WOMAN SUFFRAGE :
A NATIONAL DANGER

WOMAN SUFFRAGE:
A NATIONAL

DANGER

By

HEBER HART, LL.D.

WITH

A PREFACE BY

THE RT. HON. LEWIS HARCOURT, M.P.
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR T H E COLONIES

SECOND

EDITION

LONDON :

P. S. K I N G & SON
ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER
1912

PREFACE
is much necessity at the present
time for a careful and calm study of the
main arguments against the extension of the
Parliamentary Franchise to women and
these seem to be admirably and moderately
stated in Mr. Heber Hart's book. It is
now admitted by all practical people that
there is no half-way house at which there
could be more than a temporary sojourn
on the road to Adult Suffrage. This would
mean that the Government of the United
Kingdom would be, so far as they chose
to exercise their powers, in the control
of a majority of women, nor does it seem
reasonable to suppose that the logical
corollary of the admission of women to
Parliament itself could be long or justly
withheld. It is for these, amongst other,
THERE

VI

PREFACE

reasons that many, like myself, believe
that the grant of Female Suffrage would be
disastrous to the country as a whole.
L.

April 17, 1912.^

HARCOURT.

CONTENTS
PART I
PAGE

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS

.

i

PART II
REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE
I.

IT

WOULD

MENT
II
III.

V.
in..

.

.

.

POPULAR

.

.

GOVERN-

.

.

I T WOULD ENDANGER THE EMPIRE
IT

WOULD

RACE
IV.

UNDERMINE

IMPAIR

.

.

I T IS UNNECESSARY

THE

.

.

VITALITY

.

.

.

.

I T WOULD BE USELESS

15
.

OF

THE

.
.

.

ITS EFFECTS WOULD BE GENERALLY BAD

.

31

40

.

- 5 *

.

.66
.

73

viii

CONTENTS
PART III
PAGE

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES
I.

THAT WOMEN HAVE A RIGHT TO THE FRAN-

CHISE
II.

.

.

.

.

A

.

.

THAT

THE

.

SUFFRAGE

COMPLETE STATUS
INDEX

•

.

.

RIGHT

.

THAT TAXATION WITHOUT
IS TYRANNY.

IV.

.

THAT PROPERTY GIVES

FRANCHISE
III.

.

TO

.

89
THE

.

95

REPRESENTATION
.

.

.

IS ESSENTIAL
.

.

.

.

101

TO A
.

109
113

INTRODUCTION
AT the present moment a large proportion of
the people of the United Kingdom are still in a
state of uncertainty as to the merits of the Woman
Suffrage question, and willing to listen to temperate argument on either side. Some, while
they believe that the proposed change would be
an unnecessary evil, are by no means satisfied
as to the sufficiency of the reasons which are
commonly urged against it. On the other hand,
many have been induced to regard it with favour
by the persistent propagation of fallacies and
misstatements which have been too often allowed
to pass current without refutation.
The question is undoubtedly worthy of the
collective consideration of the electors, and it is
devoutly to be hoped that they themselves will
determine in what way it is to be met in this
country. It would, indeed, be deplorable if such
a matter were treated by them with indifference
and left to be dealt with In Parliament according
to the suggestions of party interest or the prompti/ngs of personal ambition.
Under these circumstances it is clear that there
ix

X

INTRODUCTION

is ample scope for further discussion. In the
following pages I have endeavoured to present a
comprehensive statement of the case against
Woman Suffrage arranged in a convenient form.
At the outset the real meaning of the impending
issue is considered ; because the adequate appreciation of its gravity is a condition precedent to
its safe and satisfactory determination. Woman
Suffrage would probably involve Adult Suffrage,
for reasons which are stated at length; while
Adult Suffrage would certainly involve an electorate of which the majority would be women.
It follows that the question which has to be
decided is, whether it is desirable that the government of the British Empire by men should be
superseded, so far as law can provide and nature
will permit, by the government of women.
The reasons why the proposed change ought to
be resisted are next stated in detail. If the arguments which are set forth are well founded,
Woman Suffrage is essentially repugnant to democracy and inconsistent with the free development
and the stability of popular government. If
would jeopardize the Empire and enervate the
Race. Moreover, a review of the present position
of women under the law, in society, and as wageearners, does not reveal any ground for believing
that the suffrage is necessary for their welfare,
or that it would improve their status, or increase^
their happiness. The vast majority of the se^
have never manifested any desire to possess it,'

INTRODUCTION

xi

and no reason of justice or expediency has yet
been adduced why so dangerous a burden should
be thrust upon them.
In the last place, the principal fallacies upon
which the case of the suffragists is rested are
successively examined. It is shown that the
statement that " women have a right to the
suffrage " is nothing more than the expression of
an opinion in a dogmatic form ; that the notion
that " property gives aright to the franchise has
no foundation " either in law or history, and is at
variance with the very nature of civic power and
responsibility; that the proposition that " taxation without representation is tyranny/' in its
historical or constitutional meaning, has no
application to the present controversy, and, when
used in any sense in which it is relevant, is neither
true nor generally accepted ; and finally, that the
idea " that the suffrage is essential to a complete
status " is inconsistent with a due appreciation of
the characteristic features by which Nature has
differentiated the sexes, and the supreme importance of the distinctive functions of women.
I trust that no candid reader will doubt that I
have intended to be fair and endeavoured to be
accurate. My aim has been to assist in the f ormaticn of a sound public opinion upon a question
of the greatest moment, which it may soon become
impracticable to evade by a merely dilatory plea.

PART I
WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS
IF any statute be passed for the extension of
the parliamentary franchise to women—if the
right to vote be given to any of their sex—the
probable and apparently inevitable consequence
will be that women will constitute the majority
of the electorate of the United Kingdom, and be
qualified to sit in the Houses of Parliament and
in the Cabinet. Unless the present electors are
prepared for a revolution such as this, they ought
to refrain from making a constitutional change of
which it would be the natural consummation.
PROPOSED LIMITATIONS OF THE FRANCHISE.

When the agitation for woman suffrage first
attracted attention in this country, and indeed for
many years after, it was very commonly thought
that it would be possible to limit the concession of
the franchise to spinsters and widows who either
owned or occupied property. It was largely in
consequence of the prevalence of this view that
the movement gained ground among people of

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

2

moderate opinions. The contention that the head
of every household should enjoy the franchise,
and that the lady of property should be the civic
equal of her own gardener, was at least plausible.
Had Englishmen from the outset recognized that,
however the franchise may be limited by prescribed qualifications in the first instance, if it is
given to women at all, an electorate consisting of
more women than men must be the result, it may
justly be supposed that the good sense of the
nation would have repelled the movement with
promptitude and decision. The truth of the
matter—that woman suffrage involves adult
suffrage—is now beginning to be generally understood.
Already it is clear that any attempt to discriminate in favour of single as against married
women is doomed to failure. Indeed it is probable
that the foremost advocates of the restricted franchise regarded it from the first merely as a step in
the desired direction. Speaking in the House of
Commons in 1883, Mr. Jacob Bright said: " I
have never concealed my opinion on this subject,
or that of the Women's Suffrage Associations
throughout the kingdom. . . . Their principle is
electoral equality, and when they say that, they
mean that any qualification established by Parliament which gives a vote to a man should give a'
vote to a woman, and they do not ask the question
whether she is married or unmarried.''*
1

Hansard, vol, 281, col. 703,

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS 3
That if women are to vote at all marriage should
involve the forfeiture of the right—that married
women should be treated by the State as if they
were less fitted for political responsibility than
single women—is now very generally seen to be
impracticable. If it is really necessary in the
interests of women or of the State that the opinions
of the sex should be recorded at the polling-booths,
the opinions of women with the fullest experience
as women must clearly be included. Argument
in this connexion is now superfluous, as it is
within the knowledge of every one conversant
with current politics that the enfranchisement of
women as a question of practical interest means
their enfranchisement apart from any consideration of marriage.
The suggested limitation of the suffrage to unmarried women having already gone, it is sufficiently clear that the limitation to women of
property or independent means is destined to
follow. It is true that the present agitation is
largely directed to the vote for women " on the
same terms as men now have it." But no candid
advocate of the movement will pretend that its
supporters do riot propose to insist that any future
extension of the franchise to men shall be accompanied or followed by a similar extension to
women. We are accordingly compelled to consider the probable development of male suffrage.
Now it is a matter of practical certainty that
the suffrage will be extended in the case of men

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
in the near future. Indeed, any reform of the
registration laws, such as for many years has been
contemplated by one of the great political parties,
would amount in effect to a vast extension of the
suffrage. And in view of the programme of- the
present Government it would seem probable that
we shall soon have an electoral system in which
disqualifications in the case of men will alone be
the subject of statutory provisions-—in other
words, a condition of electoral law in which every
man with regard to whom no special reason exists
why he should not vote, will be entitled to the
franchise. Under such circumstances, it will
clearly be impossible to maintain a property or
occupation qualification for women. If it is
right that they should be treated in the same way
as men while a particular qualification is required,
it will be necessary to treat them similarly when
such a qualification has ceased to be a condition
in the case of men. It would indeed be difficult
to suggest a rationale for discrimination then.
It would naturally follow that, inasmuch as the
adult women of the United Kingdom are more
numerous than the men, the female voters would
outnumber the male.
There is, moreover, a further consideration of
which account must be taken in this connexion.
The already existing tendency towards a wider
suffrage would be greatly accelerated by any
admission of women to the electorate. The qualifications required by the present law in the case of

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS 5
men are low enough to form a really democratic
basis for the franchise; but, if extended to
the case of women, they would, in effect, be
sufficiently high to prevent the franchise from
being fairly distributed between the various classes
of the community. It would soon be discovered
that the statutory concession of the suffrage to
women " on the same terms as men now have
it," was largely illusory, and that it had failed to
enfranchise the great mass of working women.
This must follow from the obvious fact that the
number of women who possess means apart from
their husbands is relatively much smaller among
the poorer classes than among the richer.
A consideration of the existing qualifications
will render this clear. A man is entitled to be
registered as a voter (1) if he owns land situated
in a county of the yearly value of £2 or £5 according to the nature of the tenure and estate; or
(2) if he has occupied for twelve months as owner
or tenant lands or tenements of the clear yearly
value of £10 in respect of which rates have been
paid, and, where the occupation is in a borough,
has resided in, or within seven miles of, the
borough for six months; or (3) if he is the inhabitant, occupier or owner, or tenant, of any
dwelling-house, or part of a house separately
occupied as a dwelling, in respect of which rates
have been paid; or (4) if he has resided as a
lodger for twelve months in lodgings of a clear
yearly value, if let unfurnished, of £10.

6

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

What women would possess any of these qualifications ? (i) The ownership franchise would
be obtained only by women of property, whether
married or single, and the wives of men who
chose to convey to them the necessary qualification.
(2) and (3) The occupation or household franchise
would be possessed by many spinsters and widows
of the upper and middle classes, by married
women carrying on business on their own account
or themselves keeping up houses in which their
husbands resided, and by the wives of men paying
a rent of £20 a year and willing to have them
registered as joint occupiers. Some spinsters or
widows of the working classes would possess one
or other of these qualifications, but scarcely any
married women of those classes would possess
either. (4) The man of means would be able if he
chose to qualify his daughter for the lodger franchise. Comparatively few men of the working
classes would be able to qualify their wives by
paying £20, a year for joint lodgings, or their
daughters by assuming the position of their landlords. Moreover the majority of the working
women of England are probably spinsters under
the age of twenty-five and live either with their
employers or their parents. In relatively few
cases do they pay as much as four shillings a week
for rent only. Even in such cases their franchise
would generally be but shortlived : for, on their
marriage, they would, as a rule, cease to have their
former qualification.

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS 7
If the vote is really needed by women their
enfranchisement must be rendered acceptable to
those who believe in the fair representation of
the working classes as well as to the majority of
women themselves. It can be acceptable to neither
so long as the ownership of property, the occupation of tenements or lodgings, or any outward
and visible sign of financial independence is retained as a basis of qualification. If justice or
expediency requires that women should vote upon
terms substantially the same as those upon which
men enjoy the suffrage, the existing qualifications
must be abolished. If women vote at all, a fair
distribution of voting power among the various
classes of the community can be attained only by
adult suffrage.
Many politicians believe that, if a Conservative
Ministry were to pass a measure for the enfranchisement of women on the restricted basis of an
ownership or household qualification, a new barrier
would have been raised against the progress of
democratic movements. In a sense this may be
so. But it is to be remembered that by such an
Act the strength of the attacking forces would
have been greatly increased. Inequalities in the
franchise which can now be excused as accidental
anomalies would have been rendered glaringly
and unmistakably unjust. A new challenge
would have been thrown down to the proletariat
which they would not be slow to take up with
irresistible determination.

8

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

It cannot be said that the view here set forth
has escaped the attention of Liberal politicians.
It is impossible to read the debate which took
place in the House of Commons on March 8,
1907, when Mr. W. H. Dickinson moved the
second reading of his Bill, by which it was
proposed to remove the incapacity of sex or marriage, without perceiving that he and other members on the same side of the House regarded the
proposed measure as only a step—unsatisfactory
in itself—-in the direction of a much wider franchise for both sexes. Indeed the then Prime
Minister, Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, frankly
stated : " He was not particularly enamoured of
this particular Bill. . . . It would enfranchise
a small minority of well-to-do single women. . . .
He would have thought, and, until it was proved
that it was wrong he would think, that all over the
country it would be as he said—it would enfranchise propertied and well-to-do ladies, but it
would not touch to any such degree as was necessary the mass of working women—-working men's
wives." x
Accordingly it is apparently now proposed by
Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Lloyd George to include
married women within the scope of the extended
suffrage, irrespectively of their possession of any
of the qualifications one or other of which has
hitherto been necessary in the case of men. In
1

Parliamentary Debates ; 4th Series, vol. 170, col. 1,111.

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS 9
a letter addressed to Lord Lytton on November
20, 1911, Sir Edward Grey wrote: " I am prepared to support a measure that would enfranchise all the women who would have obtained a
vote under the Conciliation Bill " (a measure
proposing to give votes to women upon the
basis of the household qualification), " and also
married women.'' And Mr. Lloyd George, speaking in Bath on November 24,1911, said : " Now
we have a chance where the road is clear . . . for
the insertion in the Government Bill of an
amendment which would include the working
man's wife. . . . Let us unite on a fair, democratic representation of women."
It is, then, sufficiently evident that, by whatever
party woman suffrage might be instituted, the
Liberal party would be likely to insist upon its
extension either originally, or subsequently, upon
lines which would be very narrowly separated, if
at all, from those of adult suffrage for both sexes.
" Let there at any rate be no misapprehension
as to what we are doing," said Mr. Asquith, speaking in the House of Commons on July 12, 1910.
" In the long run, if you grant the franchise to
women, you will have to grant it on the widest
possible basis . . . and the result will be that you
will have in this country, as at present constituted and as its population is likely to be constituted for a long time to come, a very distinct
majority of women voters." 1
1

Parliamentary Debates, 1910, vol. 19, col. 250.

to

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

In this connexion it is of supreme importance
to bear in mind that an extension of the Parliamentary franchise—which differs in this vital
respect from every other franchise—is in its nature
practically irrevocable by legal means. People
who have been put in possession of the suffrage are
not likely to be willing to consent to its withdrawal ; and, without such consent, it is obvious
that, owing to the balance of parties, revocation
would be impracticable.
WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT

Many people who are in favour of the extension
of the suffrage to women are nevertheless strongly
opposed to their admission to Parliament. They
appear to overlook the fact that a member of
the House of Commons is constrained, in matters
which his constituents regard as of special importance, to give effect to their wishes ; and that, for
this reason, it is really a matter of much greater
moment whether women shall vote than whether
they shall be eligible for election. But, in any
case, it is well to emphasize the point that, if
women are given the suffrage, it is as certain as
anything dependent upon future action can be
that they will be made capable of sitting in either
House of Parliament.
Frankly considered, the matter does not admit
of serious doubt. No good reason could be urged
against their admission to Parliament which would

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS it
not have been in effect negatived by their admission to the franchise. If they are fit for the
latter, they must be fit for the former. What
justice or expediency demands in the one case, is
no less demanded in the other. But, even if it were
not so, the reason for distinction, however good,
would not be likely to prevail. The constitutional power to secure the enactment of any law
they pleased would have passed into the hands of
women. From ten to twelve millions of women
would be voters—voters by reason of the fact that
the notion of the justice and propriety of political
equality between the sexes had submerged all
conflicting or inconsistent theories or sentiments.
Many of them would be engaged in the organization and public discussion which the intelligent
and effective exercise of the franchise involves.
No one, moreover, who has lived through the last
few years can doubt that not a few of them would
be ambitious of political distinction. Those who
had toiled with unremitting zeal, and patiently
endured adversity on behalf of their movement,
could not reasonably be expected to submit
with unwonted quietness to their exclusion from
the chief arena of full political activity. Admission
to the polling-booth may be well enough—for
others. To the keen political leader personally it
is nothing. Nor is it likely that those who had
supported their leaders until the main defences of
male ascendency had fallen, and the remainder
were at their mercy, would fall away before their

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
banner was floating in triumph from the very
citadel of political power.
By a similar process of reasoning it becomes
evident that, if women were admitted to Parliament, it would be necessary to render them eligible
for executive offices and for seats in the Cabinet.
That the extension of the franchise to women
would involve their admission to Parliament and
the Ministry was pointed out by Mr. Gladstone in
1892. Writing with reference to a Bill then before
the House of Commons, he observed that it proposed simply to place women on the same footing
as men in regard to the suffrage, and proceeded:
" So much for what the Bill enacts : now for what
it involves, and involves in the way of fair and
rational, and therefore of morally necessary, consequence. For along time we drew a distinction
between competency to vote and competency to sit
in Parliament. But long before our electorate
had attained to the present popular proportions,
this distinction was felt to involve a palpable inconsistency, and accordingly it died away. It
surely cannot be revived : and, if it cannot be
revived, then the woman's vote carries with it,
whether by the same Bill or by a consequential
Bill, the woman's seat in Parliament. . . . Capacity to sit in the House of Commons now legally
and practically draws in its train capacity to fill
every office in the State. . . . Is there here . . .
a principle, adequate to show that, when capacity
to sit in Parliament has been established, the

WHAT WOMAN SUFFRAGE MEANS 13
title to discharge executive and judicial duty can
be withheld ? Tried by the test of feeling the distinction would be offensive. . Would it stand better
under the laws of logic ? It would stand still
worse, if worse be possible/' 1
THE REAL QUESTION

It is of supreme importance that in this matter
there should be no misapprehension. The question which falls for decision is not whether a
limited number of women possessing a definite
qualification should be permitted to record votes
at parliamentary elections. In truth, the present
electorate have to decide whether every distinction
between man and woman so far as regards constitutional right and capacity is to be obliterated
—whether the government of the British Empire
by men is to be superseded, so far as law can
provide and nature will permit by the government
of women—whether, indeed, the nation is to embark upon a revolution more radical, far-reaching
and momentous than any which has been recorded
by history.
Nor is this all. That if the supposed new order of
things were established, women would give much
of their time, energy, and attention to politics
and the state, cannot be doubted. It necessarily
follows that they would give less than hitherto to
the affairs of private life and to the home. Family
1

Letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, M.P., dated April n , 1892,

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
ties would, in many cases, be eschewed as encumbrances : in still more would the duties of the
home be relegated to a position of secondary
importance.
Non omnia ftossunius omnes. Men can neither
rear children nor make homes. In proportion
to the extent to which these offices are declined by
women, the race must fail and the State must fall.

PART II
REASONS AGAINST WOMAN
SUFFRAGE
I
IT WOULD UNDERMINE POPULAR
GOVERNMENT
IT is impossible to give to women a suffrage
really similar to that which is now vested in men.
The proposed extension of the Parliamentary
franchise would necessarily involve an alteration
in its nature and efficacy. This alteration would
undermine the Constitution.
THE NECESSITY OF GOVERNMENT

It is probable that the proportion of human
affairs which is controlled or regulated by public
opinion, morality and religion, is steadily increasing, while the domain of law and sovereignty
becomes relatively less important. Government
of some kind, however, is still a matter
of practical necessity, and it is difficult, if not
impossible, to conceive a state of society in which
15

16

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

it would be wholly superfluous. So long as
human nature remains substantially what it now
is, the advantages of the external controlling
authority of a sovereign body are likely to be
real and apparent to all.
THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT

There is an essential and well recognized difference between sovereignty and influence ; government and guidance ; command and exhortation ;
law and advice. An individual or a body are
sovereign, or govern, if, and only in so far as, they
are able to compel obedience to their ordinances—
the power which they are known or believed to
possess must be such as to constrain the community to compliance. In order that a rule of
conduct may be a law, there must be the power
on the part of an executive authority to enforce
its provisions or punish the breach of them. However good the rule, unless the sanction exists, there
are always some who will infringe it. The legal
character is therefore still necessary to the regulations of a well ordered community.
It follows, therefore, that government, by
reason of its nature, necessarily rests upon force.
This may easily be overlooked as long as attention
is directed only to the legislative aspect of
sovereignty. But, when the executive functions
of the State are considered, the truth is seen to
be prominent and unmistakable. It becomes

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 17
clear that nothing can be a command of a sovereign
authority, or a law, unless it is known to the
citizens that the effective power of the State will
be exerted, as far as necessary, in order to overcome any resistance which may be encountered.
Men do not, in fact, advert to the power upon
which law and government depend every time
they comply with their legal obligations, any
more than they think of gravitation whenever they
stand or walk. We assimilate the idea of the
necessity of deference to human authority almost
as soon as we learn the necessity of the regulated
effort which is required in order to adjust our
bodies to the exigencies of physical conditions.
Thereafter we take both for granted. The latter,
while sane, we can indeed never doubt. The
former will only be questioned, in the case of an established government and a civilized community,
under circumstances of an exceptional character.
In ordinary times the existence of the policeman and the sheriffs officer sufficiently remind
even the froward of the practical necessity of
avoiding overt conflict with " the powers that be."
These functionaries are by no means invariably
persons of extraordinarily noble or impressive
bearing. But while in the execution of their
duty, it is known to all that they are supported
in the background by the majesty and the might
of the armies and the fleets, and indeed of the
overwhelming majority of the able-bodied men,
c

18

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

of Great Britain. The efficiency of the officer of
the law depends in the last resort upon the irresistible force of those who employ him. The driver
of a vehicle does not review these considerations
every time he defers to the outstretched arm of
the constable. But the history of every civil commotion clearly shows that if men doubt the
power of the established government—the coincidence of legal right and physical force—when
their feelings are deeply stirred by some crisis in
the national life, civil disorder, revolution and
anarchy follow in natural progression.
Those who have not studied the nature of
sovereignty and political society may, perhaps
not unnaturally, find something strange and
repugnant in the proposition that in the matter
of Government we are still dependent upon
physical power. It is, of course, true that mind
and conscience to a large extent, and in a very
true sense, now rule the world. Nevertheless the
fact remains that, so far as they act by, and
through, legislatures and laws, kings or ministries,
it is, and must be, by virtue of the control of
physical force. Indeed in this respect the individual is analogous to the body politic. We all
realize that the mind rules the body, yet no one
would dispute that the life of the body, as a body,
is absolutely dependent upon the muscular force
which circulates the blood.
So long then as government continues, its essential and distinguishing characteristic must be the

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 19
possession of the power to make itself obeyed in
the event of resistance to its mandates.
THE NATURE OF THE SUFFRAGE

Voting is at present the conventional mode of
ascertaining who in fact have the power of enforcing their will upon the rest of the community.
At the same time it conveys to them the legal
title to the administration of the sovereign
government.
In every country it has to be determined in some
way or other who are to govern. Those who can
control the greater part of the power of the community can always govern if they please. No
Government can continue to exist after it has
ceased to control such power unless the citizens
are not aware of its actual position, or do not
care to take the trouble to displace it from office.
Accordingly, it is of the greatest importance that
there should be a method of ascertaining, with as
little inconvenience as possible, what Government
can command the support of those who possess
the greater part of the power of the State. Fighting it out is the worst possible method. Voting
is the best which has been discovered hitherto.
The majority of the men in Great Britain have
the physical power of enforcing their will upon the
minority. Most people understand that this is so.
In order, therefore, to establish a Government
which will be obeyed readily by all, it is only

20

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

necessary to ascertain what Government the
majority desire. This is done by elections. A
vote is the means by which the elector gives effect
to that share of the sovereign power of the State
which he enjoys by nature and which the Franchise Acts recognize by law.
The minority obey the laws passed by the
representatives of the majority, not because they
like them, or because they respect the opinion of
those representatives, but because they are
obliged to do so. If they refused obedience, the
majority, through the executive branch of the
Government would lock them up, or compel them
to submit in some other disagreeable way. This
is understood by every one, because the voting
not only places certain men in the position of
rulers: it shows that they have the power,
as well as the legal right, to compel others to
obey.
The belief on the part of the people that the
physical force of the State is effectively controlled
by the King, Lords, and Commons, or, to use
modern language, by the Cabinet and its Parliamentary majority, is renewed from time to time
by a general election. Even when the counting
of the votes does not make it clear that one
party is so much stronger than the other as to be
able to enforce its will, any idea of appealing to the
arbitrament of physical contest is excluded from
contemplation. The fact that, generally speaking,
there is a probability that the party placed

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 21
in the legal possession of office have the actual
physical superiority has engendered a habit of
unquestioning deference to the decisions of Parliament. Such deference is, moreover, rendered
easy by the consideration that, when the normal
correspondence between legal authority and
actual power does not exist, the condition is
accidental, and capable of constitutional rectification at an ensuing election. Moreover, those
who recognize that their party is in a minority can
always console themselves by the chance of
turning the tables upon their opponents at a
future election. For the fact that elections are
held every few years enables people to give
effect to changes in their minds.
STABILITY OF THE CONSTITUTION

In this way the peace and good order of the
community are secured: legal sovereignty and
the administration of law are rendered so
thoroughly unoppressive to the average citizen
that he scarcely ever realizes that subjection
which, in reality, secures to him his civil liberty.
The right of voting enjoyed by men is a power
which maintains itself. The people as a whole
are in the habit of deferring to the decision of the
electorate because, speaking generally, it never
occurs to any one that it would be possible to
resist, it. The sovereign authority as regulated
and sanctioned by law is recognized by the com-

22

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

munity as the authority which is truly sovereign
in fact. The right of participating in the selection
of the body in whom the legal power of the State
shall for a time reside is real and effective, because
it corresponds generally with the natural power
and capacity of the elector. Accordingly, at the
present time, the body politic is in a condition of
stable equilibrium.
Where the legal sovereignty in a State does nqt
rest upon the physical power of the community
such a condition of equilibrium is impossible.
The truth of this matter is obscured in Great
Britain by the pre-eminent success of our political
institutions. In a Continental country it is
easier to realize that a Government which should
not be believed to control the physical force of
the community would be merely a Government
on sufferance, and could continue to exist as a
Government only to the extent to which government as such should be unnecessary.
WHY

WOMEN'S

VOTES WOULD DIFFER
MEN'S

FROM

It follows from these facts that the value of the
vote depends upon the voter. If the average
voter did not possess a proportionate share of the
power or force of the community, his vote could
not have the decisive effect which it has now. If
the majority of the electors were so weak that
anybody could see that they had not sufficient
strength to enforce the decisions of their repre-

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 23
sentatives, it is quite clear that the minority
would not be obliged to obey those decisions any
longer than they pleased.
If votes were given to women, a vote would no
longer be the same thing as it is now. There are
more women than men in the country, and therefore, in the long run, the majority of the voters
would be women. But the average woman does
not possess a share of the power of the community
anything like equal to that enjoyed by the average
man. On the contrary, the power of women
to compel the obedience of others by physical
force is not only less than that of men, but is,
comparatively speaking, almost negligible. It
follows that if the suffrage were granted to
women, the majority of votes cast at an election
would bear no ascertainable relation to physical
power. The nature of the vote would have been
essentially changed. Instead of being the expression of the will of a unit of power, it would
have become the expression of an opinion to
which certain consequences were artificially
attached by law. Physical power and legal right
would no longer be commensurate. The right
would not comprehend the power, nor the power
maintain the right. Democratic institutions
would no longer be self-supported. It would
never be certain that the legal repositories of
power were in actual possession of predominant
force. The vote would cease to be the last word
in civil contention, because it would no longer

24

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

reveal the ultimate truth of sovereignty, government, and law.
Of course women would not all vote upon the
same side. Nor is it necessary to suggest that
they would commonly vote differently from their
male relatives. The important considerations
are that more women would vote upon one side
than upon the other, and—as the party defeated
at the polls would probably not be slow to suspect
—that the majority might relatively consist of
more votes cast by women than the minority.
Some questions, moreover, will probably be regarded by women in a manner somewhat peculiar
to their sex. As examples of these one may refer
to issues of peace and war, the conditions of
female labour, the closing of public-houses, and
ecclesiastical policy.
It might, therefore, very easily happen that a
Ministry^who had been placed in office by a
majority of votes were not really so strong as
their opponents. In ordinary times this would
very likely not be discovered, and, even if it were,
perhaps no one would concern himself about it.
But some day, when men's feelings were deeply
stirred and their passions ran high (as was the case
during the early days of the Home Rule controversy and of the South African War) it would
be different. The^men of the party defeated at
the polls would befsorely tempted not to submit
quietly if they believed they were really being
controlled by women.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 25
Suppose, for example, that while we were engaged in a great war a Government in favour of
making peace were placed in office, although the
majority of the male citizens were anxious to
continue hostilities. Is it not probable that in
such an event deplorable confusion, disorder and
calamity would ensue ? Or suppose that at any
time a majority of votes were cast in favour of a
policy of war while the majority of men were
against it- In what a ridiculous position we should
then be! It is quite true that women are not
likely to be in favour of war for its own sake.
Very few people are. But women are by no
means specially unlikely to approve a policy
which, if pursued, would result in war. And let
us take one other illustration of another kind.
Suppose a law were passed to close all publichouses, although the majority of the male voters
were opposed to such a measure. Under such
circumstances would not the Act provoke widespread resistance, and be extensively disobeyed ?
Would not attempts to enforce it frequently
occasion serious riots and tumults ?
THE DANGER TO THE CONSTITUTION

It seems to follow that, although the grant of
woman's suffrage would not be likely to cause any
immediate catastrophe, it would involve a gradual
change in men's way of regarding the franchise,
as well as a fundamental change in the nature of
the franchise itself. Such changes would tend

26

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

to place the body politic in a condition of unstable
equilibrium. The possibility of looking behind
the decision of the electorate would naturally
lead to a decline in the prestige of the House of
Commons. This in turn would involve corresponding increase in the powers of the Crown and
the House of Lords. Indeed, it does not seem
extravagant to imagine that the Upper House
might come to be regarded as the most reliable
exponent of the real views and feelings of the manhood of the nation. We have, then, to consider
the probable sequence of events in a period of
grave crisis, such as occurs from time to time in
the life of every great community, when reason
is supplanted by passion and the institutions of
the State are strained to the utmost. Can it
be doubted that unconstitutional assumption of
authority and the development of personal
government would be facilitated by the unnatural
separation of legal right from physical power ?
We must bear in mind that, if the decision of
Parliament were once resisted successfully, the
entire Constitution would be strained and weakened. Popular government itself would be undermined. Respect for law, which hitherto has
contributed so powerfully to our national prosperity, would be most grievously impaired. These
things have to be considered, as well as the strife,
bloodshed, and cruelty which generally accompany forcible resistance to legally constituted
authority.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 27
The mere fact that the majority of the voters
were unable themselves to give effect to their own
votes would necessarily introduce an element
of uncertainty and instability into our political
life. The Constitution would no longer rest
securely upon the strength of those by whom its
movements were controlled. It might, indeed,
remain long in a condition of unstable equilibrium;
but the risk of an agitation sufficient to produce a
catastrophic disturbance would be ever present.
The existence of a standing army and navy to a
certain extent qualifies the literal accuracy of the
theory which is here put forward. But the
qualification, though worthy of being noted, in
no way impairs or affects the practical value of the
argument. The necessity of making allowance
for disturbing influences is commonly necessary
in the application of any kind of principle or even
of a physical law. The existence of paid military
forces upon a permanent basis has been generally
recognized by English statesmen of Whig or
Liberal opinions as an excrescence upon the
Constitution which could be justified only in so
far as necessary for protection against external
enemies. No doubt in the past such forces have
sometimes been used to support the established
Government against domestic disorder. But
nobody would now wish that Englishmen should
be constrained to policies or laws of which the
majority disapproved by the intervention of
professional military violence. Nor in the long

28

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

run would it be possible for such intervention to
be successful. As the nation advances in general
intelligence and prosperity, homogeneity of interests and feelings becomes more and more
complete. In law and, under normal circumstances, in fact also, the army and navy are controlled by the Cabinet. But, apart from a
revolution so dangerous as to jeopardize the
Empire and lay it at the mercy of foreigners, it is
inconceivable that they should be employed
to any considerable extent against the male
majority of the nation. If, indeed, a government were to attempt so to employ them—
whatever the emergency—it is probable that the
ties of military allegiance would very generally
be dissolved. By virtue of the long reign of the
Common Law, soldiers do not constitute in this
country a privileged order, separated from the
duties or excluded from the sentiments of ttie
rest of the community; they do not lose their
sense of citizenship and common interest with
civilians; like the rest of the nation they differ
among themselves in political opinions and prejudices ; and in any supreme crisis of internecine
strife they would probably be found dispersed
among the contending factions in the State.
Nor must it be forgotten that the proportion of
able-bodied men, who, at any given time, will be
serving in the territorial army, or associated with
it and acquainted with the use of arms and
military discipline by reason of past service in its

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 29
ranks, is likely to increase indefinitely. It is,
accordingly, from every point of view, reasonably
certain that government by women cannot rest
upon the Imperial Forces of the State. 1
THE CONCLUSION OF THE MATTER

There is, accordingly, a necessary and essential
difference between votes for men and votes for
women. When a man votes he shows how he
would, if occasion arose, exercise his corresponding share of the physical power of the
State. If a woman voted she would express
kn opinion which she would have no corresponding power to enforce. Her vote would count as
ijnuch in the election as the vote of a man. But,
ijinlike him, she could not enforce her own vote.
faer vote, therefore, would not be finally decisive.
jit would depend upon the disposition of the men
whether they would give effect to it or not.
Men must rule because they are the stronger.
{At present they rule by means of votes. If
fwomen had votes it would not enable them to
1
Mr. John H. Burton, in an article in the United Service
Magazine (August 1901) entitled " Suffrage and Service"
and in letters to the press, has urged that the franchise should
be made dependent upon military service. I t does not seem
likely that any suggestion of this kind will be adopted in the
immediate future. But, in view of the historical considerations referred to in Part III., section II., and of the trend of
modern ideas upon national defence, it is perhaps not extravagant to suppose that the connexion between the bearing of
arms and the suffrage may ultimately become so close as to
form a practical basis for their legal correlation.

30

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

rule, though it would prevent men ruling by
means of votes. Men would still rule ; but they
would have to do so in some other way. At
present our voting system secures to us peace at
home and respect abroad. It renders the very
idea of resistance to the law absurd. Every
one knows that votes are realities; that they correspond to the facts of human nature, and that they
attest the power of the electors who record them.
If women are given the right to vote, the character
of the vote itself will be changed, and its unique
value lost. An artificial element will be introduced into our voting system which will endanger
the future of government by the people.
Englishmen have so long been in the habit of
settling their disputes by voting that the franchise has assumed, in our minds, the dignity of an
institution which is part of the national life, and
above and beyond all inquiry as to its antecedents
or present character. It has come to be regarded
as an end in itself—a thing of inherent virtue for
the removal of social grievances. It is time to
remember that the efficacy of the vote depends
ultimately on the voter. At present the franchise
is the vital part of the Constitution, by which the
strength of the political system is maintained
and secured. We cannot convert that franchise
into an artificial institution, resting upon law
rather than upon nature for its support, without
involving the future of representative government in uncertainty and danger.

II
IT WOULD ENDANGER THE EMPIRE
ANY measure for the extension of the franchise
to women would involve immediately a very
large increase in the number of voters. It has
been already shown that there are strong grounds
for believing that it would lead ultimately to
an electorate of which women would constitute
the majority. The legislature of the United
Kingdom is the Imperial Parliament of the
British commonwealth and dominions. Accordingly the proposed change cannot safely or
properly be regarded as primarily a matter of
class or sex interest in this country. The question
of its probable effect upon the imperial position of
Great Britain is the supreme consideration for
men and women alike.
THE HAZARD OF EXPERIMENT

Up to the present time no light has been
thrown upon this subject by the experience of
any other State. The case of a Gieat Power is
different, not only in degree, but in kind, from
81

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
that of a subordinate community such as a
British Colony, or a State of the North American
Union, or a minor State like Norway, whose
integrity is guaranteed. The communities in
which women now vote have no imperial policy
at all. Their foreign relations, if any, are of a
comparatively circumscribed character. The
matters which the electors have to decide, however important they may be from the point of
view of the citizens themselves, are not vital to
their corporate existence. If a mistake is made,
there is a place for repentance. The folly of a
season does not irrevocably prejudice the existence
or safety of the community : because the issues
decided at the polls do not, in practice, involve its
status in relation to the world at large.
It is, indeed, true in the case of a Great Power
also, that the vast majority of the questions
which have to be decided at elections, including
even those which are generally considered as the
most important issues for the time being, are
not critical in relation to the international position
of the State. Experiments in such matters, for
example, as education, poor law reform, the
licensing of public-houses, the relations of Church
and State, or the distribution of taxation, even
if they should prove to have been rash, do not
involve normally the safety of the Commonwealth. On the other hand, although the delay
of appropriate reforms may cost the citizens
much, both in character and in estate, it is not

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 33
fatal to their corporate existence. But, in
addition to the ordinary questions of domestic
legislation and administration, the citizens of a
Great Power are, from time to time, confronted
with issues which stand in an entirely different
category. Questions of imperial or foreign
policy arise—sometimes with startling suddenness
—as to which the possibility of experiment is
altogether excluded. Upon the decision may
depend peace or war, the closer union or the disintegration of the Empire, or the condition of the
resources of the State in a struggle for existence.
A mistaken policy in such a case—the panic or
the indecision of an hour—may easily involve a
permanent descent to a lower plane of international life. Illustrations are unnecessary here,
as they are among the leading features of the
records of history. It is sufficient to say that,
in the case of a Great Power, mistakes in its
internal policy, except when they affect the
distribution of the sovereign power, are generally
remediable, whereas serious errors in its imperial
or foreign policy, are in their nature apt to be
attended by more or less permanent disaster.
Accordingly the British nation cannot afford
to incur any unnecessary risk of mistakes on the
part of its Parliament, or the Executive which
is dependent upon it, in imperial or foreign affairs.
A foolish war, an unwise peace, an embarrassing
alliance, a wrong attitude towards a colony or
any of the constituent races, or a want of fore-

34

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

sight in preparing for supreme emergencies,
might cause in our case, as they have done in
others, a permanent loss of imperial and international position.
It will be generally admitted that one of the
gravest difficulties of the statesmen of a democratic country is to secure the steady and patient
support of the electorate for a consistent and
far-seeing policy in international affairs, and with
regard to the defences of the Empire. Upon the
whole, it is a matter for legitimate satisfaction,
and perhaps for some astonishment, that, in this
respect, our own statesmen succeed as well as they
in fact do. None the less we appreciate the
reality of the danger of those waves of feeling
which occasionally threaten to submerge the
ordinary good,sense and sober reasoning of the
electorate. Moreover, the large body of pendulous voters—the men of no strong party ties who
so largely determine the fate of Ministries by
transferring their support from time to time to the
party in opposition—already constitute a sufficiently varying and uncertain element in political
life, which has constantly to be regarded with a
cautious eye.
Does it not, accordingly, lie upon the advocates
of Woman Suffrage to assure us, by far more
cogent arguments than have hitherto been forthcoming, that it would be safe to entrust the
decision of those questions upon which our
imperial future depends to an electorate, which

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 35
certainly would not be so well informed, and
probably would not be so stable as the present ?
Would it not obviously be rash to hazard so
great a matter upon an incalculable, or at all
events uncalculated, chance ?
In this connexion it may be useful to refer to
certain subjects with regard to which our policy
in the immediate future must necessarily be
attended with consequences of the greatest
importance.
THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

Thoughtful electors must often study the
relations of the United Kingdom to India with
not inconsiderable anxiety. The testimony of a
succession of trusted administrators, both in
Calcutta and at the India Office, must have fully
convinced most unbiassed and attentive minds,
that our duty to the unnumbered millions of that
land can be fulfilled only if we are prepared to
persevere in a strictly masculine way of dealing
with the situation there. Sentimentality, uninformed sympathies, the generalizations of inexperience, and an undiscerning enthusiasm for
Western institutions, must be excluded from
effective operation. The whole case is, as it
were, the touchstone of British Democracy.
We feel that we ought to sustain the burden of our
magnificent inheritance, but we know that this
is possible only so long as Englishmen are prepared to encounter difficulties and submit to

36

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

sacrifices with an unflinching front. In these
circumstances it seems clear that it is a condition
of our retention of India that it should be ruled
by men, and according to the ideas of men.
Can it, indeed, be believed that if the natives
learned that they were really ruled by women,
the British Raj would be as much respected as it
now is ?
RELATIONS WITH GERMANY

It is generally agreed that we must recognize
in this Power a formidable rival. The politics
and the commerce of the Germans are in the hands
of men. The tone and character of the nation, in
its public life, are eminently virile. It is of the
highest importance that we should avoid disastrous conflict or friction with such a people, and
at the same time maintain our own ground. We
must neither tempt them by our weakness nor
irritate them by panic. Can it be seriously contended that, in this matter, our hands would be
strengthened by the admission of women to the
electorate ?
IMPENDING ISSUES

Would it, indeed, be truly manly in any sense
to leave women to decide between Free Trade
and Protection; what form the future Government of Ireland shall take ; the extent to which
able-bodied men shall be encouraged or compelled
to undergo military training; or the number of

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 37
warships which shall be built in the immediate
future ?
The polite conventions of civilized society relegate
many important truths to positions of comparative obscurity. The ingrained chivalry of every
good man whose mind has received the impression
of the personality of a good mother is a fertile
source of generous and even romantic sentiment.
Yet to candid and observant enquirers it must in
the long run become apparent that, of the women
of this country who are adequately discharging
maternal and other home functions, the overwhelming majority have not a sufficient knowledge
of Imperial affairs to be able to decide them with
safety to the commonwealth. Both the taste and
the opportunity for acquiring political information
are generally wanting.
The present position of women as regards
political knowledge and wisdom is not accidental;
nor is it, in its nature, temporary. So long as they
are rearing an Imperial race it is inconceivable
that their method of life should afford them the
means of voting wisely to the same degree as these
are afforded by the life of men.
The more detailed examination of the relative
aptitude of women and men for political affairs
may conveniently be postponed to Section VI.
of the present Part.
THE SUPREME REASON FOR CAUTION

Some forty years ago, many clever and influ-

38

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

ential men seemed bent upon disseminating the
idea that England would, before a very long period
had elapsed, necessarily decline into a position
similar to that of Holland, while the supreme
greatness of the future would rest with the United
States of America. And, even now, after the events
of the intervening time have done so much to dissipate this blighting fatalism, there are still Britons
who apparently contemplate a future in which
the citizens of this country will be emancipated
from all ambitions beyond the simple life of a
bungalow and a neatly-trimmed allotment, and
contented in the assurance of an adequate supply
of vegetables and milk. If such things are, indeed,
what the future has in store, it may be that the
duty of Great Britain to maintain its Empire
cannot be urged successfully as a reason why
women should not vote.
But if, on the other hand, it is not certain that
we have passed into decadence—if it is possible
that Britain may yet enjoy a still greater sphere
of usefulness in the economy of the nations than
it has ever hitherto attained—we ought to deliberate carefully and long ere we incur a great and
needless risk. For the purpose of the present
argument, it is not necessary for those who oppose
woman suffrage to maintain that no woman ought
ever to have a vote in England. A hundred years
hence circumstances may have altered in ways
which cannot now be foreseen. It is sufficient,
for the time being, to say that we had better

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 39
wait—at all events until some other Gr^at Power
has tried the experiment successfully. We may
well feel confident that Englishwomen would be
able to hold their own with credit in their relations
with any others of their sex, and at the same time
doubt the expediency or generosity of exposing
them to rivalry and conflict with Great Powers
dominated by foreign men.

Ill
IT WOULD IMPAIR THE VITALITY OF
THE RAGE
THE concession to women of the right to vote—
with all that it involves—would apparently tend
to promote the assimilation of the vocations,
habits and interests of the sexes to a degree inconsistent with the full vitality of the race.
Woman suffrage would be followed by racial
decadence.
THE IDEAL

There is undoubtedly something very fascinating in the modern ideal of complete equality
between the sexes and the close assimilation of
their education, pursuits and habits. It is interesting to watch the barriers of ancient custom
and beliefs giving way before the liberality and
fearlessness of an educated nation. New pleasures
are added to ordinary life as the camaraderie
between the sexes becomes more complete, and
the mutual understanding of similarly developed
minds more thorough. Moreover, " the advantage of doubling the mass of mental faculties
40

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 41
available for the higher service of humanity " x
would seem undoubtedly great. In view of considerations such as these it would be matter for
surprise if the " woman movement" did not, in
fact, attract many of the liner spirits of the time.
But if the nearer we approach to the realization
of the ideal—to the dazzling goal of perfect equality
between the sexes—the fewer our numbers become : if the luxury of the complete emancipation
of women from the narrow life of the family and
the home, can only be attained at the cost of the
decline of the race, it must be admitted that
there is another side to the question. For it
would at least seem matter for regret that the
British race should fail before a better is ready to
sustain the moral hegemony of the nations.
We ought therefore carefully to consider
whether there is in fact good reason for believing
that woman suffrage would conduce to a degree
of assimilation between the sexes dangerous to the
race itself.
At first sight it may appear reasonable to suppose that the enjoyment by a woman of the right
of going once in every few years to a polling-booth
would have no appreciable effect upon her domestic or social position. The act of voting is transient, and its effect upon the voter impalpable.
The possession of the franchise would, however,
involve a change in the attitude of women to
public life. That many women would desire
1

Mill's Subjection of Women, 2nd edn. [1869], p. 153.

42

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

political offices, and that countless numbers of
them would tend more and more to become interested in political affairs, is almost certainly true.
The extension of the franchise would, therefore,
set up a constant stream of tendency away from
family interests and in the direction of a larger
public life. The suffrage would be the outward
and visible sign that, for the interest of women,
the State had become a competitor with the
home—that the character of wife, mother, sister, or
daughter, was being gradually submerged by that
of the citizen. It must not be forgotten that the
movement in favour of political equality has been
the central feature of the " woman's rights"
agitation, and that its success would involve, as
has been indicated above,1 the legal power on the
part of the sex to readjust every human relationship in conformity with their own ideas.
Is there, then, reason to believe that the complete success of the feminist movement, or, indeed^
the assimilation of the sexes beyond some undefined degree, would involve the gradual disappearance of the people among whom it should occur
in favour of others of a more robust and natural
type?
THE WRITING ON THE WALL

The movement in the direction of the assimilation of the sexes has been in full vigour in this
country only for a period of about forty years.
1

At p. I I supra.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 43
Yet already a tendency to a diminution in the
fertility of the race has become apparent.
The Registrar-General of Births, Deaths and
Marriages, in his report for the year 1909,1 says:
" In proportion to the total population of both
sexes and all ages, the total births were equal to a
rate of 25-6 per 1000 living; this rate was o«g
per 1000 less than that recorded in 1908, and was
no less than 2-2 per 1000 below the average of the
low rates in the ten years 1899-1908. In the
year 1876 the birth-rate in this country attained
the highest point on record, viz., 36*3 per 1000
living, since which date the ratio has, with a few
insignificant exceptions, fallen year by year . . .
Calculated on the total population, the fall in the
birth-rate in the period under review " (i.e., 18761909) " amounted to 27^- per cent/' (p. xxvi.)
" The natural increase, or excess of crude
birth-rate over crude death-rate, is seen . . .
to have fallen from 14-56 per 1000 living in the
quinquennium 1876-1880 to n-08, the lowest
figure on record, in the year 1909. Should the
birth-rate continue to decrease, it is to be feared
that the diminution in natural increase may
become accelerated, as the comparatively low
death-rates now attained offer less scope than
formerly for compensation in this direction/'
(p. xxxvi.)
The Registrar-General observes that the fact is
1

This Report is the latest available at the time of going to
press.

44

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

" significant that at the last Census period, 1900-02,
the fertility of English wives was lower than that
recorded in any European country except France/'
(p. xxxi.) He further points out that " taking as
a standard the average crude birth-rate recorded
in England and Wales in the quinquennium
1901-05, viz. 28-1 per 1000, it will be seen that
twelve Continental countries had rates above,
and only three (Belgium, Sweden, and France)
had rates below this standard/' (p. ex.)
Statistics which have been issued provisionally
since the date of the Report from which we have
been quoting, bring the record down to the present
time. " The birth-rate in England and Wales
in 1910 was 24*8 per 1000 of the population,
which is 0*8 per 1000 below the rate in 1909,
and lower than the rate in any other year "
then " on record. Compared with the average
in the ten years 1900-1909, the birth-rate in 1910
showed a decrease of 2-7 per 1000." (Quarterly
Return dated 26th January, 1911.) " The birthrate in England and Wales in 1911 was 24-4 per
1000 of the population, which is 0-7 per 1000
below the rate in 1910, and lower than the rate in
any other year on record. Compared with the
average in the ten years 1901-1910, the birthrate in 1911 showed a decrease of 2-8 per 1000."
(Quarterly Return dated 26th January, 1912.)
We hear much of Australasia in connexion
with its adoption of the policy of Woman Suffrage.
In so young a community, with its practically

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 45
boundless area, we might reasonably have expected the most cheering statistics of racial
increase. Yet, in the Report already quoted, it is
stated, in reference to the number of persons
married annually in proportion to the total
number of marriageable persons, during the period
1880-1902 : " I n New Zealand and in the Australian Commonwealth a serious decrease in the
marriage-rate is apparent, being no less than
16 per cent, in New South Wales, 23 per cent, in
Queensland, and 35 per cent, in South Australia/'
(p. cix.) And, comparing the average crude
birth-rates in the quinquennium 1901-05 with
those recorded twenty years earlier (1881-85), the
Registrar-General says: " I t will be seen . . .
among the Australasian Colonies the decline
ranged from 12 per cent, in Western Australia
to 36 per cent, in South Australia." (ex.)
From statistics such as these, it would not be
extravagant to infer that there has been a close
connexion between the woman movement and the
decline of the birth-rate. This inference is strongly
corroborated by the testimony of history.
Speaking of the revolution which was accomplished in the modes of life among the Romans by
Greek influences of the sixth century (A.U.C.),
the historian Mommsen says 1 :—"The emancipation of women began. . . . Now women
began to aspire to independence in respect to
1

Dickson*$ Translation^ vol. ii., p. 432,

46

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

property. . . . In like manner the family jurisdiction over women . . . became practically
more and more antiquated. Even in public matters women already began to have a will of their
own and occasionally, as Cato thought, ' to rule
the rulers of the world'; their influence might
be traced in the comitia and already statues
were erected in the provinces to Roman ladies."
Later on, speaking of the time of Julius Csesar,
Mommsen says *:—" An equally characteristic
feature in the brilliant decay of this period was
the emancipation of women. In an economic
point of view the women had long since made
themselves independent. . . . But it was not
merely from the economic guardianship of father
or husband that women felt themselves emancipated/ ' And, after referring to the gaieties of
the world of quality, he proceeds :—" There the
ladies held absolute sway ; but they were by no
means content with this domain which rightfully
belonged to them ; they also acted as politicians,
appeared in party conferences and took part with
their money and their intrigues in the wild coterieproceedings of the time. Any one who beheld
these female statesmen performing upon the
stage of Scipio and Cato and saw at their side the
young fop . . . might well have a horror of the
unnatural world, in which the sexes seemed as
though they wished to change parts. . , .
Celibacy and childlessness became more and more
Dickson's Translation, vol. iv., p. 546,

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 47
common, especially among the upper classes.
While among these marriage had for long been
regarded as a burden which people took upon
them at the best in the public interest, we now
encounter even in Cato and those who shared Cato's
sentiments the maxim to which Polybius a century
before traced the decay of Hellas, that it is the
duty of a citizen to keep great wealth together
and therefore not to beget too many children.
Where were the times when the designation
' children-producer ' (ftroletarius) had been a term
of honour for the Roman ? In consequence of
such a social condition the Latin stock in
Italy underwent an alarming diminution, and its
fair provinces were overspread partly by parasitic
immigrants, partly by sheer desolation/'
Well, indeed, has it been said, "Woe betide the
land which offers its political trusts as premiums
for childless women ! "
It will probably occur to many, as an objection
to the validity of the present argument, that the
evil which it attributes to the excessive development of the " woman movement" is rather the
inevitable result of a highly developed civilization.
That in itself civilization has a tendency to diminish the fertility of a race is no doubt to a large
extent true. It has long been observed that the
families of the refined, luxurious and intellectual
classes are, generally speaking, less numerous
than those of the rude, the poor and the ignorant.
And it may well be that with

48

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
" The nobler modes of life,
With sweeter manners, purer laws,"

the education and interests of the two sexes must
approximate indefinitely, and the individual man
and woman become less dependent upon one
another than formerly. But considerations such
as these surely furnish additional reasons for not
unnecessarily aggravating a subsisting tendency
and for endeavouring rather to counteract it by
intelligent deference to that nature which is ever
our inexorable mistress. Ought not the zeal of
race patriotism to seek the more ardently for that
adjustment between reason and feeling—between
the generalizations of advanced intelligence and
the actualities of human life—in which alone our
future safety lies ? And, in this connexion, it
may well be observed that, if the quantity of our
race is to diminish, it is all the more important that
the physical quality should be improved and the
best means taken for the conservation of those
who come into being. The duties of the home
must become more, rather than less, exacting.
It is believed that, with many people, considerations such as the above will constitute a strong,
and, indeed, conclusive reason against the introduction of woman suffrage. Others will require
strict and detailed proof. It. is not intended
that this should be supplied here. It is thought
sufficient for the present purpose to draw attention to the point and to put forward grounds for
a reasonable apprehension that serious reflection

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 49
upon the subject is demanded. Further than
this it would be difficult to go without risk of
offence. And this inconvenience is itself happily
neutralized by the facility which every one has for
intelligent and accurate observation, independently of statistics or the detailed processes of
strictly scientific reasoning.
But, as indications of the necessity for caution,
and as aids to the formation of a sound opinion,
it may be well to review a few leading facts which
are traceable upon the very surface of worldhistory. Thousands of years ago communities
existed in which intellectual power was as highly
developed as it is in England at the present day.
In mental attainments the Athenians of the age of
Pericles might well challenge comparison with
the citizens now living in London. Taking into
consideration environment and the available stock
of previously accumulated knowledge, Homer,
Plato, and Archimedes, are not put to shame by
Shakespeare, Bacon and Newton. Julius Caesar
was as great a man as Bonaparte. Empires comparable—if not equal—to our own, have waxed
and waned; monarchies have alternated with
republics, and oligarchies with democracies.
Religion, in divers forms, has challenged the
allegiance of the heart of man : constraining to
self-sacrifice: proclaiming the advent of a new
heaven and a new earth, and enthroning charity
in the place of law and might.
Yet nothing^remains to-day—no fact of history,
E

50

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

no tradition, no recorded experiment, no religious
faith— to warrant the belief that " Nature's Salic
Law " can ever be repealed, or that an assimilation
of the social functions of the sexes is compatible
with the vigour or the existence of a nation. The
" woman movement " in its extreme development bids defiance alike to history and to faith,
to reason and to instinct, to science and to feeling. It despises the past; it hates the present;
it gambles with the future.
The achievements of the human race hitherto
would not have been appreciably less magnificent,
nor would the subsisting accumulation of the
products of the intellect be less rich, if not a single
Deborah, Isabella or Elizabeth, who has escaped
the general oblivion of her sex, had ever lived.
What have women been doing throughout all these
ages ? The true record of their work can be expressed only in terms of the family relationships.
While men have been winning and losing? empires
they have saved the race. They have been wives
and mothers : in these respects essential; in all
others dispensable. The temples raised by man
are left desolate by chance and time. But the
sacred fire has never ceased to burn upon the altar
where woman has ministered as the priestess of
the family and the home.

IV
IT IS UNNECESSARY
WOMAN SUFFRAGE is not necessary in order that
justice may be secured for women or as a means
of promoting their welfare. Neither is it necessary
for the purpose of securing the good order of the
State.
LAWS AFFECTING

WOMEN

Justice is accessible to women without the
franchise. Before the law they already enjoy
more than equality with men. Most, if not all,
of the unjust provisions of the law which originally gave force to the agitation for the suffrage
have been abolished or modified by Parliament
within the last forty years. The alleged cases of
injustice which still remain unaffected by legislation are either doubtful or of secondary importance. No clearly beneficial change in our legal
system can be indicated which is not quite as
likely to be effected without woman suffrage as
with it.
LAW OF HUSBAND AND W I F E

The law provides for the support of the wife by
the husband ; and it is by no means easy for him
51

52

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

to escape from the obligation of maintaining her
in a manner suitable to his means. While she is
living with him he can bring no action or prosecution against her for availing herself of any of his
property. If he does not provide her with the
necessary supplies, she is at liberty to obtain them
for herself at his expense. If he drives her away
without justifiable cause, or if she separates from
him by mutual consent, and he makes no provision for her maintenance, she has authority to
pledge his credit in order to supply herself with all
things reasonably necessary, having regard to her
position in life and his apparent means. With the
object of giving to women of the humbler classes
special facilities for the enforcement of their rights,
it has been enacted that, where wilful neglect on
the part of a husband to provide reasonable maintenance for his wife or her infant children under
the age of sixteen has caused her to leave him, a
court of summary jurisdiction may order the
husband to pay to her a weekly sum not exceeding
two pounds. A wife's rights are practically unconditional, as her husband has no legal means of
compelling her to do anything for him or his household, or of controlling her conduct in any way.
If, immediately after marriage, she renders his
existence with her unbearable, he cannot escape
from the obligation of maintaining her for the rest
of his life, or the liability to go to prison in default
of so doing.
On the other hand, however rich his wife may

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 53
be, a husband has no corresponding means of
compelling her to maintain him. It is only in the
event of his becoming chargeable as a pauper that
she incurs liability to the local authority in respect
of his maintenance as such. Moreover, she may
at any time sue him if necessary for the protection
and security of her property.
If a wife commits a civil wrong, such as a trespass, libel, or assault, her husband is liable in
damages to the person she has injured. If a husband commits such a wrong, his wife is under no
similar liability.
If a wife commits a theft or misdemeanour in the
presence of her husband, there is a legal presumption in her favour, which holds good unless the
contrary is proved, that she acted under his coercion, and she is accordingly excused from responsibility.
If disputes arise between a husband and wife
as to any of their infant children, the Court, upon
the application of the mother, may make such
order as it thinks fit regarding the custody of the
children and the right of either parent of having
access to them, having regard to the welfare of the
children and to the conduct of the parents and to
the wishes of the mother as well as of the father.
In this respect the Court treats the parents
equally, and takes the whole conduct and wishes
of both into consideration.
If divorce proceedings are instituted by or
against a wife her husband is usually liable to

54

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

make provision for her costs and ultimately to
pay them, whether she wins or loses. He may,
however, escape payment if her suit is vexatious
or if she has herself the means to pay the costs
incurred by her.
When a divorce is granted the Court has discretion to order the husband, even where the
successful party, to continue to support a guilty
wife.
As to the grounds for divorce, it is true that,
while a husband need only prove infidelity on the
part of his wife, a wife must prove either cruelty
or desertion, in addition to infidelity, on his part.
But it must be remembered that the infidelity of
the wife naturally leads, unless divorce takes place,
to the husband becoming burdened with all the
responsibilities of a father in relation to a child
which is not really his but the living embodiment
of the wrong which he has suffered; whereas the
infidelity of a husband cannot be attended by
similar consequences to his wife. It is also to be
borne in mind that " cruelty " on the part of the
husband has proved a very elastic conception.
Any conduct may be treated as cruelty if it gives
rise to danger to the wife's health, either bodily
or mental, or to a reasonable apprehension of
such danger. Moreover, it seems probable that
the distinction between the sexes which is in
question will disappear before long. At all
events it is safe to say that the expression of any
widespread wish on the part of women for its

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 55
removal would certainly meet with due consideration in the House of Commons.
PROPERTY

As regards property, women and men have the
same capacity of acquisition, enjoyment, and disposition. A married woman, however, enjoys a
special advantage. As a safeguard against the
coercion or persuasion of her husband, the law
permits any of her property to be made inalienable
during the continuance of the marriage, so that
she may not incur the risk of depriving herself in a
moment of weakness of the benefit of its enjoyment by way of anticipation.
CONTRACTS

A woman has the same capacity of making contracts and of holding others liable to her upon
them as a man possesses. But a married woman
enjoys peculiar advantages. She does not become
personally liable upon her contracts. The rights
of her creditors are restricted to such free separate
estate as she may have when execution is levied
upon judgments in their favour. She cannot be
imprisoned for not paying a judgment debt. She
cannot be made a bankrupt, except where she is
carrying on a trade separately from her husband.
REPUTATION

A woman can recover damages for slander of a

56

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

kind for which a man would have no right of
action.
HUSBANDLESS MOTHERS

Where an unmalried woman is left to bear the
burden of maternity alone, it is often suggested
that the law is at fault. It must, however, be
remembered that nature has ordained that, while
the maternity of an infant is usually a matter beyond doubt, the paternity is by no means necessarily self-evident. A man must be shown to be
the father before he can be made responsible as
such. The law gives the mother the opportunity
of proving the paternity of her child; and, when
she has done this, a Court will make an order upon
the father to pay a weekly sum, enforceable by imprisonment, for the maintenance of his offspring.
ADMINISTRATION OF LAW

The administration of the law is even more
favourable to women than is the letter of the law.
In criminal cases juries are less willing to convict women than they are to convict men. Judges
and magistrates commonly pronounce more
lenient sentences on women than on men convicted of similar offences. In prison their treatment is less rigorous, and the conditions as to
remission of portions of their terms of punishment
are more favourable than is the case with male
convicts.
Most people think that infanticide ought to be

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 57
checked. But, when the crime is committed by a
mother very shortly after the birth of the child,
those who administer the law are not usually lacking in pity. Judges very often prevent a conviction for murder by telling the jury that there
is not sufficient evidence that the child was born
alive, or by suggesting doubts as to whether it
may not have died before any violence was used.
In the comparatively rare cases where the jury
convict of the capital offence (as distinguished
from concealment of birth, which they frequently
find), the Home Secretary reduces the sentence as a
matter of course to a comparatively short term of
imprisonment. Some people say the father ought
to be punished. As we have already pointed out,
if the child had not been killed he could have been
compelled to pay for its maintenance. If he has
been no party to its death, he cannot, of course,
be punished for the mothers crime.
In civil cases the treatment of women is certainly very favourable. There are few judges
or jurymen who, as between parties of different
sexes, can wholly free themselves of a natural
bias in favour of the woman.
Actions for breach of promise of marriage constitute a signal instance of this. A woman who
proves that a man has been faithless to her has no
difficulty in recovering a verdict for substantial
damages. If a man be the plaintiff, although
the law places no difficulty in his way, his action
is practically hopeless.

58

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
LEGISLATION

For the last forty-two years Parliament has been
more active than ever before in legislating to promote the welfare and protect the interests of women. Few years have passed during this period in
which some measure has not been enacted whereby the position of women has been improved.
Conspicuous among such statutes are the following : The Married Women's Property Acts of
1870, 1874, and 1882 ; The Guardianship of Infants Act, 1886; The vSummary Jurisdiction
(Married Women) Act, 1895 ; The Factory and
Workshop Acts, 1901 and 1907 ; the Act of 1876
which removed restrictions on the granting of
qualifications for registration under the Medical
Act on the ground of sex ; and the various Acts
which have conferred upon women the right to
vote for local governing authorities and the
capacity of being elected to serve upon them.
No one who studies these statutes is likely to
think that the members of the Parliaments which
passed them have been unmindful of their duties
towards women.
It would, indeed, be absurd to contend that
men as a sex are organized, or act, in opposition
to the interests of women. Nor is it true that
any representative assembly of Englishmen are
biassed against women, or indifferent to their
welfare and comfort. There is no class of men to
which women do not belong in numbers approxi-

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 59
mately equal to those of the men. The normal
man is more closely associated in sympathy and
interest with one or more women than with any
other man.
Those who are agitating for the suffrage generally indicate a clear opinion that it will be obtained. If so, it will be granted by men either in
consequence of their views of what justice to
women requires or of the influence exerted upon
them by women. The disposition on the part
of men to show the utmost possible fairness to
women must precede the great concession. If
women really believe that men are persistently
unjust to them, or insufficiently amenable to
their influence, how can they really believe in
the possibility of obtaining their wish in this
respect ? And would not the plea for the necessity of the suffrage be proved to be ill-founded by
the very fact of its success ? Would not the grant
of the suffrage in itself demonstrate the absence
of any necessity for the thing granted ? From
the very nature of the case the alleged want of
fairness on the part of men towards women can
never in fact constitute a reason for the concession
of the suffrage.
Every sensible person fully realizes that much
still remains to be done in the improvement of
our laws as they affect both women and men.
Political controversy outside Parliament, as well
as the discussions within its walls, are largely
occupied by efforts in this direction. But male

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WOMAN SUFFRAGE

legisiators show that they are quite as anxious
to discharge their duties towards women as they
are to fulfil their obligations to the men by whom
they are elected. The suffrage is not necessary
in order that justice or good legislation may be
procured for women.
INFLUENCE OF WOMEN

No fundamental change is necessary in order
that the opinions of women may have due weight
in regard to legislation or administration affecting
their own sex or the interests of children, or indeed
in regard to any matter as to which they may
desire to be heard. Women are placed upon Royal
Commissions and other committees where there
is reason to suppose the special views of their
sex may be useful. Their representations, whether
made by those speaking on behalf of others, or
by eminent women on their own account, are
listened to with respectful attention by ministers,
members of Parliament and electors. They
are not voiceless because voteless; nor is there
any reason to suppose that they would use the
suffrage more beneficially than they use their
influence under the existing constitution. For
already we find that Parliament and the Executive are at least as intelligent and humane
when dealing with the concerns of women and
children as they are when engaged upon the
special affairs of men.
Of the still more universal influence of women

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 61
in private life upon the men to whom they are
related, or with whom they associate, it is probably unnecessary to speak. The fact is patent
to every one and cannot possibly be overlooked.
At the same time, while it would be difficult to
exaggerate its importance, few will be disposed to
minimise or belittle it. But it is well to call to
mind in this connexion that the polling-booth
only records a victory which has been previously
won elsewhere—by influence.
SCOPE FOR PUBLIC WORK

In addition to the limitless sphere of influence,
the vast area of local government is fully open to
women, both as electors and representatives.
The very work for which by common consent
they may reasonably be supposed to have special
qualifications, because in many of its phases it
is analogous to that of the family and the home
—housing, education, the care of the poor, the
young and the mentally afflicted—is ready to
their hands. In connexion with matters such
as these there is scope for a practically exhaustless
supply of work for the good of the community.
It cannot, therefore, be said that the State has
not afforded ample opportunities to women for
the exercise of their faculties and energies in the
public service. And the comparatively little
interest which women have hitherto shown in
these matters makes it clear that it is at present,
at all events, unnecessary to change the law for

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WOMAN SUFFRAGE

the purpose of providing a new outlet for the
public spirit of the sex.
SOCIAL POSITION

By custom women are even more favourably
treated than they are by law.
Place aux dames is the maxim of the civilized
world; and, upon the whole, in this respect
practice accords with theory. The path of a
woman through life is smoother than that of a
man. Her immunity from danger and rough
usage is greater ; the comforts and the amenities
which she enjoys are more constant and numerous.
Everywhere she is more considerately treated,
more readily served, and, it may be added, mors
patiently suffered. So long as she preserves the
semblance of womanly decorum she enjoys a
freedom more absolute than that of any other
living creature. Regulations which are barriers
to men she can disregard with comparative impunity. The fact that she is a woman is a more
widely available passport and a more effective
title to homage than a crozier or a coronet. Upon
the whole, when one thinks of what women might
do, it seems that it would not be unreasonable
if, like Lord Clive, they stood astonished at their
own moderation. Moreover, it is pleasant to
reflect that their present position agrees with
their physical constitutions sufficiently well to
render them considerably longer lived than their
seemingly more robust brethren. Born in fewer

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 63
numbers than men they live and flourish in a
considerable majority.
THE ATTITUDE OF THE SEX

There is nothing in the position assumed by
women to suggest any necessity, from the point
of view of the good order of the State, for the
extension of the suffrage to their sex. They will
not " shake the pillars of the commonweal"
if it be withheld. On the contrary, the available
evidence tends to the conclusion that the majority
of Englishwomen would rather be without the
franchise, and that of the remainder the bulk
have no very ardent desire for it.
Apart from direct evidence, ordinary observation establishes the following facts. Women as
a sex are not more discontented than men as a
sex. Few mothers of families, living happily
with their husbands and children, have any
definite and serious yearning for the franchise.
The vast majority of women do not manifest any
interest in the details of political controversies.
Of those who support the suffrage movement
many do so on the ground of supposed abstract
right rather than of practical expediency; others
because they believe—quite erroneously, as will
be shown later on—that property gives the right
to vote in the case of men, or that the franchise
might and should rest upon a household basis;
comparatively few have realized what the vote
must involve, or even its proximate consequences.

64

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

The direct evidence tends strongly to a similar
conclusion. Other things being equal, it would
seem a stronger thing for a woman to ask Parliament not to extend the franchise to her sex than
for another woman to ask Parliament to do so.
Yet we find that in the years 1890 to 1906 the total
number of signatures to petitions in favour of the
suffrage was only 193,618, although associations
for the promotion of the cause had been active
for a much longer period. On the other hand,
in March 1909, a petition against the extension
of the suffrage was presented with the signatures
of more than a quarter of a million women;
although no organization generally known to the
public had been in existence for the purpose of
opposing the extension of the franchise until
July, 1908. And the results of the canvass of
women upon the register of municipal electors,
which has been effected in many districts, appear
to indicate that only a minority—by no means
large—have any desire to acquire the parliamentary franchise.
That there is, however, a minority entitled to
respect who seriously desire the franchise for
their sex cannot be doubted. Most men would
like to meet their wishes if it could be done consistently with the interest of the sex as a whole
and of the State generally. But there is nothing
in the numbers or attitude of these ladies which
discharges men from the obligation of considering
the question solely upon its merits. In short,

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 65
there is nothing in the agitation for woman
suffrage which in itself constitutes any reason
for its concession. If public opinion be found
so clearly hostile to it as to displace the movement from a position in the domain of practical
politics, it may be anticipated with confidence
that the agitation will never become in any sense
a menace, and will soon cease to be even an
inconvenience.

V
IT WOULD BE USELESS
THE suffrage would not enable women to gain
any good thing which they will not obtain without
i t ; nor would it increase their power of promoting
the welfare of the community as a whole.
It has been pointed out in the last section that
women are already treated by the law, the judiciary and society, speaking generally, more
favourably than are men. It follows, as will be
more particularly shown in the next section, that
any general tendency to insist upon still more
favourable treatment for the sex would be mischievous rather than useful.
What are the special directions in which it is
supposed that women would be likely to derive
benefit from the possession of the franchise ?
WOMEN'S WAGES

It is often said that women need votes in order
to enable them to obtain proper treatment in the
labour market. Some women, indeed, appear to
think that, by means of the franchise, they would
66

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 67
be able to raise the wages of their sex to an
equality with those of men.
But a consideration of the causes of the inferiority of women's position as wage-earners, and
of the possible ways of improving it, will show
that there is no good reason for believing that
their possession of the franchise would have the
effect desired.
Among the principal reasons why the wages
earned by women compare unfavourably with
those of men are the following: (1) They are
physically weaker and, speaking generally, less
effective as workers than men are. (2) Men, as a
rule, depend entirely upon the wages received for
the work which they perform, and to this work
they devote all their energies. This tends to
render it necessary for employers to pay them a
fair living wage. On the other hand, vast numbers
of women workers are partially supported by
husbands, parents, or other individuals, or by
charitable assistance, while many of them can
devote only a part of their time to the work for
which they are paid. The competition of these
women tends to keep down the wages even of those
who wish to support themselves entirely by, and
can give their whole time to, their work. (3)
Women workers for the most part are entirely
unorganized: they belong to no trade unions
and lack the strength of combination.
Among the possible remedies for what is wrong
in the existing situation the following may be

68

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

suggested as some of the more probable : (i) Combination in trade unions. By such organization
women workers in the textile trades of the north
of England have already secured comparatively
fair wages and conditions of labour. (2) The
fixing of minimum rates of wages in particular
trades by properly established Boards. (3) The
increase of voluntary co-operative undertakings
on the part of the workers. (4) The more even
distribution of the female population throughout
the territory of the Empire. (5) The general
modification of our social and industrial policy
so as to procure a more equable distribution of
wealth.
Such facts as the following seem to indicate
that the political franchise is not a means of
securing good wages, or even work. Agricultural
labourers have had the suffrage for more than
a quarter of a century; yet their average wage
is still only about sixteen shillings a week. Vast
numbers of the voters of London are still miserably paid. The problem of unemployment is
even more urgent in the case of men than in that
of women. During the last sixty years the wages
of women have risen at a faster rate, and more
consistently, than those of men. In particular,
domestic servants, whose industry is one of the
largest in the kingdom, have obtained an increase
in wages of a most striking character.
The franchise may possibly have helped men
to obtain the due recognition by law of the right

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 69
of combination. But this right is now equally
open to women.
Statutes cannot alter the facts of nature or the
operation of economic laws. Women as producers
of wealth are not equal to men. If the legislature
attempted to compel employers to pay women
the same wages as they paid to men, the business
of the country would be deranged, financial disaster would ensue, and women, as well as men,
would be worse off than they are now. In the
long run they could not get better wages by means
of votes.
So far as women employed by the State are
concerned, it is no doubt true that the possession
of the suffrage might lead to a rise in their remuneration. This rise, however, being artificially
produced in defiance of economic law, would be
at the expense of the community in general, both
materially and morally.
HUMANITARIAN TENDENCY

Perhaps the strongest plea which is urged on
behalf of the proposed change is that women are
more humane than men, and that accordingly
their power would be used for the purpose of
improving the laws by infusing a gentler spirit
into their provisions.
There is, however, little to justify this expectation. In all historic ages women have possessed
great influence. Nevertheless instances like that
of Queen Philippa pleading with her husband

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
for clemency to others stand out as conspicuous
exceptions to the general rule of acquiescence
in the usages and opinions of the times. Power
exercised by women over other women or men has
not usually been tempered by greater consideration or generosity than that exercised by men
over other men or women. Women employers
are not found less exacting than men. It is true
that the ordinary woman has been generally
supposed to be kinder to her immediate relations
than is the average man to his. But this superiority within a narrow circle is balanced by less,
rather than more, consideration for those outside.
The step-child, the house servant, the subordinate
stranger, do not find women better-hearted than
men. But, even if it be in fact otherwise with the
women of to-day, can it be reasonably believed
that, if the proposed change were effected, they
would retain in full measure all the advantages
of character in which they are supposed to be
superior to men, and at the same time acquire
all the traits of character in which men are now
supposed to have the superiority over them ?
Moreover, while we bear the main objects of
government in mind, it would be difficult to
maintain that the advantages of any large infusion of emotional tenderness into our legislative
and administrative system, over and above the
supply which is now forthcoming, would not
be counterbalanced by the inconveniences and
dangers which it would produce.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 71
CHARACTER OF PUBLIC MEN

Some have suggested that woman suffrage
would lead to an improvement in the character
of our public men.
This is unlikely. If an inquisition were conducted into the lives and characters of the present
members of the House of Commons it would
almost certainly be found that they compared
favourably with those of the men whom they
represent. That there are exceptions is of course
recognized; but already English public life has
attained a high standard. Public morality is in
advance of private morality: we are better
collectively than we are individually. The House
of Commons conforms, and is expected to conform
to the higher standard.
To ask for more than we now have in this respect would be dangerous. The area of selection
for public service must not be unduly restricted
by the exaction of a standard too far above the
common. Nor would it be well to render the
path through public life of men who honestly
diverge from the prevailing opinions of their
time more difficult than it is at present.
Much of what might be said upon the present
theme will be more conveniently considered in the
next section.
Let it suffice to add in this place that, when it
is contended that woman suffrage would be useless,

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
it is by no means intended to suggest that no
women would vote wisely and well. Woman
Suffrage would be 'useless because upon the
whole the electorate would not be better qualified
than it is at present. It would not really be
more comprehensive or representative of the
entire community. The addition to its quantity
would not be accompanied by any corresponding
improvement in its quality.

VI
ITS EFFECTS WOULD BE GENERALLY BAD
IF the average woman is not so well fitted to
vote wisely as is the average man, it would seem
to follow that woman suffrage would be productive
of more harm than good.
The success of popular government is dependent
upon the political intelligence of the electorate.
If the electorate be doubled in numbers, and the
political intelligence of the new voters is lower
than that of the former voters, the resulting
government is likely to be less wisely conducted
than formerly.
The allegation that large numbers of the present
voters are unfit is entirely irrelevant to the discussion. Assuming that it is true, the unfitness
of many cannot be remedied by the unfitness of
more. The fit would be in greater difficulties
than ever.
FITNESS FOR THE FRANCHISE

For the present purpose it is probably sufficiently accurate to say that political fitness or
73

74

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

intelligence is the product of mental power, education, experience, information, character and energy.
Of these factors neither mental power nor education, in the general sense, is by any means the
most distinctively important. It will be generally admitted that popular government has been
more successful in Great Britain than elsewhere.
Personal freedom is more complete, justice is
more prevalent, administration is purer, than in
any other great community. But the average
Englishman does not display greater mental
power, nor is he better educated, than the average
Frenchman or German. Indeed, it may well be
doubted whether, in point of intellect alone, he is
superior to the average Hindoo. If then it be
assumed as an established fact that the average
woman is intellectually equal to the average
man, and that her education is, or might be, equal
to his, it clearly does not follow that she would
prove as good a voter.
Experience of affairs and information as to
current events and tendencies are clearly important factors : for without them intelligent voting
is impossible. Men, whether their association be
in the workshop or the meetings of their unions
or societies, in the club or the ale-house, in
following the ordinary routine of their lives, acquire a knowledge of the necessity of tolerance
and forbearance as well as of business methods ;
and they also form opinions upon political affairs
as the result of discussion and reading. Inrela-

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 75
tion to all these means of acquiring practical
intelligence in voting it is probable that, so long
as there are any homes left in the country, women
will be at some disadvantage. But in these
respects, again, an Englishman's opportunities
are little, if at all, greater than those of the citizen
of any other state of Western Europe ; and,
accordingly, the superiority of his government
cannot be explained satisfactorily by reference
to them alone.
It would therefore seem that to character, or
energy, or both, we must look for the reason of
British superiority in political matters. Only
by reference to them can we fully account for
the development of constitutional government
in England, or for such an achievement in the
domain of human relations as the rule of hundreds
of millions of Indians by the citizens of a distant
island.
It would probably be presumptuous, and is
certainly unnecessary, to attempt an analysis
of the English character. For whatever the
character of the English man is, the character of
the English woman is different. It is a character
resting upon a different physical basis, moulded
by a different environment and developed by
different activities. For physiological reasons,
which no change of manners can obliterate, the
attitude of man to woman, and that of woman
to man, can never be similar. With this permanent difference of attitude differences of character

76

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

are inextricably associated. In the language of
Mr. Gladstone, " A permanent and vast difference of type has been impressed upon women and
men respectively by the Maker of both." x The
existence of this essential difference has been
recognized throughout the ages. Accidental differences—the results of manners, place, or time
—vary; but beneath all these lies a fact of nature
which is co-existent with the human race.
The factor of energy is closely associated with
that of character. Like the latter it will generally
be considered a distinguishing British attribute,
without which the franchise might never have
been called into existence, and the loss of which
would be likely to involve the entire destruction
of popular government. The educated brain,
in itself, is nothing : acquired qualities, by themselves, are ineffective. The momentum from
which alone useful and beneficent action can
result is the product of mental and moral qualities
put into force by energy. For physiological
reasons, which cannot be made the subject of
controversy, the stores of energy available for
public life are neither so great in quantity, nor
so uniformly and steadily available, in the case
of women as in that of men.
Can it then be doubted that the differences
between women and men in point of character,
and the marked inferiority of women in point of
persistent and available energy, lead to the con1

letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, cited at pp. 12, 13 supra.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 77
elusion that the distinctive advantages of popular
government in England, which have mainly
depended upon the character and energy of
Englishmen, would be jeopardized, and probably
to a large extent sacrificed, by swamping the
present electorate with women ?
There is grave danger in underestimating, as so
many do, the essential qualifications for voting
for an Imperial Parliament. Nothing justifies
the notion that absolute democracy, at all times
and in all places, is a trustworthy institution.
The triumphs of Liberalism have repeatedly met
with such striking success in this country that a
tendency has been created in many minds to
imagine that the more thoroughly popular is the
basis of government the greater will be its success
under all circumstances. Responsible statesmen,
however, have never yet accepted this as a ground
of action. The probable fitness of the average
person proposed to be enfranchised at any time
is a necessary factor to be taken into account.
This truth is obscured in many honest minds by
an idea that the average English voter is both
stupid and ignorant, and that as, nevertheless,
our government is fairly satisfactory, intelligence
in voting cannot be very important.
But is the average English voter either stupid
or ignorant as regards public affairs ? He is
born of a race which has always been characterized by political sagacity. In at least nineteen
out of twenty respectable Englishmen, in every

78

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

rank and class of the community, the appetite
which renders easy the assimilation of political
ideas is constitutionally present. The entire
press of the country assumes and caters for this
appetite. Gossip everywhere proceeds upon the
basis of its existence. Moreover, it is found in
practice that the quality known as commonsense
enables men of very humble attainments, after
listening to the views and testimony of abler and
better informed people than themselves, to form
collectively satisfactory judgments upon matters
of doubt and difficulty. Indeed, on the whole,
the wisdom of plain men brought to bear in this
way, as a rule, leaves little to be desired. The
success of Britons as electors may, indeed, to
some extent, be explained by the analogous case
of their success as jurymen. They bring to bear
upon their functions in Court the habit of sustained investigation ; the habit of adjusting selfreliance with deference to the views of those whose
knowledge of a particular subject is superior to
their own; tolerance; love of fair-play; a
highly developed sense of justice, and a general
knowledge of life and character out of doors.
They listen to the testimony of witnesses to fact,
to the statements of men of science and astute
financiers, to the most biassed experts, as well
as to the persuasive arguments of subtle and
eloquent advocates. Under the guidance—but
not the dictation—of a presiding judge, the
twelve plain men, albeit the commonest of com-

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 79
mon jurors, generally contrive to decide in a way
which commands the approval of the ablest and
most experienced lawyers, as well as of the general
public. An$ so, as an elector, the ordinary man
brings to bear similar habits, qualities and knowledge. He digests evidence which is continually
kept up to date by the latest news; he weighs
the arguments of rival politicians, great and small;
he judges conduct, and forms general opinions ;
and records his view as to what, on the whole, the
verdict ought to be at the polling-booth. No
doubt in many cases—though probably in far
fewer than is commonly suggested—his decision
is, to a large extent, the result of the bias of selfinterest. But a careful review of the political
history of the United Kingdom since the Reform
Act, will show that, upon the whole, the majority
have proved themselves worthy of their trust and
exercised their franchise in such a way as to
promote the well-being of the country and the
empire. It may, indeed, be fairly doubted
whether, with all the light now available, a candid
critic—speaking not as a partisan—would venture
a confident assertion that, in the whole course of
this period, the Grand Inquest of the nation has
ever given a clearly foolish decision.
If women are indeed as well fitted for government as are men, is it not strange that the discovery of the truth has been so long delayed ? In
holding the contrary opinion hitherto the philosophers and the common people have for the most

80

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

part been in agreement : there has been a practical
consensus of opinion between saints and sages,
the men of ideas and the men of action. If there
had been a mistake in this matter, would not the
truth have been discovered during some special
crisis; such, for example, as that of the first
French Revolution, or during some epoch of
ecclesiastical stress ?
It has long been recognized that the faculty
of intuition is possessed by women in a high
degree. This fact has a twofold importance in
connexion with the present subject. It renders
it improbable that the faculties of women have
been so entirely misjudged as some suppose;
for it proves that mankind have noticed, and been
willing to admit, their possession of a special
endowment which really exists. On the other
hand, the particular faculty in question, however
valuable in affairs coming within the range of
personal observation, in political matters is quite
as likely to prove a dangerous snare as a special
qualification.
Advocates of the proposed change dwell much
upon the alterations which, they tell us, would
take place in the understanding and aptitude of
women after they had for some time enjoyed the
opportunities for political education which would
be afforded to them under the new system. We
are, indeed, asked to act as if the fitness of women
for political functions had been proved, while
at the same time we are told that the matter can

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 81
be judged adequately only by future generations.
" The knowledge/' says John Stuart Mill, " which
men can acquire of women, even as they have
been and are, without reference to what they
might be, is wretchedly imperfect and superficial, and always will be so, until women themselves have told all that they have to tell.'' 1 But,
if the matter is so very doubtful, is it not rash to
act as if it had been established in a particular
sense ? Ought a fundamental change to be made
before the evidence in its favour is forthcoming ?
The truth, however, seems to be that the
grounds for doubts as to the capabilities of women
are very much exaggerated. No one acquainted
with the existing conditions of life in this country
can reasonably maintain that the characters and
faculties of half the human race are shrouded
in impenetrable mystery. The question is not
whether we know all, but whether we know
enough; and, if we do not know enough yet,
whether we had not better wait until we do.
Now if it be the fact that women are not so well
adapted for political functions as men are, their
addition to the- electorate would necessarily
increase the number of relatively less competent
voters. The natural result of this would apparently be generally detrimental to the community.
A lowering of the average of the political intelligence of the voters would naturally lead to a
falling off in the wisdom of their representatives
1

Subjection of Women, 2nd edn. [1869], pp. 45, 46.
G

82

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

and the policy and measures which they would
adopt.
It is probably well to refrain from an attempt
to indicate the principal specific directions in
which mischief would be most likely to ensue.
Such an attempt would be eminently calculated to
provoke criticism, while it is wholly unnecessary.
If the general results of woman suffrage would be
bad, it is immaterial to a rational decision upon
the subject what the particular evils consequent
upon its institution would be. Moreover, the
most important have in fact already been suggested in the first three sections of this part.
But, at the same time, it would be injudicious
to omit to refer in this connexion to certain
leading points upon which the advocates of the
extension of the suffrage themselves lay special
stress.
INTERESTS OF WOMEN

First, then, it is said that women themselves
will secure better treatment from the legislature
than they now experience. Their interests will
be advanced : the law will be made more favourable to women.
It has already been suggested, and, it is hoped,
shown,1 that women now receive from Parliament
and the Law, from the electorate and the courts,
treatment which is fully as just as that which
1

At pp. 51-60 supra.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 83
men receive—indeed that, upon the whole,
they are really treated more favourably. The
special consideration which their relative physical
weakness, or other disadvantages, render proper
may fairly be thought to prevent the existing
bias in their favour from producing injustice or
hardship to men. But any considerable increase
of the legal advantages which they at present
possess would involve the danger of reaction.
The insistence upon very much more than justice
would be only too likely to hazard what they
already enjoy, and, in the long run, to result in
something less than justice.
A good illustration of this may be found in the
marriage laws. The supreme interest of the
State, and especially of women, is to avoid any
unnecessary discouragement of marriage. The
proximate interests of women will probably
suggest alterations in the laws regulating this
relationship. But if such alterations should pass
certain undefined limits, and cause the married
state to be less attractive to men than it now is,
the ultimate evil results would vastly outweigh
the immediate good. A few sentences of Gibbon
are well worth remembering in this connexion.
" When the Roman matrons became the equal
and voluntary companions of their lords, a new
jurisprudence was introduced, that marriage,
like other partnerships, might be dissolved by
the abdication of one of the associates. In
three centuries of prosperity and corruption,

84

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

this principle was enlarged to frequent practice
and pernicious abuse . . . But the reluctance
of the Romans, when they were pressed to
marriage by Augustus, sufficiently marks that the
prevailing institutions were least favourable to the
males. A specious theory is confuted by this free
and perfect experiment, which demonstrates that
the liberty of divorce does not contribute to
happiness and virtue/' x
Suffragists, again, are particularly insistent
upon factory legislation as a chief illustration of
what they consider the pressing necessity that
working women should have votes. Such legislation, of course, affects women directly, and it is
said that it is urgently necessary that they
should have the power to mould it according to
their own wishes.
Now the Factory and Workshop Acts are
generally recognized as among the most creditable
statutes of modern times. That they have contributed to a vast extent to the general welfare
of the community, but particularly, and more
directly, to the welfare of women and children,
there is not the slightest room for reasonably
doubting. That Parliament, as at present constituted, is perfectly ready to make any amendment which can be shown to be for the benefit
of women as a sex—to remove any restrictions
upon their labour which can be demonstrated not
Decline and Fall 'of the Roman Empire, chap. 44.

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 85
to be necessary for the common good of the nation
—is also not open to reasonable doubt.
These Acts are an aegis spread by the State
over the mothers and children of the race. If
ever a Parliament acted with a single eye to
what was right, and with intelligent and well
informed zeal for the good of women and children,
these statutes furnish such a case. What then
is the real meaning of the supposed chafing of
women against the restrictions which they have
set up, or the prospect of further legislation on
similar lines ?
Apparently some women would like more
liberty to earn wages as they please. And if
women had votes and compelled the removal of
many or all of the restrictions upon their labour
contained in these Acts, a limited number of
women employed in factories and workshops
might, it is true, derive financial advantages.
But would the sex as a whole benefit ; would
the children of the community be stronger and
healthier; would the nation be better off ?
This instance is probably a specially valuable
illustration of the real gravamen of the agitation
for " Women's Rights." It is a mistake to
suppose that it derives its main impetus from
a desire to benefit the nation. The real motive
power is derived from an expectation that women
as a sex will be able to have things more their
own way if they become voters. Whether that
way will be to the advantage of the community

86

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

as a whole is a question much less carefully
considered.
If the desire of women to regain a freedom
which the Factory Acts have taken away is a fair
specimen of the motives for their desire of the
franchise, it is submitted that it strongly conduces to the conclusion that political power
would be used by women to the detriment of the
community at large.
Turning for a moment to the general position of
women socially, it is suggested that their possession of the franchise would be more likely to
impair than to improve that position. Civilized
man will no doubt always show special consideration and forbearance towards women. But that
chivalrous feelings of deference might be somewhat blunted by competition and rivalry seems
probable. It is indeed difficult to see how government upon a basis of party could be carried
on with any approach to efficiency, if men paid
the same deference and respect to female voters,
sharing the privileges but none of the heavier
burdens of citizenship, as they do towards those
with whom, under our present system, they are
rarely thrown into any kind of conflict.
The present influence and dignity of women depend largely upon the fact that they keep outside the arenas of strife—they neither fight men
nor forcibly control them. It is impossible in any
kind of warfare to be at once in the fray and out

REASONS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 87
of it—to fight as a soldier and at the same time
claim the privileges of a non-combatant. And it
seems but too probable that more than would be
gained upon the battlefields of political strife
would be lost in society and the home.

PART III
SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES
I
THAT WOMEN HAVE A RIGHT TO THE
SUFFRAGE
THERE is no doubt that many worthy people
believe that women have a right to the suffrage.
Few misconceptions, indeed, with regard to the
grounds of the claim which is put forward appear
so widely prevalent as this.
What then is really meant by those who assert
the existence of this right ?
As it is clear that women have no legal
right to vote, the supposition must be that
they have a right of some kind to have the law
altered so that the legal right may be acquired.
What is the nature of this right ? Does it rest
upon justice, eternal and immutable ? If it
could be proved to do so, cadit quaestio ; but
this is the very matter which has to be established.
Up to the present time the conscience of mankind has not perceived the supposed right;
89

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
it has not been proclaimed by religion, or inferred
from nature, or recognized by custom.
Perhaps it is suggested that a human being
who has risen to the full height of his or her
nature perceives intuitively that equal beings
ought to have equal rights. It is true that a
conception of justice has been evolved by the
existence of society, so that, in a certain vague
but real sense, one may be said to perceive
intuitively to some ill-defined extent what is just
as between individuals. But it is clear that this
sense of justice does not extend to the form which a
constitution ought to take in any particular state.
The civilized man may be said to perceive intuitively that theft is wrong and that engagements ought to be fulfilled ; but it cannot rationally be pretended that he perceives intuitively
that the constitution of the United States of
America is just, and that of the French Republic
unjust, or that of Great Britain bad, and that of
Norway good. If, indeed, the right to the suffrage
could be intuitively perceived to exist on the
part of free people, then it would seem to follow
that an absolute democracy based upon adult
suffrage would in this way be perceived to be the
only form of just government. It is, however,
quite clear that such things are not really the
subject matter of intuitive perceptions at all:
for wise and good people everywhere differ about
them, both as to fundamental points and also as
to details, The franchise is a capacity involving

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

91

a duty to the State : it is totally different in its
nature from a right of property or a right arising
from contract, or any other private right which is
the subject matter of the sense of justice as between individuals. A certain general consensus
of civilized mankind as to the broad features of
rights of this latter kind may render it possible
to contend with some show of reason that a
sense of justice renders them the subject of
intuitive perception. But the entire absence of
any such consensus as to constitutional matters
prevents them from being placed in a similar
category.
Moreover, it must in any case be extravagant
to assert—for this is what the statement really
amounts to—that, although the sexes differ
physiologically and in character, and cannot
be burdened with the same duties towards the
State, it is self-evident that they ought to have
precisely the same capacity of sharing in the
government of the State.
The truth is that the words " right" and
" justice" are very loosely used in this connexion, and that much confusion of thought
ensues. If carefully analysed, it will be found
that the phrase " Women have a right to the
franchise " is generally little more than a dogmatic
assertion of the opinion of the person who uses it.
In political matters absolute or innate right is
a favourite postulate of the demagogue. It
precludes rational argument. Intelligent con-

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
troversy depends upon the assumption that as
to a proposed constitutional change the real
question is—will it be for the good of the community—is it expedient—will it conduce to the
greatest possible happiness of the greatest
possible number ? Whether it is right or not that
women should have votes depends entirely upon
whether or not the probability is that the community, considered as a whole, would be benefited
by their having them. No other consideration
can justly or reasonably be entertained.
In this connexion it may be convenient to
refer to the suggestion which has sometimes been
made that women formerly enjoyed the legal
right of voting for members of Parliament,"and
that they were deprived of the right by the
Reform Act, 1832. It is well that any possibility
of misconception upon this subject should have
been removed by the decision of the ultimate
court of appeal in the case of Nairn v. University
of St. Andrews, which was decided on the 10th
December, 1908.
In that case the Lord Chancellor, delivering a
judgment with which the other judges agreed, said
this :—" It may be that in, the vast mass of
venerable documents buried in our public repositories, some of authority, others of none, there
will be found traces of women having taken some
part in Parliamentary elections. No authentic
and plain case of a woman giving a vote was
brought before your Lordships. But students of

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

93

' history know that at various periods members of
the House of Commons were summoned in a very
irregular way, and it is quite possible that just
as great men in a locality were required to nominate
members, so also women in a like position may
have been called upon to do the same ; or other
anomalies may have been overlooked in a confused
time. I say it may be so, though it has not been
established. A few equivocal cases were referred to. I was surprised how few. And it is
the same in regard to judicial precedents. Two
passages may be found in which judges are reported as saying that women may vote at Parliamentary elections. These are dicta derived from
an ancient manuscript of no weight. Old authorities are almost silent on the subject, except that
Lord Coke, at one place, incidentally alludes to
women as being under a disqualification, not
dwelling upon it as upon a thing disputable, but
alluding to it for purpose of illustration as a
matter certain. This disability of women has
been taken for granted. It is incomprehensible
to me that any one acquainted with our laws, or
the methods by which they are ascertained, can
think, if indeed any one does think, there is room
for argument on such a point. It is notorious
that this right of voting has, in fact, been confined to men. Not only has it been the constant tradition, alike of all the three kingdoms, but
it has also been the constant practice, so far as
we have knowledge of what has happened, from

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
the earliest times down to this day. Only the
clearest proof that a different state of things
prevailed in ancient times could be entertained
by a court of law in probing the origin of so
inveterate a usage. I need not remind your
Lordships that numberless rights rest upon a
similar basis. Indeed, the whole body of the
common law has no other foundation. I will
not linger upon this subject, which, indeed, was
fully discussed in ' Chorlton v. Lings/* If
this legal disability is to be removed, it must be
done by Act of Parliament/'
It is arguable that it would be right that
women should be given the suffrage. But to say
that they have a right to it is merely a darkening
of counsel by words without understanding.
1
(1868), L.R. 4 C.P. 374. The decision in this case is
stated below at p. 98.

I
I
THAT PROPERTY GIVES A RIGHT TO THE
FRANCHISE
IT is very commonly said that it is the ownership or occupation of property which gives the
right to vote, and that, accordingly, the consideration of the sex of the owner or occupier is irrelevant.
As a matter of historical fact, however, as well as
from the very nature of the case, it is clear that
this contention is fallacious. Property or occupation alone has never been, and is not now—still
less can it be in the future—the basis of the
right to vote. There is historically, legally, and
essentially, a difference between the personal
capacity to vote and the existence of a particular
relation to property on the part of a person
capable of voting which is required by law in
order that such person may have the right to
vote.
Women have always been regarded by law as
personally incapable of voting at parliamentary
elections. As to them the question of a
qualification has never arisen. Their personal
incapacity to vote has been treated as merely a
95

96

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

phase of their general incapacity for public
functions which, subject to one or two exceptions, has been part of the common law from the
time of the Anglo-Saxons. This was explained
by Mr. Justice Willes, who is generally regarded
by lawyers as one of the greatest masters of the
law who have lived in modern times, in the case of
Chorlton v. Lings.1 Referring to a statement
in England's Epinomis, Selden's Works, vol. iii., p.
10, that learned judge said:—"Thepassage. . .
has reference to the ancient Britons, whose
custom was that women ' had prerogative in
deliberative sessions touching either peacegovernment or martial affairs/ But this is stated
as a peculiarity of the Britons ; and coming
down to the time of the Saxons (p. 13), of whom
no such custom is recorded, it appears that
women cannot have been admitted to their councils,
where no one took part unless entitled to bear
arms and invested with them in the public
assembly, which investiture Tacitus (Germ. c. 13)
likened to the assumption of the toga virilis,
and Selden to being knighted. It is true that
abroad the order of knighthood was sometimes
conferred upon women : but this does not appear
ever to have been the case in England/'
When counties were called upon to send representatives to Parliament, the " county " in this
connexion was naturally understood in its then
1 (1868) L.R. 4 C.P. 374

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

97

accepted sense of the freemen having certain
rights and subject to certain duties in relation to
the county court. It is true that, owing to the
then prevailing social polity, no one who was not a
freeholder could possess such rights. But neither
the great Edward who summoned the first full
Parliament, nor the early Parliaments themselves,
ever ordained, or thought of ordaining, that the
mere fact of the ownership of a certain quantity
of land should give a right to the franchise. So
far from this being the case, the property qualification, as now understood, owes its origin to the
statute 8 Henry VI., c. 7, which formed the
basis of the county franchise for four centuries.
This Act, both in intention and effect, was
disfranchising. Its object was not to confer the
suffrage, but to limit it. It did not give the franchise to those who possessed a prescribed qualification, but took it away from those who did not.
This statute states that elections had of late been
made by " very great, outrageous and excessive
number of people, of which most part was people
of small substance and of no value, whereof
every of them pretended a voice equivalent as to
such elections with the most worthy knights and
esquires/' It accordingly restricted the franchise to residents in the county owning freehold
property to the yearly value of forty shillings.
From this it is apparent that what is called the
property " qualification " is in its nature rather
a superadded condition which a person capable of
H

98

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

voting must satisfy in order that he may be
legally entitled to vote.
It is unnecessary to complicate the subject by
dealing specifically with boroughs. Suffice it to
say that, by other statutes, diffeent kinds of
relations to property—occupation and residence—
were made sufficient qualifications, while various
ancient qualifications in boroughs were abolished.
The same truth underlies all, namely, that every
so-called qualification is really in the nature of a
legally prescribed test, which a person capable of
being an elector must satisfy in order that he
may be recognized as entitled to vote. It does
not give the right to vote : it prescribes a condition
upon which it may be obtained by persons capable
of voting.
In the case of Chorlton?;. Lings,1 it was argued
that, inasmuch as section 3 of the Representation
of the People Act, 1867, enacted that every
" man " who was qualified as therein mentioned,
should be entitled to be registered as a voter, and
Lord Brougham's Act (13 and 14 Vict., c. 21), s. 4,
enacted that words importing the masculine
gender should be taken to include females,
women were entitled to be registered as voters.
This argument was rejected by the Court on the
ground that women were subject to a legal
incapacity for voting, and that it was not intended
by the Act of 1867 to include them in the
word " man." " The legislature/1 said Mr.
1 (1868), L.R. 4 C.P. 374.

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES
Justice Willes, " u p to the passing of the Act of
1867, was unquestionably dealing with qualifications to vote of men in the sense of male persons,
and was providing what should entitle such
individuals of mankind to vote'at parliamentary
elections : and, without going through the Act of
1867, I may say that there is nothing unless it
be the section now in question " (i.e., the 3rd)
" t o show that the intention of the legislature
was ever diverted from the question what should
be the qualification entitling male persons to vote,
to the question whether the personal incapacity
of other persons to vote should be removed.
The Act throughout is dealing, not with the
capacity of individuals, but with their qualification/ '
The case of Nairn v. University of St. Andrews
has already been cited.1 In concurring with the
Lord Chancellor in that case, Lord Ashbourne
observed that " the parliamentary franchise was
by constitutional principle and practice confined
to men M ; and Lord Robertson referred to the
rule that men alone could vote as a " fundamental
constitutional law."
The same truth may be illustrated in other ways.
Infants, and apparently notorious lunatics, although they may own and occupy property,
cannot vote. Their ownership or occupation of
property, apart from other considerations of
capacity, is not sufficient. Again, if A. owns one
1

At p. 92 supra.

ioo

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

house, and in the same electoral district B. owns
ioo houses, B.'s right of voting is only the same
as A's.
It cannot therefore be maintained that, either
in a constitutional or legal sense, the ownership or
occupation of pioperty gives the right of voting
to any one. No rational system of law, indeed,
could possibly make the right to exercise a discretionary public function incident to proprietory
or possessory rights, apart from the consideration
of presumed capacity.
Viewed as a matter of substance, the position is
the same. In electoral law it can be reasonable
to take cognizance of the ownership or occupation
of property only in so far as it may be regarded as
a rough test of the fitness for the franchise of those
whom the law regards as capable of becoming fit.
The question of capacity must be determined on a
wholly different ground. But even if in fact there
had ever been any foundation for the proposition
in question, in view of the tendency in the direction of manhood suffrage, which has been referred
to above, it would obviously be radically unsound
to base any political argument upon it at the
present time.

Ill
THAT TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION IS TYRANNY
THIS proposition, in the sense in which it obtained currency as a widely accepted principle,
has no application to the question of woman
suffrage. It is, of course, possible to use it with
the meaning that it is unjust to tax women while
they are without votes. But, as it has never
acquired general acceptance in any such sense,
when it is so employed it amounts to nothing
more than an assertion upon the very matter
which is in controversy.
Many people, however, evidently believe that
the phrase has a real importance in this connexion. It is, therefore, well to point out what
it's historical and constitutional meaning is.
Somewhere about the year 1760 the North American Colonies, although they then felt no dislike
to their allegiance to the King of Great Britain,
and did not even object to being subject to legislation by the British Parliament in matters of
necessity, began to chafe very seriously against the
imposition of taxes by Acts passed in that Parlia101

WOMAN SUFFRAGE
ment. In neither of its Houses were they represented in any sense whatever, while, on the other
hand, they were in the habit of taxing themselves
in their own assemblies for the support of their
domestic government. Their objection to taxation by Great Britain steadily increased, until at
length they regarded it as tyrannical. It was in
this sense that the phrase in question became
current on both sides of the Atlantic.
In the Declaration of the Nine Colonies of
1765 it was stated that " All supplies of the
Crown being free gifts from the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles
and spirit of the British Constitution for the
people of Great Britain to grant to His Majesty
the property of the Colonies/' And the Earl of
Chatham, in a speech delivered on December
17 in the same year, said: " I assert the
authoiity of this country over the colonies to be
sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of
government and legislation. But taxation is no
part of the governing or legislative power ; taxes
are the voluntary grant of the people alone.'' The
fourth Resolution of the Declaration of Rights of
1774 states : " That the foundation of English
liberty and of all free government is a right in the
people to participate in their legislative council;
and as the English colonists are not represented,
and from their local and other circumstances cannot properly be represented in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

103

power of legislation in their several provincial
legislatures, where their right of representation
can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and
internal polity, subject only to the negative of their
sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore
used and accustomed/' Finally, the Declaration
of Independence of 1776 accused the King of Great
Britain of combining " with others "—by this
time the very name of the British Parliament had
become a thing to be avoided—to subject the
Colonies to a jurisdiction foreign to their constitution, and unacknowledged by their laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : (inter alia) for imposing taxes upon them
without their consent.
The views of the Americans upon the subject of
taxation were no doubt derived, as Burke pointed
out during the controversy, from the constitutional principles established by their English ancestors. It had long been settled in this country
that supplies had to be granted by the Estates of
the Realm, Under the Norman kings the commonalty had in reality been taxed without their
consent, because the great council of the realm by
which subsidies were granted was in practice
generally attended only by the magnates. But
from the time of the Model Parliament in 1295,
representatives of the counties and boroughs took
part in the deliberations of the supreme assembly.
At first the three estates—nobles, clergy and commons—granted their subsidies separately, so that

104

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

the consent of each estate to taxation was manifested in a quite unmistakable way. Occasionally
a monarch endeavoured to impose some form of
tax without the consent of the people ; but such
efforts were from time to time met with a determined resistance. It thus became established as
a principle that the Crown depended for its supplies upon grants made by the estates in their
customary assemblies; and the development of
constitutional government was secured. The
clergy continued to tax themselves in convocation
until the year 1664, although from the time of the
Reformation their subsidies were always confirmed
by Act of Parliament. Since the year 1664, they
have voted for members of the House of Commons,
and for practical purposes there have only been
two estates—the Lords and the Commons.
Accordingly the constitutional principle, so far
as the United Kingdom is concerned, has long
been simply that the King cannot levy any form of
tax without the consent of the other branches of
the legislature. In the language of the Bill of
Rights " levying money for or to the use of the
Crown by pretence of prerogative, without grant
of Parlyament, for longer time or in other manner
than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal/'
It is therefore clear that the maxim in question,
in its historical and constitutional signification,
has no application to the subject of electoral
qualifications. The question of the manner in
which an estate or other community shall be

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

105

represented—how many and which of the members of it shall exercise the franchise—is quite
foreign to the principle that each estate of the realm
must be a party to taxation, and that a distant
community of colonists ought not to be taxed
by the parliament of the mother country in which
they are not represented in any way. Neither
the American colonists nor their English ancestors
would have doubted for a moment that the entire
commonalty of England, including women, were
represented in the Commons House of Parliament.
The United Kingdom in its dealings with colonies enjoying self-government has of course long
recognized the impropriety of taxing them in the
Imperial Parliament, to the deliberations of which
they are not summoned. It is also no doubt true
that persons desiring the extension of the franchise in this country have often endeavoured to
make use of the maxim in question by employing
it in the sense of an assertion that every one who is
taxed ought to have a vote for the parliament
which imposes the taxation. But it cannot be
said that with this signification the maxim has
ever received general acceptance.
Nor is it, indeed, possible to maintain that, in a
literal or universal sense, the franchise ought always to accompany the liability to taxation. Adult
suffrage is certainly not an institution which ought
immediately to be established in every state in
the world. Yet taxation is a necessary incident
of government everywhere. Moreover, even in

io6

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

Great Britain a considerable proportion of the
adult male population, as well as women and
minors, are still without the suffrage, though indirect taxation cannot be escaped by those who
spend money in the purchase of ordinary com'modities. In British India there is no suffrage
at all. Nobody who understands the meaning of
words believes that it is tyrannical on the part of
the British government to tax the beer consumed
by unenfranchised Britons or to levy moderate
and necessary taxes upon the natives of India.
When the franchise is extended in Great Britain,
or granted by the British Parliament elsewhere,
it will undoubtedly be because such a measure is
considered to be likely to promote the general
good of the community concerned, and not
because it is believed that the maxim in question
expresses a truth of universal application.
But even if the proposition were accepted literally and generally it would not follow that because women pay taxes they ought to have votes
for the members of a legislature which is entrusted
with all the powers of imperial sovereignty.
Women would not be taxed without being represented if they were permitted to tax themselves in a special convocation of their sex like the
clergy in former times. Indeed, a speculative
mind might harbour the notion that, if it should
ever be found expedient for the constitution to
provide a special organ for the expression of female
opinion, a convenient precedent could be found

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

107

in the convocations of the two provinces and their
relations to Parliament.
It appears, then, that the proposition that
"taxation without representation is tyranny"
can be made relevant to the controversy as to
woman suffrage only by wresting it from its
historical and constitutional meaning. The use
which is commonly made of it in this connexion
is little more than a play upon familiar words and
entitled to no real weight whatever.
Viewing the matter as one of substance, is it the
fact that there is any sort of hardship inflicted
upon women by compelling them to pay taxes
while unenfranchised ?
So far as rates are concerned, it is to be remembered that they are already in possession of the
franchise for the various local authorities. And
as to other taxation it is obvious that they,
equally with men, enjoy the benefits which are
obtained by the expenditure of the national income. They are, moreover, distributed throughout the various classes of the community in the
same way as men are, and in effect they cannot as
a sex be subjected to unfair or oppressive taxation.
It is therefore impossible to maintain that there
is any reality in the alleged grievance.
The subject of taxation in this connexion is indeed only a side issue. The question directly and
immediately involved is whether or not it is likely
to be for the good of the community as a whole that

io8

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

women should have the controlling power in the
election of members of the Imperial Parliament.
We ought not to hazard the welfare of a fifth of
the human race upon the strength of an assertion
which in so far as it is well founded is not relevant, and in so far as it is relevant has still to
be proved true.

IV
THAT THE SUFFRAGE IS ESSENTIAL TO
A COMPLETE STATUS
SUCH support as the movement for the suffrage
obtains among ordinary women is largely, if not
mainly, due to the diffusion of the idea that its
possession is necessary to complete human dignity—that indeed an unenfranchised sex must be
in a position of some humiliation. If this view
were well founded, there would undoubtedly be a
grave difficulty in the way of those who wish to
maintain the present relations of the sexes to the
State.
But does a difference between the civic statuses
of the two sexes involve even a trace of dishonour
to woman ? It is not the function of law to conquer nature but to restrain its excesses and regulate
its action. In so far as law secures to an individual the possibility of the fullest and freest development of which his or her nature is capable—by
general regulations adapted to the mass—it
provides that individual with a proper status.
A man is a factor of the regulated force which
makes the State, and as such he is inevitably as-

no

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

sociated with the functions of the State. If the
State is to prosper his participation in its functions must be intelligent as well as active. By
tradition and environment the Englishman has
become accustomed to regard the franchise as the
proper means by which he is connected with the
fabric and machinery of government. For the
full development of the powers of which he is consciously capable the suffrage is necessary. On the
other hand, he is debarred from the exercise of the
only human authority which is absolute—from the
most complete influence of mind over mind and
body—because he is for ever excluded from the
innermost sanctuary of the family where the
maternal functions are supreme. A law which
should attempt to remove this incapacity would
be generally felt to be an unwarrantable absurdity.
The development of the nature of the ordinary
man does not require such legislation nor does
the interest of the State demand it.
A woman, for physiological reasons, cannot be
a unit of State force. The State, as distinguished
from the nation of which it is the legal and artificial
form, does not immediately rest upon her. She
is debarred from participation in the functions
which essentially differentiate a State from a
voluntary association. Neither tradition nor
custom; neither her nature nor her special
capabilities, render the franchise essential to the
full and adequate discharge of her functions in the
community. In all the situations where she is

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES
usually found, or where she is more useful and
effective than man, the suffrage would be a disturbing factor, impairing and attenuating the
results of her essential work.
It has already been pointed out that the functions of women as women are at least as important as those of men as men. The race rests upon
the family even more essentially than upon the
State. The one is necessarily co-existent with
the race : without the other the race has existed
and may quite possibly exist again.
If, in view of considerations such as these, the
State refrains from tempting or constraining
women to run the risk of diminishing their
energies in the spheres of human life where they
are absolutely essential, by dispersing and squandering their powers in the exercise of functions
for which they are certainly not indispensable,
can it possibly be said, with any show of reason,
that they are humiliated ?
It is well to remember that the human race is
not divided into two sexes : it exists by their union.
There can be no humanity consisting of men only
or of women only. They are reciprocally essential and therefore necessarily different. By recognizing their differences we honour them both.
That the present position of women in society
and in the family is satisfactory to the sex in
general—allowing for that degree of discontent
which is common to human nature of either
sex—is sufficiently clear, They do not them-

ii2

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

selves think that they are in a degrading or unworthy position. Sometimes it is true a woman
professes that she would rather have been bofri
a man. But this complaint is merely founded
upon a supposed preference for the opposite sex
and by no means indicates the view that she is
badly treated as a woman.
The suggestion that the suffrage is essential in
order that the status of women may be rendered
complete may well be answered by quoting from
a statement prepared by women themselves.
The members of the Women's National AntiSuffrage League 1 declared in their Manifesto that
they opposed the concession of the Parliamentary
vote to their sex for the following, among other,
reasons : —
" (a) Because the spheres of men and women,
owing to natural causes, are essentially
different, and therefore their share in the
public management of the State should
be different.
(b) Because the complex modern State
depends for its very existence on naval
and military power, diplomacy, finance,
and the great mining, constructive, shipping and transport industries, in none of
which can women take any practical
1
This association in 1910 united with the Men's League
for Opposing Woman Suffrage to form the existing organization, which is called the National League for Opposing Woman
Suffrage.

SUFFRAGIST FALLACIES

113

part. Yet it is upon these matters, and
the vast interests involved in them, that
the work of Parliament largely turns.
(c) Because by the concession of the local
government vote and the admission of
women to County and Borough Councils,
the nation has opened a wide sphere of
public work and influence to women,
which is within their powers. To make
proper use of it, however, will tax all the
energies that women have to spare, apart
from the care of the home and the development of the individual life.
(d) Because the influence of women in social
causes will be diminished rather than increased by the possession of the Parliamentary vote. At present they stand,
in matters of social reform, apart from
and beyond party politics, and are listened to accordingly. The legitimate influence of women in politics—in all classes,
rich and poor—will always be in proportion to their education and common sense.
But the deciding power of the Parliamentary vote should be left to men, whose
physical force is ultimately responsible
for the conduct of the State."
Man is the builder of the Empire and the guardian of the State. Woman is the maker of the
Home and the preserver of the Race. The normal

H4

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

sphere of the one must ever differ from that of the
other. That the constitution should recognize
this fundamental fact involves no assumption of
the superiority of the functions of man, nor obscures by the shadow of a shade the full dignity
arid honour of womanhood.

INDEX
ADMINISTRATION of t h e law as regards women
ADULT suffrage involved by woman suffrage
AMERICAN Colonies, taxation of
ANARCHY, when possible
ANTICIPATION, restraint on

ARMY, relation of, to popular government..
ASQUITH, Mr., on woman suffrage
ASSIMILATION of t h e sexes

danger of . .
furtherance of, by woman suffrage
AUGUSTUS, marriage laws in time of
AUSTRALASIA, decrease in natality in
BIAS of men in favour of women
B I L L of Rights and taxation

..

BIRTH-RATE, decline in

BREACH of promise of marriage, action for
BRIGHT, M R . JACOB, on woman suffrage

.

BRITONS, position of women a m o n g . .
BURTON, M R . JOHN H., on " Suffrage and Service '
CABINET, women in the

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR H., on Woman Suffrage Bill
CAPACITY for t h e franchise, legal principle as to . .
95,
to sit in House of Commons
CAUTION, special reasons for . .
CHARACTER, difference of women's and men's
political fitness, effect of, as to
public men, of . .
CHILDREN, custody of . .

illegitimate, law as to
CIVILIZATION and fertility

CLERGY, subsidies granted by
COMPULSORY service, women and
CONCILIATION Bill, The

CONSERVATIVES and woman suffrage
115

n6

INDEX
PAGE
25-27

CONSTITUTION, danger to

stability of
woman suffrage would u n d e r m i n e . .

2 1 , 22
15-27

CONTRACTS, women and

55
CONVOCATIONS, grant of subsidies in
precedent for assemblies representing women 106 104
107
CROWN, possible increase of power of

26
53

CUSTODY of children

DECLARATIONS of American Colonies as to taxation

,102,103

DICKINSON, M R . W. H., Bill of

8

DISORDER, circumstances tending to civil •.

*, 2 4 , 2 5

DIVORCE, law of

54, 55
84

liberty of
DOMESTIC legislation, mistakes in, remediable

32, 33

ECCLESIASTICAL matters, women and

24

EDUCATION and t h e franchise

EFFECTS of woman suffrage
ELECTORAL law, future alterations in
EMANCIPATION of women, generally
movement for . .
Romans, among
E M P I R E , m a n the builder of . .

73, 74
i 5 50, 73-87
3-5
40-50
42, 63-65
45-47, 83
50, n o , 113
31-39

woman suffrage would endanger
ENERGY and fitness for t h e franchise

76, 77
77-79

ENGLISHMEN as politicians

ESTATES of t h e realm and taxation
EXECUTIVE Officers, position of
EXPERIENCE and fitness for t h e franchise . .
EXPERIMENT as to the suffrage impracticable

103,104

17, 18

37, 74
10, 3 1 - 3 5

84, 85

FACTORY Laws, beneficent effect of..
woman suffrage and
FAMILY, woman and t h e

..

..

..

14, 1

84-86
5°, 113
47, 48
43-45
75-77
76, 77
74

FERTILITY of t h e race, civilization and
diminution of
FITNESS for the franchise, character, effect of, on
energy, importance of, as to
experience and
information and
74, 75
intellectual power a n d . .
74
nature of..
..
73-76
why women differ from men as to 75, 76

INDEX

ii7
PAGE

FORCE, government dependent upon
sovereignty dependent upon
women, position of, as to . .
FOREIGN Policy, special importance of
FRANCHISE.

..
..
••
..

..
..
••
..

. . 16-19
. . 16-19
• • 23, n o
* • 33, 34

See Suffrage.

FRANCHISE Acts, nature of. . .

..

..

..

20, 97-99

F R E E T R A D E , women and

..

..

..

..

GENERAL Elections, effect of . .
..
Reform Act, since

..
..

..
..

20, 29, 30
..
79

GEORGE, M R . L L O Y D , proposal of

..

..

GERMANY, relations of Great Britain w i t h . .
virility of . .
..
..
..
GLADSTONE on woman suffrage . . .
..
GOVERNMENT, force, dependent upon
..
nature of
..
..
..
necessity of
..
..
GREAT Powers, special position of . .
..

..
..
..
..
..
..

GREECE, decline of

..

..

..

..

36

8, 9

36
..
36
12, 13, j6
. . 16-19
. . 16-19
. . 15, 16
. . 31-34

..

..

..

..

..

47

intellectual power in

..

..

..

..

49

..

..

..

..

8, 9

G R E Y , S I R E D W A R D , proposal of

HISTORY of qualifications for t h e suffrage
teaching of, as to woman suffrage

93-99
49, 50
H O M E , importance of . .
..
..
..
. . 14, 48, 50, 113
woman t h e maker of . .
..
..
. . 14, 50, 113
woman suffrage, effect of, on
..
..
14 , 42> 87
H O U S E of Commons, character of members of , . .
7i
decline of power of, possible
26
women in
..
. . . .
10-12
H O U S E of Lords, possible increase of power of . .
26
HUMANITARIANISM, woman suffrage and
69, 70
HUSBAND and wife, children, disputes of, as to
53
law of . .
51-55
HUSBAND, liabilities of
51-54
ILLEGITIMATE children, position of mother of
..
. . 56, 57
IMPERIAL Policy, mistakes in, sometimes irremediable
. . 33, 34
women and
..
31-37
IMPOSSIBILITY of giving women votes such as men have
15, 22-24, 29, 30
INCAPACITY of women to vote, legal
93-99
INDIA, effect of woman suffrage in . .
..
..
..
36
INFANT m a y own property b u t cannot vote
..
..
99
INFANTICIDE, punishment of

..

..

56, 57

n8

INDEX
PAGE

INFLUENCE of women, generally
..
•.
..
legislation, on
..
..
INFORMATION and fitness for the franchise..
..
INNATE right, examination of supposed
..
..
INSTABILITY in political affairs
..
..
..
INTELLECTUAL achievements, women and . .
..
INTELLECTUAL power, ancient development of
fitness for the franchise, relation of,
INTERESTS of women, woman suffrage and
..
INTUITION, women's faculty of
..
..
..
IRELAND, women and the future government of . .
IRREVOCABLE, woman suffrage would be . .
..

59,
..
..
.,
..
..
.,
to
..
..
..
..

60, 86
60
74, 78
89-92
34, 35
50
49
74
82-87
80
36
10

JURYMEN, Englishmen as

.•

78, 79

..

..

..

..

LABOUR questions, women and
..
..
24, 66-69, 84-86
LAW, administration of, as to women
..
..
. . 56, 57
nature of . .
..
..
..
..
, ,.
. . 16-^18
sanction of
..
..
..
..
..
. . 16-18
women, position of, under t h e
..
\ .
. . 51-57
LEGISLATION, influence of women on
..
..
..
§0
mistakes in, generally remediable . .
..
32
women, affecting
..
..
..
. . 58-60
LIBERALS and woman suffrage
.*
..
..
..
8, 9
LIMITATIONS of woman suffrage, proposed . .
..
..
1-10
LOCAL Government, women and
..
..
..
. . 58, 61
LUNATICS own property but cannot vote . .
..
..
99
MAINTENANCE, liabilities of husband as t o . .
..
. . 51, 52
wife as to
..
..
. . 52, 53
summary jurisdiction as t o . .
..
..
52
MAJORITY, why minority defer to . .
..
..
. . 19-21
women would constitute..
..
..
..
1, 4
MARRIAGE Laws, Augustus, in time of
..
..
..
84
woman suffrage and
..
..
..
83
MARRIED women, rights of . .
..
..
..
. . 51-55
woman suffrage must extend to
..
2, 3
See Wife.
MEN, empire, are builders of..
..
..
..
. . 50, 113
rule, why must . .
..
..
..
..
..
29
State, relations of, to . . . .
..
. . 19, 109, n o
taste for politics, usually have
..
..
. . 77, 78
women, differences of, from . .
..
••75-77, 80, 110
justice of, to
..
..
..
. . 56-60
MEN'S League for opposing woman suffrage
..
112, note

INDEX

119
PAGE

MILITARY Service and t h e suffrage . .

..

..

MILL, JOHN STUART, on knowledge about women

MINORITY obey majority, why
..
MOTHER, illegitimate children, of . .
rights of
woman as
..
..
MUNICIPAL electors, canvass of female

..
,.
..
..

29, note
..

81

..
..

. . 19-21
. . 56, 57
. . 52-56
14, 50, n o , i n
..
..
64

NATION, relation of State to
NATIONAL League for opposing woman suffrage

no
112, note
50

" NATURE'S Salic Law "

3-10
106

" O N t h e same terms as m e n , " why illusory
ORGAN of female opinion, possible

. 10, I I
34
64
PHILIPPA, QUEEN
69
POLITICIANS, women as, among Romans
• 46, 47
POLITICS, taste for, men usually have
77. 78
women usually have not
37» 63
POPULAR government, woman suffrage would undermine.. i5-3o
POPULATION, decline of rate of increase of
43-45
POWER, government dependent upon
16-19
women, exercised by 70
" PROLETARIUS," meaning of . .
47
PROPERTY, basis of suffrage, impracticable
..
310, 100
qualiflcation, history of . .
96-99
right to vote, does not give
women a n d
..
..
..
..
t. 95-100
PARLIAMENT, women in

PENDULOUS voters, already numerous
PETITIONS as to woman suffrage

5> 55

PROTECTION, women and
PUBLIC-HOUSES, closing of
PUBLIC men, character of

work, women's opportunities for . .

36

24

..

.\

7i
61

QUALIFICATIONS for franchise, capacity" t o vote, distinguished from
..
. . 95-99
existing
..
..
5, 97-99
history of . .
..
. . 96-99
property
..
..
5, 97, 98
women, what, would possess
6
QUESTION, what is the real
I3> H> 3i
RACE, British, effect of woman suffrage on
fertility of, declining

40-49
43-45

INDEX

120

PAGE

R A C E , British, woman movement and
civilization and diminution of
Greek, decline of
human, achievements of
patriotism of . .
Roman, decline of
woman t h e guardian of
RELIGION, woman suffrage and

.. 42-44
.. 47, 48
47
50
..
48
•. 45-47
5°> ii3
•• 43-45
•• 49. .5P

REPRESENTATION, taxation and

..101-108

REPUTATION, special protection of women's
REVOLUTION, woman suffrage would involve
RIGHT to suffrage, examination of supposed innate
legal
RIGHTS, movement for women's
ROMANS, decline of race of
emancipation of women among
marriage laws of
women politicians among . .

• • 55, 56
.. 1, 13
.. 89-92
•. 92-94
42, 45, 63
. . 46,47
45, 46, 83
84
46

REGISTRAR-GENERAL, reports of

" SALIC Law, Nature's "
SANCTION of

law

SAXONS, position of women among . .
S E X E S , assimilation

of..

50
16-19
96
40-42, 48
75-77, 81
75-77
in

..

characters of t h e two
differences between
humanity constituted by both
SOCIAL position of women
62
effect of woman su:
86, 87
SOLDIERS, civic position of . .
27-29
SOUTH African war, feeling during . .
24
SOVEREIGNTY, force, dependent upon
16-19
nature of
16
SPINSTERS, qualifications, what would possess
6
widows, and, proposed restriction of suffrage to
. . 19, 109 i - 3
STATE, man's relation t o
no
nation, relation of, to
no
woman and t h e
23 110-113
STATUS, suffrage, relation of, to
.109-114
women, of
.110-114
SUFFRAGE, anomalies as to
• 7, 93
capacity for t h e . .
. 95-100
educational effect of the
80
effect of, on women
E, 4 I , 4 2
experiment as to, impracticable
• i°> 33
fitness for t h e
. 73-81

INDEX

121

SUFFRAGE, history of qualifications for the
irrevocable, grant of, would be
limitations of, proposed . .
..
military service and t h e . .
..
nature of the
..
..
..
petitions as to
..
..
.,
property, cannot rest upon
..
qualifications for the
..
..
right to, supposed former legal. .
innate
..
status, relation of, to
..
..
woman movement and . .
..
women, effect of, on
..
..
not generally desired by
why desired by some . .

..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
,.

PAGE
96-99
11
1-10
29, note
. . 19-21
..
64
3-10, 100
5, 96-99
. . 92-94
. . 89-92
. .109-114
..
42
11, 41, 42
. . 63-65
63, 109

TASTE for politics, men usually have
..
women usually have not
..
TAXATION, American Colonies, of
..
Convocations, by . .
..
..
Estates of the Realm, of
..
representation, relation" of, to . .
women, of , .
..
..
..

..
..
..
..
..
..
..

. . 77, 78
. . 37, 63
. . 101-103
..
104
103, 104
. . 101-108
..
107

UNNECESSARY, woman suffrage is . .
USELESS, woman suffrage would b e . .

..
..

..
..

..
..

..
..
..

51-65
66-72

VITALITY of race, woman suffrage would impair . .
. . 40-50
VOICELESS, women are not, because voteless
..
..
60
VOTE, change in character of, woman suffrage would
involve
..
..
..
..
15, 22-25, 29, 30
nature of
..
..
..
..
..
. . 19-21
See Suffrage.
VOTER, British, efficiency of . .
..
..
..
. . 77-79
efficiency of vote depends upon . .
..
22-25, 3°
pendulous
..
..
..
..
..
..
34
WAGES of women, improvement in, how may be effected 67-69
less than men's, why . .
..
. . 66, 67
suffrage, relation of, to
..
. . 66-69
WAR, woman suffrage and . .
..
..
..
. . 25, 33
WARSHIPS, determination of number of
..
..
. . 36, 37
W I F E , civil wrongs committed by . .
..
..
..
53
contracts, position of, as to . .
..
..
..
55
crimes of
.•
..
.•
.•
••
.•
53
laws regulating position of . .
..
.•
. . 51-56

122

INDEX

PAGE
W I F E , maintenance by husband, right of . .
. . 51, 52
of husband, liability as to .
• • 52, 53
property, position of, as to
55
rights of, unconditional
52
WOMAN movement, duration of
42, 64, 65
suffrage, central object of
42
vitality of race, and . .
. . 41-45
WOMEN, biassed against, men are not
. . 56-60
in favour of, men are
. . 56-60
Britons, position of, among the early .
96
Cabinet, in the
. . 12, 13
canvass of, on municipal registers
64
capacity to vote, have not legal . .
. . 95~99
character of, differs from t h a t of men .
• • 75, 76
contracts of . .
55
different from men, are essentially
. 75-77,80,110
discontented, are not more, than men . . 63, i n , 112
ecclesiastical matters, and
24
factory laws, and
,
. . 84-86
family, and the
14, 15, 50, U S
fitness for the franchise, and
• 37, 77, 79-8i
force, position of, as to
23, n o
free trade, and
36
functions of, importance of distinctive .
48, 50, 113
homes, the makers of
.
14, 50, 113
humanitarianism, and
. . 69, 70
humiliated, are not
62, 112-114
illegitimate children, and
. . 5<5,57
imperial affairs, and
37
incapable of voting, are in law . .
.• 93-99
India, and
36
influence of, generally
59, 60, 86
legislation, on
60
intellectual achievements, and
50
interests of, how affected by the suffrag e
. . 82-87
intuition of . .
80
Ireland, and government of
36
knowledge of men as to . .
81
labour questions, and
..
..
2 4, 66-69, 80-86
laws affecting
. . 51-56
legislation affecting
. . 58-60
influence of, upon
60
local government, and
. . 58, 61
longevity of . .
62
majority, are in a . .
1,4
mothers, as . .
r.
..
..
14, 50, n o , i n

INDEX

123
PAGE

WOMEN, number of, who would be enfranchised
4. I1
106
organ for expression of opinion of
parliament, in
10-12
46
politicians, as, among Romans
politics, and
37, 63
position of, among Britons
96
Saxons..
96
power exercised by . .
70
privileges of . .
..
..
..
52-56, 62 83: 86
property, and
5: 55
protection, and
36
61
public work, present opportunities of, for
6
qualifications, what, would possess existing
questions which they would regard differently
from men
..
..
..
..
..
24
race, guardians of the
..
..
..
50, 113
reputation, protection of . .
..
..
• • 55> 56
rights of, movement for . .
..
. . 42, 45, 63-65
Roman Empire, position of, in . .
. . 45-47, 83, 84
Saxons, position of, among
..
..
..
96
social position of
..
..
..
62, 86, 87
State, relation of, to
..
..
..
23, 110-114
status of, true
..
..
..
..
..110-114
suffrage, desire of, for, limited extent of..
. . 63-65
effect of, upon
..
..
..
11, 41, 42
See Suffrage,
taste for politics, generally have not
..
. . 37, 63
taxation of . .
..
..
.,
..
..
107
voiceless, are not, because voteless
..
..
60
votes like men, cannot have
..
. . 22-25, 29> 3°
wages of
..
..
..
. . . .
. . 66-69
war, effect of votes of, as to
..
..
. . 25, 33
work of, indispensable
..
..
..
14, 50, 113
WOMEN'S National Anti-Suffrage League, manifesto of.. 112, 113
petition promoted by 64
W O R K of women, indispensable
..
..
14, 50, 113, 114

P. S. King & Son, Printers, Westminster

THE NATIONAL LEAGUE
FOR

OPPOSING WOMAN SUFFRAGE
CAXTON HOUSE, WESTMINSTER.
Presidents:
The

EARL GURZON OF KEDLESTON.
LORD WEARDALE.

Deputy Presidents:
The

COUNTESS OF JERSEY.
LADY ROBSON.

Chairman of Executive
Committee.
Hon. Treasurer: J. MASSIE, Esq., to whom all
cheques are to be paid.
Hon. Secretary: Mrs. MOBERLY BELL, to whom all
communications should be addressed.
Bankers: LONDON, COUNTY & WESTMINSTER, Canton House, Tothill Street, Westminster.
COLONEL L E ROY-LEWIS,

OBJECTS OF T H E LEAGUE.
To resist the proposal to admit women to
the Parliamentary Franchise and to Parliament, whilst at the same time maintaining the
principle of the representation of women on
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Contributions are invited from all those who are
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study of social lite which is identified with a n y one. section of the nation
is a m i s t a k e ; but the studies will be quite useful to those for whom
written, as they will fumi-h mateiial for thinking on the questions which
are at t h e moment so violently agitating the nation
We would invite
special attention to the article in the first volume, ' How the Proposals
of the. Minoiity Report affect Catholics,' by Bertiaud W. Devas, M.A.,
which is a real scientific study."

P. S. KING & SON, Orchard House, Westminster.