a 6 - s m ' Omni *Mod In6 hd tmol '9 ar'. h a a 1 N :"! s wa «9!Yt .'3a ,. ., ', i A 3a.. o. I r,' 5 ,,. Y 1' ] , " . '',.., ati w«v 3« v auM 'q a," k P° n' irr ak sg a. vn .. as 4A .. , ., « ,. . , , .. .... "s.. .... .. . , . _.. ._  N m  RELATION OF THE PEOPLE TO THE LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ by Fuad Baali RELATION OF THE PEOPLE TO THE LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ by Fuad Baali RELATION OF THE PEOPLE TO THE LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ by Fuad Baali UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS / GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA, 1966 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS / GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA, 1966 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PRESS / GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA, 1966  EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Social Sciences Monographs MARVIN E. SHAW, Chairman Professor of Psychology RALPH H. BLODGETT Professor of Economics ARTHUR W. COMBS Professor of Education MANNING J. DAUER Professor of Political Science T. LYNN SMITH Professor of Sociology GEORGE D. WINIUS Professor of History F63 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Social Sciences Monographs MARVIN E. SHAW, Chairman Professor of Psychology RALPH H. BLODGETT Professor of Economics ARTHUR W. COMBS Professor of Education MANNING J. DAUER Professor of Political Science T. LYNN SMITH Professor of Sociology GEORGE D. WINIUS Professor of History S3 l F 3,?31 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Social Sciences Monographs MARVIN E. SHAW, Chairman Professor of Psychology RALPH H. BLODGETT Professor of Economics ARTHUR W. COMBS Professor of Education MANNING J. DAUER Professor of Political Science T. LYNN SMITH Professor of Sociology GEORGE D. WINIUS Professor of History F 63 67 C COPYRIGHT © 1966 BY THE BOARD OF COMMISsIONERS OF STATE INSTITUTIONS OF FLORIDA LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD No. 66-64914 PRINTED BY THE PARAMOUNT PRESS JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA COPYRIGHT © 1966 BY THE BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS OF STATE INSTITUTIONS OF FLORIDA LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD No. 66-64914 PRINTED BY THE PARAMOUNT PRESS JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA COPYRIGHT © 1966 BY THE BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS OF STATE INSTITUTIONS OF FLORIDA LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD No. 66-64914 PRINTED BY THE PARAMOUNT PRESS JACKSONVILLE, FLORIDA  Dedicated in sincere gratitude to my former American professors Dedicated in sincere gratitude to my former American professors Dedicated in sincere gratitude to my former American professors   PREFACE PREFACE PREFACE It is a truism that in one way or another all human beings depend on the land. The majority of the world's population are farm- ers and thus are closely attached to the land in an occupational sense, and this has been true from time immemorial. This fact alone demonstrates the significance of man-land re- lations. The analysis of the institutions that gov- ern man's relationships to the land is an im- portant part of rural sociology. Sociologists are concerned only with inhabited areas of land. Hence, land gains sociological signifi- cance because of the people who occupy it. It is also true that one cannot study social groups and their activities apart from the land which they inhabit. The term "fella- been" for example, will always refer simulta- neously to a group of people ("peasants") and a tract of land. In other words, the ac- cumulation and integration of mores, folk- ways, norms, and other capabilities and activities of people cannot be separated com- pletely from the land they occupy and utilize. It is a truism that in one way or another all human beings depend on the land. The majority of the world's population are farm- ers and thus are closely attached to the land in an occupational sense, and this has been true from time immemorial. This fact alone demonstrates the significance of man-land re- lations. The analysis of the institutions that gov- ern man's relationships to the land is an im- portant part of rural sociology. Sociologists are concerned only with inhabited areas of land. Hence, land gains sociological signifi- cance because of the people who occupy it. It is also true that one cannot study social groups and their activities apart from the land which they inhabit. The term "fella- heen" for example, will always refer simulta- neously to a group of people ("peasants") and a tract of land. In other words, the ac- cumulation and integration of mores, folk- ways, norms, and other capabilities and activities of people cannot be separated com- pletely from the land they occupy and utilize. It is a truism that in one way or another all human beings depend on the land. The majority of the world's population are farm- ers and thus are closely attached to the land in an occupational sense, and this has been true from time immemorial. This fact alone demonstrates the significance of man-land re- lations. The analysis of the institutions that gov- ern man's relationships to the land is an im- portant part of rural sociology. Sociologists are concerned only with inhabited areas of land. Hence, land gains sociological signifi- cance because of the people who occupy it. It is also true that one cannot study social groups and their activities apart from the land which they inhabit. The term "fella- heen" for example, will always refer simulta- neously to a group of people ("peasants") and a tract of land. In other words, the ac- cumulation and integration of mores, folk- ways, norms, and other capabilities and activities of people cannot be separated com- pletely from the land they occupy and utilize.  In the past five decades there has been con- siderable research concerning the institu- tions which govern man's relationship to the land in the United States. In contrast, only a few studies have been made on such relation- ships in the Middle East; and this is particu- larly true of Iraq. The major purpose of this study is to analyze and describe man-land re- lations in Southern Iraq. It is focused on landownership patterns and problems which have developed because of confused land sur- veys, cloudy land titles, and the unequal dis- tribution of the rights to the land. These problems are, in a broad sense of the term, social problems. They involve difficulties be- tween man and man and between man and society with reference to the use and control of land. Special emphasis is given to the so- cial consequences of these problems. This study is based upon personal observa- tions of the author, particularly while he was a faculty member at the University of Bagh- dad in 1963. Information also was obtained from Iraqi official sources. All available per- tinent studies of the problems were con- sulted. Being an Arab himself, the author speaks the Arabic language and so had no difficulty communicating with the rural people. His prior knowledge of peasant culture and so- ciety (especially while he was a high-school teacher in Nasiryah from 1953 to 1955) was also helpful in carrying on the field work re- quired for the study. Many former students and friends in this area, including a head (shaikh) of a tribe, were of great assistance. The author wishes to emphasize that the data have been scrutinized very carefully as to the impartiality and reliability of their source. In the past five decades there has been con- siderable research concerning the institu- tions which govern man's relationship to the land in the United States. In contrast, only a few studies have been made on such relation- ships in the Middle East; and this is particu- larly true of Iraq. The major purpose of this study is to analyze and describe man-land re- lations in Southern Iraq. It is focused on landownership patterns and problems which have developed because of confused land sur- veys, cloudy land titles, and the unequal dis- tribution of the rights to the land. These problems are, in a broad sense of the term, social problems. They involve difficulties be- tween man and man and between man and society with reference to the use and control of land. Special emphasis is given to the so- cial consequences of these problems. This study is based upon personal observa- tions of the author, particularly while he was a faculty member at the University of Bagh- dad in 1963. Information also was obtained from Iraqi official sources. All available per- tinent studies of the problems were con- sulted. Being an Arab himself, the author speaks the Arabic language and so had no difficulty communicating with the rural people. His prior knowledge of peasant culture and so- ciety (especially while he was a high-school teacher in Nasiryah from 1953 to 1955) was also helpful in carrying on the field work re- quired for the study. Many former students and friends in this area, including a head (shaikh) of a tribe, were of great assistance. The author wishes to emphasize that the data have been scrutinized very carefully as to the impartiality and reliability of their source. In the past five decades there has been con- siderable research concerning the institu- tions which govern man's relationship to the land in the United States. In contrast, only a few studies have been made on such relation- ships in the Middle East; and this is particu- larly true of Iraq. The major purpose of this study is to analyze and describe man-land re- lations in Southern Iraq. It is focused on landownership patterns and problems which have developed because of confused land sur- veys, cloudy land titles, and the unequal dis- tribution of the rights to the land. These problems are, in a broad sense of the term, social problems. They involve difficulties be- tween man and man and between man and society with reference to the use and control of land. Special emphasis is given to the so- cial consequences of these problems. This study is based upon personal observa- tions of the author, particularly while he was a faculty member at the University of Bagh- dad in 1963. Information also was obtained from Iraqi official sources. All available per- tinent studies of the problems were con- sulted. Being an Arab himself, the author speaks the Arabic language and so had no difficulty communicating with the rural people. His prior knowledge of peasant culture and so- ciety (especially while he was a high-school teacher in Nasiryah from 1953 to 1955) was also helpful in carrying on the field work re- quired for the study. Many former students and friends in this area, including a head (shaikh) of a tribe, were of great assistance. The author wishes to emphasize that the data have been scrutinized very carefully as to the impartiality and reliability of their source.  The gratitude of the author is expressed to Dr. T. Lynn Smith, Graduate Research Pro- fessor at the University of Florida, for read- ing the manuscript and making invaluable suggestions; to Professor Alvin L. Bertrand, of the Louisiana State University, for a crit- ical reading of a part of an earlier and some- what different version of the manuscript; to Sadik Abdul Ghani, Director General of Ag- riculture in Iraq, Abdul Sahib Alwan, former Iraqi Minister of Agrarian Reform, and Amin al-Hilali, Director General of Popula- tion Census in Iraq, who provided valuable information; and to the Graduate School of the University of Florida for making possible the publication of this monograph. FUAD BAALI Gainesville, Florida August, 1966 The gratitude of the author is expressed to Dr. T. Lynn Smith, Graduate Research Pro- fessor at the University of Florida, for read- ing the manuscript and making invaluable suggestions; to Professor Alvin L. Bertrand, of the Louisiana State University, for a crit- ical reading of a part of an earlier and some- what different version of the manuscript; to Sadik Abdul Ghani, Director General of Ag- riculture in Iraq, Abdul Sahib Alwan, former Iraqi Minister of Agrarian Reform, and Amin al-Hilali, Director General of Popula- tion Census in Iraq, who provided valuable information; and to the Graduate School of the University of Florida for making possible the publication of this monograph. FuAD BAALi Gainesville, Florida August, 1966 The gratitude of the author is expressed to Dr. T. Lynn Smith, Graduate Research Pro- fessor at the University of Florida, for read- ing the manuscript and making invaluable suggestions; to Professor Alvin L. Bertrand, of the Louisiana State University, for a crit- ical reading of a part of an earlier and some- what different version of the manuscript; to Sadik Abdul Ghani, Director General of Ag- riculture in Iraq, Abdul Sahib Alwan, former Iraqi Minister of Agrarian Reform, and Amin al-Hilali, Director General of Popula- tion Census in Iraq, who provided valuable information; and to the Graduate School of the University of Florida for making possible the publication of this monograph. FuAD BAALI Gainesville, Florida August, 1966  MAP OF IRAQ MAP OF IRAQ MAP OF IRAQ  CONTENTS CONTENTS CONTENTS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Iraq and Its People Historical Background Land Surveys and Titles Land Tenure Size of Holdings Systems of Agriculture Land Tenure and Selected Aspects of Rural Society Rural-Urban Migration Agrarian Reform Conclusion 1 9 14 19 28 35 38 49 54 62 1. Iraq and Its People 2. Historical Background 3. Land Surveys and Titles 4. Land Tenure 5. Size of Holdings 6. Systems of Agriculture 7. Land Tenure and Selected Aspects of Rural Society 8. Rural-Urban Migration 9. Agrarian Reform 10. Conclusion 1 9 14 19 28 35 38 49 54 62 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Iraq and Its People Historical Background Land Surveys and Titles Land Tenure Size of Holdings Systems of Agriculture Land Tenure and Selected Aspects of Rural Society Rural-Urban Migration Agrarian Reform Conclusion 1 9 14 19 28 35 38 49 54 62 8. 9. 10.   1. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE 1. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE 1. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE Iraq, or Mesopotamia, as it has been called by the Greeks, is one of the Arab countries of the Middle East. Frequently, it is referred to by archeologists and historians as "the Cradle of Civilization," because the great civilizations of Babylonia, As- syria, and the Arabs once flourished in this area. Iraq covers an area of 168,040 square miles, and is bounded on the east by Iran (Persia), on the west by Syria and Jor- dan, on the north by Turkey, and on the south by Saudi Ara- bia and Kuwait. It includes the valleys of the Tigris and the Euphrates. Both of these rivers originate in Turkey. The climate of Iraq varies from one extreme to another. During the summer the temperature, in some parts of the country and particularly the South, may register 125 degrees Fahrenheit; but the mean maximum in August is usually 105 degrees. In the winter the average maximums are 54 degrees in the North and 64 degrees in the South. Oil, the key to Iraq's potentialities for economic develop- ment, is symbolically called the third great river of Iraq. Other important minerals are salt, gypsum, and lignite. INHABITANTS Iraq has taken only two official censuses, those for the years 1947 and 1957. The data collected in 1957 were not published until 1964. According to the census of 1957, the population of Iraq was then 6,339,960 (see Table 1).1 This total represented an in- crease of 1,472,791 persons (30.5 per cent) after 1947. The number of desert Bedouins, however, decreased on the records from 250,000 in 1947 to 68,940 in 1957. This apparent decrease reflected not only the migration to agricultural areas, but also the lack of accurate information on the Bedouins. The num- ber of nomadic Bedouins reported in the 1947 census was merely an estimate made by the Ministry of Interior. 1. The United Nations estimated the population in 1963 as 6,855,000- Monthly Bulletin of Statistics (January, 1965), p. 1. This conflicts, how- ever, with the data the author gathered from the Iraqi Directorate Gen- eral of Census, which estimated 6,940,426 in 1963. Iraq, or Mesopotamia, as it has been called by the Greeks, is one of the Arab countries of the Middle East. Frequently, it is referred to by archeologists and historians as "the Cradle of Civilization," because the great civilizations of Babylonia, As- syria, and the Arabs once flourished in this area. Iraq covers an area of 168,040 square miles, and is bounded on the east by Iran (Persia), on the west by Syria and Jor- dan, on the north by Turkey, and on the south by Saudi Ara- bia and Kuwait. It includes the valleys of the Tigris and the Euphrates. Both of these rivers originate in Turkey. The climate of Iraq varies from one extreme to another. During the summer the temperature, in some parts of the country and particularly the South, may register 125 degrees Fahrenheit; but the mean maximum in August is usually 105 degrees. In the winter the average maximums are 54 degrees in the North and 64 degrees in the South. Oil, the key to Iraq's potentialities for economic develop- ment, is symbolically called the third great river of Iraq. Other important minerals are salt, gypsum, and lignite. INHABITANTS Iraq has taken only two official censuses, those for the years 1947 and 1957. The data collected in 1957 were not published until 1964. According to the census of 1957, the population of Iraq was then 6,339,960 (see Table 1).1 This total represented an in- crease of 1,472,791 persons (30.5 per cent) after 1947. The number of desert Bedouins, however, decreased on the records from 250,000 in 1947 to 68,940 in 1957. This apparent decrease reflected not only the migration to agricultural areas, but also the lack of accurate information on the Bedouins. The num- ber of nomadic Bedouins reported in the 1947 census was merely an estimate made by the Ministry of Interior. 1. The United Nations estimated the population in 1963 as 6,855,000- Monthly Bulletin of Statistics (January, 1965), p. 1. This conflicts, how- ever, with the data the author gathered from the Iraqi Directorate Gen- eral of Census, which estimated 6,940,426 in 1963. Iraq, or Mesopotamia, as it has been called by the Greeks, is one of the Arab countries of the Middle East. Frequently, it is referred to by archeologists and historians as "the Cradle of Civilization," because the great civilizations of Babylonia, As- syria, and the Arabs once flourished in this area. Iraq covers an area of 168,040 square miles, and is bounded on the east by Iran (Persia), on the west by Syria and Jor- dan, on the north by Turkey, and on the south by Saudi Ara- bia and Kuwait. It includes the valleys of the Tigris and the Euphrates. Both of these rivers originate in Turkey. The climate of Iraq varies from one extreme to another. During the summer the temperature, in some parts of the country and particularly the South, may register 125 degrees Fahrenheit; but the mean maximum in August is usually 105 degrees. In the winter the average maximums are 54 degrees in the North and 64 degrees in the South. Oil, the key to Iraq's potentialities for economic develop- ment, is symbolically called the third great river of Iraq. Other important minerals are salt, gypsum, and lignite. INHABITANTS Iraq has taken only two official censuses, those for the years 1947 and 1957. The data collected in 1957 were not published until 1964. According to the census of 1957, the population of Iraq was then 6,339,960 (see Table 1).1 This total represented an in- crease of 1,472,791 persons (30.5 per cent) after 1947. The number of desert Bedouins, however, decreased on the records from 250,000 in 1947 to 68,940 in 1957. This apparent decrease reflected not only the migration to agricultural areas, but also the lack of accurate information on the Bedouins. The num- ber of nomadic Bedouins reported in the 1947 census was merely an estimate made by the Ministry of Interior. 1. The United Nations estimated the population in 1963 as 6,855,000- Monthly Bulletin of Statistics (January, 1965), p. 1. This conflicts, how- ever, with the data the author gathered from the Iraqi Directorate Gen- eral of Census, which estimated 6,940,426 in 1963. 1 1 1  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ The census of 1947 indicated a surplus of females in Iraq. Excluding the nomadic people, there were 2,438,840 females, comprising 53.4 per cent of the total population. Ten years later there was a slight preponderance of males. Thus, the latest enumeration showed that there were 3,185,117 males and 3,154,843 females, or the rather high ratio of 101 males per 100 females. TABLE 1 POPULATION OF IRAQ IN 1957, BY PROVINCE AND SEX PROVINCES POPULATION MALES PER CENT FEMALES PER CENT Northern Mosul 755,447 382,955 50.7 372,492 49.3 Sulaimanyah 304,895 158,624 52.0 146,271 48.0 Arbil 273,383 137,957 50.5 135,426 49.5 Kirkuk 388,839 198,112 51.0 190,727 49.0 Central Dials 329,836 167,746 50.9 162,090 49.1 Ramadi 253,023 130,765 51.7 122,258 48.3 Baghdad 1,313,012 677,465 51.6 635,547 48.4 Kut 295,899 140,349 47.4 155,550 52.6 Hila 354,779 176,380 49.7 178,399 50.3 Karbala 217,375 105,654 48.6 111,721 51.4 Southern Diwanyah 520,470 253,538 48.7 266,932 51.3 Amarah 329,840 162,307 49.2 167,533 50.8 Nasiryah 458,848 212,167 46.2 246,681 53.8 Basrah 503,330 251,030 49.9 252,300 50.1 Iraqi abroad 40,984 30,068 73.4 10,916 26.6 TOTAL 6,339,960 3,185,117 50.3 3,154,843 49.7 Source: Compiled and computed from data in 1957 Census of Iraq. Some of the most essential facts relative to the age and sex distribution of Iraq's people in 1957 are given in Table 2. Two striking features are revealed by this tabulation: an extremely high proportion of Iraqi were in the younger ages of life, over one-third were less than 10, and more than one- half of the entire population were less than 20 years of age; and elderly people were not very numerous, only 3.6 per cent were 70 and above. Such a distribution, which arises when a high birth rate is accompanied by a high death rate, makes the ratio of dependents to producers very high. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ The census of 1947 indicated a surplus of females in Iraq. Excluding the nomadic people, there were 2,438,840 females, comprising 53.4 per cent of the total population. Ten years later there was a slight preponderance of males. Thus, the latest enumeration showed that there were 3,185,117 males and 3,154,843 females, or the rather high ratio of 101 males per 100 females. TABLE 1 POPULATION OF IRAQ IN 1957, BY PROVINCE AND SEX PROVINCEs POPULATION MALES PER CENT FEMALES PE CENT Northern Mosul 755,447 382,955 50.7 372,492 49.3 Sulaimanyah 304,895 158,624 52.0 146,271 48.0 Arbil 273,383 137,957 50.5 135,426 49.5 Kirkuk 388,839 198,112 51.0 190,727 49.0 Central Dials 329,836 167,746 50.9 162,090 49.1 Ramadi 253,023 130,765 51.7 122,258 48.3 Baghdad 1,313,012 677,465 51.6 635,547 48.4 Kut 295,899 140,349 47.4 155,550 52.6 Hills 354,779 176,380 49.7 178,399 50.3 Karbala 217,375 105,654 48.6 111,721 51.4 Southern Diwanyah 520,470 253,538 48.7 266,932 51.3 Amarah 329,840 162,307 49.2 167,533 50.8 Nasiryah 458,848 212,167 46.2 246,681 53.8 Basrah 503,330 251,030 49.9 252,300 50.1 Iraqi abroad 40,984 30,068 73.4 10,916 26.6 TOTAL 6,339,960 3,185,117 50.3 3,154,843 49.7 Source: Compiled and computed from data in 1957 Census of Iraq. Some of the most essential facts relative to the age and sex distribution of Iraq's people in 1957 are given in Table 2. Two striking features are revealed by this tabulation: an extremely high proportion of Iraqi were in the younger ages of life, over one-third were less than 10, and more than one- half of the entire population were less than 20 years of age; and elderly people were not very numerous, only 3.6 per cent were 70 and above. Such a distribution, which arises when a high birth rate is accompanied by a high death rate, makes the ratio of dependents to producers very high. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ The census of 1947 indicated a surplus of females in Iraq. Excluding the nomadic people, there were 2,438,840 females, comprising 53.4 per cent of the total population. Ten years later there was a slight preponderance of males. Thus, the latest enumeration showed that there were 3,185,117 males and 3,154,843 females, or the rather high ratio of 101 males per 100 females. TABLE 1 POPULATION OF IRAQ IN 1957, BY PROVINCE AND SEX PROVINCES POPULATION MALES PER CENT FEMALES PER CENT Northern Mosul 755,447 382,955 50.7 372,492 49.3 Sulaimanyah 304,895 158,624 52.0 146,271 48.0 Arbil 273,383 137,957 50.5 135,426 49.5 Kirkuk 388,839 '198,112 51.0 190,727 49.0 Central Dials 329,836 167,746 50.9 162,090 49.1 Ramadi 253,023 130,765 51.7 122,258 48.3 Baghdad 1,313,012 677,465 51.6 635,547 48.4 Kut 295,899 140,349 47.4 155,550 52.6 Hills 354,779 176,380 49.7 178,399 50.3 Karbala 217,375 105,654 48.6 111,721 51.4 Southern Diwanyah 520,470 253,538 48.7 266,932 51.3 Amarah 329,840 162,307 49.2 167,533 50.8 Nasiryah 458,848 212,167 46.2 246,681 53.8 Basrah 503,330 251,030 49.9 252,300 50.1 Iraqi abroad 40,984 30,068 73.4 10,916 26.6 TOTAL 6,339,960 3,185,117 50.3 3,154,843 49.7 Source: Compiled and computed from data in 1957 Census of Iraq. Some of the most essential facts relative to the age and sex distribution of Iraq's people in 1957 are given in Table 2. Two striking features are revealed by this tabulation: an extremely high proportion of Iraqi were in the younger ages of life, over one-third were less than 10, and more than one- half of the entire population were less than 20 years of age; and elderly people were not very numerous, only 3.6 per cent were 70 and above. Such a distribution, which arises when a high birth rate is accompanied by a high death rate, makes the ratio of dependents to producers very high. 2 2  IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE WAYS OF LIFE Society in Iraq is characterized by three main ways of life: urban, rural or agricultu'al, and nomadic. According to the 1957 census, 39.2 per cent of the people of Iraq lived in towns and cities (see Table 3). More than a third of the total urban population lived in Baghdad. Baghdad and Karbala are the only provinces in which the urban popu- lation outnumbers the rural. Other big cities are Mosul and Kirkuk in the North and Basrah in the South. Commerce and TABLE 2 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF IRAQ's POPULATION, BY AGE AND SEX, 1957 AGE MALE FEMALE TOTAL SEX RATIO Under 5 9.8 9.5 19.3 103.5 5-9 8.0 7.2 15.2 110.0 10-19 9.1 9.1 18.2 99.5 20-29 6.4 6.9 13.3 91.8 30-39 5.4 5.7 11.1 95.3 40-49 4.6 3.9 8.5 115.9 50-59 3.4 3.5 6.9 96.4 60-69 1.8 1.9 3.7 94.8 70-79 1.1 1.2 2.3 95.9 80 and above 0.6 0.7 1.3 92.0 Unknown 0.1 0.1 0.2 100.8 ToTAL 50.3 49.7 100.0 101.0 Source: Same as Table 1. administration are very important in the large towns and cit- ies, and a few factories also are found in the cities. As will be subsequently shown, urban-rural differences are clearly indicated by the different types of housing, means of living, and ways of life in general. Though the kinship organ- ization of the urban centers is similar to that of the village, and even to that of the desert Bedouins, social solidarity is much stronger in rural areas and among the desert Bedouins than among the inhabitants of the cities. The urban people are becoming more "secular," while the rural and Bedouin people maintain their traditions generation after generation. The small village community typifies rural Iraq and ac- counts for almost two-thirds of the total population. This ru- ral population is divided into many tribes, thus the rural social IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE WAYS OF LIFE Society in Iraq is characterized by three main ways of life: urban, rural or agricultufal, and nomadic. According to the 1957 census, 39.2 per cent of the people of Iraq lived in towns and cities (see Table 3). More than a third of the total urban population lived in Baghdad. Baghdad and Karbala are the only provinces in which the urban popu- lation outnumbers the rural. Other big cities are Mosul and Kirkuk in the North and Basrah in the South. Commerce and TABLE 2 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF IRAQ'S POPULATION, BY AGE AND SEX, 1957 AGE MALE FEMALE TOTAL SEx RATIO Under 5 9.8 9.5 19.3 103.5 5-9 8.0 7.2 15.2 110.0 10-19 9.1 9.1 18.2 99.5 20-29 6.4 6.9 13.3 91.8 30-39 5.4 5.7 11.1 95.3 40-49 4.6 3.9 8.5 115.9 50-59 3.4 3.5 6.9 96.4 60-69 1.8 1.9 3.7 94.8 70-79 1.1 1.2 2.3 95.9 80 and above 0.6 0.7 1.3 92.0 Unknown 0.1 0.1 0.2 100.8 TOTAL 50.3 49.7 100.0 101.0 Source: Same as Table 1. administration are very important in the large towns and cit- ies, and a few factories also are found in the cities. As will be subsequently shown, urban-rural differences are clearly indicated by the different types of housing, means of living, and ways of life in general. Though the kinship organ- ization of the urban centers is similar to that of the village, and even to that of the desert Bedouins, social solidarity is much stronger in rural areas and among the desert Bedouins than among the inhabitants of the cities. The urban people are becoming more "secular," while the rural and Bedouin people maintain their traditions generation after generation. The small village community typifies rural Iraq and ac- counts for almost two-thirds of the total population. This ru- ral population is divided into many tribes, thus the rural social IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE WAYS OF LIFE Society in Iraq is characterized by three main ways of life: urban, rural or agricultufal, and nomadic. According to the 1957 census, 39.2 per cent of the people of Iraq lived in towns and cities (see Table 3). More than a third of the total urban population lived in Baghdad. Baghdad and Karbala are the only provinces in which the urban popu- lation outnumbers the rural. Other big cities are Mosul and Kirkuk in the North and Basrah in the South. Commerce and TABLE 2 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTIoN OF IRAQ'S POPULATION, BY AGE AND SEX, 1957 AGE MALE FEMALE TOTAL SEX RATIO Under 5 9.8 9.5 19.3 103.5 5-9 8.0 7.2 15.2 110.0 10-19 9.1 9.1 18.2 99.5 20-29 6.4 6.9 13.3 91.8 30-39 5.4 5.7 11.1 95.3 40-49 4.6 3.9 8.5 115.9 50-59 3.4 3.5 6.9 96.4 60-69 1.8 1.9 3.7 94.8 70-79 1.1 1.2 2.3 95.9 80 and above 0.6 0.7 1.3 92.0 Unknown 0.1 0.1 0.2 100.8 TOTAL 50.3 49.7 100.0 101.0 Source: Same as Table 1. administration are very important in the large towns and cit- ies, and a few factories also are found in the cities. As will be subsequently shown, urban-rural differences are clearly indicated by the different types of housing, means of living, and ways of life in general. Though the kinship organ- ization of the urban centers is similar to that of the village, and even to that of the desert Bedouins, social solidarity is much stronger in rural areas and among the desert Bedouins than among the inhabitants of the cities. The urban people are becoming more "secular," while the rural and Bedouin people maintain their traditions generation after generation. The small village community typifies rural Iraq and ac- counts for almost two-thirds of the total population. This ru- ral population is divided into many tribes, thus the rural social 3 3 3  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ structure is a tribal one.' The shaikh (head) of the tribe is usually responsible for the conduct and activities of his tribes- men. The assabiyah, or social solidarity based on blood ties, is very strong among the members of the village community. The farmers as well as the desert Bedouins have learned to main- tain their strong awareness of the tribe by placing a heavy emphasis on maintaining kinship lineage. This solidarity is TABLE 3 RURAL-URBAN DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, 1957 PRoVINCES URBAN RURAL URBAN RURAL Northern Mosul 271,571 483,876 35.9% 64.1% Sulaimanyah 79,635 225,260 26.1 73.9 Arbil 73,057 200,326 26.7 73.3 Kirkuk 152,787 236,052 39.3 60.7 Central Diala 76,227 253,609 23.1 76.9 Ramadi 62,886 190,137 24.9 75.1 Baghdad 856,022 456,990 65.2 34.8 Kut 69,948 225,951 23.6 76.4 Hila 104,775 250,004 29.5 70.5 Karbala 173,510 43,865 79.8 20.2 Southern Diwanyah 119,649 400,821 23.0 77.0 Amarah 83,583 246,257 25.3 74.7 Nasiryah 85,604 373,244 18.7 81.3 Basrah 236,205 267,125 46.9 53.1 Iraqi abroad 40,984 - 100.0 0.0 TOTAL 2,486,443 3,853,517 39.2 60.8 Source: Same as Table 1. also expressed in mutual aid practices. The agriculturists, however, are friendly and hospitable toward both tribal mem- bers and outsiders. Schools and such modern conveniences as electricity and running water have only recently begun to reach into the rural districts. Increasingly, Iraqi villages are being influenced by changes in the material aspects of culture. 2. The tribal structure of Southern Iraq is divided into two main seg- ments. The unsettled tribes of Bedouins live in the desert, moving from pasture to pasture. They are called Bedu (singular, Bedoui), which is derived from badiyah (desert). The settled tribes live in rural areas and usually cultivate the land. It is true, however, that a large number of the latter were originally nomadic Bedouins who, because of the hard- ships of the desert, migrated to agricultural areas. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ structure is a tribal one.2 The shaikh (head) of the tribe is usually responsible for the conduct and activities of his tribes- men. The assabiyah, or social solidarity based on blood ties, is very strong among the members of the village community. The farmers as well as the desert Bedouins have learned to main- tain their strong awareness of the tribe by placing a heavy emphasis on maintaining kinship lineage. This solidarity is TABLE 3 RURAL-URBAN DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, 1957 PROVINCES URBAN RURAL URBAN RURAL Northern Mosul 271,571 483,876 35.9% 64.1% Sulaimanyah 79,635 225,260 26.1 73.9 Arbil 73,057 200,326 26.7 73.3 Kirkuk 152,787 236,052 39.3 60.7 Central Diala 76,227 253,609 23.1 76.9 Ramadi 62,886 190,137 24.9 75.1 Baghdad 856,022 456,990 65.2 34.8 Rut 69,948 225,951 23.6 76.4 Hills 104,775 250,004 29.5 70.5 Karbala 173,510 43,865 79.8 20.2 Southern Diwanyah 119,649 400,821 23.0 77.0 Amarah 83,583 246,257 25.3 74.7 Nasiryah 85,604 373,244 18.7 81.3 Basrah 236,205 267,125 46.9 53.1 Iraqi abroad 40,984 - 100.0 0.0 TOTAL 2,486,443 3,853,517 39.2 60.8 Source: Same as Table 1. also expressed in mutual aid practices. The agriculturists, however, are friendly and hospitable toward both tribal mem- bers and outsiders. Schools and such modern conveniences as electricity and running water have only recently begun to reach into the rural districts. Increasingly, Iraqi villages are being influenced by changes in the material aspects of culture. 2. The tribal structure of Southern Iraq is divided into two main seg- ments. The unsettled tribes of Bedouins live in the desert, moving from pasture to pasture. They are called Bedu (singular, Bedoui), which is derived from badiyah (desert). The settled tribes live in rural areas and usually cultivate the land. It is true, however, that a large number of the latter were originally nomadic Bedouins who, because of the hard- ships of the desert, migrated to agricultural areas. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ structure is a tribal one.2 The shaikh (head) of the tribe is usually responsible for the conduct and activities of his tribes- men. The assabiyah, or social solidarity based on blood ties, is very strong among the members of the village community. The farmers as well as the desert Bedouins have learned to main- tain their strong awareness of the tribe by placing a heavy emphasis on maintaining kinship lineage. This solidarity is TABLE 3 RURAL-URBAN DIsTRIBUTIoN OF POPULATION, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, 1957 PROVINCES URBAN RURAL URBAN RURAL Northern Mosul 271,571 483,876 35.9% 64.1% Sulaimanyah 79,635 225,260 26.1 73.9 Arbil 73,057 200,326 26.7 73.3 Kirkuk 152,787 236,052 39.3 60.7 Central Diala 76,227 253,609 23.1 76.9 Ramadi 62,886 190,137 24.9 75.1 Baghdad 856,022 456,990 65.2 34.8 Kut 69,948 225,951 23.6 76.4 Hilla 104,775 250,004 29.5 70.5 Karbala 173,510 43,865 79.8 20.2 Southern Diwanyah 119,649 400,821 23.0 77.0 Amarah 83,583 246,257 25.3 74.7 Nasiryah 85,604 373,244 18.7 81.3 Basrah 236,205 267,125 46.9 53.1 Iraqi abroad 40,984 - 100.0 0.0 TOTAL 2,486,443 3,853,517 39.2 60.8 Source: Same as Table 1. also expressed in mutual aid practices. The agriculturists, however, are friendly and hospitable toward both tribal mem- bers and outsiders. Schools and such modern conveniences as electricity and running water have only recently begun to reach into the rural districts. Increasingly, Iraqi villages are being influenced by changes in the material aspects of culture. 2. The tribal structure of Southern Iraq is divided into two main seg- ments. The unsettled tribes of Bedouins live in the desert, moving from pasture to pasture. They are called Bedu (singular, Bedoui), which is derived from badiyah (desert). The settled tribes live in rural areas and usually cultivate the land. It is true, however, that a large number of the latter were originally nomadic Bedouins who, because of the hard- ships of the desert, migrated to agricultural areas. 4 4  IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE In Southern Iraq, one finds the marsh dwellers, who are rice cultivators and live in reed huts built on flooded land. The pri- mary foods of these people are rice, buffalo milk and fish. Marsh dwellers are also tribal people, and their social life is similar to that of other tribes in Southern Iraq. According to Paul H. Price, there still are many groups in the world which have not yet reached the cultural stage in which the wheel is used.' The desert Bedouins of Iraq may be counted as one of these groups; and, as indicated above, they are tribal people who, according to the census of 1957, totaled 68,940. Each tribal member of the southern desert Bedouins is aware of all the other members, and is able to distinguish them from outsiders. This awareness is expressed by the Bed- ouin term assabiyah. In fact, the awareness by members of the tribe as an entity (contrasted with the awareness of each member) is one of their most conspicuous features. Obvious- ly, they give most careful attention to their lineage, traditions, and fame. The observation of Franz Oppenheimer4 and other writ- ers5 that everything in life has for the desert Bedouins "a pa- cific and war-like, an honest and robber-like, side; according to circumstances, the one or the other appears uppermost" is, to some extent, misleading. H. R. P. Dickson also claims that "raiding is the breath of life to the Bedouin." It must be stated that the Bedouin is honest, not a robber. His raiding is not thieving in the usual sense of the word. Lack of rainfall, drinking wells, and nourishing pastures leads the desert Bed- ouin to raid. He resorts to raiding only as a means of suste- nance. Furthermore, before it conducts a raid, his tribe usu- ally sends a formal notice to this effect. From this point of view raiding is not equivalent to thieving nor to war. One can see reflected in this behavior the difference between senti- 3. "Selected Aspects of Rural Transportation in Southern Brazil," Inter-American Economic Afairs, III (Spring, 1950), 31. 4. The State (New York: Vanguard Press, 1922), p. 25; see also pp. 47-48. 5. E.g., Carsten Neibur, Travels in Arabia ("Voyages and Travels in All Parts of the World," Vol. X [London, 1811]), p. 132. 6. The Arab of the Desert (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1949), p. 341. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE In Southern Iraq, one finds the marsh dwellers, who are rice cultivators and live in reed huts built on flooded land. The pri- mary foods of these people are rice, buffalo milk and fish. Marsh dwellers are also tribal people, and their social life is similar to that of other tribes in Southern Iraq. According to Paul H. Price, there still are many groups in the world which have not yet reached the cultural stage in which the wheel is used.' The desert Bedouins of Iraq may be counted as one of these groups; and, as indicated above, they are tribal people who, according to the census of 1957, totaled 68,940. Each tribal member of the southern desert Bedouins is aware of all the other members, and is able to distinguish them from outsiders. This awareness is expressed by the Bed- ouin term assabiyah. In fact, the awareness by members of the tribe as an entity (contrasted with the awareness of each member) is one of their most conspicuous features. Obvious- ly, they give most careful attention to their lineage, traditions, and fame. The observation of Franz Oppenheimer4 and other writ- ers that everything in life has for the desert Bedouins "a pa- cific and war-like, an honest and robber-like, side; according to circumstances, the one or the other appears uppermost" is, to some extent, misleading. H. R. P. Dickson also claims that "raiding is the breath of life to the Bedouin." It must be stated that the Bedouin is honest, not a robber. His raiding is not thieving in the usual sense of the word. Lack of rainfall, drinking wells, and nourishing pastures leads the desert Bed- ouin to raid. He resorts to raiding only as a means of suste- nance. Furthermore, before it conducts a raid, his tribe usu- ally sends a formal notice to this effect. From this point of view raiding is not equivalent to thieving nor to war. One can see reflected in this behavior the difference between senti- 3. "Selected Aspects of Rural Transportation in Southern Brazil," Inter-American Economic Afairs, III (Spring, 1950), 31. 4. The State (New York: Vanguard Press, 1922), p. 25; see also pp. 47-48. 5. E.g., Carsten Neibur, Travels in Arabia ("Voyages and Travels in All Parts of the World," Vol. X [London, 1811]), p. 132. 6. The Arab of the Desert (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1949), p. 341. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE In Southern Iraq, one finds the marsh dwellers, who are rice cultivators and live in reed huts built on flooded land. The pri- mary foods of these people are rice, buffalo milk and fish. Marsh dwellers are also tribal people, and their social life is similar to that of other tribes in Southern Iraq. According to Paul H. Price, there still are many groups in the world which have not yet reached the cultural stage in which the wheel is used. The desert Bedouins of Iraq may be counted as one of these groups; and, as indicated above, they are tribal people who, according to the census of 1957, totaled 68,940. Each tribal member of the southern desert Bedouins is aware of all the other members, and is able to distinguish them from outsiders. This awareness is expressed by the Bed- ouin term assabiyah. In fact, the awareness by members of the tribe as an entity (contrasted with the awareness of each member) is one of their most conspicuous features. Obvious- ly, they give most careful attention to their lineage, traditions, and fame. The observation of Franz Oppenheimer4 and other writ- ers' that everything in life has for the desert Bedouins "a pa- cific and war-like, an honest and robber-like, side; according to circumstances, the one or the other appears uppermost" is, to some extent, misleading. H. R. P. Dickson also claims that "raiding is the breath of life to the Bedouin." It must be stated that the Bedouin is honest, not a robber. His raiding is not thieving in the usual sense of the word. Lack of rainfall, drinking wells, and nourishing pastures leads the desert Bed- ouin to raid. He resorts to raiding only as a means of suste- nance. Furthermore, before it conducts a raid, his tribe usu- ally sends a formal notice to this effect. From this point of view raiding is not equivalent to thieving nor to war. One can see reflected in this behavior the difference between senti- 3. "Selected Aspects of Rural Transportation in Southern Brazil," Inter-American Economic Afairs, III (Spring, 1950), 31. 4. The State (New York: Vanguard Press, 1922), p. 25; see also pp. 47-48. 5. E.g., Carsten Neibur, Travels in Arabia ("Voyages and Travels in All Parts of the World," Vol. X [London, 1811]), p. 132. 6. The Arab of the Desert (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1949), p. 341. 5 5 5  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ments directed against an individual form of behavior (as in theft) and the group act (the raid), indicating again the im- portance of the tribe as an entity to the Bedouin. It is necessary to point out that in spite of their hard life in the desert, the Bedouins are hospitable to outsiders as well as to tribal members. The simplicity of the Bedouin's life is to be noted in all its aspects-food, drink, clothing, and personal possessions. The future is not important to him; his trust in this matter is to the will of God (iradat Allah) and His mercy (rahmah). Mutual aid, including mutual protection, is one phase of tribal solidarity. Mutual aid appears very clearly in the eco- nomic and political phases of tribal life. If a tribesman is at- tacked by outsiders, all members of the tribe are expected to defend him. In time of famine or depression each tribal mem- ber rallies to the support of the others, and food and drink be- come the property of the whole tribe. In fact, mutual aid is at times extended beyond the social limits of the tribe. In time of raiding or fighting between tribes, each tribe welcomes refugees from the others.7 It may be interesting to note that the Bedouin believes that no human being has a right to own the desert land (badiyah); it is the land of God (Allah). VITAL PROCESSES Birth and death certificates issued by the government, along with the official censuses, with the Statistical Abstract and with the Annual Bulletin of Health and Vital Statistics, are practically the only sources which provide vital statistics and other important data on the population. According to government sources, the crude birth rate of Iraq's population in 1953 was 32 per thousand. Doris G. (Ad- ams) Phillips, however, estimates the crude birth rate as be- tween 50 to 55 per thousand, and "it may be as high as 60 but is certainly not below 50." In the Shaikh Omar Maternal and Child Health Center in Baghdad, "2,000 mothers answered a questionnaire; from their answers a crude birth rate of 48 per thousand was computed by World Health Organization ex- 7. Fuad Baali and George A. Hillery, Jr., "The Desert Bedouins of Iraq: A Comparison with the Village" (unpublished manuscript, 1959). PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ments directed against an individual form of behavior (as in theft) and the group act (the raid), indicating again the im- portance of the tribe as an entity to the Bedouin. It is necessary to point out that in spite of their hard life in the desert, the Bedouins are hospitable to outsiders as well as to tribal members. The simplicity of the Bedouin's life is to be noted in all its aspects-food, drink, clothing, and personal possessions. The future is not important to him; his trust in this matter is to the will of God (iradat Allah) and His mercy (rahmah). Mutual aid, including mutual protection, is one phase of tribal solidarity. Mutual aid appears very clearly in the eco- nomic and political phases of tribal life. If a tribesman is at- tacked by outsiders, all members of the tribe are expected to defend him. In time of famine or depression each tribal mem- ber rallies to the support of the others, and food and drink be- come the property of the whole tribe. In fact, mutual aid is at times extended beyond the social limits of the tribe. In time of raiding or fighting between tribes, each tribe welcomes refugees from the others.7 It may be interesting to note that the Bedouin believes that no human being has a right to own the desert land (badiyah); it is the land of God (Allah). VITAL PROCESSES Birth and death certificates issued by the government, along with the official censuses, with the Statistical Abstract and with the Annual Bulletin of Health and Vital Statistics, are practically the only sources which provide vital statistics and other important data on the population. According to government sources, the crude birth rate of Iraq's population in 1953 was 32 per thousand. Doris G. (Ad- ams) Phillips, however, estimates the crude birth rate as be- tween 50 to 55 per thousand, and "it may be as high as 60 but is certainly not below 50." In the Shaikh Omar Maternal and Child Health Center in Baghdad, "2,000 mothers answered a questionnaire; from their answers a crude birth rate of 48 per thousand was computed by World Health Organization ex- 7. Fuad Bash and George A. Hillery, Jr., "The Desert Bedouins of Iraq: A Comparison with the Village" (unpublished manuscript, 1959). PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ments directed against an individual form of behavior (as in theft) and the group act (the raid), indicating again the im- portance of the tribe as an entity to the Bedouin. It is necessary to point out that in spite of their hard life in the desert, the Bedouins are hospitable to outsiders as well as to tribal members. The simplicity of the Bedouin's life is to be noted in all its aspects-food, drink, clothing, and personal possessions. The future is not important to him; his trust in this matter is to the will of God (iradat Allah) and His mercy (rahmah). Mutual aid, including mutual protection, is one phase of tribal solidarity. Mutual aid appears very clearly in the eco- nomic and political phases of tribal life. If a tribesman is at- tacked by outsiders, all members of the tribe are expected to defend him. In time of famine or depression each tribal mem- ber rallies to the support of the others, and food and drink be- come the property of the whole tribe. In fact, mutual aid is at times extended beyond the social limits of the tribe. In time of raiding or fighting between tribes, each tribe welcomes refugees from the others.0 It may be interesting to note that the Bedouin believes that no human being has a right to own the desert land (badiyah); it is the land of God (Allah). VITAL PROCESSES Birth and death certificates issued by the government, along with the official censuses, with the Statistical Abstract and with the Annual Bulletin of Health and Vital Statistics, are practically the only sources which provide vital statistics and other important data on the population. According to government sources, the crude birth rate of Iraq's population in 1953 was 32 per thousand. Doris G. (Ad- ams) Phillips, however, estimates the crude birth rate as be- tween 50 to 55 per thousand, and "it may be as high as 60 but is certainly not below 50." In the Shaikh Omar Maternal and Child Health Center in Baghdad, "2,000 mothers answered a questionnaire; from their answers a crude birth rate of 48 per thousand was computed by World Health Organization ex- 7. Fuad Baali and George A. Hillery, Jr., "The Desert Bedouins of Iraq: A Comparison with the Village" (unpublished manuscript, 1959). 6 6  IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE perts. The people of Shaikh Omar district, although generally poor, are not the poorest element of Baghdad's population." Factors explaining the high fertility in Iraq are religious be- liefs, early marriage especially in rural areas, and lack of sys- tematic knowledge concerning birth control practices. The crude death rate, according to the Ministry of Health, was 10.5 for 1952 and 10.6 for 1953.9 Phillips believes that the actual crude death rate ranges from 25 to 40 per thou- sand. In the Shaikh Omar Maternal and Child Health Center the WHO "survey of 2,000 families [in a lower-class district of Baghdad] revealed an infant mortality rate of 135 per thou- sand."10 This, however, is not a high rate compared with those of some other Middle Eastern or Asian countries. Factors ex- plaining the high rate of mortality in Iraq are poor health (malnutrition, poor sanitation, disease), low income, and ig- norance. RELIGIONS Iraq is inhabited by a diversity of ethnic and religious groups. The 1957 census showed a total of 6,057,493 Moslems (95.5 percent of the population), the majority of whom were Arabs. The Arabs are found mainly in the central and south- ern parts of the country. The other Islamic groups are the Kurds and the Turk- omans. The Kurds make up nearly 20 per cent of the total population. These non-Arab people speak Kurdish as well as Arabic languages. They live mainly in the northern portion of the country. Agriculture is their main activity. The Turkomans, who were originally Turkish, settled in Northern Iraq, especially in Kirkuk, Arbil, and Tal Afar. Most of them are farmers. They speak both Turkish and Arabic lan- guages. Besides the Kurds and the Turkomans, there are also the Persians, who came from Iran and settled near the religious areas in Central Iraq. They are largely urban people. According to the 1957 census, Iraq had 206,206 Christians 8. Iraq's People and Resources (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958), p. 69. 9. Annual Bulletin of Health and Vital Statistics for 1953 (Bagh- dad, 1955), p. 6. 10. Phillips, p. 69. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE perts. The people of Shaikh Omar district, although generally poor, are not the poorest element of Baghdad's population." Factors explaining the high fertility in Iraq are religious be- liefs, early marriage especially in rural areas, and lack of sys- tematic knowledge concerning birth control practices. The crude death rate, according to the Ministry of Health, was 10.5 for 1952 and 10.6 for 1953.9 Phillips believes that the actual crude death rate ranges from 25 to 40 per thou- sand. In the Shaikh Omar Maternal and Child Health Center the WHO "survey of 2,000 families [in a lower-class district of Baghdad] revealed an infant mortality rate of 135 per thou- sand."0 This, however, is not a high rate compared with those of some other Middle Eastern or Asian countries. Factors ex- plaining the high rate of mortality in Iraq are poor health (malnutrition, poor sanitation, disease), low income, and ig- norance. RELIGIONS Iraq is inhabited by a diversity of ethnic and religious groups. The 1957 census showed a total of 6,057,493 Moslems (95.5 percent of the population), the majority of whom were Arabs. The Arabs are found mainly in the central and south- ern parts of the country. The other Islamic groups are the Kurds and the Turk- omans. The Kurds make up nearly 20 per cent of the total population. These non-Arab people speak Kurdish as well as Arabic languages. They live mainly in the northern portion of the country. Agriculture is their main activity. The Turkomans, who were originally Turkish, settled in Northern Iraq, especially in Kirkuk, Arbil, and Tal Afar. Most of them are farmers. They speak both Turkish and Arabic lan- guages. Besides the Kurds and the Turkomans, there are also the Persians, who came from Iran and settled near the religious areas in Central Iraq. They are largely urban people. According to the 1957 census, Iraq had 206,206 Christians 8. Iraq's People and Resources (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958), p. 69. 9. Annual Bulletin of Health and Vital Statistics for 1953 (Bagh- dad, 1955), p. 6. 10. Phillips, p. 69. IRAQ AND ITS PEOPLE perts. The people of Shaikh Omar district, although generally poor, are not the poorest element of Baghdad's population." Factors explaining the high fertility in Iraq are religious be- liefs, early marriage especially in rural areas, and lack of sys- tematic knowledge concerning birth control practices. The crude death rate, according to the Ministry of Health, was 10.5 for 1952 and 10.6 for 1953.8 Phillips believes that the actual crude death rate ranges from 25 to 40 per thou- sand. In the Shaikh Omar Maternal and Child Health Center the WHO "survey of 2,000 families [in a lower-class district of Baghdad] revealed an infant mortality rate of 135 per thou- sand."10 This, however, is not a high rate compared with those of some other Middle Eastern or Asian countries. Factors ex- plaining the high rate of mortality in Iraq are poor health (malnutrition, poor sanitation, disease), low income, and ig- norance. RELIGIONS Iraq is inhabited by a diversity of ethnic and religious groups. The 1957 census showed a total of 6,057,493 Moslems (95.5 percent of the population), the majority of whom were Arabs. The Arabs are found mainly in the central and south- ern parts of the country. The other Islamic groups are the Kurds and the Turk- omans. The Kurds make up nearly 20 per cent of the total population. These non-Arab people speak Kurdish as well as Arabic languages. They live mainly in the northern portion of the country. Agriculture is their main activity. The Turkomans, who were originally Turkish, settled in Northern Iraq, especially in Kirkuk, Arbil, and Tal Afar. Most of them are farmers. They speak both Turkish and Arabic lan- guages. Besides the Kurds and the Turkomans, there are also the Persians, who came from Iran and settled near the religious areas in Central Iraq. They are largely urban people. According to the 1957 census, Iraq had 206,206 Christians 8. Iraq's People and Resources (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958), p. 69. 9. Annual Bulletin of Health and Vital Statistics for 1953 (Bagh- dad, 1955), p. 6. 10. Phillips, p. 69. 7 7 7  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ (3.2 per cent of the population). Except for a small Armen- ian minority, the Christians are Arabs. Almost half of them live in the North, especially in Mosul; they are also concen- trated in Baghdad and Basrah. Before 1951 the Jewish community numbered some 150,000 persons. In 1950-51 a majority of them left Iraq, most of them going to Israel. The number of Jews according to the 1957 census was 4,906. The other religious groups are the Sabaeans (Mandaeans) and the Yezidis. The Sabaeans, numbered 11,825 in 1957, are concentrated in Southern Iraq, especially in Nasiryah prov- ince. According to their religious teachings, they must live near running water. They are sometimes called "the Chris- tians of St. John" or the "followers of St. John." They claim that they are the descendants of the ancient Sabaeans, and this explains why they call themselves "Sabaeans." Many of them are silversmiths. The Yezidis are known as "devil worshippers." They hold their religious ceremonies in strict secrecy. They have a high- ly organized communal life. The Yezidis are located between Jabal Sinjar and the Shaikhan district north of Mosul. Accord- ing to the 1957 census, they numbered 55,885. They speak a Kurdish dialect, although their sacred books are written in Arabic. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ (3.2 per cent of the population). Except for a small Armen- ian minority, the Christians are Arabs. Almost half of them live in the North, especially in Mosul; they are also concen- trated in Baghdad and Basrah. Before 1951 the Jewish community numbered some 150,000 persons. In 1950-51 a majority of them left Iraq, most of them going to Israel. The number of Jews according to the 1957 census was 4,906. The other religious groups are the Sabaeans (Mandaeans) and the Yezidis. The Sabaeans, numbered 11,825 in 1957, are concentrated in Southern Iraq, especially in Nasiryah prov- ince. According to their religious teachings, they must live near running water. They are sometimes called "the Chris- tians of St. John" or the "followers of St. John." They claim that they are the descendants of the ancient Sabaeans, and this explains why they call themselves "Sabaeans." Many of them are silversmiths. The Yezidis are known as "devil worshippers." They hold their religious ceremonies in strict secrecy. They have a high- ly organized communal life. The Yezidis are located between Jabal Sinjar and the Shaikhan district north of Mosul. Accord- ing to the 1957 census, they numbered 55,885. They speak a Kurdish dialect, although their sacred books are written in Arabic. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ (3.2 per cent of the population). Except for a small Armen- ian minority, the Christians are Arabs. Almost half of them live in the North, especially in Mosul; they are also concen- trated in Baghdad and Basrah. Before 1951 the Jewish community numbered some 150,000 persons. In 1950-51 a majority of them left Iraq, most of them going to Israel. The number of Jews according to the 1957 census was 4,906. The other religious groups are the Sabaeans (Mandaeans) and the Yezidis. The Sabaeans, numbered 11,825 in 1957, are concentrated in Southern Iraq, especially in Nasiryah prov- ince. According to their religious teachings, they must live near running water. They are sometimes called "the Chris- tians of St. John" or the "followers of St. John." They claim that they are the descendants of the ancient Sabaeans, and this explains why they call themselves "Sabaeans." Many of them are silversmiths. The Yezidis are known as "devil worshippers." They hold their religious ceremonies in strict secrecy. They have a high- ly organized communal life. The Yezidis are located between Jabal Sinjar and the Shaikhan district north of Mosul. Accord- ing to the 1957 census, they numbered 55,885. They speak a Kurdish dialect, although their sacred books are written in Arabic. 8 8  2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Social problems growing out of the ownership and control of the land have a long history in that part of the world which constitutes modern Iraq. A brief historical review sets the stage for understanding these problems. ANCIENT IRAQ Some of the earliest written records, going back to the reign of Hammurabi, testify to the long existence of issues related to landownership. The Code of Hammurabi dealt extensive- ly with the relationships between the people and the land. In his realm (2124.2081 B.c.) the land was largely owned by the crown, nobles, and merchants. The slaves, who comprised a large percentage of the population, were mainly responsible for the cultivation of the privately owned land of their mas- ters. The laws of Hammurabi distinguished between private possession and ilku possession. Land held under the latter, "granted by the king by way of reward for public service, could be neither sold nor seized, nor mortgaged, nor transmit- ted on any terms whatsoever except to the male heir, and on condition of the fulfillment of the appropriate duties."' Tribal, or collective, ownership also existed in the time of Kassites (1760-1185 B.C.). This is evident from the purchase contracts of the time. The tribes (bitu) were organized collec- tively for the purpose of tilling and irrigating the land. Religious ownership, the third type of land tenure, had al- ready developed with the rise of the great Sumerian dynas- ties. Supposedly religious land belonged solely to the temple, but actually it belonged to the king. It is interesting to note that Urukagina, the Sumerian prince of Lighish, led a revolt for redistribution of the land and also sought to protect the agricultural laborers from exploitation by the landowners.2 1. L. Delaporte, Mesopotamia: The Babylonian and Assyrian Civiliza- tion, trans. V. Gordon Childe (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1925), p. 101. 2. In many parts of Mesopotamia a system of peonage was developed. Serfs were regularly mentioned by name in the sale of land, in the same sentence with the flocks and herds. Edward Chiera, They Wrote on Clay S ocial problems growing out of the ownership and control of the land have a long history in that part of the world which constitutes modern Iraq. A brief historical review sets the stage for understanding these problems. ANCIENT IRAQ Some of the earliest written records, going back to the reign of Hammurabi, testify to the long existence of issues related to landownership. The Code of Hammurabi dealt extensive- ly with the relationships between the people and the land. In his realm (2124-2081 B.C.) the land was largely owned by the crown, nobles, and merchants. The slaves, who comprised a large percentage of the population, were mainly responsible for the cultivation of the privately owned land of their mas- ters. The laws of Hammurabi distinguished between private possession and ilku possession. Land held under the latter, "granted by the king by way of reward for public service, could be neither sold nor seized, nor mortgaged, nor transmit- ted on any terms whatsoever except to the male heir, and on condition of the fulfillment of the appropriate duties."' Tribal, or collective, ownership also existed in the time of Kassites (1760-1185 B.c.). This is evident from the purchase contracts of the time. The tribes (bite) were organized collec- tively for the purpose of tilling and irrigating the land. Religious ownership, the third type of land tenure, had al- ready developed with the rise of the great Sumerian dynas- ties. Supposedly religious land belonged solely to the temple, but actually it belonged to the king. It is interesting to note that Urukagina, the Sumerian prince of Lighish, led a revolt for redistribution of the land and also sought to protect the agricultural laborers from exploitation by the landowners.2 1. L. Delaporte, Mesopotamia: The Babylonian and Assyrian Civiliza- tion, trans. V. Gordon Childe (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1925), p. 10. 2. In many parts of Mesopotamia a system of peonage was developed. Serfs were regularly mentioned by name in the sale of land, in the same sentence with the flocks and herds. Edward Chiera, They Wrote on Clay S ocial problems growing out of the ownership and control of the land have a long history in that part of the world which constitutes modern Iraq. A brief historical review sets the stage for understanding these problems. ANCIENT IRAQ Some of the earliest written records, going back to the reign of Hammurabi, testify to the long existence of issues related to landownership. The Code of Hammurabi dealt extensive- ly with the relationships between the people and the land. In his realm (2124-2081 B.C.) the land was largely owned by the crown, nobles, and merchants. The slaves, who comprised a large percentage of the population, were mainly responsible for the cultivation of the privately owned land of their mas- ters. The laws of Hammurabi distinguished between private possession and ilku possession. Land held under the latter, "granted by the king by way of reward for public service, could be neither sold nor seized, nor mortgaged, nor transmit- ted on any terms whatsoever except to the male heir, and on condition of the fulfillment of the appropriate duties."' Tribal, or collective, ownership also existed in the time of Kassites (1760-1185 B.C.). This is evident from the purchase contracts of the time. The tribes (bitu) were organized collec- tively for the purpose of tilling and irrigating the land. Religious ownership, the third type of land tenure, had al- ready developed with the rise of the great Sumerian dynas- ties. Supposedly religious land belonged solely to the temple, but actually it belonged to the king. It is interesting to note that Urukagina, the Sumerian prince of Lighish, led a revolt for redistribution of the land and also sought to protect the agricultural laborers from exploitation by the landowners.' 1. L. Delaporte, Mesopotamia: The Babylonian and Assyrian Civiliza- tion, trans. V. Gordon Childe (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1925), p. 101. 2. In many parts of Mesopotamia a system of peonage was developed. Serfs were regularly mentioned by name in the sale of land, in the same sentence with the flocks and herds. Edward Chiera, They Wrote on Clay 9 9 9  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ THE ISLAMIC PERIOD The Moslems occupied Iraq in A.D. 641. They refrained from interfering with the prevailing conditions of farm manage- ment, allowed the existing peasantry to remain on its land, and even encouraged the continuance of accustomed activities.3 Some of the features of the land tenure system prevailing in this period have been established. Kharaj land: In the countries occupied peacefully, the land which belonged to non-Moslems was left in their possession, provided that these landowners paid the kharaj (land tax). Ushr' land: In the countries conquered through warfare, the land was taken and divided among the Moslems, unless the owner of the land adopted Islam. In the latter case he might keep the land, but one-tenth of the income from it had to be paid to the state. These revenues from ushr were devot- ed to the zakat (alms for poor people). The state gave land to army officers in lieu of pay, "be- cause the settlement is easy in this case." Al Mawardi, in his book Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyah ("Constitutional Law"), point- ed out that granting kharaj land was especially suitable for military officers, and in practice the military fiefs developed from it.' The land which was not divided among the Moslem soldiers, and which lacked possessors or was not claimed by the heirs of former owners, became the property of the state. The uncultivated land might be granted to individuals if they promised to cultivate it, irrigate it, and never neglect it. If they failed to cultivate the land, it could be seized from them "at the close of three years" unless they gave satisfactory rea- sons for their failure to use it. At any rate, during these three years they paid nothing to the state. Moreover, they had (University of Chicago Press, 1938) pp. 180-86; A. T. Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923), pp. 510-24. 3. Alfred Bonne, State and Economics in the Middle East (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1948), p. 113. 4. Ushr means "tithe." A. Fahmi, A Report on Iraq (based on an official report submitted to the Ministry of Finance [Baghdad, 1926]), pp. 28-29. 5. The Encyclopedia of Islam (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1927), Vol. II; see also Fuad Baali, Social and Ethical Philosophy of Ikwan al-Safa (in Arabic; Baghdad: Al-Maarif Press, 1958), p. 25. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ THE ISLAMIC PERIOD The Moslems occupied Iraq in A.D. 641. They refrained from interfering with the prevailing conditions of farm manage- ment, allowed the existing peasantry to remain on its land, and even encouraged the continuance of accustomed activities.3 Some of the features of the land tenure system prevailing in this period have been established. Kharaj land: In the countries occupied peacefully, the land which belonged to non-Moslems was left in their possession, provided that these landowners paid the kharaj (land tax). Ushr4 land: In the countries conquered through warfare, the land was taken and divided among the Moslems, unless the owner of the land adopted Islam. In the latter case he might keep the land, but one-tenth of the income from it had to be paid to the state. These revenues from ushr were devot- ed to the zakat (alms for poor people). The state gave land to army officers in lieu of pay, "be- cause the settlement is easy in this case." Al Mawardi, in his book Al-Akam al-Sultaniyah ("Constitutional Law"), point- ed out that granting kharaj land was especially suitable for military officers, and in practice the military fiefs developed from it.' The land which was not divided among the Moslem soldiers, and which lacked possessors or was not claimed by the heirs of former owners, became the property of the state. The uncultivated land might be granted to individuals if they promised to cultivate it, irrigate it, and never neglect it. If they failed to cultivate the land, it could be seized from them "at the close of three years" unless they gave satisfactory rea- sons for their failure to use it. At any rate, during these three years they paid nothing to the state. Moreover, they had (University of Chicago Press, 1938) pp. 180-86; A. T. Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923), pp. 510-24. 3. Alfred Bonne, State and Economics in the Middle East (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1948), p. 113. 4. Ushr means "tithe." A. Fahmi, A Report on Iraq (based on an official report submitted to the Ministry of Finance [Baghdad, 1926]), pp. 28-29. 5. The Encyclopedia of Islam (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1927), Vol. II; see also Fuad Bsh, Social and Ethical Philosophy of Ikwan al-Safa (in Arabic; Baghdad: Al-Maarif Press, 1958), p. 25. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ THE ISLAMIC PERIOD The Moslems occupied Iraq in A.D. 641. They refrained from interfering with the prevailing conditions of farm manage- ment, allowed the existing peasantry to remain on its land, and even encouraged the continuance of accustomed activities.3 Some of the features of the land tenure system prevailing in this period have been established. Kharaj land: In the countries occupied peacefully, the land which belonged to non-Moslems was left in their possession, provided that these landowners paid the kharaj (land tax). Ushr' land: In the countries conquered through warfare, the land was taken and divided among the Moslems, unless the owner of the land adopted Islam. In the latter case he might keep the land, but one-tenth of the income from it had to be paid to the state. These revenues from ushr were devot- ed to the zakat (alms for poor people). The state gave land to army officers in lieu of pay, "be- cause the settlement is easy in this case." Al Mawardi, in his book Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyah ("Constitutional Law"), point- ed out that granting kharaj land was especially suitable for military officers, and in practice the military fiefs developed from it.5 The land which was not divided among the Moslem soldiers, and which lacked possessors or was not claimed by the heirs of former owners, became the property of the state. The uncultivated land might be granted to individuals if they promised to cultivate it, irrigate it, and never neglect it. If they failed to cultivate the land, it could be seized from them "at the close of three years" unless they gave satisfactory rea- sons for their failure to use it. At any rate, during these three years they paid nothing to the state. Moreover, they had (University of Chicago Press, 1938) pp. 180-86; A. T. Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923), pp. 510-24. 3. Alfred Bonne, State and Economics in the Middle East (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1948), p. 113. 4. Ushr means "tithe." A. Fahmi, A Report on Iraq (based on an official report submitted to the Ministry of Finance [Baghdad, 1926]), pp. 28-29. 5. The Encyclopedia of Islam (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1927), Vol. II; see also Fuad Baali, Social and Ethical Philosophy of Ikwan al-Safa (in Arabic; Baghdad: Al-Maarif Press, 1958), p. 25. 10 10  HISTORICAL BACKGROUND the right to dispose of the land, but in this case they were required to pay a certain amount of money to the state. During the Abbasid period, particularly between A.D. 750 and 1257, the classification of land became (1) Caliph's (or king's) estates, personally owned; (2) feudal estates, granted by the caliph to civil and military officers in return for their services; (3) common land (e.g., parks), which in reality belonged to the state; (4) waqf, religious trust land, which was usually devoted to both private and public benefit; and (5) mulk, land owned by private individuals. THE MONGOLIAN PERIOD In A.D. 1258 the Mongols invaded Iraq. This period was characterized by chaos, destruction, hunger, and extreme pov- erty. Clashes between Mongols and Iraqi tribes (also among different Iraqi tribes) occurred from time to time over the use and control of the agricultural land. In fact, Iraq has not even today fully recovered from the deterioration and corrup- tion which arose and became rampant during the Mongolian occupation. THE OTTOMAN PERIOD The Ottomans, like the Mongolians, were a military dynas- ty. When the Ottomans occupied Iraq in 1534, some Turkish sultans claimed a part of the conquered land as their property. In the main, the Ottoman Empire consisted of military fiefs. In 1857 the Ottoman government classified land into (1) musha'a, land for public use; (2) government land; (3) waqf, religious trust land or property devoted to religious and public benefit; (4) private land; and (5) waste or uncultivated land. In 1858 the Ottoman government sought the elimination of intermediaries between the government and the cultivators. The purpose behind this step was to reduce the power of the shaikhs (large landowners). However, this attempt was fruit- less. In 1863 the governor of Baghdad, Namiq Pasha, attempted to break tribal power. His attempt was successful in some places, and some shaikhs lost their status as landowners. Then Madhat Pasha came to Baghdad as governor and reformer. This ruler attempted to solve the problem of land control by his code of 1868. The four main articles in this code were: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND the right to dispose of the land, but in this case they were required to pay a certain amount of money to the state. During the Abbasid period, particularly between A.D. 750 and 1257, the classification of land became (1) Caliph's (or king's) estates, personally owned; (2) feudal estates, granted by the caliph to civil and military officers in return for their services; (3) common land (e.g., parks), which in reality belonged to the state; (4) waqf, religious trust land, which was usually devoted to both private and public benefit; and (5) mulk, land owned by private individuals. THE MONGOLIAN PERIOD In A.D. 1258 the Mongols invaded Iraq. This period was characterized by chaos, destruction, hunger, and extreme pov- erty. Clashes between Mongols and Iraqi tribes (also among different Iraqi tribes) occurred from time to time over the use and control of the agricultural land. In fact, Iraq has not even today fully recovered from the deterioration and corrup- tion which arose and became rampant during the Mongolian occupation. THE OTTOMAN PERIOD The Ottomans, like the Mongolians, were a military dynas- ty. When the Ottomans occupied Iraq in 1534, some Turkish sultans claimed a part of the conquered land as their property. In the main, the Ottoman Empire consisted of military fiefs. In 1857 the Ottoman government classified land into (1) musha'a, land for public use; (2) government land; (3) waqf, religious trust land or property devoted to religious and public benefit; (4) private land; and (5) waste or uncultivated land. In 1858 the Ottoman government sought the elimination of intermediaries between the government and the cultivators. The purpose behind this step was to reduce the power of the shaikhs (large landowners). However, this attempt was fruit- less. In 1863 the governor of Baghdad, Namiq Pasha, attempted to break tribal power. His attempt was successful in some places, and some shaikhs lost their status as landowners. Then Madhat Pasha came to Baghdad as governor and reformer. This ruler attempted to solve the problem of land control by his code of 1868. The four main articles in this code were: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND the right to dispose of the land, but in this case they were required to pay a certain amount of money to the state. During the Abbasid period, particularly between A.D. 750 and 1257, the classification of land became (1) Caliph's (or king's) estates, personally owned; (2) feudal estates, granted by the caliph to civil and military officers in return for their services; (3) common land (e.g., parks), which in reality belonged to the state; (4) waqf, religious trust land, which was usually devoted to both private and public benefit; and (5) mulk, land owned by private individuals. THE MONGOLIAN PERIOD In A.D. 1258 the Mongols invaded Iraq. This period was characterized by chaos, destruction, hunger, and extreme pov- erty. Clashes between Mongols and Iraqi tribes (also among different Iraqi tribes) occurred from time to time over the use and control of the agricultural land. In fact, Iraq has not even today fully recovered from the deterioration and corrup- tion which arose and became rampant during the Mongolian occupation. THE OTTOMAN PERIOD The Ottomans, like the Mongolians, were a military dynas- ty. When the Ottomans occupied Iraq in 1534, some Turkish sultans claimed a part of the conquered land as their property. In the main, the Ottoman Empire consisted of military fiefs. In 1857 the Ottoman government classified land into (1) musha, land for public use; (2) government land; (3) waqf, religious trust land or property devoted to religious and public benefit; (4) private land; and (5) waste or uncultivated land. In 1858 the Ottoman government sought the elimination of intermediaries between the government and the cultivators. The purpose behind this step was to reduce the power of the shaikhs (large landowners). However, this attempt was fruit- less. In 1863 the governor of Baghdad, Namiq Pasha, attempted to break tribal power. His attempt was successful in some places, and some shaikhs lost their status as landowners. Then Madhat Pasha came to Baghdad as governor and reformer. This ruler attempted to solve the problem of land control by his code of 1868. The four main articles in this code were: 11 11 11  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ 1. That the cultivated lands [supplied with water from the river] within the vilayets [provinces] of Basrah and Bagh- dad, which have become Government lands on account of the extinction of the offspring and kins [sic] of most of their owners and tenants, shall be transferred . . . by auction to persons desiring to possess them. 2. That, owing to the vastness of the lands, this privilege shall also include the Government officials, provided that the land is taken by them for the purpose of cultivation. 3. That, in cases where they are far from the cultivated area or lack the supply of river water, these lands shall be freely given and transferred to persons desiring to cultivate them. 4. That the conditions by which such transactions are car- ried out shall be based on the principle that the costs of the works of re-digging and [cleaning] the canals by which such lands are irrigated must be borne by the person who offers to possess them, or that such expenses, in the first instance, must be defrayed by the Public Treasury and thereafter any sub- sequent cleaning expenses [are] to be met by the owners of the lands themselves.6 These articles and several other regulations failed to solve the problem of landownership. Moreover, Madhat Pasha and many previous governors could not achieve the submission of the tribal shaikhs. In 1880 and 1891 the Ottoman government issued two Im- perial codes. The first prohibited further grants in tapu' ten- ure, and the other abrogated the right of acquisitive prescrip- tion of such land. These codes were useless because of the impracticability of enforcing such prohibitions under the con- fused conditions of unstable Southern Iraq. From 1883 to 1908 Sultan Abdul Hameed purchased vast ag- ricultural lands. These crown lands were administered by his private treasury. In 1908 when the Abdul Hameed regime was abolished, these lands were transferred to the state. 6. Quoted from Fahmi, Report on Iraq, pp. 29-30; see also Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs (New York: Macmillan Co., 1951), p. 738; Bonne, State and Economics, pp. 190-191. 7. Tapu is the Turkish word for a virtual freehold title; the word has also come to mean "land registry." PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ 1. That the cultivated lands [supplied with water from the river] within the vilayets [provinces] of Basrah and Bagh- dad, which have become Government lands on account of the extinction of the offspring and kins [sic] of most of their owners and tenants, shall be transferred . . . by auction to persons desiring to possess them. 2. That, owing to the vastness of the lands, this privilege shall also include the Government officials, provided that the land is taken by them for the purpose of cultivation. 3. That, in cases where they are far from the cultivated area or lack the supply of river water, these lands shall be freely given and transferred to persons desiring to cultivate them. 4. That the conditions by which such transactions are car- ried out shall be based on the principle that the costs of the works of re-digging and [cleaning] the canals by which such lands are irrigated must be borne by the person who offers to possess them, or that such expenses, in the first instance, must be defrayed by the Public Treasury and thereafter any sub- sequent cleaning expenses [are] to be met by the owners of the lands themselves.6 These articles and several other regulations failed to solve the problem of landownership. Moreover, Madhat Pasha and many previous governors could not achieve the submission of the tribal shaikhs. In 1880 and 1891 the Ottoman government issued two Im- perial codes. The first prohibited further grants in taput ten- ure, and the other abrogated the right of acquisitive prescrip- tion of such land. These codes were useless because of the impracticability of enforcing such prohibitions under the con- fused conditions of unstable Southern Iraq. From 1883 to 1908 Sultan Abdul Hameed purchased vast ag- ricultural lands. These crown lands were administered by his private treasury. In 1908 when the Abdul Hameed regime was abolished, these lands were transferred to the state. 6. Quoted from Fahmi, Report on Iraq, pp. 29-30; see also Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs (New York: Macmillan Co., 1951), p. 738; Bonne, State and Economics, pp. 190-191. 7. Taa is the Turkish word for a virtual freehold title; the word has also come to mean "land registry." PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ 1. That the cultivated lands [supplied with water from the river] within the vilayets [provinces] of Basrah and Bagh- dad, which have become Government lands on account of the extinction of the offspring and kins [sic] of most of their owners and tenants, shall be transferred . . . by auction to persons desiring to possess them. 2. That, owing to the vastness of the lands, this privilege shall also include the Government officials, provided that the land is taken by them for the purpose of cultivation. 3. That, in cases where they are far from the cultivated area or lack the supply of river water, these lands shall be freely given and transferred to persons desiring to cultivate them. 4. That the conditions by which such transactions are car- ried out shall be based on the principle that the costs of the works of re-digging and [cleaning] the canals by which such lands are irrigated must be borne by the person who offers to possess them, or that such expenses, in the first instance, must be defrayed by the Public Treasury and thereafter any sub- sequent cleaning expenses [are] to be met by the owners of the lands themselves. These articles and several other regulations failed to solve the problem of landownership. Moreover, Madhat Pasha and many previous governors could not achieve the submission of the tribal shaikhs. In 1880 and 1891 the Ottoman government issued two Im- perial codes. The first prohibited further grants in tape' ten- ure, and the other abrogated the right of acquisitive prescrip- tion of such land. These codes were useless because of the impracticability of enforcing such prohibitions under the con- fused conditions of unstable Southern Iraq. From 1883 to 1908 Sultan Abdul Hameed purchased vast ag- ricultural lands. These crown lands were administered by his private treasury. In 1908 when the Abdul Hameed regime was abolished, these lands were transferred to the state. 6. Quoted from Fahmi, Report on Iraq, pp. 29-30; see also Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs (New York: Macmillan Co., 1951), p. 738; Bonne, State and Economics, pp. 190-191. 7. Tapu is the Turkish word for a virtual freehold title; the word has also come to mean "land registry." 12 12  HISTORICAL BACKGROUND In 1908 Sir William Willcocks was engaged by the Ottoman government to study the irrigation system in Iraq.' This step was probably the greatest accomplishment of the Ottoman gov- ernment in Iraq. In brief, the Ottoman conquerors did not seriously attempt to solve land problems. In fact, the heavy taxes they collected created tense relations between them and the native people. Bonne believed that "the great state reforms attempted by the Ottoman rulers failed owing to a lack of understanding, and often also to the actual resistance of the Oriental feudal class."9 This statement is correct, but he failed to add that most of the Ottoman rulers were hostile to the landowners. This includes Madhat Pasha, the reformer, who sold lands to the feudal class and aided in creating a new power in Iraq- the tribal shaikhs. THE BRITISH PERIOD In 1917 British troops occupied Iraq. The British govern- ment not only maintained the confused state which character- ized the land system left by the Ottomans, but also encouraged the absentee landlords and the tribal shaikhs of rural areas to strengthen their power. Moreover, some shaikhs were given high positions in the administration, although they were not qualified for such offices. Furthermore, the British created a new civil law which was designed to settle the tribal disputes. This step was definitely undesirable, for it gave Iraq two con- stitutions, one for the tribes and the other for the rest of the people, which lasted until very recently. The British believed that the settlement of land titles in Iraq could not be solved unless adequate study of the land tenure system were made. However, during the period of their occu- pation, 1917-20, and the years of the Mandate, 1920-32, they made no serious efforts to settle the land question. This was the case because such reform might have endangered their control over Iraq; and it also explains why they were depend- ent upon the tribal feudal system. 8. See Willcocks, The Irrigation of Mesopotamia (London: Spon, 1917). 9. State and Economics, p. 125. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND In 1908 Sir William Willcocks was engaged by the Ottoman government to study the irrigation system in Iraq. This step was probably the greatest accomplishment of the Ottoman gov- ernment in Iraq. In brief, the Ottoman conquerors did not seriously attempt to solve land problems. In fact, the heavy taxes they collected created tense relations between them and the native people. Bonne believed that "the great state reforms attempted by the Ottoman rulers failed owing to a lack of understanding, and often also to the actual resistance of the Oriental feudal class."9 This statement is correct, but he failed to add that most of the Ottoman rulers were hostile to the landowners. This includes Madhat Pasha, the reformer, who sold lands to the feudal class and aided in creating a new power in Iraq- the tribal shaikhs. THE BRITISH PERIOD In 1917 British troops occupied Iraq. The British govern- ment not only maintained the confused state which character- ized the land system left by the Ottomans, but also encouraged the absentee landlords and the tribal shaikhs of rural areas to strengthen their power. Moreover, some shaikhs were given high positions in the administration, although they were not qualified for such offices. Furthermore, the British created a new civil law which was designed to settle the tribal disputes. This step was definitely undesirable, for it gave Iraq two con- stitutions, one for the tribes and the other for the rest of the people, which lasted until very recently. The British believed that the settlement of land titles in Iraq could not be solved unless adequate study of the land tenure system were made. However, during the period of their occu- pation, 1917-20, and the years of the Mandate, 1920-32, they made no serious efforts to settle the land question. This was the case because such reform might have endangered their control over Iraq; and it also explains why they were depend- ent upon the tribal feudal system. 8. See Willcocks, The Irrigation of Mesopotamia (London: Spon, 1917). 9. State and Economics, p. 125. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND In 1908 Sir William Willcocks was engaged by the Ottoman government to study the irrigation system in Iraq.8 This step was probably the greatest accomplishment of the Ottoman gov- ernment in Iraq. In brief, the Ottoman conquerors did not seriously attempt to solve land problems. In fact, the heavy taxes they collected created tense relations between them and the native people. Bonne believed that "the great state reforms attempted by the Ottoman rulers failed owing to a lack of understanding, and often also to the actual resistance of the Oriental feudal class."9 This statement is correct, but he failed to add that most of the Ottoman rulers were hostile to the landowners. This includes Madhat Pasha, the reformer, who sold lands to the feudal class and aided in creating a new power in Iraq- the tribal shaikhs. THE BRITISH PERIOD In 1917 British troops occupied Iraq. The British govern- ment not only maintained the confused state which character- ized the land system left by the Ottomans, but also encouraged the absentee landlords and the tribal shaikhs of rural areas to strengthen their power. Moreover, some shaikhs were given high positions in the administration, although they were not qualified for such offices. Furthermore, the British created a new civil law which was designed to settle the tribal disputes. This step was definitely undesirable, for it gave Iraq two con- stitutions, one for the tribes and the other for the rest of the people, which lasted until very recently. The British believed that the settlement of land titles in Iraq could not be solved unless adequate study of the land tenure system were made. However, during the period of their occu- pation, 1917-20, and the years of the Mandate, 1920-32, they made no serious efforts to settle the land question. This was the case because such reform might have endangered their control over Iraq; and it also explains why they were depend- ent upon the tribal feudal system. 8. See Willcocks, The Irrigation of Mesopotamia (London: Spon, 1917). 9. State and Economics, p. 125. 13 13 18  3. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES 3. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES 3. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES T he new state of Iraq, formed in 1921, found that many of the records of land titles had been either destroyed or lost. To cope with this situation, the government in 1929 requested Sir Ernest Dowson, a British land expert, to study the prob- lem. In his report to the government he suggested that in or- der to insure greater security of title an office for making and keeping records of land titles be established. As a result of Dowson's recommendations, the Iraqi Parlia- ment passed Law Number 50 of 1932, concerning land titles. It was later modified by Law Number 29 of 1938 and its amend- ments. This law recognizes the following types of land tenure: (1) private land held by individuals in absolute ownership; (2) matroukah, unreclaimed land usually reserved for public purposes; (3) waqf, religious trust land usually devoted to both private and public benefit; and (4) miri, government- owned land. There are three categories of government-owned land: (a) miri tape, land on which the government grants the cultivator the right of usufruct and retains ownership, but it may grant him title after a ten-year period of cultivation; (b) miri lazmah, land (usually held collectively) which may be granted to an individual if he proves that he has been till- ing it for fifteen years; but the government retains the right to veto any transfer of the land if it has reason to believe that such transfer may "disturb the peace"; and (c) miri sirf, va- cant or idle land and land not included in any of the other cat- egories. Actually, the law of 1938 was based on an Ottoman code of 1858. As far as the waqf tenure is concerned, there is a con- troversy as to whether or not it should be abolished. Abuses and corruption in its administration lead many people to be- lieve that it is no longer deemed as desirable as .the private- category land. The origin of this type of tenure is attributed to Omar, the companion of Prophet Mohammed, who left vast areas of the conquered territories to the Moslem community (as a whole) for religious purposes. Moreover, this law was amended by Law Number 42 of 1959 The new state of Iraq, formed in 1921, found that many of the records of land titles had been either destroyed or lost. To cope with this situation, the government in 1929 requested Sir Ernest Dowson, a British land expert, to study the prob- lem. In his report to the government he suggested that in or- der to insure greater security of title an office for making and keeping records of land titles be established. As a result of Dowson's recommendations, the Iraqi Parlia- ment passed Law Number 50 of 1932, concerning land titles. It was later modified by Law Number 29 of 1938 and its amend- ments. This law recognizes the following types of land tenure: (1) private land held by individuals in absolute ownership; (2) matroukah, unreclaimed land usually reserved for public purposes; (3) waqf, religious trust land usually devoted to both private and public benefit; and (4) miri, government- owned land. There are three categories of government-owned land: (a) miri tapu, land on which the government grants the cultivator the right of usufruct and retains ownership, but it may grant him title after a ten-year period of cultivation; (b) miri lazmah, land (usually held collectively) which may be granted to an individual if he proves that he has been till- ing it for fifteen years; but the government retains the right to veto any transfer of the land if it has reason to believe that such transfer may "disturb the peace"; and (c) miri sirf, va- cant or idle land and land not included in any of the other cat- egories. Actually, the law of 1938 was based on an Ottoman code of 1858. As far as the waqf tenure is concerned, there is a con- troversy as to whether or not it should be abolished. Abuses and corruption in its administration lead many people to be- lieve that it is no longer deemed as desirable as .the private- category land. The origin of this type of tenure is attributed to Omar, the companion of Prophet Mohammed, who left vast areas of the conquered territories to the Moslem community (as a whole) for religious purposes. Moreover, this law was amended by Law Number 42 of 1959 T he new state of Iraq, formed in 1921, found that many of the records of land titles had been either destroyed or lost. To cope with this situation, the government in 1929 requested Sir Ernest Dowson, a British land expert, to study the prob- lem. In his report to the government he suggested that in or- der to insure greater security of title an office for making and keeping records of land titles be established. As a result of Dowson's recommendations, the Iraqi Parlia- ment passed Law Number 50 of 1932, concerning land titles. It was later modified by Law Number 29 of 1938 and its amend- ments. This law recognizes the following types of land tenure: (1) private land held by individuals in absolute ownership; (2) matroukah, unreclaimed land usually reserved for public purposes; (3) waqf, religious trust land usually devoted to both private and public benefit; and (4) miri, government- owned land. There are three categories of government-owned land: (a) miri tape, land on which the government grants the cultivator the right of usufruct and retains ownership, but it may grant him title after a ten-year period of cultivation; (b) mini lazmah, land (usually held collectively) which may be granted to an individual if he proves that he has been till- ing it for fifteen years; but the government retains the right to veto any transfer of the land if it has reason to believe that such transfer may "disturb the peace"; and (c) miri sirf, va- cant or idle land and land not included in any of the other cat- egories. Actually, the law of 1938 was based on an Ottoman code of 1858. As far as the waqf tenure is concerned, there is a con- troversy as to whether or not it should be abolished. Abuses and corruption in its administration lead many people to be- lieve that it is no longer deemed as desirable as.the private- category land. The origin of this type of tenure is attributed to Omar, the companion of Prophet Mohammed, who left vast areas of the conquered territories to the Moslem community (as a whole) for religious purposes. Moreover, this law was amended by Law Number 42 of 1959 14 14  LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES which abolished the alienation of government land through tapu, and stipulated that leasing this land does not entitle the lessee to the right of lazmah grant. From 1933 to 1961 the government completed the establish- ment and clearing of titles to a total of 89,006,004 donums of land. (One donum contains 2,500 square meters or 0.62 of an acre.) The former Minister of Agrarian Reform stated, in his news conference of March 31, 1964, that clearing and registra- tion of titles were still going on in two southern provinces, Amarah and Nasiryah.1 LAND SURVEYS The mere classification of land for purpose of title settle- ment is not enough; it is essential to have a complete and reliable set of records. These records will help to locate and describe lands unambiguously, not only for land surveyors but for landowners as well. The government of Iraq has realized that land settlement cannot be accomplished without delimita- tion of boundaries, exact measurement of the areas involved, and the specification of the rights of people to the land. It should be kept in mind that the Ottoman regime did not under- take a survey of the land. When the British occupied Iraq, the Land Survey Department was a military one. In 1920 this de- partment was transferred to the government of Iraq. Until then the department was controlled by Indian personnel. Since then the government has gradually replaced the Indians with Iraqis. Although the Land Survey Department was not well equipped and staffed for survey map making, in 1922 it had made 37,139 maps. This number increased to 113,485 maps in 1930.2 The law requires that, following completion, dupli- cate copies of a survey must be placed on file and kept in the Land Survey Department. Nevertheless, only 1,206 square ki- lometers had been surveyed in 1922, and 34,000 square kilom- eters by 1930. Dowson has pointed out that "the survey framework of the 1. Ministry of Agrarian Reform, Agrarian Reform in Six Years (in Arabic; Baghdad: AI-Masaha Press, 1964), p. 9. 2. Great Britain, Progress of Iraq During the Period 1920-1931 (Lon- don: H. M. Stationery Office, 1931), pp. 202-3. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES which abolished the alienation of government land through tapu, and stipulated that leasing this land does not entitle the lessee to the right of lazmah grant. From 1933 to 1961 the government completed the establish- ment and clearing of titles to a total of 89,006,004 donums of land. (One donum contains 2,500 square meters or 0.62 of an acre.) The former Minister of Agrarian Reform stated, in his news conference of March 31, 1964, that clearing and registra- tion of titles were still going on in two southern provinces, Amarah and Nasiryah.1 LAND SURVEYS The mere classification of land for purpose of title settle- ment is not enough; it is essential to have a complete and reliable set of records. These records will help to locate and describe lands unambiguously, not only for land surveyors but for landowners as well. The government of Iraq has realized that land settlement cannot be accomplished without delimita- tion of boundaries, exact measurement of the areas involved, and the specification of the rights of people to the land. It should be kept in mind that the Ottoman regime did not under- take a survey of the land. When the British occupied Iraq, the Land Survey Department was a military one. In 1920 this de- partment was transferred to the government of Iraq. Until then the department was controlled by Indian personnel. Since then the government has gradually replaced the Indians with Iraqis. Although the Land Survey Department was not well equipped and staffed for survey map making, in 1922 it had made 37,139 maps. This number increased to 113,485 maps in 1930.2 The law requires that, following completion, dupli- cate copies of a survey must be placed on file and kept in the Land Survey Department. Nevertheless, only 1,206 square ki- lometers had been surveyed in 1922, and 34,000 square kilom- eters by 1930. Dowson has pointed out that "the survey framework of the 1. Ministry of Agrarian Reform, Agrarian Reform in Six Years (in Arabic; Baghdad: AI-Masaha Press, 1964), p. 9. 2. Great Britain, Progress of Iraq During the Period 1920-1931 (Lon- don: H. M. Stationery Office, 1931), pp. 202-3. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES which abolished the alienation of government land through tapu, and stipulated that leasing this land does not entitle the lessee to the right of lazmah grant. From 1933 to 1961 the government completed the establish- ment and clearing of titles to a total of 89,006,004 donums of land. (One donum contains 2,500 square meters or 0.62 of an acre.) The former Minister of Agrarian Reform stated, in his news conference of March 31, 1964, that clearing and registra- tion of titles were still going on in two southern provinces, Amarah and Nasiryah.1 LAND SURVEYS The mere classification of land for purpose of title settle- ment is not enough; it is essential to have a complete and reliable set of records. These records will help to locate and describe lands unambiguously, not only for land surveyors but for landowners as well. The government of Iraq has realized that land settlement cannot be accomplished without delimita- tion of boundaries, exact measurement of the areas involved, and the specification of the rights of people to the land. It should be kept in mind that the Ottoman regime did not under- take a survey of the land. When the British occupied Iraq, the Land Survey Department was a military one. In 1920 this de- partment was transferred to the government of Iraq. Until then the department was controlled by Indian personnel. Since then the government has gradually replaced the Indians with Iraqis. Although the Land Survey Department was not well equipped and staffed for survey map making, in 1922 it had made 37,139 maps. This number increased to 113,485 maps in 1930.2 The law requires that, following completion, dupli- cate copies of a survey must be placed on file and kept in the Land Survey Department. Nevertheless, only 1,206 square ki- lometers had been surveyed in 1922, and 34,000 square kilom- eters by 1930. Dowson has pointed out that "the survey framework of the 1. Ministry of Agrarian Reform, Agrarian Reform in Six Years (in Arabic; Baghdad: AI-Masaha Press, 1964), p. 9. 2. Great Britain, Progress of Iraq During the Period 1920-1931 (Lon- don: H. M. Stationery Office, 1931), pp. 202-3. 15 15 15  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ country is in a very unsatisfactory condition." He recommend- ed that a detailed cadastral survey be required to make the land tenure and land revenue systems more satisfactory. He also stated that "only on the basis of such a survey can the unqualified stability and security of tenure be attained which is required to stimulate the development and productive capac- ity of the country fully." However, he believed that "the Sur- vey Department is rightly recognized to be a specialist scien- tific service, and good work has been done in organizing and equipping it for its duties."3 After Dowson submitted his report to the government, land surveys of 78,913,857 donums were completed by 1956. The claim and complaint of the Land Survey Department that "it has not enough surveyors for its works" does not appear to be sound. The fact is that after the passage of the Land Settle- ment Law (Number 50) in 1932, four committees of settle- ment were established; and the number of committees and branches, and even the scope of operations, continued to in- crease. In 1963 there were nineteen committees distributed among all the provinces of Iraq. As of December 31, 1963, there were 760 employees in the Land Survey Department, 3 of whom were foreign experts. The question is not the number of surveyors but the adequacy of the survey. It was under- stood that when the Land Survey Department was established, its primary duty was to assist the government in carrying out the plan of land reform. In actuality the only individuals who benefited from its work were the big landlords (see Chap- ter 4). REGISTRATION OF DEEDS The most important phase of land settlement is the regis- tration of deeds to the land. Maps and other evidences are use- ful, for they give security to the landowners and they facilitate land transactions. In Iraq the Tapu, or Land Registry, Department is primar- ily concerned with the registration of titles to land. But it is also concerned with the recording of all transactions involving 3. An Inquiry into Land Tenure and Related Questions: Proposals for the Initiation of Reform (Letchworth, England: Garden City Press 1932), pp. 40, 64. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ country is in a very unsatisfactory condition." He recommend- ed that a detailed cadastral survey be required to make the land tenure and land revenue systems more satisfactory. He also stated that "only on the basis of such a survey can the unqualified stability and security of tenure be attained which is required to stimulate the development and productive capac- ity of the country fully." However, he believed that "the Sur- vey Department is rightly recognized to be a specialist scien- tific service, and good work has been done in organizing and equipping it for its duties." After Dowson submitted his report to the government, land surveys of 78,913,857 donums were completed by 1956. The claim and complaint of the Land Survey Department that "it has not enough surveyors for its works" does not appear to be sound. The fact is that after the passage of the Land Settle- ment Law (Number 50) in 1932, four committees of settle- ment were established; and the number of committees and branches, and even the scope of operations, continued to in- crease. In 1963 there were nineteen committees distributed among all the provinces of Iraq. As of December 31, 1963, there were 760 employees in the Land Survey Department, 3 of whom were foreign experts. The question is not the number of surveyors but the adequacy of the survey. It was under- stood that when the Lang Survey Department was established, its primary duty was to assist the government in carrying out the plan of land reform. In actuality the only individuals who benefited from its work were the big landlords (see Chap- ter 4). REGISTRATION OF DEEDS The most important phase of land settlement is the regis- tration of deeds to the land. Maps and other evidences are use- ful, for they give security to the landowners and they facilitate land transactions. In Iraq the Tapu, or Land Registry, Department is primar- ily concerned with the registration of titles to land. But it is also concerned with the recording of all transactions involving 3. An Inquiry into Land Tenure and Related Questions: Proposals for the Initiation of Reform (Letchworth, England: Garden City Press 1932), pp. 40, 64. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ country is in a very unsatisfactory condition." He recommend- ed that a detailed cadastral survey be required to make the land tenure and land revenue systems more satisfactory. He also stated that "only on the basis of such a survey can the unqualified stability and security of tenure be attained which is required to stimulate the development and productive capac- ity of the country fully." However, he believed that "the Sur- vey Department is rightly recognized to be a specialist scien- tific service, and good work has been done in organizing and equipping it for its duties."3 After Dowson submitted his report to the government, land surveys of 78,913,857 donums were completed by 1956. The claim and complaint of the Land Survey Department that "it has not enough surveyors for its works" does not appear to be sound. The fact is that after the passage of the Land Settle- ment Law (Number 50) in 1932, four committees of settle- ment were established; and the number of committees and branches, and even the scope of operations, continued to in- crease. In 1963 there were nineteen committees distributed among all the provinces of Iraq. As of December 31, 1963, there were 760 employees in the Land Survey Department, 3 of whom were foreign experts. The question is not the number of surveyors but the adequacy of the survey. It was under- stood that when the Land Survey Department was established, its primary duty was to assist the government in carrying out the plan of land reform. In actuality the only individuals who benefited from its work were the big landlords (see Chap- ter 4). REGISTRATION OF DEEDS The most important phase of land settlement is the regis- tration of deeds to the land. Maps and other evidences are use- ful, for they give security to the landowners and they facilitate land transactions. In Iraq the Tapu, or Land Registry, Department is primar- ily concerned with the registration of titles to land. But it is also concerned with the recording of all transactions involving 3. An Inquiry into Land Tenure and Related Questions: Proposals for the Initiation of Reform (Letchworth, England: Garden City Press 1932), pp. 40, 64. 16 16  LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES immovable property, i.e., mortgages, sales, and so forth. It must be emphasized that the registration of titles to land has been defective. "The registers were incomplete and the entries were unsupported by any form of surveyed maps. The boun- dary descriptions of properties, which were used to replace plans and maps, were so vaguely and inaccurately worded that it was frequently impossible to identify the properties con- cerned with any certainty."4 In spite of all these limitations, the Land Registry Department was able to function with the help of aerial photographs, and some progress with mapping and registration was made. In 1920 the department, with all its defects and problems was transferred to the Iraqi government. In 1921 the registra- tion of agricultural properties was begun. It was a rule that no transactions could be accepted unless they were supported by surveys and maps. In 1927 the Iraqi government was able, under the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne, to obtain from Turkey over 250,000 photographic copies in order to "make good some of the worst deficiencies in the department's reg- isters."5 Dowson has pointed out that registration of titles to land in Iraq has never been practicably or systematically attempted. Not only the unreliability of Land Registry records was in- volved in this crucial weakness, but also the fact that the rec- ords were "commonly out of date, and/or incomplete, and/or conflicting, and/or unintelligible, and/or of questionable validity." He realized that this state of affairs is generally and rightly "to be mainly a heritage from the past." Thus, it would have been impossible, under these circumstances, to maintain a reliable register of land tenure. To permit the department to perform its intended national function and to constitute the general and dependable custodian of land tenure that is needed, Dowson believed that "Not only must its ad- ministration and procedure be drastically reformed, but the scope of its operations must be steadily extended until they include at least all privately held land of every recognizable category." 4. Great Britain, Progress of Iraq, pp. 203-4. 5. Ibid., p. 204. 6. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 21, 39. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES immovable property, i.e., mortgages, sales, and so forth. It must be emphasized that the registration of titles to land has been defective. "The registers were incomplete and the entries were unsupported by any form of surveyed maps. The boun- dary descriptions of properties, which were used to replace plans and maps, were so vaguely and inaccurately worded that it was frequently impossible to identify the properties con- cerned with any certainty."4 In spite of all these limitations, the Land Registry Department was able to function with the help of aerial photographs, and some progress with mapping and registration was made. In 1920 the department, with all its defects and problems was transferred to the Iraqi government. In 1921 the registra- tion of agricultural properties was begun. It was a rule that no transactions could be accepted unless they were supported by surveys and maps. In 1927 the Iraqi government was able, under the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne, to obtain from Turkey over 250,000 photographic copies in order to "make good some of the worst deficiencies in the department's reg- isters."5 Dowson has pointed out that registration of titles to land in Iraq has never been practicably or systematically attempted. Not only the unreliability of Land Registry records was in- volved in this crucial weakness, but also the fact that the rec- ords were "commonly out of date, and/or incomplete, and/or conflicting, and/or unintelligible, and/or of questionable validity." He realized that this state of affairs is generally and rightly "to be mainly a heritage from the past." Thus, it would have been impossible, under these circumstances, to maintain a reliable register of land tenure. To permit the department to perform its intended national function and to constitute the general and dependable custodian of land tenure that is needed, Dowson believed that "Not only must its ad- ministration and procedure be drastically reformed, but the scope of its operations must be steadily extended until they include at least all privately held land of every recognizable category."' 4. Great Britain, Progress of Iraq, pp. 203-4. 5. Ibid., p. 204. 6. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 21, 39. LAND SURVEYS AND TITLES immovable property, i.e., mortgages, sales, and so forth. It must be emphasized that the registration of titles to land has been defective. "The registers were incomplete and the entries were unsupported by any form of surveyed maps. The boun- dary descriptions of properties, which were used to replace plans and maps, were so vaguely and inaccurately worded that it was frequently impossible to identify the properties con- cerned with any certainty."4 In spite of all these limitations, the Land Registry Department was able to function with the help of aerial photographs, and some progress with mapping and registration was made. In 1920 the department, with all its defects and problems was transferred to the Iraqi government. In 1921 the registra- tion of agricultural properties was begun. It was a rule that no transactions could be accepted unless they were supported by surveys and maps. In 1927 the Iraqi government was able, under the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne, to obtain from Turkey over 250,000 photographic copies in order to "make good some of the worst deficiencies in the department's reg- isters."5 Dowson has pointed out that registration of titles to land in Iraq has never been practicably or systematically attempted. Not only the unreliability of Land Registry records was in- volved in this crucial weakness, but also the fact that the rec- ords were "commonly out of date, and/or incomplete, and/or conflicting, and/or unintelligible, and/or of questionable validity." He realized that this state of affairs is generally and rightly "to be mainly a heritage from the past." Thus, it would have been impossible, under these circumstances, to maintain a reliable register of land tenure. To permit the department to perform its intended national function and to constitute the general and dependable custodian of land tenure that is needed, Dowson believed that "Not only must its ad- ministration and procedure be drastically reformed, but the scope of its operations must be steadily extended until they include at least all privately held land of every recognizable category."e 4. Great Britain, Progress of Iraq, pp. 203-4. 5. Ibid., p. 204. 6. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 21, 39. 17 17 17  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ For this purpose he suggested the need for an efficient reg- ister recording clear and unimpeachable deeds to definite and locatable parcels of land. Accordingly, the government passed the Land Settlement Law of 1932. This law gave the govern- ment the right to register all properties and to settle titles to land. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ For this purpose he suggested the need for an efficient reg- ister recording clear and unimpeachable deeds to definite and locatable parcels of land. Accordingly, the government passed the Land Settlement Law of 1932. This law gave the govern- ment the right to register all properties and to settle titles to land. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ For this purpose he suggested the need for an efficient reg- ister recording clear and unimpeachable deeds to definite and locatable parcels of land. Accordingly, the government passed the Land Settlement Law of 1932. This law gave the govern- ment the right to register all properties and to settle titles to land. 18 18  4. LAND TENURE 4. LAND TENURE 4. LAND TENURE T his author firmly believes that the manner of registration of titles to land has been one of the main reasons for the development during the twentieth century of the feudal-like system in Southern Iraq. Only the shaikhs, not the tribesmen, benefited from the registration, for the shaikhs were able, with the help of governmental authorities and without consid- eration for the rights of the tribesmen, to register in their own names the tribal lands. As a result, most of the arable land in Southern Iraq came to be held in an illegal way by a very few men. The train of events may be summarized in six steps. 1. For a long time the tribes exercised customary rights of collective ownership. The landholding entity was the tribe as a whole. 2. The tribal shaikhs opposed the registration of titles to land during the Ottoman regimes, but the Ottoman laws of 1880 and 1892 forced them to register their tribal lands. 3. Law Number 50 of 1932 (amended by Law Number 29 of 1938), of the Iraqi Parliament, stipulated that all people must register the titles to land they possessed. 4. The tribesmen were not fully informed with respect to this law, and their shaikhs thus found an opportunity to reg- ister in their own names the land which had belonged to the tribe as such. 5. The government itself was aware of what was going on; but instead of compelling the shaikhs to register the land in the names of the tribes, and in order to strengthen its own power, it encouraged them in their illegal procedures. 6. As a result of this, the relationship between a shaikh and his fellow tribesmen became one between a landlord and his share tenants, and the power of the large landholders reached unprecedented heights.' Theoretically almost all the arable land in Iraq is consid- 1. The word shoikh means variously a leader of a tribe, a religious leader, an older man, or a landlord. In Southern Iraq the word has :ome to mean primarily a landlord. The shaikh in the desert differs ex- ensively from the shaikh in agricultural areas. The desert shaikh is Iways with his group, or tribe, and the individuals feel they are equal, T his author firmly believes that the manner of registration of titles to land has been one of the main reasons for the development during the twentieth century of the feudal-like system in Southern Iraq. Only the shaikhs, not the tribesmen, benefited from the registration, for the shaikhs were able, with the help of governmental authorities and without consid- eration for the rights of the tribesmen, to register in their own names the tribal lands. As a result, most of the arable land in Southern Iraq came to be held in an illegal way by a very few men. The train of events may be summarized in six steps. 1. For a long time the tribes exercised customary rights of collective ownership. The landholding entity was the tribe as a whole. 2. The tribal shaikhs opposed the registration of titles to land during the Ottoman regimes, but the Ottoman laws of 1880 and 1892 forced them to register their tribal lands. 3. Law Number 50 of 1932 (amended by Law Number 29 of 1938), of the Iraqi Parliament, stipulated that all people must register the titles to land they possessed. 4. The tribesmen were not fully informed with respect to this law, and their shaikhs thus found an opportunity to reg- ister in their own names the land which had belonged to the tribe as such. 5. The government itself was aware of what was going on; but instead of compelling the shaikhs to register the land in the names of the tribes, and in order to strengthen its own power, it encouraged them in their illegal procedures. 6. As a result of this, the relationship between a shaikh and his fellow tribesmen became one between a landlord and his share tenants, and the power of the large landholders reached unprecedented heights.' Theoretically almost all the arable land in Iraq is consid- 1. The word shaikh means variously a leader of a tribe, a religious leader, an older man, or a landlord. In Southern Iraq the word has :ome to mean primarily a landlord. The shaikh in the desert differs ex- ensively from the shaikh in agricultural areas. The desert shaikh is Iways with his group, or tribe, and the individuals feel they are equal, T his author firmly believes that the manner of registration of titles to land has been one of the main reasons for the development during the twentieth century of the feudal-like system in Southern Iraq. Only the shaikhs, not the tribesmen, benefited from the registration, for the shaikhs were able, with the help of governmental authorities and without consid- eration for the rights of the tribesmen, to register in their own names the tribal lands. As a result, most of the arable land in Southern Iraq came to be held in an illegal way by a very few men. The train of events may be summarized in six steps. 1. For a long time the tribes exercised customary rights of collective ownership. The landholding entity was the tribe as a whole. 2. The tribal shaikhs opposed the registration of titles to land during the Ottoman regimes, but the Ottoman laws of 1880 and 1892 forced them to register their tribal lands. 3. Law Number 50 of 1932 (amended by Law Number 29 of 1938), of the Iraqi Parliament, stipulated that all people must register the titles to land they possessed. 4. The tribesmen were not fully informed with respect to this law, and their shaikhs thus found an opportunity to reg- ister in their own names the land which had belonged to the tribe as such. 5. The government itself was aware of what was going on; but instead of compelling the shaikhs to register the land in the names of the tribes, and in order to strengthen its own power, it encouraged them in their illegal procedures. 6. As a result of this, the relationship between a shaikh and his fellow tribesmen became one between a landlord and his share tenants, and the power of the large landholders reached unprecedented heights.' Theoretically almost all the arable land in Iraq is consid- 1. The word shaikh means variously a leader of a tribe, a religious leader, an older man, or a landlord. In Southern Iraq the word has :ome to mean primarily a landlord. The shaikh in the desert differs ex- ensively from the shaikh in agricultural areas. The desert shaikh is Iways with his group, or tribe, and the individuals feel they are equal, 19 19 19  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ered to be the property of the government, but in practice the situation is otherwise. Dowson has described the reality. Probably four-fifths of the cultivable area of the country is in law fully and freely owned by the state and when cultivated held in practice under the general administrative control of its representatives. And even the legal ownership (raqaba) of the balance is vested in the state although, subject to impor- tant conditions, its usufructuary possession is held on a per- manent heritable and assignable tenure. This tenure (known commonly as tapu) is applicable under the provisions of the Land Code to all state land. The Ottoman Administration per- sistently sought to give effect to those provisions, but failed to do so because the successful operation of this tenure is impos- sible without an accompaniment of effective survey and land registration, which the Administration were unable to provide. And even if this radical defect had been remedied the applica- tion of this advanced tenure would have been premature throughout the majority of the country. So that today-more than half a century after the introduction of the Ottoman Land Code in the country-only a fraction of the cultivated region is somewhat uncertainly held on tapu tenure, while through- out the overwhelming balance, land is for the most part occu- pied and cultivated on no legal tenure at all.2 Fahmi believes that this complicated state of affairs cannot be corrected by means of temporary and administrative meas- ures, but only by "the establishment of well-defined and per- manent rules."' However, the policies of the former govern- ments favoring big feudal landholdings led to the increasing and strengthening of the political influence of the tribal shaikhs. Most of the strong shaikhs held seats in the Parlia- ment, where they were major obstacles to the development of the country. Because of their dominant role in government, no reform law that would in any way endanger their interest and position could be passed. LAND TENURE CLASSES The census of 1957 and the Statistical Abstract do not clas- sify the agricultural population according to land tenure. The believing that the desert, or the land, is for all, not for the few-"It is the land of God." In agricultural areas a shaikh may be the only land- owner in his tribe. 2. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 74-75. 3. Report on Iraq, p. 24. 20 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ered to be the property of the government, but in practice the situation is otherwise. Dowson has described the reality. Probably four-fifths of the cultivable area of the country is in law fully and freely owned by the state and when cultivated held in practice under the general administrative control of its representatives. And even the legal ownership (raqaba) of the balance is vested in the state although, subject to impor- tant conditions, its usufructuary possession is held on a per- manent heritable and assignable tenure. This tenure (known commonly as tapu) is applicable under the provisions of the Land Code to all state land. The Ottoman Administration per- sistently sought to give effect to those provisions, but failed to do so because the successful operation of this tenure is impos- sible without an accompaniment of effective survey and land registration, which the Administration were unable to provide. And even if this radical defect had been remedied the applica- tion of this advanced tenure would have been premature throughout the majority of the country. So that today-more than half a century after the introduction of the Ottoman Land Code in the country-only a fraction of the cultivated region is somewhat uncertainly held on tapu tenure, while through- out the overwhelming balance, land is for the most part occu- pied and cultivated on no legal tenure at all.2 Fahmi believes that this complicated state of affairs cannot be corrected by means of temporary and administrative meas- ures, but only by "the establishment of well-defined and per- manent rules."3 However, the policies of the former govern- ments favoring big feudal landholdings led to the increasing and strengthening of the political influence of the tribal shaikhs. Most of the strong shaikhs held seats in the Parlia- ment, where they were major obstacles to the development of the country. Because of their dominant role in government, no reform law that would in any way endanger their interest and position could be passed. LAND TENURE CLASSES The census of 1957 and the Statistical Abstract do not clas- sify the agricultural population according to land tenure. The believing that the desert, or the land, is for all, not for the few-"It is the land of God." In agricultural areas a shaikh may be the only land- owner in his tribe. 2. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 74-75. 3. Report on Iraq, p. 24. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ered to be the property of the government, but in practice the situation is otherwise. Dowson has described the reality. Probably four-fifths of the cultivable area of the country is in law fully and freely owned by the state and when cultivated held in practice under the general administrative control of its representatives. And even the legal ownership (raqaba) of the balance is vested in the state although, subject to impor- tant conditions, its usufructuary possession is held on a per- manent heritable and assignable tenure. This tenure (known commonly as tapu) is applicable under the provisions of the Land Code to all state land. The Ottoman Administration per- sistently sought to give effect to those provisions, but failed to do so because the successful operation of this tenure is impos- sible without an accompaniment of effective survey and land registration, which the Administration were unable to provide. And even if this radical defect had been remedied the applica- tion of this advanced tenure would have been premature throughout the majority of the country. So that today-more than half a century after the introduction of the Ottoman Land Code in the country-only a fraction of the cultivated region is somewhat uncertainly held on tapu tenure, while through- out the overwhelming balance, land is for the most part occu- pied and cultivated on no legal tenure at all.2 Fahmi believes that this complicated state of affairs cannot be corrected by means of temporary and administrative meas- ures, but only by "the establishment of well-defined and per- manent rules." However, the policies of the former govern- ments favoring big feudal landholdings led to the increasing and strengthening of the political influence of the tribal shaikhs. Most of the strong shaikhs held seats in the Parlia- ment, where they were major obstacles to the development of the country. Because of their dominant role in government, no reform law that would in any way endanger their interest and position could be passed. LAND TENURE CLASSES The census of 1957 and the Statistical Abstract do not clas- sify the agricultural population according to land tenure. The believing that the desert, or the land, is for all, not for the few-"It is the land of God." In agricultural areas a shaikh may be the only land- owner in his tribe. 2. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 74-75. 3. Report on Iraq, p. 24. 20 20  LAND TENURE Agrarian Reform Law of 1958 used the term "agricultural la- borers," but no classification of those laborers was made.4 It appears that this term was used to designate all those who work on the land, regardless of their age, status, or right to the land. Land tenure classes in Southern Iraq can be placed in three categories. 1. The landowners: (a) the shaikhs-their number is very small, and was especially so before 1959; (b) the small land- owners-there are no accurate data about their number, com- position, and distribution, although the number is now increas- ing because of the redistribution of land. 2. The sirkals (managers) : their number is unknown; how- ever, they obviously, because of the nature of their work, con- stitute a small group. 3. The fellaheen (peasants) : (a) the sharecroppers-their number in the South is reported as 166,348, or 53.0 per cent of all sharecroppers in Iraq; (b) the farm wage workers- their number in the South is reported as 63,239, or 30.1 per cent of the nation's agricultural wage workers. THE SHARE TENANCY SYSTEM Before the 1958 Revolution.5-The most significant fea- tures of the land tenure system were enumerated in Law Num- ber 28 of 1933, "Governing the Rights and Duties of Cultiva- tors." The law consists of fifty-two articles regarding the duties of the landlord, the manager, and the peasant. According to this law, the rights and duties of the landlord were to determine which land was suitable for cultivation, to give the peasants the seeds needed and the right to use irriga- tion facilities, and also to discuss with him the methods of farming to be used. The rights and duties of the peasant were to sow and harvest, to care for the crops, and to accept sugges- tions from the landlord or his agent. The rights and duties of 4. According to the Bureau of Statistics, there were 1,590,383 "agri- cultural workers" in Iraq in 1959, of whom 531,205 (33.4 per cent) were in the southern provinces. 5. On July 14, 1958, a military junta overthrew the Iraqi monarchy and proclaimed a republic. One of the main objectives of this movement was to bring about widespread agrarian reform which would better the socioeconomic conditions of the peasants and promote the agricultural development of Iraq. LAND TENURE Agrarian Reform Law of 1958 used the term "agricultural la- borers," but no classification of those laborers was made.4 It appears that this term was used to designate all those who work on the land, regardless of their age, status, or right to the land. Land tenure classes in Southern Iraq can be placed in three categories. 1. The landowners: (a) the shaikhs-their number is very small, and was especially so before 1959; (b) the small land- owners-there are no accurate data about their number, com- position, and distribution, although the number is now increas- ing because of the redistribution of land. 2. The sirkals (managers) : their number is unknown; how- ever, they obviously, because of the nature of their work, con- stitute a small group. 3. The fellaheen (peasants) : (a) the sharecroppers-their number in the South is reported as 166,348, or 53.0 per cent of all sharecroppers in Iraq; (b) the farm wage workers- their number in the South is reported as 63,239, or 30.1 per cent of the nation's agricultural wage workers. THE SHARE TENANCY SYSTEM Before the 1958 Revolution.5-The most significant fea- tures of the land tenure system were enumerated in Law Num- ber 28 of 1933, "Governing the Rights and Duties of Cultiva- tors." The law consists of fifty-two articles regarding the duties of the landlord, the manager, and the peasant. According to this law, the rights and duties of the landlord were to determine which land was suitable for cultivation, to give the peasants the seeds needed and the right to use irriga- tion facilities, and also to discuss with him the methods of farming to be used. The rights and duties of the peasant were to sow and harvest, to care for the crops, and to accept sugges- tions from the landlord or his agent. The rights and duties of 4. According to the Bureau of Statistics, there were 1,590,383 "agri- cultural workers" in Iraq in 1959, of whom 531,205 (33.4 per cent) were in the southern provinces. 5. On July 14, 1958, a military junta overthrew the Iraqi monarchy and proclaimed a republic. One of the main objectives of this movement was to bring about widespread agrarian reform which would better the socioeconomic conditions of the peasants and promote the agricultural development of Iraq. LAND TENURE Agrarian Reform Law of 1958 used the term "agricultural la- borers," but no classification of those laborers was made.4 It appears that this term was used to designate all those who work on the land, regardless of their age, status, or right to the land. Land tenure classes in Southern Iraq can be placed in three categories. 1. The landowners: (a) the shaikhs-their number is very small, and was especially so before 1959; (b) the small land- owners-there are no accurate data about their number, com- position, and distribution, although the number is now increas- ing because of the redistribution of land. 2. The sirkals (managers) : their number is unknown; how- ever, they obviously, because of the nature of their work, con- stitute a small group. 3. The fellaheen (peasants) : (a) the sharecroppers-their number in the South is reported as 166,348, or 53.0 per cent of all sharecroppers in Iraq; (b) the farm wage workers- their number in the South is reported as 63,239, or 30.1 per cent of the nation's agricultural wage workers. THE SHARE TENANCY SYSTEM Before the 1958 Revolution.5-The most significant fea- tures of the land tenure system were enumerated in Law Num- ber 28 of 1933, "Governing the Rights and Duties of Cultiva- tors." The law consists of fifty-two articles regarding the duties of the landlord, the manager, and the peasant. According to this law, the rights and duties of the landlord were to determine which land was suitable for cultivation, to give the peasants the seeds needed and the right to use irriga- tion facilities, and also to discuss with him the methods of farming to be used. The rights and duties of the peasant were to sow and harvest, to care for the crops, and to accept sugges- tions from the landlord or his agent. The rights and duties of 4. According to the Bureau of Statistics, there were 1,590,383 "agri- cultural workers" in Iraq in 1959, of whom 531,205 (33.4 per cent) were in the southern provinces. 5. On July 14, 1958, a military junta overthrew the Iraqi monarchy and proclaimed a republic. One of the main objectives of this movement was to bring about widespread agrarian reform which would better the socioeconomic conditions of the peasants and promote the agricultural development of Iraq. 21 21 21  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ the manager, who was defined by this law as a person who or- ganized tribesmen on a share tenancy basis, were to carry out the arrangements made between the landlord and the peasant, to direct the latter, and to cooperate with him in protecting the crops. This law gave the landlords great authority over the peasants, for the suggestions, recommendations, and decisions concerning cultivation and employment were determined by the former. Law Number 73 of 1936 established the amount of the gov- ernment's share of the farm produce as 10 per cent in the South (irrigation zone), and 5 per cent in the North (rain-fed zone).' Customarily either the landlord or the manager col- lected the government's share, and as tax collectors took a profit from both the government and the peasants. The man- ager took his own share of the produce before the division between the landlord and the peasant. After the government and the manager had taken out their shares, the peasant and the landlord were to divide equally the remainder. In practice, however, the landlord customarily received three-fifths or two-thirds of the produce, depending upon the extent to which irrigation water or water pumps were supplied to the peasant. The report in 1952 of a mission organized by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development at the request of the government of Iraq showed that "when the land is pump-irrigated, the fellah's share is generally only two-sevenths or three-sevenths of the crop." Crop loss usually was apportioned between the landlord and the peasant; in some areas, however, where the influential landlords predominated, the peasant was responsible for the larger share of the loss. And then, in order to protect the crops from possible raids by trespassers, and to protect his landlord, the peasant had to buy a rifle. Some landlords sold such ri- fles, on their terms, to the peasants. The latter also had to 6. Iraq is characterized by lack of rain in the summer. The North is highly dependent on rainfall, whereas the southern and central areas have, comparatively, more irrigation. Although the irrigated farms are more productive, the fellah there receives a smaller share of the crop, perhaps because water pumps and other facilities are supplied him. More- over, it seems that the more powerful the landlord the larger his share. 7. IBRD, The Economic Development of Iraq (Baltimore: Johns Hop- kins Press, 1952), p. 143. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ the manager, who was defined by this law as a person who or- ganized tribesmen on a share tenancy basis, were to carry out the arrangements made between the landlord and the peasant, to direct the latter, and to cooperate with him in protecting the crops. This law gave the landlords great authority over the peasants, for the suggestions, recommendations, and decisions concerning cultivation and employment were determined by the former. Law Number 73 of 1936 established the amount of the gov- ernment's share of the farm produce as 10 per cent in the South (irrigation zone), and 5 per cent in the North (rain-fed zone).' Customarily either the landlord or the manager col- lected the government's share, and as tax collectors took a profit from both the government and the peasants. The man- ager took his own share of the produce before the division between the landlord and the peasant. After the government and the manager had taken out their shares, the peasant and the landlord were to divide equally the remainder. In practice, however, the landlord customarily received three-fifths or two-thirds of the produce, depending upon the extent to which irrigation water or water pumps were supplied to the peasant. The report in 1952 of a mission organized by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development at the request of the government of Iraq showed that "when the land is pump-irrigated, the fellah's share is generally only two-sevenths or three-sevenths of the crop."t Crop loss usually was apportioned between the landlord and the peasant; in some areas, however, where the influential landlords predominated, the peasant was responsible for the larger share of the loss. And then, in order to protect the crops from possible raids by trespassers, and to protect his landlord, the peasant had to buy a rifle. Some landlords sold such ri- fles, on their terms, to the peasants. The latter also had to 6. Iraq is characterized by lack of rain in the summer. The North is highly dependent on rainfall, whereas the southern and central areas have, comparatively, more irrigation. Although the irrigated farms are more productive, the fellah there receives a smaller share of the crop, perhaps because water pumps and other facilities are supplied him. More- over, it seems that the more powerful the landlord the larger his share. 7. IBRD, The Economic Development of Isaq (Baltimore: Johns Hop- kins Press, 1952), p. 143. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ the manager, who was defined by this law as a person who or- ganized tribesmen on a share tenancy basis, were to carry out the arrangements made between the landlord and the peasant, to direct the latter, and to cooperate with him in protecting the crops. This law gave the landlords great authority over the peasants, for the suggestions, recommendations, and decisions concerning cultivation and employment were determined by the former. Law Number 73 of 1936 established the amount of the gov- ernment's share of the farm produce as 10 per cent in the South (irrigation zone), and 5 per cent in the North (rain-fed zone).' Customarily either the landlord or the manager col- lected the government's share, and as tax collectors took a profit from both the government and the peasants. The man- ager took his own share of the produce before the division between the landlord and the peasant. After the government and the manager had taken out their shares, the peasant and the landlord were to divide equally the remainder. In practice, however, the landlord customarily received three-fifths or two-thirds of the produce, depending upon the extent to which irrigation water or water pumps were supplied to the peasant. The report in 1952 of a mission organized by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development at the request of the government of Iraq showed that "when the land is pump-irrigated, the fellah's share is generally only two-sevenths or three-sevenths of the crop."t Crop loss usually was apportioned between the landlord and the peasant; in some areas, however, where the influential landlords predominated, the peasant was responsible for the larger share of the loss. And then, in order to protect the crops from possible raids by trespassers, and to protect his landlord, the peasant had to buy a rifle. Some landlords sold such ri- fles, on their terms, to the peasants. The latter also had to 6. Iraq is characterized by lack of rain in the summer. The North is highly dependent on rainfall, whereas the southern and central areas have, comparatively, more irrigation. Although the irrigated farms are more productive, the fellah there receives a smaller share of the crop, perhaps because water pumps and other facilities are supplied him. More- over, it seems that the more powerful the landlord the larger his share. 7. IBRD, The Economic Development of Iraq (Baltimore: Johns Hop- kins Press, 1952), p. 143. 22 22  LAND TENURE contribute illegally to such expenses of their landlord as the wages of his servants and guards. Such circumstances of course reduced the peasants' incomes, and many of them were in debt. In order to get a loan, the peasant had to go to either the landlord or his agent. If both refused, then the only source left was the moneylenders, since the Agricultural Bank could give a loan only upon security by a mortgage which was im- possible simply because the peasant had nothing of value to mortgage. Usury is forbidden in Islam. Law Number 28 of 1933 also prohibited the "claim of an interest." Accordingly the land- lords or the moneylenders advanced money against future crops, and the "interest" on such loans was seldom less than one-third of the harvest and at times actually exceeded 100 per cent of it. Many peasants thus lived and died in debt. They evidently did not realize that by obtaining loans they would inescapably be tied to the land. For the movement of indebted peasants was restricted by that same Law Number 28 of 1933. Article 15 specifically stated that a landlord had the right to keep his peasants on the land as long as they were in debt. Such peon- age, or debt-bondage, reduced them to a state of virtual serf- dom and to the position of serf-tenants. Because of the shaikhs' resistance to reform and the fact that they had almost complete control, the peasants lacked the right to form unions in order to protect their rights and inter- ests. Abdul Razzak al-Hilali stated that there were two rea- sons for the absence of such unions in rural areas: the small crop share of the peasant, and the ignorance of the landlord concerning the significance of such unions.8 This statement is misleading, for the small share was a good reason to en- courage the peasants to form unions to defend their rights and to prevent injustice on the land. Moreover, the big landlords were not ignorant of the consequences of such unions; and this explains why they prevented the peasants from organizing them. Under such circumstances it was difficult for the condition of the peasant to be improved. Doreen Warriner stated that 8. Reflections on Rural Reform (in Arabic; Beirut: Dar al-Kashaf Press, 1954), pp. 111-12. LAND TENURE contribute illegally to such expenses of their landlord as the wages of his servants and guards. Such circumstances of course reduced the peasants' incomes, and many of them were in debt. In order to get a loan, the peasant had to go to either the landlord or his agent. If both refused, then the only source left was the moneylenders, since the Agricultural Bank could give a loan only upon security by a mortgage which was im- possible simply because the peasant had nothing of value to mortgage. Usury is forbidden in Islam. Law Number 28 of 1933 also prohibited the "claim of an interest." Accordingly the land- lords or the moneylenders advanced money against future crops, and the "interest" on such loans was seldom less than one-third of the harvest and at times actually exceeded 100 per cent of it. Many peasants thus lived and died in debt. They evidently did not realize that by obtaining loans they would inescapably be tied to the land. For the movement of indebted peasants was restricted by that same Law Number 28 of 1933. Article 15 specifically stated that a landlord had the right to keep his peasants on the land as long as they were in debt. Such peon- age, or debt-bondage, reduced them to a state of virtual serf- dom and to the position of serf-tenants. Because of the shaikhs' resistance to reform and the fact that they had almost complete control, the peasants lacked the right to form unions in order to protect their rights and inter- ests. Abdul Razzak al-Hilali stated that there were two rea- sons for the absence of such unions in rural areas: the small crop share of the peasant, and the ignorance of the landlord concerning the significance of such unions.8 This statement is misleading, for the small share was a good reason to en- courage the peasants to form unions to defend their rights and to prevent injustice on the land. Moreover, the big landlords were not ignorant of the consequences of such unions; and this explains why they prevented the peasants from organizing them. Under such circumstances it was difficult for the condition of the peasant to be improved. Doreen Warriner stated that 8. Reflections on Rural Reform (in Arabic; Beirut: Dar al-Kashaf Press, 1954), pp. 111-12. LAND TENURE contribute illegally to such expenses of their landlord as the wages of his servants and guards. Such circumstances of course reduced the peasants' incomes, and many of them were in debt. In order to get a loan, the peasant had to go to either the landlord or his agent. If both refused, then the only source left was the moneylenders, since the Agricultural Bank could give a loan only upon security by a mortgage which was im- possible simply because the peasant had nothing of value to mortgage. Usury is forbidden in Islam. Law Number 28 of 1933 also prohibited the "claim of an interest." Accordingly the land- lords or the moneylenders advanced money against future crops, and the "interest" on such loans was seldom less than one-third of the harvest and at times actually exceeded 100 per cent of it. Many peasants thus lived and died in debt. They evidently did not realize that by obtaining loans they would inescapably be tied to the land. For the movement of indebted peasants was restricted by that same Law Number 28 of 1933. Article 15 specifically stated that a landlord had the right to keep his peasants on the land as long as they were in debt. Such peon- age, or debt-bondage, reduced them to a state of virtual serf- dom and to the position of serf-tenants. Because of the shaikhs' resistance to reform and the fact that they had almost complete control, the peasants lacked the right to form unions in order to protect their rights and inter- ests. Abdul Razzak al-Hilali stated that there were two rea- sons for the absence of such unions in rural areas: the small crop share of the peasant, and the ignorance of the landlord concerning the significance of such unions.8 This statement is misleading, for the small share was a good reason to en- courage the peasants to form unions to defend their rights and to prevent injustice on the land. Moreover, the big landlords were not ignorant of the consequences of such unions; and this explains why they prevented the peasants from organizing them. Under such circumstances it was difficult for the condition of the peasant to be improved. Doreen Warriner stated that 8. Reflections on Rural Reform (in Arabic; Beirut: Dar al-Kashaf Press, 1954), pp. 111-12. 23 23 23  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ "without an expropriation of the very large landholdings no legislation can succeed, for the problem of reform is a prob- lem of political power. Iraq needs serf emancipation."9 The big landlords paid no tax on land, and the majority of them paid no income tax. In spite of the changes in taxation which favored them, many of them refused to pay the levies, and the former governments took no serious measures to force them to comply. In 1954 when the government submitted a bill requiring landlords to pay the expenses of the drainage sys- tems which were constructed in their areas, the bill was re- jected by the Senate, which large landowners dominated. Generally speaking, the peasant was not a tenant in the sense that this word is used in the United States or in other parts of the Western world. Decisions about the land to be planted, the quantity or quality of seeds to be sown, the time of sowing, the methods of plowing and watering, and many related matters were made by the landlords or their agents, and these also controlled irrigation facilities. Thus, the peas- ants were really laborers; but instead of a fixed wage they received a very small portion of the crops they grew. One would expect under the share tenancy system some ad- vantages for both landowner and tenant, for such a system is dependent on their mutual cooperation. This would especial- ly be true in time of depression or in bad crop years. However, the system in Southern Iraq was defective in this sense in that it was characterized by lack of cooperation, because (1) the peasant often had to assume responsibility for the larger share of crop losses; (2) the landlord was not very serious in efforts to improve the land, especially since he spent much of his time in the city; (3) the landlord dictated the terms of the contract with the peasant; and (4) the peasant had a very low status, almost always near the level of serfdom. Under this system, and because of his small share of the produce, the peasant was obliged to use the labor of his wife and children. The problem of tenancy in Southern Iraq created still an- other problem: the continuous disputes and quarrels between tribes. The big landlords were seeking to expand their hold- 9. Land Reform and Development in the Middle East (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1962), p. 157. 24 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ "without an expropriation of the very large landholdings no legislation can succeed, for the problem of reform is a prob- lem of political power. Iraq needs serf emancipation." The big landlords paid no tax on land, and the majority of them paid no income tax. In spite of the changes in taxation which favored them, many of them refused to pay the levies, and the former governments took no serious measures to force them to comply. In 1954 when the government submitted a bill requiring landlords to pay the expenses of the drainage sys- tems which were constructed in their areas, the bill was re- jected by the Senate, which large landowners dominated. Generally speaking, the peasant was not a tenant in the sense that this word is used in the United States or in other parts of the Western world. Decisions about the land to be planted, the quantity or quality of seeds to be sown, the time of sowing, the methods of plowing and watering, and many related matters were made by the landlords or their agents, and these also controlled irrigation facilities. Thus, the peas- ants were really laborers; but instead of a fixed wage they received a very small portion of the crops they grew. One would expect under the share tenancy system some ad- vantages for both landowner and tenant, for such a system is dependent on their mutual cooperation. This would especial- ly be true in time of depression or in bad crop years. However, the system in Southern Iraq was defective in this sense in that it was characterized by lack of cooperation, because (1) the peasant often had to assume responsibility for the larger share of crop losses; (2) the landlord was not very serious in efforts to improve the land, especially since he spent much of his time in the city; (3) the landlord dictated the terms of the contract with the peasant; and (4) the peasant had a very low status, almost always near the level of serfdom. Under this system, and because of his small share of the produce, the peasant was obliged to use the labor of his wife and children. The problem of tenancy in Southern Iraq created still an- other problem: the continuous disputes and quarrels between tribes. The big landlords were seeking to expand their hold- 9. Land Reform and Development in the Middle East (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1962), p. 157. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ "without an expropriation of the very large landholdings no legislation can succeed, for the problem of reform is a prob- lem of political power. Iraq needs serf emancipation." The big landlords paid no tax on land, and the majority of them paid no income tax. In spite of the changes in taxation which favored them, many of them refused to pay the levies, and the former governments took no serious measures to force them to comply. In 1954 when the government submitted a bill requiring landlords to pay the expenses of the drainage sys- tems which were constructed in their areas, the bill was re- jected by the Senate, which large landowners dominated. Generally speaking, the peasant was not a tenant in the sense that this word is used in the United States or in other parts of the Western world. Decisions about the land to be planted, the quantity or quality of seeds to be sown, the time of sowing, the methods of plowing and watering, and many related matters were made by the landlords or their agents, and these also controlled irrigation facilities. Thus, the peas- ants were really laborers; but instead of a fixed wage they received a very small portion of the crops they grew. One would expect under the share tenancy system some ad- vantages for both landowner and tenant, for such a system is dependent on their mutual cooperation. This would especial- ly be true in time of depression or in bad crop years. However, the system in Southern Iraq was defective in this sense in that it was characterized by lack of cooperation, because (1) the peasant often had to assume responsibility for the larger share of crop losses; (2) the landlord was not very serious in efforts to improve the land, especially since he spent much of his time in the city; (3) the landlord dictated the terms of the contract with the peasant; and (4) the peasant had a very low status, almost always near the level of serfdom. Under this system, and because of his small share of the produce, the peasant was obliged to use the labor of his wife and children. The problem of tenancy in Southern Iraq created still an- other problem: the continuous disputes and quarrels between tribes. The big landlords were seeking to expand their hold- 9. Land Reform and Development in the Middle East (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1962), p. 157. 24 24  LAND TENURE ings at the expense of their neighboring shaikhs. These dis- putes and quarrels affected public security. "The Arabs are not quarrelsome; but, when any dispute happens to arise among them, they make a great deal of noise."10 Most of these quarrels between tribes were bloody. Clashes occurred not only between different tribes, but also within a tribe. Such clashes constituted a step in the break- down of tribal solidarity. Many of the peasants were able to escape the oppression of the landlords by migrating to the cities, especially to Baghdad and Basrah. Conflicts also arose between the landlords and their managers. Customarily the dispute might be settled by the intervention of a neutral tribe, which would approach both sides in an ef- fort to halt the clashes and to reach a peaceful solution satis- factory to both parties. Government officials were also some- times compelled to deal with such disputes. After the 1958 Revolution.-The dispute over the land did not cease after the revolution of 1958. The relationships be- tween landowners and peasants continued to deteriorate, "helped create a confusion in rural areas and also contributed to the decline of agricultural production."" The Agrarian Reform Law, which was enacted in Septem- ber, 1958, revoked Law Number 28 of 1933 (concerning the duties and rights of cultivators). The new law stipulated that "the agricultural relations in existence at the time of en- forcement of this law shall continue for three . .. years."" In terms of the law, the duties of the landowners are respon- sibility for managing the land and for providing the peasant with arable land, seeds, and irrigation facilities. The duties of the peasants are to use the best possible agricultural methods, to reap, to collect, to move the crops to threshing floors, and to prepare the crops for the market. Peasants "shall not be expelled from the land" against their will, and they have the right to form unions to defend their interests. In practice the Agrarian Reform Law did not protect peasants after the 10. Neibur, Travels in Arabia, p. 144. 11. Statement in 1964 of Abdul Sahib Alwan in Agrarian Reform in Six Years. Dr. Alwan, a graduate of the University of Wisconsin, was the Minister of Agrarian Reform. 12. "Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq" (Washington: Office of the Cultural Attach6, Embassy of Iraq, October, 1958). LAND TENURE ings at the expense of their neighboring shaikhs. These dis- putes and quarrels affected public security. "The Arabs are not quarrelsome; but, when any dispute happens to arise among them, they make a great deal of noise."0 Most of these quarrels between tribes were bloody. Clashes occurred not only between different tribes, but also within a tribe. Such clashes constituted a step in the break- down of tribal solidarity. Many of the peasants were able to escape the oppression of the landlords by migrating to the cities, especially to Baghdad and Basrah. Conflicts also arose between the landlords and their managers. Customarily the dispute might be settled by the intervention of a neutral tribe, which would approach both sides in an ef- fort to halt the clashes and to reach a peaceful solution satis- factory to both parties. Government officials were also some- times compelled to deal with such disputes. After the 1958 Revolution.-The dispute over the land did not cease after the revolution of 1958. The relationships be- tween landowners and peasants continued to deteriorate, "helped create a confusion in rural areas and also contributed to the decline of agricultural production."" The Agrarian Reform Law, which was enacted in Septem- ber, 1958, revoked Law Number 28 of 1933 (concerning the duties and rights of cultivators). The new law stipulated that "the agricultural relations in existence at the time of en- forcement of this law shall continue for three . . . years."12 In terms of the law, the duties of the landowners are respon- sibility for managing the land and for providing the peasant with arable land, seeds, and irrigation facilities. The duties of the peasants are to use the best possible agricultural methods, to reap, to collect, to move the crops to threshing floors, and to prepare the crops for the market. Peasants "shall not be expelled from the land" against their will, and they have the right to form unions to defend their interests. In practice the Agrarian Reform Law did not protect peasants after the 10. Neibur, Travels in Arabia, p. 144. 11. Statement in 1964 of Abdul Sahib Alwan in Agrarian Reform in Sir Years. Dr. Alwan, a graduate of the University of Wisconsin, was the Minister of Agrarian Reform. 12. "Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq" (Washington: Office of the Cultural Attach6, Embassy of Iraq, October, 1958). LAND TENURE ings at the expense of their neighboring shaikhs. These dis- putes and quarrels affected public security. "The Arabs are not quarrelsome; but, when any dispute happens to arise among them, they make a great deal of noise."10 Most of these quarrels between tribes were bloody. Clashes occurred not only between different tribes, but also within a tribe. Such clashes constituted a step in the break- down of tribal solidarity. Many of the peasants were able to escape the oppression of the landlords by migrating to the cities, especially to Baghdad and Basrah. Conflicts also arose between the landlords and their managers. Customarily the dispute might be settled by the intervention of a neutral tribe, which would approach both sides in an ef- fort to halt the clashes and to reach a peaceful solution satis- factory to both parties. Government officials were also some- times compelled to deal with such disputes. After the 1958 Revolution.-The dispute over the land did not cease after the revolution of 1958. The relationships be- tween landowners and peasants continued to deteriorate, "helped create a confusion in rural areas and also contributed to the decline of agricultural production."11 The Agrarian Reform Law, which was enacted in Septem- ber, 1958, revoked Law Number 28 of 1933 (concerning the duties and rights of cultivators). The new law stipulated that "the agricultural relations in existence at the time of en- forcement of this law shall continue for three . . . years."12 In terms of the law, the duties of the landowners are respon- sibility for managing the land and for providing the peasant with arable land, seeds, and irrigation facilities. The duties of the peasants are to use the best possible agricultural methods, to reap, to collect, to move the crops to threshing floors, and to prepare the crops for the market. Peasants "shall not be expelled from the land" against their will, and they have the right to form unions to defend their interests. In practice the Agrarian Reform Law did not protect peasants after the 10. Neibur, Travels in Arabia, p. 144. 11. Statement in 1964 of Abdul Sahib Alwan in Agrarian Reform in Six Years. Dr. Alwan, a graduate of the University of Wisconsin, was the Minister of Agrarian Reform. 12. "Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq" (Washington: Office of the Cultural Attach6, Embassy of Iraq, October, 1958). 25 25 25  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ "three years of agricultural relations," and for this reason the government has very recently extended the period for an additional three years, unless an agreement to end the existing relationship is reached between the peasant and the landowner. Further evaluation of this law shows that peasants are not compensated for improvements they make on the land, and that the law does not provide for a cash rent system which would give peasants more advantages and more freedom to utilize the land.03 TABLE 4 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CROP SHARES, ACCoRDING TO THE AGRARIAN REFORM LAW, IRAQ LAND IRRIGATED LAND IRRIGATED LAND WATERED CATEGORY BY FLOW ARTIFICIALLY BY RAIN Land 10 10 10 Water 10 20 - Laborer's work and seeds 50 40 50 Protection 5 5 10 Reaping or collection 10 10 15 Management 15 15 15 TOTAL 100 100 100 Source: Compiled from "The Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq." The crop shares must be distributed as shown in Table 4. The High Organization for Agrarian Reform, in its meeting on March 11, 1963, decided to change the laborer's share from 50 to 53 per cent if land is irrigated by flow or watered by rain and to 43 per cent if land is irrigated by artificial means. This organization has the right to change or amend these categories and proportions. It should be pointed out that many peasants cannot pay the rent and taxes either because they are still under the old sys- tem of tenure and therefore are discouraged, or because they are being "victimized by political dissension"" as a result of 13. Abdul Sahib Alwan, Studies in Agrarian Reform (in Arabic; Baghdad: Aswak Tijariya Press, 1961), pp. 330-31. 14. Statement of Abdul Jalil al-Hadeethi to the Iraqi newspaper Al- Thowro Al-Arabia, December, 1964, p. 12. Mr. Hadeethi is the Deputy Minister for Agrarian Reform. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ "three years of agricultural relations," and for this reason the government has very recently extended the period for an additional three years, unless an agreement to end the existing relationship is reached between the peasant and the landowner. Further evaluation of this law shows that peasants are not compensated for improvements they make on the land, and that the law does not provide for a cash rent system which would give peasants more advantages and more freedom to utilize the land.0 TABLE 4 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CROP SHAREs, ACCORDING TO THE AGRARIAN REFORM LAW, IRAQ PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ "three years of agricultural relations," and for this reason the government has very recently extended the period for an additional three years, unless an agreement to end the existing relationship is reached between the peasant and the landowner. Further evaluation of this law shows that peasants are not compensated for improvements they make on the land, and that the law does not provide for a cash rent system which would give peasants more advantages and more freedom to utilize the land.'0 TABLE 4 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CROP SHAREs, ACCORDING TO THE AGRARIAN REFORM LAW, IRAQ LAND IRRIGATED LAND IRRIGATED CATEGORY BY FLOW ARTIFICIALLY LAND WATERED BY RAIN LAND IRRIGATED LAND IRRIGATED CATEGORY BY FLOW ARTIFICIALLY LAND WATERED BY RAIN Land 10 10 10 Water 10 20 - Laborer's work and seeds 50 40 50 Protection 5 5 10 Reaping or collection 10 10 15 Management 15 15 15 TOTAL 100 100 100 Source: Compiled from "The Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq." The crop shares must be distributed as shown in Table 4. The High Organization for Agrarian Reform, in its meeting on March 11, 1963, decided to change the laborer's share from 50 to 53 per cent if land is irrigated by flow or watered by rain and to 43 per cent if land is irrigated by artificial means. This organization has the right to change or amend these categories and proportions. It should be pointed out that many peasants cannot pay the rent and taxes either because they are still under the old sys- tem of tenure and therefore are discouraged, or because they are being "victimized by political dissension"3 as a result of 13. Abdul Sahib Alwan, Studies in Agrarian Reform (in Arabic; Baghdad: Aswak Tijariya Press, 1961), pp. 330-31. 14. Statement of Abdul Jalil al-Hadeethi to the Iraqi newspaper Al- Thowra Al-Arabia, December, 1964, p. 12. Mr. Hadeethi is the Deputy Minister for Agrarian Reform. Land 10 10 10 Water 10 20 - Laborer's work and seeds 50 40 50 Protection 5 5 10 Reaping or collection 10 10 15 Management 15 15 15 TOTAL 100 100 100 Source: Compiled from "The Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq." The crop shares must be distributed as shown in Table 4. The High Organization for Agrarian Reform, in its meeting on March 11, 1963, decided to change the laborer's share from 50 to 53 per cent if land is irrigated by flow or watered by rain and to 43 per cent if land is irrigated by artificial means. This organization has the right to change or amend these categories and proportions. It should be pointed out that many peasants cannot pay the rent and taxes either because they are still under the old sys- tem of tenure and therefore are discouraged, or because they are being "victimized by political dissension"10 as a result of 13. Abdul Sahib Alwan, Studies in Agrarian Reforme (in Arabic; Baghdad: Aswak Tijariya Press, 1961), pp. 330-31. 14. Statement of Abdul Jalil al-Hadeethi to the Iraqi newspaper Al- Thowra Al-Arabia, December, 1964, p. 12. Mr. Hadeethi is the Deputy Minister for Agrarian Reform. 26 26  LAND TENURE the penetration of extreme elements among them. Complaints of landowners against peasants, or vice versa, concerning the share and dispositions of crops, continue to reach the authori- ties. Quarrels between the two groups also occur from time to time. These complaints are expected since the government has only seven million donums or 21.9 per cent of the total ara- ble lands; the remaining 78.1 per cent is still in the hands of the old landowners who are maintaining the same relations which prevailed before the enactment of the Agrarian Re- form Law.'5 This is especially true in Nasiryah province. 15. Agrarian Reform in Six Years, p. 28. LAND TENURE the penetration of extreme elements among them. Complaints of landowners against peasants, or vice versa, concerning the share and dispositions of crops, continue to reach the authori- ties. Quarrels between the two groups also occur from time to time. These complaints are expected since the government has only seven million donums or 21.9 per cent of the total ara- ble lands; the remaining 78.1 per cent is still in the hands of the old landowners who are maintaining the same relations which prevailed before the enactment of the Agrarian Re- form Law.'5 This is especially true in Nasiryah province. 15. Agrarian Reform in Six Years, p. 28. LAND TENURE the penetration of extreme elements among them. Complaints of landowners against peasants, or vice versa, concerning the share and dispositions of crops, continue to reach the authori- ties. Quarrels between the two groups also occur from time to time. These complaints are expected since the government has only seven million donums or 21.9 per cent of the total ara- ble lands; the remaining 78.1 per cent is still in the hands of the old landowners who are maintaining the same relations which prevailed before the enactment of the Agrarian Re- form Law." This is especially true in Nasiryah province. 15. Agrarian Reform in Six Years, p. 28. 27 27 27  5. SIZE OF HOLDINGS O mitting the deserts, Iraq has an area of 241,913 square kilometers, or 96,477,200 donums of which 32,154,813 are arable land. The total cultivated area in 1958-59 was 23,- 327,259 donums of which 3,662,914 were in the South. The most striking feature of the ownership and control of land in Iraq, and especially in Southern Iraq, is the concentra- tion of large agricultural holdings in a few hands. Thus, Ta- ble 5 shows that of the cultivated land in Iraq in 1958-59 there were 3,418 holdings of 1,000 donums or over, and that these, although constituting only 1.9 per cent of all the holdings, in- cluded 68 per cent of all the cultivated land. On the other hand, 86 per cent of all the holdings in Iraq contained less than 11 per cent of the cultivated land. The concentration of own- ership and control of agricultural and pastoral land in a few hands and the type of relationship between landlord and peas- ant (see Chapter 4) have led many writers, native and for- eign, to characterize Iraq as having a feudal or semi-feudal system. The heaviest concentration of large farms is in the South and in the central province of Kut (see Table 6). The average size of the holdings in Amarah Province is 319.2 donums, and in Nasiryah Province it is 278.3. CONCENTRATION OF HOLDINGS IN THE SOUTH Amarah Province.-The total land area of Amarah Prov- ince is 18,377 square kilometers, or 7,350,800 donums of which 94,480 are cultivated (see Table 7). In 1958-59 there were 296 holdings of cultivated land in the province, ranging in size from 1 to 50,000 donums. The average size of the holdings was 319.2 donums, but the average varied tremendously from one administrative unit to another. It was largest in Shaikh Sa'ad (10,564.0 donums) and smallest in Kahla (only 24.3 donums). In the province only 5 per cent of landowners owned 69.7 per cent of the total cultivated area.' 1. Central Bureau of Statistics, Results of the Agricultural and Live- stock Census for the Year 1958-1959 (Baghdad: Government Press, 1961), pp. 124, 126. 5. SIZE OF HOLDINGS Omitting the deserts, Iraq has an area of 241,913 square kilometers, or 96,477,200 donums of which 32,154,813 are arable land. The total cultivated area in 1958-59 was 23,- 327,259 donums of which 3,662,914 were in the South. The most striking feature of the ownership and control of land in Iraq, and especially in Southern Iraq, is the concentra- tion of large agricultural holdings in a few hands. Thus, Ta- ble 5 shows that of the cultivated land in Iraq in 1958-59 there were 3,418 holdings of 1,000 donums or over, and that these, although constituting only 1.9 per cent of all the holdings, in- cluded 68 per cent of all the cultivated land. On the other hand, 86 per cent of all the holdings in Iraq contained less than 11 per cent of the cultivated land. The concentration of own- ership and control of agricultural and pastoral land in a few hands and the type of relationship between landlord and peas- ant (see Chapter 4) have led many writers, native and for- eign, to characterize Iraq as having a feudal or semi-feudal system. The heaviest concentration of large farms is in the South and in the central province of Kut (see Table 6). The average size of the holdings in Amarah Province is 319.2 donums, and in Nasiryah Province it is 278.3. CONCENTRATION OF HOLDINGS IN THE SOUTH Amarah Province.-The total land area of Amarah Prov- ince is 18,377 square kilometers, or 7,350,800 donums of which 94,480 are cultivated (see Table 7). In 1958-59 there were 296 holdings of cultivated land in the province, ranging in size from 1 to 50,000 donums. The average size of the holdings was 319.2 donums, but the average varied tremendously from one administrative unit to another. It was largest in Shaikh Sa'ad (10,564.0 donums) and smallest in Kahla (only 24.3 donums). In the province only 5 per cent of landowners owned 69.7 per cent of the total cultivated area.' 1. Central Bureau of Statistics, Results of the Agricultural and Live- stock Census for the Year 1958-1959 (Baghdad: Government Press, 1961), pp. 124, 126. 28 5. SIZE OF HOLDINGS Omitting the deserts, Iraq has an area of 241,913 square kilometers, or 96,477,200 donums of which 32,154,813 are arable land. The total cultivated area in 1958-59 was 23,- 327,259 donums of which 3,662,914 were in the South. The most striking feature of the ownership and control of land in Iraq, and especially in Southern Iraq, is the concentra- tion of large agricultural holdings in a few hands. Thus, Ta- ble 5 shows that of the cultivated land in Iraq in 1958-59 there were 3,418 holdings of 1,000 donums or over, and that these, although constituting only 1.9 per cent of all the holdings, in- cluded 68 per cent of all the cultivated land. On the other hand, 86 per cent of all the holdings in Iraq contained less than 11 per cent of the cultivated land. The concentration of own- ership and control of agricultural and pastoral land in a few hands and the type of relationship between landlord and peas- ant (see Chapter 4) have led many writers, native and for- eign, to characterize Iraq as having a feudal or semi-feudal system. The heaviest concentration of large farms is in the South and in the central province of Kut (see Table 6). The average size of the holdings in Amarah Province is 319.2 donums, and in Nasiryah Province it is 278.3. CONCENTRATION OF HOLDINGS IN THE SOUTH Amarah Province.-The total land area of Amarah Prov- ince is 18,377 square kilometers, or 7,350,800 donums of which 94,480 are cultivated (see Table 7). In 1958-59 there were 296 holdings of cultivated land in the province, ranging in size from 1 to 50,000 donums. The average size of the holdings was 319.2 donums, but the average varied tremendously from one administrative unit to another. It was largest in Shaikh Sa'ad (10,564.0 donums) and smallest in Kahla (only 24.3 donums). In the province only 5 per cent of landowners owned 69.7 per cent of the total cultivated area.1 1. Central Bureau of Statistics, Results of the Agricultural and Live- stock Census for the Year 1958-1959 (Baghdad: Government Press, 1961), pp. 124, 126. 28  SIZE OF HOLDINGS Prior to 1959 a very few shaikhs held most of the arable land in Amarah, and the remainder of the tribesmen and farmers either had very small holdings or worked for the shaikhs. One of the biggest landlords in the province is former Senator Mohammed al-Araibi, a very wealthy and powerful man. When the late King Faisal II visited the province, Al- Araibi was able to provide lodgings for almost three thousand TABLE 5 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMs OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN IRAQ, 1958-1959 SIZE OF HOLDINGS Prior to 1959 a very few shaikhs held most of the arable land in Amarah, and the remainder of the tribesmen and farmers either had very small holdings or worked for the shaikhs. One of the biggest landlords in the province is former Senator Mohammed al-Araibi, a very wealthy and powerful man. When the late King Faisal II visited the province, Al- Araibi was able to provide lodgings for almost three thousand TABLE 5 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN IRAQ, 1958-1959 SIZE OF HOLDINGS Prior to 1959 a very few shaikhs held most of the arable land in Amarah, and the remainder of the tribesmen and farmers either had very small holdings or worked for the shaikhs. One of the biggest landlords in the province is former Senator Mohammed al-Araibi, a very wealthy and powerful man. When the late King Faisal II visited the province, Al- Araibi was able to provide lodgings for almost three thousand TABLE 5 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DoNUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGs IN IRAQ, 1958-1959 SIZE* NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE SIZE* NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE SIZE* NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 22,801 1.0-3.9 35,157 4.0-19.9 45,539 20.0-39.9 18,891 40.0-59.9 10,802 60.0-99.9 11,612 100.0-199.9 11,464 200.0-399.9 5,459 400.0-599.9 1,693 600.0-999.9 1,510 1,000.0-1,999.9 1,395 2,000.0-3,999.9 1,066 4,000.0-9,999.9 682 10,000.0-19,999.9 181 20,000.0-49,999.9 70 50,000.0-99,999.9 19 100,000.0 and over 5 ALL HOLDINGS 168,346 13.5 20.9 27.1 11.2 6.4 6.9 6.8 3.2 1.0 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.1 t t t 100.0 8,524 64,531 429,910 527,474 521,806 894,707 1,575,881 1,479,198 812,922 1,156,735 2,012,643 2,999,040 4,078,593 2,457,408 2,096,872 1,334,102 876,913 23,327,259 t 0.3 1.8 2.3 2.2 3.8 6.8 6.3 3.5 5.0 8.6 12.9 17.5 10.5 9.0 5.7 3.8 100.0 0.4 1.8 9.4 27.9 48.3 77.1 137.5 271.0 480.2 766.0 1,442.8 2,813.4 5,980.3 13,576.8 29,955.3 70,215.9 175,382.6 138.6 Less than 1.0 22,801 1.0-3.9 35,157 4.0-19.9 45,539 20.0-39.9 18,891 40.0-59.9 10,802 60.0-99.9 11,612 100.0-199.9 11,464 200.0-399.9 5,459 400.0-599.9 1,693 600.0-999.9 1,510 1,000.0-1,999.9 1,395 2,000.0-3,999.9 1,066 4,000.0-9,999.9 682 10,000.0-19,999.9 181 20,000.0-49,999.9 70 50,000.0-99,999.9 19 100,000.0 and over 5 ALL HOLDINGS 168,346 13.5 20.9 27.1 11.2 6.4 6.9 6.8 3.2 1.0 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.1 t t t 100.0 8,524 64,531 429,910 527,474 521,806 894,707 1,575,881 1,479,198 812,922 1,156,735 2,012,643 2,999,040 4,078,593 2,457,408 2,096,872 1,334,102 876,913 23,327,259 t 0.3 1.8 2.3 2.2 3.8 6.8 6.3 3.5 5.0 8.6 12.9 17.5 10.5 9.0 5.7 3.8 100.0 0.4 1.8 9.4 27.9 48.3 77.1 137.5 271.0 480.2 766.0 1,442.8 2,813.4 5,980.3 13,576.8 29,955.3 70,215.9 175,382.6 138.6 Less than 1.0 22,801 1.0-3.9 35,157 4.0-19.9 45,539 20.0-39.9 18,891 40.0-59.9 10,802 60.0-99.9 11,612 100.0-199.9 11,464 200.0-399.9 5,459 400.0-599.9 1,693 600.0-999.9 1,510 1,000.0-1,999.9 1,395 2,000.0-3,999.9 1,066 4,000.0-9,999.9 682 10,000.0-19,999.9 181 20,000.0-49,999.9 70 50,000.0-99,999.9 19 100,000.0 and over 5 ALL HOLDINGS 168,346 13.5 20.9 27.1 11.2 6.4 6.9 6.8 3.2 1.0 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.1 t t t 100.0 8,524 64,531 429,910 527,474 521,806 894,707 1,575,881 1,479,198 812,922 1,156,735 2,012,643 2,999,040 4,078,593 2,457,408 2,096,872 1,334,102 876,913 23,327,259 t 0.3 1.8 2.3 2.2 3.8 6.8 6.3 3.5 5.0 8.6 12.9 17.5 10.5 9.0 5.7 3.8 100.0 0.4 1.8 9.4 27.9 48.3 77.1 137.5 271.0 480.2 766.0 1,442.8 2,813.4 5,980.3 13,576.8 29,955.3 70,215.9 175,382.6 138.6 Source: Compiled and computed from data in Results of the Agri. cultural and Livestock Census in Iraq for the Year 1958-1959. * A donum equals 0.62 of an acre. t Less than 0.1 per cent. visitors. "The [shaikh's] income is held in big round reed bas- kets, 10 feet across and 4 feet high, which hold rice or grain, carefully packed with mud and watched by his retainers."2 At the time of the king's visit thousands of Al-Araibi's tribes- men were living under intolerable conditions and were ex- tremely restless. The discontent of the peasants in Amarah led the Iraqi gov- ernment to pass Amarah Law Number 42 of 1952. This legis- lation attempted to establish valid titles to land, and gave the 2. Warriner, Land Reform, p. 151. Source: Compiled and computed from data in Results of the Agri- cultural and Livestock Census in Iraq for the Year 1958-1959. * A donum equals 0.62 of an acre. t Less than 0.1 per cent. visitors. "The [shaikh's] income is held in big round reed bas- kets, 10 feet across and 4 feet high, which hold rice or grain, carefully packed with mud and watched by his retainers."2 At the time of the king's visit thousands of Al-Araibi's tribes- men were living under intolerable conditions and were ex- tremely restless. The discontent of the peasants in Amarah led the Iraqi gov- ernment to pass Amarah Law Number 42 of 1952. This legis- lation attempted to establish valid titles to land, and gave the 2. Warriner, Land Reform, p. 151. Source: Compiled and computed from data in Results of the Agri- cultural and Livestock Census in Iraq for the Year 1958-1959. * A donum equals 0.62 of an acre. t Less than 0.1 per cent. visitors. "The [shaikh's] income is held in big round reed bas- kets, 10 feet across and 4 feet high, which hold rice or grain, carefully packed with mud and watched by his retainers."2 At the time of the king's visit thousands of Al-Araibi's tribes- men were living under intolerable conditions and were ex- tremely restless. The discontent of the peasants in Amarah led the Iraqi gov- ernment to pass Amarah Law Number 42 of 1952. This legis- lation attempted to establish valid titles to land, and gave the 2. Warriner, Land Reform, p. 151. 29 29 29  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ peasants the right to hold land in their own names. However, the provisions of the law were very flexible, and the big land- lords instead of the peasants actually benefited from it, for the former were able to acquire more arable land than they were entitled to. In 1954 some peasants gave the writer their views with respect to the law. As they put it, "We will accept the TABLE 6 NUMBER AND AREA IN DoNUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, 1958-1959 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ peasants the right to hold land in their own names. However, the provisions of the law were very flexible, and the big land- lords instead of the peasants actually benefited from it, for the former were able to acquire more arable land than they were entitled to. In 1954 some peasants gave the writer their views with respect to the law. As they put it, "We will accept the TABLE 6 NUMBER AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS, BY PRoVINCE, IRAQ, 1958-1959 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ peasants the right to hold land in their own names. However, the provisions of the law were very flexible, and the big land- lords instead of the peasants actually benefited from it, for the former were able to acquire more arable land than they were entitled to. In 1954 some peasants gave the writer their views with respect to the law. As they put it, "We will accept the TABLE 6 NUMBER AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, 1958-1959 PROVINCEs Northern Mosul Arbil Sulaimanyah Kirkuk Central Diala Baghdad Ramadi Hilla Karbala Kut Southern Amarah Diwanyah Nasiryah Basrah TOTAL AREA 5,292,535 1,969,753 1,143,838 2,863,492 2,517,223 1,447,998 487,840 1,426,357 217,534 2,297,775 94,480 2,198,625 1,091,660 278,149 23,327,259 NUMBER 31,247 7,640 16,831 11,112 15,034 6,661 9,819 15,302 4,721 2,427 296 24,700 3,922 18,634 168,346 169.4 257.8 68.0 257.7 167.4 217.4 49.7 93.2 46.1 946.8 319.2 89.0 278.3 14.9 AVERAGE PROVINCES Northern Mosul Arbil Sulaimanyah Kirkuk Central Diala Baghdad Ramadi Hilla Karbala Kut Southern Amarah Diwanyah Nasiryah Basrah 5,292,535 1,969,753 1,143,838 2,863,492 2,517,223 1,447,998 487,840 1,426,357 217,534 2,297,775 94,480 2,198,625 1,091,660 278,149 23,327,259 NUMBER 31,247 7,640 16,831 11,112 15,034 6,661 9,819, 15,302 4,721 2,427 29'6 24,700 3,922 18,634 168,346 AVERAGE PROVINCES Northern 169.4 Mosul 257.8 Arbil 68.0 Sulaimanyah 257.7 Kirkuk Central 167.4 Diala 217.4 Baghdad 49.7 Ramadi 93.2 Hilla 46.1 Karbala 946.8 Kut Southern 319.2 Amarah 89.0 Diwanyah 278.3 Nasiryah 14.9 Basrah AREA 5,292,535 1,969,753 1,143,838 2,863,492 2,517,223 1,447,998 487,840 1,426,357 217,534 2,297,775 94,480 2,198,625 1,091,660 278,149 23,327,259 NUMBER 31,247 7,640 16,831 11,112 15,034 6,661 9,810 15,302 4,721 2,427 296 24,700 3,922 18,634 168,346 AVERAGE 169.4 257.8 68.0 257.7 167.4 217.4 49.7 93.2 46.1 946.8 319.2 89.0 278.3 14.9 138.6 138.6 ToTAL 138.6 TOTAL Source: Same as Table 5. Source: Same as Table 5. Source: Same as Table 5. law if the government acts quickly to distribute the land of Amarah to all peasants and to protect them from the power of the landlords." A few years before the revolution of 1958, when the peasants of the province expressed publicly their growing discontent and their demand for security, the big landlords drove them from their huts and then destroyed most of these dwellings. This action led to revolt by the peasants. However, the landlords called on the police forces for aid, the revolt was suppressed, and many of the peasants had to flee to the cities, especially to Baghdad. Nasiryah Province.-The total land area of Nasiryah is 14,800 square kilometers, or 5,920,000 donums of which 1,091,- 30 law if the government acts quickly to distribute the land of Amarah to all peasants and to protect them from the power of the landlords." A few years before the revolution of 1958, when the peasants of the province expressed publicly their growing discontent and their demand for security, the big landlords drove them from their huts and then destroyed most of these dwellings. This action led to revolt by the peasants. However, the landlords called on the police forces for aid, the revolt was suppressed, and many of the peasants had to flee to the cities, especially to Baghdad. Nasiryah Province.-The total land area of Nasiryah is 14,800 square kilometers, or 5,920,000 donums of which 1,091,- law if the government acts quickly to distribute the land of Amarah to all peasants and to protect them from the power of the landlords." A few years before the revolution of 1958, when the peasants of the province expressed publicly their growing discontent and their demand for security, the big landlords drove them from their huts and then destroyed most of these dwellings. This action led to revolt by the peasants. However, the landlords called on the police forces for aid, the revolt was suppressed, and many of the peasants had to flee to the cities, especially to Baghdad. Nasiryah Province.-The total land area of Nasiryah is 14,800 square kilometers, or 5,920,000 donums of which 1,091,- 30 30  SIZE OF HOLDINGS 660 are cultivated (see Table 8). In 1958-59 there were 3,922 holdings of cultivated land in the province, averaging 278.3 do- nums in size. The average size of the holdings varied tremen- dously from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Dawaya (76,035.0 donums) and smallest in Jaza'ir (15.3 donums). A very small proportion, 2.6 per cent, of the land- TABLE 7 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN AMARAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE SIZE OF HOLDINGS 660 are cultivated (see Table 8). In 1958-59 there were 3,922 holdings of cultivated land in the province, averaging 278.3 do- nums in size. The average size of the holdings varied tremen- dously from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Dawaya (76,035.0 donums) and smallest in Jaza'ir (15.3 donums). A very small proportion, 2.6 per cent, of the land- TABLE 7 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN AMARAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE OF HOLDINGS 660 are cultivated (see Table 8). In 1958-59 there were 3,922 holdings of cultivated land in the province, averaging 278.3 do- nums in size. The average size of the holdings varied tremen- dously from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Dawaya (76,035.0 donums) and smallest in Jaza'ir (15.3 donums). A very small proportion, 2.6 per cent, of the land- TABLE 7 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN AMARAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 - - - - 1.0-3.9 14 4.7 33 4.0-19.9 59 20.0 675 0.7 20.0-39.9 62 20.9 1,667 1.8 40.0-59.9 59 19.9 2,967 3.1 60.0-99.9 28 9.5 1,938 2.1 100.0-199.9 14 4.7 1,800 1.9 200.0-399.9 23 7.8 6,041 6.4 400.0-599.9 10 3.4 4,728 5.0 600.0-999.9 12 4.1 8,735 9.3 1,000.0-1,999.9 5 1.7 6,700 7.1 2,000.0-3,999.9 6 2.0 16,940 17.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 3 1.0 15,775 16.7 10,000.0-19,999.9 - - - - 20,000.0-49,999.9 1 0.3 26,481 28.0 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - 100,000.0 and over - --. - - ALL HOLDINGS 296 100.0 94,480 100.0 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. 2.4 11.4 26.9 50.3 69.2 128.6 262.7 472.8 727.9 1,340.0 2,823.3 5,258.3 26,481.0 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT Less than 1.0 - - - - 1.0-3.9 14 4.7 33 4.0-19.9 59 20.0 675 0.7 20.0-39.9 62 20.9 1,667 1.8 40.0-59.9 59 19.9 2,967 3.1 60.0-99.9 28 9.5 1,938 2.1 100.0-199.9 14 4.7 1,800 1.9 200.0-399.9 23 7.8 6,041 6.4 400.0-599.9 10 3.4 4,728 5.0 600.0-999.9 12 4.1 8,735 9.3 1,000.0-1,999.9 5 1.7 6,700 7.1 2,000.0-3,999.9 6 2.0 16,940 17.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 3 1.0 15,775 16.7 10,000.0-19,999.9 - - - - 20,000.0-49,999.9 1 0.3 26,481 28.0 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - - 100,000.0 and over - - - - ALL HOLDINGS 296 100.0 94,480 100.0 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. - Less than 1.0 - - - 2.4 1.0-3.9 14 4.7 33 * 2.4 11.4 4.0-19.9 59 20.0 675 0.7 11.4 26.9 20.0-39.9 62 20.9 1,667 1.8 26.9 50.3 40.0-59.9 59 19.9 2,967 3.1 50.3 69.2 60.0-99.9 28 9.5 1,938 2.1 69.2 128.6 100.0-199.9 14 4.7 1,800 1.9 128.6 262.7 200.0-399.9 23 7.8 6,041 6.4 262.7 472.8 400.0-599.9 10 3.4 4,728 5.0 472.8 727.9 600.0-999.9 12 4.1 8,735 9.3 727.9 1,340.0 1,000.0-1,999.9 5 1.7 6,700 7.1 1,340.0 2,823.3 2,000.0-3,999.9 6 2.0 16,940 17.9 2,823.3 5,258.3 4,000.0-9,999.9 3 1.0 15,775 16.7 5,258.3 - 10,000.0-19,999.9 - - - - - 36,481.0 20,000.0-49,999.9 1 0.3 26,481 28.0 26,481.0 - 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - - - 100,000.0 and over - - - - - 319.2 ALL HOLDINGS 296 100.0 94,480 100.0 319.2 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. 319.2 owners possessed 91.5 per cent of all the cultivated land in Nasiryah.3 Nasir al-Sadun, a one-time governor, has been one of the most influential individuals in the history of the province. His family has dominated three tribes, and these formed the Con- federation of Muntafiq (Nasiryah) under his leadership. He was able to purchase the whole province from the Ottoman government, and consequently the tribesmen were reduced to the position of share tenants. This state of affairs eventually led the peasants to revolt from time to time against the own- 3. Agricultural and Livestock Census, pp. 135, 138. owners possessed 91.5 per cent of all the cultivated land in Nasiryah.3 Nasir al-Sadun, a one-time governor, has been one of the most influential individuals in the history of the province. His family has dominated three tribes, and these formed the Con- federation of Muntafiq (Nasiryah) under his leadership. He was able to purchase the whole province from the Ottoman government, and consequently the tribesmen were reduced to the position of share tenants. This state of affairs eventually led the peasants to revolt from time to time against the own- 3. Agricultural and Livestock Census, pp. 135, 138. owners possessed 91.5 per cent of all the cultivated land in Nasiryah.3 Nasir al-Sadun, a one-time governor, has been one of the most influential individuals in the history of the province. His family has dominated three tribes, and these formed the Con- federation of Muntafiq (Nasiryah) under his leadership. He was able to purchase the whole province from the Ottoman government, and consequently the tribesmen were reduced to the position of share tenants. This state of affairs eventually led the peasants to revolt from time to time against the own- 3. Agricultural and Livestock Census, pp. 135, 138. 31 31 31  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ing family. Theoretically, however, the Iraqi government never recognized the rights of this family ownership, and in 1929, and also in 1952 and 1954, the national government sought to settle the disputes over land in Nasiryah by passing new laws. However, no settlement has been made, and the possession of the large holdings has continued to be in the hands of a few influential individuals. TABLE 8 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DoNUMS OF CULTIVATED HoLDINGS IN NAsIRYAH PRoVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 366 9.3 183 * 0.5 1.0-3.9 1,824 46.5 2,599 0.2 1.4 4.0-19.9 811 20.7 7,520 0.7 9.3 20.0-39.9 359 9.2 9,421 0.9 26.2 40.0-59.9 145 3.7 6,646 0.6 45.8 60.0-99.9 107 2.7 8,055 0.7 75.3 100.0-199.9 94 2.4 12,566 1.2 133.7 200.0-399.9 61 1.6 16,259 1.5 266.5 400.0-599.9 34 0.9 15,776 1.4 464.0 600.0-999.9 20 0.5 15,132 1.4 756.6 1,000.0-1,999.9 29 0.7 36,997 3.4 1,275.8 2,000.0-3,999.9 30 0.8 79,407 7.3 2,646.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 21 0.5 135,241 12.4 6,440.0 10,000.0-19,999.9 14 0.4 220,642 20.2 15,760.1 20,000.0-49,999.9 3 0.1 102,161 9.4 34,053.7 50,000.0-99,999.9 3 0.1 185,188 17.0 61,729.3 100,000.0 and over 1 * 237,867 21.8 237,867.0 ALL HOLDINGS 3,922 100.0 1,091,660 100.0 278.3 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. Diwanyah Province.-The total land area of Diwanyah is 15,086 square kilometers, or 6,034,400 donums of which 2,- 198,625 are cultivated (see Table 9). In 1958-59 there were 24,700 agricultural holdings in the province, averaging 89 do- nums in size. However, the average size of the holdings varied greatly from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Hamza (4,505.4 donums) and smallest in Kadissiyah (12.7 donums). A handful, 1.3 per cent, of the proprietors owned 64.3 per cent of the total cultivated area.4 4. Ibid., pp. 146, 148. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ing family. Theoretically, however, the Iraqi government never recognized the rights of this family ownership, and in 1929, and also in 1952 and 1954, the national government sought to settle the disputes over land in Nasiryah by passing new laws. However, no settlement has been made, and the possession of the large holdings has continued to be in the hands of a few influential individuals. TABLE 8 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DoNUMs OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGs IN NASIRYAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 366 9.3 183 * 0.5 1.0-3.9 1,824 46.5 2,599 0.2 1.4 4.0-19.9 811 20.7 7,520 0.7 9.3 20.0-39.9 359 9.2 9,421 0.9 26.2 40.0-59.9 145 3.7 6,646 0.6 45.8 60.0-99.9 107 2.7 8,055 0.7 75.3 100.0-199.9 94 2.4 12,566 1.2 133.7 200.0-399.9 61 1.6 16,259 1.5 266.5 400.0-599.9 34 0.9 15,776 1.4 464.0 600.0-999.9 20 0.5 15,132 1.4 756.6 1,000.0-1,999.9 29 0.7 36,997 3.4 1,275.8 2,000.0-3,999.9 30 0.8 79,407 7.3 2,646.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 21 0.5 135,241 12.4 6,440.0 10,000.0-19,999.9 14 0.4 220,642 20.2 15,760.1 20,000.0-49,999.9 3 0.1 102,161 9.4 34,053.7 50,000.0-99,999.9 3 0.1 185,188 17.0 61,729.3 100,000.0 and over 1 * 237,867 21.8 237,867.0 ALL HOLDINGs 3,922 100.0 1,091,660 100.0 278.3 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. Diwanyah Province.-The total land area of Diwanyah is 15,086 square kilometers, or 6,034,400 donums of which 2,- 198,625 are cultivated (see Table 9). In 1958-59 there were 24,700 agricultural holdings in the province, averaging 89 do- nums in size. However, the average size of the holdings varied greatly from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Hamza (4,505.4 donums) and smallest in Kadissiyah (12.7 donums). A handful, 1.3 per cent, of the proprietors owned 64.3 per cent of the total cultivated area.4 4. Ibid., pp. 146, 148. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ ing family. Theoretically, however, the Iraqi government never recognized the rights of this family ownership, and in 1929, and also in 1952 and 1954, the national government sought to settle the disputes over land in Nasiryah by passing new laws. However, no settlement has been made, and the possession of the large holdings has continued to be in the hands of a few influential individuals. TABLE 8 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGs IN NASIRYAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIzE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 366 9.3 183 * 0.5 1.0-3.9 1,824 46.5 2,599 0.2 1.4 4.0-19.9 811 20.7 7,520 0.7 9.3 20.0-39.9 359 9.2 9,421 0.9 26.2 40.0-59.9 145 3.7 6,646 0.6 45.8 60.0-99.9 107 2.7 8,055 0.7 75.3 100.0-199.9 94 2.4 12,566 1.2 133.7 200.0-399.9 61 1.6 16,259 1.5 266.5 400.0-599.9 34 0.9 15,776 1.4 464.0 600.0-999.9 20 0.5 15,132 1.4 756.6 1,000.0-1,999.9 29 0.7 36,997 3.4 1,275.8 2,000.0-3,999.9 30 0.8 79,407 7.3 2,646.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 21 0.5 135,241 12.4 6,440.0 10,000.0-19,999.9 14 0.4 220,642 20.2 15,760.1 20,000.0-49,999.9 3 0.1 102,161 9.4 34,053.7 50,000.0-99,999.9 3 0.1 185,188 17.0 61,729.3 100,000.0 and over 1 * 237,867 21.8 237,867.0 ALL HOLDINGS 3,922 100.0 1,091,660 100.0 278.3 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. Diwanyah Province.-The total land area of Diwanyah is 15,086 square kilometers, or 6,034,400 donums of which 2,- 198,625 are cultivated (see Table 9). In 1958-59 there were 24,700 agricultural holdings in the province, averaging 89 do- nums in size. However, the average size of the holdings varied greatly from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Hamza (4,505.4 donums) and smallest in Kadissiyah (12.7 donums). A handful, 1.3 per cent, of the proprietors owned 64.3 per cent of the total cultivated area.4 4. Ibid., pp. 146, 148. 32 32  SIZE OF HOLDINGS Basrah Province.-The total land area of Basrah is 12,295 square kilometers, or 4,918,000 donums of which 278,149 are cultivated (see Table 10). In 1958-59 there were 18,634 hold- ings of cultivated land in the province, averaging 14.9 donums in size. This average, though, varied from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Fao (199.1 donums) and TABLE 9 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN DIWANYAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 1,860 7.5 939 0.5 1.0-3.9 6,189 25.1 12,327 0.6 2.0 4.0-19.9 10,090 40.8 90,745 4.1 9.0 20.0-39.9 2,589 10.5 71,601 3.3 27.7 40.0-59.9 1,067 4.3 52,269 2.4 49.0 60.0-99.9 859 3.5 65,710 3.0 76.5 100.0-199.9 825 3.3 117,365 5.3 142.3 200.0-399.9 513 2.1 142,070 6.5 276.9 400.0-599.0 189 0.8 91,706 4.2 485.2 600.0-999.9 182 0.7 140,003 6.4 769.2 1,000.0-1,999.9 160 0.6 230,477 10.5 1,440.5 2,000.0-3,999.9 99 0.4 276,818 12.6 2,796.1 4,000.0-9,999.9 53 0.2 360,266 16.4 6,797.5 10,000.0-19,999.9 18 0.1 261,777 11.9 14,543.2 20,000.0-49,999.9 6 * 167,504 7.6 27,917.3 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - - - 100,000.0 and over 1 * 117,048 5.3 117,048.0 ALL HOLDINGS 24,700 100.0 2,198,625 100.0 89.0 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. smallest in Abu al-Khaseeb (2.9 donums). A mere 0.2 per cent of landowners owned 50.8 per cent of the total cultivated land.1 The tables presented above show that the average size of agricultural holdings varied greatly from one province to an- other in Southern Iraq, the largest holdings being in Amarah and Nasiryah, and the smallest in Basrah. The largest estates in Southern Iraq, in 1958-59, were as follows: 441 holdings varying from 1,000 to 10,000 donums in size; 34 holdings having between 10,000 and 20,000 donums; 11 holdings from 5. Ibid., pp. 157, 159. SIZE OF HOLDINGS Basrah Province.-The total land area of Basrah is 12,295 square kilometers, or 4,918,000 donums of which 278,149 are cultivated (see Table 10). In 1958-59 there were 18,634 hold- ings of cultivated land in the province, averaging 14.9 donums in size. This average, though, varied from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Fao (199.1 donums) and TABLE 9 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMs OF CULTIVATED HoLDINGs IN DIWANYAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 1,860 1.0-3.9 6,189 4.0-19.9 10,090 20.0-39.9 2,589 40.0-59.9 1,067 60.0-99.9 859 100.0-199.9 825 200.0-399.9 513 400.0-599.0 189 600.0-999.9 182 1,000.0-1,999.9 160 2,000.0-3,999.9 99 4,000.0-9,999.9 53 10,000.0-19,999.9 18 20,000.0-49,999.9 6 50,000.0-99,999.9 - 100,000.0 and over 1 ALL HOLDINGS 24,700 7.5 25.1 40.8 10.5 4.3 3.5 3.3 2.1 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.1 939 12,327 90,745 71,601 52,269 65,710 117,365 142,070 91,706 140,003 230,477 276,818 360,266 261,777 167,504 0.6 4.1 3.3 2.4 3.0 5.3 6.5 4.2 6.4 10.5 12.6 16.4 11.9 7.6 0.5 2.0 9.0 27.7 49.0 76.5 142.3 276.9 485.2 769.2 1,440.5 2,796.1 6,797.5 14,543.2 27,917.3 117,048.0 89.0 SIZE OF HOLDINGS Basrah Province.-The total land area of Basrah is 12,295 square kilometers, or 4,918,000 donums of which 278,149 are cultivated (see Table 10). In 1958-59 there were 18,634 hold- ings of cultivated land in the province, averaging 14.9 donums in size. This average, though, varied from one administrative unit to another, being largest in Fao (199.1 donums) and TABLE 9 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DoNUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGs IN DIWANYAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 1,860 7.5 939 * 0.5 1.0-3.9 6,189 25.1 12,327 0.6 2.0 4.0-19.9 10,090 40.8 90,745 4.1 9.0 20.0-39.9 2,589 10.5 71,601 3.3 27.7 40.0-59.9 1,067 4.3 52,269 2.4 49.0 60.0-99.9 859 3.5 65,710 3.0 76.5 100.0-199.9 825 3.3 117,365 5.3 142.3 200.0-399.9 513 2.1 142,070 6.5 276.9 400.0-599.0 189 0.8 91,706 4.2 485.2 600.0-999.9 182 0.7 140,003 6.4 769.2 1,000.0-1,999.9 160 0.6 230,477 10.5 1,440.5 2,000.0-3,999.9 99 0.4 276,818 12.6 2,796.1 4,000.0-9,999.9 53 0.2 360,266 16.4 6,797.5 10,000.0-19,999.9 18 0.1 261,777 11.9 14,543.2 20,000.0-49,999.9 6 * 167,504 7.6 27,917.3 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - - - 100,000.0 and oVer 1 * 117,048 5.3 117,048.0 ALL HOLDINGS 24,700 100.0 2,198,625 100.0 89.0 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. smallest in Abu al-Khaseeb (2.9 donums). A mere 0.2 per cent of landowners owned 50.8 per cent of the total cultivated land.' The tables presented above show that the average size of agricultural holdings varied greatly from one province to an- other in Southern Iraq, the largest holdings being in Amarah and Nasiryah, and the smallest in Basrah. The largest estates in Southern Iraq, in 1958-59, were as follows: 441 holdings varying from 1,000 to 10,000 donums in size; 34 holdings having between 10,000 and 20,000 donums; 11 holdings from 5. Ibid., pp. 157, 159. 33 * 117,048 5.3 100.0 2,198,625 100.0 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. smallest in Abu al-Khaseeb (2.9 donums). A mere 0.2 per cent of landowners owned 50.8 per cent of the total cultivated land.' The tables presented above show that the average size of agricultural holdings varied greatly from one province to an- other in Southern Iraq, the largest holdings being in Amarah and Nasiryah, and the smallest in Basrah. The largest estates in Southern Iraq, in 1958-59, were as follows: 441 holdings varying from 1,000 to 10,000 donums in size; 34 holdings having between 10,000 and 20,000 donums; 11 holdings from 5. Ibid., pp. 157, 159. 33 33  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ 20,000 to 50,000 donums; 3 holdings including between 50,000 and 100,000 donums; and 2 holdings actually exceeding 100,- 000 donums, or 62,000 acres, in size. TABLE 10 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN BASRAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 8,297 44.5 2,111 0.8 0.3 1.0-3.9 6,069 32.6 9,771 3.5 1.6 4.0-19.9 3,127 16.8 16,364 5.9 5.2 20.0-39.9 511 2.7 13,841 5.0 27.1 40.0-59.9 179 1.0 8,623 3.1 48.2 60.0-99.9 154 0.8 11,734 4.2 76.2 100.0-199.9 150 0.8 20,348 7.3 135.7 200.0-399.9 58 0.3 16,229 5.8 279.8 400.0-599.9 24 0.1 11,528 4.1 480.3 600.0-999.9 27 0.1 21,108 7.6 781.8 1,000.0-1,999.9 18 0.1 25,678 9.2 1.426.6 2,000.0-3,999.9 11 0.1 36,728 13.2 3,338.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 6 33,509 12.0 5,584.8 10,000.0-19,999.9 2 * 25,577 9.2 12,788.5 20,000.0-49,999.9 1 * 25,000 9.0 25,000.0 50,000.0-99,999.9 - -- - 100,000.0 and over - -- - ALL HOLDINGS 18,634 100.0 278,149 100.0 14.9 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ 20,000 to 50,000 donums; 3 holdings including between 50,000 and 100,000 donums; and 2 holdings actually exceeding 100,- 000 donums, or 62,000 acres, in size. TABLE 10 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGs IN BASRAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 8,297 44.5 2,111 0.8 0.3 1.0-3.9 6,069 32.6 9,771 3.5 1.6 4.0-19.9 3,127 16.8 16,364 5.9 5.2 20.0-39.9 511 2.7 13,841 5.0 27.1 40.0-59.9 179 1.0 8,623 3.1 48.2 60.0-99.9 154 0.8 11,734 4.2 76.2 100.0-199.9 150 0.8 20,348 7.3 135.7 200.0-399.9 58 0.3 16,229 5.8 279.8 400.0-599.9 24 0.1 11,528 4.1 480.3 600.0-999.9 27 0.1 21,108 7.6 781.8 1,000.0-1,999.9 18 0.1 25,678 9.2 1,426.6 2,000.0-3,999.9 11 0.1 36,728 13.2 3,338.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 6 * 33,509 12.0 5,584.8 10,000.0-19,999.9 2 * 25,577 9.2 12,788.5 20,000.0-49,999.9 1 * 25,000 9.0 25,000.0 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - - - 100,000.0 and over - - - - - ALL HOLDINGS 18,634 100.0 278,149 100.0 14.9 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ 20,000 to 50,000 donums; 3 holdings including between 50,000 and 100,000 donums; and 2 holdings actually exceeding 100,- 000 donums, or 62,000 acres, in size. TABLE 10 SIZE, NUMBER, AND AREA IN DONUMS OF CULTIVATED HOLDINGS IN BASRAH PROVINCE, 1958-1959 SIZE NUMBER PER CENT AREA PER CENT AVERAGE Less than 1.0 8,297 44.5 2,111 0.8 0.3 1.0-3.9 6,069 32.6 9,771 3.5 1.6 4.0-19.9 3,127 16.8 16,364 5.9 5.2 20.0-39.9 511 2.7 13,841 5.0 27.1 40.0-59.9 179 1.0 8,623 3.1 48.2 60.0-99.9 154 0.8 11,734 4.2 76.2 100.0-199.9 150 0.8 20,348 7.3 135.7 200.0-399.9 58 0.3 16,229 5.8 279.8 400.0-599.9 24 0.1 11,528 4.1 480.3 600.0-999.9 27 0.1 21,108 7.6 781.8 1,000.0-1,999.9 18 0.1 25,678 9.2 1,426.6 2,000.0-3,999.9 11 0.1 36,728 13.2 3,338.9 4,000.0-9,999.9 6 33,509 12.0 5,584.8 10,000.0-19,999.9 2 * 25,577 9.2 12,788.5 20,000.0-49,999.9 1 * 25,000 9.0 25,000.0 50,000.0-99,999.9 - - - - 100,000.0 and over - - - - ALL HOLDINGS 18,634 100.0 278,149 100.0 14.9 Source: Same as Table 5. * Less than 0.1 per cent. 34 34 34  6. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE Some five centuries ago the Arab thinker Ibn Khaldun stat- ed that "agriculture is the oldest of all crafts, in as much as it provides the food, that is the main factor in perfecting human life."' The livelihood of billions of people on this plan- et depends directly on agriculture. The cultivation of the soil is the backbone of the economy in many countries of the world, particularly those which are dubbed as "underdeveloped." Iraq is one of these countries. The majority of the population of Iraq depend for their livelihood on the produce of the land. However, in spite of the fact that the family, the tribe, and the village have undergone changes, the systems of agriculture are almost the same as those of ancient Iraq (Mesopotamia). In many parts of this country farming can be considered as primitive: preparation of the soil is poor, agricultural imple- ments are traditional and very simple, draft animals are poor and inefficient, and adequate management is almost absent. The fallow system is another drawback, for usually the peas- ants leave half of the winter crop area idle, believing that this method will restore fertility. Weeds grow freely on these fields and the fields may or may not be used by the peasants for grazing animals. The river-bank system of agriculture,2 in which the river alone is responsible for the preparation of the seed bed, is not widely used in Iraq. This is because river banks are usually state property, and also because the system can be utilized only for a short time each year. In the southern provinces there are a few plantings, mostly vegetables, near river banks during and after the month of May, when the river's waters, the Tigris' or the Euphrates', recede and leave on the bank soft 1. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), II, 357 (II, 406, in the Arabic edition of Al.-Kashaf Press, Beirut). 2. According to T. Lynn Smith (Sociology of Rural Life [3d ed.; New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953], pp. 324-62), systems of agricul- ture can be classifned as (1) river bank, (2) fire agriculture, (3) hoe culture, (4) rudimentary plow culture, (5) advanced plow culture, and (6) mechanized farming. 6. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE Some five centuries ago the Arab thinker Ibn Khaldun stat- ed that "agriculture is the oldest of all crafts, in as much as it provides the food, that is the main factor in perfecting human life." The livelihood of billions of people on this plan- et depends directly on agriculture. The cultivation of the soil is the backbone of the economy in many countries of the world, particularly those which are dubbed as "underdeveloped." Iraq is one of these countries. The majority of the population of Iraq depend for their livelihood on the produce of the land. However, in spite of the fact that the family, the tribe, and the village have undergone changes, the systems of agriculture are almost the same as those of ancient Iraq (Mesopotamia). In many parts of this country farming can be considered as primitive: preparation of the soil is poor, agricultural imple- ments are traditional and very simple, draft animals are poor and inefficient, and adequate management is almost absent. The fallow system is another drawback, for usually the peas- ants leave half of the winter crop area idle, believing that this method will restore fertility. Weeds grow freely on these fields and the fields may or may not be used by the peasants for grazing animals. The river-bank system of agriculture,' in which the river alone is responsible for the preparation of the seed bed, is not widely used in Iraq. This is because river banks are usually state property, and also because the system can be utilized only for a short time each year. In the southern provinces there are a few plantings, mostly vegetables, near river banks during and after the month of May, when the river's waters, the Tigris' or the Euphrates', recede and leave on the bank soft 1. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), II, 357 (II, 406, in the Arabic edition of Al-Kashaf Press, Beirut). 2. According to T. Lynn Smith (Sociology of Rural Life [3d ed.; New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953], pp. 324-62), systems of agricul- ture can be classified as (1) river bank, (2) fire agriculture, (3) hoe culture, (4) rudimentary plow culture, (5) advanced plow culture, and (6) mechanized farming. 6. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE Some five centuries ago the Arab thinker Ibn Khaldun stat- ed that "agriculture is the oldest of all crafts, in as much as it provides the food, that is the main factor in perfecting human life."' The livelihood of billions of people on this plan- et depends directly on agriculture. The cultivation of the soil is the backbone of the economy in many countries of the world, particularly those which are dubbed as "underdeveloped." Iraq is one of these countries. The majority of the population of Iraq depend for their livelihood on the produce of the land. However, in spite of the fact that the family, the tribe, and the village have undergone changes, the systems of agriculture are almost the same as those of ancient Iraq (Mesopotamia). In many parts of this country farming can be considered as primitive: preparation of the soil is poor, agricultural imple- ments are traditional and very simple, draft animals are poor and inefficient, and adequate management is almost absent. The fallow system is another drawback, for usually the peas- ants leave half of the winter crop area idle, believing that this method will restore fertility. Weeds grow freely on these fields and the fields may or may not be used by the peasants for grazing animals. The river-bank system of agriculture,2 in which the river alone is responsible for the preparation of the seed bed, is not widely used in Iraq. This is because river banks are usually state property, and also because the system can be utilized only for a short time each year. In the southern provinces there are a few plantings, mostly vegetables, near river banks during and after the month of May, when the river's waters, the Tigris' or the Euphrates', recede and leave on the bank soft 1. Ibn Khaldun, The Moqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), II, 357 (II, 406, in the Arabic edition of Al-Kashaf Press, Beirut). 2. According to T. Lynn Smith (Sociology of Rural Life [3d ed.; New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953], pp. 324-62), systems of agricul- ture can be classified as (1) river bank, (2) fire agriculture, (3) hoe culture, (4) rudimentary plow culture, (5) advanced plow culture, and (6) mechanized farming. 35 35 35  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ loam deposits ready for planting. Following this, implements may or may not be used. Hoe culture is widespread in Iraq and even the digging stick is still frequently employed in tilling the land. To the end of the stick is usually fastened a piece of sharp metal. In tilling the land, the digging stick requires the application of both foot and hand. The sickle is used by the peasants to harvest grain crops. Rudimentary plow culture, characterized by the use of the wooden plow drawn by oxen, mules, or water buffaloes, can still be found on a small scale here and there in Iraq. Advanced plow culture, featured by the use of the steel plow to turn the soil, also is seen in the country. Mechanized farming is a new phenomenon in Iraq; but, al- though there is a great stress on mechanization, only a very small portion of the arable land is tilled by power equipment. The number of farmers who used agricultural machinery rose from only 2 in 1924 to 582 in 1958. Very few individuals own agricultural machinery. Farmers, however, may rent such equipment from the Ministry of Agra- rian Reform through the Directorate of Agricultural Machin- ery, which was established in 1945 for the purpose of mech- anizing agriculture. As of May 31, 1964, the directorate owned 467 tractors and 211 combines. Of these, 79 tractors and 33 combines were being used in the South. The directorate not only rents machinery to farmers, but also, in most.cases and for the purpose of maintaining the machines, supplies them with gasoline, lubricating oil, repair facilities, and spare parts. Small farmers may wait until the end of the agricultural season to pay the rental charges on machinery, whereas financially able persons must do so in advance. In addition to tractors and combines, other agricultural ma- chinery and implements have been sold and distributed to farmers. In 1961 there were, in the southern provinces, 18 share plows, 2 disc plows, 7 cultivators, 2 automatic trailers, and 34 agricultural water pumps.3 Livestock raising is not an integral part of agriculture, rath- er it is an adjunct to it. Draft animals are generally poor, 3. Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Abstract, 1961 (Baghdad: Zahra Press, 1962), p. 68. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ loam deposits ready for planting. Following this, implements may or may not be used. Hoe culture is widespread in Iraq and even the digging stick is still frequently employed in tilling the land. To the end of the stick is usually fastened a piece of sharp metal. In tilling the land, the digging stick requires the application of both foot and hand. The sickle is used by the peasants to harvest grain crops. Rudimentary plow culture, characterized by the use of the wooden plow drawn by oxen, mules, or water buffaloes, can still be found on a small scale here and there in Iraq. Advanced plow culture, featured by the use of the steel plow to turn the soil, also is seen in the country. Mechanized farming is a new phenomenon in Iraq; but, al- though there is a great stress on mechanization, only a very small portion of the arable land is tilled by power equipment. The number of farmers who used agricultural machinery rose from only 2 in 1924 to 582 in 1958. Very few individuals own agricultural machinery. Farmers, however, may rent such equipment from the Ministry of Agra- rian Reform through the Directorate of Agricultural Machin- ery, which was established in 1945 for the purpose of mech- anizing agriculture. As of May 31, 1964, the directorate owned 467 tractors and 211 combines. Of these, 79 tractors and 33 combines were being used in the South. The directorate not only rents machinery to farmers, but also, in most cases and for the purpose of maintaining the machines, supplies them with gasoline, lubricating oil, repair facilities, and spare parts. Small farmers may wait until the end of the agricultural season to pay the rental charges on machinery, whereas financially able persons must do so in advance. In addition to tractors and combines, other agricultural ma- chinery and implements have been sold and distributed to farmers. In 1961 there were, in the southern provinces, 18 share plows, 2 disc plows, 7 cultivators, 2 automatic trailers, and 34 agricultural water pumps. Livestock raising is not an integral part of agriculture, rath- er it is an adjunct to it. Draft animals are generally poor, 3. Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Abstract, 1961 (Baghdad: Zahra Press, 1962), p. 68. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ loam deposits ready for planting. Following this, implements may or may not be used. Hoe culture is widespread in Iraq and even the digging stick is still frequently employed in tilling the land. To the end of the stick is usually fastened a piece of sharp metal. In tilling the land, the digging stick requires the application of both foot and hand. The sickle is used by the peasants to harvest grain crops. Rudimentary plow culture, characterized by the use of the wooden plow drawn by oxen, mules, or water buffaloes, can still be found on a small scale here and there in Iraq. Advanced plow culture, featured by the use of the steel plow to turn the soil, also is seen in the country. Mechanized farming is a new phenomenon in Iraq; but, al- though there is a great stress on mechanization, only a very small portion of the arable land is tilled by power equipment. The number of farmers who used agricultural machinery rose from only 2 in 1924 to 582 in 1958. Very few individuals own agricultural machinery. Farmers, however, may rent such equipment from the Ministry of Agra- rian Reform through the Directorate of Agricultural Machin- ery, which was established in 1945 for the purpose of mech- anizing agriculture. As of May 31, 1964, the directorate owned 467 tractors and 211 combines. Of these, 79 tractors and 33 combines were being used in the South. The directorate not only rents machinery to farmers, but also, in most cases and for the purpose of maintaining the machines, supplies them with gasoline, lubricating oil, repair facilities, and spare parts. Small farmers may wait until the end of the agricultural season to pay the rental charges on machinery, whereas financially able persons must do so in advance. In addition to tractors and combines, other agricultural ma- chinery and implements have been sold and distributed to farmers. In 1961 there were, in the southern provinces, 18 share plows, 2 disc plows, 7 cultivators, 2 automatic trailers, and 34 agricultural water pumps.3 Livestock raising is not an integral part of agriculture, rath- er it is an adjunct to it. Draft animals are generally poor, 3. Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Abstract, 1961 (Baghdad: Zahra Press, 1962), p. 68. 36 36  SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE inadequately fed, and afflicted with disease to such an extent that, along with the lack of adequate equipment, they can help very little in the preparation of the soil. Everywhere in Iraq human labor is cheap and is used for most of the agricultural activities. The great majority of the landlords avoid the high cost of agricultural machinery. Therefore there is, at least for the time being, no fear of the displacement of the peasants. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE inadequately fed, and afflicted with disease to such an extent that, along with the lack of adequate equipment, they can help very little in the preparation of the soil. Everywhere in Iraq human labor is cheap and is used for most of the agricultural activities. The great majority of the landlords avoid the high cost of agricultural machinery. Therefore there is, at least for the time being, no fear of the displacement of the peasants. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE inadequately fed, and afflicted with disease to such an extent that, along with the lack of adequate equipment, they can help very little in the preparation of the soil. Everywhere in Iraq human labor is cheap and is used for most of the agricultural activities. The great majority of the landlords avoid the high cost of agricultural machinery. Therefore there is, at least for the time being, no fear of the displacement of the peasants. 37 37 37  7. LAND TENURE AND SELECTED ASPECTS OF RURAL SOCIETY Land tenure, as an independent variable or moving force, makes its influence felt throughout the entire set of so- cial institutions and social structures of which an agricultural society is composed. In this chapter, the author has chosen to indicate briefly some of these interrelationships of tenure with educational institutions, health systems, and social strata. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Education, in reality, is an essential social service. It is a basic condition for the agricultural, industrial, and technologi- cal progress of any country "as well as for the development of a fuller cultural life and the sound growth of democratic in- stitutions."' Like other major social organizations, education is a system of social practice "oriented primarily around a val- ued function of the society, in which the persons who partici- pate, the interaction pattern, and the manifest ends and means of the system are culturally specified and approved."2 In the rural parts of Southern Iraq the educational system is, to a great extent, affected by the landownership system. The absence of schools is conspicuous in the areas dominated by a few large landowners. In the academic year 1956-57 there were 49 co-educational primary schools in Nasiryah, 29 in Amarah, 10 in Basrah, and none in Diwanyah. The number of such schools increased after the 1958 revolution. In 1965 there were 134 co-educational primary schools in Nasiryah, 107 in Ama- rah, 165 in Basrah, and 100 in Diwanyah.? The peasants cannot be blamed for their illiteracy. The big landowners have resisted establishing schools on their land. Their influence on the government has always been great. 1. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, pp. 62, 385. 2. Alvin L. Bertrand, Rural Sociology: An Analysis of Contemporary Rural Life (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1958), p. 222. 3. Ministry of Education, "Preliminary Census of Education for the Year 1964-1965." According to this source, there were 5,328 schools of all types in Iraq, and 1,142 (21.4 per cent) were in the South. 38 7. LAND TENURE AND SELECTED ASPECTS OF RURAL SOCIETY Land tenure, as an independent variable or moving force, makes its influence felt throughout the entire set of so- cial institutions and social structures of which an agricultural society is composed. In this chapter, the author has chosen to indicate briefly some of these interrelationships of tenure with educational institutions, health systems, and social strata. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Education, in reality, is an essential social service. It is a basic condition for the agricultural, industrial, and technologi- cal progress of any country "as well as for the development of a fuller cultural life and the sound growth of democratic in- stitutions."' Like other major social organizations, education is a system of social practice "oriented primarily around a val- ued function of the society, in which the persons who partici- pate, the interaction pattern, and the manifest ends and means of the system are culturally specified and approved."2 In the rural parts of Southern Iraq the educational system is, to a great extent, affected by the landownership system. The absence of schools is conspicuous in the areas dominated by a few large landowners. In the academic year 1956-57 there were 49 co-educational primary schools in Nasiryah, 29 in Amarah, 10 in Basrah, and none in Diwanyah. The number of such schools increased after the 1958 revolution. In 1965 there were 134 co-educational primary schools in Nasiryah, 107 in Ama- rah, 165 in Basrah, and 100 in Diwanyah.3 The peasants cannot be blamed for their illiteracy. The big landowners have resisted establishing schools on their land. Their influence on the government has always been great. 1. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, pp. 62, 385. 2. Alvin L. Bertrand, Rural Sociology: An Analysis of Contemporary Rural Life (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1958), p. 222. 3. Ministry of Education, "Preliminary Census of Education for the Year 1964-1965." According to this source, there were 5,328 schools of all types in Iraq, and 1,142 (21.4 per cent) were in the South. 7. LAND TENURE AND SELECTED ASPECTS OF RURAL SOCIETY Land tenure, as an independent variable or moving force, makes its influence felt throughout the entire set of so- cial institutions and social structures of which an agricultural society is composed. In this chapter, the author has chosen to indicate briefly some of these interrelationships of tenure with educational institutions, health systems, and social strata. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Education, in reality, is an essential social service. It is a basic condition for the agricultural, industrial, and technologi- cal progress of any country "as well as for the development of a fuller cultural life and the sound growth of democratic in- stitutions."' Like other major social organizations, education is a system of social practice "oriented primarily around a val- ued function of the society, in which the persons who partici- pate, the interaction pattern, and the manifest ends and means of the system are culturally specified and approved."2 In the rural parts of Southern Iraq the educational system is, to a great extent, affected by the landownership system. The absence of schools is conspicuous in the areas dominated by a few large landowners. In the academic year 1956-57 there were 49 co-educational primary schools in Nasiryah, 29 in Amarah, 10 in Basrah, and none in Diwanyah. The number of such schools increased after the 1958 revolution. In 1965 there were 134 co-educational primary schools in Nasiryah, 107 in Ama- rah, 165 in Basrah, and 100 in Diwanyah.? The peasants cannot be blamed for their illiteracy. The big landowners have resisted establishing schools on their land. Their influence on the government has always been great. 1. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, pp. 62, 385. 2. Alvin L. Bertrand, Rural Sociology: An Analysis of Contemporary Rural Life (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1958), p. 222. 3. Ministry of Education, "Preliminary Census of Education for the Year 1964-1965." According to this source, there were 5,328 schools of all types in Iraq, and 1,142 (21.4 per cent) were in the South. 38 38  LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY Poverty is also related to retarded education. Most of the Iraqi parents cannot afford to send their children to school, for they are regarded as an economic asset in that they help till the land. Some children who start primary school do not finish for the same reason. In the 1962-63 academic year 40,314 per- sons enrolled in primary schools of the South, but 12,242 (30.4 per cent) of them dropped out before the end of the year.4 Education of young girls has always lagged behind that of boys in rural Southern Iraq. This lag is also true in the urban centers. The first government school for girls was established in Baghdad in 1920,5 and the first secondary school for them was opened in Baghdad in 1929. It is only recently that the co-educational system was established, but its schools have in- creased rapidly in the last ten years. According to an official source, the total number of public girls' schools in Iraq in 1962- 63 was 528, with 233,091 students; the southern provinces had 97 (18.4 per cent) of these schools with 52,459 (22.5 per cent) students.' The curricula of primary and secondary schools are filled with subjects other than those related to agriculture and rural affairs. The curricula of the rural schools are the same as those of urban schools, and these curricula are not designed to meet the needs of village life. No courses in agriculture are available, and technical training is generally neglected. Rural schools do not even have garden plots where students can learn simple agricultural processes or the use of agricultural tools. On the whole, the environment of these schools is not "rural." Thus, it would be more beneficial to the rural people if the cur- ricula were revised. A knowledge of practice and principles of good husbandry by those who work on the land is an impor- 4. Ministry of Education, Educational Statistics, 1962-1963 (Bagh- dad: Dar Jumhuryah Press, 1964), p. 27. 5. Accordingly, the statement of Richard Coke (The Heart of the Middle East [London: T. Butterworth, 1925], p. 275) that "the first gov- ernment girls' school was opened in Baghdad in 1919" is wrong. 6. Educational Statistics, p. 14. The statement made by some writers that Islam does not encourage education for females is incorrect. Women in the Islamic era could be found in educational centers. Some were able teachers, poets, and thinkers. To give a concrete illustration, Hafsa was asked by her husband, the Prophet Mohammed, to learn the art of writ- ing under Al-Shaffa. It was only after the Arab civilization declined that women's education ceased to be universal throughout Iraq and other Islamic countries. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY Poverty is also related to retarded education. Most of the Iraqi parents cannot afford to send their children to school, for they are regarded as an economic asset in that they help till the land. Some children who start primary school do not finish for the same reason. In the 1962-63 academic year 40,314 per- sons enrolled in primary schools of the South, but 12,242 (30.4 per cent) of them dropped out before the end of the year? Education of young girls has always lagged behind that of boys in rural Southern Iraq. This lag is also true in the urban centers. The first government school for girls was established in Baghdad in 1920, and the first secondary school for them was opened in Baghdad in 1929. It is only recently that the co-educational system was established, but its schools have in- creased rapidly in the last ten years. According to an official source, the total number of public girls' schools in Iraq in 1962- 63 was 528, with 233,091 students; the southern provinces had 97 (18.4 per cent) of these schools with 52,459 (22.5 per cent) students. The curricula of primary and secondary schools are filled with subjects other than those related to agriculture and rural affairs. The curricula of the rural schools are the same as those of urban schools, and these curricula are not designed to meet the needs of village life. No courses in agriculture are available, and technical training is generally neglected. Rural schools do not even have garden plots where students can learn simple agricultural processes or the use of agricultural tools. On the whole, the environment of these schools is not "rural." Thus, it would be more beneficial to the rural people if the cur- ricula were revised. A knowledge of practice and principles of good husbandry by those who work on the land is an impor- 4. Ministry of Education, Educational Statistics, 1962-1963 (Bagh- dad: Dar Jumhuryah Press, 1964), p. 27. 5. Accordingly, the statement of Richard Coke (The Heart of the Middle East [London: T. Butterworth, 1925], p. 275) that "the first gov- ernment girls' school was opened in Baghdad in 1919" is wrong. 6. Educational Statistics, p. 14. The statement made by some writers that Islam does not encourage education for females is incorrect. Women in the Islamic era could be found in educational centers. Some were able teachers, poets, and thinkers. To give a concrete illustration, Hafsa was asked by her husband, the Prophet Mohammed, to learn the art of writ- ing under AI-Shaffa. It was only after the Arab civilization declined that women's education ceased to be universal throughout Iraq and other Islamic countries. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY Poverty is also related to retarded education. Most of the Iraqi parents cannot afford to send their children to school, for they are regarded as an economic asset in that they help till the land. Some children who start primary school do not finish for the same reason. In the 1962-63 academic year 40,314 per- sons enrolled in primary schools of the South, but 12,242 (30.4 per cent) of them dropped out before the end of the year.4 Education of young girls has always lagged behind that of boys in rural Southern Iraq. This lag is also true in the urban centers. The first government school for girls was established in Baghdad in 1920,5 and the first secondary school for them was opened in Baghdad in 1929. It is only recently that the co-educational system was established, but its schools have in- creased rapidly in the last ten years. According to an official source, the total number of public girls' schools in Iraq in 1962- 63 was 528, with 233,091 students; the southern provinces had 97 (18.4 per cent) of these schools with 52,459 (22.5 per cent) students.' The curricula of primary and secondary schools are filled with subjects other than those related to agriculture and rural affairs. The curricula of the rural schools are the same as those of urban schools, and these curricula are not designed to meet the needs of village life. No courses in agriculture are available, and technical training is generally neglected. Rural schools do not even have garden plots where students can learn simple agricultural processes or the use of agricultural tools. On the whole, the environment of these schools is not "rural." Thus, it would be more beneficial to the rural people if the cur- ricula were revised. A knowledge of practice and principles of good husbandry by those who work on the land is an impor- 4. Ministry of Education, Educational Statistics, 1962-1968 (Bagh- dad: Dar Jumhuryah Press, 1964), p. 27. 5. Accordingly, the statement of Richard Coke (The Heart of the Middle East [London: T. Butterworth, 1925], p. 275) that "the first gov- ernment girls' school was opened in Baghdad in 1919" is wrong. 6. Educational Statistics, p. 14. The statement made by some writers that Islam does not encourage education for females is incorrect. Women in the Islamic era could be found in educational centers. Some were able teachers, poets, and thinkers. To give a concrete illustration, Hafsa was asked by her husband, the Prophet Mohammed, to learn the art of writ- ing under Al-Shaffa. It was only after the Arab civilization declined that women's education ceased to be universal throughout Iraq and other Islamic countries. 39 39 39  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ tant need for sound character training.' Elementary agricul- ture, mechanics, health, and hygiene also are among the most important subjects needed in the curricula of rural schools. Health courses are particularly important because of the fact that such diseases as malaria, bilharziasis, hookworm, and tra- choma are found throughout the rural areas of Southern Iraq. Rural schools are small and crowded. Generally they do not have proper ventilation and lighting, and some of them also do not have pure water. All these factors force many teachers to seek transfers to urban schools. There is a severe lack of adequate educational facilities, such as libraries, laboratories, and workshop facilities. Some schools have no libraries; others have only a small number of books, unsuited for children, accumulated in disarray in small rooms or classrooms. Some schools are found in large villages distant from the homes of the farmers. As a result, the cost of transportation and boarding prevents many rural families from sending their children to school. As of 1958 there was only one agricultural college and one agricultural secondary school in Iraq. The College of Agri- culture was opened in 1950-51 with 23 students. The number of students had increased to 234 by the academic year 1956-57, and to 375 (including 20 girls) in 1962-63. The Secondary School of Agriculture was established in 1927, closed in 1931, and then reopened in 1939-40 with 25 students. The number of students increased to 133 by 1956-57. The number of agricul- tural schools rose to 10 during 1961-62, when they had 1,713 students.' The International Bank suggests that "these schools should be in the position to train forward-looking men for ac- tual farming as well as for posts in the agricultural adminis- tration and the extension and educational service." Unfortu- nately, the teaching staff and curricula "have been deficient in many respects. The teaching staffs should be strengthened by recruiting additional qualified teachers abroad and by using 7. Victor Clark, Compulsory Education in Iraq (a report to the gov- ernment of Iraq [UNESCO, 1951]), p. 18. 8. Statistical Abstract 1961, p. 222. "The Preliminary Census of Edu- cation, 1964-1965," shows that there were 9 agricultural schools in Iraq with 1,760 students (all males) ; the southern provinces had only 3 such schools with 615 students. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ tant need for sound character training.t Elementary agricul- ture, mechanics, health, and hygiene also are among the most important subjects needed in the curricula of rural schools. Health courses are particularly important because of the fact that such diseases as malaria, bilharziasis, hookworm, and tra- choma are found throughout the rural areas of Southern Iraq. Rural schools are small and crowded. Generally they do not have proper ventilation and lighting, and some of them also do not have pure water. All these factors force many teachers to seek transfers to urban schools. There is a severe lack of adequate educational facilities, such as libraries, laboratories, and workshop facilities. Some schools have no libraries; others have only a small number of books, unsuited for children, accumulated in disarray in small rooms or classrooms. Some schools are found in large villages distant from the homes of the farmers. As a result, the cost of transportation and boarding prevents many rural families from sending their children to school. As of 1958 there was only one agricultural college and one agricultural secondary school in Iraq. The College of Agri- culture was opened in 1950-51 with 23 students. The number of students had increased to 234 by the academic year 1956-57, and to 375 (including 20 girls) in 1962-63. The Secondary School of Agriculture was established in 1927, closed in 1931, and then reopened in 1939-40 with 25 students. The number of students increased to 133 by 1956-57. The number of agricul- tural schools rose to 10 during 1961-62, when they had 1,713 students.' The International Bank suggests that "these schools should be in the position to train forward-looking men for ac- tual farming as well as for posts in the agricultural adminis- tration and the extension and educational service." Unfortu- nately, the teaching staff and curricula "have been deficient in many respects. The teaching staffs should be strengthened by recruiting additional qualified teachers abroad and by using 7. Victor Clark, Compulsory Education in Iraq (a report to the gov- ernment of Iraq [UNESCO, 1951]), p. 18. 8. Statistical Abstract 1961, p. 222. "The Preliminary Census of Edu- cation, 1964-1965," shows that there were 9 agricultural schools in Iraq with 1,760 students (all males) ; the southern provinces had only 3 such schools with 615 students. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ tant need for sound character training.? Elementary agricul- ture, mechanics, health, and hygiene also are among the most important subjects needed in the curricula of rural schools. Health courses are particularly important because of the fact that such diseases as malaria, bilharziasis, hookworm, and tra- choma are found throughout the rural areas of Southern Iraq. Rural schools are small and crowded. Generally they do not have proper ventilation and lighting, and some of them also do not have pure water. All these factors force many teachers to seek transfers to urban schools. There is a severe lack of adequate educational facilities, such as libraries, laboratories, and workshop facilities. Some schools have no libraries; others have only a small number of books, unsuited for children, accumulated in disarray in small rooms or classrooms. Some schools are found in large villages distant from the homes of the farmers. As a result, the cost of transportation and boarding prevents many rural families from sending their children to school. As of 1958 there was only one agricultural college and one agricultural secondary school in Iraq. The College of Agri- culture was opened in 1950-51 with 23 students. The number of students had increased to 234 by the academic year 1956-57, and to 375 (including 20 girls) in 1962-63. The Secondary School of Agriculture was established in 1927, closed in 1931, and then reopened in 1939-40 with 25 students. The number of students increased to 133 by 1956-57. The number of agricul- tural schools rose to 10 during 1961-62, when they had 1,713 students.? The International Bank suggests that "these schools should be in the position to train forward-looking men for ac- tual farming as well as for posts in the agricultural adminis- tration and the extension and educational service." Unfortu- nately, the teaching staff and curricula "have been deficient in many respects. The teaching staffs should be strengthened by recruiting additional qualified teachers abroad and by using 7. Victor Clark, Compulsory Education in Iraq (a report to the gov- ernment of Iraq [UNESCO, 1951]), p. 18. 8. Statistical Abstract 1961, p. 222. "The Preliminary Census of Edu- cation, 1964-1965," shows that there were 9 agricultural schools in Iraq with 1,760 students (all males) ; the southern provinces had only 3 such schools with 615 students. 40 40  LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY specialists engaged in agricultural research to teach their spe- cialties."9 Adult education in rural areas has received very little atten- tion. There are a few evening elementary schools run by the government, which have the same curricula as other elemen- tary schools, and there also are some literacy centers attend- ed by illiterate youths and adults who are taught the art of reading and writing and some elements of arithmetic. In 1956- 57 there were only 9 of these literacy centers in Amarah with 561 students, and there also were 9 in Nasiryah with 333 stu- dents. According to the Statistical Abstract, there were 209 evening primary schools during 1961-62 with 63,863 students, and 53 (25.4 per cent) of these schools with 15,938 (25.0 per cent) students were in the South.10 TABLE 11 ILLITERACY IN SOUTHERN IRAQ, 1957 PROVINCE POPULATION* LITERATE PER CENT ILLITERATE PER CENT Diwanyah 430,513 43,687 10.1 386,826 89.9 Amarah 270,251 31,885 11.8 238,366 88.2 Nasiryah 380,565 40,547 10.7 340,018 89.3 Basrah 406,866 87,238 21.4 319,628 78.6 ToTAL 1,488,195 203,357 13.7 1,284,838 86.3 Source: Compiled and computed from data in 1957 Census of Iraq. * Excluding persons under 5 years of age. To eliminate illiteracy (see Table 11), compulsory educa- tion is the key. However, this type of education in rural Iraq is confronted with two main difficulties. First, many peasants cannot afford to send their children to school, as they need their help on the farm, unless school terms are adjusted so that children could go to school during off-seasons. Secondly, there is a shortage of trained teachers. Rural Iraq needs a broader approach to education, different from regular schoolroom curricula. Fundamental education is the master key to rural improvement and development. One of the main objectives of such a type of education is to let peo- ple meet their daily problems in the village where they live, and to make it possible for them to solve these problems through their own efforts. 9. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, pp. 253-54. 10. Page 225. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY specialists engaged in agricultural research to teach their spe- cialties."9 Adult education in rural areas has received very little atten- tion. There are a few evening elementary schools run by the government, which have the same curricula as other elemen- tary schools, and there also are some literacy centers attend- ed by illiterate youths and adults who are taught the art of reading and writing and some elements of arithmetic. In 1956- 57 there were only 9 of these literacy centers in Amarah with 561 students, and there also were 9 in Nasiryah with 333 stu- dents. According to the Statistical Abstract, there were 209 evening primary schools during 1961-62 with 63,863 students, and 53 (25.4 per cent) of these schools with 15,938 (25.0 per cent) students were in the South.10 TABLE 11 ILLITERACY IN SOUTHERN IRAQ, 1957 PROVINCE POPULATION* LITERATE PER CENT ILLITERATE PER CENT Diwanyah 430,513 43,687 10.1 386,826 89.9 Amarah 270,251 31,885 11.8 238,366 88.2 Nasiryah 380,565 40,547 10.7 340,018 89.3 Basrah 406,866 87,238 21.4 319,628 78.6 TOTAL 1,488,195 203,357 13.7 1,284,838 86.3 Source: Compiled and computed from data in 1957 Census of Iraq. * Excluding persons under 5 years of age. To eliminate illiteracy (see Table 11), compulsory educa- tion is the key. However, this type of education in rural Iraq is confronted with two main difficulties. First, many peasants cannot afford to send their children to school, as they need their help on the farm, unless school terms are adjusted so that children could go to school during off-seasons. Secondly, there is a shortage of trained teachers. Rural Iraq needs a broader approach to education, different from regular schoolroom curricula. Fundamental education is the master key to rural improvement and development. One of the main objectives of such a type of education is to let peo- ple meet their daily problems in the village where they live, and to make it possible for them to solve these problems through their own efforts. 9. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, pp. 253-54. 10. Page 225. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY specialists engaged in agricultural research to teach their spe- cialties."' Adult education in rural areas has received very little atten- tion. There are a few evening elementary schools run by the government, which have the same curricula as other elemen- tary schools, and there also are some literacy centers attend- ed by illiterate youths and adults who are taught the art of reading and writing and some elements of arithmetic. In 1956- 57 there were only 9 of these literacy centers in Amarah with 561 students, and there also were 9 in Nasiryah with 333 stu- dents. According to the Statistical Abstract, there were 209 evening primary schools during 1961-62 with 63,863 students, and 53 (25.4 per cent) of these schools with 15,938 (25.0 per cent) students were in the South.10 TABLE 11 ILLITERACY IN SOUTHERN IRAQ, 1957 PROVINCE POPULATION* LITERATE PER CENT ILLITERATE PER CENT Diwanyah 430,513 43,687 10.1 386,826 89.9 Amarah 270,251 31,885 11.8 238,366 88.2 Nasiryah 380,565 40,547 10.7 340,018 89.3 Basrah 406,866 87,238 21.4 319,628 78.6 TOTAL 1,488,195 203,357 13.7 1,284,838 86.3 Source: Compiled and computed from data in 1957 Census of Iraq. * Excluding persons under 5 years of age. To eliminate illiteracy (see Table 11), compulsory educa- tion is the key. However, this type of education in rural Iraq is confronted with two main difficulties. First, many peasants cannot afford to send their children to school, as they need their help on the farm, unless school terms are adjusted so that children could go to school during off-seasons. Secondly, there is a shortage of trained teachers. Rural Iraq needs a broader approach to education, different from regular schoolroom curricula. Fundamental education is the master key to rural improvement and development. One of the main objectives of such a type of education is to let peo- ple meet their daily problems in the village where they live, and to make it possible for them to solve these problems through their own efforts. 9. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, pp. 253-54. 10. Page 225. 41 41 41  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ In 1962-63 there were 23 fundamental education centers in Iraq with 104 teachers and 2,751 students. No data are avail- able on the number of such centers and students in the South. Fundamental education in Dujaila (South Central Iraq) has been successful, and it is hoped that it would not be too diffi- cult to extend this type of education to rural areas of South- ern Iraq. Agricultural extension education is needed. Rural Southern Iraq is almost wholly deprived of this type of instruction. The five-year program of agricultural extension service which was initiated in December, 1953, with the help of the Food and Agriculture Organization, did not go far enough. Rural Iraq needs more of such services to extend scientific and practical information to the peasants.11 HEALTH SYSTEMS Existing patterns of man-land relations in Southern Iraq also have their effect on health conditions. The inadequate nu- trition and unbalanced diet of almost all the rural popula- tion lower their resistance to disease. The low cash income of the peasant makes it difficult for him to pay for medical services. Health conditions are shown by the relationship between the number of births and deaths in Southern Iraq. In 1955 the excess of births over deaths in Basrah was 5,612 persons and in Amarah 835. However, in Nasiryah the number of deaths exceeded the number of births. The Directorate of Vital Sta- tistics has given the following explanation: "People report deaths so that they may obtain a license for burial at the holy places [in Iraq], but they do not bother to report the births." In 1962 the excess of births over deaths in Basrah was 8,178 persons, in Diwanyah 3,749, in Amarah 3,109, and in Nasiryah 2,286.12 Major Diseases.-Among common and most widely spread 11. The budget of the Ministry of Education has always been small. In 1920-21 it had only 2.3 per cent of the national budget, increased to 7.3 per cent in 1930-31, to 11.8 per cent in 1940-41, to 13.8 per cent in 1950-51, and to 18.2 per cent in 1955-56. The increase represents mostly the salaries paid to ministry employees. 12. Monthly Bulletin of Population Census and Vital Statistics (in Arabic; January, 1964), p. 23. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ In 1962-63 there were 23 fundamental education centers in Iraq with 104 teachers and 2,751 students. No data are avail- able on the number of such centers and students in the South. Fundamental education in Dujaila (South Central Iraq) has been successful, and it is hoped that it would not be too diffi- cult to extend this type of education to rural areas of South- ern Iraq. Agricultural extension education is needed. Rural Southern Iraq is almost wholly deprived of this type of instruction. The five-year program of agricultural extension service which was initiated in December, 1953, with the help of the Food and Agriculture Organization, did not go far enough. Rural Iraq needs more of such services to extend scientific and practical information to the peasants." HEALTH SYSTEMS Existing patterns of man-land relations in Southern Iraq also have their effect on health conditions. The inadequate nu- trition and unbalanced diet of almost all the rural popula- tion lower their resistance to disease. The low cash income of the peasant makes it difficult for him to pay for medical services. Health conditions are shown by the relationship between the number of births and deaths in Southern Iraq. In 1955 the excess of births over deaths in Basrah was 5,612 persons and in Amarah 835. However, in Nasiryah the number of deaths exceeded the number of births. The Directorate of Vital Sta- tistics has given the following explanation: "People report deaths so that they may obtain a license for burial at the holy places [in Iraq], but they do not bother to report the births." In 1962 the excess of births over deaths in Basrah was 8,178 persons, in Diwanyah 3,749, in Amarah 3,109, and in Nasiryah 2,286.12 Major Diseases.-Among common and most widely spread 11. The budget of the Ministry of Education has always been small. In 1920-21 it had only 2.3 per cent of the national budget, increased to 7.3 per cent in 1930-31, to 11.8 per cent in 1940-41, to 13.8 per cent in 1950-51, and to 18.2 per cent in 1955-56. The increase represents mostly the salaries paid to ministry employees. 12. Monthly Bulletin of Population Census and Vital Statistics (in Arabic; January, 1964), p. 23. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ In 1962-63 there were 23 fundamental education centers in Iraq with 104 teachers and 2,751 students. No data are avail- able on the number of such centers and students in the South. Fundamental education in Dujaila (South Central Iraq) has been successful, and it is hoped that it would not be too diffi- cult to extend this type of education to rural areas of South- ern Iraq. Agricultural extension education is needed. Rural Southern Iraq is almost wholly deprived of this type of instruction. The five-year program of agricultural extension service which was initiated in December, 1953, with the help of the Food and Agriculture Organization, did not go far enough. Rural Iraq needs more of such services to extend scientific and practical information to the peasants.1' HEALTH SYSTEMS Existing patterns of man-land relations in Southern Iraq also have their effect on health conditions. The inadequate nu- trition and unbalanced diet of almost all the rural popula- tion lower their resistance to disease. The low cash income of the peasant makes it difficult for him to pay for medical services. Health conditions are shown by the relationship between the number of births and deaths in Southern Iraq. In 1955 the excess of births over deaths in Basrah was 5,612 persons and in Amarah 835. However, in Nasiryah the number of deaths exceeded the number of births. The Directorate of Vital Sta- tistics has given the following explanation: "People report deaths so that they may obtain a license for burial at the holy places [in Iraq], but they do not bother to report the births." In 1962 the excess of births over deaths in Basrah was 8,178 persons, in Diwanyah 3,749, in Amarah 3,109, and in Nasiryah 2,286.12 Major Diseases.-Among common and most widely spread 11. The budget of the Ministry of Education has always been small. In 1920-21 it had only 2.3 per cent of the national budget, increased to 7.3 per cent in 1930-31, to 11.8 per cent in 1940-41, to 13.8 per cent in 1950-51, and to 18.2 per cent in 1955-56. The increase represents mostly the salaries paid to ministry employees. 12. Monthly Bulletin of Population Census and Vital Statistics (in Arabic; January, 1964), p. 23. 42 42  LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY diseases in rural Southern Iraq are bilharziasis (schistosomias- is), hookworm (ancylostomiasis), malaria, and trachoma. Al- most the entire population of these areas, at one time or an- other, suffers from one of these diseases. Bilharziasis and ma- laria are particularly common. Bilharziasis, a parasitic ail- ment, is a debilitating disease. The existence of blood in the urine and low vitality are its major symptoms. Basrah, Ama- rah, and Nasiryah all have high rates of bilharziasis. In 1961 the number of cases of bilharziasis treated in Basrah was 2,257 compared to 3 cases in Arbil (a northern province)."3 Malaria is another debilitating disease. Iraqi doctors esti- mate that malaria causes some 50,000 deaths a year. The dis- ease-carrying mosquitoes are to be found largely in marsh areas and near irrigation dams and canals. In 1958 Basrah had the highest number of cases of malaria in Southern Iraq, 10,784 being reported for that province out of a total of 27,909 cases in Iraq. In the same year Mosul (a northern province) reported only 12 cases. It is estimated that almost one out of every two babies born in the malaria-stricken areas of South- ern Iraq dies of this disease. This does much to make the in- fant mortality rate in these areas the highest in Iraq. Hookworm also is prevalent in rural Southern Iraq. In 1961, 645 cases were reported for Diwanyah and 615 in Amarah, compared to 43 cases in Kirkuk and three in Sulaimanyah (two of the northern provinces). Trachoma also is widespread in the South. In 1956 there were 31,007 cases of trachoma treated in Basrah, and 20,399 in Amarah. In addition, there are some other diseases such as bejel (frambesia), tuberculosis, mumps, dysentery, and acute ophthalmia which cause a relatively great number of deaths. These are fostered by the unbalanced diet and crowded hous- ing conditions. Preventive Services.-The attempts of the government to improve health conditions have been concentrated almost whol- ly in urban areas. The Endemic Disease Institute has recently begun programs for the control of bilharziasis, hookworm, and malaria, and a considerable decrease in the incidence of these 13. Statistical Abstract, 1961, p. 364. Many of the data on health were obtained from this source, and also from Annual Bulletin of Vital and Health Statistics for 1955 and 1960. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY diseases in rural Southern Iraq are bilharziasis (schistosomias- is), hookworm (ancylostomiasis), malaria, and trachoma. Al- most the entire population of these areas, at one time or an- other, suffers from one of these diseases. Bilharziasis and ma- laria are particularly common. Bilharziasis, a parasitic ail- ment, is a debilitating disease. The existence of blood in the urine and low vitality are its major symptoms. Basrah, Ama- rah, and Nasiryah all have high rates of bilharziasis. In 1961 the number of cases of bilharziasis treated in Basrah was 2,257 compared to 3 cases in Arbil (a northern province). Malaria is another debilitating disease. Iraqi doctors esti- mate that malaria causes some 50,000 deaths a year. The dis- ease-carrying mosquitoes are to be found largely in marsh areas and near irrigation dams and canals. In 1958 Basrah had the highest number of cases of malaria in Southern Iraq, 10,784 being reported for that province out of a total of 27,909 cases in Iraq. In the same year Mosul (a northern province) reported only 12 cases. It is estimated that almost one out of every two babies born in the malaria-stricken areas of South- ern Iraq dies of this disease. This does much to make the in- fant mortality rate in these areas the highest in Iraq. Hookworm also is prevalent in rural Southern Iraq. In 1961, 645 cases were reported for Diwanyah and 615 in Amarah, compared to 43 cases in Kirkuk and three in Sulaimanyah (two of the northern provinces). Trachoma also is widespread in the South. In 1956 there were 31,007 cases of trachoma treated in Basrah, and 20,399 in Amarah. In addition, there are some other diseases such as bejel (frambesia), tuberculosis, mumps, dysentery, and acute ophthalmia which cause a relatively great number of deaths. These are fostered by the unbalanced diet and crowded hous- ing conditions. Preventive Services.-The attempts of the government to improve health conditions have been concentrated almost whol- ly in urban areas. The Endemic Disease Institute has recently begun programs for the control of bilharziasis, hookworm, and malaria, and a considerable decrease in the incidence of these 13. Statistical Abstract, 1961, p. 364. Many of the data on health were obtained from this source, and also from Annual Bulletin of Vital and Health Statistics for 1955 and 1960. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY diseases in rural Southern Iraq are bilharziasis (schistosomias- is), hookworm (ancylostomiasis), malaria, and trachoma. Al- most the entire population of these areas, at one time or an- other, suffers from one of these diseases. Bilharziasis and ma- laria are particularly common. Bilharziasis, a parasitic ail- ment, is a debilitating disease. The existence of blood in the urine and low vitality are its major symptoms. Basrah, Ama- rah, and Nasiryah all have high rates of bilharziasis. In 1961 the number of cases of bilharziasis treated in Basrah was 2,257 compared to 3 cases in Arbil (a northern province).13 Malaria is another debilitating disease. Iraqi doctors esti- mate that malaria causes some 50,000 deaths a year. The dis- ease-carrying mosquitoes are to be found largely in marsh areas and near irrigation dams and canals. In 1958 Basrah had the highest number of cases of malaria in Southern Iraq, 10,784 being reported for that province out of a total of 27,909 cases in Iraq. In the same year Mosul (a northern province) reported only 12 cases. It is estimated that almost one out of every two babies born in the malaria-stricken areas of South- ern Iraq dies of this disease. This does much to make the in- fant mortality rate in these areas the highest in Iraq. Hookworm also is prevalent in rural Southern Iraq. In 1961, 645 cases were reported for Diwanyah and 615 in Amarah, compared to 43 cases in Kirkuk and three in Sulaimanyah (two of the northern provinces). Trachoma also is widespread in the South. In 1956 there were 31,007 cases of trachoma treated in Basrah, and 20,399 in Amarah. In addition, there are some other diseases such as bejel (frambesia), tuberculosis, mumps, dysentery, and acute ophthalmia which cause a relatively great number of deaths. These are fostered by the unbalanced diet and crowded hous- ing conditions. Preventive Services.-The attempts of the government to improve health conditions have been concentrated almost whol- ly in urban areas. The Endemic Disease Institute has recently begun programs for the control of bilharziasis, hookworm, and malaria, and a considerable decrease in the incidence of these 13. Statistical Abstract, 1961, p. 364. Many of the data on health were obtained from this source, and also from Annual Bulletin of Vital and Health Statistics for 1955 and 1960. 43 43 43  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ diseases, particularly malaria, has been noted as a result of the Institute's activities. Investigation and control measures were also made to check some other diseases. The campaign is already underway in the various contaminated areas of Ama- rah and Basrah. Rural Iraq also -needs health education, for the time has come to give it an important place in the curricula of rural schools. Moreover, prevention of diseases cannot be done un- less there are well-equipped village dispensaries, trained public health nurses for these dispensaries, and adequately trained midwives. All these are almost entirely lacking in rural South- ern Iraq. Curative Services.-Generally speaking, preventive health services always lag behind curative. Although health services are developing in rural areas of Iraq, the main activities and efforts of this nature are concentrated in urban centers. In 1961 there were 128 hospitals in Iraq, 14 of which were private and the remaining 114 were owned by the state. The southern provinces had 35 hospitals with 2,336 beds. There were 4 hospitals for respiratory diseases, 1 in Basrah (169 beds), 1 in Amarah (74 beds), and 2 in Diwanyah (176 beds). In addition, there were some dispensaries, including mobile units both river and land. In 1961 there were 1,360 physicians in Iraq, of whom 775 (55.5 per cent) were in Baghdad, and the remaining 605 (44.5 per cent) were distributed among the other thirteen prov- inces. The South had (in 1961) only 194 physicians, with 116 of them in Basrah, 39 in Diwanyah, 20 in Nasiryah, and 19 in Amarah. Each of these totals was 3 less than the numbers in 1960. In 1955 there were 132 trained and qualified midwives in Southern Iraq, as compared to 110 in 1961 (66 in Basrah, 17 in Diwanyah, 15 in Nasiryah, and 12 in Amarah). Social Services.-Social services in the field of health con- sist mainly of maternity and child hospitals and the school meals project. In 1961 there were 5 child welfare hospitals in Iraq, of which one only was in the South (in Diwanyah). The school meals project was started in 1950. The purpose of this program is to serve free meals to a number of under- nourished students, especially those in primary schools. The Iraqi government requested UNICEF to participate in this en- 44 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ diseases, particularly malaria, has been noted as a result of the Institute's activities. Investigation and control measures were also made to check some other diseases. The campaign is already underway in the various contaminated areas of Ama- rah and Basrah. Rural Iraq also needs health education, for the time has come to give it an important place in the curricula of rural schools. Moreover, prevention of diseases cannot be done un- less there are well-equipped village dispensaries, trained public health nurses for these dispensaries, and adequately trained midwives. All these are almost entirely lacking in rural South- ern Iraq. Curative Services.-Generally speaking, preventive health services always lag behind curative. Although health services are developing in rural areas of Iraq, the main activities and efforts of this nature are concentrated in urban centers. In 1961 there were 128 hospitals in Iraq, 14 of which were private and the remaining 114 were owned by the state. The southern provinces had 35 hospitals with 2,336 beds. There were 4 hospitals for respiratory diseases, 1 in Basrah (169 beds), 1 in Amarah (74 beds), and 2 in Diwanyah (176 beds). In addition, there were some dispensaries, including mobile units both river and land. In 1961 there were 1,360 physicians in Iraq, of whom 775 (55.5 per cent) were in Baghdad, and the remaining 605 (44.5 per cent) were distributed among the other thirteen prov- inces. The South had (in 1961) only 194 physicians, with 116 of them in Basrah, 39 in Diwanyah, 20 in Nasiryah, and 19 in Amarah. Each of these totals was 3 less than the numbers in 1960. In 1955 there were 132 trained and qualified midwives in Southern Iraq, as compared to 110 in 1961 (66 in Basrah, 17 in Diwanyah, 15 in Nasiryah, and 12 in Amarah). Social Services.-Social services in the field of health con- sist mainly of maternity and child hospitals and the school meals project. In 1961 there were 5 child welfare hospitals in Iraq, of which one only was in the South (in Diwanyah). The school meals project was started in 1950. The purpose of this program is to serve free meals to a number of under- nourished students, especially those in primary schools. The Iraqi government requested UNICEF to participate in this en- PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ diseases, particularly malaria, has been noted as a result of the Institute's activities. Investigation and control measures were also made to check some other diseases. The campaign is already underway in the various contaminated areas of Ama- rah and Basrah. Rural Iraq also needs health education, for the time has come to give it an important place in the curricula of rural schools. Moreover, prevention of diseases cannot be done un- less there are well-equipped village dispensaries, trained public health nurses for these dispensaries, and adequately trained midwives. All these are almost entirely lacking in rural South- ern Iraq. Curative Services.-Generally speaking, preventive health services always lag behind curative. Although health services are developing in rural areas of Iraq, the main activities and efforts of this nature are concentrated in urban centers. In 1961 there were 128 hospitals in Iraq, 14 of which were private and the remaining 114 were owned by the state. The southern provinces had 35 hospitals with 2,336 beds. There were 4 hospitals for respiratory diseases, 1 in Basrah (169 beds), 1 in Amarah (74 beds), and 2 in Diwanyah (176 beds). In addition, there were some dispensaries, including mobile units both river and land. In 1961 there were 1,360 physicians in Iraq, of whom 775 (55.5 per cent) were in Baghdad, and the remaining 605 (44.5 per cent) were distributed among the other thirteen prov- inces. The South had (in 1961) only 194 physicians, with 116 of them in Basrah, 39 in Diwanyah, 20 in Nasiryah, and 19 in Amarah. Each of these totals was 3 less than the numbers in 1960. In 1955 there were 132 trained and qualified midwives in Southern Iraq, as compared to 110 in 1961 (66 in Basrah, 17 in Diwanyah, 15 in Nasiryah, and 12 in Amarah). Social Services.-Social services in the field of health con- sist mainly of maternity and child hospitals and the school meals project. In 1961 there were 5 child welfare hospitals in Iraq, of which one only was in the South (in Diwanyah). The school meals project was started in 1950. The purpose of this program is to serve free meals to a number of under- nourished students, especially those in primary schools. The Iraqi government requested UNICEF to participate in this en- 44 44  LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY deavor. Accordingly, in 1950-51 UNICEF supplied the govern- ment with ten tons of cod-liver oil, and allocated $122,000 for the period 1954 and 1955. In 1953-54 the government decided to give cod-liver capsules and milk to 40,000 students aged seven to fourteen years. Two years later, the project was ex- panded to include some 120,000 students. Attitudes Toward Medical Treatment.-A large number of peasants believe that sickness is willed by God, and that hu- man beings are weak and unable to do anything about it. They also believe that some diseases strike people because an evil eye falls upon them, and this evil eye comes only through "bad" people. Furthermore, they believe that some days are auspicious and some ominous. With respect to the latter, on those days they try to be very careful and cautious in every- thing they do. Contrary to the ideas in Western nations and even to those in Iraq's urban population, the peasants do not think that frambesia is very shameful, and accordingly the disease car- ries no stigma. The peasants also do not exercise birth control. When asked the reason, many of them replied that "this is an action against God." This is of course in addition to the fact that chil- dren are regarded as economic assets. In case of a childbirth, the peasant does not take his wife to a nearby hospital, simply because, traditionally, they believe that midwives are the best for delivery cases. Midwives are highly respected women in the village, and they are also recognized by the government. In contrast, nursing is not considered by many peasants to be a respectable profession. SOCIAL CLASSEs One of the major characteristics of human society is the ex- istence of differences of rank between people. This is a univer- sal feature. The Statistical Abstract does not refer to the social stratifi- cation which actually exists in Iraqi society. Identifiable social strata include large landowners (especially before 1959), large businessmen, tradesmen, merchants, government employees, workers, and peasants. There is a growing "new middle class" of educated and semi-educated individuals who are mostly LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY deavor. Accordingly, in 1950-51 UNICEF supplied the govern- ment with ten tons of cod-liver oil, and allocated $122,000 for the period 1954 and 1955. In 1953-54 the government decided to give cod-liver capsules and milk to 40,000 students aged seven to fourteen years. Two years later, the project was ex- panded to include some 120,000 students. Attitudes Toward Medical Treatment.-A large number of peasants believe that sickness is willed by God, and that hu- man beings are weak and unable to do anything about it. They also believe that some diseases strike people because an evil eye falls upon them, and this evil eye comes only through "bad" people. Furthermore, they believe that some days are auspicious and some ominous. With respect to the latter, on those days they try to be very careful and cautious in every- thing they do. Contrary to the ideas in Western nations and even to those in Iraq's urban population, the peasants do not think that frambesia is very shameful, and accordingly the disease car- ries no stigma. The peasants also do not exercise birth control. When asked the reason, many of them replied that "this is an action against God." This is of course in addition to the fact that chil- dren are regarded as economic assets. In case of a childbirth, the peasant does not take his wife to a nearby hospital, simply because, traditionally, they believe that midwives are the best for delivery cases. Midwives are highly respected women in the village, and they are also recognized by the government. In contrast, nursing is not considered by many peasants to be a respectable profession. SOCIAL CLASSES One of the major characteristics of human society is the ex- istence of differences of rank between people. This is a univer- sal feature. The Statistical Abstract does not refer to the social stratifi- cation which actually exists in Iraqi society. Identifiable social strata include large landowners (especially before 1959), large businessmen, tradesmen, merchants, government employees, workers, and peasants. There is a growing "new middle class" of educated and semi-educated individuals who are mostly LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY deavor. Accordingly, in 1950-51 UNICEF supplied the govern- ment with ten tons of cod-liver oil, and allocated $122,000 for the period 1954 and 1955. In 1953-54 the government decided to give cod-liver capsules and milk to 40,000 students aged seven to fourteen years. Two years later, the project was ex- panded to include some 120,000 students. Attitudes Toward Medical Treatment.-A large number of peasants believe that sickness is willed by God, and that hu- man beings are weak and unable to do anything about it. They also believe that some diseases strike people because an evil eye falls upon them, and this evil eye comes only through "bad" people. Furthermore, they believe that some days are auspicious and some ominous. With respect to the latter, on those days they try to be very careful and cautious in every- thing they do. Contrary to the ideas in Western nations and even to those in Iraq's urban population, the peasants do not think that frambesia is very shameful, and accordingly the disease car- ries no stigma. The peasants also do not exercise birth control. When asked the reason, many of them replied that "this is an action against God." This is of course in addition to the fact that chil- dren are regarded as economic assets. In case of a childbirth, the peasant does not take his wife to a nearby hospital, simply because, traditionally, they believe that midwives are the best for delivery cases. Midwives are highly respected women in the village, and they are also recognized by the government. In contrast, nursing is not considered by many peasants to be a respectable profession. SOCIAL CLASSES One of the major characteristics of human society is the ex- istence of differences of rank between people. This is a univer- sal feature. The Statistical Abstract does not refer to the social stratifi- cation which actually exists in Iraqi society. Identifiable social strata include large landowners (especially before 1959), large businessmen, tradesmen, merchants, government employees, workers, and peasants. There is a growing "new middle class" of educated and semi-educated individuals who are mostly 45 45 45  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ salaried. It is a secular group oriented toward governmental power. It is fascinated by Western advancements and is try- ing to modernize Iraq. Class Structure in Rural Southern Iraq.-There are two distinct classes in the rural tribal society of Southern Iraq: that of the large landowners (shaikhs) and that of the peas- ants (fellaheen). The Kingdom of Iraq followed the British policy of favor- ing the large landowners in order to strengthen its own power. These owners have been for a long time the most influential class in Iraq. Before the revolutionary government dissolved the Parliament in 1958, the landowners were always able to control the voting behavior of the peasants. Mainly for this reason they were the only representatives of rural areas in the Chamber of Deputies. In fact, their influence was extended to the cities. But their power has gradually been declining since 1958 as a result of the revolution. The peasants compose the majority of the population. As indicated before, they have never benefited from the compli- cated landownership system. They, as sharecroppers, custom- arily received less than one-third of the farm produce. Sayids (religious men) and sirkals (managers or middle- men) may constitute a middle class, although they are very few in number. Some of the religious men travel from one tribe to another in rural areas, delivering sermons and giving advice. They are highly respected people. Criteria of Social Class.-In rural areas the social status of a person is determined primarily by the criteria of income, education, and personal qualities. The level of living of the ru- ral population definitely affects the national income, since this population constitutes almost two-thirds of all the people in Iraq. In 1949 the Statistical Office of the United Nations esti- mated the annual average income per Iraqi family head at 885. The level of living of the peasant is very low, and he is aware of this fact. The peasant spends his income mostly on food, clothing, and tobacco. His food consists of rice, vegeta- bles, onions, fish (especially in the marsh areas), bread, milk, and dates. Meat is a luxury and is eaten only occasionally. Clothing is very simple and consists of a garment made of cheap cotton, an aba (mantle), and a headdress. Some indi- 46 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ salaried. It is a secular group oriented toward governmental power. It is fascinated by Western advancements and is try- ing to modernize Iraq. Class Structure in Rural Southern Iraq.-There are two distinct classes in the rural tribal society of Southern Iraq: that of the large landowners (shaikhs) and that of the peas- ants (fellaheen). The Kingdom of Iraq followed the British policy of favor- ing the large landowners in order to strengthen its own power. These owners have been for a long time the most influential class in Iraq. Before the revolutionary government dissolved the Parliament in 1958, the landowners were always able to control the voting behavior of the peasants. Mainly for this reason they were the only representatives of rural areas in the Chamber of Deputies. In fact, their influence was extended to the cities. But their power has gradually been declining since 1958 as a result of the revolution. The peasants compose the majority of the population. As indicated before, they have never benefited from the compli- cated landownership system. They, as sharecroppers, custom- arily received less than one-third of the farm produce. Sayids (religious men) and sirkals (managers or middle- men) may constitute a middle class, although they are very few in number. Some of the religious men travel from one tribe to another in rural areas, delivering sermons and giving advice. They are highly respected people. Criteria of Social Class.-In rural areas the social status of a person is determined primarily by the criteria of income, education, and personal qualities. The level of living of the ru- ral population definitely affects the national income, since this population constitutes almost two-thirds of all the people in Iraq. In 1949 the Statistical Office of the United Nations esti- mated the annual average income per Iraqi family head at S85. The level of living of the peasant is very low, and he is aware of this fact. The peasant spends his income mostly on food, clothing, and tobacco. His food consists of rice, vegeta- bles, onions, fish (especially in the marsh areas), bread, milk, and dates. Meat is a luxury and is eaten only occasionally. Clothing is very simple and consists of a garment made of cheap cotton, an aba (mantle), and a headdress. Some indi- PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ salaried. It is a secular group oriented toward governmental power. It is fascinated by Western advancements and is try- ing to modernize Iraq. Class Structure in Rural Southern Iraq.-There are two distinct classes in the rural tribal society of Southern Iraq: that of the large landowners (shaikhs) and that of the peas- ants (fellaheen). The Kingdom of Iraq followed the British policy of favor- ing the large landowners in order to strengthen its own power. These owners have been for a long time the most influential class in Iraq. Before the revolutionary government dissolved the Parliament in 1958, the landowners were always able to control the voting behavior of the peasants. Mainly for this reason they were the only representatives of rural areas in the Chamber of Deputies. In fact, their influence was extended to the cities. But their power has gradually been declining since 1958 as a result of the revolution. The peasants compose the majority of the population. As indicated before, they have never benefited from the compli- cated landownership system. They, as sharecroppers, custom- arily received less than one-third of the farm produce. Sayids (religious men) and sirkals (managers or middle- men) may constitute a middle class, although they are very few in number. Some of the religious men travel from one tribe to another in rural areas, delivering sermons and giving advice. They are highly respected people. Criteria of Social Class.-In rural areas the social status of a person is determined primarily by the criteria of income, education, and personal qualities. The level of living of the ru- ral population definitely affects the national income, since this population constitutes almost two-thirds of all the people in Iraq. In 1949 the Statistical Office of the United Nations esti- mated the annual average income per Iraqi family head at $85. The level of living of the peasant is very low, and he is aware of this fact. The peasant spends his income mostly on food, clothing, and tobacco. His food consists of rice, vegeta- bles, onions, fish (especially in the marsh areas), bread, milk, and dates. Meat is a luxury and is eaten only occasionally. Clothing is very simple and consists of a garment made of cheap cotton, an aba (mantle), and a headdress. Some indi- 46 46  LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY viduals may have second-hand coats or jackets. A few peas- ants wear shoes and the remainder go barefooted. Very little of the income is available for education and medical care. In sharp contrast, the landlords always have the best food, drink, and clothing, so that their level of living is very high. Their wealth, however, cannot always be interpreted as a mark of achievement. Many members of this class care little about edu- cation, for instance, being preoccupied with finding the most effective ways of spending their money for personal enjoyment. In conjunction with income, the home can also be regarded as a criterion of prestige. The landlord's house is usually large and built of bricks. In contrast, the peasants live in mud houses or sarifahs (huts made out of reeds), and their furni- ture is poor. Much of rural Southern Iraq lacks a pure water supply which is an important key to the rural health problem. Moreover, there is no proper way for disposing of sewage. As a result, the sarifahs are by no means healthy. According to the 1957 census, there were 362,185 families living in brick houses, and 720,471 families living in sarifahs and mud houses. Education is closely related to income. Nearly 80 per cent of the population of Iraq still are illiterate, and the peasants make up the majority of this group. The big landlords have resisted the establishment of schools on their land. Some of the peasants who send their children to school in nearby towns use education as a channel for moving up in the social scale. These children usually do not return to their homes after they finish secondary school, since they would be obliged to occupy the same position as their fathers. Instead, they stay in towns or cities in order to find jobs and improve their position. Almost all Iraqi people consider bravery, hospitality, gen- erosity, and honesty as desirable and important personal quali- ties. Accordingly, the author does not agree with Bernard Bar- ber that personal qualities, such as bravery, pleasantness, and honesty, are a secondary criterion of status.14 In the tribal system of Iraq these qualities are primary criteria of prestige. In particular, the head of a tribe must be brave, honest, and hospitable. Urbanites who acquire these qualities also have good reputations and are esteemed. This is, perhaps, one of the 14. Social Stratification (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1957), p. 46. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY viduals may have second-hand coats or jackets. A few peas- ants wear shoes and the remainder go barefooted. Very little of the income is available for education and medical care. In sharp contrast, the landlords always have the best food, drink, and clothing, so that their level of living is very high. Their wealth, however, cannot always be interpreted as a mark of achievement. Many members of this class care little about edu- cation, for instance, being preoccupied with finding the most effective ways of spending their money for personal enjoyment. In conjunction with income, the home can also be regarded as a criterion of prestige. The landlord's house is usually large and built of bricks. In contrast, the peasants live in mud houses or sarifhas (huts made out of reeds), and their furni- ture is poor. Much of rural Southern Iraq lacks a pure water supply which is an important key to the rural health problem. Moreover, there is no proper way for disposing of sewage. As a result, the sarifahs are by no means healthy. According to the 1957 census, there were 362,185 families living in brick houses, and 720,471 families living in sarifahs and mud houses. Education is closely related to income. Nearly 80 per cent of the population of Iraq still are illiterate, and the peasants make up the majority of this group. The big landlords have resisted the establishment of schools on their land. Some of the peasants who send their children to school in nearby towns use education as a channel for moving up in the social scale. These children usually do not return to their homes after they finish secondary school, since they would be obliged to occupy the same position as their fathers. Instead, they stay in towns or cities in order to find jobs and improve their position. Almost all Iraqi people consider bravery, hospitality, gen- erosity, and honesty as desirable and important personal quali- ties. Accordingly, the author does not agree with Bernard Bar- ber that personal qualities, such as bravery, pleasantness, and honesty, are a secondary criterion of status.4 In the tribal system of Iraq these qualities are primary criteria of prestige. In particular, the head of a tribe must be brave, honest, and hospitable. Urbanites who acquire these qualities also have good reputations and are esteemed. This is, perhaps, one of the 14. Social Stratiication (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1957), p. 46. LAND TENURE AND RURAL SOCIETY viduals may have second-hand coats or jackets. A few peas- ants wear shoes and the remainder go barefooted. Very little of the income is available for education and medical care. In sharp contrast, the landlords always have the best food, drink, and clothing, so that their level of living is very high. Their wealth, however, cannot always be interpreted as a mark of achievement. Many members of this class care little about edu- cation, for instance, being preoccupied with finding the most effective ways of spending their money for personal enjoyment. In conjunction with income, the home can also be regarded as a criterion of prestige. The landlord's house is usually large and built of bricks. In contrast, the peasants live in mud houses or sarifahs (huts made out of reeds), and their furni- ture is poor. Much of rural Southern Iraq lacks a pure water supply which is an important key to the rural health problem. Moreover, there is no proper way for disposing of sewage. As a result, the sarifahs are by no means healthy. According to the 1957 census, there were 362,185 families living in brick houses, and 720,471 families living in sarifahs and mud houses. Education is closely related to income. Nearly 80 per cent of the population of Iraq still are illiterate, and the peasants make up the majority of this group. The big landlords have resisted the establishment of schools on their land. Some of the peasants who send their children to school in nearby towns use education as a channel for moving up in the social scale. These children usually do not return to their homes after they finish secondary school, since they would be obliged to occupy the same position as their fathers. Instead, they stay in towns or cities in order to find jobs and improve their position. Almost all Iraqi people consider bravery, hospitality, gen- erosity, and honesty as desirable and important personal quali- ties. Accordingly, the author does not agree with Bernard Bar- ber that personal qualities, such as bravery, pleasantness, and honesty, are a secondary criterion of status.14 In the tribal system of Iraq these qualities are primary criteria of prestige. In particular, the head of a tribe must be brave, honest, and hospitable. Urbanites who acquire these qualities also have good reputations and are esteemed. This is, perhaps, one of the 14. Social Stratification (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1957), p. 46. 47 47 47 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ results of the influence of the Bedouins, who put these quali- ties above all others. It should be emphasized that class consciousness is conspic- uous in Iraqi society. The peasants are aware of their posi- tion and conditions. They have often expressed their resent- ment in clashes with their landlords or by migration to the cities. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ results of the influence of the Bedouins, who put these quali- ties above all others. It should be emphasized that class consciousness is conspic- uous in Iraqi society. The peasants are aware of their posi- tion and conditions. They have often expressed their resent- ment in clashes with their landlords or by migration to the cities. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ results of the influence of the Bedouins, who put these quali- ties above all others. It should be emphasized that class consciousness is conspic- uous in Iraqi society. The peasants are aware of their posi- tion and conditions. They have often expressed their resent- ment in clashes with their landlords or by migration to the cities. 48 48  8. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION 8. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION 8. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION M igration, or the movement of people from one locality to another, is an important social phenomenon. "It has a powerful impact upon the structures and processes of the soci- eties concerned, and it exerts tremendous influences upon the personalities of the migrants themselves."' CAUSES OF MIGRATION The movement of rural people to the main cities of Iraq, especially to Baghdad, is a recent phenomenon which is not directly caused by the process of urbanization or industrializa- tion. The system of landownership was, and to a great extent still is, one of the main causes of the migration. The floods, especially of 1954, which swept large areas of the South and which caused widespread damage to crops and property, accelerated the cityward migration. Farmers who owned small holdings also were confronted with such problems as inadequate methods of cultivation, lack of water for irrigation purposes, and an inadequate system of agricultural credit. As a result, many of these small land- owners were forced to leave their land and seek other occupa- tions in the city. Political dissension among the peasants also helped to bring about migration. The dissension began in 1959, mainly as a result of the penetration of the Iraqi communist and other ex- treme elements among the peasants in order to recruit as many of them as possible to their political ideologies. That same year, 1959, peasants of different political ideologies en- gaged in bloody clashes, and many of them were killed and wounded. Such incidents forced many peasants to leave the land and seek refuge in the city. Through intensive interviews with many peasants, some of whom participated in the actual clashes, the author came to 1. T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1960), p. 418; see also T. Lynn Smith, Sociology of Rural Life, p. 160; Lowry Nelson, Rural Sociology (New York: American Book Co., 1955), p. 123; Max Sorr6, Les Migrations des peoples (Paris, 1955), pp. 9-10. M igration, or the movement of people from one locality to another, is an important social phenomenon. "It has a powerful impact upon the structures and processes of the soci- eties concerned, and it exerts tremendous influences upon the personalities of the migrants themselves."' CAUSES OF MIGRATION The movement of rural people to the main cities of Iraq, especially to Baghdad, is a recent phenomenon which is not directly caused by the process of urbanization or industrializa- tion. The system of landownership was, and to a great extent still is, one of the main causes of the migration. The floods, especially of 1954, which swept large areas of the South and which caused widespread damage to crops and property, accelerated the cityward migration. Farmers who owned small holdings also were confronted with such problems as inadequate methods of cultivation, lack of water for irrigation purposes, and an inadequate system of agricultural credit. As a result, many of these small land- owners were forced to leave their land and seek other occupa- tions in the city. Political dissension among the peasants also helped to bring about migration. The dissension began in 1959, mainly as a result of the penetration of the Iraqi communist and other ex- treme elements among the peasants in order to recruit as many of them as possible to their political ideologies. That same year, 1959, peasants of different political ideologies en- gaged in bloody clashes, and many of them were killed and wounded. Such incidents forced many peasants to leave the land and seek refuge in the city. Through intensive interviews with many peasants, some of whom participated in the actual clashes, the author came to 1. T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1960), p. 418; see also T. Lynn Smith, Sociology of Rural Life, p. 160; Lowry Nelson, Rural Sociology (New York: American Book Co., 1955), p. 123; Max Sorr4, Les Migrations des peuples (Paris, 1955), pp. 9-10. M igration, or the movement of people from one locality to another, is an important social phenomenon. "It has a powerful impact upon the structures and processes of the soci- eties concerned, and it exerts tremendous influences upon the personalities of the migrants themselves."' CAUSES OF MIGRATION The movement of rural people to the main cities of Iraq, especially to Baghdad, is a recent phenomenon which is not directly caused by the process of urbanization or industrializa- tion. The system of landownership was, and to a great extent still is, one of the main causes of the migration. The floods, especially of 1954, which swept large areas of the South and which caused widespread damage to crops and property, accelerated the cityward migration. Farmers who owned small holdings also were confronted with such problems as inadequate methods of cultivation, lack of water for irrigation purposes, and an inadequate system of agricultural credit. As a result, many of these small land- owners were forced to leave their land and seek other occupa- tions in the city. Political dissension among the peasants also helped to bring about migration. The dissension began in 1959, mainly as a result of the penetration of the Iraqi communist and other ex- treme elements among the peasants in order to recruit as many of them as possible to their political ideologies. That same year, 1959, peasants of different political ideologies en- gaged in bloody clashes, and many of them were killed and wounded. Such incidents forced many peasants to leave the land and seek refuge in the city. Through intensive interviews with many peasants, some of whom participated in the actual clashes, the author came to 1. T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1960), p. 418; see also T. Lynn Smith, Sociology of Rural Life, p. 160; Lowry Nelson, Rural Sociology (New York: American Book Co., 1955), p. 123; Max Sorr4, Les Migrations des peoples (Paris, 1955), pp. 9-10. 49 49 49  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ realize that the Communists were promising them large pieces of land, houses, cars, and many of the facilities which they have lacked. The peasants were, of course, unaware of the fact that such promises could not then, and cannot now, be kept under the existing economic conditions and political insta- bility.2 Shortages of schools, qualified teachers, health clinics, and physicians also are causes of migration. Furthermore, the city has begun very recently to attract rural people because of the promise of employment and of a less arduous life. CONDITIONS OF MIGRANTS Because of their very low level of living, and because of cus- toms and traditions which are different from those of the city inhabitants, the migrants concentrate in certain parts of the cities, for instance, the Al-Asima section in Baghdad. In spite of the changes in some aspects of their social life, which oc- curred mainly during the last decade, one can still find among them many elements of tribal organization. The migrants solve most of their problems according to their tribal traditions, which must be respected. Any one who deviates from the trib- al norms and decisions may suffer punishment and ostracism. Usually the migrants to Baghdad live in small mud or reed huts (the sarifah slums). The sarifah is a single room (aver- aging 27 square feet in size) where an average of six persons live, sleep, and cook. This simple room lacks running water, but public outlets of pure water are available within walking distance. Even so, the huts are characterized by poor sanita- tion, and great numbers of them lack toilet facilities. The roads or streets in such areas are usually of dirt and become quagmires. Consequently these dwellings promote the spread of diseases, such as tuberculosis, bilharziasis, hookworm, tra- choma, and dysentery. The Bureau of Statistics reported that in 1956 there were, in Baghdad alone, 16,413 huts occupied by 92,000 inhabitants. Another official source estimated, also in 1956, that the num- 2. From September, 1958, through 1960, and for the first time in the history of the country, the Communists were permitted increasing liberty of operation. 3. Housing Census of Iraq, 1956 (Baghdad, 1957). PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ realize that the Communists were promising them large pieces of land, houses, cars, and many of the facilities which they have lacked. The peasants were, of course, unaware of the fact that such promises could not then, and cannot now, be kept under the existing economic conditions and political insta- bility.2 Shortages of schools, qualified teachers, health clinics, and physicians also are causes of migration. Furthermore, the city has begun very recently to attract rural people because of the promise of employment and of a less arduous life. CONDITIONS OF MIGRANTS Because of their very low level of living, and because of cus- toms and traditions which are different from those of the city inhabitants, the migrants concentrate in certain parts of the cities, for instance, the Al-Asima section in Baghdad. In spite of the changes in some aspects of their social life, which oc- curred mainly during the last decade, one can still find among them many elements of tribal organization. The migrants solve most of their problems according to their tribal traditions, which must be respected. Any one who deviates from the trib- al norms and decisions may suffer punishment and ostracism. Usually the migrants to Baghdad live in small mud or reed huts (the sarifah slums). The sarifah is a single room (aver- aging 27 square feet in size) where an average of six persons live, sleep, and cook. This simple room lacks running water, but public outlets of pure water are available within walking distance. Even so, the huts are characterized by poor sanita- tion, and great numbers of them lack toilet facilities. The roads or streets in such areas are usually of dirt and become quagmires. Consequently these dwellings promote the spread of diseases, such as tuberculosis, bilharziasis, hookworm, tra- choma, and dysentery. The Bureau of Statistics reported that in 1956 there were, in Baghdad alone, 16,413 huts occupied by 92,000 inhabitants.3 Another official source estimated, also in 1956, that the num- 2. From September, 1958, through 1960, and for the first time in the history of the country, the Communists were permitted increasing liberty of operation. 3. Housing Census of Iraq, 1956 (Baghdad, 1957). PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ realize that the Communists were promising them large pieces of land, houses, cars, and many of the facilities which they have lacked. The peasants were, of course, unaware of the fact that such promises could not then, and cannot now, be kept under the existing economic conditions and political insta- bility. Shortages of schools, qualified teachers, health clinics, and physicians also are causes of migration. Furthermore, the city has begun very recently to attract rural people because of the promise of employment and of a less arduous life. CONDITIONS OF MIGRANTS Because of their very low level of living, and because of cus- toms and traditions which are different from those of the city inhabitants, the migrants concentrate in certain parts of the cities, for instance, the Al-Asima section in Baghdad. In spite of the changes in some aspects of their social life, which oc- curred mainly during the last decade, one can still find among them many elements of tribal organization. The migrants solve most of their problems according to their tribal traditions, which must be respected. Any one who deviates from the trib- al norms and decisions may suffer punishment and ostracism. Usually the migrants to Baghdad live in small mud or reed huts (the sarifah slums). The sarifah is a single room (aver- aging 27 square feet in size) where an average of six persons live, sleep, and cook. This simple room lacks running water, but public outlets of pure water are available within walking distance. Even so, the huts are characterized by poor sanita- tion, and great numbers of them lack toilet facilities. The roads or streets in such areas are usually of dirt and become quagmires. Consequently these dwellings promote the spread of diseases, such as tuberculosis, bilharziasis, hookworm, tra- choma, and dysentery. The Bureau of Statistics reported that in 1956 there were, in Baghdad alone, 16,413 huts occupied by 92,000 inhabitants. Another official source estimated, also in 1956, that the num- 2. From September, 1958, through 1960, and for the first time in the history of the country, the Communists were permitted increasing liberty of operation. 3. Housing Census of Iraq, 1956 (Baghdad, 1957). 50 50  RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION ber of rural migrants in this city was nearly 120,000.4 Ac- cording to data which the author recently assembled from offi- cial sources, the number of rural migrants to Baghdad as of August 31, 1963, was 134,906 (almost one-seventh of the population of this capital city). About 75 per cent of those migrants came from the southern province of Amarah, where there is a very low level of living and almost continuous dis- putes over the land between the peasants and the landlords. This strife was especially widespread before the revolution of July, 1958.5 The migrants lack industrial skills. However, a very few of them, after living and working in the city for some years, be- come semi-skilled and skilled workers. They usually compete with the city workers for jobs, and this competition forces the latter to accept low wages and depresses their level of living. Most of the adult migrants get jobs as policemen, soldiers, gar- deners, guards, porters, janitors, and servants. Because of the low level of living, many women try to supplement the in- comes of their husbands, mostly by selling milk products. Except for the very few individuals who are able to own cows and buffaloes, the income of the sarifah family in Bagh- dad is very low, amounting, on the average, to 19 dinarse a month, which is spent mostly on food, clothing, and low-priced tobacco (see Table 12). In spite of their low level of living the migrants are, as many of them put it, "at least safe from the oppression of the shaikhs." The crime rate in the slums is high. This is due mainly to the low level of living and the ignorance prevalent among the dwellers. Moreover, sympathy for the Communist party by some of the migrants leads occasionally to violent outbursts. According to government authorities, one of the primary aims of the attempted coup by the Communists in the summer of 1963 was to have those party supporters who live near the Baghdad Broadcasting Station capture this vital station, the only one in the city. The reaction of the government was 4. Ministry of Interior, Letter No. 2388 (in Arabic), February 11, 1956. 5. The number of migrants from rural Southern Iraq to the cities dur- ing 1958-59 was 9,501; of these, 8,675 (91.3 per cent) came from Ama- rah Province-Agricultural and Livestock Census. 6. One dinar equals $2.80. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION her of rural migrants in this city was nearly 120,000.4 Ac- cording to data which the author recently assembled from offi- cial sources, the number of rural migrants to Baghdad as of August 31, 1963, was 134,906 (almost one-seventh of the population of this capital city). About 75 per cent of those migrants came from the southern province of Amarah, where there is a very low level of living and almost continuous dis- putes over the land between the peasants and the landlords. This strife was especially widespread before the revolution of July, 1958.5 The migrants lack industrial skills. However, a very few of them, after living and working in the city for some years, be- come semi-skilled and skilled workers. They usually compete with the city workers for jobs, and this competition forces the latter to accept low wages and depresses their level of living. Most of the adult migrants get jobs as policemen, soldiers, gar- deners, guards, porters, janitors, and servants. Because of the low level of living, many women try to supplement the in- comes of their husbands, mostly by selling milk products. Except for the very few individuals who are able to own cows and buffaloes, the income of the sarifah family in Bagh- dad is very low, amounting, on the average, to 19 dinarse a month, which is spent mostly on food, clothing, and low-priced tobacco (see Table 12). In spite of their low level of living the migrants are, as many of them put it, "at least safe from the oppression of the shaikhs." The crime rate in the slums is high. This is due mainly to the low level of living and the ignorance prevalent among the dwellers. Moreover, sympathy for the Communist party by some of the migrants leads occasionally to violent outbursts. According to government authorities, one of the primary aims of the attempted coup by the Communists in the summer of 1963 was to have those party supporters who live near the Baghdad Broadcasting Station capture this vital station, the only one in the city. The reaction of the government was 4. Ministry of Interior, Letter No. 2388 (in Arabic), February 11, 1956. 5. The number of migrants from rural Southern Iraq to the cities dur- ing 1958-59 was 9,501; of these, 8,675 (91.3 per cent) came from Ama- rah Province--Agricultural and Livestock Census. 6. One dinar equals $2.80. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION ber of rural migrants in this city was nearly 120,000.4 Ac- cording to data which the author recently assembled from offi- cial sources, the number of rural migrants to Baghdad as of August 31, 1963, was 134,906 (almost one-seventh of the population of this capital city). About 75 per cent of those migrants came from the southern province of Amarah, where there is a very low level of living and almost continuous dis- putes over the land between the peasants and the landlords. This strife was especially widespread before the revolution of July, 1958.5 The migrants lack industrial skills. However, a very few of them, after living and working in the city for some years, be- come semi-skilled and skilled workers. They usually compete with the city workers for jobs, and this competition forces the latter to accept low wages and depresses their level of living. Most of the adult migrants get jobs as policemen, soldiers, gar- deners, guards, porters, janitors, and servants. Because of the low level of living, many women try to supplement the in- comes of their husbands, mostly by selling milk products. Except for the very few individuals who are able to own cows and buffaloes, the income of the sarifah family in Bagh- dad is very low, amounting, on the average, to 19 dinarse a month, which is spent mostly on food, clothing, and low-priced tobacco (see Table 12). In spite of their low level of living the migrants are, as many of them put it, "at least safe from the oppression of the shaikhs." The crime rate in the slums is high. This is due mainly to the low level of living and the ignorance prevalent among the dwellers. Moreover, sympathy for the Communist party by some of the migrants leads occasionally to violent outbursts. According to government authorities, one of the primary aims of the attempted coup by the Communists in the summer of 1963 was to have those party supporters who live near the Baghdad Broadcasting Station capture this vital station, the only one in the city. The reaction of the government was 4. Ministry of Interior, Letter No. 2388 (in Arabic), February 11, 1956. 5. The number of migrants from rural Southern Iraq to the cities dur- ing 1958-59 was 9,501; of these, 8,675 (91.3 per cent) came from Ama- rah Province-Agricultural and Livestock Census. 6. One dinar equals $2.80. 51 51 51  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ prompt. After a short time warning to the dwellers to evac- uate their huts, the government destroyed all those near the broadcasting station and along the road to the Baghdad air- port. The government, however, helped settle them in another area and promised to provide them with better facilities. GOVERNMENT POLICY No serious steps were taken by former governments to al- leviate the problem of the continuous exodus of the rural pop- TABLE 12 AVERAGE MONTHLY EXPENDITURE PER HOUSEHOLD IN THE SARIFAH AREA, BAGHDAD, 1962 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ prompt. After a short time warning to the dwellers to evac- uate their huts, the government destroyed all those near the broadcasting station and along the road to the Baghdad air- port. The government, however, helped settle them in another area and promised to provide them with better facilities. GOVERNMENT POLICY No serious steps were taken by former governments to al- leviate the problem of the continuous exodus of the rural pop- TABLE 12 AVERAGE MONTHLY EXPENDITURE PER HOUSEHoLD IN THE SARIFAH AREA, BAGHDAD, 1962 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ prompt. After a short time warning to the dwellers to evac- uate their huts, the government destroyed all those near the broadcasting station and along the road to the Baghdad air- port. The government, however, helped settle them in another area and promised to provide them with better facilities. GOVERNMENT POLICY No serious steps were taken by former governments to al- leviate the problem of the continuous exodus of the rural pop- TABLE 12 AVERAGE MONTHLY EXPENDITURE PER HOUSEHOLD IN THE SARIFAH AREA, BAGHDAD, 1962 ITEM Foodstuffs Rent Medicine and treatment Clothing Furniture Transportation Fuel Cigarettes Cleaning materials Electricity Coffee shop Movie theatre Other TOTAL DINARS* 11.887 .018 1.610 1.312 .713 .502 1.452 .715 .481 .053 .364 .027 .208 19.342 PER CENT 61.5 0.1 8.3 6.8 3.7 2.6 7.5 3.7 2.5 0.3 1.9 0.1 1.1 100.0 ITEM Foodstuffs Rent Medicine and treatment Clothing Furniture Transportation Fuel Cigarettes Cleaning materials Electricity Coffee shop Movie theatre Other TOTAL DINARS' PER CENT 11.887 .018 1.610 1.312 .713 .502 1.452 .715 .481 .053 .364 .027 .208 19.342 61.5 0.1 8.3 6.8 3.7 2.6 7.5 3.7 2.5 0.3 1.9 0.1 1.1 100.0 ITEM Foodstuffs Rent Medicine and treatment Clothing Furniture Transportation Fuel Cigarettes Cleaning materials Electricity Coffee shop Movie theatre Other TOTAL DINARS* PER CENT 11.887 .018 1.610 1.312 .713 .502 1.452 .715 .481 .053 .364 .027 .208 19.342 61.5 0.1 8.3 6.8 3.7 2.6 7.5 3.7 2.5 0.3 1.9 0.1 1.1 100.0 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, The Household Budget En- quiry in the City of Baghdad and Its Environs (1962), p. 11. * The Iraqi dinar equals 1,000 fils ($2.80). ulation. The government attempted, prior to 1958, to clear the slum areas and force their dwellers to go back to their vil- lages. This attempt failed. Then the Ministry of Social Affairs, in its Letter Number 6441 of August 3, 1955, consulted other ministries on the problem. All the replies emphasized that the land tenure system was the main cause of migration and that a suitable solution was needed. The International Bank, in its report to the government of Iraq, has recommended that the government be "required to take the initiative in providing suitable housing for the low- est economic strata of the population, such as the Baghdad sarifa [sic] dwellers. This is a special kind of problem, which Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, The Household Budget En- quiry in the City of Baghdad and Its Environs (1962), p. 11. * The Iraqi dinar equals 1,000 fils ($2.80). ulation. The government attempted, prior to 1958, to clear the slum areas and force their dwellers to go back to their vil- lages. This attempt failed. Then the Ministry of Social Affairs, in its Letter Number 6441 of August 3, 1955, consulted other ministries on the problem. All the replies emphasized that the land tenure system was the main cause of migration and that a suitable solution was needed. The International Bank, in its report to the government of Iraq, has recommended that the government be "required to take the initiative in providing suitable housing for the low- est economic strata of the population, such as the Baghdad sarifa [sic] dwellers. This is a special kind of problem, which Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, The Household Budget En- quiry in the City of Baghdad and Its Environs (1962), p. 11. * The Iraqi dinar equals 1,000 fils ($2.80). ulation. The government attempted, prior to 1958, to clear the slum areas and force their dwellers to go back to their vil- lages. This attempt failed. Then the Ministry of Social Affairs, in its Letter Number 6441 of August 3, 1955, consulted other ministries on the problem. All the replies emphasized that the land tenure system was the main cause of migration and that a suitable solution was needed. The International Bank, in its report to the government of Iraq, has recommended that the government be "required to take the initiative in providing suitable housing for the low- est economic strata of the population, such as the Baghdad sarifa [sic] dwellers. This is a special kind of problem, which 52 52  RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION cannot be expected to be undertaken by other agencies."T Al- though this recommendation was made in 1951, the govern- ment, or to be specific, the Ministry of Development, has not undertaken to provide the necessary housing. After the revolution of 1958 the government admitted that the slums constituted a serious problem, and that something had to be done to solve it.5 Accordingly, some educational and health facilities were provided for this area. A small town, Al- Thowra, near Baghdad was also built for some of the sarifah dwellers, and another is under construction. Other projects to help those people are under consideration. The late Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qassem promised the people of Iraq on July 11, 1960, that "they will never find any sarifah after a period not exceeding five years."9 This promise could not eas- ily have been fulfilled, not only because of the great number of sarifah dwellings, but also because of the insufficient budget allocated for this reform. Although the Agrarian Reform Law, which was announced on September 30, 1958, gave priority in receiving allotments of land to those who are actually cultivating the soil, the peas- ant migrants of the city slums also have the opportunity to re- ceive small holdings in their original rural areas. However, only a few of them have applied for and received plots of land. The great majority of them'prefer to stay in the city, which, comparatively, provides them with better facilities.1 7. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, p. 451. 8. As a result of this awareness, the government in 1961 prohibited people, natives as well as foreigners, from taking pictures of the poverty- stricken areas. 9. Iraq-Times, July 12, 1960, p. 1. 10. The government "has just distributed about [17,000] small lots of land in Baghdad to the sarifah dwellers for the purpose of building new houses. The size of each lot is 120 meters"-Al-Thowra al-Arabia, December 14, 1964. As a result of this action, and to discourage the peas- ants from migrating to Baghdad, a new law was passed in March, 1965, which prohibited "building" any sarifah in that city. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION cannot be expected to be undertaken by other agencies." Al- though this recommendation was made in 1951, the govern- ment, or to be specific, the Ministry of Development, has not undertaken to provide the necessary housing. After the revolution of 1958 the government admitted that the slums constituted a serious problem, and that something had to be done to solve it.5 Accordingly, some educational and health facilities were provided for this area. A small town, Al- Thowra, near Baghdad was also built for some of the sarifah dwellers, and another is under construction. Other projects to help those people are under consideration. The late Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qassem promised the people of Iraq on July 11, 1960, that "they will never find any sarifah after a period not exceeding five years." This promise could not eas- ily have been fulfilled, not only because of the great number of sarifah dwellings, but also because of the insufficient budget allocated for this reform. Although the Agrarian Reform Law, which was announced on September 30, 1958, gave priority in receiving allotments of land to those who are actually cultivating the soil, the peas- ant migrants of the city slums also have the opportunity to re- ceive small holdings in their original rural areas. However, only a few of them have applied for and received plots of land. The great majority of them' prefer to stay in the city, which, comparatively, provides them with better facilities.10 7. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, p. 451. 8. As a result of this awareness, the government in 1961 prohibited people, natives as well as foreigners, from taking pictures of the poverty- stricken areas. 9. Iraq-Times, July 12, 1960, p. 1. 10. The government "has just distributed about [17,000] small lots of land in Baghdad to the sarifah dwellers for the purpose of building new houses. The size of each lot is 120 meters"-Al-Thowra al-Arabia, December 14, 1964. As a result of this action, and to discourage the peas- ants from migrating to Baghdad, a new law was passed in March, 1965, which prohibited "building" any sarifah in that city. RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION cannot be expected to be undertaken by other agencies."7 Al- though this recommendation was made in 1951, the govern- ment, or to be specific, the Ministry of Development, has not undertaken to provide the necessary housing. After the revolution of 1958 the government admitted that the slums constituted a serious problem, and that something had to be done to solve it. Accordingly, some educational and health facilities were provided for this area. A small town, Al- Thowra, near Baghdad was also built for some of the sarifah dwellers, and another is under construction. Other projects to help those people are under consideration. The late Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qassem promised the people of Iraq on July 11, 1960, that "they will never find any sarifah after a period not exceeding five years." This promise could not eas- ily have been fulfilled, not only because of the great number of sarifah dwellings, but also because of the insufficient budget allocated for this reform. Although the Agrarian Reform Law, which was announced on September 30, 1958, gave priority in receiving allotments of land to those who are actually cultivating the soil, the peas- ant migrants of the city slums also have the opportunity to re- ceive small holdings in their original rural areas. However, only a few of them have applied for and received plots of land. The great majority of them' prefer to stay in the city, which, comparatively, provides them with better facilities.0 7. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, p. 451. 8. As a result of this awareness, the government in 1961 prohibited people, natives as well as foreigners, from taking pictures of the poverty- stricken areas. 9. Iraq-Times, July 12, 1960, p. 1. 10. The government "has just distributed about [17,000] small lots of land in Baghdad to the sarifah dwellers for the purpose of building new houses. The size of each lot is 120 meters"-Al-Thowra al-Arabia, December 14, 1964. As a result of this action, and to discourage the peas- ants from migrating to Baghdad, a new law was passed in March, 1965, which prohibited "building" any sarifah in that city. 53 53 53  9. AGRARIAN REFORM 9. AGRARIAN REFORM 9. AGRARIAN REFORM A grarian reform is a change in the rural community which leads to the improvement of the social and economic con- ditions of the people who work on the land. Such a reform is social in nature because it deals with human relationships. RECOMMENDATIONS Many recommendations and suggestions have been advanced for changing the system of landownership and for solving or minimizing the social problems that confront rural Southern Iraq. The first of these recommendations was presented by Yas- een al-Hashimi. During his term as governor of Nasiryah Province, AI-Hashimi submitted a report in 1924 to the Min- istry of the Interior in which he stated that not only were the landlords an obstacle to the agricultural development of the country but that the same also was true of their managers. He recommended that the peasant's share "must not be less than 60 per cent" of his produce.' Thus, AI-Hashimi clearly believed that a basic change in the rental or sharecropping arrange- ments was necessary. Fahmi, in his report to the Ministry of Finance in 1926, pointed out that the large landholdings of some individuals should not necessarily be an obstacle in the way of an equita- ble system of tenancy. "It is impossible to admit the right of enjoyment of the benefits of the lands to those landowners who did not formerly participate in the activities relating to cul- tivating them." Therefore, the lands "should go back to those who used to cultivate them in former years before they passed into the hands of the present landowners." Fahmi, however, did not agree with the opinion that the land in question and the right of tenancy should have been granted to the cultiva- tors for the sole reason that they were plowing and cultivating the land. He believed that, "If the motive behind this view is the desire to safeguard the rights and welfare of the class of the 'Fellah,' I am not convinced that this hope can be fulfilled. 1. Ofcial Report No. 4966 (in Arabic), August 20, 1924. 54 Agrarian reform is a change in the rural community which leads to the improvement of the social and economic con- ditions of the people who work on the land. Such a reform is social in nature because it deals with human relationships. RECOMMENDATIONS Many recommendations and suggestions have been advanced for changing the system of landownership and for solving or minimizing the social problems that confront rural Southern Iraq. The first of these recommendations was presented by Yas- een al-Hashimi. During his term as governor of Nasiryah Province, Al-Hashimi submitted a report in 1924 to the Min- istry of the Interior in which he stated that not only were the landlords an obstacle to the agricultural development of the country but that the same also was true of their managers. He recommended that the peasant's share "must not be less than 60 per cent" of his produce.' Thus, Al-Hashimi clearly believed that a basic change in the rental or sharecropping arrange- ments was necessary. Fahmi, in his report to the Ministry of Finance in 1926, pointed out that the large landholdings of some individuals should not necessarily be an obstacle in the way of an equita- ble system of tenancy. "It is impossible to admit the right of enjoyment of the benefits of the lands to those landowners who did not formerly participate in the activities relating to cul- tivating them." Therefore, the lands "should go back to those who used to cultivate them in former years before they passed into the hands of the present landowners." Fahmi, however, did not agree with the opinion that the land in question and the right of tenancy should have been granted to the cultiva- tors for the sole reason that they were plowing and cultivating the land. He believed that, "If the motive behind this view is the desire to safeguard the rights and welfare of the class of the 'Fellah,' I am not convinced that this hope can be fulfilled. 1. Official Report No. 4966 (in Arabic), August 20, 1924. A grarian reform is a change in the rural community which leads to the improvement of the social and economic con- ditions of the people who work on the land. Such a reform is social in nature because it deals with human relationships. RECOMMENDATIONS Many recommendations and suggestions have been advanced for changing the system of landownership and for solving or minimizing the social problems that confront rural Southern Iraq. The first of these recommendations was presented by Yas- een al-Hashimi. During his term as governor of Nasiryah Province, Al-Hashimi submitted a report in 1924 to the Min- istry of the Interior in which he stated that not only were the landlords an obstacle to the agricultural development of the country but that the same also was true of their managers. He recommended that the peasant's share "must not be less than 60 per cent" of his produce.' Thus, Al-Hashimi clearly believed that a basic change in the rental or sharecropping arrange- ments was necessary. Fahmi, in his report to the Ministry of Finance in 1926, pointed out that the large landholdings of some individuals should not necessarily be an obstacle in the way of an equita- ble system of tenancy. "It is impossible to admit the right of enjoyment of the benefits of the lands to those landowners who did not formerly participate in the activities relating to cul- tivating them." Therefore, the lands "should go back to those who used to cultivate them in former years before they passed into the hands of the present landowners." Fahmi, however, did not agree with the opinion that the land in question and the right of tenancy should have been granted to the cultiva- tors for the sole reason that they were plowing and cultivating the land. He believed that, "If the motive behind this view is the desire to safeguard the rights and welfare of the class of the 'Fellah,' I am not convinced that this hope can be fulfilled. 1. Official Report No. 4966 (in Arabic), August 20, 1924. 54 54  AGRARIAN REFORM So far from achieving real improvements in this country from an administrative and social point of view, an attempt to at- tain the desired effect through this method would very likely not ensure to the cultivator any more than he is enjoying un- der the present conditions." Fahmi suggested that in order to eliminate this complicated state of affairs, "the establishment of well-defined and permanent rules is essential."2 In 1929 the government requested Sir Ernest Dowson to make recommendations on the problem of settlement of titles. Dowson admitted, in his report to the government, that the general absence of reliable information was baffling. However, "the lack of a well-documented collection of information about existing conditions of land tenure throughout the country was not on consideration surprising, having regard to the vicissi- tudes of modern Iraq's short history." The main point empha- sized in his report was "the injurious effect of the prevailing welter of insecurity and confusion both on agricultural produc- tivity and on public order."a According to Dowson, the confused nature of land tenure throughout Iraq was generally not confined to one kind of land. Therefore, the main problem was the need to establish security and clarity of tenure by a general definition and settlement on a clear legal basis. "A systematic settlement offers the only realizable prospect of establishing any general certainty and security of land tenure throughout the country." He further recommended that "The best course would be to establish a special Land Court to operate in conjunction with settlement and to hear appeals from, or cases referred to it by, the set- tlement authorities. Careful provision would have to be made to limit these cases to the minimum strictly justified and nec- essary. . . . [The Land Court] would be able to deal with the cases submitted to it more rapidly and consistently and with much greater insight than the ordinary courts." This recommendation was impracticable. There were many courts in Iraq which dealt with the settlement of land titles, but they were partial to some of the influential individuals. Dowson himself stated: "Personal influence with the most ef- 2. Report on Iraq, pp. 24-27. 3. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 6, 7, 75. 4. Ibid., pp. 45, 46; see also pp. 6, 34, 43, 47, 56, 75, 77. AGRARIAN REFORM So far from achieving real improvements in this country from an administrative and social point of view, an attempt to at- tain the desired effect through this method would very likely not ensure to the cultivator any more than he is enjoying un- der the present conditions." Fahmi suggested that in order to eliminate this complicated state of affairs, "the establishment of well-defined and permanent rules is essential."2 In 1929 the government requested Sir Ernest Dowson to make recommendations on the problem of settlement of titles. Dowson admitted, in his report to the government, that the general absence of reliable information was baffling. However, "the lack of a well-documented collection of information about existing conditions of land tenure throughout the country was not on consideration surprising, having regard to the vicissi- tudes of modern Iraq's short history." The main point empha- sized in his report was "the injurious effect of the prevailing welter of insecurity and confusion both on agricultural produc- tivity and on public order." According to Dowson, the confused nature of land tenure throughout Iraq was generally not confined to one kind of land. Therefore, the main problem was the need to establish security and clarity of tenure by a general definition and settlement on a clear legal basis. "A systematic settlement offers the only realizable prospect of establishing any general certainty and security of land tenure throughout the country." He further recommended that "The best course would be to establish a special Land Court to operate in conjunction with settlement and to hear appeals from, or cases referred to it by, the set- tlement authorities. Careful provision would have to be made to limit these cases to the minimum strictly justified and nec- essary. . . . [The Land Court] would be able to deal with the cases submitted to it more rapidly and consistently and with much greater insight than the ordinary courts."a This recommendation was impracticable. There were many courts in Iraq which dealt with the settlement of land titles, but they were partial to some of the influential individuals. Dowson himself stated: "Personal influence with the most ef- 2. Report on Iraq, pp. 24-27. 3. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 6, 7, 75. 4. Ibid., pp. 45, 46; see also pp. 6, 34, 43, 47, 56, 75, 77. AGRARIAN REFORM So far from achieving real improvements in this country from an administrative and social point of view, an attempt to at- tain the desired effect through this method would very likely not ensure to the cultivator any more than he is enjoying un- der the present conditions." Fahmi suggested that in order to eliminate this complicated state of affairs, "the establishment of well-defined and permanent rules is essential."2 In 1929 the government requested Sir Ernest Dowson to make recommendations on the problem of settlement of titles. Dowson admitted, in his report to the government, that the general absence of reliable information was baffling. However, "the lack of a well-documented collection of information about existing conditions of land tenure throughout the country was not on consideration surprising, having regard to the vicissi- tudes of modern Iraq's short history." The main point empha- sized in his report was "the injurious effect of the prevailing welter of insecurity and confusion both on agricultural produc- tivity and on public order." According to Dowson, the confused nature of land tenure throughout Iraq was generally not confined to one kind of land. Therefore, the main problem was the need to establish security and clarity of tenure by a general definition and settlement on a clear legal basis. "A systematic settlement offers the only realizable prospect of establishing any general certainty and security of land tenure throughout the country." He further recommended that "The best course would be to establish a special Land Court to operate in conjunction with settlement and to hear appeals from, or cases referred to it by, the set- tlement authorities. Careful provision would have to be made to limit these cases to the minimum strictly justified and nec- essary. . . . [The Land Court] would be able to deal with the cases submitted to it more rapidly and consistently and with much greater insight than the ordinary courts."4 This recommendation was impracticable. There were many courts in Iraq which dealt with the settlement of land titles, but they were partial to some of the influential individuals. Dowson himself stated: "Personal influence with the most ef- 2. Report on Iraq, pp. 24-27. 3. Inquiry into Land Tenure, pp. 6, 7, 75. 4. Ibid., pp. 45, 46; see also pp. 6, 34, 43, 47, 56, 75, 77. 55 55 55  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ fective arbiter is commonly the decisive factor at any moment in any particular land dispute; and anyone may find the most convincing claims set aside."' Saad Salih, governor of Amarah Province in 1944, pointed out in a report to the government that the concentration of ownership of the land in a few hands was the main obstacle to the agricultural development of the country. He maintained that the status of the peasant could be improved and that his level of living could be raised. A mission organized by the International Bank for Recon- struction and Development submitted in 1952 to the govern- ment of Iraq a series of recommendations covering a broad field. As for the landownership problem, the mission recom- mended that the "living standard" of the peasant should be improved by a rise in productivity. Since Iraq is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have large reserves of arable land, the increase in agricultural production will inevitably come from the settlement of new land (by small holders). The mission, however, realized that farmers need access to credit facilities in order to purchase fertilizers, draft animals, tools, and machinery, and that the Agricultural Bank "does not at present adequately serve their needs."7 In addition to these five recommendations which have been submitted to the Iraqi government, there are suggestions ad- vanced by certain writers and authorities. Hashim Jawad stated in 1945 that a drastic reform of the system of land ten- ure was needed, and that the small farmer needed to be given a firm title to the land he cultivated. "The present system of land tenure can be condemned not only because it is out of date, but also because it is a brake on other possible economic developments. It is, in short, mainly responsible for the back- ward state of Iraqi society today."8 Ahmed Sousa suggests that Iraq needs an increase in farm population sufficient to make possible the cultivation of the 5. Ibid., p. 27. 6. Report No. 8457 (in Arabic), May 9, 1944. 7. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, p. 259; see also pp. 104, 218, 267. 8. The Social Structure of Iraq (Baghdad: New Publishers, 1945), p. 30. 56 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ fective arbiter is commonly the decisive factor at any moment in any particular land dispute; and anyone may find the most convincing claims set aside."5 Saad Salih, governor of Amarah Province in 1944, pointed out in a report to the government that the concentration of ownership of the land in a few hands was the main obstacle to the agricultural development of the country. He maintained that the status of the peasant could be improved and that his level of living could be raised. A mission organized by the International Bank for Recon- struction and Development submitted in 1952 to the govern- ment of Iraq a series of recommendations covering a broad field. As for the landownership problem, the mission recom- mended that the "living standard" of the peasant should be improved by a rise in productivity. Since Iraq is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have large reserves of arable land, the increase in agricultural production will inevitably come from the settlement of new land (by small holders). The mission, however, realized that farmers need access to credit facilities in order to purchase fertilizers, draft animals, tools, and machinery, and that the Agricultural Bank "does not at present adequately serve their needs."7 In addition to these five recommendations which have been submitted to the Iraqi government, there are suggestions ad- vanced by certain writers and authorities. Hashim Jawad stated in 1945 that a drastic reform of the system of land ten- ure was needed, and that the small farmer needed to be given a firm title to the land he cultivated. "The present system of land tenure can be condemned not only because it is out of date, but also because it is a brake on other possible economic developments. It is, in short, mainly responsible for the back- ward state of Iraqi society today."8 Ahmed Sousa suggests that Iraq needs an increase in farm population sufficient to make possible the cultivation of the 5. Ibid., p. 27. 6. Report No. 8457 (in Arabic), May 9, 1944. 7. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, p. 259; see also pp. 104, 218, 267. 8. The Social Structure of Iraq (Baghdad: New Publishers, 1945), p. 30. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ fective arbiter is commonly the decisive factor at any moment in any particular land dispute; and anyone may find the most convincing claims set aside."' Saad Salih, governor of Amarah Province in 1944, pointed out in a report to the government that the concentration of ownership of the land in a few hands was the main obstacle to the agricultural development of the country. He maintained that the status of the peasant could be improved and that his level of living could be raised. A mission organized by the International Bank for Recon- struction and Development submitted in 1952 to the govern- ment of Iraq a series of recommendations covering a broad field. As for the landownership problem, the mission recom- mended that the "living standard" of the peasant should be improved by a rise in productivity. Since Iraq is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have large reserves of arable land, the increase in agricultural production will inevitably come from the settlement of new land (by small holders). The mission, however, realized that farmers need access to credit facilities in order to purchase fertilizers, draft animals, tools, and machinery, and that the Agricultural Bank "does not at present adequately serve their needs."7 In addition to these five recommendations which have been submitted to the Iraqi government, there are suggestions ad- vanced by certain writers and authorities. Hashim Jawad stated in 1945 that a drastic reform of the system of land ten- ure was needed, and that the small farmer needed to be given a firm title to the land he cultivated. "The present system of land tenure can be condemned not only because it is out of date, but also because it is a brake on other possible economic developments. It is, in short, mainly responsible for the back- ward state of Iraqi society today."8 Ahmed Sousa suggests that Iraq needs an increase in farm population sufficient to make possible the cultivation of the 5. Ibid., p. 27. 6. Report No. 8457 (in Arabic), May 9, 1944. 7. IBRD, Economic Development of Iraq, p. 259; see also pp. 104, 218, 267. 8. The Social Structure of Iraq (Baghdad: New Publishers, 1945), p. 30. 56 56  AGRARIAN REFORM entire arable area.' Actually, under conditions as they now ex- ist, the present author believes that Iraq does not need a larger farm population. Many farmers work only half of the year, mainly because, customarily, land is left fallow approxi- mately every other six months. GOVERNMENT POLICY As a result of these recommendations and proposed solu- tions, many laws have been passed to deal with the land ques- tion. Some of these laws were confined to particular provinces. For example, Law Number 42 of 1952 and Law Number 53 of 1955 provided that half of the land in Amarah be leased to peasants. In Nasiryah, Law Number 23 of 1929, governing land disputes, could not be enforced and has been replaced by Law Number 40 of 1952 which required that land held by in- dividual owners be leased to the actual cultivators (peasants). Theoretically the new laws were beneficial, but because of the resistance of the landlords, they failed to accomplish their pur- pose. Other laws concerning land title settlement and problems in Iraq were also passed. Number 11 of 1940 (Article 4) estab- lished 5,000 donums as the maximum size of land parcels which might be sold and registered officially. The defect of this law was mainly that the government permitted holdings so large. Laws Number 43 of 1951 and Number 52 of 1952 pro- vided that for distribution purposes state land should be di- vided into farm units. The later law also allowed farmers to apply for loans from the Agricultural Bank. Generally speaking, land title settlement in Iraq has been a failure. It has not only been very slow, it has also helped the landlord class to consolidate its power and to resist land re- form. Moreover, personal and political influences on the set- tlement commissions have always been strong and effective. In addition, ownership rights to state land were not trans- ferred solely to farmers. According to Laws Number 43 of 1951 and Number 52 of 1952 graduates of the Iraqi agricul- tural schools and retired officers of the army and the police 9. Ahmed Sousa is an expert on the irrigation systems in Iraq. See Sousa and J. Atkinson, Iraq Irrigation Handbook (2 parts; Baghdad, 1944, 1946). AGRARIAN REFORM entire arable area.9 Actually, under conditions as they now ex- ist, the present author believes that Iraq does not need a larger farm population. Many farmers work only half of the year, mainly because, customarily, land is left fallow approxi- mately every other six months. GOVERNMENT POLICY As a result of these recommendations and proposed solu- tions, many laws have been passed to deal with the land ques- tion. Some of these laws were confined to particular provinces. For example, Law Number 42 of 1952 and Law Number 53 of 1955 provided that half of the land in Amarah be leased to peasants. In Nasiryah, Law Number 23 of 1929, governing land disputes, could not be enforced and has been replaced by Law Number 40 of 1952 which required that land held by in- dividual owners be leased to the actual cultivators (peasants). Theoretically the new laws were beneficial, but because of the resistance of the landlords, they failed to accomplish their pur- pose. Other laws concerning land title settlement and problems in Iraq were also passed. Number 11 of 1940 (Article 4) estab- lished 5,000 donums as the maximum size of land parcels which might be sold and registered officially. The defect of this law was mainly that the government permitted holdings so large. Laws Number 43 of 1951 and Number 52 of 1952 pro- vided that for distribution purposes state land should be di- vided into farm units. The later law also allowed farmers to apply for loans from the Agricultural Bank. Generally speaking, land title settlement in Iraq has been a failure. It has not only been very slow, it has also helped the landlord class to consolidate its power and to resist land re- form. Moreover, personal and political influences on the set- tlement commissions have always been strong and effective. In addition, ownership rights to state land were not trans- ferred solely to farmers. According to Laws Number 43 of 1951 and Number 52 of 1952 graduates of the Iraqi agricul- tural schools and retired officers of the army and the police 9. Ahmed Sousa is an expert on the irrigation systems in Iraq. See Sousa and J. Atkinson, Iraq Irrigation Handbook (2 parts; Baghdad, 1944, 1946). AGRARIAN REFORM entire arable area. Actually, under conditions as they now ex- ist, the present author believes that Iraq does not need a larger farm population. Many farmers work only half of the year, mainly because, customarily, land is left fallow approxi- mately every other six months. GOVERNMENT POLICY As a result of these recommendations and proposed solu- tions, many laws have been passed to deal with the land ques- tion. Some of these laws were confined to particular provinces. For example, Law Number 42 of 1952 and Law Number 53 of 1955 provided that half of the land in Amarah be leased to peasants. In Nasiryah, Law Number 23 of 1929, governing land disputes, could not be enforced and has been replaced by Law Number 40 of 1952 which required that land held by in- dividual owners be leased to the actual cultivators (peasants). Theoretically the new laws were beneficial, but because of the resistance of the landlords, they failed to accomplish their pur- pose. Other laws concerning land title settlement and problems in Iraq were also passed. Number 11 of 1940 (Article 4) estab- lished 5,000 donums as the maximum size of land parcels which might be sold and registered officially. The defect of this law was mainly that the government permitted holdings so large. Laws Number 43 of 1951 and Number 52 of 1952 pro- vided that for distribution purposes state land should be di- vided into farm units. The later law also allowed farmers to apply for loans from the Agricultural Bank. Generally speaking, land title settlement in Iraq has been a failure. It has not only been very slow, it has also helped the landlord class to consolidate its power and to resist land re- form. Moreover, personal and political influences on the set- tlement commissions have always been strong and effective. In addition, ownership rights to state land were not trans- ferred solely to farmers. According to Laws Number 43 of 1951 and Number 52 of 1952 graduates of the Iraqi agricul- tural schools and retired officers of the army and the police 9. Ahmed Sousa is an expert on the irrigation systems in Iraq. See Sousa and J. Atkinson, Iraq Irrigation Handbook (2 parts; Baghdad, 1944, 1946). 57 57 57  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ forces were entitled to own state land, provided that the State Land Committee was satisfied with their ability and desire to engage in agriculture. The fact is that such men have proved to be less interested than the farmers in cultivating the land. The mere passing of laws from time to time is not a solution to the land problem. Health protection, essential housing facili- ties, and the important agricultural services are all required for the success of new settlement. More significantly, impar- tiality must prevail in the application of the law.10 AGRARIAN REFORM AFTER THE 1958 REVOLUTION The revolutionary government announced on August 4, 1958, that produce of the land must be equally shared by the land- lord and by the peasant who works the land, and that the land- lord will be responsible for the irrigation and management of his land. On September 30, 1958, the late Prime Minister Abdul Kar- im Qassem announced, over the Baghdad radio, the birth of the Agrarian Reform Law. The aim of this law is not only to distribute land to the peasants but also "to destroy the po- litical influence which the feudal lords enjoy as a result of their ownership of vast areas of land . . . influence which [has been] used to place obstacles in the way of governmental ad- ministration." Moreover, the law has the objective of rais- ing the "standard" of living of the peasants as well as the standards of agricultural production." The Agrarian Reform Law and its amendments (as of De- cember 31, 1964) deal with limitations on the size of agricul- tural landholdings, formation of agricultural cooperative asso- ciations, making of agricultural contracts, and definition of the rights of the agricultural worker. Concerning the limita- tions on the size of agricultural holdings, the law states that the arable land possessed by one person shall not exceed 1,000 10. Iraq has several settlement projects in operation, but none of them is in the South. The purpose of these projects is to promote socio- economic changes by allowing peasants to gain ownership of land dis- tributed by the government, and by providing them with many essential services, especially in the fields of education, health, and technical as- sistance. 11. Speech by former Minister of Agriculture Hudaib al-Haj Himoud, Baghdad radio, September 30, 1958; see "Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq." 58 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ forces were entitled to own state land, provided that the State Land Committee was satisfied with their ability and desire to engage in agriculture. The fact is that such men have proved to be less interested than the farmers in cultivating the land. The mere. passing of laws from time to time is not a solution to the land problem. Health protection, essential housing facili- ties, and the important agricultural services are all required for the success of new settlement. More significantly, impar- tiality must prevail in the application of the law.10 AGRARIAN REFORM AFTER THE 1958 REVOLUTION The revolutionary government announced on August 4, 1958, that produce of the land must be equally shared by the land- lord and by the peasant who works the land, and that the land- lord will be responsible for the irrigation and management of his land. On September 30, 1958, the late Prime Minister Abdul Kar- im Qassem announced, over the Baghdad radio, the birth of the Agrarian Reform Law. The aim of this law is not only to distribute land to the peasants but also "to destroy the po- litical influence which the feudal lords enjoy as a result of their ownership of vast areas of land . . . influence which [has been] used to place obstacles in the way of governmental ad- ministration." Moreover, the law has the objective of rais- ing the "standard" of living of the peasants as well as the standards of agricultural production.1 The Agrarian Reform Law and its amendments (as of De- cember 31, 1964) deal with limitations on the size of agricul- tural landholdings, formation of agricultural cooperative asso- ciations, making of agricultural contracts, and definition of the rights of the agricultural worker. Concerning the limita- tions on the size of agricultural holdings, the law states that the arable land possessed by one person shall not exceed 1,000 10. Iraq has several settlement projects in operation, but none of them is in the South. The purpose of these projects is to promote socio- economic changes by allowing peasants to gain ownership of land dis- tributed by the government, and by providing them with many essential services, especially in the fields of education, health, and technical as- sistance. 11. Speech by former Minister of Agriculture Hudaib al-Haj Himoud, Baghdad radio, September 30, 1958; see "Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq." PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ forces were entitled to own state land, provided that the State Land Committee was satisfied with their ability and desire to engage in agriculture. The fact is that such men have proved to be less interested than the farmers in cultivating the land. The mere passing of laws from time to time is not a solution to the land problem. Health protection, essential housing facili- ties, and the important agricultural services are all required for the success of new settlement. More significantly, impar- tiality must prevail in the application of the law.0 AGRARIAN REFORM AFTER THE 1958 REVOLUTION The revolutionary government announced on August 4, 1958, that produce of the land must be equally shared by the land- lord and by the peasant who works the land, and that the land- lord will be responsible for the irrigation and management of his land. On September 30, 1958, the late Prime Minister Abdul Kar- im Qassem announced, over the Baghdad radio, the birth of the Agrarian Reform Law. The aim of this law is not only to distribute land to the peasants but also "to destroy the po- litical influence which the feudal lords enjoy as a result of their ownership of vast areas of land . . . influence which [has been] used to place obstacles in the way of governmental ad- ministration." Moreover, the law has the objective of rais- ing the "standard" of living of the peasants as well as the standards of agricultural production." The Agrarian Reform Law and its amendments (as of De- cember 31, 1964) deal with limitations on the size of agricul- tural landholdings, formation of agricultural cooperative asso- ciations, making of agricultural contracts, and definition of the rights of the agricultural worker. Concerning the limita- tions on the size of agricultural holdings, the law states that the arable land possessed by one person shall not exceed 1,000 10. Iraq has several settlement projects in operation, but none of them is in the South. The purpose of these projects is to promote socio- economic changes by allowing peasants to gain ownership of land dis- tributed by the government, and by providing them with many essential services, especially in the fields of education, health, and technical as- sistance. 11. Speech by former Minister of Agriculture Hudaib al-Haj Himoud, Baghdad radio, September 30, 1958; see "Agrarian Reform Law of the Republic of Iraq." 58 58  AGRARIAN REFORM donums (or 2,000 donums in non-irrigated areas). Holdings in excess of the maximum will be seized by the government within ten years following the enactment of the law. However, until the time comes for the complete seizure of the excess land, proprietors may continue to make appropriate use of all the agricultural land they possess. Owners will be entitled to compensation for their land, immovable property, pumps, tools, and machinery which the government may decide to take over. The compensation is to be paid in cash if the value is no more than 1,000 dinars ($2,800). Amounts exceeding 1,000 dinars will be paid with government bonds bearing one per cent interest and redeemable within twenty years for amounts up to 10,000 dinars, and within forty years if the amount ex- ceeds 10,000 dinars. Right to such land taken by the government, and to land already held by the state, "shall be handed over to small land- holders" during the ten years following the enactment of the law. Each new holding shall be no smaller than 30 and no larger than 60 donums of irrigated land, no smaller than 60 and no larger than 120 donums in non-irrigated areas, de- pending on the quality of land. Units below the minimum pre- scribed may be distributed "if this is dictated by the circum- stances of the distribution." One who receives an allotment of land must be an Iraqi, an adult, and a farmer by profession. Priority shall be given to those who are actually cultivating the land, and the new landholder must pay the established price, plus 20 per cent of that price, in equal installments spread over a forty-year period. Interest of one per cent an- nually is to be charged on the unpaid balance. Moreover, with- in five years of the date of acquiring the land the new settler must bring it under cultivation or his title to the land will be revoked and he will be considered a tenant. Those who are current in all their payments have the right to transfer the land title, provided that five years have passed since the date of acquirement. The law gives farmers who acquire land under it the right to form agricultural cooperative associations and to obtain loans from the Agricultural Bank. It also states that agricul- tural contracts between the landholder and the agricultural worker must be arranged as of the beginning of the agricul- 59 AGRARIAN REFORM donums (or 2,000 donums in non-irrigated areas). Holdings in excess of the maximum will be seized by the government within ten years following the enactment of the law. However, until the time comes for the complete seizure of the excess land, proprietors may continue to make appropriate use of all the agricultural land they possess. Owners will be entitled to compensation for their land, immovable property, pumps, tools, and machinery which the government may decide to take over. The compensation is to be paid in cash if the value is no more than 1,000 dinars ($2,800). Amounts exceeding 1,000 dinars will be paid with government bonds bearing one per cent interest and redeemable within twenty years for amounts up to 10,000 dinars, and within forty years if the amount ex- ceeds 10,000 dinars. Right to such land taken by the government, and to land already held by the state, "shall be handed over to small land- holders" during the ten years following the enactment of the law. Each new holding shall be no smaller than 30 and no larger than 60 donums of irrigated land, no smaller than 60 and no larger than 120 donums in non-irrigated areas, de- pending on the quality of land. Units below the minimum pre- scribed may be distributed "if this is dictated by the circum- stances of the distribution." One who receives an allotment of land must be an Iraqi, an adult, and a farmer by profession. Priority shall be given to those who are actually cultivating the land, and the new landholder must pay the established price, plus 20 per cent of that price, in equal installments spread over a forty-year period. Interest of one per cent an- nually is to be charged on the unpaid balance. Moreover, with- in five years of the date of acquiring the land the new settler must bring it under cultivation or his title to the land will be revoked and he will be considered a tenant. Those who are current in all their payments have the right to transfer the land title, provided that five years have passed since the date of acquirement. The law gives farmers who acquire land under it the right to form agricultural cooperative associations and to obtain loans from the Agricultural Bank. It also states that agricul- tural contracts between the landholder and the agricultural worker must be arranged as of the beginning of the agricul- 59 AGRARIAN REFORM donums (or 2,000 donums in non-irrigated areas). Holdings in excess of the maximum will be seized by the government within ten years following the enactment of the law. However, until the time comes for the complete seizure of the excess land, proprietors may continue to make appropriate use of all the agricultural land they possess. Owners will be entitled to compensation for their land, immovable property, pumps, tools, and machinery which the government may decide to take over. The compensation is to be paid in cash if the value is no more than 1,000 dinars ($2,800). Amounts exceeding 1,000 dinars will be paid with government bonds bearing one per cent interest and redeemable within twenty years for amounts up to 10,000 dinars, and within forty years if the amount ex- ceeds 10,000 dinars. Right to such land taken by the government, and to land already held by the state, "shall be handed over to small land- holders" during the ten years following the enactment of the law. Each new holding shall be no smaller than 30 and no larger than 60 donums of irrigated land, no smaller than 60 and no larger than 120 donums in non-irrigated areas, de- pending on the quality of land. Units below the minimum pre- scribed may be distributed "if this is dictated by the circum- stances of the distribution." One who receives an allotment of land must be an Iraqi, an adult, and a farmer by profession. Priority shall be given to those who are actually cultivating the land, and the new landholder must pay the established price, plus 20 per cent of that price, in equal installments spread over a forty-year period. Interest of one per cent an- nually is to be charged on the unpaid balance. Moreover, with- in five years of the date of acquiring the land the new settler must bring it under cultivation or his title to the land will be revoked and he will be considered a tenant. Those who are current in all their payments have the right to transfer the land title, provided that five years have passed since the date of acquirement. The law gives farmers who acquire land under it the right to form agricultural cooperative associations and to obtain loans from the Agricultural Bank. It also states that agricul- tural contracts between the landholder and the agricultural worker must be arranged as of the beginning of the agricul- 59  PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ tural season. The landowner is responsible for the manage- ment and for providing the worker with arable land, seeds, and irrigation facilities; while the worker must undertake to carry out his duty to give the land the necessary care, to use the best possible agricultural methods, and to harvest the crops. TABLE 13 DIsTRIBUTION OF EXPRoPRIATED LAND, IN DONUMs, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, AS OF MAY 31, 1964 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ tural season. The landowner is responsible for the manage- ment and for providing the worker with arable land, seeds, and irrigation facilities; while the worker must undertake to carry out his duty to give the land the necessary care, to use the best possible agricultural methods, and to harvest the crops. TABLE 13 DIsTRIBUTIoN oF EXPROPRIATED LAND, IN DoNUMS, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, AS OF MAY 31, 1964 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ tural season. The landowner is responsible for the manage- ment and for providing the worker with arable land, seeds, and irrigation facilities; while the worker must undertake to carry out his duty to give the land the necessary care, to use the best possible agricultural methods, and to harvest the crops. TABLE 13 DISTRIBUTION OF EXPROPRIATED LAND, IN DONUIIS, BY PROVINCE, IRAQ, As OF MAY 31, 1964 DISTRIBUTED LAND AVERAGE SIZE RECIPIENTs OF HOLDING PROVINCE Northern Mosul 648,904 Arbil 133,686 Kirkuk 226,215 Sulaimanyah 33,747 Central Baghdad 165,855 Diala 82,949 Hilla 195,313 Karbala 11,415 Ramadi 6,226 Kut 445,117 Southern Diwanyah 57,586 Nasiryah * Amarah 11,156 Basrah 3,866 TOTAL 2,022,035 Source: Compiled and computed from Six Years. * None distributed as of May 31, 1964. 7,835 1,843 2,034 1,549 3,903 1,572 5,030 722 148 10,757 1,973 700 700 38,766 data in Agrarian 82.8 72.5 111.2 21.8 42.5 52.8 38.8 15.8 42.1 41.4 29.2 15.9 5.5 52.2 Reform in PROVINCE Northern Mosul Arbil Kirkuk Sulaimanyah Central Baghdad Diala Hilla Karbala Ramadi Kut Southern Diwanyah Nasiryah Amarah Basrah TOTAL DISTRIBUTED LAND 648,904 133,686 226,215 33,747 165,855 82,949 195,313 11,415 6,226 445,117 57,586 11,156 3,866 2,022,035 AVERAGE SIZE RECIPIENTS OF HOLDING 7,835 1,843 2,034 1,549 3,903 1,572 5,030 722 148 10,757 82.8 72.5 111.2 21.8 42.5 52.8 38.8 15.8 42.1 41.4 PROVINCE Northern Mosul Arbil Kirkuk Sulaimanyah Central Baghdad Diala Hilla Karbala Ramadi Kut Southern Diwanyah Nasiryah Amarah Basrah TOTAL DISTRIBUTED LAND 648,904 133,686 226,215 33,747 165,855 82,949 195,313 11,415 6,226 445,117 57,586 11,156 3,866 2,022,035 AVERAGE SIZE RECIPIENTs OF HOLDING 7,835 1,843 2,034 1,549 3,903 1,572 5,030 722 148 10,757 82.8 72.5 111.2 21.8 42.5 52.8 38.8 15.8 42.1 41.4 1,973 29.2 1,973 29.2 700 700 38,766 15.9 5.5 52.2 700 700 38,766 15.9 5.5 52.2 As a result of the Agrarian Reform Law, the total area of expropriated land in Iraq, as of May 31, 1964, was 7,020,123 donums. The area of expropriated land in the South was 707,100 donums (10.1 per cent of the national total) : 568,187 donums in Diwanyah, 84,521 in Amarah, 54,392 in Basrah, and none in Nasiryah. Of the total expropriated land, 2,022,- 035 donums (28.8 per cent) were distributed to 38,766 Iraqi peasants. Only one per cent of the expropriated land was dis- tributed to 3,373 peasants (see Table 13). The government also rents part of its land. This is a temporary measure "until Source: Compiled and computed from data in Agrarian Reform in Six Years. * None distributed as of May 31, 1964. As a result of the Agrarian Reform Law, the total area of expropriated land in Iraq, as of May 31, 1964, was 7,020,123 donums. The area of expropriated land in the South was 707,100 donums (10.1 per cent of the national total) : 568,187 donums in Diwanyah, 84,521 in Amarah, 54,392 in Basrah, and none in Nasiryah. Of the total expropriated land, 2,022,- 035 donums (28.8 per cent) were distributed to 38,766 Iraqi peasants. Only one per cent of the expropriated land was dis- tributed to 3,373 peasants (see Table 13). The government also rents part of its land. This is a temporary measure "until Source: Compiled and computed from data in Agrarian Reform in Six Years. * None distributed as of May 31, 1964. As a result of the Agrarian Reform Law, the total area of expropriated land in Iraq, as of May 31, 1964, was 7,020,123 donums. The area of expropriated land in the South was 707,100 donums (10.1 per cent of the national total) : 568,187 donums in Diwanyah, 84,521 in Amarah, 54,392 in Basrah, and none in Nasiryah. Of the total expropriated land, 2,022,- 035 donums (28.8 per cent) were distributed to 38,766 Iraqi peasants. Only one per cent of the expropriated land was dis- tributed to 3,373 peasants (see Table 13). The government also rents part of its land. This is a temporary measure "until 60 60  AGRARIAN REFORM the seized lands have been surveyed and irrigation facili- ties have been provided."" Of the total expropriated land 2,649,673 donums were rented to 9,116 peasants in the south- ern provinces. It should be noted that the average size of the distributed holdings in the South is small, especially if we take into consideration the fact that the Iraqi peas- ant family is relatively large and its members are depend- ent for their livelihood on the produce of the land. More- over, much of the distributed land is not without defect. Salinity of the soil, lack of drainage, and relative lack of ir- rigation facilities are among the causes of complaints by some peasants who have received plots of land. Agricultural cooperative societies have been established by farmers and encouraged by the government. The purpose of the cooperatives is to provide their members with loans at low interest rates and to assist them in improving and increas- ing agricultural production. The number of cooperatives in the South, as of May 31, 1964, was nine (five in Diwanyah, two in Basrah, and two in Amarah), or 10 per cent of all the agricultural cooperatives in Iraq. Loans were granted by the Agricultural Bank to members of these cooperatives and also to farmers who were not members. The loans made between October 1, 1958, and May 31, 1964, came to a total of 4,037,984 dinars. 12. Agrarian Reform in Six Yearns, p. 25. AGRARIAN REFORM the seized lands have been surveyed and irrigation facili- ties have been provided."12 Of the total expropriated land 2,649,673 donums were rented to 9,116 peasants in the south- ern provinces. It should be noted that the average size of the distributed holdings in the South is small, especially if we take into consideration the fact that the Iraqi peas- ant family is relatively large and its members are depend- ent for their livelihood on the produce of the land. More- over, much of the distributed land is not without defect. Salinity of the soil, lack of drainage, and relative lack of ir- rigation facilities are among the causes of complaints by some peasants who have received plots of land. Agricultural cooperative societies have been established by farmers and encouraged by the government. The purpose of the cooperatives is to provide their members with loans at low interest rates and to assist them in improving and increas- ing agricultural production. The number of cooperatives in the South, as of May 31, 1964, was nine (five in Diwanyah, two in Basrah, and two in Amarah), or 10 per cent of all the agricultural cooperatives in Iraq. Loans were granted by the Agricultural Bank to members of these cooperatives and also to farmers who were not members. The loans made between October 1, 1958, and May 31, 1964, came to a total of 4,037,984 dinars. 12. Agrarian Reform in Six Years, p. 25. AGRARIAN REFORM the seized lands have been surveyed and irrigation facili- ties have been provided.""2 Of the total expropriated land 2,649,673 donums were rented to 9,116 peasants in the south- ern provinces. It should be noted that the average size of the distributed holdings in the South is small, especially if we take into consideration the fact that the Iraqi peas- ant family is relatively large and its members are depend- ent for their livelihood on the produce of the land. More- over, much of the distributed land is not without defect. Salinity of the soil, lack of drainage, and relative lack of ir- rigation facilities are among the causes of complaints by some peasants who have received plots of land. Agricultural cooperative societies have been established by farmers and encouraged by the government. The purpose of the cooperatives is to provide their members with loans at low interest rates and to assist them in improving and increas- ing agricultural production. The number of cooperatives in the South, as of May 31, 1964, was nine (five in Diwanyah, two in Basrah, and two in Amarah), or 10 per cent of all the agricultural cooperatives in Iraq. Loans were granted by the Agricultural Bank to members of these cooperatives and also to farmers who were not members. The loans made between October 1, 1958, and May 31, 1964, came to a total of 4,037,984 dinars. 12. Agrarian Reform in Six Years, p. 25. 61 61 61  10. CONCLUSION 10. CONCLUSION 10. CONCLUSION Almost two-thirds of the population of Iraq depend directly upon the land for their livelihood. Land is fertile and water is abundant. In view of this, and because the country has a low population density, one might expect the Iraqi peasant to be highly advantaged. In reality, inequality in own- ership of the land and land tenure relationships have con- tributed to his actual depressed conditions. Many problems have arisen from the confused nature of the system of land- ownership, such as: (1) the deplorably low income of the peas- ants, (2) the poor health of the peasants, (3) a high mortal- ity rate, (4) widespread illiteracy, (5) a growing discontent on the part of the peasants with their inferior position, (6) an extreme degree of social stratification, (7) a lack of coopera- tion between the landowners and the peasants, (8) the migra- tion of many peasants to the large cities, (9) the breakdown of tribal solidarity, and (10) continuous inter-tribal dispute and conflict over possession of, and rights to, the land. Despite all governmental efforts at agrarian reform, land problems continue to exist. Because of the unstable political situation in Iraq it was, and still is, difficult to maintain ade- quate planning. The Agrarian Reform Law, which was en- acted in September, 1958, has been amended several times. These amendments usually follow changes in the Iraqi cabi- net. The five-year plan to expropriate the large landholdings and redistribute the land among the peasants has been ex- tended to ten years. Eight of the ten years have already (1966) elapsed and still agrarian reform is in its beginning stages. Hence, in many parts of Iraq the peasants have few incen- tives to improve the land which they till, and the migration of peasants to the city continues on a large scale. The redistribution of the land, which the government em- phasizes, is not in itself a solution to the social and economic conditions of the rural population. Community planning, im- proved systems of farm management, increased technical edu- cation, more adequate farm credit facilities, and other re- forms, also are needed. The rural people in Iraq do not resist 62 Almost two-thirds of the population of Iraq depend directly upon the land for their livelihood. Land is fertile and water is abundant. In view of this, and because the country has a low population density, one might expect the Iraqi peasant to be highly advantaged. In reality, inequality in own- ership of the land and land tenure relationships have con- tributed to his actual depressed conditions. Many problems have arisen from the confused nature of the system of land- ownership, such as: (1) the deplorably low income of the peas- ants, (2) the poor health of the peasants, (3) a high mortal- ity rate, (4) widespread illiteracy, (5) a growing discontent on the part of the peasants with their inferior position, (6) an extreme degree of social stratification, (7) a lack of coopera- tion between the landowners and the peasants, (8) the migra- tion of many peasants to the large cities, (9) the breakdown of tribal solidarity, and (10) continuous inter-tribal dispute and conflict over possession of, and rights to, the land. Despite all governmental efforts at agrarian reform, land problems continue to exist. Because of the unstable political situation in Iraq it was, and still is, difficult to maintain ade- quate planning. The Agrarian Reform Law, which was en- acted in September, 1958, has been amended several times. These amendments usually follow changes in the Iraqi cabi- net. The five-year plan to expropriate the large landholdings and redistribute the land among the peasants has been ex- tended to ten years. Eight of the ten years have already (1966) elapsed and still agrarian reform is in its beginning stages. Hence, in many parts of Iraq the peasants have few incen- tives to improve the land which they till, and the migration of peasants to the city continues on a large scale. The redistribution of the land, which the government em- phasizes, is not in itself a solution to the social and economic conditions of the rural population. Community planning, im- proved systems of farm management, increased technical edu- cation, more adequate farm credit facilities, and other re- forms, also are needed. The rural people in Iraq do not resist Almost two-thirds of the population of Iraq depend directly upon the land for their livelihood. Land is fertile and water is abundant. In view of this, and because the country has a low population density, one might expect the Iraqi peasant to be highly advantaged. In reality, inequality in own- ership of the land and land tenure relationships have con- tributed to his actual depressed conditions. Many problems have arisen from the confused nature of the system of land- ownership, such as: (1) the deplorably low income of the peas- ants, (2) the poor health of the peasants, (3) a high mortal- ity rate, (4) widespread illiteracy, (5) a growing discontent on the part of the peasants with their inferior position, (6) an extreme degree of social stratification, (7) a lack of coopera- tion between the landowners and the peasants, (8) the migra- tion of many peasants to the large cities, (9) the breakdown of tribal solidarity, and (10) continuous inter-tribal dispute and conflict over possession of, and rights to, the land. Despite all governmental efforts at agrarian reform, land problems continue to exist. Because of the unstable political situation in Iraq it was, and still is, difficult to maintain ade- quate planning. The Agrarian Reform Law, which was en- acted in September, 1958, has been amended several times. These amendments usually follow changes in the Iraqi cabi- net. The five-year plan to expropriate the large landholdings and redistribute the land among the peasants has been ex- tended to ten years. Eight of the ten years have already (1966) elapsed and still agrarian reform is in its beginning stages. Hence, in many parts of Iraq the peasants have few incen- tives to improve the land which they till, and the migration of peasants to the city continues on a large scale. The redistribution of the land, which the government em- phasizes, is not in itself a solution to the social and economic conditions of the rural population. Community planning, im- proved systems of farm management, increased technical edu- cation, more adequate farm credit facilities, and other re- forms, also are needed. The rural people in Iraq do not resist 62 62  CONCLUSION changes which they can understand as being to their benefit or which they believe will result in satisfaction of their needs. It should be noted, however, that the redistribution of land is a very important part of an agrarian reform program in almost all the agrarian countries of the world. Karl Marx prophesied "the disappearance of small-scale production in agriculture"; but this prophecy has been amply proved wrong Almost all the peasant uprisings in the world have sought the improvement of land tenure conditions, and also the redistri- bution of land in order to maintain small-scale production in agriculture. "A bird's eye view of the history of many socie- ties, especially those which have lived for a long period, shows the existence of long time cycles in which a wave of concen- tration of land (and consequently a growth of social stratifi- cation) is replaced by a wave of deconcentration (and a de- crease of stratification), to be superseded by a new wave of concentration, etc. At one period small-scale peasant enter- prises are driven out by large landholdings, exploited either in the form of large capitalist enterprises or in the form of parasitical leases of portions of the land to free or unfree ten- ants. At another period the process is replaced by the oppo- site one, by a growth of the small peasant or farmer land- holdings at the expense of the large estate of big landown- ers."' These cycles suggest that small-scale production in agri- culture has never ceased; and it is obvious that the trend since the second half of the nineteenth century has been toward breaking up large landholdings. The socialist movements in many European countries in the nineteenth century were ac- tually in favor of the small holder.2 This trend is still being carried out successfully in many agrarian countries of the world. Agrarian reform is not confined to the agrarian countries. Advanced industrial countries endeavor to raise the level of 1. Pitirim A. Sorokin, Carle C. Zimmerman; and Charles J. Galpin, A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1930), I, 370. 2. "As late as 1920 the Kassel Congress of the German Social-Demo- cratic Party had to pass a resolution declaring that 'at present it is not possible to reach agreement on the economic importance of the various sizes of agricultural undertakings.' "-David Mitrany, Marx Against the Peasant: A Study in Social Dogmatism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), p. 217. CONCLUSION changes which they can understand as being to their benefit or which they believe will result in satisfaction of their needs. It should be noted, however, that the redistribution of land is a very important part of an agrarian reform program in almost all the agrarian countries of the world. Karl Marx prophesied "the disappearance of small-scale production in agriculture"; but this prophecy has been amply proved wrong Almost all the peasant uprisings in the world have sought the improvement of land tenure conditions, and also the redistri- bution of land in order to maintain small-scale production in agriculture. "A bird's eye view of the history of many socie- ties, especially those which have lived for a long period, shows the existence of long time cycles in which a wave of concen- tration of land (and consequently a growth of social stratifi- cation) is replaced by a wave of deconcentration (and a de- crease of stratification), to be superseded by a new wave of concentration, etc. At one period small-scale peasant enter- prises are driven out by large landholdings, exploited either in the form of large capitalist enterprises or in the form of parasitical leases of portions of the land to free or unfree ten- ants. At another period the process is replaced by the oppo- site one, by a growth of the small peasant or farmer land- holdings at the expense of the large estate of big landown- ers."' These cycles suggest that small-scale production in agri- culture has never ceased ; and it is obvious that the trend since the second half of the nineteenth century has been toward breaking up large landholdings. The socialist movements in many European countries in the nineteenth century were ac- tually in favor of the small holder.' This trend is still being carried out successfully in many agrarian countries of the world. Agrarian reform is not confined to the agrarian countries. Advanced industrial countries endeavor to raise the level of 1. Pitirim A. Sorokin, Carle C. Zimmerman; and Charles J. Galpin, A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1930), I, 370. 2. "As late as 1920 the Kassel Congress of the German Social-Demo- cratic Party had to pass a resolution declaring that 'at present it is not possible to reach agreement on the economic importance of the various sizes of agricultural undertakings.'"-David Mitrany, Marx Against the Peasant: A Study in Social Dogmatism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), p. 217. CONCLUSION changes which they can understand as being to their benefit or which they believe will result in satisfaction of their needs. It should be noted, however, that the redistribution of land is a very important part of an agrarian reform program in almost all the agrarian countries of the world. Karl Marx prophesied "the disappearance of small-scale production in agriculture"; but this prophecy has been amply proved wrong Almost all the peasant uprisings in the world have sought the improvement of land tenure conditions, and also the redistri- bution of land in order to maintain small-scale production in agriculture. "A bird's eye view of the history of many socie- ties, especially those which have lived for a long period, shows the existence of long time cycles in which a wave of concen- tration of land (and consequently a growth of social stratifi- cation) is replaced by a wave of deconcentration (and a de- crease of stratification), to be superseded by a new wave of concentration, etc. At one period small-scale peasant enter- prises are driven out by large landholdings, exploited either in the form of large capitalist enterprises or in the form of parasitical leases of portions of the land to free or unfree ten- ants. At another period the process is replaced by the oppo- site one, by a growth of the small peasant or farmer land- holdings at the expense of the large estate of big landown- ers."' These cycles suggest that small-scale production in agri- culture has never ceased; and it is obvious that the trend since the second half of the nineteenth century has been toward breaking up large landholdings. The socialist movements in many European countries in the nineteenth century were ac- tually in favor of the small holder.' This trend is still being carried out successfully in many agrarian countries of the world. Agrarian reform is not confined to the agrarian countries. Advanced industrial countries endeavor to raise the level of 1. Pitirim A. Sorokin, Carle C. Zimmerman; and Charles J. Galpin, A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1930), I, 370. 2. "As late as 1920 the Kassel Congress of the German Social-Demo- cratic Party had to pass a resolution declaring that 'at present it is not possible to reach agreement on the economic importance of the various sizes of agricultural undertakings.' "-David Mitrany, Marx Against the Peasant: A Study in Social Dogmatism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), p. 217. 63 63 63 PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ living of the cultivators and to improve their incomes so that they will be comparable with those of urban workers. How- ever, agrarian reform is especially significant to the so-called underdeveloped countries which usually have predominantly agricultural economies. This is true in Asia, Africa, and most of Latin America. Here the relationship between the system of landownership and agrarian reform is obvious. In fact, demands for agrarian reform become matters of life or death to great numbers of peasants throughout the world. This may explain, to some extent, the social unrest in some of the "under- developed countries." One can generalize, however, that neither in economically advanced countries nor elsewhere is there a model for agra- rian reform that suits the needs and desires of all people. Carefully planned agrarian reform may be sought to increase agricultural productivity, ease the problem of excessive mi- gration of agricultural workers to urban areas, increase the earnings of rural workers, and provide them with necessary facilities. Such a carefully planned reform is acutely needed in Iraq. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ living of the cultivators and to improve their incomes so that they will be comparable with those of urban workers. How- ever, agrarian reform is especially significant to the so-called underdeveloped countries which usually have predominantly agricultural economies. This is true in Asia, Africa, and most of Latin America. Here the relationship between the system of landownership and agrarian reform is obvious. In fact, demands for agrarian reform become matters of life or death to great numbers of peasants throughout the world. This may explain, to some extent, the social unrest in some of the "under- developed countries." One can generalize, however, that neither in economically advanced countries nor elsewhere is there a model for agra- rian reform that suits the needs and desires of all people. Carefully planned agrarian reform may be sought to increase agricultural productivity, ease the problem of excessive mi- gration of agricultural workers to urban areas, increase the earnings of rural workers, and provide them with necessary facilities. Such a carefully planned reform is acutely needed in Iraq. PEOPLE AND LAND IN SOUTHERN IRAQ living of the cultivators and to improve their incomes so that they will be comparable with those of urban workers. How- ever, agrarian reform is especially significant to the so-called underdeveloped countries which usually have predominantly agricultural economies. This is true in Asia, Africa, and most of Latin America. Here the relationship between the system of landownership and agrarian reform is obvious. In fact, demands for agrarian reform become matters of life or death to great numbers of peasants throughout the world. This may explain, to some extent, the social unrest in some of the "under- developed countries." One can generalize, however, that neither in economically advanced countries nor elsewhere is there a model for agra- rian reform that suits the needs and desires of all people. Carefully planned agrarian reform may be sought to increase agricultural productivity, ease the problem of excessive mi- gration of agricultural workers to urban areas, increase the earnings of rural workers, and provide them with necessary facilities. Such a carefully planned reform is acutely needed in Iraq. 64 64 64  UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA MONOGRAPHS Social Sciences UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA MONOGRAPHS Social Sciences UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA MONOGRAPHS Social Sciences 1. The Whigs of Florida, 1845-1854, by H. J. Doherty, Jr. 2. Austrian Catholics and the Social Question, 1918-1933, by A. Dia- mant 3. The Siege of St. Augustine in 1702, by C. W. Arnade 4. New Light on Early and Medi- eval Japanese Historiography, by J. A. Harrison 5. The Swiss Press and Foreign Affairs in World War II, by F. H. Hartmann 6. The American Militia: Decade of Decision, 1789-1800, by J. K. Mahon 7. The Foundation of Jacques Mari- tain's Political Philosophy, by H. Y. Jung 8. Latin American Population Stud- ies, by T. L. Smith 9. Jacksonian Democracy on the Florida Frontier, by A. W. Thompson 10. Holman Versus Hughes: Exten- sion of Australian Common- wealth Powers, by C. Joyne~ 11. Welfare Economics and Subsidy Programs, by M. Z. Kafoglis 12. Tribune of the Slavophiles: Konstantin Aksakov, by Edw. Chmielewski 13. City Managers in Polities: An Analysis of Manager Tenure and Termination, by G. M. Kammer- er, C. D. Farris, J. M. DeGrove, and A. B. Clubok 14. Recent Southern Economic De- velopment as Revealed by the Changing Structure of Employ- ment, by E. S. Dunn, Jr. 15. Sea Power and Chilean Inde- pendence, by D. E. Worcester 16. The Sherman Antitrust Act and Foreign Trade, by A. Simmons 17. The Origins of Hamilton's Fis- cal Policies, by D. F. Swanson 18. Criminal Asylum in Anglo-Sax- on Law, by C. H. Riggs, Jr. 19. Colonia Barin Hirsch:A Jewish Agricultural Colony in Argen- tina, by M. D. Winsberg 20. Time Deposits in Present-day Commercial Banking, by L. L. Crum 21. The Eastern Greenland Case in Historical Perspective, by 0. Svarlien 22. Jacksonian Democracy and the Historians, by A. A. Cave 23. The Rise of the American Chemistry Profession, 1850-1900, by E. H. Beardsley 24. Aymara Communities and the Bolivian Agrarian Reform, by W. E. Carter 25. Conservatives in the Progres- sive Era: The Taft Republicans of 1912, by N. M. Wilensky 26. The Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries Case of 1001 and the Changing Law of the Territorial Sea, by T. Kobayashi 27. The Liquidity Structure of Firms and Monetary Economics, by W. J. Frazer, Jr. 28. Russo-Persian Commercial Re- lations, 1828-1914, by M. L. Ent- ner 29. The Imperial Policy of Sir Rob- ert Borden, by H. A. Wilson 30. The Association of Income and Educational Achievement, by R. L. Lassiter, Jr. 31. Relation of the People to the Land in Southern Iraq, by F. Baali 1. The Whigs of Florida, 1845-1854, by H. J. Doherty, Jr. 2. Austrian Catholics and the Social Question, 1918-1933, by A. Dia- mant 3. The Siege of St. Augustine in 1702, by C. W. Arnade 4. New Light on Early and Medi- eval Japanese Historiography, by J. A. Harrison 5. The Swiss Press and Foreign Affairs in World War II, by F. H. Hartmann 6. The American Militia: Decade of Decision, 1789-1800, by J. K. Mahon 7. The Foundation of Jacques Mari- tain's Political Philosophy, by H. Y. Jung 8. Latin American Population Stud- ies, by T. L. Smith 9. Jacksonian Democracy on the Florida Frontier, by A. W. Thompson 10. Holman Versus Hughes: Exten- sian of Australian Common- wealth Powers, by C. Joynser 11. Welfare Economics and Subsidy Programs, by M. Z. Kafoglis 12. Tribune of the Slavophiles: Konstantin Aksakov, by Edw. Chmielewski 13. City Managers in Politics: An Analysis of Manager Tenure and Termination, by G. M. Kammer- er, C. D. Farris, J. M. DeGrove, and A. B. Clubok 14. Recent Southern Economic De- velopment as Revealed by the Changing Structure of Employ- ment, by E. S. Dunn, Jr. 15. Sea Power and Chilean Inde- pendence, by D. E. Worcester 16. The Sherman Antitrust Act and Foreign Trade, by A. Simmons 17. The Origins of Hamilton's Fis- cal Policies, by D. F. Swanson 18. Criminal Asylum in Anglo-Sax- on Law, by C. H. Riggs, Jr. 19. Colonia Baron Hirsch: A Jewish Agricultural Colony in Argen- tina, by M. D. Winsberg 20. Time Deposits in Present-day Commercial Banking, by L. L. Crum 21. The Eastern Greenland Case in Historical Perspective, by 0. Svarlien 22. Jacksonian Democracy and the Historians, by A. A. Cave 23. The Rise of the American Chemistry Profession, 1850-1900, by E. H. Beardsley 24. Aymara Communities and the Bolivian Agrarian Reform, by W. E. Carter 25. Conservatives in the Progres- sive Era: The Taft Republicans of 1912, by N. M. Wilensky 26. The Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries Case of 1951 and the Changing Law of the Territorial Sea, by T. Kobayashi 27. The Liquidity Structure of Firms and Monetary Economics, by W. J. Frazer, Jr. 28. Russo-Persian Commercial Re- lations, 1828-1914, by M. L. Ent- ner 29. The Imperial Policy of Sir Rob- ert Borden, by H. A. Wilson 30. The Association of Income and Educational Achievement, by R. L. Lassiter, Jr. 31. Relation of the People to the Land in Southern Iraq, by F. Baali 1. The Whigs of Florida, 1845-1854, by H. J. Doherty, Jr. 2. Austrian Catholics and the Social Question, 1918-1933, by A. Dia- mant 3. The Siege of St. Augustine in 1702, by C. W. Arnade 4. New Light on Early and Medi- eval Japanese Historiography, by J. A. Harrison 5. The Swiss Press and Foreign Affairs in World War II, by F. H. Hartmann 6. The American Militia: Decade of Decision, 1789-1800, by J. K. Mahon 7. The Foundation of Jacques Mari- tain's Political Philosophy, by H. Y. Jung 8. Latin American Population Stud- ies, by T. L. Smith 9. Jacksonian Democracy on the Florida Frontier, by A. W. Thompson 10. Holman Versus Hughes: Exten- sian of Australian Common- wealth Powers, by C. Joyer 11. Welfare Economics and Subsidy Programs, by M. Z. Kafoglis 12. Tribune of the Slavophiles: Konstantin Aksakov, by Edw. Chmielewski 13. City Managers in Politics: An Analysis of Manager Tenure and Termination, by G. M. Kammer- er, C. D. Farris, J. M. DeGrove, and A. B. Clubok 14. Recent Southern Economic De- velopment as Revealed by the Changing Structure of Employ- ment, by E. S. Dunn, Jr. 15. Sea Power and Chilean Inde- pendence, by D. E. Worcester 16. The Sherman Antitrust Act and Foreign Trade, by A. Simmons 17. The Origins of Hamilton's Fis- cal Policies, by D. F. Swanson 18. Criminal Asylum in Anglo-Sax- on Law, by C. H. Riggs, Jr. 19. Colonia Barin Hirsch: A Jewish Agricultural Colony in Argen- tina, by M. D. Winsberg 20. Time Deposits in Present-day Commercial Banking, by L. L. Crum 21. The Eastern Greenland Case in Historical Perspective, by 0. Svarlien 22. Jacksonian Democracy and the Historians, by A. A. Cave 23. The Rise of the American Chemistry Profession, 1850-1900, by E. H. Beardsley 24. Aymara Communities and the Bolivian Agrarian Reform, by W. E. Carter 25. Conservatives in the Progres- sive Era: The Taft Republicans of 1912, by N. M. Wilensky 26. The Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries Case of 1951 and the Changing Law of the Territorial Sea, by T. Kobayashi 27. The Liquidity Structure of Firms and Monetary Economics, by W. J. Frazer, Jr. 28. Russo-Persian Commercial Re- lations, 1828-1914, by M. L. Ent- ner 29. The Imperial Policy of Sir Rob- ert Borden, by H. A. Wilson 30. The Association of Income and Educational Achievement, by R. L. Lassiter, Jr. 31. Relation of the People to the Land in Southern Iraq, by F. Baali  r r  ,i 3/  ak.:. w +r 't '7 ". :y_ 'i r '. a a ,.q s, '1 ..~:1 . .i F H a