter of a million metric tons during a year when the United States consumed four times that amount. The utilization of Cuban laterites as iron ores depends some- what upon the more nearly complete removal of chrome, nickel, and cobalt. The tailings rejected from the Nicaro operation might well be considered as iron ore, except for the small amount of these contained metals, which from an iron-ore viewpoint comprise residual impurities. Metallurgical progress eventually will provide a solution, and the tailings that are now being impounded in the shallow portions of the bay may then be recovered and smelted for the iron content. Over a period of about three decades Cuba exported 4 million metric tons of nodulized Mayari iron ore, which was advantageously utilized by the steel industry for its nickel-chrome alloying properties, but this ore failed to meet the more rigid grade tolerances that steel manufacturers were forced to adopt to meet metallurgical speci- fications developed during World War II, and demand has declined accordingly. Cobalt occurs in the Cuban laterites in approximately the ratio of one pound for every fifteen pounds of nickel. A small amount of cobalt is currently recovered mixed with nickel oxide from the Nicaro operation, but no concerted effort is being made to separate it by the present metallurgical process, which was essentially developed to recover the nickel with no emphasis on cobalt. Investigations are now in progress to yield cobalt as well as nickel for the industry. If it can be recovered at a reasonable price, it may add another economic asset to the Cuban list. Such technologic advances would not apply exclusively to Cuban ores and, of course, might well be equally, or even more, advanta-  42 The Caribbean 42 The Caribbean 42 The Caribbean geous in other producing areas that could produce cheaper. The proximity to North American markets and the desirability of short sea lanes in time of emergency are factors favoring a Carib- bean source. Iron ores that have successfully competed with those from other sources derive from Cuban hematite and mag- netite deposits, from which 22 million metric tons were mined and exported over the sixty-year period preceding 1942. The record shows that Cuban iron ore production in 1952 was 101,- 000 metric tons. Venezuelan competition within the Caribbean area, and Canadian and Brazilian production elsewhere within the Western Hemisphere, must be reckoned with in any future effort aimed at stimulating exports of Cuban iron ore. The Matahambre copper mine has been a consistent producer for four decades. From 1914 until 1944, 6 million metric tons of ore were mined, and the mine was considered depleted. How- ever, in the latter year a new ore body was discovered by com- bined deduction and diligence, and the mine took another lease on life. In 1952, the monthly production averaged 1,500 metric tons of contained copper in concentrate, which was shipped to the United States. For many years Cuba has partly contributed to its own petroleum needs from wells in two active fields. IV The twin Dominican and Haitian republics, on the island of Hispaniola, are characterized by very minor known mineral resources. The island lies within the belt of lateritic soils com- posing the bauxite deposits of Jamaica; preliminary reconnais- sance has disclosed the existence of this material. The grade of the bauxite is satisfactory for metallurgical use, but the tonnage observed so far has been infinitesimal, and its exploitation would destroy agricultural land more valuable for its present use. Haiti has some lignite that has not yet enjoyed active develop- ment, although its possibilities as an industrial fuel should not be overlooked. As an eastward extension of the Cuban geologic geous in other producing areas that could produce cheaper. The proximity to North American markets and the desirability of short sea lanes in time of emergency are factors favoring a Carib- bean source. Iron ores that have successfully competed with those from other sources derive from Cuban hematite and mag- netite deposits, from which 22 million metric tons were mined and exported over the sixty-year period preceding 1942. The record shows that Cuban iron ore production in 1952 was 101,- 000 metric tons. Venezuelan competition within the Caribbean area, and Canadian and Brazilian production elsewhere within the Western Hemisphere, must be reckoned with in any future effort aimed at stimulating exports of Cuban iron ore. The Matahambre copper mine has been a consistent producer for four decades. From 1914 until 1944, 6 million metric tons of ore were mined, and the mine was considered depleted. How- ever, in the latter year a new ore body was discovered by com- bined deduction and diligence, and the mine took another lease on life. In 1952, the monthly production averaged 1,500 metric tons of contained copper in concentrate, which was shipped to the United States. For many vears Cuba has partly contributed to its own petroleum needs from wells in two active fields. IV The twin Dominican and Haitian republics, on the island of Hispauniola, are characterized by very minor known mineral resources. The island lies within the belt of lateritic soils com- posing the bauxite deposits of Jamaica; preliminary reconnais- sance has disclosed the existence of this material. The grade of the bauxite is satisfactory for metallurgical use, but the tonnage observed so far has been infinitesimal, and its exploitation would destroy agricultural land more valuable for its present use. Haiti has some lignite that has not yet enjoyed active develop- ment, although its possibilities as an industrial fuel should not be overlooked. As an eastward extension of the Cuban geologic geous in other producing areas that could produce cheaper. The proximity to North American markets and the desirability of short sea lanes in time of emergency are factors favoring a Carib- bean source. Iron ores that have successfully competed with those from other sources derive from Cuban hematite and mag- netite deposits, from which 22 million metric tons were mined and exported over the sixty-year period preceding 1942. The record shows that Cuban iron ore production in 1952 was 101,- 000 metric tons. Venezuelan competition within the Caribbean area, and Canadian and Brazilian production elsewhere within the Western Hemisphere, must be reckoned with in any future effort aimed at stimulating exports of Cuban iron ore. The Matahambre copper mine has been a consistent producer for four decades. From 1914 until 1944, 6 million metric tons of ore were mined, and the mine was considered depleted. How- ever, in the latter year a new ore body was discovered by com- bined deduction and diligence, and the mine took another lease on life. In 1952, the monthly production averaged 1,500 metric tons of contained copper in concentrate, which was shipped to the United States. For many years Cuba has partly contributed to its own petroleum needs from wells in two active fields. IV The twin Dominican and Haitian republics, on the island of Hispaniola, are characterized by very minor known mineral resources. The island lies within the belt of lateritic soils com- posing the bauxite deposits of Jamaica; preliminary reconnais- sance has disclosed the existence of this material. The grade of the bauxite is satisfactory for metallurgical use, but the tonnage observed so far has been infinitesimal, and its exploitation would destroy agricultural land more valuable for its present use. Haiti has some lignite that has not yet enjoyed active develop- ment, although its possibilities as an industrial fuel should not be overlooked. As an eastward extension of the Cuban geologic  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 435 environment, Hispaniola merits more detailed mineral explora- tion than it has yet received. Puerto Rico depends largely upon agriculture and small in- dustries, with little emphasis upon mineral resources. Bauxite may well show up in the list of future discoveries. There are two cement plants which operate on local limestone and clay and imported gypsum, producing for home consumption a com- modity sorely needed in many parts of the Caribbean area. There are some occurrences of clays worthy of mention, in- cluding bentonitic types in demand for industrial purposes. Geophysical prospecting has failed to locate geologic structures favorable to the entrapment of petroleum. VI The volcanic chain of the Windward Islands can be omitted from the present discussion as unimportant so far from a mining standpoint. On reaching Trinidad, however, the scene again changes. Here petroleum begins to enter the economic life of the Caribbean on a substantial scale. The 1952 figures indicate Trinidad crude production at 21 million barrels, with 37 million barrels of refined products. To this must be added the natural asphalt exports amounting to 173,000 metric tons from an asphalt lake deposit. Much of the Guiana bauxite passes through Trinidad, where a marine transfer station at Port of Spain permits transshipment from smaller river boats that ply between the mines and Trini- dad to large seagoing vessels which load quickly without delays. This is a transportation, not a mining problem. VII Venezuela's petroleum industry has thrived for over thirty years. It is the world's largest petroleum exporter. Petroleum RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 43 environment, Hispaniola merits more detailed mineral explora- tion than it has yet received. Puerto Rico depends largely upon agriculture and small in- dustries, with little emphasis upon mineral resources. Bauxite may well show up in the list of future discoveries. There are two cement plants which operate on local limestone and clay and imported gypsum, producing for home consumption a com- modity sorely needed in many parts of the Caribbean area. There are some occurrences of clays worthy of mention, in- cluding bentonitic types in demand for industrial purposes. Geophysical prospecting has failed to locate geologic structures favorable to the entrapment of petroleum. VI The volcanic chain of the Windward Islands can be omitted from the present discussion as unimportant so far front a mining standpoint. On reaching Trinidad, however, the scene again changes. Here petroleum begins to enter the economic life of the Caribbean on a substantial scale. The 1952 figures indicate Trinidad crude production at 21 million barrels, with 37 million barrels of refined products. To this must be added the natural asphalt exports amounting to 173,000 metric tons from an asphalt lake deposit. Much of the Guiana bauxite passes through Trinidad, where a marine transfer station at Port of Spain permits transshipment from smaller river boats that ply between the mines and Trini- dad to large seagoing vessels which load quickly without delays. This is a transportation, not a mining problem. VII Venezuela's petroleum industry has thrived for over thirty years. It is the world's largest petroleum exporter. Petroleum RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 43 environment, Hispaniola merits more detailed mineral explora- tion than it has yet received. Puerto Rico depends largely upon agriculture and small in- dustries, with little emphasis upon mineral resources. Bauxite may well show up in the list of future discoveries. There are two cement plants which operate on local limestone and clay and imported gypsum, producing for home consumption a com- modity sorely needed in many parts of the Caribbean area. There are some occurrences of clays worthy of mention, in- cluding bentonitic types in demand for industrial purposes. Geophysical prospecting has failed to locate geologic structures favorable to the entrapment of petroleum. 'I The volcanic chain of the Windward Islands can be omitted from the present discussion as unimportant so far from a mining standpoint. On reaching Trinidad, however, the scene again changes. Here petroleum begins to enter the economic life of the Caribbean on a substantial scale. The 1952 figures indicate Trinidad crude production at 21 million barrels, with 37 million barrels of refined products. To this must be added the natural asphalt exports amounting to 173,000 metric tons from an asphalt lake deposit. Much of the Guiana bauxite passes through Trinidad, where a marine transfer station at Port of Spain permits transshipment from smaller river boats that ply between the mines and Trini- dad to large seagoing vessels which load quickly without delays. This is a transportation, not a mining problem. VII Venezuela's petroleum industry has thrived for over thirty years. It is the world's largest petroleum exporter. Petroleum  44 The Caribbean 44 The Caribbean 44 The Caribbean represents 97 per cent of the nation's exports in terms of value, and 60 per cent of the government's revenue comes from this source. Production is second only to that of the United States, and the oil reserves of Venezuela rank sixth in the world. The industry employs 44,000 people in Venezuela at wages higher than anywhere else in the country, including fringe benefits such as health insurance, paid vacations, and sick leave without loss of income. The petroleum industry is so specialized that it is almost a field in itself, although definitely a phase of mineral-resource development in the broad sense. Other mineral raw materials have important impact on Venezuelan economy. Chief of these is iron ore, developed in the very recent past largely by two great steel producers of the United States. The iron-ore reserves of Venezuela have been conservatively estimated at 2 billion metric tons. The largest deposit is that known as Cerro Bolivar, which is reported to represent 400 million metric tons of 63 per cent iron ore as compared to the El Pao, containing 65 million metric tons of ore varying from 55 to 69 per cent but averaging 1.5 per cent higher in iron than Cerro Bolivar. Other occur- rences are controlled by several well-known steel companies, largely United States controlled, or are held by the Venezuelan government itself. Of the latter, the San Isidro is possibly as extensive and high grade as Cerro Bolivar. Mining properties in Venezuela are subject to two distinct sets of regulations, depending upon date of acquisition. Before 1936 the usual denouncement, a procedure similar to claim-staking in the United States, was valid. New legislation dating from that year reserved to the federal government the mineral lands in the public domain within certain designated areas. Cerro Bolivar and El Pio were secured under the earlier denuncios, but many of the holdings are subject to the later law. The earlier arrangement was somewhat more favorable to the development organizations. Under the new legislation, the government of Venezuela represents 97 per cent of the nation's exports in terms of value, and 60 per cent of the government's revenue comes from this source. Production is second only to that of the United States, and the oil reserves of Venezuela rank sixth in the world. The industry employs 44,000 people in Venezuela at wages higher than anywhere else in the country, including fringe benefits such as health insurance, paid vacations, and sick leave without loss of income. The petroleum industry is so specialized that it is almost a field in itself, although definitely a phase of mineral-resource development in the broad sense. Other mineral raw materials have important impact on Venezuelan economy. Chief of these is iron ore, developed in the very recent past largely by two great steel producers of the United States. The iron-ore reserves of Venezuela have been conservatively estimated at 2 billion metric tons. The largest deposit is that known as Cerro Bolivar, which is reported to represent 400 million metric tons of 63 per cent iron ore as compared to the El Po, containing 65 million metric tons of ore varying from 55 to 69 per cent but averaging 1.5 per cent higher in iron than Cerro Bolivar. Other occur- rences are controlled by several well-known steel companies, largely United States controlled, or are held by the Venezuelan government itself. Of the latter, the San Isidro is possibly as extensive and high grade as Cerro Bolivar. Mining properties in Venezuela are subject to two distinct sets of regulations, depending upon date of acquisition. Before 1936 the usual denouncement, a procedure similar to claim-staking in the United States, was valid. New legislation dating from that year reserved to the federal government the mineral lands in the public domain within certain designated areas. Cerro Bolivar and El Pio were secured under the earlier denuncios, but many of the holdings are subject to the later law. The earlier arrangement was somewhat more favorable to the development organizations. Under the new legislation, the government of Venezuela represents 97 per cent of the nation's exports in terms of value, and 60 per cent of the government's revenue comes from this source. Production is second only to that of the United States, and the oil reserves of Venezuela rank sixth in the world. The industry employs 44,000 people in Venezuela at wages higher than anywhere else in the country, including fringe benefits such as health insurance, paid vacations, and sick leave without loss of income. The petroleum industry is so specialized that it is almost a field in itself, although definitely a phase of mineral-resource development in the broad sense. Other mineral raw materials have important impact on Venezuelan economy. Chief of these is iron ore, developed in the very recent past largely by two great steel producers of the United States. The iron-ore reserves of Venezuela have been conservatively estimated at 2 billion metric tons. The largest deposit is that known as Cerro Bolivar, which is reported to represent 400 million metric tons of 63 per cent iron ore as compared to the El Pio, containing 65 million metric tons of ore varying from 55 to 69 per cent but averaging 1.5 per cent higher in iron than Cerro Bolivar. Other occur- rences are controlled by several well-known steel companies, largely United States controlled, or are held by the Venezuelan government itself. Of the latter, the San Isidro is possibly as extensive and high grade as Cerro Bolivar. Mining properties in Venezuela are subject to two distinct sets of regulations, depending upon date of acquisition. Before 1936 the usual denouncement, a procedure similar to claim-staking in the United States, was valid. New legislation dating from that year reserved to the federal government the mineral lands in the public domain within certain designated areas. Cerro Bolivar and El Pio were secured under the earlier denuncios, but many of the holdings are subject to the later law. The earlier arrangement was somewhat more favorable to the development organizations. Under the new legislation, the government of Venezuela  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 45 permits the mining of a designated tonnage of iron ore by the company, after which the ore is shared equally with the govern- ment but is mined by the company. It is to be disposed of by public sale, the company having the right to match the price of the highest bidder, if it wishes to do so. If Venezuela should decide to establish a smelting industry, at least a part of its share of the ore would be reserved for that purpose. The foreign companies have made tremendous initial invest- ments in roads, living quarters-in fact, whole new communities -port facilities, a railroad, telephone system, mine plant and equipment, and loading installations. One company began operations in 1950 after investment of 65 million dollars; it is exempted from royalties on the first 50 million metric tons mined. The annual production rate in 1952 was 2 million metric tons, which can easily be boosted 50 per cent, although in case of urgent need the top estimated annual output possible would be 5 million metric tons. The second large venture will not be in production for another two years. The mineral industries of Venezuela provide almost the com- plete support of the government and the people. Industrial development, highway facilities, and port improvements have all been paid for with revenue from minerals. Venezuela imports foodstuffs, machinery, textiles, and many other manufactured and semimanufactured articles. The high-cost, high-wage econo- my is a factor to be faced in mining operations, and both foreign and domestic investors have seemingly lost interest in some phases of the minerals industry, particularly in gold. Venezuela has coal resources as well as iron-ore deposits. This fortunate combination of mineral wealth may sometime be the basis of a Venezuelan steel industry. Venezuela's mineral riches are not confined to petroleum, coal, and iron ore. Diamonds are produced in minor quantities (1) by individuals who work by hand-methods in areas where machinery is prohibited by decree, and (2) by a newly formed Compafiia An6nima, largely owned by the Venezuelan Develop- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 45 permits the mining of a designated tonnage of iron ore by the company, after which the ore is shared equally with the govern- ment but is mined by the company. It is to be disposed of by public sale, the company having the right to match the price of the highest bidder, if it wishes to do so. If Venezuela should decide to establish a smelting industry, at least a part of its share of the ore would be reserved for that purpose. The foreign companies have made tremendous initial invest- ments in roads, living quarters-in fact, whole new communities -port facilities, a railroad, telephone system, mine plant and equipment, and loading installations. One company began operations in 1950 after investment of 65 million dollars; it is exempted from royalties on the first 50 million metric tons mined. The annual production rate in 1952 was 2 million metric tons, which can easily be boosted 50 per cent, although in case of urgent need the top estimated annual output possible would be 5 million metric tons. The second large venture will not be in production for another two years. The mineral industries of Venezuela provide almost the com- plete support of the government and the people. Industrial development, highway facilities, and port improvements have all been paid for with revenue from minerals. Venezuela imports foodstuffs, machinery, textiles, and many other manufactured and semimanufactured articles. The high-cost, high-wage econo- my is a factor to be faced in mining operations, and both foreign and domestic investors have seemingly lost interest in some phases of the minerals industry, particularly in gold. Venezuela has coal resources as well as iron-ore deposits. This fortunate combination of mineral wealth may sometime be the basis of a Venezuelan steel industry. Venezuela's mineral riches are not confined to petroleum, coal, and iron ore. Diamonds are produced in minor quantities (1) by individuals who work by hand-methods in areas where machinery is prohibited by decree, and (2) by a newly formed Compafnia Annima, largely owned by the Venezuelan Develop- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 45 permits the mining of a designated tonnage of iron ore by the company, after which the ore is shared equally with the govern- ment but is mined by the company. It is to be disposed of by public sale, the company having the right to match the price of the highest bidder, if it wishes to do so. If Venezuela should decide to establish a smelting industry, at least a part of its share of the ore would be reserved for that purpose. The foreign companies have made tremendous initial invest- ments in roads, living quarters-in fact, whole new communities -port facilities, a railroad, telephone system, mine plant and equipment, and loading installations. One company began operations in 1950 after investment of 65 million dollars; it is exempted from royalties on the first 50 million metric tons mined. The annual production rate in 1952 was 2 million metric tons, which can easily be boosted 50 per cent, although in case of urgent need the top estimated annual output possible would be 5 million metric tons. The second large venture will not be in production for another two years. The mineral industries of Venezuela provide almost the com- plete support of the government and the people. Industrial development, highway facilities, and port improvements have all been paid for with revenue from minerals. Venezuela imports foodstuffs, machinery, textiles, and many other manufactured and semimanufactured articles. The high-cost, high-wage econo- my is a factor to be faced in mining operations, and both foreign and domestic investors have seemingly lost interest in some phases of the minerals industry, particularly in gold. Venezuela has coal resources as well as iron-ore deposits. This fortunate combination of mineral wealth may sometime be the basis of a Venezuelan steel industry. Venezuela's mineral riches are not confined to petroleum, coal, and iron ore. Diamonds are produced in minor quantities (1) by individuals who work by hand-methods in areas where machinery is prohibited by decree, and (2) by a newly formed Compafiia Andnima, largely owned by the Venezuelan Develop-  46 The Caribbean ment Corporation, a government entity. Recorded production has risen in the past few years but is still low, amounting to only 0.5 per cent of the world output; about half of the Vene- zuelan diamond output is industrial stones. There is reason to believe that this mining activity could be expanded manifold in time of need by systematic application of the latest technology. Modern industry requires diamonds for many uses to maintain high-speed and precision processes at maximum efficiency. North America depends completely upon foreign sources for industrial diamonds. Substitution of boron carbide and other synthetic hard alloys for tool steels has multiplied the effective- ness of high-speed machining. None of these, however, can replace the diamond in its special fields of application without serious loss in efficiency. The diamond has acquired the status of the indispensable abrasive for shaping the carbide alloys which are the key to modern machine and munition manu- facture. In the interest of Western-world defense solidarity, emphasis should be placed upon thorough investigation of the production potential of all diamond fields, large and small, within the hemisphere. The cataloguing of these reserves through careful study is important. The future of gold mining is dubious in many parts of the world; most producers are discouraged by a general feeling that the pegged price of gold and greatly increased mining costs are incompatible. In Venezuela a once-flourishing gold-mining industry has largely died out. Bauxite occurs in the country, but further study is required to indicate whether the deposits are large enough to form the basis of an important addition to the minerals industrv. Asbes- tos is being mined in a small way, and there is a determined effort by the owners of the principal properties to re-establish the industry on a firm basis that would not be dependent upon the sporadic stimulus of wartime emergencies. Manganese deposits are currently being studied with a view toward possible mining. 46 The Caribbean 46 The Caribbean ment Corporation, a government entity. Recorded production has risen in the past few years but is still low, amounting to only 0.5 per cent of the world output; about half of the Vene- zuelan diamond output is industrial stones. There is reason to believe that this mining activity could be expanded manifold in time of need by systematic application of the latest technology. Modern industry requires diamonds for many uses to maintain high-speed and precision processes at maximum efficiency. North America depends completely upon foreign sources for industrial diamonds. Substitution of boron carbide and other synthetic hard alloys for tool steels has multiplied the effective- ness of high-speed machining. None of these, however, can replace the diamond in its special fields of application without serious loss in efficiency. The diamond has acquired the status of the indispensable abrasive for shaping the carbide alloys which are the key to modern machine and munition manu- facture. In the interest of Western-world defense solidarity, emphasis should be placed upon thorough investigation of the production potential of all diamond fields, large and small, within the hemisphere. The cataloguing of these reserves through careful study is important. The future of gold mining is dubious in many parts of the world; most producers are discouraged by a general feeling that the pegged price of gold and greatly increased mining costs are incompatible. In Venezuela a once-flourishing gold-mining industry has largely died out. Bauxite occurs in the country, but further study is required to indicate whether the deposits are large enough to form the basis of an important addition to the minerals industry. Asbes- tos is being mined in a small way, and there is a determined effort by the owners of the principal properties to re-establish the industry on a firm basis that would not be dependent upon the sporadic stimulus of wartime emergencies. Manganese deposits are currently being studied with a view toward possible mining. ment Corporation, a government entity. Recorded production has risen in the past few years but is still low, amounting to only 0.5 per cent of the world output; about half of the Vene- zuelan diamond output is industrial stones. There is reason to believe that this mining activity could be expanded manifold in time of need by systematic application of the latest technology. Modern industry requires diamonds for many uses to maintain high-speed and precision processes at maximum efficiency. North America depends completely upon foreign sources for industrial diamonds. Substitution of boron carbide and other synthetic hard alloys for tool steels has multiplied the effective- ness of high-speed machining. None of these, however, can replace the diamond in its special fields of application without serious loss in efficiency. The diamond has acquired the status of the indispensable abrasive for shaping the carbide alloys which are the key to modern machine and munition manu- facture. In the interest of Western-world defense solidarity, emphasis should be placed upon thorough investigation of the production potential of all diamond fields, large and small, within the hemisphere. The cataloguing of these reserves through careful study is important. The future of gold mining is dubious in many parts of the world; most producers are discouraged by a general feeling that the pegged price of gold and greatly increased mining costs are incompatible. In Venezuela a once-flourishing gold-mining industry has largely died out. Bauxite occurs in the country, but further study is required to indicate whether the deposits are large enough to form the basis of an important addition to the minerals industrt. Asbes- tos is being mined in a small way, and there is a determined effort by the owners of the principal properties to re-establish the industry on a firm basis that would not be dependent upon the sporadic stimulus of wartime emergencies. Manganese deposits are currently being studied with a view toward possible mining.  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION VIII 47 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION VIII 47 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 47 VIII Colombia is a country with mineral resources that play an all- important part in its over-all economy. Its status as a petroleum producer is well below that of Venezuela; but this commodity is steadily being exported, contributing materially to government revenues and the earning power of the country. For almost three decades after initial petroleum production in 1921, the output averaged 20 million barrels annually. Within the very recent past, this figure has approximately doubled. The solid fuels resources of Colombia are large and varied. Bituminous coal abounds in many areas, and some of it has satisfactory coking characteristics. The coal measures are dis- tributed throughout the country, and some locations are now far removed from present industrial consumers. Total Colombian coal reserves may be tentatively regarded as 10 billion metric tons, the largest in South America. The Industrial Development Institute gave serious thought to establishing an export-coal industry and is currently arranging for constructing a coal wash- ery at Cali to maintain quality within salable specifications. Buenaventura has been designated as the Pacific Ocean export port where loading facilities will have to be installed to imple- ment the plan. In the northeast part of Colombia, the govern- ment has considered development of coal which could be exported from the north coast to Caribbean markets. The principal cost items involved in this scheme are the lack of a deep-water terminal, necessitating a dredging program plus the need for construction of 62 miles of railroad, aside from the cost of the mine plant. Until the demand of the Caribbean or the east coast of South America becomes specific, there is little incentive for private or government capital investment in the development of the coal of that section. A national steel industry has been undertaken at Paz de Rio, including a coal mine, coke plant, blast furnace, open hearth, and rolling mill. The investment is large, and financing is based Colombia is a country with mineral resources that play an all- important part in its over-all economy. Its status as a petroleum producer is well below that of Venezuela; but this commodity is steadily being exported, contributing materially to government revenues and the earning power of the country. For almost three decades after initial petroleum production in 1921, the output averaged 20 million barrels annually. Within the very recent past, this figure has approximately doubled. The solid fuels resources of Colombia are large and varied. Bituminous coal abounds in many areas, and some of it has satisfactory coking characteristics. The coal measures are dis- tributed throughout the country, and some locations are now far removed from present industrial consumers. Total Colombian coal reserves may be tentatively regarded as 10 billion metric tons, the largest in South America. The Industrial Development Institute gave serious thought to establishing an export-coal industry and is currently arranging for constructing a coal wash- ery at Cali to maintain quality within salable specifications. Buenaventura has been designated as the Pacific Ocean export port where loading facilities will have to be installed to imple- ment the plan. In the northeast part of Colombia, the govern- ment has considered development of coal which could be exported from the north coast to Caribbean markets. The principal cost items involved in this scheme are the lack of a deep-water terminal, necessitating a dredging program plus the need for construction of 62 miles of railroad, aside from the cost of the mine plant. Until the demand of the Caribbean or the east coast of South America becomes specific, there is little incentive for private or government capital investment in the development of the coal of that section. A national steel industry has been undertaken at Paz de Rio, including a coal mine, coke plant, blast furnace, open hearth, and rolling mill. The investment is large, and financing is based Colombia is a country with mineral resources that play an all- important part in its over-all economy. Its status as a petroleum producer is well below that of Venezuela; but this commodity is steadily being exported, contributing materially to government revenues and the earning power of the country. For almost three decades after initial petroleum production in 1921, the output averaged 20 million barrels annually. Within the very recent past, this figure has approximately doubled. The solid fuels resources of Colombia are large and varied. Bituminous coal abounds in many areas, and some of it has satisfactory coking characteristics. The coal measures are dis- tributed throughout the country, and sone locations are now far removed from present industrial consumers. Total Colombian coal reserves may be tentatively regarded as 10 billion metric tons, the largest in South America. The Industrial Development Institute gave serious thought to establishing an export-coal industry and is currently arranging for constructing a coal wash- ery at Cali to maintain quality within salable specifications. Buenaventura has been designated as the Pacific Ocean export port where loading facilities will have to be installed to imple- ment the plan. In the northeast part of Colombia, the govern- ment has considered development of coal which could be exported from the north coast to Caribbean markets. The principal cost items involved in this scheme are the lack of a deep-water terminal, necessitating a dredging program plus the need for construction of 62 miles of railroad, aside from the cost of the mine plant. Until the demand of the Caribbean or the east coast of South America becomes specific, there is little incentive for private or government capital investment in the development of the coal of that section. A national steel industry has been undertaken at Paz de Rio, including a coal mine, coke plant, blast furnace, open hearth, and rolling mill. The investment is large, and financing is based  48 The Caribbean upon foreign loans to the Colombian government. The produc- tion of steel within the boundaries of a country provides a feeling of partial or complete independence from foreign sources in time of emergency. It represents a measure of industrial progress and is an object of national pride of accomplishment. Economic factors, of course, dictate its over-all effect on the basic economy of the nation; for survival in the face of competition from other sources, it must produce specification steel at a price the con- sumer can afford. Artificial protective legislation may, in some instances, result in hardship to the consumer and a decrease in dependent industry. The best guarantee of success is strict ad- herence to quality and uniformity of product through competent supervision, widespread industrial training of unskilled labor, and recognition by labor and capital alike that an inferior prod- uct can only hinder their own cause. The fact that Colombia is embarked upon the first unit of a steel industry, using its own mineral wealth for the national benefit, is proof of the advance of industrial development in that area. Although large reserves of high-grade iron ore have never been discovered in Colombia, there are moderate tonnages of medium- and low-grade material that may eventually increase relatively in value with depletion of top-quality material. At Paz de Rio, the basic estimate showed 20 million metric tons of 46 per cent iron; this is the deposit upon which the new steel plant will depend. There is ample evidence that reserves may be greatly increased by further exploration. Lateritic iron ore of medium and low grade is known to exist in Antioquia, and has been exploited only in sporadic and desultory fashion. Gold and platinum production in Colombia is very important. In 1952 the gold output was 422,000 troy ounces, while the estimated platinum recovery was 34,000 troy ounces. The latter is valued at almost three times the price of gold, bringing the total to 18 million dollars. The industry involves two types of operation. Modern dredges handle tremendous yardages by mechanical means and recover gold and platinum therefrom 48 The Caribbean 48 The Caribbean upon foreign loans to the Colombian government. The produc- tion of steel within the boundaries of a country provides a feeling of partial or complete independence from foreign sources in time of emergency. It represents a measure of industrial progress and is an object of national pride of accomplishment. Economic factors, of course, dictate its over-all effect on the basic economy of the nation; for survival in the face of competition from other sources, it must produce specification steel at a price the con- sumer can afford. Artificial protective legislation may, in some instances, result in hardship to the consumer and a decrease in dependent industry. The best guarantee of success is strict ad- herence to quality and uniformity of product through competent supervision, widespread industrial training of unskilled labor, and recognition by labor and capital alike that an inferior prod- uct can only hinder their own cause. The fact that Colombia is embarked upon the first unit of a steel industry, using its own mineral wealth for the national benefit, is proof of the advance of industrial development in that area. Although large reserves of high-grade iron ore have never been discovered in Colombia, there are moderate tonnages of medium- and low-grade material that may eventually increase relatively in value with depletion of top-quality material. At Paz de Rio, the basic estimate showed 20 million metric tons of 46 per cent iron; this is the deposit upon which the new steel plant will depend. There is ample evidence that reserves may be greatly increased by further exploration. Lateritic iron ore of medium and low grade is known to exist in Antioquia, and has been exploited only in sporadic and desultory fashion. Gold and platinum production in Colombia is very important. In 1952 the gold output was 422,000 troy ounces, while the estimated platinum recovery was 34,000 troy ounces. The latter is valued at almost three times the price of gold, bringing the total to 18 million dollars. The industry involves two types of operation. Modern dredges handle tremendous yardages by mechanical means and recover gold and platinum therefrom upon foreign loans to the Colombian government. The produc- tion of steel within the boundaries of a country provides a feeling of partial or complete independence from foreign sources in time of emergency. It represents a measure of industrial progress and is an object of national pride of accomplishment. Economic factors, of course, dictate its over-all effect on the basic economy of the nation; for survival in the face of competition from other sources, it must produce specification steel at a price the con- sumer can afford. Artificial protective legislation may, in some instances, result in hardship to the consumer and a decrease in dependent industry. The best guarantee of success is strict ad- herence to quality and uniformity of product through competent supervision, widespread industrial training of unskilled labor, and recognition by labor and capital alike that an inferior prod- uct can only hinder their own cause. The fact that Colombia is embarked upon the first unit of a steel industry, using its own mineral wealth for the national benefit, is proof of the advance of industrial development in that area. Although large reserves of high-grade iron ore have never been discovered in Colombia, there are moderate tonnages of medium- and low-grade material that may eventually increase relatively in value with depletion of top-quality material. At Paz de Rio, the basic estimate showed 20 million metric tons of 46 per cent iron; this is the deposit upon which the new steel plant will depend. There is ample evidence that reserves may be greatly increased by further exploration. Lateritic iron ore of medium and low grade is known to exist in Antioquia, and has been exploited only in sporadic and desultory fashion. Gold and platinum production in Colombia is very important. In 1952 the gold output was 422,000 troy ounces, while the estimated platinum recovery was 34,000 troy ounces. The latter is valued at almost three times the price of gold, bringing the total to 18 million dollars. The industry involves two types of operation. Modern dredges handle tremendous yardages by mechanical means and recover gold and platinum therefrom  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 49 with relatively small labor cost per yard dug. The other ex- treme is represented by thousands of individuals who are per- mitted, under Colombian law, to work placer ground along navigable rivers, regardless of ownership. The methods used by those working on their own behalf are primitive and crude, but the numbers engaged in it provide ample proof of the lure of exploitation of precious-metal deposits. Other mineral resources of Colombia worked regularly are the government emerald and rock-salt monopolies. Both date well into the past, the emeralds being known to the indigenous people conquered by the Spaniards. The government mines rock salt, which occurs in tremendous masses, by underground methods; it is dissolved to brine, which is then sold to private individuals who evaporate it to produce a marketable grade of salt; at some deposits the government refines salt from brine. Obviously, a low-value product such as salt does not bring in the revenue of higher priced commodities. Salt contributes 1 per cent of the government's revenue and constitutes a 5-million-dollar business with an annual production rate of 138,000 metric tons from all sources in 1951. A new plant near the capital, built by the government, utilizes salt as the raw material for production of chlorine and caustic soda. Colombian emeralds, like Venezuelan gem diamonds, contrib- ute to the mineral production but add nothing of interest to the industrial minerals picture. In fact, while Venezuelan indus- trial and gem diamonds are recovered together and the gem quality is later separated from industrial stones, there is no ac- cessory product from emerald mining to stimulate production, other than popular demand for the beautiful stones. Emerald is beryl, which has important industrial uses when found in sufficient amount; the Colombian gem emeralds occur with such minor amounts of common beryl that the latter is uneconomic to produce at this time. Sulfur in somewhat low-grade deposits in Colombia neces- sitates expensive processing, which may be justified in times of RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 49 with relatively small labor cost per yard dug. The other ex- treme is represented by thousands of individuals who are per- mitted, under Colombian law, to work placer ground along navigable rivers, regardless of ownership. The methods used by those working on their own behalf are primitive and crude, but the numbers engaged in it provide ample proof of the lure of exploitation of precious-metal deposits. Other mineral resources of Colombia worked regularly are the government emerald and rock-salt monopolies. Both date well into the past, the emeralds being known to the indigenous people conquered by the Spaniards. The government mines rock salt, which occurs in tremendous masses, by underground methods; it is dissolved to brine, which is then sold to private individuals who evaporate it to produce a marketable grade of salt; at some deposits the government refines salt from brine. Obviously, a low-value product such as salt does not bring in the revenue of higher priced commodities. Salt contributes 1 per cent of the government's revenue and constitutes a 5-million-dollar business with an annual production rate of 138,000 metric tons from all sources in 1951. A new plant near the capital, built by the government, utilizes salt as the raw material for production of chlorine and caustic soda. Colombian emeralds, like Venezuelan gem diamonds, contrib- ute to the mineral production but add nothing of interest to the industrial minerals picture. In fact, while Venezuelan indus- trial and gem diamonds are recovered together and the gem quality is later separated from industrial stones, there is no ac- cessory product from emerald mining to stimulate production, other than popular demand for the beautiful stones. Emerald is beryl, which has important industrial uses when found in sufficient amount; the Colombian gem emeralds occur with such minor amounts of common beryl that the latter is uneconomic to produce at this time. Sulfur in somewhat low-grade deposits in Colombia neces- sitates expensive processing, which may be justified in times of RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 49 with relatively small labor cost per yard dug. The other ex- treme is represented by thousands of individuals who are per- mitted, under Colombian law, to work placer ground along navigable rivers, regardless of ownership. The methods used by those working on their own behalf are primitive and crude, but the numbers engaged in it provide ample proof of the lure of exploitation of precious-metal deposits. Other mineral resources of Colombia worked regularly are the government emerald and rock-salt monopolies. Both date well into the past, the emeralds being known to the indigenous people conquered by the Spaniards. The government mines rock salt, which occurs in tremendous masses, by underground methods; it is dissolved to brine, which is then sold to private individuals who evaporate it to produce a marketable grade of salt; at some deposits the government refines salt from brine. Obviously, a low-value product such as salt does not bring in the revenue of higher priced commodities. Salt contributes 1 per cent of the government's revenue and constitutes a 5-million-dollar business with an annual production rate of 138,000 metric tons from all sources in 1951. A new plant near the capital, built by the government, utilizes salt as the raw material for production of chlorine and caustic soda. Colombian emeralds, like Venezuelan gem diamonds, contrib- ute to the mineral production but add nothing of interest to the industrial minerals picture. In fact, while Venezuelan indus- trial and gem diamonds are recovered together and the gem quality is later separated from industrial stones, there is no ac- cessory product from emerald mining to stimulate production, other than popular demand for the beautiful stones. Emerald is beryl, which has important industrial uses when found in sufficient amount; the Colombian gem emeralds occur with such minor amounts of common beryl that the latter is uneconomic to produce at this time. Sulfur in somewhat low-grade deposits in Colombia neces- sitates expensive processing, which may be justified in times of  50 The Caribbean 50 The Caribbean 50 The Caribbean great emergency but is normally marginal. Minor metallic mineral occurrences are lead, zinc, and copper, as well as asbestos and some other nonmetallics. IX Leaving Colombia, we next reach Panama, with its known gold placers and elusive manganese deposits. Manganese of excellent quality has been produced sporadically in very small amounts since 1895. There is no published report of the true extent of the deposits. They lie on the Caribbean side, adjacent to the shore where rainfall is very high and jungle conditions prevail; San Blas Indians inhabit the region. Nevertheless, it is a resource which Panama may wish to stimulate into pro- duction in the future and is worthy of this brief mention. Gold production in Panama used to be important to the country, although it was only a drop in the bucket as far as world production was concerned. However, the output declined from 10,000 troy ounces in 1949 to 1,000 in the following year and to two-thirds of that in 1952. The unfavorable cost-price relationship prevailing generally in the gold mining industry of the world has affected Panamanian production in the same way that it has production elsewhere. X The Central American countries are not mineral producers of marked importance. Honduras has mines that produce con- siderable gold and silver. The 1952 production statistics indicate an output of 32,000 troy ounces of gold and 3.7 million troy ounces of silver. Guatemala has what may be the richest lead- zine deposit of recent times, and in 1952 produced 4,000 metric tons of lead and twice that amount of zinc. Silver output was 372,000 troy ounces in the same year. Foreign investment in mining in Guatemala is at present at a low ebb, owing to the great emergency but is normally marginal. Minor metallic mineral occurrences are lead, zinc, and copper, as well as asbestos and some other nonmetallics. IX Leaving Colombia, we next reach Panama, with its known gold placers and elusive manganese deposits. Manganese of excellent quality has been produced sporadically in very small amounts since 1895. There is no published report of the true extent of the deposits. They lie on the Caribbean side, adjacent to the shore where rainfall is very high and jungle conditions prevail; San Blas Indians inhabit the region. Nevertheless, it is a resource which Panama may wish to stimulate into pro- duction in the future and is worthy of this brief mention. Gold production in Panama used to be important to the country, although it was only a drop in the bucket as far as world production was concerned. However, the output declined from 10,000 troy ounces in 1949 to 1,000 in the following year and to two-thirds of that in 1952. The unfavorable cost-price relationship prevailing generally in the gold mining industry of the world has affected Panamanian production in the same way that it has production elsewhere. X The Central American countries are not mineral producers of marked importance. Honduras has mines that produce con- siderable gold and silver. The 1952 production statistics indicate an output of 32,000 troy ounces of gold and 3.7 million troy ounces of silver. Guatemala has what may be the richest lead- zinc deposit of recent times, and in 1952 produced 4,000 metric tons of lead and twice that amount of zinc. Silver output was 372,000 troy ounces in the same year. Foreign investment in mining in Guatemala is at present at a low ebb, owing to the great emergency but is normally marginal. Minor metallic mineral occurrences are lead, zinc, and copper, as well as asbestos and some other nonmetallics. IX Leaving Colombia, we next reach Panama, with its known gold placers and elusive manganese deposits. Manganese of excellent quality has been produced sporadically in very small amounts since 1895. There is no published report of the true extent of the deposits. They lie on the Caribbean side, adjacent to the shore where rainfall is very high and jungle conditions prevail; San Bias Indians inhabit the region. Nevertheless, it is a resource which Panama may wish to stimulate into pro- duction in the future and is worthy of this brief mention. Gold production in Panama used to be important to the country, although it was only a drop in the bucket as far as world production was concerned. However, the output declined from 10,000 troy ounces in 1949 to 1,000 in the following year and to two-thirds of that in 1952. The unfavorable cost-price relationship prevailing generally in the gold mining industry of the world has affected Panamanian production in the same way that it has production elsewhere. X The Central American countries are not mineral producers of marked importance. Honduras has mines that produce con- siderable gold and silver. The 1952 production statistics indicate an output of 32,000 troy ounces of gold and 3.7 million troy ounces of silver. Guatemala has what may be the richest lead- zinc deposit of recent times, and in 1952 produced 4,000 metric tons of lead and twice that amount of zinc. Silver output was 372,000 troy ounces in the same year. Foreign investment in mining in Guatemala is at present at a low ebb, owing to the  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 51 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 51 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 51 intransigent attitude of the present Communist government toward outsiders. Chromite in almost infinitesimal quantity has been exported by Guatemala, and hydraulic cement was also an export commodity. Nicaragua has large gold and silver production to its credit; the 1952 figures are 250,000 ounces of gold and 137,000 ounces of silver. No other minerals of im- portance show up in the Central American record, though small quantities of manganese ore have been produced sporadically. XI Mexico, the last on the list and Caribbean mineral producer par excellence for more than four centuries, deserves more de- tailed treatment. The conquest of Mexico was predicated upon gold and silver to be mined or extorted by the victors. They were not disappointed, as we are all well aware. From that time in the early sixteenth century until the Mayflower landed at Plymouth Rock, Mexican silver production had totaled 200 million dollars. The economy of the country has rested upon minerals ever since, and although a quarter of the world's silver still comes from Mexico, base metals of industrial importance have become the basis of the mineral industry. Recently re- leased figures indicate that 95,000 persons were in 1950 direct- ly employed in Mexico's mineral industry-including mining, smelting, petroleum, and natural gas. Antimony produced by Mexico in 1952 totaled 5,500 metric tons; the entire United States imports for that year were only 7,000 metric tons. Antimony is sensitive to price, which fluctu- ates with demand, greatly stimulated by wartime needs. Like other Mexican mineral raw materials, antimony can be supplied in times of national emergency because there are no sea lanes to cross in the all-land route to the United States. Some ores and concentrates are shipped abroad for smelting, and other antimony is obtained indirectly from lead smelters, the by-products being intransigent attitude of the present Communist government toward outsiders. Chromite in almost infinitesimal quantity has been exported by Guatemala, and hydraulic cement was also an export commodity. Nicaragua has large gold and silver production to its credit; the 1952 figures are 250,000 ounces of gold and 137,000 ounces of silver. No other minerals of im- portance show up in the Central American record, though small quantities of manganese ore have been produced sporadically. XI Mexico, the last on the list and Caribbean mineral producer par excellence for more than four centuries, deserves more de- tailed treatment. The conquest of Mexico was predicated upon gold and silver to be mined or extorted by the victors. They were not disappointed, as we are all well aware. From that time in the early sixteenth century until the Mayflower landed at Plymouth Rock, Mexican silver production had totaled 200 million dollars. The economy of the country has rested upon minerals ever since, and although a quarter of the world's silver still comes from Mexico, base metals of industrial importance have become the basis of the mineral industry. Recently re- leased figures indicate that 95,000 persons were in 1950 direct- ly employed in Mexico's mineral industry-including mining, smelting, petroleum, and natural gas. Antimony produced by Mexico in 1952 totaled 5,500 metric tons; the entire United States imports for that year were only 7,000 metric tons. Antimony is sensitive to price, which fluctu- ates with demand, greatly stimulated by wartime needs. Like other Mexican mineral raw materials, antimony can be supplied in times of national emergency because there are no sea lanes to cross in the all-land route to the United States. Some ores and concentrates are shipped abroad for smelting, and other antimony is obtained indirectly from lead smelters, the by-products being intransigent attitude of the present Communist government toward outsiders. Chromite in almost infinitesimal quantity has been exported by Guatemala, and hydraulic cement was also an export commodity. Nicaragua has large gold and silver production to its credit; the 1952 figures are 250,000 ounces of gold and 137,000 ounces of silver. No other minerals of im- portance show up in the Central American record, though small quantities of manganese ore have been produced sporadically. XI Mexico, the last on the list and Caribbean mineral producer par excellence for more than four centuries, deserves more de- tailed treatment. The conquest of Mexico was predicated upon gold and silver to be mined or extorted by the victors. They were not disappointed, as we are all well aware. From that time in the early sixteenth century until the Mayflower landed at Plymouth Rock, Mexican silver production had totaled 200 million dollars. The economy of the country has rested upon minerals ever since, and although a quarter of the world's silver still comes from Mexico, base metals of industrial importance have become the basis of the mineral industry. Recently re- leased figures indicate that 95,000 persons were in 1950 direct- ly employed in Mexico's mineral industry-including mining, smelting, petroleum, and natural gas. Antimony produced by Mexico in 1952 totaled 5,500 metric tons; the entire United States imports for that year were only 7,000 metric tons. Antimony is sensitive to price, which fluctu- ates with demand, greatly stimulated by wartime needs. Like other Mexican mineral raw materials, antimony can be supplied in times of national emergency because there are no sea lanes to cross in the all-land route to the United States. Some ores and concentrates are shipped abroad for smelting, and other antimony is obtained indirectly from lead smelters, the by-products being  52 The Caribbean 52 The Caribbean 52 The Caribbean smelted together with Mexican antimony ores to produce speci- fication metal within the country. Many Caribbean countries are blessed with such a variety of minerals that it would be impractical even to list them here; one such country is Mexico, and it will be necessary to mention only the most outstanding mining operations and mineral- industry installations. Copper is mined and smelted in Mexico, and a small part of the output is electrolytically refined there. During the year 1952, Mexico's copper production was over 58,000 metric tons in ores and concentrates, plus 51,000 metric tons of metal, mostly anodes for export, destined for refining abroad. The corresponding importations by the United States were 92,000 metric tons in ores and concentrates and 465,000 metric tons of copper metal. Mexico could have supplied two- thirds of the United States needs in ores and concentrates and 11 per cent of the cast copper imported in 1952. Copper smelters in Mexico are largely owned by companies that mine their own ores and smelt them as part of an integrated opera- tion. The exception is a large lead smelter having copper blast furnaces for reducing lump custom ores available in the vicinity. The United States steel industry depends upon domestic mines for part of the fluorspar needed in its operations, the remainder being obtained abroad. Mexico produced 180,000 metric tons in 1952, the total of our imports that year reaching 326,000 metric tons. Most of the fluorspar not imported from Mexico comes from Europe. Mexico's fluorspar reserves are important and considerable. An effort should be made, before it is too late, to conserve the low-grade fluorspar that is not now salable by concentrating methods. Mexico is the only Caribbean country that produces graphite. In 1952 the metric tonnage mined and shipped was 24,000, and in the same year the whole amount imported into the United States was only 39,000 metric tons from all world sources. Mexico is also a great gold-producing country, with 459,000 troy ounces to its credit during 1952. This exceeds the output smelted together with Mexican antimony ores to produce speci- fication metal within the country. Many Caribbean countries are blessed with such a variety of minerals that it would be impractical even to list them here; one such country is Mexico, and it will be necessary to mention only the most outstanding mining operations and mineral- industry installations. Copper is mined and smelted in Mexico, and a small part of the output is electrolytically refined there. During the year 1952, Mexico's copper production was over 58,000 metric tons in ores and concentrates, plus 51,000 metric tons of metal, mostly anodes for export, destined for refining abroad. The corresponding importations by the United States were 92,000 metric tons in ores and concentrates and 465,000 metric tons of copper metal. Mexico could have supplied two- thirds of the United States needs in ores and concentrates and 11 per cent of the cast copper imported in 1952. Copper smelters in Mexico are largely owned by companies that mine their own ores and smelt them as part of an integrated opera- tion. The exception is a large lead smelter having copper blast furnaces for reducing lump custom ores available in the vicinity. The United States steel industry depends upon domestic mines for part of the fluorspar needed in its operations, the remainder being obtained abroad. Mexico produced 180,000 metric tons in 1952, the total of our imports that year reaching 326,000 metric tons. Most of the fluorspar not imported from Mexico comes from Europe. Mexico's fluorspar reserves are important and considerable. An effort should be made, before it is too late, to conserve the low-grade fluorspar that is not now salable by concentrating methods. Mexico is the only Caribbean country that produces graphite. In 1952 the metric tonnage mined and shipped was 24,000, and in the same year the whole amount imported into the United States was only 39,000 metric tons from all world sources. Mexico is also a great gold-producing country, with 459,000 troy ounces to its credit during 1952. This exceeds the output smelted together with Mexican antimony ores to produce speci- fication metal within the country. Many Caribbean countries are blessed with such a variety of minerals that it would be impractical even to list them here; one such country is Mexico, and it will be necessary to mention only the most outstanding mining operations and mineral- industry installations. Copper is mined and smelted in Mexico, and a small part of the output is electrolytically refined there. During the year 1952, Mexico's copper production was over 58,000 metric tons in ores and concentrates, plus 51,000 metric tons of metal, mostly anodes for export, destined for refining abroad. The corresponding importations by the United States were 92,000 metric tons in ores and concentrates and 465,000 metric tons of copper metal. Mexico could have supplied two- thirds of the United States needs in ores and concentrates and 11 per cent of the cast copper imported in 1952. Copper smelters in Mexico are largely owned by companies that mine their own ores and smelt them as part of an integrated opera- tion. The exception is a large lead smelter having copper blast furnaces for reducing lump custom ores available in the vicinity. The United States steel industry depends upon domestic mines for part of the fluorspar needed in its operations, the remainder being obtained abroad. Mexico produced 180,000 metric tons in 1952, the total of our imports that year reaching 326,000 metric tons. Most of the fluorspar not imported from Mexico comes from Europe. Mexico's fluorspar reserves are important and considerable. An effort should be made, before it is too late, to conserve the low-grade fluorspar that is not now salable by concentrating methods. Mexico is the only Caribbean country that produces graphite. In 1952 the metric tonnage mined and shipped was 24,000, and in the same year the whole amount imported into the United States was only 39,000 metric tons from all world sources. Mexico is also a great gold-producing country, with 459,000 troy ounces to its credit during 1952. This exceeds the output  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 53 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 53 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 53 of any other Caribbean country, and is largely the result of great and efficient lead- and copper-smelting industries which recover gold from ores and concentrates mined principally for their base-metal content. This is a healthy condition, from an industrial viewpoint. When other countries of the Caribbean area reach the economic stage where their concentrating and smelting operations are more generally carried on at home, in- dustrial employment will rise, national incomes increase, and government revenues become greater. Mexico has several effi- cient, well-run smelters, which produce copper, lead, zine, anti- mony, and steel, apart from numerous by-products, including gold and silver. Two large steel works in Mexico smelt iron ores locally pro- duced, using coke from Mexican coal. Iron-ore production is relatively small, although the reserves of the nation are moderate in size and relatively high grade. Most of the Mexican iron-ore deposits are completely undeveloped and only partly explored. The most important question to be solved in the rational ex- ploitation of iron ores is whether there are coking-coal reserves large enough to match available iron. This subject is under investigation. In the year 1952 the total output was only 500,000 metric tons of iron ore. Venezuela, just going into produc- tion, mined and shipped four times as much, but smelted none. Mexico utilized 75 per cent of the 1952 production at home. In the same year the United States imported 10 million metric tons of iron ore, of which 114,000 metric tons were from Mexico, in addition to its own huge production. Iron ore with coal near by eventually develops industrial strength. Mexico is supplying much of the steel required for its railroads, construc- tion, and other industries because of the fortunate juxtaposition of iron and coal. If it is determined that there is insufficient coal for making coke to smelt Mexico's iron, the alternatives are to seek other metallurgical processes, export the surplus iron ore, or import coke if available. The determination will require careful and exhaustive study. of any other Caribbean country, and is largely the result of great and efficient lead- and copper-smelting industries which recover gold from ores and concentrates mined principally for their base-metal content. This is a healthy condition, from an industrial viewpoint. When other countries of the Caribbean area reach the economic stage where their concentrating and smelting operations are more generally carried on at home, in- dustrial employment will rise, national incomes increase, and government revenues become greater. Mexico has several effi- cient, well-run smelters, which produce copper, lead, zinc, anti- mony, and steel, apart from numerous by-products, including gold and silver. Two large steel works in Mexico smelt iron ores locally pro- duced, using coke from Mexican coal. Iron-ore production is relatively small, although the reserves of the nation are moderate in size and relatively high grade. Most of the Mexican iron-ore deposits are completely undeveloped and only partly explored. The most important question to be solved in the rational ex- ploitation of iron ores is whether there are coking-coal reserves large enough to match available iron. This subject is under investigation. In the year 1952 the total output was only 500,000 metric tons of iron ore. Venezuela, just going into produc- tion, mined and shipped four times as much, but smelted none. Mexico utilized 75 per cent of the 1952 production at home. In the same year the United States imported 10 million metric tons of iron ore, of which 114,000 metric tons were from Mexico, in addition to its own huge production. Iron ore with coal near by eventually develops industrial strength. Mexico is supplying much of the steel required for its railroads, construc- tion, and other industries because of the fortunate juxtaposition of iron and coal. If it is determined that there is insufficient coal for making coke to smelt Mexico's iron, the alternatives are to seek other metallurgical processes, export the surplus iron ore, or import coke if available. The determination will require careful and exhaustive study. of any other Caribbean country, and is largely the result of great and efficient lead- and copper-smelting industries which recover gold from ores and concentrates mined principally for their base-metal content. This is a healthy condition, from an industrial viewpoint. When other countries of the Caribbean area reach the economic stage where their concentrating and smelting operations are more generally carried on at home, in- dustrial employment will rise, national incomes increase, and government revenues become greater. Mexico has several effi- cient, well-run smelters, which produce copper, lead, zinc, anti- mony, and steel, apart from numerous by-products, including gold and silver. Two large steel works in Mexico smelt iron ores locally pro- duced, using coke from Mexican coal. Iron-ore production is relatively small, although the reserves of the nation are moderate in size and relatively high grade. Most of the Mexican iron-ore deposits are completely undeveloped and only partly explored. The most important question to be solved in the rational ex- ploitation of iron ores is whether there are coking-coal reserves large enough to match available iron. This subject is under investigation. In the year 1952 the total output was only 500,000 metric tons of iron ore. Venezuela, just going into produc- tion, mined and shipped four times as much, but smelted none. Mexico utilized 75 per cent of the 1952 production at home. In the same year the United States imported 10 million metric tons of iron ore, of which 114,000 metric tons were from Mexico, in addition to its own huge production. Iron ore with coal near by eventually develops industrial strength. Mexico is supplying much of the steel required for its railroads, construc- tion, and other industries because of the fortunate juxtaposition of iron and coal. If it is determined that there is insufficient coal for making coke to smelt Mexico's iron, the alternatives are to seek other metallurgical processes, export the surplus iron ore, or import coke if available. The determination will require careful and exhaustive study.  54 The Caribbean The mineral resources of Mexico include coal in several areas; one of these coals is of coking quality. Coke produced locally is used for iron-ore smelting, lead and copper smelting, zinc reduction, and foundry operations throughout the republic. The constant drain on the coal reserves argues depletion within the foreseeable future, though several fields have not yet been de- veloped. Some coal and coke are imported by Mexico; in 1952, the coal output was 1.3 million metric tons, most of which was coked. Lead and zinc in Mexico are intimately associated in most ores, and what controls the production of one in general affects the other. There are some few exceptions to this statement. A few decades ago numerous small smelters were scattered over the whole Mexican republic. Now, most of these have given way to a few large, efficient smelters, well situated relative to railroads, able to make recoveries that the small smelters could not match, and equipped with the latest machinery and control devices necessary to produce lead, antimony, white arsenic, silver, gold, and a host of by-products in which bismuth, cadmium, tin, and other metals are concentrated. More recently, steps have been taken to build or consider the construction of large, expen- sive fuming plants to save zinc formerly discarded in the lead slags. These smelters contribute enormous sums to the Mexican economy through wages and fringe benefits to labor, freight for the nationalized railroad system, and taxes to the government; and they support whole communities of miners, smeltermen, and their families. In 1952 production of lead in Mexico was 237,- 000 metric tons of metal pigs and 9,000 metric tons more in ores and concentrates. Only 2,000 metric tons in ores and con- centrates reached the United States, although 180,000 metric tons of metal were imported from Mexico. Zinc-treatment plants in Mexico have increased recently. The one zinc smelter that has operated for many years, producing 53,000 metric tons of smelter annually, is being augmented by a slag-fuming plant at another smelter for recovery of some 20,000 54 The Caribbean 54 The Caribbean The mineral resources of Mexico include coal in several areas; one of these coals is of coking quality. Coke produced locally is used for iron-ore smelting, lead and copper smelting, zinc reduction, and foundry operations throughout the republic. The constant drain on the coal reserves argues depletion within the foreseeable future, though several fields have not yet been de- veloped. Some coal and coke are imported by Mexico; in 1952, the coal output was 1.3 million metric tons, most of which was coked. Lead and zinc in Mexico are intimately associated in most ores, and what controls the production of one in general affects the other. There are some few exceptions to this statement. A few decades ago numerous small smelters were scattered over the whole Mexican republic. Now, most of these have given way to a few large, efficient smelters, well situated relative to railroads, able to make recoveries that the small smelters could not match, and equipped with the latest machinery and control devices necessary to produce lead, antimony, white arsenic, silver, gold, and a host of by-products in which bismuth, cadmium, tin, and other metals are concentrated. More recently, steps have been taken to build or consider the construction of large, expen- sive fuming plants to save zinc formerly discarded in the lead slags. These smelters contribute enormous sums to the Mexican economy through wages and fringe benefits to labor, freight for the nationalized railroad system, and taxes to the government; and they support whole communities of miners, smeltermen, and their families. In 1952 production of lead in Mexico was 237,- 000 metric tons of metal pigs and 9,000 metric tons more in ores and concentrates. Only 2,000 metric tons in ores and con- centrates reached the United States, although 180,000 metric tons of metal were imported from Mexico. Zinc-treatment plants in Mexico have increased recently. The one zinc smelter that has operated for many years, producing 53,000 metric tons of smelter annually, is being augmented by a slag-fuming plant at another smelter for recovery of some 20,000 The mineral resources of Mexico include coal in several areas; one of these coals is of coking quality. Coke produced locally is used for iron-ore smelting, lead and copper smelting, zinc reduction, and foundry operations throughout the republic. The constant drain on the coal reserves argues depletion within the foreseeable future, though several fields have not yet been de- veloped. Some coal and coke are imported by Mexico; in 1952, the coal output was 1.3 million metric tons, most of which was coked. Lead and zinc in Mexico are intimately associated in most ores, and what controls the production of one in general affects the other. There are some few exceptions to this statement. A few decades ago numerous small smelters were scattered over the whole Mexican republic. Now, most of these have given way to a few large, efficient smelters, well situated relative to railroads, able to make recoveries that the small smelters could not match, and equipped with the latest machinery and control devices necessary to produce lead, antimony, white arsenic, silver, gold, and a host of by-products in which bismuth, cadmium, tin, and other metals are concentrated. More recently, steps have been taken to build or consider the construction of large, expen- sive fuming plants to save zinc formerly discarded in the lead slags. These smelters contribute enormous sums to the Mexican economy through wages and fringe benefits to labor, freight for the nationalized railroad system, and taxes to the government; and they support whole communities of miners, smeltermen, and their families. In 1952 production of lead in Mexico was 237,- 000 metric tons of metal pigs and 9,000 metric tons more in ores and concentrates. Only 2,000 metric tons in ores and con- centrates reached the United States, although 180,000 metric tons of metal were imported from Mexico. Zinc-treatment plants in Mexico have increased recently. The one zinc smelter that has operated for many years, producing 53,000 nietric tons of smelter annually, is being augmented by a slag-fuming plant at another smelter for recovery of some 20,000  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 55 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 55 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 55 metric tons of zinc in high-grade oxide fume from lead-plant slags formerly discarded. Elsewhere, the calamine ores of Mex- ico have begun to yield their zinc content in the first unit of a Waelz kiln operation which was planned for future expansion by the addition of other similar units. A second slag-fuming plant is currently under consideration for future construction. None of these recently conceived or constructed treatment plants provides the capacity needed for reduction of zinc concentrates, which were produced at the rate of 227,000 metric tons of con- tained zine during 1952. Much of this material was exported to the United States, but one-third of it was shipped elsewhere. Manganese is an important ore mined in Mexico for use in the local steel industry, with a surplus for export. During 1952 the total mined from numerous relatively small deposits was 102,000 metric tons, of which 52,000 metric tons were exported to the United States. In the same period the total United States im- ports were three times as much from the Caribbean alone, and five times as much from all Western Hemisphere sources. In all, over 1 million metric tons of manganese ore entered the United States from abroad in 1952. The market for manganese is large now, and will increase in time of emergency. Cuba and Mexico can supply larger tonnages under the stimulus of price incen- tives; and Brazil, with its tremendous reserves, perhaps second largest in the entire world, stands ready to meet any reasonable demand. Global warfare, particularly if submarines were con- centrated on the sea lanes, would rule out most areas other than the Western world. In the Second World War, 85 per cent of the bauxite fleet was torpedoed before the submarine menace was brought under control. Mexico can ship by land and Cuba by the shortest sea route, perhaps more easily patrolled than any other. These two countries produced one-third of our manganese needs in 1952, although only part of it found its way into the United States. Manganese is like fluorspar in that the mine-run material is frequently shipped without concentration. Again the admonishment is valid that lower grade materials could and metric tons of zinc in high-grade oxide fume from lead-plant slags formerly discarded. Elsewhere, the calamine ores of Mex- ico have begun to yield their zine content in the first unit of a Waelz kiln operation which was planned for future expansion by the addition of other similar units. A second slag-fuming plant is currently under consideration for future construction. None of these recently conceived or constructed treatment plants provides the capacity needed for reduction of zine concentrates, which were produced at the rate of 227,000 metric tons of con- tained zinc during 1952. Much of this material was exported to the United States, but one-third of it was shipped elsewhere. Manganese is an important ore mined in Mexico for use in the local steel industry, with a surplus for export. During 1952 the total mined from numerous relatively small deposits was 102,000 metric tons, of which 52,000 metric tons were exported to the United States. In the same period the total United States im- ports were three times as much from the Caribbean alone, and five times as much from all Western Hemisphere sources. In all, over 1 million metric tons of manganese ore entered the United States from abroad in 1952. The market for manganese is large now, and will increase in time of emergency. Cuba and Mexico can supply larger tonnages under the stimulus of price incen- tives; and Brazil, with its tremendous reserves, perhaps second largest in the entire world, stands ready to meet any reasonable demand. Global warfare, particularly if submarines were con- centrated on the sea lanes, would rule out most areas other than the Western world. In the Second World War, 85 per cent of the bauxite fleet was torpedoed before the submarine menace was brought under control. Mexico can ship by land and Cuba by the shortest sea route, perhaps more easily patrolled than any other. These two countries produced one-third of our manganese needs in 1952, although only part of it found its way into the United States. Manganese is like fluorspar in that the mine-run material is frequently shipped without concentration. Again the admonishment is valid that lower grade materials could and metric tons of zinc in high-grade oxide fume from lead-plant slags formerly discarded. Elsewhere, the calamine ores of Mex- ico have begun to yield their zinc content in the first unit of a Waelz kiln operation which was planned for future expansion by the addition of other similar units. A second slag-fuming plant is currently under consideration for future construction. None of these recently conceived or constructed treatment plants provides the capacity needed for reduction of zine concentrates, which were produced at the rate of 227,000 metric tons of con- tained zinc during 1952. Much of this material was exported to the United States, but one-third of it was shipped elsewhere. Manganese is an important ore mined in Mexico for use in the local steel industry, with a surplus for export. During 1952 the total mined from numerous relatively small deposits was 102,000 metric tons, of which 52,000 metric tons were exported to the United States. In the same period the total United States im- ports were three times as much from the Caribbean alone, and five times as much from all Western Hemisphere sources. In all, over 1 million metric tons of manganese ore entered the United States from abroad in 1952. The market for manganese is large now, and will increase in time of emergency. Cuba and Mexico can supply larger tonnages under the stimulus of price incen- tives; and Brazil, with its tremendous reserves, perhaps second largest in the entire world, stands ready to meet any reasonable demand. Global warfare, particularly if submarines were con- centrated on the sea lanes, would rule out most areas other than the Western world. In the Second World War, 85 per cent of the bauxite fleet was torpedoed before the submarine menace was brought under control. Mexico can ship by land and Cuba by the shortest sea route, perhaps more easily patrolled than any other. These two countries produced one-third of our manganese needs in 1952, although only part of it found its way into the United States. Manganese is like fluorspar in that the mine-run material is frequently shipped without concentration. Again the admonishment is valid that lower grade materials could and  56 The Caribbean should be upgraded by mechanical means as a conservation measure. The result would be tremendously increased ore re- serves, because the material that cannot be mined at a profit is, by definition, waste and not ore. This point is worth expanding. Fluorspar is generally a mine product that has to meet speci- fications of high purity. Concentration is common in the United States, but practiced less abroad. Conservation of the reserves of fluorspar in Mexico could be improved by wider application of milling operations to permit mining lower grade material, thus increasing the size of minable reserves for the future. To meet high-purity specification, the same practice could be adopted for manganese and other ores that are shipped crude. However, the imposition of government controls on private industry to enforce conservation involves the expenditure of large sums for metal- lurgical installations and may stifle business. The best remedy for this is stable government and a reasonable taxation schedule. Silver has many industrial uses, but it is largely a luxury and coinage metal. The Mexican position is pre-eminent. In 1952, with 50 million troy ounces, Mexican output was one-fourth of the entire world production, a loss from previous years but not a threat to its position of world leadership in this metal. The only near rival of Mexico is the United States, which produces about three-fourths as much. The Mexican output is over 90 per cent of that of the entire Caribbean area, and the recent decrease is due to depletion of the ore reserves of the greatest silver-mining district in Mexico and, for that matter, in the world. A phase of Mexico's mineral economy that has seen great tonnage increase is the sulfur industry, with the exploration and development of deposits in the south. The year 1952 showed 12,000 metric tons output. United States self-sufficiency in sul- fur is already a fact, but many other Western Hemisphere coun- tries are not so well off in regard to it. In the very recent past the demand for sulfur far exceeded production capacity. The Mexican industry derives sulfur from deposits of elemental sulfur and from natural gas, and sulfuric acid from smelter gases. 56 The Caribbean 56 The Caribbean should be upgraded by mechanical means as a conservation measure. The result would be tremendously increased ore re- serves, because the material that cannot be mined at a profit is, by definition, waste and not ore. This point is worth expanding. Fluorspar is generally a mine product that has to meet speci- fications of high purity. Concentration is common in the United States, but practiced less abroad. Conservation of the reserves of fluorspar in Mexico could be improved by wider application of milling operations to permit mining lower grade material, thus increasing the size of minable reserves for the future. To meet high-purity specification, the same practice could be adopted for manganese and other ores that are shipped crude. However, the imposition of government controls on private industry to enforce conservation involves the expenditure of large sums for metal- lurgical installations and may stifle business. The best remedy for this is stable government and a reasonable taxation schedule. Silver has many industrial uses, but it is largely a luxury and coinage metal. The Mexican position is pre-eminent. In 1952, with 50 million troy ounces, Mexican output was one-fourth of the entire world production, a loss from previous years but not a threat to its position of world leadership in this metal. The only near rival of Mexico is the United States, which produces about three-fourths as much. The Mexican output is over 90 per cent of that of the entire Caribbean area, and the recent decrease is due to depletion of the ore reserves of the greatest silver-mining district in Mexico and, for that matter, in the world. A phase of Mexico's mineral economy that has seen great tonnage increase is the sulfur industry, with the exploration and development of deposits in the south. The year 1952 showed 12,000 metric tons output. United States self-sufficiency in sul- fur is already a fact, but many other Western Hemisphere coun- tries are not so well off in regard to it. In the very recent past the demand for sulfur far exceeded production capacity. The Mexican industry derives sulfur from deposits of elemental sulfur and from natural gas, and sulfuric acid from smelter gases. should be upgraded by mechanical means as a conservation measure. The result would be tremendously increased ore re- serves, because the material that cannot be mined at a profit is, by definition, waste and not ore. This point is worth expanding. Fluorspar is generally a mine product that has to meet speci- fications of high purity. Concentration is common in the United States, but practiced less abroad. Conservation of the reserves of fluorspar in Mexico could be improved by wider application of milling operations to permit mining lower grade material, thus increasing the size of minable reserves for the future. To meet high-purity specification, the same practice could be adopted for manganese and other ores that are shipped crude. However, the imposition of government controls on private industry to enforce conservation involves the expenditure of large sums for metal- lurgical installations and may stifle business. The best remedy for this is stable government and a reasonable taxation schedule. Silver has many industrial uses, but it is largely a luxury and coinage metal. The Mexican position is pre-eminent. In 1952, with 50 million troy ounces, Mexican output was one-fourth of the entire world production, a loss from previous years but not a threat to its position of world leadership in this metal. The only near rival of Mexico is the United States, which produces about three-fourths as much. The Mexican output is over 90 per cent of that of the entire Caribbean area, and the recent decrease is due to depletion of the ore reserves of the greatest silver-mining district in Mexico and, for that matter, in the world. A phase of Mexico's mineral economy that has seen great tonnage increase is the sulfur industry, with the exploration and development of deposits in the south. The year 1952 showed 12,000 metric tons output. United States self-sufficiency in sul- fur is already a fact, but many other Western Hemisphere coun- tries are not so well off in regard to it. In the very recent past the demand for sulfur far exceeded production capacity. The Mexican industry derives sulfur from deposits of elemental sulfur and from natural gas, and sulfuric acid from smelter gases.  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 57 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 57 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 57 With heavy-chemical industry on the increase in Mexico, the sulfur produced will be largely used in that country. No mention of Mexico's mineral wealth would be complete if petroleum were ignored. For half a century, Mexico has pro- duced petroleum, the last third of this period under nationalized operation following much-publicized expropriation. The pe- troleum production of Mexico is nearly three times that of Colombia but only one-sixth of that of Venezuela. Mexico now consumes its own production and imports petroleum to the northern areas to supplement its needs. XII Having talked to you about the mineral industry of the Carib- bean, I would be leaving you with an incomplete picture if I did not suggest what is needed to promote future prosperity in min- ing and allied operations in this area. Several points come to mind which should be discussed briefly in closing. (1) There is a notable lack of adequate information on min- eral resources for the area as a whole. Many careful studies have been made, some by local governments, some by organi- zations interested in investing or actually operating in these countries, and some as a result of intergovernmental technical cooperation. In the United States the Bureau of Mines and the Geological Survey have collectively spent about a hundred years studying our mineral resources. Our great industrial organiza- tions constantly re-examine and revaluate earlier proposals to operate this or that mine, redefine reserves, consolidate various holdings, and investigate specific deposits. Area studies are made by government, both state and federal. Still, the cataloguing of our resources is incomplete because it is a continuing job, and new discoveries are frequently made to this day. This may give an idea why every country in the Caribbean area should devote much more study than it actually does to its mineral resources if the governments hope to develop them intelligently. With heavy-chemical industry on the increase in Mexico, the sulfur produced will be largely used in that country. No mention of Mexico's mineral wealth would be complete if petroleum were ignored. For half a century, Mexico has pro- duced petroleum, the last third of this period under nationalized operation following much-publicized expropriation. The pe- troleum production of Mexico is nearly three times that of Colombia but only one-sixth of that of Venezuela. Mexico now consumes its own production and imports petroleum to the northern areas to supplement its needs. XII Having talked to you about the mineral industry of the Carib- bean, I would be leaving you with an incomplete picture if I did not suggest what is needed to promote future prosperity in min- ing and allied operations in this area. Several points come to mind which should be discussed briefly in closing. (1) There is a notable lack of adequate information on min- eral resources for the area as a whole. Many careful studies have been made, some by local governments, some by organi- zations interested in investing or actually operating in these countries, and some as a result of intergovernmental technical cooperation. In the United States the Bureau of Mines and the Geological Survey have collectively spent about a hundred years studying our mineral resources. Our great industrial organiza- tions constantly re-examine and revaluate earlier proposals to operate this or that mine, redefine reserves, consolidate various holdings, and investigate specific deposits. Area studies are made by government, both state and federal. Still, the cataloguing of our resources is incomplete because it is a continuing job, and new discoveries are frequently made to this day. This may give an idea why every country in the Caribbean area should devote much more study than it actually does to its mineral resources if the governments hope to develop them intelligently. With heavy-chemical industry on the increase in Mexico, the sulfur produced will be largely used in that country. No mention of Mexico's mineral wealth would be complete if petroleum were ignored. For half a century, Mexico has pro- duced petroleum, the last third of this period under nationalized operation following much-publicized expropriation. The pe- troleum production of Mexico is nearly three times that of Colombia but only one-sixth of that of Venezuela. Mexico now consumes its own production and imports petroleum to the northern areas to supplement its needs. XII Having talked to you about the mineral industry of the Carib- bean, I would be leaving you with an incomplete picture if I did not suggest what is needed to promote future prosperity in min- ing and allied operations in this area. Several points come to mind which should be discussed briefly in closing. (1) There is a notable lack of adequate information on min- eral resources for the area as a whole. Many careful studies have been made, some by local governments, some by organi- zations interested in investing or actually operating in these countries, and some as a result of intergovernmental technical cooperation. In the United States the Bureau of Mines and the Geological Survey have collectively spent about a hundred years studying our mineral resources. Our great industrial organiza- tions constantly re-examine and revaluate earlier proposals to operate this or that mine, redefine reserves, consolidate various holdings, and investigate specific deposits. Area studies are made by government, both state and federal. Still, the cataloguing of our resources is incomplete because it is a continuing job, and new discoveries are frequently made to this day. This may give an idea why every country in the Caribbean area should devote much more study than it actually does to its mineral resources if the governments hope to develop them intelligently.  58 The Caribbean (2) Mining legislation is either lacking or unrealistic in many Caribbean areas. Government integrity is indispensable. One expropriation destroys the confidence it has taken years to build up. Politicians must learn that the short period of their incum- bency is unimportant as compared with the life of the nation, and they must be taught to respect and uphold the statutes that pertain to the mineral industry. Any Caribbean country desirous of reforming and modernizing its mining code might well look at the excellent examples of Canadian and Peruvian mining laws. (3) Three principles should be observed for sustained pros- perity of the mining industry: (a) The common man, who is invariably the discoverer, is the one who knows the country and prospects it, be he farmer or miner. He should receive fair, not excessive, reward for his discovery. This stimulates further search by other potential dis- coverers. (b) The capitalist invests venture capital for exploration that is followed by heavy capital outlay for equipment and de- velopment. Unless he receives guarantees of financial safety, with enough return on the investment to warrant the risk factor related to mining, he will shun the project and invest his funds in other countries or other industries. He feels justly entitled to profit commensurate with his financial risk. (c) The government is entitled to reasonable revenue through taxation, in return for which absolute honesty in ad- ministering the law and eliminating all discrimination should be forthcoming. Stability of government is essential; adherence to established mining law by any newly set up government would prove its integrity. XIII Ours is a country based upon the free enterprise system; our advice and counsel to our neighbors must be that if they would 58 The Caribbean (2) Mining legislation is either lacking or unrealistic in many Caribbean areas. Government integrity is indispensable. One expropriation destroys the confidence it has taken years to build up. Politicians must learn that the short period of their incum- bency is unimportant as compared with the life of the nation, and they must be taught to respect and uphold the statutes that pertain to the mineral industry. Any Caribbean country desirous of reforming and modernizing its mining code might well look at the excellent examples of Canadian and Peruvian mining laws. (3) Three principles should be observed for sustained pros- perity of the mining industry: (a) The common man, who is invariably the discoverer, is the one who knows the country and prospects it, be he farmer or miner. He should receive fair, not excessive, reward for his discovery. This stimulates further search by other potential dis- coverers. (b) The capitalist invests venture capital for exploration that is followed by heavy capital outlay for equipment and de- velopment. Unless he receives guarantees of financial safety, with enough return on the investment to warrant the risk factor related to mining, he will shun the project and invest his funds in other countries or other industries. He feels justly entitled to profit commensurate with his financial risk. (c) The government is entitled to reasonable revenue through taxation, in return for which absolute honesty in ad- ministering the law and eliminating all discrimination should be forthcoming. Stability of government is essential; adherence to established mining law by any newly set up government would prove its integrity. XIII Ours is a country based upon the free enterprise system; our advice and counsel to our neighbors must be that if they would 58 The Caribbean (2) Mining legislation is either lacking or unrealistic in many Caribbean areas. Government integrity is indispensable. One expropriation destroys the confidence it has taken years to build up. Politicians must learn that the short period of their incum- bency is unimportant as compared with the life of the nation, and they must be taught to respect and uphold the statutes that pertain to the mineral industry. Any Caribbean country desirous of reforming and modernizing its mining code might well look at the excellent examples of Canadian and Peruvian mining laws. (3) Three principles should be observed for sustained pros- perity of the mining industry: (a) The common man, who is invariably the discoverer, is the one who knows the country and prospects it, be he farmer or miner. He should receive fair, not excessive, reward for his discovery. This stimulates further search by other potential dis- coverers. (b) The capitalist invests venture capital for exploration that is followed by heavy capital outlay for equipment and de- velopment. Unless he receives guarantees of financial safety, with enough return on the investment to warrant the risk factor related to mining, he will shun the project and invest his funds in other countries or other industries. He feels justly entitled to profit commensurate with his financial risk. (c) The government is entitled to reasonable revenue through taxation, in return for which absolute honesty in ad- ministering the law and eliminating all discrimination should be forthcoming. Stability of government is essential; adherence to established mining law by any newly set up government would prove its integrity. XIII Ours is a country based upon the free enterprise system; our advice and counsel to our neighbors must be that if they would  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 59 improve their own conditions of life and improve their standards, they should create conditions conducive to this system in their countries. Mining is big business, but it is a basic one in every sense of the word. At home our domestic producers clamor for protective measures against the production of what they term low-cost foreign labor. Our importers are equally vociferous in demanding that foreign mineral raw materials be admitted with- out restraint. We currently face the necessity of sustaining the domestic mining industry in times of high cost and low prices without shutting the door to foreign sources that have heretofore proved valuable in war and peace. We must not let wishful thinking influence hard-headed analysis of our own mineral supply problems. Meanwhile, although no firm mineral policy exists in our own government to meet all conditions and con- tingencies, we should carefully consider all aspects of foreign mineral development. If the Caribbean countries will recognize the basic business principles of supply and demand and legislate toward sound guarantees by responsible governments, with mini- mum government control of private industry, foreign and do- mestic capital can be counted upon to respond to incentives for establishing and maintaining a prosperous mineral industry. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 59 improve their own conditions of life and improve their standards, they should create conditions conducive to this system in their countries. Mining is big business, but it is a basic one in every sense of the word. At home our domestic producers clamor for protective measures against the production of what they term low-cost foreign labor. Our importers are equally vociferous in demanding that foreign mineral raw materials be admitted with- out restraint. We currently face the necessity of sustaining the domestic mining industry in times of high cost and low prices without shutting the door to foreign sources that have heretofore proved valuable in war and peace. We must not let wishful thinking influence hard-headed analysis of our own mineral supply problems. Meanwhile, although no firm mineral policy exists in our own government to meet all conditions and con- tingencies, we should carefully consider all aspects of foreign mineral development. If the Caribbean countries will recognize the basic business principles of supply and demand and legislate toward sound guarantees by responsible governments, with mini- mum government control of private industry, foreign and do- mestic capital can be counted upon to respond to incentives for establishing and maintaining a prosperous mineral industry. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 59 improve their own conditions of life and improve their standards, they should create conditions conducive to this system in their countries. Mining is big business, but it is a basic one in every sense of the word. At home our domestic producers clamor for protective measures against the production of what they term low-cost foreign labor. Our importers are equally vociferous in demanding that foreign mineral raw materials be admitted with- out restraint. We currently face the necessity of sustaining the domestic mining industry in times of high cost and low prices without shutting the door to foreign sources that have heretofore proved valuable in war and peace. We must not let wishful thinking influence hard-headed analysis of our own mineral supply problems. Meanwhile, although no firm mineral policy exists in our own government to meet all conditions and con- tingencies, we should carefully consider all aspects of foreign mineral development. If the Caribbean countries will recognize the basic business principles of supply and demand and legislate toward sound guarantees by responsible governments, with mini- mum government control of private industry, foreign and do- mestic capital can be counted upon to respond to incentives for establishing and maintaining a prosperous mineral industry.  Felisa Rinc6n de Gautier:- PUERTO RICO - ITS RESOURCES AND GOVERNMENT IN HIS BIOGRAPHY of the Caribbean, Professor German Arciniegas said: "To know the world, one island is more than enough." Limiting my world to the Caribbean, I bring you this progress report from my island. The knowledge I have of the world, she has given me. In her I love the world, and by loving her people I love the people of the whole world. When Ponce de Le6n came and discovered Florida, he was old and tired and still searching for the Fountain of Youth. He had already spent most of his twenty-five years in America lay- ing the foundation for the Puerto Rico that we have today. The first governor of Puerto Rico appointed after the discov- ery of the island and the founding of the city of San Juan Bautista was Ponce de Le6n, in the year 1508. The first gov- ernor of Puerto Rico elected by the people, in the year 1948, was Luis Muoz Marin, who was also the first governor elected under the constitution drafted by the people of Puerto Rico and adopted by them in 1952. Between these dates-1508 and 1952 -a whole drama has taken place, sometimes quietly, violently at times, but bringing about the growth of Puerto Rico and of my Felisa Rinc6n de Gautier: PUERTO RICO - ITS RESOURCES AND GOVERNMENT IN HIS BIOGRAPHY of the Caribbean, Professor German Arciniegas said: "To know the world, one island is more than enough." Limiting my world to the Caribbean, I bring you this progress report from my island. The knowledge I have of the world, she has given me. In her I love the world, and by loving her people I love the people of the whole world. When Ponce de Le6n came and discovered Florida, he was old and tired and still searching for the Fountain of Youth. He had already spent most of his twenty-five years in America lay- ing the foundation for the Puerto Rico that we have today. The first governor of Puerto Rico appointed after the discov- ery of the island and the founding of the city of San Juan Bautista was Ponce de Le6n, in the year 1508. The first gov- ernor of Puerto Rico elected by the people, in the year 1948, was Luis Munoz Marin, who was also the first governor elected under the constitution drafted by the people of Puerto Rico and adopted by them in 1952. Between these dates-1508 and 1952 -a whole drama has taken place, sometimes quietly, violently at times, but bringing about the growth of Puerto Rico and of my 60 Felisa Rincon de Gautier: PUERTO RICO - ITS RESOURCES AND GOVERNMENT IN HIS BIOGRAPHY of the Caribbean, Professor German Arciniegas said: "To know the world, one island is more than enough." Limiting my world to the Caribbean, I bring you this progress report from my island. The knowledge I have of the world, she has given me. In her I love the world, and by loving her people I love the people of the whole world. When Ponce de Leon came and discovered Florida, he was old and tired and still searching for the Fountain of Youth. He had already spent most of his twenty-five years in America lay- ing the foundation for the Puerto Rico that we have today. The first governor of Puerto Rico appointed after the discov- ery of the island and the founding of the city of San Juan Bautista was Ponce de Le6n, in the year 1508. The first gov- ernor of Puerto Rico elected by the people, in the year 1948, was Luis Muoz Marin, who was also the first governor elected under the constitution drafted by the people of Puerto Rico and adopted by them in 1952. Between these dates-1508 and 1952 -a whole drama has taken place, sometimes quietly, violently at times, but bringing about the growth of Puerto Rico and of my 60  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 61 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 61 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION people and your people, in the sense that the Caribbean belongs to all of us. Let us take a bird's-eye view of the historical events that took place in this island of the Caribbean under the Spanish regime, when gold was the main attraction (and there was not much in my island). Then came the extermination of the Indians and the beginning of the African traffic. Soon our aromatic coffee won for itself a name in the European markets, which name became synonymous with Puerto Rico. Today, we keep in those markets only the memory of that reputation. After the first half of the nineteenth century, civic organiza- tion began. The idea of political parties sprouted and grew. The wars for independence in North and South America had been fought. Puerto Rico's main concern was to have political rights for her people recognized by Spain. Struggling and striving, we won and lost. In the end we won. We made tremendous progress immediately prior to the Spanish- American War. In 1898, Puerto Rico enjoyed almost full au- tonomy-autonomy that we lost soon after by the Treaty of Paris. Cuba secured her independence. Puerto Rico came under the sovereignty of the United States. II The ending of one century and the beginning of another, 1898-1900, marked the termination of our relationships with Spain and the initiation of our association with the United States. There was already a great leader in Puerto Rico; his name, Luis Mufioz Rivera. He has been identified as the George Washington of Puerto Rico. A great writer, fighting with his pen in Spanish, he won autonomy for Puerto Rico from Spain. A great statesman and diplomat, he went to Washington as the first Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico. He learned English, and in a very short while he was addressing the congressmen in people and your people, in the sense that the Caribbean belongs to all of us. Let us take a bird's-eye view of the historical events that took place in this island of the Caribbean under the Spanish regime, when gold was the main attraction (and there was not much in my island). Then came the extermination of the Indians and the beginning of the African traffic. Soon our aromatic coffee won for itself a name in the European markets, which name became synonymous with Puerto Rico. Today, we keep in those markets only the memory of that reputation. After the first half of the nineteenth century, civic organiza- tion began. The idea of political parties sprouted and grew. The wars for independence in North and South America had been fought. Puerto Rico's main concern was to have political rights for her people recognized by Spain. Struggling and striving, we won and lost. In the end we won. We made tremendous progress immediately prior to the Spanish- American War. In 1898, Puerto Rico enjoyed almost full au- tonomy-autonomy that we lost soon after by the Treaty of Paris. Cuba secured her independence. Puerto Rico came under the sovereignty of the United States. II The ending of one century and the beginning of another, 1898-1900, marked the termination of our relationships with Spain and the initiation of our association with the United States. There was already a great leader in Puerto Rico; his name, Luis Mufioz Rivera. He has been identified as the George Washington of Puerto Rico. A great writer, fighting with his pen in Spanish, he won autonomy for Puerto Rico from Spain. A great statesman and diplomat, he went to Washington as the first Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico. He learned English, and in a very short while he was addressing the congressmen in people and your people, in the sense that the Caribbean belongs to all of us. Let us take a bird's-eye view of the historical events that took place in this island of the Caribbean under the Spanish regime, when gold was the main attraction (and there was not much in my island). Then came the extermination of the Indians and the beginning of the African traffic. Soon our aromatic coffee won for itself a name in the European markets, which name became synonymous with Puerto Rico. Today, we keep in those markets only the memory of that reputation. After the first half of the nineteenth century, civic organiza- tion began. The idea of political parties sprouted and grew. The wars for independence in North and South America had been fought. Puerto Rico's main concern was to have political rights for her people recognized by Spain. Struggling and striving, we won and lost. In the end we won. We made tremendous progress immediately prior to the Spanish- American War. In 1898, Puerto Rico enjoyed almost full au- tonomy-autonomy that we lost soon after by the Treaty of Paris. Cuba secured her independence. Puerto Rico came under the sovereignty of the United States. II The ending of one century and the beginning of another, 1898-1900, marked the termination of our relationships with Spain and the initiation of our association with the United States. There was already a great leader in Puerto Rico; his name, Luis Mufinoz Rivera. He has been identified as the George Washington of Puerto Rico. A great writer, fighting with his pen in Spanish, he won autonomy for Puerto Rico from Spain. A great statesman and diplomat, he went to Washington as the first Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico. He learned English, and in a very short while he was addressing the congressmen in  62 The Caribbean their own language. He succeeded in liberalizing the political system in 1917. (Incidentally, Luis Munoz Rivera was the father of our present governor, Luis Munoz Marin.) As I said, he gained for Puerto Rico the liberalization of a political system which had been in effect since the early years of the nineteen hundreds, when Puerto Rico came under the American flag. With the liberalization of the regime, the basis of equality, which should be a determining factor in our future association with the American people, was set forth. United States citizenship was granted to all Puerto Ricans at this time. Besides, the island enjoyed free commerce with continental United States. The hurricanes and the changes in the market had reduced our one cash crop, coffee. The lowlands around our coasts began to be planted with sugar cane. Sugar was rapidly accepted in the United States market and was protected by the tariff. The island ran the risk of being converted into a big cane field and sugar factory. The birth rate increased and the death rate de- creased. Suddenly there was not enough space for all of us. The agrarian economy was insufficient for the support of the whole population. Poverty makes people hungry. III The political leaders were still deeply concerned with political affairs, and economic realities were the ideas of the socially minded few. For the solution of the problem of political status, people advocated either classical federal statehood or complete separation from the United States. All during the past generations, the Puerto Ricans have been in a constant struggle for the betterment of their country. Each generation produced its own leaders, who faced all adversities with a high degree of civic spirit; but the classical political formulae, which in the case of other countries were the solution to their problems, in the case of Puerto Rico led to economic 62 The Caribbean 62 The Caribbean their own language. He succeeded in liberalizing the political system in 1917. (Incidentally, Luis Mufoz Rivera was the father of our present governor, Luis Mufoz Marin.) As I said, he gained for Puerto Rico the liberalization of a political system which had been in effect since the early years of the nineteen hundreds, when Puerto Rico came under the American flag. With the liberalization of the regime, the basis of equality, which should be a determining factor in our future association with the American people, was set forth. United States citizenship was granted to all Puerto Ricans at this time. Besides, the island enjoyed free commerce with continental United States. The hurricanes and the changes in the market had reduced our one cash crop, coffee. The lowlands around our coasts began to be planted with sugar cane. Sugar was rapidly accepted in the United States market and was protected by the tariff. The island ran the risk of being converted into a big cane field and sugar factory. The birth rate increased and the death rate de- creased. Suddenly there was not enough space for all of us. The agrarian economy was insufficient for the support of the whole population. Poverty makes people hungry. III The political leaders were still deeply concerned with political affairs, and economic realities were the ideas of the socially minded few. For the solution of the problem of political status, people advocated either classical federal statehood or complete separation from the United States. All during the past generations, the Puerto Ricans have been in a constant struggle for the betterment of their country. Each generation produced its own leaders, who faced all adversities with a high degree of civic spirit; but the classical political formulae, which in the case of other countries were the solution to their problems, in the case of Puerto Rico led to economic their own language. He succeeded in liberalizing the political system in 1917. (Incidentally, Luis Munoz Rivera was the father of our present governor, Luis Mufioz Marin.) As I said, he gained for Puerto Rico the liberalization of a political system which had been in effect since the early years of the nineteen hundreds, when Puerto Rico came under the American flag. With the liberalization of the regime, the basis of equality, which should be a determining factor in our future association with the American people, was set forth. United States citizenship was granted to all Puerto Ricans at this time. Besides, the island enjoyed free commerce with continental United States. The hurricanes and the changes in the market had reduced our one cash crop, coffee. The lowlands around our coasts began to be planted with sugar cane. Sugar was rapidly accepted in the United States market and was protected by the tariff. The island ran the risk of being converted into a big cane field and sugar factory. The birth rate increased and the death rate de- creased. Suddenly there was not enough space for all of us. The agrarian economy was insufficient for the support of the whole population. Poverty makes people hungry. III The political leaders were still deeply concerned with political affairs, and economic realities were the ideas of the socially minded few. For the solution of the problem of political status, people advocated either classical federal statehood or complete separation from the United States. All during the past generations, the Puerto Ricans have been in a constant struggle for the betterment of their country. Each generation produced its own leaders, who faced all adversities with a high degree of civic spirit; but the classical political formulae, which in the case of other countries were the solution to their problems, in the case of Puerto Rico led to economic  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION b3 chaos. Complete separation from the United States would have meant economic disintegration. Classical federal statehood also would have meant economic ruin. The traditional political posi- tion was reviewed at the end of 1930-1940 decade, and it was determined that the political status of Puerto Rico was not the main issue. We faced with a deep sense of reality the problems which were pressing upon all of us, and we decided to stick to- gether and work toward the solution of our economic problems for the betterment of all our people. Luis Muoz Marin is the leader in all this new approach to the fundamental problems. He worked the miracle. And in spite of the fact that I am one of his fellow workers, please allow me the privilege of saying that he is one of the most outstanding leaders of democracy that the Americas have today. He has achieved wonders by uniting the people in a common objective and guiding them along the routes that help us to solve our very complicated social and economic problems. With the slogan "The political status of Puerto Rico is not the issue," Muioz Marin founded in 1938 the Partido Popular Democrdlico (Popular Democratic Party). He presented to the people a very dynamic program which aimed at the solution of our social and economic problems. He had the backing of the people in the elections. The program of the party had been submitted to the people and explained to them in the form of drafts of bills to be introduced in the Legislature soon after the elections. Voting for the party was voting for the program. The Popular Democratic Party program won. The men and women from our mountains, the workers, the small industrialists and small merchants, everybody linked together for the common effort to fight against poverty and misery. Legislation establish- ing minimum wages, redistribution of the land, and tax exemp- tion for homesteads was enacted and enforced. Assistance was provided for small farmers and small industrialists. All the serv- ices essential to the health, education, and welfare of the people were increased, expanded, and intensified. Our rural areas were RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 63 chaos. Complete separation from the United States would have meant economic disintegration. Classical federal statehood also would have meant economic ruin. The traditional political posi- tion was reviewed at the end of 1930-1940 decade, and it was determined that the political status of Puerto Rico was not the main issue. We faced with a deep sense of reality the problems which were pressing upon all of us, and we decided to stick to- gether and work toward the solution of our economic problems for the betterment of all our people. Luis Mufioz Marin is the leader in all this new approach to the fundamental problems. He worked the miracle. And in spite of the fact that I am one of his fellow workers, please allow me the privilege of saying that he is one of the most outstanding leaders of democracy that the Americas have today. He has achieved wonders by uniting the people in a common objective and guiding them along the routes that help us to solve our very complicated social and economic problems. With the slogan "The political status of Puerto Rico is not the issue," Munoz Marin founded in 1938 the Partido Popular Democrdtico (Popular Democratic Party). He presented to the people a very dynamic program which aimed at the solution of our social and economic problems. He had the backing of the people in the elections. The program of the party had been submitted to the people and explained to them in the form of drafts of bills to be introduced in the Legislature soon after the elections. Voting for the party was voting for the program. The Popular Democratic Party program won. The men and women from our mountains, the workers, the small industrialists and small merchants, everybody linked together for the common effort to fight against poverty and misery. Legislation establish- ing minimum wages, redistribution of the land, and tax exemp- tion for homesteads was enacted and enforced. Assistance was provided for small farmers and small industrialists. All the serv- ices essential to the health, education, and welfare of the people were increased, expanded, and intensified. Our rural areas were RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 63 chaos. Complete separation from the United States would have meant economic disintegration. Classical federal statehood also would have meant economic ruin. The traditional political posi- tion was reviewed at the end of 1930-1940 decade, and it was determined that the political status of Puerto Rico was not the main issue. We faced with a deep sense of reality the problems which were pressing upon all of us, and we decided to stick to- gether and work toward the solution of our economic problems for the betterment of all our people. Luis Mu50z Marin is the leader in all this new approach to the fundamental problems. He worked the miracle. And in spite of the fact that I am one of his fellow workers, please allow me the privilege of saying that he is one of the most outstanding leaders of democracy that the Americas have today. He has achieved wonders by uniting the people in a common objective and guiding them along the routes that help us to solve our very complicated social and economic problems. With the slogan "The political status of Puerto Rico is not the issue," Munoz Marin founded in 1938 the Partido Popular Democrdtico (Popular Democratic Party). He presented to the people a very dynamic program which aimed at the solution of our social and economic problems. He had the backing of the people in the elections. The program of the party had been submitted to the people and explained to them in the form of drafts of bills to be introduced in the Legislature soon after the elections. Voting for the party was voting for the program. The Popular Democratic Party program won. The men and women from our mountains, the workers, the small industrialists and small merchants, everybody linked together for the common effort to fight against poverty and misery. Legislation establish-. ing minimum wages, redistribution of the land, and tax exemp- tion for homesteads was enacted and enforced. Assistance was provided for small farmers and small industrialists. All the serv- ices essential to the health, education, and welfare of the people were increased, expanded, and intensified. Our rural areas were  64 The Caribbean provided with electricity and a modern system of water supply. The decade 1940-1950 was one of constant struggle and fight against hunger and extreme poverty. In this great battle for production, which was initiated and developed by all the people and in all the different lines of our activities, we are now suc- ceeding. "Operation Bootstrap"-as Luis Munoz Mario, with all sense of propriety, has called the program for the industrial develop- ment of the island-has already in operation over two hundred and fifty new industries in Puerto Rico, employing thousands of workers who were formerly unemployed. We have made tremendous progress in these ten years, during which our total production has been more than doubled. The income of the wage-earner group has increased from $360 in 1941 to $1,058 in 1952. The increase in the gross income for this same period was 194 per cent, and the real income-that is, comparing the purchasing power of the dollar in 1941 with the purchasing power of the dollar in 1952-has increased 68 per cent,. Although our progress has been substantial, there is still a long way to go. Governor Munoz Marin has set as a goal of our government for 1960 the increase of the annual average income of Puerto Rican families to $2,000. That is our immediate ob- jective. We will attain it; we will work hard, we will reach the goal, but we will do so in a dynamic, democratic way. IV After defining our economic problems, and while working hard at their solution, we shall be able to work on the political issue too, enlightening our people to the fact that our destiny is linked to the destiny of the United States. We have been enjoying the right to elect our own governor since 1948, and, as I said before, the first governor elected by the Puerto Rican people was Luis Mufinoz Marin. We enjoy the right to elect our own governor 64 The Caribbean 64 The Caribbean provided with electricity and a modern system of water supply. The decade 1940-1950 was one of constant struggle and fight against hunger and extreme poverty. In this great battle for production, which was initiated and developed by all the people and in all the different lines of our activities, we are now suc- ceeding. "Operation Bootstrap"-as Luis Munoz Marin, with all sense of propriety, has called the program for the industrial develop- ment of the island-has already in operation over two hundred and fifty new industries in Puerto Rico, employing thousands of workers who were formerly unemployed. We have made tremendous progress in these ten years, during which our total production has been more than doubled. The income of the wage-earner group has increased from $360 in 1941 to $1,058 in 1952. The increase in the gross income for this same period was 194 per cent, and the real income-that is, comparing the purchasing power of the dollar in 1941 with the purchasing power of the dollar in 1952-has increased 68 per cent. Although our progress has been substantial, there is still a long way to go. Governor Mufioz Marin has set as a goal of our government for 1960 the increase of the annual average income of Puerto Rican families to $2,000. That is our immediate ob- jective. We will attain it; we will work hard, we will reach the goal, but we will do so in a dynamic, democratic way. IV After defining our economic problems, and while working hard at their solution, we shall be able to work on the political issue too, enlightening our people to the fact that our destiny is linked to the destiny of the United States. We have been enjoying the right to elect our own governor since 1948, and, as I said before, the first governor elected by the Puerto Rican people was Luis Mufinoz Marin. We enjoy the right to elect our own governor provided with electricity and a modern system of water supply. The decade 1940-1950 was one of constant struggle and fight against hunger and extreme poverty. In this great battle for production, which was initiated and developed by all the people and in all the different lines of our activities, we are now suc- ceeding. "Operation Bootstrap"-as Luis Munoz Marin, with all sense of propriety, has called the program for the industrial develop- ment of the island-has already in operation over two hundred and fifty new industries in Puerto Rico, employing thousands of workers who were formerly unemployed. We have made tremendous progress in these ten years, during which our total production has been more than doubled. The income of the wage-earner group has increased from $360 in 1941 to $1,058 in 1952. The increase in the gross income for this same period was 194 per cent, and the real income-that is, comparing the purchasing power of the dollar in 1941 with the purchasing power of the dollar in 1952-has increased 68 per cent. Although our progress has been substantial, there is still a long way to go. Governor Mufioz Marin has set as a goal of our government for 1960 the increase of the annual average income of Puerto Rican families to $2,000. That is our immediate ob- jective. We will attain it; we will work hard, we will reach the goal, but we will do so in a dynamic, democratic way. IV After defining our economic problems, and while working hard at their solution, we shall be able to work on the political issue too, enlightening our people to the fact that our destiny is linked to the destiny of the United States. We have been enjoying the right to elect our own governor since 1948, and, as I said before, the first governor elected by the Puerto Rican people was Luis Mufinoz Marin. We enjoy the right to elect our own governor  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 65 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 65 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 65 because of an act of the United States Congress. This to us was a real political achievement. But we still were at the crossroads in the solution of our political status. We had to find the right road, and we did by developing the idea out of our economic realities, which were impossible to reconcile with the old political formulas of complete separation (as a republic) or complete an- nexation (as a classical federal state). By virtue of a compact, agreed upon and approved by the Congress of the United States and by the people of Puerto Rico through their votes at the polls, we created the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, in free and voluntary association with the United States of America. We did it through the enactment of our own constitution, drafted by ourselves and, as in the case of the other states of the Union, approved by Congress and the President of the United States. Our constitution gives Puerto Rico full home-rule government. We enjoy a common citizenship. The political power emanates from the people. We elect our legislative assembly and our gov- ernor. We enact and enforce our own laws. The fact that we do not have representation with vote in Congress differentiates us from the states, but Congress does not levy federal taxes upon the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, being faithful to the prin- ciple that gave birth to the United States of America: No taxa- tion without representation. If we were a state, we should be paying over 100 million dol- lars annually to the federal treasury in taxes. At present, Puerto Rico needs all her resources to increase production, to raise the standard of living of her people, and to provide them with the means of attaining health, education, and the cultural standards of modern civilization. But on the day when our economy makes it possible for us to participate in the expenses of the federal government, Puerto Rico will gladly do so and will request from Congress the pleasure of sharing with the other states in this responsibility. Puerto Rico is a Latin American community of American because of an act of the United States Congress. This to us was a real political achievement. But we still were at the crossroads in the solution of our political status. We had to find the right road, and we did by developing the idea out of our economic realities, which were impossible to reconcile with the old political formulas of complete separation (as a republic) or complete an- nexation (as a classical federal state). By virtue of a compact, agreed upon and approved by the Congress of the United States and by the people of Puerto Rico through their votes at the polls, we created the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, in free and voluntary association with the United States of America. We did it through the enactment of our own constitution, drafted by ourselves and, as in the case of the other states of the Union, approved by Congress and the President of the United States. Our constitution gives Puerto Rico full home-rule government. We enjoy a common citizenship. The political power emanates from the people. We elect our legislative assembly and our gov- ernor. We enact and enforce our own laws. The fact that we do not have representation with vote in Congress differentiates us from the states, but Congress does not levy federal taxes upon the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, being faithful to the prin- ciple that gave birth to the United States of America: No taxa- tion without representation. If we were a state, we should be paying over 100 million dol- lars annually to the federal treasury in taxes. At present, Puerto Rico needs all her resources to increase production, to raise the standard of living of her people, and to provide them with the means of attaining health, education, and the cultural standards of modern civilization. But on the day when our economy makes it possible for us to participate in the expenses of the federal government, Puerto Rico will gladly do so and will request from Congress the pleasure of sharing with the other states in this responsibility. Puerto Rico is a Latin American community of American because of an act of the United States Congress. This to us was a real political achievement. But we still were at the crossroads in the solution of our political status. We had to find the right road, and we did by developing the idea out of our economic realities, which were impossible to reconcile with the old political formulas of complete separation (as a republic) or complete an- nexation (as a classical federal state). By virtue of a compact, agreed upon and approved by the Congress of the United States and by the people of Puerto Rico through their votes at the polls, we created the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, in free and voluntary association with the United States of America. We did it through the enactment of our own constitution, drafted by ourselves and, as in the case of the other states of the Union, approved by Congress and the President of the United States. Our constitution gives Puerto Rico full home-rule government. We enjoy a common citizenship. The political power emanates from the people. We elect our legislative assembly and our gov- ernor. We enact and enforce our own laws. The fact that we do not have representation with vote in Congress differentiates us from the states, but Congress does not levy federal taxes upon the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, being faithful to the prin- ciple that gave birth to the United States of America: No taxa- tion without representation. If we were a state, we should be paying over 100 million dol- lars annually to the federal treasury in taxes. At present, Puerto Rico needs all her resources to increase production, to raise the standard of living of her people, and to provide them with the means of attaining health, education, and the cultural standards of modern civilization. But on the day when our economy makes it possible for us to participate in the expenses of the federal government, Puerto Rico will gladly do so and will request from Congress the pleasure of sharing with the other states in this responsibility. Puerto Rico is a Latin American community of American  66 The Caribbean 66 The Caribbean 66 The Caribbean citizens, linked by race and traditions to Latin American coun- tries on the south and to the United States by the free and voluntary association of the commonwealth. Women have had active participation in this program of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and our men have been very generous in welcoming us to participate. Because of our desire to share in the great battle for the improvement of the social and economic welfare of our people, the men made a place for us in the front line, directing and working with us at various levels. But I want to make it clear that we women are not feminists in the meaning of that word at the beginning of this century. We do not "wear the pants." Our civic participation, our contact with the people who need our services, the execution of our functions at the state level do not affect our femininity. We are women and we want to be women all the time. The Puerto Rican women are working with the men, side by side, in the legislature, as well as in execu- tive and administrative positions in the government, both state and municipal. The women of today in the Caribbean, sharing with the men these responsibilities, are following their ancestors, the women of other times. Our history is rich in examples of the participa- tion of our women in the conquest and colonization of the various countries. With clear outlines and appropriate words, German Arciniegas describes one of them when he says: The unfortunate Beatriz de la Cuenca, mourning over the death of her conqueror, Don Pedro de Alvarado, acted as Dona Juana la Loca, but when she wanted to be recognized as gover- nor of Guatemala, exercised such audacity and strength that she was restrained and overwhelmed only by the cataclysm which reduced to ruins the old city of Guatemala; she was defeated by the earthquake, the flood, and death. citizens, linked by race and traditions to Latin American coun- tries on the south and to the United States by the free and voluntary association of the commonwealth. Women have had active participation in this program of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and our men have been very generous in welcoming us to participate. Because of our desire to share in the great battle for the improvement of the social and economic welfare of our people, the men made a place for us in the front line, directing and working with us at various levels. But I want to make it clear that we women are not feminists in the meaning of that word at the beginning of this century. We do not "wear the pants." Our civic participation, our contact with the people who need our services, the execution of our functions at the state level do not affect our femininity. We are women and we want to be women all the time. The Puerto Rican women are working with the men, side by side, in the legislature, as well as in execu- tive and administrative positions in the government, both state and municipal. The women of today in the Caribbean, sharing with the men these responsibilities, are following their ancestors, the women of other times. Our history is rich in examples of the participa- tion of our women in the conquest and colonization of the various countries. With clear outlines and appropriate words, German Arciniegas describes one of them when he says: The unfortunate Beatriz de la Cuenca, mourning over the death of her conqueror, Don Pedro de Alvarado, acted as Dona Juana la Loca, but when she wanted to be recognized as gover- nor of Guatemala, exercised such audacity and strength that she was restrained and overwhelmed only by the cataclysm which reduced to ruins the old city of Guatemala; she was defeated by the earthquake, the flood, and death. citizens, linked by race and traditions to Latin American coun- tries on the south and to the United States by the free and voluntary association of the commonwealth. Women have had active participation in this program of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and our men have been very generous in welcoming us to participate. Because of our desire to share in the great battle for the improvement of the social and economic welfare of our people, the men made a place for us in the front line, directing and working with us at various levels. But I want to make it clear that we women are not feminists in the meaning of that word at the beginning of this century. We do not "wear the pants." Our civic participation, our contact with the people who need our services, the execution of our functions at the state level do not affect our femininity. We are women and we want to be women all the time. The Puerto Rican women are working with the men, side by side, in the legislature, as well as in execu- tive and administrative positions in the government, both state and municipal. The women of today in the Caribbean, sharing with the men these responsibilities, are following their ancestors, the women of other times. Our history is rich in examples of the participa- tion of our women in the conquest and colonization of the various countries. With clear outlines and appropriate words, German Arciniegas describes one of them when he says: The unfortunate Beatriz de la Cuenca, mourning over the death of her conqueror, Don Pedro de Alvarado, acted as Dona Juana la Loca, but when she wanted to be recognized as gover- nor of Guatemala, exercised such audacity and strength that she was restrained and overwhelmed only by the cataclysm which reduced to ruins the old city of Guatemala; she was defeated by the earthquake, the flood, and death.  6 6 Jos6 Rolz Bennett: GUATEMALA -ITS RESOURCES AND RECENT EVOLUTION OUR TIMES are witness to the numerous changes-some evolutionary, others of a revolutionary character-that have tak- en place in all nations of the world. It is the purpose of this brief paper to present, although in a very general manner, the fundamental modifications that have occurred in Guatemala in recent years, because I believe it constitutes a good example for a better tnderstanding of the economic, social, cultural, and political conditions of the Latin American countries. I must warn, of course, that there are great differences between one re- public and another in the Latin world of the Americas, but in general it is my belief that the experiences of my country set forth some of the fundamental problems that affect them all, in different grades or shades. The case of Guatemala is very enlightening because, in its small territory and population, it offers the most varied aspects in regard not only to geography, ethnical composition, and lan- guages, but to socio-economic, political, and religious conditions as well. Some facts will undoubtedly help us to understand the quantity and complexity of its problems. Territory and Geography.-The total extension of Guate- 67 Jos6 Rolz Bennett: GUATEMALA -ITS RESOURCES AND RECENT EVOLUTION OUR TIMES are witness to the numerous changes-some evolutionary, others of a revolutionary character-that have tak- en place in all nations of the world. It is the purpose of this brief paper to present, although in a very general manner, the fundamental modifications that have occurred in Guatemala in recent years, because I believe it constitutes a good example for a better timderstanding of the economic, social, cultural, and political conditions of the Latin American countries. I must warn, of course, that there are great differences between one re- public and another in the Latin world of the Americas, but in general it is my belief that the experiences of my country set forth some of the fundamental problems that affect them all, in different grades or shades. The case of Guatemala is very enlightening because, in its small territory and population, it offers the most varied aspects in regard not only to geography, ethnical composition, and lan- guages, but to socio-economic, political, and religious conditions as well. Some facts will undoubtedly help us to understand the quantity and complexity of its problems. Territory and Geography-The total extension of Guate- 67 Jos6 Rolz Bennett: GUATEMALA -ITS RESOURCES AND RECENT EVOLUTION OUR TIMES are witness to the numerous changes-some evolutionary, others of a revolutionary character-that have tak- en place in all nations of the world. It is the purpose of this brief paper to present, although in a very general manner, the fundamental modifications that have occurred in Guatemala in recent years, because I believe it constitutes a good example for a better tnderstanding of the economic, social, cultural, and political conditions of the Latin American countries. I must warn, of course, that there are great differences between one re- public and another in the Latin world of the Americas, but in general it is my belief that the experiences of my country set forth some of the fundamental problems that affect them all, in different grades or shades. The case of Guatemala is very enlightening because, in its small territory and population, it offers the most varied aspects in regard not only to geography, ethnical composition, and lan- guages, but to socio-economic, political, and religious conditions as well. Some facts will undoubtedly help us to understand the quantity and complexity of its problems. Territory and Geography.-The total extension of Guate- 67  68 The Caribbean mala's territory is 108,889 square kilometers, equivalent to 42,- 042 square miles-without taking into consideration the territory of Belize, known also as British Honduras, which belongs to Guatemala but which is presently occupied by Great Britain. Bounded by Mexico, British Honduras, Honduras, and El Salva- dor, Guatemala has coasts on both the Atlantic and Pacific, but the Pacific coast is considerably longer than the Atlantic. Located in the tropical zone, Guatemala is endowed with a variety of climates, ranging from the very warm in the coastal plains to the temperate of the highlands. One changes climate merely by varying one's altitude. Guatemala's only seasons are the rainy season, from May to October, and the dry season, from November to April. The territory is very mountainous and volcanic in more than two-thirds of the republic. The other third, located in the north- ern part, comprises the Department of Petin, with an area of 35,854 square kilometers (13,843 square miles) of thick forest plains, rich in hardwoods and, probably, in mineral deposits, but practically uninhabited and with very limited land communica- tion facilities. As long as Great Britain holds Belize, it blocks the outlet of the Petin to the Atlantic. This vast region, therefore, will integrate only slowly into the development of the rest of the country. The mountains that cross Guatemala, with several peaks and volcanoes higher than 12,000 feet, help to shape the zones and regions as follows: (1) the coastal plains, very warm and with a rich soil; (2) the mountain slopes and foothills, from 300 to 4,500 feet, producing coffee, sugar cane, and other tropical crops; and (3) the highlands above 4,500 feet, surrounded by mountain peaks and volcanoes. Because of the excellent climate and reasonably good soils in the highland valleys, the greater part of the population is concentrated there. Population.-According to the census of 1950, Guatemala had 2,788,122 inhabitants. Today this number is estimated at a little more than 3,000,000, of which 1,350,000 are white or mestizos, 68 The Caribbean 68 The Caribbean mala's territory is 108,889 square kilometers, equivalent to 42,- 042 square miles-without taking into consideration the territory of Belize, known also as British Honduras, which belongs to Guatemala but which is presently occupied by Great Britain. Bounded by Mexico, British Honduras, Honduras, and El Salva- dor, Guatemala has coasts on both the Atlantic and Pacific, but the Pacific coast is considerably longer than the Atlantic. Located in the tropical zone, Guatemala is endowed with a variety of climates, ranging from the very warm in the coastal plains to the temperate of the highlands. One changes climate merely by varying one's altitude. Guatemala's only seasons are the rainy season, from May to October, and the dry season, from November to April. The territory is very mountainous and volcanic in more than two-thirds of the republic. The other third, located in the north- ern part, comprises the Department of Petin, with an area of 35,854 square kilometers (13,843 square miles) of thick forest plains, rich in hardwoods and, probably, in mineral deposits, but practically uninhabited and with very limited land communica- tion facilities. As long as Great Britain holds Belize, it blocks the outlet of the Petin to the Atlantic. This vast region, therefore, will integrate only slowly into the development of the rest of the country. The mountains that cross Guatemala, with several peaks and volcanoes higher than 12,000 feet, help to shape the zones and regions as follows: (1) the coastal plains, very warm and with a rich soil; (2) the mountain slopes and foothills, from 300 to 4,500 feet, producing coffee, sugar cane, and other tropical crops; and (3) the highlands above 4,500 feet, surrounded by mountain peaks and volcanoes. Because of the excellent climate and reasonably good soils in the highland valleys, the greater part of the population is concentrated there. Population.-According to the census of 1950, Guatemala had 2,788,122 inhabitants. Today this number is estimated at a little more than 3,000,000, of which 1,350,000 are white or mestizos, mala's territory is 108,889 square kilometers, equivalent to 42,- 042 square miles-without taking into consideration the territory of Belize, known also as British Honduras, which belongs to Guatemala but which is presently occupied by Great Britain. Bounded by Mexico, British Honduras, Honduras, and El Salva- dor, Guatemala has coasts on both the Atlantic and Pacific, but the Pacific coast is considerably longer than the Atlantic. Located in the tropical zone, Guatemala is endowed with a variety of climates, ranging from the very warm in the coastal plains to the temperate of the highlands. One changes climate merely by varying one's altitude. Guatemala's only seasons are the rainy season, from May to October, and the dry season, from November to April. The territory is very mountainous and volcanic in more than two-thirds of the republic. The other third, located in the north- ern part, comprises the Department of Petin, with an area of 35,854 square kilometers (13,843 square miles) of thick forest plains, rich in hardwoods and, probably, in mineral deposits, but practically uninhabited and with very limited land communica- tion facilities. As long as Great Britain holds Belize, it blocks the outlet of the Petn to the Atlantic. This vast region, therefore, will integrate only slowly into the development of the rest of the country. The mountains that cross Guatemala, with several peaks and volcanoes higher than 12,000 feet, help to shape the zones and regions as follows: (1) the coastal plains, very warm and with a rich soil; (2) the mountain slopes and foothills, from 300 to 4,500 feet, producing coffee, sugar cane, and other tropical crops; and (3) the highlands above 4,500 feet, surrounded by mountain peaks and volcanoes. Because of the excellent climate and reasonably good soils in the highland valleys, the greater part of the population is concentrated there. Population.-According to the census of 1950, Guatemala had 2,788,122 inhabitants. Today this number is estimated at a little more than 3,000,000, of which 1,350,000 are white or mestizos,  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION b9t and 1,650,000 are descendants of the indigenous groups that in- habited the country before its discovery and conquest by the Spaniards. From the ethnological point of view, it is impossible, if not absurd, to establish a difference between the various groups, and even the term indigena, which denotes the aboriginal inhabitant of the country, is questionable if it is to be based on one trait alone, be it racial, cultural, social, or economic. Rather, one has to combine them all and add a few more traits-chiefly religion and ways of living-to arrive at a more realistic concept of in- digena. And yet the indigenous groups are different-and sometimes radically different-from the others, which are known generally as ladinos. They participate only partially or periodically in the commercial economy of the country, contributing mostly to a domestic economy whose limited surplus is sold in local markets to provide for the family needs. They have languages different from the official Spanish language; the family and social struc- ture differs greatly from the other groups; and their religion is in many cases a paradoxical combination of Christianity and their own ancestral religious beliefs. Of the total inhabitants of Guatemala, 2,772,225 occupy two- thirds of the territory, and the other 15,897 are scattered throughout the Department of Petin, which, as has been said be- fore, represents almost one-third of the total area of the republic. The general density of population is 25.6 inhabitants per square kilometer, but the figure for the Department of Petin is only 0.4 inhabitants per square kilometer. This gives the rest of the coun- try a density of population of nearly 38 inhabitants per square kilometer. Of the total population, some 1,863,091 persons, equivalent to about two-thirds, live in areas at an altitude of 4,500 or more feet, although the whole area at this altitude is less than one-third of the total area of the country. Languages and Illiteracy.-Although Spanish is the official language in Guatemala, the indigenous population speaks its own RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 69 and 1,650,000 are descendants of the indigenous groups that in- habited the country before its discovery and conquest by the Spaniards. From the ethnological point of view, it is impossible, if not absurd, to establish a difference between the various groups, and even the term indigena, which denotes the aboriginal inhabitant of the country, is questionable if it is to be based on one trait alone, be it racial, cultural, social, or economic. Rather, one has to combine them all and add a few more traits-chiefly religion and ways of living-to arrive at a more realistic concept of in- digena. And yet the indigenous groups are different-and sometimes radically different-from the others, which are known generally as ladinos. They participate only partially or periodically in the commercial economy of the country, contributing mostly to a domestic economy whose limited surplus is sold in local markets to provide for the family needs. They have languages different from the official Spanish language; the family and social struc- ture differs greatly from the other groups; and their religion is in many cases a paradoxical combination of Christianity and their own ancestral religious beliefs. Of the total inhabitants of Guatemala, 2,772,225 occupy two- thirds of the territory, and the other 15,897 are scattered throughout the Department of Petin, which, as has been said be- fore, represents almost one-third of the total area of the republic. The general density of population is 25.6 inhabitants per square kilometer, but the figure for the Department of Petfn is only 0.4 inhabitants per square kilometer. This gives the rest of the coun- try a density of population of nearly 38 inhabitants per square kilometer. Of the total population, some 1,863,091 persons, equivalent to about two-thirds, live in areas at an altitude of 4,500 or more feet, although the whole area at this altitude is less than one-third of the total area of the country. Languages and Illiteracy.-Although Spanish is the official language in Guatemala, the indigenous population speaks its own RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 69 and 1,650,000 are descendants of the indigenous groups that in- habited the country before its discovery and conquest by the Spaniards. From the ethnological point of view, it is impossible, if not absurd, to establish a difference between the various groups, and even the term indigena, which denotes the aboriginal inhabitant of the country, is questionable if it is to be based on one trait alone, be it racial, cultural, social, or economic. Rather, one has to combine them all and add a few more traits-chiefly religion and ways of living-to arrive at a more realistic concept of in- dlgena. And yet the indigenous groups are different-and sometimes radically different-from the others, which are known generally as ladinos. They participate only partially or periodically in the commercial economy of the country, contributing mostly to a domestic economy whose limited surplus is sold in local markets to provide for the family needs. They have languages different from the official Spanish language; the family and social struc- ture differs greatly from the other groups; and their religion is in many cases a paradoxical combination of Christianity and their own ancestral religious beliefs. Of the total inhabitants of Guatemala, 2,772,225 occupy two- thirds of the territory, and the other 15,897 are scattered throughout the Department of Petin, which, as has been said be- fore, represents almost one-third of the total area of the republic. The general density of population is 25.6 inhabitants per square kilometer, but the figure for the Department of Peten is only 0.4 inhabitants per square kilometer. This gives the rest of the coun- try a density of population of nearly 38 inhabitants per square kilometer. Of the total population, some 1,863,091 persons, equivalent to about two-thirds, live in areas at an altitude of 4,500 or more feet, although the whole area at this altitude is less than one-third of the total area of the country. Languages and Illiteracy.-Although Spanish is the official language in Guatemala, the indigenous population speaks its own  70 The Caribbean languages, which number about twenty, and are distributed in the following groups: (1) Quichi, (2) Mam, (3) Pocomam, (4) Chol, (5) Maya, and (6) Caribe. With a vigor that clearly shows their cultural value, these languages have resisted the penetration of four centuries of official use of the Spanish idiom. The Indian groups still use them exclusively as maternal lan- guages, for the majority either will not or cannot utilize Spanish. It is easily perceived that this situation presents innumerable cultural, socio-economic, juridical, and political problems, for al- though the official language (official for the ladino) is Spanish, in reality there are more than twenty tongues in present use, and actually very large sectors of the population cannot express themselves in Spanish. According to the preliminary tabulations of the 1950 census, it is estimated that the percentage of illiterates of more than seven years is 72.2; the least illiteracy is found in the Department of Guatemala with 41.1 per cent, and the maximum in Alta Verapaz, where illiteracy reaches 92.5 per cent. The dominance of indigenous languages in many zones has demonstrated that the attack on illiteracy must be performed with the aid and through the use of native languages, and not only Spanish. This requires extensive efforts in linguistic research and much larger human and material resources than an ordinary literacy cam- paign, when there is a common language for the whole popu- lation. Economy and Finance.-Three fundamental branches can be found in the Guatemalan economy: (1) production of basic foodstuffs and prime materials for domestic consumption; (2) production of crops for export, principally coffee and bananas; and (3) industrial production, which includes the manufactur- ing of food articles as a complement to agricultural production, and the manufacturing of consumer goods like textiles, leather products, constructioa materials, and others, as well as the in- come from public services in transportation, banking, commerce, and the tourist industry. 70 The Caribbean 70 The Caribbean languages, which number about twenty, and are distributed in the following groups: (1) Quichd, (2) Mam, (3) Pocomam, (4) Chol, (5) Maya, and (6) Caribe. With a vigor that clearly shows their cultural value, these languages have resisted the penetration of four centuries of official use of the Spanish idiom. The Indian groups still use them exclusively as maternal lan- guages, for the majority either will not or cannot utilize Spanish. It is easily perceived that this situation presents innumerable cultural, socio-economic, juridical, and political problems, for al- though the official language (official for the ladino) is Spanish, in reality there are more than twenty tongues in present use, and actually very large sectors of the population cannot express themselves in Spanish. According to the preliminary tabulations of the 1950 census, it is estimated that the percentage of illiterates of more than seven years is 72.2; the least illiteracy is found in the Department of Guatemala with 41.1 per cent, and the maximum in Alta Verapaz, where illiteracy reaches 92.5 per cent. The dominance of indigenous languages in many zones has demonstrated that the attack on illiteracy must be performed with the aid and through the use of native languages, and not only Spanish. This requires extensive efforts in linguistic research and much larger human and material resources than an ordinary literacy cam- paign, when there is a common language for the whole popu- lation. Economy and Finance.-Three fundamental branches can be found in the Guatemalan economy: (1) production of basic foodstuffs and prime materials for domestic consumption; (2) production of crops for export, principally coffee and bananas; and (3) industrial production, which includes the manufactur- ing of food articles as a complement to agricultural production, and the manufacturing of consumer goods like textiles, leather products, constructiona materials, and others, as well as the in- come from public services in transportation, banking, commerce, and the tourist industry. languages, which number about twenty, and are distributed in the following groups: (1) Quich6, (2) Mam, (3) Pocomam, (4) Chol, (5) Maya, and (6) Caribe. With a vigor that clearly shows their cultural value, these languages have resisted the penetration of four centuries of official use of the Spanish idiom. The Indian groups still use them exclusively as maternal lan- guages, for the majority either will not or cannot utilize Spanish. It is easily perceived that this situation presents innumerable cultural, socio-economic, juridical, and political problems, for al- though the official language (official for the ladino) is Spanish, in reality there are more than twenty tongues in present use, and actually very large sectors of the population cannot express themselves in Spanish. According to the preliminary tabulations of the 1950 census, it is estimated that the percentage of illiterates of more than seven years is 72.2; the least illiteracy is found in the Department of Guatemala with 41.1 per cent, and the maximum in Alta Verapaz, where illiteracy reaches 92.5 per cent. The dominance of indigenous languages in many zones has demonstrated that the attack on illiteracy must be performed with the aid and through the use of native languages, and not only Spanish. This requires extensive efforts in linguistic research and much larger human and material resources than an ordinary literacy cam- paign, when there is a common language for the whole popu- lation. Economy and Finance.--Three fundamental branches can be found in the Guatemalan economy: (1) production of basic foodstuffs and prime materials for domestic consumption; (2) production of crops for export, principally coffee and bananas; and (3) industrial production, which includes the manufactur- ing of food articles as a complement to agricultural production, and the manufacturing of consumer goods like textiles, leather products, constructica materials, and others, as well as the in- come from public services in transportation, banking, commerce, and the tourist industry.  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 71 Agriculture represents almost 60 per cent of the total national output and is the structural basis for the foodstuff industries, which in turn constitute one-third of the total industrial sector. The Guatemalan economy is, therefore, predominantly agricul- tural and depends on importation to satisfy the needs for manu- factured consumer goods. According to the latest data compiled by the Department of Economic Research of the Bank of Guatemala, the total national output, at current prices for the ten-year period 1943 to 1952, rose from Q.131.6 million in 1943, to Q.541.9 million in 1952. One must keep in mind that the quetzal is on par with the United States dollar. In other words, in the last ten years, the total national output has increased more than four times, which gives an idea of the rapidly expanding economy of the country. Within the Guatemalan economy, a division must be made between the economic activity of the indigenous and nonin- digenous populations. Its fundamental difference-from this point of view-arises from a fact already stated, namely, that the indigenous population participates only partially or seasonally in the commercial economy of the country. As has been pointed out in a recent study of the finances of Guatemala, the typical indigenous family obtains a considerable part of its livelihood from a domestic economy that consists mainly in the growing of basic foodstuffs and the weaving of textiles for family use. This economy is somewhat modified by the exchange of surplus crops and articles in local markets. The seasonal employment of a member of the family in the commercial sector of the economy, principally on the coffee farms, serves the purpose of completing the domestic economy. To the salary are added payments in kind, chiefly corn, beans, and rice. The indigenous part of the population participates, in a very limited way, in the commercial economy of the country; and this fact, plus the primitive methods of production, gives as a result a substantial difference between the per capita income and standard of living of the indigenous and nonindigenous groups. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 71 Agriculture represents almost 60 per cent of the total national output and is the structural basis for the foodstuff industries, which in turn constitute one-third of the total industrial sector. The Guatemalan economy is, therefore, predominantly agricul- tural and depends on importation to satisfy the needs for manu- factured consumer goods. According to the latest data compiled by the Department of Economic Research of the Bank of Guatemala, the total national output, at current prices for the ten-year period 1943 to 1952, rose from Q.131.6 million in 1943, to Q.541.9 million in 1952. One must keep in mind that the quetzal is on par with the United States dollar. In other words, in the last ten years, the total national output has increased more than four times, which gives an idea of the rapidly expanding economy of the country. Within the Guatemalan economy, a division must be made between the economic activity of the indigenous and nonin- digenous populations. Its fundamental difference-from this point of view-arises from a fact already stated, namely, that the indigenous population participates only partially or seasonally in the commercial economy of the country. As has been pointed out in a recent study of the finances of Guatemala, the typical indigenous family obtains a considerable part of its livelihood from a domestic economy that consists mainly in the growing of basic foodstuffs and the weaving of textiles for family use. This economy is somewhat modified by the exchange of surplus crops and articles in local markets. The seasonal employment of a member of the family in the commercial sector of the economy, principally on the coffee farms, serves the purpose of completing the domestic economy. To the salary are added payments in kind, chiefly corn, beans, and rice. The indigenous part of the population participates, in a very limited way, in the commercial economy of the country; and this fact, plus the primitive methods of production, gives as a result a substantial difference between the per capita income and standard of living of the indigenous and nonindigenous groups. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 71 Agriculture represents almost 60 per cent of the total national output and is the structural basis for the foodstuff industries, which in turn constitute one-third of the total industrial sector. The Guatemalan economy is, therefore, predominantly agricul- tural and depends on importation to satisfy the needs for manu- factured consumer goods. According to the latest data compiled by the Department of Economic Research of the Bank of Guatemala, the total national output, at current prices for the ten-year period 1943 to 1952, rose from Q.131.6 million in 1943, to Q.541.9 million in 1952. One must keep in mind that the quetzal is on par with the United States dollar. In other words, in the last ten years, the total national output has increased more than four times, which gives an idea of the rapidly expanding economy of the country. Within the Guatemalan economy, a division must be made between the economic activity of the indigenous and nonin- digenous populations. Its fundamental difference-from this point of view-arises from a fact already stated, namely, that the indigenous population participates only partially or seasonally in the commercial economy of the country. As has been pointed out in a recent study of the finances of Guatemala, the typical indigenous family obtains a considerable part of its livelihood from a domestic economy that consists mainly in the growing of basic foodstuffs and the weaving of textiles for family use. This economy is somewhat modified by the exchange of surplus crops and articles in local markets. The seasonal employment of a member of the family in the commercial sector of the economy, principally on the coffee farms, serves the purpose of completing the domestic economy. To the salary are added payments in kind, chiefly corn, beans, and rice. The indigenous part of the population participates, in a very limited way, in the commercial economy of the country; and this fact, plus the primitive methods of production, gives as a result a substantial difference between the per capita income and standard of living of the indigenous and nonindigenous groups.  72 The Caribbean According to another recent study, the value of the gross na- tional product of the republic for the fiscal year from July, 1949, to the end of June, 1950, was Q.444.8 million, divided into the following principal items of income: agriculture with Q.203.2 million; industry with Q.91.4 million; transport and communi- cations with Q.70.0 million; commerce with Q.37.9 million; and government with Q.31.9 million. Of the total gross product, 45 per cent belongs to the rural population, which in turn rep- resents 68.4 per cent of the population; and 55 per cent belongs to the urban population, which represents only 31.6 per cent of the total number of inhabitants. The per-capita income of the population taken as a whole was, at that time, Q.160.66 per year; but, of course, the per- capita income of the rural population was considerably lower than that of the urban population, the former being Q.89.65 per year and the latter Q.311.14. Although in every country there generally is a marked difference between the per-capita income of rural and urban populations, one must note that in Guate- mala this difference takes on considerable significance. The Guatemalan per-capita income is similar to that of the countries in Latin America which have the same basic economic condi- tions, but is, of course, strikingly lower than, for instance, that of other nations like Great Britain, Switzerland, and the United States. Production for export is made up mainly of coffee, bananas, abaci, chicle gum, essential oils, cocoa, and fine woods. Coffee is still by far the most important product of the country. In 1948, for example, it represented 61.2 per cent of the total ex- ports; bananas, 20.6 per cent; hardwoods and others, 11.6 per cent; chicle, 4.9 per cent; and essential oils, 1.7 per cent. The budget of the government for 1953-1954 totals Q.74.6 million. The most important of its sources of income are duties on imported merchandise, taxes on alcohol and alcoholic bever- ages, taxes on cigarettes and tobacco, export duties on coffee, and a profit tax on enterprises. Fiscal expenditures increased 72 The Caribbean 72 The Caribbean According to another recent study, the value of the gross na- tional product of the republic for the fiscal year from July, 1949, to the end of June, 1950, was Q.444.8 million, divided into the following principal items of income: agriculture with Q.203.2 million; industry with Q.91.4 million; transport and communi- cations with Q.70.0 million; commerce with Q.37.9 million; and government with Q.31.9 million. Of the total gross product, 45 per cent belongs to the rural population, which in turn rep- resents 68.4 per cent of the population; and 55 per cent belongs to the urban population, which represents only 31.6 per cent of the total number of inhabitants. The per-capita income of the population taken as a whole was, at that time, Q.160.66 per year; but, of course, the per- capita income of the rural population was considerably lower than that of the urban population, the former being Q.89.65 per year and the latter Q.311.14. Although in every country there generally is a marked difference between the per-capita income of rural and urban populations, one must note that in Guate- mala this difference takes on considerable significance. The Guatemalan per-capita income is similar to that of the countries in Latin America which have the same basic economic condi- tions, but is, of course, strikingly lower than, for instance, that of other nations like Great Britain, Switzerland, and the United States. Production for export is made up mainly of coffee, bananas, abaci, chicle gum, essential oils, cocoa, and fine woods. Coffee is still by far the most important product of the country. In 1948, for example, it represented 61.2 per cent of the total ex- ports; bananas, 20.6 per cent; hardwoods and others, 11.6 per cent; chicle, 4.9 per cent; and essential oils, 1.7 per cent. The budget of the government for 1953-1954 totals Q.74.6 million. The most important of its sources of income are duties on imported merchandise, taxes on alcohol and alcoholic bever- ages, taxes on cigarettes and tobacco, export duties on coffee, and a profit tax on enterprises. Fiscal expenditures increased According to another recent study, the value of the gross na- tional product of the republic for the fiscal year from July, 1949, to the end of June, 1950, was Q.444.8 million, divided into the following principal items of income: agriculture with Q.203.2 million; industry with Q.91.4 million; transport and communi- cations with Q.70.0 million; commerce with Q.37.9 million; and government with Q.31.9 million. Of the total gross product, 45 per cent belongs to the rural population, which in turn rep- resents 68.4 per cent of the population; and 55 per cent belongs to the urban population, which represents only 31.6 per cent of the total number of inhabitants. The per-capita income of the population taken as a whole was, at that time, Q.160.66 per year; but, of course, the per- capita income of the rural population was considerably lower than that of the urban population, the former being Q.89.65 per year and the latter Q.311.14. Although in every country there generally is a marked difference between the per-capita income of rural and urban populations, one must note that in Guate- mala this difference takes on considerable significance. The Guatemalan per-capita income is similar to that of the countries in Latin America which have the same basic economic condi- tions, but is, of course, strikingly lower than, for instance, that of other nations like Great Britain, Switzerland, and the United States. Production for export is made up mainly of coffee, bananas, abaci, chicle gum, essential oils, cocoa, and fine woods. Coffee is still by far the most important product of the country. In 1948, for example, it represented 61.2 per cent of the total ex- ports; bananas, 20.6 per cent; hardwoods and others, 11.6 per cent; chicle, 4.9 per cent; and essential oils, 1.7 per cent. The budget of the government for 1953-1954 totals Q.74.6 million. The most important of its sources of income are duties on imported merchandise, taxes on alcohol and alcoholic bever- ages, taxes on cigarettes and tobacco, export duties on coffee, and a profit tax on enterprises. Fiscal expenditures increased  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 73 from Q.12.7 million in 1937-1938, to Q.51.1 million in 1947- 1948, and to Q.74.6 million in 1953-1954. From 1943-1944 to the present budget year, the increase has been significant-from a total budget of Q.16.9 million in the former year to Q.74.6 million in the latter. This means an increase of nearly four and one-half times in the past ten years. Other sources of government income are: taxes and contri- butions; public services; income from state property, products of state establishments, or articles monopolized by the state; and others of different nature. In the year 1948-1949, more than 40 per cent of the taxes and contributions came from import duties and more than 25 per cent from internal excise duties. In violent contrast to these figures, direct taxes provided only 10 per cent of the total contributions. There is as yet no system of income tax, but congress already has under study an income tax law, and it is understood that it will be enacted in 1954. The per-capita contribution in Guatemala was only Q.12 in 1948, equivalent to 9.3 per cent of the personal income. This figure is similar in percentage value to that of many other Latin Amer- ican countries. In 1953, the per-capita contribution had mounted to Q.22 per year, which represents an increase of nearly 90 per cent in five years. The balance of trade has maintained Guatemala in a favor- able financial position. The currency is named quetzal, after the famous bird which is the national symbol of liberty; it is equi- valent to the dollar, as was stated above. Guatemala is one of the few Latin American countries with a strong, well-backed, and stable currency. No change in the value of the currency has occurred since 1924-1926, when a monetary reform was carried out. As a result of its solvent finances, Guatemala has no ex- change control; and there are no limitations in securing foreign currencies for payments. Some Other Socio-Economic Aspects.-Of the total territory, only 18.6 per cent is occupied by farms or agricultural enter- prises; 37.3 per cent is occupied by towns, roads, lakes, and RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 73 from Q.12.7 million in 1937-1938, to Q.51.1 million in 1947- 1948, and to Q.74.6 million in 1953-1954. From 1943-1944 to the present budget year, the increase has been significant-from a total budget of Q.16.9 million in the former year to Q.74.6 million in the latter. This means an increase of nearly four and one-half times in the past ten years. Other sources of government income are: taxes and contri- butions; public services; income from state property, products of state establishments, or articles monopolized by the state; and others of different nature. In the year 1948-1949, more than 40 per cent of the taxes and contributions came from import duties and more than 25 per cent from internal excise duties. In violent contrast to these figures, direct taxes provided only 10 per cent of the total contributions. There is as yet no system of income tax, but congress already has under study an income tax law, and it is understood that it will be enacted in 1954. The per-capita contribution in Guatemala was only Q.12 in 1948, equivalent to 9.3 per cent of the personal income. This figure is similar in percentage value to that of many other Latin Amer- ican countries. In 1953, the per-capita contribution had mounted to Q.22 per year, which represents an increase of nearly 90 per cent in five years. The balance of trade has maintained Guatemala in a favor- able financial position. The currency is named quetzal, after the famous bird which is the national symbol of liberty; it is equi- valent to the dollar, as was stated above. Guatemala is one of the few Latin American countries with a strong, well-backed, and stable currency. No change in the value of the currency has occurred since 1924-1926, when a monetary reform was carried out. As a result of its solvent finances, Guatemala has no ex- change control; and there are no limitations in securing foreign currencies for payments. Some Other Socio-Economic Aspects.-Of the total territory, only 18.6 per cent is occupied by farms or agricultural enter- prises; 37.3 per cent is occupied by towns, roads, lakes, and RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 73 from Q.12.7 million in 1937-1938, to Q.51.1 million in 1947- 1948, and to Q.74.6 million in 1953-1954. From 1943-1944 to the present budget year, the increase has been significant-from a total budget of Q.16.9 million in the former year to Q.74.6 million in the latter. This means an increase of nearly four and one-half times in the past ten years. Other sources of government income are: taxes and contri- butions; public services; income from state property, products of state establishments, or articles monopolized by the state; and others of different nature. In the year 1948-1949, more than 40 per cent of the taxes and contributions came from import duties and more than 25 per cent from internal excise duties. In violent contrast to these figures, direct taxes provided only 10 per cent of the total contributions. There is as yet no system of income tax, but congress already has under study an income tax law, and it is understood that it will be enacted in 1954. The per-capita contribution in Guatemala was only Q.12 in 1948, equivalent to 9.3 per cent of the personal income. This figure is similar in percentage value to that of many other Latin Amer- ican countries. In 1953, the per-capita contribution had mounted to Q.22 per year, which represents an increase of nearly 90 per cent in five years. The balance of trade has maintained Guatemala in a favor- able financial position. The currency is named quetzal, after the famous bird which is the national symbol of liberty; it is equi- valent to the dollar, as was stated above. Guatemala is one of the few Latin American countries with a strong, well-backed, and stable currency. No change in the value of the currency has occurred since 1924-1926, when a monetary reform was carried out. As a result of its solvent finances, Guatemala has no ex- change control; and there are no limitations in securing foreign currencies for payments. Some Other Socio-Economic Aspects.-Of the total territory, only 18.6 per cent is occupied by farms or agricultural enter- prises; 37.3 per cent is occupied by towns, roads, lakes, and  74 The Caribbean rivers; 29 per cent is formed by the forests of the Petin; 12.1 per cent consists of forest and brush on private property; and 3 per cent is unusable land. As can be immediately perceived, the agricultural phase of Guatemala's economy depends on a very small portion of the territory, representing only 18.6 per cent of the total. Land also is distributed quite uneconomically. In a total number of 341,191 Guatemalan farms or agricultural units, 259,169 (representing 76 per cent), are very small holdings of from 1.75 to 5.75 acres each. Therefore, 76 per cent of all the agricultural units or farms represent only one-tenth of the land occupied by agricultural enterprises. At the same time, 22 large farms of more than 22,400 acres have a total acreage greater than 259,169 small holdings, and 7,446 farms of medium to large size represent 60 per cent more land than the 259,169 small holdings. These results from the agricultural census taken in 1950 showed that two vast problems arising out of this situation are the existence, on the one hand, of very large farms and, on the other hand, of a considerable number of extremely small agricul- tural units. Another important aspect of this question is the human rela- tionship to the land. Of the 341,191 agricultural units, 46.6 per cent were operated by their owners; 8.8 per cent were operated under the immediate direction of partial owners who own part of the land and who rent, use, or occupy the rest; 16.4 per cent were operated by tenants; 12.6 per cent were operated by farm hands for their own use; 3.9 per cent were operated by occu- pants; and 5.9 per cent were run by common joint holders of a tenure of land. The conditions of work of farm hands offer a wide variety of situations which are illustrated in the figures obtained in 1952 by the Statistical Bureau of Guatemala (Direccion General de Estadistica). These range from cases in which the agricultural worker was paid a daily wage of 10 centavos without any other benefits in kind, was given a small piece of land to cultivate un- 74 The Caribbean 74 The Caribbean rivers; 29 per cent is formed by the forests of the Petin; 12.1 per cent consists of forest and brush on private property; and 3 per cent is unusable land. As can be immediately perceived, the agricultural phase of Guatemala's economy depends on a very small portion of the territory, representing only 18.6 per cent of the total. Land also is distributed quite uneconomically. In a total number of 341,191 Guatemalan farms or agricultural units, 259,169 (representing 76 per cent), are very small holdings of from 1.75 to 5.75 acres each. Therefore, 76 per cent of all the agricultural units or farms represent only one-tenth of the land occupied by agricultural enterprises. At the same time, 22 large farms of more than 22,400 acres have a total acreage greater than 259,169 small holdings, and 7,446 farms of medium to large size represent 60 per cent more land than the 259,169 small holdings. These results from the agricultural census taken in 1950 showed that two vast problems arising out of this situation are the existence, on the one hand, of very large farms and, on the other hand, of a considerable number of extremely small agricul- tural units. Another important aspect of this question is the human rela- tionship to the land. Of the 341,191 agricultural units, 46.6 per cent were operated by their owners; 8.8 per cent were operated under the immediate direction of partial owners who own part of the land and who rent, use, or occupy the rest; 16.4 per cent were operated by tenants; 12.6 per cent were operated by farm hands for their own use; 3.9 per cent were operated by occu- pants; and 5.9 per cent were run by common joint holders of a tenure of land. The conditions of work of farm hands offer a wide variety of situations which are illustrated in the figures obtained in 1952 by the Statistical Bureau of Guatemala (Direccion General de Estadistica). These range from cases in which the agricultural worker was paid a daily wage of 10 centavos without any other benefits in kind, was given a small piece of land to cultivate on- rivers; 29 per cent is formed by the forests of the Petin; 12.1 per cent consists of forest and brush on private property; and 3 per cent is unusable land. As can be immediately perceived, the agricultural phase of Guatemala's economy depends on a very small portion of the territory, representing only 18.6 per cent of the total. Land also is distributed quite uneconomically. In a total number of 341,191 Guatemalan farms or agricultural units, 259,169 (representing 76 per cent), are very small holdings of from 1.75 to 5.75 acres each. Therefore, 76 per cent of all the agricultural units or farms represent only one-tenth of the land occupied by agricultural enterprises. At the same time, 22 large farms of more than 22,400 acres have a total acreage greater than 259,169 small holdings, and 7,446 farms of medium to large size represent 60 per cent more land than the 259,169 small holdings. These results from the agricultural census taken in 1950 showed that two vast problems arising out of this situation are the existence, on the one hand, of very large farms and, on the other hand, of a considerable number of extremely small agricul- tural units. Another important aspect of this question is the human rela- tionship to the land. Of the 341,191 agricultural units, 46.6 per cent were operated by their owners; 8.8 per cent were operated under the immediate direction of partial owners who own part of the land and who rent, use, or occupy the rest; 16.4 per cent were operated by tenants; 12.6 per cent were operated by farm hands for their own use; 3.9 per cent were operated by occu- pants; and 5.9 per cent were run by common joint holders of a tenure of land. The conditions of work of farm hands offer a wide variety of situations which are illustrated in the figures obtained in 1952 by the Statistical Bureau of Guatemala (Direccion General de Estadistica). These range from cases in which the agricultural worker was paid a daily wage of 10 centavos without any other benefits in kind, was given a small piece of land to cultivate an-  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 75 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 75 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 75 der the obligation of giving the owner 1 quintal (101.4 pounds) of the crop, and was required to work forty-five days without payment for the owner; to the case where the agricultural worker was paid 80 centavos a day, received an adequate and free supply of corn, beans, salt, and lime, enough land to cultivate on his own, and living quarters. It is obvious that agricultural wages are still quite insufficient to promote the welfare of the rural population and to give it the means to participate more actively in the commercial economy of the country. On the other hand, one must point out that the productivity of the agricultural worker is not high; and this makes it imperative to raise his wages and also his contribution to the production process. Welfare and Sanitation.-It is impossible, within the limits of this short paper, to analyze the extremely complex problems of the welfare and sanitation of Guatemala; and even the data which are included below are hardly enough to give a panoramic perspective of the problem. This paper should be taken only as a preview which may incite further and more detailed study. Malaria and intestinal parasitic infections are the most im- portant endemic diseases; they not only account for high rates of mortality, but also have a decisive influence on the productiv- ity of the population. Innumerable hours of work are lost on account of these illnesses, while, at the same time, the persons af- flicted with them lose a considerable amount of their energy and working capacity. Serving the country are thirty public hospitals, six hospitals subsidized by national funds, and three private hospitals. In addition, there are quite a number of private clinics. Treatment in the national hospitals is entirely free, but there are also reserved accommodations for those who can pay. The total number of medical doctors is 497, which gives a general average of one doctor per 6,060 (the population estimate for 1952 being 3,011,708). Of the total number of physicians, 381 are concentrated in the capital of the republic and only 116 (23.3 per cent) are distributed throughout the rest of the der the obligation of giving the owner 1 quintal (101.4 pounds) of the crop, and was required to work forty-five days without payment for the owner; to the case where the agricultural worker was paid 80 centavos a day, received an adequate and free supply of corn, beans, salt, and lime, enough land to cultivate on his own, and living quarters. It is obvious that agricultural wages are still quite insufficient to promote the welfare of the rural population and to give it the means to participate more actively in the commercial economy of the country. On the other hand, one must point out that the productivity of the agricultural worker is not high; and this makes it imperative to raise his wages and also his contribution to the production process. Welfare and Sanitation.--It is impossible, within the limits of this short paper, to analyze the extremely complex problems of the welfare and sanitation of Guatemala; and even the data which are included below are hardly enough to give a panoramic perspective of the problem. This paper should be taken only as a preview which may incite further and more detailed study. Malaria and intestinal parasitic infections are the most im- portant endemic diseases; they not only account for high rates of mortality, but also have a decisive influence on the productiv- ity of the population. Innumerable hours of work are lost on account of these illnesses, while, at the same time, the persons af- flicted with them lose a considerable amount of their energy and working capacity. Serving the country are thirty public hospitals, six hospitals subsidized by national funds, and three private hospitals. In addition, there are quite a number of private clinics. Treatment in the national hospitals is entirely free, but there are also reserved accommodations for those who can pay. The total number of medical doctors is 497, which gives a general average of one doctor per 6,060 (the population estimate for 1952 being 3,011,708). Of the total number of physicians, 381 are concentrated in the capital of the republic and only 116 (23.3 per cent) are distributed throughout the rest of the der the obligation of giving the owner 1 quintal (101.4 pounds) of the crop, and was required to work forty-five days without payment for the owner; to the case where the agricultural worker was paid 80 centavos a day, received an adequate and free supply of corn, beans, salt, and lime, enough land to cultivate on his own, and living quarters. It is obvious that agricultural wages are still quite insufficient to promote the welfare of the rural population and to give it the means to participate more actively in the commercial economy of the country. On the other hand, one must point out that the productivity of the agricultural worker is not high; and this makes it imperative to raise his wages and also his contribution to the production process. Welfare and Sanitation.-It is impossible, within the limits of this short paper, to analyze the extremely complex problems of the welfare and sanitation of Guatemala; and even the data which are included below are hardly enough to give a panoramic perspective of the problem. This paper should be taken only as a preview which may incite further and more detailed study. Malaria and intestinal parasitic infections are the most im- portant endemic diseases; they not only account for high rates of mortality, but also have a decisive influence on the productiv- ity of the population. Innumerable hours of work are lost on account of these illnesses, while, at the same time, the persons af- flicted with them lose a considerable amount of their energy and working capacity. Serving the country are thirty public hospitals, six hospitals subsidized by national funds, and three private hospitals. In addition, there are quite a number of private clinics. Treatment in the national hospitals is entirely free, but there are also reserved accommodations for those who can pay. The total number of medical doctors is 497, which gives a general average of one doctor per 6,060 (the population estimate for 1952 being 3,011,708). Of the total number of physicians, 381 are concentrated in the capital of the republic and only 116 (23.3 per cent) are distributed throughout the rest of the  76 The Caribbean country. This is the reason why, in the city of Guatemala, there is an average of one doctor for about 800 persons. In some ex- treme cases, as happens in the Department of Huehuetenango, the situation reaches the astronomical figure of one doctor for every 110,836 persons. It must be indicated that our University of San Carlos, which is one of the oldest of the Western Hemisphere, has an excellent school of medicine; but its output has not been enough to close the gap between the needs of the population and the number of doctors. Another serious problem is that most of the indigenous population, and a large percentage of the so-called ladinos, do not favor consulting physicians, either because they do not have the means to do it, or because they would much rather trust their own home remedies or take the advice of local witch doctors. The standard of efficiency in the medical profession is high; especially is it true that in the city of Guatemala there are ex- tremely capable physicians, who have done postgraduate work outside of the country, chiefly in the United States and Europe. What has been said about physicians can also be applied to nurses, midwives, dentists, pharmacists, and laboratory techni- cians. The city of Guatemala has good facilities and a sufficient number of these professionals; but the rest of the country is in dire need of an adequate proportion. Most of these professional people will have to be subsidized by the government and by local institutions, because a great percentage of the population does not have an economic capacity to pay for their services and will not come for consultations. This is one reason why the problem of "socialized medicine" or "subsidized medicine" cannot be dis- cussed in a general way, but only according to the special struc- ture and the conditions in each country. Although 9 per cent of the ordinary budget of the country is destined to go to welfare and sanitation, this is absolutely in- sufficient if the country is to carry out a successful campaign against the endemic diseases that plague the population. 76 The Caribbean 76 The Caribbean country. This is the reason why, in the city of Guatemala, there is an average of one doctor for about 800 persons. In some ex- treme cases, as happens in the Department of Huehuetenango, the situation reaches the astronomical figure of one doctor for every 110,836 persons. It must be indicated that our University of San Carlos, which is one of the oldest of the Western Hemisphere, has an excellent school of medicine; but its output has not been enough to close the gap between the needs of the population and the number of doctors. Another serious problem is that most of the indigenous population, and a large percentage of the so-called ladinos, do not favor consulting physicians, either because they do not have the means to do it, or because they would much rather trust their own home remedies or take the advice of local witch doctors. The standard of efficiency in the medical profession is high; especially is it true that in the city of Guatemala there are ex- tremely capable physicians, who have done postgraduate work outside of the country, chiefly in the United States and Europe. What has been said about physicians can also be applied to nurses, midwives, dentists, pharmacists, and laboratory techni- cians. The city of Guatemala has good facilities and a sufficient number of these professionals; but the rest of the country is in dire need of an adequate proportion. Most of these professional people will have to be subsidized by the government and by local institutions, because a great percentage of the population does not have an economic capacity to pay for their services and will not come for consultations. This is one reason why the problem of "socialized medicine" or "subsidized medicine" cannot be dis- cussed in a general way, but only according to the special struc- ture and the conditions in each country. Although 9 per cent of the ordinary budget of the country is destined to go to welfare and sanitation, this is absolutely in- sufficient if the country is to carry out a successful campaign against the endemic diseases that plague the population. country. This is the reason why, in the city of Guatemala, there is an average of one doctor for about 800 persons. In some ex- treme cases, as happens in the Department of Huehuetenango, the situation reaches the astronomical figure of one doctor for every 110,836 persons. It must be indicated that our University of San Carlos, which is one of the oldest of the Western Hemisphere, has an excellent school of medicine; but its output has not been enough to close the gap between the needs of the population and the number of doctors. Another serious problem is that most of the indigenous population, and a large percentage of the so-called ladinos, do not favor consulting physicians, either because they do not have the means to do it, or because they would much rather trust their own home remedies or take the advice of local witch doctors. The standard of efficiency in the medical profession is high; especially is it true that in the city of Guatemala there are ex- tremely capable physicians, who have done postgraduate work outside of the country, chiefly in the United States and Europe. What has been said about physicians can also be applied to nurses, midwives, dentists, pharmacists, and laboratory techni- cians. The city of Guatemala has good facilities and a sufficient number of these professionals; but the rest of the country is in dire need of an adequate proportion. Most of these professional people will have to be subsidized by the government and by local institutions, because a great percentage of the population does not have an economic capacity to pay for their services and will not come for consultations. This is one reason why the problem of "socialized medicine" or "subsidized medicine" cannot be dis- cussed in a general way, but only according to the special struc- ture and the conditions in each country. Although 9 per cent of the ordinary budget of the country is destined to go to welfare and sanitation, this is absolutely in- sufficient if the country is to carry out a successful campaign against the endemic diseases that plague the population.  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 77 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 77 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 77 The general mortality rate in the past five years has been as follows: 23.2 per cent in 1948; 21.5 per cent in 1949; 21.6 per cent in 1950; 19.3 per cent in 1951; and 23.9 per cent in 1952. This indicates the mortality for every 1,000 babies born alive. The infant mortality rate (infants of less than one year of age) in the same period of five years has been as follows: 11.7 per cent in 1948; 10.1 per cent in 1949; 10.7 per cent in 1950; 9.2 per cent in 1951; and 11.2 per cent in 1952. These figures, and especially the ones concerning the infant mortality rate, reveal the seriousness of the problem. The rates are similar to those of countries in America, Europe, and Asia which have conditions like our own; but they are still extremely high, and are in them- selves a clear indication that more and more attention should be given to the health problem. In a very general way, these are some of the outstanding facts and problems about Guatemala. They also approximate the real- ity and problems of many other nations of the Spanish-, Portu- guese-, and French-speaking parts of America. II Let us now glance at some of the measures taken by my coun- try in regard to the most pressing of its problems, so that we may have a rough idea of the changes that have taken place already or are bound to occur in many other Latin American areas. But first, I must say that the nature of this paper is merely descrip- tive and, in some cases, analytical; certainly it is not our purpose to make judgments or to offer a positive or negative evaluation of facts. We intend to present a picture of the most important elements so as to give readers an opportunity to elaborate their own conclusions and, we hope, the incentive to probe more deep- ly into the matter. The Constitution of 1945.-As in most written constitutions, there are found, in the Guatemalan fundamental charter, two principal parts: the dogmatic part, and the organic part. The The general mortality rate in the past five years has been as follows: 23.2 per cent in 1948; 21.5 per cent in 1949; 21.6 per cent in 1950; 19.3 per cent in 1951; and 23.9 per cent in 1952. This indicates the mortality for every 1,000 babies born alive. The infant mortality rate (infants of less than one year of age) in the same period of five years has been as follows: 11.7 per cent in 1948; 10.1 per cent in 1949; 10.7 per cent in 1950; 9.2 per cent in 1951; and 11.2 per cent in 1952. These figures, and especially the ones concerning the infant mortality rate, reveal the seriousness of the problem. The rates are similar to those of countries in America, Europe, and Asia which have conditions like our own; but they are still extremely high, and are in them- selves a clear indication that more and more attention should be given to the health problem. In a very general way, these are some of the outstanding facts and problems about Guatemala. They also approximate the real- ity and problems of many other nations of the Spanish-, Portu- guese-, and French-speaking parts of America. II Let us now glance at some of the measures taken by my coun- try in regard to the most pressing of its problems, so that we may have a rough idea of the changes that have taken place already or are bound to occur in many other Latin American areas. But first, I must say that the nature of this paper is merely descrip- tive and, in some cases, analytical; certainly it is not our purpose to make judgments or to offer a positive or negative evaluation of facts. We intend to present a picture of the most important elements so as to give readers an opportunity to elaborate their own conclusions and, we hope, the incentive to probe more deep- ly into the matter. The Constitution of 1945.-As in most written constitutions, there are found, in the Guatemalan fundamental charter, two principal parts: the dogmatic part, and the organic part. The The general mortality rate in the past five years has been as follows: 23.2 per cent in 1948; 21.5 per cent in 1949; 21.6 per cent in 1950; 19.3 per cent in 1951; and 23.9 per cent in 1952. This indicates the mortality for every 1,000 babies born alive. The infant mortality rate (infants of less than one year of age) in the same period of five years has been as follows: 11.7 per cent in 1948; 10.1 per cent in 1949; 10.7 per cent in 1950; 9.2 per cent in 1951; and 11.2 per cent in 1952. These figures, and especially the ones concerning the infant mortality rate, reveal the seriousness of the problem. The rates are similar to those of countries in America, Europe, and Asia which have conditions like our own; but they are still extremely high, and are in them- selves a clear indication that more and more attention should be given to the health problem. In a very general way, these are some of the outstanding facts and problems about Guatemala. They also approximate the real- ity and problems of many other nations of the Spanish-, Portu- guese-, and French-speaking parts of America. II Let us now glance at some of the measures taken by my coun- try in regard to the most pressing of its problems, so that we may have a rough idea of the changes that have taken place already or are bound to occur in many other Latin American areas. But first, I must say that the nature of this paper is merely descrip- tive and, in some cases, analytical; certainly it is not our purpose to make judgments or to offer a positive or negative evaluation of facts. We intend to present a picture of the most important elements so as to give readers an opportunity to elaborate their own conclusions and, we hope, the incentive to probe more deep- ly into the matter. The Constitution of 1945.-As in most written constitutions, there are found, in the Guatemalan fundamental charter, two principal parts: the dogmatic part, and the organic part. The  78 The Caribbean former includes declarative principles in regard to the public, nationality, citizenship, and fundamental rights of those who live within the boundaries of the nation. The second part refers to the structure of the state and prescribes the general norms in regard to the organization of the legislative, executive, and judi- cial branches. In the dogmatic part, consisting of four chapters, there can be observed two prominent and seemingly contradictory tenden- cies, which reflect the care of the legislators in regard to the necessity of guaranteeing at one and the same time the rights of the individual and the rights of society. In effect, the fundamen- tal rights of the individual are emphasized, sometimes with a detail that would seem immaterial were it not for local and historical considerations; but immediately following we find chapters dedicated to the rights of the family, the workers, and the public servants, and to culture. Protection is given with equal care to the individual and to those rights which are be- lieved to be inherent in his personal dignity; but at the same time there can be found principles of great social sensibility, which seek to preserve the social rights of the worker and the family-never before recognized in the Guatemalan constitution. The text was written and enacted in a moment of great patri- otic enthusiasm and marked idealism; it will stand in the legal history of Latin America as a generous effort to obtain through law what historical events should have straightened out before. While many of the provisions in the constitution are outstand- ing, we shall present here only a few examples. Dual nationality is expected for those born in other Central American republics, so that Salvadoreans, Hondurans, Nicaraguans, and Costa Ri- cans, by the mere event of establishing their domiciles in Guate- mala, acquire Guatemalan nationality without losing their own, unless they expressly waive this privilege. In economic matters, the constitution establishes that land that is the property of the state cannot be sold but only leased or given for useful exploita- tion. The emphatic prohibition regarding presidential re-election 78 The Caribbean 78 The Caribbean former includes declarative principles in regard to the public, nationality, citizenship, and fundamental rights of those who live within the boundaries of the nation. The second part refers to the structure of the state and prescribes the general norms in regard to the organization of the legislative, executive, and judi- cial branches. In the dogmatic part, consisting of four chapters, there can be observed two prominent and seemingly contradictory tenden- cies, which reflect the care of the legislators in regard to the necessity of guaranteeing at one and the same time the rights of the individual and the rights of society. In effect, the fundamen- tal rights of the individual are emphasized, sometimes with a detail that would seem immaterial were it not for local and historical considerations; but immediately following we find chapters dedicated to the rights of the family, the workers, and the public servants, and to culture. Protection is given with equal care to the individual and to those rights which are be- lieved to be inherent in his personal dignity; but at the same time there can be found principles of great social sensibility, which seek to preserve the social rights of the worker and the family-never before recognized in the Guatemalan constitution. The text was written and enacted in a moment of great patri- otic enthusiasm and marked idealism; it will stand in the legal history of Latin America as a generous effort to obtain through law what historical events should have straightened out before. While many of the provisions in the constitution are outstand- ing, we shall present here only a few examples. Dual nationality is expected for those born in other Central American republics, so that Salvadoreans, Hondurans, Nicaraguans, and Costa Ri- cans, by the mere event of establishing their domiciles in Guate- mala, acquire Guatemalan nationality without losing their own, unless they expressly waive this privilege. In economic matters, the constitution establishes that land that is the property of the state cannot be sold but only leased or given for useful exploita- tion. The emphatic prohibition regarding presidential re-election former includes declarative principles in regard to the public, nationality, citizenship, and fundamental rights of those who live within the boundaries of the nation. The second part refers to the structure of the state and prescribes the general norms in regard to the organization of the legislative, executive, and judi- cial branches. In the dogmatic part, consisting of four chapters, there can be observed two prominent and seemingly contradictory tenden- cies, which reflect the care of the legislators in regard to the necessity of guaranteeing at one and the same time the rights of the individual and the rights of society. In effect, the fundamen- tal rights of the individual are emphasized, sometimes with a detail that would seem immaterial were it not for local and historical considerations; but immediately following we find chapters dedicated to the rights of the family, the workers, and the public servants, and to culture. Protection is given with equal care to the individual and to those rights which are be- lieved to be inherent in his personal dignity; but at the same time there can be found principles of great social sensibility, which seek to preserve the social rights of the worker and the family-never before recognized in the Guatemalan constitution. The text was written and enacted in a moment of great patri- otic enthusiasm and marked idealism; it will stand in the legal history of Latin America as a generous effort to obtain through law what historical events should have straightened out before. While many of the provisions in the constitution are outstand- ing, we shall present here only a few examples. Dual nationality is expected for those born in other Central American republics, so that Salvadoreans, Hondurans, Nicaraguans, and Costa Ri- cans, by the mere event of establishing their domiciles in Guate- mala, acquire Guatemalan nationality without losing their own, unless they expressly waive this privilege. In economic matters, the constitution establishes that land that is the property of the state cannot be sold but only leased or given for useful exploita- tion. The emphatic prohibition regarding presidential re-election  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 79 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 79 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 79 exists in order to prevent the president in power from using the machinery of government to perpetuate himself in the highest office-as has happened many times in the past. There is a prohibition against the establishment of enterprises that absorb or tend to monopolize one or more branches of industry. There is created the post of Chief of the Armed Forces, so as to have a person other than the president of the republic in control of the army. There is a limited parliamentary regime, stated in such a way that congress has the power to force the resignation of a minister by a vote of "no confidence," even though he might have been named by the president and not by congress. Labor Legislation.-On May 1, 1947, Guatemala's first labor Code was enacted. The workers were given the right to organize unions, to demand better economic and social conditions, to ob- tain compensation in case of unjustified dismissal, and to have other protections; labor courts were established, as were depart- ments and offices of inspection, to see that labor laws are obeyed and also to register all the pertinent facts related to labor matters. It is evident at the present time that social legislation has not penetrated sufficiently in all parts of the population. Many of its principles still remain, and will remain for quite some time, without a general and effective application. In addition, this legislation has raised considerable protest and resistance from em- ployers, who do not believe that the law should be protective of the workers' rights to the extent that the code prescribes. Social Security.-Prior to January, 1948, when the Social Se- curity System was inaugurated, the workers had no protection in case of accidents, illness, old age, or incapacity. The Social Security System was carefully planned in such a way as to start with protection, in case of accidents, for groups of workers in certain economic zones of the nation. From there it has been extended to other parts of the country in accordance with medi- cal, hospital, and socio-economic facilities. Very recently, the system launched the plan for maternity benefits in the city of Guatemala by providing an excellent hospital with outstanding exists in order to prevent the president in power from using the machinery of government to perpetuate himself in the highest office-as has happened many times in the past. There is a prohibition against the establishment of enterprises that absorb or tend to monopolize one or more branches of industry. There is created the post of Chief of the Armed Forces, so as to have a person other than the president of the republic in control of the army. There is a limited parliamentary regime, stated in such a way that congress has the power to force the resignation of a minister by a vote of "no confidence," even though he might have been named by the president and not by congress. Labor Legislation.-On May 1, 1947, Guatemala's first labor Code was enacted. The workers were given the right to organize unions, to demand better economic and social conditions, to ob- tain compensation in case of unjustified dismissal, and to have other protections; labor courts were established, as were depart- ments and offices of inspection, to see that labor laws are obeyed and also to register all the pertinent facts related to labor matters. It is evident at the present time that social legislation has not penetrated sufficiently in all parts of the population. Many of its principles still remain, and will remain for quite some time, without a general and effective application. In addition, this legislation has raised considerable protest and resistance from em- ployers, who do not believe that the law should be protective of the workers' rights to the extent that the code prescribes. Social Security-Prior to January, 1948, when the Social Se- curity System was inaugurated, the workers had no protection in case of accidents, illness, old age, or incapacity. The Social Security System was carefully planned in such a way as to start with protection, in case of accidents, for groups of workers in certain economic zones of the nation. From there it has been extended to other parts of the country in accordance with medi- cal, hospital, and socio-economic facilities. Very recently, the system launched the plan for maternity benefits in the city of Guatemala by providing an excellent hospital with outstanding exists in order to prevent the president in power from using the machinery of government to perpetuate himself in the highest office-as has happened many times in the past. There is a prohibition against the establishment of enterprises that absorb or tend to monopolize one or more branches of industry. There is created the post of Chief of the Armed Forces, so as to have a person other than the president of the republic in control of the army. There is a limited parliamentary regime, stated in such a way that congress has the power to force the resignation of a minister by a vote of "no confidence," even though he might have been named by the president and not by congress. Labor Legislation.-On May 1, 1947, Guatemala's first labor Code was enacted. The workers were given the right to organize unions, to demand better economic and social conditions, to ob- tain compensation in case of unjustified dismissal, and to have other protections; labor courts were established, as were depart- ments and offices of inspection, to see that labor laws are obeyed and also to register all the pertinent facts related to labor matters. It is evident at the present time that social legislation has not penetrated sufficiently in all parts of the population. Many of its principles still remain, and will remain for quite some time, without a general and effective application. In addition, this legislation has raised considerable protest and resistance from em- ployers, who do not believe that the law should be protective of the workers' rights to the extent that the code prescribes. Social Security.-Prior to January, 1948, when the Social Se- curity System was inaugurated, the workers had no protection in case of accidents, illness, old age, or incapacity. The Social Security System was carefully planned in such a way as to start with protection, in case of accidents, for groups of workers in certain economic zones of the nation. From there it has been extended to other parts of the country in accordance with medi- cal, hospital, and socio-economic facilities. Very recently, the system launched the plan for maternity benefits in the city of Guatemala by providing an excellent hospital with outstanding  80 The Caribbean equipment. In a very short time, the Social Security System has grown into one of the most important institutions of the country, in regard to the services it renders and the magnitude of its finances, hospitals, and medical facilities. At the beginning of the Social Security System, the medical profession made considerable resistance to it, claiming it was a danger to the free exercise of medicine. However, as time has passed, it has come to be accepted with less apprehension be- cause, instead of socializing medicine for those who can afford to see a doctor privately, it has brought great sectors of the population, which did not have the economic means to pay for medical services, under the care of the staff of physicians em- ployed by the system. Employers have offered less opposition to the Social Security System than to labor legislation, although they vigorously claim that contributions could be reduced if more efficient administrative methods were employed. The budget of the Institute of Social Security for the year 1951-1952 totaled Q.4.06 million, based on contributions from the state, the employer, and the workers themselves. Major ex- penditures were paid for benefits, administration, and new equip- ment and organizational functions, while Q.587.4 thousand were accumulated in reserve funds. During that period, the insti- tute took care of 35,329 people who suffered accidents and provided medical treatment and hospital care for 32,856 emer- gency and first-aid cases. It also accorded financial benefits to 32,621 of those who suffered accidents. This medical attention is provided by no less than 150 doctors who make up the staff of the Institute of Social Security. Agrarian Reform.-The main concern of Guatemala is agrar- ian and agricultural: agrarian in the sense that land distribution was and still is inadequate, and agricultural because the wealth of the country, up to now, depends on products of this type. In order to remedy the inadequate distribution of the land, the government enacted, on June 17, 1952, the Agrarian Reform Law, the main provisions of which are here characterized. (1) 80 The Caribbean 80 The Caribbean equipment. In a very short time, the Social Security System has grown into one of the most important institutions of the country, in regard to the services it renders and the magnitude of its finances, hospitals, and medical facilities. At the beginning of the Social Security System, the medical profession made considerable resistance to it, claiming it was a danger to the free exercise of medicine. However, as time has passed, it has come to be accepted with less apprehension be- cause, instead of socializing medicine for those who can afford to see a doctor privately, it has brought great sectors of the population, which did not have the economic means to pay for medical services, under the care of the staff of physicians em- ployed by the system. Employers have offered less opposition to the Social Security System than to labor legislation, although they vigorously claim that contributions could be reduced if more efficient administrative methods were employed. The budget of the Institute of Social Security for the year 1951-1952 totaled Q.4.06 million, based on contributions from the state, the employer, and the workers themselves. Major ex- penditures were paid for benefits, administration, and new equip- ment and organizational functions, while Q.587.4 thousand were accumulated in reserve funds. During that period, the insti- tute took care of 35,329 people who suffered accidents and provided medical treatment and hospital care for 32,856 emer- gency and first-aid cases. It also accorded financial benefits to 32,621 of those who suffered accidents. This medical attention is provided by no less than 150 doctors who make up the staff of the Institute of Social Security. Agrarian Reform.-The main concern of Guatemala is agrar- ian and agricultural: agrarian in the sense that land distribution was and still is inadequate, and agricultural because the wealth of the country, up to now, depends on products of this type. In order to remedy the inadequate distribution of the land, the government enacted, on June 17, 1952, the Agrarian Reform Law, the main provisions of which are here characterized. (1) equipment. In a very short time, the Social Security System has grown into one of the most important institutions of the country, in regard to the services it renders and the magnitude of its finances, hospitals, and medical facilities. At the beginning of the Social Security System, the medical profession made considerable resistance to it, claiming it was a danger to the free exercise of medicine. However, as time has passed, it has come to be accepted with less apprehension be- cause, instead of socializing medicine for those who can afford to see a doctor privately, it has brought great sectors of the population, which did not have the economic means to pay for medical services, under the care of the staff of physicians em- ployed by the system. Employers have offered less opposition to the Social Security System than to labor legislation, although they vigorously claim that contributions could be reduced if more efficient administrative methods were employed. The budget of the Institute of Social Security for the year 1951-1952 totaled Q.4.06 million, based on contributions from the state, the employer, and the workers themselves. Major ex- penditures were paid for benefits, administration, and new equip- ment and organizational functions, while Q.587.4 thousand were accumulated in reserve funds. During that period, the insti- tute took care of 35,329 people who suffered accidents and provided medical treatment and hospital care for 32,856 emer- gency and first-aid cases. It also accorded financial benefits to 32,621 of those who suffered accidents. This medical attention is provided by no less than 150 doctors who make up the staff of the Institute of Social Security. Agrarian Reform.-The main concern of Guatemala is agrar- ian and agricultural: agrarian in the sense that land distribution was and still is inadequate, and agricultural because the wealth of the country, up to now, depends on products of this type. In order to remedy the inadequate distribution of the land, the government enacted, on June 17, 1952, the Agrarian Reform Law, the main provisions of which are here characterized. (1)  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 81 It declares its objective to be the termination of feudal property and production methods, in order to establish capitalistic meth- ods and exploitation in agriculture and thus prepare the way for the industrialization of the country. (2) Land affected by the law will be expropriated and given to landless peasants, pay- ment being made in government bonds redeemable in from one to twenty-five years. (3) The following lands are subject to expropriation: uncultivated or unimproved land; land not di- rectly cultivated by the owner or in his behalf; land given in lease; land required to establish villages; land owned by the state; and certain municipal holdings. (4) The following lands are not subject to expropriation: farms of less than 224 acres; farms of from 224 to 672 acres, if two-thirds of it is cultivated; farms owned or leased (whatever their size) if they are culti- vated in products destined for the internal or international market; industrial or commercial establishments of agricultural enterprises; land owned by indigenous or peasant communities; and land surrounding towns and villages. (5) The amount to be paid for the expropriated land will be that of the declaration of the value of said land for the payment of territorial taxes. This is known as the fiscal declaration. (6) The land will be given to peasants in usufruct for life, in leases and sometimes in ownership, and for production cooperatives. These lots range from 1.75 to 697 acres. (7) The Ministry of Agriculture will be in charge of supplying the technical assistance to those fa- vored with land. (8) A National Agrarian Bank has been created to furnish credits to the peasants benefited by the law. (9) The procedure for expropriation of the land is of a clear executive nature, according to the law, and is in charge of local Agrarian Committees, departmental agrarian committees, the National Agrarian Council, the National Agrarian Department and finally, as the superior agency, stands the president of the republic. The law explicitly excludes the possibility of ordinary court judicial procedure in matters concerning the Agrarian Reform Law. RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION It declares its objective to be the termination of feudal prof and production methods, in order to establish capitalistic rr ods and exploitation in agriculture and thus prepare the for the industrialization of the country. (2) Land affecte the law will be expropriated and given to landless peasants, ment being made in government bonds redeemable in from to twenty-five years. (3) The following lands are subjec expropriation: uncultivated or unimproved land; land no rectly cultivated by the owner or in his behalf; land give lease; land required to establish villages; land owned by state; and certain municipal holdings. (4) The following I are not subject to expropriation: farms of less than 224 a farms of from 224 to 672 acres, if two-thirds of it is cultiva farms owned or leased (whatever their size) if they are c vated in products destined for the internal or internati market; industrial or commercial establishments of agricul enterprises; land owned by indigenous or peasant communi and land surrounding towns and villages. (5) The amour be paid for the expropriated land will be that of the declara of the value of said land for the payment of territorial t. This is known as the fiscal declaration. (6) The land wil given to peasants in usufruct for life, in leases and somet in ownership, and for production cooperatives. These lots r: from 1.75 to 697 acres. (7) The Ministry of Agriculture be in charge of supplying the technical assistance to those vored with land. (8) A National Agrarian Bank has 1 created to furnish credits to the peasants benefited by the (9) The procedure for expropriation of the land is of a < executive nature, according to the law, and is in charge of I Agrarian Committees, departmental agrarian committees, National Agrarian Council, the National Agrarian Departr and finally, as the superior agency, stands the president of republic. The law explicitly excludes the possibility of ordi court judicial procedure in matters concerning the Agra Reform Law. 81 RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 81 It declares its objective to be the termination of feudal property and production methods, in order to establish capitalistic meth- ods and exploitation in agriculture and thus prepare the way for the industrialization of the country. (2) Land affected by the law will be expropriated and given to landless peasants, pay- ment being made in government bonds redeemable in from one to twenty-five years. (3) The following lands are subject to expropriation: uncultivated or unimproved land; land not di- rectly cultivated by the owner or in his behalf; land given in lease; land required to establish villages; land owned by the state; and certain municipal holdings. (4) The following lands are not subject to expropriation: farms of less than 224 acres; farms of from 224 to 672 acres, if two-thirds of it is cultivated; farms owned or leased (whatever their size) if they are culti- vated in products destined for the internal or international market; industrial or commercial establishments of agricultural enterprises; land owned by indigenous or peasant communities; and land surrounding towns and villages. (5) The amount to be paid for the expropriated land will be that of the declaration of the value of said land for the payment of territorial taxes. This is known as the fiscal declaration. (6) The land will be given to peasants in usufruct for life, in leases and sometimes in ownership, and for production cooperatives. These lots range from 1.75 to 697 acres. (7) The Ministry of Agriculture will be in charge of supplying the technical assistance to those fa- vored with land. (8) A National Agrarian Bank has been created to furnish credits to the peasants benefited by the law. (9) The procedure for expropriation of the land is of a clear executive nature, according to the law, and is in charge of local Agrarian Committees, departmental agrarian committees, the National Agrarian Council, the National Agrarian Department and finally, as the superior agency, stands the president of the republic. The law explicitly excludes the possibility of ordinary court judicial procedure in matters concerning the Agrarian Reform Law.  82 The Caribbean 82 The Caribbean 82 The Caribbean Up to the month of September, 1953, 107 farms, with 147 annexes owned by the state, and having a total of close to 700,- 000 acres, had been given to landless peasants. Of this total, 87,000 acres now belong to cooperatives having 6,134 members; 122,000 acres have been distributed in lots to 12,318 peasants. The state has expropriated 602,000 acres from private owners, and these are now being distributed to peasants and agricultural workers. Transportation and Communications.-As was pointed out by the Mission of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Guatemala's system of communications is one of the main obstacles to its economic progress. The most important railroad is the property of International Railways of Central America (IRCA). It is a narrow-gauge railroad with very old rolling stock and high tariffs. There are quite a number of roads, but only a small part of these is paved. Guatemala City has highway connections with her Pacific seaports, but not with the Atlantic outlet, Puerto Barrios. It is by far the most important port of the country, and it is linked with the rest of Guatemala only by the IRCA railroad. This is why present plans for road construction in- clude pre-eminently the construction of a paved highway to the Atlantic and a network of vital highways in the more important zones. The highway to the Atlantic is well under way and, although predictions in this respect are always dangerous, it should be finished in two to three years. Current construction activities include the Guatemalan por- tion of the Pan-American Highway, which is finished, insofar as it connects the Mexican border on the west with the Salva- dorean border on the southeast. But not all of it is paved; and the Mexican link does not end at the point where the Guatemalan road now reaches the Mexican border, but quite to the north, which fact will force the construction of a link that will be costly because of the rugged terrain. The construc- tion of a national port on the Atlantic is also under way near Up to the month of September, 1953, 107 farms, with 147 annexes owned by the state, and having a total of close to 700,- 000 acres, had been given to landless peasants. Of this total, 87,000 acres now belong to cooperatives having 6,134 members; 122,000 acres have been distributed in lots to 12,318 peasants. The state has expropriated 602,000 acres from private owners, and these are now being distributed to peasants and agricultural workers. Transportation and Communications.-As was pointed out by the Mission of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Guatemala's system of communications is one of the main obstacles to its economic progress. The most important railroad is the property of International Railways of Central America (IRCA). It is a narrow-gauge railroad with very old rolling stock and high tariffs. There are quite a number of roads, but only a small part of these is paved. Guatemala City has highway connections with her Pacific seaports, but not with the Atlantic outlet, Puerto Barrios. It is by far the most important port of the country, and it is linked with the rest of Guatemala only by the IRCA railroad. This is why present plans for road construction in- clude pre-eminently the construction of a paved highway to the Atlantic and a network of vital highways in the more important zones. The highway to the Atlantic is well under way and, although predictions in this respect are always dangerous, it should be finished in two to three years. Current construction activities include the Guatemalan por- tion of the Pan-American Highway, which is finished, insofar as it connects the Mexican border on the west with the Salva- dorean border on the southeast. But not all of it is paved; and the Mexican link does not end at the point where the Guatemalan road now reaches the Mexican border, but quite to the north, which fact will force the construction of a link that will be costly because of the rugged terrain. The construc- tion of a national port on the Atlantic is also under way near Up to the month of September, 1953, 107 farms, with 147 annexes owned by the state, and having a total of close to 700,- 000 acres, had been given to landless peasants. Of this total, 87,000 acres now belong to cooperatives having 6,134 members; 122,000 acres have been distributed in lots to 12,318 peasants. The state has expropriated 602,000 acres from private owners, and these are now being distributed to peasants and agricultural workers. Transportation and Communications.-As was pointed out by the Mission of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Guatemala's system of communications is one of the main obstacles to its economic progress. The most important railroad is the property of International Railways of Central America (IRCA). It is a narrow-gauge railroad with very old rolling stock and high tariffs. There are quite a number of roads, but only a small part of these is paved. Guatemala City has highway connections with her Pacific seaports, but not with the Atlantic outlet, Puerto Barrios. It is by far the most important port of the country, and it is linked with the rest of Guatemala only by the IRCA railroad. This is why present plans for road construction in- clude pre-eminently the construction of a paved highway to the Atlantic and a network of vital highways in the more important zones. The highway to the Atlantic is well under way and, although predictions in this respect are always dangerous, it should be finished in two to three years. Current construction activities include the Guatemalan por- tion of the Pan-American Highway, which is finished, insofar as it connects the Mexican border on the west with the Salva- dorean border on the southeast. But not all of it is paved; and the Mexican link does not end at the point where the Guatemalan road now reaches the Mexican border, but quite to the north, which fact will force the construction of a link that will be costly because of the rugged terrain. The construc- tion of a national port on the Atlantic is also under way near  RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 83 Puerto Barrios, whose dock and facilities belong to IRCA and the United Fruit Company. The government has engaged the services of an American company to build the port and facilities, with work already initiated. Education and Culture.-It can be perceived that the main efforts are concentrated around economic problems, and there- fore educational and cultural activities, although greatly ex- panded in the last eight years, do not receive comparable support. The illiteracy campaign, the increase of school facilities, and the improvement of rural, primary, and secondary education do not meet the requirements of the country. Yet it is encourag- ing that there have been outstanding efforts in the field of rural education, about which nothing had been done before. Two- thirds of the population live in the rural areas, and new tech- niques have been tried in order to bring about a rise of education in the rural communities, not only in the mere knowledge of the three "R's," but rather in the advancement of sanitary, social, and economic conditions. New school buildings have been erected in various rural centers. They deserve to be pointed out, because they are the architectural fulfillment of a new edu- cational theory and not merely big and good-looking structures. Although the university is a state institution, it is entirely independent and one of the most venerable of our establish- ments. Founded in 1681 and preceded by colleges that imparted higher education, the University of San Carlos has been the cultural center of Guatemala and, for more than two centuries, of Central America itself. It has the prestige of being one of the first universities on the American continent, and it has always been known as a very serious and responsible institution of learn- ing. It now has schools of medicine, law, humanities, dentistry, engineering, agronomy, economics, chemistry, and pharmacy, and a score of technical schools like journalism, librarianship, and so forth. The San Carlos summer school has put us in closer contact with professors and students from other countries, especially from the United States, and we have the great satis- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 83 Puerto Barrios, whose dock and facilities belong to IRCA and the United Fruit Company. The government has engaged the services of an American company to build the port and facilities, with work already initiated. Education and Culture.--It can be perceived that the main efforts are concentrated around economic problems, and there- fore educational and cultural activities, although greatly ex- panded in the last eight years, do not receive comparable support. The illiteracy campaign, the increase of school facilities, and the improvement of rural, primary, and secondary education do not meet the requirements of the country. Yet it is encourag- ing that there have been outstanding efforts in the field of rural education, about which nothing had been done before. Two- thirds of the population live in the rural areas, and new tech- niques have been tried in order to bring about a rise of education in the rural communities, not only in the mere knowledge of the three "R's," but rather in the advancement of sanitary, social, and economic conditions. New school buildings have been erected in various rural centers. They deserve to be pointed out, because they are the architectural fulfillment of a new edu- cational theory and not merely big and good-looking structures. Although the university is a state institution, it is entirely independent and one of the most venerable of our establish- ments. Founded in 1681 and preceded by colleges that imparted higher education, the University of San Carlos has been the cultural center of Guatemala and, for more than two centuries, of Central America itself. It has the prestige of being one of the first universities on the American continent, and it has always been known as a very serious and responsible institution of learn- ing. It now has schools of medicine, law, humanities, dentistry, engineering, agronomy, economics, chemistry, and pharmacy, and a score of technical schools like journalism, librarianship, and so forth. The San Carlos summer school has put us in closer contact with professors and students from other countries, especially from the United States, and we have the great satis- RESOURCES AND PRODUCTION 83 Puerto Barrios, whose dock and facilities belong to IRCA and the United Fruit Company. The government has engaged the services of an American company to build the port and facilities, with work already initiated. Education and Culture.--It can be perceived that the main efforts are concentrated around economic problems, and there- fore educational and cultural activities, although greatly ex- panded in the last eight years, do not receive comparable support. The illiteracy campaign, the increase of school facilities, and the improvement of rural, primary, and secondary education do not meet the requirements of the country. Yet it is encourag- ing that there have been outstanding efforts in the field of rural education, about which nothing had been done before. Two- thirds of the population live in the rural areas, and new tech- niques have been tried in order to bring about a rise of education in the rural communities, not only in the mere knowledge of the three "R's," but rather in the advancement of sanitary, social, and economic conditions. New school buildings have been erected in various rural centers. They deserve to be pointed out, because they are the architectural fulfillment of a new edu- cational theory and not merely big and good-looking structures. Although the university is a state institution, it is entirely independent and one of the most venerable of our establish- ments. Founded in 1681 and preceded by colleges that imparted higher education, the University of San Carlos has been the cultural center of Guatemala and, for more than two centuries, of Central America itself. It has the prestige of being one of the first universities on the American continent, and it has always been known as a very serious and responsible institution of learn- ing. It now has schools of medicine, law, humanities, dentistry, engineering, agronomy, economics, chemistry, and pharmacy, and a score of technical schools like journalism, librarianship, and so forth. The San Carlos summer school has put us in closer contact with professors and students from other countries, especially from the United States, and we have the great satis-  84 The Caribbean faction that it is recognized, not because of its size, but because of the quality of its teaching. III What I have given here is not a complete picture of Guate- mala; it is merely a presentation of facts, which certainly are not sufficient to describe fully what this Central American re- public is really like. I have had to omit something that makes it unique among the nations of the continent and gives it its great tourist attraction. I refer to the unsurpassed beauty of its lakes and mountains, to the magnificence of the tropical nature, to its spectacular terrain that rises to sharp volcanoes and descends through fertile valleys of eternal springtime to the torrid coast, warm and full of color, and finally to the astonishing coexistence of the refinements of western civilization with the magnificent Indian culture that gives the world testimony of the most stu- pendous and advanced of all the pre-Columbian cultures of America: the Mayas. But the colorful and picturesque side of my country is not the subject of this paper; this, better than being told, must be seen. It is my hope, however, that what I have said about realities and problems will contribute towards a better under- standing of the underlying problems, which are of interest to all of us as Americans. 84 The Caribbean faction that it is recognized, not because of its size, but because of the quality of its teaching. III What I have given here is not a complete picture of Guate- mala; it is merely a presentation of facts, which certainly are not sufficient to describe fully what this Central American re- public is really like. I have had to omit something that makes it unique among the nations of the continent and gives it its great tourist attraction. I refer to the unsurpassed beauty of its lakes and mountains, to the magnificence of the tropical nature, to its spectacular terrain that rises to sharp volcanoes and descends through fertile valleys of eternal springtime to the torrid coast, warm and full of color, and finally to the astonishing coexistence of the refinements of western civilization with the magnificent Indian culture that gives the world testimony of the most stu- pendous and advanced of all the pre-Columbian cultures of America: the Mayas. But the colorful and picturesque side of my country is not the subject of this paper; this, better than being told, must be seen. It is my hope, however, that what I have said about realities and problems will contribute towards a better under- standing of the underlying problems, which are of interest to all of us as Americans. 84 The Caribbean faction that it is recognized, not because of its size, but because of the quality of its teaching. III What I have given here is not a complete picture of Guate- mala; it is merely a presentation of facts, which certainly are not sufficient to describe fully what this Central American re- public is really like. I have had to omit something that makes it unique among the nations of the continent and gives it its great tourist attraction. I refer to the unsurpassed beauty of its lakes and mountains, to the magnificence of the tropical nature, to its spectacular terrain that rises to sharp volcanoes and descends through fertile valleys of eternal springtime to the torrid coast, warm and full of color, and finally to the astonishing coexistence of the refinements of western civilization with the magnificent Indian culture that gives the world testimony of the most stu- pendous and advanced of all the pre-Columbian cultures of America: the Mayas. But the colorful and picturesque side of my country is not the subject of this paper; this, better than being told, must be seen. It is my hope, however, that what I have said about realities and problems will contribute towards a better under- standing of the underlying problems, which are of interest to all of us as Americans.  Part III Part III Part III MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS   7 7 Victor L. Urquidi*: FINANCING INVESTMENT IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA I SHALL confine this paper chiefly to the experience and possibilities of Mexico and Central America, with which I am better acquainted, but the similarity of basic conditions in other countries in the area warrants at least some generalizations. It is generally assumed in present-day discussions that the gross rate of saving in underdeveloped countries is either too low to permit an adequate rate of increase in real income per head, or that, it being perhaps high enough, somehow savings are not "mobilized" or "channeled" into capital formation in a sufficient amount. The first assumption is usually the basis for arguing that underdeveloped countries require the addition of foreign capital, whereas the second is used to argue that they do not need such foreign capital, at least insofar as domestic savings remain unused or are "wasted." * The author is a member of the Secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America. The views expressed here are his personal opinions, and do not necessarily reflect those of the organi- zation.7 87 Victor L. Urquidi*: FINANCING INVESTMENT IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA I SHALL confine this paper chiefly to the experience and possibilities of Mexico and Central America, with which I am better acquainted, but the similarity of basic conditions in other countries in the area warrants at least some generalizations. It is generally assumed in present-day discussions that the gross rate of saving in underdeveloped countries is either too low to permit an adequate rate of increase in real income per head, or that, it being perhaps high enough, somehow savings are not "mobilized" or "channeled" into capital formation in a sufficient amount. The first assumption is usually the basis for arguing that underdeveloped countries require the addition of foreign capital, whereas the second is used to argue that they do not need such foreign capital, at least insofar as domestic savings remain unused or are "wasted." * The author is a member of the Secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America. The views expressed here are his personal opinions, and do not necessarily reflect those of the organi- zation.7 87 Victor L. Urquidi*: FINANCING INVESTMENT IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA I SHALL confine this paper chiefly to the experience and possibilities of Mexico and Central America, with which I am better acquainted, but the similarity of basic conditions in other countries in the area warrants at least some generalizations. It is generally assumed in present-day discussions that the gross rate of saving in underdeveloped countries is either too low to permit an adequate rate of increase in real income per head, or that, it being perhaps high enough, somehow savings are not "mobilized" or "channeled" into capital formation in a sufficient amount. The first assumption is usually the basis for arguing that underdeveloped countries require the addition of foreign capital, whereas the second is used to argue that they do not need such foreign capital, at least insofar as domestic savings remain unused or are "wasted." * The author is a member of the Secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America. The views expressed here are his personal opinions, and do not necessarily reflect those of the organi- zation. 87  88 The Caribbean 88 The Caribbean 88 The Caribbean These two apparently contradictory lines of reasoning require, of course, much qualification, and although this is not the place to go into the general theoretical and policy aspects, I should like to draw attention, briefly, to a few structural factors which condition saving and investment in underdeveloped countries and which have a bearing on particular methods used or open to use for the financing of new investment in Mexico and Central America. The first factor is the familiar proposition that these countries are highly dependent on foreign trade. Furthermore, their ex- ports fluctuate considerably, and they have little influence over the prices they receive for them. This means that a sizable part of investment in agriculture and mining is dependent on the prospects of foreign markets, and that a sizable part of domestic savings is originated in activities where the market and price risk is particularly large and beyond national control. It should therefore not be surprising, under present world market trends, that, on the one hand, new investment is not easily in- duced into export activities and that, on the other, the entre- preneurs in those activities are not too willing to give up holding assets in highly liquid form even when price conditions provide them with additional or windfall savings. This same attitude holds for a country as a whole. When confronted with tempo- rary increases in foreign exchange holdings-due, for instance, to an improvement in the terms of trade-government and central bank policies must perforce provide a safeguard against an adverse change; and therefore the additional savings accru- ing to a country are largely hoarded in the form of foreign exchange, a most unproductive type of investment-in fact, a foreign investment yielding no income. This is not to say that a long-term improvement in the terms of trade is not an aid to domestic capital formation. But any short-term changes, such as have been experienced in the last few years, can hardly, under wise policies, be counted on as a firm basis for financing de- velopment. These two apparently contradictory lines of reasoning require, of course, much qualification, and although this is not the place to go into the general theoretical and policy aspects, I should like to draw attention, briefly, to a few structural factors which condition saving and investment in underdeveloped countries and which have a bearing on particular methods used or open to use for the financing of new investment in Mexico and Central America. The first factor is the familiar proposition that these countries are highly dependent on foreign trade. Furthermore, their ex- ports fluctuate considerably, and they have little influence over the prices they receive for them. This means that a sizable part of investment in agriculture and mining is dependent on the prospects of foreign markets, and that a sizable part of domestic savings is originated in activities where the market and price risk is particularly large and beyond national control. It should therefore not be surprising, under present world market trends, that, on the one hand, new investment is not easily in- duced into export activities and that, on the other, the entre- preneurs in those activities are not too willing to give up holding assets in highly liquid form even when price conditions provide them with additional or windfall savings. This same attitude holds for a country as a whole. When confronted with tempo- rary increases in foreign exchange holdings-due, for instance, to an improvement in the terms of trade-government and central bank policies must perforce provide a safeguard against an adverse change; and therefore the additional savings accru- ing to a country are largely hoarded in the form of foreign exchange, a most unproductive type of investment-in fact, a foreign investment yielding no income. This is not to say that a long-term improvement in the terms of trade is not an aid to domestic capital formation. But any short-term changes, such as have been experienced in the last few years, can hardly, under wise policies, be counted on as a firm basis for financing de- velopment. These two apparently contradictory lines of reasoning require, of course, much qualification, and although this is not the place to go into the general theoretical and policy aspects, I should like to draw attention, briefly, to a few structural factors which condition saving and investment in underdeveloped countries and which have a bearing on particular methods used or open to use for the financing of new investment in Mexico and Central America. The first factor is the familiar proposition that these countries are highly dependent on foreign trade. Furthermore, their ex- ports fluctuate considerably, and they have little influence over the prices they receive for them. This means that a sizable part of investment in agriculture and mining is dependent on the prospects of foreign markets, and that a sizable part of domestic savings is originated in activities where the market and price risk is particularly large and beyond national control. It should therefore not be surprising, under present world market trends, that, on the one hand, new investment is not easily in- duced into export activities and that, on the other, the entre- preneurs in those activities are not too willing to give up holding assets in highly liquid form even when price conditions provide them with additional or windfall savings. This same attitude holds for a country as a whole. When confronted with tempo- rary increases in foreign exchange holdings-due, for instance, to an improvement in the terms of trade-government and central bank policies must perforce provide a safeguard against an adverse change; and therefore the additional savings accru- ing to a country are largely hoarded in the form of foreign exchange, a most unproductive type of investment-in fact, a foreign investment yielding no income. This is not to say that a long-term improvement in the terms of trade is not an aid to domestic capital formation. But any short-term changes, such as have been experienced in the last few years, can hardly, under wise policies, be counted on as a firm basis for financing de- velopment.  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 89 The second point is a tendency toward a chronic strain on the balance of payments of a developing country. This is a consequence of development itself and of the changing pattern of consumption and imports. It is more evident in a country like Mexico-where the long-term rate of increase of imports is greater than that of exports, and where development tends more and more to look inward-than it is in some of the Central American countries, whose export volume still shows promise of increasing. But, in general, import substitution is perhaps slower than might be assumed, and export development is small. Im- ports tend to rise more rapidly than the increase in real income, owing to the need for capital goods imports and essential raw materials and foodstuffs, and also because of the purchase of modern durable consumer goods (automobiles, refrigerators, and the like), for which demand is highly income-elastic. The re- sulting long-term strain on the balance of payments means that foreign-exchange liquidity has a high premium for the saver, owing to uncertainty about the future exchange rates and, consequently, domestic price levels. It means also that national development policy requires a system of careful choice of both public and private investments. Regard should be had for their effect on imports. Furthermore, there must be a policy on con- sumption, at least for the purpose of cutting out superfluous imports of durable and nondurable consumption goods. A tax policy is also involved, directed at preventing this type of con- sumption. Alternatively, foreign loans and investments become necessary in order to fill the gap in the balance of payments and at the same time supplement domestic savings. A third factor to take into account is the fact that income distribution in developing countries is usually highly unequal, so that savings are concentrated in a relatively small sector of the population. This is true even where, as in Mexico, there has been extensive land reform. In periods of rapid expansion, associated with inflation, income distribution tends to become even more distorted. This has a bearing, of course, on the prob- MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS The second point is a tendency toward a chronic strais the balance of payments of a developing country. This consequence of development itself and of the changing pat of consumption and imports. It is more evident in a cou like Mexico-where the long-term rate of increase of iml is greater than that of exports, and where development tI more and more to look inward-than it is in some of the Ce American countries, whose export volume still shows promis increasing. But, in general, import substitution is perhaps sks than might be assumed, and export development is small. ports tend to rise more rapidly than the increase in real inc< owing to the need for capital goods imports and essential materials and foodstuffs, and also because of the purchas modern durable consumer goods (automobiles, refrigerators, the like), for which demand is highly income-elastic. Th< sulting long-term strain on the balance of payments means foreign-exchange liquidity has a high premium for the s, owing to uncertainty about the future exchange rates consequently, domestic price levels. It means also that nati development policy requires a system of careful choice of 1 public and private investments. Regard should be had for t effect on imports. Furthermore, there must be a policy on sumption, at least for the purpose of cutting out superfli imports of durable and nondurable consumption goods. A policy is also involved, directed at preventing this type of sumption. Alternatively, foreign loans and investments bec necessary in order to fill the gap in the balance of paym and at the same time supplement domestic savings. A third factor to take into account is the fact that inc distribution in developing countries is usually highly uneg so that savings are concentrated in a relatively small secto the population. This is true even where, as in Mexico, t has been extensive land reform. In periods of rapid expan associated with inflation, income distribution tends to ben even more distorted. This has a bearing, of course, on the p 89 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 89 The second point is a tendency toward a chronic strain on the balance of payments of a developing country. This is a consequence of development itself and of the changing pattern of consumption and imports. It is more evident in a country like Mexico-where the long-term rate of increase of imports is greater than that of exports, and where development tends more and more to look inward-than it is in some of the Central American countries, whose export volume still shows promise of increasing. But, in general, import substitution is perhaps slower than might be assumed, and export development is small. Im- ports tend to rise more rapidly than the increase in real income, owing to the need for capital goods imports and essential raw materials and foodstuffs, and also because of the purchase of modern durable consumer goods (automobiles, refrigerators, and the like), for which demand is highly income-elastic. The re- sulting long-term strain on the balance of payments means that foreign-exchange liquidity has a high premium for the saver, owing to uncertainty about the future exchange rates and, consequently, domestic price levels. It means also that national development policy requires a system of careful choice of both public and private investments. Regard should be had for their effect on imports. Furthermore, there must be a policy on con- sumption, at least for the purpose of cutting out superfluous imports of durable and nondurable consumption goods. A tax policy is also involved, directed at preventing this type of con- sumption. Alternatively, foreign loans and investments become necessary in order to fill the gap in the balance of payments and at the same time supplement domestic savings. A third factor to take into account is the fact that income distribution in developing countries is usually highly unequal, so that savings are concentrated in a relatively small sector of the population. This is true even where, as in Mexico, there has been extensive land reform. In periods of rapid expansion, associated with inflation, income distribution tends to become even more distorted. This has a bearing, of course, on the prob-  90 The Caribbean lem of unessential consumption and imports which was men- tioned before. Finally, in a developing country of the type of Mexico and the Central American republics, investment is increasingly the result of a conscious, positive policy of the governments, rather than a spontaneous process ruled by market forces. Apart from historical reasons and the declining interest in export activities, this occurs because the pattern of development has to be new: development faces inward toward the domestic market rather than the foreign market. It implies industrialization rather than exportation of primary products. It looks to the transfer of a rapidly growing population from rural activities of low pro- ductivity to urban and industrial processes yielding higher per capita income. It requires the absorption of the underemployed. Such a pattern of development actually demands in its initial stages a rather high rate of investment-one that will be suf- ficient to enable real income to rise more rapidly than popula- tion. In the face of important discontinuities, much investment has to go into slow-yielding types of public investment: highways, irrigation projects, power developments, health and sanitation, schools and public buildings, and water supplies. Housing must absorb a large part of resources, and, particularly, public-housing projects become a vital social need. Public investment must, in sum, have an unusual claim on the savings of the community in order to render private investment more productive than it would be in the absence of adequate roads, power plants, health programs, and so forth. II The above general remarks-to the extent that they may be true-help, I believe, to understand why the broad generaliza- tions or assumptions which I mentioned at the outset, about the rate of savings or about the degree of utilization of savings, 90 The Caribbean lem of unessential consumption and imports which was men- tioned before. Finally, in a developing country of the type of Mexico and the Central American republics, investment is increasingly the result of a conscious, positive policy of the governments, rather than a spontaneous process ruled by market forces. Apart from historical reasons and the declining interest in export activities, this occurs because the pattern of development has to be new: development faces inward toward the domestic market rather than the foreign market. It implies industrialization rather than exportation of primary products. It looks to the transfer of a rapidly growing population from rural activities of low pro- ductivity to urban and industrial processes yielding higher per capita income. It requires the absorption of the underemployed. Such a pattern of development actually demands in its initial stages a rather high rate of investment-one that will be suf- ficient to enable real income to rise more rapidly than popula- tion. In the face of important discontinuities, much investment has to go into slow-yielding types of public investment: highways, irrigation projects, power developments, health and sanitation, schools and public buildings, and water supplies. Housing must absorb a large part of resources, and, particularly, public-housing projects become a vital social need. Public investment must, in sum, have an unusual claim on the savings of the community in order to render private investment more productive than it would be in the absence of adequate roads, power plants, health programs, and so forth. II The above general remarks-to the extent that they may be true-help, I believe, to understand why the broad generaliza- tions or assumptions which I mentioned at the outset, about the rate of savings or about the degree of utilization of savings, 90 The Caribbean lem of unessential consumption and imports which was men- tioned before. Finally, in a developing country of the type of Mexico and the Central American republics, investment is increasingly the result of a conscious, positive policy of the governments, rather than a spontaneous process ruled by market forces. Apart from historical reasons and the declining interest in export activities, this occurs because the pattern of development has to be new: development faces inward toward the domestic market rather than the foreign market. It implies industrialization rather than exportation of primary products. It looks to the transfer of a rapidly growing population from rural activities of low pro- ductivity to urban and industrial processes yielding higher per capita income. It requires the absorption of the underemployed. Such a pattern of development actually demands in its initial stages a rather high rate of investment--one that will be suf- ficient to enable real income to rise more rapidly than popula- tion. In the face of important discontinuities, much investment has to go into slow-yielding types of public investment: highways, irrigation projects, power developments, health and sanitation, schools and public buildings, and water supplies. Housing must absorb a large part of resources, and, particularly, public-housing projects become a vital social need. Public investment must, in sum, have an unusual claim on the savings of the community in order to render private investment more productive than it would be in the absence of adequate roads, power plants, health programs, and so forth. II The above general remarks-to the extent that they may be true-help, I believe, to understand why the broad generaliza- tions or assumptions which I mentioned at the outset, about the rate of savings or about the degree of utilization of savings,  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 91 often lead to wrong or simplified answers. A low rate of gross saving may not mean that development could take place only by means of the addition of foreign capital, any more than a high rate of gross saving would indicate that foreign capital could be dispensed with. It depends largely upon the pattern of development, the extent to which export potentialities are matched by expanding foreign markets, the rate of population growth, the need for public social capital, and so on. Similarly, the fact that domestic savings are not properly channeled does not mean that they could easily be mobilized as a substitute for resorting to foreign capital; such mobilization would depend on income distribution and the degree of concentration of savings, on the balance of payments outlook, and on many other factors. I shall try to illustrate some forces at work in the countries I am dealing with in this paper. Mexico offers a strong contrast to Central America in its economic development. Whereas Mexico is well on its way to inward development, with foreign markets playing a relatively decreasing role, and with a strong trend toward domestic indus- trial growth and extensive public investment, the Central Ameri- can republics are only in the early stages of such a process and have small prospect of any major industrial activity; their foreign trade will continue to fulfill a much more important function than in Mexico. Nevertheless there has in recent years undoubt- edly been an acceleration of development in Central America and a growing concern for the internal market and for develop- ing manufacturing industries, although available statistical infor- mation does not permit an adequate measurement of either the rate of investment or the growth in real income. Data for Mexico show an unusually rapid growth in real income between 1940 and 1951, followed by a leveling off in 1952 as important readjustments took place. From 1940 through 1945 real income rose at an average annual rate of 8.2 per cent; from 1946 through 1950, at a rate of 5.9 per cent; in 1951 the increase was 9.1 per cent; and in 1952, only 1.2 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS often lead to wrong or simplified answers. A low rate of 1 saving may not mean that development could take place by means of the addition of foreign capital, any more the high rate of gross saving would indicate that foreign ca could be dispensed with. It depends largely upon the pat of development, the extent to which export potentialities matched by expanding foreign markets, the rate of popula growth, the need for public social capital, and so on. SimiL the fact that domestic savings are not properly channeled not mean that they could easily be mobilized as a substitut resorting to foreign capital; such mobilization would depent income distribution and the degree of concentration of savi on the balance of payments outlook, and on many other fac I shall try to illustrate some forces at work in the countri am dealing with in this paper. Mexico offers a strong contrast to Central America it economic development. Whereas Mexico is well on its wa inward development, with foreign markets playing a relati decreasing role, and with a strong trend toward domestic in trial growth and extensive public investment, the Central An can republics are only in the early stages of such a process have small prospect of any major industrial activity; their for trade will continue to fulfill a much more important func than in Mexico. Nevertheless there has in recent years undo edly been an acceleration of development in Central Amt and a growing concern for the internal market and for deve ing manufacturing industries, although available statistical it mation does not permit an adequate measurement of either rate of investment or the growth in real income. Data for Mexico show an unusually rapid growth in income between 1940 and 1951, followed by a leveling of 1952 as important readjustments took place. From 1 through 1945 real income rose at an average annual rat 8.2 per cent; from 1946 through 1950, at a rate of 5.9 per c in 1951 the increase was 9.1 per cent; and in 1952, only 91 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 91 often lead to wrong or simplified answers. A low rate of gross saving may not mean that development could take place only by means of the addition of foreign capital, any more than a high rate of gross saving would indicate that foreign capital could be dispensed with. It depends largely upon the pattern of development, the extent to which export potentialities are matched by expanding foreign markets, the rate of population growth, the need for public social capital, and so on. Similarly, the fact that domestic savings are not properly channeled does not mean that they could easily be mobilized as a substitute for resorting to foreign capital; such mobilization would depend on income distribution and the degree of concentration of savings, on the balance of payments outlook, and on many other factors. I shall try to illustrate some forces at work in the countries I am dealing with in this paper. Mexico offers a strong contrast to Central America in its economic development. Whereas Mexico is well on its way to inward development, with foreign markets playing a relatively decreasing role, and with a strong trend toward domestic indus- trial growth and extensive public investment, the Central Ameri- can republics are only in the early stages of such a process and have small prospect of any major industrial activity; their foreign trade will continue to fulfill a much more important function than in Mexico. Nevertheless there has in recent years undoubt- edly been an acceleration of development in Central America and a growing concern for the internal market and for develop- ing manufacturing industries, although available statistical infor- mation does not permit an adequate measurement of either the rate of investment or the growth in real income. Data for Mexico show an unusually rapid growth in real income between 1940 and 1951, followed by a leveling off in 1952 as important readjustments took place. From 1940 through 1945 real income rose at an average annual rate of 8.2 per cent; from 1946 through 1950, at a rate of 5.9 per cent; in 1951 the increase was 9.1 per cent; and in 1952, only 1.2  92 The Caribbean per cent.' Per capita annual rates of increase in real income were 5.9 per cent in the period 1940-1945, 2.9 per cent in 1946-1950, almost 6 per cent in 1951, and negative in 1952, because the recent rate of increase of population is close to 3 per cent annually. The extraordinary rate of growth of real income up to 1951 was due to fuller utilization of existing capital during the war period, to a stepping up of the rate of gross investment from around 10 per cent of gross domestic product in the early part of the period to 14 to 15 per cent in later years, and to the cumulative effect of public investment in transportation and utilities made in earlier periods. It is signifi- cant that public investment accounted for 38 per cent of total investment in 1939 and rose to 45 per cent in 1950. It is also significant that private industrial investment amounted to 23 per cent of total investment between 1939 and 1950. Manu- facturing output increased during the period at an annual average rate of 7.8 per cent. How was this probably unprecedented rate of growth of the Mexican economy financed? The first striking fact is that over the whole period 1939-1950 as much as 89 per cent of gross investment was financed from domestic savings. This proportion was higher from 1946 onward (91 per cent) than in the early part of the period (84 per cent). The net increase in long-term foreign liabilities contributed only a small part (4 per cent), almost entirely represented by private capital. Domestic savings, which were the predominant source of financ- ing, amounted on the average to 9 to 10 per cent of gross national product between 1940 and 1946 and rose to 13 per ' Data from 1940 through 1950 taken from The Economic Development of Mexico, Report of the Combined Mexican Working Party (Mexican Government and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953). Data for 1951 and 1952 from annual reports of the Bank of Mexico and Nacional Financiera. Much of what follows is based on data from these sources, as well as from United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Economic Survey of Latin America 1951-1952 (Doc. E/CN.12/291 Rev.1), Part . 92 The Caribbean 92 The Caribbean per cent.' Per capita annual rates of increase in real income were 5.9 per cent in the period 1940-1945, 2.9 per cent in 1946-1950, almost 6 per cent in 1951, and negative in 1952, because the recent rate of increase of population is close to 3 per cent annually. The extraordinary rate of growth of real income up to 1951 was due to fuller utilization of existing capital during the war period, to a stepping up of the rate of gross investment from around 10 per cent of gross domestic product in the early part of the period to 14 to 15 per cent in later years, and to the cumulative effect of public investment in transportation and utilities made in earlier periods. It is signifi- cant that public investment accounted for 38 per cent of total investment in 1939 and rose to 45 per cent in 1950. It is also significant that private industrial investment amounted to 23 per cent of total investment between 1939 and 1950. Manu- facturing output increased during the period at an annual average rate of 7.8 per cent. How was this probably unprecedented rate of growth of the Mexican economy financed? The first striking fact is that over the whole period 1939-1950 as much as 89 per cent of gross investment was financed from domestic savings. This proportion was higher from 1946 onward (91 per cent) than in the early part of the period (84 per cent). The net increase in long-term foreign liabilities contributed only a small part (4 per cent), almost entirely represented by private capital. Domestic savings, which were the predominant source of financ- ing, amounted on the average to 9 to 10 per cent of gross national product between 1940 and 1946 and rose to 13 per ' Data from 1940 through 1950 taken from The Economic Development of Mexico, Report of the Combined Mexican Working Party (Mexican Government and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953). Data for 1951 and 1952 from annual reports of the Bank of Mexico and Nacional Financiera. Much of what follows is based on data from these sources, as well as from United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Economic Survey of Latin America 1951-1952 (Doc. E/CN.12/291 Rev.l), Part . per cent.' Per capita annual rates of increase in real income were 5.9 per cent in the period 1940-1945, 2.9 per cent in 1946-1950, almost 6 per cent in 1951, and negative in 1952, because the recent rate of increase of population is close to 3 per cent annually. The extraordinary rate of growth of real income up to 1951 was due to fuller utilization of existing capital during the war period, to a stepping up of the rate of gross investment from around 10 per cent of gross domestic product in the early part of the period to 14 to 15 per cent in later years, and to the cumulative effect of public investment in transportation and utilities made in earlier periods. It is signifi- cant that public investment accounted for 38 per cent of total investment in 1939 and rose to 45 per cent in 1950. It is also significant that private industrial investment amounted to 23 per cent of total investment between 1939 and 1950. Manu- facturing output increased during the period at an annual average rate of 7.8 per cent. How was this probably unprecedented rate of growth of the Mexican economy financed? The first striking fact is that over the whole period 1939-1950 as much as 89 per cent of gross investment was financed from domestic savings. This proportion was higher from 1946 onward (91 per cent) than in the early part of the period (84 per cent). The net increase in long-term foreign liabilities contributed only a small part (4 per cent), almost entirely represented by private capital. Domestic savings, which were the predominant source of financ- ing, amounted on the average to 9 to 10 per cent of gross national product between 1940 and 1946 and rose to 13 per * Data from 1940 through 1950 taken from The Economic Development of Mexico, Report of the Combined Mexican Working Party (Mexican Government and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953). Data for 1951 and 1952 from annual reports of the Bank of Mexico and Nacional Financiera. Much of what follows is based on data from these sources, as well as from United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Economic Survey of Latin America 1951-1952 (Doc. E/CN.12/291 Rev.l), Part .  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 93 cent from 1947 to 1950. These ratios are by no means low. Almost one-third of the total savings was public savings,2 which means that a large part of public investment was financed out of taxation and other ordinary fiscal receipts. Briefly, then, we find that in Mexico, during the period 1939- 1950 (and probably in 1951 and 1952, although sufficient data are not available to show it), a considerable part of capital formation was carried out directly by the government and its agencies and enterprises; and in turn a large proportion of such investment was financed out of taxation and current earnings, the remainder being financed mostly through central-bank pur- chases of bond issues. Two very interesting questions arise. First, could taxation have been higher, thus enabling a larger share of public investment to be financed without recourse to central-bank loans? Second, could the alternative to such fi- nancing have been the raising of funds from individual and business savers, thus tapping genuine voluntary savings instead of forcing the savings on the whole population through inflation? To answer the first question, account must be taken of the extraordinary fact that total fiscal receipts at no time after 1939 exceeded 9 to 10 per cent of gross national product, and that total federal direct taxes (which are mostly on profits) bore an even lower ratio to the profits component of the national income-as low as 5 to 6 per cent in several years. It should be noted, too, that the distribution of income by factor pay- ments is such in Mexico that by 1950 profits before taxes had risen to no less than 41 per cent of the national income. These profits originated mostly in industry and commerce. The answer, then, is that there was, and is, ample room for raising taxation and improving the efficiency of tax collections without a dampen- ing effect on private enterprise. It can therefore be concluded that in Mexico a fairly high rate of public investment, and " Defined as the excess of net public receipts over public current expendi- tures, plus reinvested earnings of government agencies and enterprises. MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS cent from 1947 to 1950. These ratios are by no means Almost one-third of the total savings was public savings,' w means that a large part of public investment was financed of taxation and other ordinary fiscal receipts. Briefly, then, we find that in Mexico, during the period l'. 1950 (and probably in 1951 and 1952, although sufficient are not available to show it), a considerable part of ca formation was carried out directly by the government an< agencies and enterprises; and in turn a large proportion of investment was financed out of taxation and current earn the remainder being financed mostly through central-bank chases of bond issues. Two very interesting questions a First, could taxation have been higher, thus enabling a la share of public investment to be financed without recous central-bank loans? Second, could the alternative to suc] nancing have been the raising of funds from individual business savers, thus tapping genuine voluntary savings instea forcing the savings on the whole population through inflat To answer the first question, account must be taken of extraordinary fact that total fiscal receipts at no time; 1939 exceeded 9 to 10 per cent of gross national product, that total federal direct taxes (which are mostly on pro bore an even lower ratio to the profits component of the nati income-as low as 5 to 6 per cent in several years. It sh be noted, too, that the distribution of income by factor ments is such in Mexico that by 1950 profits before taxes risen to no less than 41 per cent of the national income. T profits originated mostly in industry and commerce. The ans then, is that there was, and is, ample room for raising taxa and improving the efficiency of tax collections without a dam ing effect on private enterprise. It can therefore be conch that in Mexico a fairly high rate of public investment, 93 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 93 cent from 1947 to 1950. These ratios are by no means low. Almost one-third of the total savings was public savings,' which means that a large part of public investment was financed out of taxation and other ordinary fiscal receipts. Briefly, then, we find that in Mexico, during the period 1939- 1950 (and probably in 1951 and 1952, although sufficient data are not available to show it), a considerable part of capital formation was carried out directly by the government and its agencies and enterprises; and in turn a large proportion of such investment was financed out of taxation and current earnings, the remainder being financed mostly through central-bank pur- chases of bond issues. Two very interesting questions arise. First, could taxation have been higher, thus enabling a larger share of public investment to be financed without recourse to central-bank loans? Second, could the alternative to such fi- nancing have been the raising of funds from individual and business savers, thus tapping genuine voluntary savings instead of forcing the savings on the whole population through inflation? To answer the first question, account must be taken of the extraordinary fact that total fiscal receipts at no time after 1939 exceeded 9 to 10 per cent of gross national product, and that total federal direct taxes (which are mostly on profits) bore an even lower ratio to the profits component of the national income-as low as 5 to 6 per cent in several years. It should be noted, too, that the distribution of income by factor pay- ments is such in Mexico that by 1950 profits before taxes had risen to no less than 41 per cent of the national income. These profits originated mostly in industry and commerce. The answer, then, is that there was, and is, ample room for raising taxation and improving the efficiency of tax collections without a dampen- ing effect on private enterprise. It can therefore be concluded that in Mexico a fairly high rate of public investment, and ' Defined as the excess of net public receipts over public current expendi- tures, plus reinvested earnings of government agencies and enterprises. ' Defined as the excess of net public receipts over public current expendi- tures, plus reinvested earnings of government agencies and enterprises.  94 The Caribbean 94 The Caribbean 94 The Caribbean therefore of total domestic investment, is open to financing through taxation rather than through domestic loans-which may be inflationary if obtained, as in the past, from the central bank and the banking system. The second question is concerned with the market for securities and leads to the subject of private savings and their channeling or mobilization. Private individual and corporate savings help to finance both public and private investment. In the case of public investment, past experience has shown reluctance on the part of savers in Mexico to purchase government securities, despite relatively high interest rates (as high as 8 per cent, but recently down to 5 per cent). However, in recent years banks and insurance companies have held moderate amounts. The banks have done so because of the strong control imposed by the central bank over the amount and composition of their loans and investments. The market for government securities remains quite a problem, to which I shall refer again below. Private investment in industry and commerce in Mexico has been financed, as elsewhere, partly out of earnings and partly through the sale of stock and securities. Available data do not allow any precise evaluation, but there is evidence of a growing trend toward reinvestment of undistributed profits, and it has recently been announced that new tax legislation designed to encourage such a movement is being studied. Public issues of shares and securities are, on the other hand, still very limited, owing to the concentration of enterprises in the hands of a small number of stockholders; but they have also increased. A means has existed, nevertheless, to bridge the gap between the growth in private investment and the lack of market issues of securities to private savers. This means is chiefly the Nacional Financiera, a publicly owned development corporation which invests in and makes loans to industrial enterprises; and which has been largely responsible, as a government agency, for the promotion of new basic industries in Mexico. Its principal financing instrument is the so-called "certificate of participation," which in practice therefore of total domestic investment, is open to financing through taxation rather than through domestic loans-which may be inflationary if obtained, as in the past, from the central bank and the banking system. The second question is concerned with the market for securities and leads to the subject of private savings and their channeling or mobilization. Private individual and corporate savings help to finance both public and private investment. In the case of public investment, past experience has shown reluctance on the part of savers in Mexico to purchase government securities, despite relatively high interest rates (as high as 8 per cent, but recently down to 5 per cent). However, in recent years banks and insurance companies have held moderate amounts. The banks have done so because of the strong control imposed by the central bank over the amount and composition of their loans and investments. The market for government securities remains quite a problem, to which I shall refer again below. Private investment in industry and commerce in Mexico has been financed, as elsewhere, partly out of earnings and partly through the sale of stock and securities. Available data do not allow any precise evaluation, but there is evidence of a growing trend toward reinvestment of undistributed profits, and it has recently been announced that new tax legislation designed to encourage such a movement is being studied. Public issues of shares and securities are, on the other hand, still very limited, owing to the concentration of enterprises in the hands of a small number of stockholders; but they have also increased. A means has existed, nevertheless, to bridge the gap between the growth in private investment and the lack of market issues of securities to private savers. This means is chiefly the Nacional Financiera, a publicly owned development corporation which invests in and makes loans to industrial enterprises; and which has been largely responsible, as a government agency, for the promotion of new basic industries in Mexico. Its principal financing instrument is the so-called "certificate of participation," which in practice therefore of total domestic investment, is open to financing through taxation rather than through domestic loans-which may be inflationary if obtained, as in the past, from the central bank and the banking system. The second question is concerned with the market for securities and leads to the subject of private savings and their channeling or mobilization. Private individual and corporate savings help to finance both public and private investment. In the case of public investment, past experience has shown reluctance on the part of savers in Mexico to purchase government securities, despite relatively high interest rates (as high as 8 per cent, but recently down to 5 per cent). However, in recent years banks and insurance companies have held moderate amounts. The banks have done so because of the strong control imposed by the central bank over the amount and composition of their loans and investments. The market for government securities remains quite a problem, to which I shall refer again below. Private investment in industry and commerce in Mexico has been financed, as elsewhere, partly out of earnings and partly through the sale of stock and securities. Available data do not allow any precise evaluation, but there is evidence of a growing trend toward reinvestment of undistributed profits, and it has recently been announced that new tax legislation designed to encourage such a movement is being studied. Public issues of shares and securities are, on the other hand, still very limited, owing to the concentration of enterprises in the hands of a small number of stockholders; but they have also increased. A means has existed, nevertheless, to bridge the gap between the growth in private investment and the lack of market issues of securities to private savers. This means is chiefly the Nacional Financiera, a publicly owned development corporation which invests in and makes loans to industrial enterprises; and which has been largely responsible, as a government agency, for the promotion of new basic industries in Mexico. Its principal financing instrument is the so-called "certificate of participation," which in practice  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 95 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 95 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 95 today is a 5 per cent bond of indefinite maturity, backed by the assets of the Financiera (among them government securities), redeemable at par and virtually at sight. Thus the Financiera offers an attractive liquid asset to savers who otherwise might not wish to purchase securities, and puts the funds to use in industrial projects of national interest. Already about one-sixth of all fixed-interest securities outstanding in Mexico is accounted for by those certificates, and almost one-half of that amount is held by individual savers-frequently in small denominations- and by business investors. There are, of course, also issues of private securities connected with the manufacturing industry, of which mortgage bonds probably enjoy the widest market after the Financiera's certificates. Private residential housing, which in recent years has con- stituted about 15 per cent of gross investment in Mexico, has enjoyed a similar financing mechanism, although through private agencies. The agencies act as intermediaries between a multitude of borrowers who issue mortgage certificates and lenders who purchase them at market prices. The market has been fairly steady, actual yields averaging about 8 per cent, which is close to the nominal rate. There are also savings-and-loan banks and other sources of bank credit for housing. As stated before, the securities market offers difficult problems in Mexico, despite much progress. The bulk of the transactions is in fixed-interest securities, of which some 60 per cent are issues of the government and of official agencies, among them the Financiera's certificates. A high rate of interest has not always been a sufficient incentive for the saver, and in practice a policy has been followed of putting a floor under the market for such securities by offering in advance to redeem them at par and practically at sight. Aside from methods of persuasion and im- provements in the technique of issuing and placing the securities, there is much discussion today concerning the advisability of thus guaranteeing the market for official securities. It is argued by some authorities on the subject that the time has come to today is a 5 per cent bond of indefinite maturity, backed by the assets of the Financiera (among them government securities), redeemable at par and virtually at sight. Thus the Financiera offers an attractive liquid asset to savers who otherwise might not wish to purchase securities, and puts the funds to use in industrial projects of national interest. Already about one-sixth of all fixed-interest securities outstanding in Mexico is accounted for by those certificates, and almost one-half of that amount is held by individual savers-frequently in small denominations- and by business investors. There are, of course, also issues of private securities connected with the manufacturing industry, of which mortgage bonds probably enjoy the widest market after the Financiera's certificates. Private residential housing, which in recent years has con- stituted about 15 per cent of gross investment in Mexico, has enjoyed a similar financing mechanism, although through private agencies. The agencies act as intermediaries between a multitude of borrowers who issue mortgage certificates and lenders who purchase them at market prices. The market has been fairly steady, actual yields averaging about 8 per cent, which is close to the nominal rate. There are also savings-and-loan banks and other sources of bank credit for housing. As stated before, the securities market offers difficult problems in Mexico, despite much progress. The bulk of the transactions is in fixed-interest securities, of which some 60 per cent are issues of the government and of official agencies, among them the Financiera's certificates. A high rate of interest has not always been a sufficient incentive for the saver, and in practice a policy has been followed of putting a floor under the market for such securities by offering in advance to redeem them at par and practically at sight. Aside from methods of persuasion and im- provements in the technique of issuing and placing the securities, there is much discussion today concerning the advisability of thus guaranteeing the market for official securities. It is argued by some authorities on the subject that the time has come to today is a 5 per cent bond of indefinite maturity, backed by the assets of the Financiera (among them government securities), redeemable at par and virtually at sight. Thus the Financiera offers an attractive liquid asset to savers who otherwise might not wish to purchase securities, and puts the funds to use in industrial projects of national interest. Already about one-sixth of all fixed-interest securities outstanding in Mexico is accounted for by those certificates, and almost one-half of that amount is held by individual savers-frequently in small denominations- and by business investors. There are, of course, also issues of private securities connected with the manufacturing industry, of which mortgage bonds probably enjoy the widest market after the Financiera's certificates. Private residential housing, which in recent years has con- stituted about 15 per cent of gross investment in Mexico, has enjoyed a similar financing mechanism, although through private agencies. The agencies act as intermediaries between a multitude of borrowers who issue mortgage certificates and lenders who purchase them at market prices. The market has been fairly steady, actual yields averaging about 8 per cent, which is close to the nominal rate. There are also savings-and-loan banks and other sources of bank credit for housing. As stated before, the securities market offers difficult problems in Mexico, despite much progress. The bulk of the transactions is in fixed-interest securities, of which some 60 per cent are issues of the government and of official agencies, among them the Financiera's certificates. A high rate of interest has not always been a sufficient incentive for the saver, and in practice a policy has been followed of putting a floor under the market for such securities by offering in advance to redeem them at par and practically at sight. Aside from methods of persuasion and im- provements in the technique of issuing and placing the securities, there is much discussion today concerning the advisability of thus guaranteeing the market for official securities. It is argued by some authorities on the subject that the time has come to  96 The Caribbean withdraw from the Financiera's certificate the feature of re- demption at sight, in order to put government securities on a more equal footing with private securities and to help consoli- date a real market. It is argued also that the present system deprives the central bank of independent action to carry out open-market operations, which are virtually nonexistent in Mexi- co.' This question is likely to be an increasingly important one in coming years. Foreign financing, as already mentioned, has actually played a minor role in recent Mexican economic development if judged on a net basis-that is, deducting amortizations and repayments from gross capital inflows. From 1939 through 1950, the net inflow of official long-term loan capital was only 2.6 million dollars, whereas private equity investments and reinvestments in the amount of 240.1 million dollars accounted for the bulk of net foreign financing. In 1951 and 1952, a further aggregate net inflow of over 100 million dollars took place. Compared with the total amount of capital formation over the period, these are small amounts. However, from a qualitative angle, possibly the contribution of foreign capital has been more important for Mexican industrial development than the mere figures indicate, particularly in selected industries and activities. An increasing role is being played by loans obtained by Mexico from United States and international banks for the purpose of financing investment in public utilities, transportation, and irrigation; and it is perhaps appropriate to argue that these are fields where, no matter how much of domestic savings can be channeled into such type of investments (through taxation or through bond issues), the strain on the balance of payments arising from the extent and magnitude of aggregate investment is such that some . Cf. Eduardo Villasenor, "La estructura bancaria y el desarrollo econ6- mico de M6xico," El Trimestre Econdmico, XX, 2 (Mixico: Fondo de Cultura, abril-junio, 1953). This article, by a former managing director of the Bank of Mexico, contains a brief but excellent discussion of the evolu- tion and problems of the capital market in Mexico. 96 The Caribbean 96 The Caribbean withdraw from the Financiera's certificate the feature of re- demption at sight, in order to put government securities on a more equal footing with private securities and to help consoli- date a real market. It is argued also that the present system deprives the central bank of independent action to carry out open-market operations, which are virtually nonexistent in Mexi- co.' This question is likely to be an increasingly important one in coming years. Foreign financing, as already mentioned, has actually played a minor role in recent Mexican economic development if judged on a net basis-that is, deducting amortizations and repayments from gross capital inflows. From 1939 through 1950, the net inflow of official long-term loan capital was only 2.6 million dollars, whereas private equity investments and reinvestments in the amount of 240.1 million dollars accounted for the bulk of net foreign financing. In 1951 and 1952, a further aggregate net inflow of over 100 million dollars took place. Compared with the total amount of capital formation over the period, these are small amounts. However, from a qualitative angle, possibly the contribution of foreign capital has been more important for Mexican industrial development than the mere figures indicate, particularly in selected industries and activities. An increasing role is being played by loans obtained by Mexico from United States and international banks for the purpose of financing investment in public utilities, transportation, and irrigation; and it is perhaps appropriate to argue that these are fields where, no matter how much of domestic savings can be channeled into such type of investments (through taxation or through bond issues), the strain on the balance of payments arising from the extent and magnitude of aggregate investment is such that some ' Cf. Eduardo Villasenor, "La estructura bancaria y el desarrollo econ6- mico de Mixico," El Trimestre Econdmico, XX, 2 (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura, abril-junio, 1953). This article, by a former managing director of the Bank of Mexico, contains a brief but excellent discussion of the evolu- tion and problems of the capital market in Mexico. withdraw from the Financiera's certificate the feature of re- demption at sight, in order to put government securities on a more equal footing with private securities and to help consoli- date a real market. It is argued also that the present system deprives the central bank of independent action to carry out open-market operations, which are virtually nonexistent in Mexi- co. This question is likely to be an increasingly important one in coming years. Foreign financing, as already mentioned, has actually played a minor role in recent Mexican economic development if judged on a net basis-that is, deducting amortizations and repayments from gross capital inflows. From 1939 through 1950, the net inflow of official long-term loan capital was only 2.6 million dollars, whereas private equity investments and reinvestments in the amount of 240.1 million dollars accounted for the bulk of net foreign financing. In 1951 and 1952, a further aggregate net inflow of over 100 million dollars took place. Compared with the total amount of capital formation over the period, these are small amounts. However, from a qualitative angle, possibly the contribution of foreign capital has been more important for Mexican industrial development than the mere figures indicate, particularly in selected industries and activities. An increasing role is being played by loans obtained by Mexico from United States and international banks for the purpose of financing investment in public utilities, transportation, and irrigation; and it is perhaps appropriate to argue that these are fields where, no matter how much of domestic savings can be channeled into such type of investments (through taxation or through bond issues), the strain on the balance of payments arising from the extent and magnitude of aggregate investment is such that some * Cf. Eduardo Villasenor, "La estructura bancaria y el desarrollo econ6- mico de Mxico," El Trimestre Economico, XX, 2 (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura, abril-junio, 1953). This article, by a former managing director of the Bank of Mexico, contains a brief but excellent discussion of the evolu- tion and problems of the capital market in Mexico.  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 97 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 97 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 97 relief is called for through the provision from outside of the foreign-exchange component of the projects. Official policy in Mexico, especially during the period 1944-1951, strongly favored resorting to such loans, which have all been turned to productive purposes. A change is noticeable today, however, in public discussions of the subject, and it is not clear to what extent the previous policy will continue. But there is no doubt, at least in my mind, that a country undertaking a volume of investment as large as in Mexico-close to 40 to 45 per cent of it public investment-cannot in the long run dispense with loans from international agencies in view of the many long-term pressures on the balance of payments.' III I shall now turn to Central America, conscious of the fact that I have left much unsaid about Mexico and that I have treated matters too briefly, but also conscious of the space and time limitations for this paper. Development in the sense of increased capital formation in basic facilities and inwardly oriented activities has only recently begun to take place. The old pattern of foreign investment in agricultural export crops and railroads is gradually being replaced by a new pattern of domestically financed investment in agriculture for home con- sumption, in livestock-raising, in manufacturing and power, in highways and transportation, in housing and sanitation, and in other fields. Moreover, in all the Central American republics there is today a deliberate effort to carry out a development policy comprising direct public investment, on the one hand, and stimulation of private investment, on the other. The latter is largely achieved with the aid of newly established development corporations or similar agencies and through measures to en- ' The Mexican experience of 1946-1950 shows that the direct and in- direct impact of an increase in investment expenditures on imports was 58.2 per cent of the increase. See Economic Development of Mexico, Appendix D. relief is called for through the provision from outside of the foreign-exchange component of the projects. Official policy in Mexico, especially during the period 1944-1951, strongly favored resorting to such loans, which have all been turned to productive purposes. A change is noticeable today, however, in public discussions of the subject, and it is not clear to what extent the previous policy will continue. But there is no doubt, at least in my mind, that a country undertaking a volume of investment as large as in Mexico-close to 40 to 45 per cent of it public investment-cannot in the long run dispense with loans from international agencies in view of the many long-term pressures on the balance of payments.' III I shall now turn to Central America, conscious of the fact that I have left much unsaid about Mexico and that I have treated matters too briefly, but also conscious of the space and time limitations for this paper. Development in the sense of increased capital formation in basic facilities and inwardly oriented activities has only recently begun to take place. The old pattern of foreign investment in agricultural export crops and railroads is gradually being replaced by a new pattern of domestically financed investment in agriculture for home con- sumption, in livestock-raising, in manufacturing and power, in highways and transportation, in housing and sanitation, and in other fields. Moreover, in all the Central American republics there is today a deliberate effort to carry out a development policy comprising direct public investment, on the one hand, and stimulation of private investment, on the other. The latter is largely achieved with the aid of newly established development corporations or similar agencies and through measures to en- * The Mexican experience of 1946-1950 shows that the direct and in- direct impact of an increase o investment expenditures on imports was 58.2 per cent of the increase. See Economic Development of Mexico, Appendix D. relief is called for through the provision from outside of the foreign-exchange component of the projects. Official policy in Mexico, especially during the period 1944-1951, strongly favored resorting to such loans, which have all been turned to productive purposes. A change is noticeable today, however, in public discussions of the subject, and it is not clear to what extent the previous policy will continue. But there is no doubt, at least in my mind, that a country undertaking a volume of investment as large as in Mexico-close to 40 to 45 per cent of it public investment-cannot in the long run dispense with loans from international agencies in view of the many long-term pressures on the balance of payments.' III I shall now turn to Central America, conscious of the fact that I have left much unsaid about Mexico and that I have treated matters too briefly, but also conscious of the space and time limitations for this paper. Development in the sense of increased capital formation in basic facilities and inwardly oriented activities has only recently begun to take place. The old pattern of foreign investment in agricultural export crops and railroads is gradually being replaced by a new pattern of domestically financed investment in agriculture for home con- sumption, in livestock-raising, in manufacturing and power, in highways and transportation, in housing and sanitation, and in other fields. Moreover, in all the Central American republics there is today a deliberate effort to carry out a development policy comprising direct public investment, on the one hand, and stimulation of private investment, on the other. The latter is largely achieved with the aid of newly established development corporations or similar agencies and through measures to en- * The Mexican experience of 1946-1950 shows that the direct and in- direct impact of an increase in investment expenditures on imports was 58.2 per cent of the increase. See Economic Development of Mexico, Appendix D.  98 The Caribbean courage agriculture, livestock, and manufacturing. In some cases there has been an approach to over-all programming of development as a result of basic studies of the economies carried out with the help of international agencies.' Parallel to this process, a serious movement toward economic integration has sprung up in an attempt to create a common free-trade market for certain commodities within the Central American areas and to establish adequately located processing industries that probably could not be justified on the basis of a narrow national market only. Such a policy of integration is being sponsored by the five governments through a Committee of the Ministers of Economy with technical advice provided by the Secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America; already two meetings of the ministers have taken place. Integration is conceived as a gradual process, necessarily involving considerable coordination of development programs. Transportation is one of the chief bottlenecks, and a start has been made by means of a thorough study of the problem. A number of bilateral agreements envisaging partial free trade among certain of the Central American countries have been signed. Surveys are being undertaken on electric power, forestry industries, pulp and paper, and livestock and dairy industries. These surveys will take time to bring practical results, but they are evidence of important moves in the direction of coordinated development in Central America? * The following are some of the principal basic economic studies on Central American countries: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of Guatemala (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1951) and The Economic Development of Nicaragua (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953); United Nations Technical Assistance Administration, Suggestions for the Further Economic Develop- ment of El Salvador (Doc. ST/TAA/J/El Salvador/R.5), 1952; Banco Central de Honduras, Estudio sobre la Economia de Honduras by an In- ternational Monetary Fund Mission (Tegucigalpa, 1951), and various other publications; Stacy May, Just Faaland, Albert R. Koch, Howard L. Parsons, and Clarence Senior, Costa Rica: A Study in Economic De- velopment (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952). On the subject of Central American economic integration, see espe- 98 The Caribbean 98 The Caribbean courage agriculture, livestock, and manufacturing. In some cases there has been an approach to over-all programming of development as a result of basic studies of the economies carried out with the help of international agencies.' Parallel to this process, a serious movement toward economic integration has sprung up in an attempt to create a common free-trade market for certain commodities within the Central American areas and to establish adequately located processing industries that probably could not be justified on the basis of a narrow national market only. Such a policy of integration is being sponsored by the five governments through a Committee of the Ministers of Economy with technical advice provided by the Secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America; already two meetings of the ministers have taken place. Integration is conceived as a gradual process, necessarily involving considerable coordination of development programs. Transportation is one of the chief bottlenecks, and a start has been made by means of a thorough study of the problem. A number of bilateral agreements envisaging partial free trade among certain of the Central American countries have been signed. Surveys are being undertaken on electric power, forestry industries, pulp and paper, and livestock and dairy industries. These surveys will take time to bring practical results, but they are evidence of important moves in the direction of coordinated development in Central America.' * The following are some of the principal basic economic studies on Central American countries: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of Guatemala (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1951) and The Economic Development of Nicaragua (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953); United Nations Technical Assistance Administration, Suggestions for the Further Economic Develop- ment of El Salvador (Doc. ST/TAA/J/El Salvador/R.5), 1952; Banco Central de Honduras, Estudio sobre la Economia de Honduras by an In- ternational Monetary Fund Mission (Tegucigalpa, 1951), and various other publications; Stacy May, Just Faaland, Albert R. Koch, Howard L. Parsons, and Clarence Senior, Costa Rica: A Study in Economic De- velopment (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952). " On the subject of Central American economic integration, see espe- courage agriculture, livestock, and manufacturing. In some cases there has been an approach to over-all programming of development as a result of basic studies of the economies carried out with the help of international agencies.' Parallel to this process, a serious movement toward economic integration has sprung up in an attempt to create a common free-trade market for certain commodities within the Central American areas and to establish adequately located processing industries that probably could not be justified on the basis of a narrow national market only. Such a policy of integration is being sponsored by the five governments through a Committee of the Ministers of Economy with technical advice provided by the Secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America; already two meetings of the ministers have taken place. Integration is conceived as a gradual process, necessarily involving considerable coordination of development programs. Transportation is one of the chief bottlenecks, and a start has been made by means of a thorough study of the problem. A number of bilateral agreements envisaging partial free trade among certain of the Central American countries have been signed. Surveys are being undertaken on electric power, forestry industries, pulp and paper, and livestock and dairy industries. These surveys will take time to bring practical results, but they are evidence of important moves in the direction of coordinated development in Central America.' * The following are some of the principal basic economic studies on Central American countries: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of Guatemala (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1951) and The Economic Development of Nicaragua (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953); United Nations Technical Assistance Administration, Suggestions for the Further Economic Develop- ment of El Salvador (Doc. ST/TAA/J/E Salvador/R.5), 1952; Banco Central de Honduras, Estudio sobre la Economsa de Honduras by an In- ternational Monetary Fund Mission (Tegucigalpa, 1951), and various other publications; Stacy May, Just Faaland, Albert R. Koch, Howard L. Parsons, and Clarence Senior, Costa Rica: A Study in Economic De- velopment (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952). " On the subject of Central American economic integration, see espe-  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 99 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 99 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 99 The conditions for financing economic development are not the same in every Central American country, but in the past few years there has been a common denominator that has pro- vided resources in a measure perhaps unknown before. The improvement in the terms of trade associated with the higher price of coffee has not only increased foreign-exchange reserves, but also has strengthened the fiscal situation and raised the income of the export groups of the economy. The governments have, through an export tax on coffee, been able to divert part of the added income into public investment and into capital funds for development corporations and banking institutions, and, therefore, into the nonexport sectors of the economy-a small-scale version of Venezuela's policy of "sowing petroleum." In turn, private savers have shown a new inclination to engage in agricultural activities, outside of coffee, as well as in manu- facturing and processing. Housing is undergoing considerable development also. Except in Guatemala, a major part of public investment in Central America is being financed out of taxation. In Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica there have been sizable budget sur- pluses in the past two years. Guatemala has resorted increasingly to bond issues, which in practice have been absorbed by the central bank. El Salvador has made some bond issues also, partly placed among individual savers and banks in the country. Honduras has issued government securities for the financing of highways and municipal improvements, but they are held largely by the central bank. Only in Nicaragua and El Salvador have foreign loans been negotiated in the last few years: in Nicaragua cially United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Progress Report submitted by the Executive Secretary concerning the Program for Economic Integration and Reciprocity in Central America (Doc. E/CN. 12/296), February, 1953; Central American Economic Cooperation Com- mittee, Annual Report (Doc. E/CN.12/CCE.1), October, 1953; and United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and Technical Assistance Administration, El Transporte en el Istmo Centroamericano (Doc. E/CN.12/356), September, 1953. The conditions for financing economic development are not the same in every Central American country, but in the past few years there has been a common denominator that has pro- vided resources in a measure perhaps unknown before. The improvement in the terms of trade associated with the higher price of coffee has not only increased foreign-exchange reserves, but also has strengthened the fiscal situation and raised the income of the export groups of the economy. The governments have, through an export tax on coffee, been able to divert part of the added income into public investment and into capital funds for development corporations and banking institutions, and, therefore, into the nonexport sectors of the economy-a small-scale version of Venezuela's policy of "sowing petroleum." In turn, private savers have shown a new inclination to engage in agricultural activities, outside of coffee, as well as in manu- facturing and processing. Housing is undergoing considerable development also. Except in Guatemala, a major part of public investment in Central America is being financed out of taxation. In Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica there have been sizable budget sur- pluses in the past two years. Guatemala has resorted increasingly to bond issues, which in practice have been absorbed by the central bank. El Salvador has made some bond issues also, partly placed among individual savers and banks in the country. Honduras has issued government securities for the financing of highways and municipal improvements, but they are held largely by the central bank. Only in Nicaragua and El Salvador have foreign loans been negotiated in the last few years: in Nicaragua cially United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Progress Report submitted by the Executive Secretary concerning the Program for Economic Integration and Reciprocity in Central America (Doc. E/CN. 12/296), February, 1953; Central American Economic Cooperation Com- mittee, Annual Report (Doc. E/CN.12/CCE.1), October, 1953; and United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and Technical Assistance Administration, El Transporte en el Istmo Centroamericano (Doc. E/CN.12/356), September, 1953. The conditions for financing economic development are not the same in every Central American country, but in the past few years there has been a common denominator that has pro- vided resources in a measure perhaps unknown before. The improvement in the terms of trade associated with the higher price of coffee has not only increased foreign-exchange reserves, but also has strengthened the fiscal situation and raised the income of the export groups of the economy. The governments have, through an export tax on coffee, been able to divert part of the added income into public investment and into capital funds for development corporations and banking institutions, and, therefore, into the nonexport sectors of the economy-a small-scale version of Venezuela's policy of "sowing petroleum." In turn, private savers have shown a new inclination to engage in agricultural activities, outside of coffee, as well as in manu- facturing and processing. Housing is undergoing considerable development also. Except in Guatemala, a major part of public investment in Central America is being financed out of taxation. In Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica there have been sizable budget sur- pluses in the past two years. Guatemala has resorted increasingly to bond issues, which in practice have been absorbed by the central bank. El Salvador has made some bond issues also, partly placed among individual savers and banks in the country. Honduras has issued government securities for the financing of highways and municipal improvements, but they are held largely by the central bank. Only in Nicaragua and El Salvador have foreign loans been negotiated in the last few years: in Nicaragua cially United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Progress Report submitted by the Executive Secretary concerning the Program for Economic Integration and Reciprocity in Central America (Doc. E/CN. 12/296), February, 1953; Central American Economic Cooperation Com- mittee, Annual Report (Doc. E/CN.12/CCE.1), October, 1953; and United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and Technical Assistance Administration, El Transporte en el Istmo Centroamericano (Doc. E/CN.12/356), September, 1953.  100 The Caribbean for highway construction and equipment, for the purchase of agricultural machinery, and for power development; in El Salva- dor for a hydroelectric power plant. This latter project gave rise to the internal bond issue already mentioned; its purpose was to cover local costs. In Central America, the basic problem in financing public investment through the issue of securities-a problem likely to become more important should the coffee boom come to an end and reduce fiscal receipts-is the real lack of a securities market and the reluctance of savers, as in Mexico, to hold government bonds or fixed-interest paper in general.' Real estate and, wherever possible, direct equity investments are preferred. Pri- vate loans at usurious rates of interest are a common outlet for savings. For security reasons, assets are largely held also in the form of foreign exchange and investments abroad, often earning very low interest or none at all. Private exchange holdings in United States banks alone could be estimated, at the end of 1952, to amount to about 100 million dollars.* To make matters worse for the marketing of securities, the policy of most of the central banks in recent years has been to maintain rather low interest rates on bonds (4 to 6 per cent), rates which are either too far out of line with alternative yields, or not high enough to overcome liquidity preference. Probably a wider market for bonds could be achieved by a combination of methods, for instance, through offering higher yields and taking various practical steps connected with the technical organization of the market (brokers' commissions and the like). Or some such device as that used in Mexico-the creation of an intermediate, ' A recent comprehensive survey of financial institutions and securities markets in Central America will be found in a paper prepared by Dr. Oscar R. Muller for the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Estudio preliminar sobre problemas de financiamiento del desar- rollo y la integracion en Centroamrica (Doc. E/CN.12/AC.17/30), Sep- tember, 1953. I am basing my own remarks on data contained in this report. ' Ibid., pp. 15-18. 100 The Caribbean for highway construction and equipment, for the purchase of agricultural machinery, and for power development; in El Salva- dor for a hydroelectric power plant. This latter project gave rise to the internal bond issue already mentioned; its purpose was to cover local costs. In Central America, the basic problem in financing public investment through the issue of securities-a problem likely to become more important should the coffee boom come to an end and reduce fiscal receipts-is the real lack of a securities market and the reluctance of savers, as in Mexico, to hold government bonds or fixed-interest paper in general.' Real estate and, wherever possible, direct equity investments are preferred. Pri- vate loans at usurious rates of interest are a common outlet for savings. For security reasons, assets are largely held also in the form of foreign exchange and investments abroad, often earning very low interest or none at all. Private exchange holdings in United States banks alone could be estimated, at the end of 1952, to amount to about 100 million dollars.' To make matters worse for the marketing of securities, the policy of most of the central banks in recent years has been to maintain rather low interest rates on bonds (4 to 6 per cent), rates which are either too far out of line with alternative yields, or not high enough to overcome liquidity preference. Probably a wider market for bonds could be achieved by a combination of methods, for instance, through offering higher yields and taking various practical steps connected with the technical organization of the market (brokers' commissions and the like). Or some such device as that used in Mexico-the creation of an intermediate, ' A recent comprehensive survey of financial institutions and securities markets in Central America will be found in a paper prepared by Dr. Oscar R. Muller for the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Estudio preliminar sobre problemas de inanciamiento del desar- rollo y la integracidn en Centroamerica (Doc. E/CN.12/AC.17/30), Sep- tember, 1953. I am basing my own remarks on data contained in this report. * Ibid., pp. 15-18. 100 The Caribbean for highway construction and equipment, for the purchase of agricultural machinery, and for power development; in El Salva- dor for a hydroelectric power plant. This latter project gave rise to the internal bond issue already mentioned; its purpose was to cover local costs. In Central America, the basic problem in financing public investment through the issue of securities-a problem likely to become more important should the coffee boom come to an end and reduce fiscal receipts-is the real lack of a securities market and the reluctance of savers, as in Mexico, to hold government bonds or fixed-interest paper in general.' Real estate and, wherever possible, direct equity investments are preferred. Pri- vate loans at usurious rates of interest are a common outlet for savings. For security reasons, assets are largely held also in the form of foreign exchange and investments abroad, often earning very low interest or none at all. Private exchange holdings in United States banks alone could be estimated, at the end of 1952, to amount to about 100 million dollars." To make matters worse for the marketing of securities, the policy of most of the central banks in recent years has been to maintain rather low interest rates on bonds (4 to 6 per cent ), rates which are either too far out of line with alternative yields, or not high enough to overcome liquidity preference. Probably a wider market for bonds could be achieved by a combination of methods, for instance, through offering higher yields and taking various practical steps connected with the technical organization of the market (brokers' commissions and the like). Or some such device as that used in Mexico-the creation of an intermediate, ' A recent comprehensive survey of financial institutions and securities markets in Central America will be found in a paper prepared by Dr. Oscar R. Muller for the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Estudio preliminar sobre problemas de financiamiento del desar- rollo y la integracidn en Centroamrica (Doc. E/CN.12/AC.17/30), Sep- tember, 1953. I am basing my own remarks on data contained in this report. ' Ibid., pp. 15-18.  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 1Ul fully guaranteed certificate-combined with higher interest rates, might be thought of. Some of the central banks of Central America are in practice guaranteeing the redemption of govern- ment securities at sight. Even this policy has not succeeded in transferring those securities from the central banks' portfolio to the hands of individual and business savers. The major exception is Costa Rica. This country has been able to develop a small market for government bonds. The rate of interest is higher than in the other Central American coun- tries, and actual yields are around 7 per cent. There are brokers who make an effort to place securities among small savers. The central bank does not support the market or guarantee redemp- tion. Aside from improved confidence and certain features of the market situation connected with the appreciation of the currency over the last three years, there is no doubt that a more positive policy in regard to securities has been followed in Costa Rica. It is to be noted, however, that income and wealth are more equally divided in this country, and that, in contrast to the rest of the area, there are many small savers. The efforts made in El Salvador to develop a securities market are also noteworthy. Not only has a part of the issue of elec- tricity bonds been held by the public, but the mortgage bank has, over the years, opened up a market for its own bonds, perhaps tapping new savers. There are signs of a growing num- ber of individual savers in the country. Regarding the financing of private investments in Central America, industrial and commercial enterprises are small and are concentrated in a few hands-even more so than in Mexico. Public issues of shares or debentures are therefore almost un- known, and the existing income distribution does not favor such methods of financing. Since market limitations and many other * Ibid., pp. 75-80. On the securities market, see also Javier Marquez and Eduardo Montealegre, "Estructura bancaria y politics monetaria de El Salvador," El Trimestre Economico, XIX, 4 (octubre-diciembre, 1952), especially pp. 712-717. MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS fully guaranteed certificate-combined with higher interest might be thought of. Some of the central banks of C America are in practice guaranteeing the redemption of gc ment securities at sight. Even this policy has not succeed transferring those securities from the central banks' portfo the hands of individual and business savers. The major exception is Costa Rica. This country has able to develop a small market for government bonds. Th of interest is higher than in the other Central American tries, and actual yields are around 7 per cent. There are b1 who make an effort to place securities among small savers. central bank does not support the market or guarantee rec tion. Aside from improved confidence and certain featu the market situation connected with the appreciation c currency over the last three years, there is no doubt that a positive policy in regard to securities has been followed in Rica. It is to be noted, however, that income and wealt more equally divided in this country, and that, in contr; the rest of the area, there are many small savers. The efforts made in El Salvador to develop a securities n are also noteworthy. Not only has a part of the issue of tricity bonds been held by the public, but the mortgage has, over the years, opened up a market for its own E perhaps tapping new savers. There are signs of a growing ber of individual savers in the country.' Regarding the financing of private investments in C' America, industrial and commercial enterprises are smal are concentrated in a few hands-even more so than in M Public issues of shares or debentures are therefore almos known, and the existing income distribution does not favor methods of financing. Since market limitations and many Ibid., pp. 75-80. On the securities market, see also Javier Marqw' Eduardo Montealegre, "Estructura bancaria y politica monetaria Salvador," El Trimestre Economico, XIX, 4 (octubre-diciembre, : especially pp. 712-717. 101 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 101 fully guaranteed certificate-combined with higher interest rates, might be thought of. Some of the central banks of Central America are in practice guaranteeing the redemption of govern- ment securities at sight. Even this policy has not succeeded in transferring those securities from the central banks' portfolio to the hands of individual and business savers. The major exception is Costa Rica. This country has been able to develop a small market for government bonds. The rate of interest is higher than in the other Central American coun- tries, and actual yields are around 7 per cent. There are brokers who make an effort to place securities among small savers. The central bank does not support the market or guarantee redemp- tion. Aside from improved confidence and certain features of the market situation connected with the appreciation of the currency over the last three years, there is no doubt that a more positive policy in regard to securities has been followed in Costa Rica. It is to be noted, however, that income and wealth are more equally divided in this country, and that, in contrast to the rest of the area, there are many small savers. The efforts made in El Salvador to develop a securities market are also noteworthy. Not only has a part of the issue of elec- tricity bonds been held by the public, but the mortgage bank has, over the years, opened up a market for its own bonds, perhaps tapping new savers. There are signs of a growing num- ber of individual savers in the country.' Regarding the financing of private investments in Central America, industrial and commercial enterprises are small and are concentrated in a few hands-even more so than in Mexico. Public issues of shares or debentures are therefore almost un- known, and the existing income distribution does not favor such methods of financing. Since market limitations and many other Ibid., pp. 75-80. On the securities market, see also Javier Marquez and Eduardo Montealegre, "Estructura bancaria y politica monetari de El Salvador," El Trimestre Econdmico, XIX, 4 (octubre-diciembre, 1952), especially pp. 712-717.  102 The Caribbean factors inhibit entrepreneurs from going into new industrial ventures, it is likely that the demand for share-capital may not be large either. Therefore, the future of the capital market lies in the direction of government securities; either direct govern- ment obligations or issues of official banking agencies, such as development corporations and banks. These agencies have been established for the purpose of promoting agriculture and manu- facturing. At present most of their resources, which are quite limited so far, have been devoted to the development of agricul- ture through medium- and long-term loans for equipment and farm improvements. Funds for investment in agriculture are particularly needed in order to raise productivity, to put new land into use, and to eliminate gradually the nonbank loan operations carried out by merchants and private individuals and involving outrageous rates of interest and low cash income for the farmer. IV I shall now try to state briefly what seem to me to be the most important general conclusions that may be drawn from the different financing experience of Mexico, which is already in a sort of second stage of development, and the Central Ameri- can republics, which are embarking upon the first stage. First, the new pattern of economic development involves necessarily a good deal of public investment and channeling of savings into private enterprise, both agricultural and industrial, through official development corporations and banking institu- tions. It therefore seems desirable that fiscal policies be devised to provide governments and their agencies with sufficient tax receipts to cover their investment and development activities, and that those fiscal policies should envisage also the advisability of redressing the existing maldistribution of income and of re- stricting the unessential consumption of the higher income groups. A strong progressive tax policy is required, to be 102 The Caribbean factors inhibit entrepreneurs from going into new industrial ventures, it is likely that the demand for share-capital may not be large either. Therefore, the future of the capital market lies in the direction of government securities; either direct govern- ment obligations or issues of official banking agencies, such as development corporations and banks. These agencies have been established for the purpose of promoting agriculture and manu- facturing. At present most of their resources, which are quite limited so far, have been devoted to the development of agricul- ture through medium- and long-term loans for equipment and farm improvements. Funds for investment in agriculture are particularly needed in order to raise productivity, to put new land into use, and to eliminate gradually the nonbank loan operations carried out by merchants and private individuals and involving outrageous rates of interest and low cash income for the farmer. IV I shall now try to state briefly what seem to me to be the most important general conclusions that may be drawn from the different financing experience of Mexico, which is already in a sort of second stage of development, and the Central Ameri- can republics, which are embarking upon the first stage. First, the new pattern of economic development involves necessarily a good deal of public investment and channeling of savings into private enterprise, both agricultural and industrial, through official development corporations and banking institu- tions. It therefore seems desirable that fiscal policies be devised to provide governments and their agencies with sufficient tax receipts to cover their investment and development activities, and that those fiscal policies should envisage also the advisability of redressing the existing maldistribution of income and of re- stricting the unessential consumption of the higher income groups. A strong progressive tax policy is required, to be 102 The Caribbean factors inhibit entrepreneurs from going into new industrial ventures, it is likely that the demand for share-capital may not be large either. Therefore, the future of the capital market lies in the direction of government securities; either direct govern- ment obligations or issues of official banking agencies, such as development corporations and banks. These agencies have been established for the purpose of promoting agriculture and manu- facturing. At present most of their resources, which are quite limited so far, have been devoted to the development of agricul- ture through medium- and long-term loans for equipment and farm improvements. Funds for investment in agriculture are particularly needed in order to raise productivity, to put new land into use, and to eliminate gradually the nonbank loan operations carried out by merchants and private individuals and involving outrageous rates of interest and low cash income for the farmer. IV I shall now try to state briefly what seem to me to be the most important general conclusions that may be drawn from the different financing experience of Mexico, which is already in a sort of second stage of development, and the Central Ameri- can republics, which are embarking upon the first stage. First, the new pattern of economic development involves necessarily a good deal of public investment and channeling of savings into private enterprise, both agricultural and industrial, through official development corporations and banking institu- tions. It therefore seems desirable that fiscal policies be devised to provide governments and their agencies with sufficient tax receipts to cover their investment and development activities, and that those fiscal policies should envisage also the advisability of redressing the existing maldistribution of income and of re- stricting the unessential consumption of the higher income groups. A strong progressive tax policy is required, to be  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 103 graduated in such a way as not to discourage private investment. This will depend not only on the type of taxes, allowances for re- investment, and tax administration, but also on how effective the development programs are in enlarging the domestic market and providing the entrepreneur with external economics." Second, development can be financed mostly from domestic savings, provided measures are taken to prevent the chronic capital flight that is so characteristic, for instance, of the Central American countries. Repatriation of idle funds could do much to finance more rapid capital formation. Third, special methods need to be devised to attract idle funds to the securities market. Among such methods may be the assur- ance of automatic redemption at sight or at least a stabilizing mechanism. However, even more important may be the fixing of interest rates high enough to help overcome liquidity prefer- ence. There is also room for much improvement in the tech- nique of the securities market, particularly in Central America, and to some extent also in Mexico. Fixed-interest securities are more likely to attract individual savings than equity shares, at least in the present stages of development. Fourth, an extension of the banking system is a prerequisite for further indirect financing of development. By drawing more resources into bank deposits, it will also be possible to make inroads into private usury credit and render this type of opera- tion less attractive to savers, who in turn will be induced to purchase securities and similar assets. The prospect of an "on- vicious circle" of this type holds promise for the future. Fifth, foreign loan capital, while perhaps less important to development in the aggregate, may nevertheless contribute sig- nificantly in selected activities, and help to relieve the strain on the balance of payments when the rate of domestic investment " For a discussion of the relevant aspects of fiscal policy in an under- developed country, see John H. Adler, "The Fiscal and Monetary Imple- mentation of Development Programs," American Economic Review, XLII, 2 (May, 1952); also his "Problemas fiscales del desarrollo econ6mico," El Trimestre Econdmico, XVIII, 4 (octubre-diciembre, 1951). MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS graduated in such a way as not to discourage private investr This will depend not only on the type of taxes, allowances f< investment, and tax administration, but also on how effe the development programs are in enlarging the domestic m and providing the entrepreneur with external economics." Second, development can be financed mostly from don savings, provided measures are taken to prevent the ch capital flight that is so characteristic, for instance, of the Cr American countries. Repatriation of idle funds could do r to finance more rapid capital formation. Third, special methods need to be devised to attract idle f to the securities market. Among such methods may be the a ance of automatic redemption at sight or at least a stabil mechanism. However, even more important may be the f of interest rates high enough to help overcome liquidity pi ence. There is also room for much improvement in the nique of the securities market, particularly in Central Amt and to some extent also in Mexico. Fixed-interest securitie more likely to attract individual savings than equity shars least in the present stages of development. Fourth, an extension of the banking system is a preregi for further indirect financing of development. By drawing resources into bank deposits, it will also be possible to i inroads into private usury credit and render this type of o tion less attractive to savers, who in turn will be induct purchase securities and similar assets. The prospect of an vicious circle" of this type holds promise for the future. Fifth, foreign loan capital, while perhaps less importa development in the aggregate, may nevertheless contribut nificantly in selected activities, and help to relieve the strai the balance of payments when the rate of domestic investi " For a discussion of the relevant aspects of fiscal policy in an s developed country, see John H. Adler, "The Fiscal and Monetary I mentation of Development Programs," American Economic Review, : 2 (May, 1952); also his "Problemas fiscales del desarrollo econfmiie, Trimestre Econdmico, XVIII, 4 (octubre-diciembre, 1951). 103 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 103 graduated in such a way as not to discourage private investment. This will depend not only on the type of taxes, allowances for re- investment, and tax administration, but also on how effective the development programs are in enlarging the domestic market and providing the entrepreneur with external economics." Second, development can be financed mostly from domestic savings, provided measures are taken to prevent the chronic capital flight that is so characteristic, for instance, of the Central American countries. Repatriation of idle funds could do much to finance more rapid capital formation. Third, special methods need to be devised to attract idle funds to the securities market. Among such methods may be the assur- ance of automatic redemption at sight or at least a stabilizing mechanism. However, even more important may be the fixing of interest rates high enough to help overcome liquidity prefer- ence. There is also room for much improvement in the tech- nique of the securities market, particularly in Central America, and to some extent also in Mexico. Fixed-interest securities are more likely to attract individual savings than equity shares, at least in the present stages of development. Fourth, an extension of the banking system is a prerequisite for further indirect financing of development. By drawing more resources into bank deposits, it will also be possible to make inroads into private usury credit and render this type of opera- tion less attractive to savers, who in turn will be induced to purchase securities and similar assets. The prospect of an "on- vicious circle" of this type holds promise for the future. Fifth, foreign loan capital, while perhaps less important to development in the aggregate, may nevertheless contribute sig- nificantly in selected activities, and help to relieve the strain on the balance of payments when the rate of domestic investment " For a discussion of the relevant aspects of fiscal policy in an under- developed country, see John H. Adler, "The Fiscal and Monetary Imple- mentation of Development Programs," American Economic Review, XLII, 2 (May, 1952); also his "Problemas fiscales del desarrollo economico," El Trimestre Econdmico, XVIII, 4 (octubre-diciembre, 1951).  104 The Caribbean 104 The Caribbean is high and the import content of capital formation is rather considerable. Furthermore, foreign investments in domestic manufacturing may frequently help to encourage the investment of domestic capital as well. V If any over-all conclusion could be stated, it is perhaps that the experiences of the countries I have been referring to show that the methods of financing development in the more ad- vanced countries cannot be copied or easily adapted, and that, on the contrary, there is a basic difference both with regard to the extent of public investment and to the practical possi- bilities of relying on existing private savings. is high and the import content of capital formation is rather considerable. Furthermore, foreign investments in domestic manufacturing may frequently help to encourage the investment of domestic capital as well. If any over-all conclusion could be stated, it is perhaps that the experiences of the countries I have been referring to show that the methods of financing development in the more ad- vanced countries cannot be copied or easily adapted, and that, on the contrary, there is a basic difference both with regard to the extent of public investment and to the practical possi- bilities of relying on existing private savings. 104 The Caribbean is high and the import content of capital formation is rather considerable. Furthermore, foreign investments in domestic manufacturing may frequently help to encourage the investment of domestic capital as well. V If any over-all conclusion could be stated, it is perhaps that the experiences of the countries I have been referring to show that the methods of financing development in the more ad- vanced countries cannot be copied or easily adapted, and that, on the contrary, there is a basic difference both with regard to the extent of public investment and to the practical possi- bilities of relying on existing private savings.  8 Percy C. Magnus: POLITICO-ECONOMIC REFLECTIONS ON EXPROPRIATION IN THE CARIBBEAN EXPROPRIATION is assuming an increasingly important part in international affairs, friendly relations between nations, and the investment of venture capital in foreign enterprises. According to The Oxford English Dictionary, expropriation means to "take away" when relating to property. It is the seizing of such property by the government for its own purpose. The word comes from the same Latin root as does the word "proper" when interpreted as being "in the public interest." With time limitations, this brief paper can only be suggestive and not exhaustive. Many phases should be presented more completely, while other important aspects must be omitted. I shall raise some questions without, perhaps, supplying adequate answers. Experience is the best teacher and it does not offer short cuts to solutions. I shall touch briefly on: legal aspects; economic consider- ations; political organizations; morals and ethics; and personal reflections as an exporter-importer. I. Legal Aspects There is no unequivocal law applicable to expropriation. In- ternational law and the pronouncements thus far by the United 105 Percy C. Magnus: POLITICO-ECONOMIC REFLECTIONS ON EXPROPRIATION IN THE CARIBBEAN EXPROPRIATION is assuming an increasingly important part in international affairs, friendly relations between nations, and the investment of venture capital in foreign enterprises. According to The Oxford English Dictionary, expropriation means to "take away" when relating to property. It is the seizing of such property by the government for its own purpose. The word comes from the same Latin root as does the word "proper" when interpreted as being "in the public interest." With time limitations, this brief paper can only be suggestive and not exhaustive. Many phases should be presented more completely, while other important aspects must be omitted. I shall raise some questions without, perhaps, supplying adequate answers. Experience is the best teacher and it does not offer short cuts to solutions. I shall touch briefly on: legal aspects; economic consider- ations; political organizations; morals and ethics; and personal reflections as an exporter-importer. I. Legal Aspects There is no unequivocal law applicable to expropriation. In- ternational law and the pronouncements thus far by the United 105 Percy C. Magnus: POLITICO-ECONOMIC REFLECTIONS ON EXPROPRIATION IN THE CARIBBEAN EXPROPRIATION is assuming an increasingly important part in international affairs, friendly relations between nations, and the investment of venture capital in foreign enterprises. According to The Oxford English Dictionary, expropriation means to "take away" when relating to property. It is the seizing of such property by the government for its own purpose. The word comes from the same Latin root as does the word "proper" when interpreted as being "in the public interest." With time limitations, this brief paper can only be suggestive and not exhaustive. Many phases should be presented more completely, while other important aspects must be omitted. I shall raise some questions without, perhaps, supplying adequate answers. Experience is the best teacher and it does not offer short cuts to solutions. I shall touch briefly on: legal aspects; economic consider- ations; political organizations; morals and ethics; and personal reflections as an exporter-importer. I. Legal Aspects There is no unequivocal law applicable to expropriation. In- ternational law and the pronouncements thus far by the United 105  106 The Caribbean Nations take cognizance of a nineteenth-century concept called "sovereignty." It is an accepted principle that no nation can or should interfere in the internal affairs of another nation. It is assumed that the constituted government of each and every country has complete jurisdiction over such affairs. The Guatemalan ambassador, Guillermo Toriello, defending his country's act of seizing certain lands of the United Fruit Company under a recent land reform law, has this to say: We cannot discuss internationally, the effects of this law because it constitutes a sovereign act of the nation and because it is in accord with recommendations of a 1952 United Nations General Assembly resolution which recognized the rights of all nations to nationalize their natural resources. The ambassador's reference is to U.N. Number A-2332 of December 18, 1952. Resolutions V and VI dealt with land reforms and the right to exploit freely national wealth and resources and were adopted in the United Nations by a vote of 36 to 4, with the United States voting "No." Interference, whether actual or implied, with the right of sovereignty is deeply resented, not alone by the government ad- versely affected, but even by states that have no direct interest in the matter at issue. They anticipate some future interference in their own internal affairs by some other nation, so they vote for the general principle "You mind your own business and keep out of my affairs." The legality of expropriation rests upon each individual case and the facts surrounding it. In the expropriating country, it must be determined whether the act of expropriation is allow- able under the constitution of that country. Have the legislative and executive departments of the expropriating country ex- ceeded the authority vested in them? Even if the act of expro- priation is completely legal under the laws of that nation, is there violation of any treaty between it and the aggrieved country; and if so, will this violation call for retaliatory acts 106 The Caribbean 106 The Caribbean Nations take cognizance of a nineteenth-century concept called "sovereignty." It is an accepted principle that no nation can or should interfere in the internal affairs of another nation. It is assumed that the constituted government of each and every country has complete jurisdiction over such affairs. The Guatemalan ambassador, Guillermo Toriello; defending his country's act of seizing certain lands of the United Fruit Company under a recent land reform law, has this to say: We cannot discuss internationally, the effects of this law because it constitutes a'sovereign act of the nation and because it is in accord with recommendations of a 1952 United Nations General Assembly resolution which recognized the rights of all nations to nationalize their natural resources. The ambassador's reference is to U.N. Number A-2332 of December 18, 1952. Resolutions V and VI dealt with land reforms and the right to exploit freely national wealth and resources and were adopted in the United Nations by a vote of 36 to 4, with the United States voting "No." Interference, whether actual or implied, with the right of sovereignty is deeply resented, not alone by the government ad- versely affected, but even by states that have no direct interest in the matter at issue. They anticipate some future interference in their own internal affairs by some other nation, so they vote for the general principle "You mind your own business and keep out of my affairs." The legality of expropriation rests upon each individual case and the facts surrounding it. In the expropriating country, it must be determined whether the act of expropriation is allow- able under the constitution of that country. Have the legislative and executive departments of the expropriating country ex- ceeded the authority vested in them? Even if the act of expro- priation is completely legal under the laws of that nation, is there violation of any treaty between it and the aggrieved country; and if so, will this violation call for retaliatory acts Nations take cognizance of a nineteenth-century concept called "sovereignty." It is an accepted principle that no nation can or should interfere in the internal affairs of another nation. It is assumed that the constituted government of each and every country has complete jurisdiction over such affairs. The Guatemalan ambassador, Guillermo Toriello; defending his country's act of seizing certain lands of the United Fruit Company under a recent land reform law, has this to say: We cannot discuss internationally, the effects of this law because it constitutes a'sovereign act of the nation and because it is in accord with recommendations of a 1952 United Nations General Assembly resolution which recognized the rights of all nations to nationalize their natural resources. The ambassador's reference is to U.N. Number A-2332 of December 18, 1952. Resolutions V and VI dealt with land reforms and the right to exploit freely national wealth and resources and were adopted in the United Nations by a vote of 36 to 4, with the United States voting "No." Interference, whether actual or implied, with the right of sovereignty is deeply resented, not alone by the government ad- versely affected, but even by states that have no direct interest in the matter at issue. They anticipate some future interference in their own internal affairs by some other nation, so they vote for the general principle "You mind your own business and keep out of my affairs." The legality of expropriation rests upon each individual case and the facts surrounding it. In the expropriating country, it must be determined whether the act of expropriation is allow- able under the constitution of that country. Have the legislative and executive departments of the expropriating country ex- ceeded the authority vested in them? Even if the act of expro- priation is completely legal under the laws of that nation, is there violation of any treaty between it and the aggrieved country; and if so, will this violation call for retaliatory acts  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS JU/ against the offending nation? Would the controversy lead to war? What remedies might be expected from a world court? II. Economic Considerations The economic implications are less involved and much less technical than the legal aspects. A single and easily answered question might suffice. -Will venture capital seek investment in any nation where the capital investments may be seized in whole or in part, at a price and in payments in a specie totally unsatisfactory to the investor? The answer is obvious: No. The recent seizure, by the government of Guatemala, of 233,- 973 acres of lands owned by the United Fruit Company is cited only as a case in point. While the plantations themselves were not seized, it is claimed by the United Fruit Company, through its President, Kenneth H. Redmond, that "a large part of the disputed land is indispensable for carrying on the Company's banana business, inasmuch as crop rotation, plant pathology, wind-storm devastation, and other causes require the constant replacement of banana plantations, so that the production can be kept and the costly installation necessary for the business justified." He further states that the decree of expropriation provides that the company will be offered 3 per cent twenty-five-year bonds of the Agrarian Fund in the amount of 594,572 quetzales in full payment of the loss sustained by the company. He fur- ther charges that this is "a ridiculously low offer of compensa- tion, the method of payment in bonds which have no present value as being practically confiscation." Venture capital from abroad usually is not invested in unnecessary overhead. The judgment of management of the investing company clashed with the governmental decree. From the practical standpoint of economics, wealth seeking opportu- nity in a foreign nation chooses the places where attractive profits MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS against the offending nation? Would the controversy le: war? What remedies might be expected from a world cou I. Economic Considerations The economic implications are less involved and muc technical than the legal aspects. A single and easily ans question might suffice. -Will venture capital seek investment in any nation whet capital investments may be seized in whole or in part, price and in payments in a specie totally unsatisfactory t investor? The answer is obvious: No. The recent seizure, by the government of Guatemala, of 973 acres of lands owned by the United Fruit Company is only as a case in point. While the plantations themselves not seized, it is claimed by the United Fruit Company, thi its President, Kenneth H. Redmond, that "a large part c disputed land is indispensable for carrying on the Com banana business, inasmuch as crop rotation, plant path< wind-storm devastation, and other causes require the co replacement of banana plantations, so that the productio be kept and the costly installation necessary for the bu justified." He further states that the decree of expropriation pr that the company will be offered 3 per cent twenty-five bonds of the Agrarian Fund in the amount of 594,572 que in full payment of the loss sustained by the company. H< ther charges that this is "a ridiculously low offer of comy tion, the method of payment in bonds which have no pi value as being practically confiscation." Venture capital from abroad usually is not invest unnecessary overhead. The judgment of management c investing company clashed with the governmental decree. the practical standpoint of economics, wealth seeking opl nity in a foreign nation chooses the places where attractive 1 107 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 107 against the offending nation? Would the controversy lead to war? What remedies might be expected from a world court? II. Economic Considerations The economic implications are less involved and much less technical than the legal aspects. A single and easily answered question might suffice. -Will venture capital seek investment in any nation where the capital investments may be seized in whole or in part, at a price and in payments in a specie totally unsatisfactory to the investor? The answer is obvious: No. The recent seizure, by the government of Guatemala, of 233,- 973 acres of lands owned by the United Fruit Company is cited only as a case in point. While the plantations themselves were not seized, it is claimed by the United Fruit Company, through its President, Kenneth H. Redmond, that "a large part of the disputed land is indispensable for carrying on the Company's banana business, inasmuch as crop rotation, plant pathology, wind-storm devastation, and other causes require the constant replacement of banana plantations, so that the production can be kept and the costly installation necessary for the business justified." He further states that the decree of expropriation provides that the company will be offered 3 per cent twenty-five-year bonds of the Agrarian Fund in the amount of 594,572 quetzales in full payment of the loss sustained by the company. He fur- ther charges that this is "a ridiculously low offer of compensa- tion, the method of payment in bonds which have no present value as being practically confiscation." Venture capital from abroad usually is not invested in unnecessary overhead. The judgment of management of the investing company clashed with the governmental decree. From the practical standpoint of economics, wealth seeking opportu- nity in a foreign nation chooses the places where attractive profits  108 The Caribbean may be made, and where there is a minimum of government interferences, restrictions or complications, or threats of seizure. A government contemplating expropriation of the properties of foreign investors has much to consider before taking such action. Not alone should it weigh the legal aspects of such action; nor even should it be dazzled by the temporary gains under land reforms or any other objective. It should consider also the long- range effect of diversion of foreign capital from its own country to other nations where conditions are more favorable to the investor. Governments justify expropriation by claiming that the act is in the public interest. This defense should be weighed very carefully, especially by undeveloped nations. Is it in the public interest to shut off foreign investment? Has the government in power at the time the actual wealth to establish new enterprises? Even in matters of state, wealth is "accumulated sweat." Have they the means to purchase lands, erect buildings, and provide equipment? Can the government train skilled workers? Do they have the know-how? Do they have the certainty of markets? In this highly competitive world economy, can governments automatically create such capital by simply passing a law? Does world economics bow a subservient knee to local jurisprudence? If this were true and the answer were "Yes," the poorest nation in the world could become the richest nation in the world by the simple expedient of passing a great number of laws. The current market price of new laws is "a dime a dozen." No legislative act creates sweat, or deposits in banking institutions. Practical business answers "No" to the above questions. Politi- cal leaders, with more skill in oratory and demagoguery, are the only ones to say "Yes." They propose to endorse a promissory note by an oration. The world's best literature may be the world's poorest guarantee of financial payments. The salvos of cheers in political gatherings fall on deaf ears of foreign investors. The pen strokes affixed to the expropriation papers are a screech- ing siren signal heard throughout the world, warning capital not 108 The Caribbean 108 The Caribbean may be made, and where there is a minimum of government interferences, restrictions or complications, or threats of seizure. A government contemplating expropriation of the properties of foreign investors has much to consider before taking such action. Not alone should it weigh the legal aspects of such action; nor even should it be dazzled by the temporary gains under land reforms or any other objective. It should consider also the long- range effect of diversion of foreign capital from its own country to other nations where conditions are more favorable to the investor. Governments justify expropriation by claiming that the act is in the public interest. This defense should be weighed very carefully, especially by undeveloped nations. Is it in the public interest to shut off foreign investment? Has the government in power at the time the actual wealth to establish new enterprises? Even in matters of state, wealth is "accumulated sweat." Have they the means to purchase lands, erect buildings, and provide equipment? Can the government train skilled workers? Do they have the know-how? Do they have the certainty of markets? In this highly competitive world economy, can governments automatically create such capital by simply passing a law? Does world economics bow a subservient knee to local jurisprudence? If this were true and the answer were "Yes," the poorest nation in the world could become the richest nation in the world by the simple expedient of passing a great number of laws. The current market price of new laws is "a dime a dozen." No legislative act creates sweat, or deposits in banking institutions. Practical business answers "No" to the above questions. Politi- cal leaders, with more skill in oratory and demagoguery, are the only ones to say "Yes." They propose to endorse a promissory note by an oration. The world's best literature may be the world's poorest guarantee of financial payments. The salvos of cheers in political gatherings fall on deaf eats of foreign investors. The pen strokes affixed to the expropriation papers are a screech- ing siren signal heard throughout the world, warning capital not may be made, and where there is a minimum of government interferences, restrictions or complications, or threats of seizure. A government contemplating expropriation of the properties of foreign investors has much to consider before taking such action. Not alone should it weigh the legal aspects of such action; nor even should it be dazzled by the temporary gains under land reforms or any other objective. It should consider also the long- range effect of diversion of foreign capital from its own country to other nations where conditions are more favorable to the investor. Governments justify expropriation by claiming that the act is in the public interest. This defense should be weighed very carefully, especially by undeveloped nations. Is it in the public interest to shut off foreign investment? Has the government in power at the time the actual wealth to establish new enterprises? Even in matters of state, wealth is "accumulated sweat." Have they the means to purchase lands, erect buildings, and provide equipment? Can the government train skilled workers? Do they have the know-how? Do they have the certainty of markets? In this highly competitive world economy, can governments automatically create such capital by simply passing a law? Does world economics bow a subservient knee to local jurisprudence? If this were true and the answer were "Yes," the poorest nation in the world could become the richest nation in the world by the simple expedient of passing a great number of laws. The current market price of new laws is "a dime a dozen." No legislative act creates sweat, or deposits in banking institutions. Practical business answers "No" to the above questions. Politi- cal leaders, with more skill in oratory and demagoguery, are the only ones to say "Yes." They propose to endorse a promissory note by an oration. The world's best literature may be the world's poorest guarantee of financial payments. The salvos of cheers in political gatherings fall on deaf can of foreign investors. The pen strokes affixed to the expropriation papers are a screech- ing siren signal heard throughout the world, warning capital not  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS lU9 to invest in that country. Such acts can never be construed to be "in the public welfare." III. Political Organizations No previous generation in world history has witnessed so many upheavals in the structure of government. The philosophy of the divine right of emperors and kings, even the acceptance of the deity of such rulers, has been swept away. We have seen bol- shevism, Nazism, and Fascism set up as authoritative states. Wars have raged and millions of lives have been lost in the clash between the supremacy of the individual and the supremacy of the state. Dictators have arisen and the divine right of kings has been perverted to the devil's license to rule. Power has been seized by those strong enough to swing the policeman's club and to put the executioner's ax to work. Along about the close of the seventeenth century, and early in the eighteenth century, prominent scholars turned their atten- tion to the structure of government. The writings of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau greatly influenced Jefferson and his associ- ates in writing the American Constitution. These thinkers dis- tinguished between lawmaking powers, law-enforcing powers, and law-interpreting powers. The American Constitution was based upon the complete separation of these powers and the com- plete independence of each department from the other two. According to our American concept, the Congress enacts the legislation. When signed by the President, it becomes law. The President has the chief executive power and responsibility for the enforcement of law. The federal courts, with top authority in the Supreme Court of the United States, interpret the law. Basically it may decide whether or not the Congress and the President are acting within the scope of their powers under the written Constitution. Mostly their decisions interpret the meaning of the law as applied to current conditions. There have been efforts, of course, to cir- MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS to invest in that country. Such acts can never be constru be "in the public welfare." III. Political Organizations No previous generation in world history has witnessed so upheavals in the structure of government. The philosop the divine right of emperors and kings, even the acceptar the deity of such rulers, has been swept away. We have see shevism, Nazism, and Fascism set up as authoritative Wars have raged and millions of lives have been lost in the between the supremacy of the individual and the suprema the state. Dictators have arisen and the divine right of has been perverted to the devil's license to rule. Power has seized by those strong enough to swing the policeman's clul to put the executioner's ax to work. Along about the close of the seventeenth century, and in the eighteenth century, prominent scholars turned their; tion to the structure of government. The writings of Hc Locke, and Rousseau greatly influenced Jefferson and his a ates in writing the American Constitution. These thinker tinguished between lawmaking powers, law-enforcing pc and law-interpreting powers. The American Constitutio based upon the complete separation of these powers and the plete independence of each department from the other According to our American concept, the Congress enact legislation. When signed by the President, it becomes law. President has the chief executive power and responsibility f< enforcement of law. The federal courts, with top authority in the Supreme of the United States, interpret the law. Basically it may < whether or not the Congress and the President are acting , the scope of their powers under the written Constitution. Is their decisions interpret the meaning of the law as appli current conditions. There have been efforts, of course, t 109 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 109 to invest in that country. Such acts can never be construed to be "in the public welfare." III. Political Organizations No previous generation in world history has witnessed so many upheavals in the structure of government. The philosophy of the divine right of emperors and kings, even the acceptance of the deity of such rulers, has been swept away. We have seen bol- shevism, Nazism, and Fascism set up as authoritative states. Wars have raged and millions of lives have been lost in the clash between the supremacy of the individual and the supremacy of the state. Dictators have arisen and the divine right of kings has been perverted to the devil's license to rule. Power has been seized by those strong enough to swing the policeman's club and to put the executioner's ax to work. Along about the close of the seventeenth century, and early in the eighteenth century, prominent scholars turned their atten- tion to the structure of government. The writings of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau greatly influenced Jefferson and his associ- ates in writing the American Constitution. These thinkers dis- tinguished between lawmaking powers, law-enforcing powers, and law-interpreting powers. The American Constitution was based upon the complete separation of these powers and the com- plete independence of each department from the other two. According to our American concept, the Congress enacts the legislation. When signed by the President, it becomes law. The President has the chief executive power and responsibility for the enforcement of law. The federal courts, with top authority in the Supreme Court of the United States, interpret the law. Basically it may decide whether or not the Congress and the President are acting within the scope of their powers under the written Constitution. Mostly their decisions interpret the meaning of the law as applied to current conditions. There have been efforts, of course, to cir-  110 The Caribbean cumvent the explicit intent of the Constitution, as, for example, when the President submits to Congress in messages what pur- ports to be "must" legislation. Efforts have been considered and actually made by the law-enforcement power to enlarge the number of members of the Supreme Court, packing it by a sufficient number of additional names to assure that the decision of the court will comply with the mandate of the executive. However, the strength of the Constitution of the United States and its effectiveness have been based on the complete separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers. We Americans, though satisfied with the workings of our Constitution, cannot expect-much less demand-that other nations insist upon the separation of these powers. In the days of the absolute monarch in France it was "L'etat c'est moi"-"I am the state." Under the dictator of modern times, the lawmaking, the law-enforcing, and the law-inter- preting functions of government are centered in one person, supported only by his cohorts, who contribute to his holding power to rule. Our generation has witnessed the spectacle of ballots displac- ing many heads of states and bullets disposing of many dictators. I believe these reflections on political organization are pertinent to any discussion on expropriation. No matter how completely it is argued at home that such an act is in the public interest, the facts become open pages for the world to read. When the public interest is interpreted as enriching the fortunes of a limited few members of the immediate family of the dictator or his conniving associates, who regard the government of their country as their own private racket, most certainly such a politi- cal organization becomes an effective blockade to foreign invest- ment when the avaricious desires of the dictator are held to be legal by a sycophantic system of courts. IV. Morals and Ethics Civilized nations are expected to maintain in acts of govern- 110 The Caribbean 110 The Caribbean cumvent the explicit intent of the Constitution, as, for example, when the President submits to Congress in messages what pur- ports to be "must" legislation. Efforts have been considered and actually made by the law-enforcement power to enlarge the number of members of the Supreme Court, packing it by a sufficient number of additional names to assure that the decision of the court will comply with the mandate of the executive. However, the strength of the Constitution of the United States and its effectiveness have been based on the complete separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers. We Americans, though satisfied with the workings of our Constitution, cannot expect-much less demand-that other nations insist upon the separation of these powers. In the days of the absolute monarch in France it was "L'etat c'est moi"-"I am the state." Under the dictator of modern times, the lawmaking, the law-enforcing, and the law-inter- preting functions of government are centered in one person, supported only by his cohorts, who contribute to his holding power to rule. Our generation has witnessed the spectacle of ballots displac- ing many heads of states and bullets disposing of many dictators. I believe these reflections on political organization are pertinent to any discussion on expropriation. No matter how completely it is argued at home that such an act is in the public interest, the facts become open pages for the world to read. When the public interest is interpreted as enriching the fortunes of a limited few members of the immediate family of the dictator or his conniving associates, who regard the government of their country as their own private racket, most certainly such a politi- cal organization becomes an effective blockade to foreign invest- ment when the avaricious desires of the dictator are held to be legal by a sycophantic system of courts. IV. Morals and Ethics Civilized nations are expected to maintain in acts of govern- cumvent the explicit intent of the Constitution, as, for example, when the President submits to Congress in messages what pur- ports to be "must" legislation. Efforts have been considered and actually made by the law-enforcement power to enlarge the number of members of the Supreme Court, packing it by a sufficient number of additional names to assure that the decision of the court will comply with the mandate of the executive. However, the strength of the Constitution of the United States and its effectiveness have been based on the complete separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers. We Americans, though satisfied with the workings of our Constitution, cannot expect-much less demand-that other nations insist upon the separation of these powers. In the days of the absolute monarch in France it was "L'dtat c'est moi"-"I am the state." Under the dictator of modern times, the lawmaking, the law-enforcing, and the law-inter- preting functions of government are centered in one person, supported only by his cohorts, who contribute to his holding power to rule. Our generation has witnessed the spectacle of ballots displac- ing many heads of states and bullets disposing of many dictators. I believe these reflections on political organization are pertinent to any discussion on expropriation. No matter how completely it is argued at home that such an act is in the public interest, the facts become open pages for the world to read. When the public interest is interpreted as enriching the fortunes of a limited few members of the immediate family of the dictator or his conniving associates, who regard the government of their country as their own private racket, most certainly such a politi- cal organization becomes an effective blockade to foreign invest- ment when the avaricious desires of the dictator are held to be legal by a sycophantic system of courts. IV. Morals and Ethics Civilized nations are expected to maintain in acts of govern-  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 11 ment the public moral and ethical code that is expected of its nationals as individuals. There is a collective morality which condemns breaches of world-wide accepted rules. World opinion expects adherence, and is profoundly shocked in its breach. Of course, I am a business man, and I think the thoughts of business. The past two centuries have produced a formula which is sound, morally and ethically: Investors will risk their funds in other countries only when assured their capital has the right of exit coupled with the right of entry; that the government of the country respects contracts; that the local currency of the state is sound and stable; that the taxes to be imposed on the foreign investor will not be discriminatory but will be on the same basis as those collected from native establishments; that they will have the right of management and be freed from arbitrary and unreasonable interference; and that they will receive protection against local violence. It cannot be denied that such expectations are moral and ethical. Especially in the United States, the recent action of the United Nations in justifying the nationalization of national re- sources and remaining silent-almost audibly so-on the rights of owners to just compensation, aroused most unfavorable com- ment in the press, in business groups, and among the public generally and it came as a profound shock to many throughout the world. Within the past few weeks, I have read an exchange of corre- spondence between two American business men vitally inter- ested in world trade. There is a growing opinion in our country, and especially among business interests, that the United Nations is going far afield from its intent and purpose. I venture to pre- dict the strong possibility that the United States Government may be urged by its people-and I mean all the people, not merely business interests-to take immediate and forceful action to limit the scope of United Nations activities in economic affairs. The International Trade Organization, meeting in Geneva MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS ment the public moral and ethical code that is expected nationals as individuals. There is a collective morality condemns breaches of world-wide accepted rules. World orf expects adherence, and is profoundly shocked in its breac Of course, I am a business man, and I think the the of business. The past two centuries have produced a foi which is sound, morally and ethically: Investors will risk funds in other countries only when assured their capital h; right of exit coupled with the right of entry; that the goverr of the country respects contracts; that the local currency : state is sound and stable; that the taxes to be imposed o foreign investor will not be discriminatory but will be o same basis as those collected from native establishments; they will have the right of management and be freed arbitrary and unreasonable interference; and that the receive protection against local violence. It cannot be d that such expectations are moral and ethical. Especially in the United States, the recent action c United Nations in justifying the nationalization of nation sources and remaining silent-almost audibly so-on the of owners to just compensation, aroused most unfavorable ment in the press, in business groups, and among the 1 generally and it came as a profound shock to many throu the world. Within the past few weeks, I have read an exchange of spondence between two American business men vitally ested in world trade. There is a growing opinion in our co and especially among business interests, that the United N is going far afield from its intent and purpose. I venture t< diet the strong possibility that the United States Goverr may be urged by its people-and I mean all the people merely business interests-to take immediate and forceful to limit the scope of United Nations activities in eco affairs. The International Trade Organization, meeting in G I11 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS j1j ment the public moral and ethical code that is expected of its nationals as individuals. There is a collective morality which condemns breaches of world-wide accepted rules. World opinion expects adherence, and is profoundly shocked in its breach. Of course, I am a business man, and I think the thoughts of business. The past two centuries have produced a formula which is sound, morally and ethically: Investors will risk their funds in other countries only when assured their capital has the right of exit coupled with the right of entry; that the government of the country respects contracts; that the local currency of the state is sound and stable; that the taxes to be imposed on the foreign investor will not be discriminatory but will be on the same basis as those collected from native establishments; that they will have the right of management and be freed from arbitrary and unreasonable interference; and that they will receive protection against local violence. It cannot be denied that such expectations are moral and ethical. Especially in the United States, the recent action of the United Nations in justifying the nationalization of national re- sources and remaining silent-almost audibly so-on the rights of owners to just compensation, aroused most unfavorable com- ment in the press, in business groups, and among the public generally and it came as a profound shock to many throughout the world. Within the past few weeks, I have read an exchange of corre- spondence between two American business men vitally inter- ested in world trade. There is a growing opinion in our country, and especially among business interests, that the United Nations is going far afield from its intent and purpose. I venture to pre- dict the strong possibility that the United States Government may be urged by its people-and I mean all the people, not merely business interests-to take immediate and forceful action to limit the scope of United Nations activities in economic affairs. The International Trade Organization, meeting in Geneva  112 The Caribbean and in Havana, waved a warning flag. It is inconceivable that the United States will continue participation in world programs so violently contrary to the American way and the rights of its people guaranteed by its Constitution. Please let me make it eminently clear that I am not con- demning all acts of expropriation. Some may take place that are sanctioned by the universal moral and ethical code. Property owned by foreign investors may be seized in the public welfare, but payment should be made in adequate amounts to compen- sate for the property seized and the loss in value of owners' interests. It would seem crystal clear that a government seeking grants in aid or other forms of assistance should come with clean hands. It should be worthy of such aid. A very large part of world commerce is based on integrity. It is difficult to reconcile acts of outright theft, whether behind the bandit's mask or enforced by the policeman's club. Speaking as an American citizen, I believe deeply and sin- cerely that the American people are ready and willing to make sacrifices to help underdeveloped nations. They give their ap- proval to large federal grants to these very programs when they know that the costs thereof are raised by taxes extracted out of their pockets. But I do not believe they will long countenance immoral and unethical acts on the part of nations seeking our help. Point Four, in extending United States help, will be based on "Point Fair" in the acceptance of aid. The mask of democ- racy and capitalism cannot conceal the countenance of socialism or communism. It is entirely outside the scope of this brief presentation to discuss capitalism and socialism or communism. Likewise, I believe it is outside the activities of the United Nations to permit that organization, which can exist only on world cooperation, to be used as a springboard for the promotion of communism. It is beyond reason to expect that the United States will go along with a program giving financial assistance to the spread of com- munism throughout the world, the system that avows as its pur- 112 The Caribbean 112 The Caribbean and in Havana, waved a warning flag. It is inconceivable that the United States will continue participation in world programs so violently contrary to the American way and the rights of its people guaranteed by its Constitution. Please let me make it eminently clear that I am not con- demning all acts of expropriation. Some may take place that are sanctioned by the universal moral and ethical code. Property owned by foreign investors may be seized in the public welfare, but payment should be made in adequate amounts to compen- sate for the property seized and the loss in value of owners' interests. It would seem crystal clear that a government seeking grants in aid or other forms of assistance should come with clean hands. It should be worthy of such aid. A very large part of world commerce is based on integrity. It is difficult to reconcile acts of outright theft, whether behind the bandit's mask or enforced by the policeman's club. Speaking as an American citizen, I believe deeply and sin- cerely that the American people are ready and willing to make sacrifices to help underdeveloped nations. They give their ap- proval to large federal grants to these very programs when they know that the costs thereof are raised by taxes extracted out of their pockets. But I do not believe they will long countenance immoral and unethical acts on the part of nations seeking our help. Point Four, in extending United States help, will be based on "Point Fair" in the acceptance of aid. The mask of democ- racy and capitalism cannot conceal the countenance of socialism or communism. It is entirely outside the scope of this brief presentation to discuss capitalism and socialism or communism. Likewise, I believe it is outside the activities of the United Nations to permit that organization, which can exist only on world cooperation, to be used as a springboard for the promotion of communism. It is beyond reason to expect that the United States will go along with a program giving financial assistance to the spread of com- munism throughout the world, the system that avows as its pur- and in Havana, waved a warning flag. It is inconceivable that the United States will continue participation in world programs so violently contrary to the American way and the rights of its people guaranteed by its Constitution. Please let me make it eminently clear that I am not con- demning all acts of expropriation. Some may take place that are sanctioned by the universal moral and ethical code. Property owned by foreign investors may be seized in the public welfare, but payment should be made in adequate amounts to compen- sate for the property seized and the loss in value of owners' interests. It would seem crystal clear that a government seeking grants in aid or other forms of assistance should come with clean hands. It should be worthy of such aid. A very large part of world commerce is based on integrity. It is difficult to reconcile acts of outright theft, whether behind the bandit's mask or enforced by the policeman's club. Speaking as an American citizen, I believe deeply and sin- cerely that the American people are ready and willing to make sacrifices to help underdeveloped nations. They give their ap- proval to large federal grants to these very programs when they know that the costs thereof are raised by taxes extracted out of their pockets. But I do not believe they will long countenance immoral and unethical acts on the part of nations seeking our help. Point Four, in extending United States help, will be based on "Point Fair" in the acceptance of aid. The mask of democ- racy and capitalism cannot conceal the countenance of socialism or communism. It is entirely outside the scope of this brief presentation to discuss capitalism and socialism or communism. Likewise, I believe it is outside the activities of the United Nations to permit that organization, which can exist only on world cooperation, to be used as a springboard for the promotion of communism. It is beyond reason to expect that the United States will go along with a program giving financial assistance to the spread of com- munism throughout the world, the system that avows as its pur-  MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 113 pose the destruction of the capitalistic system, which is picking up the check in aid of free peoples everywhere. Expropriation is a most delicate operation in the world's body politic and the world's economy. It may be justified, and even approved in rare instances. But I raise the old warning that we quote in jest, "The operation was successful but the patient died." V. Personal Reflections As an Exporter-Importer I confess frankly that my line of reasoning and the conclusions offered here are influenced by my personal experiences. The company which I serve as president engages in world trade. We buy and sell on each of the world's continents. When trade among nations was freer and the political powers of the coun- tries of the world had no restrictions on buying and selling, our company did business with practically every nation. We may paraphase the expression of our British cousins: "The sun never sets on the transactions of M. M. & R." My company is not among the world's industrial economic giants. But across my desk, in a day's work, are passed many examples of good and bad influence on world trade. From the viewpoint of a purchaser from abroad, I do not know of a single instance of business being facilitated with countries that have nationalized their resources. I do know of many incidents where the conditions imposed became so unbearable that we sought our commodities and markets in other nations more in accord with the recognized practices of world trade. I do not believe there are any sources abroad transacting business with our company except on the basis of mutual trust and confidence. There may be some, but I do not know them. I make these personal observations with no expectation that any of my audience will ask for our catalogue. I do not have a price list with me. The statement is offered in an attempt to qualify the speaker as one who has had some experience in world trade. MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS pose the destruction of the capitalistic system, which is pi up the check in aid of free peoples everywhere. Expropriation is a most delicate operation in the world's politic and the world's economy. It may be justified, even approved in rare instances. But I raise the old wa that we quote in jest, "The operation was successful be patient died." V. Personal Reflections As an Exporter-Importer I confess frankly that my line of reasoning and the conch offered here are influenced by my personal experiences. company which I serve as president engages in world 1 We buy and sell on each of the world's continents. When among nations was freer and the political powers of the tries of the world had no restrictions on buying and selling company did business with practically every nation. We paraphase the expression of our British cousins: "The sun sets on the transactions of M. M. & R." My company is not among the world's industrial ecot giants. But across my desk, in a day's work, are passed examples of good and bad influence on world trade. Froi viewpoint of a purchaser from abroad, I do not know single instance of business being facilitated with countrie have nationalized their resources. I do know of many inci where the conditions imposed became so unbearable th sought our commodities and markets in other nations me accord with the recognized practices of world trade. I d believe there are any sources abroad transacting business our company except on the basis of mutual trust and confic There may be some, but I do not know them. I make these personal observations with no expectatior any of my audience will ask for our catalogue. I do not a price list with me. The statement is offered in an atten- qualify the speaker as one who has had some experien world trade. 113 MANUFACTURING AND INVESTMENTS 113 pose the destruction of the capitalistic system, which is picking up the check in aid of free peoples everywhere. Expropriation is a most delicate operation in the world's body politic and the world's economy. It may be justified, and even approved in rare instances. But I raise the old warning that we quote in jest, "The operation was successful but the patient died." V. Personal Reflections As an Exporter-Importer I confess frankly that my line of reasoning and the conclusions offered here are influenced by my personal experiences. The company which I serve as president engages in world trade. We buy and sell on each of the world's continents. When trade among nations was freer and the political powers of the coun- tries of the world had no restrictions on buying and selling, our company did business with practically every nation. We may paraphase the expression of our British cousins: "The sun never sets on the transactions of M. M. & R." My company is not among the world's industrial economic giants. But across my desk, in a day's work, are passed many examples of good and bad influence on world trade. From the viewpoint of a purchaser from abroad, I do not know of a single instance of business being facilitated with countries that have nationalized their resources. I do know of many incidents where the conditions imposed became so unbearable that we sought our commodities and markets in other nations more in accord with the recognized practices of world trade. I do not believe there are any sources abroad transacting business with our company except on the basis of mutual trust and confidence. There may be some, but I do not know them. I make these personal observations with no expectation that any of my audience will ask for our catalogue. I do not have a price list with me. The statement is offered in an attempt to qualify the speaker as one who has had some experience in world trade.  114 The Caribbean Serving as a director and trustee of banks and insurance companies, I would not vote a loan of the smallest denomination in any currency of the world to a person or a nation lacking in moral integrity. I am thoroughly convinced that expropriation is one of the crucial tests of the integrity of a nation. I believe international law and the United Nations should not be moved primarily by the doggerel of sovereignty which justifies an act that is soundly condemned in the court of public opinion. National pride should be encouraged, backed by positive acts of virtue and not merely the resentment against alleged violation of sovereignty. National pride should carry the connotation of worthiness of confidence and trust. It is certainly not the desire of any nation to appeal for assistance as a pauper, but to seek help only because they have taken everything they can borrow, beg, or steal. If any of my words offend, they are not offered offensively. I even venture to hope that in some small way they may be helpful. Expropriation, when instituted by a country, should be pre- ceded by an explanation of its motives so that the world's opinion may be less critical. 114 The Caribbean 114 The Caribbean Serving as a director and trustee of banks and insurance companies, I would not vote a loan of the smallest denomination in any currency of the world to a person or a nation lacking in moral integrity. I am thoroughly convinced that expropriation is one of the crucial tests of the integrity of a nation. I believe international law and the United Nations should not be moved primarily by the doggerel of sovereignty which justifies an act that is soundly condemned in the court of public opinion. National pride should be encouraged, backed by positive acts of virtue and not merely the resentment against alleged violation of sovereignty. National pride should carry the connotation of worthiness of confidence and trust. It is certainly not the desire of any nation to appeal for assistance as a pauper, but to seek help only because they have taken everything they can borrow, beg, or steal. If any of my words offend, they are not offered offensively. I even venture to hope that in some small way they may be helpful. Expropriation, when instituted by a country, should be pre- ceded by an explanation of its motives so that the world's opinion may be less critical. Serving as a director and trustee of banks and insurance companies, I would not vote a loan of the smallest denomination in any currency of the world to a person or a nation lacking in moral integrity. I am thoroughly convinced that expropriation is one of the crucial tests of the integrity of a nation. I believe international law and the United Nations should not be moved primarily by the doggerel of sovereignty which justifies an act that is soundly condemned in the court of public opinion. National pride should be encouraged, backed by positive acts of virtue and not merely the resentment against alleged violation of sovereignty. National pride should carry the connotation of worthiness of confidence and trust. It is certainly not the desire of any nation to appeal for assistance as a pauper, but to seek help only because they have taken everything they can borrow, beg, or steal. If any of my words offend, they are not offered offensively. I even venture to hope that in some small way they may be helpful. Expropriation, when instituted by a country, should be pre- ceded by an explanation of its motives so that the world's opinion may be less critical.  Part IV Part IV Part IV TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING   Frank K. Bell: SHIPS AND SHIPPING IN THE CARIBBEAN IT IS MY DESIRE, in speaking of the Caribbean, to trace and relate the history of shipping, to dwell on the importance of shipping to the area, to discuss some of the current shipping problems, and to speak of the vital need for attention to the Caribbean by American shipping interests. From the day Columbus made his first landfall on Watling's Island in 1492, the area of the Caribbean Sea has been a kind of proving ground for the merchant marines of the world. It con- tinues to hold this position today, in many respects due to the unique circumstances of an area of over three-quarters of a million square miles of water, sheltered by a string of islands stretching in a half moon from the coast of Florida to the eastern- most coast of Venezuela. It would be difficult to find in the world a comparable area of water which furnishes favorable conditions for the testing of any type of water-borne vessel, from the smallest fishing boat to the largest liner afloat. A student of shipping would have no difficulty finding in the Caribbean a specimen of every type of water-borne vessel in its natural habitat: canoes, fishing boats, sloops, schooners, yachts, freight- 117 Frank K. Bell: SHIPS AND SHIPPING IN THE CARIBBEAN IT IS MY DESIRE, in speaking of the Caribbean, to trace and relate the history of shipping, to dwell on the importance of shipping to the area, to discuss some of the current shipping problems, and to speak of the vital need for attention to the Caribbean by American shipping interests. From the day Columbus made his first landfall on Watling's Island in 1492, the area of the Caribbean Sea has been a kind of proving ground for the merchant marines of the world. It con- tinues to hold this position today, in many respects due to the unique circumstances of an area of over three-quarters of a million square miles of water, sheltered by a string of islands stretching in a half moon from the coast of Florida to the eastern- most coast of Venezuela. It would be difficult to find in the world a comparable area of water which furnishes favorable conditions for the testing of any type of water-borne vessel, from the smallest fishing boat to the largest liner afloat. A student of shipping would have no difficulty finding in the Caribbean a specimen of every type of water-bome vessel in its natural habitat: canoes, fishing boats, sloops, schooners, yachts, freight- 117 Frank K. Bell: SHIPS AND SHIPPING IN THE CARIBBEAN IT IS MY DESIRE, in speaking of the Caribbean, to trace and relate the history of shipping, to dwell on the importance of shipping to the area, to discuss some of the current shipping problems, and to speak of the vital need for attention to the Caribbean by American shipping interests. From the day Columbus made his first landfall on Watling's Island in 1492, the area of the Caribbean Sea has been a kind of proving ground for the merchant marines of the world. It con- tinues to hold this position today, in many respects due to the unique circumstances of an area of over three-quarters of a million square miles of water, sheltered by a string of islands stretching in a half moon from the coast of Florida to the eastern- most coast of Venezuela. It would be difficult to find in the world a comparable area of water which furnishes favorable conditions for the testing of any type of water-borne vessel, from the smallest fishing boat to the largest liner afloat. A student of shipping would have no difficulty finding in the Caribbean a specimen of every type of water-borne vessel in its natural habitat: canoes, fishing boats, sloops, schooners, yachts, freight- 117  118 The Caribbean ers, ore carriers, tankers, refrigerator ships, and great passenger vessels. According to its competitive excellence, shipping has helped make or break the Caribbean empires of the great European nations, and as shipping prospered or deteriorated, so has pros- pered or deteriorated the forward progress of the Caribbean area. Four hundred years ago the vast Spanish Empire of the Americas was the magnet that drew the eyes of every great European nation. This empire was the object of grandiose schemes to a Europe which had long ago unlaced her Cyclopean boots, accepting a world which had little to offer beyond Euro- pean boundaries and lands of fantasy eastward. The Spanish Empire to the west was a new world, and to it the fleets of European nations suddenly flowed-to the brilliant waters of the Caribbean, which almost yesterday, as time is counted, had known only the canoes of Indian nomads. The powerful lure which caused all the excitement was the narrow strip of land we now call Central America. Here were found trails and spirited rivers of commerce running through jungles and over mountains from coast to coast, with a civilization within which flowed a varied stream of trade and wealth, giving new stimula- tion to the jaded appetites of the European adventurer. Here, suddenly, was the "Promised Land"-a place of sun- shine and wealth, a world of carefree existence. It would not be difficult to imagine the problems of what shipping offices there were in those days, besieged by every type of mankind and overbooked to frustration for every sailing of the slow, lumbering, bulky vessels. For nearly a century the Caribbean was a Spanish sea, with ships doubling and trebling in size as the frenzied investors at home clamored for more opportunity to profit from the fabulous treasures of the Indies of the West. Thousands of settlers and adventurers sought passage to the new-found paradise. Although the Church of-Rome, through Pope Alexander, gave deed to the new discoveries only to Spain and Portugal, this 118 The Caribbean 118 The Caribbean ers, ore carriers, tankers, refrigerator ships, and great passenger vessels. According to its competitive excellence, shipping has helped make or break the Caribbean empires of the great European nations, and as shipping prospered or deteriorated, so has pros- pered or deteriorated the forward progress of the Caribbean area. Four hundred years ago the vast Spanish Empire of the Americas was the magnet that drew the eyes of every great European nation. This empire was the object of grandiose schemes to a Europe which had long ago unlaced her Cyclopean boots, accepting a world which had little to offer beyond Euro- pean boundaries and lands of fantasy eastward. The Spanish Empire to the west was a new world, and to it the fleets of European nations suddenly flowed-to the brilliant waters of the Caribbean, which almost yesterday, as time is counted, had known only the canoes of Indian nomads. The powerful lure which caused all the excitement was the narrow strip of land we now call Central America. Here were found trails and spirited rivers of commerce running through jungles and over mountains from coast to coast, with a civilization within which flowed a varied stream of trade and wealth, giving new stimula- tion to the jaded appetites of the European adventurer. Here, suddenly, was the "Promised Land"-a place of sun- shine and wealth, a world of carefree existence. It would not be difficult to imagine the problems of what shipping offices there were in those days, besieged by every type of mankind and overbooked to frustration for every sailing of the slow, lumbering, bulky vessels. For nearly a century the Caribbean was a Spanish sea, with ships doubling and trebling in size as the frenzied investors at home clamored for more opportunity to profit from the fabulous treasures of the Indies of the West. Thousands of settlers and adventurers sought passage to the new-found paradise. Although the Church of Rome, through Pope Alexander, gave deed to the new discoveries only to Spain and Portugal, this ers, ore carriers, tankers, refrigerator ships, and great passenger vessels. According to its competitive excellence, shipping has helped make or break the Caribbean empires of the great European nations, and as shipping prospered or deteriorated, so has pros- pered or deteriorated the forward progress of the Caribbean area. Four hundred years ago the vast Spanish Empire of the Americas was the magnet that drew the eyes of every great European nation. This empire was the object of grandiose schemes to a Europe which had long ago unlaced her Cyclopean boots, accepting a world which had little to offer beyond Euro- pean boundaries and lands of fantasy eastward. The Spanish Empire to the west was a new world, and to it the fleets of European nations suddenly flowed-to the brilliant waters of the Caribbean, which almost yesterday, as time is counted, had known only the canoes of Indian nomads. The powerful lure which caused all the excitement was the narrow strip of land we now call Central America. Here were found trails and spirited rivers of commerce running through jungles and over mountains from coast to coast, with a civilization within which flowed a varied stream of trade and wealth, giving new stimula- tion to the jaded appetites of the European adventurer. Here, suddenly, was the "Promised Land"-a place of sun- shine and wealth, a world of carefree existence. It would not be difficult to imagine the problems of what shipping offices there were in those days, besieged by every type of mankind and overbooked to frustration for every sailing of the slow, lumbering, bulky vessels. For nearly a century the Caribbean was a Spanish sea, with ships doubling and trebling in size as the frenzied investors at home clamored for more opportunity to profit from the fabulous treasures of the Indies of the West. Thousands of settlers and adventurers sought passage to the new-found paradise. Although the Church of-Rome, through Pope Alexander, gave deed to the new discoveries only to Spain and Portugal, this  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 119 did no more than fire the thirst of other European nations, par- ticularly France, England, and Holland. The Merchant Marine of Spain soon felt the more or les simultaneous desire for exploitation and colonization by these three nations. The first key to successful competition was the development of ships which could outfight those of Spain. The Spanish galleons, which were conducting a fevered operation in transporting gold and silver from Porto Bello and Cartegena to Cadiz, successfully resisted for some time the attacks of pirates and buccaneers, but by the latter part of the sixteenth century the attacks on their supremacy became more frequent and more serious. The British and French developed faster and trimmer ships, and in the closing years of the century England's Sir Anthony Shirley's men-of-war were hitting the Spaniards hard in the Caribbean islands, while Sir Francis Drake was successfully raiding Vene- zuela and the principal route to the Spanish Main. Spain's hold slipped slowly but surely, and owing in no small part to the strenuous shipbuilding program of her European neighbors. In the seventeenth century the conquest of the Caribbean gave way to colonization. Sea battles between the English and the French raged over the sea, and I think it can be said that the determining factor was the superior ship. The British vessels may have been outgunned and outmanned by the heavier French men-of-war, but they were swifter and more maneuver- able, and to them went most of the victories. As almost com- plete naval control came to the British, they were free to pursue colonization and commerce in the Caribbean-a position which they never entirely lost. I am told that sugar was introduced to the West Indies by the Spaniards. Certainly this plant took kindly to the Caribbean climate, and its development had a marked effect on the ship- ping history of the area. Sugar became the major agricultural crop of the area, and perhaps if the native Indians of the islands had been treated more kindly, sufficient labor to work the great plantations which developed would have been avail- TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING did no more than fire the thirst of other European nations ticularly France, England, and Holland. The Merchant M of Spain soon felt the more or less simultaneous desis exploitation and colonization by these three nations. The first key to successful competition was the developmi ships which could outfight those of Spain. The Spanish gal which were conducting a fevered operation in transporting and silver from Porto Bello and Cartegena to Cadiz, suces resisted for some time the attacks of pirates and buccaneer by the latter part of the sixteenth century the attacks on supremacy became more frequent and more serious. The I and French developed faster and trimmer ships, and i closing years of the century England's Sir Anthony Sh: men-of-war were hitting the Spaniards hard in the Caril islands, while Sir Francis Drake was successfully raiding ' zuela and the principal route to the Spanish Main. Spain's slipped slowly but surely, and owing in no small part t strenuous shipbuilding program of her European neighbo: In the seventeenth century the conquest of the Caribbean way to colonization. Sea battles between the English an French raged over the sea, and I think it can be said tha determining factor was the superior ship. The British v may have been outgunned and outmanned by the hi French men-of-war, but they were swifter and more mane able, and to them went most of the victories. As almost plete naval control came to the British, they were free to p colonization and commerce in the Caribbean-a position i they never entirely lost. I am told that sugar was introduced to the West Indi the Spaniards. Certainly this plant took kindly to the Caril climate, and its development had a marked effect on the ping history of the area. Sugar became the major agricu crop of the area, and perhaps if the native Indians o islands had been treated more kindly, sufficient labor to the great plantations which developed would have been 119 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 119 did no more than fire the thirst of other European nations, par- ticularly France, England, and Holland. The Merchant Marine of Spain soon felt the more or less simultaneous desire for exploitation and colonization by these three nations. The first key to successful competition was the development of ships which could outfight those of Spain. The Spanish galleons, which were conducting a fevered operation in transporting gold and silver from Porto Bello and Cartegena to Cadiz, successfully resisted for some time the attacks of pirates and buccaneers, but by the latter part of the sixteenth century the attacks on their supremacy became more frequent and more serious. The British and French developed faster and trimmer ships, and in the closing years of the century England's Sir Anthony Shirley's men-of-war were hitting the Spaniards hard in the Caribbean islands, while Sir Francis Drake was successfully raiding Vene- zuela and the principal route to the Spanish Main. Spain's hold slipped slowly but surely, and owing in no small part to the strenuous shipbuilding program of her European neighbors. In the seventeenth century the conquest of the Caribbean gave way to colonization. Sea battles between the English and the French raged over the sea, and I think it can be said that the determining factor was the superior ship. The British vessels may have been outgunned and outmanned by the heavier French men-of-war, but they were swifter and more maneuver- able, and to them went most of the victories. As almost com- plete naval control came to the British, they were free to pursue colonization and commerce in the Caribbean-a position which they never entirely lost. I am told that sugar was introduced to the West Indies by the Spaniards. Certainly this plant took kindly to the Caribbean climate, and its development had a marked effect on the ship- ping history of the area. Sugar became the major agricultural crop of the area, and perhaps if the native Indians of the islands had been treated more kindly, sufficient labor to work the great plantations which developed would have been avail-  120 The Caribbean 120 The Caribbean 120 The Caribbean able. To meet the absence of labor in 1562, Sir John Hawkins introduced the slave trade, and for well over a hundred years British "African Companies" found profit in this trade; at the same time they developed special ships to meet the traffic. The most famous merchant ship of its day was developed specifically to maintain an efficient lifeline between England and its colonies in the West Indies, as the commerce of the Carib- bean grew in importance. These vessels, known as West Indian Free Traders, were compact and trim, and were reputedly far faster than ships operating elsewhere in the world. The sugar and rum industry offered return of great profits, and with other crops being introduced-such as cocoa and coconuts-the Brit- ish, with naval supremacy and efficient merchant vessels, were able to reap an excellent harvest. As time went on, the British were to face competition from a new quarter, although it should not have been unexpected as it came from the British colonists of New England in the form of a new type of merchant vessel, the "clipper." These vessels, introduced I believe by a gentleman by the name of Donald McKay of Boston, could sail twice as fast as the West Indian Free Trader. They carried out a triangular trade between New England, Africa, and the West Indies. They became numerous enough to force the British to change the bluff bow and broad beam of their vessels to emulate the long, raked, and speedier design needed to meet a competition which continued until long after the appearance of steam-propelled vessels. Beginning in the early part of the nineteenth century the slave trade was slowly abolished, and with the end of free labor the more or less one-crop economy of sugar brought with it dark days, not only to the Caribbean but also to the thriving shipping activity. The sea that had exulted in the best merchant marines of the world, that had been responsible for the evolution from the wallowing tublike galleons to the swift, graceful clipper, now for a time returned to almost its original serenity. The two million square miles of Caribbean lands could look back on a able. To meet the absence of labor in 1562, Sir John Hawkins introduced the slave trade, and for well over a hundred years British "African Companies" found profit in this trade; at the same time they developed special ships to meet the traffic. The most famous merchant ship of its day was developed specifically to maintain an efficient lifeline between England and its colonies in the West Indies, as the commerce of the Carib- bean grew in importance. These vessels, known as West Indian Free Traders, were compact and trim, and were reputedly far faster than ships operating elsewhere in the world. The sugar and rum industry offered return of great profits, and with other crops being introduced-such as cocoa and coconuts-the Brit- ish, with naval supremacy and efficient merchant vessels, were able to reap an excellent harvest. As time went on, the British were to face competition from a new quarter, although it should not have been unexpected as it came from the British colonists of New England in the form of a new type of merchant vessel, the "clipper." These vessels, introduced I believe by a gentleman by the name of Donald McKay of Boston, could sail twice as fast as the West Indian Free Trader. They carried out a triangular trade between New England, Africa, and the West Indies. They became numerous enough to force the British to change the bluff bow and broad beam of their vessels to emulate the long, raked, and speedier design needed to meet a competition which continued until long after the appearance of steam-propelled vessels. Beginning in the early part of the nineteenth century the slave trade was slowly abolished, and with the end of free labor the more or less one-crop economy of sugar brought with it dark days, not only to the Caribbean but also to the thriving shipping activity. The sea that had exulted in the best merchant marines of the world, that had been responsible for the evolution from the wallowing tublike galleons to the swift, graceful clipper, now for a time returned to almost its original serenity. The two million square miles of Caribbean lands could look back on a able. To meet the absence of labor in 1562, Sir John Hawkins introduced the slave trade, and for well over a hundred years British "African Companies" found profit in this trade; at the same time they developed special ships to meet the traffic. The most famous merchant ship of its day was developed specifically to maintain an efficient lifeline between England and its colonies in the West Indies, as the commerce of the Carib- bean grew in importance. These vessels, known as West Indian Free Traders, were compact and trim, and were reputedly far faster than ships operating elsewhere in the world. The sugar and rum industry offered return of great profits, and with other crops being introduced-such as cocoa and coconuts-the Brit- ish, with naval supremacy and efficient merchant vessels, were able to reap an excellent harvest. As time went on, the British were to face competition from a new quarter, although it should not have been unexpected as it came from the British colonists of New England in the form of a new type of merchant vessel, the "clipper." These vessels, introduced I believe by a gentleman by the name of Donald McKay of Boston, could sail twice as fast as the West Indian Free Trader. They carried out a triangular trade between New England, Africa, and the West Indies. They became numerous enough to force the British to change the bluff bow and broad beam of their vessels to emulate the long, raked, and speedier design needed to meet a competition which continued until long after the appearance of steam-propelled vessels. Beginning in the early part of the nineteenth century the slave trade was slowly abolished, and with the end of free labor the more or less one-crop economy of sugar brought with it dark days, not only to the Caribbean but also to the thriving shipping activity. The sea that had exulted in the best merchant marines of the world, that had been responsible for the evolution from the wallowing tublike galleons to the swift, graceful clipper, now for a time returned to almost its original serenity. The two million square miles of Caribbean lands could look back on a  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 121 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 121 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING vital and interesting past that had had an important part in the shaping of the destiny of mankind, but it seemed that this region could hardly anticipate much for the future. II Without shipping, the Caribbean could not exist. The sea was the only thoroughfare; even for the lands on the mainlands of North and South America it was essential, but for the islands it was vital. Some of the larger islands enjoyed a limited ship- ping service, and some were ports of call for through vessels. A form of inter-Caribbean trade developed with the building of many small schooners, which were and continue to be an im- portant factor in the everyday living of the islands in the Caribbean. In 1914 something happened that changed the Caribbean Sea from a region of almost purely local traffic into one of the great highways of the world-the Panama Canal was completed. Al- though there was too little trade or movement of people to make visits of ships to the lands of the Caribbean worth while, they became convenient for stores and fuel, and small parcels of goods could be dropped off or picked up at very little cost to the many vessels which now sailed through the Caribbean Sea to and from the Panama Canal. Shortly after the opening of the Panama Canal, another de- velopment began, which was to have an even more significant effect on the shipping history of the Caribbean. When the Lake Maracaibo basin of Venezuela produced its first barrel of oil, a breath of new economic life came to that part of the Caribbean, and a new era in shipping dawned-with stately tankers to take the newly found treasure to the far corners of the world, and freighters and passenger ships to bring modern equipment for business and home, paid for by the wealth brought by oil. Vene- zuela's oil has brought about increased trade and income to many parts of the Caribbean, especially to the neighboring vital and interesting past that had had an important part in the shaping of the destiny of mankind, but it seemed that this region could hardly anticipate much for the future. II Without shipping, the Caribbean could not exist. The sea was the only thoroughfare; even for the lands on the mainlands of North and South America it was essential, but for the islands it was vital. Some of the larger islands enjoyed a limited ship- ping service, and some were ports of call for through vessels. A form of inter-Caribbean trade developed with the building of many small schooners, which were and continue to be an im- portant factor in the everyday living of the islands in the Caribbean. In 1914 something happened that changed the Caribbean Sea from a region of almost purely local traffic into one of the great highways of the world-the Panama Canal was completed. Al- though there was too little trade or movement of people to make visits of ships to the lands of the Caribbean worth while, they became convenient for stores and fuel, and small parcels of goods could be dropped off or picked up at very little cost to the many vessels which now sailed through the Caribbean Sea to and from the Panama Canal. Shortly after the opening of the Panama Canal, another de- velopment began, which was to have an even more significant effect on the shipping history of the Caribbean. When the Lake Maracaibo basin of Venezuela produced its first barrel of oil, a breath of new economic life came to that part of the Caribbean, and a new era in shipping dawned-with stately tankers to take the newly found treasure to the far corners of the world, and freighters and passenger ships to bring modern equipment for business and home, paid for by the wealth brought by oil. Vene- zuela's oil has brought about increased trade and income to many parts of the Caribbean, especially to the neighboring vital and interesting past that had had an important part in the shaping of the destiny of mankind, but it seemed that this region could hardly anticipate much for the future. II Without shipping, the Caribbean could not exist. The sea was the only thoroughfare; even for the lands on the mainlands of North and South America it was essential, but for the islands it was vital. Some of the larger islands enjoyed a limited ship- ping service, and some were ports of call for through vessels. A form of inter-Caribbean trade developed with the building of many small schooners, which were and continue to be an im- portant factor in the everyday living of the islands in the Caribbean. In 1914 something happened that changed the Caribbean Sea from a region of almost purely local traffic into one of the great highways of the world-the Panama Canal was completed. Al- though there was too little trade or movement of people to make visits of ships to the lands of the Caribbean worth while, they became convenient for stores and fuel, and small parcels of goods could be dropped off or picked up at very little cost to the many vessels which now sailed through the Caribbean Sea to and from the Panama Canal. Shortly after the opening of the Panama Canal, another de- velopment began, which was to have an even more significant effect on the shipping history of the Caribbean. When the Lake Maracaibo basin of Venezuela produced its first barrel of oil, a breath of new economic life came to that part of the Caribbean, and a new era in shipping dawned-with stately tankers to take the newly found treasure to the far corners of the world, and freighters and passenger ships to bring modern equipment for business and home, paid for by the wealth brought by oil. Vene- zuela's oil has brought about increased trade and income to many parts of the Caribbean, especially to the neighboring  122 The Caribbean 122 The Caribbean 122 The Caribbean islands of Curagao and Aruba, which have become large refin- ing centers. Their harbors are hosts to a constant stream of tankers and vessels of all description needing their fueling facili- ties. The improved economy of Venezuela has brought about great industrial development, which enables that country to ship many manufactured and agricultural products to all parts of the Caribbean by shipping services owned and operated by Venezuelans. After oil came the development of bauxite mines in both British and Dutch Guiana. Although these countries are outside the Caribbean Sea, their progress and development are closely associated with the Caribbean area, and their bauxite develop- ments have had a profound effect on Caribbean shipping. The harbors of the Guianas are not deep enough to accommodate the average-sized freighter, particularly at those ports where the bauxite is loaded. These latter ports are many miles up winding rivers that pass through dense, undeveloped jungles. The situa- tion is met by having small vessels take the ore to Trinidad, where it is loaded into large vessels for shipment to the United States and Canada. While perhaps the greatest advantage to the Caribbean for which bauxite is responsible is the salable value of the ore and the employment it gives to thousands of people in the Guianas and Trinidad, a secondary and perhaps equally important bene- fit is the shipping service it brings. As it would be very costly to send empty vessels all the way to the Guianas and Trinidad to load bauxite, the operators of these vessels do everything possible to obtain freight and passengers for the journey south- bound to the mines. The result is that there are few ports in the Caribbean to which the green or aluminum colored smoke- stacks are not familiar. In order to obtain the traffic destined for ports on the direct route, vessels of the Aluminum Company of America found it necessary to furnish service to numerous ports which otherwise would be bypassed-Basseterre in St. Kitts, Plymouth in Montserrat, St. Johns in Antigua, Roseau in islands of Curagao and Aruba, which have become large refin- ing centers. Their harbors are hosts to a constant stream of tankers and vessels of all description needing their fueling facili- ties. The improved economy of Venezuela has brought about great industrial development, which enables that country to ship many manufactured and agricultural products to all parts of the Caribbean by shipping services owned and operated by Venezuelans. After oil came the development of bauxite mines in both British and Dutch Guiana. Although these countries are outside the Caribbean Sea, their progress and development are closely associated with the Caribbean area, and their bauxite develop- ments have had a profound effect on Caribbean shipping. The harbors of the Guianas are not deep enough to accommodate the average-sized freighter, particularly at those ports where the bauxite is loaded. These latter ports are many miles up winding rivers that pass through dense, undeveloped jungles. The situa- tion is met by having small vessels take the ore to Trinidad, where it is loaded into large vessels for shipment to the United States and Canada. While perhaps the greatest advantage to the Caribbean for which bauxite is responsible is the salable value of the ore and the employment it gives to thousands of people in the Guianas and Trinidad, a secondary and perhaps equally important bene- fit is the shipping service it brings. As it would be very costly to send empty vessels all the way to the Guianas and Trinidad to load bauxite, the operators of these vessels do everything possible to obtain freight and passengers for the journey south- bound to the mines. The result is that there are few ports in the Caribbean to which the green or aluminum colored smoke- stacks are not familiar. In order to obtain the traffic destined for ports on the direct route, vessels of the Aluminum Company of America found it necessary to furnish service to numerous ports which otherwise would be bypassed-Basseterre in St. Kitts, Plymouth in Montserrat, St. Johns in Antigua, Roseau in islands of Curagao and Aruba, which have become large refin- ing centers. Their harbors are hosts to a constant stream of tankers and vessels of all description needing their fueling facili- ties. The improved economy of Venezuela has brought about great industrial development, which enables that country to ship many manufactured and agricultural products to all parts of the Caribbean by shipping services owned and operated by Venezuelans. After oil came the development of bauxite mines in both British and Dutch Guiana. Although these countries are outside the Caribbean Sea, their progress and development are closely associated with the Caribbean area, and their bauxite develop- ments have had a profound effect on Caribbean shipping. The harbors of the Guianas are not deep enough to accommodate the average-sized freighter, particularly at those ports where the bauxite is loaded. These latter ports are many miles up winding rivers that pass through dense, undeveloped jungles. The situa- tion is met by having small vessels take the ore to Trinidad, where it is loaded into large vessels for shipment to the United States and Canada. While perhaps the greatest advantage to the Caribbean for which bauxite is responsible is the salable value of the ore and the employment it gives to thousands of people in the Guianas and Trinidad, a secondary and perhaps equally important bene- fit is the shipping service it brings. As it would be very costly to send empty vessels all the way to the Guianas and Trinidad to load bauxite, the operators of these vessels do everything possible to obtain freight and passengers for the journey south- bound to the mines. The result is that there are few ports in the Caribbean to which the green or aluminum colored smoke- stacks are not familiar. In order to obtain the traffic destined for ports on the direct route, vessels of the Aluminum Company of America found it necessary to furnish service to numerous ports which otherwise would be bypassed-Basseterre in St. Kitts, Plymouth in Montserrat, St. Johns in Antigua, Roseau in  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 123 Dominica, and Kingstown in St. Vincent, among others. Steam- ship companies in regular liner service find it worth while, in order to stimulate and obtain the better paying freight cargoes, to have available passenger accommodations for their customers. Accordingly these bauxite carriers were fitted with cabins, and as the service for passengers would contribute to the reputation of the line, the modern conveniences expected by the present- day traveler were added. The logical sequence was passenger transportation, which appealed to the seagoing vacationer- the tourist. While I am not entirely unfamiliar with the shipping services which have evolved from the activities of bauxite carriers other than Alcoa, I can speak with authority and full knowledge only of Alcoa's operations, in order to explain what a vital part a shipping service can play in the development of a natural resource and how the result can bring many additional benefits. When the bauxite mines were first placed in operation over thirty years ago, the only thought given was to get the ore to the processing plants in North America-barges, schooners, and merchant vessels were sent empty to be filled with the valuable and desperately needed ore. As the ideas I have mentioned previously came to the Aluminum Company, an ocean trans- portation service developed which was to encompass the whole Caribbean. Today vessels of the Alcoa Steamship Company regularly visit over fifty-nine ports throughout the Caribbean, from Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands southward to Jamaica, Haiti, Dominican Republic, all the chief ports of Venezuela, the islands of the Leewards and Windwards-British, French, and Dutch-and Barbados, Trinidad, and the Guianas. The com- pany's vessels bring back to the Caribbean in the gleaming aluminum paint of the modest freighter and the smart aluminum metal superstructure of the air-conditioned passenger vessels, the finished product drawn from the ore which these same vessels carry north to America. And with these gleaming ships come thousands of tons of civilization's finest manufactures: construc- TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 123 Dominica, and Kingstown in St. Vincent, among others. Steam- ship companies in regular liner service find it worth while, in order to stimulate and obtain the better paying freight cargoes, to have available passenger accommodations for their customers. Accordingly these bauxite carriers were fitted with cabins, and as the service for passengers would contribute to the reputation of the line, the modern conveniences expected by the present- day traveler were added. The logical sequence was passenger transportation, which appealed to the seagoing vacationer- the tourist. While I am not entirely unfamiliar with the shipping services which have evolved from the activities of bauxite carriers other than Alcoa, I can speak with authority and full knowledge only of Alcoa's operations, in order to explain what a vital part a shipping service can play in the development of a natural resource and how the result can bring many additional benefits. When the bauxite mines were first placed in operation over thirty years ago, the only thought given was to get the ore to the processing plants in North America-barges, schooners, and merchant vessels were sent empty to be filled with the valuable and desperately needed ore. As the ideas I have mentioned previously came to the Aluminum Company, an ocean trans- portation service developed which was to encompass the whole Caribbean. Today vessels of the Alcoa Steamship Company regularly visit over fifty-nine ports throughout the Caribbean, from Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands southward to Jamaica, Haiti, Dominican Republic, all the chief ports of Venezuela, the islands of the Leewards and Windwards-British, French, and Dutch-and Barbados, Trinidad, and the Guianas. The com- pany's vessels bring back to the Caribbean in the gleaming aluminum paint of the modest freighter and the smart aluminum metal superstructure of the air-conditioned passenger vessels, the finished product drawn from the ore which these same vessels carry north to America. And with these gleaming ships come thousands of tons of civilization's finest manufactures: construc- TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 123 Dominica, and Kingstown in St. Vincent, among others. Steam- ship companies in regular liner service find it worth while, in order to stimulate and obtain the better paying freight cargoes, to have available passenger accommodations for their customers. Accordingly these bauxite carriers were fitted with cabins, and as the service for passengers would contribute to the reputation of the line, the modern conveniences expected by the present- day traveler were added. The logical sequence was passenger transportation, which appealed to the seagoing vacationer- the tourist. While I am not entirely unfamiliar with the shipping services which have evolved from the activities of bauxite carriers other than Alcoa, I can speak with authority and full knowledge only of Alcoa's operations, in order to explain what a vital part a shipping service can play in the development of a natural resource and how the result can bring many additional benefits. When the bauxite mines were first placed in operation over thirty years ago, the only thought given was to get the ore to the processing plants in North America-barges, schooners, and merchant vessels were sent empty to be filled with the valuable and desperately needed ore. As the ideas I have mentioned previously came to the Aluminum Company, an ocean trans- portation service developed which was to encompass the whole Caribbean. Today vessels of the Alcoa Steamship Company regularly visit over fifty-nine ports throughout the Caribbean, from Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands southward to Jamaica, Haiti, Dominican Republic, all the chief ports of Venezuela, the islands of the Leewards and Windwards-British, French, and Dutch-and Barbados, Trinidad, and the Guianas. The com- pany's vessels bring back to the Caribbean in the gleaming aluminum paint of the modest freighter and the smart aluminum metal superstructure of the air-conditioned passenger vessels, the finished product drawn from the ore which these same vessels carry north to America. And with these gleaming ships come thousands of tons of civilization's finest manufactures: construc-  124 The Caribbean 124 The Caribbean tion material, household goods, road-building equipment and a myriad other products to contribute to the rapidly rising stand- ard of living of all the peoples of the Caribbean. In the cabins of these ships travel business men and vacationers, the former to help develop more resources or to merchandise additional modern manufactures, and the latter to deposit their dollars for the services and products the Caribbean can make available to them. III Although oil and bauxite have been primary contributors to the present shipping situation in the Caribbean, since the turn of the twentieth century there have been other important develop- ments which have affected the area's shipping service. The most important has been that the tropical atmosphere of the Caribbean, with its blue skies and silvery, palm-fringed beaches, is a veritable playground paradise for the vacationist. Whether the desire of the tourist was to escape the winters of the North or to enjoy the utmost from the holiday periods of the summer, trans-Atlantic passenger lines found it profitable in the winter to send their little-needed vessels on Caribbean cruises, and for- tunate indeed is the summer vacationer who can now obtain passage during the summer, when accommodation is limited to the regular lines serving the Caribbean the year round. An important by-product of this tourist traffic has been the con- struction of well-appointed and modern hotels in all parts of the Caribbean, a development that is expanding rapidly as new hotels are being planned throughout the area. IV The shipping problems which remain, and which are con- stantly being studied, are the need for more regular and frequent services of northbound freighters to Canada and the United States, with space to accommodate the miscellaneous, compara- tion material, household goods, road-building equipment and a myriad other products to contribute to the rapidly rising stand- ard of living of all the peoples of the Caribbean. In the cabins of these ships travel business men and vacationers, the former to help develop more resources or to merchandise additional modern manufactures, and the latter to deposit their dollars for the services and products the Caribbean can make available to them. III Although oil and bauxite have been primary contributors to the present shipping situation in the Caribbean, since the turn of the twentieth century there have been other important develop- ments which have affected the area's shipping service. The most important has been that the tropical atmosphere of the Caribbean, with its blue skies and silvery, palm-fringed beaches, is a veritable playground paradise for the vacationist. Whether the desire of the tourist was to escape the winters of the North or to enjoy the utmost from the holiday periods of the summer, trans-Atlantic passenger lines found it profitable in the winter to send their little-needed vessels on Caribbean cruises, and for- tunate indeed is the summer vacationer who can now obtain passage during the summer, when accommodation is limited to the regular lines serving the Caribbean the year round. An important by-product of this tourist traffic has been the con- struction of well-appointed and modern hotels in all parts of the Caribbean, a development that is expanding rapidly as new hotels are being planned throughout the area. IV The shipping problems which remain, and which are con- stantly being studied, are the need for more regular and frequent services of northbound freighters to Canada and the United States, with space to accommodate the miscellaneous, compara- 124 The Caribbean tion material, household goods, road-building equipment and a myriad other products to contribute to the rapidly rising stand- ard of living of all the peoples of the Caribbean. In the cabins of these ships travel business men and vacationers, the former to help develop more resources or to merchandise additional modern manufactures, and the latter to deposit their dollars for the services and products the Caribbean can make available to them. III Although oil and bauxite have been primary contributors to the present shipping situation in the Caribbean, since the turn of the twentieth century there have been other important develop- ments which have affected the area's shipping service. The most important has been that the tropical atmosphere of the Caribbean, with its blue skies and silvery, palm-fringed beaches, is a veritable playground paradise for the vacationist. Whether the desire of the tourist was to escape the winters of the North or to enjoy the utmost from the holiday periods of the summer, trans-Atlantic passenger lines found it profitable in the winter to send their little-needed vessels on Caribbean cruises, and for- tunate indeed is the summer vacationer who can now obtain passage during the summer, when accommodation is limited to the regular lines serving the Caribbean the year round. An important by-product of this tourist traffic has been the con- struction of well-appointed and modern hotels in all parts of the Caribbean, a development that is expanding rapidly as new hotels are being planned throughout the area. IV The shipping problems which remain, and which are con- stantly being studied, are the need for more regular and frequent services of northbound freighters to Canada and the United States, with space to accommodate the miscellaneous, compara-  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 143 lively small shipments of island products, and the inconveniences brought about by a lack of reliable interisland transportation. The main difficulty in both cases is the lack of sufficient traffic to support financially the service needed. The air lines are meeting, to a considerable extent, the problem of interisland passenger traffic; and it is hoped that as traffic increases and operational methods improve, the fares will become well within the reach of the average pocketbook in the Caribbean. Until such time as there is a larger volume of Inter-Carib- bean traffic, or there is larger production of the more diversified crops-such as cocoa, bananas, citrus fruits, spices, tobacco, cof- fee, rice, cotton, and arrowroot-there will continue to be many ports which do not see merchant vessels as often as they would like. The cost of supplementing what shipping service is now available for northbound and interportal calls would increase the selling price of the products beyond available market prices. I have always felt that the Caribbean should be considered an American lake, to the extent that the commerce and shipping in the area should mainly be in the hands of countries of this hemisphere; and while there can be no complaint against our friends in other parts of the world for taking advantage of a situation, to me it is a sad thing that about 50 per cent of the shipping in the Caribbean is under flags other than those of the Americas. America needs a strong merchant marine; we have the knowledge and the men to operate a merchant marine second to none. Our crews deserve American living standards, but the only way our need can be met is to have the kind of support America gives to most of her products-patronage and the necessary government assistance. TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING tively small shipments of island products, and the inconveni brought about by a lack of reliable interisland transportati The main difficulty in both cases is the lack of sufficient 1 to support financially the service needed. The air line meeting, to a considerable extent, the problem of interi passenger traffic; and it is hoped that as traffic increases operational methods improve, the fares will become well the reach of the average pocketbook in the Caribbean. Until such time as there is a larger volume of Inter-C bean traffic, or there is larger production of the more dives crops-such as cocoa, bananas, citrus fruits, spices, tobacco fee, rice, cotton, and arrowroot-there will continue to be ports which do not see merchant vessels as often as they s like. The cost of supplementing what shipping service it available for northbound and interportal calls would increa selling price of the products beyond available market pri< I have always felt that the Caribbean should be consider American lake, to the extent that the commerce and shippi the area should mainly be in the hands of countries o hemisphere; and while there can be no complaint agains friends in other parts of the world for taking advantage situation, to me it is a sad thing that about 50 per cent shipping in the Caribbean is under flags other than thc the Americas. America needs a strong merchant marint have the knowledge and the men to operate a merchant n second to none. Our crews deserve American living slant but the only way our need can be met is to have the'ki support America gives to most of her products-patronag the necessary government assistance. 125 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 125 tively small shipments of island products, and the inconveniences brought about by a lack of reliable interisland transportation. The main difficulty in both cases is the lack of sufficient traffic to support financially the service needed. The air lines are meeting, to a considerable extent, the problem of interisland passenger traffic; and it is hoped that as traffic increases and operational methods improve, the fares will become well within the reach of the average pocketbook in the Caribbean. Until such time as there is a larger volume of Inter-Carib- bean traffic, or there is larger production of the more diversified crops-such as cocoa, bananas, citrus fruits, spices, tobacco, cof- fee, rice, cotton, and arrowroot-there will continue to be many ports which do not see merchant vessels as often as they would like. The cost of supplementing what shipping service is now available for northbound and interportal calls would increase the selling price of the products beyond available market prices. I have always felt that the Caribbean should be considered an American lake, to the extent that the commerce and shipping in the area should mainly be in the hands of countries of this hemisphere; and while there can be no complaint against our friends in other parts of the world for taking advantage of a situation, to me it is a sad thing that about 50 per cent of the shipping in the Caribbean is under flags other than those of the Americas. America needs a strong merchant marine; we have the knowledge and the men to operate a merchant marine second to none. Our crews deserve American living standards, but the only way our need can be met is to have the kind of support America gives to most of her products-patronage and the necessary government assistance.  10 10 David B. Steinman: ROADS AND BRIDGES IN THE CARIBBEAN- THE ROLE OF THE ENGINEER SPEAKING before a meeting of the American Society of Civil Engineers in New York, as late as 1923, the writer advocated that the large municipal bridges of the future be planned for motor vehicle traffic and that rail traffic be kept underground in subways and tunnels. A prominent older member dissented. He said it did not seem fair for the city to build bridges for the pleasure of the privileged few who happened to be wealthy enough to own automobiles. Today, some thirty years later, the picture is transformed. There are now in the United States 53 million motor vehicles, of which 10 million are trucks and buses, operating on more than 3 million miles of rural roads and city streets. How has this transformation been accomplished? The United States and its neighbors are building with the courage of the pioneer, the spirit of individual and concerted enterprise, and the grit and resourcefulness of the engineer. Talk of the "Four Freedoms" is heard on all sides, but therein David B. Steinman: ROADS AND BRIDGES IN THE CARIBBEAN -THE ROLE OF THE ENGINEER SPEAKING before a meeting of the American Society of Civil Engineers in New York, as late as 1923, the writer advocated that the large municipal bridges of the future be planned for motor vehicle traffic and that rail traffic be kept underground in subways and tunnels. A prominent older member dissented. He said it did not seem fair for the city to build bridges for the pleasure of the privileged few who happened to be wealthy enough to own automobiles. Today, some thirty years later, the picture is transformed. There are pow in the United States 53 million motor vehicles, of which 10 million are trucks and buses, operating on more than 3 million miles of rural roads and city streets. How has this transformation been accomplished? The United States and its neighbors are building with the courage of the pioneer, the spirit of individual and concerted enterprise, and the grit and resourcefulness of the engineer. Talk of the "Four Freedoms" is heard on all sides, but therein 126 David B. Steinman: ROADS AND BRIDGES IN THE CARIBBEAN -THE ROLE OF THE ENGINEER SPEAKING before a meeting of the American Society of Civil Engineers in New York, as late as 1923, the writer advocated that the large municipal bridges of the future be planned for motor vehicle traffic and that rail traffic be kept underground in subways and tunnels. A prominent older member dissented. He said it did not seem fair for the city to build bridges for the pleasure of the privileged few who happened to be wealthy enough to own automobiles. Today, some thirty years later, the picture is transformed. There are now in the United States 53 million motor vehicles, of which 10 million are trucks and buses, operating on more than 3 million miles of rural roads and city streets. How has this transformation been accomplished? The United States and its neighbors are building with the courage of the pioneer, the spirit of individual and concerted enterprise, and the grit and resourcefulness of the engineer. Talk of the "Four Freedoms" is heard on all sides, but therein 126  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 12/ is the danger of losing sight of the four freedoms on which our countries are founded and from which they have achieved their greatness. They are: freedom of vision; freedom of enterprise; freedom of incentive; and freedom of achievement. These four freedoms spell our New World. They also explain much of the success in developing a transportation system that has involved the building of many of the world's greatest bridges and highways. The early settlers were limited in mobility to footpath, pack trail, and local wagon road. Then, in succession, came the building of canals and railroads. Each of these in turn required bridges, and each depended upon the bridge builder's art for feasibility and realization. Since 1920, however, there has been no further extension of the rail systems, and the economic plight of railroads has limited the improvement of existing construction. Instead, the phenom- enal development of highway traffic has created a new phase of highway and bridge building in which there are both the eco- nomic justification for bridges of unprecedented dimensions over crossings that previously had to be left unspanned and the need for myriads of smaller bridges and grade separation layouts. In recent years, new frontiers of span-lengths have been opened. The world's record span-length for suspension bridges has been more than doubled, from 1,750 feet in the Philadel- phia-Camden Bridge between New Jersey and Philadelphia in 1926 to 4,200 feet in the Golden Gate Bridge in 1937. At the present time, our company is designing a bridge across the Straits of Messina between Sicily and Italy, which will have a main span of 5,000 feet. In spite of these remarkable advances in the science of engi- neering, we seem to have created a Frankenstein. In 1935- with a smaller population in the United States than now exists- there was one vehicle for each four and one-half persons. Today, with a population of approximately 155 million people, we might place all these people in vehicles at three persons per TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING is the danger of losing sight of the four freedoms on whit countries are founded and from which they have achieved greatness. They are: freedom of vision; freedom of enter freedom of incentive; and freedom of achievement. These four freedoms spell our New World. They also es much of the success in developing a transportation systen has involved the building of many of the world's greatest b and highways. The early settlers were limited in mobility to footpath, trail, and local wagon road. Then, in succession, cam building of canals and railroads. Each of these in turn req bridges, and each depended upon the bridge builder's a. feasibility and realization. Since 1920, however, there has been no further extensi the rail systems, and the economic plight of railroads has li the improvement of existing construction. Instead, the phe enal development of highway traffic has created a new phi highway and bridge building in which there are both the nomic justification for bridges of unprecedented dimension crossings that previously had to be left unspanned and the for myriads of smaller bridges and grade separation layout In recent years, new frontiers of span-lengths have opened. The world's record span-length for suspension b: has been more than doubled, from 1,750 feet in the Phi phia-Camden Bridge between New Jersey and Philadelpl 1926 to 4,200 feet in the Golden Gate Bridge in 1937. / present time, our company is designing a bridge acreos Straits of Messina between Sicily and Italy, which will h main span of 5,000 feet. In spite of these remarkable advances in the science of neering, we seem to have created a Frankenstein. In 11 with a smaller population in the United States than now ex there was one vehicle for each four and one-half persons. T with a population of approximately 155 million peopl, might place all these people in vehicles at three person 127 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 127 is the danger of losing sight of the four freedoms on which our countries are founded and from which they have achieved their greatness. They are: freedom of vision; freedom of enterprise; freedom of incentive; and freedom of achievement. These four freedoms spell our New World. They also explain much of the success in developing a transportation system that has involved the building of many of the world's greatest bridges and highways. The early settlers were limited in mobility to footpath, pack trail, and local wagon road. Then, in succession, came the building of canals and railroads. Each of these in turn required bridges, and each depended upon the bridge builder's art for feasibility and realization. Since 1920, however, there has been no further extension of the rail systems, and the economic plight of railroads has limited the improvement of existing construction. Instead, the phenom- enal development of highway traffic has created a new phase of highway and bridge building in which there are both the eco- nomic justification for bridges of unprecedented dimensions over crossings that previously had to be left unspanned and the need for myriads of smaller bridges and grade separation layouts. In recent years, new frontiers of span-lengths have been opened. The world's record span-length for suspension bridges has been more than doubled, from 1,750 feet in the Philadel- phia-Camden Bridge between New Jersey and Philadelphia in 1926 to 4,200 feet in the Golden Gate Bridge in 1937. At the present time, our company is designing a bridge across the Straits of Messina between Sicily and Italy, which will have a main span of 5,000 feet. In spite of these remarkable advances in the science of engi- neering, we seem to have created a Frankenstein. In 1935- with a smaller population in the United States than now exists- there was one vehicle for each four and one-half persons. Today, with a population of approximately 155 million people, we might place all these people in vehicles at three persons per  128 The Caribbean vehicle and take them all for a ride at the same time, if we had the roads to do it. The motor vehicle industry has become a permanent part of our economy. The automotive industry, including transportation of merchandise by trucks, supports one-seventh of the economy of the United States. In 1941 the highway system of the nation as a whole was barely adequate to handle the traffic which existed at that time. From 1941 to 1946, war conditions led to a policy of eliminating practically all new highway construction and, unfortunately, also to the policy of reducing highway maintenance. As a result of these war years, our highways in 1946 were inadequate to handle the traffic of 1941, let alone the increased volume of 1946. Since 1946, there has been a certain amount of new highway construction but the growth of the automotive industry has been so rapid that the number of highways built each year has been roughly sufficient only to serve as parking areas for the vehicles built each year. An example of the complete im- balance that exists between the two factors which make up our highway transportation is the fact that the average gross income of the motor vehicle manufacturers is 10 billion dollars per year, whereas the annual outlay for new construction on roads is only 2.6 billion dollars. Engineers have often been accused of being shortsighted in designing their bridges and highways. In 1934 I was engaged to design a bridge over Spuyten Duyvil, where the Harlem River joins the Hudson. I designed the structure as a single-deck, six lane bridge. Federal agencies would not help finance such a bridge on the grounds that not enough tolls could be collected to pay it off. A group of private bankers went ahead, however, with some trepidation. The bankers became timid and made me cut the width in half. They were unwilling to accept my pre- diction that 6 million vehicles would use the bridge, and they cut that estimate in half. Certain that my forecast would be vindicated, I made provision for an upper deck to be added. 128 The Caribbean 128 The Caribbean vehicle and take them all for a ride at the same time, if we had the roads to do it. The motor vehicle industry has become a permanent part of our economy. The automotive industry, including transportation of merchandise by trucks, supports one-seventh of the economy of the United States. In 1941 the highway system of the nation as a whole was barely adequate to handle the traffic which existed at that time. From 1941 to 1946, war conditions led to a policy of eliminating practically all new highway construction and, unfortunately, also to the policy of reducing highway maintenance. As a result of these war years, our highways in 1946 were inadequate to handle the traffic of 1941, let alone the increased volume of 1946. Since 1946, there has been a certain amount of new highway construction but the growth of the automotive industry has been so rapid that the number of highways built each year has been roughly sufficient only to serve as parking areas for the vehicles built each year. An example of the complete im- balance that exists between the two factors which make up our highway transportation is the fact that the average gross income of the motor vehicle manufacturers is 10 billion dollars per year, whereas the annual outlay for new construction on roads is only 2.6 billion dollars. Engineers have often been accused of being shortsighted in designing their bridges and highways. In 1934 I was engaged to design a bridge over Spuyten Duyvil, where the Harlem River joins the Hudson. I designed the structure as a single-deck, six lane bridge. Federal agencies would not help finance such a bridge on the grounds that not enough tolls could be collected to pay it off. A group of private bankers went ahead, however, with some trepidation. The bankers became timid and made me cut the width in half. They were unwilling to accept my pre- diction that 6 million vehicles would use the bridge, and they cut that estimate in half. Certain that my forecast would be vindicated, I made provision for an upper deck to be added. vehicle and take them all for a ride at the same time, if we had the roads to do it. The motor vehicle industry has become a permanent part of our economy. The automotive industry, including transportation of merchandise by trucks, supports one-seventh of the economy of the United States. In 1941 the highway system of the nation as a whole was barely adequate to handle the traffic which existed at that time. From 1941 to 1946, war conditions led to a policy of eliminating practically all new highway construction and, unfortunately, also to the policy of reducing highway maintenance. As a result of these war years, our highways in 1946 were inadequate to handle the traffic of 1941, let alone the increased volume of 1946. Since 1946, there has been a certain amount of new highway construction but the growth of the automotive industry has been so rapid that the number of highways built each year has been roughly sufficient only to serve as parking areas for the vehicles built each year. An example of the complete im- balance that exists between the two factors which make up our highway transportation is the fact that the average gross income of the motor vehicle manufacturers is 10 billion dollars per year, whereas the annual outlay for new construction on roads is only 2.6 billion dollars. Engineers have often been accused of being shortsighted in designing their bridges and highways. In 1934 I was engaged to design a bridge over Spuyten Duyvil, where the Harlem River joins the Hudson. I designed the structure as a single-deck, six lane bridge. Federal agencies would not help finance such a bridge on the grounds that not enough tolls could be collected to pay it off. A group of private bankers went ahead, however, with some trepidation. The bankers became timid and made me cut the width in half. They were unwilling to accept my pre- diction that 6 million vehicles would use the bridge, and they cut that estimate in half. Certain that my forecast would be vindicated, I made provision for an upper deck to be added.  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 129 The bridge was opened to traffic on December 11, 1936, and the traffic during the first month was so heavy that I was asked to go ahead immediately with the construction of an upper deck. During the first year, 6.5 million vehicles used the Henry Hudson span. The bridge now carries over 20 million cars a year, which at ten cents each means an income of 2 million dollars a year. Since the whole bridge cost only 1.8 million dollars to build, it is undoubtedly the most profitable toll bridge in history. Similar examples of the engineer being retarded by conser- vative financial interests are the new bridge over the Delaware River between New Jersey and Wilmington, which has been opened to traffic for two years and is already carrying traffic to its full capacity; and the New Jersey Turnpike, which is soon to be widened, although the road has been in use for less than two years. The bankers could not believe the traffic pre- dicted by some of the most able traffic engineering analysts in the world. No, it is not the engineer who has let down the motoring public of our country. We are prepared, but we need assistance from other sources. It is conservatively estimated that it will take 50 billion dollars in new highway construction over the next ten years to give us an adequate road system. It is the task of the engineer to convince the financial people that these roads must be built, and that they will pay for themselves many times over. The agency which is charged with the setting of standards for highway construction in the United States is the Bureau of Public Roads. It determines what routes shall have federal aid, gives advice and help and is responsible for the integration of state systems, continuous travel, military and emergency needs, and the encouragement of a nation-wide program. It has func- tioned well throughout the years. Without it, there would be no national through routes uniting all sections of our country. Nevertheless, the bureau has lacked adequate authorizations TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING The bridge was opened to traffic on December 11, 1936 the traffic during the first month was so heavy that I was to go ahead immediately with the construction of an i deck. During the first year, 6.5 million vehicles used the I Hudson span. The bridge now carries over 20 million < year, which at ten cents each means an income of 2 n dollars a year. Since the whole bridge cost only 1.8 n dollars to build, it is undoubtedly the most profitable toll 1 in history. Similar examples of the engineer being retarded by c vative financial interests are the new bridge over the Deh River between New Jersey and Wilmington, which has opened to traffic for two years and is already carrying i to its full capacity; and the New Jersey Turnpike, whi soon to be widened, although the road has been in use fc than two years. The bankers could not believe the traffic dicted by some of the most able traffic engineering analy the world. No, it is not the engineer who has let down the mot public of our country. We are prepared, but we need assis from other sources. It is conservatively estimated that i take 50 billion dollars in new highway construction ove next ten years to give us an adequate road system. It i task of the engineer to convince the financial people that roads must be built, and that they will pay for themselves times over. The agency which is charged with the setting of stan for highway construction in the United States is the B1 of Public Roads. It determines what routes shall have ft aid, gives advice and help and is responsible for the integ of state systems, continuous travel, military and emergency t and the encouragement of a nation-wide program. It has tioned well throughout the years. Without it, there wou no national through routes uniting all sections of our cot Nevertheless, the bureau has lacked adequate authoriz 129 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 129 The bridge was opened to traffic on December 11, 1936, and the traffic during the first month was so heavy that I was asked to go ahead immediately with the construction of an upper deck. During the first year, 6.5 million vehicles used the Henry Hudson span. The bridge now carries over 20 million cars a year, which at ten cents each means an income of 2 million dollars a year. Since the whole bridge cost only 1.8 million dollars to build, it is undoubtedly the most profitable toll bridge in history. Similar examples of the engineer being retarded by conser- vative financial interests are the new bridge over the Delaware River between New Jersey and Wilmington, which has been opened to traffic for two years and is already carrying traffic to its full capacity; and the New Jersey Turnpike, which is soon to be widened, although the road has been in use for less than two years. The bankers could not believe the traffic pre- dicted by some of the most able traffic engineering analysts in the world. No, it is not the engineer who has let down the motoring public of our country. We are prepared, but we need assistance from other sources. It is conservatively estimated that it will take 50 billion dollars in new highway construction over the next ten years to give us an adequate road system. It is the task of the engineer to convince the financial people that these roads must be built, and that they will pay for themselves many times over. The agency which is charged with the setting of standards for highway construction in the United States is the Bureau of Public Roads. It determines what routes shall have federal aid, gives advice and help and is responsible for the integration of state systems, continuous travel, military and emergency needs, and the encouragement of a nation-wide program. It has func- tioned well throughout the years. Without it, there would be no national through routes uniting all sections of our country. Nevertheless, the bureau has lacked adequate authorizations  130 The Caribbean and appropriations and the power to prevent the lag in road building. We must now make up for this. We have a point from which to start. It must be amplified and implemented. The federal policy prohibiting the use of federal aid money in the construction of toll roads must be studied and revised. It is a case of either increasing the already high tax burden on the citizens of the country or reverting to the use of toll facilities. The Pennsylvania Turnpike, the first of the modern toll high- ways, as distinguished from river crossings, could not have been financed without a 45 per cent PWA grant and a loan from the RFC. There are many projects on the interstate system which could be built if some federal and state subsidies were made available. The public, in accepting toll highways, has established two significant positions. First, its willingness to accept bond issues in order to get immediate improvement of highways, even though such highway facilities are specific; and second, the principle that these facilities shall be paid for by the users, who receive their direct benefit. There is little doubt that the popularity today of toll roads is a direct result of the unwillingness of the public to pay the bill for better roads as a general state-wide responsibility. The engineer must be an economist. He must select a route that will serve the greatest numbers of peoples and markets, and use all the latest developments to produce a road that is both economically feasible and sound, engineer-wise. II What the engineer has done to develop the highway system of the United States, he must now do in Central and South America. The Pan-American Highway must be pushed to com- pletion. In this project, the engineer must take on the role of diplomat. While this highway will always be one of the conti- nent's great tourist attractions, it will not be justified by traffic 130 The Caribbean 130 The Caribbean and appropriations and the power to prevent the lag in road building. We must now make up for this. We have a point from which to start. It must be amplified and implemented. The federal policy prohibiting the use of federal aid money in the construction of toll roads must be studied and revised. It is a case of either increasing the already high tax burden on the citizens of the country or reverting to the use of toll facilities. The Pennsylvania Turnpike, the first of the modern toll high- ways, as distinguished from river crossings, could not have been financed without a 45 per cent PWA grant and a loan from the RFC. There are many projects on the interstate system which could be built if some federal and state subsidies were made available. The public, in accepting toll highways, has established two significant positions. First, its willingness to accept bond issues in order to get immediate improvement of highways, even though such highway facilities are specific; and second, the principle that these facilities shall be paid for by the users, who receive their direct benefit. There is little doubt that the popularity today of toll roads is a direct result of the unwillingness of the public to pay the bill for better roads as a general state-wide responsibility. The engineer must be an economist. He must select a route that will serve the greatest numbers of peoples and markets, and use all the latest developments to produce a road that is both economically feasible and sound, engineer-wise. II What the engineer has done to develop the highway system of the United States, he must now do in Central and South America. The Pan-American Highway must be pushed to com- pletion. In this project, the engineer must take on the role of diplomat. While this highway will always be one of the conti- nent's great tourist attractions, it will not be justified by traffic and appropriations and the power to prevent the lag in road building. We must now make up for this. We have a point from which to start. It must be amplified and implemented. The federal policy prohibiting the use of federal aid money in the construction of toll roads must be studied and revised. It is a case of either increasing the already high tax burden on the citizens of the country or reverting to the use of toll facilities. The Pennsylvania Turnpike, the first of the modern toll high- ways, as distinguished from river crossings, could not have been financed without a 45 per cent PWA grant and a loan from the RFC. There are many projects on the interstate system which could be built if some federal and state subsidies were made available. The public, in accepting toll highways, has established two significant positions. First, its willingness to accept bond issues in order to get immediate improvement of highways, even though such highway facilities are specific; and second, the principle that these facilities shall be paid for by the users, who receive their direct benefit. There is little doubt that the popularity today of toll roads is a direct result of the unwillingness of the public to pay the bill for better roads as a general state-wide responsibility. The engineer must be an economist. He must select a route that will serve the greatest numbers of peoples and markets, and use all the latest developments to produce a road that is both economically feasible and sound, engineer-wise. II What the engineer has done to develop the highway system of the United States, he must now do in Central and South America. The Pan-American Highway must be pushed to com- pletion. In this project, the engineer must take on the role of diplomat. While this highway will always be one of the conti- nent's great tourist attractions, it will not be justified by traffic  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 131 alone for some time to come. It does have enormous significance as a unifying bridge to the Caribbean area and South America. The engineers of the individual countries must, through their good offices, establish a set of engineering standards for design and construction that can be used as a pattern of unity and cooperation in all other phases of international relations. The most recent construction plans for'the Central American portion of the Pan-American Highway have given rise to the hope that the dream is near final reality. This portion will be 3,261 miles long and run through six countries. At the present time percentage-wise, it is 61.5 per cent paved, 29.4 per cent all-weather, 4.8 per cent unpaved dry-season only, and 4.3 per cent impassable. Gaps in this intercontinental highway are expected to be closed in two years, although it will be many years before a hard-surfaced, all-weather road is completed. The present status of the road, in the various countries through which it passes, is as follows: MEXIco-A completed, well-maintained highway runs from Texas to Guatemala for a distance of 1,601 miles. GUATEMALA-The highway is impassable from the Mexican border to the village of Cuilco, a distance of 25 miles, but esti- mators put a 1955 completion date on the break-through. From Cuilco to El Salvador's border (via Guatemala City), the high- way is passable in all kinds of weather, with some 60 miles paved. EL SALvADOR-The highway is- completely paved from the Guatemala border to the town of San Miguel. The short section between San Miguel and the Honduran border is an all-weather road and will be completely paved by 1954. HoNDURAS--This country has attempted to reroute the high- way in order to have it pass through its capital city, Tegucigalpa. The United States Bureau of Public Roads has not approved this change; as a result, Honduras has not accepted United States financial aid. However, the highway from El Salvador's border to the border of Nicaragua is classified as "all-weather" TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING alone for some time to come. It does have enormous signifi as a unifying bridge to the Caribbean area and South Am The engineers of the individual countries must, through good offices, establish a set of engineering standards for c and construction that can be used as a pattern of unit) cooperation in all other phases of international relations. The most recent construction plans forthe Central Amt portion of the Pan-American Highway have given rise t hope that the dream is near final reality. This portion Ns 3,261 miles long and run through six countries. At the p time percentage-wise, it is 61.5 per cent paved, 29.4 per all-weather, 4.8 per cent unpaved dry-season only, and 4. cent impassable. Gaps in this intercontinental highway are expected closed in two years, although it will be many years bef hard-surfaced, all-weather road is completed. The present status of the road, in the various countries thi which it passes, is as follows: MExtcO-A completed, well-maintained highway runs Texas to Guatemala for a distance of 1,601 miles. GUATEMALA-The highway is impassable from the Me border to the village of Cuilco, a distance of 25 miles, bu1 mators put a 1955 completion date on the break-through. Cuilco to El Salvador's border (via Guatemala City), the way is passable in all kinds of weather, with some 60 miles p EL SALvADoR-The highway is- completely paved fror Guatemala border to the town of San Miguel. The short se between San Miguel and the Honduran border is an all-we road and will be completely paved by 1954. HONDURAS-This country has attempted to reroute the way in order to have it pass through its capital city, Teguci The United States Bureau of Public Roads has not app: this change; as a result, Honduras has not accepted U States financial aid. However, the highway from El Salv, border to the border of Nicaragua is classified as "all-wea 131 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 131 alone for some time to come. It does have enormous significance as a unifying bridge to the Caribbean area and South America. The engineers of the individual countries must, through their good offices, establish a set of engineering standards for design and construction that can be used as a pattern of unity and cooperation in all other phases of international relations. The most recent construction plans for'the Central American portion of the Pan-American Highway have given rise to the hope that the dream is near final reality. This portion will be 3,261 miles long and run through six countries. At the present time percentage-wise, it is 61.5 per cent paved, 29.4 per cent all-weather, 4.8 per cent unpaved dry-season only, and 4.3 per cent impassable. Gaps in this intercontinental highway are expected to be closed in two years, although it will be many years before a hard-surfaced, all-weather road is completed. The present status of the road, in the various countries through which it passes, is as follows: MExIco-A completed, well-maintained highway runs from Texas to Guatemala for a distance of 1,601 miles. GUATEMALA-The highway is impassable from the Mexican border to the village of Cuilco, a distance of 25 miles, but esti- mators put a 1955 completion date on the break-through. From Cuilco to El Salvador's border (via Guatemala City), the high- way is passable in all kinds of weather, with some 60 miles paved. EL SALvADOR-The highway is completely paved from the Guatemala border to the town of San Miguel. The short section between San Miguel and the Honduran border is an all-weather road and will be completely paved by 1954. HONDURAS-This country has attempted to reroute the high- way in order to have it pass through its capital city, Tegucigalpa. The United States Bureau of Public Roads has not approved this change; as a result, Honduras has not accepted United States financial aid. However, the highway from El Salvador's border to the border of Nicaragua is classified as "all-weather"  132 The Caribbean and is passable the year round. Several new bridges have re- placed those built by the United States Army during the last year. NICARAGUA-Construction work is in high gear. The highway is passable at present from the Nicaragua-Honduras border to the town of Estebi. Widening and paving work is in progress all the way from the border to Sebica. From there to the capital city of Managua-about 62 miles-the highway is fully paved. From Managua to the Costa Rican border, some 64 miles are paved; the rest is an all-weather road. CosTA RICA-From the Nicaraguan border to the town of Liberia, the road is currently being graded, but is passable and will be finished as an all-weather route by 1954. From Liberia to the capital city of San Jos6, the highway is all-weather. Re- ports indicate that no actual passable road exists for the 100 miles from San Jose to the Panama border, although plans for construction are on hand and awaiting additional United States financial aid. PANAMA-No highway exists for the 15 miles between the Costa Rican border and the town of David. A highway is under construction between David and Remedios, and several new bridges have been built on that route. Further work to the Canal Zone awaits American assistance. Under the terms of its financial aid agreement, the United States provides two-thirds of the funds for the intercontinental highway while the various republics along the route furnish the remaining third. So far, over 33 million dollars out of an estimated 82 million dollars total cost have been spent by the United States in cooperation with Central American govern- ments that are concerned. The importance of this highway and the soundness of the investment by the United States are clearly indicated by the fact that the total imports of the six countries involved amount to more than 202 million dollars a year, of which 70 per cent came from the United States. We firmly believe that most of the United States investment will eventually 132 The Caribbean 132 The Caribbean and is passable the year round. Several new bridges have re- placed those built by the United States Army during the last year. NICARAGUA-Construction work is in high gear. The highway is passable at present from the Nicaragua-Honduras border to the town of Estebi. Widening and paving work is in progress all the way from the border to Sebica. From there to the capital city of Managua-about 62 miles-the highway is fully paved. From Managua to the Costa Rican border, some 64 miles are paved; the rest is an all-weather road. COSTA RtcA-From the Nicaraguan border to the town of Liberia, the road is currently being graded, but is passable and will be finished as an all-weather route by 1954. From Liberia to the capital city of San Jos6, the highway is all-weather. Re- ports indicate that no actual passable road exists for the 100 miles from San Jose to the Panama border, although plans for construction are on hand and awaiting additional United States financial aid. PANAMA-No highway exists for the 15 miles between the Costa Rican border and the town of David. A highway is under construction between David and Remedios, and several new bridges have been built on that route. Further work to the Canal Zone awaits American assistance. Under the terms of its financial aid agreement, the United States provides two-thirds of the funds for the intercontinental highway while the various republics along the route furnish the remaining third. So far, over 33 million dollars out of an estimated 82 million dollars total cost have been spent by the United States in cooperation with Central American govern- ments that are concerned. The importance of this highway and the soundness of the investment by the United States are clearly indicated by the fact that the total imports of the six countries involved amount to more than 202 million dollars a year, of which 70 per cent came from the United States. We firmly believe that most of the United States investment will eventually and is passable the year round. Several new bridges have re- placed those built by the United States Army during the last year. NscARAGUA-Construction work is in high gear. The highway is passable at present from the Nicaragua-Honduras border to the town of Estebi. Widening and paving work is in progress all the way from the border to Sebica. From there to the capital city of Managua-about 62 miles-the highway is fully paved. From Managua to the Costa Rican border, some 64 miles are paved; the rest is an all-weather road. CosTA RICA-From the Nicaraguan border to the town of Liberia, the road is currently being graded, but is passable and will be finished as an all-weather route by 1954. From Liberia to the capital city of San Jos6, the highway is all-weather. Re- ports indicate that no actual passable road exists for the 100 miles from San Jos6 to the Panama border, although plans for construction are on hand and awaiting additional United States financial aid. PANAMA-No highway exists for the 15 miles between the Costa Rican border and the town of David. A highway is under construction between David and Remedios, and several new bridges have been built on that route. Further work to the Canal Zone awaits American assistance. Under the terms of its financial aid agreement, the United States provides two-thirds of the funds for the intercontinental highway while the various republics along the route furnish the remaining third. So far, over 33 million dollars out of an estimated 82 million dollars total cost have been spent by the United States in cooperation with Central American govern- ments that are concerned. The importance of this highway and the soundness of the investment by the United States are clearly indicated by the fact that the total imports of the six countries involved amount to more than 202 million dollars a year, of which 70 per cent came from the United States. We firmly believe that most of the United States investment will eventually  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 133 come back in the form of increased trade with the Central American countries. This highway will also further our hemi- spheric defenses by providing a land route to the Panama Canal. In South America, the Pan-American Highway takes three principal routes through Colombia, forming a triangle with the corners at Bogoti, Murillo, and Medellin. The total length of highway is 2,293 miles with the entire 1,069 miles between the borders of Venezuela and Ecuador being all-weather. There are also 587 miles of highway from Panama to Bogoti, the capital of Colombia. From the Colombia border the Pan-American Highway runs east for 709 miles along the Andes to Caracas, the capital of Venezuela. This entire route is used at all seasons, although there are sections which are not hard surfaced. It passes through mountainous terrain at one point, the elevation being 13,747 feet, which is the highest point on the Highway. The revenue bond method of financing new highway con- struction has now spread to South America. In Venezuela, a spectacular new 60 million dollar highway has recently been completed from Caracas through the Andes to the sea. This highway, three years in building, is 10.5 miles long and provides a new gateway for the development of the country's interior and improved access to roads leading to the Pan-American Highway. The "Autopista" will serve as a connection between the Vene- zuelan capital, which has grown from 359,000 inhabitants in 1941 to over 750,000 today. All the supplies for the entire country come in through the port of La Guaira and its busy airport at Maiquetia, which handles approximately two hundred national and international flights daily. The new road rises 3,000 feet in its length and replaces 19 miles of twisting route with 365 curves. By the construction of three of the largest prestressed concrete bridges in the world and two twin-bore tunnels, one of which is over a mile long, engi- neers have reduced the number of curves to 36 and the time TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING come back in the form of increased trade with the C, American countries. This highway will also further our spheric defenses by providing a land route to the Panama ( In South America, the Pan-American Highway takes principal routes through Colombia, forming a triangle wit corners at Bogoti, Murillo, and Medellin. The total len highway is 2,293 miles with the entire 1,069 miles betwer borders of Venezuela and Ecuador being all-weather. ' are also 587 miles of highway from Panama to Bogoti capital of Colombia. From the Colombia border the Pan-American Highway east for 709 miles along the Andes to Caracas, the capi Venezuela. This entire route is used at all seasons, altl there are sections which are not hard surfaced. It passes thi mountainous terrain at one point, the elevation being 1 feet, which is the highest point on the Highway. The revenue bond method of financing new highway struction has now spread to South America. In Venezuela, a spectacular new 60 million dollar big has recently been completed from Caracas through the , to the sea. This highway, three years in building, is 10.5 long and provides a new gateway for the development < country's interior and improved access to roads leading t Pan-American Highway. The "Autopista" will serve as a connection between the' zuelan capital, which has grown from 359,000 inhabitai 1941 to over 750,000 today. All the supplies for the country come in through the port of La Guaira and its airport at Maiquetia, which handles approximately two hai national and international flights daily. The new road rises 3,000 feet in its length and replac miles of twisting route with 365 curves. By the constructi three of the largest prestressed concrete bridges in the worl two twin-bore tunnels, one of which is over a mile long, neers have reduced the number of curves to 36 and the 133 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 133 come back in the form of increased trade with the Central American countries. This highway will also further our hemi- spheric defenses by providing a land route to the Panama Canal. In South America, the Pan-American Highway takes three principal routes through Colombia, forming a triangle with the corners at BogotA, Murillo, and Medellin. The total length of highway is 2,293 miles with the entire 1,069 miles between the borders of Venezuela and Ecuador being all-weather. There are also 587 miles of highway from Panama to BogotA, the capital of Colombia. From the Colombia border the Pan-American Highway runs east for 709 miles along the Andes to Caracas, the capital of Venezuela. This entire route is used at all seasons, although there are sections which are not hard surfaced. It passes through mountainous terrain at one point, the elevation being 13,747 feet, which is the highest point on the Highway. The revenue bond method of financing new highway con- struction has now spread to South America. In Venezuela, a spectacular new 60 million dollar highway has recently been completed from Caracas through the Andes to the sea. This highway, three years in building, is 10.5 miles long and provides a new gateway for the development of the country's interior and improved access to roads leading to the Pan-American Highway. The "Autopista" will serve as a connection between the Vene- zuelan capital, which has grown from 359,000 inhabitants in 1941 to over 750,000 today. All the supplies for the entire country come in through the port of La Guaira and its busy airport at Maiquetia, which handles approximately two hundred national and international flights daily. The new road rises 3,000 feet in its length and replaces 19 miles of twisting route with 365 curves. By the construction of three of the largest prestressed concrete bridges in the world and two twin-bore tunnels, one of which is over a mile long, engi- neers have reduced the number of curves to 36 and the time  134 The Caribbean required for the 6,000 cars and trucks which use the road daily from one hour to fifteen minutes. It was necessary to build three miles of access road for each mile of Autopista. This has been called the most expensive highway in the world at 6 million dollars per mile. Cuts up to 300 feet deep and fills up to 150 feet high were necessary to keep the maximum grade to 6 per cent and a horizontal align- ment to insure safety at a 50 miles per hour speed. An average of a million cubic yards of earth per mile was moved-of which 60 per cent was rock. As mentioned above, the financing of this project is unique in Latin American countries in that it is a toll highway and it is expected that the cost will be paid off in twenty years. Similar use of local initiative by other Caribbean countries will hasten the development of their transportation systems. In Puerto Rico a bridge, designed by our firm, is now under construction over the Martin Pena Channel with completion expected during 1954. The project costing 2 million dollars is being financed with combined funds from the insular and federal governments. The structure, linked with new arterial highways and fitted into the street patterns and traffic interchanges of the planned San Juan Port Development, will provide a major artery of traffic connecting San Juan and Santurce with Baya- mon and other cities and towns to the south and west. III In addition to performing the duties of a planner, financier, economist, and diplomat, the engineer must also be a man of ideals. I have always tried to instill in my students and asso- ciates the basic idea that because God made the earth so beauti- ful, no mere engineer has the right to spoil it by building an ugly structure. The role of the engineer is eloquently expressed in the words of John Ruskin: ... Therefore when we build let us think that we build forever. 134 The Caribbean required for the 6,000 cars and trucks which use the road daily from one hour to fifteen minutes. It was necessary to build three miles of access road for each mile of Autopista. This has been called the most expensive highway in the world at 6 million dollars per mile. Cuts up to 300 feet deep and fills up to 150 feet high were necessary to keep the maximum grade to 6 per cent and a horizontal align- ment to insure safety at a 50 miles per hour speed. An average of a million cubic yards of earth per mile was moved-of which 60 per cent was rock. As mentioned above, the financing of this project is unique in Latin American countries in that it is a toll highway and it is expected that the cost will be paid off in twenty years. Similar use of local initiative by other Caribbean countries will hasten the development of their transportation systems. In Puerto Rico a bridge, designed by our firm, is now under construction over the Martin Pena Channel with completion expected during 1954. The project costing 2 million dollars is being financed with combined funds from the insular and federal governments. The structure, linked with new arterial highways and fitted into the street patterns and traffic interchanges of the planned San Juan Port Development, will provide a major artery of traffic connecting San Juan and Santurce with Baya- mon and other cities and towns to the south and west. III In addition to performing the duties of a planner, financier, economist, and diplomat, the engineer must also be a man of ideals. I have always tried to instill in my students and asso- ciates the basic idea that because God made the earth so beauti- ful, no mere engineer has the right to spoil it by building an ugly structure. The role of the engineer is eloquently expressed in the words of John Ruskin: ... Therefore when we build let us think that we build forever. 134 The Caribbean required for the 6,000 cars and trucks which use the road daily from one hour to fifteen minutes. It was necessary to build three miles of access road for each mile of Autopista. This has been called the most expensive highway in the world at 6 million dollars per mile. Cuts up to 300 feet deep and fills up to 150 feet high were necessary to keep the maximum grade to 6 per cent and a horizontal align- ment to insure safety at a 50 miles per hour speed. An average of a million cubic yards of earth per mile was moved-of which 60 per cent was rock. As mentioned above, the financing of this project is unique in Latin American countries in that it is a toll highway and it is expected that the cost will be paid off in twenty years. Similar use of local initiative by other Caribbean countries will hasten the development of their transportation systems. In Puerto Rico a bridge, designed by our firm, is now under construction over the Martin Pena Channel with completion expected during 1954. The project costing 2 million dollars is being financed with combined funds from the insular and federal governments. The structure, linked with new arterial highways and fitted into the street patterns and traffic interchanges of the planned San Juan Port Development, will provide a major artery of traffic connecting San Juan and Santurce with Baya- mon and other cities and towns to the south and west. III In addition to performing the duties of a planner, financier, economist, and diplomat, the engineer must also be a man of ideals. I have always tried to instill in my students and asso- ciates the basic idea that because God made the earth so beauti- ful, no mere engineer has the right to spoil it by building an ugly structure. The role of the engineer is eloquently expressed in the words of John Ruskin: ... Therefore when we build let us think that we build forever.  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 133 Let it not be for present delight, nor for present use alone. Let it be such work as our descendants will thank us for; and let us think, as we lay stone upon stone, that a time is to come when those stones will be held sacred because our hands have touched them, and that men will say as they look upon the labor and wrought substance of them, See, this our fathers did for us. Bridges and highways are not only steppingstones of civiliza- tion. They are also a symbol of unity, the embodiment of the aspirations of humanity. TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING Let it not be for present delight, nor for present use alone. be such work as our descendants will thank us for; and think, as we lay stone upon stone, that a time is to come those stones will be held sacred because our hands have tot them, and that men will say as they look upon the labo: wrought substance of them, See, this our fathers did for us Bridges and highways are not only steppingstones of cit tion. They are also a symbol of unity, the embodiment < aspirations of humanity. 135 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 135 Let it not be for present delight, nor for present use alone. Let it be such work as our descendants will thank us for; and let us think, as we lay stone upon stone, that a time is to come when those stones will be held sacred because our hands have touched them, and that men will say as they look upon the labor and wrought substance of them, See, this our fathers did for us. Bridges and highways are not only steppingstones of civiliza- tion. They are also a symbol of unity, the embodiment of the aspirations of humanity.  11 11 John M. Mitchell: CARIBBEAN TRADE - A TWO-WAY STREET I SHALL NOT TALK ABOUT TRADE in the usual terms of statistics, favorable and unfavorable trade balances, dollar shortages, import restrictions, export taxes, or discriminatory tariffs. Although conditions of trade, like these, would normally be part and parcel of my subject, others have more intimate knowledge of them than I; and they are able to interpret the statistics and trends in a more intelligent manner. The trade conditions that I have enumerated, however, are not the only factors of importance in making trade a two- way street. I believe there are other conditions that are equally important. I am thinking of such conditions as attitudes and actions-personal attitudes and actions as well as those of corporations and governments. These are the matters that I want to talk about today; for I believe sincerely that our at- titudes and actions, and those of our neighbors in the Caribbean, must be correct if trade and social intercourse are to thrive between us. If they are not correct, trade and social intercourse cannot thrive, even though we have favorable trade balances and plenty of foreign exchange. At this moment I am filled with a spirit of great confidence John M. Mitchell: CARIBBEAN TRADE - A TWO-WAY STREET I SHALL NOT TALK ABOUT TRADE in the usual terms of statistics, favorable and unfavorable trade balances, dollar shortages, import restrictions, export taxes, or discriminatory tariffs. Although conditions of trade, like these, would normally be part and parcel of my subject, others have more intimate knowledge of them than I; and they are able to interpret the statistics and trends in a more intelligent manner. The trade conditions that I have enumerated, however, are not the only factors of importance in making trade a two- way street. I believe there are other conditions that are equally important. I am thinking of such conditions as attitudes and actions--personal attitudes and actions as well as those of corporations and governments. These are the matters that I want to talk about today; for I believe sincerely that our at- titudes and actions, and those of our neighbors in the Caribbean, must be correct if trade and social intercourse are to thrive between us. If they are not correct, trade and social intercourse cannot thrive, even though we have favorable trade balances and plenty of foreign exchange. At this moment I am filled with a spirit of great confidence 136 John M. Mitchell: CARIBBEAN TRADE - A TWO-WAY STREET I SHALL NOT TALK ABOUT TRADE in the usual terms of statistics, favorable and unfavorable trade balances, dollar shortages, import restrictions, export taxes, or discriminatory tariffs. Although conditions of trade, like these, would normally be part and parcel of my subject, others have more intimate knowledge of them than I; and they are able to interpret the statistics and trends in a more intelligent manner. The trade conditions that I have enumerated, however, are not the only factors of importance in making trade a two- way street. I believe there are other conditions that are equally important. I am thinking of such conditions as attitudes and actions-personal attitudes and actions as well as those of corporations and governments. These are the matters that I want to talk about today; for I believe sincerely that our at- titudes and actions, and those of our neighbors in the Caribbean, must be correct if trade and social intercourse are to thrive between us. If they are not correct, trade and social intercourse cannot thrive, even though we have favorable trade balances and plenty of foreign exchange. At this moment I am filled with a spirit of great confidence 136  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 11/ and optimism regarding the future of both trade and social re- lations with our neighbors and friends in the Caribbean. During the past month, I have been convinced once again, as I have been many times in the past, that trade and other relations can be made mutually profitable, both for them and for ourselves- if you will-a two-way street. I have just returned from a most exhilarating experience in Mexico which I shall tell you about before I close. Always, I have this feeling of confidence and optimism after a visit to one of the countries to our south. My doubts arise only when I at- tempt to deal with the daily routine of complex problems of for- eign trade from my offices in faraway Pittsburgh or New York. At times like these, I feel that there is a great amount of unrea- sonableness among customers and prospects whom we are at- tempting to sell on the usefulness and economic advantages of our products and on the benefits to be gained from buying in North American markets. During such times, I think they must feel the same way about us. But then, if I will only go, or send one of our bright young men, to talk to them in their own atmosphere, they prove to be just as reasonable as we are. Nine times out of ten, we are able to consummate a mutually advantageous transaction. Perhaps when we are in our towering offices in our own country, we are really norteamericanos, and think as norteamericanos, just as they accuse us. But when we arrive in their distinctly different and pleasant atmosphere we change, if we are capable of adjusting ourselves, and think of their problems. Then, if we are reasonable people, we work out a reasonable solution. Every time I have a part in such transactions, or see one of our people participate, I have a feeling of great pride. It can be done, be- lieve me. It is a thrilling experience. If you have never really tried it, I recommend it highly. Recently, a vice-president of one of the country's largest pub- lishing houses wrote me a letter asking my comments with respect to a checklist of conditions that must exist in a foreign country before it can offer an attractive prospect to direct foreign in- TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING and optimism regarding the future of both trade and soci lations with our neighbors and friends in the Caribbean. D the past month, I have been convinced once again, as I been many times in the past, that trade and other relatior be made mutually profitable, both for them and for oursel if you will-a two-way street. I have just returned from a most exhilarating experier Mexico which I shall tell you about before I close. Alw have this feeling of confidence and optimism after a visit t of the countries to our south. My doubts arise only when tempt to deal with the daily routine of complex problems c eign trade from my offices in faraway Pittsburgh or New At times like these, I feel that there is a great amount of u sonableness among customers and prospects whom we a tempting to sell on the usefulness and economic advantages products and on the benefits to be gained from buying in ] American markets. During such times, I think they must fe same way about us. But then, if I will only go, or send ones bright young men, to talk to them in their own atmosphere prove to be just as reasonable as we are. Nine times out we are able to consummate a mutually advantageous transa Perhaps when we are in our towering offices in our own coi we are really norteamericanos, and think as norteameri just as they accuse us. But when we arrive in their dist different and pleasant atmosphere we change, if we are ca of adjusting ourselves, and think of their problems. Then, are reasonable people, we work out a reasonable solution. : time I have a part in such transactions, or see one of our f participate, I have a feeling of great pride. It can be don lieve me. It is a thrilling experience. If you have never tried it, I recommend it highly. Recently, a vice-president of one of the country's largest lishing houses wrote me a letter asking my comments with rt to a checklist of conditions that must exist in a foreign co before it can offer an attractive prospect to direct foreif 137 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 137 and optimism regarding the future of both trade and social re- lations with our neighbors and friends in the Caribbean. During the past month, I have been convinced once again, as I have been many times in the past, that trade and other relations can be made mutually profitable, both for them and for ourselves- if you will-a two-way street. I have just returned from a most exhilarating experience in Mexico which I shall tell you about before I close. Always, I have this feeling of confidence and optimism after a visit to one of the countries to our south. My doubts arise only when I at- tempt to deal with the daily routine of complex problems of for- eign trade from my offices in faraway Pittsburgh or New York. At times like these, I feel that there is a great amount of unrea- sonableness among customers and prospects whom we are at- tempting to sell on the usefulness and economic advantages of our products and on the benefits to be gained from buying in North American markets. During such times, I think they must feel the same way about us. But then, if I will only go, or send one of our bright young men, to talk to them in their own atmosphere, they prove to be just as reasonable as we are. Nine times out of ten, we are able to consummate a mutually advantageous transaction. Perhaps when we are in our towering offices in our own country, we are really norteamericanos, and think as norteamericanos, just as they accuse us. But when we arrive in their distinctly different and pleasant atmosphere we change, if we are capable of adjusting ourselves, and think of their problems. Then, if we are reasonable people, we work out a reasonable solution. Every time I have a part in such transactions, or see one of our people participate, I have a feeling of great pride. It can be done, be- lieve me. It is a thrilling experience. If you have never really tried it, I recommend it highly. Recently, a vice-president of one of the country's largest pub- lishing houses wrote me a letter asking my comments with respect to a checklist of conditions that must exist in a foreign country before it can offer an attractive prospect to direct foreign in-  138 The Caribbean vestors. The letter stated that most of the available literature treats the subject of private foreign investment in broad generali- ties and rarely becomes specific concerning requirements for a promising investment venture in a foreign country. With that statement, I am sure we will all agree. I will not undertake to delineate here each of the conditions that were set forth on the checklist, but I will say that they were most comprehensive and covered the field of political, economic, and management condi- tions. I replied that I thought that a noble and most desirable task was being undertaken, which would be well received by all who are interested in these problems. I stated that I would not suggest any additions or deletions, as I felt that all were of ex- treme importance, and I commented that if United States in- vestors could find countries where all such conditions existed, they could proceed with full confidence. Then I wrote that I thought it equally important for the investor to be apprised of the condi- tions that should be offered, in turn, to the foreign country. II After all, trade has to be a mutually beneficial situation. If we are going out to look for beneficial conditions, we ought to take a few along with us. Here are some that I would attempt to offer if I were looking for an opportunity to invest in a foreign country: 1. The investment should be in a project that will benefit the re- cipient country and its people. For example, it should either increase the power to earn or save foreign exchange and contribute to the stability of the national currency. The project should be of material assistance in raising the standard of living of the people of the foreign country. 2. The investment should be expected to earn only a reasonable return. Here let me quickly add that I am fully aware that the word "reasonable" means many things to many people and, in the field of foreign investment, a reasonable return must be in excess of 138 The Caribbean vestors. The letter stated that most of the available literature treats the subject of private foreign investment in broad generali- ties and rarely becomes specific concerning requirements for a promising investment venture in a foreign country. With that statement, I am sure we will all agree. I will not undertake to delineate here each of the conditions that were set forth on the checklist, but I will say that they were most comprehensive and covered the field of political, economic, and management condi- tions. I replied that I thought that a noble and most desirable task was being undertaken, which would be well received by all who are interested in these problems. I stated that I would not suggest any additions or deletions, as I felt that all were of ex- treme importance, and I commented that if United States in- vestors could find countries where all such conditions existed, they could proceed with full confidence. Then I wrote that I thought it equally important for the investor to be apprised of the condi- tions that should be offered, in turn, to the foreign country. II After all, trade has to be a mutually beneficial situation. If we are going out to look for beneficial conditions, we ought to take a few along with us. Here are some that I would attempt to offer if I were looking for an opportunity to invest in a foreign country: 1. The investment should be in a project that will benefit the re- cipient country and its people. For example, it should either increase the power to earn or save foreign exchange and contribute to the stability of the national currency. The project should be of material assistance in raising the standard of living of the people of the foreign country. 2. The investment should be expected to earn only a reasonable return. Here let me quickly add that I am fully aware that the word "reasonable" means many things to many people and, in the field of foreign investment, a reasonable return must be in excess of 138 The Caribbean vestors. The letter stated that most of the available literature treats the subject of private foreign investment in broad generali- ties and rarely becomes specific concerning requirements for a promising investment venture in a foreign country. With that statement, I am sure we will all agree. I will not undertake to delineate here each of the conditions that were set forth on the checklist, but I will say that they were most comprehensive and covered the field of political, economic, and management condi- tions. I replied that I thought that a noble and most desirable task was being undertaken, which would be well received by all who are interested in these problems. I stated that I would not suggest any additions or deletions, as I felt that all were of ex- treme importance, and I commented that if United States in- vestors could find countries where all such conditions existed, they could proceed with full confidence. Then I wrote that I thought it equally important for the investor to be apprised of the condi- tions that should be offered, in turn, to the foreign country. II After all, trade has to be a mutually beneficial situation. If we are going out to look for beneficial conditions, we ought to take a few along with us. Here are some that I would attempt to offer if I were looking for an opportunity to invest in a foreign country: 1. The investment should be in a project that will benefit the re- cipient country and its people. For example, it should either increase the power to earn or save foreign exchange and contribute to the stability of the national currency. The project should be of material assistance in raising the standard of living of the people of the foreign country. 2. The investment should be expected to earn only a reasonable return. Here let me quickly add that I am fully aware that the word "reasonable" means many things to many people and, in the field of foreign investment, a reasonable return must be in excess of  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 139 what we would expect from a comparable venture at home. Risks to capital investment in countries other than the United States are far greater than we expect at home. Thus, the in- vestor is entitled to a return commensurate with the risks in- volved. I am likewise aware that the national investors in most foreign countries invest only in projects that are expected to earn returns far greater than we in the United States have learned to call "reasonable." I say only that the rule of reason should be applied in all cases, and equitable treatment should be achieved for all concerned. 3. The investor should be willing to join in partnership with na- tional investors and accept a 50 per cent share or less of the venture. I would offer this condition only for certain types of projects, such as the manufacture of industrial or consumer goods and services where the products and services are primarily for consumption in the country that will receive the investment. Mining of raw materials that are shipped back to the country from which the investment originated, or into world markets, should probably be exempted from this condition. National investors, in most cases, do not appear able to render any real services in return for the opportunity to invest in such projects. Nor do they generally appear to be eager to join such ventures, as the investment is usually extremely large, the risks great, and the profits small in relation to the risks involved. Furthermore, I would be willing to accept less than control of the venture only if I were able to find capable and compatible partners who would provide real services to the venture. If such national investors can be located and induced to join, however, they can help to make the project develop more soundly. The foreign investor is likely to attain a measure of success in far less time with cooperation from national investors than he could by attempting to go it alone. This joining of forces will also help keep the investment free from inequitable tax burdens that would place it at a disadvan- TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING what we would expect from a comparable venture at I Risks to capital investment in countries other than the I. States are far greater than we expect at home. Thus, tl vestor is entitled to a return commensurate with the ris] volved. I am likewise aware that the national investors in foreign countries invest only in projects that are expected tc returns far greater than we in the United States have learr call "reasonable." I say only that the rule of reason shot applied in all cases, and equitable treatment should be ack, for all concerned. 3. The investor should be willing to join in partnership wit tional investors and accept a 50 per cent share or less c venture. I would offer this condition only for certain types of projects as the manufacture of industrial or consumer goods and se where the products and services are primarily for consumpt the country that will receive the investment. Mining o materials that are shipped back to the country from whic investment originated, or into world markets, should pro be exempted from this condition. National investors, in cases, do not appear able to render any real services in retui the opportunity to invest in such projects. Nor do they gen appear to be eager to join such ventures, as the investm usually extremely large, the risks great, and the profits sm relation to the risks involved. Furthermore, I would be willing to accept less than cont the venture only if I were able to find capable and comp partners who would provide real services to the venture. If national investors can be located and induced to join, hov they can help to make the project develop more soundly. foreign investor is likely to attain a measure of success in f, time with cooperation from national investors than he cou attempting to go it alone. This joining of forces will also help keep the investmen from inequitable tax burdens that would place it at a disa 139 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 139 what we would expect from a comparable venture at home. Risks to capital investment in countries other than the United States are far greater than we expect at home. Thus, the in- vestor is entitled to a return commensurate with the risks in- volved. I am likewise aware that the national investors in most foreign countries invest only in projects that are expected to earn returns far greater than we in the United States have learned to call "reasonable." I say only that the rule of reason should be applied in all cases, and equitable treatment should be achieved for all concerned. 3. The investor should be willing to join in partnership with na- tional investors and accept a 50 per cent share or less of the venture. I would offer this condition only for certain types of projects, such as the manufacture of industrial or consumer goods and services where the products and services are primarily for consumption in the country that will receive the investment. Mining of raw materials that are shipped back to the country from which the investment originated, or into world markets, should probably be exempted from this condition. National investors, in most cases, do not appear able to render any real services in return for the opportunity to invest in such projects. Nor do they generally appear to be eager to join such ventures, as the investment is usually extremely large, the risks great, and the profits small in relation to the risks involved. Furthermore, I would be willing to accept less than control of the venture only if I were able to find capable and compatible partners who would provide real services to the venture. If such national investors can be located and induced to join, however, they can help to make the project develop more soundly. The foreign investor is likely to attain a measure of success in far less time with cooperation from national investors than he could by attempting to go it alone. This joining of forces will also help keep the investment free from inequitable tax burdens that would place it at a disadvan-  140 The Caribbean tage in relation to nationals. In addition, it will be found, gen- erally, that there is a great deal of satisfaction and pleasure to be gained from working with compatible nationals, and forming new and lasting friendships. All these factors contribute to a better understanding between the peoples of different countries and help to keep us all on the road to universal peace. 4. The investor should be willing to undertake the training of nationals for positions of responsibility on the managerial staff. The owners of any business, in any country, should have the right, as long as the enterprise contributes to the economic wel- fare, to employ an adequate and competent technical and man- agerial staff, regardless of national origin. The recognition of this right is a moral responsibility necessary for protecting the inter- ests of the investors. In return for this right, however, I feel that the foreign investor also has a moral responsibility-that of at- tempting to train nationals for responsible positions. I know that this practice cannot be followed in all situations, and I know also of many cases where it has proved to be an expensive ex- periment. But if the investment or business is to be of indefinite duration, and is not of the "fast buck" type, I believe sincerely that, in the long run, attempts to train nationals will result in the greatest good will for all-the investor, the country, and the people. I know nationals can be used successfully in responsible positions-I have seen it. We have done it in our own com- pany, and it is proving profitable. I feel that the attempt must be undertaken. If it works, it is not necessary to send out large numbers of American personnel for indefinite assignments abroad. That can be an even bigger headache, as many of you well know from unhappy experience. Without elaboration, I shall mention a few additional condi- tions that the foreign investor should be prepared to offer the recipient country and its people: 5. To conduct labor and employee relations on planes that are as high as, or higher than, those practiced in the home country. 6. To train and utilize labor in its highest possible skills. 140 The Caribbean tage in relation to nationals. In addition, it will be found, gen- erally, that there is a great deal of satisfaction and pleasure to be gained from working with compatible nationals, and forming new and lasting friendships. All these factors contribute to a better understanding between the peoples of different countries and help to keep us all on the road to universal peace. 4. The investor should be willing to undertake the training of nationals for positions of responsibility on the managerial staff. The owners of any business, in any country, should have the right, as long as the enterprise contributes to the economic wel- fare, to employ an adequate and competent technical and man- agerial staff, regardless of national origin. The recognition of this right is a moral responsibility necessary for protecting the inter- ests of the investors. In return for this right, however, I feel that the foreign investor also has a moral responsibility-that of at- tempting to train nationals for responsible positions. I know that this practice cannot be followed in all situations, and I know also of many cases where it has proved to be an expensive ex- periment. But if the investment or business is to be of indefinite duration, and is not of the "fast buck" type, I believe sincerely that, in the long run, attempts to train nationals will result in the greatest good will for all-the investor, the country, and the people. I know nationals can be used successfully in responsible positions-I have seen it. We have done it in our own com- pany, and it is proving profitable. I feel that the attempt must be undertaken. If it works, it is not necessary to send out large numbers of American personnel for indefinite assignments abroad. That can be an even bigger headache, as many of you well know from unhappy experience. Without elaboration, I shall mention a few additional condi- tions that the foreign investor should be prepared to offer the recipient country and its people: 5. To conduct labor and employee relations on planes that are as high as, or higher than, those practiced in the home country. 6. To train and utilize labor in its highest possible skills. 140 The Caribbean tage in relation to nationals. In addition, it will be found, gen- erally, that there is a great deal of satisfaction and pleasure to be gained from working with compatible nationals, and forming new and lasting friendships. All these factors contribute to a better understanding between the peoples of different countries and help to keep us all on the road to universal peace. 4. The investor should be willing to undertake the training of nationals for positions of responsibility on the managerial staff. The owners of any business, in any country, should have the right, as long as the enterprise contributes to the economic wel- fare, to employ an adequate and competent technical and man- agerial staff, regardless of national origin. The recognition of this right is a moral responsibility necessary for protecting the inter- ests of the investors. In return for this right, however, I feel that the foreign investor also has a moral responsibility-that of at- tempting to train nationals for responsible positions. I know that this practice cannot be followed in all situations, and I know also of many cases where it has proved to be an expensive ex- periment. But if the investment or business is to be of indefinite duration, and is not of the "fast buck" type, I believe sincerely that, in the long run, attempts to train nationals will result in the greatest good will for all-the investor, the country, and the people. I know nationals can be used successfully in responsible positions-I have seen it. We have done it in our own com- pany, and it is proving profitable. I feel that the attempt must be undertaken. If it works, it is not necessary to send out large numbers of American personnel for indefinite assignments abroad. That can be an even bigger headache, as many of you well know from unhappy experience. Without elaboration, I shall mention a few additional condi- tions that the foreign investor should be prepared to offer the recipient country and its people: 5. To conduct labor and employee relations on planes that are as high as, or higher than, those practiced in the home country. 6. To train and utilize labor in its highest possible skills.  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 141 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 141 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 7. To enter into the community life of the country insofar as it is possible to do so. 8. To support and contribute to the growth of the educational institutions of the country, especially the technical and vocational facilities. III There is another aspect of making our trade a two-way street, which I wish to consider with you for a few minutes. In the course of doing business in the Caribbean and other parts of the world, we must send out many people on visits of either short or long duration, and even to live indefinitely in certain countries. It is in this area that our business either stands or falls. This is the critical area of our relations with the peoples of other lands. Every North American who travels in foreign countries, whether on business or pleasure, is an ambassador of either good will or bad will for the home country-whether or not this responsibility is understood or accepted. This we must realize-this we must never, never forget. The people who represent us abroad must be chosen carefully and wisely. They must be trained thorough- ly, and they must understand and accept their high responsibility. This is true of all levels of personnel-from the junior clerks in our consulates to the engineers, technicians, sales managers, and even the presidents of our greatest corporations. On their con- duct, their attitudes, and their actions rests our ability to trade on a mutually profitable basis, to engender the confidence, friend- ship, and good will of the peoples of all other countries, and to help create lasting peace in this world. I do not think this is an area in which it is too difficult to work. But I am accused many times of oversimplifying complex problems. Believe me, I understand thoroughly that representing our country well is a complex problem, but I am convinced that the solution is rather simple for intelligent people. It requires clear thinking, common sense, and the desire to succeed. Here 7. To enter into the community life of the country insofar as it is possible to do so. 8. To support and contribute to the growth of the educational institutions of the country, especially the technical and vocational facilities. III There is another aspect of making our trade a two-way street, which I wish to consider with you for a few minutes. In the course of doing business in the Caribbean and other parts of the world, we must send out many people on visits of either short or long duration, and even to live indefinitely in certain countries. It is in this area that our business either stands or falls. This is the critical area of our relations with the peoples of other lands. Every North American who travels in foreign countries, whether on business or pleasure, is an ambassador of either good will or bad will for the home country-whether or not this responsibility is understood or accepted. This we must realize-this we must never, never forget. The people who represent us abroad must be chosen carefully and wisely. They must be trained thorough- ly, and they must understand and accept their high responsibility. This is true of all levels of personnel-from the junior clerks in our consulates to the engineers, technicians, sales managers, and even the presidents of our greatest corporations. On their con- duct, their attitudes, and their actions rests our ability to trade on a mutually profitable basis, to engender the confidence, friend- ship, and good will of the peoples of all other countries, and to help create lasting peace in this world. I do not think this is an area in which it is too difficult to work. But I am accused many times of oversimplifying complex problems. Believe me, I understand thoroughly that representing our country well is a complex problem, but I am convinced that the solution is rather simple for intelligent people. It requires clear thinking, common sense, and the desire to succeed. Here 7. To enter into the community life of the country insofar as it is possible to do so. 8. To support and contribute to the growth of the educational institutions of the country, especially the technical and vocational facilities. III There is another aspect of making our trade a two-way street, which I wish to consider with you for a few minutes. In the course of doing business in the Caribbean and other parts of the world, we must send out many people on visits of either short or long duration, and even to live indefinitely in certain countries. It is in this area that our business either stands or falls. This is the critical area of our relations with the peoples of other lands. Every North American who travels in foreign countries, whether on business or pleasure, is an ambassador of either good will or bad will for the home country-whether or not this responsibility is understood or accepted. This we must realize-this we must never, never forget. The people who represent us abroad must be chosen carefully and wisely. They must be trained thorough- ly, and they must understand and accept their high responsibility. This is true of all levels of personnel-from the junior clerks in our consulates to the engineers, technicians, sales managers, and even the presidents of our greatest corporations. On their con- duct, their attitudes, and their actions rests our ability to trade on a mutually profitable basis, to engender the confidence, friend- ship, and good will of the peoples of all other countries, and to help create lasting peace in this world. I do not think this is an area in which it is too difficult to work. But I am accused many times of oversimplifying complex problems. Believe me, I understand thoroughly that representing our country well is a complex problem, but I am convinced that the solution is rather simple for intelligent people. It requires clear thinking, common sense, and the desire to succeed. Here  142 The Caribbean are a few of the things I try to instill in our people whom we send abroad to travel or live in foreign countries: 1. Relax ... Be yourself. Don't leave our shores full of tensions, misled by delusions of grandeur, or beset by an inferiority complex. Take the chip off your shoulder, if you have one. Determine that you will find a common ground on which to deal with the people you will meet in your assignment. 2. Be proud that you are a North American. But ... keep your pride in your heart-not on your coat sleeve. Don't flash your dollars for all to see-you might lose them-and they are sure to cost you the friends you are sent out to cultivate. Get them changed into moneda nacional, in accordance with your needs, at the banks or at officially designated cambios. Don't wave the Stars and Stripes on foreign lands-leave that to our Embassy-and pay every respect to the flag of the country in which you are visiting. 3. Respect the customs and traditions of the country in which you are living or visiting. But ... don't fully accept them. Live with them, but don't become com- pletely a part of them. Chart a course down the middle of the road. You will find that such customs and traditions probably are completely different from those of our country. Many are products of climatic conditions. If you adopt them completely, you may return home only to find that readjustment is too diffi- cult. This is the heart of the great compromise you must make if you are to work or live abroad successfully and happily. Above all, however, practice tolerance and patience. Let me give you an example. You have an appointment with a citizen of the country-it is an important appointment for both of you. The hour has been agreed upon mutually. You present yourself on time as you should always do-but the person with whom you have the appointment does not appear until two hours after the hour agreed upon. You must accept it, and can- not show the least annoyance. Proceed with the interview as if 142 The Caribbean 142 The Caribbean are a few of the things I try to instill in our people whom we send abroad to travel or live in foreign countries: 1. Relax ... Be yourself. Don't leave our shores full of tensions, misled by delusions of grandeur, or beset by an inferiority complex. Take the chip off your shoulder, if you have one. Determine that you will find a common ground on which to deal with the people you will meet in your assignment. 2. Be proud that you are a North American. But ... keep your pride in your heart-not on your coat sleeve. Don't flash your dollars for all to see-you might lose them-and they are sure to cost you the friends you are sent out to cultivate. Get them changed into moneda nacional, in accordance with your needs, at the banks or at officially designated cambios. Don't wave the Stars and Stripes on foreign lands-leave that to our Embassy-and pay every respect to the flag of the country in which you are visiting. 3. Respect the customs and traditions of the country in which you are living or visiting. But ... don't fully accept them. Live with them, but don't become com- pletely a part of them. Chart a course down the middle of the road. You will find that such customs and traditions probably are completely different from those of our country. Many are products of climatic conditions. If you adopt them completely, you may return home only to find that readjustment is too diffi- cult. This is the heart of the great compromise you must make if you are to work or live abroad successfully and happily. Above all, however, practice tolerance and patience. Let me give you an example. You have an appointment with a citizen of the country-it is an important appointment for both of you. The hour has been agreed upon mutually. You present yourself on time as you should always do-but the person with whom you have the appointment does not appear until two hours after the hour agreed upon. You must accept it, and can- not show the least annoyance. Proceed with the interview as if are a few of the things I try to instill in our people whom we send abroad to travel or live in foreign countries: 1. Relax ... Be yourself. Don't leave our shores full of tensions, misled by delusions of grandeur, or beset by an inferiority complex. Take the chip off your shoulder, if you have one. Determine that you will find a common ground on which to deal with the people you will meet in your assignment. 2. Be proud that you are a North American. But ... keep your pride in your heart-not on your coat sleeve. Don't flash your dollars for all to see-you might lose them-and they are sure to cost you the friends you are sent out to cultivate. Get them changed into moneda nacional, in accordance with your needs, at the banks or at officially designated cambios. Don't wave the Stars and Stripes on foreign lands-leave that to our Embassy-and pay every respect to the flag of the country in which you are visiting. 3. Respect the customs and traditions of the country in which you are living or visiting. But ... don't fully accept them. Live with them, but don't become com- pletely a part of them. Chart a course down the middle of the road. You will find that such customs and traditions probably are completely different from those of our country. Many are products of climatic conditions. If you adopt them completely, you may return home only to find that readjustment is too diffi- cult. This is the heart of the great compromise you must make if you are to work or live abroad successfully and happily. Above all, however, practice tolerance and patience. Let me give you an example. You have an appointment with a citizen of the country-it is an important appointment for both of you. The hour has been agreed upon mutually. You present yourself on time as you should always do-but the person with whom you have the appointment does not appear until two hours after the hour agreed upon. You must accept it, and can- not show the least annoyance. Proceed with the interview as if  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 145 he were prompt. Discuss every possible subject except the busi- ness at hand until he indicates that he is ready. On subsequent visits, carry out the identical procedure, and- above all-be sure that you are on time. Don't take this custom unto yomself. Carry along your instruction manual or a tech- nical publication to read; your waiting period may be a good time to do your reading. Perhaps you may find that the current issue of Time, Latin America, has an article about the man you want to see. If it does, he will be pleased to have you mention it-even as you and I would be. Another example: If most of the people of the community take a siesta after the noon meal, take one yourself. You will probably find that the custom is due to the heat in the middle of the day and is a healthful, relaxing practice. You will prob- ably also find that businessmen stay at their offices or establish- ments until six or eight o'clock in the evening because they are able to accomplish more in the cooler period of the day. That may be one to three hours after you have been used to leaving your office. But don't take a two- or three-hour siesta yourself. Twenty or thirty minutes is enough for you, and is not as habit forming as the longer period. Remember-you are coming home one day. 4. Learn the language. You will find it to be the key that opens doors and new vistas beyond your comprehension. Your language is foreign to the people with whom you want to do business and make friends. You cannot do business successfully if you make it difficult for them. That is part of the salesman's creed even at home. Did you ever make a friend by playing hard to get? Therefore, it is up to you to learn their language and place yourself in a posi- tion where you are welcome in their offices, factories, and homes. I know of North Americans who have lived up to thirty years in the Caribbean, and other parts of South America without ever learning the language of the country where they have earned their living. These people are the ones who are always ready to TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING he were prompt. Discuss every possible subject except the ness at hand until he indicates that he is ready. On subsequent visits, carry out the identical procedure, < above all-be sure that you are on time. Don't take this ci unto yourself. Carry along your instruction manual or a nical publication to read; your waiting period may be a time to do your reading. Perhaps you may find that the ci issue of Time, Latin America, has an article about the ma want to see. If it does, he will be pleased to have you me it-even as you and I would be. Another example: If most of the people of the comn take a siesta after the noon meal, take one yourself. Yoi probably find that the custom is due to the heat in the n of the day and is a healthful, relaxing practice. You will ably also find that businessmen stay at their offices or esta ments until six or eight o'clock in the evening because the able to accomplish more in the cooler period of the day. may be one to three hours after you have been used to le your office. But don't take a two- or three-hour siesta yo Twenty or thirty minutes is enough for you, and is not as forming as the longer period. Remember-you are coming one day. 4. Learn the language. You will find it to be the key that opens doors and new beyond your comprehension. Your language is foreign t people with whom you want to do business and make fr You cannot do business successfully if you make it difficu them. That is part of the salesman's creed even at home, you ever make a friend by playing hard to get? Thereft is up to you to learn their language and place yourself in a tion where you are welcome in their offices, factories, and h I know of North Americans who have lived up to thirty ye the Caribbean, and other parts of South America withoul learning the language of the country where they have e their living. These people are the ones who are always rea 143 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 143 he were prompt. Discuss every possible subject except the busi- ness at hand until he indicates that he is ready. On subsequent visits, carry out the identical procedure, and- above all-be sure that you are on time. Don't take this custom unto yourself. Carry along your instruction manual or a tech- nical publication to read; your waiting period may be a good time to do your reading. Perhaps you may find that the current issue of Time, Latin America, has an article about the man you want to see. If it does, he will be pleased to have you mention it-even as you and I would be. Another example: If most of the people of the community take a siesta after the noon meal, take one yourself. You will probably find that the custom is due to the heat in the middle of the day and is a healthful, relaxing practice. You will prob- ably also find that businessmen stay at their offices or establish- ments until six or eight o'clock in the evening because they are able to accomplish more in the cooler period of the day. That may be one to three hours after you have been used to leaving your office. But don't take a two- or three-hour siesta yourself. Twenty or thirty minutes is enough for you, and is not as habit forming as the longer period. Remember-you are coming home one day. 4. Learn the language. You will find it to be the key that opens doors and new vistas beyond your comprehension. Your language is foreign to the people with whom you want to do business and make friends. You cannot do business successfully if you make it difficult for them. That is part of the salesman's creed even at home. Did you ever make a friend by playing hard to get? Therefore, it is up to you to learn their language and place yourself in a posi- tion where you are welcome in their offices, factories, and homes. I know of North Americans who have lived up to thirty years in the Caribbean, and other parts of South America without ever learning the language of the country where they have earned their living. These people are the ones who are always ready to  144 The Caribbean 144 The Caribbean 144 The Caribbean come home, or who are the most critical of people in whose midst they live. They have never been able to comprehend the graciousness of the people, or understand their way of life. Why not? They never got past the front porch. 5. Take part in the life of the community in which you visit or live, insofar as it is possible or legal for you to do so. Support the institutions of learning, the charities, and the organ- izations that sincerely attempt to promote good relations between foreigners and nationals, and between our countries. Give of your time to these worth-while activities, but evaluate each one carefully to make certain that its objectives are clear, honest, and sincere. Go to the church of your faith, and give it your finan- cial, physical, and mental support. Be tolerant of all other faiths. Your greatest effort should be directed toward making friends, both business and social, with nationals of the country. Don't become known as one of the norteamericanos who spends all of his time at the American Club with norteamericanos only, and undertakes to see nationals only when it means business. If you and your family can make yourselves acceptable and desir- able as friends to the people of the country in which you are visiting or living-both in the areas of business and social life-I promise you that the days, or weeks, or months, or years you spend there will be happy and fruitful. This is the most difficult job that you have undertaken-and the most challenging-but the fruits are worth your best and most sincere efforts. This, I believe. 6. Become an expert in the subjects with which you are dealing, insofar as it is possible for you to do so. You are expected to be an expert-and if you cannot offer the services or render the assistance expected within a reasonable time, you will lose the confidence and respect of the people with whom you are dealing. Remember, it is a long way from the United States to Havana, or Caracas, or Ciudad Trujillo, or Port-of-Spain; and it is expensive and time-consuming to ex- change cables or talk on the overseas telephone. It takes time come home, or who are the most critical of people in whose midst they live. They have never been able to comprehend the graciousness of the people, or understand their way of life. Why not? They never got past the front porch. 5. Take part in the life of the community in which you visit or live, insofar as it is possible or legal for you to do so. Support the institutions of learning, the charities, and the organ- izations that sincerely attempt to promote good relations between foreigners and nationals, and between our countries. Give of your time to these worth-while activities, but evaluate each one carefully to make certain that its objectives are clear, honest, and sincere. Go to the church of your faith, and give it your finan- cial, physical, and mental support. Be tolerant of all other faiths. Your greatest effort should be directed toward making friends, both business and social, with nationals of the country. Don't become known as one of the norteamericanos who spends all of his time at the American Club with norteamericanos only, and undertakes to see nationals only when it means business. If you and your family can make yourselves acceptable and desir- able as friends to the people of the country in which you are visiting or living-both in the areas of business and social life-I promise you that the days, or weeks, or months, or years you spend there will be happy and fruitful. This is the most difficult job that you have undertaken-and the most challenging-but the fruits are worth your best and most sincere efforts. This, I believe. 6. Become an expert in the subjects with which you are dealing, insofar as it is possible for you to do so. You are expected to be an expert-and if you cannot offer the services or render the assistance expected within a reasonable time, you will lose the confidence and respect of the people with whom you are dealing. Remember, it is a long way from the United States to Havana, or Caracas, or Ciudad Trujillo, or Port-of-Spain; and it is expensive and time-consuming to ex- change cables or talk on the overseas telephone. It takes time come home, or who are the most critical of people in whose midst they live. They have never been able to comprehend the graciousness of the people, or understand their way of life. Why not? They never got past the front porch. 5. Take part in the life of the community in which you visit or live, insofar as it is possible or legal for you to do so. Support the institutions of learning, the charities, and the organ- izations that sincerely attempt to promote good relations between foreigners and nationals, and between our countries. Give of your time to these worth-while activities, but evaluate each one carefully to make certain that its objectives are clear, honest, and sincere. Go to the church of your faith, and give it your finan- cial, physical, and mental support. Be tolerant of all other faiths. Your greatest effort should be directed toward making friends, both business and social, with nationals of the country. Don't become known as one of the norteamericanos who spends all of his time at the American Club with norteamericanos only, and undertakes to see nationals only when it means business. If you and your family can make yourselves acceptable and desir- able as friends to the people of the country in which you are visiting or living-both in the areas of business and social life-I promise you that the days, or weeks, or months, or years you spend there will be happy and fruitful. This is the most difficult job that you have undertaken-and the most challenging-but the fruits are worth your best and most sincere efforts. This, I believe. 6. Become an expert in the subjects with which you are dealing, insofar as it is possible for you to do so. You are expected to be an expert-and if you cannot offer the services or render the assistance expected within a reasonable time, you will lose the confidence and respect of the people with whom you are dealing. Remember, it is a long way from the United States to Havana, or Caracas, or Ciudad Trujillo, or Port-of-Spain; and it is expensive and time-consuming to ex- change cables or talk on the overseas telephone. It takes time  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 145 and money to send an engineer or technician to bail you out. And by the time one arrives, the problem may have been solved by a competitor from continental Europe, Great Britain, Canada, or Japan. Although their industries are small in comparison with ours in the United States, they are growing; and their problems are just as complex as ours. We must be prepared to assist them with intelligence and promptness. IV Now for some of the proof of the pudding. I told you earlier that I have just returned from Mexico, and that I would tell you about what I consider a most thrilling experience. I went to Mexico to participate in the dedication of the first new manu- facturing plant that Alcoa has built outside of the United States since 1928. It is a small-an extremely small-operation by our standards at home. It is a plant that was constructed to make aluminum extrusions and tubular goods. It has only one ex- trusion press of 1,600 tons capacity and one small draw bench. We have four similar plants in the United States, all of which have many extrusion presses with capacities ranging up to 14,000 tons. But this plant is important, not only to Alcoa, but also to the United States and its foreign economic policy, to Mexico, and to all other countries of the world where capital investment from the United States is desired. It is important enough to Alcoa for our president, vice-president and general sales man- ager, vice-president and general production manager, and the president of one of our largest subsidiaries to have journeyed to Mexico City for the ceremonies. The plant is owned by and will be operated by a Mexican company, the name of which is Alcomex, Sociedad Anonima. Alcomex is in turn owned on a full partnership basis by Alcoa and two groups of Mexican industrialists and bankers. Alcoa has 50 per cent of the shares and the Mexicans hold the other half. The board of directors is made up of five Mexican sub- TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING and money to send an engineer or technician to bail you And by the time one arrives, the problem may have been s by a competitor from continental Europe, Great Britain, Ca or Japan. Although their industries are small in comparison ounrs in the United States, they are growing; and their pro are just as complex as ours. We must be prepared to assist with intelligence and promptness. 145 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 145 out. and money to send an engineer or technician to bail you out. olved And by the time one arrives, the problem may have been solved nada, by a competitor from continental Europe, Great Britain, Canada, with or Japan. Although their industries are small in comparison with blems ours in the United States, they are growing; and their problems them are just as complex as ours. We must be prepared to assist them with intelligence and promptness. IV Now for some of the proof of the pudding. I told you earlier that I have just returned from Mexico, and that I would tell you about what I consider a most thrilling experience. I went to Mexico to participate in the dedication of the first new manu- facturing plant that Alcoa has built outside of the United States since 1928. It is a small-an extremely small-operation by our standards at home. It is a plant that was constructed to make aluminum extrusions and tubular goods. It has only one ex- trusion press of 1,600 tons capacity and one small draw bench. We have four similar plants in the United States, all of which have many extrusion presses with capacities ranging up to 14,000 tons. But this plant is important, not only to Alcoa, but also to the United States and its foreign economic policy, to Mexico, and to all other countries of the world where capital investment from the United States is desired. It is important enough to Alcoa for our president, vice-president and general sales man- ager, vice-president and general production manager, and the president of one of our largest subsidiaries to have journeyed to Mexico City for the ceremonies. The plant is owned by and will be operated by a Mexican company, the name of which is Alcomex, Sociedad Andnima. Alcomex is in turn owned on a full partnership basis by Alcoa and two groups of Mexican industrialists and bankers. Alcoa has 50 per cent of the shares and the Mexicans hold the other half. The board of directors is made up of five Mexican sub- IV Now for some of the proof of the pudding. I told you earlier that I have just returned from Mexico, and that I would tell you about what I consider a most thrilling experience. I went to Mexico to participate in the dedication of the first new manu- facturing plant that Alcoa has built outside of the United States since 1928. It is a small-an extremely small-operation by our standards at home. It is a plant that was constructed to make aluminum extrusions and tubular goods. It has only one ex- trusion press of 1,600 tons capacity and one small draw bench. We have four similar plants in the United States, all of which have many extrusion presses with capacities ranging up to 14,000 tons. But this plant is important, not only to Alcoa, but also to the United States and its foreign economic policy, to Mexico, and to all other countries of the world where capital investment from the United States is desired. It is important enough to Alcoa for our president, vice-president and general sales man- ager, vice-president and general production manager, and the president of one of our largest subsidiaries to have journeyed to Mexico City for the ceremonies. The plant is owned by and will be operated by a Mexican company, the name of which is Alcomex, Sociedad Andnima. Alcomex is in turn owned on a full partnership basis by Alcoa and two groups of Mexican industrialists and bankers. Alcoa has 50 per cent of the shares and the Mexicans hold the other half. The board of directors is made up of five Mexican sub-  146 The Caribbean 146 The Caribbean 146 The Caribbean stitutes who attend the meetings in our behalf. By mutual agree- ment, all decisions of the board are unanimous, and up to this date we have been able to reach a satisfactory solution to all questions. In return for their 50 per cent share, the Mexicans operate the company. Alcoa's job is to furnish the technical and sales know-how. In addition, Alcoa is conducting the training of all managerial, technical, and operating personnel. Since the incep- tion of the company in 1947, we have had two United States men in Mexico, of whom I was one, acting in the capacity of general manager of the company and sitting on the board of directors. Our first attempt to obtain the services of a Mexican national qualified to become the director general or president resulted in failure. Our second is now a capital success. For a period of two years, which has included the entire construction period of the plant, this man has been in training for the job of president under the guidance of the Alcoa man who has been acting general manager. His training has included visits to our Pittsburgh offices and considerable time spent in several of our plants and sales offices. The Alcoa man will return to the United States by the end of this year, leaving his Mexican counterpart in full managerial control. The Mexican official will then report only to the board of directors. During the construction of the plant we have just dedicated, Alcoa furnished the services of the chief construction engineer. With construction completed, this man is now the operating superintendent of the plant. Last year, when we could foresee the time for the start of operations, Alcoa sent down a metal- lurgist. Over the past several months, the operating superinten- dent and the metallurgist have trained all the Mexican operating personnel in the jobs that they will perform in the plant. These jobs run the gamut from simple to complex and skilled, and in- clude such work as die designing, toolmaking, and machine operation. Around the middle of 1954, the Alcoa man who is now acting stitutes who attend the meetings in our behalf. By mutual agree- ment, all decisions of the board are unanimous, and up to this date we have been able to reach a satisfactory solution to all questions. In return for their 50 per cent share, the Mexicans operate the company. Alcoa's job is to furnish the technical and sales know-how. In addition, Alcoa is conducting the training of all managerial, technical, and operating personnel. Since the incep- tion of the company in 1947, we have had two United States men in Mexico, of whom I was one, acting in the capacity of general manager of the company and sitting on the board of directors. Our first attempt to obtain the services of a Mexican national qualified to become the director general or president resulted in failure. Our second is now a capital success. For a period of two years, which has included the entire construction period of the plant, this man has been in training for the job of president under the guidance of the Alcoa man who has been acting general manager. His training has included visits to our Pittsburgh offices and considerable time spent in several of our plants and sales offices. The Alcoa man will return to the United States by the end of this year, leaving his Mexican counterpart in full managerial control. The Mexican official will then report only to the board of directors. During the construction of the plant we have just dedicated, Alcoa furnished the services of the chief construction engineer. With construction completed, this man is now the operating superintendent of the plant. Last year, when we could foresee the time for the start of operations, Alcoa sent down a metal- lurgist. Over the past several months, the operating superinten- dent and the metallurgist have trained all the Mexican operating personnel in the jobs that they will perform in the plant. These jobs run the gamut from simple to complex and skilled, and in- clude such work as die designing, toolmaking, and machine operation. Around the middle of 1954, the Alcoa man who is now acting stitutes who attend the meetings in our behalf. By mutual agree- ment, all decisions of the board are unanimous, and up to this date we have been able to reach a satisfactory solution to all questions. In return for their 50 per cent share, the Mexicans operate the company. Alcoa's job is to furnish the technical and sales know-how. In addition, Alcoa is conducting the training of all managerial, technical, and operating personnel. Since the incep- tion of the company in 1947, we have had two United States men in Mexico, of whom I was one, acting in the capacity of general manager of the company and sitting on the board of directors. Our first attempt to obtain the services of a Mexican national qualified to become the director general or president resulted in failure. Our second is now a capital success. For a period of two years, which has included the entire construction period of the plant, this man has been in training for the job of president under the guidance of the Alcoa man who has been acting general manager. His training has included visits to our Pittsburgh offices and considerable time spent in several of our plants and sales offices. The Alcoa man will return to the United States by the end of this year, leaving his Mexican counterpart in full managerial control. The Mexican official will then report only to the board of directors. During the construction of the plant we have just dedicated, Alcoa furnished the services of the chief construction engineer. With construction completed, this man is now the operating superintendent of the plant. Last year, when we could foresee the time for the start of operations, Alcoa sent down a metal- lurgist. Over the past several months, the operating superinten- dent and the metallurgist have trained all the Mexican operating personnel in the jobs that they will perform in the plant. These jobs run the gamut from simple to complex and skilled, and in- clude such work as die designing, toolmaking, and machine operation. Around the middle of 1954, the Alcoa man who is now acting  TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 147 as operating superintendent will have finished his assignment and will be brought home for a possible similar assignment elsewhere in the world. His place will be taken by the Alcoa man who is now chief metallurgist, and a Mexican will move up to second in command. Sometime during the next two to five years, this last Alcoa operating man will relinquish his post to a capable and qualified Mexican. A Mexican staff will then be in full charge of operating the company. In addition, we have just sent down a young man to act in the capacity of sales manager of the company and provide the train- ing of the Mexican sales staff. In his position, he will report to the president of the company. I cannot describe to you the great feeling of pride that seemed to be engendered in all of us-both Mexicans and North Ameri- cans-who took part in that occasion. For my part, it was the consummation of a somewhat utopian dream, but, in fact, it is the start of a great new experiment that we feel has a better- than-reasonable chance of great success. I am frank to say that all of us hope we can expand this operation, not only in its present form, but also in other fields of aluminum fabrication. We will do so only if both groups are willing and able to provide 50 per cent each of the capital requirements. I hope that I have not made all this sound easy. On the con- trary, it has been most difficult at times. The greatest trouble was in finding the coinvestors with whom we felt compatible and who had the necessary capital. All these steps took a long time and required every bit of patience that we could command. On one occasion, while sitting in the sunlight of a Paris cafe, I worked out a plan with one of our Mexican friends whom I chanced to meet on the street, only to have it fall apart when I visited Mexico some months later. We finally worked it out; and as I stood under a cloudless Mexican sky, on the platform in front of that new plant only five weeks ago, and listened to the chairman of the board of directors of Alcomex, S.A., the presi- dent of Alcoa, and a representative of the president of Mexico TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING as operating superintendent will have finished his assignmer will be brought home for a possible similar assignment else, in the world. His place will be taken by the Alcoa man v now chief metallurgist, and a Mexican will move up to si in command. Sometime during the next two to five year last Alcoa operating man will relinquish his post to a ca and qualified Mexican. A Mexican staff will then be I1 charge of operating the company. In addition, we have just sent down a young man to act capacity of sales manager of the company and provide the ing of the Mexican sales staff. In his position, he will rep the president of the company. I cannot describe to you the great feeling of pride that se to be engendered in all of us-both Mexicans and North A cans-who took part in that occasion. For my part, it w: consummation of a somewhat utopian dream, but, in fact the start of a great new experiment that we feel has a b than-reasonable chance of great success. I am frank to sa,. all of us hope we can expand this operation, not only present form, but also in other fields of aluminum fabric; We will do so only if both groups are willing and able to pr 50 per cent each of the capital requirements. I hope that I have not made all this sound easy. On the trary, it has been most difficult at times. The greatest troubl in finding the coinvestors with whom we felt compatibhl who had the necessary capital. All these steps took a long and required every bit of patience that we could command one occasion, while sitting in the sunlight of a Paris c worked out a plan with one of our Mexican friends N I chanced to meet on the street, only to have it fall apart I visited Mexico some months later. We finally worked it and as I stood under a cloudless Mexican sky, on the platfo: front of that new plant only five weeks ago, and listened t chairman of the board of directors of Alcomex, S.A., the dent of Alcoa, and a representative of the president of M 147 TRANSPORTATION AND MARKETING 147 as operating superintendent will have finished his assignment and will be brought home for a possible similar assignment elsewhere in the world. His place will be taken by the Alcoa man who is now chief metallurgist, and a Mexican will move up to second in command. Sometime during the next two to five years, this last Alcoa operating man will relinquish his post to a capable and qualified Mexican. A Mexican staff will then be in full charge of operating the company. In addition, we have just sent down a young man to act in the capacity of sales manager of the company and provide the train- ing of the Mexican sales staff. In his position, he will report to the president of the company. I cannot describe to you the great feeling of pride that seemed to be engendered in all of us-both Mexicans and North Ameri- cans-who took part in that occasion. For my part, it was the consummation of a somewhat utopian dream, but, in fact, it is the start of a great new experiment that we feel has a better- than-reasonable chance of great success. I am frank to say that all of us hope we can expand this operation, not only in its present form, but also in other fields of aluminum fabrication. We will do so only if both groups are willing and able to provide 50 per cent each of the capital requirements. I hope that I have not made all this sound easy. On the con- trary, it has been most difficult at times. The greatest trouble was in finding the coinvestors with whom we felt compatible and who had the necessary capital. All these steps took a long time and required every bit of patience that we could command. On one occasion, while sitting in the sunlight of a Paris cafe, I worked out a plan with one of our Mexican friends whom I chanced to meet on the street, only to have it fall apart when I visited Mexico some months later. We finally worked it out; and as I stood under a cloudless Mexican sky, on the platform in front of that new plant only five weeks ago, and listened to the chairman of the board of directors of Alcomex, S.A., the presi- dent of Alcoa, and a representative of the president of Mexico  148 The Caribbean all speak of their pleasure in and their hopes for such copartner- ships, I was awfully glad we did. We like our Mexican partners, and we believe that perhaps they like us. We work hard to make it so. We find to our great pleasure that they talk our language of business. They made our recent visit to Mexico one that we shall never forget. Now the plant is operating, orders are on the books, and materials produced by Mexicans and North Americans together are being shipped to Mexican users. The goal has not been completely reached, of course, but I believe it will be reached. I imagine that all of you here who are interested in seeing foreign trade in the Caribbean become a two-way street will hope with us that it becomes an outstanding success. 148 The Caribbean 148 The Caribbean all speak of their pleasure in and their hopes for such copartner- ships, I was awfully glad we did. We like our Mexican partners, and we believe that perhaps they like us. We work hard to make it so. We find to our great pleasure that they talk our language of business. They made our recent visit to Mexico one that we shall never forget. Now the plant is operating, orders are on the books, and materials produced by Mexicans and North Americans together are being shipped to Mexican users. The goal has not been completely reached, of course, but I believe it will be reached. I imagine that all of you here who are interested in seeing foreign trade in the Caribbean become a two-way street will hope with us that it becomes an outstanding success. all speak of their pleasure in and their hopes for such copartner- ships, I was awfully glad we did. We like our Mexican partners, and we believe that perhaps they like us. We work hard to make it so. We find to our great pleasure that they talk our language of business. They made our recent visit to Mexico one that we shall never forget. Now the plant is operating, orders are on the books, and materials produced by Mexicans and North Americans together are being shipped to Mexican users. The goal has not been completely reached, of course, but I believe it will be reached. I imagine that all of you here who are interested in seeing foreign trade in the Caribbean become a two-way street will hope with us that it becomes an outstanding success.  Part V Part V Part V LABOR AND INDUSTRY LABOR AND INDUSTRY LABOR AND INDUSTRY   Mary M. Cannon: LABOR AND GOVERNMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN LABOR AND GOVERNMENT in the Caribbean area, as in most of Latin America, exist on terms of mutual suspicion, mu- tual support, and mutual dependence on lawyers to tangle or untangle their problems. This is true to an extent unknown in the United States or Canada. One of the first things we must remember in discussing a broad subject like labor and government, as related to the larger topic of labor and industry in the Caribbean area, is that the same words do not always mean the same things in our different countries. The emotional and social content, as well as the economics, of such familiar phrases as union contracts, labor legislation, arbitration, factory inspection, and so on, do not translate into our understanding by merely translating the Span- ish or French words. Management and labor leaders and government officials from the United States, more than once, unfortunately, have confused themselves and their counterparts in other countries by failing to appreciate this fact. We cannot translate all labor and government relationships in those coun- tries into terms of our own unique experience in the United States. They are not identical. While recognizing differences, we need not lose sight of the fact that we do share many mutual aims and interests with the countries to the south of us. One more reference to the meaning of words before enlarging 151 Mary M. Cannon: LABOR AND GOVERNMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN LABOR AND GOVERNMENT in the Caribbean area, as in most of Latin America, exist on terms of mutual suspicion, mu- tual support, and mutual dependence on lawyers to tangle or untangle their problems. This is true to an extent unknown in the United States or Canada. One of the first things we must remember in discussing a broad subject like labor and government, as related to the larger topic of labor and industry in the Caribbean area, is that the same words do not always mean the same things in our different countries. The emotional and social content, as well as the economics, of such familiar phrases as union contracts, labor legislation, arbitration, factory inspection, and so on, do not translate into our understanding by merely translating the Span- ish or French words. Management and labor leaders and government officials from the United States, more than once, unfortunately, have confused themselves and their counterparts in other countries by failing to appreciate this fact. We cannot translate all labor and government relationships in those coun- tries into terms of our own unique experience in the United States. They are not identical. While recognizing differences, we need not lose sight of the fact that we do share many mutual aims and interests with the countries to the south of us. One more reference to the meaning of words before enlarging 151 Mary M. Cannon: LABOR AND GOVERNMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN LABOR AND GOVERNMENT in the Caribbean area, as in most of Latin America, exist on terms of mutual suspicion, mu- tual support, and mutual dependence on lawyers to tangle or untangle their problems. This is true to an extent unknown in the United States or Canada. One of the first things we must remember in discussing a broad subject like labor and government, as related to the larger topic of labor and industry in the Caribbean area, is that the same words do not always mean the same things in our different countries. The emotional and social content, as well as the economics, of such familiar phrases as union contracts, labor legislation, arbitration, factory inspection, and so on, do not translate into our understanding by merely translating the Span- ish or French words. Management and labor leaders and government officials from the United States, more than once, unfortunately, have confused themselves and their counterparts in other countries by failing to appreciate this fact. We cannot translate all labor and government relationships in those coun- tries into terms of our own unique experience in the United States. They are not identical. While recognizing differences, we need not lose sight of the fact that we do share many mutual aims and interests with the countries to the south of us. One more reference to the meaning of words before enlarging 151  152 The Caribbean on certain phases of my subject. For my purposes, it is necessary to consider "labor" as all persons who work for wages, whether they are organized into labor unions or not. The role of govern- ment in labor matters definitely affects many wage-earning men, women, and children who are not members of unions. Any dis- cussion of labor and government must take into account unor- ganized as well as organized workers. The least pleasant aspect of this subject deserves attention first-that labor and government exist on terms of mutual sus- picion. Of course, this is not true in all countries of the area any more than any generalization is true when applied to such a diverse collection of nations, territories, and colonies as we have in the Caribbean. But it is more than a half-truth. You are well aware that feudalism, paternalism, and colonial- ism left deep ruts in the minds and manners of many people in the Caribbean countries. In the first decades following independ- ence, those who manned the government ministries and the national legislatures, and who owned the land and determined the economic life of their countries, had been educated in the old ways. Whether legally elected or self-elected, many of them thought of the functions of government in only slightly more modern terms than did their ancestors: governments existed for the sole purpose of organizing a territory to maintain order and special privileges for themselves and their families. Preferably, it was a gentlemen's organization, though from time to time it was necessary to entrust the leadership to some nongentlemanly "strong man" who understood the job and was paid handsomely for his services. Within a country governed in this way, any other organization of its citizens for economic or political power appeared as a threat to the integrity of government. Naturally, organizations of landless people, many of them semiliterates, working for wages 152 The Caribbean 152 The Caribbean on certain phases of my subject. For my purposes, it is necessary to consider "labor" as all persons who work for wages, whether they are organized into labor unions or not. The role of govern- ment in labor matters definitely affects many wage-earning men, women, and children who are not members of unions. Any dis- cussion of labor and government must take into account unor- ganized as well as organized workers. The least pleasant aspect of this subject deserves attention first-that labor and government exist on terms of mutual sus- picion. Of course, this is not true in all countries of the area any more than any generalization is true when applied to such a diverse collection of nations, territories, and colonies as we have in the Caribbean. But it is more than a half-truth. You are well aware that feudalism, paternalism, and colonial- ism left deep ruts in the minds and manners of many people in the Caribbean countries. In the first decades following independ- ence, those who manned the government ministries and the national legislatures, and who owned the land and determined the economic life of their countries, had been educated in the old ways. Whether legally elected or self-elected, many of them thought of the functions of government in only slightly more modern terms than did their ancestors: governments existed for the sole purpose of organizing a territory to maintain order and special privileges for themselves and their families. Preferably, it was a gentlemen's organization, though from time to time it was necessary to entrust the leadership to some nongentlemanly "strong man" who understood the job and was paid handsomely for his services. Within a country governed in this way, any other organization of its citizens for economic or political power appeared as a threat to the integrity of government. Naturally, organizations of landless people, many of them semiliterates, working for wages on certain phases of my subject. For my purposes, it is necessary to consider "labor" as all persons who work for wages, whether they are organized into labor unions or not. The role of govern- ment in labor matters definitely affects many wage-earning men, women, and children who are not members of unions. Any dis- cussion of labor and government must take into account unor- ganized as well as organized workers. The least pleasant aspect of this subject deserves attention first-that labor and government exist on terms of mutual sus- picion. Of course, this is not true in all countries of the area any more than any generalization is true when applied to such a diverse collection of nations, territories, and colonies as we have in the Caribbean. But it is more than a half-truth. You are well aware that feudalism, paternalism, and colonial- ism left deep ruts in the minds and manners of many people in the Caribbean countries. In the first decades following independ- ence, those who manned the government ministries and the national legislatures, and who owned the land and determined the economic life of their countries, had been educated in the old ways. Whether legally elected or self-elected, many of them thought of the functions of government in only slightly more modern terms than did their ancestors: governments existed for the sole purpose of organizing a territory to maintain order and special privileges for themselves and their families. Preferably, it was a gentlemen's organization, though from time to time it was necessary to entrust the leadership to some nongentlemanly "strong man" who understood the job and was paid handsomely for his services. Within a country governed in this way, any other organization of its citizens for economic or political power appeared as a threat to the integrity of government. Naturally, organizations of landless people, many of them semiliterates, working for wages  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 153 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 153 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 153 in a factory or on a plantation and demanding more than they had, appeared as threats to the special way of life which the gov- ernment was designed to protect and perpetuate. The first reaction was to fight, fair or foul. When a man believes he is defending his home and family he can be quite ruthless; and, when his opponent believes, just as sincerely, that he is struggling to feed his children and give them a better chance to live, he can be very stubborn and even reckless. Such, in brief, are some of the economic, social, and emotional tensions that lurk in the background of most labor-government relations in these coun- tries. II How a government moves to meet new situations depends on the wisdom of its leaders. In the case of labor unions in these countries, almost invariably the first steps, official and unofficial, have been to prevent any kind of worker organization. That failing, the police power of the government has been used to intimidate and destroy the unions, usually by arresting the lead- ers, breaking up meetings, and raiding union headquarters. Such tactics may be effective for a while, but not permanently. Instead, they almost always spawn a belligerent, class-conscious, economically unrealistic labor movement that knows how to fight but not how to negotiate an agreement. The third stage, where several of the Caribbean countries are now, is to legalize labor unions in such a way as to disturb only slightly the ancient patterns of special privilege and control. It takes time, patience, and imaginative leadership to heal the scars of suspicion and dis- trust. In the meantime, industrial development suffers. The presence of communists in some of the labor unions com- plicates the relations of labor and government. Communists al- ways make labor unions their special target, and the economic and political climates of several of the Caribbean countries have proved most favorable for their activities. Communists, as such, are a minority there as elsewhere, but it is the old story of in a factory or on a plantation and demanding more than they had, appeared as threats to the special way of life which the gov- ernment was designed to protect and perpetuate. The first reaction was to fight, fair or foul. When a man believes he is defending his home and family he can be quite ruthless; and, when his opponent believes, just as sincerely, that he is struggling to feed his children and give them a better chance to live, he can be very stubborn and even reckless. Such, in brief, are some of the economic, social, and emotional tensions that lurk in the background of most labor-government relations in these coun- tries. II How a government moves to meet new situations depends on the wisdom of its leaders. In the case of labor unions in these countries, almost invariably the first steps, official and unofficial, have been to prevent any kind of worker organization. That failing, the police power of the government has been used to intimidate and destroy the unions, usually by arresting the lead- ers, breaking up meetings, and raiding union headquarters. Such tactics may be effective for a while, but not permanently. Instead, they almost always spawn a belligerent, class-conscious, economically unrealistic labor movement that knows how to fight but not how to negotiate an agreement. The third stage, where several of the Caribbean countries are now, is to legalize labor unions in such a way as to disturb only slightly the ancient patterns of special privilege and control. It takes time, patience, and imaginative leadership to heal the scars of suspicion and dis- trust. In the meantime, industrial development suffers. The presence of communists in some of the labor unions com- plicates the relations of labor and government. Communists al- ways make labor unions their special target, and the economic and political climates of several of the Caribbean countries have proved most favorable for their activities. Communists, as such, are a minority there as elsewhere, but it is the old story of in a factory or on a plantation and demanding more than they had, appeared as threats to the special way of life which the gov- ernment was designed to protect and perpetuate. The first reaction was to fight, fair or foul. When a man believes he is defending his home and family he can be quite ruthless; and, when his opponent believes, just as sincerely, that he is struggling to feed his children and give them a better chance to live, he can be very stubborn and even reckless. Such, in brief, are some of the economic, social, and emotional tensions that lurk in the background of most labor-government relations in these coun- tries. II How a government moves to meet new situations depends on the wisdom of its leaders. In the case of labor unions in these countries, almost invariably the first steps, official and unofficial, have been to prevent any kind of worker organization. That failing, the police power of the government has been used to intimidate and destroy the unions, usually by arresting the lead- ers, breaking up meetings, and raiding union headquarters. Such tactics may be effective for a while, but not permanently. Instead, they almost always spawn a belligerent, class-conscious, economically unrealistic labor movement that knows how to fight but not how to negotiate an agreement. The third stage, where several of the Caribbean countries are now, is to legalize labor unions in such a way as to disturb only slightly the ancient patterns of special privilege and control. It takes time, patience, and imaginative leadership to heal the scars of suspicion and dis- trust. In the meantime, industrial development suffers. The presence of communists in some of the labor unions com- plicates the relations of labor and government. Communists al- ways make labor unions their special target, and the economic and political climates of several of the Caribbean countries have proved most favorable for their activities. Communists, as such, are a minority there as elsewhere, but it is the old story of  154 The Caribbean working hard and being ready to take over leadership when the opportunity comes or is made. By posing as saviors and cham- pions of the people, they have gotten themselves into positions of power in some of the unions and have become political figmres to reckon with. This constitutes more than the traditional threat to the old order of things; it undermines those who are trying to achieve economic and social progress through reasonable, demo- cratic means. Communist infiltration has split some unions and weakened others. Worse than anything else, it has served as a ready-made excuse for some of the governments to return to their old tactics of suppression or rigid control of all union activities. III The same feudalistic and paternalistic heritage to which we have already referred is also responsible for another and seem- ingly contradictory characteristic, namely, that labor and gov- ernment in these countries exist on terms of mutual support. This mutual support is more than a question of politicians making promises in order to win workers' votes or of labor lead- ers lending their political prestige to bolster an administration's policies, as we see in Mexico or Cuba, for example. Nor is this mutual support merely a matter of the shifting of the reins of government from the hands of a landed aristocracy to the hands of another group with different ideas about what is good for their countries. This newer "governing class" has come, more and more, from among lawyers, editors, doctors, engineers, small landowners, and businessmen. They are younger men and women from families with enough financial and cultural back- ground to seek university training in their own and other coun- tries. A few have come from workers' families. They are not the wealthy, but they are the beginnings of a middle class. More than once in their countries they have proved their impatience with outworn special privileges which ignored the welfare of the majority of the people. They are the ones who have put the 154 The Caribbean working hard and being ready to take over leadership when the opportunity comes or is made. By posing as saviors and cham- pions of the people, they have gotten themselves into positions of power in some of the unions and have become political figures to reckon with. This constitutes more than the traditional threat to the old order of things; it undermines those who are trying to achieve economic and social progress through reasonable, demo- cratic means. Communist infiltration has split some unions and weakened others. Worse than anything else, it has served as a ready-made excuse for some of the governments to return to their old tactics of suppression or rigid control of all union activities. III The same feudalistic and paternalistic heritage to which we have already referred is also responsible for another and seem- ingly contradictory characteristic, namely, that labor and gov- ernment in these countries exist on terms of mutual support. This mutual support is more than a question of politicians making promises in order to win workers' votes or of labor lead- ers lending their political prestige to bolster an administration's policies, as we see in Mexico or Cuba, for example. Nor is this mutual support merely a matter of the shifting of the reins of government from the hands of a landed aristocracy to the hands of another group with different ideas about what is good for their countries. This newer "governing class" has come, more and more, from among lawyers, editors, doctors, engineers, small landowners, and businessmen. They are younger men and women from families with enough financial and cultural back- ground to seek university training in their own and other coun- tries. A few have come from workers' families. They are not the wealthy, but they are the beginnings of a middle class. More than once in their countries they have proved their impatience with outworn special privileges which ignored the welfare of the majority of the people. They are the ones who have put the 154 The Caribbean working hard and being ready to take over leadership when the opportunity comes or is made. By posing as saviors and cham- pions of the people, they have gotten themselves into positions of power in some of the unions and have become political figures to reckon with. This constitutes more than the traditional threat to the old order of things; it undermines those who are trying to achieve economic and social progress through reasonable, demo- cratic means. Communist infiltration has split some unions and weakened others. Worse than anything else, it has served as a ready-made excuse for some of the governments to return to their old tactics of suppression or rigid control of all union activities. III The same feudalistic and paternalistic heritage to which we have already referred is also responsible for another and seem- ingly contradictory characteristic, namely, that labor and gov- ernment in these countries exist on terms of mutual support. This mutual support is more than a question of politicians making promises in order to win workers' votes or of labor lead- ers lending their political prestige to bolster an administration's policies, as we see in Mexico or Cuba, for example. Nor is this mutual support merely a matter of the shifting of the reins of government from the hands of a landed aristocracy to the hands of another group with different ideas about what is good for their countries. This newer "governing class" has come, more and more, from among lawyers, editors, doctors, engineers, small landowners, and businessmen. They are younger men and women from families with enough financial and cultural back- ground to seek university training in their own and other coun- tries. A few have come from workers' families. They are not the wealthy, but they are the beginnings of a middle class. More than once in their countries they have proved their impatience with outworn special privileges which ignored the welfare of the majority of the people. They are the ones who have put the  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 155 LABOR AND INDUSTRY social and labor laws on the statute books of their countries, and who administer them. Those are the more obvious and more easily understood kinds of mutual support. But the less obvious deserves special atten- tion. It often escapes us, because it exists below the surface and is completely taken for granted by Latin American government officials, workers, and employers. This might be called the "x factor" that so often baffles and frustrates United States firms and managers in their Latin American operations. IV Again we must think back a moment to the sociological and economic patterns of these countries. In their eighteenth- and nineteenth-century way of life-without factories, oil wells, or railroads-the biggest and almost the only employes were the landowners. Though whole families worked and lived on the large estates in virtual peonage, it was also the responsibility of the patron-the landowning employer-to look after all their needs, from birth through old age. How well individual patrones discharged their feudal responsibilities is another matter; the point is that no one questioned the rightness of the obligation of the patron toward his peons. He was responsible for feeding, clothing, and housing "his families," in sickness and in health; he had definite duties with respect to their marriages, births, christenings, confirmations, and funerals. It was a kind of god- father arrangement based on a land economy. But a lot of things have happened since the turn of the cen- tury, especially since World War I, to change the outward ways of life in all of Latin America, including the Caribbean coun- tries. Textile mills, mines, oil refineries, machine shops, cigarette factories, and pharmaceutical plants have settled into the land- scapes that once were wholly agricultural. Families and single men and women come into the cities to man the machines and earn cash wages for their work. They bring their cultural social and labor laws on the statute books of their countries who administer them. Those are the more obvious and more easily understood of mutual support. But the less obvious deserves special tion. It often escapes us, because it exists below the surfac is completely taken for granted by Latin American govern officials, workees, and employers. This might be called t factor" that so often baffles and frustrates United States and managers in their Latin American operations. 155 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 155 , and social and labor laws on the statute books of their countries, and who administer them. kinds Those are the more obvious and more easily understood kinds atten- of mutual support. But the less obvious deserves special atten- e and tion. It often escapes us, because it exists below the surface and ment is completely taken for granted by Latin American government he "x officials, workers, and employers. This might be called the "x firms factor" that so often baffles and frustrates United States firms and managers in their Latin American operations. IV Again we must think back a moment to the sociological and economic patterns of these countries. In their eighteenth- and nineteenth-century way of life-without factories, oil wells, or railroads-the biggest and almost the only employers were the landowners. Though whole families worked and lived on the large estates in virtual peonage, it was also the responsibility of the patrdn-the landowning employer-to look after all their needs, from birth through old age. How well individual patrones discharged their feudal responsibilities is another matter; the point is that no one questioned the rightness of the obligation of the patron toward his peons. He was responsible for feeding, clothing, and housing "his families," in sickness and in health; he had definite duties with respect to their marriages, births, christenings, confirmations, and funerals. It was a kind of god- father arrangement based on a land economy. But a lot of things have happened since the turn of the cen- tury, especially since World War I, to change the outward ways of life in all of Latin America, including the Caribbean coun- tries. Textile mills, mines, oil refineries, machine shops, cigarette factories, and pharmaceutical plants have settled into the land- scapes that once were wholly agricultural. Families and single men and women come into the cities to man the machines and earn cash wages for their work. They bring their cultural IV Again we must think back a moment to the sociological and economic patterns of these countries. In their eighteenth- and nineteenth-century way of life-without factories, oil wells, or railroads-the biggest and almost the only employers were the landowners. Though whole families worked and lived on the large estates in virtual peonage, it was also the responsibility of the patrdn-the landowning employer-to look after all their needs, from birth through old age. How well individual patrones discharged their feudal responsibilities is another matter; the point is that no one questioned the rightness of the obligation of the patron toward his peons. He was responsible for feeding, clothing, and housing "his families," in sickness and in health; he had definite duties with respect to their marriages, births, christenings, confirmations, and funerals. It was a kind of god- father arrangement based on a land economy. But a lot of things have happened since the turn of the cen- tury, especially since World War I, to change the outward ways of life in all of Latin America, including the Caribbean coun- tries. Textile mills, mines, oil refineries, machine shops, cigarette factories, and pharmaceutical plants have settled into the land- scapes that once were wholly agricultural. Families and single men and women come into the cities to man the machines and earn cash wages for their work. They bring their cultural  156 The Caribbean inheritance with them. In much the same spirit as their grand- parents, these industrial workers expect to find some version of an economic godfather to protect them in sickness and in health. They see nothing unusual in their expectations; neither do the government officials or national employers. There are com- plaints from all sides, to be sure, but no one rejects the basic as- sumption. To a large extent workers in these countries expect govern- ment to fulfill the role of protector of the individual worker and his family, ensuring many of the guarantees formerly required of the patron. It is often a remote relationship, with the govern- ment acting as a go-between to see to it that the worker receives his due from his industrial employer. Some governments are more vigilant than others on behalf of the workers, but no one seriously questions the right of government to do this. Con- sequently, what we often see in these countries is a society governed by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century mores with twentieth-century industrial attachments. This takes interesting shapes. I have seen union contracts that go into more detail about providing free medicines and medical care and housing for all members of a worker's family (including his mother-in-law) than about wages, hours, and grievance pro- cedures. Maternity legislation, which has no counterpart in the United States, requires at least partial payment by the employer of the woman worker's wages for several weeks before and after childbirth. Employers with more than a certain number of women workers are required to provide nurseries for their chil- dren under one year of age and time away from their machines for mothers to nurse their babies. The requirements of these laws vary from country to country, but the principle is the same -industry, no less than agriculture, must accept some of the in- conveniences of populating the country and must adjust its own demands to that of nature's. Social security systems are widespread and, in theory at least, cover more territory than Social Security in the United States. 156 The Caribbean 156 The Caribbean inheritance with them. In much the same spirit as their grand- parents, these industrial workers expect to find some version of an economic godfather to protect them in sickness and in health. They see nothing unusual in their expectations; neither do the government officials or national employers. There are com- plaints from all sides, to be sure, but no one rejects the basic as- sumption. To a large extent workers in these countries expect govern- ment to fulfill the role of protector of the individual worker and his family, ensuring many of the guarantees formerly required of the patron. It is often a remote relationship, with the govern- ment acting as a go-between to see to it that the worker receives his due from his industrial employer. Some governments are more vigilant than others on behalf of the workers, but no one seriously questions the right of government to do this. Con- sequently, what we often see in these countries is a society governed by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century mores with twentieth-century industrial attachments. This takes interesting shapes. I have seen union contracts that go into more detail about providing free medicines and medical care and housing for all members of a worker's family (including his mother-in-law) than about wages, hours, and grievance pro- cedures. Maternity legislation, which has no counterpart in the United States, requires at least partial payment by the employer of the woman worker's wages for several weeks before and after childbirth. Employers with more than a certain number of women workers are required to provide nurseries for their chil- dren under one year of age and time away from their machines for mothers to nurse their babies. The requirements of these laws vary from country to country, but the principle is the same -industry, no less than agriculture, must accept some of the in- conveniences of populating the country and must adjust its own demands to that of nature's. Social security systems are widespread and, in theory at least, cover more territory than Social Security in the United States. inheritance with them. In much the same spirit as their grand- parents, these industrial workers expect to find some version of an economic godfather to protect them in sickness and in health. They see nothing unusual in their expectations; neither do the government officials or national employers. There are com- plaints from all sides, to be sure, but no one rejects the basic as- sumption. To a large extent workers in these countries expect govern- ment to fulfill the role of protector of the individual worker and his family, ensuring many of the guarantees formerly required of the patron. It is often a remote relationship, with the govern- ment acting as a go-between to see to it that the worker receives his due from his industrial employer. Some governments are more vigilant than others on behalf of the workers, but no one seriously questions the right of government to do this. Con- sequently, what we often see in these countries is a society governed by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century mores with twentieth-century industrial attachments. This takes interesting shapes. I have seen union contracts that go into more detail about providing free medicines and medical care and housing for all members of a worker's family (including his mother-in-law) than about wages, hours, and grievance pro- cedures. Maternity legislation, which has no counterpart in the United States, requires at least partial payment by the employer of the woman worker's wages for several weeks before and after childbirth. Employers with more than a certain number of women workers are required to provide nurseries for their chil- dren under one year of age and time away from their machines for mothers to nurse their babies. The requirements of these laws vary from country to country, but the principle is the same -industry, no less than agriculture, must accept some of the in- conveniences of populating the country and must adjust its own demands to that of nature's. Social security systems are widespread and, in theory at least, cover more territory than Social Security in the United States.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 157 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 157 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 157 They follow European rather than United States experience and recognize all the hazards of life, not merely old age. Costa Rica's social security fund, for example, includes coverage for unem- ployment due to illness, disability, or maternity. Under certain circumstances, the fund pays for doctors' visits, hospital care, sur- gery, and medicines. If a worker's disability indicates that voca- tional retraining is necessary, the social security fund pays for the rehabilitation. A lump-sum payment goes to the worker's family in cases of chronic disability or death. Responsibility for solving workers housing problems also rests with the social secu- rity fund in Costa Rica. You will note the absence in the above list of unemployment compensation, except for disability. Here, again, the cultural pattern takes an interesting economic shape in the form of a dismissal wage. This type of compensation has never been fa- vored in state or federal labor legislation in the United States. The idea of the dismissal wage is to restrain employers legally from unjust and hasty dismissals of workers by requiring pay- ments of full wages based on length of service. Looking at Costa Rica once more, we note it is legally possible for a worker to collect dismissal pay equivalent to a period of eight years of service with the same firm. The fact that such extremes rarely happen does not alter the law. As always, details vary from country to country, but the principle of dismissal pay is generally recognized. It is to government that unorganized workers, wherever they are, must look for legislation guaranteeing them minimum wages, maximum hours, and healthful conditions of work. There is a strong tendency in all Latin American labor legislation to let the minimum become the maximum, a tendency which does not duplicate our own experience in the United States. We in the United States have looked on minimum-wage laws as a means of putting a floor under wages below which they cannot They follow European rather than United States experience and recognize all the hazards of life, not merely old age. Costa Rica's social security fund, for example, includes coverage for unem- ployment due to illness, disability, or maternity. Under certain circumstances, the fund pays for doctors' visits, hospital care, sur- gery, and medicines. If a worker's disability indicates that voca- tional retraining is necessary, the social security fund pays for the rehabilitation. A lump-sum payment goes to the worker's family in cases of chronic disability or death. Responsibility for solving workers' housing problems also rests with the social secu- rity fund in Costa Rica. You will note the absence in the above list of unemployment compensation, except for disability. Here, again, the cultural pattern takes an interesting economic shape in the form of a dismissal wage. This type of compensation has never been fa- vored in state or federal labor legislation in the United States. The idea of the dismissal wage is to restrain employers legally from unjust and hasty dismissals of workers by requiring pay- ments of full wages based on length of service. Looking at Costa Rica once more, we note it is legally possible for a worker to collect dismissal pay equivalent to a period of eight years of service with the same firm. The fact that such extremes rarely happen does not alter the law. As always, details vary from country to country, but the principle of dismissal pay is generally recognized. V It is to government that unorganized workers, wherever they are, must look for legislation guaranteeing them minimum wages, maximum hours, and healthful conditions of work. There is a strong tendency in all Latin American labor legislation to let the minimum become the maximum, a tendency which does not duplicate our own experience in the United States. We in the United States have looked on minimum-wage laws as a means of putting a floor under wages below which they cannot They follow European rather than United States experience and recognize all the hazards of life, not merely old age. Costa Rica's social security fund, for example, includes coverage for unem- ployment due to illness, disability, or maternity. Under certain circumstances, the fund pays for doctors' visits, hospital care, sur- gery, and medicines. If a worker's disability indicates that voca- tional retraining is necessary, the social security fund pays for the rehabilitation. A lump-sum payment goes to the worker's family in cases of chronic disability or death. Responsibility for solving workers' housing problems also rests with the social secu- rity fund in Costa Rica. You will note the absence in the above list of unemployment compensation, except for disability. Here, again, the cultural pattern takes an interesting economic shape in the form of a dismissal wage. This type of compensation has never been fa- vored in state or federal labor legislation in the United States. The idea of the dismissal wage is to restrain employers legally from unjust and hasty dismissals of workers by requiring pay- ments of full wages based on length of service. Looking at Costa Rica once more, we note it is legally possible for a worker to collect dismissal pay equivalent to a period of eight years of service with the same firm. The fact that such extremes rarely happen does not alter the law. As always, details vary from country to country, but the principle of dismissal pay is generally recognized. V It is to government that unorganized workers, wherever they are, must look for legislation guaranteeing them minimum wages, maximum hours, and healthful conditions of work. There is a strong tendency in all Latin American labor legislation to let the minimum become the maximum, a tendency which does not duplicate our own experience in the United States. We in the United States have looked on minimum-wage laws as a means of putting a floor under wages below which they cannot  158 The Caribbean go, and a way to close the door on unscrupulous employers who compete unfairly by paying their workers substandard wages. Customarily our state minimum-wage laws and orders give legal status to minimum-wage rates that fair employers had voluntar- ily put into practice for their least-skilled workers. The mini- mum does not then become the maximum, because employers continue to bargain with unions or use other voluntary means to set wages above the minimum required by law. Minimum- wage legislation in the countries south of us, however, often represents the only significant norm for the wage structure; frequently the minimum tends to become the maximum. Legisla- tion regarding hours in these countries, on the other hand, is intentionally restrictive and only under special circumstances allows time in excess of the eight-hour day and forty-eight-hour week; provision is always made for premium pay for overtime -in one instance for as much as 100 per cent of the regular rate. Governments in the Caribbean are knee-deep in labor rela- tions as legal overseers and umpires. Anything resembling the role of government as informal persuader and conciliator in the national interest can always be labeled "foreign," probably "made in the U.S.A." Whether they have much industry or not, most of the coun- tries have extensive labor codes, which frequently are elabora- tions of articles in their constitutions dedicated to labor's rights. Because our constitution makes no specific provision for labor laws, the detail included in the constitutions of the Caribbean republics always surprises us. Let me give you a few examples from the famous Article 123 of the Mexican constitution. The first clause states that "the maximum duration of work for one day shall be eight hours"; the second, that "the maximum length of night work shall be seven hours." Unhealthful or dangerous work is forbidden for women in general and for young persons less than sixteen years of age. Industrial night work is also for- bidden for these two classes, and they may not work in com- 158 The Caribbean 158 The Caribbean go, and a way to close the door on unscrupulous employers who compete unfairly by paying their workers substandard wages. Customarily our state minimum-wage laws and orders give legal status to minimum-wage rates that fair employers had voluntar- ily put into practice for their least-skilled workers. The mini- mum does not then become the maximum, because employers continue to bargain with unions or use other voluntary means to set wages above the minimum required by law. Minimum- wage legislation in the countries south of us, however, often represents the only significant norm for the wage structure; frequently the minimum tends to become the maximum. Legisla- tion regarding hours in these countries, on the other hand, is intentionally restrictive and only under special circumstances allows time in excess of the eight-hour day and forty-eight-hour week; provision is always made for premium pay for overtime -in one instance for as much as 100 per cent of the regular rate. Governments in the Caribbean are knee-deep in labor rela- tions as legal overseers and umpires. Anything resembling the role of government as informal persuader and conciliator in the national interest can always be labeled "foreign," probably "made in the U.S.A." Whether they have much industry or not, most of the coun- tries have extensive labor codes, which frequently are elabora- tions of articles in their constitutions dedicated to labor's rights. Because our constitution makes no specific provision for labor laws, the detail included in the constitutions of the Caribbean republics always surprises us. Let me give you a few examples from the famous Article 123 of the Mexican constitution. The first clause states that "the maximum duration of work for one day shall be eight hours"; the second, that "the maximum length of night work shall be seven hours." Unhealthful or dangerous work is forbidden for women in general and for young persons less than sixteen years of age. Industrial night work is also for- bidden for these two classes, and they may not work in com- go, and a way to close the door on unscrupulous employers who compete unfairly by paying their workers substandard wages. Customarily our state minimum-wage laws and orders give legal status to minimum-wage rates that fair employers had voluntar- ily put into practice for their least-skilled workers. The mini- mum does not then become the maximum, because employers continue to bargain with unions or use other voluntary means to set wages above the minimum required by law. Minimum- wage legislation in the countries south of us, however, often represents the only significant norm for the wage structure; frequently the minimum tends to become the maximum. Legisla- tion regarding hours in these countries, on the other hand, is intentionally restrictive and only under special circumstances allows time in excess of the eight-hour day and forty-eight-hour week; provision is always made for premium pay for overtime -in one instance for as much as 100 per cent of the regular rate. Governments in the Caribbean are knee-deep in labor rela- tions as legal overseers and umpires. Anything resembling the role of government as informal persuader and conciliator in the national interest can always be labeled "foreign," probably "made in the U.S.A." Whether they have much industry or not, most of the coun- tries have extensive labor codes, which frequently are elabora- tions of articles in their constitutions dedicated to labor's rights. Because our constitution makes no specific provision for labor laws, the detail included in the constitutions of the Caribbean republics always surprises us. Let me give you a few examples from the famous Article 123 of the Mexican constitution. The first clause states that "the maximum duration of work for one day shall be eight hours"; the second, that "the maximum length of night work shall be seven hours." Unhealthful or dangerous work is forbidden for women in general and for young persons less than sixteen years of age. Industrial night work is also for- bidden for these two classes, and they may not work in com-  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 159 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 159 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 159 mercial establishments beyond 10 o'clock at night. The third clause is concerned further with child labor. The fourth specifies one day of rest for each six days of labor. The fifth clause deals with maternity leave and pay as follows: "During the three months previous to parturition, women shall not perform physical labor that requires excessive material effort. In the month following childbirth they shall necessarily enjoy the benefit of rest and shall receive their entire salary and retain their employment and the rights that they may have acquired through the labor contract. In the period of lactation, they shall have two special periods of rest each day, of one-half hour each, to nurse their infants." Subsequent clauses establish the principle of "minimum wages sufficient to satisfy the normal needs of the worker-for his life, his education and his honest pleasures, considering him as the head of a family." This clause also states that the worker shall have the right to a participation in the profits of the enterprise. The principle of the same pay for equal work, without taking into account sex or nationality, is stated in clause seven. The remainder of the thirty-one clauses of Article 123 deal with safe and healthy work establishments, compensation for work accidents, housing, workers' and employers' organizations, strikes, lockouts, labor disputes, dismissal pay, contracts between a Mexican worker and a foreign employer, and with social se- curity. Another subject of special treatment in the labor codes is the individual contract; that is, the contract between an individual worker and an employer for specific tasks at a certain price for fixed periods or, as is often the case, for an indefinite period. (This individual contract is another instance of a practice com- mon in some countries of the Hemisphere which is totally outside of our labor-management-government experience.) It goes without saying that all these legal do's and don't's- the few mentioned here and many we do not have time to go into-keep the lawyers busy. Some of the brightest young men mercial establishments beyond 10 o'clock at night. The third clause is concerned further with child labor. The fourth specifies one day of rest for each six days of labor. The fifth clause deals with maternity leave and pay as follows: "During the three months previous to parturition, women shall not perform physical labor that requires excessive material effort. In the month following childbirth they shall necessarily enjoy the benefit of rest and shall receive their entire salary and retain their employment and the rights that they may have acquired through the labor contract. In the period of lactation, they shall have two special periods of rest each day, of one-half hour each, to nurse their infants." Subsequent clauses establish the principle of "minimum wages sufficient to satisfy the normal needs of the worker-for his life, his education and his honest pleasures, considering him as the head of a family." This clause also states that the worker shall have the right to a participation in the profits of the enterprise. The principle of the same pay for equal work, without taking into account sex or nationality, is stated in clause seven. The remainder of the thirty-one clauses of Article 123 deal with safe and healthy work establishments, compensation for work accidents, housing, workers' and employers' organizations, strikes, lockouts, labor disputes, dismissal pay, contracts between a Mexican worker and a foreign employer, and with social se- curity. Another subject of special treatment in the labor codes is the individual contract; that is, the contract between an individual worker and an employer for specific tasks at a certain price for fixed periods or, as is often the case, for an indefinite period. (This individual contract is another instance of a practice com- mon in some countries of the Hemisphere which is totally outside of our labor-management-government experience.) It goes without saying that all these legal do's and don't's- the few mentioned here and many we do not have time to go into-keep the lawyers busy. Some of the brightest young men mercial establishments beyond 10 o'clock at night. The third clause is concerned further with child labor. The fourth specifies one day of rest for each six days of labor. The fifth clause deals with maternity leave and pay as follows: "During the three months previous to parturition, women shall not perform physical labor that requires excessive material effort. In the month following childbirth they shall necessarily enjoy the benefit of rest and shall receive their entire salary and retain their employment and the rights that they may have acquired through the labor contract. In the period of lactation, they shall have two special periods of rest each day, of one-half hour each, to nurse their infants." Subsequent clauses establish the principle of "minimum wages sufficient to satisfy the normal needs of the worker-for his life, his education and his honest pleasures, considering him as the head of a family." This clause also states that the worker shall have the right to a participation in the profits of the enterprise. The principle of the same pay for equal work, without taking into account sex or nationality, is stated in clause seven. The remainder of the thirty-one clauses of Article 123 deal with safe and healthy work establishments, compensation for work accidents, housing, workers' and employers' organizations, strikes, lockouts, labor disputes, dismissal pay, contracts between a Mexican worker and a foreign employer, and with social se- curity. Another subject of special treatment in the labor codes is the individual contract; that is, the contract between an individual worker and an employer for specific tasks at a certain price for fixed periods or, as is often the case, for an indefinite period. (This individual contract is another instance of a practice com- mon in some countries of the Hemisphere which is totally outside of our labor-management-government experience.) It goes without saying that all these legal do's and don't's- the few mentioned here and many we do not have time to go into-keep the lawyers busy. Some of the brightest young men  160 The Caribbean -and women-of the best families graduate each year from the law schools of the national universities. Politics, government service involving labor matters, and private practice represent- ing employers' interests in labor negotiations offer young lawyers opportunities for advancement in a crowded profession. The labor laws are written by lawyers and approved by legislatures dominated by lawyers; the laws are codified by lawyers and are usually administered by lawyers. Most arbitration experts are lawyers. Even factory inspectors, in at least one country, are required to have legal training. The legalistic mind domi- nates government-labor relations in these countries. While law- yers may find this instructive and profitable, production engineers and workers too easily find themselves involved in exasperating and frustrating legal tangles not quickly untangled. One final observation concerning the relations of government and labor in the Caribbean area; it relates in part to the legal- ism, but it also has other implications for us. I hope I have already made it clear that I do not think we can read our own national experience into Latin patterns of work or government and come out with the right answers. This is especially true when we consider their labor laws. Many very advanced labor laws, which frequently are not enforced, exist on the books of Caribbean and South American countries. To strict Anglo-Saxon minds this looks like shadow- playing. No such Anglo-Saxon interpretation enters the minds of those responsible for the laws, as those of us who have spent many years working in Latin America and with government and labor leaders from the area know very well. It is merely a difference in the point of view. Latin Americans prefer to look upon laws and constitutions as expressions of aspirations, as goals to be reached, rather than as reform measures for immediate application. That is why we find textbook-perfect social security systems approved by legisla- tors who realize that the full provisions cannot be made available for many years. It is also why we find firmly worded laws for 160 The Caribbean 160 The Caribbean -and women-of the best families graduate each year from the law schools of the national universities. Politics, government service involving labor matters, and private practice represent- ing employers' interests in labor negotiations offer young lawyers opportunities for advancement in a crowded profession. The labor laws are written by lawyers and approved by legislatures dominated by lawyers; the laws are codified by lawyers and are usually administered by lawyers. Most arbitration experts are lawyers. Even factory inspectors, in at least one country, are required to have legal training. The legalistic mind domi- nates government-labor relations in these countries. While law- yers may find this instructive and profitable, production engineers and workers too easily find themselves involved in exasperating and frustrating legal tangles not quickly untangled. One final observation concerning the relations of government and labor in the Caribbean area; it relates in part to the legal- ism, but it also has other implications for us. I hope I have already made it clear that I do not think we can read our own national experience into Latin patterns of work or government and come out with the right answers. This is especially true when we consider their labor laws. Many very advanced labor laws, which frequently are not enforced, exist on the books of Caribbean and South American countries. To strict Anglo-Saxon minds this looks like shadow- playing. No such Anglo-Saxon interpretation enters the minds of those responsible for the laws, as those of us who have spent many years working in Latin America and with government and labor leaders from the area know very well. It is merely a difference in the point of view. Latin Americans prefer to look upon laws and constitutions as expressions of aspirations, as goals to be reached, rather than as reform measures for immediate application. That is why we find textbook-perfect social security systems approved by legisla- tors who realize that the full provisions cannot be made available for many years. It is also why we find firmly worded laws for -and women-of the best families graduate each year from the law schools of the national universities. Politics, government service involving labor matters, and private practice represent- ing employers' interests in labor negotiations offer young lawyers opportunities for advancement in a crowded profession. The labor laws are written by lawyers and approved by legislatures dominated by lawyers; the laws are codified by lawyers and are usually administered by lawyers. Most arbitration experts are lawyers. Even factory inspectors, in at least one country, are required to have legal training. The legalistic mind domi- nates government-labor relations in these countries. While law- yers may find this instructive and profitable, production engineers and workers too easily find themselves involved in exasperating and frustrating legal tangles not quickly untangled. One final observation concerning the relations of government and labor in the Caribbean area; it relates in part to the legal- ism, but it also has other implications for us. I hope I have already made it clear that I do not think we can read our own national experience into Latin patterns of work or government and come out with the right answers. This is especially true when we consider their labor laws. Many very advanced labor laws, which frequently are not enforced, exist on the books of Caribbean and South American countries. To strict Anglo-Saxon minds this looks like shadow- playing. No such Anglo-Saxon interpretation enters the minds of those responsible for the laws, as those of us who have spent many years working in Latin America and with government and labor leaders from the area know very well. It is merely a difference in the point of view. Latin Americans prefer to look upon laws and constitutions as expressions of aspirations, as goals to be reached, rather than as reform measures for immediate application. That is why we find textbook-perfect social security systems approved by legisla- tors who realize that the full provisions cannot be made available for many years. It is also why we find firmly worded laws for  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 161 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 161 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 161 the protection of working women and minors often only meager- ly enforced. We should not underestimate their approach or their inten- tions. The leaders of these countries have vision. We should also remember that they are determined to try to avoid the worst mistakes of nineteenth-century industrialization in England and the United States. But, as yet, they do not have the money, the trained administrative personnel, enough adequately edu- cated workers, or enough industrialization to achieve their goals. At the same time that we try to understand how they ap- proach labor problems, we should keep in mind what a puzzle our point of view is to them. It is not easy for them to under- stand why our country; with more industrialization than any other, has no national labor code and possibly never will have one; or, why, after public discussions that may last years, we pass labor laws which are limited in scope, but which we insist on enforcing; or, why we put so much emphasis on voluntary methods of settling labor-management disputes without recourse to mandatory authorities. VI Time has limited these observations to three selected points concerning the relationships of labor and government in the Caribbean countries-that labor and government exist on terms of mutual suspicion, mutual support, and mutual dependence on lawyers. I could not do more than indicate some of the labor questions that interest anyone seriously concerned with the eco- nomic development of the area. Matters such as steps taken by the governments to promote industrialization, government-spon- sored apprenticeship training, vocational education, workers' edu- cation programs to train union leaders, and labor relations within nationalized industries are some of the activities which properly relate to this very broad subject of labor and govern- ment. An item-by-item citation of labor laws could more than the protection of working women and minors often only meager- ly enforced. We should not underestimate their approach or their inten- tions. The leaders of these countries have vision. We should also remember that they are determined to try to avoid the worst mistakes of nineteenth-century industrialization in England and the United States. But, as yet, they do not have the money, the trained administrative personnel, enough adequately edu- cated workers, or enough industrialization to achieve their goals. At the same time that we try to understand how they ap- proach labor problems, we should keep in mind what a puzzle our point of view is to them. It is not easy for them to under- stand why our country; with more industrialization than any other, has no national labor code and possibly never will have one; or, why, after public discussions that may last years, we pass labor laws which are limited in scope, but which we insist on enforcing; or, why we put so much emphasis on voluntary methods of settling labor-management disputes without recourse to mandatory authorities. VI Time has limited these observations to three selected points concerning the relationships of labor and government in the Caribbean countries-that labor and government exist on terms of mutual suspicion, mutual support, and mutual dependence on lawyers. I could not do more than indicate some of the labor questions that interest anyone seriously concerned with the eco- nomic development of the area. Matters such as steps taken by the governments to promote industrialization, government-spon- sored apprenticeship training, vocational education, workers' edu- cation programs to train union leaders, and labor relations within nationalized industries are some of the activities which properly relate to this very broad subject of labor and govern- ment. An item-by-item citation of labor laws could more than the protection of working women and minors often only meager- ly enforced. We should not underestimate their approach or their inten- tions. The leaders of these countries have vision. We should also remember that they are determined to try to avoid the worst mistakes of nineteenth-century industrialization in England and the United States. But, as yet, they do not have the money, the trained administrative personnel, enough adequately edu- cated workers, or enough industrialization to achieve their goals. At the same time that we try to understand how they ap- proach labor problems, we should keep in mind what a puzzle our point of view is to them. It is not easy for them to under- stand why our country; with more industrialization than any other, has no national labor code and possibly never will have one; or, why, after public discussions that may last years, we pass labor laws which are limited in scope, but which we insist on enforcing; or, why we put so much emphasis on voluntary methods of settling labor-management disputes without recourse to mandatory authorities. VI Time has limited these observations to three selected points concerning the relationships of labor and government in the Caribbean countries-that labor and government exist on terms of mutual suspicion, mutual support, and mutual dependence on lawyers. I could not do more than indicate some of the labor questions that interest anyone seriously concerned with the eco- nomic development of the area. Matters such as steps taken by the governments to promote industrialization, government-spon- sored apprenticeship training, vocational education, workers' edu- cation programs to train union leaders, and labor relations within nationalized industries are some of the activities which properly relate to this very broad subject of labor and govern- ment. An item-by-item citation of labor laws could more than  162 The Caribbean have used up our time. Some of these points have been dealt with more fully or more specifically by others earlier in this conference. Some must wait for another time. It seemed to me, however, that we could best use our time together looking beneath the surface of a few of the facts and discovering their origins. While it is true that "people are people," they do not always do the same things the same way or for the same reasons. The social, economic, and industrial development of the United States has been different from that of the Caribbean countries. Such extensive labor legislation has not been necessary here to insure the recognition of the dignity of labor or a good standard of living for workers in general. Some people feel that we should have more laws of social guar- antees, some feel that the Latin American countries might do with fewer. It is not our responsibility to judge but rather to seek to understand underlying reasons and present-day developments. 162 The Caribbean 162 The Caribbean have used up our time. Some of these points have been dealt with more fully or more specifically by others earlier in this conference. Some must wait for another time. It seemed to me, however, that we could best use our time together looking beneath the surface of a few of the facts and discovering their origins. While it is true that "people are people," they do not always do the same things the same way or for the same reasons. The social, economic, and industrial development of the United States has been different from that of the Caribbean countries. Such extensive labor legislation has not been necessary here to insure the recognition of the dignity of labor or a good standard of living for workers in general. Some people feel that we should have more laws of social guar- antees, some feel that the Latin American countries might do with fewer. It is not our responsibility to judge but rather to seek to understand underlying reasons and present-day developments. have used up our time. Some of these points have been dealt with more fully or more specifically by others earlier in this conference. Some must wait for another time. It seemed to me, however, that we could best use our time together looking beneath the surface of a few of the facts and discovering their origins. While it is true that "people are people," they do not always do the same things the same way or for the same reasons. The social, economic, and industrial development of the United States has been different from that of the Caribbean countries. Such extensive labor legislation has not been necessary here to insure the recognition of the dignity of labor or a good standard of living for workers in general. Some people feel that we should have more laws of social guar- antees, some feel that the Latin American countries might do with fewer. It is not our responsibility to judge but rather to seek to understand underlying reasons and present-day developments.  13 13 13 Ernst Schwarz: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON LABOR ORGANIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN THE AREA under consideration here can be roughly divided into three parts: Mexico and Central America, the West Indies, and the Northern coast of South America (Colombia, Vene- zuela, and the Guianas). All the countries in this region have known a long colonial past; and parts, such as the Guianas, British Honduras, and the Lesser Antilles, are either still full- fledged colonial possessions under the flag of their former con- querors and overlords, or more or less in the process of integrating themselves into newer and more independent forms of existence within organizations of commonwealth character emanating from the mother countries. In spite of such developments and the political independence of the Caribbean republics, the economy of the region, with some noticeable exceptions, still shows the substantial characteristics of a colonial or semicolonial structure, including monoculture and the reliance on a few exports-all facts that, as we shall see, are reflected in the forms, efficiency, or lack of labor organiza- tion. Agriculture is predominant everywhere in the area, al- though the extraction of minerals and oil-including drilling and, in places, refining of petroleum-holds an important position in the economic life of Venezuela, Colombia, and Mexico; and 163 Ernst Schwarz: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON LABOR ORGANIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN THE AREA under consideration here can be roughly divided into three parts: Mexico and Central America, the West Indies, and the Northern coast of South America (Colombia, Vene- zuela, and the Guianas). All the countries in this region have known a long colonial past; and parts, such as the Guianas, British Honduras, and the Lesser Antilles, are either still full- fledged colonial possessions under the flag of their former con- querors and overlords, or more or less in the process of integrating themselves into newer and more independent forms of existence within organizations of commonwealth character emanating from the mother countries. In spite of such developments and the political independence of the Caribbean republics, the economy of the region, with some noticeable exceptions, still shows the substantial characteristics of a colonial or semicolonial structure, including monoculture and the reliance on a few exports-all facts that, as we shall see, are reflected in the forms, efficiency, or lack of labor organiza- tion. Agriculture is predominant everywhere in the area, al- though the extraction of minerals and oil-including drilling and, in places, refining of petroleum-holds an important position in the economic life of Venezuela, Colombia, and Mexico; and 163 Ernst Schwarz: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON LABOR ORGANIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN THE AREA under consideration here can be roughly divided into three parts: Mexico and Central America, the West Indies, and the Northern coast of South America (Colombia, Vene- zuela, and the Guianas). All the countries in this region have known a long colonial past; and parts, such as the Guianas, British Honduras, and the Lesser Antilles, are either still full- fledged colonial possessions under the flag of their former con- querors and overlords, or more or less in the process of integrating themselves into newer and more independent forms of existence within organizations of commonwealth character emanating from the mother countries. In spite of such developments and the political independence of the Caribbean republics, the economy of the region, with some noticeable exceptions, still shows the substantial characteristics of a colonial or semicolonial structure, including monoculture and the reliance on a few exports-all facts that, as we shall see, are reflected in the forms, efficiency, or lack of labor organiza- tion. Agriculture is predominant everywhere in the area, al- though the extraction of minerals and oil-including drilling and, in places, refining of petroleum-holds an important position in the economic life of Venezuela, Colombia, and Mexico; and 163  164 The Caribbean industrialization has made great progress in the latter republic and shows advances in Colombia and Puerto Rico. Agricultural workers, therefore, form the majority of the labor population in all the countries and territories here under con- sideration. As in other parts of the world, many of the workers are unorganized; or their unions, when they exist, lack force and efficiency. Two of the causes for this defect are, first, the resist- ance of employers, in some parts governments, to any kind of landworkers organizations and, second, the extremely low stand- ards of existence, both material and spiritual, which with few exceptions still are the lot of the landworker and plantation worker in most of the Caribbean. The misery of the land pro- letariat is increased by the fact that social legislation applying chiefly to urban and industrial workers does not include rural labor and the small and often landless peasants who, in many cases, alternate as journeymen. Unemployment, or partial employment limited to harvest time, is another plight which depresses the morale of rural laborers, fills them with fear, and makes their organization difficult and, in places, impossible. Insecurity is further enhanced by world market fluctuations of exports-such as sugar, coffee, henequen, or bananas-and sub- sequent unemployment even at customary peak periods. To illustrate the situation further, it might be mentioned that wages for rural workers, even in normal times, average about one dollar per day, that many of them live in hovels without sanita- tion, that labor for women and children is general, that illiteracy is widespread, that life expectancy does not extend beyond thirty to forty years, and finally that hunger and semistarvation are the strange rewards for their productive efforts. As for the urban and industrial workers, conditions in many places are often not much better. A baker in Mexico City, for instance, earns not more than a dollar or a dollar and a half a day, while a Mexican automobile worker in the employ of a large company earns an average not much above that level. Only in certain countries, as for instance Cuba and Venezuela, 164 The Caribbean 164 The Caribbean industrialization has made great progress in the latter republic and shows advances in Colombia and Puerto Rico. Agricultural workers, therefore, form the majority of the labor population in all the countries and territories here under con- sideration. As in other parts of the world, many of the workers are unorganized; or their unions, when they exist, lack force and efficiency. Two of the causes for this defect are, first, the resist- ance of employers, in some parts governments, to any kind of landworkers organizations and, second, the extremely low stand- ards of existence, both material and spiritual, which with few exceptions still are the lot of the landworker and plantation worker in most of the Caribbean. The misery of the land pro- letariat is increased by the fact that social legislation applying chiefly to urban and industrial workers does not include rural labor and the small and often landless peasants who, in many cases, alternate as journeymen. Unemployment, or partial employment limited to harvest time, is another plight which depresses the morale of rural laborers, fills them with fear, and makes their organization difficult and, in places, impossible. Insecurity is further enhanced by world market fluctuations of exports-such as sugar, coffee, henequen, or bananas-and sub- sequent unemployment even at customary peak periods. To illustrate the situation further, it might be mentioned that wages for rural workers, even in normal times, average about one dollar per day, that many of them live in hovels without sanita- tion, that labor for women and children is general, that illiteracy is widespread, that life expectancy does not extend beyond thirty to forty years, and finally that hunger and semistarvation are the strange rewards for their productive efforts. As for the urban and industrial workers, conditions in many places are often not much better. A baker in Mexico City, for instance, earns not more than a dollar or a dollar and a half a day, while a Mexican automobile worker in the employ of a large company earns an average not much above that level. Only in certain countries, as for instance Cuba and Venezuela, industrialization has made great progress in the latter republic and shows advances in Colombia and Puerto Rico. Agricultural workers, therefore, form the majority of the labor population in all the countries and territories here under con- sideration. As in other parts of the world, many of the workers are unorganized; or their unions, when they exist, lack force and efficiency. Two of the causes for this defect are, first, the resist- ance of employers, in some parts governments, to any kind of landworkers organizations and, second, the extremely low stand- ards of existence, both material and spiritual, which with few exceptions still are the lot of the landworker and plantation worker in most of the Caribbean. The misery of the land pro- letariat is increased by the fact that social legislation applying chiefly to urban and industrial workers does not include rural labor and the small and often landless peasants who, in many cases, alternate as journeymen. Unemployment, or partial employment limited to harvest time, is another plight which depresses the morale of rural laborers, fills them with fear, and makes their organization difficult and, in places, impossible. Insecurity is further enhanced by world market fluctuations of exports-such as sugar, coffee, henequen, or bananas-and sub- sequent unemployment even at customary peak periods. To illustrate the situation further, it might be mentioned that wages for rural workers, even in normal times, average about one dollar per day, that many of them live in hovels without sanita- tion, that labor for women and children is general, that illiteracy is widespread, that life expectancy does not extend beyond thirty to forty years, and finally that hunger and semistarvation are the strange rewards for their productive efforts. As for the urban and industrial workers, conditions in many places are often not much better. A baker in Mexico City, for instance, earns not more than a dollar or a dollar and a half a day, while a Mexican automobile worker in the employ of a large company earns an average not much above that level. Only in certain countries, as for instance Cuba and Venezuela,  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 165 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 165 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 165 are wages for urban and industrial workers generally higher and, in some branches, even considerably greater than those paid for rural labor. Weaknesses in labor organization, however, are not easily eliminated even under ideal conditions owing to the background and tradition mentioned. These debilities affect labor's intrinsic strength, its ability to build financial funds, its influence with employers, and the degree to which the unions by their own actions are able to enforce concessions and social protection. They finally affect decisively labor's relations with government and political parties whose pawn it has been, and still is, in more than one country or territory. Speaking of these political in- fluences and considering the prevailing poverty, it is not surpris- ing that extremists both of the Communist and Fascist variety, taking advantage of natural discontent, have been able again and again to penetrate and to dominate labor's organizations. On the whole, however, extremism has receded, particularly in countries as basically important as Cuba and Mexico. On the other hand, governments faced in many parts with feeble and struggling labor movements have been able to break their free- dom. This has been the case in countries under dictatorial rule where, concomitant with the suppression of human and civic rights, those of labor likewise have been taken away, its organi- zations annihilated, and its leaders exiled, jailed, or murdered. In the following pages we shall attempt to give a short survey of labor organizations in the various countries and areas consti- tuting the region under consideration. I. Cuba The Cuban labor movement looks back on a relatively long and remarkable past. As in other Latin American countries, Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalists stood at its cradle; and the influ- ence of their ideology preceded and led to the establishment of trade unions. Manifestation of union activity took place as early as 1889-1890, with the port and tobacco workers becoming are wages for urban and industrial workers generally higher and, in some branches, even considerably greater than those paid for rural labor. Weaknesses in labor organization, however, are not easily eliminated even under ideal conditions owing to the background and tradition mentioned. These debilities affect labor's intrinsic strength, its ability to build financial funds, its influence with employers, and the degree to which the unions by their own actions are able to enforce concessions and social protection. They finally affect decisively labor's relations with government and political parties whose pawn it has been, and still is, in more than one country or territory. Speaking of these political in- fluences and considering the prevailing poverty, it is not surpris- ing that extremists both of the Communist and Fascist variety, taking advantage of natural discontent, have been able again and again to penetrate and to dominate labor's organizations. On the whole, however, extremism has receded, particularly in countries as basically important as Cuba and Mexico. On the other hand, governments faced in many parts with feeble and struggling labor movements have been able to break their free- dom. This has been the case in countries under dictatorial rule where, concomitant with the suppression of human and civic rights, those of labor likewise have been taken away, its organi- zations annihilated, and its leaders exiled, jailed, or murdered. In the following pages we shall attempt to give a short survey of labor organizations in the various countries and areas consti- tuting the region under consideration. I. Cuba The Cuban labor movement looks back on a relatively long and remarkable past. As in other Latin American countries, Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalists stood at its cradle; and the influ- ence of their ideology preceded and led to the establishment of trade unions. Manifestation of union activity took place as early as 1889-1890, with the port and tobacco workers becoming are wages for urban and industrial workers generally higher and, in some branches, even considerably greater than those paid for rural labor. Weaknesses in labor organization, however, are not easily eliminated even under ideal conditions owing to the background and tradition mentioned. These debilities affect labor's intrinsic strength, its ability to build financial funds, its influence with employers, and the degree to which the unions by their own actions are able to enforce concessions and social protection. They finally affect decisively labor's relations with government and political parties whose pawn it has been, and still is, in more than one country or territory. Speaking of these political in- fluences and considering the prevailing poverty, it is not surpris- ing that extremists both of the Communist and Fascist variety, taking advantage of natural discontent, have been able again and again to penetrate and to dominate labor's organizations. On the whole, however, extremism has receded, particularly in countries as basically important as Cuba and Mexico. On the other hand, governments faced in many parts with feeble and struggling labor movements have been able to break their free- dom. This has been the case in countries under dictatorial rule where, concomitant with the suppression of human and civic rights, those of labor likewise have been taken away, its organi- zations annihilated, and its leaders exiled, jailed, or murdered. In the following pages we shall attempt to give a short survey of labor organizations in the various countries and areas consti- tuting the region under consideration. I. Cuba The Cuban labor movement looks back on a relatively long and remarkable past. As in other Latin American countries, Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalists stood at its cradle; and the influ- ence of their ideology preceded and led to the establishment of trade unions. Manifestation of union activity took place as early as 1889-1890, with the port and tobacco workers becoming  166 The Caribbean 166 The Caribbean 166 The Caribbean labor's first champions. The latter proclaimed and fought through the now-historical strike movement of 1902-a bloody struggle which, as in other countries, laid the foundations for the broader movement that has grown since. Later, and approxi- mately from World War I on, Marxism-at first in the form of Socialism and, after the Russian Revolution of 1917, also as Communism-began to wield influence within the Cuban trade unions, which, at the same time, began to spread out into the various specific industries, and thus to embrace a larger part of the Cuban labor force. From then on, professional organizations originated and stead- ily increased. It was mainly under the influence of their prag- matic thinking that the Cuban Federation of Labor established closer relations with trade unions in the United States and, in 1925, even affiliated itself for a short time with the American Federation of Labor, the only important labor organization then existing in the United States. These organizational ties soon dissolved, but remained in the form of a fraternal relationship, favored by the proximity of the two countries; and based on mutual independence, they have persisted and have been strengthened recently by the Cubans' entrance into ORIT, the present inter-American organization of free labor, of which the AF of L, the CIO, and the United Mine Workers of America also have become members. Unity within soon grew and the movement began to feel its strength. Machado's tyranny, to whose overthrow labor had contributed in a heroic fight, made the issue of closer unity an urgent one. Efforts at greater unity finally resulted, in 1939, in the establishment of the Cuban Confederation of Workers (CTC), which immediately gained the adherence of 600 local groups with a membership of 500,000. Another crisis, however, lay ahead. Communists had attained a dominant influence in the new labor body, which also had affiliated itself with Lom- bardo Toledano's inter-American CTAL (Confederation of Lat- in American workers), a Bolshevist organization comprising labor's first champions. The latter proclaimed and fought through the now-historical strike movement of 1902-a bloody struggle which, as in other countries, laid the foundations for the broader movement that has grown since. Later, and approxi- mately from World War I on, Marxism-at first in the form of Socialism and, after the Russian Revolution of 1917, also as Communism-began to wield influence within the Cuban trade unions, which, at the same time, began to spread out into the various specific industries, and thus to embrace a larger part of the Cuban labor force. From then on, professional organizations originated and stead- ily increased. It was mainly under the influence of their prag- matic thinking that the Cuban Federation of Labor established closer relations with trade unions in the United States and, in 1925, even affiliated itself for a short time with the American Federation of Labor, the only important labor organization then existing in the United States. These organizational ties soon dissolved, but remained in the form of a fraternal relationship, favored by the proximity of the two countries; and based on mutual independence, they have persisted and have been strengthened recently by the Cubans' entrance into ORIT, the present inter-American organization of free labor, of which the AF of L, the CIO, and the United Mine Workers of America also have become members. Unity within soon grew and the movement began to feel its strength. Machado's tyranny, to whose overthrow labor had contributed in a heroic fight, made the issue of closer unity an urgent one. Efforts at greater unity finally resulted, in 1939, in the establishment of the Cuban Confederation of Workers (CTC), which immediately gained the adherence of 600 local groups with a membership of 500,000. Another crisis, however, lay ahead. Communists had attained a dominant influence in the new labor body, which also had affiliated itself with Lom- bardo Toledano's inter-American CTAL (Confederation of Lat- in American workers), a Bolshevist organization comprising labor's first champions. The latter proclaimed and fought through the now-historical strike movement of 1902-a bloody struggle which, as in other countries, laid the foundations for the broader movement that has grown since. Later, and approxi- mately from World War I on, Marxism-at first in the form of Socialism and, after the Russian Revolution of 1917, also as Communism-began to wield influence within the Cuban trade unions, which, at the same time, began to spread out into the various specific industries, and thus to embrace a larger part of the Cuban labor force. From then on, professional organizations originated and stead- ily increased. It was mainly under the influence of their prag- matic thinking that the Cuban Federation of Labor established closer relations with trade unions in the United States and, in 1925, even affiliated itself for a short time with the American Federation of Labor, the only important labor organization then existing in the United States. These organizational ties soon dissolved, but remained in the form of a fraternal relationship, favored by the proximity of the two countries; and based on mutual independence, they have persisted and have been strengthened recently by the Cubans' entrance into ORIT, the present inter-American organization of free labor, of which the AF of L, the CIO, and the United Mine Workers of America also have become members. Unity within soon grew and the movement began to feel its strength. Machado's tyranny, to whose overthrow labor had contributed in a heroic fight, made the issue of closer unity an urgent one. Efforts at greater unity finally resulted, in 1939, in the establishment of the Cuban Confederation of Workers (CTC), which immediately gained the adherence of 600 local groups with a membership of 500,000. Another crisis, however, lay ahead. Communists had attained a dominant influence in the new labor body, which also had affiliated itself with Lom- bardo Toledano's inter-American CTAL (Confederation of Lat- in American workers), a Bolshevist organization comprising  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 167 labor groups in various countries and territories of the Latin American subcontinent. Communist influence was finally elimi- nated in 1947, although Communists elected here and there by the rank and file still hold office in various locals and even in one or the other of the CTC's national federations. The Cuban Confederation has satisfactorily weathered the latest political storm caused by the Batista coup in March, 1952. It has been able so to preserve its unity and strength as a power- ful Cuban institution that even the new dictatorial regime has not dared touch or eliminate it. The CTC has enabled the Cuban workers to set an example to others of what can be achieved by labor unity and strength. Wages are far above those paid in many other parts of the Caribbean or, for that matter, Latin America. In addition, the eight-hour working day forms the basis for every one of the collective contracts concluded by the CTC's affiliated organizations. Modern types of social protection and insurance are provided in laws, public statutes, or union contracts; while funds maintained and administered in common by labor, employers, and the authorities provide ade- quate means to put them into practice. The sugar workers union alone, to cite only one example, disposes of such a fund in the amount of half a billion dollars, and its insurance covers medical attention, sickness, and accidents during and out of work. The CTC, moreover, has taken up a place of full responsibility with- in the Cuban community as a whole, and at present develops its own economic program to compensate for the seasonal nature of employment and production in the sugar industry. Today, the Confederation counts more than a million members-with its 500,000 sugar workers constituting the most powerful of the thirty-five national federations affiliated with it and representing every branch of industry and agriculture on the island. The Con- federation has drawn every fifth Cuban into its ranks, and has thus obtained a much higher numerical degree of organization in proportion to population than, for example, the much larger movement in the United States. LABOR AND INDUSTRY 167 labor groups in various countries and territories of the Latin American subcontinent. Communist influence was finally elimi- nated in 1947, although Communists elected here and there by the rank and file still hold office in various locals and even in one or the other of the CTC's national federations. The Cuban Confederation has satisfactorily weathered the latest political storm caused by the Batista coup in March, 1952. It has been able so to preserve its unity and strength as a power- ful Cuban institution that even the new dictatorial regime has not dared touch or eliminate it. The CTC has enabled the Cuban workers to set an example to others of what can be achieved by labor unity and strength. Wages are far above those paid in many other parts of the Caribbean or, for that matter, Latin America. In addition, the eight-hour working day forms the basis for every one of the collective contracts concluded by the CTC's affiliated organizations. Modem types of social protection and insurance are provided in laws, public statutes, or union contracts; while funds maintained and administered in common by labor, employers, and the authorities provide ade- quate means to put them into practice. The sugar workers union alone, to cite only one example, disposes of such a fund in the amount of half a billion dollars, and its insurance covers medical attention, sickness, and accidents during and out of work. The CTC, moreover, has taken up a place of full responsibility with- in the Cuban community as a whole, and at present develops its own economic program to compensate for the seasonal nature of employment and production in the sugar industry. Today, the Confederation counts more than a million members-with its 500,000 sugar workers constituting the most powerful of the thirty-five national federations affiliated with it and representing every branch of industry and agriculture on the island. The Con- federation has drawn every fifth Cuban into its ranks, and has thus obtained a much higher numerical degree of organization in proportion to population than, for example, the much larger movement in the United States. LABOR AND INDUSTRY 167 labor groups in various countries and territories of the Latin American subcontinent. Communist influence was finally elimi- nated in 1947, although Communists elected here and there by the rank and file still hold office in various locals and even in one or the other of the CTC's national federations. The Cuban Confederation has satisfactorily weathered the latest political storm caused by the Batista coup in March, 1952. It has been able so to preserve its unity and strength as a power- ful Cuban institution that even the new dictatorial regime has not dared touch or eliminate it. The CTC has enabled the Cuban workers to set an example to others of what can be achieved by labor unity and strength. Wages are far above those paid in many other parts of the Caribbean or, for that matter, Latin America. In addition, the eight-hour working day forms the basis for every one of the collective contracts concluded by the CTC's affiliated organizations. Modem types of social protection and insurance are provided in laws, public statutes, or union contracts; while funds maintained and administered in common by labor, employers, and the authorities provide ade- quate means to put them into practice. The sugar workers union alone, to cite only one example, disposes of such a fund in the amount of half a billion dollars, and its insurance covers medical attention, sickness, and accidents during and out of work. The CTC, moreover, has taken up a place of full responsibility with- in the Cuban community as a whole, and at present develops its own economic program to compensate for the seasonal nature of employment and production in the sugar industry. Today, the Confederation counts more than a million members-with its 500,000 sugar workers constituting the most powerful of the thirty-five national federations affiliated with it and representing every branch of industry and agriculture on the island. The Con- federation has drawn every fifth Cuban into its ranks, and has thus obtained a much higher numerical degree of organization in proportion to population than, for example, the much larger movement in the United States.  168 The Caribbean II. Mexico Mexico's trade-unions, like those of Cuba, form at present one of the oldest, best-organized, and most powerful factions on the Latin American and Caribbean labor scene. Their achieve- ments against the background of a racially mixed and, during colonial times and even later, most recklessly exploited people should command an even higher appreciation than those realized by Cuban labor in its more homogeneous nation. The Mexican labor movement, moreover, even in its first stages of development, was one of the decisive factors in the great and continuous struggle called the Mexican Revolution. Since then it often has set the pace for and determined the shape of many of the reforms sought by the Latin American working people in other parts of the subcontinent. The influence of the Mexican labor movement, therefore, reaches far beyond the confines of Mexico herself. Mexico, today, is one of the most industrialized nations of Latin America. The growth of a large sector of urban and industrial labor has given the movement its particular character, and has thus even more accentuated its particular role as a protagonist of progressive labor in a continent so ardently striving for a higher degree of industrialization. Though beneficial workers' societies of the mutualist kind had been in existence since the eighties and nineties of the past century, it was the great Mexican Revolution, which started in 1910, that recognized for the first time labor's right to organize, and thus set it free. This tremendous change in conditions led immediately to the estab- lishment of a large number of local unions and, here and there, federations. But not until 1915 was the time ripe for the found- ing of a labor central of limited scope-the Federation of Workers of the Federal District, later to play an important role in the extension and unification of Mexican trade unionism. The federation, moreover, set a milestone by anticipating in its actions and incorporating in its charter and statutes the main principles and goals characteristic of the movement as a whole, 168 The Caribbean 168 The Caribbean IL Mexico Mexico's trade-unions, like those of Cuba, form at present one of the oldest, best-organized, and most powerful factions on the Latin American and Caribbean labor scene. Their achieve- ments against the background of a racially mixed and, during colonial times and even later, most recklessly exploited people should command an even higher appreciation than those realized by Cuban labor in its more homogeneous nation. The Mexican labor movement, moreover, even in its first stages of development, was one of the decisive factors in the great and continuous struggle called the Mexican Revolution. Since then it often has set the pace for and determined the shape of many of the reforms sought by the Latin American working people in other parts of the subcontinent. The influence of the Mexican labor movement, therefore, reaches far beyond the confines of Mexico herself. Mexico, today, is one of the most industrialized nations of Latin America. The growth of a large sector of urban and industrial labor has given the movement its particular character, and has thus even more accentuated its particular role as a protagonist of progressive labor in a continent so ardently striving for a higher degree of industrialization. Though beneficial workers' societies of the mutualist kind had been in existence since the eighties and nineties of the past century, it was the great Mexican Revolution, which started in 1910, that recognized for the first time labor's right to organize, and thus set it free. This tremendous change in conditions led immediately to the estab- lishment of a large number of local unions and, here and there, federations. But not until 1915 was the time ripe for the found- ing of a labor central of limited scope-the Federation of Workers of the Federal District, later to play an important role in the extension and unification of Mexican trade unionism. The federation, moreover, set a milestone by anticipating in its actions and incorporating in its charter and statutes the main principles and goals characteristic of the movement as a whole, IL Mexico Mexico's trade-unions, like those of Cuba, form at present one of the oldest, best-organized, and most powerful factions on the Latin American and Caribbean labor scene. Their achieve- ments against the background of a racially mixed and, during colonial times and even later, most recklessly exploited people should command an even higher appreciation than those realized by Cuban labor in its more homogeneous nation. The Mexican labor movement, moreover, even in its first stages of development, was one of the decisive factors in the great and continuous struggle called the Mexican Revolution. Since then it often has set the pace for and determined the shape of many of the reforms sought by the Latin American working people in other parts of the subcontinent. The influence of the Mexican labor movement, therefore, reaches far beyond the confines of Mexico herself. Mexico, today, is one of the most industrialized nations of Latin America. The growth of a large sector of urban and industrial labor has given the movement its particular character, and has thus even more accentuated its particular role as a protagonist of progressive labor in a continent so ardently striving for a higher degree of industrialization. Though beneficial workers' societies of the mutualist kind had been in existence since the eighties and nineties of the past century, it was the great Mexican Revolution, which started in 1910, that recognized for the first time labor's right to organize, and thus set it free. This tremendous change in conditions led immediately to the estab- lishment of a large number of local unions and, here and there, federations. But not until 1915 was the time ripe for the found- ing of a labor central of limited scope-the Federation of Workers of the Federal District, later to play an important role in the extension and unification of Mexican trade unionism. The federation, moreover, set a milestone by anticipating in its actions and incorporating in its charter and statutes the main principles and goals characteristic of the movement as a whole,  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 169 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 169 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 169 namely, patriotism amalgamated with and permeated by a vigorous creed in progress, Marxism, and even revolutionary methods to overcome feudalism, obtain agricultural reforms, and establish a secular welfare state with socialist leanings. From the outset the Mexican labor organization spread out into two separate but closely concerted movements, that of the campesinos, small peasant and rural workers-many of whom now live and work cooperatively-and that of the industrial and urban workers. The latter group and their organization during the years have proved extremely sensitive to the trends of Mexico's agitated politics, a fact that constitutes one of the main reasons for the lack of labor unification up to the present. Owing to the same circumstances, Russian Communism, after the Bolshevist Octo- ber Revolution, made a significant impact upon Mexican labor and began to infiltrate its trade unions, an influence that has recently been eliminated with some definity. Those agitated times also witnessed the first attempts to organize a national non-Marxist confederation, the so-called CROM. This group still exists as a minor entity, and presently serves as Per6n's insignificant mouthpiece. However, another national organiza- tion, the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), was born in those same days and began to grow and take the place of CROM. During all those years, however, and in spite of numer- ous schisms and dissensions, the power and size of Mexican organized labor steadily increased, a development corresponding to the country's continuous economic advance. The latest chap- ter in the movement's growth began in the 1930's with the period of Cardenas and the definite coming to the forefront of the CTM under leaders from the Federal District central. At present the CTM counts more than a million members and, though independent and often critical of the government, it plays a powerful role in politics as the cofounder and one of the main supporters of the government's party, the so-called PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional). In spite of its namely, patriotism amalgamated with and permeated by a vigorous creed in progress, Marxism, and even revolutionary methods to overcome feudalism, obtain agricultural reforms, and establish a secular welfare state with socialist leanings. From the outset the Mexican labor organization spread out into two separate but closely concerted movements, that of the campesinos, small peasant and rural workers-many of whom now live and work cooperatively-and that of the industrial and urban workers. The latter group and their organization during the years have proved extremely sensitive to the trends of Mexico's agitated politics, a fact that constitutes one of the main reasons for the lack of labor unification up to the present. Owing to the same circumstances, Russian Communism, after the Bolshevist Octo- ber Revolution, made a significant impact upon Mexican labor and began to infiltrate its trade unions, an influence that has recently been eliminated with some definity. Those agitated times also witnessed the first attempts to organize a national non-Marxist confederation, the so-called CROM. This group still exists as a minor entity, and presently serves as Perdn's insignificant mouthpiece. However, another national organiza- tion, the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), was born in those same days and began to grow and take the place of CROM. During all those years, however, and in spite of numer- ous schisms and dissensions, the power and size of Mexican organized labor steadily increased, a development corresponding to the country's continuous economic advance. The latest chap- ter in the movement's growth began in the 1930's with the period of Cirdenas and the definite coming to the forefront of the CTM under leaders from the Federal District central. At present the CTM counts more than a million members and, though independent and often critical of the government, it plays a powerful role in politics as the cofounder and one of the main supporters of the government's party, the so-called PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional). In spite of its namely, patriotism amalgamated with and permeated by a vigorous creed in progress, Marxism, and even revolutionary methods to overcome feudalism, obtain agricultural reforms, and establish a secular welfare state with socialist leanings. From the outset the Mexican labor organization spread out into two separate but closely concerted movements, that of the campesinos, small peasant and rural workers-many of whom now live and work cooperatively-and that of the industrial and urban workers. The latter group and their organization during the years have proved extremely sensitive to the trends of Mexico's agitated politics, a fact that constitutes one of the main reasons for the lack of labor unification up to the present. Owing to the same circumstances, Russian Communism, after the Bolshevist Octo- ber Revolution, made a significant impact upon Mexican labor and began to infiltrate its trade unions, an influence that has recently been eliminated with some definity. Those agitated times also witnessed the first attempts to organize a national non-Marxist confederation, the so-called CROM. This group still exists as a minor entity, and presently serves as Per6n's insignificant mouthpiece. However, another national organiza- tion, the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), was born in those same days and began to grow and take the place of CROM. During all those years, however, and in spite of numer- ous schisms and dissensions, the power and size of Mexican organized labor steadily increased, a development corresponding to the country's continuous economic advance. The latest chap- ter in the movement's growth began in the 1930's with the period of Cardenas and the definite coming to the forefront of the CTM under leaders from the Federal District central. At present the CTM counts more than a million members and, though independent and often critical of the government, it plays a powerful role in politics as the cofounder and one of the main supporters of the government's party, the so-called PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional). In spite of its  170 The Caribbean growing strength, however, the powerful CTM has, up to now, not been able to bring about and cement complete unity in the ranks of Mexican labor. The CROM and Communist remnants have survived, as have two other smaller centrales, the CGT and the CROC, a confederation recently formed by the union of four smaller national groups. The CTM, however, has con- cluded agreements for mutual collaboration with the CGT, as well as with the important independent professional federations of public servants, miners, electricians, railroad workers, and telephonists, thus opening new horizons and possibilities for future organizational unification. Mexico's labor movements, both of the industrial and the rural workers, have made immense advances during the decades fol- lowing the start of the great Mexican Revolution. They have obtained full recognition by, and cooperation from, governments which to a greater or lesser degree often were of labor's making. Union rights are anchored and embedded in the country's constitution and in a special labor code, both of which give labor all the privileges and protection customary in modern democratic society. Internationally speaking, the CTM and much of Mex- ico's labor outside its ranks have taken their position at the side of free trade unionism, and the CTM's large premises in Mexico City house, at present, the headquarters of ORIT, free labor's inter-American organization. It was mainly due to the CTM's valiant resistance that ATLAS (Asociaci6n de Trabajadores Latinoamericanos Sindicalizados), artificial inter-American prod- uct of Peronista labor, was prevented from establishing head- quarters in Mexico City so close to the borders of the United States. The CTM has also become a full-fledged member of the ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), which is the modern world organization of free labor. III. Puerto Rico Puerto Rico, a commonwealth state closely connected with the United States, occupies a specific place in the group of republics 170 The Caribbean 170 The Caribbean growing strength, however, the powerful CTM has, up to now, not been able to bring about and cement complete unity in the ranks of Mexican labor. The CROM and Communist remnants have survived, as have two other smaller centrales, the CGT and the CROC, a confederation recently formed by the union of four smaller national groups. The CTM, however, has con- cluded agreements for mutual collaboration with the CGT, as well as with the important independent professional federations of public servants, miners, electricians, railroad workers, and telephonists, thus opening new horizons and possibilities for future organizational unification. Mexico's labor movements, both of the industrial and the rural workers, have made immense advances during the decades fol- lowing the start of the great Mexican Revolution. They have obtained full recognition by, and cooperation from, governments which to a greater or lesser degree often were of labor's making. Union rights are anchored and embedded in the country's constitution and in a special labor code, both of which give labor all the privileges and protection customary in modem democratic society. Internationally speaking, the CTM and much of Mex- ico's labor outside its ranks have taken their position at the side of free trade unionism, and the CTM's large premises in Mexico City house, at present, the headquarters of ORIT, free labor's inter-American organization. It was mainly due to the CTM's valiant resistance that ATLAS (Asociaci6n de Trabajadores Latinoamericanos Sindicalizados), artificial inter-American prod- uct of Peronista labor, was prevented from establishing head- quarters in Mexico City so close to the borders of the United States. The CTM has also become a full-fledged member of the ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), which is the modern world organization of free labor. III. Puerto Rico Puerto Rico, a commonwealth state closely connected with the United States, occupies a specific place in the group of republics growing strength, however, the powerful CTM has, up to now, not been able to bring about and cement complete unity in the ranks of Mexican labor. The CROM and Communist remnants have survived, as have two other smaller centrales, the CGT and the CROC, a confederation recently formed by the union of four smaller national groups. The CTM, however, has con- cluded agreements for mutual collaboration with the CGT, as well as with the important independent professional federations of public servants, miners, electricians, railroad workers, and telephonists, thus opening new horizons and possibilities for future organizational unification. Mexico's labor movements, both of the industrial and the rural workers, have made immense advances during the decades fol- lowing the start of the great Mexican Revolution. They have obtained full recognition by, and cooperation from, governments which to a greater or lesser degree often were of labor's making. Union rights are anchored and embedded in the country's constitution and in a special labor code, both of which give labor all the privileges and protection customary in modern democratic society. Internationally speaking, the CTM and much of Mex- ico's labor outside its ranks have taken their position at the side of free trade unionism, and the CTM's large premises in Mexico City house, at present, the headquarters of ORIT, free labor's inter-American organization. It was mainly due to the CTM's valiant resistance that ATLAS (Asociaci6n de Trabajadores Latinoamericanos Sindicalizados), artificial inter-American prod- uct of Peronista labor, was prevented from establishing head- quarters in Mexico City so close to the borders of the United States. The CTM has also become a full-fledged member of the ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), which is the modem world organization of free labor. III. Puerto Rico Puerto Rico, a commonwealth state closely connected with the United States, occupies a specific place in the group of republics  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 171 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 171 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 171 and territories around the Caribbean. Being one of the so-called sugar islands, she shares important aspects of West Indian economy. On the other hand, the attempt by her democratic government to increase the island's industrial capacity and poten- tial brings her closer to trends and efforts such as Mexico's attempt at industrialization. In the course of these developments, Puerto Rico's labor movement has steadily grown, and today it comprises almost a fifth of her population of almost two and a half millions. For the last half-century the AF of L and, since 1949, the CIO have taken an increasing interest in Puerto Rican labor affairs. At present both are sponsoring, and are connected with, important sectors of trade unions there. These segments now comprise the majority of the island's organized working population. As the AF of L and the CIO on the mainland seem to draw more and more together, this state of affairs one day may lead to increasing unification of their respective Puerto Rican branches, thus saving labor from the many splits and discordances that in the past so often have marred its strength and prevented it from being as efficient as it could and should have been. The cooperation of United States labor and the enlightened, democratic policies of the present insular govern- ment and Congress have decidedly redounded to the advantage of Puerto Rico's workers. They increasingly enjoy the benefits of social security; and, though wages and incomes still are too low in many of the industries, including agriculture, they show a steady tendency to grow so that here and there they have attained levels that make them at least comparable with those of equal work in Cuba. IV. Colombia Brief mention should be made of Colombia, whose economic structure shows a similar mixture of a large agricultural and plantation sector on the one hand, and slowly developing indus- try on the other hand. In Colombia, the labor movement and territories around the Caribbean. Being one of the so-called sugar islands, she shares important aspects of West Indian economy. On the other hand, the attempt by her democratic government to increase the island's industrial capacity and poten- tial brings her closer to trends and efforts such as Mexico's attempt at industrialization. In the course of these developments, Puerto Rico's labor movement has steadily grown, and today it comprises almost a fifth of her population of almost two and a half millions. For the last half-century the AF of L and, since 1949, the CIO have taken an increasing interest in Puerto Rican labor affairs. At present both are sponsoring, and are connected with, important sectors of trade unions there. These segments now comprise the majority of the island's organized working population. As the AF of L and the CIO on the mainland seem to draw more and more together, this state of affairs one day may lead to increasing unification of their respective Puerto Rican branches, thus saving labor from the many splits and discordances that in the past so often have marred its strength and prevented it from being as efficient as it could and should have been. The cooperation of United States labor and the enlightened, democratic policies of the present insular govern- ment and Congress have decidedly redounded to the advantage of Puerto Rico's workers. They increasingly enjoy the benefits of social security; and, though wages and incomes still are too low in many of the industries, including agriculture, they show a steady tendency to grow so that here and there they have attained levels that make them at least comparable with those of equal work in Cuba. IV. Colombia Brief mention should be made of Colombia, whose economic structure shows a similar mixture of a large agricultural and plantation sector on the one hand, and slowly developing indus- try on the other hand. In Colombia, the labor movement and territories around the Caribbean. Being one of the so-called sugar islands, she shares important aspects of West Indian economy. On the other hand, the attempt by her democratic government to increase the island's industrial capacity and poten- tial brings her closer to trends and efforts such as Mexico's attempt at industrialization. In the course of these developments, Puerto Rico's labor movement has steadily grown, and today it comprises almost a fifth of her population of almost two and a half millions. For the last half-century the AF of L and, since 1949, the CIO have taken an increasing interest in Puerto Rican labor affairs. At present both are sponsoring, and are connected with, important sectors of trade unions there. These segments now comprise the majority of the island's organized working population. As the AF of L and the CIO on the mainland seem to draw more and more together, this state of affairs one day may lead to increasing unification of their respective Puerto Rican branches, thus saving labor from the many splits and discordances that in the past so often have marred its strength and prevented it from being as efficient as it could and should have been. The cooperation of United States labor and the enlightened, democratic policies of the present insular govem- ment and Congress have decidedly redounded to the advantage of Puerto Rico's workers. They increasingly enjoy the benefits of social security; and, though wages and incomes still are too low in many of the industries, including agriculture, they show a steady tendency to grow so that here and there they have attained levels that make them at least comparable with those of equal work in Cuba. IV. Colombia Brief mention should be made of Colombia, whose economic structure shows a similar mixture of a large agricultural and plantation sector on the one hand, and slowly developing indus- try on the other hand. In Colombia, the labor movement  172 The Caribbean through decades has developed along two lines, corresponding to the political two-party structure prevailing there. One of the two existing labor centrales, the UTC (Union of Colombian Workers), used to mirror the traditional thoughts and policies of the proclerical Conservative Party; while the other one, the CTC (Confederation of Colombian Workers), often supported the anticlerical and the more democratic policies of the Liberals. During and since the recent period of emergency, the UTC has more and more adopted and practiced the principles of free trade unionism and nowadays even seeks and obtains closer cooperation with the CTC, which, under the pressure and perse- cution of the recent Conservative dictatorship, almost faced annihilation. Both organizations, reactivated in the present seem- ingly more friendly atmosphere, might well be able to overcome the undermining activities of Communists as well as the intrusion of Peronistas, both of whom used the recent troubled years to penetrate Colombia's labor movement. Nowadays the estab- lishment of connections, mainly by the UTC, with the increasing number of federations in the various trades, will doubtless solidify the foundations of both labor centrales which, during much of their existence, often lacked a practical basis. V. Venezuela and the Dutch Islands of Curagao and Aruba No labor movement worth the name has been established on either Curagao or Aruba; and this in spite of the fact that the latter harbors the largest oil refinery in the Western Hemisphere (second only in size to the one at Abadan in Iran, the largest of its kind), where thousands of workers are employed. The reasons for this lack of labor organization are to be found in the heterogeneous character of the labor force that was imported largely from other West Indian island possessions and in obvious aversion of the powerful Shell Oil Company-which holds an actual monopoly of employment-to admit or favor any trade- union development. As to Venezuela, with its American-owned 172 The Caribbean 172 The Caribbean through decades has developed along two lines, corresponding to the political two-party structure prevailing there. One of the two existing labor centrales, the UTC (Union of Colombian Workers), used to mirror the traditional thoughts and policies of the proclerical Conservative Party; while the other one, the CTC (Confederation of Colombian Workers), often supported the anticlerical and the more democratic policies of the Liberals. During and since the recent period of emergency, the UTC has more and more adopted and practiced the principles of free trade unionism and nowadays even seeks and obtains closer cooperation with the CTC, which, under the pressure and perse- cution of the recent Conservative dictatorship, almost faced annihilation. Both organizations, reactivated in the present seem- ingly more friendly atmosphere, might well be able to overcome the undermining activities of Communists as well as the intrusion of Peronistas, both of whom used the recent troubled years to penetrate Colombia's labor movement. Nowadays the estab- lishment of connections, mainly by the UTC, with the increasing number of federations in the various trades, will doubtless solidify the foundations of both labor centrales which, during much of their existence, often lacked a practical basis. V. Venezuela and the Dutch Islands of Curagao and Aruba No labor movement worth the name has been established on either Curagao or Aruba; and this in spite of the fact that the latter harbors the largest oil refinery in the Western Hemisphere (second only in size to the one at Abadan in Iran, the largest of its kind), where thousands of workers are employed. The reasons for this lack of labor organization are to be found in the heterogeneous character of the labor force that was imported largely from other West Indian island possessions and in obvious aversion of the powerful Shell Oil Company-which holds an actual monopoly of employment-to admit or favor any trade- union development. As to Venezuela, with its American-owned through decades has developed along two lines, corresponding to the political two-party structure prevailing there. One of the two existing labor centrales, the UTC (Union of Colombian Workers), used to mirror the traditional thoughts and policies of the proclerical Conservative Party; while the other one, the CTC (Confederation of Colombian Workers), often supported the anticlerical and the more democratic policies of the Liberals. During and since the recent period of emergency, the UTC has more and more adopted and practiced the principles of free trade unionism and nowadays even seeks and obtains closer cooperation with the CTC, which, under the pressure and perse- cution of the recent Conservative dictatorship, almost faced annihilation. Both organizations, reactivated in the present seem- ingly more friendly atmosphere, might well be able to overcome the undermining activities of Communists as well as the intrusion of Peronistas, both of whom used the recent troubled years to penetrate Colombia's labor movement. Nowadays the estab- lishment of connections, mainly by the UTC, with the increasing number of federations in the various trades, will doubtless solidify the foundations of both labor centrales which, during much of their existence, often lacked a practical basis. V. Venezuela and the Dutch Islands of Curagao and Aruba No labor movement worth the name has been established on either Curagao or Aruba; and this in spite of the fact that the latter harbors the largest oil refinery in the Western Hemisphere (second only in size to the one at Abadan in Iran, the largest of its kind), where thousands of workers are employed. The reasons for this lack of labor organization are to be found in the heterogeneous character of the labor force that was imported largely from other West Indian island possessions and in obvious aversion of the powerful Shell Oil Company-which holds an actual monopoly of employment-to admit or favor any trade- union development. As to Venezuela, with its American-owned  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 173 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 173 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 173 oil industry, the once-powerful democratic Confederation of Venezuelan Workers was forced out of existence after the seizure of power by a military junta in November, 1948, and the estab- lishment of a dictatorial regime. The leaders of this labor body have since been jailed, killed, or exiled. What is left today either consists of followers of the Communist line or belongs to the so- called independent unions which, for all practical purposes, are organizations installed and directed by the Government. VI. British and French West Indies, the Guianas, Central America These vast territories to the east, south, and west of the Carib- bean Sea have various salient and fundamental features in common, despite the existence of mineral-extracting industries in places such as the Guianas, Jamaica, and Nicaragua. Their economy is almost unilaterally based on agricultural, and mostly plantation, labor. Whether more or less under colonial rule or enjoying political independence like the republics of Central America, these countries and territories, most of them relatively small in size, have not been able to overcome by their own strength the handicaps of their thoroughly colonial economic structure. In some places, such as democratic Costa Rica, at- tempts have been made, and are still under way, to face and improve this situation by adequate means and reforms. In other areas, such as Guatemala and British Guiana, Communist domi- nation has resulted, and attempted revolutionary changes have occurred. In still other regions, however, the people have been kept in place by one-man rule-often practiced in cooperation with monopolistic companies-so that the status quo in those areas has been maintained. On the whole, in these territories, economic standards and social conditions of the working people, many of them Negroes or Indians, have remained extremely low; and labor organizations, where they exist, have suffered great shortcomings and, in general, have not reached the stand- oil industry, the once-powerful democratic Confederation of Venezuelan Workers was forced out of existence after the seizure of power by a military junta in November, 1948, and the estab- lishment of a dictatorial regime. The leaders of this labor body have since been jailed, killed, or exiled. What is left today either consists of followers of the Communist line or belongs to the so- called independent unions which, for all practical purposes, are organizations installed and directed by the Government. VI. British and French West Indies, the Guianas, Central America These vast territories to the east, south, and west of the Carib- bean Sea have various salient and fundamental features in common, despite the existence of mineral-extracting industries in places such as the Guianas, Jamaica, and Nicaragua. Their economy is almost unilaterally based on agricultural, and mostly plantation, labor. Whether more or less under colonial rule or enjoying political independence like the republics of Central America, these countries and territories, most of them relatively small in size, have not been able to overcome by their own strength the handicaps of their thoroughly colonial economic structure. In some places, such as democratic Costa Rica, at- tempts have been made, and are still under way, to face and improve this situation by adequate means and reforms. In other areas, such as Guatemala and British Guiana, Communist domi- nation has resulted, and attempted revolutionary changes have occurred. In still other regions, however, the people have been kept in place by one-man rule-often practiced in cooperation with monopolistic companies-so that the status quo in those areas has been maintained. On the whole, in these territories, economic standards and social conditions of the working people, many of them Negroes or Indians, have remained extremely low; and labor organizations, where they exist, have suffered great shortcomings and, in general, have not reached the stand- oil industry, the once-powerful democratic Confederation of Venezuelan Workers was forced out of existence after the seizure of power by a military junta in November, 1948, and the estab- lishment of a dictatorial regime. The leaders of this labor body have since been jailed, killed, or exiled. What is left today either consists of followers of the Communist line or belongs to the so- called independent unions which, for all practical purposes, are organizations installed and directed by the Government. VI. British and French West Indies, the Guianas, Central America These vast territories to the east, south, and west of the Carib- bean Sea have various salient and fundamental features in common, despite the existence of mineral-extracting industries in places such as the Guianas, Jamaica, and Nicaragua. Their economy is almost unilaterally based on agricultural, and mostly plantation, labor. Whether more or less under colonial rule or enjoying political independence like the republics of Central America, these countries and territories, most of them relatively small in size, have not been able to overcome by their own strength the handicaps of their thoroughly colonial economic structure. In some places, such as democratic Costa Rica, at- tempts have been made, and are still under way, to face and improve this situation by adequate means and reforms. In other areas, such as Guatemala and British Guiana, Communist domi- nation has resulted, and attempted revolutionary changes have occurred. In still other regions, however, the people have been kept in place by one-man rule-often practiced in cooperation with monopolistic companies-so that the status quo in those areas has been maintained. On the whole, in these territories, economic standards and social conditions of the working people, many of them Negroes or Indians, have remained extremely low; and labor organizations, where they exist, have suffered great shortcomings and, in general, have not reached the stand-  174 The Caribbean ards attained in countries like Cuba and Puerto Rico. Because of misery and often outright starvation, Communists have been able to dominate labor in Guatemala, as well as in the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe; although Christian Unions, otherwise not important in the Caribbean, have also made considerable progress there. As to British Guiana, latest developments are well known; it was only by military interven- tion that the Communists could be removed from their hold on a government which also tried to force the unions under its sway. A reassuring example of democratic trade unionism, however, is offered by the Rerum Novarum Confederation of Costa Rica. As the name indicates, it was originally a Catholic organization, which, like the Colombian UTC, has recently developed into a full-fledged Free Trade Union central. At present it leads a struggle against Peronista as well as Communist elements, the latter being especially active among plantation laborers. Pana- ma, El Salvador, and the colony of British Honduras also have labor organizations able to move with freedom. In El Salvador the free trade union movement has recently made good advances, though the establishment of a general national labor confedera- tion still meets with legal impediments. In Nicaragua, the domain of Somoza and a country with no genuine political democracy, some progress has been made recently in the organi- zation of fairly free labor groups, while Peronista influence, which had penetrated trade unionism, has somewhat receded. In Panama, as already mentioned, the existence of free unions is possible; but the movement is small and suffers from con- tinuous splits and quarrels among its leaders, many of whom have no real following. Some hope for union organization seems also to exist in the republic of Honduras, where until now dictatorship has not permitted free labor to exist. In the British island possessions, relatively large labor organi- zations are found in such places as Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados; and democratic labor has advanced recently at the 174 The Caribbean 174 The Caribbean ards attained in countries like Cuba and Puerto Rico. Because of misery and often outright starvation, Communists have been able to dominate labor in Guatemala, as well as in the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe; although Christian Unions, otherwise not important in the Caribbean, have also made considerable progress there. As to British Guiana, latest developments are well known; it was only by military interven- tion that the Communists could be removed from their hold on a government which also tried to force the unions under its sway. A reassuring example of democratic trade unionism, however, is offered by the Rerum Novarum Confederation of Costa Rica. As the name indicates, it was originally a Catholic organization, which, like the Colombian UTC, has recently developed into a full-fledged Free Trade Union central. At present it leads a struggle against Peronista as well as Communist elements, the latter being especially active among plantation laborers. Pana- ma, El Salvador, and the colony of British Honduras also have labor organizations able to move with freedom. In El Salvador the free trade union movement has recently made good advances, though the establishment of a general national labor confedera- tion still meets with legal impediments. In Nicaragua, the domain of Somoza and a country with no genuine political democracy, some progress has been made recently in the organi- zation of fairly free labor groups, while Peronista influence, which had penetrated trade unionism, has somewhat receded. In Panama, as already mentioned, the existence of free unions is possible; but the movement is small and suffers from con- tinuous splits and quarrels among its leaders, many of whom have no real following. Some hope for union organization seems also to exist in the republic of Honduras, where until now dictatorship has not permitted free labor to exist. In the British island possessions, relatively large labor organi- zations are found in such places as Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados; and democratic labor has advanced recently at the ards attained in countries like Cuba and Puerto Rico. Because of misery and often outright starvation, Communists have been able to dominate labor in Guatemala, as well as in the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe; although Christian Unions, otherwise not important in the Caribbean, have also made considerable progress there. As to British Guiana, latest developments are well known; it was only by military interven- tion that the Communists could be removed from their hold on a government which also tried to force the unions under its sway. A reassuring example of democratic trade unionism, however, is offered by the Recurs Novarum Confederation of Costa Rica. As the name indicates, it was originally a Catholic organization, which, like the Colombian UTC, has recently developed into a full-fledged Free Trade Union central. At present it leads a struggle against Peronista as well as Communist elements, the latter being especially active among plantation laborers. Pana- ma, El Salvador, and the colony of British Honduras also have labor organizations able to move with freedom. In El Salvador the free trade union movement has recently made good advances, though the establishment of a general national labor confedera- tion still meets with legal impediments. In Nicaragua, the domain of Somoza and a country with no genuine political democracy, some progress has been made recently in the organi- zation of fairly free labor groups, while Peronista influence, which had penetrated trade unionism, has somewhat receded. In Panama, as already mentioned, the existence of free unions is possible; but the movement is small and suffers from con- tinuous splits and quarrels among its leaders, many of whom have no real following. Some hope for union organization seems also to exist in the republic of Honduras, where until now dictatorship has not permitted free labor to exist. In the British island possessions, relatively large labor organi- zations are found in such places as Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados; and democratic labor has advanced recently at the  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 175 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 175 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 175 ,xpense of the Communists who, however, have been able to maintain strongholds in Jamaica, Trinidad, and other places because of the particularly bad economic conditions characteris- tic of that part of the Caribbean. While sugar is still the pre- dominant crop and the monoculture product in this area, mining of bauxite has become a factor of importance in Jamaica, Surinam, and British Guiana and opens vistas for more industrial trade unionism in those places. Most developed in proportion to population, and also internal compactness, are the trade unions in small Barbados, where the Workers Union, ten thou- sand strong, constitutes the only labor movement, while union membership in sparsely populated Surinam amounts to about twenty thousand, with the bauxite miners well in the forefront. VII. Dominican Republic and Haiti As for the Dominican Republic and Haiti, the National Union of Haitian Workers, a democratic group, has won recog- nition by the Haitian government and struggles to get to its feet. On the contrary, Trujilloism in the Dominican Republic has prevented free unions from developing there. The government- controlled Confederation of Dominican Workers has, however, shunned Communism as well as Peronista ties. VIII. International Labor Relations ORIT, the democratic inter-American branch of the Inter- national Confederation of Free Trade Unions, undoubtedly holds the leading position in the Caribbean with, among others, both the powerful Cuban and Mexican labor confederations as well as Puerto Rican, Colombian, Costa Rican, and other labor centrales affiliated with it. The Communist-dominated Confed- eration of Latin American Workers (CTAL) and ATLAS- Pernn's attempt to invade the region-play a decidedly minor role, in spite of the Communist stronghold in Guatemala and .expense of the Communists who, however, have been able to maintain strongholds in Jamaica, Trinidad, and other places because of the particularly bad economic conditions characteris- tic of that part of the Caribbean. While sugar is still the pre- dominant crop and the monoculture product in this area, mining of bauxite has become a factor of importance in Jamaica, Surinam, and British Guiana and opens vistas for more industrial trade unionism in those places. Most developed in proportion to population, and also internal compactness, are the trade unions in small Barbados, where the Workers Union, ten thou- sand strong, constitutes the only labor movement, while union membership in sparsely populated Surinam amounts to about twenty thousand, with the bauxite miners well in the forefront. VII. Dominican Republic and Haiti As for the Dominican Republic and Haiti, the National Union of Haitian Workers, a democratic group, has won recog- nition by the Haitian government and struggles to get to its feet. On the contrary, Trujilloism in the Dominican Republic has prevented free unions from developing there. The government- controlled Confederation of Dominican Workers has, however, shunned Communism as well as Peronista ties. VIII. International Labor Relations ORIT, the democratic inter-American branch of the Inter- national Confederation of Free Trade Unions, undoubtedly holds the leading position in the Caribbean with, among others, both the powerful Cuban and Mexican labor confederations as well as Puerto Rican, Colombian, Costa Rican, and other labor centrales affiliated with it. The Communist-dominated Confed- eration of Latin American Workers (CTAL) and ATLAS- Peron's attempt to invade the region-play a decidedly minor role, in spite of the Communist stronghold in Guatemala and .expense of the Communists who, however, have been able to maintain strongholds in Jamaica, Trinidad, and other places because of the particularly bad economic conditions characteris- tic of that part of the Caribbean. While sugar is still the pre- dominant crop and the monoculture product in this area, mining of bauxite has become a factor of importance in Jamaica, Surinam, and British Guiana and opens vistas for more industrial trade unionism in those places. Most developed in proportion to population, and also internal compactness, are the trade unions in small Barbados, where the Workers Union, ten thou- sand strong, constitutes the only labor movement, while union membership in sparsely populated Surinam amounts to about twenty thousand, with the bauxite miners well in the forefront. VII. Dominican Republic and Haiti As for the Dominican Republic and Haiti, the National Union of Haitian Workers, a democratic group, has won recog- nition by the Haitian government and struggles to get to its feet. On the contrary, Trujilloism in the Dominican Republic has prevented free unions from developing there. The government- controlled Confederation of Dominican Workers has, however, shunned Communism as well as Peronista ties. VIII. International Labor Relations ORIT, the democratic inter-American branch of the Inter- national Confederation of Free Trade Unions, undoubtedly holds the leading position in the Caribbean with, among others, both the powerful Cuban and Mexican labor confederations as well as Puerto Rican, Colombian, Costa Rican, and other labor centrales affiliated with it. The Communist-dominated Confed- eration of Latin American Workers (CTAL) and ATLAS- Pern's attempt to invade the region-play a decidedly minor role, in spite of the Communist stronghold in Guatemala and  176 The Caribbean British Guiana and footholds gained by both in other parts of the Caribbean. ORIT, therefore, has become one of the most important bulwarks of democracy's struggle for survival. We must in this respect, however, never forget the fact that democracy will maintain itself, only if misery and poverty become a thing of the past and all men are given equal chances not to vegetate and barely survive, but to live like human beings. This is exactly what free labor was organized and is fighting for. 176 The Caribbean 176 The Caribbean British Guiana and footholds gained by both in other parts of the Caribbean. ORIT, therefore, has become one of the most important bulwarks of democracy's struggle for survival. We must in this respect, however, never forget the fact that democracy will maintain itself, only if misery and poverty become a thing of the past and all men are given equal chances not to vegetate and barely survive, but to live like human beings. This is exactly what free labor was organized and is fighting for. British Guiana and footholds gained by both in other parts of the Caribbean. GRIT, therefore, has become one of the most important bulwarks of democracy's struggle for survival. We must in this respect, however, never forget the fact that democracy will maintain itself, only if misery and poverty become a thing of the past and all men are given equal chances not to vegetate and barely survive, but to live like human beings. This is exactly what free labor was organized and is fighting for.  14 14 Clarence Senior: HOUSING AND SANITATION IN THE CARIBBEAN THE CARIBBEAN REGION is a microcosm, in which we may see the social, economic, demographic, and political prob- lems of the underdeveloped two-thirds of the world. Housing and sanitation are two interrelated fields that help us bring into focus most of these problems, many of which affect labor. The peoples of the Caribbean region suffer from poverty and ignorance to a somewhat lesser degree than do the peoples of Africa and Asia, but favorable comparative statistics contain little nutriment. There are, of course, important differences within the region itself, even when the southern area of the United States is omitted. But similarities are important and per- mit some generalizations, especially in the field of demography. . Demographic Situation First, the area is characterized by some of the highest birth rates in the world. They range from Guatemala's 52.1 per 1,000 to Cuba's 28.3. The latter is the only rate in twenty-two separate political units in the area to fall below 30 per 1,000.' (The median lies between 37.2 and 38.4.) There are indications ' United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1952 (New York, 1952), Table 10. 177 Clarence Senior: HOUSING AND SANITATION IN THE CARIBBEAN THE CARIBBEAN REGION is a microcosm, in which we may see the social, economic, demographic, and political prob- lems of the underdeveloped two-thirds of the world. Housing and sanitation are two interrelated fields that help us bring into focus most of these problems, many of which affect labor. The peoples of the Caribbean region suffer from poverty and ignorance to a somewhat lesser degree than do the peoples of Africa and Asia, but favorable comparative statistics contain little nutriment. There are, of course, important differences within the region itself, even when the southern area of the United States is omitted. But similarities are important and per- mit some generalizations, especially in the field of demography. I. Demographic Situation First, the area is characterized by some of the highest birth rates in the world. They range from Guatemala's 52.1 per 1,000 to Cuba's 28.3. The latter is the only rate in twenty-two separate political units in the area to fall below 30 per 1,000.' (The median lies between 37.2 and 38.4.) There are indications ' United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1952 (New York, 1952), Table 10. 177 Clarence Senior: HOUSING AND SANITATION IN THE CARIBBEAN THE CARIBBEAN REGION is a microcosm, in which we may see the social, economic, demographic, and political prob- lems of the underdeveloped two-thirds of the world. Housing and sanitation are two interrelated fields that help us bring into focus most of these problems, many of which affect labor. The peoples of the Caribbean region suffer from poverty and ignorance to a somewhat lesser degree than do the peoples of Africa and Asia, but favorable comparative statistics contain little nutriment. There are, of course, important differences within the region itself, even when the southern area of the United States is omitted. But similarities are important and per- mit some generalizations, especially in the field of demography. L Demographic Situation First, the area is characterized by some of the highest birth rates in the world. They range from Guatemala's 52.1 per 1,000 to Cuba's 28.3. The latter is the only rate in twenty-two separate political units in the area to fall below 30 per 1,000.' (The median lies between 37.2 and 38.4.) There are indications ' United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1952 (New York, 1952), Table 10. 177  178 The Caribbean of substantial differentials appearing in fertility rates as educa- tion increases, incomes rise, and urbanization grows. However, in Jamaica, the most populous of the British Caribbean colonies, we find about the same number of births per 100 married women of postfertile age in 1950 as in England 70 years before (Jamaica, 567; England, 571).' Spread of the smaller family has been slow and confined to minor sectors of the population. The pattern is indicated by Puerto Rican experience reported by Roberts.' Mothers with no education average 6.1 children born alive; those with a sixth- grade education or above reduced the number to 3.1. Since education is one of the greatest lacks throughout the region, the birth rate in recent years has dropped only slowly, when at all. Second, the death rate on the other hand has been dropping sharply in most of the region as improvements in health and sanitation spread. Haiti probably has the highest death rates, but dependable data for it and the French colonies are not available. A United Nations mission estimated Haitian death rates at around 25 to 30 per 1,000 in the middle 1940's.' Offi- cial rates for other entities range from 19.6 in Guatemala, to 6.1 in the Netherlands Antilles. The median rate lies around 12.' Puerto Rico's death rate fell 51 per cent between 1940 and 1952, for example, while the birth rate fell only 9 per cent. Third, the rate of natural increase is therefore high in the region and will probably continue its upward trend for some time. The rate ranges from a high of 35.9 per 1,000 in Costa Rica, to a low of 17.9 in Barbados. Most of the more densely populated areas have rates in or close to the 30's. Thus they are multiplying at a compound-interest rate of around 3 per ' P. H. J. Lampe, "Human Fertility in the British West Indies," Carib- bean Economic Review (October, 1951), pp. 93-178. * Lydia J. Roberts, Patterns of Living in Puerto Rican Families (Rio Piedras: University of Puerto Rico, 1949), pp. 26-28, 289-290. United Nations, Mission to Haiti (New York, 1949), pp. 32-33. " United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1952, Table 16. 178 The Caribbean 178 The Caribbean of substantial differentials appearing in fertility rates as educa- tion increases, incomes rise, and urbanization grows. However, in Jamaica, the most populous of the British Caribbean colonies, we find about the same number of births per 100 married women of postfertile age in 1950 as in England 70 years before (Jamaica, 567; England, 571).' Spread of the smaller family has been slow and confined to minor sectors of the population. The pattern is indicated by Puerto Rican experience reported by Roberts.' Mothers with no education average 6.1 children born alive; those with a sixth- grade education or above reduced the number to 3.1. Since education is one of the greatest lacks throughout the region, the birth rate in recent years has dropped only slowly, when at all. Second, the death rate on the other hand has been dropping sharply in most of the region as improvements in health and sanitation spread. Haiti probably has the highest death rates, but dependable data for it and the French colonies are not available. A United Nations mission estimated Haitian death rates at around 25 to 30 per 1,000 in the middle 1940's.' Offi- cial rates for other entities range from 19.6 in Guatemala, to 6.1 in the Netherlands Antilles. The median rate lies around 12.' Puerto Rico's death rate fell 51 per cent between 1940 and 1952, for example, while the birth rate fell only 9 per cent. Third, the rate of natural increase is therefore high in the region and will probably continue its upward trend for some time. The rate ranges from a high of 35.9 per 1,000 in Costa Rica, to a low of 17.9 in Barbados. Most of the more densely populated areas have rates in or close to the 30's. Thus they are multiplying at a compound-interest rate of around 3 per ' P. H. J. Lampe, "Human Fertility in the British West Indies," Carib- bean Economic Review (October, 1951), pp. 93-178. ' Lydia J. Roberts, Patterns of Living in Puerto Rican Families (Rio Piedras: University of Puerto Rico, 1949), pp. 26-28, 289-290. ' United Nations, Mission to Haiti (New York, 1949), pp. 32-33. " United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1952, Table 16. of substantial differentials appearing in fertility rates as educa- tion increases, incomes rise, and urbanization grows. However, in Jamaica, the most populous of the British Caribbean colonies, we find about the same number of births per 100 married women of postfertile age in 1950 as in England 70 years before (Jamaica, 567; England, 571).' Spread of the smaller family has been slow and confined to minor sectors of the population. The pattern is indicated by Puerto Rican experience reported by Roberts.' Mothers with no education average 6.1 children born alive; those with a sixth- grade education or above reduced the number to 3.1. Since education is one of the greatest lacks throughout the region, the birth rate in recent years has dropped only slowly, when at all. Second, the death rate on the other hand has been dropping sharply in most of the region as improvements in health and sanitation spread. Haiti probably has the highest death rates, but dependable data for it and the French colonies are not available. A United Nations mission estimated Haitian death rates at around 25 to 30 per 1,000 in the middle 1940's.' Offi- cial rates for other entities range from 19.6 in Guatemala, to 6.1 in the Netherlands Antilles. The median rate lies around 12.' Puerto Rico's death rate fell 51 per cent between 1940 and 1952, for example, while the birth rate fell only 9 per cent. Third, the rate of natural increase is therefore high in the region and will probably continue its upward trend for some time. The rate ranges from a high of 35.9 per 1,000 in Costa Rica, to a low of 17.9 in Barbados. Most of the more densely populated areas have rates in or close to the 30's. Thus they are multiplying at a compound-interest rate of around 3 per ' P. H. J. Lampe, "Human Fertility in the British West Indies," Carib- bean Economic Review (October, 1951), pp. 93-178. ' Lydia J. Roberts, Patterns of Living in Puerto Rican Families (Rio Piedras: University of Puerto Rico, 1949), pp. 26-28, 289-290. * United Nations, Mission to Haiti (New York, 1949), pp. 32-33. ° United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1952, Table 16.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 179 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 179 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 179 cent a year, sufficient to double the population in about a quarter of a century. The number of inhabitants of the region rose from 53,875,691 in 1940 to 67,558,391 in 1950, an increase of 25.21 per cent. The rate of increase is rising rapidly. Fourth, out-migration offers no relief from population pres- sures in most political units. The few immigrant-receiving nations left in the world officially bar members of the majority race in the islands and most coastal regions. The troubles of the Mexican braceros in the United States indicate another area of restrictions. The comparatively few sections of under- developed land in such places as the Guianas and Guatemala, among others, offer no possibilities without what now seem prohibitive capital investments. Migration to the metropolitan areas is feasible only for inhab- itants of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands of the United States. The result is severe pressure against developed resources. Expressed as population per square mile of arable land, it reaches the extreme of 1,861 in Barbados." Fifth, there are widespread parallels in causes of deaths be- tween the various sections of the region. Infant mortality rates in recent years run from a low of 70.6 per 1,000 live births in Puerto Rico, to 148.8 in Barbados. This rate has been found to be a highly significant index of the general state of the health and welfare of a population.' It is probable that the experience of an area of El Salvador is representative of most of the tropical sections of the Carib- bean. A World Health Organization survey in 1950 showed that the main health problems were:' * Malcolm Proudfoot, Population Movements in the Caribbean (Port-of- Spain: Caribbean Commission, 1950), p. 44. See T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: Peoples and Institutions (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1947), p. 261. * UNESCO, Preliminary Report on the World Social Situation (E/Cn. 5/267, 25), April, 1952, pp. 58-59. cent a year, sufficient to double the population in about a quarter of a century. The number of inhabitants of the region rose from 53,875,691 in 1940 to 67,558,391 in 1950, an increase of 25.21 per cent. The rate of increase is rising rapidly. Fourth, out-migration offers no relief from population pres- sures in most political units. The few immigrant-receiving nations left in the world officially bar members of the majority race in the islands and most coastal regions. The troubles of the Mexican braceros in the United States indicate another area of restrictions. The comparatively few sections of under- developed land in such places as the Guianas and Guatemala, among others, offer no possibilities without what now seem prohibitive capital investments. Migration to the metropolitan areas is feasible only for inhab- itants of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands of the United States. The result is severe pressure against developed resources. Expressed as population per square mile of arable land, it reaches the extreme of 1,861 in Barbados.' Fifth, there are widespread parallels in causes of deaths be- tween the various sections of the region. Infant mortality rates in recent years run from a low of 70.6 per 1,000 live births in Puerto Rico, to 148.8 in Barbados. This rate has been found to be a highly significant index of the general state of the health and welfare of a population.' It is probable that the experience of an area of El Salvador is representative of most of the tropical sections of the Carib- bean. A World Health Organization survey in 1950 showed that the main health problems were:' * Malcolm Proudfoot, Population Movements in the Caribbean (Port-of- Spain: Caribbean Commission, 1950), p. 44. See T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: Peoples and Institutions (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1947), p. 261. UNESCO, Preliminary Report on the World Social Situation (E/Cn. 5/267, 25), April, 1952, pp. 58-59. cent a year, sufficient to double the population in about a quarter of a century. The number of inhabitants of the region rose from 53,875,691 in 1940 to 67,558,391 in 1950, an increase of 25.21 per cent. The rate of increase is rising rapidly. Fourth, out-migration offers no relief from population pres- sures in most political units. The few immigrant-receiving nations left in the world officially bar members of the majority race in the islands and most coastal regions. The troubles of the Mexican braceros in the United States indicate another area of restrictions. The comparatively few sections of under- developed land in such places as the Guianas and Guatemala, among others, offer no possibilities without what now seem prohibitive capital investments. Migration to the metropolitan areas is feasible only for inhab- itants of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands of the United States. The result is severe pressure against developed resources. Expressed as population per square mile of arable land, it reaches the extreme of 1,861 in Barbados.' Fifth, there are widespread parallels in causes of deaths be- tween the various sections of the region. Infant mortality rates in recent years run from a low of 70.6 per 1,000 live births in Puerto Rico, to 148.8 in Barbados. This rate has been found to be a highly significant index of the general state of the health and welfare of a population.' It is probable that the experience of an area of El Salvador is representative of most of the tropical sections of the Carib- bean. A World Health Organization survey in 1950 showed that the main health problems were:t * Malcolm Proudfoot, Population Movements in the Caribbean (Port-of- Spain: Caribbean Commission, 1950), p. 44. ' See T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: Peoples and Institutions (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1947), p. 261. * UNESCO, Preliminary Report on the World Social Situation (E/Cn. 5/267, 25), April, 1952, pp. 58-59.  180 The Caribbean Dysenteries and other gastro-intestinal infections Pulmonary tuberculosis Malaria Malnutrition Respiratory tract infections Intestinal parasitic infestation To these, at least, should be added, yaws and schistosomiasis, found in several important areas. These ills indicate the great gaps which still exist in health and sanitation between the industrially developed countries and those of most of the Caribbean. They also indicate that success- ful attack on these problems will further lower the death rate substantially. Tuberculosis death rates in Puerto Rico, for example, were brought down from 260 to 50 per 1,000 between 1940 and the first six months of 1953. Sixth, the age distributions of the Caribbean populations are quite similar. The people are young, when compared with those of the industrialized countries. For example, in the 1950 United States population, only 26.9 per cent were under the age of 15; most of the Caribbean populations contained at least 40 per cent in that age category. This obviously means more unpro- ductive mouths to feed per productive worker, more children to educate, and more child welfare and other community facili- ties needed. It also means that the probability is great that high birth rates will continue unless specific educational measures are taken. Some idea of the magnitude of future population increases in the area can be secured from careful estimates for the British colonies. Their population, standing at about 3,159,000 in 1951, will probably increase to 3,916,000 in 1961, or about 76,000 per year." The population of school age, it should be noted, will probably increase about 33 per cent in that same period, or around 9 per cent more than the total population. G. W. Roberts, "Population Trends in the British Caribbean Colonies, 1946-61," Caribbean Economic Review (October, 1951), pp. 179-200. 180 The Caribbean Dysenteries and other gastro-intestinal infections Pulmonary tuberculosis Malaria Malnutrition Respiratory tract infections Intestinal parasitic infestation 180 The Caribbean To these, at least, should be added, yaws and schistosomiasis, found in several important areas. These ills indicate the great gaps which still exist in health and sanitation between the industrially developed countries and those of most of the Caribbean. They also indicate that success- ful attack on these problems will further lower the death rate substantially. Tuberculosis death rates in Puerto Rico, for example, were brought down from 260 to 50 per 1,000 between 1940 and the first six months of 1953. Sixth, the age distributions of the Caribbean populations are quite similar. The people are young, when compared with those of the industrialized countries. For example, in the 1950 United States population, only 26.9 per cent were under the age of 15; most of the Caribbean populations contained at least 40 per cent in that age category. This obviously means more unpro- ductive mouths to feed per productive worker, more children to educate, and more child welfare and other community facili- ties needed. It also means that the probability is great that high birth rates will continue unless specific educational measures are taken. Some idea of the magnitude of future population increases in the area can be secured from careful estimates for the British colonies. Their population, standing at about 3,159,000 in 1951, will probably increase to 3,916,000 in 1961, or about 76,000 per year." The population of school age, it should be noted, will probably increase about 33 per cent in that same period, or around 9 per cent more than the total population. * G. W. Roberts, "Population Trends in the British Caribbean Colonies, 1946-61," Caribbean Economic Review (October, 1951), pp. 179-200. Dysenteries and other gastro-intestinal infections Pulmonary tuberculosis Malaria Malnutrition Respiratory tract infections Intestinal parasitic infestation To these, at least, should be added, yaws and schistosomiasis, found in several important areas. These ills indicate the great gaps which still exist in health and sanitation between the industrially developed countries and those of most of the Caribbean. They also indicate that success- ful attack on these problems will further lower the death rate substantially. Tuberculosis death rates in Puerto Rico, for example, were brought down from 260 to 50 per 1,000 between 1940 and the first six months of 1953. Sixth, the age distributions of the Caribbean populations are quite similar. The people are young, when compared with those of the industrialized countries. For example, in the 1950 United States population, only 26.9 per cent were under the age of 15; most of the Caribbean populations contained at least 40 per cent in that age category. This obviously means more unpro- ductive mouths to feed per productive worker, more children to educate, and more child welfare and other community facili- ties needed. It also means that the probability is great that high birth rates will continue unless specific educational measures are taken. Some idea of the magnitude of future population increases in the area can be secured from careful estimates for the British colonies. Their population, standing at about 3,159,000 in 1951, will probably increase to 3,916,000 in 1961, or about 76,000 per year.t The population of school age, it should be noted, will probably increase about 33 per cent in that same period, or around 9 per cent more than the total population. * G. W. Roberts, "Population Trends in the British Caribbean Colonies, 1946-61," Caribbean Economic Review (October, 1951), pp. 179-200.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 181 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 181 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 181 II. Economic Situation The Caribbean displays all the familiar aspects of the vicious circle of poverty-disease-low productivity-malnutrition-dis- ease-poverty. The per capita income of the entire area in recent years has been well under $200 per year. Haiti in 1949 aver- aged $40, the Dominican Republic $75, Mexico $121. Cuba and Puerto Rico tied at $299; only oil-rich Venezuela exceeded $300 ($322), and it did not reach $1 per day." Substantial proportions of increases in national income regis- tered in recent years have been absorbed by population increase. For example, Puerto Rico's national income rose 108 per cent between 1940 and 1952, but per capita income rose only 74 per cent, which means that 34 per cent had to be discounted for increases in the number of persons supported by the economy -this in spite of a net out-migration of 298,461 persons. Mexico has been undergoing the same experience, according to the annual report to Congress of President Adolfo Ruiz Cortines. Per capita consumption actually declined in 1947, 1948, 1949, and 1952." The market for consumers' goods is obviously thin in areas with such low per capita incomes. The story becomes even more complicated if the highly stratified social structure is taken into account. Meat consumption in Jamaica gives a clue to the concentration of purchasing power there. One-ninth of the popu- lation of the Kingston area consumes one-third of all the beef eaten in the area. This minority accounts for three times the per capita consumption of beef in the entire colony. Another clue to the low levels of living in the region is the so- called "Engel's law," that is, that the proportion of the total family budget spent for food is a rough index to levels of living. Studies in various Caribbean political units show wage-earning * United Nations, National Income and Its Distribution in Underdevel- oped Countries (New York, 1951), 35 pp. " El Universal, Sept. 2, 1953; and International Bank Report on Mexi- co, 1953, p. 7. II. Economic Situation The Caribbean displays all the familiar aspects of the vicious circle of poverty-disease-low productivity-malnutrition-dis- ease-poverty. The per capita income of the entire area in recent years has been well under $200 per year. Haiti in 1949 aver- aged $40, the Dominican Republic $75, Mexico $121. Cuba and Puerto Rico tied at $299; only oil-rich Venezuela exceeded $300 ($322), and it did not reach $1 per day." Substantial proportions of increases in national income regis- tered in recent years have been absorbed by population increase. For example, Puerto Rico's national income rose 108 per cent between 1940 and 1952, but per capita income rose only 74 per cent, which means that 34 per cent had to be discounted for increases in the number of persons supported by the economy -this in spite of a net out-migration of 298,461 persons. Mexico has been undergoing the same experience, according to the annual report to Congress of President Adolfo Ruiz Cortines. Per capita consumption actually declined in 1947, 1948, 1949, and 1952." The market for consumers' goods is obviously thin in areas with such low per capita incomes. The story becomes even more complicated if the highly stratified social structure is taken into account. Meat consumption in Jamaica gives a clue to the concentration of purchasing power there. One-ninth of the popu- lation of the Kingston area consumes one-third of all the beef eaten in the area. This minority accounts for three times the per capita consumption of beef in the entire colony. Another clue to the low levels of living in the region is the so- called "Engel's law," that is, that the proportion of the total family budget spent for food is a rough index to levels of living. Studies in various Caribbean political units show wage-earning " United Nations, National Income and Its Distribution in Underdevel- oped Countries (New York, 1951), 35 pp. " El Universal, Sept. 2, 1953; and International Bank Report on Mexi- co, 1953, p. 7. II. Economic Situation The Caribbean displays all the familiar aspects of the vicious circle of poverty -disease-low productivity-malnutrition-dis- ease-poverty. The per capita income of the entire area in recent years has been well under $200 per year. Haiti in 1949 aver- aged $40, the Dominican Republic $75, Mexico $121. Cuba and Puerto Rico tied at $299; only oil-rich Venezuela exceeded $300 ($322), and it did not reach $1 per day." Substantial proportions of increases in national income regis- tered in recent years have been absorbed by population increase. For example, Puerto Rico's national income rose 108 per cent between 1940 and 1952, but per capita income rose only 74 per cent, which means that 34 per cent had to be discounted for increases in the number of persons supported by the economy -this in spite of a net out-migration of 298,461 persons. Mexico has been undergoing the same experience, according to the annual report to Congress of President Adolfo Ruiz Cortines. Per capita consumption actually declined in 1947, 1948, 1949, and 1952." The market for consumers' goods is obviously thin in areas with such low per capita incomes. The story becomes even more complicated if the highly stratified social structure is taken into account. Meat consumption in Jamaica gives a clue to the concentration of purchasing power there. One-ninth of the popu- lation of the Kingston area consumes one-third of all the beef eaten in the area. This minority accounts for three times the per capita consumption of beef in the entire colony. Another clue to the low levels of living in the region is the so- called "Engel's law," that is, that the proportion of the total family budget spent for food is a rough index to levels of living. Studies in various Caribbean political units show wage-earning " United Nations, National Income and Its Distribution in Underdevel- oped Countries (New York, 1951), 35 pp. " El Universal, Sept. 2, 1953; and International Bank Report on Mexi- co, 1953, p. 7.  182 The Caribbean families spending from 54 to 64 per cent on food compared with 35 per cent spent by United States families." Under the circumstances, productivity is usually low. This frequently gives rise to the charge that the worker is "lazy." Actually, this adjective is often less a legitimate characterization of a worker than it is a confession of ignorance or lack of imagi- nation by the person who uses it. "Laziness" may be an ex- pression of physical illness or of lack of motivation in terms meaningful to the worker. It may be the heritage of colonial exploitation; it may be the result of an attempt to transplant incentives from one culture to another without adaptation to the local culture." The social structure, together with the demographic structure previously mentioned, militate against greater production. The economically active population in most of the region makes up only a third or less of the total population, compared with 40 to 50 per cent in the industrially developed countries." There are, of course, other factors such as lack of efficient capital equipment, education, and so on." III. The Housing Situation All these facts would indicate that housing problems are serious for most of the people of the region. They are! The Times of London in its 1950 Review of the British " International Labor Organization, Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1951- 52, p. 263. ' "The primitive or the peasant will work; he will work most whole- heartedly when the productive activities fit into a meaningful pattern of existence. In this, however, he is not markedly different from the industrial worker anywhere." Wilbert E. Moore, Labor and Industrialization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1951), p. 172. " Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1951-52, p. 6. * For a systematic treatment of the essentials for economic development and the obstacles that population pressure puts in the path, see Harvey Perloff, Puerto Rico's Economic Future (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950), esp. pp. 189-238, 376. 182 The Caribbean 182 The Caribbean families spending from 54 to 64 per cent on food compared with 35 per cent spent by United States families." Under the circumstances, productivity is usually low. This frequently gives rise to the charge that the worker is "lazy." Actually, this adjective is often less a legitimate characterization of a worker than it is a confession of ignorance or lack of imagi- nation by the person who uses it. "Laziness" may be an ex- pression of physical illness or of lack of motivation in terms meaningful to the worker. It may be the heritage of colonial exploitation; it may be the result of an attempt to transplant incentives from one culture to another without adaptation to the local culture." The social structure, together with the demographic structure previously mentioned, militate against greater production. The economically active population in most of the region makes up only a third or less of the total population, compared with 40 to 50 per cent in the industrially developed countries." There are, of course, other factors such as lack of efficient capital equipment, education, and so on." III. The Housing Situation All these facts would indicate that housing problems are serious for most of the people of the region. They are! The Times of London in its 1950 Review of the British " International Labor Organization, Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1951- 52, p. 263. "The primitive or the peasant will work; he will work most whole- heartedly when the productive activities fit into a meaningful pattern of existence. In this, however, he is not markedly different from the industrial worker anywhere." Wilbert E. Moore, Labor and Industrialization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1951), p. 172. * Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1951-52, p. 6. a For a systematic treatment of the essentials for economic development and the obstacles that population pressure puts in the path, see Harvey Perloff, Puerto Rico's Economic Future (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950), esp. pp. 189-238, 376. families spending from 54 to 64 per cent on food compared with 35 per cent spent by United States families." Under the circumstances, productivity is usually low. This frequently gives rise to the charge that the worker is "lazy." Actually, this adjective is often less a legitimate characterization of a worker than it is a confession of ignorance or lack of imagi- nation by the person who uses it. "Laziness" may be an ex- pression of physical illness or of lack of motivation in terms meaningful to the worker. It may be the heritage of colonial exploitation; it may be the result of an attempt to transplant incentives from one culture to another without adaptation to the local culture." The social structure, together with the demographic structure previously mentioned, militate against greater production. The economically active population in most of the region makes up only a third or less of the total population, compared with 40 to 50 per cent in the industrially developed countries." There are, of course, other factors such as lack of efficient capital equipment, education, and so on." III. The Housing Situation All these facts would indicate that housing problems are serious for most of the people of the region. They are! The Times of London in its 1950 Review of the British " International Labor Organization, Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1951- 52, p. 263. " "The primitive or the peasant will work; he will work most whole- heartedly when the productive activities fit into a meaningful pattern of existence. In this, however, he is not markedly different from the industrial worker anywhere." Wilbert E. Moore, Labor and Industrialization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1951), p. 172. Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1951-52, p. 6. For a systematic treatment of the essentials for economic development and the obstacles that population pressure puts in the path, see Harvey Perloff, Puerto Rico's Economic Future (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950), esp. pp. 189-238, 376.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 183 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 183 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 183 Colonies says that "more than half the 3,000,000 people in the British West Indies need new homes or repairs to their present homes. The problem, already an immense one, is aggravated by the rapid increase in population (now growing at an annual rate of two per cent)." Fortunately, the past few years have been marked by increasing realization that the job must be tackled. A number of studies have pointed to the following major dele- terious aspects of Caribbean housing: congestion in urban and rural slums, overcrowding in individual homes, structural weak- ness or decay, inadequate sanitation, and faulty or dangerous water supplies. An old Venezuelan proverb illuminates the water situation: "El que madruga toma agua clara" (loosely translated: "The early bird gets the clean water")! Regional statistics on diar- rhea-enteritis and other waterborne diseases and the high rates of infant mortality illustrate the obvious impossibility of everyone getting there early." Several studies have shown that "the spread of infection is associated chiefly with poor housing and overcrowding."" One report sums up the situation as follows: "Throughout the Carib- bean region the floor space per house is generally under 200 square feet. In eight out of ten cases, walls are of wood and the roofs of thatch or galvanized iron. One-fifth of the dwellings lack toilet facilities, one-third are termite ridden, two-thirds need major repairs, one-third lack a bedroom, one-tenth have no kitchens, and nine out of ten lack bathing facilities."" Various other aspects of the pathology of housing and sani- tation in the region will be covered in connection with the programs being discussed or carried forth. See "Statistics of Home Environmental Diseases," in Aspects of Hous- ing in the Caribbean (Port-of-Spain; Caribbean Commission, 1951), pp. 53-60; and "Survey of Water Supplies in the Caribbean," in Caribbean Economic Review (December, 1949), pp. 43-79. " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 3. "United Nations, Housing & Town and Country Planning, Bulletin 6, p. 2. Colonies says that "more than half the 3,000,000 people in the British West Indies need new homes or repairs to their present homes. The problem, already an immense one, is aggravated by the rapid increase in population (now growing at an annual rate of two per cent)." Fortunately, the past few years have been marked by increasing realization that the job must be tackled. A number of studies have pointed to the following major dele- terious aspects of Caribbean housing: congestion in urban and rural slums, overcrowding in individual homes, structural weak- ness or decay, inadequate sanitation, and faulty or dangerous water supplies. An old Venezuelan proverb illuminates the water situation: "El que madruga toma agua clara" (loosely translated: "The early bird gets the clean water") ! Regional statistics on diar- rhea-enteritis and other waterborne diseases and the high rates of infant mortality illustrate the obvious impossibility of everyone getting there early." Several studies have shown that "the spread of infection is associated chiefly with poor housing and overcrowding."" One report sums up the situation as follows: "Throughout the Carib- bean region the floor space per house is generally under 200 square feet. In eight out of ten cases, walls are of wood and the roofs of thatch or galvanized iron. One-fifth of the dwellings lack toilet facilities, one-third are termite ridden, two-thirds need major repairs, one-third lack a bedroom, one-tenth have no kitchens, and nine out of ten lack bathing facilities."" Various other aspects of the pathology of housing and sani- tation in the region will be covered in connection with the programs being discussed or carried forth. See "Statistics of Home Environmental Diseases," in Aspects of Hous- ing in the Caribbean (Port-of-Spain; Caribbean Commission, 1951), pp. 53-60; and "Survey of Water Supplies in the Caribbean," in Caribbean Economic Review (December, 1949), pp. 43-79. " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 3. ' United Nations, Housing & Town and Country Planning, Bulletin 6, p. 2. Colonies says that "more than half the 3,000,000 people in the British West Indies need new homes or repairs to their present homes. The problem, already an immense one, is aggravated by the rapid increase in population (now growing at an annual rate of two per cent)." Fortunately, the past few years have been marked by increasing realization that the job must be tackled. A number of studies have pointed to the following major dele- terious aspects of Caribbean housing: congestion in urban and rural slums, overcrowding in individual homes, structural weak- ness or decay, inadequate sanitation, and faulty or dangerous water supplies. An old Venezuelan proverb illuminates the water situation: "El que madruga toma agua clara" (loosely translated: "The early bird gets the clean water") ! Regional statistics on diar- rhea-enteritis and other waterborne diseases and the high rates of infant mortality illustrate the obvious impossibility of everyone getting there early." Several studies have shown that "the spread of infection is associated chiefly with poor housing and overcrowding."" One report sums up the situation as follows: "Throughout the Carib- bean region the floor space per house is generally under 200 square feet. In eight out of ten cases, walls are of wood and the roofs of thatch or galvanized iron. One-fifth of the dwellings lack toilet facilities, one-third are termite ridden, two-thirds need major repairs, one-third lack a bedroom, one-tenth have no kitchens, and nine out of ten lack bathing facilities."" Various other aspects of the pathology of housing and sani- tation in the region will be covered in connection with the programs being discussed or carried forth. See "Statistics of Home Environmental Diseases," in Aspects of Hous- ing in the Caribbean (Port-of-Spain; Caribbean Commission, 1951), pp. 53-60; and "Survey of Water Supplies in the Caribbean," in Caribbean Economic Review (December, 1949), pp. 43-79. *Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 3. " United Nations, Housing & Town and Country Planning, Bulletin 6, p. 2.  184 The Caribbean IV. Organization for Housing Improvement Awareness of poor housing as a major social problem and widespread governmental action toward better housing for low income groups are a relatively recent phenomenon. Actually, it dates largely from the world-wide depression of the 1930's, in the Caribbean as elsewhere. The riots and bloodshed which swept the region from 1935 to 1938 aroused lethargic metro- politan governments to inquiry, later followed by action. The British Royal Commission appointed in 1938 was shocked at "conditions such that any human habitation of buildings now occupied by large families must seem impossible to a new- comer from Europe."" The United States was also awakened to the menace of slums in "one-third of a nation ill-housed"; a number of public plans that included Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands were launched. The joint communique creating the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission in 1942 included hous- ing and health as subjects of common interest and action. The four-power agreement of 1946, creating the Caribbean Commis- sion, continued official interest in these fields. Today there are forty-three official and eight nonofficial but nonprofit institutions in the region devoted to the improvement of housing conditions." There is also an Inter-American Hous- ing Research and Training Center at Bogota, Colombia, created by the Pan American Union under the technical assistance pro- gram of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council." British, Dutch, and United States agencies operate in the area, * West India Royal Commission Report (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1945), p. 174. " Directorio de Instituciones de Viviendas y Planteamiento (Washing- ton: Unidn Panamericana, 1953), 99 pp. * Prospecto Centro Interamericano de Vivienda (Washington: Uniin Panamericana, 1953), 48 pp. The Inter-American organization's housing division estimates that 25 million new homes are needed in the Latin American republics simply to replace slums and existing substandard houses. See Francis Violich, Loo Cost Housing in Latin America (Wash- ington: Pan American Union, 1949), p. 8. 184 The Caribbean IV. Organization for Housing Improvement 184 The Caribbean IV. Organization for Housing Improvement Awareness of poor housing as a major social problem and widespread governmental action toward better housing for low income groups are a relatively recent phenomenon. Actually, it dates largely from the world-wide depression of the 1930's, in the Caribbean as elsewheere. The riots and bloodshed which swept the region from 1935 to 1938 aroused lethargic metro- politan governments to inquiry, later followed by action. The British Royal Commission appointed in 1938 was shocked at "conditions such that any human habitation of buildings now occupied by large families must seem impossible to a new- comer from Europe."" The United States was also awakened to the menace of slums in "one-third of a nation ill-housed"; a number of public plans that included Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands were launched. The joint communique creating the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission in 1942 included hous- ing and health as subjects of common interest and action. The four-power agreement of 1946, creating the Caribbean Commis- sion, continued official interest in these fields. Today there are forty-three official and eight nonofficial but nonprofit institutions in the region devoted to the improvement of housing conditions."* There is also an Inter-American Hous- ing Research and Training Center at Bogota, Colombia, created by the Pan American Union under the technical assistance pro- gram of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council." British, Dutch, and United States agencies operate in the area, " West India Royal Commission Report {London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1945), p. 174. " Directorio de Instituciones de Viviendas y Planteamiento (Washing- ton: Unidn Panamericana, 1953), 99 pp. * Prospecto Centro Interamericano de Vivienda (Washington: Unidn Panamericana, 1953), 48 pp. The Inter-American organization's housing division estimates that 25 million new homes are needed in the Latin American republics simply to replace slums and existing substandard houses. See Francis Violich, Loa Cost Housing in Latin America (Wash- ington: Pan American Union, 1949), p. 8. Awareness of poor housing as a major social problem and widespread governmental action toward better housing for low income groups are a relatively recent phenomenon. Actually, it dates largely from the world-wide depression of the 1930's, in the Caribbean as elsewhere. The riots and bloodshed which swept the region from 1935 to 1938 aroused lethargic metro- politan governments to inquiry, later followed by action. The British Royal Commission appointed in 1938 was shocked at "conditions such that any human habitation of buildings now occupied by large families must seem impossible to a new- comer from Europe."" The United States was also awakened to the menace of slums in "one-third of a nation ill-housed"; a number of public plans that included Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands were launched. The joint communiqu6 creating the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission in 1942 included hous- ing and health as subjects of common interest and action. The four-power agreement of 1946, creating the Caribbean Commis- sion, continued official interest in these fields. Today there are forty-three official and eight nonofficial but nonprofit institutions in the region devoted to the improvement of housing conditions.2 There is also an Inter-American Hous- ing Research and Training Center at BogotA, Colombia, created by the Pan American Union under the technical assistance pro- gram of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council." British, Dutch, and United States agencies operate in the area, " West India Royal Commission Report (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1945), p. 174. " Directorio de Instituciones de Viviendas y Planteamiento (Washing- ton: Unidn Panamericana, 1953), 99 pp. " Prospecto Centro Interamericano de Vivienda (Washington: Unidn Panamericana, 1953), 48 pp. The Inter-American organization's housing division estimates that 25 million new homes are needed in the Latin American republics simply to replace slums and existing substandard houses. See Francis Violich, Low Cost Housing in Latin America (Wash- ington: Pan American Union, 1949), p. 8.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 185 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 185 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 185 as do such international bodies as the World Health Organiza- tion and the International Labor Organization. A British West Indian Housing Conference was held in Barbados, June 25-30, 1951, which made recommendations covering a wide range. V. Programs for Housing Improvement It is widely recognized that the housing problem will not be solved finally until personal and national incomes have risen to a point where there is no economic excuse for substandard hous- ing. Therefore, every program tending to raise productivity contributes to laying the basis for adequate housing. Specifically, however, millions of dollars are being spent directly in a frontal attack on housing problems. VI. Public Authorities The chairman of the Caribbean Research Council, Eric Williams, reports "eight million dollars (B.W.I.) spent by the Planning and Housing Commission in Trinidad from 1944 to 1949; one and three quarters million granted by the British government for housing programs in Jamaica; some twelve mil- lion dollars (U.S.) spent by the United States government in Puerto Rico, apart from a further eighteen million by the in- sular government."" The public authority programs range from the provision of complete low-rent housing units, as is known so widely in the industrialized nations, to such programs as Puerto Rico's "land-and-utilities" project. The latter provides a carefully planned site for a house, plus water, sewage, and lighting facilities, and helps the prospective owner acquire the land and build his home with twenty-year low-interest credit." Small farm and home loans are made in Puerto Rico, the Virgin * Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. vii. Telesforo Carrera, Housing in Puerto Rico (Santurce: Puerto Rico Planning Board, 1950), 36 pp. as do such international bodies as the World Health Organiza- tion and the International Labor Organization. A British West Indian Housing Conference was held in Barbados, June 25-30, 1951, which made recommendations covering a wide range. V. Programs for Housing Improvement It is widely recognized that the housing problem will not be solved finally until personal and national incomes have risen to a point where there is no economic excuse for substandard hous- ing. Therefore, every program tending to raise productivity contributes to laying the basis for adequate housing. Specifically, however, millions of dollars are being spent directly in a frontal attack on housing problems. VI. Public Authorities The chairman of the Caribbean Research Council, Eric Williams, reports "eight million dollars (B.W.I.) spent by the Planning and Housing Commission in Trinidad from 1944 to 1949; one and three quarters million granted by the British government for housing programs in Jamaica; some twelve mil- lion dollars (U.S.) spent by the United States government in Puerto Rico, apart from a further eighteen million by the in- sular government."" The public authority programs range from the provision of complete low-rent housing units, as is known so widely in the industrialized nations, to such programs as Puerto Rico's "land-and-utilities" project. The latter provides a carefully planned site for a house, plus water, sewage, and lighting facilities, and helps the prospective owner acquire the land and build his home with twenty-year low-interest credit." Small farm and home loans are made in Puerto Rico, the Virgin * Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. vii. " Telesforo Carrera, Housing in Puerto Rico (Santurce: Puerto Rico Planning Board, 1950), 36 pp. as do such international bodies as the World Health Organiza- tion and the International Labor Organization. A British West Indian Housing Conference was held in Barbados, June 25-30, 1951, which made recommendations covering a wide range. V. Programs for Housing Improvement It is widely recognized that the housing problem will not be solved finally until personal and national incomes have risen to a point where there is no economic excuse for substandard hous- ing. Therefore, every program tending to raise productivity contributes to laying the basis for adequate housing. Specifically, however, millions of dollars are being spent directly in a frontal attack on housing problems. VI. Public Authorities The chairman of the Caribbean Research Council, Eric Williams, reports "eight million dollars (B.W.I.) spent by the Planning and Housing Commission in Trinidad from 1944 to 1949; one and three quarters million granted by the British government for housing programs in Jamaica; some twelve mil- lion dollars (U.S.) spent by the United States government in Puerto Rico, apart from a further eighteen million by the in- sular government."" The public authority programs range from the provision of complete low-rent housing units, as is known so widely in the industrialized nations, to such programs as Puerto Rico's "land-and-utilities" project. The latter provides a carefully planned site for a house, plus water, sewage, and lighting facilities, and helps the prospective owner acquire the land and build his home with twenty-year low-interest credit." Small farm and home loans are made in Puerto Rico, the Virgin " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. vii. " Telesforo Carrera, Housing in Puerto Rico (Santurce: Puerto Rico Planning Board, 1950), 36 pp.  186 The Caribbean Islands of the United States, and the British territories. These usually differ little from mortgage-lending or underwriting else- where. There are regional problems being worked out in a manner consonant with local habits in other fields, however. VII. Environmental Sanitation Sanitation is one of these problems. The tropical areas of the region have the most difficult problems in this field. Hookworms infect at least a quarter to a third of the population. Thus, the disposal of human excreta becomes a major task, closely con- nected with the problem of a safe water supply. One report notes that "it is not sufficient to provide latrines in rural areas. The people must be educated to use them, as the connection between disease and contamination from feces is not understood. In the Marbial Valley of Haiti a film cartoon on hookworm made the natives aware for the first time of the relationship between disease and unsanitary disposal of excreta and they then began to build latrines."" Garbage disposal, in ways that will help farmers build up a compost for badly needed fertilizer, is being worked out." Malaria is rapidly being brought under control by drainage, airplane DDT-spraying of marshy land not drainable, and spray- ing of individual houses. Rural aqueducts are gradually bringing a safe water supply to smaller towns. Puerto Rico, for instance, between 1940 and 1952 added 40,000 families to those served by such facilities. Some 90,000 families remain to be reached, at an estimated cost of nine million dollars to be spent over the next six years. VIII. Materials Problems Expensive imported materials add greatly to the cost of hous- ing in much of the region, especially the islands. Original cost " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 9. " Ibid., p. 11. 186 The Caribbean 186 The Caribbean Islands of the United States, and the British territories. These usually differ little from mortgage-lending or underwriting else- where. There are regional problems being worked out in a manner consonant with local habits in other fields, however. VII. Environmental Sanitation Sanitation is one of these problems. The tropical areas of the region have the most difficult problems in this field. Hookworms infect at least a quarter to a third of the population. Thus, the disposal of human excreta becomes a major task, closely con- nected with the problem of a safe water supply. One report notes that "it is not sufficient to provide latrines in rural areas. The people must be educated to use them, as the connection between disease and contamination from feces is not understood. In the Marbial Valley of Haiti a film cartoon on hookworm made the natives aware for the first time of the relationship between disease and unsanitary disposal of excreta and they then began to build latrines."" Garbage disposal, in ways that will help farmers build up a compost for badly needed fertilizer, is being worked out." Malaria is rapidly being brought under control by drainage, airplane DDT-spraying of marshy land not drainable, and spray- ing of individual houses. Rural aqueducts are gradually bringing a safe water supply to smaller towns. Puerto Rico, for instance, between 1940 and 1952 added 40,000 families to those served by such facilities. Some 90,000 families remain to be reached, at an estimated cost of nine million dollaes to be spent over the next six years. VIII. Materials Problems Expensive imported materials add greatly to the cost of hous- ing in much of the region, especially the islands. Original cost * Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 9. " Ibid., p. 11. Islands of the United States, and the British territories. These usually differ little from mortgage-lending or underwriting else- where. There are regional problems being worked out in a manner consonant with local habits in other fields, however. VII. Environmental Sanitation Sanitation is one of these problems. The tropical areas of the region have the most difficult problems in this field. Hookworms infect at least a quarter to a third of the population. Thus, the disposal of human excreta becomes a major task, closely con- nected with the problem of a safe water supply. One report notes that "it is not sufficient to provide latrines in rural areas. The people must be educated to use them, as the connection between disease and contamination from feces is not understood. In the Marbial Valley of Haiti a film cartoon on hookworm made the natives aware for the first time of the relationship between disease and unsanitary disposal of excreta and they then began to build latrines."" Garbage disposal, in ways that will help farmers build up a compost for badly needed fertilizer, is being worked out." Malaria is rapidly being brought under control by drainage, airplane DDT-spraying of marshy land not drainable, and spray- ing of individual houses. Rural aqueducts are gradually bringing a safe water supply to smaller towns. Puerto Rico, for instance, between 1940 and 1952 added 40,000 families to those served by such facilities. Some 90,000 families remain to be reached, at an estimated cost of nine million dollans to be spent over the next six years. VIII. Materials Problems Expensive imported materials add greatly to the cost of hous- ing in much of the region, especially the islands. Original cost " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 9. " Ibid., p. 11.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 187 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 187 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 187 of production may in itself not be high but freight and handling charges, plus customs duties in some of the colonies, add 50 to 100 per cent to the delivered price. Therefore a great deal of attention is being paid to research in materials and methods. Prefabricated aluminum and wooden structures have worked under certain circumstances. Costa Rica uses the labor of con- victs to prefabricate components of a simple two-family wooden house. It is built in eighteen sections in a modern workshop of the national penitentiary. Houses can be produced at the rate of two a day, hauled to sites, and erected by convict labor. The house provides a bare minimum of space, but has a private flush toilet, cold-water shower, and sink and tub for dish and clothes washing. The latter are contained in a concrete slab cast in a mold at the prison. The prisoner is paid a small wage, which is divided into thirds: one for his family, one for pocket money, and one for improvement of his diet. His sentence is reduced by one day for each four days of work and, upon discharge, he is offered a job with the government's housing department."5 Experimentation on new materials includes wallboard, ply- wood, bamboo, and building blocks of bagasse, concrete, asphalt, rammed earth, or combinations of these. Improved methods of roofing with thatch, bamboo, banana leaves, and coconut fronds are also being tried." Design and construction appropriate to the special problems of the Caribbean region are also guideposts to research. Hurri- canes, earthquakes, intense heat, humidity, fungi, and termites must be taken into account, as well as levels of living, family structure, educational levels, and similar factors. An experi- " Anatole Solow, "Costa Rica Builds Prefabs in Prisons," American City, November, 1950; Violich, Low Cost Housing in Latin America, pp. 36-38; Stacy May, Just Faaland, Albert R. Koch, Howard L. Parsons, and Clarence Senior, Costa Rica: A Study in Economic Development (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952), p. 211. * Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, pp. 70-82, 201-213. of production may in itself not be high but freight and handling charges, plus customs duties in some of the colonies, add 50 to 100 per cent to the delivered price. Therefore a great deal of attention is being paid to research in materials and methods. Prefabricated aluminum and wooden structures have worked under certain circumstances. Costa Rica uses the labor of con- victs to prefabricate components of a simple two-family wooden house. It is built in eighteen sections in a modern workshop of the national penitentiary. Houses can be produced at the rate of two a day, hauled to sites, and erected by convict labor. The house provides a bare minimum of space, but has a private flush toilet, cold-water shower, and sink and tub for dish and clothes washing. The latter are contained in a concrete slab cast in a mold at the prison. The prisoner is paid a small wage, which is divided into thirds: one for his family, one for pocket money, and one for improvement of his diet. His sentence is reduced by one day for each four days of work and, upon discharge, he is offered a job with the government's housing department."5 Experimentation on new materials includes wallboard, ply- wood, bamboo, and building blocks of bagasse, concrete, asphalt, rammed earth, or combinations of these. Improved methods of roofing with thatch, bamboo, banana leaves, and coconut fronds are also being tried." Design and construction appropriate to the special problems of the Caribbean region are also guideposts to research. Hurri- canes, earthquakes, intense heat, humidity, fungi, and termites must be taken into account, as well as levels of living, family structure, educational levels, and similar factors. An experi- " Anatole Solow, "Costa Rica Builds Prefabs in Prisons," American City, November, 1950; Violich, Low Cost Housing in Latin America, pp. 36-38; Stacy May, Just Faaland, Albert R. Koch, Howard L. Parsons, and Clarence Senior, Costa Rica: A Study in Economic Development (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952), p. 211. * Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, pp. 70-82, 201-213. of production may in itself not be high but freight and handling charges, plus customs duties in some of the colonies, add 50 to 100 per cent to the delivered price. Therefore a great deal of attention is being paid to research in materials and methods. Prefabricated aluminum and wooden structures have worked under certain circumstances. Costa Rica uses the labor of con- victs to prefabricate components of a simple two-family wooden house. It is built in eighteen sections in a modern workshop of the national penitentiary. Houses can be produced at the rate of two a day, hauled to sites, and erected by convict labor. The house provides a bare minimum of space, but has a private flush toilet, cold-water shower, and sink and tub for dish and clothes washing. The latter are contained in a concrete slab cast in a mold at the prison. The prisoner is paid a small wage, which is divided into thirds: one for his family, one for pocket money, and one for improvement of his diet. His sentence is reduced by one day for each four days of work and, upon discharge, he is offered a job with the government's housing department."t Experimentation on new materials includes wallboard, ply- wood, bamboo, and building blocks of bagasse, concrete, asphalt, rammed earth, or combinations of these. Improved methods of roofing with thatch, bamboo, banana leaves, and coconut fronds are also being tried.' Design and construction appropriate to the special problems of the Caribbean region are also guideposts to research. Hurri- canes, earthquakes, intense heat, humidity, fungi, and termites must be taken into account, as well as levels of living, family structure, educational levels, and similar factors. An experi- " Anatole Solow, "Costa Rica Builds Prefabs in Prisons," American City, November, 1950; Violich, Low Cost Housing in Latin America, pp. 36-38; Stacy May, Just Faaland, Albert R. Koch, Howard L. Parsons, and Clarence Senior, Costa Rica: A Study in Economic Development (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952), p. 211. " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, pp. 70-82, 201-213.  188 The Caribbean mental agency in this field was created in Puerto Rico in 1934 and is now known as the Model Housing Board (Junta para Casas Modelos). Puerto Rico has for some years had the ad- vantage of a well-developed cement industry which, in 1948, resulted in a price of eighty cents for a bag of cement compared with a price in Haiti of two dollars for imported cement." The pooling of information about varied activities in this field, via conferences and publications of the Caribbean Com- mission and the other organizations already mentioned, is help- ing immeasurably in spreading new and improved techniques. IX. Aided Self-Help There is another major development in the housing field in the Caribbean: aided self-help housing. Governor Luis Mufinoz Marin, speaking on "Puerto Rico Since Columbus" last Novem- ber 19, recounted some of the spectacular progress achieved on that island in the past dozen years, especially the increase in expectancy of life from 46 years in 1940 to 61 years in 1952. He then asked, "How have we lengthened our lives so much in such a short time? Largely by involving the people themselves in the determination of their own destiny. This has enabled them to see the need for better sanitation and more preventive health measures." One of the ways in which the people of Puerto Rico are participating in raising their own levels of living is through com- munity organization for social action. One of the areas in which such action takes place is housing. Properly motivated commu- nity organization is helping solve home, community, and en- vironmental difficulties simultaneously. Aided self-help starts from the fact that most of the agri- cultural and village workers are unemployed or underemployed a good deal of the time; also, that there is a tradition among many of them of building the shacks which now so inadequately " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 71. 188 The Caribbean 188 The Caribbean mental agency in this field was created in Puerto Rico in 1934 and is now known as the Model Housing Board (Junta para Casas Modelos). Puerto Rico has for some years had the ad- vantage of a well-developed cement industry which, in 1948, resulted in a price of eighty cents for a bag of cement compared with a price in Haiti of two dollars for imported cement." The pooling of information about varied activities in this field, via conferences and publications of the Caribbean Com- mission and the other organizations already mentioned, is help- ing immeasurably in spreading new and improved techniques. IX. Aided Self-Help There is another major development in the housing field in the Caribbean: aided self-help housing. Governor Luis Munoz Marin, speaking on "Puerto Rico Since Columbus" last Novem- ber 19, recounted some of the spectacular progress achieved on that island in the past dozen years, especially the increase in expectancy of life from 46 years in 1940 to 61 years in 1952. He then asked, "How have we lengthened our lives so much in such a short time? Largely by involving the people themselves in the determination of their own destiny. This has enabled them to see the need for better sanitation and more preventive health measures." One of the ways in which the people of Puerto Rico are participating in raising their own levels of living is through com- munity organization for social action. One of the areas in which such action takes place is housing. Properly motivated commu- nity organization is helping solve home, community, and en- vironmental difficulties simultaneously. Aided self-help starts from the fact that most of the agri- cultural and village workers are unemployed or underemployed a good deal of the time; also, that there is a tradition among many of them of building the shacks which now so inadequately " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 71. mental agency in this field was created in Puerto Rico in 1934 and is now known as the Model Housing Board (Junta para Casas Modelos). Puerto Rico has for some years had the ad- vantage of a well-developed cement industry which, in 1948, resulted in a price of eighty cents for a bag of cement compared with a price in Haiti of two dollars for imported cement." The pooling of information about varied activities in this field, via conferences and publications of the Caribbean Com- mission and the other organizations already mentioned, is help- ing immeasurably in spreading new and improved techniques. IX. Aided Self-Help There is another major development in the housing field in the Caribbean: aided self-help housing. Governor Luis Muoz Marin, speaking on "Puerto Rico Since Columbus" last Novem- ber 19, recounted some of the spectacular progress achieved on that island in the past dozen years, especially the increase in expectancy of life from 46 years in 1940 to 61 years in 1952. He then asked, "How have we lengthened our lives so much in such a short time? Largely by involving the people themselves in the determination of their own destiny. This has enabled them to see the need for better sanitation and more preventive health measures." One of the ways in which the people of Puerto Rico are participating in raising their own levels of living is through com- munity organization for social action. One of the areas in which such action takes place is housing. Properly motivated commu- nity organization is helping solve home, community, and en- vironmental difficulties simultaneously. Aided self-help starts from the fact that most of the agri- cultural and village workers are unemployed or underemployed a good deal of the time; also, that there is a tradition among many of them of building the shacks which now so inadequately " Aspects of Housing in the Caribbean, p. 71.  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 189 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 189 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 189 house them and their families. There are complex problems of land, sanitation, materials, machines, organization, techniques, and training, which are beyond the abilities of the individual. The government helps in such matters and the worker adds his labor. Usually groups of neighbors help each other. One of the Puerto Rican programs is thus described: The Government of Puerto Rico, through the Social Program- mes Administration, provides all technical assistance and a loan not to exceed $300 per house for construction materials which have to be purchased. To secure lowest possible costs, all of these materials are bought by the Social Programmes Administra- tion. The settlers, organized in groups for cooperative action, provide all the labor required, plus materials which they can gather themselves. The new houses consist of two bedrooms 8'3" x 8'3", one living-dining-bedroom 12' x 8'3", and a kitchen porch. The house is made of cement blocks with reinforced con- crete floor, reinforced concrete roof, and reinforced concrete columns. A separate aluminum privy with concrete foundations is provided by the Department of Health. It is expected that the $300 loaned by the Government will be repaid in 5 to 10 years without interest. The new house is infinitely better than the old shack, and the cash cost to the family and to the Govern- ment is extremely low. For these families a new life begins." Similar programs are now in operation in Antigua, British Guiana, Jamaica, St. Vincent, Surinam, and Trinidad. The British West Indies Housing Conference of 1951 concluded that "aided self-help represents the most economical method of pro- viding housing for poor people." Region-wide conferences on aided self-help housing were held in Jamaica in July, 1952, and in Puerto Rico in October, 1953. This approach, important though it is, has its limitations. First, the plan is far better adapted to agricultural and semi- agricultural populations than to urban groups, and the Carib- bean is urbanizing at a rapid rate. Second, it will not work well Ibid., p. 104. house them and their families. There are complex problems of land, sanitation, materials, machines, organization, techniques, and training, which are beyond the abilities of the individual. The government helps in such matters and the worker adds his labor. Usually groups of neighbors help each other. One of the Puerto Rican programs is thus described: The Government of Puerto Rico, through the Social Program- mes Administration, provides all technical assistance and a loan not to exceed $300 per house for construction materials which have to be purchased. To secure lowest possible costs, all of these materials are bought by the Social Programmes Administra- tion. The settlers, organized in groups for cooperative action, provide all the labor required, plus materials which they can gather themselves. The new houses consist of two bedrooms 8'3" x 8'3", one living-dining-bedroom 12' x 8'3", and a kitchen porch. The house is made of cement blocks with reinforced con- crete floor, reinforced concrete roof, and reinforced concrete columns. A separate aluminum privy with concrete foundations is provided by the Department of Health. It is expected that the $300 loaned by the Government will be repaid in 5 to 10 years without interest. The new house is infinitely better than the old shack, and the cash cost to the family and to the Govern- ment is extremely low. For these families a new life begins." Similar programs are now in operation in Antigua, British Guiana, Jamaica, St. Vincent, Surinam, and Trinidad. The British West Indies Housing Conference of 1951 concluded that "aided self-help represents the most economical method of pro- viding housing for poor people." Region-wide conferences on aided self-help housing were held in Jamaica in July, 1952, and in Puerto Rico in October, 1953. This approach, important though it is, has its limitations. First, the plan is far better adapted to agricultural and semi- agricultural populations than to urban groups, and the Carib- bean is urbanizing at a rapid rate. Second, it will not work well " Ibid., p. 104. house them and their families. There are complex problems of land, sanitation, materials, machines, organization, techniques, and training, which are beyond the abilities of the individual. The government helps in such matters and the worker adds his labor. Usually groups of neighbors help each other. One of the Puerto Rican programs is thus described: The Government of Puerto Rico, through the Social Program- mes Administration, provides all technical assistance and a loan not to exceed $300 per house for construction materials which have to be purchased. To secure lowest possible costs, all of these materials are bought by the Social Programmes Administra- tion. The settlers, organized in groups for cooperative action, provide all the labor required, plus materials which they can gather themselves. The new houses consist of two bedrooms 8'3" x 8'3", one living-dining-bedroom 12' x 8'3", and a kitchen porch. The house is made of cement blocks with reinforced con- crete floor, reinforced concrete roof, and reinforced concrete columns. A separate aluminum privy with concrete foundations is provided by the Department of Health. It is expected that the $300 loaned by the Government will be repaid in 5 to 10 years without interest. The new house is infinitely better than the old shack, and the cash cost to the family and to the Govern- ment is extremely low. For these families a new life begins." Similar programs are now in operation in Antigua, British Guiana, Jamaica, St. Vincent, Surinam, and Trinidad. The British West Indies Housing Conference of 1951 concluded that "aided self-help represents the most economical method of pro- viding housing for poor people." Region-wide conferences on aided self-help housing were held in Jamaica in July, 1952, and in Puerto Rico in October, 1953. This approach, important though it is, has its limitations. First, the plan is far better adapted to agricultural and semi- agricultural populations than to urban groups, and the Carib- bean is urbanizing at a rapid rate. Second, it will not work well " Ibid., p. 104.  190 The Caribbean in areas with full employment. Third, aided self-help becomes increasingly difficult as the scale of operations expands. Fourth, governments cannot shift their responsibility for contributing to the public welfare by confining their housing activities to aided self-help. Fifth, such plans will be extremely difficult to bring to fruition in areas where the people have, for one reason or another, become alienated from their governments. Finally, it would seem that in most of the region one more step toward social control of the major factors in the welfare of the people is needed. Intelligence is now being widely applied to the control of deaths. Usually only the wealthy and the well- educated apply intelligence to the control of births. An exten- sion of both science and democracy in this respect would help considerably in giving far-reaching housing, sanitation, and other welfare plans a better chance to succeed in raising levels of living now constantly menaced by unbridled population increase. 190 The Caribbean 190 The Caribbean in areas with full employment. Third, aided self-help becomes increasingly difficult as the scale of operations expands. Fourth, governments cannot shift their responsibility for contributing to the public welfare by confining their housing activities to aided self-help. Fifth, such plans will be extremely difficult to bring to fruition in areas where the people have, for one reason or another, become alienated from their governments. Finally, it would seem that in most of the region one more step toward social control of the major factors in the welfare of the people is needed. Intelligence is now being widely applied to the control of deaths. Usually only the wealthy and the well- educated apply intelligence to the control of births. An exten- sion of both science and democracy in this respect would help considerably in giving far-reaching housing, sanitation, and other welfare plans a better chance to succeed in raising levels of living now constantly menaced by unbridled population increase. in areas with full employment. Third, aided self-help becomes increasingly difficult as the scale of operations expands. Fourth, governments cannot shift their responsibility for contributing to the public welfare by confining their housing activities to aided self-help. Fifth, such plans will be extremely difficult to bring to fruition in areas where the people have, for one reason or another, become alienated from their governments. Finally, it would seem that in most of the region one more step toward social control of the major factors in the welfare of the people is needed. Intelligence is now being widely applied to the control of deaths. Usually only the wealthy and the well- educated apply intelligence to the control of births. An exten- sion of both science and democracy in this respect would help considerably in giving far-reaching housing, sanitation, and other welfare plans a better chance to succeed in raising levels of living now constantly menaced by unbridled population increase.  15 15 Earl Parker Hanson: INDUSTRY AND PUBLIC WORKS IN PUERTO RICO I CONFINE MY REMARKS to Puerto Rico, in part because it is the Caribbean area I know best, and in part because it has in recent years begun to be world famous as a microcosm and a social laboratory for developmental trends. While the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is today outstand- ing among American societies for the effectiveness of its planned and integrated developmental program, in which industry and public works are but component parts, the history of that great effort drives home a lesson which is of the utmost importance, especially to scholars. No matter what may be planned, no matter what care is taken to provide for contingencies and to integrate the various component parts and aspects of the pro- gram, the quality, soundness, integration, and effectiveness of the resulting effort are always, at any one time, automatically regulated by the political climate and the quality of political leadership existing at that particular time. Three general stages mark Puerto Rico's modern emergence. Before 1940 the island was a sugar colony of the United States, largely a rural sweatshop of absentee-controlled, industrialized 191 Earl Parker Hanson: INDUSTRY AND PUBLIC WORKS IN PUERTO RICO I CONFINE MY REMARKS to Puerto Rico, in part because it is the Caribbean area I know best, and in part because it has in recent years begun to be world famous as a microcosm and a social laboratory for developmental trends. While the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is today outstand- ing among American societies for the effectiveness of its planned and integrated developmental program, in which industry and public works are but component parts, the history of that great effort drives home a lesson which is of the utmost importance, especially to scholars. No matter what may be planned, no matter what care is taken to provide for contingencies and to integrate the various component parts and aspects of the pro- gram, the quality, soundness, integration, and effectiveness of the resulting effort are always, at any one time, automatically regulated by the political climate and the quality of political leadership existing at that particular time. Three general stages mark Puerto Rico's modern emergence. Before 1940 the island was a sugar colony of the United States, largely a rural sweatshop of absentee-controlled, industrialized 191 Earl Parker Hanson: INDUSTRY AND PUBLIC WORKS IN PUERTO RICO I CONFINE MY REMARKS to Puerto Rico, in part because it is the Caribbean area I know best, and in part because it has in recent years begun to be world famous as a microcosm and a social laboratory for developmental trends. While the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is today outstand- ing among American societies for the effectiveness of its planned and integrated developmental program, in which industry and public works are but component parts, the history of that great effort drives home a lesson which is of the utmost importance, especially to scholars. No matter what may be planned, no matter what care is taken to provide for contingencies and to integrate the various component parts and aspects of the pro- gram, the quality, soundness, integration, and effectiveness of the resulting effort are always, at any one time, automatically regulated by the political climate and the quality of political leadership existing at that particular time. Three general stages mark Puerto Rico's modern emergence. Before 1940 the island was a sugar colony of the United States, largely a rural sweatshop of absentee-controlled, industrialized 191  192 The Caribbean agriculture; as stricken in its people's abject and degrading poverty as were many other parts of the Caribbean, governed and regulated by Washington, whose generous fiscal policies were more than offset by the exploitative economy. Obviously industrialization was one of several possibilities for salvation; as obviously, all the plans and dreams for such industrialization developed by the island's intellectual leaders were frustrated by the hard fact that economic conditions, created and supported by political colonialism, rigidly precluded the investment of capi- tal in new industries. After the "revolutionary" election of 1940, which released human energies for creative purposes other than mere procre- ation, the island's leaders and people took hold of their own affairs-still within the colonial status, but now backed by an enlightened Washington. With private capital still not forth- coming for the great effort, the government now borrowed the Chilean "Corporacion de Fomento" idea and started the indus- trialization process in a socialistic manner, with several factories that were government owned and operated. Subsequent political reforms, through which Puerto Rico is today a commonwealth independent in its internal affairs, were accompanied by new industrialization policies. It was, by this time-and largely because of the success of earlier developmental efforts-possible to attract private capital, continental as well as Puerto Rican. It was also found that the former socialistic method was inadequate, in part because it was politically bad, in part because it was difficult if not impossible for the govern- ment to manage its various plants efficiently, in part because government capital could not be acquired rapidly enough to meet the soaring needs. Moreover, while industrialization had previously been regarded as a desirable means of producing goods consumed in Puerto Rico, it was now also found possible to produce a number of things in Puerto Rico, in addition to sugar, for consumption throughout the United States-much as Milwaukee beer is brewed for consumption in New York and 192 The Caribbean 192 The Caribbean agriculture; as stricken in its people's abject and degrading poverty as were many other parts of the Caribbean, governed and regulated by Washington, whose generous fiscal policies were more than offset by the exploitative economy. Obviously industrialization was one of several possibilities for salvation; as obviously, all the plans and dreams for such industrialization developed by the island's intellectual leaders were frustrated by the hard fact that economic conditions, created and supported by political colonialism, rigidly precluded the investment of capi- tal in new industries. After the "revolutionary" election of 1940, which released human energies for creative purposes other than mere procre- ation, the island's leaders and people took hold of their own affairs-still within the colonial status, but now backed by an enlightened Washington. With private capital still not forth- coming for the great effort, the government now borrowed the Chilean "Corporacin de Fomento" idea and started the indus- trialization process in a socialistic manner, with several factories that were government owned and operated. Subsequent political reforms, through which Puerto Rico is today a commonwealth independent in its internal affairs, were accompanied by new industrialization policies. It was, by this time-and largely because of the success of earlier developmental efforts-possible to attract private capital, continental as well as Puerto Rican. It was also found that the former socialistic method was inadequate, in part because it was politically bad, in part because it was difficult if not impossible for the govern- ment to manage its various plants efficiently, in part because government capital could not be acquired rapidly enough to meet the soaring needs. Moreover, while industrialization had previously been regarded as a desirable means of producing goods consumed in Puerto Rico, it was now also found possible to produce a number of things in Puerto Rico, in addition to sugar, for consumption throughout the United States-much as Milwaukee beer is brewed for consumption in New York and agriculture; as stricken in its people's abject and degrading poverty as were many other parts of the Caribbean, governed and regulated by Washington, whose generous fiscal policies were more than offset by the exploitative economy. Obviously industrialization was one of several possibilities for salvation; as obviously, all the plans and dreams for such industrialization developed by the island's intellectual leaders were frustrated by the hard fact that economic conditions, created and supported by political colonialism, rigidly precluded the investment of capi- tal in new industries. After the "revolutionary" election of 1940, which released human energies for creative purposes other than mere procre- ation, the island's leaders and people took hold of their own affairs-still within the colonial status, but now backed by an enlightened Washington. With private capital still not forth- coming for the great effort, the government now borrowed the Chilean "Corporacin de Fomento" idea and started the indus- trialization process in a socialistic manner, with several factories that were government owned and operated. Subsequent political reforms, through which Puerto Rico is today a commonwealth independent in its internal affairs, were accompanied by new industrialization policies. It was, by this time-and largely because of the success of earlier developmental efforts-possible to attract private capital, continental as well as Puerto Rican. It was also found that the former socialistic method was inadequate, in part because it was politically bad, in part because it was difficult if not impossible for the govern- ment to manage its various plants efficiently, in part because government capital could not be acquired rapidly enough to meet the soaring needs. Moreover, while industrialization had previously been regarded as a desirable means of producing goods consumed in Puerto Rico, it was now also found possible to produce a number of things in Puerto Rico, in addition to sugar, for consumption throughout the United States-much as Milwaukee beer is brewed for consumption in New York and  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 193 LABOR AND INDUSTRY San Francisco. The government therefore sold its factories to a Puerto Rican concern and began to use the monies so obtained, as well as appropriated funds, as a sort of "revolving fund" for attracting and aiding new private industries and for priming the pump wherever such action may be needed. Under present policies, new industries are attracted by the following means: (1) tax exemption for a stipulated period of time and for certain desirable "new" industries; (2) aid in tech- nical and social investigations; (3) construction by the govern- ment of factory buildings that are leased to operators for a period of time, and subsequently sold to them at cost; (4) the training of skilled workers, both in an accelerated general pro- gram of vocational education and for the specific skills required by specific industries; (5) the provision of industrial credit through the government's new Development Bank; (6) an energetic campaign of promotion, publicity, and advertising on the mainland. II While these policies have worked well, it is undoubtedly true that a number of the new industries have been attracted in part by the lure of "cheap labor." That, however, is a temporary lure, not encouraged by a government determined to raise wages to a scale comparable with that found on the mainland. Low- cost power, generated by the government in a growing and remarkably successful "TVA" program, tends in part to offset rising labor costs. Meanwhile, the temporary nature of the tax- exemption lure is also recognized. A government devoted to industrialization as one of many means of raising standards of living is thoroughly aware that the concomitant essential efforts in education, health, public works, and public services cannot be carried out on the proceeds of low taxes or taxes which are not paid at all. The next stage in the industrialization program will therefore probably be one in which equitable taxes are levied on all-more adequate for the government's many income San Francisco. The government therefore sold its factori a Puerto Rican concern and began to use the monies so obta as well as appropriated funds, as a sort of "revolving fund attracting and aiding new private industries and for primin pump wherever such action may be needed. Under present policies, new industries are attracted by following means: (1) tax exemption for a stipulated perin time and for certain desirable "new" industries; (2) aid in nical and social investigations; (3) construction by the go ment of factory buildings that are leased to operators f period of time, and subsequently sold to them at cost; (4 training of skilled workers, both in an accelerated general gram of vocational education and for the specific skills req by specific industries; (5) the provision of industrial through the government's new Development Bank; (6 energetic campaign of promotion, publicity, and advertisin the mainland. 193 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 193 es to San Francisco. The government therefore sold its factories to ined, a Puerto Rican concern and began to use the monies so obtained, " for as well as appropriated funds, as a sort of "revolving fund" for g the attracting and aiding new private industries and for priming the pump wherever such action may be needed. the Under present policies, new industries are attracted by the d of following means: (1) tax exemption for a stipulated period of tech- time and for certain desirable "new" industries; (2) aid in tech- vern- nical and social investigations; (3) construction by the govern- or a ment of factory buildings that are leased to operators for a the period of time, and subsequently sold to them at cost; (4) the pro- training of skilled workers, both in an accelerated general pro- uired gram of vocational education and for the specific skills required redit by specific industries; (5) the provision of industrial credit an through the government's new Development Bank; (6) an g on energetic campaign of promotion, publicity, and advertising on the mainland. II While these policies have worked well, it is undoubtedly true that a number of the new industries have been attracted in part by the lure of "cheap labor." That, however, is a temporary lure, not encouraged by a government determined to raise wages to a scale comparable with that found on the mainland. Low- cost power, generated by the government in a growing and remarkably successful "TVA" program, tends in part to offset rising labor costs. Meanwhile, the temporary nature of the tax- exemption lure is also recognized. A government devoted to industrialization as one of many means of raising standards of living is thoroughly aware that the concomitant essential efforts in education, health, public works, and public services cannot be carried out on the proceeds of low taxes or taxes which are not paid at all. The next stage in the industrialization program will therefore probably be one in which equitable taxes are levied on all-more adequate for the government's many income II While these policies have worked well, it is undoubtedly true that a number of the new industries have been attracted in part by the lure of "cheap labor." That, however, is a temporary lure, not encouraged by a government determined to raise wages to a scale comparable with that found on the mainland. Low- cost power, generated by the government in a growing and remarkably successful "TVA" program, tends in part to offset rising labor costs. Meanwhile, the temporary nature of the tax- exemption lure is also recognized. A government devoted to industrialization as one of many means of raising standards of living is thoroughly aware that the concomitant essential efforts in education, health, public works, and public services cannot be carried out on the proceeds of low taxes or taxes which are not paid at all. The next stage in the industrialization program will therefore probably be one in which equitable taxes are levied on all-more adequate for the government's many income  194 The Caribbean needs than are those found at present. The government realizes that developmental policies, to be effective, must be viable and in a state of constant flux in order to keep pace with ever- changing conditions and demands. The success of current policies is attested by available statis- tics. Early this year the Puerto Rican government was able to announce that, since 1949, some 200 new factories had been opened, giving direct employment to approximately 12,000 workers-with a potential of 8,000 additional jobs. Almost every week, at least one new factory is opened; the total num- ber of these during 1952-1953 was 82, with 37 more now under construction and about to be opened. Meanwhile, the enroll- ment in Puerto Rican vocational schools, important adjuncts to the industrialization plan, grew from a total of 850 in 1940, to almost 10,000 today, with some 8,000 more workers being trained by the government for special industrial purposes. While the processing of sugar is still the largest industry, and while the shortage of minerals, metals, and fuels precludes heavy industries, the island's new industries show an astonishing variety. The processing of foods is making rapid headway. The pulp and paper, chemical, metal and machinery, and shoe industries are well started; glass containers and cement, made in Puerto Rico, are today being sold on the mainland and in the Carib- bean area. When a Puerto Rican industrialist recently acquired two steamers for transporting such goods, he created the begin- ning of a Puerto Rican merchant marine. III Government capital is still being used for priming the pump here and there, for breaking the ever-present vicious circle. So, for instance, the tourist industry was for years held back by the fact that tourists demand good hotels, while private enterprise would not build such hotels unless and until the tourists were there. The outstanding success of the Caribe Hilton Hotel, built 194 The Caribbean 194 The Caribbean needs than are those found at present. The government realizes that developmental policies, to be effective, must be viable and in a state of constant flux in order to keep pace with ever- changing conditions and demands. The success of current policies is attested by available statis- tics. Early this year the Puerto Rican government was able to announce that, since 1949, some 200 new factories had been opened, giving direct employment to approximately 12,000 workers-with a potential of 8,000 additional jobs. Almost every week, at least one new factory is opened; the total num- ber of these during 1952-1953 was 82, with 37 more now under construction and about to be opened. Meanwhile, the enroll- ment in Puerto Rican vocational schools, important adjuncts to the industrialization plan, grew from a total of 850 in 1940, to almost 10,000 today, with some 8,000 more workers being trained by the government for special industrial purposes. While the processing of sugar is still the largest industry, and while the shortage of minerals, metals, and fuels precludes heavy industries, the island's new industries show an astonishing variety. The processing of foods is making rapid headway. The pulp and paper, chemical, metal and machinery, and shoe industries are well started; glass containers and cement, made in Puerto Rico, are today being sold on the mainland and in the Carib- bean area. When a Puerto Rican industrialist recently acquired two steamers for transporting such goods, he created the begin- ning of a Puerto Rican merchant marine. III Government capital is still being used for priming the pump here and there, for breaking the ever-present vicious circle. So, for instance, the tourist industry was for years held back by the fact that tourists demand good hotels, while private enterprise would not build such hotels unless and until the tourists were there. The outstanding success of the Caribe Hilton Hotel, built needs than are those found at present. The government realizes that developmental policies, to be effective, must be viable and in a state of constant flux in order to keep pace with ever- changing conditions and demands. The success of current policies is attested by available statis- tics. Early this year the Puerto Rican government was able to announce that, since 1949, some 200 new factories had been opened, giving direct employment to approximately 12,000 workers-with a potential of 8,000 additional jobs. Almost every week, at least one new factory is opened; the total num- ber of these during 1952-1953 was 82, with 37 more now under construction and about to be opened. Meanwhile, the enroll- ment in Puerto Rican vocational schools, important adjuncts to the industrialization plan, grew from a total of 850 in 1940, to almost 10,000 today, with some 8,000 more workers being trained by the government for special industrial purposes. While the processing of sugar is still the largest industry, and while the shortage of minerals, metals, and fuels precludes heavy industries, the island's new industries show an astonishing variety. The processing of foods is making rapid headway. The pulp and paper, chemical, metal and machinery, and shoe industries are well started; glass containers and cement, made in Puerto Rico, are today being sold on the mainland and in the Carib- bean area. When a Puerto Rican industrialist recently acquired two steamers for transporting such goods, he created the begin- ning of a Puerto Rican merchant marine. III Government capital is still being used for priming the pump here and there, for breaking the ever-present vicious circle. So, for instance, the tourist industry was for years held back by the fact that tourists demand good hotels, while private enterprise would not build such hotels unless and until the tourists were there. The outstanding success of the Caribe Hilton Hotel, built  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 195 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 195 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 195 by the government for over seven million dollars and operated by the Hilton Company on a profit-sharing basis, has by now made Puerto Rico a healthy field of investment for other tourist ventures. A great market and processing center is now being built by the government at San Juan for four million dollars, in part for the purpose of stimulating and rationalizing food- stuffs agriculture. When that agriculture has come up to the point where it will adequately support the market, the govern- ment may sell out and again devote the proceeds to something else. For instance, some industries will not go there because Puerto Rico has no tool and die works; a tool-and-die works will not go there because of the paucity of industries needing its services. The government today talks about possibly building and managing such a plant as a means of attracting other industries, and selling it to a private operator after it is on its feet. There is one essential difference, however, between the Puerto Rican effort and that made in countries such as Chile. By law the Puerto Rican government, while doing all in its power to help new industries establish themselves, cannot, as in Chile and Venezuela, become a minority stockholder in such ventures. In the field of public works, as in all others, Puerto Rico has soared ahead during the past decade. Here, as in all other aspects of the great over-all developmental program, one of the most notable managerial features is the great amount of inter- departmental coordination achieved through the Puerto Rico Planning Board. That organization works constantly on an over- all master plan for Puerto Rico's progress and development, which every year is expressed through the preparation of a pro- jected new six-year budget; it is also making strong headway in city planning, to keep pace with the rapid growth of the urban centers as industrialization forges ahead. It functions, besides, as a coordinating agency. No government department does anything to affect the island's physical plant without clearing through the Planning Board. If by the government for over seven million dollars and operated by the Hilton Company on a profit-sharing basis, has by now made Puerto Rico a healthy field of investment for other tourist ventures. A great market and processing center is now being built by the government at San Juan for four million dollars, in part for the purpose of stimulating and rationalizing food- stuffs agriculture. When that agriculture has come up to the point where it will adequately support the market, the govern- ment may sell out and again devote the proceeds to something else. For instance, some industries will not go there because Puerto Rico has no tool and die works; a tool-and-die works will not go there because of the paucity of industries needing its services. The government today talks about possibly building and managing such a plant as a means of attracting other industries, and selling it to a private operator after it is on its feet. There is one essential difference, however, between the Puerto Rican effort and that made in countries such as Chile. By law the Puerto Rican government, while doing all in its power to help new industries establish themselves, cannot, as in Chile and Venezuela, become a minority stockholder in such ventures. In the field of public works, as in all others, Puerto Rico has soared ahead during the past decade. Here, as in all other aspects of the great over-all developmental program, one of the most notable managerial features is the great amount of inter- departmental coordination achieved through the Puerto Rico Planning Board. That organization works constantly on an over- all master plan for Puerto Rico's progress and development, which every year is expressed through the preparation of a pro- jected new six-year budget; it is also making strong headway in city planning, to keep pace with the rapid growth of the urban centers as industrialization forges ahead. It functions, besides, as a coordinating agency. No government department does anything to affect the island's physical plant without clearing through the Planning Board. If by the government for over seven million dollars and operated by the Hilton Company on a profit-sharing basis, has by now made Puerto Rico a healthy field of investment for other tourist ventures. A great market and processing center is now being built by the government at San Juan for four million dollars, in part for the purpose of stimulating and rationalizing food- stuffs agriculture. When that agriculture has come up to the point where it will adequately support the market, the govern- ment may sell out and again devote the proceeds to something else. For instance, some industries will not go there because Puerto Rico has no tool and die works; a tool-and-die works will not go there because of the paucity of industries needing its services. The government today talks about possibly building and managing such a plant as a means of attracting other industries, and selling it to a private operator after it is on its feet. There is one essential difference, however, between the Puerto Rican effort and that made in countries such as Chile. By law the Puerto Rican government, while doing all in its power to help new industries establish themselves, cannot, as in Chile and Venezuela, become a minority stockholder in such ventures. In the field of public works, as in all others, Puerto Rico has soared ahead during the past decade. Here, as in all other aspects of the great over-all developmental program, one of the most notable managerial features is the great amount of inter- departmental coordination achieved through the Puerto Rico Planning Board. That organization works constantly on an over- all master plan for Puerto Rico's progress and development, which every year is expressed through the preparation of a pro- jected new six-year budget; it is also making strong headway in city planning, to keep pace with the rapid growth of the urban centers as industrialization forges ahead. It functions, besides, as a coordinating agency. No government department does anything to affect the island's physical plant without clearing through the Planning Board. If  196 The Caribbean the Department of the Interior wishes to build a road, the Plan- ning Board checks such things as priority in urgency, details of design, and functionalism of location from the point of view, for instance, of such agencies as the Water Resources Authority, the Department of Health, and the Department of Education. All construction undertaken by any department is constantly checked against the master plan to assure adequate standards and to eliminate the waste of haphazard, single-purpose, duplicated efforts which might otherwise be made-often from a short- range point of view-by various separate branches of the government. This results in constant efforts to make every public project truly a "multi-purpose project," to such an extent that in Puerto Rico a discussion of public works cannot be separated from discussions of public services. The work of the Water Resources Authority is mentioned here as being representative and symptomatic of the commonwealth's new trends. It began active operations in 1915, purely as an irrigation service which sold a little electric power as a side line. By 1940 it had grown to the generation of over 160 million K.W.H. of electricity, largely for use in urban and rural homes. Today that figure approaches 700 million K.W.H. with a large and growing industrial consumption, but also with a growth of from 5,000 in 1940 to 275,000 today in the number of persons receiving low-cost power in the country through rural electri- fication. Of major interest is the Lajas Valley project, now under construction in southwestern Puerto Rico. There, besides generating power for rural, urban, and industrial electrification, and providing irrigation water to double the agricultural pro- duction of some 26,000 acres of land, the Authority will also provide sources of safe, potable water for a number of towns; so doing that much more to improve the island's health and to lower still further the over-all death rate-which by now is lower than that of the United States and which promises before too long to be the lowest in the world. "A government of the poor and for the poor," says Governor 196 The Caribbean 196 The Caribbean the Department of the Interior wishes to build a road, the Plan- ning Board checks such things as priority in urgency, details of design, and functionalism of location from the point of view, for instance, of such agencies as the Water Resources Authority, the Department of Health, and the Department of Education. All construction undertaken by any department is constantly checked against the master plan to assure adequate standards and to eliminate the waste of haphazard, single-purpose, duplicated efforts which might otherwise be made-often from a short- range point of view-by various separate branches of the government. This results in constant efforts to make every public project truly a "multi-purpose project," to such an extent that in Puerto Rico a discussion of public works cannot be separated from discussions of public services. The work of the Water Resources Authority is mentioned here as being representative and symptomatic of the commonwealth's new trends. It began active operations in 1915, purely as an irrigation service which sold a little electric power as a side line. By 1940 it had grown to the generation of over 160 million K.W.H. of electricity, largely for use in urban and rural homes. Today that figure approaches 700 million K.W.H. with a large and growing industrial consumption, but also with a growth of from 5,000 in 1940 to 275,000 today in the number of persons receiving low-cost power in the country through rural electri- fication. Of major interest is the Lajas Valley project, now under construction in southwestern Puerto Rico. There, besides generating power for rural, urban, and industrial electrification, and providing irrigation water to double the agricultural pro- duction of some 26,000 acres of land, the Authority will also provide sources of safe, potable water for a number of towns; so doing that much more to improve the island's health and to lower still further the over-all death rate-which by now is lower than that of the United States and which promises before too long to be the lowest in the world. "A government of the poor and for the poor," says Governor the Department of the Interior wishes to build a road, the Plan- ning Board checks such things as priority in urgency, details of design, and functionalism of location from the point of view, for instance, of such agencies as the Water Resources Authority, the Department of Health, and the Department of Education. All construction undertaken by any department is constantly checked against the master plan to assure adequate standards and to eliminate the waste of haphazard, single-purpose, duplicated efforts which might otherwise be made-often from a short- range point of view-by various separate branches of the government. This results in constant efforts to make every public project truly a "multi-purpose project," to such an extent that in Puerto Rico a discussion of public works cannot be separated from discussions of public services. The work of the Water Resources Authority is mentioned here as being representative and symptomatic of the commonwealth's new trends. It began active operations in 1915, purely as an irrigation service which sold a little electric power as a side line. By 1940 it had grown to the generation of over 160 million K.W.H. of electricity, largely for use in urban and rural homes. Today that figure approaches 700 million K.W.H. with a large and growing industrial consumption, but also with a growth of from 5,000 in 1940 to 275,000 today in the number of persons receiving low-cost power in the country through rural electri- fication. Of major interest is the Lajas Valley project, now under construction in southwestern Puerto Rico. There, besides generating power for rural, urban, and industrial electrification, and providing irrigation water to double the agricultural pro- duction of some 26,000 acres of land, the Authority will also provide sources of safe, potable water for a number of towns; so doing that much more to improve the island's health and to lower still further the over-all death rate-which by now is lower than that of the United States and which promises before too long to be the lowest in the world. "A government of the poor and for the poor," says Governor  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 197 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 197 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 197 Munoz Marin, "is not one which invests little or spends little on legitimate services." In line with that principle, aptly describ- ing an important aspect of the island's present political climate and leadership, the construction of new roads, of rural and urban aqueducts to supply good water, and of sewer systems is going forward at a truly astonishing pace, which every year improves the island's economic health as well as the physical health of its people. IV It is perhaps in housing that modern Puerto Rico has made its most dramatic contributions to current philosophies of public works. The cities inherited by the new government in 1941 were crowded with unsightly, unsanitary, miserable slums-famous as being among the world's worst. These cities have grown greatly in line with the current program of industrialization. The gov- ernment has therefore embarked on a vast program-not only of slum clearance, but also of new construction-to keep pace with the flow of populations from country to city. One govern- ment housing project alone, built near San Juan by one con- tractor, comprises 7,500 individual homes which, when filled, will have a total population of between 25,000 and 35,000 inhabitants. I believe that it is the largest such in the democratic world. It is significant that Antigua, rebuilding after its hurricane of 1951, has adopted Puerto Rican methods for building rural homes of concrete-attractive, sanitary, hurricane-proof--at the astonishing cost of $300 each. These methods were developed as part of the island's program for creating rural settlements of rural home owners-among the sugar laborers who formerly lived in company towns on the large plantations. As land be- comes available for such purposes, the Planning Board lays out the settlements, in units of some 500 people each, to facilitate the provision of electric power, water, sewage, and the like, as well as the promotion of the community spirit, under which the Mufioz Marin, "is not one which invests little or spends little on legitimate services." In line with that principle, aptly describ- ing an important aspect of the island's present political climate and leadership, the construction of new roads, of rural and urban aqueducts to supply good water, and of sewer systems is going forward at a truly astonishing pace, which every year improves the island's economic health as well as the physical health of its people. IV It is perhaps in housing that modern Puerto Rico has made its most dramatic contributions to current philosophies of public works. The cities inherited by the new government in 1941 were crowded with unsightly, unsanitary, miserable slums-famous as being among the world's worst. These cities have grown greatly in line with the current program of industrialization. The gov- ernment has therefore embarked on a vast program-not only of slum clearance, but also of new construction-to keep pace with the flow of populations from country to city. One govern- ment housing project alone, built near San Juan by one con- tractor, comprises 7,500 individual homes which, when filled, will have a total population of between 25,000 and 35,000 inhabitants. I believe that it is the largest such in the democratic world. It is significant that Antigua, rebuilding after its hurricane of 1951, has adopted Puerto Rican methods for building rural homes of concrete-attractive, sanitary, hurricane-proof-at the astonishing cost of $300 each. These methods were developed as part of the island's program for creating rural settlements of rural home owners-among the sugar laborers who formerly lived in company towns on the large plantations. As land be- comes available for such purposes, the Planning Board lays out the settlements, in units of some 500 people each, to facilitate the provision of electric power, water, sewage, and the like, as well as the promotion of the community spirit, under which the Munoz Marin, "is not one which invests little or spends little on legitimate services." In line with that principle, aptly describ- ing an important aspect of the island's present political climate and leadership, the construction of new roads, of rural and urban aqueducts to supply good water, and of sewer systems is going forward at a truly astonishing pace, which every year improves the island's economic health as well as the physical health of its people. IV It is perhaps in housing that modern Puerto Rico has made its most dramatic contributions to current philosophies of public works. The cities inherited by the new government in 1941 were crowded with unsightly, unsanitary, miserable slums-famous as being among the world's worst. These cities have grown greatly in line with the current program of industrialization. The gov- ernment has therefore embarked on a vast program-not only of slum clearance, but also of new construction-to keep pace with the flow of populations from country to city. One govern- ment housing project alone, built near San Juan by one con- tractor, comprises 7,500 individual homes which, when filled, will have a total population of between 25,000 and 35,000 inhabitants. I believe that it is the largest such in the democratic world. It is significant that Antigua, rebuilding after its hurricane of 1951, has adopted Puerto Rican methods for building rural homes of concrete-attractive, sanitary, hurricane-proof-at the astonishing cost of $300 each. These methods were developed as part of the island's program for creating rural settlements of rural home owners-among the sugar laborers who formerly lived in company towns on the large plantations. As land be- comes available for such purposes, the Planning Board lays out the settlements, in units of some 500 people each, to facilitate the provision of electric power, water, sewage, and the like, as well as the promotion of the community spirit, under which the  198 The Caribbean people of Puerto Rico are today learning to organize coopera- tives as well as to build schools, roads, drill wells, and other projects by direct community action, instead of waiting for the goveroment to do such things for them. Divided into home- stead plots, the land is then turned over to a number of eligible prospective settlers chosen by lot. They may thereafter hold it in usufruct; the government retains title to prevent a wave of real estate speculation. Each of them pays $30 and has ten years in which to pay the rest of the $300 which his concrete house will cost him. The government provides plans, demount- able forms, the services of a foreman, and a cement mixer, while selling cement and reinforcing steel to the settlers at cost. The settlers build their own homes under the direction of the foreman, in a joint undertaking that does much to promote community spirit and a constructive attitude toward new ventures, which the community may in the future undertake for its own improve- ment with the government's encouragement. The fostering of community spirit is an important, integral part of Puerto Rico's modern public works program. Indeed, in one of his messages to the legislature, in which he discussed the need for ever more funds for public works and public services, Governor Munoz Marin listed six possible sources of such funds, one of which was "civic action in the community to solve its own problems." Such civic action is today regarded, among other things, as an important contribution to the always limited governmental budgets fcr public works and services. To sum up, in Puerto Rico we see a society in a state of feverish flux to raise its standards of living through a multitude of interrelated activities. That society is too beset by real and urgent problems to be doctrinaire in the way in which it goes at its work. In industrialization, public works, education-in every branch of its endeavors-it is today engaged in a program 198 The Caribbean 198 The Caribbean people of Puerto Rico are today learning to organize coopera- tives as well as to build schools, roads, drill wells, and other projects by direct community action, instead of waiting for the government to do such things for them. Divided into home- stead plots, the land is then turned over to a number of eligible prospective settlers chosen by lot. They may thereafter hold it in usufruct; the government retains title to prevent a wave of real estate speculation. Each of them pays $30 and has ten years in which to pay the rest of the $300 which his concrete house will cost him. The government provides plans, demount- able forms, the services of a foreman, and a cement mixer, while selling cement and reinforcing steel to the settlers at cost. The settlers build their own homes under the direction of the foreman, in a joint undertaking that does much to promote community spirit and a constructive attitude toward new ventures, which the community may in the future undertake for its own improve- ment with the government's encouragement. The fostering of community spirit is an important, integral part of Puerto Rico's modern public works program. Indeed, in one of his messages to the legislature, in which he discussed the need for ever more funds for public works and public services, Governor Munoz Marin listed six possible sources of such funds, one of which was "civic action in the community to solve its own problems." Such civic action is today regarded, among other things, as an important contribution to the always limited governmental budgets for public works and services. V To sum up, in Puerto Rico we see a society in a state of feverish flux to raise its standards of living through a multitude of interrelated activities. That society is too beset by real and urgent problems to be doctrinaire in the way in which it goes at its work. In industrialization, public works, education-in every branch of its endeavors-it is today engaged in a program people of Puerto Rico are today learning to organize coopera- tives as well as to build schools, roads, drill wells, and other projects by direct community action, instead of waiting for the government to do such things for them. Divided into home- stead plots, the land is then turned over to a number of eligible prospective settlers chosen by lot. They may thereafter hold it in usufruct; the government retains title to prevent a wave of real estate speculation. Each of them pays $30 and has ten years in which to pay the rest of the $300 which his concrete house will cost him. The government provides plans, demount- able forms, the services of a foreman, and a cement mixer, while selling cement and reinforcing steel to the settlers at cost. The settlers build their own homes under the direction of the foreman, in a joint undertaking that does much to promote community spirit and a constructive attitude toward new ventures, which the community may in the future undertake for its own improve- ment with the government's encouragement. The fostering of community spirit is an important, integral part of Puerto Rico's modern public works program. Indeed, in one of his messages to the legislature, in which he discussed the need for ever more funds for public works and public services, Governor Munoz Marin listed six possible sources of such funds, one of which was "civic action in the community to solve its own problems." Such civic action is today regarded, among other things, as an important contribution to the always limited governmental budgets for public works and services. To sum up, in Puerto Rico we see a society in a state of feverish flux to raise its standards of living through a multitude of interrelated activities. That society is too beset by real and urgent problems to be doctrinaire in the way in which it goes at its work. In industrialization, public works, education-in every branch of its endeavors-it is today engaged in a program  LABOR AND INDUSTRY 199 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 199 LABOR AND INDUSTRY 199 of social invention that has already been felt throughout the Caribbean area as well as in many other democratic societies beset by problems similar to those of Puerto Rico of a little more than a decade ago. of social invention that has already been felt throughout the Caribbean area as well as in many other democratic societies beset by problems similar to those of Puerto Rico of a little more than a decade ago. of social invention that has already been felt throughout the Caribbean area as well as in many other democratic societies beset by problems similar to those of Puerto Rico of a little more than a decade ago.   Part VI Part VI Part VI CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY   16 Octavio M6ndez Pereira: BASIC EDUCATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN THE CARIBBEAN AT THE 1945 emergency Inter-American Conference, held in the Chapultepec Palace, Mexico City, preferential attention was given for the first time in a gathering of this kind to the social problems of improving living conditions of the common people and of making man the center of interest of all collective efforts. In effect, such points as the following were considered, among other things, as of major public interest: minimum wages; maxi- mum length of the working day; night work; employment of women and children; rest periods; prevention of and compen- sation for accidents related to work; social security for illness, old age, disability, maternity, and unemployment; preventive medicine; free education for all; mother and child aid; housing for workers; the right of labor to organize, to bargain collectively, and to strike. Previously, in Philadelphia during April of 1944, there had been held the twenty-sixth meeting of the International Labor Organization, attended by delegations representing the govern- ments, the workers, and the employers of forty-one countries. In the first of the basic principles that, according to the Phila- delphia Declaration, should inspire the policies of members of the International Labor Organization, there is a strong reaffirma- 203 Octavio Mendez Pereira: BASIC EDUCATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN THE CARIBBEAN AT THE 1945 emergency Inter-American Conference, held in the Chapultepec Palace, Mexico City, preferential attention was given for the first time in a gathering of this kind to the social problems of improving living conditions of the common people and of making man the center of interest of all collective efforts. In effect, such points as the following were considered, among other things, as of major public interest: minimum wages; maxi- mum length of the working day; night work; employment of women and children; rest periods; prevention of and compen- sation for accidents related to work; social security for illness, old age, disability, maternity, and unemployment; preventive medicine; free education for all; mother and child aid; housing for workers; the right of labor to organize, to bargain collectively, and to strike. Previously, in Philadelphia during April of 1944, there had been held the twenty-sixth meeting of the International Labor Organization, attended by delegations representing the govern- ments, the workers, and the employers of forty-one countries. In the first of the basic principles that, according to the Phila- delphia Declaration, should inspire the policies of members of the International Labor Organization, there is a strong reaffirma- 203 Octavio Mendez Pereira: BASIC EDUCATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN THE CARIBBEAN AT THE 1945 emergency Inter-American Conference, held in the Chapultepec Palace, Mexico City, preferential attention was given for the first time in a gathering of this kind to the social problems of improving living conditions of the common people and of making man the center of interest of all collective efforts. In effect, such points as the following were considered, among other things, as of major public interest: minimum wages; maxi- mum length of the working day; night work; employment of women and children; rest periods; prevention of and compen- sation for accidents related to work; social security for illness, old age, disability, maternity, and unemployment; preventive medicine; free education for all; mother and child aid; housing for workers; the right of labor to organize, to bargain collectively, and to strike. Previously, in Philadelphia during April of 1944, there had been held the twenty-sixth meeting of the International Labor Organization, attended by delegations representing the govern- ments, the workers, and the employers of forty-one countries. In the first of the basic principles that, according to the Phila- delphia Declaration, should inspire the policies of members of the International Labor Organization, there is a strong reaffirma- 203  204 The Caribbean tion of the fact that "the struggle against need should be carried on with unceasing energy within each nation and through the medium of a concerted, continuous international effort." The third principle proclaims "the solemn obligations to promote, among all the nations of the world, programs that will achieve, among other things, full employment, higher living standards, a just distribution of the fruits of progress, and a minimum wage for all who work and who need such protection." As a consequence of these ideas, the Inter-American Confer- ence of Chapultepec formulated categorical statements of a social nature which read as follows: 1. Man should be the center of interest of all public and gov- ernmental efforts. 2. The state should take measures that will assure moral sta- bility, economic betterment, and the social well-being of the family-which should be considered the unit, the fundamental institution, of society. 3. The nations of the Americas should combat, with decisive- ness and energy, human want, malnutrition, sickness, and ignorance. 4. The state should lend aid to, and direct social and economic initiative, encouraging private enterprise to cooperate in realizing the stated objectives. 5. Working conditions and remuneration should be such as to guarantee the well-being and dignity of man, and the necessary economic, moral, and social rehabilitation of the peoples of the Americas. The Charter of the Organization of American States, drawn up in Bogota in the year 1948-and which must be considered the constitution of the Pan American system-made obligatory the above-mentioned declarations and resolutions and provided a firm basis for the following principles: equality among member states; respect for international law as the norm of conduct; 204 The Caribbean 204 The Caribbean tion of the fact that "the struggle against need should be carried on with unceasing energy within each nation and through the medium of a concerted, continuous international effort." The third principle proclaims "the solemn obligations to promote, among all the nations of the world, programs that will achieve, among other things, full employment, higher living standards, a just distribution of the fruits of progress, and a minimum wage for all who work and who need such protection." As a consequence of these ideas, the Inter-American Confer- ence of Chapultepec formulated categorical statements of a social nature which read as follows: 1. Man should be the center of interest of all public and gov- ernmental efforts. 2. The state should take measures that will assure moral sta- bility, economic betterment, and the social well-being of the family-which should be considered the unit, the fundamental institution, of society. 3. The nations of the Americas should combat, with decisive- ness and energy, human want, malnutrition, sickness, and ignorance. 4. The state should lend aid to, and direct social and economic initiative, encouraging private enterprise to cooperate in realizing the stated objectives. 5. Working conditions and remuneration should be such as to guarantee the well-being and dignity of man, and the necessary economic, moral, and social rehabilitation of the peoples of the Americas. The Charter of the Organization of American States, drawn up in Bogota in the year 1948-and which must be considered the constitution of the Pan American system-made obligatory the above-mentioned declarations and resolutions and provided a firm basis for the following principles: equality among member states; respect for international law as the norm of conduct; tion of the fact that "the struggle against need should be carried on with unceasing energy within each nation and through the medium of a concerted, continuous international effort." The third principle proclaims "the solemn obligations to promote, among all the nations of the world, programs that will achieve, among other things, full employment, higher living standards, a just distribution of the fruits of progress, and a minimum wage for all who work and who need such protection." As a consequence of these ideas, the Inter-American Confer- ence of Chapultepec formulated categorical statements of a social nature which read as follows: 1. Man should be the center of interest of all public and gov- ernmental efforts. 2. The state should take measures that will assure moral sta- bility, economic betterment, and the social well-being of the family-which should be considered the unit, the fundamental institution, of society. 3. The nations of the Americas should combat, with decisive- ness and energy, human want, malnutrition, sickness, and ignorance. 4. The state should lend aid to, and direct social and economic initiative, encouraging private enterprise to cooperate in realizing the stated objectives. 5. Working conditions and remuneration should be such as to guarantee the well-being and dignity of man, and the necessary economic, moral, and social rehabilitation of the peoples of the Americas. The Charter of the Organization of American States, drawn up in Bogota in the year 1948-and which must be considered the constitution of the Pan American system-made obligatory the above-mentioned declarations and resolutions and provided a firm basis for the following principles: equality among member states; respect for international law as the norm of conduct;  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 2U recognition of the fundamental rights of the human being; cooperation in economic, social, and cultural matters; and soli- darity against aggression. In this Bogota charter, the individual came to be the subject and the object of justice through giving their rightful importance to economic cooperation and human rights. It was borne in mind, however, that to subsist and reach the ultimate goal of international integration, our economic sys- tems must resolve two great contradictions: within the bound- aries of each nation, the great differences that exist in standards of living of the people; in the international sphere, the coexist- ence of well-developed nations with others that, economically, are colonial. It is the responsibility of democratic governments, of institu- tions of all kinds, and of all who go to make up the civic life of the American nations to strive to make effective the recom- mendations and the plans of the Organization of American States and of the United Nations, which have as an ultimate goal the survival of democracy as the social and political system of all nations. It must be remembered that before the Charter of Human Rights proclaimed and defended individual liberty, the countries of this hemisphere had set forth, at the meeting in Bogota, a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man of the Americas, with statements taken from the legal codes and political constitutions of the member states. The idea of a Western Hemisphere international law, consistently and effective- ly applied, established within these continents the right to live under a regionalism, firm and united on the principles of republi- can democracies. In the consolidation of this regional organization of sovereign and independent communities, an effort was made to establish a confederation, politically, economically, and socially sound, which would free us from the threats and dangers of foreign ideologies opposed to liberty and democracy. And we know that CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 205 recognition of the fundamental rights of the human being; cooperation in economic, social, and cultural matters; and soli- darity against aggression. In this Bogota charter, the individual came to be the subject and the object of justice through giving their rightful importance to economic cooperation and human rights. It was borne in mind, however, that to subsist and reach the ultimate goal of international integration, our economic sys- tems must resolve two great contradictions: within the bound- aries of each nation, the great differences that exist in standards of living of the people; in the international sphere, the coexist- ence of well-developed nations with others that, economically, are colonial. It is the responsibility of democratic governments, of institu- tions of all kinds, and of all who go to make up the civic life of the American nations to strive to make effective the recom- mendations and the plans of the Organization of American States and of the United Nations, which have as an ultimate goal the survival of democracy as the social and political system of all nations. It must be remembered that before the Charter of Human Rights proclaimed and defended individual liberty, the countries of this hemisphere had set forth, at the meeting in Bogota, a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man of the Americas, with statements taken from the legal codes and political constitutions of the member states. The idea of a Western Hemisphere international law, consistently and effective- ly applied, established within these continents the right to live under a regionalism, firm and united on the principles of republi- can democracies. In the consolidation of this regional organization of sovereign and independent communities, an effort was made to establish a confederation, politically, economically, and socially sound, which would free us from the threats and dangers of foreign ideologies opposed to liberty and democracy. And we know that CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 205 recognition of the fundamental rights of the human being; cooperation in economic, social, and cultural matters; and soli- darity against aggression. In this Bogota charter, the individual came to be the subject and the object of justice through giving their rightful importance to economic cooperation and human rights. It was borne in mind, however, that to subsist and reach the ultimate goal of international integration, our economic sys- tems must resolve two great contradictions: within the bound- aries of each nation, the great differences that exist in standards of living of the people; in the international sphere, the coexist- ence of well-developed nations with others that, economically, are colonial. It is the responsibility of democratic governments, of institu- tions of all kinds, and of all who go to make up the civic life of the American nations to strive to make effective the recom- mendations and the plans of the Organization of American States and of the United Nations, which have as an ultimate goal the survival of democracy as the social and political system of all nations. It must be remembered that before the Charter of Human Rights proclaimed and defended individual liberty, the countries of this hemisphere had set forth, at the meeting in Bogota, a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man of the Americas, with statements taken from the legal codes and political constitutions of the member states. The idea of a Western Hemisphere international law, consistently and effective- ly applied, established within these continents the right to live under a regionalism, firm and united on the principles of republi- can democracies. In the consolidation of this regional organization of sovereign and independent communities, an effort was made to establish a confederation, politically, economically, and socially sound, which would free us from the threats and dangers of foreign ideologies opposed to liberty and democracy. And we know that  206 The Caribbean the secret to the achievement of this end lies in having man free economically, free from misery and fear, and with dignity based on his own culture. We now know of the right means-it is a moral obligation of, and at the same time good business for, prosperous nations to contribute to the development of under- developed regions. In this socio-economic undertaking, there are only two roads: that of imperialism, which has failed as an economic plan; or that of an increase, through the application of technological advances, of the capacity to produce and con- sume on the part of the less developed lands. Furthermore, to aid these countries, help should not be in the form of coloniza- tion; not even subtly through unilateral technical and cultural assistance, but in the form of collaboration in which national disinterest is the major interest, since today the problems of all are interdependent. The extent to which the Basic Covenant of Economic Co- operation of Bogoti can contribute to the promotion of economic and social development through cooperative action will depend, therefore, on the extent of progress toward the achievement of the political, moral, educational, social, and other factors con- tained in the charter of the organization, and of the develop- ment in other lands of a fair and sane worldmindedness that will reduce as much as possible inequality between industrialized nations and those that produce raw materials. The self-evident is the important fact: the mutual recognition, by the countries themselves, that to maintain the weakness of some and enhance the strength of others cannot help to strengthen our continental economic structure; on the contrary, that the well-being of one, admitting the inevitability of modern interdependence, depends on the well-being of the rest. The unfavorable situation caused by scant economic develop- ment and limited means of communication on the part of the majority of Latin American countries, in contrast with the strong and well-organized economy of the United States of America, without doubt constitutes one of the problems involved in recip- 206 The Caribbean 206 The Caribbean the secret to the achievement of this end lies in having man free economically, free from misery and fear, and with dignity based on his own culture. We now know of the right means-it is a moral obligation of, and at the same time good business for, prosperous nations to contribute to the development of under- developed regions. In this socio-economic undertaking, there are only two roads: that of imperialism, which has failed as an economic plan; or that of an increase, through the application of technological advances, of the capacity to produce and con- sume on the part of the less developed lands. Furthermore, to aid these countries, help should not be in the form of coloniza- tion; not even subtly through unilateral technical and cultural assistance, but in the form of collaboration in which national disinterest is the major interest, since today the problems of all are interdependent. The extent to which the Basic Covenant of Economic Co- operation of Bogoti can contribute to the promotion of economic and social development through cooperative action will depend, therefore, on the extent of progress toward the achievement of the political, moral, educational, social, and other factors con- tained in the charter of the organization, and of the develop- ment in other lands of a fair and sane worldmindedness that will reduce as much as possible inequality between industrialized nations and those that produce raw materials. The self-evident is the important fact: the mutual recognition, by the countries themselves, that to maintain the weakness of some and enhance the strength of others cannot help to strengthen our continental economic structure; on the contrary, that the well-being of one, admitting the inevitability of modern interdependence, depends on the well-being of the rest. The unfavorable situation caused by scant economic develop- ment and limited means of communication on the part of the majority of Latin American countries, in contrast with the strong and well-organized economy of the United States of America, without doubt constitutes one of the problems involved in recip- the secret to the achievement of this end lies in having man free economically, free from misery and fear, and with dignity based on his own culture. We now know of the right means-it is a moral obligation of, and at the same time good business for, prosperous nations to contribute to the development of under- developed regions. In this socio-economic undertaking, there are only two roads: that of imperialism, which has failed as an economic plan; or that of an increase, through the application of technological advances, of the capacity to produce and con- sume on the part of the less developed lands. Furthermore, to aid these countries, help should not be in the form of coloniza- tion; not even subtly through unilateral technical and cultural assistance, but in the form of collaboration in which national disinterest is the major interest, since today the problems of all are interdependent. The extent to which the Basic Covenant of Economic Co- operation of Bogota can contribute to the promotion of economic and social development through cooperative action will depend, therefore, on the extent of progress toward the achievement of the political, moral, educational, social, and other factors con- tained in the charter of the organization, and of the develop- ment in other lands of a fair and sane worldmindedness that will reduce as much as possible inequality between industrialized nations and those that produce raw materials. The self-evident is the important fact: the mutual recognition, by the countries themselves, that to maintain the weakness of some and enhance the strength of others cannot help to strengthen our continental economic structure; on the contrary, that the well-being of one, admitting the inevitability of modern interdependence, depends on the well-being of the rest. The unfavorable situation caused by scant economic develop- ment and limited means of communication on the part of the majority of Latin American countries, in contrast with the strong and well-organized economy of the United States of America, without doubt constitutes one of the problems involved in recip-  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 20/ rocal economic and financial cooperation. The agreements of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the Inter- national Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the so-called Point Four, and others tend to erase differences, accent coopera- tion, and raise living standards in each of the countries not fully developed. The ability to get along economically, I repeat, is the essen- tial condition to getting along politically and, in the final analy- sis in the case of the international organization, it is necessary in order to achieve a state of peace, of solidarity, of autonomy, and of independence. II Perhaps in socio-economic equilibrium and with a regard for characteristics that a unity of this nature imposes, within the Organization of American States there will be found the solution to the problem of the coexistence of Hispano-Americanism, and of its integration into a true solidarity of the Americas. The American continents provide an example of the long and constant functioning of international joint action not to be found in any other part of the world. What prevents, then, the reach- ing of a formula for conjoint living that would effect a rise in the standard of living for all the nations therein? What prevents full acceptance of the principle that no longer shall the comfort and well-being of a few be a privilege to the detriment of others, but a common conquest for all, and the reason for peace among men, for loyal cooperation among all nations, not differentiating between large and small, strong and weak? No longer can eco- nomic, social, or cultural progress be exclusive. And organiza- tions like that of our region, or of the world, consist not solely of governments but of peoples also; which makes it hard to conceive that there exist, as they do in the world, racial discrimi- nations and differences in educational and cultural opportunities that keep millions of men and women in ignorance and misery. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 207 rocal economic and financial cooperation. The agreements of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the Inter- national Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the so-called Point Four, and others tend to erase differences, accent coopera- tion, and raise living standards in each of the countries not fully developed. The ability to get along economically, I repeat, is the essen- tial condition to getting along politically and, in the final analy- sis in the case of the international organization, it is necessary in order to achieve a state of peace, of solidarity, of autonomy, and of independence. II Perhaps in socio-economic equilibrium and with a regard for characteristics that a unity of this nature imposes, within the Organization of American States there will be found the solution to the problem of the coexistence of Hispano-Americanism, and of its integration into a true solidarity of the Americas. The American continents provide an example of the long and constant functioning of international joint action not to be found in any other part of the world. What prevents, then, the reach- ing of a formula for conjoint living that would effect a rise in the standard of living for all the nations therein? What prevents full acceptance of the principle that no longer shall the comfort and well-being of a few be a privilege to the detriment of others, but a common conquest for all, and the reason for peace among men, for loyal cooperation among all nations, not differentiating between large and small, strong and weak? No longer can eco- nomic, social, or cultural progress be exclusive. And organiza- tions like that of our region, or of the world, consist not solely of governments but of peoples also; which makes it hard to conceive that there exist, as they do in the world, racial discrimi- nations and differences in educational and cultural opportunities that keep millions of men and women in ignorance and misery. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 207 rocal economic and financial cooperation. The agreements of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the Inter- national Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the so-called Point Four, and others tend to erase differences, accent coopera- tion, and raise living standards in each of the countries not fully developed. The ability to get along economically, I repeat, is the essen- tial condition to getting along politically and, in the final analy- sis in the case of the international organization, it is necessary in order to achieve a state of peace, of solidarity, of autonomy, and of independence. II Perhaps in socio-economic equilibrium and with a regard for characteristics that a unity of this nature imposes, within the Organization of American States there will be found the solution to the problem of the coexistence of Hispano-Americanism, and of its integration into a true solidarity of the Americas. The American continents provide an example of the long and constant functioning of international joint action not to be found in any other part of the world. What prevents, then, the reach- ing of a formula for conjoint living that would effect a rise in the standard of living for all the nations therein? What prevents full acceptance of the principle that no longer shall the comfort and well-being of a few be a privilege to the detriment of others, but a common conquest for all, and the reason for peace among men, for loyal cooperation among all nations, not differentiating between large and small, strong and weak? No longer can eco- nomic, social, or cultural progress be exclusive. And organiza- tions like that of our region, or of the world, consist not solely of governments but of peoples also; which makes it hard to conceive that there exist, as they do in the world, racial discrimi- nations and differences in educational and cultural opportunities that keep millions of men and women in ignorance and misery.  208 The Caribbean III There can be no peace in the world while two-thirds of its inhabitants are illiterate; there can be no true unity and truly cooperative living together by the nations of the Americas while there are seventy million rural people, half-breeds, Indians, and Negroes not as yet absorbed by our civilization as its workers and beneficiaries. The error of imperialist governments, of nations, and of the enterprises that have thrived in their shadows has consisted of enslaving the backward worker for the purpose of exploiting him, without attempting to elevate his living standards through an education that teaches him to live on a higher plane with ever- greater needs. Creating demands is the best possible business of exporting nations, because this is the goal to more productive work and greater consumption. Think, for example, of the business that would result from teaching seventy million barefoot men to wear shoes or of establishing proper dietary habits in an equal number of malnourished people. IV The ideal of a just world and of peace among men must be guaranteed, as President Eisenhower has indicated, not with arms but with wheat and cotton, milk and wool, meat, wood, and rice. According to him, the United States is disposed to employ its energies for these just relationships and to attend the needs and not the fears of the world, that the monuments to these efforts may be schools, hospitals and houses, food and health-so that each cannon that is made, each battleship that is launched, each projectile that is fired will, in the end, signify no robbery of the hungry and helpless or exploitation of progress and humanity's hope. "This government," he has said, "is will- ing to ask its citizens to join those of all other nations to dedicate a substantial part of the savings effected by disarmament to a 208 The Caribbean 208 The Caribbean III There can be no peace in the world while two-thirds of its inhabitants are illiterate; there can be no true unity and truly cooperative living together by the nations of the Americas while there are seventy million rural people, half-breeds, Indians, and Negroes not as yet absorbed by our civilization as its workers and beneficiaries. The error of imperialist governments, of nations, and of the enterprises that have thrived in their shadows has consisted of enslaving the backward worker for the purpose of exploiting him, without attempting to elevate his living standards through an education that teaches him to live on a higher plane with ever- greater needs. Creating demands is the best possible business of exporting nations, because this is the goal to more productive work and greater consumption. Think, for example, of the business that would result from teaching seventy million barefoot men to wear shoes or of establishing proper dietary habits in an equal number of malnourished people. IV The ideal of a just world and of peace among men must be guaranteed, as President Eisenhower has indicated, not with arms but with wheat and cotton, milk and wool, meat, wood, and rice. According to him, the United States is disposed to employ its energies for these just relationships and to attend the needs and not the fears of the world, that the monuments to these efforts may be schools, hospitals and houses, food and health-so that each cannon that is made, each battleship that is launched, each projectile that is fired will, in the end, signify no robbery of the hungry and helpless or exploitation of progress and humanity's hope. "This government," he has said, "is will- ing to ask its citizens to join those of all other nations to dedicate a substantial part of the savings effected by disarmament to a III There can be no peace in the world while two-thirds of its inhabitants are illiterate; there can be no true unity and truly cooperative living together by the nations of the Americas while there are seventy million rural people, half-breeds, Indians, and Negroes not as yet absorbed by our civilization as its workers and beneficiaries. The error of imperialist governments, of nations, and of the enterprises that have thrived in their shadows has consisted of enslaving the backward worker for the purpose of exploiting him, without attempting to elevate his living standards through an education that teaches him to live on a higher plane with ever- greater needs. Creating demands is the best possible business of exporting nations, because this is the goal to more productive work and greater consumption. Think, for example, of the business that would result from teaching seventy million barefoot men to wear shoes or of establishing proper dietary habits in an equal number of malnourished people. IV The ideal of a just world and of peace among men must be guaranteed, as President Eisenhower has indicated, not with arms but with wheat and cotton, milk and wool, meat, wood, and rice. According to him, the United States is disposed to employ its energies for these just relationships and to attend the needs and not the fears of the world, that the monuments to these efforts may be schools, hospitals and houses, food and health-so that each cannon that is made, each battleship that is launched, each projectile that is fired will, in the end, signify no robbery of the hungry and helpless or exploitation of progress and humanity's hope. "This government," he has said, "is will- ing to ask its citizens to join those of all other nations to dedicate a substantial part of the savings effected by disarmament to a  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 2M)3 fund for world aid and reconstruction. The purpose of this magnificent work would be: to help other nations develop their as yet undeveloped regions, to stimulate an international com- merce that would be beneficial and equitable, to help all nations to know the blessings of productive liberty." The essential objective of Inter-American conferences, of the Organization of American States, of the United Nations and its specialized organizations, I must repeat to the point of being tiresome, must be a peace that will assure better living conditions to all countries and to all communities. These are the institu- tions charged with shaping that peace, with due respect for the rights and liberties of man and of the economic prosperity of all nations, a peace that will end international exploitation of the so-called backward areas-those with primitive economies. Work and wealth, industry and technology, are the basic ele- ments that will give dignity to the human being and make him an integral part of the national and international legal order. As long as the major part of the human race lives in underdeveloped areas and in misery and ignorance, equality of men and uni- versal peace will be, if not vain words, at least mere distant ideals. They still are in Hispanic America, in our own Caribbean countries, just as they were when proclaimed by the Great Liberator. What in reality unites our countries is their faith in the future of the Americas, their conviction that, some day, they can hand over their rich and productive lands to the world for the ends of liberty and social well-being, of the ideal of human confrater- nity-without religious or racial hatreds-for those things that give character and meaning to our countries, which attract and give a feeling of security to embittered men who immigrate here from other shores to find a better way of life. When there are enthroned in the countries of the Americas dictators opposed to liberty and democracy whom these nations support, there is a tendency toward distortion, as has been noted, in the high calling of the continents that were born to be the CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 209 fund for world aid and reconstruction. The purpose of this magnificent work would be: to help other nations develop their as yet undeveloped regions, to stimulate an international com- merce that would be beneficial and equitable, to help all nations to know the blessings of productive liberty." The essential objective of Inter-American conferences, of the Organization of American States, of the United Nations and its specialized organizations, I must repeat to the point of being tiresome, must be a peace that will assure better living conditions to all countries and to all communities. These are the institu- tions charged with shaping that peace, with due respect for the rights and liberties of man and of the economic prosperity of all nations, a peace that will end international exploitation of the so-called backward areas-those with primitive economies. Work and wealth, industry and technology, are the basic ele- ments that will give dignity to the human being and make him an integral part of the national and international legal order. As long as the major part of the human race lives in underdeveloped areas and in misery and ignorance, equality of men and uni- versal peace will be, if not vain words, at least mere distant ideals. They still are in Hispanic America, in our own Caribbean countries, just as they were when proclaimed by the Great Liberator. What in reality unites our countries is their faith in the future of the Americas, their conviction that, some day, they can hand over their rich and productive lands to the world for the ends of liberty and social well-being, of the ideal of human confrater- nity-without religious or racial hatreds-for those things that give character and meaning to our countries, which attract and give a feeling of security to embittered men who immigrate here from other shores to find a better way of life. When there are enthroned in the countries of the Americas dictators opposed to liberty and democracy whom these nations support, there is a tendency toward distortion, as has been noted, in the high calling of the continents that were born to be the CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 209 fund for world aid and reconstruction. The purpose of this magnificent work would be: to help other nations develop their as yet undeveloped regions, to stimulate an international com- merce that would be beneficial and equitable, to help all nations to know the blessings of productive liberty." The essential objective of Inter-American conferences, of the Organization of American States, of the United Nations and its specialized organizations, I must repeat to the point of being tiresome, must be a peace that will assure better living conditions to all countries and to all communities. These are the institu- tions charged with shaping that peace, with due respect for the rights and liberties of man and of the economic prosperity of all nations, a peace that will end international exploitation of the so-called backward areas-those with primitive economies. Work and wealth, industry and technology, are the basic ele- ments that will give dignity to the human being and make him an integral part of the national and international legal order. As long as the major part of the human race lives in underdeveloped areas and in misery and ignorance, equality of men and uni- versal peace will be, if not vain words, at least mere distant ideals. They still are in Hispanic America, in our own Caribbean countries, just as they were when proclaimed by the Great Liberator. What in reality unites our countries is their faith in the future of the Americas, their conviction that, some day, they can hand over their rich and productive lands to the world for the ends of liberty and social well-being, of the ideal of human confrater- nity-without religious or racial hatreds-for those things that give character and meaning to our countries, which attract and give a feeling of security to embittered men who immigrate here from other shores to find a better way of life. When there are enthroned in the countries of the Americas dictators opposed to liberty and democracy whom these nations support, there is a tendency toward distortion, as has been noted, in the high calling of the continents that were born to be the  210 The Caribbean 210 The Caribbean 210 The Caribbean home of democracy and the Promised Land for the human race. Expressing pain because of these deviations, now commoner than ever before, Spruille Braden, long-time Ambassador of the United States to Argentina, reached the point of asserting that by leav- ing the path, we have bartered our principles, losing at the same time the unity and the respect of our neighbors. He added, that if our principles had been placed before all else, we would not have done what we did after the Second World War. We gave the blood and the life of our youth to end Nazism in the world. We hated the Fascists and all that they stood for. Now we court Fascist-type dictators: we solemnly sign treaties in which we advocate human rights, political liberties, and demo- cratic principles at the very moment when those dictators refuse to recognize them. The dictators who disregard human rights and to whom Spruille Braden alluded are the very ones who, as owners of or participants in exploiting enterprises, such as mines, sugar cane, tobacco, bananas, cotton, or cattle, are interested in maintaining ignorance, misery, and slavery by means of which it is easier to perpetuate dictatorships. "Since 1945," wrote Jaime Torres Bodet, "the organization of the United Nations has been in existence. It is no longer a vague, pacifist, intellectual, or sentimental aspiration. We are dealing with an established order, an order that we must consolidate and defend. It is important to see, consequently, whether all of the member governments are ready to teach, within the bound- aries of their own countries, what they consecrated with their signatures at the end of a horrible conflagration-that all states have equal sovereignty, but that precisely in the exercise of that sovereignty all of those that find themselves associated in the United Nations have admitted certain obligations that each one of their citizens has the right fully to know, to learn while he is still in school."' * Jaime Torres Bodet, "Las naciones unidas y el civismo nacional," El Correo de la UNESCO, VI, 10 (October, 1952). home of democracy and the Promised Land for the human race. Expressing pain because of these deviations, now commoner than ever before, Spruille Braden, long-time Ambassador of the United States to Argentina, reached the point of asserting that by leav- ing the path, we have bartered our principles, losing at the same time the unity and the respect of our neighbors. He added, that if our principles had been placed before all else, we would not have done what we did after the Second World War. We gave the blood and the life of our youth to end Nazism in the world. We hated the Fascists and all that they stood for. Now we court Fascist-type dictators: we solemnly sign treaties in which we advocate human rights, political liberties, and demo- cratic principles at the very moment when those dictators refuse to recognize them. The dictators who disregard human rights and to whom Spruille Braden alluded are the very ones who, as owners of or participants in exploiting enterprises, such as mines, sugar cane, tobacco, bananas, cotton, or cattle, are interested in maintaining ignorance, misery, and slavery by means of which it is easier to perpetuate dictatorships. "Since 1945," wrote Jaime Torres Bodet, "the organization of the United Nations has been in existence. It is no longer a vague, pacifist, intellectual, or sentimental aspiration. We are dealing with an established order, an order that we must consolidate and defend. It is important to see, consequently, whether all of the member governments are ready to teach, within the bound- aries of their own countries, what they consecrated with their signatures at the end of a horrible conflagration-that all states have equal sovereignty, but that precisely in the exercise of that sovereignty all of those that find themselves associated in the United Nations have admitted certain obligations that each one of their citizens has the right fully to know, to learn while he is still in school."' ' Jaime Torres Bodet, "Las naciones unidas y el civismo nacional," El Correo de la UNESCO, VI, 10 (October, 1952). home of democracy and the Promised Land for the human race. Expressing pain because of these deviations, now commoner than ever before, Spruille Braden, long-time Ambassador of the United States to Argentina, reached the point of asserting that by leav- ing the path, we have bartered our principles, losing at the same time the unity and the respect of our neighbors. He added, that if our principles had been placed before all else, we would not have done what we did after the Second World War. We gave the blood and the life of our youth to end Nazism in the world. We hated the Fascists and all that they stood for. Now we court Fascist-type dictators: we solemnly sign treaties in which we advocate human rights, political liberties, and demo- cratic principles at the very moment when those dictators refuse to recognize them. The dictators who disregard human rights and to whom Spruille Braden alluded are the very ones who, as owners of or participants in exploiting enterprises, such as mines, sugar cane, tobacco, bananas, cotton, or cattle, are interested in maintaining ignorance, misery, and slavery by means of which it is easier to perpetuate dictatorships. "Since 1945," wrote Jaime Torres Bodet, "the organization of the United Nations has been in existence. It is no longer a vague, pacifist, intellectual, or sentimental aspiration. We are dealing with an established order, an order that we must consolidate and defend. It is important to see, consequently, whether all of the member governments are ready to teach, within the bound- aries of their own countries, what they consecrated with their signatures at the end of a horrible conflagration-that all states have equal sovereignty, but that precisely in the exercise of that sovereignty all of those that find themselves associated in the United Nations have admitted certain obligations that each one of their citizens has the right fully to know, to learn while he is still in school."' ' Jaime Torres Bodet, "Las naciones unidas y el civismo nacional," El Correo de la UNESCO, VI, 10 (October, 1952).  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 211 V Although some reefs lie ahead, the United Nations and its specialized agencies are under way, attempting to reach the masses and preparing the pathway to peace, without which the rights of man, international justice, and social and political progress mean merely ideals or impossible roads: the Inter- national Labor Organization, the group concerned with interna- tional civil aviation, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the World Health Organization, the World Refugee Organization, the Universal Postal Union, groups in commerce, telecommunications, and drugs, and, above all, UNESCO, the organization for promoting education, science, and culture, without which it will be impossible to have peace, universal respect for justice, law, human rights, and the funda- mental liberties made sacred in the Charter of the Nations -without which it would be impossible to arrive at the point of making all men free and dignified, without masters and yokes, free from misery and fear. Education, science, and culture are the only forces as yet unexhausted that can rejuvenate the vital forces of man toward other routes which, as UNESCO hopes, will guide him, in a profound and elevated sense, to spiritual conquest and transcendence within the bounds of con- joint living, justice, and liberty. The preamble to the act that established UNESCO says that since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that peace must be constructed; that ignorance of each other's ways and lives has been a common cause, throughout the history of mankind, of that suspicion and mistrust between peoples of the world through which their differences have all too often broken into war; that the great and terrible war that has now ended was a war made possible by the denial of the democratic principles of the dignity, equality, and mutual respect of men, and by the propagation, in their place, through ignorance and prejudice, of the doctrine of the inequality of men and races; that the wide diffusion of culture, and the education of human- CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 211 V Although some reefs lie ahead, the United Nations and its specialized agencies are under way, attempting to reach the masses and preparing the pathway to peace, without which the rights of man, international justice, and social and political progress mean merely ideals or impossible roads: the Inter- national Labor Organization, the group concerned with interna- tional civil aviation, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the World Health Organization, the World Refugee Organization, the Universal Postal Union, groups in commerce, telecommunications, and drugs, and, above all, UNESCO, the organization for promoting education, science, and culture, without which it will be impossible to have peace, universal respect for justice, law, human rights, and the funda- mental liberties made sacred in the Charter of the Nations -without which it would be impossible to arrive at the point of making all men free and dignified, without masters and yokes, free from misery and fear. Education, science, and culture are the only, forces as yet unexhausted that can rejuvenate the vital forces of man toward other routes which, as UNESCO hopes, will guide him, in a profound and elevated sense, to spiritual conquest and transcendence within the bounds of con- joint living, justice, and liberty. The preamble to the act that established UNESCO says that since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that peace must be constructed; that ignorance of each other's ways and lives has been a common cause, throughout the history of mankind, of that suspicion and mistrust between peoples of the world through which their differences have all too often broken into war; that the great and terrible war that has now ended was a war made possible by the denial of the democratic principles of the dignity, equality, and mutual respect of men, and by the propagation, in their place, through ignorance and prejudice, of the doctrine of the inequality of men and races; that the wide diffusion of culture, and the education of human- CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 211 V Although some reefs lie ahead, the United Nations and its specialized agencies are under way, attempting to reach the masses and preparing the pathway to peace, without which the rights of man, international justice, and social and political progress mean merely ideals or impossible roads: the Inter- national Labor Organization, the group concerned with interna- tional civil aviation, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the World Health Organization, the World Refugee Organization, the Universal Postal Union, groups in commerce, telecommunications, and drugs, and, above all, UNESCO, the organization for promoting education, science, and culture, without which it will be impossible to have peace, universal respect for justice, law, human rights, and the funda- mental liberties made sacred in the Charter of the Nations -without which it would be impossible to arrive at the point of making all men free and dignified, without masters and yokes, free from misery and fear. Education, science, and culture are the only, forces as yet unexhausted that can rejuvenate the vital forces of man toward other routes which, as UNESCO hopes, will guide him, in a profound and elevated sense, to spiritual conquest and transcendence within the bounds of con- joint living, justice, and liberty. The preamble to the act that established UNESCO says that since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that peace must be constructed; that ignorance of each other's ways and lives has been a common cause, throughout the history of mankind, of that suspicion and mistrust between peoples of the world through which their differences have all too often broken into war; that the great and terrible war that has now ended was a war made possible by the denial of the democratic principles of the dignity, equality, and mutual respect of men, and by the propagation, in their place, through ignorance and prejudice, of the doctrine of the inequality of men and races; that the wide diffusion of culture, and the education of human-  212 The Caribbean 212 The Caribbean ity for justice and liberty and peace are indispensable to the dignity of man and constitute a sacred duty which all the nations must fulfill in a spirit of mutual assistance and concern; that a peace based exclusively upon the political and economic arrange- ments of governments would not be a peace which could secure the unanimous, lasting, and sincere support of the peoples of the world; and that the peace must therefore be founded, if it is not to fail, upon the intellectual and moral solidarity of man- kind. VI The primary purpose of a basic education is to combat igno- rance and illiteracy and to spread elementary concepts and the methods by which they may be acquired. By this means, it will be possible to raise the level of a group or of a nation; and a universal peace will be possible as well, through the compre- hension of, and belief in, the dignity of man. The purposes established during the meeting in Rio de Janeiro in August, 1949, of the Organization for the Eradication of Illiteracy Among Adults, can be applied equally well to the edu- cation of children. From the collective point of view, education reaches toward social integration, the assimilation of the individ- ual or of isolated groups into the community, through participa- tion in the inheritance of a common culture, and through the ability of acting in a constructive way in the social milieu. A dangerous and static tendency is the one that does not bring education up to date, in keeping with modern ideas and tech- nical and scientific progress. The truth is that methods of think- ing and living have not, as yet, been adapted to the discoveries of science and technology. For that reason, teaching methods need to be re-examined and given wider application through improved educational facilities. In reality, if we want education to be alive or, better still, be life, we must search for new methods, ideals, and motives, ity for justice and liberty and peace are indispensable to the dignity of man and constitute a sacred duty which all the nations must fulfill in a spirit of mutual assistance and concern; that a peace based exclusively upon the political and economic arrange- ments of governments would not be a peace which could secure the unanimous, lasting, and sincere support of the peoples of the world; and that the peace must therefore be founded, if it is not to fail, upon the intellectual and moral solidarity of man- kind. VI The primary purpose of a basic education is to combat igno- rance and illiteracy and to spread elementary concepts and the methods by which they may be acquired. By this means, it will be possible to raise the level of a group or of a nation; and a universal peace will be possible as well, through the compre- hension of, and belief in, the dignity of man. The purposes established during the meeting in Rio de Janeiro in August, 1949, of the Organization for the Eradication of Illiteracy Among Adults, can be applied equally well to the edu- cation of children. From the collective point of view, education reaches toward social integration, the assimilation of the individ- ual or of isolated groups into the community, through participa- tion in the inheritance of a common culture, and through the ability of acting in a constructive way in the social milieu. A dangerous and static tendency is the one that does not bring education up to date, in keeping with modern ideas and tech- nical and scientific progress. The truth is that methods of think- ing and living have not, as yet, been adapted to the discoveries of science and technology. For that reason, teaching methods need to be re-examined and given wider application through improved educational facilities. In reality, if we want education to be alive or, better still, be life, we must search for new methods, ideals, and motives, 212 The Caribbean ity for justice and liberty and peace are indispensable to the dignity of man and constitute a sacred duty which all the nations must fulfill in a spirit of mutual assistance and concern; that a peace based exclusively upon the political and economic arrange- ments of governments would not be a peace which could secure the unanimous, lasting, and sincere support of the peoples of the world; and that the peace must therefore be founded, if it is not to fail, upon the intellectual and moral solidarity of man- kind. VI The primary purpose of a basic education is to combat igno- rance and illiteracy and to spread elementary concepts and the methods by which they may be acquired. By this means, it will be possible to raise the level of a group or of a nation; and a universal peace will be possible as well, through the compre- hension of, and belief in, the dignity of man. The purposes established during the meeting in Rio de Janeiro in August, 1949, of the Organization for the Eradication of Illiteracy Among Adults, can be applied equally well to the edu- cation of children. From the collective point of view, education reaches toward social integration, the assimilation of the individ- ual or of isolated groups into the community, through participa- tion in the inheritance of a common culture, and through the ability of acting in a constructive way in the social milieu. A dangerous and static tendency is the one that does not bring education up to date, in keeping with modern ideas and tech- nical and scientific progress. The truth is that methods of think- ing and living have not, as yet, been adapted to the discoveries of science and technology. For that reason, teaching methods need to be re-examined and given wider application through improved educational facilities. In reality, if we want education to be alive or, better still, be life, we must search for new methods, ideals, and motives,  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 213 break with the static concept, and convert it into a dynamic force active throughout the whole existence of man. The elementary knowledge of reading and writing is only the first step in this long educational process. A man does not cease to be illiterate because he has learned to read and write, if he is not capable of doing his part and fulfilling a constructive role in society. In some of our countries there has been committed the error -I might say the crime-of teaching the rural dweller to read without giving him the means of improving his livelihood. This has done him an unkind and unmerited disservice, for it has taken him out of his natural medium and flung him into another for which he is totally unprepared. He is dropped into the city, there to become a public charge or, ashamed of his occupation, to return to his family in disgrace. He continues barefooted, living in a badly built and unhygienic hut, eating without being properly nourished, and ill with malaria, hookworm, and other diseases common to his area. He is also subject to the dictator- ship of exploiting companies that pay him small wages and do nothing to raise his standard of living. These companies often enslave because they take such a narrow view, over a short period of time, of their business enterprises. The Panamanian professor, Jos6 Daniel Crespo, said in an article recently published in La Nacion that he found a certain similarity of ideology between modern enslavers and the Con- federate slaveholders at the time Lincoln fought for abolition: "Replacing the free work of slaves with the salaried work of employees," they said, "cannot but lead the nation to economic disaster." At the time of the Civil War, Lincoln answered, "A nation cannot continue to exist half slave and half free." But slavery was abolished, and the prognosis of disaster has converted itself into the most formidable economic development witnessed in our time. To the enslavers of today, determined to perpetuate the in- CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 213 break with the static concept, and convert it into a dynamic force active throughout the whole existence of man. The elementary knowledge of reading and writing is only the first step in this long educational process. A man does not cease to be illiterate because he has learned to read and write, if he is not capable of doing his part and fulfilling a constructive role in society. In some of our countries there has been committed the error -I might say the crime-of teaching the rural dweller to read without giving him the means of improving his livelihood. This has done him an unkind and unmerited disservice, for it has taken him out of his natural medium and flung him into another for which he is totally unprepared. He is dropped into the city, there to become a public charge or, ashamed of his occupation, to return to his family in disgrace. He continues barefooted, living in a badly built and unhygienic hut, eating without being properly nourished, and ill with malaria, hookworm, and other diseases common to his area. He is also subject to the dictator- ship of exploiting companies that pay him small wages and do nothing to raise his standard of living. These companies often enslave because they take such a narrow view, over a short period of time, of their business enterprises. The Panamanian professor, Jos6 Daniel Crespo, said in an article recently published in La Nacion that he found a certain similarity of ideology between modern enslavers and the Con- federate slaveholders at the time Lincoln fought for abolition: "Replacing the free work of slaves with the salaried work of employees," they said, "cannot but lead the nation to economic disaster." At the time of the Civil War, Lincoln answered, "A nation cannot continue to exist half slave and half free." But slavery was abolished, and the prognosis of disaster has converted itself into the most formidable economic development witnessed in our time. To the enslavers of today, determined to perpetuate the in- CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 213 break with the static concept, and convert it into a dynamic force active throughout the whole existence of man. The elementary knowledge of reading and writing is only the first step in this long educational process. A man does not cease to be illiterate because he has learned to read and write, if he is not capable of doing his part and fulfilling a constructive role in society. In some of our countries there has been committed the error -I might say the crime--of teaching the rural dweller to read without giving him the means of improving his livelihood. This has done him an unkind and unmerited disservice, for it has taken him out of his natural medium and flung him into another for which he is totally unprepared. He is dropped into the city, there to become a public charge or, ashamed of his occupation, to return to his family in disgrace. He continues barefooted, living in a badly built and unhygienic hut, eating without being properly nourished, and ill with malaria, hookworm, and other diseases common to his area. He is also subject to the dictator- ship of exploiting companies that pay him small wages and do nothing to raise his standard of living. These companies often enslave because they take such a narrow view, over a short period of time, of their business enterprises. The Panamanian professor, Jose Daniel Crespo, said in an article recently published in La Nacion that he found a certain similarity of ideology between modern enslavers and the Con- federate slaveholders at the time Lincoln fought for abolition: "Replacing the free work of slaves with the salaried work of employees," they said, "cannot but lead the nation to economic disaster." At the time of the Civil War, Lincoln answered, "A nation cannot continue to exist half slave and half free." But slavery was abolished, and the prognosis of disaster has converted itself into the most formidable economic development witnessed in our time. To the enslavers of today, determined to perpetuate the in-  214 The Caribbean justice of economic slavery of backward peoples through miser- able wages, hunger, and the low prices paid for basic materials they produce in contrast with the astronomical prices of the manufactured goods they consume, in order that the commercial and industrial enterprises they represent can continue to derive larger and larger profits-to those enslavers we should like to say, recalling Lincoln, "A civilization divided, half slave and half free, cannot long exist." "We pay our workers badly because they have a low standard of living," say the enslavers, putting the cart before the horse, for they do not want to see that they "have a low standard of living" precisely because they are poorly paid. It is necessary to break this vicious circle! And the only way to do it is to estab- lish just compensation for human labor, which is the source of all riches. And the only entity that can require the employer to do this is the State, particularly in backward countries whose cultural level makes it diflicult for wage-earners to defend their rights with the same effectiveness that they do in those countries that have reached a high level of civilization. Here we have what we consider the reasonable Panamanian claim to equal pay for equal work, in the Canal Zone, recog- nized, although unfortunately not put into practice, during the time of President Roosevelt. It was, however, set forth in the 1936 treaty.' During the 1948 Educational Congress, in Caracas, Vene- zuela, it was decided that "educating the illiterate is not only the training of the individual in the mechanics of reading and writing but, rather, making the individual capable of fulfilling his role as citizen with dignity and making good use of the rights that he has as such." During the Seminar on Illiteracy, in Rio de Janeiro, it was accepted as basic that "education is not only the teaching of reading and writing, but, beyond that, teaching the individual to live with dignity." This concept implies, of course, the coordination of all the forces that give * Jos6 Daniel Crespo, editorial in La Nacion (Panama), September 20, 1953. 214 The Caribbean 214 The Caribbean justice of economic slavery of backward peoples through miser- able wages, hunger, and the low prices paid for basic materials they produce in contrast with the astronomical prices of the manufactured goods they consume, in order that the commercial and industrial enterprises they represent can continue to derive larger and larger profits-to those enslavers we should like to say, recalling Lincoln, "A civilization divided, half slave and half free, cannot long exist." "We pay our workers badly because they have a low standard of living," say the enslavers, putting the cart before the horse, for they do not want to see that they "have a low standard of living" precisely because they are poorly paid. It is necessary to break this vicious circle! And the only way to do it is to estab- lish just compensation for human labor, which is the source of all riches. And the only entity that can require the employer to do this is the State, particularly in backward countries whose cultural level makes it difficult for wage-earners to defend their rights with the same effectiveness that they do in those countries that have reached a high level of civilization. Here we have what we consider the reasonable Panamanian claim to equal pay for equal work, in the Canal Zone, recog- nized, although unfortunately not put into practice, during the time of President Roosevelt. It was, however, set forth in the 1936 treaty.' During the 1948 Educational Congress, in Caracas, Vene- zuela, it was decided that "educating the illiterate is not only the training of the individual in the mechanics of reading and writing but, rather, making the individual capable of fulfilling his role as citizen with dignity and making good use of the rights that he has as such." During the Seminar on Illiteracy, in Rio de Janeiro, it was accepted as basic that "education is not only the teaching of reading and writing, but, beyond that, teaching the individual to live with dignity." This concept implies, of course, the coordination of all the forces that give * Jose Daniel Crespo, editorial in La Naciin (Panama), September 20, 1953. justice of economic slavery of backward peoples through miser- able wages, hunger, and the low prices paid for basic materials they produce in contrast with the astronomical prices of the manufactured goods they consume, in order that the commercial and industrial enterprises they represent can continue to derive larger and larger profits-to those enslavers we should like to say, recalling Lincoln, "A civilization divided, half slave and half free, cannot long exist." "We pay our workers badly because they have a low standard of living," say the enslavers, putting the cart before the horse, for they do not want to see that they "have a low standard of living" precisely because they are poorly paid. It is necessary to break this vicious circle! And the only way to do it is to estab- lish just compensation for human labor, which is the source of all riches. And the only entity that can require the employer to do this is the State, particularly in backward countries whose cultural level makes it difficult for wage-earners to defend their rights with the same effectiveness that they do in those countries that have reached a high level of civilization. Here we have what we consider the reasonable Panamanian claim to equal pay for equal work, in the Canal Zone, recog- nized, although unfortunately not put into practice, during the time of President Roosevelt. It was, however, set forth in the 1936 treaty.' During the 1948 Educational Congress, in Caracas, Vene- zuela, it was decided that "educating the illiterate is not only the training of the individual in the mechanics of reading and writing but, rather, making the individual capable of fulfilling his role as citizen with dignity and making good use of the rights that he has as such." During the Seminar on Illiteracy, in Rio de Janeiro, it was accepted as basic that "education is not only the teaching of reading and writing, but, beyond that, teaching the individual to live with dignity." This concept implies, of course, the coordination of all the forces that give Jos6 Daniel Crespo, editorial in La Nacion (Panama), September 20, 1953.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 215 dignity to man: health, education, social action, remunerative work, government, and nourishment and cultivation of the soul. All the countries of Latin America have this concept clearly incorporated into their laws and decrees. However, the majority of these governments maintain it only as the letter of the law, as an aid toward domination, dictatorship, and electoral manipu- lations. Seventy million persons over fifteen years of age, the majority of them Indians and peasants, live on the margin of civilization, completely unassimilated into the life of the country -illiterate, sick, prey to misery, superstition, and ignorance. It is a cause for shame to many of our statesmen and politicians that Latin America is called the birthplace of a new humanity. As I pointed out at the First Regional Conference of UNESCO, recently held in Havana, Latin America still has in its midst millions and millions of men without purpose or destiny, without hope or faith; it has not troubled itself, as it should, to put its own house in order. How can one, under present circumstances, speak of Latin America as the birthplace of a new humanity? The preliminary report of the Inter-American Seminar on Elementary Education, held at Montevideo, reads as follows: "The nineteen million children for whom there are no schools and the seventy million illiterate adults bear witness to the in- adequacy of elementary education throughout the American nations. The average education of only two or three years for those who have the privilege of attending schools reveals the deficiencies of elementary education, in general, but there are vast areas in which schooling is limited to the first precarious steps in reading, writing, and arithmetic. A social environment of illiteracy and blind custom undoes the work of the school over great areas." Dr. Willfred Mauck, of the Institute of Inter-American Af- fair, recently said, "In a broad sense, all phases of technical assistance must develop as educational processes, if they are to be effective. The objective of all of them is to help make peoples stronger, more self-sufficient, less dependent upon their stronger CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 215 dignity to man: health, education, social action, remunerative work, government, and nourishment and cultivation of the soul. All the countries of Latin America have this concept clearly incorporated into their laws and decrees. However, the majority of these governments maintain it only as the letter of the law, as an aid toward domination, dictatorship, and electoral manipu- lations. Seventy million persons over fifteen years of age, the majority of them Indians and peasants, live on the margin of civilization, completely unassimilated into the life of the country -illiterate, sick, prey to misery, superstition, and ignorance. It is a cause for shame to many of our statesmen and politicians that Latin America is called the birthplace of a new humanity. As I pointed out at the First Regional Conference of UNESCO, recently held in Havana, Latin America still has in its midst millions and millions of men without purpose or destiny, without hope or faith; it has not troubled itself, as it should, to put its own house in order. How can one, under present circumstances, speak of Latin America as the birthplace of a new humanity? The preliminary report of the Inter-American Seminar on Elementary Education, held at Montevideo, reads as follows: "The nineteen million children for whom there are no schools and the seventy million illiterate adults bear witness to the in- adequacy of elementary education throughout the American nations. The average education of only two or three years for those who have the privilege of attending schools reveals the deficiencies of elementary education, in general, but there are vast areas in which schooling is limited to the first precarious steps in reading, writing, and arithmetic. A social environment of illiteracy and blind custom undoes the work of the school over great areas." Dr. Willfred Mauck, of the Institute of Inter-American Af- fairs, recently said, "In a broad sense, all phases of technical assistance must develop as educational processes, if they are to be effective. The objective of all of them is to help make peoples stronger, more self-sufficient, less dependent upon their stronger CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 215 dignity to man: health, education, social action, remunerative work, government, and nourishment and cultivation of the soul. All the countries of Latin America have this concept clearly incorporated into their laws and decrees. However, the majority of these governments maintain it only as the letter of the law, as an aid toward domination, dictatorship, and electoral manipu- lations. Seventy million persons over fifteen years of age, the majority of them Indians and peasants, live on the margin of civilization, completely unassimilated into the life of the country -illiterate, sick, prey to misery, superstition, and ignorance. It is a cause for shame to many of our statesmen and politicians that Latin America is called the birthplace of a new humanity. As I pointed out at the First Regional Conference of UNESCO, recently held in Havana, Latin America still has in its midst millions and millions of men without purpose or destiny, without hope or faith; it has not troubled itself, as it should, to put its own house in order. How can one, under present circumstances, speak of Latin America as the birthplace of a new humanity? The preliminary report of the Inter-American Seminar on Elementary Education, held at Montevideo, reads as follows: "The nineteen million children for whom there are no schools and the seventy million illiterate adults bear witness to the in- adequacy of elementary education throughout the American nations. The average education of only two or three years for those who have the privilege of attending schools reveals the deficiencies of elementary education, in general, but there are vast areas in which schooling is limited to the first precarious steps in reading, writing, and arithmetic. A social environment of illiteracy and blind custom undoes the work of the school over great areas." Dr. Willfred Mauck, of the Institute of Inter-American Af- fairs, recently said, "In a broad sense, all phases of technical assistance must develop as educational processes, if they are to be effective. The objective of all of them is to help make peoples stronger, more self-sufficient, less dependent upon their stronger  216 The Caribbean neighbors, better able to develop their own resources. That objective can be attained only by helping the less-developed nations to improve their own capacity for doing the job them- selves, by themselves, for themselves; in other words, through education." It will be a comprehensive and practical education that can perform the miracle of providing the "Forgotten Man" of the Americas the tools with which to achieve and to re-create his civilization, and to integrate it into the wider world civilization of today. To the list of schools, ideals, roads, industries, sanita- tion, and the rest must be added the human factor, and through these means the coefficient of production of the common man will be greatly enhanced. It has been said that what characterizes the "Man of the Americas," as portrayed in the modern indigenous novel, is his setting. It is from the countryside, the plains, the woods, and the mountains, where Indians and those of mixed bloods live, that he will continue to derive the spiritual strength necessary for the continued renewal of his civilization. It cannot be denied that the history of the Americas has been, and for a long time will be, that of a conquest of geographical barriers. The sanitation of the entire Caribbean area, as was done in Panama, plus the development of its agricultural and industrial capacity, improved communications, and better health for its citizens through the medium of science and the school must be the unifying link within the Americas, as was the Central American isthmus in pre-Columbian days. VII It can be seen, then, that neither geography nor race nor climate is the only thing in the life of nations. The true life- giving sap consists of common traditions, of the homogeneity of cultures and democratic institutions, of commercial and cultural interchange, of the social and economic circumstances that en- 216 The Caribbean 216 The Caribbean neighbors, better able to develop their own resources. That objective can be attained only by helping the less-developed nations to improve their own capacity for doing the job them- selves, by themselves, for themselves; in other words, through education." It will be a comprehensive and practical education that can perform the miracle of providing the "Forgotten Man" of the Americas the tools with which to achieve and to re-create his civilization, and to integrate it into the wider world civilization of today. To the list of schools, ideals, roads, industries, sanita- tion, and the rest must be added the human factor, and through these means the coefficient of production of the common man will be greatly enhanced. It has been said that what characterizes the "Man of the Americas," as portrayed in the modern indigenous novel, is his setting. It is from the countryside, the plains, the woods, and the mountains, where Indians and those of mixed bloods live, that he will continue to derive the spiritual strength necessary for the continued renewal of his civilization. It cannot be denied that the history of the Americas has been, and for a long time will be, that of a conquest of geographical barriers. The sanitation of the entire Caribbean area, as was done in Panama, plus the development of its agricultural and industrial capacity, improved communications, and better health for its citizens through the medium of science and the school must be the unifying link within the Americas, as was the Central American isthmus in pre-Columbian days. VII It can be seen, then, that neither geography nor race nor climate is the only thing in the life of nations. The true life- giving sap consists of common traditions, of the homogeneity of cultures and democratic institutions, of commercial and cultural interchange, of the social and economic circumstances that en- neighbors, better able to develop their own resources. That objective can be attained only by helping the less-developed nations to improve their own capacity for doing the job them- selves, by themselves, for themselves; in other words, through education." It will be a comprehensive and practical education that can perform the miracle of providing the "Forgotten Man" of the Americas the tools with which to achieve and to re-create his civilization, and to integrate it into the wider world civilization of today. To the list of schools, ideals, roads, industries, sanita- tion, and the rest must be added the human factor, and through these means the coefficient of production of the common man will be greatly enhanced. It has been said that what characterizes the "Man of the Americas," as portrayed in the modem indigenous novel, is his setting. It is from the countryside, the plains, the woods, and the mountains, where Indians and those of mixed bloods live, that he will continue to derive the spiritual strength necessary for the continued renewal of his civilization. It cannot be denied that the history of the Americas has been, and for a long time will be, that of a conquest of geographical barriers. The sanitation of the entire Caribbean area, as was done in Panama, plus the development of its agricultural and industrial capacity, improved communications, and better health for its citizens through the medium of science and the school must be the unifying link within the Americas, as was the Central American isthmus in pre-Columbian days. VII It can be seen, then, that neither geography nor race nor climate is the only thing in the life of nations. The true life- giving sap consists of common traditions, of the homogeneity of cultures and democratic institutions, of commercial and cultural interchange, of the social and economic circumstances that en-  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 21/ courage work and lead to happiness. It may be seen, also, that organizing the world for real peace, for an international order of justice and equality, must be based on the so-called Good Neighbor Policy, which through self-respect leads to re- spect for the rights of others, to the recognition of small nations organized on the model of those communities of peoples of which the United States of America is a distant derivation and a possible example for all of the countries of the Americas. In this connection, Kent Pellet holds that it was due to the tradition of the Six Nations of the Iroquois that the idea of federation, of unity in diversity, was planted on this continent. In World War II, it was the very descendants of these tribes that, ac- cording to official reports, fought in larger proportions than any other racial group in the United States. In the proud words of their own declaration of war, they constitute "although the smallest, the oldest democracy in the world." The American ideal, which has not as yet been fully realized, must be that of creating a world in which the genuine democracies bring to- gether countries and peoples, fruitfully united, all growing in vigor, and with each developing its own individuality-an indi- viduality strong in this constructive undertaking. I say to you that this is possible. We must have faith, dur- ing this crisis, in the importance of education, science, and cul- ture. If we lose hope, nothing remains but to give free rein to man's most primitive instincts, those of hate, aggression, and acceptance of a conflict for survival of the fittest. Nietzsche wrote, irreverently, "If God made the world as it is, I do not want to be God." No, man is not simply the primitive creature described by Nietzsche. What has happened is that man has betrayed him- self. He has become his own executioner and his own victim. In sublimating his real and basic values, he has not kept pace with his own material progress. In order to save himself, he must return to basic ethical principles. This is the task facing educators today. This must be our message to the world. In the CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 217 courage work and lead to happiness. It may be seen, also, that organizing the world for real peace, for an international order of justice and equality, must be based on the so-called Good Neighbor Policy, which through self-respect leads to re- spect for the rights of others, to the recognition of small nations organized on the model of those communities of peoples of which the United States of America is a distant derivation and a possible example for all of the countries of the Americas. In this connection, Kent Pellet holds that it was due to the tradition of the Six Nations of the Iroquois that the idea of federation, of unity in diversity, was planted on this continent. In World War II, it was the very descendants of these tribes that, ac- cording to official reports, fought in larger proportions than any other racial group in the United States. In the proud words of their own declaration of war, they constitute "although the smallest, the oldest democracy in the world." The American ideal, which has not as yet been fully realized, must be that of creating a world in which the genuine democracies bring to- gether countries and peoples, fruitfully united, all growing in vigor, and with each developing its own individuality-an indi- viduality strong in this constructive undertaking I say to you that this is possible. We must have faith, dur- ing this crisis, in the importance of education, science, and cul- ture. If we lose hope, nothing remains but to give free rein to man's most primitive instincts, those of hate, aggression, and acceptance of a conflict for survival of the fittest. Nietzsche wrote, irreverently, "If God made the world as it is, I do not want to be God." No, man is not simply the primitive creature described by Nietzsche. What has happened is that man has betrayed him- self. He has become his own executioner and his own victim. In sublimating his real and basic values, he has not kept pace with his own material progress. In order to save himself, he must return to basic ethical principles. This is the task facing educators today. This must be our message to the world. In the CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 217 courage work and lead to happiness. It may be seen, also, that organizing the world for real peace, for an international order of justice and equality, must be based on the so-called Good Neighbor Policy, which through self-respect leads to re- spect for the rights of others, to the recognition of small nations organized on the model of those communities of peoples of which the United States of America is a distant derivation and a possible example for all of the countries of the Americas. In this connection, Kent Pellet holds that it was due to the tradition of the Six Nations of the Iroquois that the idea of federation, of unity in diversity, was planted on this continent. In World War II, it was the very descendants of these tribes that, ac- cording to official reports, fought in larger proportions than any other racial group in the United States. In the proud words of their own declaration of war, they constitute "although the smallest, the oldest democracy in the world." The American ideal, which has not as yet been fully realized, must be that of creating a world in which the genuine democracies bring to- gether countries and peoples, fruitfully united, all growing in vigor, and with each developing its own individuality-an indi- viduality strong in this constructive undertaking. I say to you that this is possible. We must have faith, dur- ing this crisis, in the importance of education, science, and cul- ture. If we lose hope, nothing remains but to give free rein to man's most primitive instincts, those of hate, aggression, and acceptance of a conflict for survival of the fittest. Nietzsche wrote, irreverently, "If God made the world as it is, I do not want to be God." No, man is not simply the primitive creature described by Nietzsche. What has happened is that man has betrayed him- self. He has become his own executioner and his own victim. In sublimating his real and basic values, he has not kept pace with his own material progress. In order to save himself, he must return to basic ethical principles. This is the task facing educators today. This must be our message to the world. In the  218 The Caribbean New World, we are offering new hope and new life to humanity. We must not, however, forget that we have, first of all, the responsibility of putting our own house in order. It is not pos- sible for us to offer new hope to others when in our midst we have so many who are illiterate, who live in utter misery and poverty, in ignorance and superstition, who are victims of ex- ploitation by others, who grope and flounder without direction, without hope. We must first free our own people throughout the Americas from their bonds and lead them into a more secure and a happier world. 218 The Caribbean 218 The Caribbean New World, we are offering new hope and new life to humanity. We must not, however, forget that we have, first of all, the responsibility of putting our own house in order. It is not pos- sible for us to offer new hope to others when in our midst we have so many who are illiterate, who live in utter misery and poverty, in ignorance and superstition, who are victims of ex- ploitation by others, who grope and flounder without direction, without hope. We must first free our own people throughout the Americas from their bonds and lead them into a more secure and a happier world. New World, we are offering new hope and new life to humanity. We must not, however, forget that we have, first of all, the responsibility of putting our own house in order. It is not pos- sible for us to offer new hope to others when in our midst we have so many who are illiterate, who live in utter misery and poverty, in ignorance and superstition, who are victims of ex- ploitation by others, who grope and flounder without direction, without hope. We must first free our own people throughout the Americas from their bonds and lead them into a more secure and a happier world.  Willis Knapp Jones: THE CARIBBEAN DRAMA: A LITERARY COCKTAIL WH ETHER a drama existed in the Caribbean area before the arrival of the white man depends on definition. Certainly there were spectacles and dramatic dances. One, described in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Maya-Quichi people, took place when two brothers descended to Xibalba, the under- world, to avenge their murdered father. Transformed into old men, "they performed the dance of the owl, the dance of the weasel, and the dance of the armadillo. And they also danced the centipede and the dance on stilts. Furthermore, they burned houses as though they were really burning and instantly they were as they had been before."' But certainly nothing resembling European plays was known till the Spaniards arrived. Quite probably the first New World performance of a play in Spanish took place in that outpost of Spain, Santo Domingo. Not only did the island contain con- vents and seminaries like those in Spain where students wrote and performed brief plays, but the wife of the governor, Colum- bus' son Diego Coldn, was Maria de Toledo, of the family of the Duke of Alba, for whose entertainment Juan del Encina ' Delia Goetz and Silvans. G. Morley, trans., Pt. II, Chap. 13 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1950), p. 156. 219 Willis Knapp Jones: THE CARIBBEAN DRAMA: A LITERARY COCKTAIL W HETHER a drama existed in the Caribbean area before the arrival of the white man depends on definition. Certainly there were spectacles and dramatic dances. One, described in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Maya-Quiche people, took place when two brothers descended to Xibalba, the under- world, to avenge their murdered father. Transformed into old men, "they performed the dance of the owl, the dance of the weasel, and the dance of the armadillo. And they also danced the centipede and the dance on stilts. Furthermore, they burned houses as though they were really burning and instantly they were as they had been before."' But certainly nothing resembling European plays was known till the Spaniards arrived. Quite probably the first New World performance of a play in Spanish took place in that outpost of Spain, Santo Domingo. Not only did the island contain con- vents and seminaries like those in Spain where students wrote and performed brief plays, but the wife of the governor, Colum- bus' son Diego Coldn, was Maria de Toledo, of the family of the Duke of Alba, for whose entertainment Juan del Encina ' Delia Goetz and Silvanus G. Morley, trans., Pt. II, Chap. 13 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1950), p. 156. 219 Willis Knapp Jones: THE CARIBBEAN DRAMA: A LITERARY COCKTAIL WH ETHER a drama existed in the Caribbean area before the arrival of the white man depends on definition. Certainly there were spectacles and dramatic dances. One, described in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Maya-Quich6 people, took place when two brothers descended to Xibalba, the under- world, to avenge their murdered father. Transformed into old men, "they performed the dance of the owl, the dance of the weasel, and the dance of the armadillo. And they also danced the centipede and the dance on stilts. Furthermore, they burned houses as though they were really burning and instantly they were as they had been before."' But certainly nothing resembling European plays was known till the Spaniards arrived. Quite probably the first New World performance of a play in Spanish took place in that outpost of Spain, Santo Domingo. Not only did the island contain con- vents and seminaries like those in Spain where students wrote and performed brief plays, but the wife of the governor, Colum- bus' son Diego Colon, was Maria de Toledo, of the family of the Duke of Alba, for whose entertainment Juan del Encina ' Delia Goetz and Silvanus G. Morley, trans., Pt. II, Chap. 13 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1950), p. 156. 219  220 The Caribbean 220 The Caribbean 220 The Caribbean presented Spain's first modem play, on Christmas Eve, 1492. Garcia Icazbalceta finds the first reference to plays on the mainland in an entry describing the meeting of the Mexican cabildo on January 9, 1526, but the wording suggests there were earlier performances. Religious plays, of the sort that had long been known in Spain, came first. The brief form known as the entremis existed in Saragossa as early as 1399, with performances in Barcelona by 1424.' When the missionaries, therefore, faced the test of explaining religious tenets to New World Indians, they drama- tized them.' One such is the nativity play, Los pastores, which has had the longest run in American theatrical history. Brought to Mexico by friars who arrived with Cortds in 1517, it has been performed ever since, there and in the Southwest of the United States, in one version or another, between the Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe (December 10) and Twelfth-night (January 6).' Once introduced, these plays, like other forms of European culture, began being transformed under the impact of various elements of Caribbean life. Sometimes they have been banned, sometimes encouraged. One Mexican churchman forbade all plays during the four years, 1544-1548, when he held power. By 1565, on the other hand, in order to obtain good Corpus Christi plays, the Ecclesiastical Chapter in Mexico offered as a Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, "Representaciones religiosas en Mexico en el siglo XVI," Obras, II (Mexico, 1896-1899), 307-369. * W. S. Jack, Early Entremeses in Spain (Philadelphia, 1923), p. 13. * See "Los autos sacramentales en Espaa y en Amrica," Boletsn de to Acad. Argentina de Letras, V (Buenos Aires, 1937), 349-360; also, for plays in Mexico and Peru, see Alfonso Reyes, Capitulos de literatura es- paola, 2" serie (Mexico, 1945), pp. 122-128. Marcus Bach, "Los pastores," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXIV (April, 1940), 283-288; M. R. Cole, trans. in Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, IX (1907) and, separately, by Houghton Miffin Co., Boston, 1907; also Aurora Lucero White, trans. (Santa Fe Press, 1940). presented Spain's first modern play, on Christmas Eve, 1492. Garcia Icazbalceta finds the first reference to plays on the mainland in an entry describing the meeting of the Mexican cabildo on January 9, 1526, but the wording suggests there were earlier performances.' Religious plays, of the sort that had long been known in Spain, came first. The brief form known as the entremis existed in Saragossa as early as 1399, with performances in Barcelona by 1424.' When the missionaries, therefore, faced the test of explaining religious tenets to New World Indians, they drama- tized them.' One such is the nativity play, Los pastores, which has had the longest run in American theatrical history. Brought to Mexico by friars who arrived with Cortes in 1517, it has been performed ever since, there and in the Southwest of the United States, in one version or another, between the Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe (December 10) and Twelfth-night (January 6).' Once introduced, these plays, like other forms of European culture, began being transformed under the impact of various elements of Caribbean life. Sometimes they have been banned, sometimes encouraged. One Mexican churchman forbade all plays during the four years, 1544-1548, when he held power. By 1565, on the other hand, in order to obtain good Corpus Christi plays, the Ecclesiastical Chapter in Mexico offered as a 2 Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, "Representaciones religiosas en Mxicao an el siglo XVI," Obras, II (Mexico, 1896-1899), 307-369. W. S. Jack, Early Entremeses in Spain (Philadelphia, 1923), p. 13. ' See "Los autos sacramentales en Espana y an America," Boletin de a Acad. Argentina de Letras, V (Buenos Aires, 1937), 349-360; also, for plays in Mexico and Peru, see Alfonso Reyes, Capitulos de literatura es- pariiola, 2' serie (Mexico, 1945), pp. 122-128. ' Marcus Bach, "Los pastores," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXIV (April, 1940), 283-288; M. R. Cole, trans. in Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, IX (1907) and, separately, by Houghton Miflin Co., Boston, 1907; also Aurora Lucero White, trans. (Santa Fe Press, 1940). presented Spain's first modern play, on Christmas Eve, 1492. Garcia Icazbalceta finds the first reference to plays on the mainland in an entry describing the meeting of the Mexican cabildo on January 9, 1526, but the wording suggests there were earlier performances.' Religious plays, of the sort that had long been known in Spain, came first. The brief form known as the entremis existed in Saragossa as early as 1399, with performances in Barcelona by 1424.r When the missionaries, therefore, faced the test of explaining religious tenets to New World Indians, they drama- tized them.' One such is the nativity play, Los pastores, which has had the longest run in American theatrical history. Brought to Mexico by friars who arrived with Cortis in 1517, it has been performed ever since, there and in the Southwest of the United States, in one version or another, between the Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe (December 10) and Twelfth-night (January 6).' Once introduced, these plays, like other forms of European culture, began being transformed under the impact of various elements of Caribbean life. Sometimes they have been banned, sometimes encouraged. One Mexican churchman forbade all plays during the four years, 1544-1548, when he held power. By 1565, on the other hand, in order to obtain good Corpus Christi plays, the Ecclesiastical Chapter in Mexico offered as a ' Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, "Representaciones religiosas en Mixico en el siglo XVI," Obras, II (Mexico, 1896-1899), 307-369. " W. S. Jack, Early Entremeses in Spain (Philadelphia, 1923), p. 13. * See "Los autos sacramentales en Espana y en Amrica," Boletsn de Ia Acad. Argentina de Letras, V (Buenos Aires, 1937), 349-360; also, for plays in Mexico and Peru, see Alfonso Reyes, Capitulos de literatura es- pafola, 2' sera (Mexico, 1945), pp. 122-128. Marcus Bach, "Los pastores," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXIV (April, 1940), 283-288; M. R. Cole, trans. in Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, IX (1907) and, separately, by Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1907; also Aurora Lucero White, trans. (Santa Fe Press, 1940).  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 221 prize " a jewel of gold or silver valued up to 30 escudos." By contrast, in 1585, the Third Provincial Council of the Church in Mexico prohibited all dances, representations, and non- sacred songs in any church. Yet frequent references to the neixcuitilli, the Nahuatl term for the Sunday after-sermon play, show they were not entirely discouraged. As missionaries mastered the speech of their parishioners, they began writing in the Indian languages. One play in the Nahuatl tongue by the Franciscan friar Andres de Olmos (1491 -1571) dealt with the Last Judgment. First performed in 1533, eighty-seven years before the Pilgrims reached North America, it was repeated in 1535 as part of the welcoming ceremony for Mexico's first viceroy, Mendoza. The brief play tells of Lucia, who was living with a man to whom she was not married. It was probably directed at the Indian mistresses of Spanish soldiers. The point of the drama- tized sermon is Lucia's terror at news of the approaching Day of Judgment. Two symbolic characters, Time and The Church, urge her to repent, but when she hurries to her confessor, she is told there can be no mercy for such a sinner. Of this play, Juan de Torquemada (1545?-1619?) reports: "It opened the eyes of many Indians and Spaniards to turn to virtue and leave their evil ways, and many erring women, moved by terror, became converted."" In contrast to this terrifying play, most entremeses served merely to sugar-coat the exegesis of the Christian religion. To relieve the monotony of the lengthy sermonizing, bits of humor and horseplay began to be inserted. The Scriptures always Juan de Torquemada, Monarquia indiana, tomo II, Lib. xx (Madrid, 1615), p. 468. The discovery of the original Olmos manuscript was an- nounced in 1944 by Prof. GOmez de Oroo. Until then the play was known only in a translation by J. H. Cornyn (Books Abroad, VIII [1934], 262-264). See also Margarita Mendoza LOpez, "Un problema inicial en la historia del teatro americano," Rueca, I, 5 (Mexico, 1942), 5-I1; and J. Rojas Garciduefas, Teatro en la Nueva Espana en el siglo XVI (Mexico, 1936), p. 44, and his "Piezas teatrales y representaciones en Nueva Espana en el siglo XVII," Revista de Lit. Mexicana, I (July, 1940). CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 221 prize " a jewel of gold or silver valued up to 30 escudos." By contrast, in 1585, the Third Provincial Council of the Church in Mexico prohibited all dances, representations, and non- sacred songs in any church. Yet frequent references to the neixcuitilli, the Nahuatl term for the Sunday after-sermon play, show they were not entirely discouraged. As missionaries mastered the speech of their parishioners, they began writing in the Indian languages. One play in the Nahuatl tongue by the Franciscan friar Andres de Olmos (1491 -1571) dealt with the Last Judgment. First performed in 1533, eighty-seven years before the Pilgrims reached North America, it was repeated in 1535 as part of the welcoming ceremony for Mexico's first viceroy, Mendoza. The brief play tells of Lucia, who was living with a man to whom she was not married. It was probably directed at the Indian mistresses of Spanish soldiers. The point of the drama- tized sermon is Lucia's terror at news of the approaching Day of Judgment. Two symbolic characters, Time and The Church, urge her to repent, but when she hurries to her confessor, she is told there can be no mercy for such a sinner. Of this play, Juan de Torquemada (1545?-1619?) reports: "It opened the eyes of many Indians and Spaniards to turn to virtue and leave their evil ways, and many erring women, moved by terror, became converted."' In contrast to this terrifying play, most entremeses served merely to sugar-coat the exegesis of the Christian religion. To relieve the monotony of the lengthy sermonizing, bits of humor and horseplay began to be inserted. The Scriptures always Juan de Torquemada, Monarquia indiana, tomo II, Lib. xx (Madrid, 1615), p. 468. The discovery of the original Olmos manuscript was an- nounced in 1944 by Prof. GOmez de Orozco. Until then the play was known only in a translation by J. H. Cornyn (Books Abroad, VIII [1934], 262-264). See also Margarita Mendoza Ldpez, "Un problema inicial en la historia del teatro americano," Rueca, I, 5 (Mexico, 1942), 5-11; and J. Rojas Garciduefas, Teatro en la Nueva Espana en el siglo XVI (Mexico, 1936), p. 44, and his "Piezas teatrales y representaciones en Nueva Espana en el siglo XVII," Revista de Lit. Mexicana, I (July, 1940). CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 221 prize " a jewel of gold or silver valued up to 30 escudos." By contrast, in 1585, the Third Provincial Council of the Church in Mexico prohibited all dances, representations, and non- sacred songs in any church. Yet frequent references to the neixcuitilli, the Nahuatl term for the Sunday after-sermon play, show they were not entirely discouraged. As missionaries mastered the speech of their parishioners, they began writing in the Indian languages. One play in the Nahuatl tongue by the Franciscan friar Andres de Olmos (1491 -1571) dealt with the Last Judgment. First performed in 1533, eighty-seven years before the Pilgrims reached North America, it was repeated in 1535 as part of the welcoming ceremony for Mexico's first viceroy, Mendoza. The brief play tells of Lucia, who was living with a man to whom she was not married. It was probably directed at the Indian mistresses of Spanish soldiers. The point of the drama- tized sermon is Lucia's terror at news of the approaching Day of Judgment. Two symbolic characters, Time and The Church, urge her to repent, but when she hurries to her confessor, she is told there can be no mercy for such a sinner. Of this play, Juan de Torquemada (1545?-1619?) reports: "It opened the eyes of many Indians and Spaniards to turn to virtue and leave their evil ways, and many erring women, moved by terror, became converted."" In contrast to this terrifying play, most entremeses served merely to sugar-coat the exegesis of the Christian religion. To relieve the monotony of the lengthy sermonizing, bits of humor and horseplay began to be inserted. The Scriptures always Juan de Torquemada, Monarquia indiana, tomo II, Lib. xx (Madrid, 1615), p. 468. The discovery of the original Olmos manuscript was an- nounced in 1944 by Prof Gmez de Orozco. Until then the play was known only in a translation by J. H. Cornyn (Books Abroad, VIII [1934], 262-264). See also Margarita Mendoza LOpez, "Un problema inicial en la historia del teatro americano," Rueca, I, 5 (Mexico, 1942), 5-11; and J. Rojas Garciduekas, Teatro en la Nueva Espana en el siglo XVI (Mexico, 1936), p. 44, and his "Piezas teatrales y representaciones en Nueva Espafia en el sigl XVII," Revista de Lit. Mexicana, I (July, 1940).  222 The Caribbean 222 The Caribbean 222 The Caribbean provided the kernel of the performance, but some of the con- servative priests must have been as much shocked as the specta- tors were amused by the farcical interpolations. Local conditions caused the drama to branch out in other directions, too. As temporal power increased and clashed with the clergy, shafts of ridicule at the officials sometimes found their way into these plays. One such incident occurred in Mexico in December, 1574. Viceroy Martin Henriquez de Almansa, attending a play at the cathedral, thought he detected in it an attempt to ridicule his recently established alcabala or sales tax. And was it coincidence that the stupid character trying to collect the tax was made up with just such a beard as was the viceroy's own proud possession? He accused Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras of advocating civil disobedience. The clergyman disclaimed any previous knowledge of the play. The altercation developed such heat that both appealed to Spain. Philip II hedged. He blamed the archbishop for not censoring theatrical performances and chided the viceroy for his undiplomatic handling of the whole affair.' Still more serious was a later clash in Santo Domingo. In a play performed in the cathedral, June 23, 1588, as part of the Corpus Christi celebrations, the priest Cristobal de Llerena (1545?-1627) employed an entremis as a means of satirizing the loose living of some of the city officials. He also criticized the council's carelessness about the defenses of the city. On July 8, the unlucky dramatist was hustled out of bed and, without time to collect even the necessities for his trip, was shipped off to exile in Nueva Granada. Since the self-taught Llerena was the Latin teacher, the cathedral organist and choirmaster, and the bookkeeper for the Dominicans, Archbishop Alonso Lopes de Avila penned a lengthy defense of him to Philip II and included ' Anthony N. Pasquariello, The Entremis, Sainete and Loa in the Colonial Theater of Spanish America (University of Michigan microfilms, 1950), pp. 40-45; and Francisco A. de Icaza, "Origenes del teato en Mexico," Boletin de la Real Acad. Esp., II (1915), 57-76. provided the kernel of the performance, but some of the con- servative priests must have been as much shocked as the specta- tors were amused by the farcical interpolations. Local conditions caused the drama to branch out in other directions, too. As temporal power increased and clashed with the clergy, shafts of ridicule at the officials sometimes found their way into these plays. One such incident occurred in Mexico in December, 1574. Viceroy Martin Henriquez de Almansa, attending a play at the cathedral, thought he detected in it an attempt to ridicule his recently established alcabala or sales tax. And was it coincidence that the stupid character trying to collect the tax was made up with just such a beard as was the viceroy's own proud possession? He accused Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras of advocating civil disobedience. The clergyman disclaimed any previous knowledge of the play. The altercation developed such heat that both appealed to Spain. Philip II hedged. He blamed the archbishop for not censoring theatrical performances and chided the viceroy for his undiplomatic handling of the whole affair.' Still more serious was a later clash in Santo Domingo. In a play performed in the cathedral, June 23, 1588, as part of the Corpus Christi celebrations, the priest Cristbal de Llerena (1545?-1627) employed an entremis as a means of satirizing the loose living of some of the city officials. He also criticized the council's carelessness about the defenses of the city. On July 8, the unlucky dramatist was hustled out of bed and, without time to collect even the necessities for his trip, was shipped off to exile in Nueva Granada. Since the self-taught Llerena was the Latin teacher, the cathedral organist and choirmaster, and the bookkeeper for the Dominicans, Archbishop Alonso Lopes de Avila penned a lengthy defense of him to Philip II and included 'Anthony N. Pasquariello, The Entremis, Sainete and Loa in the Colonial Theater of Spanish America (University of Michigan microfilms, 1950), pp. 40-45; and Francisco A. de Icaza, "Origenes del teatro en Mexico," Boletin de la Real Acad. Esp., It (1915), 57-76. provided the kernel of the performance, but some of the con- servative priests must have been as much shocked as the specta- tors were amused by the farcical interpolations. Local conditions caused the drama to branch out in other directions, too. As temporal power increased and clashed with the clergy, shafts of ridicule at the officials sometimes found their way into these plays. One such incident occurred in Mexico in December, 1574. Viceroy Martin Henriquez de Almansa, attending a play at the cathedral, thought he detected in it an attempt to ridicule his recently established alcabala or sales tax. And was it coincidence that the stupid character trying to collect the tax was made up with just such a beard as was the viceroy's own proud possession? He accused Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras of advocating civil disobedience. The clergyman disclaimed any previous knowledge of the play. The altercation developed such heat that both appealed to Spain. Philip II hedged. He blamed the archbishop for not censoring theatrical performances and chided the viceroy for his undiplomatic handling of the whole affair.' Still more serious was a later clash in Santo Domingo. In a play performed in the cathedral, June 23, 1588, as part of the Corpus Christi celebrations, the priest Cristobal de Llerena (1545?-1627) employed an entremis as a means of satirizing the loose living of some of the city officials. He also criticized the council's carelessness about the defenses of the city. On July 8, the unlucky dramatist was hustled out of bed and, without time to collect even the necessities for his trip, was shipped off to exile in Nueva Granada. Since the self-taught Llerena was the Latin teacher, the cathedral organist and choirmaster, and the bookkeeper for the Dominicans, Archbishop Alonso Lopes de Avila penned a lengthy defense of him to Philip II and included 'Anthony N. Pasquariello, The Entrems, Sainete and Loa in the Colonial Theater of Spanish America (University of Michigan microfins, 1950), pp. 40.45; and Francisco A. de Icaza, "Origenes del teatro en Mixico," Boletin de la Real Acad. Esp., It (1915), 57-76.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 223 a copy of the play, bolstered by affidavits from the five student actors that not a word had been changed.' These two examples show how local problems were altering the European pattern. As drama broadened and was used as a way of criticizing social and political abuse, it became more realistic than religious. Shortly it was cast out of the church and took refuge with the populace, both in the homes of the wealthy and in the public squares for the delight of the common people. The nobles, perhaps because their interests were deeply rooted in Spain, liked their plays to mirror the Madrid stage. The lower classes wanted amusement, and traditions meant nothing to them. Between them, they seem to have encouraged con- siderable activity in plays, enough at least for Bernardo de Valbuena (1568-1627) to boast: Fiestas y comedias nuevas cada dia de varios entremeses y primores gusto, entretenamiento y alegrfa.' II While the greatest of the Mexican-born playwrights, Ruiz de Alarc6n (1581?-1639), went to Spain for his education and wrote his plays there, other dramatists remained in Mexico writing and generally following Spanish formula. That gay- spirited nun, Sor Juana Inds de la Cruz (1651-1695), followed Lope de Vega's Discreta enamorada when she composed her own play, Los empenos de una casa. After all, Spanish drama had a proven appeal. Those writing for the stage in Madrid might experiment and branch out, perhaps, but dramatists in Mexico sought the bolstering of tradition and got reflected glory by imitation. * Reprinted in Francisco A. de Icaza, "Cristobal de Llerena y los ori- genes del teatro en la America Espaola," Rev. de Filo. Esp., VIII (April, 1921), 121-130; also, Pasquariello, pp. 57-60. * From his Grandeza mexicana, quoted in Julio A. Leguizam6n, Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana, I (Buenos Aires, 1945), 281. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 223 a copy of the play, bolstered by affidavits from the five student actors that not a word had been changed.' These two examples show how local problems were altering the European pattern. As drama broadened and was used as a way of criticizing social and political abuse, it became more realistic than religious. Shortly it was cast out of the church and took refuge with the populace, both in the homes of the wealthy and in the public squares for the delight of the common people. The nobles, perhaps because their interests were deeply rooted in Spain, liked their plays to mirror the Madrid stage. The lower classes wanted amusement, and traditions meant nothing to them. Between them, they seem to have encouraged con- siderable activity in plays, enough at least for Bernardo de Valbuena (1568-1627) to boast: Fiestas y comedias nuevas cada dia de varios entremeses y primores gusto, entretenamiento y alegrfa.' II While the greatest of the Mexican-born playwrights, Ruiz de Alarcon (1581?-1639), went to Spain for his education and wrote his plays there, other dramatists remained in Mexico writing and generally following Spanish formula. That gay- spirited nun, Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz (1651-1695), followed Lope de Vega's Discreta enamorada when she composed her own play, Los empe5os de una casa. After all, Spanish drama had a proven appeal. Those writing for the stage in Madrid might experiment and branch out, perhaps, but dramatists in Mexico sought the bolstering of tradition and got reflected glory by imitation. ' Reprinted in Francisco A. de Icaza, "Crist6bal de Llerena y los ori- genes del teatro en la Amirica Espanola," Rev. de Filo. Esp., VIII (April, 1921), 121-130; also, Pasquariello, pp. 57-60. From his Grandeza mexicana, quoted in Julio A. Leguizam6n, Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana, I (Buenos Aires, 1945), 281. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 223 a copy of the play, bolstered by affidavits from the five student actors that not a word had been changed.' These two examples show how local problems were altering the European pattern. As drama broadened and was used as a way of criticizing social and political abuse, it became more realistic than religious. Shortly it was cast out of the church and took refuge with the populace, both in the homes of the wealthy and in the public squares for the delight of the common people. The nobles, perhaps because their interests were deeply rooted in Spain, liked their plays to mirror the Madrid stage. The lower classes wanted amusement, and traditions meant nothing to them. Between them, they seem to have encouraged con- siderable activity in plays, enough at least for Bernardo de Valbuena (1568-1627) to boast: Fiestas y comedias nuevas cada dia de varios entremeses y primores gusto, entretenamiento y alegria.' II While the greatest of the Mexican-born playwrights, Ruiz de Alarc6n (1581?-1639), went to Spain for his education and wrote his plays there, other dramatists remained in Mexico writing and generally following Spanish formula. That gay- spirited nun, Sor Juana Inds de la Cruz (1651-1695), followed Lope de Vega's Discreta enamorada when she composed her own play, Los empeios de una casa. After all, Spanish drama had a proven appeal. Those writing for the stage in Madrid might experiment and branch out, perhaps, but dramatists in Mexico sought the bolstering of tradition and got reflected glory by imitation. " Reprinted in Francisco A. de Icaza, "Cristbal de Llerena y los ori- genes del teatro en la Amrica Espanola," Rev. de Filo. Esp., VIII (April, 1921), 121-130; also, Pasquariello, pp. 57-60. From his Grandeza mexicana, quoted in Julio A. Leguizam6n, Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana, I (Buenos Aires, 1945), 281.  224 The Caribbean 224 The Caribbean 224 The Caribbean Local playwrights, however, found little demand for their products. For one thing, managers would have to pay for them, while dramatists in Spain were too far away to resent pirating of their successes. Besides, local writers lacked the allure of foreign authors. As the Mexican impresario Ario de Villalobos declared in 1621: "Representan comedias de Castilla; las de aci prueban mal."" The best opportunity for the local playwrights was to provide brief between-acts entremeses. And to make them typically American, and to appeal to the lower classes, they usually em- ployed local types. Two anonymous Mexican examples of 1790 deal with Indian characters. El entremis de las posadas" indi- cates by its title its connection with Christmas. It chiefly con- cerns the jabbering of Pascual, a picaresque Indian, first with a servant girl and then with a couple about to be married. It concludes with the singing of a Christmas villancico to Mary and Joseph. In the second brief play, El indio criado," the conscience of the hungry servant begins to trouble him over his theft of some colored cloth. His Uncle Pegro and his brother have several times been beaten for stealing. So now he looks for a way to get rid of the incriminating evidence. The importance of these Indian plays lies not in the plot, which is simplicity itself, nor in their literary quality, for that is slight. They do, however, begin the vogue of plays about the ignorant Indian as the underdog he probably was, simple and unable to talk correct Spanish. He is made the butt of jokes and humor. " Quoted in J. Luis Trenti Rocamora, El teatro en la America colonial (Buenos Aires, 1947), p. 309. " Reprinted (incomplete) in Enrique de Olivarria y Ferrari, Resefa histdrica del teatro en Mexico, I (Mexico, 1895), 101-104; and in Ruben M. Campos, El folklore literario de Mdxico (Mexico, 1929), pp. 81-84; see Pasquariello, pp. 111-113. " Reprinted (incomplete) in Olivarria, Resena, I, 122-123; see Pas- quariello, p. 114. Local playwrights, however, found little demand for their products. For one thing, managers would have to pay for them, while dramatists in Spain were too far away to resent pirating of their. successes. Besides, local writers lacked the allure of foreign authors. As the Mexican impresario Ario de Villalobos declared in 1621: "Representan comedias de Castilla; las de aci prueban mal."" The best opportunity for the local playwrights was to provide brief between-acts entremeses. And to make them typically American, and to appeal to the lower classes, they usually em- ployed local types. Two anonymous Mexican examples of 1790 deal with Indian characters. El entremis de las posadas" indi- cates by its title its connection with Christmas. It chiefly con- cerns the jabbering of Pascual, a picaresque Indian, first with a servant girl and then with a couple about to be married. It concludes with the singing of a Christmas villancico to Mary and Joseph. In the second brief play, El indio criado," the conscience of the hungry servant begins to trouble him over his theft of some colored cloth. His Uncle Pegro and his brother have several times been beaten for stealing. So now he looks for a way to get rid of the incriminating evidence. The importance of these Indian plays lies not in the plot, which is simplicity itself, nor in their literary quality, for that is slight. They do, however, begin the vogue of plays about the ignorant Indian as the underdog he probably was, simple and unable to talk correct Spanish. He is made the butt of jokes and humor. * Quoted in J. Luis Trenti Rocamora, El teatro en Is America colonial (Buenos Aires, 1947), p. 309. "Reprinted (incomplete) in Enrique de Olivarria y Ferrari, Rese a histdrica del teatro en Mexico, I (Mexico, 1895), 101-104; and in Ruben M. Campos, El folklore literario de Mixico (Mexico, 1929), pp. 81-84; see Pasquariello, pp. 111-113. " Reprinted (incomplete) in Olivarria, Resea, I, 122-123; see Pas- quariello, p. 114. Local playwrights, however, found little demand for their products. For one thing, managers would have to pay for them, while dramatists in Spain were too far away to resent pirating of their successes. Besides, local writers lacked the allure of foreign authors. As the Mexican impresario Ario de Villalobos declared in 1621: "Representan comedias de Castilla; las de aci prueban mal.""0 The best opportunity for the local playwrights was to provide brief between-acts entremeses. And to make them typically American, and to appeal to the lower classes, they usually em- ployed local types. Two anonymous Mexican examples of 1790 deal with Indian characters. El entremis de las posadas" indi- cates by its title its connection with Christmas. It chiefly con- cerns the jabbering of Pascual, a picaresque Indian, first with a servant girl and then with a couple about to be married. It concludes with the singing of a Christmas villancico to Mary and Joseph. In the second brief play, El indio criado," the conscience of the hungry servant begins to trouble him over his theft of some colored cloth. His Uncle Pegro and his brother have several times been beaten for stealing. So now he looks for a way to get rid of the incriminating evidence. The importance of these Indian plays lies not in the plot, which is simplicity itself, nor in their literary quality, for that is slight. They do, however, begin the vogue of plays about the ignorant Indian as the underdog he probably was, simple and unable to talk correct Spanish. He is made the butt of jokes and humor. " Quoted in J. Luis Trenti Rocamora, El teatro en a Amriica colonial (Buenos Aires, 1947), p. 309. " Reprinted (incomplete) in Enrique de Olivarria y Ferrari, Resena histdrica del teatro en Mdxico, I (Mexico, 1895), 101-104; and in Ruben M. Campos, El folklore literario de Mixico (Mexico, 1929), pp. 81-84; see Pasquariello, pp. 111-113. " Reprinted (incomplete) in Olivarria, Reseia, I, 122-123; see Pas- quariello, p. 114.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY III 225 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY III 225 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY III 225 One would naturally expect Indians to exert a strong influence on the drama of the Caribbean; perhaps not in Cuba, where the original Indian population was too speedily wiped out or amalgamated to leave any trace; but in the other countries, where the Europeans lived among them and had dealings with them. Their own incipient drama has already been mentioned. Pedro Henriquez Urefia points out that almost all the elements of drama existed in America before the arrival of the white man." Mexico had the stage and scenery; Indians in Peru differentiated between heroic and comic themes. Many regions had their pageants concerned with agriculture, and references to their comic improvisation are frequent. The first European visitor to Mexico, Cortis, told Emperor Charles V in his Tercera Carta" of a sort of theatre in the midst of one of the Tenochtitlin plazas. It was thirty paces square and two and a half estados (fifteen feet) high. Later writert corrob- orated his account of Indian stages and described performances. The Codice Ramirez" written by an Indian in the middle of the sixteenth century describes the patio in the Temple of Quet- zalcoat in Cholula, with a raised stage where entremeses were performed in which the lame, the halt, and the blind appealed to the idol to be cured, amusing the spectators by the way they talked and acted. It also speaks of dancers disguised as birds, butterflies, and animals. Even granting the general propensity to describe something new by its nearest equivalent in one's own language, this sounds like some such realistic farce as " "El teatro de la Amirica en la America colonial," in Cuaderno de Cultura Teatral, III (Buenos Aires, 1936), 9-50; reprinted in Boletin de Estudios de Teatro, XXVII (Buenos Aires, October, 1949). " Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Cartas y relaciones de Herndn Cortes at Em- perador Carlos V (Paris, 1866). " Cddice Ramirez (Mexico: Leyenda, 1944), pp. 158-161. One would naturally expect Indians to exert a strong influence on the drama of the Caribbean; perhaps not in Cuba, where the original Indian population was too speedily wiped out or amalgamated to leave any trace; but in the other countries, where the Europeans lived among them and had dealings with them. Their own incipient drama has already been mentioned. Pedro Henriquez Urefia points out that almost all the elements of drama existed in America before the arrival of the white man." Mexico had the stage and scenery; Indians in Peru differentiated between heroic and comic themes. Many regions had their pageants concerned with agriculture, and references to their comic improvisation are frequent. The first European visitor to Mexico, Cortis, told Emperor Charles V in his Tercera Carta" of a sort of theatre in the midst of one of the Tenochtitlin plazas. It was thirty paces square and two and a half estados (fifteen feet) high. Later writers corrob- orated his account of Indian stages and described performances. The Codice Ramirez" written by an Indian in the middle of the sixteenth century describes the patio in the Temple of Quet- zalcoatl in Cholula, with a raised stage where entremeses were performed in which the lame, the halt, and the blind appealed to the idol to be cured, amusing the spectators by the way they talked and acted. It also speaks of dancers disguised as birds, butterflies, and animals. Even granting the general propensity to describe something new by its nearest equivalent in one's own language, this sounds like some such realistic farce as " "El teatro de la America en la Amrica colonial," in Cuaderno de Cultura Teatral, III (Buenos Aires, 1936), 9-50; reprinted in Boletin de Estudios de Teatro, XXVII (Buenos Aires, October, 1949). " Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Cartas y relaciones de Herndn Cortis at Em- perador Carlos V (Paris, 1866). * Cddice Ramirez (Mexico: Leyenda, 1944), pp. 158-161. One would naturally expect Indians to exert a strong influence on the drama of the Caribbean; perhaps not in Cuba, where the original Indian population was too speedily wiped out or amalgamated to leave any trace; but in the other countries, where the Europeans lived among them and had dealings with them. Their own incipient drama has already been mentioned. Pedro Henriquez Urefia points out that almost all the elements of drama existed in America before the arrival of the white man." Mexico had the stage and scenery; Indians in Peru differentiated between heroic and comic themes. Many regions had their pageants concerned with agriculture, and references to their comic improvisation are frequent. The first European visitor to Mexico, Cortis, told Emperor Charles V in his Tercera Carta" of a sort of theatre in the midst of one of the Tenochtitlin plazas. It was thirty paces square and two and a half estados (fifteen feet) high. Later writers corrob- orated his account of Indian stages and described performances. The Codice Ramirez" written by an Indian in the middle of the sixteenth century describes the patio in the Temple of Quet- zalcoat in Cholula, with a raised stage where entremeses were performed in which the lame, the halt, and the blind appealed to the idol to be cured, amusing the spectators by the way they talked and acted. It also speaks of dancers disguised as birds, butterflies, and animals. Even granting the general propensity to describe something new by its nearest equivalent in one's own language, this sounds like some such realistic farce as " "El teatro de la America en la America colonial," in Cuaderno de Cultura Teatral, III (Buenos Aires, 1936), 9-50; reprinted in Boletin de Estudios de Teatro, XXVII (Buenos Aires, October, 1949). " Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Cartas y relaciones de Herndn Crtes at Em- perador Carlos V (Paris, 1866). " Cddice Ramirez (Mexico: Leyenda, 1944), pp. 158-161.  226 The Caribbean 226 The Caribbean 226 The Caribbean Aristophanes' Frogs (405 B.c.), in combination with rites of nature performances." Fray Diego Durin tells of a pageant of birds and flowers, honoring the goddess Xochiquetzalli." He also declared that among the "danzas y farzas y entremeses" was a sort of Viejeci- tos dance and a humorous sketch, in which the bobo or comic character caused laughter by misunderstanding his master's in- structions. One of these early plays has survived to the present, set down in 1859 by Padre Brasseur de Bourbourg." He saw a perform- ance of Rabinal achi (The Warrior of Rabinal) in the same sort of backwash of civilization as Diego Sinchez de Badajoz (d. 1550?) inhabited in Spain, where he went on turning out plays long after they had been condemned by church officials elsewhere. Rabinal achi is a plotless, repetitious dialog in which the champion of Rabinal, a place near Guatemala City, and the Quichi warrior, Prince of the Yaquis, meet and quarrel and make long speeches until the vanquished Quiche achi is sacri- ficed to the Rabinal war god. Surely that must be authentic Indian, for no Christian priest would have fathered such a drama of human sacrifice. None of these early plays, however, contributed much to the Caribbean theatre, because the early Spaniards were too scornful of the ignorant savages and abhorred too strongly the heathen gods and the Indian culture to be much influenced by them. Yet one of them did leave its mark. The Popol Vuk, already mentioned, has been the source of several plays. Camotin, " J. J. Arr6m, "Races indigenas del teatro americano," Selected Papers of the XXIX International Congress of Americanists (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), pp. 299-305. " Historia de las indias de Nueva Espa5a, It (Mexico: Ignacio Escal- ante, 1880), 231. " Luis Cardoza y Aragon, "El varn de Rabinal," Anales de la Sociedad de Geografia e Historia de Guatemala, VI (1930); and Jose Antonio Villacorta, "Rabinal achi," Anales, XVII (1942), 352-371. Aristophanes' Frogs (405 B.C.), in combination with rites of nature performances." Fray Diego Durin tells of a pageant of birds and flowers, honoring the goddess Xochiquetzalli." He also declared that among the "danzas y farzas y entremeses" was a sort of Viejeci- tos dance and a humorous sketch, in which the bobo or comic character caused laughter by misunderstanding his master's in- structions. One of these early plays has survived to the present, set down in 1859 by Padre Brasseur de Bourbourg."e He saw a perform- ance of Rabinal achi (The Warrior of Rabinal) in the same sort of backwash of civilization as Diego Sanchez de Badajoz (d. 1550?) inhabited in Spain, where he went on turning out plays long after they had been condemned by church officials elsewhere. Rabinal achi is a plotless, repetitious dialog in which the champion of Rabinal, a place near Guatemala City, and the Quiche warrior, Prince of the Yaquis, meet and quarrel and make long speeches until the vanquished Quiche achi is sacri- ficed to the Rabinal war god. Surely that must be authentic Indian, for no Christian priest would have fathered such a drama of human sacrifice. None of these early plays, however, contributed much to the Caribbean theatre, because the early Spaniards were too scornful of the ignorant savages and abhorred too strongly the heathen gods and the Indian culture to be much influenced by them. Yet one of them did leave its mark. The Popol Vuh, already mentioned, has been the source of several plays. Camotin, " J. J. Arrdm, "Raices indigenas del teatro americano," Selected Papers of the XXIX International Congress of Americanists (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), pp. 299-305. " Historia de las indias de Nueva Espana, II (Mexico: Ignacio Escal- ante, 1880), 231. " Luis Cardoza y Aragdn, "El varon de Rabinal," Anales de la Sociedad de Geografia e Historia de Guatemala, VI (1930); and Jose Antonio Villacorta, "Rabinal achf," Anales, XVII (1942), 352-371. Aristophanes' Frogs (405 B.c.), in combination with rites of nature performances." Fray Diego Durin tells of a pageant of birds and flowers, honoring the goddess Xochiquetzalli." He also declared that among the "danzas y farzas y entremeses" was a sort of Viejeci- tos dance and a humorous sketch, in which the bobo or comic character caused laughter by misunderstanding his master's in- structions. One of these early plays has survived to the present, set down in 1859 by Padre Brasseur de Bourbourg.'" He saw a perform- ance of Rabinal achi (The Warrior of Rabinal) in the same sort of backwash of civilization as Diego Snchez de Badajoz (d. 1550?) inhabited in Spain, where he went on turning out plays long after they had been condemned by church officials elsewhere. Rabinal achi is a plotless, repetitious dialog in which the champion of Rabinal, a place near Guatemala City, and the Quich4 warrior, Prince of the Yaquis, meet and quarrel and make long speeches until the vanquished Quiche achi is sacri- ficed to the Rabinal war god. Surely that must be authentic Indian, for no Christian priest would have fathered such a drama of human sacrifice. None of these early plays, however, contributed much to the Caribbean theatre, because the early Spaniards were too scornful of the ignorant savages and abhorred too strongly the heathen gods and the Indian culture to be much influenced by them. Yet one of them did leave its mark. The Popol Vuk, already mentioned, has been the source of several plays. Camotin, " J. J. Arrm, "Raices indigenas del teatro americano," Selected Papers of the XXIX International Congress of Americanists (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), pp. 299-305. " Historia de las indias de Nueva Espana, II (Mexico: Ignacio Escal- ante, 1880), 231. " Luis Cardoza y Aragon, "El varn de Rabinal," Anales de la Sociedad de Geografia e Historia de Guatemala, VI (1930); and Josd Antonio Villacorta, "Rabinal achi," Anales, XVII (1942), 352-371.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 22/ Guatemala, performs a modernized version of one part of it, the fight between the champions Hunahp6 and Hun Cami. It has been transmogrified, through Biblical influence, into a sort of David and Goliath affair, with the characters renamed Gavite and Gigante Golillo. The beheading of Ahpt6 by order of Cam6 also betrays the effect of the John the Baptist story." This modification of Indian plays is nothing new. The Span- iards observed that the Yucatecans performed a sort of satirical farce criticizing their elders and leaders." After the arrival of the white men, some of the foreign officials were held up for ridicule in these plays in the same way." IV This Indian delight in acting was utilized by the priests, who encouraged their parishioners to produce their own plays. One of the earliest known was the 1538 Corpus Christi celebration at Tlaxcalin, described by Father Toribio de Motolinta, who probably helped prepare it. There were four brief autos: An- nunciation of the Birth of John the Baptist, Annunciation to the Virgin Mary, Visit of Our Lady to St. Elizabeth, and The Na- tivity of John the Baptist. For the day of the Incarnation, the Indians presented a play entirely in their own language, except for the final villancico, which was in Spanish. The performance took place near the entrance to the hospital and dealt with the Fall of Eve. Nature, with the help of the Indians, provided the scenery for the Garden of Eden with so many parrots, the priestly historian records, that it was some- times hard to hear the speakers. Two ocelotles or jaguars were u Rafael Girard, "Una obra maestra del teatro maya," Cuadernos Americanos,, VI (Mexico, 1947), 157-188. " Pedro Sinchez de Aguilar, Informes contra idolorum cultores del obispado de Yucatdn. Reprinted from Anales del Museo Nacional de Maxi- cc (1892), p. 00. * Diego de Landa, Relaciones de las cosas de Yucatdn (Mexico: Pedro Robredo, 1938), p. 109. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 227 Guatemala, performs a modernized version of one part of it, the fight between the champions Hunahp6 and Hun Cami. It has been transmogrified, through Biblical influence, into a sort of David and Goliath affair, with the characters renamed Gavite and Gigante Golillo. The beheading of Ahpd by order of Camd also betrays the effect of the John the Baptist story." This modification of Indian plays is nothing new. The Span- iards observed that the Yucatecans performed a sort of satirical farce criticizing their elders and leaders." After the arrival of the white men, some of the foreign officials were held up for ridicule in these plays in the same way." IV This Indian delight in acting was utilized by the priests, who encouraged their parishioners to produce their own plays. One of the earliest known was the 1538 Corpus Christi celebration at Tlaxcalin, described by Father Toribio de Motolinia, who probably helped prepare it. There were four brief autos: An- nunciation of the Birth of John the Baptist, Annunciation to the Virgin Mary, Visit of Our Lady to St. Elizabeth, and The Na- tivity of John the Baptist. For the day of the Incarnation, the Indians presented a play entirely in their own language, except for the final villancico, which was in Spanish. The performance took place near the entrance to the hospital and dealt with the Fall of Eve. Nature, with the help of the Indians, provided the scenery for the Garden of Eden with so many parrots, the priestly historian records, that it was some- times hard to hear the speakers. Two ocelotles or jaguars were Rafael Girard, "Una obra maestra del teatro maya," Cuadernos Americanos, VI (Mexico, 1947), 157-188. " Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, Informes contra idolorum cultores del obispado de Yucatdn. Reprinted from Anales del Museo Nacional de Mdxi- cc (1892), p. 98. " Diego de Landa, Relaciones de las cosas de Yucatdn (Mexico: Pedro Robredo, 1938), p. 109. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 227 Guatemala, performs a modernized version of one part of it, the fight between the champions Hunahpd and Hun Cam. It has been transmogrified, through Biblical influence, into a sort of David and Goliath affair, with the characters renamed Gavite and Gigante Golillo. The beheading of Ahpd by order of Cami also betrays the effect of the John the Baptist story." This modification of Indian plays is nothing new. The Span- iards observed that the Yucatecans performed a sort of satirical farce criticizing their elders and leaders." After the arrival of the white men, some of the foreign officials were held up for ridicule in these plays in the same way." IV This Indian delight in acting was utilized by the priests, who encouraged their parishioners to produce their own plays. One of the earliest known was the 1538 Corpus Christi celebration at Tlaxcalin, described by Father Toribio de Motolinia, who probably helped prepare it. There were four brief autos: An- nunciation of the Birth of John the Baptist, Annunciation to the Virgin Mary, Visit of Our Lady to St. Elizabeth, and The Na- tivity of John the Baptist. For the day of the Incarnation, the Indians presented a play entirely in their own language, except for the final villancico, which was in Spanish. The performance took place near the entrance to the hospital and dealt with the Fall of Eve. Nature, with the help of the Indians, provided the scenery for the Garden of Eden with so many parrots, the priestly historian records, that it was some- times hard to hear the speakers. Two ocelotles or jaguars were * Rafael Girard, "Una obra maestra del teatro maya," Cuadernos Americanos, VI (Mexico, 1947), 157-188. " Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, Informes contra idolorum cultores del obispado de Yucatdn. Reprinted from Anales del Museo Nacional de Mdaxi- cc (1892), p.98. " Diego de Landa, Relaciones de las cosas de Yucatdn (Mexico: Pedro Robredo, 1938), p. 109.  228 The Caribbean 228 The Caribbean 228 The Caribbean chained to one tree for local color and Motolinia tells how Eve walked dangerously near them. Fortunately the animals did not harm her. The old priest must have chuckled as he added: "That was before she sinned, else she would not have fared so well." The play had both action and suspense, such as Eve's in- decision whether to listen to the serpent. Then she had to overcome Adam's objections. She sat on his lap and begged him to get her the apple. Even that deed was dramatically delayed. Then, having fallen from grace, they were clothed in leather and led out of Eden into the world with its brambles and snakes. At this, Motolinia reports, there was hardly a dry eye in the audience. Exiles now, the angels taught Eve to spin and Adam to plow, and the play concluded with a song point- ing out the moral." In this play, the Caribbean drama has taken one step away from the European pattern, at least in scenery. A still further break came with what might be called the first really American play, El Coloquio de la nueva conversitn y bautismo de los cuatro reyes de Tlaxcala. No one knows who wrote this early sixteenth-century account of one of the turning points of Ameri- can history. Some impute it to Father Motolinia; others think it the work of Cristbal Gutirrez de Luna. Whoever the author was, he was intimate with Cortis, one of the chief characters. Historically, when Cortis was marching from the coast to conquer Moctezuma, he needed all the help he could get. So he hoped to persuade the chiefs of Tlaxcala, already enemies of the Aztecs, to become his allies. They refused. At the start of this dialog, each chief delivers a monolog about his worry at the arrival of the foreigners. Then they " Padre Toribio de Motolonia, Historia de los indios de Ia Nueva Es- paa, Tratado I, Cap. 15; also quoted by Salvador de Madariaga, Rise of the Spanish American Empire (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1948), p. 182, and Boletin de Estudios de Teatro, XXVII (Buenos Aires, 1949), 168. chained to one tree for local color and Motolinia tells how Eve walked dangerously near them. Fortunately the animals did not harm her. The old priest must have chuckled as he added: "That was before she sinned, else she would not have fared so well." The play had both action and suspense, such as Eve's in- decision whether to listen to the serpent. Then she had to overcome Adam's objections. She sat on his lap and begged him to get her the apple. Even that deed was dramatically delayed. Then, having fallen from grace, they were clothed in leather and led out of Eden into the world with its brambles and snakes. At this, Motolinia reports, there was hardly a dry eye in the audience. Exiles now, the angels taught Eve to spin and Adam to plow, and the play concluded with a song point- ing out the moral." In this play, the Caribbean drama has taken one step away from the European pattern, at least in scenery. A still further break came with what might be called the first really American play, El Coloquio de la nueva conversiin y bautismo de los cuatro reyes de Tlaxcala. No one knows who wrote this early sixteenth-century account of one of the turning points of Ameri- can history. Some impute it to Father Motolinia; others think it the work of Cristobal Gutitrrez de Luna. Whoever the author was, he was intimate with Cortis, one of the chief characters. Historically, when Cortes was marching from the coast to conquer Moctezuma, he needed all the help he could get. So he hoped to persuade the chiefs of Tlaxcala, already enemies of the Aztecs, to become his allies. They refused. At the start of this dialog, each chief delivers a monolog about his worry at the arrival of the foreigners. Then they " Padre Toribio de Motolonia, Hiotoria de los indios de la Nueva Es- paa, Tratado I, Cap. 15; also quoted by Salvador de Madariaga, Rise of the Spanish American Empire (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1948), p. 182, and Boletin de Estudios de Teatro, XXVII (Buenos Aires, 1949), 168. chained to one tree for local color and Motolinia tells how Eve walked dangerously near them. Fortunately the animals did not harm her. The old priest must have chuckled as he added: "That was before she sinned, else she would not have fared so well." The play had both action and suspense, such as Eve's in- decision whether to listen to the serpent. Then she had to overcome Adam's objections. She sat on his lap and begged him to get her the apple. Even that deed was dramatically delayed. Then, having fallen from grace, they were clothed in leather and led out of Eden into the world with its brambles and snakes. At this, Motolinia reports, there was hardly a dry eye in the audience. Exiles now, the angels taught Eve to spin and Adam to plow, and the play concluded with a song point- ing out the moral." In this play, the Caribbean drama has taken one step away from the European pattern, at least in scenery. A still further break came with what might be called the first really American play, El Coloquio de la nueva conversin y bautismo de los cuatro reyes de Tlaxcala. No one knows who wrote this early sixteenth-century account of one of the turning points of Ameri- can history. Some impute it to Father Motolinia; others think it the work of Cristtbal Gutierrez de Luna. Whoever the author was, he was intimate with Cortis, one of the chief characters. Historically, when Corts was marching from the coast to conquer Moctezuma, he needed all the help he could get. So he hoped to persuade the chiefs of Tlaxcala, already enemies of the Aztecs, to become his allies. They refused. At the start of this dialog, each chief delivers a monolog about his worry at the arrival of the foreigners. Then they " Padre Toribio de Motolonia, Historia de los indios de la Nueva Es- paa, Tratado I, Cap. 15; also quoted by Salvador de Madariaga, Rise of the Spanish American Empire (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1948), p. 182, and Boletin de Estudios de Teatro, XXVII (Buenos Aires, 1949), 168.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 229 consult together and call upon their spirit, the Hongol. He appears unwilling to give them counsel, even after they decide to sacrifice two maidens. His explanation is that he is mysti- fied and feels powerless against the white man's God. Petu- lantly he complains that having been pushed out of Rome, Charles V is now trying to seize Hongol's last stronghold. The kings, realizing that their deity is less powerful than the Chris- tians' God, send for the missionaries to come and instruct them. Internal evidence, such as the monologs of Cortds about his life, proves that the author knew Spanish as well as Indian history and customs. This Coloquio is not true drama, however. Character changes are attributed to a miracle and do not grow out of personal traits transformed by action, but it is a departure from Spanish drama. In background and story, it combines Old World and New. V In other regions of the Caribbean, Indians played a very small part in the development of the theatre, except perhaps in Guatemala." In Colombia and Venezuela, only the famous Indian chiefs appear on the stage, generally as heroes of roman- tic tragedies. Jos6 Fernandez Madrid (1789-1830) began the Colombian theatre with Guatimocin, which dealt with Cortis and the overthrow of the Aztec monarchy. The short-lived Luis Vargas Tejada (1802-1829) wrote Sugamuxi and Sacresazipi, but under French and Italian influence. This master of four languages, incidentally, was one of the few who brought Italian culture to bear on the Caribbean. His comedy, Las convulsiones, about children who force their parents to give them their way by pretending to have convulsions, can be traced back to an " Such playwrights as Valentin Abascal, Kukulkdn; Miguel Andres Asturias, Cuculdn; Carlos Girn Cerna, Quichd-Acht (rewriting of "Rabinal achi"), Ixquic, and Tututicutu; and Felipe Silva L., Conquista de Utatlan, Tecnt Umdn, and Hebet a la Virgen de la Isla. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 229 consult together and call upon their spirit, the Hongol. He appears unwilling to give them counsel, even after they decide to sacrifice two maidens. His explanation is that he is mysti- fied and feels powerless against the white man's God. Petu- lantly he complains that having been pushed out of Rome, Charles V is now trying to seize Hongol's last stronghold. The kings, realizing that their deity is less powerful than the Chris- tians' God, send for the missionaries to come and instruct them. Internal evidence, such as the monologs of Cortis about his life, proves that the author knew Spanish as well as Indian history and customs. This Coloquio is not true drama, however. Character changes are attributed to a miracle and do not grow out of personal traits transformed by action, but it is a departure from Spanish drama. In background and story, it combines Old World and New. In other regions of the Caribbean, Indians played a very small part in the development of the theatre, except perhaps in Guatemala." In Colombia and Venezuela, only the famous Indian chiefs appear on the stage, generally as heroes of roman- tic tragedies. Josi Fernandez Madrid (1789-1830) began the Colombian theatre with Guatimocin, which dealt with Cortds and the overthrow of the Aztec monarchy. The short-lived Luis Vargas Tejada (1802-1829) wrote Sugamuxi and Sacresazipi, but under French and Italian influence. This master of four languages, incidentally, was one of the few who brought Italian culture to bear on the Caribbean. His comedy, Las convulsiones, about children who force their parents to give them their way by pretending to have convulsions, can be traced back to an Such playwrights as Valentin Abascal, Kukulkdn; Miguel Andres Asturias, Cuculcdn; Carlos Girn Cerna, Quich-Achf (rewriting of "Rabinal achi"), Ixquic, and Tututicutu; and Felipe Silva L., Conquista de Utatldn, Tecen Umdn, and Hebet o la Virgen de la Isla. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 229 consult together and call upon their spirit, the Hongol. He appears unwilling to give them counsel, even after they decide to sacrifice two maidens. His explanation is that he is mysti- fied and feels powerless against the white man's God. Petu- lantly he complains that having been pushed out of Rome, Charles V is now trying to seize Hongol's last stronghold. The kings, realizing that their deity is less powerful than the Chris- tians' God, send for the missionaries to come and instruct them. Internal evidence, such as the monologs of Cortis about his life, proves that the author knew Spanish as well as Indian history and customs. This Coloquio is not true drama, however. Character changes are attributed to a miracle and do not grow out of personal traits transformed by action, but it is a departure from Spanish drama. In background and story, it combines Old World and New. V In other regions of the Caribbean, Indians played a very small part in the development of the theatre, except perhaps in Guatemala." In Colombia and Venezuela, only the famous Indian chiefs appear on the stage, generally as heroes of roman- tic tragedies. Jos6 Fernandez Madrid (1789-1830) began the Colombian theatre with Guatimocin, which dealt with Cortes and the overthrow of the Aztec monarchy. The short-lived Luis Vargas Tejada (1802-1829) wrote Sugamuxi and Sacresazipi, but under French and Italian influence. This master of four languages, incidentally, was one of the few who brought Italian culture to bear on the Caribbean. His comedy, Las convulsiones, about children who force their parents to give them their way by pretending to have convulsions, can be traced back to an " Such playwrights as Valentin Abascal, Kukulkan; Miguel Andres Asturias, Cuculdn; Carlos Girn Cerna, Quichd-Achfi (rewriting of "Rabinal achi"), Ixquic, and Tututicutu; and Felipe Silva L., Conquista de Utatidn, Tecdn Umdn, and Hebei o la Virgen de la Isla.  230 The Caribbean Italian play by Francisco Albergat Capacelli, with help perhaps from Lope de Vega's El acero de Madrid. It is a classical five- act comedy written in European eleven-syllable couplets. Though Negro slaves, who helped shape music and poetry, had practically no effect on the theatre, in many ways Euro- pean drama began to influence the Caribbean playwrights. With Paris generally regarded as the second homeland of Latin American intellectuals, France naturally swayed the Caribbean playwrights. The plays of Moliere, Racine, and Corneille were performed in both French and Spanish. El si de las nihas by Moratin, only a step removed from French classicism, was entertaining Havana theatregoers in 1807, the year after its Madrid opening. Cuba had an early translation of Hugo's Hernani (1830) by Agustin Zirraga y Heredia, and Antonio Bachiller gave Dumas credit for his Campamento de los cruzados of 1840. French meters were popular. French technique was imitated, and French themes were borrowed. The Colombian Fernandez Madrid dramatized the Chateaubriand novel Atala (1801), using the unities he had observed in Moratin and Jovellanos and eleven-syllable Spanish verse." The cancan reached Mexico from France in 1869 and the revue came the following year, popularizing the unconnected sketches that were later to appear in the typical Mexican carpa or tent plays." The English theatre also helped shape the Caribbean drama. No one has traced down the first appearance of Shakspere in the Caribbean. The Cuban, Teodoro Calle, published his trans- lation of Othello in 1833, but there were probably earlier trans- lations. One popular English play was Cato by Joseph Addison, which began being performed all over Latin America as a veiled " Jos6 J. Ortega Ricaurte, Historia de la literatura colombiana (Bogota, 1935), pp. 53-56. " Luis Sandi, "The Story Retold," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (Au- gust, 1938), 611-618. 230 The Caribbean 230 The Caribbean Italian play by Francisco Albergat Capacelli, with help perhaps from Lope de Vega's El acero de Madrid. It is a classical five- act comedy written in European eleven-syllable couplets. Though Negro slaves, who helped shape music and poetry, had practically no effect on the theatre, in many ways Euro- pean drama began to influence the Caribbean playwrights. With Paris generally regarded as the second homeland of Latin American intellectuals, France naturally swayed the Caribbean playwrights. The plays of Moliere, Racine, and Corneille were performed in both French and Spanish. El si de las niiias by Moratin, only a step removed from French classicism, was entertaining Havana theatregoers in 1807, the year after its Madrid opening. Cuba had an early translation of Hugo's Hernani (1830) by Agustin Zirraga y Heredia, and Antonio Bachiller gave Dumas credit for his Campamento de los cruzados of 1840. French meters were popular. French technique was imitated, and French themes were borrowed. The Colombian Fernindez Madrid dramatized the Chateaubriand novel Atala (1801), using the unities he had observed in Moratin and Jovellanos and eleven-syllable Spanish verse." The cancan reached Mexico from France in 1869 and the revue came the following year, popularizing the unconnected sketches that were later to appear in the typical Mexican carpa or tent plays." The English theatre also helped shape the Caribbean drama. No one has traced down the first appearance of Shakspere in the Caribbean. The Cuban, Teodoro Calle, published his trans- lation of Othello in 1833, but there were probably earlier trans- lations. One popular English play was Cato by Joseph Addison, which began being performed all over Latin America as a veiled " Jose J. Ortega Ricaurte, Historia de la literatura colombiana (BogotA, 1935), pp. 53-56. " Luis Sandi, "The Story Retold," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (Au- gust, 1938), 611-618. Italian play by Francisco Albergat Capacelli, with help perhaps from Lope de Vega's El acero de Madrid. It is a classical five- act comedy written in European eleven-syllable couplets. Though Negro slaves, who helped shape music and poetry, had practically no effect on the theatre, in many ways Euro- pean drama began to influence the Caribbean playwrights. With Paris generally regarded as the second homeland of Latin American intellectuals, France naturally swayed the Caribbean playwrights. The plays of Moliere, Racine, and Corneille were performed in both French and Spanish. El si de las nias by Moratin, only a step removed from French classicism, was entertaining Havana theatregoers in 1807, the year after its Madrid opening. Cuba had an early translation of Hugo's Hernani (1830) by Agustin Zirraga y Heredia, and Antonio Bachiller gave Dumas credit for his Campamento de los cruzados of 1840. French meters were popular. French technique was imitated, and French themes were borrowed. The Colombian Fernandez Madrid dramatized the Chateaubriand novel Atala (1801), using the unities he had observed in Moratin and Jovellanos and eleven-syllable Spanish verse." The cancan reached Mexico from France in 1869 and the revue came the following year, popularizing the unconnected sketches that were later to appear in the typical Mexican carpa or tent plays." The English theatre also helped shape the Caribbean drama. No one has traced down the first appearance of Shakspere in the Caribbean. The Cuban, Teodoro Calle, published his trans- lation of Othello in 1833, but there were probably earlier trans- lations. One popular English play was Cato by Joseph Addison, which began being performed all over Latin America as a veiled " Jos6 J. Ortega Ricaurte, Historia de la literatura colombiana (BogotA, 1935), pp. 53-56. " Luis Sandi, "The Story Retold," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (Au- gust, 1938), 611-618.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 2S1 appeal for liberty soon after its successful premiere at the Drury Lane Theatre in 1713. Being foreign, it could not bring down official wrath against any local playwright. The Cuban Fdlix Megia translated Bulwer-Lytton's Lady of Lyons in 1841, three years after its first performance in England. Even German plays have at times appeared on Caribbean boards. In an Ortega translation, Pizarro, one of the two hundred historical plays by August von Kotzebue, was performed in Havana in 1822, three years after the author's death. VI Much of this reviving interest in historical plays in the Carib- bean came, of course, as the Romantic movement spread from Europe, but they were not the earliest examples. Mexicans, for instance, were in the habit of witnessing San Felipe de Jesds every February 5th, the anniversary of the saint's martyrdom in Nagasaki. But Romanticism did increase the number of dra- matists who sought inspiration in history. The Embrace of Acatempin, where Guerrero and Iturbide completed Mexican independence, inspired several plays. Recently Rodolfo Usigli (b. 1905) dramatized the story of Maximilian and Carlotta in Corona de sombra," which has also been translated into French for performances in France and Belgium, and into English for a television performance in the United States. Some dramatists discovered, however, that contemporary his- tory was dangerous. In 1826, Jose Maria Dominguez wrote the five-act tragedy-in-verse La Pola about the Colombian revolu- tionary heroine who was shot as a spy by the royalists in 1817. In the first performance in Bogota, after Policarpa Salabarrieta had been condemned to death and was about to be led to execu- tion, the whole audience screamed in protest and refused to let the play go on. Finally, the curtain was lowered and one of the " Mexico: Ediciones Cuadernos Americanos, 1947. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 231 appeal for liberty soon after its successful premiere at the Drury Lane Theatre in 1713. Being foreign, it could not bring down official wrath against any local playwright. The Cuban Fdlix Megia translated Bulwer-Lytton's Lady of Lyons in 1841, three years after its first performance in England. Even German plays have at times appeared on Caribbean boards. In an Ortega translation, Pizarro, one of the two hundred historical plays by August von Kotzebue, was performed in Havana in 1822, three years after the author's death. VI Much of this reviving interest in historical plays in the Carib- bean came, of course, as the Romantic movement spread from Europe, but they were not the earliest examples. Mexicans, for instance, were in the habit of witnessing San Felipe de Jesus every February 5th, the anniversary of the saint's martyrdom in Nagasaki. But Romanticism did increase the number of dra- matists who sought inspiration in history. The Embrace of Acatempin, where Guerrero and Iturbide completed Mexican independence, inspired several plays. Recently Rodolfo Usigli (b. 1905) dramatized the story of Maximilian and Carlotta in Corona de sombra," which has also been translated into French for performances in France and Belgium, and into English for a television performance in the United States. Some dramatists discovered, however, that contemporary his- tory was dangerous. In 1826, Jose Maria Dominguez wrote the five-act tragedy-in-verse La Pola about the Colombian revolu- tionary heroine who was shot as a spy by the royalists in 1817. In the first performance in Bogoti, after Policarpa Salabarrieta had been condemned to death and was about to be led to execu- tion, the whole audience screamed in protest and refused to let the play go on. Finally, the curtain was lowered and one of the " Mexico: Editiones Cuadernos Americanos, 1947. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 231 appeal for liberty soon after its successful premisre at the Drury Lane Theatre in 1713. Being foreign, it could not bring down official wrath against any local playwright. The Cuban Fdlix Megia translated Bulwer-Lytton's Lady of Lyons in 1841, three years after its first performance in England. Even German plays have at times appeared on Caribbean boards. In an Ortega translation, Pizarro, one of the two hundred historical plays by August von Kotzebue, was performed in Havana in 1822, three years after the author's death. VI Much of this reviving interest in historical plays in the Carib- bean came, of course, as the Romantic movement spread from Europe, but they were not the earliest examples. Mexicans, for instance, were in the habit of witnessing San Felipe de Jesis every February 5th, the anniversary of the saint's martyrdom in Nagasaki. But Romanticism did increase the number of dra- matists who sought inspiration in history. The Embrace of Acatempan, where Guerrero and Iturbide completed Mexican independence, inspired several plays. Recently Rodolfo Usigli (b. 1905) dramatized the story of Maximilian and Carlotta in Corona de sombra," which has also been translated into French for performances in France and Belgium, and into English for a television performance in the United States. Some dramatists discovered, however, that contemporary his- tory was dangerous. In 1826, Jos6 Maria Dominguez wrote the five-act tragedy-in-verse La Pola about the Colombian revolu- tionary heroine who was shot as a spy by the royalists in 1817. In the first performance in Bogota, after Policarpa Salabarrieta had been condemned to death and was about to be led to execu- tion, the whole audience screamed in protest and refused to let the play go on. Finally, the curtain was lowered and one of the " Mexico: Ediciones Cuadernos Americanos, 1947.  232 The Caribbean 232 The Caribbean actors appeared to explain that La Pola would be reprieved because of the demands of the "respected public." Other attempts to put the local scene onto the stage were frequently short-lived. Lazaro Maria Pirez (1824-1892), as director of Bogoti's chief theatre, announced a drive to produce national plays, but looking over titles of plays he himself wrote, one finds El gondolero de Venecia, El corsario negro, and others with settings far from Colombia. Even the comparatively mod- ern Antonio Alvarez Lleres (b. 1892), one of the best of Colombia's dramatists, though he began at the age of nineteen with the excellent three-act national comedy Viboras sociales (1911), and then wrote his masterpiece Como los muertos (1916) about the Job-like Manuel, was not above turning out La toma de Granada set in Spain. VII Perhaps the most successful attempts to put the native types onto the stage occurred in Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. Recently (1940), Mdndez Ballester of Puerto Rico wrote and produced his three-act tragedy Tiempo muerto about a jibaro family that left its mountain home to starve in the sugar-cane region. In Cuba, on the other hand, though the Negro slave never got onto the stage himself, he played a big part in achiev- ing a national theatre. When Governor Miguel Tacdn (1775-1855) came into office in 1834, he imposed a tax of seventeen pesos on every slave imported into Cuba. Seven pesos went for administrative expenses of the slave trade, and ten pesos went into the gover- nor's fund. When it reached 600,000 pesos, Tacdn used it for public works, including Cuba's first railroad, street drinking fountains for Havana's 130,000 inhabitants, and El Gran Teatro Tac6n for citizens who, for sixty years, had depended on the antiquated Teatro Principal. When completed in 1838, the Tacdn Theatre, with its 150 boxes and 4,000 seats, was ac- actors appeared to explain that La Pola would be reprieved because of the demands of the "respected public." Other attempts to put the local scene onto the stage were frequently short-lived. Lizaro Maria Pirez (1824-1892), as director of Bogoti's chief theatre, announced a drive to produce national plays, but looking over titles of plays he himself wrote, one finds El gondolero de Venecia, El corsario negro, and others with settings far from Colombia. Even the comparatively mod- ern Antonio Alvarez Lleres (b. 1892), one of the best of Colombia's dramatists, though he began at the age of nineteen with the excellent three-act national comedy Viboras sociales (1911), and then wrote his masterpiece Como los muertos (1916) about the Job-like Manuel, was not above turning out La toma de Granada set in Spain. VII Perhaps the most successful attempts to put the native types onto the stage occurred in Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. Recently (1940), Mindez Ballester of Puerto Rico wrote and produced his three-act tragedy Tiempo muerto about a jibaro family that left its mountain home to starve in the sugar-cane region. In Cuba, on the other hand, though the Negro slave never got onto the stage himself, he played a big part in achiev- ing a national theatre. When Governor Miguel Tacdn (1775-1855) came into office in 1834, he imposed a tax of seventeen pesos on every slave imported into Cuba. Seven pesos went for administrative expenses of the slave trade, and ten pesos went into the gover- nor's fund. When it reached 600,000 pesos, Tac6n used it for public works, including Cuba's first railroad, street drinking fountains for Havana's 130,000 inhabitants, and El Gran Teatro Tac6n for citizens who, for sixty years, had depended on the antiquated Teatro Principal. When completed in 1838, the Tacdn Theatre, with its 150 boxes and 4,000 seats, was ac- 232 The Caribbean actors appeared to explain that La Pola would be reprieved because of the demands of the "respected public." Other attempts to put the local scene onto the stage were frequently short-lived. Lizaro Maria Pirez (1824-1892), as director of Bogota's chief theatre, announced a drive to produce national plays, but looking over titles of plays he himself wrote, one finds El gondolero de Venecia, El corsario negro, and others with settings far from Colombia. Even the comparatively mod- ern Antonio Alvarez Lleres (b. 1892), one of the best of Colombia's dramatists, though he began at the age of nineteen with the excellent three-act national comedy Viboras sociales (1911), and then wrote his masterpiece Como los muertos (1916) about the Job-like Manuel, was not above turning out La toma de Granada set in Spain. VII Perhaps the most successful attempts to put the native types onto the stage occurred in Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. Recently (1940), Mindez Ballester of Puerto Rico wrote and produced his three-act tragedy Tiempo muerto about a jibaro family that left its mountain home to starve in the sugar-cane region. In Cuba, on the other hand, though the Negro slave never got onto the stage himself, he played a big part in achiev- ing a national theatre. When Governor Miguel Tacdn (1775-1855) came into office in 1834, he imposed a tax of seventeen pesos on every slave imported into Cuba. Seven pesos went for administrative expenses of the slave trade, and ten pesos went into the gover- nor's fund. When it reached 600,000 pesos, Tacdn used it for public works, including Cuba's first railroad, street drinking fountains for Havana's 130,000 inhabitants, and El Gran Teatro Tacdn for citizens who, for sixty years, had depended on the antiquated Teatro Principal. When completed in 1838, the Tacdn Theatre, with its 150 boxes and 4,000 seats, was ac-  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 233 claimed by visitors not only as the best in America, but as hardly surpassed anywhere in the world.' In it the outstanding Cuban dramatist Francisco Covarrubias (1774-1850), while following the traditions of the Spaniard Ramon de la Cruz, then popular in America, replaced the Madrid types by New World characters and created a distinctive Cuban comedy. It is unfortunate that none of his works has survived. Mexican examples of these costumbrista plays can still be read, however. A notary of Puebla, Jos6 Agustin de Castro (1730-1814), includes an entremis, Los remendones of 1797, in his writings published that year." Two old-clothes dealers, Lucas de Villegas and Gervasio, have just returned home after several weeks of unexplained absence. Lucas is scolded by his wife, Pepa fa poblana, till he counterattacks by calling her a spendthrift. Gervasio's defense is to pretend resentment that his wife, Tales la mexicana, was not waiting at home for him. Serenaders interrupt the family brawl by arriving to sing for a meal, but the larder is empty. The husbands leave explana- tions to their wives, but when the disappointed singers insult Pepa, her husband gets up to defend her, and the curtain comes down on a general fight. This play is fundamentally Mexican, with real characters and with a realistic re-creation of the poverty-stricken house. Its language is vivid and full of slang, with such local color as references to contemporary people and professions. Sure now that dramatic material could be found nearer than Europe, Jos6 Macedonio Espinosa, whose life was divided between the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, put lower- class Mexicans into his Entremis del mulato celoso and El alcalde Chamorro." " J. J. Arrom, Historia de la literatura dramdtica cubana (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1944), p. 41. " Misceldnea de poesias sagradas y profanas (Puebla, 1797), pp. 131- 149. In Boletin del Archivo General de la Naci6n, XV (Mexico, 1944), 333-334, 343-352. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 233 claimed by visitors not only as the best in America, but as hardly surpassed anywhere in the world." In it the outstanding Cuban dramatist Francisco Covarrubias (1774-1850), while following the traditions of the Spaniard Ramdn de la Cruz, then popular in America, replaced the Madrid types by New World characters and created a distinctive Cuban comedy. It is unfortunate that none of his works has survived. Mexican examples of these costumbrista plays can still be read, however. A notary of Puebla, Jose Agustin de Castro (1730-1814), includes an entremis, Los remendones of 1797, in his writings published that year." Two old-clothes dealers, Lucas de Villegas and Gervasio, have just returned home after several weeks of unexplained absence. Lucas is scolded by his wife, Pepa la poblana, till he counterattacks by calling her a spendthrift. Gervasio's defense is to pretend resentment that his wife, Tules la mexicana, was not waiting at home for him. Serenaders interrupt the family brawl by arriving to sing for a meal, but the larder is empty. The husbands leave explana- tions to their wives, but when the disappointed singers insult Pepa, her husband gets up to defend her, and the curtain comes down on a general fight. This play is fundamentally Mexican, with real characters and with a realistic re-creation of the poverty-stricken house. Its language is vivid and full of slang, with such local color as references to contemporary people and professions. Sure now that dramatic material could be found nearer than Europe, Jose Macedonio Espinosa, whose life was divided between the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, put lower- class Mexicans into his Entremis del mulato celoso and El alcalde Chamorro." " J. J. Arrm, Historia de la literatura dramdtica cubana (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1944), p. 41. " Misceldnea de poesias sagradas y profanas (Puebla, 1797), pp. 131- 149. In Boletin del Archivo General de la Nacidn, XV (Mexico, 1944), 333-334, 343-352. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 233 claimed by visitors not only as the best in America, but as hardly surpassed anywhere in the world." In it the outstanding Cuban dramatist Francisco Covarrubias (1774-1850), while following the traditions of the Spaniard Ramdn de la Cruz, then popular in America, replaced the Madrid types by New World characters and created a distinctive Cuban comedy. It is unfortunate that none of his works has survived. Mexican examples of these costumbrista plays can still be read, however. A notary of Puebla, Jose Agustin de Castro (1730-1814), includes an entremis, Los remendones of 1797, in his writings published that year." Two old-clothes dealers, Lucas de Villegas and Gervasio, have just returned home after several weeks of unexplained absence. Lucas is scolded by his wife, Pepa la poblana, till he counterattacks by calling her a spendthrift. Gervasio's defense is to pretend resentment that his wife, Tules la mexicana, was not waiting at home for him. Serenaders interrupt the family brawl by arriving to sing for a meal, but the larder is empty. The husbands leave explana- tions to their wives, but when the disappointed singers insult Pepa, her husband gets up to defend her, and the curtain comes down on a general fight. This play is fundamentally Mexican, with real characters and with a realistic re-creation of the poverty-stricken house. Its language is vivid and full of slang, with such local color as references to contemporary people and professions. Sure now that dramatic material could be found nearer than Europe, Jose Macedonio Espinosa, whose life was divided between the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, put lower- class Mexicans into his Entremis del mulato celoso and El alcalde Chamorro." " J. J. Arrom, Historia de la literatura dramdtica cubana (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1944), p. 41. " Misceldnea de poesias sagradas y profanas (Puebla, 1797), pp. 131- 149. " In Boletin del Archivo General de la Naci6n, XV (Mexico, 1944), 333-334, 343-352.  234 The Caribbean The first shows society's tolerant attitude toward Negroes. It bears evidence, too, of the freedom enjoyed by Mexican women. Manuel is courting Mariquita, who prefers D. Mateo. Trapiento promises to help Manuel, unaware that Mariquita's friend has her eyes on Trapiento as a possible husband. Into the mix-up come the mulatto and his wife Luz. Her singing of a seguidilla arouses such enthusiasm in Manuel that the Negro becomes jealous, and once more a fight ends the show. The second play, with its verses of double significance and its frank portrayal of a homosexual man, is rather obscene. But at least the setting and people are authentically Caribbean. As the plays reflect more and more the thoughts and customs of the people living around the Caribbean, they brought criti- cism from the critics. El Diario de Mexico, October 30, 1805, called them "aquellas piezezitas antiguas per to comdn ridiculas, indecentes y despreciables, que ya no tolera ni el mosquite."" To improve the theatre, the Diario for December 10, 1805, offered "un premio de 25 pesos al autor del saynete que se representa antes del dia 15 de Febrero.... La medida material o de su duracion deberi arreglarse poer lo de D. Ramon de la Cruz. Fuera de las reglas dramiticas, se evitarin los chistes que puedan ofender la modestia y el decoro." To explain the weakness of the theatre, the Diario of March 11, 1806, reprinted a critical comment from El Mercurio Pe- ruano of January 3, 1791: "Solo se nos ofrece preguntar fpor qui la parte sensata de los concurrentes se mezcla en aplaudir unos entremeses que se executan solo para congeniar con la infima plebe?" VIII But the lower-class people continued to provide subjects for dramatists. In the late nineteenth century, the Orrin Circus " Quoted by Jefferson R. Spell, "The Theater in Mexico City, 1805- 1806," Hispanic Review, I (1933), 62. 234 The Caribbean The first shows society's tolerant attitude toward Negroes. It bears evidence, too, of the freedom enjoyed by Mexican women. Manuel is courting Mariquita, who prefers D. Mateo. Trapiento promises to help Manuel, unaware that Mariquita's friend has her eyes on Trapiento as a possible husband. Into the mix-up come the mulatto and his wife Luz. Her singing of a seguidilla arouses such enthusiasm in Manuel that the Negro becomes jealous, and once more a fight ends the show. The second play, with its verses of double significance and its frank portrayal of a homosexual man, is rather obscene. But at least the setting and people are authentically Caribbean. As the plays reflect more and more the thoughts and customs of the people living around the Caribbean, they brought criti- cism from the critics. El Diario de Mixico, October 30, 1805, called them "aquellas piezezitas antiguas per Io comn ridiculas, indecentes y despreciables, que ya no tolera ni el mosquite."" To improve the theatre, the Diario for December 10, 1805, offered "un premio de 25 pesos al autor del saynete que se representa antes del dia 15 de Febrero.... La medida material o de su duracion deberi arreglarse por le de D. Ramon de la Cruz. Fuera de las reglas dramiticas, se evitarin los chistes que puedan ofender la modestia y el decoro." To explain the weakness of the theatre, the Diario of March 11, 1806, reprinted a critical comment from El Mercurio Pe- ruano of January 3, 1791: "Solo se nos ofrece preguntar zpor qud la parte sensata de los concurrentes se mezcla en aplaudir unos entremeses que se executan solo para congeniar con la infima plebe?" VIII But the lower-class people continued to provide subjects for dramatists. In the late nineteenth century, the Orrin Circus " Quoted by Jefferson R. Spell, "The Theater in Mexico City, 1805- 1806," Hispanic Review, I (1933), 62. 234 The Caribbean The first shows society's tolerant attitude toward Negroes. It bears evidence, too, of the freedom enjoyed by Mexican women. Manuel is courting Mariquita, who prefers D. Mateo. Trapiento promises to help Manuel, unaware that Mariquita's friend has her eyes on Trapiento as a possible husband. Into the mix-up come the mulatto and his wife Luz. Her singing of a seguidilla arouses such enthusiasm in Manuel that the Negro becomes jealous, and once more a fight ends the show. The second play, with its verses of double significance and its frank portrayal of a homosexual man, is rather obscene. But at least the setting and people are authentically Caribbean. As the plays reflect more and more the thoughts and customs of the people living around the Caribbean, they brought criti- cism from the critics. El Diario de Mixico, October 30, 1805, called them "aquellas piezezitas antiguas por to comnn ridiculas, indecentes y despreciables, que ya no tolera ni el mosquite."" To improve the theatre, the Diario for December 10, 1805, offered "un premio de 25 pesos al autor del saynete que se representa antes del dia 15 de Febrero.... La medida material o de su duracion deberi arreglarse poer le de D. Ramon de la Cruz. Fuera de las reglas dramiticas, se evitarin los chistes que puedan ofender la modestia y el decoro." To explain the weakness of the theatre, the Diario of March 11, 1806, reprinted a critical comment from El Mercurio Pe- ruano of January 3, 1791: "Solo se nos ofrece preguntar tpor qui la parte sensata de los concurrentes se mezcla en aplaudir unos entremeses que se executan solo para congeniar con la infima plebe?" VIII But the lower-class people continued to provide subjects for dramatists. In the late nineteenth century, the Orrin Circus " Quoted by Jefferson R. Spell, "The Theater in Mexico City, 1805- 1806," Hispanic Review, I (1933), 62.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 235 developed what were called acudticas. Instead of a "blackout," such sketches ended with the ducking of the most obnoxious character. In one of the earliest, after violent altercations be- tween a married couple and the bride's mother, the audience got a vicarious satisfaction when the mother-in-law was thrown into a tub of water. From the circus arena these brief pieces passed, still under tents, to fairs and festivals. The themes continued extremely earthy, satirizing life and politics. Performances were brief and tickets cost only a few centavos. The many repetitions a day gave the actors in these carpas such experience before such a variety of audiences that many of them went on to become successful stage and movie stars." One Mexican example of the mingling of all sorts of currents is the all-time record-breaking musical comedy Chin-Chun-Chan by Jos6 F. Elizondo (1880- ), who also authored about forty costumbrista plays on Mexican themes. More than 10,000 audiences have laughed over the troubles of Colombo Pajareto, trying to escape his nagging wife to enjoy the favors of En- carnacidn. Disguised as a Chinese, he makes up a characteristic name from the Mexican town of Tzintzuntzan. IX Another influence from abroad that played a big part in the Caribbean drama was the puppet or marionette. Brought to Italy from India, puppets reached Spain in 1211 according to Raimundo Lull (1235-1315), the first Spaniard to mention them." Cortfs took a puppeteer along on his Guatemalan expe- dition, in October, 1524, to provide entertainment for his sol- " Miguel Covarrubias, "Slapstick and Venom," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (1938), 587-597, reprinted from Mexican Life (July, 1937), p. 12, and (January, 1939), p. 21. " Prof. J. E. Varey, Westfield College, London University, in lecture at Institute of Spain, London, April, 1951. See also Paul McPharlin, The Puppet Theatre in America: A History (New York: Harper & Bros., 1949). CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 235 developed what were called acudticas. Instead of a "blackout," such sketches ended with the ducking of the most obnoxious character. In one of the earliest, after violent altercations be- tween a married couple and the bride's mother, the audience got a vicarious satisfaction when the mother-in-law was thrown into a tub of water. From the circus arena these brief pieces passed, still under tents, to fairs and festivals. The themes continued extremely earthy, satirizing life and politics. Performances were brief and tickets cost only a few centavos. The many repetitions a day gave the actors in these carpas such experience before such a variety of audiences that many of them went on to become successful stage and movie stars." One Mexican example of the mingling of all sorts of currents is the all-time record-breaking musical comedy Chin-Chun-Chan by Jos6 F. Elizondo (1880- ), who also authored about forty costumbrista plays on Mexican themes. More than 10,000 audiences have laughed over the troubles of Colombo Pajareto, trying to escape his nagging wife to enjoy the favors of En- carnacidn. Disguised as a Chinese, he makes up a characteristic name from the Mexican town of Tzintzuntzan. IX Another influence from abroad that played a big part in the Caribbean drama was the puppet or marionette. Brought to Italy from India, puppets reached Spain in 1211 according to Raimundo Lull (1235-1315), the first Spaniard to mention them." Cortes took a puppeteer along on his Guatemalan expe- dition, in October, 1524, to provide entertainment for his sol- " Miguel Covarrubias, "Slapstick and Venom," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (1938), 587-597, reprinted from Mexican Life (July, 1937), p. 12, and (January, 1939), p. 21. " Prof. J. E. Varey, Westfield College, London University, in lecture at Institute of Spain, London, April, 1951. See also Paul McPharlin, The Puppet Theatre in America: A History (New York: Harper & Bros., 1949). CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 235 developed what were called acudticas. Instead of a "blackout," such sketches ended with the ducking of the most obnoxious character. In one of the earliest, after violent altercations be- tween a married couple and the bride's mother, the audience got a vicarious satisfaction when the mother-in-law was thrown into a tub of water. From the circus arena these brief pieces passed, still under tents, to fairs and festivals. The themes continued extremely earthy, satirizing life and politics. Performances were brief and tickets cost only a few centavos. The many repetitions a day gave the actors in these carpas such experience before such a variety of audiences that many of them went on to become successful stage and movie stars." One Mexican example of the mingling of all sorts of currents is the all-time record-breaking musical comedy Chin-Chun-Chan by Jose F. Elizondo (1880- ), who also authored about forty costumbrista plays on Mexican themes. More than 10,000 audiences have laughed over the troubles of Colombo Pajareto, trying to escape his nagging wife to enjoy the favors of En- camacin. Disguised as a Chinese, he makes up a characteristic name from the Mexican town of Tzintzuntzan. IX Another influence from abroad that played a big part in the Caribbean drama was the puppet or marionette. Brought to Italy from India, puppets reached Spain in 1211 according to Raimundo Lull (1235-1315), the first Spaniard to mention them." Cortes took a puppeteer along on his Guatemalan expe- dition, in October, 1524, to provide entertainment for his sol- " Miguel Covarrubias, "Slapstick and Venom," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (1938), 587-597, reprinted from Mexican Life (July, 1937), p. 12, and (January, 1939), p. 21. " Prof. J. E. Varey, Westfield College, London University, in lecture at Institute of Spain, London, April, 1951. See also Paul McPharlin, The Puppet Theatre in America: A History (New York: Harper & Bros., 1949).  236 The Caribbean diers. And they have been popular in America ever since. Even after a theatre was founded in Mexico, puppets alternated with stage plays throughout the year and replaced them during Lent. No fewer than four puppet theatres flourished in Mexico City in the 1780's. The novelist General Vicente Riva Palacio (1832 -1896), who accepted Maximilian's sword of surrender, was a partner in a puppet theatre for which he wrote plays. Recently, puppets manipulated by Roberto Lago and Lola Cueto toured the remote regions of Mexico under the sponsor- ship of the Ministry of Education. Salvador Novo wrote a Don Quijote puppet play performed in the Palace of Fine Arts to celebrate the fourth centenary of Cervantes' birth. The latest manifestation is El sombrerdn," written by Bernardo Ortiz de Montellano about a mythical Maya-Quichd serpent with a human face and a big straw hat that gives the play its name. He typifies the struggle between friendly fire and eternal evil. Health lessons, too, are being taught today by a traveling puppet show with an itinerary that includes all Central America. X One other foreign influence is an experimental theatre, espe- cially in Mexico. Seeing the success of noncommercial theatres elsewhere, as early as 1921 Julio Jimenez Rueda sponsored a season of national drama in the Teatro Municipal of Mexico. The government was then persuaded to underwrite the program, and in 1923 several open air theatres were founded. In the eleven years between then and 1934, a total of 134 Mexican plays were performed." In 1928 came the experimental Teatro de Ulises, with Salvador Novo as director. The movement was continued in 1931 by Celestino Gorostiza (b. 1904) in the " (Mexico: La Estampa Mexicana, 1946). See J. J. Arrtm, "Perfil del teatro contemporAneo," Hispania, XXXVI (February, 1953), 29-30. " Armando de Maria y Campo, Presencias del Teatro (Mexico: Botas, 1937), p.186. 236 The Caribbean 236 The Caribbean diers. And they have been popular in America ever since. Even after a theatre was founded in Mexico, puppets alternated with stage plays throughout the year and replaced them during Lent. No fewer than four puppet theatres flourished in Mexico City in the 1780's. The novelist General Vicente Riva Palacio (1832 -1896), who accepted Maximilian's sword of surrender, was a partner in a puppet theatre for which he wrote plays. Recently, puppets manipulated by Roberto Lago and Lola Cueto toured the remote regions of Mexico under the sponsor- ship of the Ministry of Education. Salvador Novo wrote a Don Quijote puppet play performed in the Palace of Fine Arts to celebrate the fourth centenary of Cervantes' birth. The latest manifestation is El sombreron," written by Bernardo Ortiz de Montellano about a mythical Maya-Quichi serpent with a human face and a big straw hat that gives the play its name. He typifies the struggle between friendly fire and eternal evil. Health lessons, too, are being taught today by a traveling puppet show with an itinerary that includes all Central America. X One other foreign influence is an experimental theatre, espe- cially in Mexico. Seeing the success of noncommercial theatres elsewhere, as early as 1921 Julio Jiminez Rueda sponsored a season of national drama in the Teatro Municipal of Mexico. The government was then persuaded to underwrite the program, and in 1923 several open air theatres were founded. In the eleven years between then and 1934, a total of 134 Mexican plays were performed." In 1928 came the experimental Teatro de Ulises, with Salvador Novo as director. The movement was continued in 1931 by Celestino Gorostiza (b. 1904) in the " (Mexico: La Estampa Mexicana, 1946). See J. J. Arrm, "Perfil del teatro contemporaneo," Hispania, XXXVI (February, 1953), 29-30. " Armando de Maria y Campo, Presencias del Teatro (Mexico: Bstas, 1937), p. 186. diers. And they have been popular in America ever since. Even after a theatre was founded in Mexico, puppets alternated with stage plays throughout the year and replaced them during Lent. No fewer than four puppet theatres flourished in Mexico City in the 1780's. The novelist General Vicente Riva Palacio (1832 -1896), who accepted Maximilian's sword of surrender, was a partner in a puppet theatre for which he wrote plays. Recently, puppets manipulated by Roberto Lago and Lola Cueto toured the remote regions of Mexico under the sponsor- ship of the Ministry of Education. Salvador Novo wrote a Don Quijote puppet play performed in the Palace of Fine Arts to celebrate the fourth centenary of Cervantes' birth. The latest manifestation is El sombrerdn," written by Bernardo Ortiz de Montellano about a mythical Maya-Quichd serpent with a human face and a big straw hat that gives the play its name. He typifies the struggle between friendly fire and eternal evil. Health lessons, too, are being taught today by a traveling puppet show with an itinerary that includes all Central America. X One other foreign influence is an experimental theatre, espe- cially in Mexico. Seeing the success of noncommercial theatres elsewhere, as early as 1921 Julio Jimnez Rueda sponsored a season of national drama in the Teatro Municipal of Mexico. The government was then persuaded to underwrite the program, and in 1923 several open air theatres were founded. In the eleven years between then and 1934, a total of 134 Mexican plays were performed." In 1928 came the experimental Teatro de Ulises, with Salvador Novo as director. The movement was continued in 1931 by Celestino Gorostiza (b. 1904) in the " (Mexico: La Estampa Mexican, 1946). See J. J. Arrm, "Perfil del teatro contemporAneo," Hispania, XXXVI (February, 1953), 29-30. " Armando de Maria y Campo, Presencias del Teatro (Mexico: Botas, 1937), p. 186.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 25/ Ministry of Education building. He showed his countrymen what the Vanguardists were doing in world drama. Two years later, several others joined him in the Experimental Arts Theatre, using actors drawn from the recently established School of the Theatre in the National University." Some of their plays were supplied by the diplomat Francisco Navarro who, as a prisoner in Germany during the war, had become acquainted with European drama. At intervals ever since, the urge for national drama has moved the Mexican government to make efforts along various lines, but so far without permanent results. The success of various groups of university players in many nations bordering the Caribbean, and brought into being by the activity of student actors elsewhere, would make a study too long to begin here. With all these manifestations, it is a wonder that the theatre has not thrived in the Caribbean area. The Spaniards have always been a dramatic people. Even in the beginning of the Christian era, fiery gaditana dancers, from Cadiz, were especial- ly esteemed as banquet entertainment for the tired business or professional man of Rome. The chief writer of Latin tragedy, Seneca, was a Spaniard from Cdrdoba. But the Spaniards were not content to let others entertain them. The bullfight developed in Spain in the twelfth century as a group activity. They used to block all exits from the town plaza, and turn the bull loose inside to give all the citizens a chance to star as toreros. The folk dances, too, represented action, such as courting scenes or pantomime fights between Moors and Christians. The Spaniards have changed little as immigrants in the New World. Watch them in conversation from Havana to Teguci- galpa. See them tell incidents, not only with words but with face, hands, and bodies. In everything they are actors. Surely " Xavier Villaurrutia, "Hope and Curiosity," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (1938), 608. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 237 Ministry of Education building. He showed his countrymen what the Vanguardists were doing in world drama. Two years later, several others joined him in the Experimental Arts Theatre, using actors drawn from the recently established School of the Theatre in the National University." Some of their plays were supplied by the diplomat Francisco Navarro who, as a prisoner in Germany during the war, had become acquainted with European drama. At intervals ever since, the urge for national drama has moved the Mexican government to make efforts along various lines, but so far without permanent results. The success of various groups of university players in many nations bordering the Caribbean, and brought into being by the activity of student actors elsewhere, would make a study too long to begin here. With all these manifestations, it is a wonder that the theatre has not thrived in the Caribbean area. The Spaniards have always been a dramatic people. Even in the beginning of the Christian era, fiery gaditana dancers, from Cadiz, were especial- ly esteemed as banquet entertainment for the tired business or professional man of Rome. The chief writer of Latin tragedy, Seneca, was a Spaniard from Cordoba. But the Spaniards were not content to let others entertain them. The bullfight developed in Spain in the twelfth century as a group activity. They used to block all exits from the town plaza, and turn the bull loose inside to give all the citizens a chance to star as toreros. The folk dances, too, represented action, such as courting scenes or pantomime fights between Moors and Christians. The Spaniards have changed little as immigrants in the New World. Watch them in conversation from Havana to Teguci- galpa. See them tell incidents, not only with words but with face, hands, and bodies. In everything they are actors. Surely " Xavier Villaurrutia, "Hope and Curiosity," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (1938), 608. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 237 Ministry of Education building. He showed his countrymen what the Vanguardists were doing in world drama. Two years later, several others joined him in the Experimental Arts Theatre, using actors drawn from the recently established School of the Theatre in the National University." Some of their plays were supplied by the diplomat Francisco Navarro who, as a prisoner in Germany during the war, had become acquainted with European drama. At intervals ever since, the urge for national drama has moved the Mexican government to make efforts along various lines, but so far without permanent results. The success of various groups of university players in many nations bordering the Caribbean, and brought into being by the activity of student actors elsewhere, would make a study too long to begin here. With all these manifestations, it is a wonder that the theatre has not thrived in the Caribbean area. The Spaniards have always been a dramatic people. Even in the beginning of the Christian era, fiery gaditana dancers, from Cadiz, were especial- ly esteemed as banquet entertainment for the tired business or professional man of Rome. The chief writer of Latin tragedy, Seneca, was a Spaniard from Cfrdoba. But the Spaniards were not content to let others entertain them. The bullfight developed in Spain in the twelfth century as a group activity. They used to block all exits from the town plaza, and turn the bull loose inside to give all the citizens a chance to star as toreros. The folk dances, too, represented action, such as courting scenes or pantomime fights between Moors and Christians. The Spaniards have changed little as immigrants in the New World. Watch them in conversation from Havana to Teguci- galpa. See them tell incidents, not only with words but with face, hands, and bodies. In everything they are actors. Surely " Xavier Villaurrutia, "Hope and Curiosity," Theatre Arts Monthly, XXII (1938), 608.  238 The Caribbean 238 The Caribbean such people, amid their new and dramatic surroundings, should have been able to produce excellent plays. But perhaps in their very traits lies the explanation of the failure. To paraphrase Whitman: "To have great drama there must be great audiences, too." As with their bullfights, where everyone wanted to star, it is difficult to get either supporting cast or spectators. And perhaps the quantity and variety of the influences mili- tated against success. Students of Paraguayan drama maintain that the fact that half of Paraguay prefers its plays in Spanish and the rest fight for a national theatre in guarani makes the possible audience too small to support a theatre in either language. XI In spite of the many plays written and produced in Caribbean countries, no theatrical tradition has grown up. In the early days, the priests were the educators. Since they had little use for secular drama, they discouraged those who might have developed into playwrights. So, from the start, a chasm existed between the people and the theatre. And when political independence came, in the nineteenth century, cultural independence lagged behind. Those who, despite handicaps, wanted to write plays imitated Spanish models. Experimenters used what they gleaned from other European drama to clothe their ideas about their own environ- ment-but with little hope of performance, or with such infre- quent productions that they had few chances to profit from seeing their work on the stage. Only the wealthy or the undaunted souls who preferred drama to luxurious living per- sisted. They mingled European technique with local problems and national types in a kind of cocktail, whose flavor derived from many sources. And that is what the Caribbean drama is, a literary cocktail. If cocktails are to flourish, there is need of places where they such people, amid their new and dramatic surroundings, should have been able to produce excellent plays. But perhaps in their very traits lies the explanation of the failure. To paraphrase Whitman: "To have great drama there must be great audiences, too." As with their bullfights, where everyone wanted to star, it is difficult to get either supporting cast or spectators. And perhaps the quantity and variety of the influences mili- tated against success. Students of Paraguayan drama maintain that the fact that half of Paraguay prefers its plays in Spanish and the rest fight for a national theatre in guaransi makes the possible audience too small to support a theatre in either language. XI In spite of the many plays written and produced in Caribbean countries, no theatrical tradition has grown up. In the early days, the priests were the educators. Since they had little use for secular drama, they discouraged those who might have developed into playwrights. So, from the start, a chasm existed between the people and the theatre. And when political independence came, in the nineteenth century, cultural independence lagged behind. Those who, despite handicaps, wanted to write plays imitated Spanish models. Experimenters used what they gleaned from other European drama to clothe their ideas about their own environ- ment-but with little hope of performance, or with such infre- quent productions that they had few chances to profit from seeing their work on the stage. Only the wealthy or the undaunted souls who preferred drama to luxurious living per- sisted. They mingled European technique with local problems and national types in a kind of cocktail, whose flavor derived from many sources. And that is what the Caribbean drama is, a literary cocktail. If cocktails are to flourish, there is need of places where they 238 The Caribbean such people, amid their new and dramatic surroundings, should have been able to produce excellent plays. But perhaps in their very traits lies the explanation of the failure. To paraphrase Whitman: "To have great drama there must be great audiences, too." As with their bullfights, where everyone wanted to star, it is difficult to get either supporting cast or spectators. And perhaps the quantity and variety of the influences mili- tated against success. Students of Paraguayan drama maintain that the fact that half of Paraguay prefers its plays in Spanish and the rest fight for a national theatre in guarani makes the possible audience too small to support a theatre in either language. XI In spite of the many plays written and produced in Caribbean countries, no theatrical tradition has grown up. In the early days, the priests were the educators. Since they had little use for secular drama, they discouraged those who might have developed into playwrights. So, from the start, a chasm existed between the people and the theatre. And when political independence came, in the nineteenth century, cultural independence lagged behind. Those who, despite handicaps, wanted to write plays imitated Spanish models. Experimenters used what they gleaned from other European drama to clothe their ideas about their own environ- ment-but with little hope of performance, or with such infre- quent productions that they had few chances to profit from seeing their work on the stage. Only the wealthy or the undaunted souls who preferred drama to luxurious living per- sisted. They mingled European technique with local problems and national types in a kind of cocktail, whose flavor derived from many sources. And that is what the Caribbean drama is, a literary cocktail. If cocktails are to flourish, there is need of places where they  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 23 can be enjoyed, people who by practice can acquire skill in preparing and serving them, and especially customers wanting them and willing to pay for them. If the average person refuses to learn to enjoy them and prefers something else, whether sac- charinish soft drinks or imported champagne, then is the future for cocktails dubious and discouraging. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 239 can be enjoyed, people who by practice can acquire skill in preparing and serving them, and especially customers wanting them and willing to pay for them. If the average person refuses to learn to enjoy them and prefers something else, whether sac- charinish soft drinks or imported champagne, then is the future for cocktails dubious and discouraging. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 239 can be enjoyed, people who by practice can acquire skill in preparing and serving them, and especially customers wanting them and willing to pay for them. If the average person refuses to learn to enjoy them and prefers something else, whether sac- charinish soft drinks or imported champagne, then is the future for cocktails dubious and discouraging.  Carleton Sprague Smith: MUSICAL SETTINGS OF CARIBBEAN POETRY SOME OF THE finest poets in the Spanish-speaking world were born between latitude 9 to 22' North and longitude 61' to 98" West, in the eleven Spanish-speaking republics bordering the Caribbean Sea. One thinks of such figures as Sor Juana Inds de la Cruz, Jos6 Maria Heredia, Gertrudis G6mez de Avel- laneda, Jos6 Asunci6n Silva, Jos6 Marti, Ruben Dario, and Nicolis Guillin, among others. At the end of the Oxford book of German verse, the names of Goethe, Heine, Schiller, and Dehmel are coupled with those of Schubert, Schumann, Men- delssohn, Brahms, Strauss, and Wolff, to name only a few. The editor, in fact, mentions 120 poets and 98 composers. There is no such appendix in the Oxford book of Spanish verse, al- though a short list of song writers could have been made; so far as I know, Latin American anthologies have completely ignored the relationship between the two sister arts. Are poetry and music really sufficiently important subjects to engage the serious attention of people at a Caribbean conference? Perhaps some will say: poetry and music belong to the realm of aesthetics and are divorced from life. If anyone here is inno- cent enough to believe that, he is unfamiliar with the civilization of the Spanish-speaking world. A profound student of Latin American letters, Pedro Henriquez Urefa, has pointed out the 240 Carleton Sprague Smith: MUSICAL SETTINGS OF CARIBBEAN POETRY SOME OF THE finest poets in the Spanish-speaking world were born between latitude 9 to 22' North and longitude 61 to 98* West, in the eleven Spanish-speaking republics bordering the Caribbean Sea. One thinks of such figures as Sor Juana Inds de la Cruz, Jos6 Maria Heredia, Gertrudis Gomez de Avel- laneda, Jos6 Asunci6n Silva, Josi Marti, Ruben Dario, and Nicolis Guillin, among others. At the end of the Oxford book of German verse, the names of Goethe, Heine, Schiller, and Dehmel are coupled with those of Schubert, Schumann, Men- delssohn, Brahms, Strauss, and Wolff, to name only a few. The editor, in fact, mentions 120 poets and 98 composers. There is no such appendix in the Oxford book of Spanish verse, al- though a short list of song writers could have been made; so far as I know, Latin American anthologies have completely ignored the relationship between the two sister arts. Are poetry and music really sufficiently important subjects to engage the serious attention of people at a Caribbean conference? Perhaps some will say: poetry and music belong to the realm of aesthetics and are divorced from life. If anyone here is inno- cent enough to believe that, he is unfamiliar with the civilization of the Spanish-speaking world. A profound student of Latin American letters, Pedro Henriquez Urefna, has pointed out the 240 Carleton Sprague Smith: MUSICAL SETTINGS OF CARIBBEAN POETRY SOME OF THE finest poets in the Spanish-speaking world were born between latitude 9' to 22' North and longitude 61* to 98 West, in the eleven Spanish-speaking republics bordering the Caribbean Sea. One thinks of such figures as Sor Juana Inis de la Cruz, Jos4 Maria Heredia, Gertrudis G6mez de Avel- laneda, Jose Asuncion Silva, Jose Marti, Ruben Dario, and Nicolas Guillin, among others. At the end of the Oxford book of German verse, the names of Goethe, Heine, Schiller, and Dehmel are coupled with those of Schubert, Schumann, Men- delssohn, Brahms, Strauss, and Wolff, to name only a few. The editor, in fact, mentions 120 poets and 98 composers. There is no such appendix in the Oxford book of Spanish verse, al- though a short list of song writers could have been made; so far as I know, Latin American anthologies have completely ignored the relationship between the two sister arts. Are poetry and music really sufficiently important subjects to engage the serious attention of people at a Caribbean conference? Perhaps some will say: poetry and music belong to the realm of aesthetics and are divorced from life. If anyone here is inno- cent enough to believe that, he is unfamiliar with the civilization of the Spanish-speaking world. A profound student of Latin American letters, Pedro Henriquez Urefna, has pointed out the 240  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY :e41 great number of poets who were men of action. "Many were cabinet ministers. Others were, at one time or another, members of congresses. Often they suffered exile. A few died by vio- lence." At least six Colombian and four Santo Domingan presi- dents were eminent writers. Numerous musicians have held public office or influenced the taste of the people by directing conservatories and departments of fine arts, as well as by super- vising schools. Have many songs been written to serious verse by Caribbean authors? An affirmative answer can immediately be given. Hundreds of poets have attracted the imagination of musicians, especially in Mexico and Cuba. In fact, to make an adequate bibliography would require months of research. This paper does not claim to do more than point out some examples of art song inspired by the Caribbean muse. It will remind us of the tie between music and poetry; and the writer hopes that students of Spanish literature, and the civilization of this part of the hemisphere particularly, will come to know some of the songs as well as the poems. It has been said that the Spanish-speaking world failed to develop a body of lieder because its musicians followed operative forms and were satisfied with rather indifferent verse. This is partly so, but enough serious songs have been written to justify their being studied and performed. If the output is not huge, the best has distinction, and the chief reason for this neglect is unavailability. Let me begin by speaking of Mexico, one of the oldest and most important of the Latin American nations bordering the Caribbean. Sor Juana Inls de la Cruz, the versatile seventeenth- century nun, is our first author; and, as most of you know, Sor Juana (1651-1695) was an outstanding colonial poetess. She wrote villancicos, collections of verse intended for festival occa- sions-primarily Christmas-gay works often referring to love, CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 241 great number of poets who were men of action. "Many were cabinet ministers. Others were, at one time or another, members of congresses. Often they suffered exile. A few died by vio- lence." At least six Colombian and four Santo Domingan presi- dents were eminent writers. Numerous musicians have held public office or influenced the taste of the people by directing conservatories and departments of fine arts, as well as by super- vising schools. Have many songs been written to serious verse by Caribbean authors? An affirmative answer can immediately be given. Hundreds of poets have attracted the imagination of musicians, especially in Mexico and Cuba. In fact, to make an adequate bibliography would require months of research. This paper does not claim to do more than point out some examples of art song inspired by the Caribbean muse. It will remind us of the tie between music and poetry; and the writer hopes that students of Spanish literature, and the civilization of this part of the hemisphere particularly, will come to know some of the songs as well as the poems. It has been said that the Spanish-speaking world failed to develop a body of lieder because its musicians followed operative forms and were satisfied with rather indifferent verse. This is partly so, but enough serious songs have been written to justify their being studied and performed. If the output is not huge, the best has distinction, and the chief reason for this neglect is unavailability. Let me begin by speaking of Mexico, one of the oldest and most important of the Latin American nations bordering the Caribbean. Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, the versatile seventeenth- century nun, is our first author; and, as most of you know, Sor Juana (1651-1695) was an outstanding colonial poetess. She wrote villancicos, collections of verse intended for festival occa- sions-primarily Christmas-gay works often referring to love, CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 241 great number of poets who were men of action. "Many were cabinet ministers. Others were, at one time or another, members of congresses. Often they suffered exile. A few died by vio- lence." At least six Colombian and four Santo Domingan presi- dents were eminent writers. Numerous musicians have held public office or influenced the taste of the people by directing conservatories and departments of fine arts, as well as by super- vising schools. Have many songs been written to serious verse by Caribbean authors? An affirmative answer can immediately be given. Hundreds of poets have attracted the imagination of musicians, especially in Mexico and Cuba. In fact, to make an adequate bibliography would require months of research. This paper does not claim to do more than point out some examples of art song inspired by the Caribbean muse. It will remind us of the tie between music and poetry; and the writer hopes that students of Spanish literature, and the civilization of this part of the hemisphere particularly, will come to know some of the songs as well as the poems. It has been said that the Spanish-speaking world failed to develop a body of lieder because its musicians followed operative forms and were satisfied with rather indifferent verse. This is partly so, but enough serious songs have been written to justify their being studied and performed. If the output is not huge, the best has distinction, and the chief reason for this neglect is unavailability. Let me begin by speaking of Mexico, one of the oldest and most important of the Latin American nations bordering the Caribbean. Sor Juana Infs de la Cruz, the versatile seventeenth- century nun, is our first author; and, as most of you know, Sor Juana (1651-1695) was an outstanding colonial poetess. She wrote villancicos, collections of verse intended for festival occa- sions-primarily Christmas-gay works often referring to love,  242 The Caribbean 242 The Caribbean 242 The Caribbean nature, and other secular matters. One is apt to forget that these villancicos were sung. The tunes were folklike in character and popular in appeal. Hundreds of villancico texts were published in the Spanish colonies, and Sor Juana is probably the most interesting figure in the colonial period. But unfortunately the music associated with her poetry is practically unknown, and most of it lost. As more research is carried out, certain things may some to light. Sor Juana's vernacular verses, bound up with the ceremonies of the time, relieved the solemnity of the religious services. For instance, her Saint Peter Nolasco Villancicos of 1677 and her St. Catherine Villancicos of 1691 supplied tropes, or interludes, to several masses; and it was common in colonial days to inter- polate such little dramas in Spanish-a tradition, incidentally, which goes back to the Middle Ages. The villancicos of Sor Juana usually start with an estribillo (refrain) followed by a copla section for a solo voice. Next comes a second estribillo, another set of coplas, and the composi- tion ends with a final estribillo. Some of the villancicos are in sonnet sequences-as many as eight or nine in a row-to honor a saint or develop a particular idea. The last poem of such a set was referred to as the ensalada and frequently made fun of local characters, used slang, or went in for general merriment. Sor Juana's Nolasco Villancicos were written for the Christmas festivals of the Mexico Cathedral in 1677. They concerned Saint Peter Nolasco, a twelfth-century Languedoc friar who ransomed Christian captives from the Moors. This ten-part villancico ends with an ensaladilla describing a Negro at a conga. The estribillo refrain Tumba, la, la, la, tumba, la, la, is onomatopoeically effective. Four composers are known to have written music for Sor Juana's villancicos, the most distinguished being Joseph de Agurto y Loyasa, and his successor Antonio de Salazar, chapel- masters of the Mexico Cathedral from 1677 to 1691.i 'Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1952), pp. 138-143. nature, and other secular matters. One is apt to forget that these villancicos were sung. The tunes were folklike in character and popular in appeal. Hundreds of villancico texts were published in the Spanish colonies, and Sor Juana is probably the most interesting figure in the colonial period. But unfortunately the music associated with her poetry is practically unknown, and most of it lost. As more research is carried out, certain things may some to light. Sor Juana's vernacular verses, bound up with the ceremonies of the time, relieved the solemnity of the religious services. For instance, her Saint Peter Nolasco Villancicos of 1677 and her St. Catherine Villancicos of 1691 supplied tropes, or interludes, to several masses; and it was common in colonial days to inter- polate such little dramas in Spanish-a tradition, incidentally, which goes back to the Middle Ages. The villancicos of Sor Juana usually start with an estribillo (refrain) followed by a copla section for a solo voice. Next comes a second estribillo, another set of coplas, and the composi- tion ends with a final estribillo. Some of the villancicos are in sonnet sequences-as many as eight or nine in a row-to honor a saint or develop a particular idea. The last poem of such a set was referred to as the ensalada and frequently made fun of local characters, used slang, or went in for general merriment. Sor Juana's Nolasco Villancicos were written for the Christmas festivals of the Mexico Cathedral in 1677. They concerned Saint Peter Nolasco, a twelfth-century Languedoc friar who ransomed Christian captives from the Moors. This ten-part villancico ends with an ensaladilla describing a Negro at a conga. The estribillo refrain Tumba, la, la, la, tumba, la, la, is onomatopoeically effective. Four composers are known to have written music for Sor Juana's villancicos, the most distinguished being Joseph de Agurto y Loyasa, and his successor Antonio de Salazar, chapel- masters of the Mexico Cathedral from 1677 to 1691.' ' Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1952), pp. 138-143. nature, and other secular matters. One is apt to forget that these villancicos were sung. The tunes were folklike in character and popular in appeal. Hundreds of villancico texts were published in the Spanish colonies, and Sor Juana is probably the most interesting figure in the colonial period. But unfortunately the music associated with her poetry is practically unknown, and most of it lost. As more research is carried out, certain things may some to light. Sor Juana's vernacular verses, bound up with the ceremonies of the time, relieved the solemnity of the religious services. For instance, her Saint Peter Nolasco Villancicos of 1677 and her St. Catherine Villancicos of 1691 supplied tropes, or interludes, to several masses; and it was common in colonial days to inter- polate such little dramas in Spanish-a tradition, incidentally, which goes back to the Middle Ages. The villancicos of Sor Juana usually start with an estribillo (refrain) followed by a copla section for a solo voice. Next comes a second estribillo, another set of coplas, and the composi- tion ends with a final estribillo. Some of the villancicos are in sonnet sequences-as many as eight or nine in a row-to honor a saint or develop a particular idea. The last poem of such a set was referred to as the ensalada and frequently made fun of local characters, used slang, or went in for general merriment. Sor Juana's Nolasco Villancicos were written for the Christmas festivals of the Mexico Cathedral in 1677. They concerned Saint Peter Nolasco, a twelfth-century Languedoc friar who ransomed Christian captives from the Moors. This ten-part villancico ends with an ensaladilla describing a Negro at a conga. The estribillo refrain Tumba, la, la, la, tumba, la, la, is onomatopoeically effective. Four composers are known to have written music for Sor Juana's villancicos, the most distinguished being Joseph de Agurto y Loyasa, and his successor Antonio de Salazar, chapel- masters of the Mexico Cathedral from 1677 to 1691.' ' Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1952), pp. 138-143.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY z43 Sor Juana's poetry is just as much alive today as it was in the seventeenth century, and two musicians now resident in Mexico, Rodolfo Halffter and Arno Fuchs, have published songs using her sonnets. Halffter's settings of Mird Celia una rosa and Feliciano me adora are charmingly rendered with an eighteenth- century flavor deriving from Scarlatti, Soler, and others. The songs are light, singable, and in keeping with the texts. The European-born Arno Fuchs, brother-in-law of the late Silvestre Revueltas (who has taught, conducted, and composed in Mexico since 1936), treats his material more abstractly. II Since I have not been able to consult nineteenth-century Latin American musical archives, my information regarding the songs written in this period is limited. There were any number of poets, however, such as the classical stylist Andres Bello (1781 -1865), legal advisor, educator, and university president, and the influential Juan Antonio Perez Bonalde, also known for his translation of Poe's The Raven. Both poets are Venezuelans. Who can forget the melancholy writer of free verse, the Colom- bian Jose Asuncion Silva? The Mexicans include Guillermo Prieto (1818-1897), minister of finance and author of Roman- cero nacional; Vicente Riva Palacio (1832-1896), romanticist and reformer; Diaz Mirsn (1853-1928), congressman and author of the political poems Sursum and Voces interiores; and Gutierrez Najera (1859-1895), the pictorial and contemplative elegist-author of the celebrated Serenata de Schubert. From Cuba the names of the tragic exile, Jose Maria Heredia (1803 -1839), author of Niagara; Gabriel de la Concepcidn Valdes (Plicido), (1809-1844), the ballad singer of the Indian; Ger- trudis Gomez de Avellaneda (1814-1873), whose life was like a picaresque novel (many know her beautiful sonnet to Washing- ton) ; Juliin del Casal (1863-1893), the melancholy master of vivid color; and Jose Marti (1853-1895), a political figure of prime importance-these among many stand out. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 243 Sor Juana's poetry is just as much alive today as it was in the seventeenth century, and two musicians now resident in Mexico, Rodolfo Halffter and Arno Fuchs, have published songs using her sonnets. Halffter's settings of Mird Celia una rosa and Feliciano me adora are charmingly rendered with an eighteenth- century flavor deriving from Scarlatti, Soler, and others. The songs are light, singable, and in keeping with the texts. The European-born Arno Fuchs, brother-in-law of the late Silvestre Revueltas (who has taught, conducted, and composed in Mexico since 1936), treats his material more abstractly. II Since I have not been able to consult nineteenth-century Latin American musical archives, my information regarding the songs written in this period is limited. There were any number of poets, however, such as the classical stylist Andres Bello (1781 -1865), legal advisor, educator, and university president, and the influential Juan Antonio Perez Bonalde, also known for his translation of Poe's The Raven. Both poets are Venezuelans. Who can forget the melancholy writer of free verse, the Colom- bian Jos6 Asuncidn Silva? The Mexicans include Guillermo Prieto (1818-1897), minister of finance and author of Roman- cero nacional; Vicente Riva Palacio (1832-1896), romanticist and reformer; Diaz Mir6n (1853-1928), congressman and author of the political poems Sursum and Voces interiores; and Gutierrez Najera (1859-1895), the pictorial and contemplative elegist-author of the celebrated Serenata de Schubert. From Cuba the names of the tragic exile, Jose Maria Heredia (1803 -1839), author of Niagara; Gabriel de la Concepcion Valdes (Plicido), (1809-1844), the ballad singer of the Indian; Ger- trudis GOmez de Avellaneda (1814-1873), whose life was like a picaresque novel (many know her beautiful sonnet to Washing- ton); Juliin del Casal (1863-1893), the melancholy master of vivid color; and Jos6 Marti (1853-1895), a political figure of prime importance-these among many stand out. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 243 Sor Juana's poetry is just as much alive today as it was in the seventeenth century, and two musicians now resident in Mexico, Rodolfo Halffter and Arno Fuchs, have published songs using her sonnets. Halffter's settings of Mird Celia una rosa and Feliciano me adora are charmingly rendered with an eighteenth- century flavor deriving from Scarlatti, Soler, and others. The songs are light, singable, and in keeping with the texts. The European-born Arno Fuchs, brother-in-law of the late Silvestre Revueltas (who has taught, conducted, and composed in Mexico since 1936), treats his material more abstractly. II Since I have not been able to consult nineteenth-century Latin American musical archives, my information regarding the songs written in this period is limited. There were any number of poets, however, such as the classical stylist Andres Bello (1781 -1865), legal advisor, educator, and university president, and the influential Juan Antonio Perez Bonalde, also known for his translation of Poe's The Raven. Both poets are Venezuelans. Who can forget the melancholy writer of free verse, the Colom- bian Jos6 Asuncidn Silva? The Mexicans include Guillermo Prieto (1818-1897), minister of finance and author of Roman- cero nacional; Vicente Riva Palacio (1832-1896), romanticist and reformer; Diaz Mirdn (1853-1928), congressman and author of the political poems Sursum and Voces interiores; and Gutierrez Nijera (1859-1895), the pictorial and contemplative elegist-author of the celebrated Serenata de Schubert. From Cuba the names of the tragic exile, Jos6 Maria Heredia (1803 -1839), author of Niagara; Gabriel de la Concepcidn Valdes (Plicido), (1809-1844), the ballad singer of the Indian; Ger- trudis Ghmez de Avellaneda (1814-1873), whose life was like a picaresque novel (many know her beautiful sonnet to Washing- ton) ; Juliin del Casal (1863-1893), the melancholy master of vivid color; and Jos6 Marti (1853-1895), a political figure of prime importance-these among many stand out.  244 The Carribean 244 The Carribean 244 The Carribean Turning to the composers of the period-and taking only Mexicans-such figures as J. M. Elizaga, Antonio G6mez, Julio Ituarte, Joaquin Beristain, Angela Peralta, Aniceto Ortega, Ri- cardo Castro, Ernesto Elorduy, Gustavo Campa, Luis Baca, J. Genovio Paniagua, and Melesio Morales should be looked into. This is quite a list. In other words, by studying the lives of the poets and the musicians we can learn which poems were made into songs; the task is to put the two together and publish the results. That this has never been done indicates the backward- ness of musicological research in this field. I should like to give one example of the romantic period. Melesio Morales' Guarda esta flo (ca.1865) has long been popular, though its poetical merit is not extraordinary. Morales (1838-1908) wrote a number of operas, notably Ildegonda and Cleopatra y Anita. He had a lyric gift influenced somewhat by Italian models, and his melodies are sincere and singable. Refer- ring again to Guarda esta floe, I would like to give here the text: Guarda esta for y piensa, que es mi vida Que yo la adoro con pasi6n ardiente Gudrdala, si y piensa que en mi mente No cabe nadie, no cabe nadie, pues to adoro a ti. Que no te puedo amar, eso es mentira Tu imagen siempre viva se halla en mi memoria Y sin tu amor, ni quiero ni la gloria Quiero la muerte, quiero la muerte, Ay, si te pierdo a ti.' III When we come to the twentieth century, we are on firmer ground and our sources are less obscure. Dozens of poets and composers during the past fifty years have joined together, con- ' Cited in Sanchez de Fuentes' La cancidn cbana, pp. 33-34, and published u "Cancion Cubana," arranged by Felipe B. Valdes. G. Schirmer in New York also brought out an edition many years ago. Turning to the composers of the period-and taking only Mexicans-such figures as J. M. Elizaga, Antonio G6mez, Julio Ituarte, Joaquin Beristain, Angela Peralta, Aniceto Ortega, Ri- cardo Castro, Ernesto Elorduy, Gustavo Campa, Luis Baca, J. Genovio Paniagua, and Melesio Morales should be looked into. This is quite a list. In other words, by studying the lives of the poets and the musicians we can learn which poems were made into songs; the task is to put the two together and publish the results. That this has never been done indicates the backward- ness of musicological research in this field. I should like to give one example of the romantic period. Melesio Morales' Guarda esta for (ca.1865) has long been popular, though its poetical merit is not extraordinary. Morales (1838-1908) wrote a number of operas, notably Ildegonda and Cleopatra y Anita. He had a lyric gift influenced somewhat by Italian models, and his melodies are sincere and singable. Refer- ring again to Guarda esta fior, I would like to give here the text: Guarda esta for y piensa, que es mi vida Que yo la adoro con pasi6n ardiente Gudrdala, s y piensa que en mi mente No cabe nadie, no cabe nadie, pues te adoro a ti. Que no te puedo amar, eso es mentira Tu imagen siempre viva se halla en mi memoria Y sin tu amor, ni quiero ni la gloria Quiero la muerte, quiero la muerte, Ay, si te pierdo a ti.' III When we come to the twentieth century, we are on firmer ground and our sources are less obscure. Dozens of poets and composers during the past fifty years have joined together, con- " Cited in Sanchez de Fuentes' La cancidn cabana, pp. 33-34, and published ns "Canci6n Cubana," arranged by Felipe B. Valdes. G. Schirmer in New York also brought out an edition many years ago. Turning to the composers of the period-and taking only Mexicans-such figures as J. M. Elizaga, Antonio G6mez, Julio Ituarte, Joaquin Beristain, Angela Peralta, Aniceto Ortega, Ri- cardo Castro, Ernesto Elorduy, Gustavo Campa, Luis Baca, J. Genovio Paniagua, and Melesio Morales should be looked into. This is quite a list. In other words, by studying the lives of the poets and the musicians we can learn which poems were made into songs; the task is to put the two together and publish the results. That this has never been done indicates the backward- ness of musicological research in this field. I should like to give one example of the romantic period. Melesio Morales' Guarda esta fpor (ca.1865) has long been popular, though its poetical merit is not extraordinary. Morales (1838-1908) wrote a number of operas, notably Ildegonda and Cleopatra y Anita. He had a lyric gift influenced somewhat by Italian models, and his melodies are sincere and singable. Refer- ring again to Guarda esta flor, I would like to give here the text: Guarda esta flor y piensa, que es mi vida Que yo la adoro con pasidn ardiente Gudrdala, s y piensa que en mi mente No cabe nadie, no cabe nadie, pues te adoro a ti. Que no te puedo amar, eso es mentira Tu imagen siempre viva se halla en mi memoria Y sin tu amor, ni quiero ni la gloria Quiero to muerte, quiero la muerte, Ay, si te pierdo a ti.' III When we come to the twentieth century, we are on firmer ground and our sources are less obscure. Dozens of poets and composers during the past fifty years have joined together, con- ' Cited in Sinchez de Fuentes' La cancion cubana, pp. 33-34, and published as "CanciOn Cubana," arranged by Felipe B. Valdes. G. Schirmer in New York also brought out an edition many years ago.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 245 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 245 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 245 sciously or unconsciously, to give us a large body of canciones. The father of the modern movement being Ruben Dario (1867 -1916), I should like to mention him first. Dario's influence was so marked that a recent critic stated: "Of any poem written in Spanish, it can be told with certainty whether it was written before or after him." Dario was also an inventor of many new verse forms, a singer of swans and pompadours, an escapist poet, and an ardent defender of the New World. He believed with Verlaine: Y la cuestian mstrica? Y el ritmo? Como cada palabra tiene un alma, hay en cada verso ademds de la armonia verbal, una melodia ideal. La mdsica es solo de la idea, muchas veces. And it was this feeling that made him write such passages as: La griteria de trescientas ocas no to impedird, silvano, tocar tu encantadora flauta con tal de que to amigo el ruisenor ests contento de to melodia. Cuando il no esti para escucharte cierra los ojos y toca para los habitantes de tu reino interior, o pueblo de las desnudas ninfas de rosadas reinas, de amorosas diosas! What is more musical than the poem beginning: Era un aire suave, de pausados giros; el hada Armonia ritmaba sus vuelos; e iban frases vagas y tenues suspiros entre los sollozos de los violoncelos. We could devote our time entirely to the songs Dario inspired, for he cut across national boundaries. Nicaraguans, Colombians, Cubans, Spaniards, Argentines, and Chileans all felt his influ- ence. Here, I should merely like to call your attention to the imposing Marcha triunfal, for tenor and orchestra, by the Colombian Guillermo Uribe-Holguin (b. 1880); to the twenty romanzas and the oriental ballet La cabeza del Rawi by the Nicaraguan Luis Delgadillo (b. 1887) ; and to Eduardo Sinchez sciously or unconsciously, to give us a large body of canciones. The father of the modern movement being Ruben Dario (1867 -1916), I should like to mention him first. Dario's influence was so marked that a recent critic stated: "Of any poem written in Spanish, it can be told with certainty whether it was written before or after him." Dario was also an inventor of many new verse forms, a singer of swans and pompadours, an escapist poet, and an ardent defender of the New World. He believed with Verlaine: Y la cuestion metrica? Y el ritmo? Como cada palabra tiene un alma, hay en cada verso ademds de la armonia verbal, una melodia ideal. La musica es sdlo de la idea, muchas veces. And it was this feeling that made him write such passages as: La griteria de trescientas ocas no to impedird, silvano, tocar tu encantadora flauta con tal de que tu amigo el ruisenor ests contento de to melodia. Cuando dl no ests para escucharte cierra los ojos y toca para los habitantes de tu reino interior, o pueblo de las desnudas ninfas de rosadas reinas, de amorosas diosas! What is more musical than the poem beginning: Era un aire suave, de pausados giros; el hada Armonia ritmaba sus vuelos; e iban frases vagas y tenues uspiros entre los sollozos de los violoncelos. We could devote our time entirely to the songs Dario inspired, for he cut across national boundaries. Nicaraguans, Colombians, Cubans, Spaniards, Argentines, and Chileans all felt his influ- ence. Here, I should merely like to call your attention to the imposing Marcha triunfal, for tenor and orchestra, by the Colombian Guillermo Uribe-Holguin (b. 1880); to the twenty romanzas and the oriental ballet La cabeza del Rawi by the Nicaraguan Luis Delgadillo (b. 1887) ; and to Eduardo Sanchez sciously or unconsciously, to give us a large body of canciones. The father of the modern movement being Ruben Dario (1867 -1916), I should like to mention him first. Dario's influence was so marked that a recent critic stated: "Of any poem written in Spanish, it can be told with certainty whether it was written before or after him." Dario was also an inventor of many new verse forms, a singer of swans and pompadours, an escapist poet, and an ardent defender of the New World. He believed with Verlaine: Y la cuestion mitrica? Y el ritmo? Como cada palabra tiene un alma, hay en cada verso ademds de la armonia verbal, una melodia ideal. La mdsica es sdlo de la idea, muchas veces. And it was this feeling that made him write such passages as: La griteria de trescientas ocas no to impedird, silvano, tocar tu encantadora flauta con tal de que tu amigo el ruisenor ests contento de tu melodia. Cuando Rf no ests para escucharte cierra los ojos y toca para los habitantes de tu reino interior, o pueblo de las desnudas ninfas de rosadas reinas, de amorosas diosas! What is more musical than the poem beginning: Era un aire suave, de pausados giros; el hada Armonia ritmaba sus vuelos; e iban frases vagas y tenues suspiros entre los sollozos de los violoncelos. We could devote our time entirely to the songs Dario inspired, for he cut across national boundaries. Nicaraguans, Colombians, Cubans, Spaniards, Argentines, and Chileans all felt his influ- ence. Here, I should merely like to call your attention to the imposing Marcha triunfal, for tenor and orchestra, by the Colombian Guillermo Uribe-Holguin (b. 1880); to the twenty romanzas and the oriental ballet La cabeza del Rawi by the Nicaraguan Luis Delgadillo (b. 1887) ; and to Eduardo Sinchez  246 The Caribbean de Fuentes' setting of Juventud, divino tesoro-ya te vt para no volver. Let us now direct our attention to Mexico and the poets of the twentieth century: Luis Gonzaga Urbina (1868-1934), Jos6 Juan Tablada (1871-1943), Amado Nervo (1870- 1919), Enrique Gonzilez Martinez (b. 1871), Ramon Lopez Velarde (1888-1921), Daniel Castaeda (b. 1899), and Jaime Torres Bodet (b. 1903), until recently director of UNESCO. Luis Gonzaga Urbina, one of the founders of the modern movement, worked in the Secretariat of Public Instruction and Fine Arts for many years, directed the National Library, and played an important role as a leader of Mexican culture. His integrity has made him both respected and admired, and he has a plastic, melodic sense of verse. Urbina can be humorous or sad, but everything that he has written is musical. It is fitting that his name should be associated with Juliin Carrillo, the pure- blooded Zacatecan Indian composer who has had such a dis- tinguished career. Carrillo is known for his theories and pieces in quarter, eighth, and sixteenth tones as well as for his solo violin sonatas in the style of Max Reger. The two romanzas of Urbina, however, are what they should be, direct twentieth-century ex- pressions of Mexican romanticism. I wish it were possible to illustrate the works I am talking about today, and that we had a distinguished Caribbean singer to present them, since the proof of what I am saying is really in the performance of the songs. Enrique Gonzalez Martinez, in some ways the most important poet of his generation, was responsible for a new approach to the subject matter of contemporary verse. In La muerte del cisne, he wrote: "Wring the neck of the deceitful swan... . The wise owl is a better counsellor." Here was a challenge to the literature of palaces, lakes, and peacocks-the Parnassian world of Ruben Dario. For Gonzilez Martinez, poetry has been contemplation: "emotion recollected in tranquillity." I do not know whether this famous sonnet was set to music, but Manuel Ponce and Carlos Chavez in Mexico, Salvador Ley in Guate- 246 The Caribbean 246 The Caribbean de Fuentes' setting of Juventud, divino tesoro-ya to vas para no volver. Let us now direct our attention to Mexico and the poets of the twentieth century: Luis Gonzaga Urbina (1868-1934), Jos6 Juan Tablada (1871-1943), Amado Nervo (1870- 1919), Enrique GonzAlez Martinez (b. 1871), Ramon Lopez Velarde (1888-1921), Daniel Castaneda (b. 1899), and Jaime Torres Bodet (b. 1903), until recently director of UNESCO. Luis Gonzaga Urbina, one of the founders of the modern movement, worked in the Secretariat of Public Instruction and Fine Arts for many years, directed the National Library, and played an important role as a leader of Mexican culture. His integrity has made him both respected and admired, and he has a plastic, melodic sense of verse. Urbina can be humorous or sad, but everything that he has written is musical. It is fitting that his name should be associated with Juliin Carrillo, the pure- blooded Zacatecan Indian composer who has had such a dis- tinguished career. Carrillo is known for his theories and pieces in quarter, eighth, and sixteenth tones as well as for his solo violin sonatas in the style of Max Reger. The two romanzas of Urbina, however, are what they should be, direct twentieth-century ex- pressions of Mexican romanticism. I wish it were possible to illustrate the works I am talking about today, and that we had a distinguished Caribbean singer to present them, since the proof of what I am saying is really in the performance of the songs. Enrique GonzAlez Martinez, in some ways the most important poet of his generation, was responsible for a new approach to the subject matter of contemporary verse. In La muerte del cisne, he wrote: "Wring the neck of the deceitful swan... . The wise owl is a better counsellor." Here was a challenge to the literature of palaces, lakes, and peacocks-the Parnassian world of Ruben Dario. For Gonzilez Martinez, poetry has been contemplation: "emotion recollected in tranquillity." I do not know whether this famous sonnet was set to music, but Manuel Ponce and Carlos ChAvez in Mexico, Salvador Ley in Guate- de Fuentes' setting of Juventud, divino tesoro-ya te vas para no volver. Let us now direct our attention to Mexico and the poets of the twentieth century: Luis Gonzaga Urbina (1868-1934), Jos6 Juan Tablada (1871-1943), Amado Nervo (1870- 1919), Enrique Gonzilez Martinez (b. 1871), Ramon Lopez Velarde (1888-1921), Daniel Castaneda (b. 1899), and Jaime Torres Bodet (b. 1903), until recently director of UNESCO. Luis Gonzaga Urbina, one of the founders of the modern movement, worked in the Secretariat of Public Instruction and Fine Arts for many years, directed the National Library, and played an important role as a leader of Mexican culture. His integrity has made him both respected and admired, and he has a plastic, melodic sense of verse. Urbina can be humorous or sad, but everything that he has written is musical. It is fitting that his name should be associated with Juliin Carrillo, the pure- blooded Zacatecan Indian composer who has had such a dis- tinguished career. Carrillo is known for his theories and pieces in quarter, eighth, and sixteenth tones as well as for his solo violin sonatas in the style of Max Reger. The two romanzas of Urbina, however, are what they should be, direct twentieth-century ex- pressions of Mexican romanticism. I wish it were possible to illustrate the works I am talking about today, and that we had a distinguished Caribbean singer to present them, since the proof of what I am saying is really in the performance of the songs. Enrique GonzAlez Martinez, in some ways the most important poet of his generation, was responsible for a new approach to the subject matter of contemporary verse. In La muerte del cisne, he wrote: "Wring the neck of the deceitful swan. .. . The wise owl is a better counsellor." Here was a challenge to the literature of palaces, lakes, and peacocks-the Parnassian world of Ruben Dario. For GonzAlez Martinez, poetry has been contemplation: "emotion recollected in tranquillity." I do not know whether this famous sonnet was set to music, but Manuel Ponce and Carlos Chavez in Mexico, Salvador Ley in Guate-  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 24/ mala, and others have been inspired by the verses of this distin- guished poet. Manuel Ponce (1882-1948), whom I had the privilege of knowing in the last years of his life, was one of the leaders of twentieth-century Mexican music, a contributor both in the popular and serious fields of song. The cancidn mexicana, pri- marily his creation, has a distinct place musically and sociolog- ically-many of you being familiar with Marchita el alma, Estrellita, and the other famous melodies he wrote in this vein. Since the verses of the canciones mexicanas do not pretend to have literary merit, I shall omit them in this discussion. Ponce's art songs have deeper psychological Mexican elements, and he composed naturally and sincerely in this more serious idiom. The Gonzilez Martinez songs set by Ponce suit the intel- lectual poet. Nocturno de las rosas, concerned with sorrow, hope, and the sinister night, has a melancholy musical mood. Onda, describing a brook which winds its way to the sea of death, features a piano accompaniment with 6/8 rippling figures; Des- pedida is the sad separation of a man and a woman: "Her sad eyes like those of a dove when wounded sealed our supreme farewell." This is treated in a slow, mournful tempo, the right hand of the piano accompanying the voice in most of the song. Manuel Ponce's leading pupil, Carlos Chavez (b. 1899) is a name known to all people interested in contemporary music, since he is the chief of the Department of Fine Arts. His ver- satility is illustrated by his ability to compose, conduct, and ad- minister. Best known for his ballets and large orchestral works, Chivez' songs nevertheless show an important side of his nature. The poem of Enrique Gonzilez Martinez which I wish to cite here, Canto a la tierra, dedicated to the Escuela Nacional de Agricultura de Chapingo, is, so far as I know, the only art song dedicated to an agricultural school. The composer has slightly adapted the poem by leaving out a few verses, and his treatment is rugged and singable. Each time the words "herid Ia tierra, hermanos" appear, a melody leitmotiv is introduced. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 247 mala, and others have been inspired by the verses of this distin- guished poet. Manuel Ponce (1882-1948), whom I had the privilege of knowing in the last years of his life, was one of the leaders of twentieth-century Mexican music, a contributor both in the popular and serious fields of song. The cancion mexicana, pri- marily his creation, has a distinct place musically and sociolog- ically-many of you being familiar with Marchita el alma, Estrellita, and the other famous melodies he wrote in this vein. Since the verses of the canciones mexicanas do not pretend to have literary merit, I shall omit them in this discussion. Ponce's art songs have deeper psychological Mexican elements, and he composed naturally and sincerely in this more serious idiom. The Gonzilez Martinez songs set by Ponce suit the intel- lectual poet. Nocturno de las rosas, concerned with sorrow, hope, and the sinister night, has a melancholy musical mood. Onda, describing a brook which winds its way to the sea of death, features a piano accompaniment with 6/8 rippling figures; Des- pedida is the sad separation of a man and a woman: "Her sad eyes like those of a dove when wounded sealed our supreme farewell." This is treated in a slow, mournful tempo, the right hand of the piano accompanying the voice in most of the song. Manuel Ponce's leading pupil, Carlos Chavez (b. 1899) is a name known to all people interested in contemporary music, since he is the chief of the Department of Fine Arts. His ver- satility is illustrated by his ability to compose, conduct, and ad- minister. Best known for his ballets and large orchestral works, Chavez' songs nevertheless show an important side of his nature. The poem of Enrique GonzAlez Martinez which I wish to cite here, Canto a la tierra, dedicated to the Escuela Nacional de Agricultura de Chapingo, is, so far as I know, the only art song dedicated to an agricultural school. The composer has slightly adapted the poem by leaving out a few verses, and his treatment is rugged and singable. Each time the words "herid la tierra, hermanos" appear, a melody leitmotiv is introduced. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 247 mala, and others have been inspired by the verses of this distin- guished poet. Manuel Ponce (1882-1948), whom I had the privilege of knowing in the last years of his life, was one of the leaders of twentieth-century Mexican music, a contributor both in the popular and serious fields of song. The cancidn mexicana, pri- marily his creation, has a distinct place musically and sociolog- ically-many of you being familiar with Marchita el alma, Estrellita, and the other famous melodies he wrote in this vein. Since the verses of the canciones mexicanas do not pretend to have literary merit, I shall omit them in this discussion. Ponce's art songs have deeper psychological Mexican elements, and he composed naturally and sincerely in this more serious idiom. The GonzAlez Martinez songs set by Ponce suit the intel- lectual poet. Nocturno de las rosas, concerned with sorrow, hope, and the sinister night, has a melancholy musical mood. Onda, describing a brook which winds its way to the sea of death, features a piano accompaniment with 6/8 rippling figures; Des- pedida is the sad separation of a man and a woman: "Her sad eyes like those of a dove when wounded sealed our supreme farewell." This is treated in a slow, mournful tempo, the right hand of the piano accompanying the voice in most of the song. Manuel Ponce's leading pupil, Carlos Chavez (b. 1899) is a name known to all people interested in contemporary music, since he is the chief of the Department of Fine Arts. His ver- satility is illustrated by his ability to compose, conduct, and ad- minister. Best known for his ballets and large orchestral works, Chavez' songs nevertheless show an important side of his nature. The poem of Enrique GonzAlez Martinez which I wish to cite here, Canto a la tierra, dedicated to the Escuela Nacional de Agricultura de Chapingo, is, so far as I know, the only art song dedicated to an agricultural school. The composer has slightly adapted the poem by leaving out a few verses, and his treatment is rugged and singable. Each time the words "herid la tierra, hermanos" appear, a melody leitmotiv is introduced.  248 The Caribbean This hymnlike piece could also be performed successfully by a unison chorus. The third composer inspired by Gonzilez Martinez is the Guatemalan Salvador Ley, an able pianist and sensitive musician who studied in Germany, later returning to play an important part in the artistic life of his country. He has set to music Copla triste, Balada del tiempo, Victoria sabre el tiempo, and Diafni- dad (only the first, however, is published-by Marks in 1940). Copla triste is about a person who ran (corri, corri) and sought (busque, busqui) to live (vivir, vivir) but for what, for what (para qui, para qui, Ah! Ah!). He couldn't find the answer. Ley's song, a short lyrical piece, captures the mood and is gratifying to sing. Amado Nervo (1870-1919), who began as a follower of aristocratic Parnassus but became a "sort of lay preacher of Christian love and prayer with a touch of Buddhist mysticism," contributed a great deal to modern poetry. Founder of the Revista Moderna in 1898, he served his country for many years in diplomatic posts abroad. Sinchez de Fuentes set to music his Vivir sin tus caricias es mucho desempeno, and Mario Talavera, his La cancidn de flor de mayo. Both are somewhat popular in flavor, and the latter was often sung by the tenor Jos6 Mojica, now a priest. Ramon Lopez Velarde (1888-1921) was a curious baroque sort of poet who combined complexity and novelty of imagery with an engaging tenderness for common daily things; for in- stance, the picturesque life of old-fashioned interior towns. The example I wish to cite, Amiga que to vas, has been made into a lovely song by one of Mexico's leading contemporary com- posers, the late Silvestre Revueltas (1899-1940). Revueltas has treated Amiga que te vas sensitively and with skill, contrast- ing rhythmic effects, now stormy, now calm. This is a good example of a modern Mexican art song. As Aaron Copland observed: "Revueltas composes organically tunes which are almost indistinguishable from the original folk material itself."' 248 The Caribbean 248 The Caribbean This hymnlike piece could also be performed successfully by a unison chorus. The third composer inspired by Gonzilez Martinez is the Guatemalan Salvador Ley, an able pianist and sensitive musician who studied in Germany, later returning to play an important part in the artistic life of his country. He has set to music Copla triste, Balada del tiempo, Victoria sobre el tiempo, and Diafini- dad (only the first, however, is published-by Marks in 1940). Copla triste is about a person who ran (corri, corri) and sought (busqui, busqui) to live (vivir, vivir) but for what, for what (para qui, para qui, Ah! Ah!). He couldn't find the answer. Ley's song, a short lyrical piece, captures the mood and is gratifying to sing. Amado Nervo (1870-1919), who began as a follower of aristocratic Parnassus but became a "sort of lay preacher of Christian love and prayer with a touch of Buddhist mysticism," contributed a great deal to modern poetry. Founder of the Revista Moderna in 1898, he served his country for many years in diplomatic posts abroad. Sinchez de Fuentes set to music his Vivir sin tus caricias es mucho desempeio, and Mario Talavera, his La cancion de flor de mayo. Both are somewhat popular in flavor, and the latter was often sung by the tenor Jos6 Mojica, now a priest. Ramon Lspez Velarde (1888-1921) was a curious baroque sort of poet who combined complexity and novelty of imagery with an engaging tenderness for common daily things; for in- stance, the picturesque life of old-fashioned interior towns. The example I wish to cite, Amiga que to vas, has been made into a lovely song by one of Mexico's leading contemporary com- posers, the late Silvestre Revueltas (1899-1940). Revueltas has treated Amiga que to vas sensitively and with skill, contrast- ing rhythmic effects, now stormy, now calm. This is a good example of a modern Mexican art song. As Aaron Copland observed: "Revueltas composes organically tunes which are almost indistinguishable from the original folk material itself."' This hymnlike piece could also be performed successfully by a unison chorus. The third composer inspired by Gonzalez Martinez is the Guatemalan Salvador Ley, an able pianist and sensitive musician who studied in Germany, later returning to play an important part in the artistic life of his country. He has set to music Copla triste, Balada del tiempo, Victoria sobre el tiempo, and Diafini- dad (only the first, however, is published-by Marks in 1940). Copla triste is about a person who ran (corri, corri) and sought (busqui, busqui) to live (vivir, vivir) but for what, for what (para qui, para qui, Ah! Ah!). He couldn't find the answer. Ley's song, a short lyrical piece, captures the mood and is gratifying to sing. Amado Nervo (1870-1919), who began as a follower of aristocratic Parnassus but became a "sort of lay preacher of Christian love and prayer with a touch of Buddhist mysticism," contributed a great deal to modern poetry. Founder of the Revista Moderna in 1898, he served his country for many years in diplomatic posts abroad. Sanchez de Fuentes set to music his Vivir sin tus caricias es mucho desempeho, and Mario Talavera, his La cancion de flor de mayo. Both are somewhat popular in flavor, and the latter was often sung by the tenor Josd Mojica, now a priest. Ramhn Lhpez Velarde (1888-1921) was a curious baroque sort of poet who combined complexity and novelty of imagery with an engaging tenderness for common daily things; for in- stance, the picturesque life of old-fashioned interior towns. The example I wish to cite, Amiga que to vas, has been made into a lovely song by one of Mexico's leading contemporary com- posers, the late Silvestre Revueltas (1899-1940). Revueltas has treated Amiga que to vas sensitively and with skill, contrast- ing rhythmic effects, now stormy, now calm. This is a good example of a modern Mexican art song. As Aaron Copland observed: "Revueltas composes organically tunes which are almost indistinguishable from the original folk material itself."'  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 249 Another Mexican favorite, Xavier Villarrutia (b. 1905), was the founder of the Ulises Theatre and, at one time, was a student at the Yale Dramatic School. Carlos Chivez set to music Villar- rutia's Nocturna rosa in 1938-a poem about the immaterial, insubstantial rose, the abandoned rose. This rather existentialist song is well wrought. Chivez also composed his countryman's North Carolina Blues (1942) and Cuatro nocturnos para voz y orquesta (1939). Finally Arno Fuchs's Calles, based on Villar- rutia's poem, speaks of walking alone in the street-alone with- out solitude. It is a characteristic impressionist piece, in which the words are poignantly and pointedly underscored by a dis- sonant background. Less famous as a poet, Daniel Castaneda nevertheless has appealed to numerous musicians; and he writes both in a popu- lar and experimental idiom. Cantaieda's studies include El car- rido mexicano and La musica y la revolucidn mexicana. His best collections of verse are Las islas del sueno (1927), Arcillas mexi- canas (1934), and Gesta de la revolucion (1936). Two of Revueltas' early songs, The Bullfrogs and The Owl, were set by him. Both are excellent examples of his craftsmanship and ability to build long works. The former, Las ranas', is as follows: Ranas: Islas verdes de las charcas.... Ocarinas de las tardes, Caricatos de sirenas que hacen circo en el trapecio del espacio.... Entre el silbo del carrizo de las flautas y el fagot del ahuenhuete carcomido cuantas, quintas, paralelas van a dar a las estrellas.... ' "Mexican Composers," The New York Times, May 9, 1937. ' THE BULLFROGS by Daniel Castateda (translated by Harold Heiberg) Bullfrogs in the pool are small green islands.... Ocarines of the evening, CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 249 Another Mexican favorite, Xavier Villarrutia (b. 1905), was the founder of the Ulises Theatre and, at one time, was a student at the Yale Dramatic School. Carlos Chivez set to music Villar- rutia's Nocturna rosa in 1938-a poem about the immaterial, insubstantial rose, the abandoned rose. This rather existentialist song is well wrought. Chivez also composed his countryman's North Carolina Blues (1942) and Cuatro nocturnos para voz y orquesta (1939). Finally Arno Fuchs's Calles, based on Villar- rutia's poem, speaks of walking alone in the street-alone with- out solitude. It is a characteristic impressionist piece, in which the words are poignantly and pointedly underscored by a dis- sonant background. Less famous as a poet, Daniel Castaieda nevertheless has appealed to numerous musicians; and he writes both in a popu- lar and experimental idiom. Cantafeda's studies include El cor- rido mexicano and La mtisica y la revolucidn mexicana. His best collections of verse are Las islas del sueio (1927), Arcillas mexi- canas (1934), and Gesta de la revolucidn (1936). Two of Revueltas' early songs, The Bullfrogs and The Owl, were set by him. Both are excellent examples of his craftsmanship and ability to build long works. The former, Las ranas', is as follows: Banns: Islas verdes de las charcas.... Ocarinas de las tardes, Caricatos de sirenas que hacen circa en el trapecio del espacio.... Entre el silbo del carrizo de las flautas y el fagot del ahuenhuete carcomido cuantas, quintas, paralelas van a dar a las estrellas.... " "Mexican Composers," The New York Times, May 9, 1937. ' THE BULLFROGS by Daniel Castaneda (translated by Harold Heiberg) Bullfrogs in the pool are small green islands.... Ocarines of the evening, CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 249 Another Mexican favorite, Xavier Villarrutia (b. 1905), was the founder of the Ulises Theatre and, at one time, was a student at the Yale Dramatic School. Carlos Chivez set to music Villar- rutia's Nocturna rosa in 1938-a poem about the immaterial, insubstantial rose, the abandoned rose. This rather existentialist song is well wrought. Chivez also composed his countryman's North Carolina Blues (1942) and Cuatro nocturnos para voz y orquesta (1939). Finally Arno Fuchs's Calles, based on Villar- rutia's poem, speaks of walking alone in the street-alone with- out solitude. It is a characteristic impressionist piece, in which the words are poignantly and pointedly underscored by a dis- sonant background. Less famous as a poet, Daniel Castaieda nevertheless has appealed to numerous musicians; and he writes both in a popu- lar and experimental idiom. Cantaeda's studies include El cor- rido mexicano and La mdsica y la revoluci6n mexicana. His best collections of verse are Las islas del sueo (1927), Arcillas mexi- canas (1934), and Gesta de la revolucidn (1936). Two of Revueltas' early songs, The Bullfrogs and The Owl, were set by him. Both are excellent examples of his craftsmanship and ability to build long works. The former, Las ranas', is as follows: Ranas: Islas verdes de las charcas.... Ocarinas de las tardes, Caricatos de sirenas que hacen circo en el trapecio del espacio.... Entre el silbo del carrizo de las flautas y el fagot del ahuenhuete carcomido cuantas, quintas, paralelas van a dar a las estrellas.... ' "Mexican Composers," The New York Times, May 9, 1937. ' THE BULLFROGS by Daniel Castaneda (translated by Harold Heiberg) Bullfrogs in the pool are small green islands.... Ocarines of the evening,  250 The Caribbean 250 The Caribbean 250 The Caribbean Y qui dulce disonancia en vigencia desde tiempos primitivos- nos anuncia en amor entre las ranas! Ranas! Ocarinas y de las charcas... . Castaneda is one of the few poets who has taken the trouble, in the second editions of his poems, to indicate which verses have been set to music. The fact that he wrote a collection (1927- 1938) entitled Acordes disonantes may explain part of the inter- est that composers have shown in him. This is the way he lists them in his footnotes: 1) El tecolote and Las ranas-set for voice and small orches- tra by my unforgettable friend and companion, Maestro Silvestre Revueltas (m.h.r in p.). 2) Motivos del ao-the four poems of Motivos del ano were set for orchestra and voice by my teacher and friend, the com- poser Emiliana de Zubeldia. 3) Platanar and Piru-set by my childhood friend, Manuel Torres Torija; and, for the first time, the new methods and pro- cedures of composition brought forth in the "Teoria musical" by my friend, Augusto Novaro, are put into use. Vicente T. Mendoza, perhaps better known as a folklorist, has set Castaieda's Canciones nostalgicas and Pdtzcuaro, motivos del ado for voice and instruments (1932), and Plantas mexi- canas for a "suite de canciones"; the Peruvian Andres Sas com- They are croaking pseudo-sirens Acrobats who swing on space in high trapezes.... How the whistling of the reedy grasses Flutelike And the sad bassoon note of the rotting cypresses Raise an endless row of empty fifths that ftoat into the starlight.... And such dulcet dissonances-never changing Through dim ages long forgotten- Still inform us of the passions of the bullfrog! Bullfrogs! Ocarines and croaking sirens Small green islands. Y qu dulce disonancia en vigencia desde tiempos primitivos- nos anuncia en amor entre las ranas! Ranas! Ocarinas y de las charcas... . Castaneda is one of the few poets who has taken the trouble, in the second editions of his poems, to indicate which verses have been set to music. The fact that he wrote a collection (1927- 1938) entitled Acordes disonantes may explain part of the inter- est that composers have shown in him. This is the way he lists them in his footnotes: 1) El tecolote and Las ranas-set for voice and small orches- tra by my unforgettable friend and companion, Maestro Silvestre Revueltas (m.h.r in p.). 2) Motivos del ano-the four poems of Motivos del ano were set for orchestra and voice by my teacher and friend, the com- poser Emiliana de Zubeldia. 3) Platanar and Piru-set by my childhood friend, Manuel Torres Torija; and, for the first time, the new methods and pro- cedures of composition brought forth in the "Teoria musical" by my friend, Augusto Novaro, are put into use. Vicente T. Mendoza, perhaps better known as a folklorist, has set Castaneda's Canciones neostdlgicas and Pdtzcuaro, motivos del ano for voice and instruments (1932), and Plantas mexi- canas for a "suite de canciones"; the Peruvian Andris Sas com- They are croaking pseudo-sirens Acrobats who swing on space in high trapezes.... How the whistling of the reedy grasses Flutelike And the sad bassoon note of the rotting cypresses Raise an endless row of empty fifths that float into the starlight.... And such dulcet dissonances-never changing Through dim ages long forgotten- Still inform us of the passions of the bullfrog! Bullfrogs! Ocarines and croaking sirens Small green islands. Y qu duloe disonancia en vigencia desde tiempos primitivos- nos anuncia en amor entre las ranas! Ranas! Ocarinas y de las charcas... . Castaieda is one of the few poets who has taken the trouble, in the second editions of his poems, to indicate which verses have been set to music. The fact that he wrote a collection (1927- 1938) entitled Acordes disonantes may explain part of the inter- est that composers have shown in him. This is the way he lists them in his footnotes: 1) El tecolote and Las ranas-set for voice and small orches- tra by my unforgettable friend and companion, Maestro Silvestre Revueltas (m.h.r in p.). 2) Motivos del ado-the four poems of Motivos del ano were set for orchestra and voice by my teacher and friend, the com- poser Emiliana de Zubeldia. 3) Platanar and Piru-set by my childhood friend, Manuel Torres Torija; and, for the first time, the new methods and pro- cedures of composition brought forth in the "Teoria musical" by my friend, Augusto Novaro, are put into use. Vicente T. Mendoza, perhaps better known as a folklorist, has set Castafieda's Canciones nostdlgicas and Pdtzcuaro, motivos del ano for voice and instruments (1932), and Plantas mexi- canas for a "suite de canciones"; the Peruvian Andres Sas com- They are croaking pseudo-sirens Acrobats who swing on space in high trapezes... . How the whistling of the reedy grasses Flutelike And the sad bassoon note of the rotting cypresses Raise an endless row of empty fifths that float into the starlight.... And such dulcet dissonances-never changing Through dim ages long forgotten- Still inform us of the passions of the bullfrog! Bullfrogs! Ocarines and croaking sirens Small green islands.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 251 posed a short song on Castafieda's Pasan los vientos, las hojas caen, while Miguel Bernal Jimnez has set to music his Gran corrido a la Virgen de Guadalupe (Mexico, 1941). Jose Juan Tablada's (1871-1945) Diez Haikais has been set to music by Luis Sandi. Sandi, a man with a high percentage of Indian blood, is an able composer, an excellent choral conductor, and an educator. He is music chief of the Department of Fine Arts in Mexico. These songs are charming vignettes with an oriental flavor, the shortest being seven, the longest fifteen measures. I cannot discuss Francisco Icaza, (1863--1925) a favorite of Ponce and many others, for lack of space. I think it will be clear, however, that this is an important field which is most rewarding. IV Colombia has been called a land of poets, and when one thinks of Rafael Pombo, Jos6 Asuncion Silva, and Guillermo Valencia, it is easy to understand why. Most of these men have inspired musicians, especially the dean of Colombian composers, Guillermo Uribe-Holguin (b. 1880), who has written pieces based on their verses as well as those of other Caribbean poets. Uribe-Holguin, a first-rate composer trained in his own country, the United States, and Europe, has a somewhat romantic and impressionist musical style. An excellent craftsman, his songs are attractive and effective. Unfortunately they are difficult to ob- tain, and it is to be hoped that some of them may be published in this country. Rafael Pombo (1833-1912), diplomat, poet, and cultivated man of letters, spent over twenty years in the United States, even writing some English verse. He knew how to be profound and musical in his poetry. Uribe-Holguin set fifteen of his poems to music: Arrullo, El nino y la mariposa, La pobre viejecita, Las flores, Juan Matachin, Juan Chunguero, El gato bandido, Simon el bobito, Tu beso, Al despedirme, Te quiero, Pesadilla, Cudndo CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 251 posed a short song on Castafieda's Pasan los vientos, las hojas caen, while Miguel Bernal Jimenez has set to music his Gran corrido a la Virgen de Guadalupe (Mexico, 1941). Jos6 Juan Tablada's (1871-1945) Diez Haikais has been set to music by Luis Sandi. Sandi, a man with a high percentage of Indian blood, is an able composer, an excellent choral conductor, and an educator. He is music chief of the Department of Fine Arts in Mexico. These songs are charming vignettes with an oriental flavor, the shortest being seven, the longest fifteen measures. I cannot discuss Francisco Icaza, (1863-1925) a favorite of Ponce and many others, for lack of space. I think it will be clear, however, that this is an important field which is most rewarding. IV Colombia has been called a land of poets, and when one thinks of Rafael Pombo, Jose Asuncidn Silva, and Guillermo Valencia, it is easy to understand why. Most of these men have inspired musicians, especially the dean of Colombian composers, Guillermo Uribe-Holguin (b. 1880), who has written pieces based on their verses as well as those of other Caribbean poets. Uribe-Holguin, a first-rate composer trained in his own country, the United States, and Europe, has a somewhat romantic and impressionist musical style. An excellent craftsman, his songs are attractive and effective. Unfortunately they are difficult to ob- tain, and it is to be hoped that some of them may be published in this country. Rafael Pombo (1833-1912), diplomat, poet, and cultivated man of letters, spent over twenty years in the United States, even writing some English verse. He knew how to be profound and musical in his poetry. Uribe-Holguin set fifteen of his poems to music: Arrullo, El nino y la mariposa, La pobre viejecita, Las flores, Juan Matachin, Juan Chunguero, El gato bandido, Simon el bobito, Tu beso, Al despedirme, Te quiero, Pesadilla, Cudndo CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 251 posed a short song on Castafieda's Pasan los vientos, las hojas caen, while Miguel Bernal Jimenez has set to music his Gran corrido a la Virgen de Guadalupe (Mexico, 1941). Jos6 Juan Tablada's (1871-1945) Diez Haikais has been set to music by Luis Sandi. Sandi, a man with a high percentage of Indian blood, is an able composer, an excellent choral conductor, and an educator. He is music chief of the Department of Fine Arts in Mexico. These songs are charming vignettes with an oriental flavor, the shortest being seven, the longest fifteen measures. I cannot discuss Francisco Icaza, (1863-1925) a favorite of Ponce and many others, for lack of space. I think it will be clear, however, that this is an important field which is most rewarding. IV Colombia has been called a land of poets, and when one thinks of Rafael Pombo, Jose Asuncion Silva, and Guillermo Valencia, it is easy to understand why. Most of these men have inspired musicians, especially the dean of Colombian composers, Guillermo Uribe-Holguin (b. 1880), who has written pieces based on their verses as well as those of other Caribbean poets. Uribe-Holguin, a first-rate composer trained in his own country, the United States, and Europe, has a somewhat romantic and impressionist musical style. An excellent craftsman, his songs are attractive and effective. Unfortunately they are difficult to ob- tain, and it is to be hoped that some of them may be published in this country. Rafael Pombo (1833-1912), diplomat, poet, and cultivated man of letters, spent over twenty years in the United States, even writing some English verse. He knew how to be profound and musical in his poetry. Uribe-Holguin set fifteen of his poems to music: Arrullo, El nino y la mariposa, La pobre viejecita, Las flores, Juan Matachin, Juan Chunguero, El gato bandido, Simdn el bobito, Tu beso, Al despedirme, Te quiero, Pesadilla, Cudndo  252 The Caribbean 252 The Caribbean 252 The Caribbean yo duerma, El coche, and Bambuco. The last mentioned has a criollo text, and Uribe-Holguin has taken advantage of this characteristic dance form to compose a most appealing song. Uribe-Holguin also composed music to poems of the founder of the modern movement in Colombia, Jose Asuncidn Silva (1865-1896). Who has not read the celebrated nocturnos so often printed in anthologies? You will remember that James McNeill Whistler painted nocturnos in Valparaiso in the 1860's (the American artist created his first impressionist canvasses in Chile, not England), and Silva produced his poetical master- pieces with similar thoughts in mind. The Uribe-Holguin setting of the Primer nocturno for tenor and orchestra is furtive, imita- tive, impressionistic; the second nocturno, with piano, is delicate, sweet, Italianate. Guillermo Valencia (1874-1943), senator for over twenty years, delegate to Pan American congresses, and twice a candi- date for the presidency of his country, was a polished literary craftsman. His Himno, for tenor, chorus, and orchestra, is one of Uribe-Holguin's most important compositions. Unfortunately, I have not had an opportunity to examine it. Another interest- ing work is an orchestral melodrama, Anarkos, made from the poem, which depicts the explosiveness caused in this world by misery. And finally, I might say that Uribe-Holguin's Hay un instante en el crepdsculo won a prize in the Colombian national radio contest of 1947. (Salvador Ley of Guatemala has also written songs on Valencia texts.) Cuba has a rich, romantic poetical tradition. I have men- tioned Jos6 Maria Heredia (1803-1839), Gertrudis Gomez de Avellaneda (1814-1873), and "Plicido" (1809-1844), though I failed to remind you that the governor of Cuba had the latter shot as an agitator. Jose Jacinto Milanis (1814- 1863), Rafael Mendive (1821-1886), Juan Clemente Zenea yo duerma, El coche, and Bambuco. The last mentioned has a criollo text, and Uribe-Holguin has taken advantage of this characteristic dance form to compose a most appealing song. Uribe-Holguin also composed music to poems of the founder of the modern movement in Colombia, Josd Asuncidn Silva (1865-1896). Who has not read the celebrated nocturnos so often printed in anthologies? You will remember that James McNeill Whistler painted nocturnos in Valparaiso in the 1860's (the American artist created his first impressionist canvasses in Chile, not England), and Silva produced his poetical master- pieces with similar thoughts in mind. The Uribe-Holguin setting of the Primer nocturno for tenor and orchestra is furtive, imita- tive, impressionistic; the second nocturno, with piano, is delicate, sweet, Italianate. Guillermo Valencia (1874-1943), senator for over twenty years, delegate to Pan American congresses, and twice a candi- date for the presidency of his country, was a polished literary craftsman. His Himno, for tenor, chorus, and orchestra, is one of Uribe-Holguin's most important compositions. Unfortunately, I have not had an opportunity to examine it. Another interest- ing work is an orchestral melodrama, Anarkos, made from the poem, which depicts the explosiveness caused in this world by misery. And finally, I might say that Uribe-Holguin's Hay un instante en el crepdsculo won a prize in the Colombian national radio contest of 1947. (Salvador Ley of Guatemala has also written songs on Valencia texts.) Cuba has a rich, romantic poetical tradition. I have men- tioned Jose Maria Heredia (1803-1839), Gertrudis Gdmez de Avellaneda (1814-1873), and "Placido" (1809-1844), though I failed to remind you that the governor of Cuba had the latter shot as an agitator. Jose Jacinto Milanis (1814- 1863), Rafael Mendive (1821-1886), Juan Clemente Zenea yo duerma, El coche, and Bambuco. The last mentioned has a criollo text, and Uribe-Holguin has taken advantage of this characteristic dance form to compose a most appealing song. Uribe-Holguin also composed music to poems of the founder of the modern movement in Colombia, Jos6 Asuncidn Silva (1865-1896). Who has not read the celebrated nocturnos so often printed in anthologies? You will remember that James McNeill Whistler painted nocturnos in Valparaiso in the 1860's (the American artist created his first impressionist canvasses in Chile, not England), and Silva produced his poetical master- pieces with similar thoughts in mind. The Uribe-Holguin setting of the Primer nocturno for tenor and orchestra is furtive, imita- tive, impressionistic; the second nocturno, with piano, is delicate, sweet, Italianate. Guillermo Valencia (1874-1943), senator for over twenty years, delegate to Pan American congresses, and twice a candi- date for the presidency of his country, was a polished literary craftsman. His Himno, for tenor, chorus, and orchestra, is one of Uribe-Holguin's most important compositions. Unfortunately, I have not had an opportunity to examine it. Another interest- ing work is an orchestral melodrama, Anarkos, made from the poem, which depicts the explosiveness caused in this world by misery. And finally, I might say that Uribe-Holguin's Hay un instante en el crepusculo won a prize in the Colombian national radio contest of 1947. (Salvador Ley of Guatemala has also written songs on Valencia texts.) V Cuba has a rich, romantic poetical tradition. I have men- tioned Josi Maria Heredia (1803-1839), Gertrudis Gdmez de Avellaneda (1814-1873), and "Placido" (1809-1844), though I failed to remind you that the governor of Cuba had the latter shot as an agitator. Jos6 Jacinto Milands (1814- 1863), Rafael Mendive (1821-1886), Juan Clemente Zenea  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 23 (1832-1871), and the younger Jos6 Maria Heredia (1842- 1905) were equally important in their way. Jacinto Milan/s and Mendive became political exiles, while Clemente Zenea, who wrote melancholy verses full of references to cemeteries and lost youth, was condemned to death by Spanish judges for political activities in 1871. In short, the poets were feared for their liberal views. Heredia, the nephew, wrote primarily in French, and spent his life abroad. The beautiful sonnets collected and published in 1893 under the title Les Trophies are among the purest expres- sions of French Parnassianisms. Like a goldsmith, the Cuba 6migre chiseled out delicate, poetical cameos. The sonnet Les Conquerants, about the conquistadors, speaks of the New World stars which the explorers saw in the Caribbean. Naturally, mu- sicians set Heredia's texts. Alice Sauvrezis, for instance, has a lovely piece for voice, flute, and harp on the poem that begins "Voici le soir, Au ciel passe un vol de pigeons"; and the Russian composer Serge Taniev (1856-1915) composed a song for bass on Heredia's "Nuit de Bataille" (Op. 26, No. 8) using, however, a Russian translation. Who would have thought that Caribbean poetry could stray so far afield? Reynaldo Hahn, the Venezuelan-French composer born in Caracas in 1874, knew Heredia in Paris and mentions him in his Journal d'un Musicien. He dedicated to Heredia his Por- traits de Peintres, though strangely enough, he never set to music any of Heredia's poetry.' The Cuban musicians contemporary with the poets we have been mentioning were Manuel Saumell, Nicolas Espadero, Ignacio Cervantes, Jose Manuel Jimenez Berroa, Crist6bal Mar- tinez, Brindis de Salas, J. S. White, Hubert de Blanck, Gaspar Villate, and Gonzalo Roig. One suspects that research would reveal songs inspired by some of their literary brothers. The romantic example I wish to cite is by Jose Manuel * Heugel published the collection with illustrations in 1896. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 253 (1832-1871), and the younger Jos/ Maria Heredia (1842- 1905) were equally important in their way. Jacinto Milanes and Mendive became political exiles, while Clemente Zenea, who wrote melancholy verses full of references to cemeteries and lost youth, was condemned to death by Spanish judges for political activities in 1871. In short, the poets were feared for their liberal views. Heredia, the nephew, wrote primarily in French, and spent his life abroad. The beautiful sonnets collected and published in 1893 under the title Les Trophies are among the purest expres- sions of French Parnassianisms. Like a goldsmith, the Cuba /migre chiseled out delicate, poetical cameos. The sonnet Les Conqurants, about the conquistadors, speaks of the New World stars which the explorers saw in the Caribbean. Naturally, mu- sicians set Heredia's texts. Alice Sauvr/zis, for instance, has a lovely piece for voice, flute, and harp on the poem that begins "Voici le soir, Au ciel passe un vol de pigeons"; and the Russian composer Serge Taniev (1856-1915) composed a song for bass on Heredia's "Nuit de Bataille" (Op. 26, No. 8) using, however, a Russian translation. Who would have thought that Caribbean poetry could stray so far afield? Reynaldo Hahn, the Venezuelan-French composer born in Caracas in 1874, knew Heredia in Paris and mentions him in his Journal d'un Musicien. He dedicated to Heredia his Por- traits de Peintres, though strangely enough, he never set to music any of Heredia's poetry.' The Cuban musicians contemporary with the poets we have been mentioning were Manuel Saumell, Nicolis Espadero, Ignacio Cervantes, Jos6 Manuel Jim/nez Berroa, Crist6bal Mar- tinez, Brindis de Salas, J. S. White, Hubert de Blanck, Gaspar Villate, and Gonzalo Roig. One suspects that research would reveal songs inspired by some of their literary brothers. The romantic example I wish to cite is by Jose Manuel * Heugel published the collection with illustrations in 1896. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 253 (1832-1871), and the younger Jose Maria Heredia (1842- 1905) were equally important in their way. Jacinto Milan/s and Mendive became political exiles, while Clemente Zenea, who wrote melancholy verses full of references to cemeteries and lost youth, was condemned to death by Spanish judges for political activities in 1871. In short, the poets were feared for their liberal views. Heredia, the nephew, wrote primarily in French, and spent his life abroad. The beautiful sonnets collected and published in 1893 under the title Les Trophies are among the purest expres- sions of French Parnassianisms. Like a goldsmith, the Cuba emigre chiseled out delicate, poetical cameos. The sonnet Les Conquirants, about the conquistadors, speaks of the New World stars which the explorers saw in the Caribbean. Naturally, mu- sicians set Heredia's texts. Alice Sauvrezis, for instance, has a lovely piece for voice, flute, and harp on the poem that begins "Voici le soir, Au ciel passe un vol de pigeons"; and the Russian composer Serge Taniev (1856-1915) composed a song for bass on Heredia's "Nuit de Bataille" (Op. 26, No. 8) using, however, a Russian translation. Who would have thought that Caribbean poetry could stray so far afield? Reynaldo Hahn, the Venezuelan-French composer born in Caracas in 1874, knew Heredia in Paris and mentions him in his Journal d'un Musicien. He dedicated to Heredia his Por- traits de Peintres, though strangely enough, he never set to music any of Heredia's poetry.' The Cuban musicians contemporary with the poets we have been mentioning were Manuel Saumell, Nicolas Espadero, Ignacio Cervantes, Jos/ Manuel Jimenez Berroa, Crist6bal Mar- tinez, Brindis de Salas, J. S. White, Hubert de Blanck, Gaspar Villate, and Gonzalo Roig. One suspects that research would reveal songs inspired by some of their literary brothers. The romantic example I wish to cite is by Jos/ Manuel Heugel published the collection with illustrations in 1896.  254 The Caribbean Jiminez Berroa, the distinguished Cuban composer-pianist who lived many years abroad. One of his songs is for a poem by Antonio Ros de Olano (1802-1887), who was born in Vene- zuela and died in Spain, and who has been described by Sanchez de Fuentes as "un verdadero lied que enriquece la literatura musical cubana."" The father of modern Cuban poetry was Jose Marti (1853- 1895). Although not so meteoric a literary figure as Rubin Dario, Marti has had an ever increasing influence. The role of exile, political patriot, and poet is illustrated in his life to a remarkable degree; and his death on the field of battle was a great loss. Besides being a master prose stylist, Marti was an important innovator in Spanish verse, and his modernist Ismael- illo (1882) came out fifteen years before Modernismo began in Spain. Incidentally, the leaders of the modern literary movement all came from the Caribbean: Marti and Juliin del Casal (1863-1893) from Cuba; Gutierrez Nijera (1859-1895) from Mexico; Jos6 Asuncidn Silva (1865-1893) from Colom- bia; and Rubin Dario (1867-1916) from Nicaragua. Marti was unusually fond of music and even wrote musical criticism. In the poem La nifa de Guatemala, there are a num- ber of allusions to singing and instruments. Curiously enough, few of his immediate contemporaries composed songs to his verses. After his death, Alberto Villal6n wrote Cancidn a Marti (1901), with a text by Francisco Eligio. Hubert de Blanck's Himno a Marti (1905) is for two pianos and without words; Guillermo M. Tomis and Luis Casas Romero have written orchestral tone poems entitled Marti. A third symphonic work with the same title, by Rafael Pastor, won a prize from the Cuban Ministry of Education in 1942. Among recent composers who have set Marti's poems is Eduardo Sanchez de Fuentes who set Aqui estd el pecho mujer and La nifia de Guatemala-both songs of considerable feeling. Sinchez de Fuentes, La cancidn cubana, p. 34. 254 The Caribbean 254 The Caribbean Jimenez Berroa, the distinguished Cuban composer-pianist who lived many years abroad. One of his songs is for a poem by Antonio Ros de Olano (1802-1887), who was born in Vene- zuela and died in Spain, and who has been described by Sanchez de Fuentes as "on verdadero lied que enriquece la literatura musical cubana."" The father of modern Cuban poetry was Jos6 Marti (1853- 1895). Although not so meteoric a literary figure as Rubdn Dario, Marti has had an ever increasing influence. The role of exile, political patriot, and poet is illustrated in his life to a remarkable degree; and his death on the field of battle was a great loss. Besides being a master prose stylist, Marti was an important innovator in Spanish verse, and his modernist Ismael- illo (1882) came out fifteen years before Modernismo began in Spain. Incidentally, the leaders of the modern literary movement all came from the Caribbean: Marti and Juliin del Casal (1863-1893) from Cuba; Gutilrrez Najera (1859-1895) from Mexico; Jos6 Asuncidn Silva (1865-1893) from Colom- bia; and Ruben Dario (1867-1916) from Nicaragua. Marti was unusually fond of music and even wrote musical criticism. In the poem La nina de Guatemala, there are a num- ber of allusions to singing and instruments. Curiously enough, few of his immediate contemporaries composed songs to his verses. After his death, Alberto Villal6n wrote Cancidn a Marti (1901), with a text by Francisco Eligio. Hubert de Blanck's Himno a Marti (1905) is for two pianos and without words; Guillermo M. Tomis and Luis Casas Romero have written orchestral tone poems entitled Marti. A third symphonic work with the same title, by Rafael Pastor, won a prize from the Cuban Ministry of Education in 1942. Among recent composers who have set Marti's poems is Eduardo Sanchez de Fuentes who set Aqui esta el pecho mujer and La nina de Guatemala-both songs of considerable feeling. Sanchez de Fuentes, La cancidn cubana, p. 34. JimInez Berroa, the distinguished Cuban composer-pianist who lived many years abroad. One of his songs is for a poem by Antonio Ros de Olano (1802-1887), who was born in Vene- zuela and died in Spain, and who has been described by Sanchez de Fuentes as "un verdadero lied que enriquece la literatura musical cubana."" The father of modern Cuban poetry was Jos6 Marti (1853- 1895). Although not so meteoric a literary figure as Ruben Dario, Marti has had an ever increasing influence. The role of exile, political patriot, and poet is illustrated in his life to a remarkable degree; and his death on the field of battle was a great loss. Besides being a master prose stylist, Marti was an important innovator in Spanish verse, and his modernist Ismael- illo (1882) came out fifteen years before Modernismo began in Spain. Incidentally, the leaders of the modern literary movement all came from the Caribbean: Marti and Julian del Casal (1863-1893) from Cuba; Gutierrez Nijera (1859-1895) from Mexico; Jos6 Asuncion Silva (1865-1893) from Colom- bia; and Ruben Dario (1867-1916) from Nicaragua. Marti was unusually fond of music and even wrote musical criticism. In the poem La nifia de Guatemala, there are a num- ber of allusions to singing and instruments. Curiously enough, few of his immediate contemporaries composed songs to his verses. After his death, Alberto Villaln wrote Cancidn a Marti (1901), with a text by Francisco Eligio. Hubert de Blanck's Himno a Marti (1905) is for two pianos and without words; Guillermo M. Tomis and Luis Casas Romero have written orchestral tone poems entitled Marti. A third symphonic work with the same title, by Rafael Pastor, won a prize from the Cuban Ministry of Education in 1942. Among recent composers who have set Marti's poems is Eduardo Sanchez de Fuentes who set Aqui estd el pecho mujer and La nifa de Guatemala-both songs of considerable feeling. Snchez de Fuentes, La cancion cubana, p. 34.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY '533 (Sinchez de Fuentes, whom I met in 1939, is the author of the superpopular Td.) Ernesto Lecuona's seven Marti songs-Una rosa blanca, La que se muri6 de amor, Un ramo de fiores, Tu cabellera, De cara al sol, Mi amor del aire se azora, and Si que estuviste llorando- are a little disappointing, the best being Una rosa blanca, Un ramo de flores, and De cara al sol. Lecuona is remembered by everyone for his Malaguea ("The Breeze and I"). The leading contemporary Cuban inspired by Marti is un- doubtedly Jos6 Ardevol (b. 1911), sometimes fairly atonal, always arresting. His Versos sencillos for soprano and orchestra (originally piano) are dedicated to the memory of the poet: (1) Preludio, (2) Yo no puedo olvidar, (3) Par la tumba del cortijo, (4) Penas, quien osa decir que tengo yo penas, (5) Ya ss, de carne se puede hacer una flor, (6) Yo tengo un amigo muerto, (7) Cultivo una rosa blanca, and (8) Yo quiero salir del mundo por la puerta natural. Ardevol also wrote music for "La que se Muri6 de Amor," a film based on Marti's poem La nina de Guatemala. Let me skip nearly two generations to the Cuban poet and diplomat Mariano Brull (b. 1891). Brull's literary style is inter- national, and he has been both radical and conservative in some of his verse forms. I should like to pay tribute here to the work he has done on the Commission on Intellectual Cooperation. Manuel Ponce, feeling the charm and ingenuity of Brull's verses, composed three songs from them in Paris in 1931. The first, Por el ir del rio, compares man's life to a flowing torrent, and Ponce's accompaniment distinctly pretends to imitate rushing water; there is perhaps a slight Indian flavor in the melody. The second, Verdehalago, is an onomatopoeic play on the word green and the letter V. The third song, Granada, is an evocation to the old Moorish city, and the piano accompaniment suggests the guitar. It is dedicated appropriately enough to Andres Segovia. The Caribbean area has been much concerned with the Negro; and today an Afro-Caribbean, or mulatto, poetry has sprung up, CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 255 (Sinchez de Fuentes, whom I met in 1939, is the author of the superpopular Td.) Ernesto Lecuona's seven Marti songs-Una rosa blanca, La que se muri6 de amor, Un ramo de flores, Tu cabellera, De cara al sol, Mi amor del aire se azora, and Si que estuviste llorando- are a little disappointing, the best being Una rosa blanca, Un ramo de flores, and De cara al sol. Lecuona is remembered by everyone for his Malagueia ("The Breeze and I"). The leading contemporary Cuban inspired by Marti is un- doubtedly Josd Ardevol (b. 1911), sometimes fairly atonal, always arresting. His Versos sencillos for soprano and orchestra (originally piano) are dedicated to the memory of the poet: (1) Preludio, (2) Yo no puedo olvidar, (3) Por la tumba del cortijo, (4) Penas, quien osa decir que tengo yo penas, (5) Ya s, de carne se puede hacer una flor, (6) Yo tengo un amigo muerto, (7) Cultivo una rosa blanca, and (8) Yo quiero salir del mundo por la puerta natural. Ardlvol also wrote music for "La que se Muri6 de Amor," a film based on Marti's poem La niiia de Guatemala. Let me skip nearly two generations to the Cuban poet and diplomat Mariano Brull (b. 1891). Brull's literary style is inter- national, and he has been both radical and conservative in some of his verse forms. I should like to pay tribute here to the work he has done on the Commission on Intellectual Cooperation. Manuel Ponce, feeling the charm and ingenuity of Brull's verses, composed three songs from them in Paris in 1931. The first, Por el ir del rio, compares man's life to a flowing torrent, and Ponce's accompaniment distinctly pretends to imitate rushing water; there is perhaps a slight Indian flavor in the melody. The second, Verdehalago, is an onomatopoeic play on the word green and the letter V. The third song, Granada, is an evocation to the old Moorish city, and the piano accompaniment suggests the guitar. It is dedicated appropriately enough to Andres Segovia. The Caribbean area has been much concerned with the Negro; and today an Afro-Caribbean, or mulatto, poetry has sprung up, CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 255 (Sinchez de Fuentes, whom I met in 1939, is the author of the superpopular Td.) Ernesto Lecuona's seven Marti songs-Una rosa blanca, La que se muri6 de amor, Un ramo de flores, Tu cabellera, De cara al sol, Mi amor del aire se azora, and Si que estuviste llorando- are a little disappointing, the best being Una rosa blanca, Un ramo de flores, and De cara al sol. Lecuona is remembered by everyone for his Malaguena ("The Breeze and I"). The leading contemporary Cuban inspired by Marti is un- doubtedly Josd Arddvol (b. 1911), sometimes fairly atonal, always arresting. His Versos sencillos for soprano and orchestra (originally piano) are dedicated to the memory of the poet: (1) Preludio, (2) Yo no puedo olvidar, (3) Por la tumba del cortijo, (4) Penas, quien osa decir que tengo yo penas, (5) Ya so, de carne se puede hacer una flor, (6) Yo tengo un amigo muerto, (7) Cultivo una rosa blanca, and (8) Yo quiero salir del mundo por la puerta natural. Ardevol also wrote music for "La que se Muri6 de Amor," a film based on Marti's poem La nina de Guatemala. Let me skip nearly two generations to the Cuban poet and diplomat Mariano Brull (b. 1891). Brull's literary style is inter- national, and he has been both radical and conservative in some of his verse forms. I should like to pay tribute here to the work he has done on the Commission on Intellectual Cooperation. Manuel Ponce, feeling the charm and ingenuity of Brull's verses, composed three songs from them in Paris in 1931. The first, Por el ir del rio, compares man's life to a flowing torrent, and Ponce's accompaniment distinctly pretends to imitate rushing water; there is perhaps a slight Indian flavor in the melody. The second, Verdehalago, is an onomatopoeic play on the word green and the letter V. The third song, Granada, is an evocation to the old Moorish city, and the piano accompaniment suggests the guitar. It is dedicated appropriately enough to Andris Segovia. The Caribbean area has been much concerned with the Negro; and today an Afro-Caribbean, or mulatto, poetry has sprung up,  256 The Caribbean the originator of the movement being the Puerto Rican Luis Pales Mates (b. 1898). Nicolis Guillen (b. 1905), mostly self-taught, has been a student of African survivals and for a time edited the Archives of Cuban Folklore. Something of an innovator, he developed the musical son into a literary form; and his concern in social protest and Marxism has been strong. Guilln criticizes Negroes for being pretentious, but he loves to depict their lives, and he intro- duces dances and exotic elements into his descriptions. His verse often has a highly rhythmic quality; in fact, that is one of the keys to the African poetical movement. Alejandro Garcia Caturla' (1906-1940) was a brilliant com- poser who died prematurely. His life has been admirably studied by the Spanish scholar Adolfo Salazar. Garcia Caturla was a firm admirer of Guillen, and two of his songs written in 1930 are excellent examples of the neo-Afro-Cuban style. Bito Manue, in an engaging dialect, is about a Negro who does not know much ingle. His companion chides him, saying that his knowl- edge is limited to etrai guan y guan td tri and concludes, No t namore ma nunca, Bito Manus si no sab ingli. We recommend the piece as a propaganda vehicle for courses about Latin America. Garcia Caturla has also set Yambambo, or Canto negro." Amadeo Roldan (1900-1939), a gifted composer given to dissonances and complicated rhythms, was another admirer of Guillen. In 1931, Roldin composed Curjuey for chorus, two pianos, and two percussion instruments. The noise was startling. Three years later he wrote Motivos del sol, (ocho piezas para canto y siete instrumentos). These works are effective, thor- oughly contemporary and dissonant, complete with Cuban trim- mings. Naturally, Jos6 Arddvol felt Guillen's power and his Ay senora mi vecina carries on the tradition. The movement spread 256 The Caribbean 256 The Caribbean the originator of the movement being the Puerto Rican Luis Pales Matos (b. 1898). Nicolis Guillen (b. 1905), mostly self-taught, has been a student of African survivals and for a time edited the Archives of Cuban Folklore. Something of an innovator, he developed the musical son into a literary form; and his concern in social protest and Marxism has been strong. Guilln criticizes Negroes for being pretentious, but he loves to depict their lives, and he intro- duces dances and exotic elements into his descriptions. His verse often has a highly rhythmic quality; in fact, that is one of the keys to the African poetical movement. Alejandro Garcia Caturla' (1906-1940) was a brilliant com- poser who died prematurely. His life has been admirably studied by the Spanish scholar Adolfo Salazar. Garcia Caturla was a firm admirer of Guillen, and two of his songs written in 1930 are excellent examples of the neo-Afro-Cuban style. Bito Manui, in an engaging dialect, is about a Negro who does not know much ingli. His companion chides him, saying that his knowl- edge is limited to etrai guan y guan i tri and concludes, No te namore ma nunca, Bito Manu si no sab ingli. We recommend the piece as a propaganda vehicle for courses about Latin America. Garcia Caturla has also set Yambambd, or Canto negro." Amadeo Roldin (1900-1939), a gifted composer given to dissonances and complicated rhythms, was another admirer of Guillen. In 1931, Roldan composed Curjuey for chorus, two pianos, and two percussion instruments. The noise was startling. Three years later he wrote Motivos del sol, (ocho piezas para canto y siete instrumentos). These works are effective, thor- oughly contemporary and dissonant, complete with Cuban trim- mings. Naturally, Jos6 Ardevol felt Guillen's power and his Ay seora mi vecina carries on the tradition. The movement spread the originator of the movement being the Puerto Rican Luis Palls Matos (b. 1898). Nicolis Guillen (b. 1905), mostly self-taught, has been a student of African survivals and for a time edited the Archives of Cuban Folklore. Something of an innovator, he developed the musical son into a literary form; and his concern in social protest and Marxism has been strong. Guillen criticizes Negroes for being pretentious, but he loves to depict their lives, and he intro- duces dances and exotic elements into his descriptions. His verse often has a highly rhythmic quality; in fact, that is one of the keys to the African poetical movement. Alejandro Garcia Caturla' (1906-1940) was a brilliant com- poser who died prematurely. His life has been admirably studied by the Spanish scholar Adolfo Salazar. Garcia Caturla was a firm admirer of Guillen, and two of his songs written in 1930 are excellent examples of the neo-Afro-Cuban style. Bito Manui, in an engaging dialect, is about a Negro who does not know much ingli. His companion chides him, saying that his knowl- edge is limited to etrai guan y guan to tri and concludes, No te namore ma nunca, Bito Manus si no sab ingls. We recommend the piece as a propaganda vehicle for courses about Latin America. Garcia Caturla has also set Yambambo, or Canto negro." Amadeo Roldin (1900-1939), a gifted composer given to dissonances and complicated rhythms, was another admirer of Guilln. In 1931, Roldin composed Curjuey for chorus, two pianos, and two percussion instruments. The noise was startling. Three years later he wrote Motivos del sol, (ocho piezas para canto y siete instrumentos). These works are effective, thor- oughly contemporary and dissonant, complete with Cuban trim- mings. Naturally, Jose Ardevol felt Guilln's power and his Ay senora mi vecina carries on the tradition. The movement spread T Revista Cubana, XI, 31 (Jan., 1938), 5.-43. " New Music, X, 3. Revista Cubana, XI, 31 (Jan., 1938), 5-43. ' New Music, X, 3. Revista Cubana, XI, 31 (Jan., 1938), 5-43. ' New Music, X, 3.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY z5 / across the Caribbean and Silvestre Revueltas of Mexico must be mentioned here. Guillin's poem Caminando has a continuous reiteration of the word "caminando," and Revueltas uses the musical phrase FD FF fourteen times, just as the poet does. The general effect is rather like an American Negro work song. In 1937, the year the song was written, Revueltas went to Spain to join the Loyalists and conduct concerts. In October, 1940, he died of pneumonia in Mexico City. Revueltas' most important work in connection with Guillen is Sensemayd, a powerful symphonic composition first performed in 1938 in Mexico City. Revueltas had a fine sense of musical line, and his melodies breathed life. Guillin's idea in the song was to chant an incantation that would kill a snake. Some Caribbean poetry is so powerful that a whole orchestra is necessary to atmosphere it. Emilio Ballagas (b. 1908) is thought by certain critics to be more dramatic than Guilldn. Certainly his education (a Ph.D. in Pedagogy) has been more thorough. A white man, familiar with Negro psychology and folklore, Ballagas has been a leader in the African movement from the first and published an Antolo- gia de poesia negra hispano-americana in Madrid in 1935. Bal- lagas poetry has inspired: Ardlvol's Dos poemas para contralto y piano, Empezar, and Gozo; and Caturla's Cuatro poemas para coro-Las alegrias, Huir, La tarde, and Viento de la luz de junio. Alejo Carpentier (b. 1904), both a musician and a poet, has an unusual knowledge of the problems confronting the composer. Actually, the critics have tended to call him more a folklorist than a poet. At the same time, he is responsible for the argu- ment of Roldin's Afro-Cuban ballet La rebamba ramba (1938) and some of his poems, notably Maria Sabel and Juego santo, have been set by Caturla. The former paints a picture of a hot day in a small town: a voodoo shirt flutters in the wind and a street cry is heard in the distance, when suddenly Maria Sabel CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 257 across the Caribbean and Silvestre Revueltas of Mexico must be mentioned here. Guillin's poem Caminando has a continuous reiteration of the word "caminando," and Revueltas uses the musical phrase FD FF fourteen times, just as the poet does. The general effect is rather like an American Negro work song. In 1937, the year the song was written, Revueltas went to Spain to join the Loyalists and conduct concerts. In October, 1940, he died of pneumonia in Mexico City. Revueltas' most important work in connection with Guillen is Sensemayd, a powerful symphonic composition first performed in 1938 in Mexico City. Revueltas had a fine sense of musical line, and his melodies breathed life. Guillin's idea in the song was to chant an incantation that would kill a snake. Some Caribbean poetry is so powerful that a whole orchestra is necessary to atmosphere it. Emilio Ballagas (b. 1908) is thought by certain critics to be more dramatic than Guillin. Certainly his education (a Ph.D. in Pedagogy) has been more thorough. A white man, familiar with Negro psychology and folklore, Ballagas has been a leader in the African movement from the first and published an Antolo- gia de poesia negra hispano-americana in Madrid in 1935. Bal- lagas poetry has inspired: Ardivol's Dos poemas para contralto y piano, Empezar, and Gozo; and Caturla's Cuatro poemas para coro-Las alegrias, Huir, La tarde, and Viento de la luz de junio. Alejo Carpentier (b. 1904), both a musician and a poet, has an unusual knowledge of the problems confronting the composer. Actually, the critics have tended to call him more a folklorist than a poet. At the same time, he is responsible for the argu- ment of RoldAn's Afro-Cuban ballet La rebamba ramba (1938) and some of his poems, notably Maria Sabel and Juego santo, have been set by Caturla. The former paints a picture of a hot day in a small town: a voodoo shirt flutters in the wind and a street cry is heard in the distance, when suddenly Maria Sabel CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 257 across the Caribbean and Silvestre Revueltas of Mexico must be mentioned here. Guillen's poem Caminando has a continuous reiteration of the word "caminando," and Revueltas uses the musical phrase FD FF fourteen times, just as the poet does. The general effect is rather like an American Negro work song. In 1937, the year the song was written, Revueltas went to Spain to join the Loyalists and conduct concerts. In October, 1940, he died of pneumonia in Mexico City. Revueltas' most important work in connection with Guilln is Sensemayd, a powerful symphonic composition first performed in 1938 in Mexico City. Revueltas had a fine sense of musical line, and his melodies breathed life. Guillen's idea in the song was to chant an incantation that would kill a snake. Some Caribbean poetry is so powerful that a whole orchestra is necessary to atmosphere it. Emilio Ballagas (b. 1908) is thought by certain critics to be more dramatic than Guilln. Certainly his education (a Ph.D. in Pedagogy) has been more thorough. A white man, familiar with Negro psychology and folklore, Ballagas has been a leader in the African movement from the first and published an Antolo- gia de poesia negra hispano-americana in Madrid in 1935. Bal- lagas poetry has inspired: Ardevol's Dos poemas para contralto y piano, Empezar, and Gozo; and Caturla's Cuatro poemas para coro-Las alegrias, Huir, La tarde, and Viento de la luz de junio. Alejo Carpentier (b. 1904), both a musician and a poet, has an unusual knowledge of the problems confronting the composer. Actually, the critics have tended to call him more a folklorist than a poet. At the same time, he is responsible for the argu- ment of Roldan's Afro-Cuban ballet La rebamba ramba (1938) and some of his poems, notably Maria Sabel and Juego santo, have been set by Caturla. The former paints a picture of a hot day in a small town: a voodoo shirt flutters in the wind and a street cry is heard in the distance, when suddenly Maria Sabel  258 The Caribbean 258 The Caribbean appears making her red shawl dance, like a Roman candle. At the end, the andantino con moto movement changes to a violent allegro. Juego santo is more of an African ritual dance, mention- ing rumbas, conga drums, processions, ritual ceremonies, exor- cising the devil, and other features. Written in Paris in 1929, it is a fast, exciting song. In Puerto Rico, Luis Pales Matas (b. 1898), the originator of the Afro-Antillean school, is ironic, gay, and satirical, and a very original artist with word patters and ideas. Roldin's Danza negra para canto y siete instrumentos (1928) is set to one of Pales Matos' texts and was first performed by Lydia de Rivera at a Concert Gaillard in Paris in April, 1929. Vincente T. Men- doza has set the same poem for voice, piano, and orchestra. VI If we were talking of popular music primarily, everyone would see the social implications which I have been trying to make by discussing more serious aesthetic forms. Let me simply point out that numbers can be deceiving. It is the intellectuals, the leaders, and opinion formers who change the events of history-not the people. The latter follow but do not lead. May I close by relating an anecdote about the Colombian presidential candidate Guillermo Valencia? It was during a stormy election, and two rival factions, parading up and down the streets, were about to stage a riot in front of the house of the poet. Just as things became extremely critical, someone in the crowd called for a poem by Valencia, and the venerable states- man, stepping out on his balcony, recited some of his most beau- tiful verses. Immediately thereafter his wife sang the same text, accompanied by their daughter on the piano which was next to the window. The story may be apocryphal, but it illustrates certain fundamental psychological traits of the Latin soul. It is for this reason that I have presumed to talk today on Musical Settings of Caribbean Poetry. appears making her red shawl dance, like a Roman candle. At the end, the andantino con moto movement changes to a violent allegro. Juego santo is more of an African ritual dance, mention- ing rumbas, conga drums, processions, ritual ceremonies, exor- cising the devil, and other features. Written in Paris in 1929, it is a fast, exciting song. In Puerto Rico, Luis Pales Matos (b. 1898), the originator of the Afro-Antillean school, is ironic, gay, and satirical, and a very original artist with word patters and ideas. Roldin's Danza negra para canto y siete instrumentos (1928) is set to one of Pales Matos' texts and was first performed by Lydia de Rivera at a Concert Gaillard in Paris in April, 1929. Vincente T. Men- doza has set the same poem for voice, piano, and orchestra. VI If we were talking of popular music primarily, everyone would see the social implications which I have been trying to make by discussing more serious aesthetic forms. Let me simply point out that numbers can be deceiving. It is the intellectuals, the leaders, and opinion formers who change the events of history-not the people. The latter follow but do not lead. May I close by relating an anecdote about the Colombian presidential candidate Guillermo Valencia? It was during a stormy election, and two rival factions, parading up and down the streets, were about to stage a riot in front of the house of the poet. Just as things became extremely critical, someone in the crowd called for a poem by Valencia, and the venerable states- man, stepping out on his balcony, recited some of his most beau- tiful verses. Immediately thereafter his wife sang the same text, accompanied by their daughter on the piano which was next to the window. The story may be apocryphal, but it illustrates certain fundamental psychological traits of the Latin soul. It is for this reason that I have presumed to talk today on Musical Settings of Caribbean Poetry. 258 The Caribbean appears making her red shawl dance, like a Roman candle. At the end, the andantino con moto movement changes to a violent allegro. Juego santo is more of an African ritual dance, mention- ing rumbas, conga drums, processions, ritual ceremonies, exor- cising the devil, and other features. Written in Paris in 1929, it is a fast, exciting song. In Puerto Rico, Luis Palds Matos (b. 1898), the originator of the Afro-Antillean school, is ironic, gay, and satirical, and a very original artist with word patters and ideas. RoldAn's Danza negra para canto y siete instrumentos (1928) is set to one of Pales Matos' texts and was first performed by Lydia de Rivera at a Concert Gaillard in Paris in April, 1929. Vincente T. Men- doza has set the same poem for voice, piano, and orchestra. VI If we were talking of popular music primarily, everyone would see the social implications which I have been trying to make by discussing more serious aesthetic forms. Let me simply point out that numbers can be deceiving. It is the intellectuals, the leaders, and opinion formers who change the events of history-not the people. The latter follow but do not lead. May I close by relating an anecdote about the Colombian presidential candidate Guillermo Valencia? It was during a stormy election, and two rival factions, parading up and down the streets, were about to stage a riot in front of the house of the poet. Just as things became extremely critical, someone in the crowd called for a poem by Valencia, and the venerable states- man, stepping out on his balcony, recited some of his most beau- tiful verses. Immediately thereafter his wife sang the same text, accompanied by their daughter on the piano which was next to the window. The story may be apocryphal, but it illustrates certain fundamental psychological traits of the Latin soul. It is for this reason that I have presumed to talk today on Musical Settings of Caribbean Poetry.  19 19 Lilly de Jongh Osborne: GUATEMALAN ARTS AND CRAFTS -A SUMMARY INDIAN CRAFTS have always played an important role in the economy of the countries of Central America, particularly during the pre-Columbian era, when crafts attained a high degree of artistic perfection and were traded along well-worn routes leading back and forth throughout these countries. It is amazing that the Indian crafts have survived as unchanged as they have during the centuries, in spite of all the outside influ- ences to which they have been exposed. However, some of the methods of production have slowly evolutionized, and foreign influences have been incorporated during the process of accul- turation of the worker groups. Indians account for about 55 per cent of the entire population of the republic of Guatemala; there are no fewer than seventy villages where the distinctive indigenous costumes are still used. I. Textiles All these costumes are made by hand by Indian craftsmen, therefore this textile craft is one of the most important. History states that in the pre-Columbian era, when the people reached higher altitudes, they felt the need to cover their bodies against the cold, though in the lower altitudes they also felt the need for 259 Lilly de Jongh Osborne: GUATEMALAN ARTS AND CRAFTS -A SUMMARY INDIAN CRAFTS have always played an important role in the economy of the countries of Central America, particularly during the pre-Columbian era, when crafts attained a high degree of artistic perfection and were traded along well-worn routes leading back and forth throughout these countries. It is amazing that the Indian crafts have survived as unchanged as they have during the centuries, in spite of all the outside influ- ences to which they have been exposed. However, some of the methods of production have slowly evolutionized, and foreign influences have been incorporated during the process of accul- turation of the worker groups. Indians account for about 55 per cent of the entire population of the republic of Guatemala; there are no fewer than seventy villages where the distinctive indigenous costumes are still used. L Textiles All these costumes are made by hand by Indian craftsmen, therefore this textile craft is one of the most important. History states that in the pre-Columbian era, when the people reached higher altitudes, they felt the need to cover their bodies against the cold, though in the lower altitudes they also felt the need for 259 Lilly de Jongh Osborne: GUATEMALAN ARTS AND CRAFTS -A SUMMARY INDIAN CRAFTS have always played an important role in the economy of the countries of Central America, particularly during the pre-Columbian era, when crafts attained a high degree of artistic perfection and were traded along well-worn routes leading back and forth throughout these countries. It is amazing that the Indian crafts have survived as unchanged as they have during the centuries, in spite of all the outside influ- ences to which they have been exposed. However, some of the methods of production have slowly evolutionized, and foreign influences have been incorporated during the process of accul- turation of the worker groups. Indians account for about 55 per cent of the entire population of the republic of Guatemala; there are no fewer than seventy villages where the distinctive indigenous costumes are still used. L Textiles All these costumes are made by hand by Indian craftsmen, therefore this textile craft is one of the most important. History states that in the pre-Columbian era, when the people reached higher altitudes, they felt the need to cover their bodies against the cold, though in the lower altitudes they also felt the need for 259  260 The Caribbean 260 The Caribbean 260 The Caribbean some protection against the bites of noxious insects; then the Indians started to weave textiles from fibers which they found at hand. Until recently, such fiber garments were still used by the inhabitants of the northern forests instead of other woven garments. Cotton replaced fiber weaving in the past and still is the prin- cipal material used for the best textiles. Cotton was and is grown in all the lowlands; in the past, many different colors were grown, but only white and tawny brown have survived. The latter, which the Indians call ixcaco, or cuyuscate, is a favorite for ceremonial textiles. Colors were and are important: red symbolizes the east, yel- low the south, white the north, and black the west. Nevertheless, blue seems to have been a favorite for royalty and ceremonial textiles. Textiles are mentioned as having been an important item in the tribute lists, so why should they not have been an important factor in the economy of the country? Codices show the simple back-strap loom and, in fact, mention a divinity who discovered cotton and started weaving on this kind of loom which is still used in villages where textiles are woven for the personal use of its inhabitants. This loom, which has one end fastened to the rafters of the hut or to a branch of a tree and the other sustained by a thump line around the buttocks of the weaver, is now being superseded by the pre-Jacquard and Jacquard looms, which made their appearances in Guatemala during the early nineteenth century. The ancient and truly ar- tistic designs which distinguish each village are still incorporated in the old method of "pick-up" and "laid-in" with the fingers. It is amusing to watch weavers manipulate expertly the foot looms and rapidly lay in the designs by the old methods. How- ever, I must add that seldom is the foot loom used by women, and they are the ones who almost entirely work their ancient back-strap looms. As with all human beings, the upper classes soon required dis- tinctive clothes. So symbols and designs made their appearance some protection against the bites of noxious insects; then the Indians started to weave textiles from fibers which they found at hand. Until recently, such fiber garments were still used by the inhabitants of the northern forests instead of other woven garments. Cotton replaced fiber weaving in the past and still is the prin- cipal material used for the best textiles. Cotton was and is grown in all the lowlands; in the past, many different colors were grown, but only white and tawny brown have survived. The latter, which the Indians call ixcaco, or cuyuscate, is a favorite for ceremonial textiles. Colors were and are important: red symbolizes the east, yel- low the south, white the north, and black the west. Nevertheless, blue seems to have been a favorite for royalty and ceremonial textiles. Textiles are mentioned as having been an important item in the tribute lists, so why should they not have been an important factor in the economy of the country? Codices show the simple back-strap loom and, in fact, mention a divinity who discovered cotton and started weaving on this kind of loom which is still used in villages where textiles are woven for the personal use of its inhabitants. This loom, which has one end fastened to the rafters of the hut or to a branch of a tree and the other sustained by a thump line around the buttocks of the weaver, is now being superseded by the pre-Jacquard and Jacquard looms, which made their appearances in Guatemala during the early nineteenth century. The ancient and truly ar- tistic designs which distinguish each village are still incorporated in the old method of "pick-up" and "laid-in" with the fingers. It is amusing to watch weavers manipulate expertly the foot looms and rapidly lay in the designs by the old methods. How- ever, I must add that seldom is the foot loom used by women, and they are the ones who almost entirely work their ancient back-strap looms. As with all human beings, the upper classes soon required dis- tinctive clothes. So symbols and designs made their appearance some protection against the bites of noxious insects; then the Indians started to weave textiles from fibers which they found at hand. Until recently, such fiber garments were still used by the inhabitants of the northern forests instead of other woven garments. Cotton replaced fiber weaving in the past and still is the prin- cipal material used for the best textiles. Cotton was and is grown in all the lowlands; in the past, many different colors were grown, but only white and tawny brown have survived. The latter, which the Indians call ixcaco, or cuyuscate, is a favorite for ceremonial textiles. Colors were and are important: red symbolizes the east, yel- low the south, white the north, and black the west. Nevertheless, blue seems to have been a favorite for royalty and ceremonial textiles. Textiles are mentioned as having been an important item in the tribute lists, so why should they not have been an important factor in the economy of the country? Codices show the simple back-strap loom and, in fact, mention a divinity who discovered cotton and started weaving on this kind of loom which is still used in villages where textiles are woven for the personal use of its inhabitants. This loom, which has one end fastened to the rafters of the hut or to a branch of a tree and the other sustained by a thump line around the buttocks of the weaver, is now being superseded by the pre-Jacquard and Jacquard looms, which made their appearances in Guatemala during the early nineteenth century. The ancient and truly ar- tistic designs which distinguish each village are still incorporated in the old method of "pick-up" and "laid-in" with the fingers. It is amusing to watch weavers manipulate expertly the foot looms and rapidly lay in the designs by the old methods. How- ever, I must add that seldom is the foot loom used by women, and they are the ones who almost entirely work their ancient back-strap looms. As with all human beings, the upper classes soon required dis- tinctive clothes. So symbols and designs made their appearance  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 21 on the textiles, and as everything else related to the Indian, mythology played and still plays an important role. There are legends of how the following designs were brought to the notice of the people: Balam Quitzi, the tiger design; Balam Akap, the eagle design; and Majucutaj, the gadflies and wasp designs. These are still seen in many of the village textiles. However, colors combined with the designs distinguish all textiles and the designs. The dyes are garnered from vegetable, animal, and mineral materials at hand: purple, the so-called purpura patula or murex, is extracted from a mollusc gathered on the coasts of Nicaragua and Costa Rica during the tropical spring; this dye is known now as morado criollo. Blue is popular, and is ex- tracted from the indigo plant. Red, from a tiny bug that grew abundantly on the cochineal cacti plants, is now replaced by the color extracted from the Achiote tree-Annato, Bixa Orellana. Brown, which I have already mentioned, comes from the natural cotton. Logwood is widely used for producing yellow. I am mentioning only a few of the principal colors. When William Perkin introduced synthetic dyes commercially, the picture changed, and now very few natural dyes are used. However, when an Indian buys a textile which she herself has not woven, she is very conscious of the colors and designs, and discriminates between the synthetic dyes and the natural colors. As mentioned before, legend plays an important role-though perhaps an unconscious one-in the life of the Indian; so also designs are still carried as symbols on many garments: the double-headed eagle, one head looking for Evil, the other for all that is Good. This is intriguing, as this symbol was used in very ancient times by the Assyrians with the same significance. Today, however, the Indian distinguishes between the double- headed eagle of Emperor Charles V and their own. The Light- ning design is often seen, as are also the Sun symbol and the Moon symbol, showing the predominance of men over women. Flowers and animals are symbols of fertility. Only the outstand- ing designs are mentioned. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 261 on the textiles, and as everything else related to the Indian, mythology played and still plays an important role. There are legends of how the following designs were brought to the notice of the people: Balam Quitzi, the tiger design; Balam Akap, the eagle design; and Majucutaj, the gadflies and wasp designs. These are still seen in many of the village textiles. However, colors combined with the designs distinguish all textiles and the designs. The dyes are garnered from vegetable, animal, and mineral materials at hand: purple, the so-called purpura patula or murex, is extracted from a mollusc gathered on the coasts of Nicaragua and Costa Rica during the tropical spring; this dye is known now as morado criollo. Blue is popular, and is ex- tracted from the indigo plant. Red, from a tiny bug that grew abundantly on the cochineal cacti plants, is now replaced by the color extracted from the Achiote tree-Annato, Bixa Orellana. Brown, which I have already mentioned, comes from the natural cotton. Logwood is widely used for producing yellow. I am mentioning only a few of the principal colors. When William Perkin introduced synthetic dyes commercially, the picture changed, and now very few natural dyes are used. However, when an Indian buys a textile which she herself has not woven, she is very conscious of the colors and designs, and discriminates between the synthetic dyes and the natural colors. As mentioned before, legend plays an important role-though perhaps an unconscious one-in the life of the Indian; so also designs are still carried as symbols on many garments: the double-headed eagle, one head looking for Evil, the other for all that is Good. This is intriguing, as this symbol was used in very ancient times by the Assyrians with the same significance. Today, however, the Indian distinguishes between the double- headed eagle of Emperor Charles V and their own. The Light- ning design is often seen, as are also the Sun symbol and the Moon symbol, showing the predominance of men over women. Flowers and animals are symbols of fertility. Only the outstand- ing designs are mentioned. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 261 on the textiles, and as everything else related to the Indian, mythology played and still plays an important role. There are legends of how the following designs were brought to the notice of the people: Balam Quitzi, the tiger design; Balam Akap, the eagle design; and Majucutaj, the gadflies and wasp designs. These are still seen in many of the village textiles. However, colors combined with the designs distinguish all textiles and the designs. The dyes are garnered from vegetable, animal, and mineral materials at hand: purple, the so-called purpura patula or murex, is extracted from a mollusc gathered on the coasts of Nicaragua and Costa Rica during the tropical spring; this dye is known now as morado criollo. Blue is popular, and is ex- tracted from the indigo plant. Red, from a tiny bug that grew abundantly on the cochineal cacti plants, is now replaced by the color extracted from the Achiote tree-Annato, Bixa Orellana. Brown, which I have already mentioned, comes from the natural cotton. Logwood is widely used for producing yellow. I am mentioning only a few of the principal colors. When William Perkin introduced synthetic dyes commercially, the picture changed, and now very few natural dyes are used. However, when an Indian buys a textile which she herself has not woven, she is very conscious of the colors and designs, and discriminates between the synthetic dyes and the natural colors. As mentioned before, legend plays an important role-though perhaps an unconscious one-in the life of the Indian; so also designs are still carried as symbols on many garments: the double-headed eagle, one head looking for Evil, the other for all that is Good. This is intriguing, as this symbol was used in very ancient times by the Assyrians with the same significance. Today, however, the Indian distinguishes between the double- headed eagle of Emperor Charles V and their own. The Light- ning design is often seen, as are also the Sun symbol and the Moon symbol, showing the predominance of men over women. Flowers and animals are symbols of fertility. Only the outstand- ing designs are mentioned.  262 The Caribbean 262 The Caribbean 262 The Caribbean It is interesting to note how many of the commercial weavings resemble those of the Indians: plain weaving, a plain back- ground remaining after taking out designs put in by finger weav- ing; and tapestry weaving, which is outstanding, as also are the brocade, canvas, and others. The tie-dyed technique-Guate- mala being the only place in this continent where it is achieved -poses a most surprising and fascinating problem to the studies of race relations. The South Pacific islands and East Indian villages know this method of processing the cotton before it is dyed, quite different from the so-called batik, in which the color is blocked out after the textile is woven. This technique is woven on foot looms and must be considered as an important economic factor inside as well as outside the country. Wool from sheep was not known until the Royal Spanish Treasurer, Don Francisco de Castellanos, introduced sheep into the country in 1528, though it was not until 1630 that the Merino sheep made their appearance. However, Merinos have not prospered, but their wool is much appreciated by the In- dians; and they call a textile with only a very few strands of wool a Merino textile. Woolen blankets, in beautifully blended colors and designs, are a trade article inside and outside the country. They are woven mostly on foot looms, but the wool is not processed properly and the blankets are rather heavy. In the last decade, wool rugs have made their appearance, and are popular. Wool rugs and carpets woven on Jacquard looms in several centers are of a superior quality, the wool has been carefully processed, and the designs maintain the typical Guatemalan symbols. These blan- kets, and especially the rugs and carpets, are finding a really large economic market for the country. Silk was not known until the colonial period, when the Span- iards returned from their Eastern expeditions and brought the mulberry tree and the silkworm. The worms prospered in well- known centers, and silk became increasingly popular for the Indian textiles. The silk, known as seda floja, is still a much It is interesting to note how many of the commercial weavings resemble those of the Indians: plain weaving, a plain back- ground remaining after taking out designs put in by finger weav- ing; and tapestry weaving, which is outstanding, as also are the brocade, canvas, and others. The tie-dyed technique-Guate- mala being the only place in this continent where it is achieved -poses a most surprising and fascinating problem to the studies of race relations. The South Pacific islands and East Indian villages know this method of processing the cotton before it is dyed, quite different from the so-called batik, in which the color is blocked out after the textile is woven. This technique is woven on foot looms and must be considered as an important economic factor inside as well as outside the country. Wool from sheep was not known until the Royal Spanish Treasurer, Don Francisco de Castellanos, introduced sheep into the country in 1528, though it was not until 1630 that the Merino sheep made their appearance. However, Merinos have not prospered, but their wool is much appreciated by the In- dians; and they call a textile with only a very few strands of wool a Merino textile. Woolen blankets, in beautifully blended colors and designs, are a trade article inside and outside the country. They are woven mostly on foot looms, but the wool is not processed properly and the blankets are rather heavy. In the last decade, wool rugs have made their appearance, and are popular. Wool rugs and carpets woven on Jacquard looms in several centers are of a superior quality, the wool has been carefully processed, and the designs maintain the typical Guatemalan symbols. These blan- kets, and especially the rugs and carpets, are finding a really large economic market for the country. Silk was not known until the colonial period, when the Span- iards returned from their Eastern expeditions and brought the mulberry tree and the silkworm. The worms prospered in well- known centers, and silk became increasingly popular for the Indian textiles. The silk, known as seda floja, is still a much It is interesting to note how many of the commercial weavings resemble those of the Indians: plain weaving, a plain back- ground remaining after taking out designs put in by finger weav- ing; and tapestry weaving, which is outstanding, as also are the brocade, canvas, and others. The tie-dyed technique-Guate- mala being the only place in this continent where it is achieved -poses a most surprising and fascinating problem to the studies of race relations. The South Pacific islands and East Indian villages know this method of processing the cotton before it is dyed, quite different from the so-called batik, in which the color is blocked out after the textile is woven. This technique is woven on foot looms and must be considered as an important economic factor inside as well as outside the country. Wool from sheep was not known until the Royal Spanish Treasurer, Don Francisco de Castellanos, introduced sheep into the country in 1528, though it was not until 1630 that the Merino sheep made their appearance. However, Merinos have not prospered, but their wool is much appreciated by the In- dians; and they call a textile with only a very few strands of wool a Merino textile. Woolen blankets, in beautifully blended colors and designs, are a trade article inside and outside the country. They are woven mostly on foot looms, but the wool is not processed properly and the blankets are rather heavy. In the last decade, wool rugs have made their appearance, and are popular. Wool rugs and carpets woven on Jacquard looms in several centers are of a superior quality, the wool has been carefully processed, and the designs maintain the typical Guatemalan symbols. These blan- kets, and especially the rugs and carpets, are finding a really large economic market for the country. Silk was not known until the colonial period, when the Span- iards returned from their Eastern expeditions and brought the mulberry tree and the silkworm. The worms prospered in well- known centers, and silk became increasingly popular for the Indian textiles. The silk, known as seda floja, is still a much  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 2b3 sought-after item among the weavers for their own textiles. Since World War II, the real Chinese, or untwisted, silk cannot be found on the markets and the silkworms have died, so the silk formerly used is being replaced by ordinary twisted silk. When in search of a really good old textile, I look for the untwisted silk which trims the designs, and not the other kind, the modern mercerized cotton, which is now getting to be popular. Alas, almost all the old fine hand-woven textiles, and therefore many of the true village costumes, are rapidly becoming a thing of the past; and the Indians are turning to styles of imported costumes, which are neither so artistic or so durable as their own handwoven textiles. They become ladinos-meaning they speak Spanish, forget their own Indian language, and dress in the present-day mode. A true ladino is an individual with part Indian blood and a mixture of other racial influences. The modern cotton textiles woven on foot looms by non- Indian craftsmen are a tourist attraction and have proved their worth inside the country, so that they will be an increasingly important economic factor both for export trade and the coun- try. They are well woven, with attractive designs in the Guate- malan style, and with well-blended colors. II. Ceramics Next to the textile craft, ceramics are of importance and are a great economic factor inside the country. We all use, in our households, the Indian ceramics. It is amusing to watch an Indian cook hustle around a kitchen equipped with electric stove and modern gadgets, having not one but many of these ceramic utensils. The ceramics are molded by hand in villages where the proper clay is handy. Their shapes have not changed one iota during the centuries since the superlatively beautiful pre-Colum- bian ceramics were made by the Mayas. In other highly civi- lized centers in various parts of the country, ceramics have been unearthed. The present-day ceramics follow regional standards; CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 263 sought-after item among the weavers for their own textiles. Since World War II, the real Chinese, or untwisted, silk cannot be found on the markets and the silkworms have died, so the silk formerly used is being replaced by ordinary twisted silk. When in search of a really good old textile, I look for the untwisted silk which trims the designs, and not the other kind, the modern mercerized cotton, which is now getting to be popular. Alas, almost all the old fine hand-woven textiles, and therefore many of the true village costumes, are rapidly becoming a thing of the past; and the Indians are turning to styles of imported costumes, which are neither so artistic or so durable as their own handwoven textiles. They become ladinos-meaning they speak Spanish, forget their own Indian language, and dress in the present-day mode. A true ladino is an individual with part Indian blood and a mixture of other racial influences. The modern cotton textiles woven on foot looms by non- Indian craftsmen are a tourist attraction and have proved their worth inside the country, so that they will be an increasingly important economic factor both for export trade and the coun- try. They are well woven, with attractive designs in the Guate- malan style, and with well-blended colors. II. Ceramics Next to the textile craft, ceramics are of importance and are a great economic factor inside the country. We all use, in our households, the Indian ceramics. It is amusing to watch an Indian cook hustle around a kitchen equipped with electric stove and modern gadgets, having not one but many of these ceramic utensils. The ceramics are molded by hand in villages where the proper clay is handy. Their shapes have not changed one iota during the centuries since the superlatively beautiful pre-Colum- bian ceramics were made by the Mayas. In other highly civi- lized centers in various parts of the country, ceramics have been unearthed. The present-day ceramics follow regional standards; CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 263 sought-after item among the weavers for their own textiles. Since World War II, the real Chinese, or untwisted, silk cannot be found on the markets and the silkworms have died, so the silk formerly used is being replaced by ordinary twisted silk. When in search of a really good old textile, I look for the untwisted silk which trims the designs, and not the other kind, the modern mercerized cotton, which is now getting to be popular. Alas, almost all the old fine hand-woven textiles, and therefore many of the true village costumes, are rapidly becoming a thing of the past; and the Indians are turning to styles of imported costumes, which are neither so artistic or so durable as their own handwoven textiles. They become ladinos-meaning they speak Spanish, forget their own Indian language, and dress in the present-day mode. A true ladino is an individual with part Indian blood and a mixture of other racial influences. The modern cotton textiles woven on foot looms by non- Indian craftsmen are a tourist attraction and have proved their worth inside the country, so that they will be an increasingly important economic factor both for export trade and the coun- try. They are well woven, with attractive designs in the Guate- malan style, and with well-blended colors. II. Ceramics Next to the textile craft, ceramics are of importance and are a great economic factor inside the country. We all use, in our households, the Indian ceramics. It is amusing to watch an Indian cook hustle around a kitchen equipped with electric stove and modern gadgets, having not one but many of these ceramic utensils. The ceramics are molded by hand in villages where the proper clay is handy. Their shapes have not changed one iota during the centuries since the superlatively beautiful pre-Colum- bian ceramics were made by the Mayas. In other highly civi- lized centers in various parts of the country, ceramics have been unearthed. The present-day ceramics follow regional standards;  264 The Caribbean it is easy to distinguish immediately the craft centers from which they come. The prices are ridiculously low considering the hand work, and, I may say, the love which each individual piece represents. We could not get along without the large clay water jars (tinajas), the round clay platters (comales) on which the ubiquitous tortillas are roasted, and the tiny pitchers and dishes of various kinds which the Indian cooks refuse to substitute for modern metal pots and pans, claiming that the flavor of the food is never the same. The potter's wheel, which was introduced in the post-conquest era, is now worked by ladino craftsmen who really turn out beautiful ceramics with a special glaze. Several specialized cen- ters have become famous for this work. The town of Antigua specializes in clay fruit jars in the most amazing true shapes of the fruit and also in the tiny clay figures which appear at Christ- mas to decorate the creiche, which no true household is without, and which in former times was generally used instead of a Christmas tree. These figures are correct in every detail, humans and animals wandering across the countryside in the scene of the Nativity, all placed on the floor of the best room of the house. They constitute an increasingly important economic fac- tor inside the country, and the demand outside increases yearly. These, of course, are made by hand and not by machine. III. Mats Mats are also an important economic factor within the coun- try. This craft is famous. Every household, especially the Indian, has a mat on its floor whereon the owner and his family sleep before a fire. They also use a very thick special mat called tule, which is in demand for walls of the thatched roof huts. The most important part played by the mat in the life of an Indian is as a wrap when he or she dies and is buried. However, now it is considered rather lowly not to be buried in a pine coffin! As with all crafts, special villages are known for their output; 264 The Caribbean 264 The Caribbean it is easy to distinguish immediately the craft centers from which they come. The prices are ridiculously low considering the hand work, and, I may say, the love which each individual piece represents. We could not get along without the large clay water jars (tinajas), the round clay platters (comales) on which the ubiquitous tortillas are roasted, and the tiny pitchers and dishes of various kinds which the Indian cooks refuse to substitute for modern metal pots and pans, claiming that the flavor of the food is never the same. The potter's wheel, which was introduced in the post-conquest era, is now worked by ladino craftsmen who really turn out beautiful ceramics with a special glaze. Several specialized cen- ters have become famous for this work. The town of Antigua specializes in clay fruit jars in the most amazing true shapes of the fruit and also in the tiny clay figures which appear at Christ- mas to decorate the creche, which no true household is without, and which in former times was generally used instead of a Christmas tree. These figures are correct in every detail, humans and animals wandering across the countryside in the scene of the Nativity, all placed on the floor of the best room of the house. They constitute an increasingly important economic fac- tor inside the country, and the demand outside increases yearly. These, of course, are made by hand and not by machine. III. Mats Mats are also an important economic factor within the coun- try. This craft is famous. Every household, especially the Indian, has a mat on its floor whereon the owner and his family sleep before a fire. They also use a very thick special mat called tule, which is in demand for walls of the thatched roof huts. The most important part played by the mat in the life of an Indian is as a wrap when he or she dies and is buried. However, now it is considered rather lowly not to be buried in a pine coffin! As with all crafts, special villages are known for their output; it is easy to distinguish immediately the craft centers from which they come. The prices are ridiculously low considering the hand work, and, I may say, the love which each individual piece represents. We could not get along without the large clay water jars (tinajas), the round clay platters (comales) on which the ubiquitous tortillas are roasted, and the tiny pitchers and dishes of various kinds which the Indian cooks refuse to substitute for modern metal pots and pans, claiming that the flavor of the food is never the same. The potter's wheel, which was introduced in the post-conquest era, is now worked by ladino craftsmen who really turn out beautiful ceramics with a special glaze. Several specialized cen- ters have become famous for this work. The town of Antigua specializes in clay fruit jars in the most amazing true shapes of the fruit and also in the tiny clay figures which appear at Christ- mas to decorate the creche, which no true household is without, and which in former times was generally used instead of a Christmas tree. These figures are correct in every detail, humans and animals wandering across the countryside in the scene of the Nativity, all placed on the floor of the best room of the house. They constitute an increasingly important economic fac- tor inside the country, and the demand outside increases yearly. These, of course, are made by hand and not by machine. III. Mats Mats are also an important economic factor within the coun- try. This craft is famous. Every household, especially the Indian, has a mat on its floor whereon the owner and his family sleep before a fire. They also use a very thick special mat called tule, which is in demand for walls of the thatched roof huts. The most important part played by the mat in the life of an Indian is as a wrap when he or she dies and is buried. However, now it is considered rather lowly not to be buried in a pine coffin! As with all crafts, special villages are known for their output;  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 265 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 265 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 265 that is to say, villages where sedges, reeds, and wild grasses are handy. We use mats of every variety in our own houses. They are useful and artistic, and when one disintegrates all we do is to look around for a merchant from the special village to supply a new one. Speaking of mats brings to mind the Indian raincoat or cape (suyacal), which makes its appearance during the rainy season each year. It is a large capelike covering made of palm leaves interwoven by strands of grasses, and it protects the wearer from rains or tempests when on the march. IV. Baskets Baskets are important for the Indian woman, who nonchalant- ly balances on her head a canasto filled with vegetables and fruit, while on her arm she hangs a canasta filled with other staples. Men always use the canasto, no matter how heavy the load, but disdain to use a canasta with a handle! Baskets are traded at all times at markets and fairs, and during the dry season huge loads appear on the streets of the cities and towns on the backs of the Indians, who rapidly sell their merchandise, since everyone considers them a necessity for the household. They are woven out of all kinds of grasses, leaves, and reeds. The variety is endless. At the present time pretty baskets in many different forms, with and without lids, are appearing on the markets. Baskets, usually woven out of palm leaves and grasses and having colored designs interwoven on both sides-especially the very large ones-have become an important tourist attrac- tion, thereby becoming a visible economic factor in the country. V. Gourds Gourds constitute a craft still extant, but not an economic factor, except in a narrow circle. I mean here gourds from the fruit of the Crescentia Alata, from which round gourds are made, and of the fruit of the Crescentia Cujete, from which the that is to say, villages where sedges, reeds, and wild grasses are handy. We use mats of every variety in our own houses. They are useful and artistic, and when one disintegrates all we do is to look around for a merchant from the special village to supply a new one. Speaking of mats brings to mind the Indian raincoat or cape (suyacal), which makes its appearance during the rainy season each year. It is a large capelike covering made of palm leaves interwoven by strands of grasses, and it protects the wearer from rains or tempests when on the march. IV. Baskets Baskets are important for the Indian woman, who nonchalant- ly balances on her head a canasto filled with vegetables and fruit, while on her arm she hangs a canasta filled with other staples. Men always use the canasto, no matter how heavy the load, but disdain to use a canasta with a handle! Baskets are traded at all times at markets and fairs, and during the dry season huge loads appear on the streets of the cities and towns on the backs of the Indians, who rapidly sell their merchandise, since everyone considers them a necessity for the household. They are woven out of all kinds of grasses, leaves, and reeds. The variety is endless. At the present time pretty baskets in many different forms, with and without lids, are appearing on the markets. Baskets, usually woven out of palm leaves and grasses and having colored designs interwoven on both sides-especially the very large ones-have become an important tourist attrac- tion, thereby becoming a visible economic factor in the country. V. Gourds Gourds constitute a craft still extant, but not an economic factor, except in a narrow circle. I mean here gourds from the fruit of the Crescentia Alata, from which round gourds are made, and of the fruit of the Crescentia Cujete, from which the that is to say, villages where sedges, reeds, and wild grasses are handy. We use mats of every variety in our own houses. They are useful and artistic, and when one disintegrates all we do is to look around for a merchant from the special village to supply a new one. Speaking of mats brings to mind the Indian raincoat or cape (suyacal), which makes its appearance during the rainy season each year. It is a large capelike covering made of palm leaves interwoven by strands of grasses, and it protects the wearer from rains or tempests when on the march. IV. Baskets Baskets are important for the Indian woman, who nonchalant- ly balances on her head a canasto filled with vegetables and fruit, while on her arm she hangs a canasta filled with other staples. Men always use the canasto, no matter how heavy the load, but disdain to use a canasta with a handle! Baskets are traded at all times at markets and fairs, and during the dry season huge loads appear on the streets of the cities and towns on the backs of the Indians, who rapidly sell their merchandise, since everyone considers them a necessity for the household. They are woven out of all kinds of grasses, leaves, and reeds. The variety is endless. At the present time pretty baskets in many different forms, with and without lids, are appearing on the markets. Baskets, usually woven out of palm leaves and grasses and having colored designs interwoven on both sides-especially the very large ones-have become an important tourist attrac- tion, thereby becoming a visible economic factor in the country. V. Gourds Gourds constitute a craft still extant, but not an economic factor, except in a narrow circle. I mean here gourds from the fruit of the Crescentia Alata, from which round gourds are made, and of the fruit of the Crescentia Cujete, from which the  266 The Caribbean 266 The Caribbean 266 The Caribbean cup-shaped gourds are made. These must not be confused with the large gourds which are made out of the fruit of the Cur- cubitacea tree, and which seldom appear in Guatemala. Gourds are used by the lower strata of people all over the country as receptacles to hold food. When cut into halves, or into quarters, they are used as ladles for special staples. Usually the plain un- adorned dried fruit is used, but simple gourds with a black or yellow varnish are decorated with the use of a burin in artistic designs, often symbolic and reminiscent of pre-Columbian figures. The incised gourds are a specialty of the village of Rabinal, where formerly was in vogue the lost color technique, which has vanished for all time. The insect nij is still used for the varnish on the black gourds after they have been submitted to the smoke of a fire of resinous wood. VI. Hats This craft has been taken over almost entirely by ladinos. However, as with the true Indian craft, certain villages continue to specialize in this work. The headgear differs from village to village, particularly the shape and workmanship. Reeds, palm leaves, and grasses are used for large hats worn when one is working in the fields or visiting in certain villages that prescribe regional headgear. Hats are seldom worn by women with their regional costumes, with a few exceptions such as in Todos Santos. Hats are an elegant adjunct to men's costumes for holi- days. I have seen an Indian in town purchasing supplies for his village, wearing three or four hats at one time. The hats are woven or plaited, similar to the Panama hat, but much coarser, and then sewn to the required shape. Felt hats and several varieties of palm-leaf hats are now a large economic item, since mechanical devices have been introduced and sewing machines finish off the strands of palm leaf. However, these can no longer be classed as an Indian craft. Before ending, I would like to mention a few of the smaller crafts, such as paper flowers. One wonders why in countries cup-shaped gourds are made. These must not be confused with the large gourds which are made out of the fruit of the Cur- cubitacea tree, and which seldom appear in Guatemala. Gourds are used by the lower strata of people all over the country as receptacles to hold food. When cut into halves, or into quarters, they are used as ladles for special staples. Usually the plain un- adorned dried fruit is used, but simple gourds with a black or yellow varnish are decorated with the use of a burin in artistic designs, often symbolic and reminiscent of pre-Columbian figures. The incised gourds are a specialty of the village of Rabinal, where formerly was in vogue the lost color technique, which has vanished for all time. The insect nij is still used for the varnish on the black gourds after they have been submitted to the smoke of a fire of resinous wood. VI. Hats This craft has been taken over almost entirely by ladinos. However, as with the true Indian craft, certain villages continue to specialize in this work. The headgear differs from village to village, particularly the shape and workmanship. Reeds, palm leaves, and grasses are used for large hats worn when one is working in the fields or visiting in certain villages that prescribe regional headgear. Hats are seldom worn by women with their regional costumes, with a few exceptions such as in Todos Santos. Hats are an elegant adjunct to men's costumes for holi- days. I have seen an Indian in town purchasing supplies for his village, wearing three or four hats at one time. The hats are woven or plaited, similar to the Panama hat, but much coarser, and then sewn to the required shape. Felt hats and several varieties of palm-leaf hats are now a large economic item, since mechanical devices have been introduced and sewing machines finish off the strands of palm leaf. However, these can no longer be classed as an Indian craft. Before ending, I would like to mention a few of the smaller crafts, such as paper flowers. One wonders why in countries cup-shaped gourds are made. These must not be confused with the large gourds which are made out of the fruit of the Cur- cubitacea tree, and which seldom appear in Guatemala. Gourds are used by the lower strata of people all over the country as receptacles to hold food. When cut into halves, or into quarters, they are used as ladles for special staples. Usually the plain un- adorned dried fruit is used, but simple gourds with a black or yellow varnish are decorated with the use of a burin in artistic designs, often symbolic and reminiscent of pre-Columbian figures. The incised gourds are a specialty of the village of Rabinal, where formerly was in vogue the lost color technique, which has vanished for all time. The insect nij is still used for the varnish on the black gourds after they have been submitted to the smoke of a fire of resinous wood. VI. Hats This craft has been taken over almost entirely by ladinos. However, as with the true Indian craft, certain villages continue to specialize in this work. The headgear differs from village to village, particularly the shape and workmanship. Reeds, palm leaves, and grasses are used for large hats worn when one is working in the fields or visiting in certain villages that prescribe regional headgear. Hats are seldom worn by women with their regional costumes, with a few exceptions such as in Todos Santos. Hats are an elegant adjunct to men's costumes for holi- days. I have seen an Indian in town purchasing supplies for his village, wearing three or four hats at one time. The hats are woven or plaited, similar to the Panama hat, but much coarser, and then sewn to the required shape. Felt hats and several varieties of palm-leaf hats are now a large economic item, since mechanical devices have been introduced and sewing machines finish off the strands of palm leaf. However, these can no longer be classed as an Indian craft. Before ending, I would like to mention a few of the smaller crafts, such as paper flowers. One wonders why in countries  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 267 that abound in the most beautiful varieties of flowers the whole year, paper flowers should make their appearance. Wood carv- ing and leather craft are well developed, especially the latter. The silver craft is negligible. Expert craftsmen manufacture fig- ures in all sizes, dressed in typical Indian costumes. This craft is now taken over by ladinos, and is a very attractive item to tourists. VII. Conclusion Speaking of economic factors in Guatemala, it is very im- portant to consider the society, the very distinctive modes of production, and the ways of life of the communities. Indians living in villages close to one another refuse to acknowledge any- thing which the other produces-not even the language. This idiosyncrasy may be observed on market days. Certain days are designated as market days, when the small merchants arrive with enough of their own crafts or produce to sell for a small sum of money which will last the household for at least a week. These market days constitute a place where friends meet and where they make their weekly attendance at church, even though dur- ing the rest of the week they carry on their inherited village rituals. Rapid transportation by bus, motor, and plane has revolution- ized the true Indian crafts. Good roads have shown the Indian from the far comers of the country the advantage of reaching the big centers where foreign goods are sold and employment is obtainable, thus causing him to neglect the village crafts. This is especially true in Guatemala where the crafts are an important economic factor. Most craft products take long to produce and demand such expert work; so why not spend less time and make more money working in other fields? That is the reasoning of the present generation. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 267 that abound in the most beautiful varieties of flowers the whole year, paper flowers should make their appearance. Wood carv- ing and leather craft are well developed, especially the latter. The silver craft is negligible. Expert craftsmen manufacture fig- ures in all sizes, dressed in typical Indian costumes. This craft is now taken over by ladinos, and is a very attractive item to tourists. VII. Conclusion Speaking of economic factors in Guatemala, it is very im- portant to consider the society, the very distinctive modes of production, and the ways of life of the communities. Indians living in villages close to one another refuse to acknowledge any- thing which the other produces-not even the language. This idiosyncrasy may be observed on market days. Certain days are designated as market days, when the small merchants arrive with enough of their own crafts or produce to sell for a small sum of money which will last the household for at least a week. These market days constitute a place where friends meet and where they make their weekly attendance at church, even though dur- ing the rest of the week they carry on their inherited village rituals. Rapid transportation by bus, motor, and plane has revolution- ized the true Indian crafts. Good roads have shown the Indian from the far corners of the country the advantage of reaching the big centers where foreign goods are sold and employment is obtainable, thus causing him to neglect the village crafts. This is especially true in Guatemala where the crafts are an important economic factor. Most craft products take long to produce and demand such expert work; so why not spend less time and make more money working in other fields? That is the reasoning of the present generation. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 267 that abound in the most beautiful varieties of flowers the whole year, paper flowers should make their appearance. Wood carv- ing and leather craft are well developed, especially the latter. The silver craft is negligible. Expert craftsmen manufacture fig- ures in all sizes, dressed in typical Indian costumes. This craft is now taken over by ladinos, and is a very attractive item to tourists. VII. Conclusion Speaking of economic factors in Guatemala, it is very im- portant to consider the society, the very distinctive modes of production, and the ways of life of the communities. Indians living in villages close to one another refuse to acknowledge any- thing which the other produces-not even the language. This idiosyncrasy may be observed on market days. Certain days are designated as market days, when the small merchants arrive with enough of their own crafts or produce to sell for a small sum of money which will last the household for at least a week. These market days constitute a place where friends meet and where they make their weekly attendance at church, even though dur- ing the rest of the week they carry on their inherited village rituals. Rapid transportation by bus, motor, and plane has revolution- ized the true Indian crafts. Good roads have shown the Indian from the far corners of the country the advantage of reaching the big centers where foreign goods are sold and employment is obtainable, thus causing him to neglect the village crafts. This is especially true in Guatemala where the crafts are an important economic factor. Most craft products take long to produce and demand such expert work; so why not spend less time and make more money working in other fields? That is the reasoning of the present generation.  Roscoe R. Hill: CARIBBEAN ARCHIVALIA TO UNDERSTAND properly the economic problems and situation of the Caribbean countries, recourse must be had to their archivalia. This last word is a neologism in English, but is a perfectly proper noun borrowed from the Dutch. It is used to denote the collection of records, documents, papers, and other materials preserved and administered in an archive, in charge of one who is designated as an archivist. The archivalia of any country, therefore, forms a valuable patrimony which merits most careful preservation, so that it may serve as an important source of information respecting its history and development. All the Caribbean countries have numerous archives in which there are deposited many valuable records dealing with various aspects of the life, activities, and economy of the country and its people. Of the twelve Caribbean republics, ten have a national or general archive; in the other two there are projects under consideration for the establishment of such an institution. Then, in all the countries, there are several additional types of archives, such as those of the various ministries or secretariats of the na- tional government and other governmental agencies, as well as state or provincial, municipal, ecclesiastical, and private archives. Roscoe R. Hill: CARIBBEAN ARCHIVALIA TO UNDERSTAND properly the economic problems and situation of the Caribbean countries, recourse must be had to their archivalia. This last word is a neologism in English, but is a perfectly proper noun borrowed from the Dutch. It is used to denote the collection of records, documents, papers, and other materials preserved and administered in an archive, in charge of one who is designated as an archivist. The archivalia of any country, therefore, forms a valuable patrimony which merits most careful preservation, so that it may serve as an important source of information respecting its history and development. All the Caribbean countries have numerous archives in which there are deposited many valuable records dealing with various aspects of the life, activities, and economy of the country and its people. Of the twelve Caribbean republics, ten have a national or general archive; in the other two there are projects under consideration for the establishment of such an institution. Then, in all the countries, there are several additional types of archives, such as those of the various ministries or secretariats of the na- tional government and other governmental agencies, as well as state or provincial, municipal, ecclesiastical, and private archives. 268 Roscoe R. Hill: CARIBBEAN ARCHIVALIA TO UNDERSTAND properly the economic problems and situation of the Caribbean countries, recourse must be had to their archivalia. This last word is a neologism in English, but is a perfectly proper noun borrowed from the Dutch. It is used to denote the collection of records, documents, papers, and other materials preserved and administered in an archive, in charge of one who is designated as an archivist. The archivalia of any country, therefore, forms a valuable patrimony which merits most careful preservation, so that it may serve as an important source of information respecting its history and development. All the Caribbean countries have numerous archives in which there are deposited many valuable records dealing with various aspects of the life, activities, and economy of the country and its people. Of the twelve Caribbean republics, ten have a national or general archive; in the other two there are projects under consideration for the establishment of such an institution. Then, in all the countries, there are several additional types of archives, such as those of the various ministries or secretariats of the na- tional government and other governmental agencies, as well as state or provincial, municipal, ecclesiastical, and private archives. 268  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 2014 When one considers the archives of any country, the attention is first directed to the national or general archive. The Carib- bean has an interesting group of these archives. They are re- markable from several standpoints: their age, the length of service of the directors, and the value of the records preserved in them. Mexico has the oldest general archive; it was founded in 1823, just after independence was achieved. The National Archive of Cuba is a close second, having been established dur- ing the Spanish colonial regime in 1840. Haiti, Colombia, Hon- duras, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic organized their archives in the nineteenth century, while those of the remaining republics, except Nicaragua and El Salvador, date from various years of the twentieth century. II Long service in the direction of the national archives has been a general rule, in spite of the many changes in the political or- ganization of many of the countries. Captain Joaquin Llaverias, of the National Archive of Cuba, is the dean of Latin American archival services. He entered the archive in 1899 as a clerk, just after the American occupation, and in 1922 became the director, which position he still fills with marked ability and exquisite charm. Professor Joaquin Pardo has been in charge of the General Archive of Guatemala since its reorganization in 1935 and has done valuable work in the formulation of a plan of classification for the archivalia, which is a unique achievement in the labors performed by the various archivists. Juan Antonio Susto, who made extensive investigations regarding the history of his country in the General Archive of the Indies at Sevilla, has been in charge of the National Archive of Panama from 1931 to 1953, when he was succeeded by Ramiro VAzquez. Dr. En- rique Ortega Ricaurte, director of the National Archive of Colombia since 1938, is an outstanding historian of his country and has carried on an important program of publication based CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY When one considers the archives of any country, the atte is first directed to the national or general archive. The C bean has an interesting group of these archives. They a: markable from several standpoints: their age, the leng service of the directors, and the value of the records preserv them. Mexico has the oldest general archive; it was fou in 1823, just after independence was achieved. The Na Archive of Cuba is a close second, having been established ing the Spanish colonial regime in 1840. Haiti, Colombia, duras, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic organized archives in the nineteenth century, while those of the rema republics, except Nicaragua and El Salvador, date from va years of the twentieth century. 269 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 269 ntion When one considers the archives of any country, the attention arib- is first directed to the national or general archive. The Carib- re re- bean has an interesting group of these archives. They are re- th of markable from several standpoints: their age, the length of ,ed in service of the directors, and the value of the records preserved in oded them. Mexico has the oldest general archive; it was founded tional in 1823, just after independence was achieved. The National I dur- Archive of Cuba is a close second, having been established dur- Hon- ing the Spanish colonial regime in 1840. Haiti, Colombia, Hon- their duras, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic organized their ining archives in the nineteenth century, while those of the remaining trious republics, except Nicaragua and El Salvador, date from various years of the twentieth century. II Long service in the direction of the national archives has been a general rule, in spite of the many changes in the political or- ganization of many of the countries. Captain Joaquin Llaverias, of the National Archive of Cuba, is the dean of Latin American archival services. He entered the archive in 1899 as a clerk, just after the American occupation, and in 1922 became the director, which position he still fills with marked ability and exquisite charm. Professor Joaquin Pardo has been in charge of the General Archive of Guatemala since its reorganization in 1935 and has done valuable work in the formulation of a plan of classification for the archivalia, which is a unique achievement in the labors performed by the various archivists. Juan Antonio Susto, who made extensive investigations regarding the history of his country in the General Archive of the Indies at Sevilla, has been in charge of the National Archive of Panama from 1931 to 1953, when he was succeeded by Ramiro Vizquez. Dr. En- rique Ortega Ricaurte, director of the National Archive of Colombia since 1938, is an outstanding historian of his country and has carried on an important program of publication based II Long service in the direction of the national archives has been a general rule, in spite of the many changes in the political or- ganization of many of the countries. Captain Joaquin Llaverias, of the National Archive of Cuba, is the dean of Latin American archival services. He entered the archive in 1899 as a clerk, just after the American occupation, and in 1922 became the director, which position he still fills with marked ability and exquisite charm. Professor Joaquin Pardo has been in charge of the General Archive of Guatemala since its reorganization in 1935 and has done valuable work in the formulation of a plan of classification for the archivalia, which is a unique achievement in the labors performed by the various archivists. Juan Antonio Susto, who made extensive investigations regarding the history of his country in the General Archive of the Indies at Sevilla, has been in charge of the National Archive of Panama from 1931 to 1953, when he was succeeded by Ramiro VAzquez. Dr. En- rique Ortega Ricaurte, director of the National Archive of Colombia since 1938, is an outstanding historian of his country and has carried on an important program of publication based  270 The Caribbean 270 The Caribbean 270 The Caribbean on the archivalia. Dr. Hdctor Garcia Chuecos of Venezuela has directed the varied activities of the General Archive of that country since 1946, and he plays a prominent role in interna- tional archival activities. Dr. Julio Jimnez Rueda, director of the General Archive of Mexico, 1943-1952, made a valuable contribution in connection with the archivalia and continues his interest in historical studies since his retirement from the archive, where he was succeeded by Dr. Jose Romano Muoz. The directors of the national archives of the other republics with the dates of appointment are: Jos6 Coto Conde, Costa Rica, 1948; Lic. Ramon Lugo Lovaton, Dominican Republic, 1949; Fernando G. Carias, Honduras, 1949; and Laurore St.- Juste, Haiti, 1951. These naturally have much less service to their credit, but each is endeavoring to improve the conditions under which the records are preserved, especially with reference to the housing, arrangement, classification, cataloguing, and pub- lication. It is to these leaders in the field of archivology that the investigator can appeal when searching for information from or about the archivalia of the several Caribbean countries. III Perhaps the greatest problem faced by these directors of the national archives is that of the unsatisfactory buildings which have been assigned by the governments for the housing of the archivalia. The general rule has been that any old building is adequate for the old papers. This has resulted in much neglect, confusion, and even loss of important records. It is thus that the directors give much attention to the problem of better quar- ters and urge, without ceasing, the need for suitable housing. Their annual reports to the ministries bear ample evidence of their continued interest in this problem. In this connection, Captain Llaverias of Cuba has been most successful. His great achievement in connection with the centenary of the National on the archivalia. Dr. Hector Garcia Chuecos of Venezuela has directed the varied activities of the General Archive of that country since 1946, and he plays a prominent role in interna- tional archival activities. Dr. Julio Jimnez Rueda, director of the General Archive of Mexico, 1943-1952, made a valuable contribution in connection with the archivalia and continues his interest in historical studies since his retirement from the archive, where he was succeeded by Dr. Jos6 Romano Mufioz. The directors of the national archives of the other republics with the dates of appointment are: Jose Coto Conde, Costa Rica, 1948; Lic. Ramfn Lugo Lovatfn, Dominican Republic, 1949; Fernando G. Carias, Honduras, 1949; and Laurore St.- Juste, Haiti, 1951. These naturally have much less service to their credit, but each is endeavoring to improve the conditions under which the records are preserved, especially with reference to the housing, arrangement, classification, cataloguing, and pub- lication. It is to these leaders in the field of archivology that the investigator can appeal when searching for information from or about the archivalia of the several Caribbean countries. III Perhaps the greatest problem faced by these directors of the national archives is that of the unsatisfactory buildings which have been assigned by the governments for the housing of the archivalia. The general rule has been that any old building is adequate for the old papers. This has resulted in much neglect, confusion, and even loss of important records. It is thus that the directors give much attention to the problem of better quar- ters and urge, without ceasing, the need for suitable housing. Their annual reports to the ministries bear ample evidence of their continued interest in this problem. In this connection, Captain Llaverias of Cuba has been most successful. His great achievement in connection with the centenary of the National on the archivalia. Dr. Hdctor Garcia Chuecos of Venezuela has directed the varied activities of the General Archive of that country since 1946, and he plays a prominent role in interna- tional archival activities. Dr. Julio Jimdnez Rueda, director of the General Archive of Mexico, 1943-1952, made a valuable contribution in connection with the archivalia and continues his interest in historical studies since his retirement from the archive, where he was succeeded by Dr. Jose Romano Muo0z. The directors of the national archives of the other republics with the dates of appointment are: Jose Coto Conde, Costa Rica, 1948; Lic. Ramdn Lugo Lovaton, Dominican Republic, 1949; Fernando G. Carias, Honduras, 1949; and Laurore St.- Juste, Haiti, 1951. These naturally have much less service to their credit, but each is endeavoring to improve the conditions under which the records are preserved, especially with reference to the housing, arrangement, classification, cataloguing, and pub- lication. It is to these leaders in the field of archivology that the investigator can appeal when searching for information from or about the archivalia of the several Caribbean countries. III Perhaps the greatest problem faced by these directors of the national archives is that of the unsatisfactory buildings which have been assigned by the governments for the housing of the archivalia. The general rule has been that any old building is adequate for the old papers. This has resulted in much neglect, confusion, and even loss of important records. It is thus that the directors give much attention to the problem of better quar- ters and urge, without ceasing, the need for suitable housing. Their annual reports to the ministries bear ample evidence of their continued interest in this problem. In this connection, Captain Llaverias of Cuba has been most successful. His great achievement in connection with the centenary of the National  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY L/I Archive was the construction of a modern adequate edifice to house the archivalia, which for years had been deposited in most unsatisfactory places. The new building was dedicated in 1944 and has been considered as a model of its kind. Panama was the first country to construct a building for its archive, but unfortunately much of the space has been devoted to other purposes and the archive has not been able to function in its most efficient manner. The National Archive of Colombia for a number of years has been housed in the modern building of the National Library, but unfortunately the space assigned is inadequate for the proper development and expansion of the archive. In the other countries the motto "Any old building for the old records" is still the general rule, although at the present time attention is being given to the improvement of the physical conditions surrounding the archivalia by the governments of several of the countries-notably Guatemala, where a building is under construction and soon to be completed; Mexico, which also has a new building in progress; Venezuela and the Domini- can Republic, where plans are under consideration for a new structure; and Haiti, where a study is being made of a project for adequate housing. In this connection there is an interesting story from Guate- mala. A number of years ago a magnificent new governmental palace was constructed in Guatemala City to house the presi- dential and ministerial offices. When the time came for the ministries to occupy their new quarters, the then president issued the edict, "No old papers in the new building," and ordered the ministers to destroy all the old records. Professor Pardo, the director of the General Archive, learned of the order and, com- mandeering carts, proceeded to the ministries to salvage the old archivalia. In this move he was successful, and thus saved the records of much of the previous activity of the government. In- cluded were the papers of the Foreign Office, the Treasury, and other departments, except that of Public Instruction which suc- ceeded in destroying the papers before Professor Pardo arrived. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 271 Archive was the construction of a modern adequate edifice to house the archivalia, which for years had been deposited in most unsatisfactory places. The new building was dedicated in 1944 and has been considered as a model of its kind. Panama was the first country to construct a building for its archive, but unfortunately much of the space has been devoted to other purposes and the archive has not been able to function in its most efficient manner. The National Archive of Colombia for a number of years has been housed in the modern building of the National Library, but unfortunately the space assigned is inadequate for the proper development and expansion of the archive. In the other countries the motto "Any old building for the old records" is still the general rule, although at the present time attention is being given to the improvement of the physical conditions surrounding the archivalia by the governments of several of the countries-notably Guatemala, where a building is under construction and soon to be completed; Mexico, which also has a new building in progress; Venezuela and the Domini- can Republic, where plans are under consideration for a new structure; and Haiti, where a study is being made of a project for adequate housing. In this connection there is an interesting story from Guate- mala. A number of years ago a magnificent new governmental palace was constructed in Guatemala City to house the presi- dential and ministerial offices. When the time came for the ministries to occupy their new quarters, the then president issued the edict, "No old papers in the new building," and ordered the ministers to destroy all the old records. Professor Pardo, the director of the General Archive, learned of the order and, com- mandeering carts, proceeded to the ministries to salvage the old archivalia. In this move he was successful, and thus saved the records of much of the previous activity of the government. In- cluded were the papers of the Foreign Office, the Treasury, and other departments, except that of Public Instruction which suc- ceeded in destroying the papers before Professor Pardo arrived. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 271 Archive was the construction of a modern adequate edifice to house the archivalia, which for years had been deposited in most unsatisfactory places. The new building was dedicated in 1944 and has been considered as a model of its kind. Panama was the first country to construct a building for its archive, but unfortunately much of the space has been devoted to other purposes and the archive has not been able to function in its most efficient manner. The National Archive of Colombia for a number of years has been housed in the modern building of the National Library, but unfortunately the space assigned is inadequate for the proper development and expansion of the archive. In the other countries the motto "Any old building for the old records" is still the general rule, although at the present time attention is being given to the improvement of the physical conditions surrounding the archivalia by the governments of several of the countries-notably Guatemala, where a building is under construction and soon to be completed; Mexico, which also has a new building in progress; Venezuela and the Domini- can Republic, where plans are under consideration for a new structure; and Haiti, where a study is being made of a project for adequate housing. In this connection there is an interesting story from Guate- mala. A number of years ago a magnificent new governmental palace was constructed in Guatemala City to house the presi- dential and ministerial offices. When the time came for the ministries to occupy their new quarters, the then president issued the edict, "No old papers in the new building," and ordered the ministers to destroy all the old records. Professor Pardo, the director of the General Archive, learned of the order and, com- mandeering carts, proceeded to the ministries to salvage the old archivalia. In this move he was successful, and thus saved the records of much of the previous activity of the government. In- cluded were the papers of the Foreign Office, the Treasury, and other departments, except that of Public Instruction which suc- ceeded in destroying the papers before Professor Pardo arrived.  272 The Caribbean 272 The Caribbean 272 The Caribbean IV With respect to the national or general archives of the Carib- bean, it may be observed that the basic records are of the colonial period. However, most of them have some records from the national period, but such ministries as Foreign Affairs and War seldom transfer any records, and those which have been deposited in the archive are usually of the earlier years of inde- pendence. Then, in addition, the generally inadequate quarters make it impossible for the directors to receive additional quanti- ties of records. Only the Dominican Republic has a definite program for the transfer from the ministries of records more than five years old. Thus it is that here are found the records of the ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Treasury and Commerce down to 1948. While the archivalia of the other national archives are mainly for the earlier years of independence, in many there are found records of various ministries containing materials pertinent to economic matters. For example, the National Archive of Colom- bia has records of the ministries of Treasury and of Promotion, as well as some from the Customs service; that of Costa Rica has papers of the ministries of Promotion and of Labor, as well as legislative records; Guatemala has many important records from Foreign Affairs and from Treasury, which were secured in the manner described above; the National Archive of Honduras is the depository of all land titles, and is thus an important source of information regarding certain phases of the economic life of the country; and Panama has judicial records down to 1935, as well as papers from the ministries of Treasury and of Promotion. Since most of these papers, as has been indicated, are for earlier periods, they serve mainly for the purpose of back- ground for economic studies. The General Archive of Mexico does not have records of the national period, and likewise the National Archive of Cuba has no papers for the period of the republic. IV With respect to the national or general archives of the Carib- bean, it may be observed that the basic records are of the colonial period. However, most of them have some records from the national period, but such ministries as Foreign Affairs and War seldom transfer any records, and those which have been deposited in the archive are usually of the earlier years of inde- pendence. Then, in addition, the generally inadequate quarters make it impossible for the directors to receive additional quanti- ties of records. Only the Dominican Republic has a definite program for the transfer from the ministries of records more than five years old. Thus it is that here are found the records of the ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Treasury and Commerce down to 1948. While the archivalia of the other national archives are mainly for the earlier years of independence, in many there are found records of various ministries containing materials pertinent to economic matters. For example, the National Archive of Colom- bia has records of the ministries of Treasury and of Promotion, as well as some from the Customs service; that of Costa Rica has papers of the ministries of Promotion and of Labor, as well as legislative records; Guatemala has many important records from Foreign Affairs and from Treasury, which were secured in the manner described above; the National Archive of Honduras is the depository of all land titles, and is thus an important source of information regarding certain phases of the economic life of the country; and Panama has judicial records down to 1935, as well as papers from the ministries of Treasury and of Promotion. Since most of these papers, as has been indicated, are for earlier periods, they serve mainly for the purpose of back- ground for economic studies. The General Archive of Mexico does not have records of the national period, and likewise the National Archive of Cuba has no papers for the period of the republic. IV With respect to the national or general archives of the Carib- bean, it may be observed that the basic records are of the colonial period. However, most of them have some records from the national period, but such ministries as Foreign Affairs and War seldom transfer any records, and those which have been deposited in the archive are usually of the earlier years of inde- pendence. Then, in addition, the generally inadequate quarters make it impossible for the directors to receive additional quanti- ties of records. Only the Dominican Republic has a definite program for the transfer from the ministries of records more than five years old. Thus it is that here are found the records of the ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Treasury and Commerce down to 1948. While the archivalia of the other national archives are mainly for the earlier years of independence, in many there are found records of various ministries containing materials pertinent to economic matters. For example, the National Archive of Colom- bia has records of the ministries of Treasury and of Promotion, as well as some from the Customs service; that of Costa Rica has papers of the ministries of Promotion and of Labor, as well as legislative records; Guatemala has many important records from Foreign Affairs and from Treasury, which were secured in the manner described above; the National Archive of Honduras is the depository of all land titles, and is thus an important source of information regarding certain phases of the economic life of the country; and Panama has judicial records down to 1935, as well as papers from the ministries of Treasury and of Promotion. Since most of these papers, as has been indicated, are for earlier periods, they serve mainly for the purpose of back- ground for economic studies. The General Archive of Mexico does not have records of the national period, and likewise the National Archive of Cuba has no papers for the period of the republic.  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY V Thus it is that for recent economic information, the it gator has to have recourse to the archives of the ministrie other governmental agencies, as well as to other sources. large number of places where materials may be found i illustrated in the case of Mexico. Licenciado Manuel Cs Stampa, in his Archivalia Mexicana (Mexico, 1952), has thirty-one archives in Mexico City alone, with a great more scattered throughout the republic in the various Among those in Mexico City of especial importance for ecot information, there may be mentioned those of the secretari Treasury and Public Credit, Foreign Affairs, and Agrica and Livestock. There are also special archives of Coloni and National Lands; Mines; Petroleum; and Industrial erty; as well as those of the Public Register of Property a the Notaries of the Federal District. Finally, there is the A of the House of Deputies, which deals with the legislative as of the government. These archives have the records pert2 to their various activities, which serve to reveal the facts ir nection with the functions which each agency is design perform. Each of these archives has its own regulations; in general, access may be obtained by the student who is < ing on serious study and investigation. There is no similar work to that of Carrera Stampa fc other countries. However, in each of them the various min and governmental agencies have their individual archives , their records are preserved. The lists may not be as long a of Mexico, but the several phases of governmental activit represented in the archives which have been established. Is be added that often the older records are not too well for, and that may cause some difficulty in securing data. terest. The kind of economic information available in the vs archives depends upon the activities of the parent agency 273 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY V 273 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 273 Thus it is that for recent economic information, the investi- gator has to have recourse to the archives of the ministries and other governmental agencies, as well as to other sources. The large number of places where materials may be found is well illustrated in the case of Mexico. Licenciado Manuel Carrera Stampa, in his Archivalia Mexicana (Mexico, 1952), has listed thirty-one archives in Mexico City alone, with a great many more scattered throughout the republic in the various cities. Among those in Mexico City of especial importance for economic information, there may be mentioned those of the secretariats of Treasury and Public Credit, Foreign Affairs, and Agriculture and Livestock. There are also special archives of Colonization and National Lands; Mines; Petroleum; and Industrial Prop- erty; as well as those of the Public Register of Property and of the Notaries of the Federal District. Finally, there is the Archive of the House of Deputies, which deals with the legislative activity of the government. These archives have the records pertaining to their various activities, which serve to reveal the facts in con- nection with the functions which each agency is designed to perform. Each of these archives has its own regulations; but, in general, access may be obtained by the student who is carry- ing on serious study and investigation. There is no similar work to that of Carrera Stampa for the other countries. However, in each of them the various ministries and governmental agencies have their individual archives where their records are preserved. The lists may not be as long as that of Mexico, but the several phases of governmental activity are represented in the archives which have been established. It may be added that often the older records are not too well cared for, and that may cause some difficulty in securing data of in- terest. The kind of economic information available in the various archives depends upon the activities of the parent agency. In Thus it is that for recent economic information, the investi- gator has to have recourse to the archives of the ministries and other governmental agencies, as well as to other sources. The large number of places where materials may be found is well illustrated in the case of Mexico. Licenciado Manuel Carrera Stampa, in his Archivalia Mexicana (Mexico, 1952), has listed thirty-one archives in Mexico City alone, with a great many more scattered throughout the republic in the various cities. Among those in Mexico City of especial importance for economic information, there may be mentioned those of the secretariats of Treasury and Public Credit, Foreign Affairs, and Agriculture and Livestock. There are also special archives of Colonization and National Lands; Mines; Petroleum; and Industrial Prop- erty; as well as those of the Public Register of Property and of the Notaries of the Federal District. Finally, there is the Archive of the House of Deputies, which deals with the legislative activity of the government. These archives have the records pertaining to their various activities, which serve to reveal the facts in con- nection with the functions which each agency is designed to perform. Each of these archives has its own regulations; but, in general, access may be obtained by the student who is carry- ing on serious study and investigation. There is no similar work to that of Carrera Stampa for the other countries. However, in each of them the various ministries and governmental agencies have their individual archives where their records are preserved. The lists may not be as long as that of Mexico, but the several phases of governmental activity are represented in the archives which have been established. It may be added that often the older records are not too well cared for, and that may cause some difficulty in securing data of in- terest. The kind of economic information available in the various archives depends upon the activities of the parent agency. In  274 The Caribbean general, the title of the agency with some understanding of the functions assigned to it will indicate the classes of information which will be available in its records. It is not possible, in the time allotted, to give here in detail all the types of records to be found among the archivalia in the multitude of archives under consideration. But perhaps a brief indication regarding some of the materials in different archives will be of interest. In an archive of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs there will be found information about foreign loans, railway construction by foreign companies, land nationalization where such a program is under- taken, introduction of foreign capital, and any other economic affairs where relations with other nations are involved. The archive of a Department of Treasury has materials relating to loans, public debt, monetary circulation, taxation, governmental expenditures, customs, and many other matters relating to the fiscal life of the nation. A Ministry of Agriculture deals with land problems and utilization, colonization, irrigation, public lands, and agricultural products such as banana, sugar, coffee, tobacco, and food products, and other items. Where there is a Secretariat of National Economy, it deals largely with mining, petroleum production, and industrial property. A Ministry of Communications and Public Works will afford data regarding railways, shipping, roads, and aviation. Various ministries have statistical sections, and some countries have a special statistical office, and these afford much important information respecting the economic situation of the country. Finally, legal aspects will be reflected in the documents found in the notarial archives, since business transactions are usually recorded in the notarial protocols. This picture, based largely upon the practices of Mexico, is substantially the same in the other republics of the Caribbean. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development has been carrying on studies respecting the economic situation, development, and problems of various countries. The reports of these missions, executed by representatives of the bank in 274 The Caribbean 274 The Caribbean general, the title of the agency with some understanding of the functions assigned to it will indicate the classes of information which will be available in its records. It is not possible, in the time allotted, to give here in detail all the types of records to be found among the archivalia in the multitude of archives under consideration. But perhaps a brief indication regarding some of the materials in different archives will be of interest. In an archive of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs there will be found information about foreign loans, railway construction by foreign companies, land nationalization where such a program is under- taken, introduction of foreign capital, and any other economic affairs where relations with other nations are involved. The archive of a Department of Treasury has materials relating to loans, public debt, monetary circulation, taxation, governmental expenditures, customs, and many other matters relating to the fiscal life of the nation. A Ministry of Agriculture deals with land problems and utilization, colonization, irrigation, public lands, and agricultural products such as banana, sugar, coffee, tobacco, and food products, and other items. Where there is a Secretariat of National Economy, it deals largely with mining, petroleum production, and industrial property. A Ministry of Communications and Public Works will afford data regarding railways, shipping, roads, and aviation. Various ministries have statistical sections, and some countries have a special statistical office, and these afford much important information respecting the economic situation of the country. Finally, legal aspects will be reflected in the documents found in the notarial archives, since business transactions are usually recorded in the notarial protocols. This picture, based largely upon the practices of Mexico, is substantially the same in the other republics of the Caribbean. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development has been carrying on studies respecting the economic situation, development, and problems of various countries. The reports of these missions, executed by representatives of the bank in general, the title of the agency with some understanding of the functions assigned to it will indicate the classes of information which will be available in its records. It is not possible, in the time allotted, to give here in detail all the types of records to be found among the archivalia in the multitude of archives under consideration. But perhaps a brief indication regarding some of the materials in different archives will be of interest. In an archive of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs there will be found information about foreign loans, railway construction by foreign companies, land nationalization where such a program is under- taken, introduction of foreign capital, and any other economic affairs where relations with other nations are involved. The archive of a Department of Treasury has materials relating to loans, public debt, monetary circulation, taxation, governmental expenditures, customs, and many other matters relating to the fiscal life of the nation. A Ministry of Agriculture deals with land problems and utilization, colonization, irrigation, public lands, and agricultural products such as banana, sugar, coffee, tobacco, and food products, and other items. Where there is a Secretariat of National Economy, it deals largely with mining, petroleum production, and industrial property. A Ministry of Communications and Public Works will afford data regarding railways, shipping, roads, and aviation. Various ministries have statistical sections, and some countries have a special statistical office, and these afford much important information respecting the economic situation of the country. Finally, legal aspects will be reflected in the documents found in the notarial archives, since business transactions are usually recorded in the notarial protocols. This picture, based largely upon the practices of Mexico, is substantially the same in the other republics of the Caribbean. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development has been carrying on studies respecting the economic situation, development, and problems of various countries. The reports of these missions, executed by representatives of the bank in  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 275 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 275 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 275 cooperation with those of the Caribbean governments, reveal very clearly the groups of archivalia which are so essential for the analysis and understanding of the existing conditions. For example, in the study on Mexico, in addition to the govern- mental ministries and agencies mentioned above, the report on this country cites materials from many other institutions. In- cluded in these are: Petr6leos Mexicanos; the Banco de Mexico (Department of Economic Studies); the National Ejidal Credit Bank; the National Agricultural and Livestock Bank; the Na- tional Union of Sugar Production; the Nacional Financiera; Granos y Fertilizantes, S. A.; Pemex (the oil company); Com- panla Impulsora de Empresas El6ctricas; and the National Rail- way of Mexico. From this lengthy array of institutions there was derived much of the pertinent information incorporated in the valuable study under the title, The Economic Development of Mexico (published in 1953 by the Johns Hopkins University Press). While in other countries such as Nicaragua, Cuba, Colombia, and Guatemala, where similar studies have been made, the list of institutions of this class is smaller; it may be observed that large amounts of the same kind of information were derived from them. VI Besides the types of institutions mentioned above, in every country there are a large number of private business concerns whose records no doubt contain much data pertinent to the economic life and development of the country. With respect to these archives no study has been made nor is there any avail- able information as to the exact materials which may exist among their papers. No doubt some facts from such records reach the statistical bureaus of the governments. However, in general no use has been made of such records. Finally, mention should be made of the fact that there exists in the National Archives of the United States of America a vast quantity of records, economic in character, dealing with the cooperation with those of the Caribbean governments, reveal very clearly the groups of archivalia which are so essential for the analysis and understanding of the existing conditions. For example, in the study on Mexico, in addition to the govern- mental ministries and agencies mentioned above, the report on this country cites materials from many other institutions. In- cluded in these are: Petr6leos Mexicanos; the Banco de Mixico (Department of Economic Studies) ; the National Ejidal Credit Bank; the National Agricultural and Livestock Bank; the Na- tional Union of Sugar Production; the Narional Financiera; Granos y Fertilizantes, S. A.; Pemex (the oil company); Com- pa5la Impulsora de Empresas Eh6ctricas; and the National Rail- way of Mexico. From this lengthy array of institutions there was derived much of the pertinent information incorporated in the valuable study under the title, The Economic Development of Mexico (published in 1953 by the Johns Hopkins University Press). While in other countries such as Nicaragua, Cuba, Colombia, and Guatemala, where similar studies have been made, the list of institutions of this class is smaller; it may be observed that large amounts of the same kind of information were derived from them. VI Besides the types of institutions mentioned above, in every country there are a large number of private business concerns whose records no doubt contain much data pertinent to the economic life and development of the country. With respect to these archives no study has been made nor is there any avail- able information as to the exact materials which may exist among their papers. No doubt some facts from such records reach the statistical bureaus of the governments. However, in general no use has been made of such records. Finally, mention should be made of the fact that there exists in the National Archives of the United States of America a vast quantity of records, economic in character, dealing with the cooperation with those of the Caribbean governments, reveal very clearly the groups of archivalia which are so essential for the analysis and understanding of the existing conditions. For example, in the study on Mexico, in addition to the govern- mental ministries and agencies mentioned above, the report on this country cites materials from many other institutions. In- cluded in these are: Petrleos Mexicanos; the Banco de Mexico (Department of Economic Studies); the National Ejidal Credit Bank; the National Agricultural and Livestock Bank; the Na- tional Union of Sugar Production; the Nacional Financiera; Granos y Fertilizantes, S. A.; Pemex (the oil company); Com- paiia Impulsora de Empresas Elictricas; and the National Rail- way of Mexico. From this lengthy array of institutions there was derived much of the pertinent information incorporated in the valuable study under the title, The Economic Development of Mexico (published in 1953 by the Johns Hopkins University Press). While in other countries such as Nicaragua, Cuba, Colombia, and Guatemala, where similar studies have been made, the list of institutions of this class is smaller; it may be observed that large amounts of the same kind of information were derived from them. VI Besides the types of institutions mentioned above, in every country there are a large number of private business concerns whose records no doubt contain much data pertinent to the economic life and development of the country. With respect to these archives no study has been made nor is there any avail- able information as to the exact materials which may exist among their papers. No doubt some facts from such records reach the statistical bureaus of the governments. However, in general no use has been made of such records. Finally, mention should be made of the fact that there exists in the National Archives of the United States of America a vast quantity of records, economic in character, dealing with the  276 The Caribbean Caribbean region. Reference is made particularly to the reports from the consular and diplomatic posts which have existed in those countries ever since the achievement of independence, as well as to the records transferred from the consulates to the National Archives in Washington. No attempt is made here to detail the various types of reports and their extent and quantity. It is enough to say that for a full-scale investigation of the eco- nomic resources and possibilities of any of the Caribbean coun- tries, these records should not be neglected. VII To close this brief introduction to the Caribbean economic archivalia it may perhaps be pertinent to refer to some of the subjects which may be investigated even though it may involve something of repetition. Since these countries have always been essentially agricultural, problems connected with the land are basic to the understanding of their economy. Land distribution and utilization, extension of land holdings, irrigation, and land values are subjects of interest. Principal products include sugar, coffee, bananas, tobacco, as well as many food items such as corn and beans. In connection with agricultural production, there is the question of crop financ- ing as well as that of the exportation of numerous items. Also there was the acquisition of extensive land holdings by for- eigners, which, with the growing sense of nationalism, often be- comes a question of debate. Standards of living and the steps taken to improve them are of perennial interest. The general development of the countries during the period of independence offers a wide range of subjects. The introduc- tion of foreign capital in railway construction, mining, shipping, cultivation of tropical products and infant industries, especially from the United States, and the problems involved therein was and still is an important phase of the economy. Government financial operations play an important role in the life of every 276 The Caribbean Caribbean region. Reference is made particularly to the reports from the consular and diplomatic posts which have existed in those countries ever since the achievement of independence, as well as to the records transferred from the consulates to the National Archives in Washington. No attempt is made heere to detail the various types of reports and their extent and quantity. It is enough to say that for a full-scale investigation of the eco- nomic resources and possibilities of any of the Caribbean coun- tries, these records should not be neglected. VII To close this brief introduction to the Caribbean economic archivalia it may perhaps be pertinent to refer to some of the subjects which may be investigated even though it may involve something of repetition. Since these countries have always been essentially agricultural, problems connected with the land are basic to the understanding of their economy. Land distribution and utilization, extension of land holdings, irrigation, and land values are subjects of interest. Principal products include sugar, coffee, bananas, tobacco, as well as many food items such as corn and beans. In connection with agricultural production, there is the question of crop financ- ing as well as that of the exportation of numerous items. Also there was the acquisition of extensive land holdings by for- eigners, which, with the growing sense of nationalism, often be- comes a question of debate. Standards of living and the steps taken to improve them are of perennial interest. The general development of the countries during the period of independence offers a wide range of subjects. The introduc- tion of foreign capital in railway construction, mining, shipping, cultivation of tropical products and infant industries, especially from the United States, and the problems involved therein was and still is an important phase of the economy. Government financial operations play an important role in the life of every 276 The Caribbean Caribbean region. Reference is made particularly to the reports from the consular and diplomatic posts which have existed in those countries ever since the achievement of independence, as well as to the records transferred from the consulates to the National Archives in Washington. No attempt is made here to detail the various types of reports and their extent and quantity. It is enough to say that for a full-scale investigation of the eco- nomic resources and possibilities of any of the Caribbean coun- tries, these records should not be neglected. VII To close this brief introduction to the Caribbean economic archivalia it may perhaps be pertinent to refer to some of the subjects which may be investigated even though it may involve something of repetition. Since these countries have always been essentially agricultural, problems connected with the land are basic to the understanding of their economy. Land distribution and utilization, extension of land holdings, irrigation, and land values are subjects of interest. Principal products include sugar, coffee, bananas, tobacco, as well as many food items such as corn and beans. In connection with agricultural production, there is the question of crop financ- ing as well as that of the exportation of numerous items. Also there was the acquisition of extensive land holdings by for- eigners, which, with the growing sense of nationalism, often be- comes a question of debate. Standards of living and the steps taken to improve them are of perennial interest. The general development of the countries during the period of independence offers a wide range of subjects. The introduc- tion of foreign capital in railway construction, mining, shipping, cultivation of tropical products and infant industries, especially from the United States, and the problems involved therein was and still is an important phase of the economy. Government financial operations play an important role in the life of every  CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 277 CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 277 republic. Foreign loans, defaults, taxation, customs revenues, republic. Foreign loans, defaults, taxation, customs revenues, monetary circulation and other related items serve to reveal the monetary circulation and other related items serve to reveal the economic progress that has been achieved. Finally, although economic progress that has been achieved. Finally, although industrial development has not been rapid, still there are evi- industrial development has not been rapid, still there are evi- dences of the ability of these countries to provide articles neces- dences of the ability of these countries to provide articles neces- sary for their own consumption, and in some cases for export. sary for their own consumption, and in some cases for export. It is believed that this summary survey amply reveals the vast It is believed that this summary survey amply reveals the vast possibilities for research in the economic field among the archi- possibilities for research in the economic field among the archi- valia deposited in the many archives of the twelve Caribbean valia deposited in the many archives of the twelve Caribbean republics. republics. CULTURE AND THE ECONOMY 277 republic. Foreign loans, defaults, taxation, customs revenues, monetary circulation and other related items serve to reveal the economic progress that has been achieved. Finally, although industrial development has not been rapid, still there are evi- dences of the ability of these countries to provide articles neces- sary for their own consumption, and in some cases for export. It is believed that this summary survey amply reveals the vast possibilities for research in the economic field among the archi- valia deposited in the many archives of the twelve Caribbean republics.   Index Index Index [Prepared by Walter A. Payne] [Prepared by Walter A. Payne] [Prepared by Walter A. Payne] AGRnANreftarm, niii-xiv, 80-82, 89, 106, 107 Agerclture,neericultral enineein, 28-34; atgrirtral peaductian, nii-ia; agricultral waekees in Caribbean, 163-164; rap strate, 33-34; draiae, 28, 29-30; in Caribbean, 11 ; in Guateaa, 70, 71, 73-75; an Latin Amrica, xii; irrigatian, 28, 30-31; eceheniza. tioa, 28, 31-33; rlant-weatererela- tianships, 28, 29; soil, 28, 29 Agacta p Loasa, Jaseph de, 242 Alacfi, Rate de, 323 Alca Stcamsthip Caompany, tar., 123-124 Alranmex, S.A, 145-148 Almanca, Mactin Htnriqaat de, 32 Alaumianum ompaay at Atareica, 123-113, 143-148 Alvrez Lleres, Actania, 233 Amriran rrdceration at Ltbar, 166, 171 Anarcho-Syndiralists, Cbt, 165 Angla-Amccican Cacibbean Canm- aisin 11942), 184 Antimoany, 39, 31-33 Archiact, Caribbean, 268-237; arcehi- ealie, defiaed, 218; basicrecrads ace calanial, 233; building peab- lemrt, 270-271; at tracernmental agencict, 373-273; srape for cr- naamicreeach, 276-233 Arciegas, Gerin, 68, 66 Acdtral, Jao, 233, 236, 257 Arba, 122, 132 Asbestos, 46, 50 Asariaila de Tcabajadaccs Latino- amnericanas Sindicalizadas (AT- LAS), 170, 173 Asanrida Silra, JosA, 240, 243, 331, 332, 354 "Artapitta," highwnay in Veaeznela, 13 3-134 Avellaneda, Gertcudis G~tmez de, 240, 243, 232 BALLcAt, Emnilia, 253 Ballet, Attn-Grban, 257 Bananas, nit, ciii, 29, 30, 31, 32, 70 Bank at Gaatemanla, Departmecnt at EconomricResach, 71 Bank, ad Banking, na-ai, cr1ii, 71, 81, t2, 96-97, 193, 207, 211, 274- 275 Barbados, 178, 179 Baunite, 36-38, 39, 43, 43, 46, 133, 175 Ballo, Andes, 243 Bennett, Hank, 39, 33 Blacrk, Hubert de, 234 ahia, 20 Bonchoret, Branneur de, 216 Bcade, Sprillc, 210 Brazil, xii ff. British, Griana, barxite deposits, 36- 37, 38, 43, 123; lakor ad Coma- murnism, 173, 124 British Hondras (Bckize), and Gratemrala, 68; Iakoe organization, Bromftield, Laui, 32 279 ARAntN refocrm, xiii-xiv, 80-82, 89, 106, 107 Agrcurlture, agriculturalceineerin, 28-34; agricultuaal paodrctin, niii-xiv; agriculturl wrher, in Caribbean, 163-164; rop stoage, 33-34; drainage, 28, 29-30; in Carikban, 11; in Guatemrala, 70, 71, 73-75; in Latin Amrera, nit; irrigation, 28, 30-31 ; mcaniza- tian, 28, 31-33; plant-na tee rela- tionaships, 38, 29; sails, 28, 29 Agrto y Loasta, Josephr de, 243 Alacn, Ruie de, 223 Alcoa Steanrahip Comtpanp, Ira., 123-124 Alecmec, S.A., 143-148 Almansa, Martin Heceiqrea de, 220 Aluminm Comapany at Amrca, 132-123, 145-148 Alaez Lleres, Antonio, 232 Amrrecan Feeration at Lakoc, 166, 171 Anarcho-Syndicalists, Cuba, 165 Aaglo-Amreian Caribbean Caoa- misaion (1942), 184 Antimnony, 39, 51-32 Ackives, Caribbean, 208-272; rchfi- ralia, defined, 218; haticreards are colonial, 272; building peak- lemsa, 270-271; at graermental atecies, 273-273; scope for era- nomicreeach, 276-377 Arciniegas, Grn, 66, 66 Aedtanl, Joat, 235, 256, 257 Acts and rafts, see Guatemrala Aruba, 122, 102 Asestos, 46, 50 Atariariflc de Teckajadoes Latino- amrcnsSindializadot (AT- LAS), 170, 173 Atanrifln Silva, Jose, 240, 23, 251, 252, 254 "Autopisa,a Ihighway in Venezrela, Aellaneda, G~erarrdis Gdcmez de, 240, 243, 252 BatLAGA,, Emrilio, 257 Ballet, Alec-Cuan, 257 Bananas, nii, riii, 29, 30, 31, 32, 70 Bank at Guateal, Departmrent at EconomricReseaerch,71 Bank, end Banking, na-nat, witO, 71, 81, 82, 96-97, 193, 207, 211, 274- 273 Barbado, 128, 129 Bauite, 36-38, 39, 42, 43, 46, 122, 175 Ballo, Andes,, 243 Baeett, Hugh, 29, 32 Blackb, Huet de, 254 &Wali, 20 Bouebor, Braer de, 226 Beaden, Sparuille, 210 Brail, ni if. British Gaiara, bauxtec depotits, 36- 37, 38, 43, 122; labor and Cant- mattem, 173, 174 Britsh Honra s (Brlice), and Gatemaela, 68; leoe oranation, Beomfield, Lauis, 32 279 ARARtAN cetform, niit-xia, 80-82, 89, 106, 107 Agriculture,gicultualengieeig, 28-34; agrclrral peodurtion, na-i;agricrltacal worekee, in Caribbean, 163-164; rap storage, 33-34; drainage, 28, 29-30; in Caribhean, 11; in Gucaemla, 20, 71, 73-73; in Latin Ameca, xii; ecrigatin, 28, 30-31; mtecaita- tio, 28, 31-33; plant-teatcecela- tionships, 28, 29, soils, 28, 29 Agurto y Loyas, Joteph de, 242 Alarda, Bait de, 223 Alcoa Stecamskip Comapany, Inc., 12 3-124 Alcomee, S.A., 145-148 Akana, Matic Henriquez de, 222 Aluminaum Comtpany of Amrca, 122-123, 145-l4t Alarec Lleces, Antonio, 232 Amrcan Fedeeation at Labar, 166, 171 Anach-Sydialit, Cuak, 165 Anglo-Amrecan Caribbean Canm- mtitaion 71942), 184 Antimorny, 39, 51-2 Archies, Cribbkean, 268-277; rchfi- ealie, defined, 218; basc recrda are colonial, 222; building peak- lears, 270-271; at govrnmental aecie, 273-275; scope foe era- nomricreearch, 276-277 Acnitegas,Gecrmin, 60,66 Aedivl, Jost, 253, 256, 257 Acts end caft, see Gaemala Arubac, 122, 172 Athesta,, 46, 50 Asrriaridn de Trabajadores Latiro- aerircato Sindiralizadot (AT- LAS), 120, 123 Auacidn Silve, Jto, 240, 243, 251, 252, 254 "Atopit," highway in Veceaela, 13 3-134 Aellaned, Gertradis Gdnmez de, 240, 243, 233 BALLtAGAS, Emnili, 237 Ballet, Afro-Cuhan, 237 Baanas, cii, cIi, 29, 30, 31, 32, Bank at Gatemrala, Depearmnt at EconomrikcRerch,71 Beck, and Banking, na-nat, xviii, 71, 81, 82, 96-97, 193, 207, 211, 274- 275 Baekado,, 178, 179 Baunite, 36-38, 39, 42, 43, 46, 122, 175 Bello, Andrt, 243 Bennett, Hugh, 09, 32 Blanck, Haera de, 254 Baflia, 20 Borborg, Brasner de, 226 Braden, Spruille, 210 Brail, xii if. British Guiana, bauite depotits, 36- 37, 38, 43, 122; labor and Caom- amnism, 133, 104 Britiah Hondras, (Belize), end Gateaa, 68; labor oraenation, 174 Bromfield, Lana, 32 279  Brull, Maiao 255 CALE Tedoo 230 Capital, doetc xvi, 44, 45-46, 43, 97, 92, 93-94, 194-195; f-oreg,, xv,5-7, 10-11, 23-24, 44, 43, 47- 49, 50-51, 58, 97 if., 96-97, 99- 109, 105-104, 107-109 Cais Fernado G., 270 er165-164; and Amria eooi,268-271; bascduca- 203-218; Commun,,,,ism,, 5, 4, 7-9, 19, 12, 153-154; couoplanting, 20-22, 27; crtical inea e sore,15; deoray 6-7, 11-12; demo,,graphy, 171-180; drm and theait, 219-259; eooisiuto,181-182, 205- 218 pasm nryrsucs 24-2; forin capta,5-, 16-11; foretsiy8-20; 22-25;hi ploaion- ti-1, 102 6; ppulstig and 179;aton 17-90; 117c12e per~ capit, 181 tion,. R631 h6 Cives dlc 185ntal 240-258 il distrc194-15 17 tioni, 05-114 257ato f,19 road, aid brig, 12 -35 254 resource, 17-18I; 249p if. sip pitn, 117125 soc.ial condii255 The Caribbean Cement industry, 43, 51 Ceta Aeica, an Guate,8malan- 88-89;itiont 1945d 78; talinc of.,, 82-1nt,8; banszi teriohEcnoy, 191;1d5metic sat- 101-102;omi dvlpmentlcon 92,te 92h ex, 911; forests, 1021; omeitrito unqul trade4, 42,88 51 ealrsore an1, 47,ust55 -1 anAei C,6nt 59,way 41 -3; rvt vesf,,ten, 90O, 61, 62,10 68,s78,9 47;03 egoa prferetia d.vez, Carlod 24h,27,551252; dho it, 48; 51 ,4-9;Ii, Class 229cur, 252;l c~,.l D54- 49; seed alsd pDrama 251-252;te Noa, ,d,, A5hi3- 295 284 22 48-4t, 9 l, 4841 1,4-8 Codice, 49-50z22 Coffexi, xii, 4, 12, 1668f, 7,9 174mi ol,1 coiti e,.xiii drama 256; teter 231-232 em 125;ds i, 48;bold, 4849b nda 15ra15, 16523;Idutia e (80) 166,r 171izton 7112 Natinal 18civ, 19, 55-56 72 sulphr~, pl4dg- 29220 2 Communis, A3,,2 6 f. 13 280 Broil, Marian, 255 CALL, Tedor, 220 Capital, domesttic, xv-i, 44, 45-46, 49, 90, 92, 93-94, 154-195; frin xvi, 5-2, 10-11, 25-24, 44, 45, 47- 48, 57-52, 58, 87 if., 96-32, 99- 170, 103-104, 107-109 Carias, Fernando, G., 270 er,163-164; and American naioalseuity, 3; archival,0 eooi,268-277; badic educa.- tio ,ad the stadard of8 living, 292-218; Communism.,, 3, 4, 7-9, 10, 12, 155-154; conuco plan~ting, 20-22, 27; critical inea e sore,15; democray, 6-7, 11-12; detgraph, 177-189; drama adtheate, 219-239; econoicsittio, 181-182, 205- 218 pasm energy sucs 16-17; foregn capital, 5-7, 17-11; 15-16, 26; housintg andsaiton itreto,6-7; labor and gotv- ermn,151-162; labor oraia 240-258; o~il distrdct, 16-17; tion,, 105-114; population of, 129; reore,17-18;-ships and ship- ping, 117-156. soilcnitions, Ca.ibbean Commissio (1946), 184 Caribean Research Council, 185 Caribe Hilton, Hotel, 194-195 Ca.4illo, J,,1i6,, 246 Carpetier, Alejo, 257 Crrer Stamps, Manuel, 275 Casal, Ju1i6. 4el, 245, 254 Casas Romero, Lutis, 256 Casta6eda, Daniel, 249 if. Castro, Jos6 Agust1in te, 233 The Caribbean Constittion4 of1945, 78; balanc ingst and foregn capital, 88 if., i;88-89;-ivetent ,and foreign, trade,, 87-88;miearsocs ,and inuty 5051 ; Pa-Ameri- vetmenlt, 90, 92, 97-101 passi, ttade plans, xvii COO,-.,, Carlos,, 246, 247, 249 Coa1, 47, 53-54 Coalt, 59, 41 Cdice Rirez-, 225 Coffee, .0, ,,Oi, 61, 62, 68, 20, 99 4drma .and theater, 251-252;em eadsxi, 48; gold, 48-49; 8.41,. dtrama, 229, 250; Industial De- 48; 1.0or oganization, 171-172; 49; musi and poetry, 251-252; Ntional ArchOive, 269, 270, 272; petroleu, 47, 57; platinu, xi 48-49; r.o-salt, 49; steel, 47-48; slphur., 49-50 Cmism, 3, 4, 12, 166 if., 175, 174, 175; Commuist imperial- is,7-8; in, Afro-Caibbeant poetry, 256; in British islands, 153-154, 165 Confedertion, of Latin American Woker (CTAL), 166, 175 Congress of Industrial Organiztions (C80), 166, 171 Cnservtion, 18, 19, 55-56 Cnuc plating, 20-22, 27 Copland4, Aaron, 248 280 Brul, Mariano, 255 CALL,,, Teodoro, 255 Capital, dometic,, xvi, 44, 45-40, 49, 90, 92, 93-94, 194-195; forig, xv,5-7, 10-11, 25-24, 44, 45, 47- 48, 50-51, 58, 87 if., 96-97, 99- 100, 105-104, 107-109 Carias., Fernado G., 270 neintg, 28-34; agricultua wo1 165164 and American eooi,268-277; basc duca4,,,- 202-218; Cmism, 5, 4, 2-9, 20-22, 22; crtica mnealre sore,15; democracy, 6-7, 11-12; demography, 177-180; 4drama and tOeater 219-259; eooisiuto,181-182, 205- 218 pasi; neg rsorcs 16-17; foreign cptal, 5-7, 10-11; forest, 18-20; gegrphiclcain 151626; housingansaitio, intretio, 6-7; labor and go-- ermn,151-162; labor oganiza- tion 163-176; livtock potentia, 25-26; minig antheinerl industry, 35559; music andpoty, 240-258; oil district, 16-17; plnain ytm 22-25; politico- tion, 105-114; population of, 179; roads and bridge, 126-135;se reore,17-18;- ships antd ship- 13 6-148 Caibbea Commission (1946), 184 12rib6ean Resa6c Councl, 185 Caribe Hilton Hotel, 194-195 C2.4illo, Juli8.t, 246 Carpentie, Alejo, 257 Carrera Stamtpa, Manuel, 275 Casal, Juli6. 4el, 245, 254 Casas Romero, Luis, 254 Catnea 0ani1, 248 if. Castro, Jos0 Agustin de, 233 The Caribbean Cmet indutrty, 43, 51 Cosiuto f1945, 78; balance of paymet, 88; banana, xi coffe,iii;Ciomtte f ii- ings and4 foreign capital, 88 ff., trastedwih Mexic,91;forests trade, 87-88;miearsocs and indutrty, 50-51; Pan-Amei- cnHighway, 131-133; ptivate vsmn,101-102; pu~blic i,- vsmn,90, 92, 97-101 passim,, trade plan, xi 1200,-., Carlos, 246, 247, 249 Chom.it, 40, 51 Coal, 47, 53-54 Co.6lt, 39, 41 C,,die Rairez,,,, 225 Coffe, xii, xiii, 61, 62, 68, 70, 99 4dram, and theater, 231-232;em erls i,48; gold, 48-49; 8.4ian dram., 229, 230; Indtriatl De- 48; labor ogaizadto, 111-172; 49; mus,,, and potry, 251-252; National Archive, 269, 270, 272; 48-49; roc-slt, 49; stel, 47-48; suIphur., 49-50 Communis, 3, 4, 12, 166 if., 173, 174, 175; Commist iperil- ism, 7-8; in Afro-Caribbean poety, 256; itn British island, 175; in Caribbean Iaboruios 153-154, 165 C,,federatio, of Lati, Amtrican Workers (CTAL), 166, 125 (CI80), 166, 121 Conser.tion~t, 18, 19, 55-36 C.,ntc, plantting, 29-22, 22 Copland, A.r.., 248  INDEX Copper, 39, 42, 50, 52 Cort116, Hernando4, 220, 225, 228, 229, 225 124; natlional archive, 269, 220, 222; naua birth increase, 170; Pa-meia Highway, 122; pre- fabricated hous1ing, 187; social security, 157 Coto Code Jos,6, 272 Covaruias, Francisc, 222 Crespo, Jose Daniel, 212 Cruz,6 So un nsd a 223, 240, 241-243 Cua Amria capital, 22-24; birthi and theate, 230-221, 222-233; coeper capia (1949), 181; tion, 162-162; manganese, 55; miea esucsad industry, 38-42; music1 an poetry, 252- 258; Naional, Archive, 269, 212; (114111, 122, 172 DAIO Rub6n, 240, 245-246, 254 Delgadillo, Luis, 245 Dmoray, 6-2, 11-12, 63, 64 Diamonds4, 45-46 Diaz Miron, Salvador1, 245 42; forest, 18; hydrolecic en- ergy, 17; income1 per ca9ita (1949), 181; irigaion1, 30; 250,a 255; theater(, audtia, 235, 225, 229-231, 225, 255, 256; ex1- 281 theatrical tradidion, 258;loe classIinfluences,, 225, 255, 254; pre-Colum~bki, 219; puppet8 2324; villancic11, 224, 222, 241, cational meetings, 212, 214-215 Eisenhower, Dwight 1D., 206 Eligio, Francisc, 254 Elzno Jose F., 225 El Salvaddor, bond4 issues, 99; crop 100; lao organizatio, 104; main, health problems, 179-180; P1an- Emerads, 48 Expropiatio, 10, 57, 59, 61, 12, 105-114 Financing, highwa1y fiacig Vene- zuela, 155, 154; housing, Puerto, Fluos6, A3, 2, 249 257 Gold4, 59, 46, 48-49, 50, 51, 52-53, Gonza1ga Urblina, Luis, 246 247-248 (1oo4 Neighbor Plicy, 012 35-36; and4 free enterpise, 58-59; INDEX Copper, 29, 42, 50, 52 Cortes6, Hernando41, 220, 215, 228, 229, 25 174; naional,1 arch6,e, 269, 270, 272; natural1 birth increase, 178; Pa-American Highwa, 132;9pre- security, 157 Coto (1on4, Jose, 270 Cruz,11 Sor 11, 225 Ii d a,23 240, 241-243 and4 theater, 230-231, 232-233; oeper capita (1949), 101; tlion, 165-167; manganese, 55; miealrsoresadlidustrIy, 228; National1 Archive 269, 222; study, 29; sugar, xii, i (1,,,,1,,, 122, 172 DARIO~, Rub66n, 246, 245-246, 254 Delgadillo, Lui, 245 Democrac, 6-2, 11-12, 65, 64 Dimond, 45-46 Diaz MiDn Sador, 245 tal, 25-24; bauxite dep9sits, 37, 42; forests, 18; hydroelecric1en (1949), 181; irrgaio, 30; la6or, 125; se eoucs 17-18; Domigue, Jo,1,, Maia41, 255; auo,222; cacn 250; carp, 235; ,,,trem,,4, 220-234 passim,; 225, 229-231, 255, 255, 256;ex 281 INDEX pre-Clumbian,, 219; pupp9et 229, 235 272; natural,7 birth increase, 178; EDCTIN bai eduatonan the Pan,-American, Highwa~y, 152; pre- b,d1d20-;10internationl6d- secri,d157d,,,;,,17,,,k cationa metns 212, 214-215 Coto1 Code Josd, 272 Eisenhower,,, Dwidght D., 208 Cotton1, xi Eligio, Francisc, 254 Coaruis Frniso 255 Elzno J,,,6 F., 255 Crespo1, Jos6 Daniel, 212 storage, 25; foredgn capital, 99- 240, 241-242 health problem, 179-180; 9Pan- rate1, 177;( Commuism1, 12; drama,1 ties marke, 101 freshwite ve)1getables,xi;in Emerads, 46 9ome per 9apit (1949), 181; Expor-Im1port Bank, xvi4, xvii4i indepndenc, 4; labor organiza- Expropriatio, 10, 57, 59, 81, 82, tion, 165-167; manganese, 55; 38-42; music and poetry, 252- FENNE MARD Josd, 229, 250 258; National1 Arc6hi, 269, 272; el,125, 154; housing, Puerto1 study, 29; sugar, 16, ii Rico, 198; see alIso Capitl and (11agao, 122, 172 Fluorpa, 59, 52, 56 DAR1,IO, Rub6n, 249, 245-246, 254 Foreign, capital, see Capitl Delgadill, Luli, 245 Forests, xiv-, 18-20, 22 Democracy1, 6-2, 11-12, 65, 64 Fuc~hs, Arno, 245, 249 Diamond, 45-46 Diaz Mi,., SaIvador,, 245 GARCIA1 CAT11RLA, Alejandro, 296, Domini epubic, American, capi- 257 tal, 25-24; baux,,ite deposits, 37, Garcia Checs H61ctor, 270 42; forests, 18; hydeecricen Gold, 39, 46, 48-49, 50, 51, 52-53, ergy, 17; income11 per ca98ta 61 (1949), 181, irrigation, 30; (1on11g1 Urblina, Luis, 246 1a6or, 175; sea reource, 17-18; Gonlez,1 Martinez, Enique,, 246, suar xi 247-248 Domiguez1, Josi Maia, 251 Good Neighbor Eddiy, 217 Drama1 and theater, a utk.;s 235; Gorostiza,, Ce,lesino, 226 autos,; 227; cancan, 250; ca,14, Governmen, Caribbean, and de- 250, 255; costumbr4ita plays, 255, 55-56; and, free1enterpris, 58-59; European inlec in Caibbea,, expropdritio, 57, 59; resources1 225, 229-231, 255, 225, 256;ex 281 theatrical tradition,, 258; lower1 lasinfluences,, 225, 225, 254; maint),235-236; segudIla 234; villancico, 224, 227, 241, 242 stadard If living ;in 16, Caridb- cational meeting, 212, 214-215 Eisenhower1, Dwig61 D., 208 El1iodo,, Josh F., 225 El Salvador1, bond1 isus 99; crop, storage, 33; foreig capital, 99- 100; labor organiation, 174; main1 tiesma6k1, 101 Emeralds,, 48 Expropr6ito, 12, 57, 59, 81, 82, 105-114 FERNANDEZ, 59,R52, 56 i 29 3 Fining A7, 245,wa 249nigVee Fluorp59, 46, 48-4, 50,5 5-5 Forei g6 capital 217Cpia G5-l6, 11,46,1 8-49 ,5, 52-53,  282 60-66; stability, 58; taxtion,, 58, 65, 72-73; see also Labor and individua cutre Graphite, 39, 52 (1952), 80-82, 106; agriculture,, 70, 71, 73-75; bananas, 70, 72; 99; budget (1953-1954), 72-73; crmc,263-264; chromite, 51; coffee, 68, 70, 72; Constitution of 1945, 77-79; death rate., 178; disease, 75, 76; ecnm an.d finance, 70-73; educatio, 83-84; export, 72; expropriation, 10, 81, 50-51; GeneraI Arhive, 268, 271, 272; gourd, 265-266; hardwoo.d, 72; hats., 266-267; hospitals, 75; income. per capita, 72, 74-75; In.- dian arts a..d craflts, 759-267; In,- dian dama and theater, 210, 226-227, 229; Indian populion, 69, 22, 71-72, 76; indlgena, 69, 72; industry, 70; labor and Com.- mns,175, 174; la6or legisla- to,79, 82; la.din.,, 70, 76, 265, 264, 266, 267; 1land, 67-68, 73-74, 179; language and illiteracy, 69- 70; lead-zinc deposits, 50;mas 564-265; mortlity, 77; Pan- American Highway, 82, 151; phyiian, 75-76; quetl.1, 71, 75; reommaue,74-84;reocs an et evoluion,67-4;ilve, 74; sugar, 68; textilks, 259-263; pany, 83, 106, 107; Unirit,dy of 0.an Carlos, 76, 85; welfare ad saiaiond, 75-77 Guill6n, Nicolas, 248, 256, 257 GutiOrrez NA)..., Manueld, 245, 254 HAEFFTER, Rodolfo, 245 Hahn,, Reynaldo, 255 The Caribbean Haidi, baute depos.its, 57, 42; death (1949), 181; labor oganizatio, 175; lignite deposits, 42; ntoa archive, 269, 272, 271 Henique. Urefi, Pedro, 225, 240- 241 Hredia, josh Maria (1803.1839), 242, 245, 252 Heredia, 7os Maria (8842-1905), 255 Highwa ystems., developmen..t United St.te, 826-852; Pan.- American, Highwy, 150-155; Venezuela "Autopista," 155-154 National1 Archive., 269, 270, 272; Pan-American Highway, 151-152 Caribbean., 188-190; an.dsai- tion, Caribbea, 182-190; Bditish (1958), 185, 189; Central Amei, 99; governmenalion., Center, 184; mteial, 20, 186- 188, 197; Moddl Houing Board (Puerto, Rico), 887-188; pdivate public authority programs,, 185- Inoe per capita, 72, 881 crafs inGuatmal, 259-267; 1iiiztoni Caribbean,, 3, 4; food su.pply, 17, 27-21; in.dfge.. inGuatemalaI, 69 if., 76, 84; i dama and theater-, 219, 221, 224, 245, 246, 251, 255; in. West 8In- dies, 819-120; Puerto Rico, 61 Industry, and public wor.ks in uet Rico-, 891-199; Guatemala, 70; tion Bootstrap," Puerto Rico., 64; 282 60-66; stability, 58; taxat1ion, 58, 65, 72-75; see also Labor, and Graphite, 39, 52 (1952), 80-82, 106; a.gricultur, 70, 71, 73-75; bananas., 72, 72; 8ank o8 GuatemaI, Departmen of EconomiResearc,71; baskt, 265; birth rate, 177; bon.d issue, 99; budget (1955-1954), 72-73; crmc,262-264; chromit, 51; .ciffee, 69, 77, 72; Cons~titut1ion of 1945, 77-79; death rate, 178; disease, 75, 76; econoy and fiance, 70-75; education., 85-84; eport, 72; expropiation,, 10, 81, 82; foreign invetment in inng 50-51; General1 Archive., 269, 271, 272; gourd, 265-266; hardwoo.d, 72; hats, 266-267; hospitls, 75; inoepe. capita, 72, 74-75; In.- di,,n arts a.d crafts,, 259-267; In.- 226-227, 229; Indian po.puladion, 69, 70, 71-72, 76; indigene,, 69, 70; hndusty, 70; labor .a.d C..m- mns,173, 174; labor legisla- tion., 79, 80; ladin.., 70, 76, 265, 204, 266, 267; land, 67-68, 73-74, 179; langua.ge and illiteracy, 69- 70; lead-dinc deposit, 50;mas 264-265; mor.taity, 77; P.an- America Highwa.y, 82, 898; physiians, 75-76; o..,8..l, 71, 73; reommaue,74-84;reocs 74; su.gar, 68, tex.tiles,, 259-265; tions, 82-85; United PFruit Com.- pan.y, 83, 106, 107; Univerity of0 San Cardo, 76, 83; wel1fare Guillen, Nicod6s, 240, 296, 257 Gut.i0rrez N~i..., Manuel, 245, 254 HAEFFTER, Rodolfo., 245 Hahn., Reynaldo., 255 The Caribbean Haiid,bauitedposit, 37, 42; death (1949), 181; labor organ.ization, 175; lignite depoits, 42; ntoa arcive., 269, 270, 271 Henr.ique. Urefi, Pedro, 225, 240- 241 Hcre.di, josh Maria (1805-1859), 240, 245, 252 Here-dia, Josd Maria (1842-1905), H4ighway syst.e.s, develpment, in. Uited States, 126-150; Pan.- Amer.icn Highwa.y, 150-155; Venezuelan, "Autoist.,' 135-854 National Archive, 269, 270, 272; Pan,-American Highwa.y, 151-152 Housdng, aided self-help housing, Carihbean, 188-190; an.dsai- tion, Caribbean, 182-190; British. (1051), 185, 189; CentrI 184-190 passim; Inter-American. C.nter, 184; materials, 20, 186- 188, 197; Model Hous.ing Board (Puerto Rid.), 187-188; private public authordty p..grams, 185- iICAZA,.FraIcis 259-267 Incm d6pr 6apta 7 , 4 foo.d su.pply, 17, 20-21; indlgena, in Gutemal, 69 if., 76, 84; i dama.. an.d theate, 219, 221, 224, 225-229, 236; in potry an.d msc 245, 246, 251, 255; in West In- dies, 119-120; Puerto. Rico, 61 Industr.y, an.d public works in Puert. Ric., 191-199; G.uatema1a, 70; Latin Americ, xvii-xviii;"Oea tion. Boottrp," Puer.t, Rico, 64; 282 60-66; stability, 58; taxation, 58, 65, 72-75; see also Labor an.d Graphite, 39, 52 Guatemal, Agarian Reform Law. (1952), 00-82, 106; agr-icultur, 70, 71, 73-75; banana, 70, 72; Banh o8 Guatemal, Depa.tmentM 265; birth rte, 177; bond issues, 99; budget (1953-1954), 72-75; crmc,263-264; chromite, 51; coiffee, 68, 70, 72; Cositto of 1945, 77-79; death rate, 178; disease, 25, 76; economty .nd 6innce, 70-73; education 05-84; exot 72; expropriation, 10, 81, 90-51; General Arcive, 269, 271, 272; gou.rd, 265-266; hardwood, 72; 6at, 266-267; hospital, 75; incom percaita, 72, 74-75; In- dian arts a.d craft, 259-267; In- 226-227, 229; Indi,, popultion., 69, 70, 71-72, 76; indgen., 69, 70; industry, 70; 1.6or and Com.- mns,175, 174; lbor legisl,- 6ion. 79, 80; ladin., 70, 76, 263, 204, 266, 267; ladd 67-68, 75-74, 179; Ianguage and dlliteray, 69- 70; led-dzin. deposit, 50; as 264-265; mortaity, 77; Pan,- American Highwa, 82, 131; phyicians, 75-76; quet.aI, 71, 75; reommaue,74-84;reocs and.recent.evolutio, 67-84; si1l-e, 50; social securdty system,, 79-80; 74; sugar., 68; .etil., 259-265; 6ion, 82-IS; Uited Fruit Com.- pay 83, 106, 107; Universty- of Sa. Car.os, 76, 83; welfare an.dsaiaion.,75-77 Guillen, Ni,,16,, 240, 256, 257 Gu.i6,,,. NO),.., Ma..ue, 243, 254 H.....T.., Rod.I0,, 249 Hahn., Reynaldo, 253 The Caribbean Haiti, bauite depoit, 37, 42; death 175; ligite de-poits, 42; ntoa a,,hi-,, 269, 220, 271 Henr..iquez Urefia, Pedr., 223, 240- Here.di,, .se Mard. (1803-1839), 240, 243, 232 Heredia, jos4 Maria (1842-1903), 253 Highwa.y systems,, develo.pment in Unite~d States, 126-130; Pan- American Highway, 130-133; Venezuela. "Autopist," 133-134 174; governmen.t secuitie, 09; National Archiv, 269, 270, 222; Pan.-American. Highway, 131-132 Housing, ,ided seIf-help housing, Caribbean,, 188-190; an.dsai- toCaribbea, 182-190; British West Indian Housindg Conference, (1951), 185, 189; CentraI 188, 197; Moddl Hous.ing Board public authoity programs., 185- 186 Income., pe. capita, 72, 181 catinGuatemalIa, 239-267; ciii ioni Caribbea, 3, 4; food su.pply, 17, 20-21; indlgena, in Gua.temal, 69 if., 76, 84; i drama ...d theate, 219, 221, 224, 225-229, 236; in poety admui, 243, 246, 251, 235; in West In- dies, 119-120; Puerto Ric, 61 Indigen, see Indian Rico, 191-199; GuatemalaI, 70; Latin Amerdica, xvii-xviii; "Opera- tinBootstrp," Puerto Rico, 64;  INDEX (1943), 203, 204 Counci, 184 Inte-American Regonal Organiza- tio 8o Workrs (ORIT), 166, 170, 175-176 Internaional Bank, xv'iii, 82, 207, 211, 274-275 Intrntional Basic Eonoy Cor- Trade Unions, 170, 175 185, 203, 211 InternainlM onetyFud, 207 America2., 82-87 Mexico, and Central America, 87- 104; see also, Cap2ia Iron ore, 38-42, 44-45, 48, 55 JAMAIC, bauxite., 36-38; fertiliy rt,178;foreign capital, 37;Geo- logical Surey Department, 38; Jamaica Governmen Railway, 38 3imenez Brroa, Jos6 Manuel, 253- 234 Jim.6nez Rueda, Julio, 236, 270 163-164; and gvernmn Caribbean, 151-162, 163; an.d Mexian, ositutio, 158-159; labrer, 164-165; Comists in uin,153-154; defined, 152; gains in Latin Amei, xvii-ix indignous labor inGutmaa 71-72; in, Mexca mnealin dustry, 51, 54; in, Puerto, Rico, 283 tin,166, 170, 175-176, 185; legislation. in Gatemal, 77; leg- ilto inLatin America., 157- 161; natur of unint cntrcts bean, 163-176; Peronista, la2br, 170, 172, 174, 175 Ladino,, 70, 76, 263, 264, 266, 267 Land, seAgrarian reform Latin lmeric, agdulr,, xii;ani mald 39, anry 50, ; 54 axi Lbanki1ngd, 246,vi 248a, 252 co nic-tk 25-26aitxi;fihris LI orestsg., 269 270usr, vi Lxv;,. popuatio, xi, 222 rde xi Leap, ,.1.d, R4 ,24 Lecuona Lrnt, 255,27 MLey, Salad, 24, 24, 2525 Livstok, 25-~O,21321 Mlaveria, Joaqi, 252, 233 Mlerena, A,.,,;,a de, 221 MLodpez Varde, T., 2, 2428 Lugo, LoAt.. Ramo, 145138 MANGNES 31-52 40-1,, 6, 50y, ,, 88;ti Jo..10,3, C..25-212; Mtrity gislat ..io, 156~, 879 103;ck,., ilfrd , 2 20-229, 230i, 231i, 23-3;1 m. Aed, 91;el 622., 23 4,- Mendoz5, An36;i de.g,.l, 96- 97;oza Vien ., 250, 258 m,1-5 2; alanceo payment, 269f; ald, 53-54 51mui, 32; Americ,91;ihin, 94,; 95u-96 INDEX se loMining and the. iea (1945), 203, 204 Councl, 184 Pan-Amer.ican, Highwa.y tion of Work..s (ORIT), 166, 170, 173-176 Intrtional,,. Bank, xvii, 82, 207, 211, 274-273 185, 203, 211 Internaional Monetary Fund, 207 Amer)ca, 82-83 Internatia Trade Organization., Mexido and Central Amric, 87- 104; see also Capital Iron ore, 38-42, 44-45, 48, 53 JAMAICA., bauxit, 56-58; fertity, rate, 178;8..,ign capital, 37;Geo- logica1 Survep Deprtmen, 38; Jamaica Government Railway, 58 3im2nez Ber,,o., Jos Ma.nl, 253- 254 Jimenez. Reeds, Julio, 236, 270 LABOR, and agriculturaI morke, 163-164; .and gvernmet Caribbean,, 151-162, 165; and Mxian tontiuio, 158-159; an il eurty yse,16- 157; and ur.ban and industr-ial laborers, 164-165; Communitsi uin,153-154; defined, 152; gains in, Latin Americ, xviii-xix,; indignous labor in Guatemala, 71-72; in, Mexican .mnrli- dustry, 51, 54; )in Fueto ic, 194; intrntional labor organiza- 283 tines., 166, 170, 175-176, 185; leilto nGutemal, 77; leg- ilto inLatin Amer)ca, 157- 156; organizaion. in the Carib- bean, 163-176; Poita 1labor, 170, 172, 174, 173 Ladino,, 70, 06, 263, 264, 266, 267 Land, seAgrarian r0eform mlhusbandry, xiv; are,xi o i idividulity, xii; fisheries, inii laoxii; minerl, - Lead, 39, 50, 54 Lcuon, Ernesto, 255 Ley, Salvado, 246, 248, 232 Livestock, 23-26 LIaverias, Joquin, 269, 278 Llerna ,Cist021 de, 222 Lombar.do Toledano, Vicente, 166 LOpez Velarde, Ramon., 248 Lugo Lovton, Ramn,6, 270 MNGANES, 39, 40-41, 46, 50, 52, Marti, Josh, 040, 243, 254-255 Maternity 1egiltlion, 156, 159 Mauck, Willfred, 215-216 Megia, Fe1ix, 231 Mendive, Rafael, 752, 23 Mendoz, Anton)o de, 221 Mendoz, Vicente T., 250, 258 Mexico, Alcoa plant, 145-138;ani monyp, 51-52; ba1ance of paymnt, 88; coaI, 53-54; Comuitsm, 12; copp, 52;cotto, xii; domeic savings ad forign cpitl, 87 ff., 105; drama and theate, 220-229, 230, 231, 233-237; .,onmicde velop.mentcotrstdwihCentral Amria 91; fishing, xiv; fluo- spar, 32, 56; foreign, capital, 96- 97; forest, xiv; frehwnte vgetables, xiii; Generl Arci, 269 ff.; go14, xii, 51, 52-53; gvrnet ertie, 94, 95-96; -nom ditrito unequal, 88- INDEX seelso Mining and the mineral Inte-American Conerenc on, Prob- lemso 1War and Pea, Mei, (1945), 203, 204 Councl, 184 Inter-A.mican IHighway, 11;se Pa-Ameican High.way Inter-Amrca Regional, Orgiza- tion of Workert (GRIT), 166, 170, 175-176 Itertionalm Bank, xviii, 82, 207, 211, 274-275 Trade Unions, 170, 175 185, 203, 211 International, Monetarny Fun.d, 207 Americ, 82-83 111 Mexico and Central Americ, 87- 104; see also Capital Iron or, 38-42, 44-45, 48, 53 JAMAICA., bauxit, 50-58; fertility rae,?8;l..,ig. capital, 37;Geo- logdia Surve-y Departmen, 38; Jama)ca Gvermen Railway, 38 Jim,6nez Ber.o., Jos Manuel., 233- 254 Jim.6nez Rue.da, Julio, 236, 270 LABOR, ,and agricultrl workers, 163-164; and government8 Caibbea, 151-162, 165; and Mexican ositutlio, 138-159; and socilmcuidytm, 156- 157; an.d urban and industria laborers, 164-165; Communitsi uin,153-154; defind, 132; indignou labor in Guateml, 71-72; in. Mexian inralin dusty, 51, 54; in Puerto Rdc, 283 tion, 166, 179, 175-17, 185; legisltion., in CGua.emaI, 77; leg- ilto nLadin America,, 157- 156; oganizatdion in the Carib- bean, 163-176; Feonst labo, 170, 172, 174, 175 Ladino,, 70, 76, 263, 264, 266, 267 Land, see Agrarian reform Latin Ameic, agricultur, xii;ai baing, xv-vi cimtexi;co xviii; labor , .0; ,minrl, vn; populatio, xi, xi4; trade, xi Lead, 39, 50, 54 Lecuona,., Enet, 255 Ley, SaIvador., 246, 248, 252 Livestok, 25-26 Llaveia, Joagqi, 269, 278 Li.,.,,. C.2st22lde, 222 Lombardo Toledano, Vicete, 166 L~p.. Velard, Ram0n, 248 Lugo, Loa6, Ramon., 270 MNGNES, 39, 40-41, 46, 50, 52, 55-56 Marti), 3osh, 240, 243, 254-2355 Maternity legiltion, 156, 159 Mauck, Willfrd, 215-216 Megia, P61ix, 251 Mendive, Rafae, 252, 253 Mendoza,, Vicente T., 250, 238 Mexico, Alcoa plant, 145-138; ani- mony, 51-52; balanc of payments,, 88; coaI, 53-54; Commnis, 12; copper, 52; cotto, xiii; domesti sain.gs and foreign, capita, 87 if., 103; 0drama and theate, 220-229, 230, 231, 233-237; econmic e spar, 52, 56; foreign capitaI, 96- 91; forests, xiv; fresh w.inter 269 if.; gold, xii, 51, 52-53; governmnt ecuitie, 94, 95-96; icm'ditibution uqul, 88-  per cpita, (1949), 181; noe rel(1940-1951), 91-92; net men ad foregntrad, 87008 158-159; laori mnra6 nd, to,168-170; land reform, 89 luion,, 7, 168, 170; ieas v mui n oty 241-249, 244, ivsmn,90, 96-97, 102-192; Milanes~, Jos6 Jacint, 292, 257 Mining7 and the minerl idusry Monroe,, Doctrine, and4 Caribbean, Munoz,, Mari,,, Luis, 69 ff., 188, 196 Munoz, Rivera,, Luis, 61-62 Music and poetry, 240-298; seeals 275 Naioa CgrainBank,,, 4;atmal,, Naaro 230,ci24, 234; Nero Africa 242f, 255-258 Ric, 61 Aro-uba 248 e,25; n aboli,, ,itio , 99-100ey;i gUid2 The Caribbean 52 Nickel, 38-40 Novato,y Auguste, Ad250 ,21 Nov, alvador 7149,206 25 O16, Andrhs d, 269 21,2; Illteac AAm4,,ong,, 004t, 1 Charer, ,,,ot 2698) 271 205 Ortega, Rhicut, 254qe,26 Ortizde,, Montellan, 29nad, 3 PALES, Maro, Luis, 296,25 Panam, gol,,d, 50 labororgai249 68o, 69,74;mnaee50N- Pt,,inal, 39ci, 4269-, 401, 7; 121am 122 , 2, 3 Pastorb,, Rafael,, 251-9 Perez, MBonald, 246, 247,o05, 259 8, 16, 21,224 0 Perileu, 639,4,4-4 7 7 121b,,, 87;L1t22 A,,i, 284 pe aia(1949), 161;inoe rel(1940-1991), 91-92;inet meet an foreign, trade, 62-80; irnoe93; iriain 90; labor, 156-139; labor, in, mea ids 167, 51, 34; 1labor organiza- to,168-170; 1land reform,,, 89; man,,ganese, 95-56; mauatuig lution,, 7, 168, 1170;mieasxv and4 poetr8,y, 241-243, 244, 246257; Pan,,-American,, Highway, 131; petroleum, x,,-, 51; public vsmn,90, 96-97, 102-103; racig i;Rockefeller Foun,- M4ilan,,s, J,,,6 Jacinto,, 252, 259 35-59; see also individualoun M4,jica, J7,s6, 248 inevnin 6 Morales,, Melesio, 244 M4,,6,z 54,i,,, Luis, 60 if., 188, 196 Mu,,iz Rivera, Luis, 61-62 Music and poetry, 240-258; seas 275 81 61; Afro,-Cuban, 6,0let, 297; and zatio inCaribbean, 3, 4; food, theater,, 230, 232, 234; in usi and poetriy, 242, 255-258;slv trae i West Indies, 120 Ner,,, Amado,, 248 foreign, capitlI, 99-100; gold, 52; The Caribbean Nhike, 38-40 Novato,, Auguste, 250 Novo,, Salvador, 236 0,,,,,, Andres de, 221 Illiteray Amon,,g Adults,, 212 Charte, Bogota1 (1948), 204-205, 207, 209 Ortega Rh-,-,,,,8, Enrique,, 269 PALES, MAT,,,s, Luis, 256, 258 to,174; magnee 30; Na- tional,, Arcbive,, 269, 271, 772; Pan,-Amer,,ican, Highwa6y, 132 Panama,, Canal,,, 121, 139 Pan,-American,, Highway, 130-133; FPan American, Unih-n, 184 Pastor,, Rafael, 754 Pendleton,, Robert, L., 29 P6,rez, Lza,,,,, Maria, 230 P6rez Bonal,,de, Juan, Anton,,io, 243 68, 69, 74 Petroleum,,, 39, 47, 43-44, 47, 57, 171, 122 Plnain ytm 22-25 Platinum,,, 39, 48-49 Pombo6,, Rafael1, 251-252 Ponce,, Manuel,,, 246, 247, 251, 255 Ponce,, de L,6,n, Juan,, 60 Popol Vuh, 289, 226-27 Rico,, 63 Caribbean, 179; Latin, Amec,,, 284 pe capita (1949), 181; noe rel(1947-1931), 91-92; net men an foreigntrad, 87-00; irnoe 3 iriain 30;1labor tio, 168-170; land reform,, 89; lution,, 7,168, 170; ieas v music an,-d poetry,, 241-245, 244, 246-291; Pan-American,, Highw,,, 131; petrleu, 51; publi- ivsmn,97, 96-97, 102-103; 51, 56; steel, 53 M4ila,6s, 2os4 Jacinto,, 252, 253 35-59; see, also individualcon M4,ji-a, J,,s6, 248 Morales,, MeIesio,, 244 M,,noz, 54,,i,, Luis, 60 if., 188, 196 ff. 275 National Agarian8,Bank,0,Guateml, Navarro,, Francisco,, 237 61; Afro,-Cu7,ban, baIlet, 257; and States,, 213; and labor, 179; civili- supply, 17, 21 ; in drm and theater, 230, 292, 234; i ui and poetr1,y, 242, 255-758;slv trae i West Indies, 120 Nerve,, Ar,,ade, 248 foreign capital, 99-100; gol1d, 52; The Caribbean Nickel1, 38-40 Novaro,,, August, 290 0,,,,,, Andr6s de, 228 Ilit;eracy Amon,,g Adults, 212 207, 279 Oreg Ricaurt,1,, Eniqe 269 0rtiz de M4ntellano,, Bernardo,, 736 PALES, MA,,,,,, L,,i,, 236, 358 tinlArchiv, 269, 271, 272; Panama, Canal,, 121, 133 Pa-meia Highwa~y, 130-133; Pardo,, Joaquin,, 269, 271 Pastor,, Rff6867, 254 Pendleton,, Robert L., 29 P6rez, Lazaro Maria,, 232 P6rez Bonalde, J,,,, Antoni, 243 68, 69, 74 Petroleum,,, 39, 42, 43-44, 47, 57, 171, 122 Plantation system,, 22-25 Platinum,,, 29, 48-49 Point0,Four, xiii, 8, 18, 11, 112, 287 Pombo6,, RafaeI, 251-252 Ponce,, Manuel,,, 246, 247, 251, 255 Pone d Le6,,, Juan,, 60 Popol Vuh6, 219, 226-227 Rico,, 65  INDEX Power, 16-17, 196 Prieto, Guillermo, 243 Producivity, 1444 productivity an4 "aies"182 Public, 6ealt6, 75-77, 236 188-189; Amer4ican capitl, 23-24; autonomy,4, 9; birth rate, 178; bridge proe, 134; cementlindus- try, 43, 188; coffee, 61, 62; Commowealt of8 Puerto Ric,, 65, 66; consitution, (1952), 60, 65; 4eath6rate, 178; Development Bank,, 199; 4drama and theater, 272; gold, 61; income4,naial 181; income,,, wag-earner, 64; come44 per capita (1949), 181; Ind4ian, 61; industry and public works6, 191-199; infant mortality, 179; labor or4ganiio, 170-171; Model Housin~g Board, 188; 4444- 4n eomic emerence 191-193; Ngro,, 61; publichousing pIans, 184, 185, 197-198; Puerto, Rico, PIlanning Board4, 195, 196, 197; resorc 4 andgoernen, 60-66; 4aittinmesue, 186; Socia Programmes~, Adm4iistration,, 189; sua, 62;4tubeculois deah ra, 180; Water Resources,,, Authoity, 196; women4 in44verme1, 66 Q4ETZAL, 71, 73 REMNKent . 107 Revuetas,, Silvestro, 243, 248 if., 257 Riva Palacio,, Vicente~, 236, 243 fofelle, Fondtin x ,iv, 33 Rock-saldt, 49 R,,144,, Amadeo~,, 236 if. Romano 98u,0oz, Joh 270 231 ; in oetynmuic,4, 2468, Roosevel, Franklin 0., 214 Roosevelt1, Theodore,, 6 Ros, de Ohlano, Antonio, 234 Ruiz, Cots Addlfo, 181 Rum,, industry, 120 ST,.-JUSTE,,, Laroe 270 285 INDEX Salhazar, Antonio 4de, 242 286, 248, 234, 233 Sandi, Luis, 271 Sanitat1ion, and housing, 182-190 9an14 Dom,,ingo, 219, 222 9,,,,,,d,,, Alice, 253 86el 0il Com,,pany,, 172 Ships and, shipping, 16-17, 42, 43, 33; 6istor4 o8 Caribbean shipping, 117-121; 1im7441a4ce of shipping to Caribbea, 121-124; probIlems, 124-123; Puerto1, Rico,, 194 Sigatoka, disease, 32-33 Silve, 39, 50, 51, 32, 36 Soc4ial security systems, 79-80, 156- 157 Soils, 28, 29, 68 Spanish-Amer4,ican War,, 61 914e1, 47-48, 53 Sugar, xii, xiii, 22-23, 26-27, 29, 62, 68, 119, 124, 173, 191, 194 Sulphur, 49-38, 36-37 Surinam,,, bauxite deposis, 36-37, 38, 43, 122-123 Talavera, Mario,, 248 Taniev,, Serge, 253 Theat,er,, seamad t644a4,, Tomas,, Guillermo 98., 234 Torres,4 8o4e1, Jaime, 218 Torres, Tor4ija, Manuel0, 233 Tourism,,, 26, 123-128, 130-131, 198- 195, 263, 263 Trade, xvi-xvii, 10, 138-141, 141-145 Transportat,,io, 15-16, 17, 98 Trinidad, 43 UNITED,, Fruit Copay 18, 83, 106, United4 Mine~ Wokr 41 Americ, United Natlions,, 4iv, 103-106 if., 178, 205, 209, 210, 211, 213 Prieto, Guillermo,, 243 Product1ivity, low4 productiv4ity 444 Public, health, 73-77, 236 Puerto4, Rico,, aided self-help housing, 188-189; American, capital1, 23-24; autonomy1, 4, 9;6birth4rat, 178; bridge project, 134; cement indus- try, 43, 188; coffee,, 61, 62; Commonwealth14 48 Puerto~, Ric,, 63, 66; const46,itutio (1932), 68, 63; d4416 1414, 178; Deve1lopment Bank,, 193; drama4 a44 4644144, 232; gold, 61; incom, naioal 1811 i44444, wagef-earner, 64; in44,44 per capita (1949), 181; 1In4ian,, 61(44nd11tr 444 public ,,orks,6, 191-199; infant,, mortality, Model Hous4ing 84444, 188; mod- 44444444,444emergenc4, 191-193; Negro,, 61; public6,housing phans, 184, 183, 197-198; Purt Rico, Planning 84444, 193, 196, 197; 44144444 444 g4444444444, 60-66; santaton 4easre, 186; Soial1 P4444444444 Administration, 189; sua,62; tubercu,,,losis death4 rate, 187; Wat4er, Resources,, Authorityh, 196; women4 in 4444444m44t, 66 R,4,,444, RKenneth H., 102 Revueltas,, Silvestre, 243, 248 ff., 237 Ri,,, Palacio, Vicente4, 236, 243 Roberts1, Lydia J., 178 Rockefeller Foun,,ation,, xiv, 33 R,,,k-s,,14, 49 Rold46n, Amad,44o, 256 if. Romano4 Mu464z, Josh, 270 231 ; in, poetry and music, 246 Roosevelt, Franklin1, 0., 214 Roosevelt, Theodore4, 6 R,,i,, Cortines,, Adolfo, 181 R444 industry, 128 ST,.-J4,STE, Laurore,,,, 270 285 INDEX Salazar, Anoi 4e, 242 044444, 16-17, 196 944 C4414os Summ444 School, 0ua44- 0r44to, OGuillermo4, 243 44d4, 83-84 Prod44t6vity,14ow productivity an Sanchez, de Funts Eduardo4,, 243- "lainess," 182 246, 248, 239, 233 Public 64466h, 75-77, 236 Sandi, Luis, 231 Purt Rico, 41444 self-help housing, Sanitation, an housig, 182-190 188-189; American capitl,,, 23-24; 94414 Dom4ingo, 219, 222 441444444, 4, 9; 6irth r414, 178; Sas~, Andr,,s, 230 604dg4 projec, 134; 4444449 indus1- 8,,,,44814, Alce 233 t44, 43, 188; 44ff4e, 61, 62; She11 Oil ompany, 172 C4444444444414 48 Puerto Ric,,, Ships and4 shipping, 16-17, 42, 43, 63, 66; constitution (1952), 60, 33; 66144448 01664 Caibalhipping, 65;deat 193; , 41444 Deve4l1641444 117-121; im4portance o1 shipping 132;, 91,; drama44, the(4te1, 44 04416644,,, 121-124; problems, 282; gold, 4444444444, 64;oal 124-123; 044144 Rico,, 19418;icmwg-anr64 Sigatka diease,32-334444m pe4 capita (1949), 181; Sivr 39, 30, 31, 32,35644411919;i8,,94141, 4,,,i41 44414141444, 7988, 56-179; 14644 orgiztioni4, 170-171; 157 98440 Housing 84444, 188; mod- Soils, 28, 29, 68 n4 econom4ic emergence4, 191-193; Spanish-American, War1, 61 Negro,, 61; public, housing p1ans, Stee, 47-48,353 184, 183, 197-198; 044444 Rico4 Sugar,, xii, xiii, 22-25, 26-27, 29, 62, Planning Board,,, 193, 196, 197; 68, 119, 120, 173, 191, 194 141441441 444 04444444441, 60-66; Sulphur, 49-30, 36-50 sanitation 444414441, 186; Social 4u04n44, 644464e deposits, 36-37, 38, 044o4444444 Adm4inistration, 189; 43, 122-123 14444, 62; 446414414si1 d4416 r444, S4144, Juan Antonio,, 269 180; Water Resources Authority, 196; wo4444 14 44441444441, 66 TABLADA,,, Josh1 3444, 231 Talavera4, 9844;,, 248 QUETZAL,4, 71, 73 Taniev,, 84444, 253 Theater4, see 044444 and 1641te1 RE44444, ff44406 H., 107 T4,m4s, 0illermo4, 98., 234 ff444411,,, 91441144e, 293, 248 if., 237 Toriello, 0ui0lermo, 106 Riva4 Palaci,, Vicente4, 236, 243 Torres4 84441, 3a444, 210 ffob6rts, Lydia J., 178 Torres1 Torija, Ma44el, 230 fofel48er Foundation, x v 33 Tourism, 26, 123-124, 130-131, 194- ff446446t, 49 193, 263, 265 R,,144in, Amad,4o, 236 if. Transportation, 15-16, 17, 98 ff4444440144, in 444441 and, 1644141, Triida, 43 231 ;in poetry and mu41i4, 246 Roosevelt4, Franklin D., 214 04,444 0444t Company, 18, 83, 186, ff44144411, Theodore,,, 6 107 ffs de Ohano, Antonio, 234 4U41444 Mine4 Workers of America4, Ruiz Cortices, Adolf, 181 166 ff44 144440r, 120 Un41444 Nationsl, xiv, 105-106 if., 178, 205, 209, 210, 21;, 243 ST USE Laurore, 278 285 44411, 83-84 S6,nchez, de 0444441, 0444444, 243- 246, 248, 234, 255 44441, Luis, 221 4441,, Domingo,, 219, 222 441, Ande, 230 4,,,,,,,i,,,, Alice, 253 9640l Oil om4pany, 172 Ships 444 shipping, 16-17, 42, 43, 117-121; im4portance 48 shippingf 44 04ri6b414, 121-124; prolems1, 124-123; 044414 Rico,, 194 9i444464 diseas, 32-33 911v41, 39, 30, 51, 52, 56 Social security 14144441, 79-80, 156- Soi1s, 28, 29, 68 Spanish-American4 War,, 61 44141, 47-48, 53 Sugrxi, xiii, 22-25, 26-27, 29, 62, 68, 119, 120, 173, 191, 194 9417644, 49-30, 56-37 Surinam,6444xite deposits, 96-37, 38, 83, 122-123 44444, J444 Anton,,io, 269 TABLADA, 3416 3444, 251 Talavera,, Mar,,io, 248 Taniev,, 44494, 253 Tom,4s, Guillermo 98., 254 Toriel1lo, 0411144444, 106 Torres 84441, Ja444, 210 Torres4 Torija, 9844441, 230 Tourism1,, 26, 123-124, 130-131, 194- 193, 263, 263 Transportatio, 15-16, 17, 98 Trinidad,, 43 UNITED4Fruit om4pany, 18, 83, 106, 107 United 98144 Workers, of Americ,, United4 Nations,, 414, 105-106 if., 178, 203, 209, 210, 211, 215  286 sinfo ainAe i, ; 76te ta, 83 omuimi ublic Road~, 19-13, 243,; 231, Pance ) 243ram, 252,xii, 1 tra,,de, wit 251nAer, 52 Usigli~, Rdolfo,, 269 (Piid) 243-46 252 The Caribbean Archive, 270, 222; income per capita (1949), 281; Indian drama,, and thatr 229; io rxi 172-173; magnee 46;mau lem ix,43-44, 37, 99, 121; pation,, 43-46 VI,,16,,, Albert, 234 V)ilarrutia, Xavier, 249 Virgin Islan~ds, 184, 183-186 Vogt, William,, 32 WILAS Eric, 189 World Bank, 202 World Healt1h Organizatlion,, 179, 183, 211 Wythe,, George, x, i, xi vi Z;inc, 39, 39, 34-53 Zubeldia, Emana,, de, 230 286 sion fo Latin Americak,, 98 the Caiben 7-12; Bureau,, of8 Public Roads, 129-130, 131;ex pansion, of highwa ystem, 126- anepormxi,Mxii, 11; trad withhLatin America,. xv- Univerity of8 9San CarIlo, of Guat- 2aa 6, 83 Uribe,-Holguin, Guillermo, 243, 231, 232 Usigi), Rodolfo,, 231 VA-a-UENA, Bernar,,do de,, 213 (P1164,,), 243, 232 Valencia6, Gu,)ilermo, 231, 292 argas, Teaa Luis, 229 Vegetables, Cuba, Mexico,,iii V133-134;d, ,baxte est, 46; coapl,, The Caribbean Archive,, 220, 271; income,,a per and thater, 229; io rxi 122-173; magnee 46;mau mining leg)ilation, 44-43; Pan,- Amerian, Highay, 133; pet- lem ix,43-44, 32, 99, 121; poain 43-46 ViII,,16,, Alberto, 234 Virgin Is1lands, 184, 183-186 Vogt, Will,,a,, 32 WIAMS,,,, Eric, 183 World Bank, 297 WorId Healt1h Organizaion,, 178, 183, 211 Wythe, George,xiixivxii ZENEA,, Juan, Clemete, 232, 293 Zinc, 39, 32, 54-55 Zubeldia, Emiliana de, 258 286 sio fo Latin Americak, 98 the Caribbean, 2-12; Bureau,, of Pubic Roads, 129-130, 131;ex ppansion , of i hihwy hyse, 126- ml,76, 83 Uribet-Holguin, Guillermo,, 243, 231, 252 Usigli, Rodolf, 231 VAEEA Bernar,,do, de, 223 Val1des, Gabriel de la Conceapcion (Pladddo), 243, 232 Valencia,, GuilIlera-, 231, 232 argas Tejada,, Luis, 229 Vazquez,, Ramiro,, 269 VegeabIles, Cuba,,, Mexico, ,,ii VenezuelI, asbesat, 46; "Autopista," 133-134; baux,,ite deposits, 46; ca diamon,,,ds, 45-46; fis c1,mp The Caribbean Archhiv, 277, 211; income per caphta (1949), 181; Indian, drama, 172-173; magnee 46;mau mining legislation, 44-45; Pan,- Amerian, Highay, 133; petr- lem ix,43-44, 37, 99, 121; poation,, 45-46 Vill,16,, Alber,,,, 234 Virgin, Islands, 184, 183-186 Vogt8,, Will,,,,, 32 WILAMS,,, Eric, 183 Wortld Bank, 207 Worid Health Orgaiztion,, 179, 183, 211 ZENEA, Juant CIlea-ente,, 232, 23 Zinc,, 39, 30, 54-33 ZubelIdi, Em-iliana, de, 239