©2QCof.5

A Political Guide
for the Workers
1920

:

Published by

The Socialist P a r t y of the United States
2 2 0 South Ashland Boulevard
CHICAGO, ILL.

EUGENE VICTOR DEBS

A Political Guide
for the

Workers

Socialist Party
Campaign Book
1920

Prepared by t h e

Department of Labor Research, Rand School
of Social Science
A. L. Trachtenberg, Director

Published by

The Socialist Party of the United States
220 South Ashland Boulevard
CHICAGO, ILL.

1920

C O P Y R I G H T 1920 BY
T H E SOCIALIST P A R T Y OF T H E U N I T E D STATES
CHICAGO,
ILL.

Printed in the U. S. A.

FOREWORD
^

^

This little book is the joint work of a number of contributors, which has been compiled under the general
editorship of Alexander Trachtenberg, Director of the
Department of Labor Research of the Rand School of
Social Science, and James Oneal, member of the National
Executive Committee of the Socialist party. Benjamin
Glassberg. of the Rand School also rendered valuable
assistance in the editorial work.
Among the contributors to the volume are Morris Hillquit, David P. Berenberg, Evans Clark, Roger Baldwin,
Solon DeLeon, Lewis Gannett, Benjamin Glassberg,
Bertha Hale White, William Morris Feigenbaum, Alexander Trachtenberg, James Oneal and Irwin St. John
Tucker.
The book is the result of a request made by the National Executive Committee that the Research Department of the Rand School of Social Science co-operate in
the preparation of material for it.
The editorial committee believes that the book marks
an advance over the bulky campaign books that have
been prepared in the past, in that the material is much
less in quantity, it is presented in a more popular style,
statistics have been reduced to a minimum, while the
information will prove of service to party speakers and
editors and at the same time serve as a propaganda book
among the workers.
The editorial committee takes this opportunity to express its thanks to all those who have contributed to the
volume and helped in any way to make its publication
possible.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
3

Foreword
Section I
T H E SOCIALIST PARTY
Eugene V. Debs—A Biographical Sketch
T h i s is Our Year—By Eugene V. Debs
Seymour S t e d m a n — A Biographical Sketch
Letter of Acceptance—Seymour Stedman
T h e Socialist Party and t h e 1920 Elections—By Mori is
Hillquit
Platform of t h e Socialist Party, 1920
Declaration of Principles, Socialist Party, 1920
Socialist Party R e s o l u t i o n s :
Russia and Poland
Hungary
Ireland
The Intercollegiate Socialist Society
The Albany Ouster
Anti-Syndicalist Legislation
Militarism
Passports to Jean Longuet
Postofhce Employes
Government Ownership of Railroads
A History of t h e Socialist Party
Socialist Party I n s t i t u t i o n s

7
12
15
19
23
27
32
37
39
40
41
41
41
42
42
43
43
43
50

Section II
Congress and t h e Workers
T h e Two Platforms of t h e Capitalist Party:
The Platform of the Democratic Branch
The Platform of the Republican Branch
T h e Gold D u s t T w i n s
Cox and Roosevelt

52
58
59
62
64
65

Section III
T h e Labor Party
T h e Farmer-Labor Party
Official A t t i t u d e of t h e Socialist Party Toward t h e Labor
Party
T h e Political Policy of t h e A. F. of L
T h e Nonpartisan League
5

67
71
75
77
80

Section IV
Russia
Bibliographical N o t e o n Russia
American Imperialism and Latin A m e r i c a :
The Panama "Revolution"
The Seizure of Santo Domingo
Plots to Loot Mexico

Page
84
95
95
96
96
97

Section V
Civil Liberties:
War-time Restrictions on the Freedom of Speech, Press
and Assemblage
The Crusade Against Civil Liberties since the Armistice. . .
Activities of the Federal Government
Activities of State Governments
Overthrowing Representative Government
The Albany Ouster
The Berger Case
The Persecution of the I. W. W
Company Controlled Districts of the United States
Legalized Violence
Mob Violence
Four Years of Anti-labor Legislation

100
100
106
108
115
117
117
118
120
122
123
123
124

Section VI
Wages i n t h e United States—Before and After the War:
Mines and Quarries
Wages in Manufacturing
Wages in Telephone and Telegraph Industries
Wages of Hired Farm Labor. •.
Labor's "Profiteering"
Who is Responsible for t h e Increased Cost of Living
T h e Story of Wool
W e a l t h and I n c o m e i n t h e United S t a t e s
N e t I n c o m e of all Corporations i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s
Profits of M e a t Packers
I n c o m e Tax R e t u r n s

130
131
132
133
133
134
139
147
149
149
150
151

Section VII
One Cent for Welfare—One Dollar for War
Labor i n t h e Courts
Labor and t h e Press
T h e Control of Education
War Casualties
T h e Land Problem in t h e U n i t e d States
Middle Class Land Reforms

154
155
157
160
162
163
164

Section VIII
W o m a n Suffrage

170
Section X I
GREETINGS FROM EUROPE

R o m a i n Rolland
Henri Barbusse
George Lansbury. .
Philip S n o w d e n
J. R a m s a y MacDonald
Tom Mann
J o h n MacLean

173
173
174
175
176
176
177
6

SECTION I

The Socialist Party
EUGENE VICTOR DEBS.
It is given to few great movements
to be so wholly typified in the personality of a single being as the Socialist movement in America is in
that of Eugene V. Debs. For Debs
is Socialism incarnate. Debs is
love, humanity, freedom.
And
Debs is a prisoner at Atlanta, serving a term of 10 years in the 65th
year of his life.
Only in America with its boasted
^s^j^
_^gy liberty is such a paradox possible.
ffi—£^£ v,DEBSjlf
The greatest living American is
:| ,
%\-M shut up behind bars and kept there
along with hundreds of other men and women by the
broken autocrat of the White House, because he dared
preach the truth as he saw it, because he raised his powerful voice against the injustice of war and the persecution of Socialists and others who opposed the "war to
end war."
p_

It was at Canton, Ohio, on June ]£, 1918, that Debs
delivered the speech for which he is now serving a jail
sentence. He made the speech after due deliberation, and
during his trial refused to withdraw a single statement.
If it was wrong to oppose war he wks willing to suffer
even if he stood alone.
7

On April 13, 1919, almost a half year after the war
with Germany had actually ended, Deb.s entered the
Moundsville (W. Va.) prison. In his parting message
to the friends and comrades who had accompanied him
he said:
"I enter the prison doors a flaming revolutionist—my
head erect, my spirit untamed and mv soul unconquerable."
On May 13, 1920, 13 months after his entry into prison,
the Socialist Party at its national convention nominated
Debs as its .standard bearer for the fifth time. The
demonstration which followed the nomination was unsurpassed in the history of the Socialist movement, as
delegates and spectators applauded and cheered with unabated enthusiasm for 30 minutes.
On May 29, 1920, there took place in the warden's
office at Atlanta, a spectacle unique in modern history.
A candidate was notified of his nomination for his country's highest office clad in a convict's garb. Always
anxious to serve as a simple soldier in the ranks and
avoid positions of prominence, he accepted the nomination for president, with the hope that he would help to
unite the workers of America in an aggressive campaign
against capitalism and reaction.
Eugene V. Debs has been the real leader of the Socialist movement in America for the past 20 years. Indeed he is one of the original founders of the Socialist
movement in the United States. Leadership is distasteful to him. He leads by virtue of his example; nothing
else. "I am no Moses to lead you out of the wilderness"
he says, "because if I could lead you out, someone else
could lead you in again." Deb.s at the present moment
enjoys the love and confidence of the mass of the plain
people of America as no other American does, and justly so. At the same time Debs is without doubt the best
hated man in America. No man is so feared by the capitalist class.
His Life.
Eugene Victor Debs was born in Terre Haute, Indiana,
on November 5, 1855. His parents, Jean Daniel Debs
and Marguerite Marie Mettrich ("Dandy and Daisy" the
children affectionately called them) were of French descent, having come to the United States from Colmar,
Alsace. Eugene was one of ten children, and like millions
of other children of workers, he was compelled to leave
school in his fourteenth year.
In May, 1870, at the age of 14, he began to work in
the shops of the Terre Haute and Indianapolis railroad,
8

and later as a fireman on that road, now part of the Pennsylvania system. He continued this work for a number
of years and in 1874 took a. clerkship with a large wholesale grocers' concern in his native city.
Before Debs was 20, he had helped to organize a lodge
of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen (February
27, 1875). He likewise aided in the organization of the
switchmen, the Railway Carmen, the Railway Telegraphers, and other unions. In a very real sense, he is the
father of the powerful "Big Four" brotherhoods. Recently, he was voted a life membership by the Indiana
branch of the Locomotive Firemen.
A Union Official.
At the 1878 convention of his union, when he was but
22, he was made associate editor of the Firemen's Magazine. Two years later, he was made secretary-treasurer,
and editor and manager of the periodical. He had arrived as a labor leader of power and force. Old Josh
Leach, the patriarch of the Firemen, said at the St. Louis
convention of his organization, "I left a tow-headed boy
in charge of the Brotherhood in Terre Haute. He is
going to be heard from."
At about this time, Debs made his first political speech.
He had joined a local debating society, and everything
on earth, and under the earth, and in the seas, had been
settled in the manner of the country debating society.
Debs himself writes how he became a speaker. It was
because he was interested in what he was speaking about.
"No one ever made a great speech on a mean subject"
he wrote; "Slavery never inspired an immortal thought."
Likewise, he was a great reader, omnivorously devouring
everything that came within his reach.
He had become a popular figure in Terre Haute, and
it was considered quite an event when he made a public
speech in favor of the Democratic ticket. But although
he was offered a place on the Democratic ticket as candidate for Congress again and again he always declined.
He did serve two terms as a member of the Indiana legislature, and one term as city clerk of Terre Haute, both
times as a Democrat.
During the years up to 1893, Debs traveled tens of
thousands of miles, organizing the railroad men. He
was an indefatigable worker. He loved his work—he
loved his railroad men. But at the end of the tour, he
was always back again in Terre Haute, with his mother.
In 1892, he left his organization to organize the American Railway Union. He had lifted the Brotherhood out
9

of debt. He was drawing $4,000 a year—and his comrades begged him to stay with them. They offered him
any salary he wanted. They offered him a free trip to
Europe, a year's pay as a bonus, and $2,000 into the
bargain. But he declined. He had seen the vision of
One Big Union, and he organized it at Uhlich's Hall in
North Clark Street, Chicago, accepting from it infinite
toil, and $75 a month.
Within a short time, he won the great victory of the
Great Northern strike, beating "Jim" Hill to a standstill.
The strike began on April 13, 1894 and lasted but 18
days without the slightest trace of violence or disorder.
Then came the Pullman striked, called against Debs' advice, with its manufactured violence, and its Federal
troops under General Miles, sent into Chicago by Grover
Cleveland over Governor Altgeld's protest.
Then the cars began to burn, and men to be slugged.
Following this period of lawlessness came the conspiracy
trial against Deb.s and his associates, a trial that was
mysteriously adjourned when a juror became "ill"—and
hasn't recovered yet. Everything was going along well
when Judges Woods and Grosscup enforced an injunction of Judge William Howard Taft, an injunction that
denied the strikers every right they had as citizens.
Debs, Sylvester Kelliher and three other strike leaders
scornfully refused to obey the injunction, "and they were
sent to jail for contempt of a court that was contemptible," as Ben Hanford put it. And just before he went,
he received this message: "Stick to your principles regardless of consequences—Your father and mother."
Debs went to Woodstock jail a union man, he says, and
came out a Socialist. It was Victor L. Berger who
visited Debs in jail, and made a Socialist of him.
Woodstock Jail.
At the end of Debs' six months' term, in November
1894, over 150,000 workers met the leader at the train
and gave him a welcome ,such as no returning warrior
has ever received in American history. At the armory
on the lake front, Henry Demarest Lloyd began his great
speech of welcome with these words, "From the beginning of time, the bird of freedom has been a jailbird."
In the following years, Debs undertook to pay the
debts of the shattered A. R. U.—for which he was not
at all legally responsible. He lectured in every part of
the country, riding in smokers all night, to save Pullman
fares. He spoke to vast audiences everywhere, his wonderful eloquence, his humanity, his enthusiasm, captivating all who came into contact with him.
10

In 1896, there was a determined attempt to nominate
Debs for President on the Populist ticket, and the move
achieved considerable strength. In 1897, the old A. R. U.
formally dissolved, and became the Social Democracy of
America. In the following year, in the same Uhlich's
Hall in which the A. R. U. had been born, there was a
convention from which the anti-political, Utopian and
communistic elements were excluded and the SocialDemocratic party founded. Debs' closest associates in
that work were Seymour Stedman and Victor L. Berger.
From that time, Debs has been in the service of the
Socialist party. He was candidate for president in 1900,
1904, 1908 and 1912. Each year he polled a greater vote
than in the previous election. He aroused countless
millions by his glorious eloquence. With the advancing
years, his spirit has become more and more fiery and
his ardor greater. He has gradually become the inspiration of the Socialist movement. No one could come to
Debs with a request without having the request more
than complied with. He has gone into strike regions at
the risk of life, and he has faced death numbers of times
in the interest of the workers.
Then came the war.
When the St. Louis Convention was in session, Debs
was seriously ill and was unable to attend, but a few
weeks later, he was again on his feet, carrying his burning message from one end of the land to another. As
if feverish lest there be not time enough left to him, he
spoke again and again.
Some "intellectuals" recanted their Socialism and
joined the Jingoes. To help the Socialist movement
hold steadfast to its stand for internationalism, 'Gene
Debs stepped forward, and made his Canton speech.
Every Socialist received renewed inspiration from this
heroic act.
In Jail Again.
And so Debs is in jail, firm and unconquerable. He
does not complain, nor does he ask for better treatment
than the murderers and the felons around him. And
he will not ask for pardon, although it has been repeatedly .said that the slightest hint of "repentance" on his
part will bring a full and free pardon. But he will not
bend.
Debs' writings and speeches bear the imprint of a
remarkably beautiful style. The messages of freedom
from industrial slavery which he has carried to every
corner of America are expressed in a manner that captures the imagination and holds it much as Lincoln was
11

wont to do. The dignity, the beauty, the poetic charm
of his writings have rarely been equalled in American
prose. Take for example the closing passage of his address to the court at Cleveland before sentence was
passed upon him.
"When the mariner, sailing over tropic seas, looks
for relief from his weary watch, he turns his eyes
toward the Southern Cross, burning luridly above
the tempest-vexed ocean. As the midnight approaches,- the Southern Cro.ss begins to bend, and
the whirling worlds change their places, and with
starry finger-prints the Almighty marks the passage
of Time upon the dial of the Universe; and though
no bell may beat the glad tidings, the look-out
knows that the midnight is passing—that relief and
rest are close at hand.
"Let the people take Jieart and hope everywhere,
for the cross is bending, the midnight is passing and
joy cometh with the morning."
And again in the opening remarks of his address to
the Court with rare beauty and strength, he paints his
great love and sympathy for all classes of men, everywhere :—
"Your honor, years ago I recognized my kinship
with all living beings, and I made up my mind that
I was not one bit better than the meanest.of earth.
I said then, I .say now, that while there is a lower
class I am in it; while there.is a criminal element,
I am of it; while there is a soul in prison, I am not
free."
Fortunate is he who has had the privilege of knowing
this great humanist, this lover of mankind, this internationalist whose affection breaks down frontiers, levels
barriers of race, creed, color and nationality and penetrates the concrete of prison walls.
THIS IS OUR YEAR!
By Eugene V. Debs.
The laws of evolution have decreed the downfall of
the capitalist system. The handwriting is upon the wall
in letters of fire. The trusts are transforming industry
and next will come the transformation of the trusts by
the people. Socialism is inevitable. Capitalism is breaking down and the new order evolving from it is clearly
the Socialist commonwealth.
12

The present evolution can only culminate in industrial
and social democracy, and in alliance therewith and preparing the way for the peaceable reception of the new
order is the Socialist movement, arousing the workers
and educating and fitting them to take possession of
their own when at last the struggle of the centuries has
been crowned with triumph.
In the coming social order, based upon the social ownership of the means of life and the production of wealth
for the use of all instead of the private profit of the
few, for which the Socialist Party stands in this and
every other campaign, peace will prevail and plenty for
all will abound in the land. The brute struggle for existence will have ended, and the millions of exploited
poor will be rescued from the skeleton clutches of poverty and famine. Prostitution and the white slave traffic,
fostered and protected under the old order, will be a
horror of the past.
The social conscience and the social spirit will prevail.
Society will have a new birth, and the race a new destiny. There will be work for all, leisure for all, and the
joys of life for all.
Competition there will be, not in the struggle for existence, but to excel in good work and social service.
Every child will then have an equal chance to grow up
in health and vigor of body and mind, and an equal
chance to rise to its full stature and achieve success in
life.
These are the ideals of the Socialist Party and to these
ideals it has consecrated all its energies and all its powers, 't The members of the Socialist Party are the party
and their collective will is the supreme law. The Socialist Party is organized and ruled from the bottom up.
There is no boss and there never can be unless the party
deserts its principles and ceases to be a Socialist Party.
The party is supported by a dues-paying membership.
It is the only political party that is so supported. Each
member has not only an equal voice, but is urged to take
an active part in all the party councils. Each local meeting place is an educational center. The party relies
wholly upon the power of education, knowledge, and
mutual understanding.- It buys no vote and it makes no
canvass in the red-light districts.
The press of the party is the most vital factor in its
educational propaganda and the workers are everywhere
being aroused to the necessity of building up a working
class press to champion their cause and to discuss current issues from their point of view for the enlightenment of the masses.
13

The campaign before us gives us our supreme opportunity to reach the American people. They have but to
know the true meaning of Socialism to accept its
philosophy, and the true mission of the Socialist Party to
give it their support. Let us all unite as we never have
before to place the issue of Socialism squarely before the
masses. For years they have been deceived, misled and
betrayed, and they are now hungering for the true gospel of relief and the true message of emancipation.
This is our year in the United States. Socialism is in
the very air we breathe. It is the grandest shibboleth
that ever inspired men and women to action in this
world. In the horizon of labor, it shines as a new-risen
sun and it is the hope of all humanity.
Onward, comrades, onward in the struggle, until Triumphant Socialism proclaims an Emancipated Race and
a New World!

14

SEYMOUR STEDMAN.
Seymour Stedman was born in
Hartford, Connecticut on July 14,
1871. His ancestors were of revolutionary stock, and among his relatives were Edmund Clarence Stedman and William Cullen Bryant.
His father was well enough off at
first, but reverses drove his family
wrest, and they settled in Solomon
City, Kansas. Here a series of
droughts wiped out the family fortunes, and young Seymour went to
work tending sheep at a wage of
$5 a month.
When the boy was ten years old the family came to
Chicago and he went to work, first in the Crane Brothers
Manufacturing company at $3 a week and later as a messenger boy. His first strike experience was in 1883.
"We went on strike" said Stedman, "because the work
was too hard. We went out for shorter hours. I was a
uniformed boy, and I had to work until 7 four nights a
week, and to 9, 10 and 11 the other three nights. I knew
what I was striking for."
Later he got a job with the firm of Baker and Greeley,
where he had to dust desks, sweep floors and read. The
two members of the firm were writing lives of Lincoln,
and taking trips abroad, and there was little left for the
curly headed boy to do, except to read.
At nights, he read works on economics, and he argued
long hours, as thoughtful boys will, with many people,
including several philosophical anarchists, settling the affairs of the universe every night. He was a free trader
—the family was of that persuasion almost by tradition
—and he soon became a Single Taxer.
At the age of 17, it entered Stedman's head that he
wanted to be a lawyer. He went to the dean of the
Northwestern University School of Law, told him that
he had achieved the 3rd grade of school, and no more, and
asked to be admitted into the law school. After an hour's
quizzing on the boy's general reading and intelligence, the
dean said, "I will pass you."
15

During the day, Stedman held to his "cinch" job, reading law, Ingersoll, Herbert Spencer and economics to
while away his spare time, and attending lectures at night.
He made a fine scholastic record, and whenever there
were any students exempted from examination, Stedman
was one of them.
At the age of 18, the youth decided that he wanted to
speak for the Democratic Party. "I knew the tariff thoroughly" he said, "from the nursing bottle to the brimstone tax of $10 a ton."
Before he was 20, he was already known as one of
the foremost orators of Chicago.
In the same year he was admitted to the bar, and
tried his first case before Judge Altgeld.
Then came the great strike of the American Railway
Union.
With the coming of the Federal troops under General
Nelson A. Miles, sent by Grover Cleveland over the protest of Governor Altgeld, Stedman left the Democratic
party, never to return. In quitting the party, he deliberately turned his back on a career of political advancement
that might easily have led him to the United States
Senate or to the Cabinet.
The A. R. U.
Stedman wanted to help in the strike. He went around
to strike headquarters, but some of the men wouldn't
trust a Democratic lawyer. Then he got a friend named
Kelliher to vouch for him, and he was given the pass
word, which was, significantly enough, " R E A D , T H I N K
AND STUDY."
He got to be one of the leading speakers of the A. R. U.
strike. He joined the union as a former telegraph worker, and he came into contact with the leader of the strike,
Eugene V. Debs.
When Debs was sent to Woodstock jail for violating
an injunction that would have deprived the workers of
every one of their legal and constitutional rights, Stedman went to see him many times. He came back to
Chicago with Debs on the triumphal journey when his
term was over, and marched in the great procession of
150,000 workers who greeted their beloved leader on his
return to Chicago.
From that time, Stedman's work and Debs' were closely intertwined, even to the year 1920, when the two old
Comrades are associated on the national presidential
ticket.
In 1896, Stedman, together with most of the Socialists
of the Middle West, were in the People's party. He
16

went to the St. Louis convention of that party, representing the Fifth Congressional district. Stedman started a "boom" for Debs as candidate for president. At
one time, he had 412 written pledges, out of 1300 delegates, with Debs stock rising fast. The Bryan forces
offered Debs second place, if they would take Bryan as
candidate for President. But Stedman, Victor L. Berger
and others, would not compromise. The Debs boom,
however, was killed by the .simple trick of shutting off
the gas lights; and the next morning, Henry Demarest
Lloyd read a message from Debs declining a nomination
that could easily have been his had he desired it. Stedman supported Bryan in the 1896 campaign.
In 1897, new developments took place. In that year,
the remnants of the great A. R. U. came together for
a convention. It was nearly dead. Debs had become a
Socialist, and at the A. R. U. convention, which was in
reality a membership meeting .(June 18th, 1897) the organization was changed into the Social Democracy of
America, and merged with a communistic organization,
the Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth,
which had as its object the colonization of some western
state by Socialists.
Victor L. Berger sought to convert the Social Democracy—which his Milwaukee Social Democratic Union had joined—into a political party of Socialism. A
committee including Debs, Stedman, Berger, and other
old time Socialists met nights at McCoy's hotel, Chicago, perfecting the organization. But in the meanwhile, the colonizers were trying to destroy the political
character of the organization and continue as a communist organization, committed to colonizing Colorado
and making it a Socialist state. They actually sold
shares of stock in the colony. A number of anarchists
and Utopian communists utterly unfriendly to Socialism
likewise joined for the purpose of "capturing" the organization. The "showdown" came in the 1898 convention, held June 7th, at Uhlich's Hall, North Clark Street,
Chicago, the same hall in which the A. R. U. had been
launched, and from which the great strike had been
called.
The Social Democracy.
There were 70 delegates, and Debs presided. The colonizers had enlisted as delegates many out-and-out
anarchists, including Lucy Parsons and Emma Goldman,
who had come there to swamp the convention and capture the organization. The debate on the colonization
scheme lasted until 2:30 A. M., Stedman closing the de17

bate for the anti-colonization faction in a memorable address. The convention then voted, 53 to 37 in favor of
the colonization scheme.
The 37 withdrew, held a caucus, and at the Hull
House next day, launched the Social Democratic Party
of America, with Eugene V. Debs as chairman of the executive committee, and Stedman a member of the executive committee.
Since that day, Seymour Stedman has continued his
work as a loyal, devoted and brilliant member of the Socialist Party. He has been a delegate to practically
every party convention, and in 1908, he received 46 convention votes for Vice President to 106 for Ben Hanford. He has run for nearly every office "except United
States Senator," he says, "and I suppose that I haven't
run for that because they are afraid I will be elected."
He has served a number of unions as their counsel,
and from time to time, he is called upon to repel tenders
of nominations for judge and other high offices by one
or another of the old parties.
In November, 1909, the Cherry Mine disaster shocked
the world. Stedman investigated the disaster and
proved the responsibility of the company by showing
27 major and minor infractions of the law, leading directly to the explosion. The maps of the mines were
either hidden or destroyed by the company, but Stedman
drew a map, getting his material by skillful cross-examination, a map that was later printed in the Chicago
Tribune. Stedman was retained as attorney for the
coroner in that case.
In 1913, he investigated the West Virginia mine strike
for the United Mine Workers, and in 1914, the Calumet
copper strike.
In 1912, Stedman was elected to the Legislature and
served for one term. He was a member of the Judiciary
committee and he made it a rule that no bill should die
in committee. As a result, every one of his Socialist bills
was taken out of committee and debated affirmatively on
its merits.
Espionage Cases.
In later years, Stedman's work has been largely defending espionage cases. He had charge of the cases of
Debs, the five Chicago Socialists (Berger, Germer, Engdahl, Kruse and Tucker), the case of Rose Pastor Stokes,
the case of Scott Nearing and the American Socialist
Society, J. O. Bentall, Max Eastman, John Reed, Art
Young and the other Masses editors, the Syracuse Socialists, and many others. He was associated with Mor18

ris Hillquit in the Albany "trial"—and he can boast that
except for Debs, not one of his clients is in prison today.
At the outbreak of the war, Stedman espoused the
unpopular position of the party, and wrote and spoke
much on the party's anti-war stand. On the resignation of John Spargo from the party and the National Executive Committee, Stedman was elected to fill the N. E.
C. vacancy, and was re-elected a year later. In 1917,
he spoke in the New York campaign, making a brilliant
address in Madison Square Garden.
Recently, Stedman has been commuting between Chicago, New York, Albany and other places, defending
Comrades on trial, delivering superb addresses at great
mass meetings, petitioning the President for the release
of Debs, debating his late opponents in Albany, and
calling upon Debs at Atlanta.
Stedman is still a young man, only 49. He has behind
him more than a generation of work for Socialism. He
is loyal to his cause, enthusiastic in its advocacy,,and one
of its most eloquent orators.
In the campaign, Stedman takes his place beside his
old partner and Comrade of 1894, and of 1897 and '98.
He is the Voice of Labor, and he will bring the glad
news of the rising Socialist tide to the workers everywhere, putting hope and optimism in their hearts, where
there has dwelt sorrow and despair.
LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE
By Seymour Stedman
I accept the nomination you tender me, deeply appreciating the confidence and comradeship with which it
comes, and pledge my best efforts to meet the duties and
requirements of the "task you have set for me.
Our beloved standard bearer is mute by the judgment
of a harsh and unreasonable interpretation of war-time
legislation. His imprisonment is continued by a ruthless
despotic chief of the Democrats, supported by a Republican Congress. Yet his clarion call will rally together
all the intelligent workers of hand and brain, all who love
liberty and believe in freedom and humanity.
The aim of our party is to transform the present capitalist system into a collective and co-operative society.
We have always in the past advocated a peaceful change
and this high hope is still cherished by us.
During the closing years of the nineteenth century and
the opening years of the twentieth, there were obvious
symptoms of the breakdown and decay of capitalist so19

ciety. Prices for the necessities of life were continuously
rising, accompanied by a vast number of unemployed —
the capitalist paradox, unemployment and scarcity—this
condition prevailed within the dominion of every industrial nation, and was reflected even in countries predominately agricultural. Trustified industries had reached
mammoth proportions, and following the rise of the industrial capitalist class, a new class came into existence
— the finance group — extending its investments into
every land, seeking foreign fields of exploitation and large
returns from investments. The threatened crash and
breakdown was interrupted by the world war, the great
massacre and murder-lust, the unholy offspring of international finance and dynastic imperialism.
The masses of our people entered into this conflict with
lofty ideals. The humane declarations of the President,
in depth and breadth were unmatched in all history. Inspired by this world crusade for democracy, justice and
lasting peace, thousands of the bravest and the best, with
full faith, rallied to the support of the Allies' cause.
The President of the United States pledged the faith
of our people to exalted purposes in matchless phrases.
The fourteen points became historic. Secret treaties
were to be abolished. The dark chambers of charlatans
pretending to preserve the peace of the world by a balance
of power, was to go forever.
Self-determination of nations was to be recognized and
guaranteed, a cohesive nationalism encouraged as an essential basis for internationalism.
The Armistice came and the victor nations assembled
to make a lasting peace, a peace "without sting."
"Open Covenants."
At the very threshhold of this conference the curtains
were drawn, the sunlight excluded and in darkness the
people of the world became the pawns and toys of designing, grasping, hating and revengeful men. The faith
pledged by the people of this country was broken by their
representatives.
Without reference to race or natural boundaries, they
have carved up Germany, Middle Europe and Asia Minor,
parcelling out oil, minerals, forests and trading rights
among the victors and creating irresistible causes for new
world wars.
Self-determination meant to our party and comrades
what it said. It was a declaration which first came to
life from a convention of our party and at this hour we
are the only political party in the United States which
stands for keeping the faith and recognizing the Russian
20

Socialist Republic, the only party at this hour in the
United States which demands the recognition of the Irish
Republic.
India is a vassal and subject country of many millions
of people. They too are not less entitled to self-determination. It is a fundamental principle of democracy
that the people of a country are the source of all its
political and industrial rights and power.
To the charge that we are meddling in foreign affairs
by these declarations, we reply that all the allied countries accepted, expressly or by their silence, the declaration made by the President as the purposes for which
we entered the conflict.
As the recognized and only genuine internationalist
movement, we favor a league of free peoples administered
by delegates elected directly by and responsible to the
people.
We denounce the proposed league of nations as an
organization of international capitalists banded together
for the purpose of subjugating and exploiting the peoples of the world.
The proposed League of Nations breaks into the established traditions of this country "against outstanding
alliance with foreign countries." It constitutes the
grouping of international bandits who propose to subjugate and exploit the workers in every civilized and uncivilized country.
The League of Nations in Part Thirteen, with forty
articles, makes a provision for a conference of twentyfour persons, twelve to represent the governments, six to
represent the employers and six to represent the workers.
And in this it is provided that the League of Nations may
prevent the adoption or compel the repeal of laws for the
benefit of the working class in this country.
I call attention to the above provision with an analysis
which appears in the Congressional Record for October
29, 1919, Pages 8137 to 8145, inclusive.
On November 11, 1918, the Armistice was signed.
War. then ended, yet oppressive war legislation remains
unrepealed and the President of the United States recently announced that these laws would continue to be enforced.
The Espionage Act is today in full force and effect, the
most cowardly, brutal and inexcusable act ever passed
by political representatives of the capitalists. For a citizen to announce that the war was a commercial and industrial war was construed a crime for which hundreds
were sent to the penitentiary.
21

Notwithstanding this, the President of the United
States announced in his address in Turin that "a country
is owned and dominated by the capital that is invested in
it. I do not need to instruct you gentlemen in that fundamental idea." And in 1919, in the city of St. Louis, he
said, "Does not every man know, does not every woman
know; nay, I will say, does not every child know, that
this was a commercial war?"
Many a citizen who stated this fact became a felon.
Freedom of speech has become a byword; the liberty
of the press is a lost liberty; representative government
is attacked and successfully throttled in the state legislature of New York; the citizens of a congressional district have twice been denied representation by denying
its elected representative his seat and participation in
Congress ; newspapers, the most enlightened in the country, are denied the use of the mails; mob violence and
murder has been and is being tolerated and approved;
houses have been searched and papers seized and people
arrested without warrant or legal procedure.
Large industries go unchecked in grabbing profits; the
railroads are handed back to private privilege with a loan
and guaranteed dividends; the miners and railroad workers are crushed by injunctions and indictments, and tried
under war statutes for offenses charged to have been committed within the last few months. And now, by no
means do we behold a relaxation. The most firmly entrenched capitalists of the world are in this country. The
world war has solidified and united them. They control
the press and the avenues of information and the economic power and wealth of the country.
The closing of war in Europe opens more clearly the
class conflict. There is no middle ground and no moderate sublime phrase can conceal the big truth. W e are
drifting into a firmly established capitalist despotism with
thousands of spies, reckless power and subdued workers.
Capitalism may topple over and bring in its wake chaos,
starvation and destruction; to meet this impending
change intelligently, to avert this chaos and destruction,
our party offers the only program, sane and practical.
W e are pre-eminently the American party, because we
stand four-square with the ideals and traditions now betrayed by self-styled patriots. We are pre-eminently the
party of civilization and progress because we are the only
party which has the courage to face the impending breakdown without compromise. W e offer the only possible
solution for the preservation of civilization.
22

The ever increasing cost of living, shortage of coal cars,
scarcity in coal production, high interest rates, increasing
unemployment, calls for an immediate remedy.
We declare the remedy now,—socialize the railroads,
the coal and metalliferous mines, now; the flour mills and
stockyards, now; open unused land to cultivation, now;
prepare to substitute for this capitalistic oligarchy, the
social ownership and democratic management of the
means of production and the control of government for
the producers, by the producers.
Our prophesies of the past have been fulfilled. When
the hurricane of passion and hate swept across the country, our party weathered the gale. Our comrades stood
the storm-shock and now rise to the call. When we behold the trees twist and bend before the hurricane, and
they rise again and again; finally, after the storm has
passed, to stand erect, triumphant in the clear sunlight,
we know that down beneath the soil the strength of thousands of roots has been tested;" they have held; they have
taken their grip and the large trunks stand true because
the roots run deep. So, the candidates of our party know
that their strength and power for the fleeting hours of an
election campaign rests upon the deep strength, the determination and the will of the working-class which is
the base and power of the movement.
Mere political issues will not meet the requirements of
today's social problems. Economic readjustment of a
fundamental character must be made, and can be made
peacefully if we prevail. We enter the conflict with the
call "from the dungeon to liberty," "from the white walls
of Atlanta Bastille, to the White House at Washington."
Brave workers fired with the zeal for work in a great
cause, respond.
THE

PLACE OF T H E SOCIALIST PARTY
in the
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1920.*

In the nominating convention of 1920, the Socialist
Party is confronted by a tense and unusual situation.
Within the last year all the powers of darkness and
reaction have united in a concerted attack upon the Socialist movement unparalleled in ferociousness and lawlessness.
The obvious object of the provocative onslaught is
to crush the spirit and paralyze the struggles of the Socialist movement, or to goad it into a policy of despera•From the opening speech of Morris Hillquit at the National Socialist Convention, New York City, May 8, 1920.

23

tion and lawlessness, thus furnishing its opponents the
pretext for wholesale violent reprisals and physical extermination.
The great question before this convention is, Will the
Socialists of America prove true enough and brave
enough to survive the attack and to withstand the provocation? They will!
Persecuted, defamed and outlawed as they may be, the
Socialists of America enter into the national campaign
of 1920 with frame erect, spirit unbroken, and enthusiasm
unchecked, determined to continue the battle without
let-up or relaxation. Confident of the righteousness of
our cause and the imminence of our victory, we defy and
challenge the combined powers of capitalist reaction.
For while our frightened profiteers are engaging in a
stupid campaign to kill our movement by violence, every
social force at home and abroad is working irresistibly
for the triumph of Socialism.
In Europe, where the ruling classes are wiser than
ours, one nation after another is surrendering to the overwhelming tide of the Socialist movement. The great
working-class republic of Russia has survived all counter-revolutionary attacks, domestic and foreign, and now
after a continuous and embittered struggle for thirty
months, it stands before the world more strongly enthroned, more hopeful and confident than ever.
In Sweden and Czecho-Slovakia, in Germany and Austria, Socialists are largely in control of the government.
In England and Italy, in France, and in the Scandinavian countries, the Socialist workers are fast gaining
political power. The most enlightened nations have
openly or tacitly recognized that Socialism alone has the
moral and intellectual resources to rebuild and revivify
the shattered world, and in this as in all other vital currents of modern life, the United States cannot effectively
or permanently seclude itself from the rest of the world.
Nor do we, American Socialists, depend for our hope
of success solely upon the precedent and example of
Europe. The conditions in our own country and the
record of our own party are the gauge of our ultimate
victory here.
We have nothing to retract, nothing to apologize for,
in connection with our stand in recent years.
When Congress committed the United States to participation in the world war, ours was the only organized political voice in the country to protest. W e declared that the inhuman slaughter in Europe was born
in a sanguinary clash of commercial interests and imperialistic ambitions;.
24

W e warned our countrymen that the savage contest
of arms would bring no* peace, no liberty and no happiness to the world, but that it would result in misery and
desolation. Now tbe whole world is beginning to see
the justice of ovtr criticism and the tragic fulfillment of
our prediction.
One ye/ar and a half after the formal cessation of hostilities, there is no peace in Europe; the victorious powers, are intriguing among themselves for land grabs and
national advantages, while Europe is starved and the
ghastly wounds inflicted by the war upon the whole
system of human civilization remain open and bleeding.
Today it is becoming increasingly clearer that if the
treaty of "peace" is not rewritten all over, the war will
have to be fought all over, unless the world-wide triumph
of Socialism overtakes both the treaty and the war.
And as time goes on, the passions and prejudices
aroused by the war will die out, its stultifying slogans
will be forgotten, its horrors and ruins alone will stare
accusingly at mankind from the blackest page of the
world's history.
We Kept the Faith.
Then a sobered America will look back with gratitude
to the small band of Socialists who saw the danger and
sounded the warning, and were persecuted and jailed.
This will be one of the factors that will make the American people turn to Socialism.
And this time it must be not merely a general and abstract spirit of so-called Socialism, but the definite and
organized Socialism of the Socialist Party which shall
lead the fight of the workers.
Time and again the Socialist struggle has been sidetracked by the appearance of a so-called radical leader
in the ranks of one of the old parties who held out the
promise of immediate victory and salvation for the common people. Time and again have the common people
believed in the false prophet and voted him into power,
only to reap a heavy harvest of bitter disappointment.
If there remain any large sections of wrorkers who
put their naive faith in old-party messiahs, Woodrow
Wilson must have effectivelv destroyed their faith. For
be it remembered that in 1916, Woodrow Wilson ran as
a radical. He promised practical Socialism through the
short-cut of the Democratic party.
One-half of the normal supporters of the Socialist
Party ticket cast their votes for him. Woodrow Wilson
was elected over Charles E. Hughes by the vote of Socialists.
25

Mr. Wilson's administration in the last three years
has furnished the most striking and abhorrent proof of
the fallacy of the "good man" theory in politics.
Wilson, the pacifist, drew us into the world's most
frightful war.
Wilson, the anti-militarist, imposed conscniption upon
the country in war, and urged a large standing army
and a huge navy in peace.
Wilson, the democrat, arrogated to himself autocratic
power grossly inconsistent with a republican form of
government.
Wilson, the liberal, revived the mediaeval institutions
of the inquisition of speech, thought and conscience. His
administration suppressed radical publications, raided
homes and meeting-places of its political opponents, destroyed their property and assaulted their persons.
Wilson, the apostle of The New Freedom, infested
the country with stool pigeons, spies and provocative
agents, and filled the jails with political prisoners.
Wilson, the champion of labor, restored involuntary
servitude in the mines and on the railroads.
Wilson, the "Good" Man.
Wilson, the idealist and humanitarian, inaugurated a
reign of intellectual obscurantism, moral terrorism and
political reaction, the like of which this country has never
known before.
The morbid national psychology which he has helped
to create has produced such atavistic political types as
Palmer, Burleson, Sweet and Lusk. It has advanced to
places of honor political mountebanks like Ole Hanson;
but has put into prison stripes the noblest and truest
types of American manhood,—persons like Eugene Victor Debs and others.
The pitiful collapse of Wilson's liberalism was nothing
accidental. Woodrow Wilson was probably inspired by
the best of intentions when he ran for re-election. But
he did not express the sentiments, convictions or interests of the class he represented or the political party
to which he owed allegiance.
When the great crisis came and he was forced to choose
between the class and the party to whom he belonged
and the workers for whom he professed a platonic affection, he rallied to his class and party interests.
Nor was Wilson's fall purely personal. When Woodrow Wilson fell, the entire structure of middle class and
capitalist liberalism tumbled with him like a house of
cards.
26

Today there is not throughout the length and breadth
of the United States a single radical or even progressive
political group of any importance outside of the organized Socialist movement.
The attempts of some advanced organized workers to
form an independent political party of labor on a national
scale has so far foundered upon the rock of a conservatism and narrowness of the American Federation of Labor leadership, and the efforts to create a progressive
middle class party have met with little response.
The only active and organized force in American politics that combats reaction and oppression, that stands for
the large masses of the workers, and for a social order of
justice and industrial equality, is the Socialist Party.
It is in the light of this fact that the importance of
the Socialist Party in American politics must be measured. Its present strength counts for little. Its ability
to build for the future is of tremendous historical significance.
In the Socialist movement alone lies the hope of America's workers, their hope for relief from excessive toil
and .starvation wages, from suffering at home and oppression in the shop, their hope for a better, juster, more
liveable world. The sooner Socialism becomes a dominant and determining power in the political and industrial life of the country, the sooner will the hour of salvation strike for the toiling masses.
The Socialist Party is the party of the future. A vote
for Socialism is the only vote that will count in the long
run.
T H E 1920 PLATFORM.
In the national campaign of 192CJ the Socialist Party
calls upon all American workers of hand and brain, and
upon all citizens who believe in political liberty and .social justice, to free the country from the oppressive misrule of the old political parties, and to take the government into their own hands under the banner and upon the
program of the Socialist Party.
The outgoing administration, like Democratic and
Republican administrations of the past, leave behind it
a disgraceful record of solemn pledges unscrupulously
broken and public confidence ruthlessly betrayed.
It obtained the suffrage of the people on a platform
of peace, liberalism and social betterment, but drew the
country into a devastating war, and inaugurated a
regime of despotism, reaction and oppression unsurpassed in the annals of the republic.
27

It promised to the American people a treaty which
would assure to the world a reign of international right
and true democracy. It gave its sanction and support
to an infamous pact formulated behind closed doors by
predatory elder statesmen of European and Asiatic imperialism. Under this pact territories have been annexed against the will of their populations and cut off
from their sources of sustenance; nations seeking their
freedom in the exercise of the much heralded right of
self-determination have been brutally fought with armed
force, intrigue and starvation blockades.
To the millions of young men, who staked their lives
on the field of battle, to the people of the country who
gave unstintingly of their toil and property to support
the war, the Democratic administration held out the
sublime ideal of a union of the peoples of the world organized to maintain perpetual peace among nations on
the basis of justice and freedom. It helped create a reactionary alliance of imperialistic governments, banded
together to bully weak nations, crush working-class governments and perpetuate strife and warfare.
While thus furthering the ends of reaction, violence
and oppression abroad, our administration suppressed
the cherished and fundamental rights and civil liberties
at home.
Upon the pretext of war-time necessity, the Chief Executive of the republic and the appointed heads of his
administration wrere clothed with dictatorial powers
(which were often exercised arbitrarily), and Congress
enacted laws in open and direct violation of the constitutional safeguards of freedom of expression.
Hundreds of citizens who raised their voices for the
maintenance of political and industrial rights during the
war were indicted under the Espionage Law, tried in an
atmosphere of prejudice and hysteria and are now serving inhumanly long jail .sentences for daring to uphold
the traditions of liberty which once were sacred in this
country.
Agents of the Federal government unlawfully raided
homes and meeting places and prevented or broke up
peaceable gatherings of citizens.
The postmaster-general established a censorship of the
press more autocratic than that ever tolerated in a regime
of absolutism, and has harassed and destroyed publications on account of their advanced political and economic
views, by excluding them from the mails.
And after the war was in fact long over, the administration has not scrupled to continue a policy of repres28

sion and terrorism under the shadow and hypocritical
guise of war-time measures.
It has practically imposed involuntary servitude and
peonage on a large class of American workers by denying
them the right to quit work and coercing them into
acceptance of inadequate wages and onerous conditions
of labor. It has dealt a foul blow to the traditional American right of asylum by deporting hundreds of foreign
born workers by administrative order, on the mere suspicion of harboring radical views, and often for the sinister purpose of breaking labor strikes.
In the short span of three years our self-styled liberal
administration has succeeded in undermining the very
foundation of political liberty and economic rights which
this republic has built up in more than a century of
struggle and progress.
Under the cloak of a false and hypocritical patriotism
and under the protection of governmental terror the
Democratic administration has given the ruling classes
unrestrained license to plunder the people by intensive
exploitation of labor, by the extortion of enormous
profits, and by increasing the cost of all necessities of
life. Profiteering has become reckless and .rampant,
billions have been coined by the capitalists out of the
suffering and misery of their fellow men. The American
financial oligarchy has become a dominant factor in the
world, while the condition of the American workers has
grown more precarious.
The responsibility does not rest upon the Democratic
party alone. The Republican party, through its representatives in Congress and otherwise, has not only openly condoned the political misdeeds of the last three years,
but has sought to outdo its Democratic rival in the orgy
of political reaction and repression. Its criticism of the
Democratic administrative policy is that it is not reactionary and drastic enough.
America is now at the parting of the roads. If the
outraging of political liberty and concentration of
economic power into the hands of the few is permitted
to go on, it can have only one consequence, the reduction of the country to a state of absolute capitalist despotism.
W e particularly denounce the militaristic policy of
both old parties, of investing countless hundreds of
millions of dollars in armaments after the victorious completion of what was to have been the "last war." W e
call attention to the fatal results of such a program in
Europe, carried on prior to 1914, and culminating in the
Great W a r ; we declare that such a policy, adding un29

bearable burdens to the working class and to all the
people, can lead only to the complete Prussianization of
the nation, and ultimately to war; and we demand immediate and complete abandonment of this fatal program.
The Socialist Party sounds the warning. It calls upon
the people to defeat both parties at the polls, and to elect
the candidates of the Socialist Party to the end of restoring political democracy and bringing about complete
industrial freedom.
The Socialist Party of the United States therefore
summons all who believe in this fundamental doctrine
to prepare for a complete reorganization of our social
system, based upon public ownership of public necessities ; upon government by representatives chosen from
occupational as well as from geographical groups in harmony with our industrial development, and with citizenship based on service; that we may end forever the exploitation of class by class.
To achieve this end the Socialist Party pledges itself
to the following program:
1.

Social.

1. All business vitally essential for the existence and
welfare of the people, such as railroads, express service,
steamship lines, telegraphs, mines, oil wells, power plants,
elevators, packing houses, cold storage plants and all
industries operating on a national scale, should be taken
over by the nation.
2. All publicly owned industries should be administered jointly by the government and representatives of
the workers, not for revenue or profit, but with the sole
object of securing just compensation and humane conditions of employment to the workers and efficient and
reasonable service to the public.
3. All banks should be acquired by the government,
and incorporated in a unified public banking system.
4. The business of insurance should be taken over by
the government, and should be extended to include insurance against accident, sickness, invalidity, old age and
unemployment, without contribution on the part of the
worker.
5. Congress should enforce the provisions of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments with reference to the Negroes, and effective federal legislation
should be enacted to secure to the Negroes full civil,
political, industrial and educational rights.
30

2.

Industrial.

1. Congress should enact effective laws to abolish
child labor, to fix minimum wages, based on an ascertained cost of a decent standard of life, to protect migratory and unemployed workers from oppression, to abolish
detective and strike-breaking agencies and to establish a
shorter work-day in keeping with increased industrial
productivity.
3. Political.
1. The constitutional freedom of speech, press and
assembly should be restored by repealing the Espionage
Law and all other repressive legislation, and by prohibiting the executive usurpation of authority.
2. All prosecutions under the Espionage Law should
be discontinued, and all persons serving prison sentences
for alleged offenses growing out of religious beliefs,
political views or industrial activities should be fully pardoned and immediately released.
3. No alien should be deported from the United States
on account of his political views or participation in la-*
bor struggles, nor in any event without proper trial on
specific charges. The arbitrary power to deport aliens
by administrative order should be repealed.
4. The powrer of the courts to restrain workers in
their struggles against employers by the Writ of Injunction or otherwise, and their power to nullify congressional legislation, should be abrogated.
5. Federal judges should be elected by the people and
be subject to recall.
6. The President and the Vice-President of the United
States should be elected by direct popular election, and
be subject to recall. All members of the Cabinet should
be elected by Congress and be responsible at all times
to the vote thereof.
7. Suffrage should be equal and unrestricted in fact
as well as in law for all men and women throughout the
nation.
8. Because of the strict residential qualification of
suffrage in this country, millions of citizens are disfranchised in every election; adequate provision should be
made for the registration and voting of migratory workers.
9. The Constitution of the United States should be
amended to strengthen the safeguards of civil and political liberty, and to remove all obstacles to industrial and
social reform and reconstruction, including the changes
enumerated in this program, in keeping with the will
31

and interest of the people. It should be made amendable
by a majority of the voters of the nation upon their own
initiative, or upon the initiative of Congress.
4. Foreign Relations.
1. All claims of the United States against allied countries for loans made during the war should be canceled
upon the understanding that all war debts among such
countries shall likewise be canceled. The largest possible credit in food, raw materials and machinery should be
extended to the stricken nations of Euorpe in order to
help them rebuild the ruined world.
2. The Government of the United States should initiate a movement to dissolve the mischievous organization called the "League of Nations" and to create an international parliament, composed of democratically elected representatives of all nations of the world based upon
the recognition of their equal rights, the principles of
self-determination, the right to national existence of
colonies and other dependencies, freedom of international
trade and trade routes by land and sea, and universal
disarmament, and be charged with revising the Treaty of
Peace on the principles of justice and conciliation.
3. The United States should immediately make peace
with the Central Powers and open commercial and diplomatic relations with Russia under the Soviet Government. It should promptly recognize the independence of
the Irish Republic.
4. The United States should make and proclaim it a
fixed principle in its foreign policy that American capitalists who acquire concessions or make investments in
foreign countries do so at their own risk, and under no
circumstances should our government enter into diplomatic negotiations or controversies or resort to armed
conflicts on account of foreign property-claims of American capitalists.
5. Fiscal.
1. All war debts and other debts of the Federal Government should immediately be paid in full, the funds
for such payment to be raised by means of a progressive
property tax, whose burden should fall upon the rich and
particularly upon great fortunes made during the war.
2. A standing progressive income tax and a graduated
inheritance tax should be levied to provide for all needs
of the government, including the cost of its increasing
social and industrial functions.
3. The unearned increment of land should be taxed;
all land held out of use should be taxed at full rental
value.
32

DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.
Adopted by the National Convention of the Socialist
Party, May 12, 1920.
The Socialist Party of the United States demands that
the country and its wealth be redeemed from the control
of private interests and turned over to the people to be
administered for the equal benefit of all.
America is not owned by the American people. Our
so-called national wealth is not the wealth of the nation
but of the privileged few.
These are the ruling classes of America. They are
small in numbers but they dominate the lives and shape
the destinies of their fellow men.
They own the people's jobs and determine their wages;
they control the markets of the world and fix the prices
of farm products; they own their own homes and fix
their rents; they own their food and set its cost; they
own their press and formulate their convictions; they
own the government and make their laws; they own
their schools and mould their minds.
* * * *
Around and about the capitalist class cluster the
numerous and A^aried groups of the population, generally
designated as the "middle classes." They consist of
farm owners, small merchants and manufacturers, pro'fessional and better paid employees. Their economic
status is often precarious. They live in hopes of being
lifted into the charmed spheres of the ruling classes.
Their social psychology is that of retainers of the
wealthy. As a rule they sell their gifts, knowledge and
efforts to the capitalist interests. They are staunch upholders of the existing order of social inequalities.
The bulk of the American people is composed of workers. Workers on the farm and in the factory, in mines
and mills, on ships and railroads, in offices and counting
houses, in schools and in personal service, workers of
hand and brain, all men and women who render useful
service to the community in the countless ramified ways
of modern civilization. They have made America what
it is. They sustain America from day to day. They
bear most of the burdens of life and enjoy but few of
its pleasures. They create the enormous wealth of the
country but live in constant dread of poverty. They feed
and clothe the rich, and yet bow to their alleged superiority. They keep alive the industries but have no say in
their management. They constitute the majority of the
people but have no control in the government. Despite
33

the forms of political equality the workers of the United
States are virtually a subject class.
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The Socialist Party is the party of the workers. It espouses their cause because in the workers lies the hope
of the political, economic and social redemption of the
country. The ruling class and their retainers cannot be
expected to change the iniquitous system of which they
are the beneficiaries. Individual members of these
classes often join in the struggle against the capitalist order from motives of personal idealism, but whole classes
have never been known to abdicate their rule and surrender their privileges for the mere sake of social justice.
The workers alone have a direct and compelling interest
in abolishing the present profit system.
The Socialist Party desires the workers of America to
take the economic and political power from the capitalist
class, not that they may establish themselves as a new
ruling class, but in order that all class divisions may be
abolished forever.
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To perform this supreme social task the workers must
be organized as a political party of their own. They must
realize that both the Republican and Democratic parties
are the political instruments of the master classes, and
equally pledged to uphold and perpetuate capitalism.
They must be trained to use the ballot box to vote out
the tools of the capitalist and middle classes and to vote
in representatives of the workers. A true political party
of labor must be founded upon the uncompromising demand for the complete socialization of the industries.
That means doing away with the private ownership of
the sources and instruments of wealth production and
distribution, abolishing workless incomes in the form of
profits, interest or rents, transforming the whole ablebodied population of the country into useful workers,
and securing to all workers the full social value of their
work.
* * * *
The Socialist Party is such a political party. It strives
by means of political methods, including the action of
its representatives in the legislatures and other public
offices, to force the enactment of such measures as will
immediately benefit the workers, raise their standard of
life, increase their power and stiffen their resistance to
capitalist aggression. Its purpose is to secure a majority
in Congress and in every state legislature, to win the
principal executive and judicial offices, to become the
dominant and controlling party, and when in power to
34

transfer to the ownership by the people of industries,
beginning with those of a public character, such as banking, insurance, mining, transportation and communication, as well as the trustified industries, and extending
the process to all other industries susceptible of collective ownership as rapidly as their physical conditions
will permit.
It also proposes to socialize the system of public education and health and all activities and institutions vitally affecting the public needs and welfare, including dwelling houses.
The Socialist program advocates the socialization of
all large farming estates and land used for industrial and
public purposes as well as all instrumentalities for storing, preserving and marketing farm products. It does
not contemplate interference with the private possession
of land actually used and cultivated by occupants.
The Socialist Party, when in political control, proposes
to reorganize the government in form and substance so
as to change it from a tool of repression into an instrument of social and industrial service. It affirms a fundamental truth of the American Declaration of Independence, that when a government fails to serve us, or becomes destructive of human happiness, "It is the right
of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute a new
government, laying its foundations on such principles,
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness."
* * * *
The Socialist transformation cannot be successfully
accomplished by political victories alone. The reorganization of the industries upon the basis of social operation and co-operative effort will require an intelligent and
disciplined working class, skilled not only in the prosesses of physical work but also in the technical problems of management. This indispensable training the
workers can best gain as a result of their constant efforts to secure a greater share in the management of
industries through their labor unions and co-operatives.
These economic organizations of labor have also an immediate practice and vital function. Their daily struggles for betterment in the sphere of their respective industries supplement and reinforce the political efforts
of the Socialist Party in the same general direction, and
their great economic power may prove a formidable
weapon for safeguarding the political rights of labor.
The Socialist Party does not intend to interfere in the
internal affairs of labor unions, but will always support
them in their economic struggle. In order, however, that
35

such struggle might attain the maximum of efficiency
and success, the Socialists favor the organization of
workers along lines of industrial unionism, in closest organic co-operation, as an organized working class body.
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The Socialist Party does not seek to interfere with the
institution of the family as such, but promises to make
family life fuller, nobler and happier by removing the
sordid factor of economic dependence of woman on man,
and by assuring to all members of the family greater
material security and more leisure to cultivate the joys
of the home.
The Socialist Party adheres strictly to the principle of
complete separation of state and church. It recognizes
the right of voluntary communities of citizens to maintain
religious institutions and to worship according to the
dictates of their conscience.
The Socialist Party seeks to attain its end by orderly
and constitutional methods, so long as the ballot box, the
right of representation and civil liberties are maintained.
Violence is not the weapon of the Socialist Party but of
the short-sighted representatives of the ruling classes,
who stupidly believe that social movements and ideals
can be destroyed by brutal physical repression. The
Socialists depend upon education and organization of the
masses.
* * * *
The domination of the privileged classes has been so
strong that they have succeeded in persuading their
credulous fellow citizens that they, the despoilers of
America, are the only true Americans; that their selfish
class interests are the sacred interests of the nation; that
only those that submit supinely to their oppressive rule
are loyal and patriotic citizens, and that all who oppose
their exactions and pretensions are traitors to their country.
The Socialists emphatically reject this fraudulent notion "of patriotism.
The Socialist Party gives its service and allegiance to
the mass of the American people, the working classes,
but this interest is not limited to America alone. In
modern civilization the destinies of all nations are inextricably interwoven. No nation can be prosperous and
happy while its neighbors are poor and miserable. No
nation can be truly free if other nations are enslaved.
The ties of international interdependence and solidarity
are particularly vital among the working classes. In all
the advanced countries of the world the working classes
are engaged in the identical struggle for political and
36

economic freedom, and the success or failure of each is
immediately reflected upon the progress and fortunes
of all.
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The Socialist Party is opposed to militarism and to
wars among nations. Modern wars are generally caused
by commercial and financial rivalries and intrigues of the
capitalist interests in different countries. They are made
by the ruling classes and fought by the masses. They
bring wealth and power to the privileged few and suffering, death, and desolation to the many. They cripple
the struggles of the workers for political rights, material
improvement and social justice and tend to sever the
bonds of solidarity between them and their brothers in
other countries.
*
* * * *
The Socialist movement is a world struggle in behalf
of human civilization. The Socialist Party of the United
States co-operates with .similar parties in other countries,
and extends to them its full support in their struggles,
confident that the class-conscious workers all over the
world will eventually secure the powers of government
in their respective countries, abolish the oppression and
chaos, the strife and bloodshed of international capitalism, and establish a federation of Socialist republics, cooperating with each other for the benefit of the human
race, and for the maintenance of the peace of the world.
SOCIALIST PARTY RESOLUTIONS.
The National Convention of the Socialist Party held
in New York in May, 1920, adopted the following resolutions :
Russia and Poland.
The Socialist Party of the United States, assembled in
National Convention in New York City, again sends
greetings to the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia in
their heroic struggle against Entente imperialism and
in their efforts to consolidate the fruits of the revolution.
The Socialist Party joins with the advanced sections
of the vSocialist and labor movements in all countries in
opposition to the continued outlawing of Russia from
the family of nations. It hails the magnificent courage
displayed by the Russian masses in hurling back the
mercenary armies financed and munitioned by the imperialist powers. It rejoices in their display of endurance
under the most trying conditions that have ever faced
a new nation. It congratulates the workers and peasants
of Russia in having averted the famine which interna37

tional capitalism sought to impose upon them and their
children.
In all history no nation has ever stood the tests of stability that have been imposed on the Soviet Government
of Russia. For three years it has withstood the intrigues
of the imperialist diplomats and the armed assaults of
the most powerful capitalist governments. It has withstood an infamous starvation blockade. It has survived
all attempts at counter-revolution. It has had no friends
outside except in the Socialist and labor masses of the
world. It has won the affection and esteem of the enlightened sections of the world's workers. Yet the governments that had welcomed the representatives of the
former Czar's regime in their capitals, the governments
that sent their own representatives to the court of the
Czar, these governments that welcomed a regime ruled
with the Cossack's knout, the hangman and official
pogromists, reject a government of workers and peasants
in the name of "international morality."
The imperialist governments of the world refuse
recognition. The working class of the world accord it
gladly. It is the international duty of the workers to
strive to impose their will upon the governments and secure the recognition of the Soviet Republic of Russia.
For the moment Asiatic imperialism, through Japan,
has invaded Siberia, overthrown the government at Vladivostok, and seeks to hold vast regions for Japanese exploitation. The Entente powers and their associates
have connived at this bandit raid by their own imperialist adventure in Siberia and their support of the late
Kolchak regime.
French and British capitalism, with the apparent aid
and support of the W-ilson administration, are now using
the vassal state of Poland in a last desperate thrust at
the Russian people. Tutored in the school of Entente
imperialism, Polish imperialism does the bidding of its
western masters. Polish imperialism is red with the
blood of Jewish massacres. Its own tortured masses are
crying for bread. Its frontiers have been extended nearly two hundred miles beyond those allotted even by the
peace conference. The Polish militarists and Junkers
now seek to make a vassal of the Ukraine to be held in
trust for the exploitation of western capitalism, and to
strike a foul blow at Rus,sia.
The Socialist Party again raises its voice in protest
against this new assault against Russia and calls upon
the workers of the United States to join with us in opposing this new adventure of the imperialist powers. As
against Polish and Entente imperialism we pledge our
38

solidarity with those sections of the Polish workers opposing the capitalist-Junker government at Warsaw, and
who are seeking to establish in Poland a Socialist Workers' Republic.
Away with this continued torture of the masses in
Poland, the Ukraine and in Rus,sia! Away with the imperialist intrigues of Entente diplomats! W e demand a
cessation of this bloody strife that can only serve the
ruling classes, that stimulates hatreds and delays the recovery of the famine-stricken peoples of Europe.
We pledge ourselves anew to that international solidarity so essential to the welfare and the final liberation
of the workers of all countries. Make peace with Russia!
Call off the Polish mercenaries ! Dispel this nightmare of
war, famine, desolation and destruction promoted by international capitalism to establish its consolidated rule
over the world!
Resolution On Hungary.
The Socialist Party in National Convention in New
York City having knowledge of the bloody massacres
raging in Hungary for many months, arraigns the Entente Governments at the bar of History for their acquiescence in these terrible crimes.
The ferocity of the Hungarian ruling classes, directed
against the supporters of the late government of Bela
Kun and his associates, against the Socialists, the trade
unions and other labor organizations, surpasses in horror anything recorded in history.
The Bela Kun government assumed power at the request of the Karolyi Government. It resigned at the
earnest request of the Hungarian workers and agents of
the Entente powers in Budapest. A coalition government of Socialists and labor unionists took its place.
Pledges were given by the Entente agents against any
reprisals from either side.
How these pledges were ruthlessly broken and the
present reign of executions, torture and mass murder was
inaugurated is now a matter of history. Just as the
Polish mercenaries are encouraged in a raid upon the
Ukraine and Soviet Russia, so the Rumanian mercenaries
were permitted by the Entente powers to raid Hungary
and overthrow the government of Socialists and trade
unionists.
Hungary, already affected by an acute shortage of
foodstuffs and materials, was plundered by raiding bands
of Rumanian soldiers. Foodstuffs, rolling stock, machinery, live stock and buildings were stripped and the loot
39

shipped to Roumania. A monarchist regime was installed at Budapest. A White Guard, consisting of
monarchist officers and the youth of the ruling classes,
inaugurated Jewish massacres, pillaged and wrecked the
headquarters, publishing houses and houses and homes
of the workers. The leaders of all sections of the workers were hunted and executed by thousands. Many died
lingering deaths in the torture chambers established by
the White Guard officers. Filthy and disgusting orgies
and tortures, involving both men and women, make a
record so sickening in some of their revolting details
as to make it impossible to recite them.
Under the regime of Admiral Horthy these crimes
have reached the limit of beastiality. Their record makes
the rule of the present ruling power at Budapest the most
criminal of modern times, exceeding even that of the
Finnish counter-revolution.
In accord with its international duty and acting in
concert with other Socialist parties abroad, the Socialist Party of the United States through its National Executive Committee has made direct representations to
the State Department at Washington, calling attention
to the horrors inflicted upon the Hungarian workers. Confident that the State Department must be aware of these
atrocious conditions in Hungary, that it must have some
knowledge of the appeals being sent out by the. Committee of Refugees in Vienna, we demand that the Washington government intervene at Budapest to put an end
to the tortures and mass murders in Hungary.
We also urge all organizations of labor in this country to reinforce the protest we have made to the State
Department. The whole labor and Socialist movement
in Hungary, representing the. striving and sacrifice of a
century, lies in ruins. To rebuild it is an enormous task.
In the process of rebuilding it the workers of Hungary
merit the sympathy and support of the workers of all
countries.
Considering that at the present low rate of exchange
American money will go much further than in normal
times in extending aid, we also appeal to all sympathetic
organizations to make appropriations for the relief of
the Hungarian refugees. All such contributions should
be sent to Otto Branstetter, 220 South Ashland Boulevard, Chicago, who will forward funds direct to the relief
committee in Vienna.
Ireland.
R E S O L V E D , That this convention calls the attention
of all those interested in and espousing the cause of free40

dom for Ireland and of other small and subject nationalities to the fact that political oppression has in every
case an economic or business cause.
British capitalism fears a free Ireland as an industrial
and business rival, because of the magnificent harbors of
the country, its natural resources, its advantageous position, and the great technical skill and enterprise of the
Irish people.
W e urge them to work for the economic freedom of
Ireland, by securing the possession of all natural advantages to the producing forces rather than to the exploiting forces of the world ; for only in this way can Ireland
or any other country be either politically or industrially
free.
The Intercollegiate Socialist Society.
This convention records its appreciation of the vitally
important w^ork being done by the Intercollegiate Socialist Society among the young men and women in
American colleges. We especially commend the establishment by them of the monthly periodical, The Socialist
Review, and ask its extended support among the party
membership.
Albany Ouster.
We denounce the expulsion of the five constitutionally
qualified and legally elected Socialist members of the
Assembly of the State of New York as an act of anarchy
and violence. This outrage is the product of unscrupulous political ambitions, legislative jobbery and servility
to vested interests. We brand it as a menace to democratic institutions without which a peaceful solution of
our social difficulties is impossible. W e direct the attention of the American people to the fact that Socialist
legislators were denied their seats and their thousands of
constituents were arbitrarily disfranchised solely because
their Republican and Democratic opponents in the Assembly disapproved of their political beliefs, and warn
them that if such an act is permitted to go unchallenged
the very life of representative government is endangered.
We declare that the voters of the nation, particularly
those of the Empire State, will soon have an opportunity
to repudiate the lawlessness that was perpetrated at Albany and wre call upon them most emphatically to assert
themselves through the channels of the Socialist Party.
Anti-Syndicalist Legislation.
The Socialist Party of the United States in convention
assembled unreservedly condemns the so-called antisyndicalist, anti-anarchy and sedition acts which legisla41

tures of various states have been enacting during the
past few years, as well as old acts of the same character which have been revived for the sole purpose of
persecuting educators of radical thought and leaders of
various working class organizations.
We brand all such legislation and the conviction of
men and women under it as a part of the concerted campaign of the ruling class of this country to crush the organization of labor, to intimidate the workers of the
country into servility, and to prevent the education
and consolidation of the working class along the lines of
the class struggle.
Militarism.
The world has had enough of militarism and of war.
At the end of a world conflict which was proclaimed as
a war to end war, we behold all the victorious governments increasing their military and naval strength far
beyond anything existing before.
The root of this competition in armaments is the increasing bitterness of commercial rivalry. Therefore
be it
Resolved, That we proclaim to the people of the world
who groan under this increasing burden, that armaments
can never be abolished until this commercial rivalry which
causes them is ended; and that only through the triumph
of the working class over its exploiters through the International Socialist Movement can militarism be ended and
the threat of war removed forever.
On Passports.
Resolved, That this Convention demand that the State
Department vise the passport of Jean Longuet, so that
he may be admitted into this country.
We denounce the refusal of the State Department to
admit Jean Longuet on the frivolous pretext that "his
coming is not a meritorious necessity." This action, which
is in line with the consistent attitude of the United States
Government in preventing intercourse between the American labor and Socialist forces and those of all other
countries during and since the war, is a part of its program to prevent the people of this country from knowing the truth about the actual conditions in Europe, and
is in line with the action of the British and other European governments in refusing to permit Americans to
bring the truth of American conditions to the European
world.
42

Postoffice Employes.
Postoffice employes of the United States are at present allowed so miserable a pittance that they are unable
to live upon it in decency and comfort. Efforts and requests made by them for the betterment of their condition is met with repression and hostility on the part
of the Postoffice Department. In the absence of the right
to strike, tens of thousands of them are of necessity quitting the service, so that the postal system is almost
wrecked. They have appealed to the American people
for redress, for the establishment of a decent standard of
living for a body of public servants absolutely essential
to the maintenance of public communication. Therefore
be it
R E S O L V E D by this convention, That we demand of
Congress as a matter of common justice and a necessary
public precaution, that the salaries of postoffice employes
immediately be raised.
Government Ownership of Railroads.
W H E R E A S , the entire industrial and social life of the
nation has been disrupted and disorganized by the breakdown of the railway service of the country, and
W H E R E A S , this crisis has been brought about solely
by the conflict of interests between the owners and the
workers of the roads, and
W H E R E A S , this deplorable condition calls for an immediate and permanent solution, therefore be it
R E S O L V E D , That we urge that the government at
once take over the ownership and control of the railroads
of the United States, vesting the management in a joint
board consisting of the classified employes, the operating
officials and representatives of the public, on the general
basis outlined in the Plumb Plan.
A HISTORY OF T H E SOCIALIST PARTY.
The first steps taken to form an organized Socialist
Party in America was in 1874, when various working
class elements came together to form what was later
called the Socialist Labor Party. For some years, the
party struggled under great disadvantages. Political
activity was sometimes discouraged altogether and sometimes attempted in temporary alliance with a larger radical group such as the Greenback Party in 1880 and the
United Labor Party in New York in 1886. The Socialist
Labor Party was at the outset on friendly terms with
the two important labor organizations, namely the
Knights of Labor and the American Federation of La43

bor. However, Daniel De Leon, the leader of the Socialist Labor Party, soon became involved in disputes which
brought the party as a whole in antagonism to each of
these national bodies. By the creation of the Socialist
Trades and Labor Alliance in 1895, a labor federation
under the direct control of the party, a final breach was
made, and the Socialist Labor Party remains still opposed to all non-Socialist unions.
During this period insurgency wras rapidly developing
within the party, and a process of "purincation ,, was resorted to from time to time, by which -."heretics" and insubordinates were expelled. In 1899 the break proved
final, and the seceding members proceeded to form a new
organization at Rochester, N. Y., in January, 1900.
Meanwhile Socialism was beginning to emerge in the
West, in forms growing directly out of American conditions. Eugene V. Debs, whose imprisonment in connection with the strike of the American Railway Union had
made him a Socialist, had gathered together a vaguely
Socialist organization, and another group, centering
around two Socialist publications, The Coming Nation
and The Appeal to Reason had in 1897 united with these
followers of Debs to form the Social Democracy of America. As the majority of the new party, however, inclined more to Utopian schemes of colonization than to
political action, a split took place almost immediately,
and Eugene V. Debs and Victor Berger, leader of the
Social Democracy in Wisconsin, bolted to found still another organization, the Social Democratic Party of America. It was to the last-named group that the Rochester
wing of the S. L. P. made its overtures for union in
1899.
The First Ticket.
Negotiations were at first fraught with much difficulty
owing to the mutual distrust of the Eastern and Western
sections. For a time the confusion grew still worse and
the presidential election of 1900 saw three Socialist parties in the field in New York in addition to the old
Socialist Labor Party. For the purposes of the election,
however, the three parties agreed upon Eugene V. Debs
of Indiana and Job Harriman of California as the presidential candidates. After a campaign of work together
all distrust disappeared, and all with the exception of
De Leon's wing of the S. L. P. united in 1901 to form
what presently received the title of the Socialist Party.
The next convention of the party wras held in 1904 in
Chicago and nominated Debs and Ben Hanford for
President and Vice-President respectively. The party
had polled 96,116 votes in 1900, which, in the congres44

sional elections two years later had increased to 223,494
votes, a result that was encouraging to the delegates
when they assembled in Chicago on May Day, 1904.
The 1904 convention seated 198 delegates. The convention formulated state and municipal programs which
were of considerable value to the inexperienced members
in many of the poorly organized states, adopted ringing
resolutions on the brutal class war in Colorado, pledged
its solidarity to the workers of Japan and Russia who
had been hurled into war by their ruling classes, and
expressed its solidarity with the struggles of the organized workers.
In 1908 the convention again met in Chicago, beginning May 10 and closing on the 17th. The vote in 1904
had nearly doubled, the total being 408,230, but in the
congressional elections of 1906 it had declined to 331,043,
which was some disappointment to the membership.
There were 209 delegates in the convention of 1908.. The
national platform was completely overhauled, and it was
preceded by a declaration of principles, followed by the
platform proper, and concluding with a general program.
A survey of the party membership in 1908 regarding
its composition revealed some interesting data. The
figures collected showed that 71 per cent of the members were American born, 9 per cent German, 5 per cent
Scandinavian, 4 per cent English, 2 per cent Finnish, 9
per cent other nationalities.
Its class composition
showed that 62 per cent were members of labor unions,
17 per cent farmers, 9 per cent commercial men, 5 per
cent professional men. Thirty-five per cent had been
Republicans, 40 per cent Democrats, 15 per cent Populists, 6 per cent Independents and 4 per cent Prohibitionists. The vote in 1908 was the highest received by the
party up to that time, 420,973 for the presidential ticket,
although the votes for other candidates in the states were
about 4,000 in excess of this number.
In 1910 the party held a National congress in Chicago
for the discussion of questions not related to a presidential campaign. The number of delegates apportioned to
the states was reduced and the number seated were 103.
The dues-paying membership had increased from 15,975
in 1903 to 58,011 in 1910. The language federations also
began to appear at this time, eight being represented
in the congress, including the Bohemian, Finnish, Italian,
Jewish, Lettish, Polish, Scandinavian and South Slavic.
There were 108 delegates.
"Section Six."
The 1912 convention was held in Tomlinson Hall, Indianapolis, being in session seven days, from May 12 to
45

18. There were 277 delegates to the convention, seven
representing language federations. The convention
proved to be one of the most stirring in the history of
the party. The struggle raged around famous Section 6
of Article 2 of the party's constitution, adopted after a
prolonged debate, and which read as follows:
"Any member of the party who opposes political action
or advocates crime, sabotage or other methods of violence
as a weapon of the working class to aid in its emancipation
shall be expelled from membership in the party. Political
action shall be construed to mean participation in elections
for public office and practical legislative work along the
lines of the Socialist Party platform."

The report of National Secretary John M. Work
showed the progress that had been made In the 12 years
since the party had been united. The Socialist officials
elected to public office were 1,039, including one Congressman and 145 aldermen. There were 323 Socialist
publications, of which 262 were published in English,
five of them being dailies and eight language dailies.
Only two states—Delaware and South Carolina-—remained without a state organization. Since the National
Congress in 1910 the party membership had increased
from 58,011 to 125,826, the highest the party has thus far
recorded.
i F o r the first time in the history of the party a Socialist Congressman submitted a report to a national convention. Victor L. Berger was elected'from a Milwaukee district in the fall of 1910. His report consisted of
a detailed account of his activities in Congress from
April, 1911, to and including May of the following year.
The convention nominated Eugene V. Debs and Emil
Seidel for President and Vice-President, respectively.
The end of the campaign found that the party had
polled the largest vote in its history. In the congressional and state elections of 1910 the vote had increased
to 607,674. The party had registered a steady increase
every year since its organization, except for the one reverse in 1906. It now had to its credit 901,062 votes, a
result contrary to the pessimistic predictions of those
dissatisfied with the actons of the convention, and particularly with Section 6 of Article 2.N/
In 1914 the world war broke out and the congressional
and state elections in November showed a small decrease
in the vote, the total being 874,691. The language federations had increased in number and membership so
that twTo years later, in 1916, they numbered 11, with a
membership of 29,055, and exercised an increasing influ46

ence in the party. This was to continue and be stimulated by the end of the war, while the membership of
the Russian nationalities increased very rapidly after the
Russian Revolution, and became more and more militant
within the party councils.
The 1916 Setback.
The campaign of 1916 proved in many ways a disappointment. The membership voted against holding a
national convention and nominated candidates by a general referendum vote. Allan L. Benson of New York,
and George R. Kirkpatrick of New Jersey were nominated for President and Vice-President respectively. Benson proved a disappointment as a speaker, but the largest
quantities of leaflets ever distributed in any presidential campaign were circulated by the membership.
More than 22,000,000 pieces were printed and distributed,
of which there was a series of 10 written by Benson.
Kirkpatrick was a more experienced speaker and proved
more satisfactory as a campaigner. The vote polled was
590,295, a heavy loss from the vote polled in 1912.
However, the setback was only a temporary one, as local elections soon showed. In 1917 Morris Hillquit
polled 142,178 votes for Mayor of New York, 10 Socialists were elected to the State Assembly, as were 7 Aldermen and one Municipal Judge. Hillquit's vote was more
than had ever been polled in any state. Local successes
were also realized in other states.
The most dramatic period in the history of the party
came with the imminence of war in the spring of 1917.
It was apparent in March of that year that the United
States would be drawn into the world war, and an Emergency National Convention was called by the National
Executive Committee to meet in St. Louis on April 7.
Despite the short time for election of delegates, 44 states
were represented. The number of delegates seated was
about 200, of whom nine were representatives of language
federations and one the Young People's Socialist League.
The American Socialist Party was never confronted
with so grave a crisis as that which it faced at this Convention. That the crisis was faced bravely and without
flinching is a tribute to the courage and clear-sightedness
of the delegates. That the stand taken at St. Louis was
that of the party membership was evidenced by the tremendous enthusiasm evoked by the decision of the Convention, and by the extraordinary growth of the party
soon after. Morris Hillquit of New York was elected
temporary chairman. In his opening speech, he rapidly
traced the development of the International, and its col47

lapse at the beginning of the European War. He outlined
the probable effect of the war on America, and stated
that the Socialist Party was "the only considerable organized force which has still retained a clear vision." He
urged the Socialist Party to oppose the war, even after it
had begun. Pie pointed out that the war would not be
one merely of money, but that men would be sent to the
trenches, that at home unreason would rule, and liberties
would be sacrificed. Pie spoke of the Russian Revolution,
and predicted that the war would be ended by the revolutionary working class of Europe.
The St. Louis Convention.
The Committee on W a r and Militarism, of which Kate
Richards O'Hare was chairman, was charged with the
consideration of the chief problem before the convention
—namely the attitude of the Party towards the war.
There were two minority reports, and a majority report which was adopted by the Convention and overwhelmingly by the party membership. This report
which has since become famous as the St. Louis Resolution, will forever remain as proof of the integrity of the
Socialist Party in the war crisis ; of its remaining true
to the principles of International Socialism in spite of
the stimulated "patriotic" hysteria raging throughout the
land. The St. Louis Resolution clearly analyzed the
cause of modern wars, pointing out that they are due to
commercial and financial rivalry; that the wars of the
contending national groups of capitalists are not the concern of the w r orkers; and they were therefore called upon
to refuse support to their governments in their wars; that
the only struggle which would justify the workers in
taking up arms is the great struggle of the workers of
the world to free themselves from economic exploitation
and political oppression. The resolution explained the
nature of Imperialism and the inevitable result of the Imperialist policies of the European nations. It declared
that the entrance of the United States into the war could
not be justified, for the American workers had no
quarrel with the German workers. It pledged the Party
to continuous and active opposition to the war and to
all efforts to finance the war by any means except conscription of wealth.
Although a few pro-war Socialists left the Party because of the St. Louis Resolution, it helped to maintain
the unity of the party throughout the war, although almost all other Socialist parties were splitting up into
mutually hostile factions.
48

The achievements of the Russian Revolution, and the
great increase of foreign-speaking members in the Socialist Party led to the denunciation of the party organization as lacking in revolutionary fervor and failing to
adhere to revolutionary Socialist principles by a noisy
group of people, most of whom had joined the party after
the end of the wrar.
The "Left Wing."
A so-called left wing movement developed at the beginning of 1919 which came to a head in the September conventions, in the formation of two separate parties—the
Communist and the Communist Labor Parties.
Both
parties were born in Chicago. At the same time an
Emergency Convention of the Socialist Party was in session. Most of the time of the Convention was taken up
in the settling of disputes that had arisen as a result of
left wing controversies.
The most important achievement of the convention was
the adoption of the Chicago Manifesto, a ringing challenge to the reactionary imperialist forces of the world.
It exposed the mockery and sham of the Treaty of Versailles and dubbed the League of Nations, "the Capitalist Black Internationale." It denounced the strangulation of civil liberties at home and the destruction of
Socialist governments in Finland and Hungary. It declared that the Socialist Party had squarely taken its position with the uncompromising section of the international
Socialist movement, and pledged support to Soviet Russia
and to the radical Socialists everywThere in their efforts
to establish working class rule in their countries. It
urged the workers to abandon their present futile leadership and organize on the economic field on broad industrial lines as one powerful and harmonious class organization and to be ready in case of emergency to reinforce
the political demands of the working class by industrial
action.
The Convention adopted the Majority Report on International Relations, which while declaring that the
Second International was dead, urged the reconstitution of the international movement to include only ttiose
parties which had remained true to the principles of the
class struggle. The Minority Report urging affiliation
with the Third (Moscow) International with reservations
as to tactics was adopted by a majority of the membership.
Debs for President.
The last convention of the Socialist Party was held in
New York City, May, 1920. This convention will be
49

remembered for the wonderful demonstration which followed the nomination of Eugene V. Debs for the presidency. Seymour Stedman was nominated as his running mate. The Convention adopted a national platform
and declaration of principles. It likewise reaffirmed
its affiliation with the Third International, providing,
however, that no special formula such as the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat in the form of. Soviets, or any other special formula, be imposed by Moscow as conditions of affiliation. A minority report on International relations
urging affiliation without mentioning any specific reservations was sent to a referendum of the membership
along with the Majority report adopted by the convention. The minority report was rejected by the party's
memberships
The convention demanded economic as well as political
freedom for Ireland and other subject nationalities, and
condemned specifically the treatment meted out to India
and the American attitude towards Hindoo revolutionists. It denounced all anti-anarchy, anti-syndicalist and
anti-sedition acts as efforts to crush the organization of
the workers, and exposed the reasons for the illegal
ousting of the five duly elected Socialist Assemblymen of
New York.
The Socialist Party faces the campaign of 1920 more
confident than ever before that the workers of America
will turn to it to lead them out of the morass of Capitalism to the New Day of Socialism.
SOCIALIST PARTY INSTITUTIONS.
There are newspapers that support the Republican
Party and the Democratic Party. There are periodicals
whose owners are enthusiastic in the advocacy of the
"principles" of those organizations.
But there is no record of thousands of men and women
giving their last dollars, giving even their rings and
watches and bits of jewelry in order to keep a Republican
newspaper above water. There is no record of working
people opening up their savings banks and giving the
meager contents to the support of daily newspapers that
support of the Democratic party.
But this has been true of every newspaper, every institution of learning maintained by the Socialist party.
-Years ago, there were hundreds of Socialist newspapers in every part of the country. Many of them have
been killed by official persecution (see section on Civil
Liberties) and many more by boycotts, by anti-labor
business men, and the excessive co.st of white paper. But
50

today, nevertheless, there is a large number of daily,
weekly and monthly publications supported by the Socialist party and its membership, and maintained by the
heroic sacrifices of its adherents.
There are the three dailies in English, and several
dailies in foreign languages. The New York Call was
launched on May 30th, 1908, and has been maintained
for twelve years by the most heroic sacrifices of its supporters. It is the principal daily of Socialism in the
Eastern part of the country. In the spring of 1919, a
great drive among the working people was engineered
that netted some $150,000 in cash, with which a great
printing plant and a building were purchased. There
are hundreds of workers whose entire .savings are invested in that plant. The Call is edited by Charles W.
Ervin and James Oneal.
In December, 1911, the Socialists of Milwaukee, then as
now under Socialist government, launched the Milwaukee Leader, under the editorship of Victor L. Berger.
This paper, likewise, has its own building and plant, and
it has weathered stormy weather solely through the
enthusiastic loyalty of its readers. Neither The Call nor
The Leader is permitted second class privileges at this
time.
On August 16, 1920, the Oklahoma Leader was started,
published by the same Social Democratic Publishing
Company that publishes the Milwaukee Leader. During the black days of war terrorism, a band of devoted
Comrades combed the Socialist and Labor movement of
the state and raised $200,000 in cash; with it they built
a fine building, installed a modern and efficient plant, and
began publication of the paper as soon as they secured
a supply of white paper.
The Jewish Daily Forward of New York was founded
in 1897, as an organ of a faction of the Socialist movement, supporting the Social Democracy of America,
which had been founded by Eugene V. Debs. In 1904,
it became an organ of the present Socialist Party, and
began its wonderful career of successful teaching of Socialism. It, too, represents almost untold sacrifices. It was
supported by almost fanatical loyalty when it seemed as
if it could not live. But today, it is the largest daily
newspaper in America in a language other than in English, it has a circulation of some 250,000, and it carries
the message of Socialism in every issue. Abraham Cahan
is editor.
Lately, The Forward has established a thriving Chicago edition, which does the work for Socialism in the
middle west that the New York paper does in the East.
51

Socialist Weeklies
There are many Socialist weeklies, and they have all
the same record of struggle, sacrifice, and high idealism.
Some of them are The New Age (Buffalo), The Citizen
(Schenectady), The Tribune (Davenport, la.), The
Miami Valley Socialist (Dayton, O.), The Socialist (Chicago), The World (Oakland, Calif.), Labor (St. Louis),
The Pennsylvania Socialist (Reading), The Examiner
(Bridgeport), Truth (Erie, Pa.), and many others.
There are many weeklies and monthlies in other languages, either affiliated with the party, printed by the
party, or supporting the party. There are Obrana (Bohemian), The Arbeiter Zeitung (German, Chicago), The
Arbeiter Zeitung (St. Louis), The Neue Welt (Jewish),
and numerous others.
The national organization of the party publishes a
weekly and a monthly, the New Day being a propaganda sheet, and The Socialist World being a monthly
magazine, discussing the issues of the day from the
standpoint of Socialism. They are both edited by William M. Feigenbaum.
There are likewise many party institutions, such as
the Rand School in New York, the Labor Lyceums in
many parts of the country.
The Rand School is the "party school" (to use a
European expression) that has the support and endorsement of the National organization. Founded in 1906 by
Mrs. Carrie Rand, it is the property of the American
Socialist Society, and is supported by the entire movement. There are classes in Socialism, English, History,
Biology, Physical Training, and many similar subjects. A
research department is maintained. A correspondence
bureau is supported. The school is housed in the People's
House, purchased by the Socialist movement in 1917, after a spectacular drive for funds that enlisted the support
of the entire movement.
Wherever there are Finns, one will find a Finnish Hall,
built and owned by the Finnish Socialists for Socialist
party work.
The Labor Lyceums are found in New York, Brooklyn,
Brownsville, Rochester, Detroit, Milwaukee, Pittsburgh,
St. Louis and many other cities. In mo.st cases, they have
been purchased by the Socialists for the use of the Socialist and the labor movement.

52

SECTION II.
CONGRESS AND T H E WORKERS.
Congress cannot be viewed from a Republican or a
Democratic angle for the very good reason that, with
very few exceptions, there are no partisan divisions in
Congress. Congress consists of a half-dozen clever
brokers of the big interests, the banks, the railroads, the
steel interests, etc., and the rest of the members are
dummies. The latter have no influence whatever. The} r
are what in Washington are called "Mawsh" members.
This word has been coined from the first letter in each
word of the following sentence: "Might As Well Stay
Home."
Congress Controlled by Clique.
Just as industry and finance tend to center into the
hands of a few men, so has power in Washington taken
the same course. Industrial centralization is followed
by congressional centralization. Power is in the hands
of the Speaker, the floor leaders of the two parties, and
a few of the chairmen of the more important committees.
They constitute a little oligarchy which not only controls all legislation, but which also can make or unmake
the careers of any of the dummies who fail to obey orders of the bi-partisan clique. Party lines hardly exist
except during a session drawing to a close when an
election is near. Speeches are then made for the Record
by a few members to be franked out free to the voters in
which the "ins" score the "outs" and the "outs" score the
"ins."
For example, a Republican dummy in the present Congress cannot get recognition from the Speaker unless he
has previously secured the consent of majority leader
Mondell. He announced this procedure in the House on
May 22, 1919. By agreement with the Republican
Speaker a Democrat must also get the consent of both
before he can be recognized. This completely destroys
the initiative and independence of any man who may seek
to oppose the Congressional machine.
On this same date Congressman Campbell of Kansas
asked to "prefer a unanimous consent request." Speaker
Gillett then inquired:
Has the gentleman from Kansas (Campbell) conferred
with the gentleman from Wyoming (Mondell) and the gentleman from Missouri (Champ Clark)? He certainly has
not conferred with the Chair.
This is taken from the Congressional Record, page
103. As an example of the clique control of Congress
by the Speaker and the two party leaders this quotation
should suffice.
53

The organization of committees and the rules of procedure are so complicated and autocratic that the bipartisan clique can jam through a bill or kill any bill
they desire. This transforms the mass of Congressmen
into rubber stamps for the clique. Their main interest
is ,to be returned to Congress. They introduce bills for
public buildings in their districts or to drain a creek.
The price of having these "local" bills passed is servility
to the handful of Republican and Democratic oligarchs.
Near the close of a session the dummy Congressmen
get permission to print speeches and have them franked
out to voters at the expense of the Government. Probably not one in 100 of these speeches are ever delivered, yet they are mailed to voters as verbatim reports
of addresses delivered in Congress. Millions of these
bogus speeches are mailed out every year and the mass
of voters are unaware that they are being made the victims of an imposture.
By the side of this there has grown up what some
have called "petty graft." On page 172 of the annual
report of the Clerk of the House, there is cited, among
other things purchased for Congrssmen in 1917, many
dozens of playing cards, 18 manicure sets and 50 Gillette
razor blades! It includes bags and purses, an Ingersoll
Triumph watch, a fan, 36 thermos bottles and even "onehalf dozen egg crates"! Each Congressman is allowed
clerk hire. Some are known to join in hiring one clerk
and pocketing part of the salaries intended for the clerks.
The annual mileage grab is notorious. Back in 1866
when the cost of traveling was high, Congress fixed the
mileage rate at 20 cents per mile, going to and returning
from each regular session. A sham battle is fought over
the reduction of this mileage in every Congress. Some
indignant speeches are made to be franked out to the
voters, and then the mileage grab is approved. It is a
piece of annual duplicity participated in by both parties.
When Congress desires to avoid a record vote it resolves itself into a Committee of the Whole where no roll
call is taken. An example of the deception practiced is
the following: On September 19, 1919, the House was
considering a deficiency appropriation bill in the recordless Committee of the Whole. This carried an appropriation of $200,000 to enforce the anti-trust laws. It
contained two provisos that no part of the fund should
be used to prosecute organizations of workers or farmers. The members voted 3 to 1 against these provisos.
On the following day when the matter came up in the
open House and a roll call was forced on the provisos,
54

the members reversed themselves by a vote of 7 to 1.
One vote was taken in darkness and the other in daylight. The difference is apparent. The members were
at heart against the workers but wrere too cowardly to
have their real views known.
Congress isn't representative under this machine and
especially under our archaic electoral system. If the
parties were represented in proportion to the vote they
cast the representation in the Sixty-sixth Congress would
have been as follows:
Democrats
231 instead of 194
Republicans
193 instead of 235
Socialists
•
6 instead of
1
Nonpartisan L e a g u e . . . . 3 now have
3
Prohibitionists .
2 instead of
1
Independents
0 instead of
1
The capitalist character of the present Congress is evident from the vote cast by it in the matter of approving
Attorney General Palmer's use of the injunction to break
the strike of the miners. Republicans and Democrats
united in a unanimous vote of approval of Palmer's
methods. In the light of such actions it is ridiculous to
speak of a "Republican Congress" or a "Democratic Congress." It is a Congress of the banks, the railroads, the
packers, the steel trust and the profiteering exploiters of
the nation. It is a Capitalist Congress. The workers elect
the Congressmen and the latter serve the enemies of the
workers. Both parties approve the notorious Esch-Cummins Railroad Bill which practically makes the railroad
gamblers the special wards of the federal treasury. It
was passed in spite of a nation-wide protest of the railroad workers and other organized workers.
Congress Servant of Capitalism.
The Congress has saddled the masses of the country
with enormous loans to pay for war expenditures instead
of taxing the tremendous war gains of the capitalist class.
Enormous profits have flowed into the pockets of capitalist "patriots" as a result. At the time when the masses
were being pleaded with to loan their scanty funds, the
capitalists, according to Basil M. Manly of the War Labor
Board, were reaping staggering fortunes. W e quote
Manly:
At the time that the coal operators were making profits
ranging as high as 7,856 per cent on their capital stock,
the meat packers were making profits ranging as high as
4,244 per cent, canners of fruits and vegetables 2,032 per
cent, woolen mills 1,770 per cent., furniture manufacturers
3,295 per cent, clothing and dry goods stores 9,826 per cent,
and, to cap the climax, steel mills as high as 290,999 per cent.
(See Manly's article in The Searchlight, April, 1920.)
55

It is claimed that 23,000 new millionaires were created
by the war. Attorney General Palmer was entrusted
with power to suppress profiteering. One of his subordinates before a Senate committee claimed "about
1,200" prosecutions. None of the big skinners is listed
among those prosecuted. Out of the 1,102 cases, 822
were indictments of moonshiners, 139 as a result of the
coal strike, and only 141 on account of other offenses.
Meantime prices have soared as though Palmer never
lived. Mr. Palmer is a ripe product of the Congressional
machine, having served in that body several terms.
As a result of congressional financing of the war by
gathering in loans from the masses and letting the capitalist gougers have their ill-gotten gains, some staggering
problems face us. The following analysis by Lynn
Haines in The Searchlight for April, 1920, gives some
idea of what has happened:
It cost only $27,000,000,000 to run the national government 127 years, whereas in the 27 months from April 6,
1917, to June 30, 1919, your Congress appropriated more
than double that amount.
The national debt, counting in current obligations, is now
much more than the whole cost of the government before
the war period.
Each year the interest on the national debt is now more
than the entire annual cost of the national government before the war period.
The whole cost of the national government in 1905 was
$755,000,000. By 1917 it had reached $1,072,000,000, an average annual increase of $27,000,000 for that twelve-year period.
Now, in three years, it has suddenly jumped to at least
$6,000,000,000 and probably eight billions as a normal peacetime expense to the people.
It is utterly impossible, anywhere in official Washington,
to get figures which accurately and fairly reveal the actual
fiscal condition of the government. But these facts appear
indisputable:
1. That Congress appropriated and authorized, in round
numbers, for the two-year period ending June 30, 1919, a
total of $60,000,000,000, of which fifteen billions was canceled, following the armistice, leaving net appropriations
of forty-five billions.
2. That the total income of the government for that
period, counting in bonded and unbonded debt, and revenue
from all sources, was in round numbers $32,000,000,000,
leaving a discrepancy between appropriations and income of
thirteen billions, with which we started the current fiscal
year.
3. That the deficit for this year which ends June 30, 1920.
will be around $5,000,000,000.
4. That the government has spent all anticipated income
from direct revenue sources for at least a full year ahead,
making probably four billions more to be hurdled before
we can get to the "normal" peace time basis of six or
eight billions a year.
56

For forty years prior to 1916, the total amount paid to
the national government in direct taxes, wad only $600,000,000. Reduced to families, counting five persons to a family,
that meant an average yearly tax of $1.50 per family throughout that period. Now the national tax bill may reach $400
or more per family each year!
'

Contrast this with the fact that your movies, drugs,
candies, ice cream and other things are still being taxed.
Contrast it with the demand of the National Association
of Manufacturers, supported by an increasing number
of daily journals and politicians, that the excess profits
tax be abolished and "the substitution for it of a tax
on gross final sales of goods, wares and merchandise."
Contrast it with the fact that of every dollar paid into
the federal treasury 93 cents goes to pay for past wars
and the upkeep of a large army and navy.
The Sixty-sixth Congress adjourned on June 5. When
it met it found a world largely wrecked and a maze of
problems facing the masses of this country. It immediately proceeded to release capitalist profiteers from the
restraint of all war legislation. Like a gang of bandits
they/plundered the masses. Capitalist business was given a free hand in this looting but the legislation against
human rights, the censorship of the Postmaster General,
the Espionage Act, all that accumulation of statutes that
struck down free discussion, free assembly and a free
press, were left intact by this Congress.
The Lever Act, ostensibly designed against the
profiteers, is the only act affecting capitalist business not
repealed. This act has been used to break strikes of the
workers, the Attorney General proving to be, under its
piovisions, servile to the plundering bandits of capitalist
business. It embodies anti-strike legislation in the EschCummins Railroad Bill. It spent much of its time discussing more bills to strangle all civil rights which the
Constitution is supposed to guarantee us. It supported
Attorney General Palmer in his brutal clubbings, raids
and arrests of "radicals." It supported his policy of "administrative exile," a policy followed by no other country except the Russia of the Czars.
It, like other Congresses, was not a Republican or a
Democratic Congress. It was a Congress of the banks,
the railroads, the packers, the profiteers and the exploiters of labor in general.
What is needed is a Congress of the workers of the
farm, of the mine, of the railroads, of the packing plants,
of the steel mills, of the shops and factories, a Congress
representing the workers of the nation. A Congress that
will smash and reorganize the clique-controlled machine
at Washington and make of it an agency for .serving the
57

m a s s e s of t h e c o u n t r y . A C o n g r e s s of t h e w o r k i n g
class, c o - o p e r a t i n g in t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t h e capitalist
s y s t e m into an industrial d e m o c r a c y w h e r e t h e m a s s e s
will have m a s t e r y of i n d u s t r y and order their o w n lives
and d e t e r m i n e their o w n destiny.
T h e Socialist Party stands for this program. Its candidates for President and Vice-President, D e b s and Stedman, represent this program. It represents your interests, the interests of your family, of your brother workers, and of your class.
V o t e t h e ticket of t h e Socialist P a r t y in N o v e m b e r !
THE TWO

PLATFORMS OF T H E CAPITALIST
PARTY.
T h e w o r k of J a m e s B r y c e on " T h e A m e r i c a n C o m m o n w e a l t h " is considered t h e m o s t a u t h o r i t a t i v e s t u d y of
the d e v e l o p m e n t of A m e r i c a n g o v e r n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s . I n
his c h a p t e r on " T h e P a r t i e s of T o d a y " he asks, W h a t
are t h e i r principles a n d h o w do t h e y s t a n d on t h e railr o a d question, a n d m a n y m o r e issues t h a t are alleged
to divide t h e m ? After m a n y y e a r s of careful s t u d y he
gives this as his a n s w e r :
Neither party has, as a party, anything definite to say on
these issues; neither party has any clean-cut principles, any
distinctive tenets. Both have traditions. Both claim to
have tendencies. Both have certainly war cries, organizations, interests, enlisted in their support. Both those interests are in the main the interests of getting or keeping the
patronage of the government. Distinctive tenets and policies, points of political doctrine and points of political practice, have all but vanished. They have not been thrown
away, but have been stripped away by Time and the progress
of events, fulfilling some policies, blotting out others. All has
been lost, except office or the hope of it.—Volume 11, p. 21.
M. O s t r o g o r s k i is recognized as t h e g r e a t e s t a u t h o r i t y
on t h e rise, g r o w t h , d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d composition of
political parties, their m e t h o d s and c h a r a c t e r , a n d his
j u d g m e n t is t h e same as B r y c e ' s . Of t h e n a t i o n a l conv e n t i o n s of t h e old p a r t i e s he h a s t h e following to say
in his " D e m o c r a c y a n d t h e P a r t y S y s t e m : "
A greedy crowd of office-holders, disguised as delegates
of the people, on the pretense of holding the grand council
of the party, indulged in, or were the victims of, intrigues
and manoeuvers, the object of which was the chief magistracy of the greatest Republic of the two hemispheres,—
the succession to the Washingtons and the Jeffersons. With
an elaborate respect for forms extending to the smallest
details of procedure, they pretended to deliberate, and then
passed resolutions settled by a handful of wire-pullers in
the obscurity of committees and private caucuses; they
proclaimed as the creed of the party, appealing to its piety,
a collection of hollow, vague phrases, strung together by
a few experts in the art of using meaningless language, and
58

adopted still more precipitately without examination and
without conviction; with their hand upon their heart, they
adjured the assembly to support aspirants in whose success they had not the faintest belief.—p. 159.
T h e N e w Y o r k J o u r n a l of C o m m e r c e , one of t h e
leading W a l l S t r e e t publications, m a k e s t h e s a m e a d m i s sion. A n editorial a p p e a r i n g in its issue of J u n e 24,
1920, c o n t a i n s t h e following p a r a g r a p h :
It is not too much to say that a minority of both the
Democratic and Republican parties, headed by exceedingly
clever and able politicians, absolutely control the millions
of the rank and file of the voters, women as well as men.
Furthermore, these leaders are completely out of touch
with the wishes of a heavy majority of the members of
their party, and the latter seem utterly helpless as well as
disgusted.
T h e W a l l S t r e e t J o u r n a l is t h e h i g h e s t a u t h o r i t y of b i g
finance in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . I t s c o m m e n t on t h e n o m i nation of Cox is delicious. T h e r e a d e r will c e r t a i n l y enjoy this from its issue of J u l y 8 :
On the nomination of Governor Cox the stock market,
which had been improving slowly for some days before,
showed definite strength. It is philosophical and plays no
favorites. Mr. Cox is a good sportsman, and Franklin
Roosevelt is a gentleman.
T h e N e w Y o r k Commercial is a n o t h e r of t h e leading
o r g a n s of t h e financial oligarchy. I t s h a p p i n e s s over
the n o m i n a t i o n s of Cox and H a r d i n g reveals its t e n d e r
affection for both. I t r e g a r d s t h e c a n d i d a t e s a n d t h e
platforms as so n e a r alike t h a t t h e L e a g u e of N a t i o n s
will h a v e to be "forced" as an issue. T h i s a p p e a r s in
its issue of J u l y 7 :
Both Governor Cox and Senator Harding are men of the
type the country rather likes to see in the White House,
and except for party lines there is not very much difference
between either the men or the platforms. Business will
be safe with either man. As a matter of fact the issues
are not very sharply drawn. The League of Nations will
probably be forced into the forefront.
W h a t t h e s e a u t h o r i t i e s and t h e s e W a l l S t r e e t publications s a y is w h a t m a n y h u n d r e d s of t h o u s a n d s of v o t e r s
are c o m i n g t o realize. T h i s y e a r t h e s e q u o t a t i o n s are
specially a p t . T h e y c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e r o t t i n g p a r t i e s of
capitalism for w h a t t h e y really are. F o r t h a t reason
h u n d r e d s of t h o u s a n d s of v o t e r s are g r o p i n g for s o m e
n e w political affiliation.
T h e Platform of the Democratic Branch.
In 1900, j u s t 20 y e a r s ago, the D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y definitely c o m m i t t e d itself a g a i n s t imperialism. T h e S p a n i s h - A m e r i c a n W a r h a d l a u n c h e d t h e g o v e r n m e n t on a
career of o v e r s e a s a d v e n t u r e s b y t h e a c q u i r e m e n t of terr i t o r y from Spain. T h e D e m o c r a t i c platform of 1900
59

w a r n e d " t h e A m e r i c a n people t h a t imperialism a b r o a d
will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home,"
a n d t h a t t h e " b u r n i n g issue of imperialism, g r o w i n g o u t
of t h e Spanish w a r , involves t h e v e r y existence of the
R e p u b l i c and the destruction of our free institutions."
O n e significant p a r a g r a p h of t h a t p l a t f o r m r e a d s like
a p r o p h e t i c prediction t o d a y . W e q u o t e it h e r e :
We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and
intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong
arm which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is
what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It
will impose on our peace-loving people a large standing
army, an unnecessary burden of taxation, and would be a
constant menace to their liberties
This Republic has
no place for a vast military establishment, a sure forerunner
of compulsory military service and conscription.
E v e r y w a r n i n g of t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y in 1900 h a s
been realized b y t h e D e m o c r a t i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d u r i n g
t h e p a s t t h r e e y e a r s . I m p e r i a l i s m , militarism, conscription, despotism a t h o m e , i n t i m i d a t i o n and oppression,
s t a g g e r i n g t a x a t i o n and t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of liberties h a v e
been r e a l i z e d ! T h i s p r o p h e c y and fulfillment of p r o p h e c y
b y t h e s a m e political p a r t y is the most remarkable event
in the party history of any nation.
T h e facts are t o o well k n o w n to r e q u i r e a n y l o n g recital. T h e E s p i o n a g e Act, t h e s u p p r e s s i o n of m a n y ind e p e n d e n t n e w s p a p e r s b y t h e P o s t m a s t e r General, t h e
p e r s e c u t i o n of d i s s e n t i n g opinions, t h e i m p r i s o n m e n t of
m e n and w o m e n for long t e r m s for m e r e expression of
opinion, t h e b r u t a l raids and t e r r o r i s m of A t t o r n e y General P a l m e r , all this is a literal fulfillment of t h e forecast
of t h e D e m o c r a t s in 1900.
Y e t in spite of this black period of t h r e e y e a r s t h e
s a m e p a r t y in its platform for 1920 m a k e s a sweepingdenial of its forecast and w h a t h a s h a p p e n e d these t h r e e
y e a r s . I t s platform this y e a r r e a d s :
We resent the unfounded reproaches directed against the
Democratic Administration for alleged interference with the
freedom of the press and freedom of speech.
No utterance from any quarter has been assailed, and no publication has been repressed, which has not been animated by
treasonable purpose and directed against the nation's peace, order and security in time of war.
We reaffirm our respect for the great principles of free speech
and a free press, but assert as an indisputable proposition that
they afford no toleration of enemy propaganda or the advocacy
of the overthrow of the Government of the State or nation by
force or violence.
T h i s a s t o n i s h i n g denial of w h a t is k n o w n in every
h o u s e h o l d of t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s s h o w s t h e a m a z i n g
, d e p t h s of reaction to w h i c h this p a r t y h a s sunk.
In
1864 this p a r t y and m a n y of its .supporters w e r e affected
b y t h e a b u s e of a r b i t r a r y p o w e r s . I n its p l a t f o r m of
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that year the Democratic party protested against the
"administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the C o n s t i t u t i o n ; . . . . the
suppression of freedom of speech and of the press; the
denial of the right of asylum," etc. Its grievances were
as real then as ours are now.
This party forgets its own history, ignores its crimes
of but yesterday, insolently denies it has many victims
of its usurped powers in the penitentiaries, and brazenly
faces the masses it has outraged with a colo,ssal lie for
its platform!
The same duplicity is displayed regarding the interests of the wrorkers of the nation. The platform says
that "labor is not a commodity," that it has the right of
collective bargaining and "adequate compensation" and
professes "scrupulous regard for the conditions of public employment." All this in spite of the fact that postal
employes have no right to organize or work for their
political beliefs, while in England they are thoroughly
organized in a union and affiliated with the British Labor
Party! All this in spite of Attorney General Palmer's
brutal use of power to crush the strike of the miners and
the sweatshop wages paid to the postal workers! All
this in face of Palmer's propaganda against the steel
workers! All this despite the shameful treatment of the
railroad workers and the anti-strike clause of the EschCummins Railroad Act! Nay, the platform outrages the
wounded feelings of the sweated, underpaid, and overworked postal employes by approving the record of Postmaster General Burleson. Of this it says:
The efficiency of the Post Office Department has been
vindicated against a malicious and designing assault by the
efficiency of its operation. Its record refutes its assailants.
Their voices are silenced and their charges nave collapsed.

Those who know the facts of the wreck, ruin and
sweating of this department cannot be other than stupefied at this amazing perversion of facts.
Like the Republican platform, the platform adopted at
San Francisco contains a threat for Mexico. Unctious
sympathy is expressed for the Mexican people, but this
is followed by a demand that the Mexican Government
should have "written upon its statute books just laws
under which foreign investors shall have rights as well
as duties." This is a definite commitment of the Democratic party to the support of a few hundred American
oil investors, a demand that Mexico shall enact laws in
favor of these exploiters. This is followed with the hint
that the party is ready to "demand full protection" for
these millionaires.
61

This insolence towards another people is only equalled
by the Republican platform which demands a "consistent, firm and effective policy towards Mexico." If any
other country demanded of the United States that it
should rewrite its laws in the interests of a few foreign
capitalists it would lead dangerously near to war. Imperialism and conquest possess both parties. They seek
to hurl masses of workingmen into Mexico after the dirty
dollars of exploiting American investors.
The Democratic party expresses "sympathy" for China,
Czecho-Slovakia, Finland, Poland and Ireland. The
leader of this party signed a treaty that took Shantung
from China and gave it to Japan. Finland has a government established by a German-Finnish-Junker coalition that murdered thousands of Finnish workingmen
and women. Poland is an imperialist and militarist state
doing the dirty work of the Entente in the Baltic. Ireland is held under the boots of generals commanded by
Great Britain, one of "our glorious allies."
It approves the Esch-Cummins Railroad Bill which
makes it almost impossible for railroad workers to strike
and which gives hundreds of millions of dollars to the railroad gamblers. A straight-jacket for the workers and
plunder for the owners. It promises a reduction of the
cost of living. What both parties have done along this
line is told in another part of this book.
The Democratic party in this platform has belied its
own history, has reversed itself since 1900, is evasive and
lying, is insolent regarding its black reaction, is imperialist in its aims, and just as aggressive against all the forces
making for human emancipation as its Republican
"enemy." Confronted by its record of servility to the
profiteering and patrioteering class it serves, it seeks to
divert attention from its misdeeds at home by fixing attention on a sham League of Nations. Whether the
league is approved, modified, or rejected makes no difference to the masses. Imperialism and capitalism dominates the world in the interest of an international financial and capitalist oligarchy. The system itself must be
ended before the grievances of the workers can be mended.
The Platform of the Republican Branch.
The Republican platform is a collection of adroit
phrases, obscure in their evasions and commitments,
showing a mastery in word juggling that has rarely been
exceeded by professional politicians. On industrial relations the platform recognizes "the justice of collective
bargaining," yet in the very next paragraph "we justify
government initiative to reduce its (the strike's) frequency
62

and consequences/' This is either an endorsement of
Palmer's methods in breaking the strike of the miners
or it means nothing. Considering that both Republicans
and Democrats joined in a unanimous vote in Congress
in approving Palmer's methods, there is no difficulty in
determining what is meant.
Moreover, this section, which has to do with the status
of the working class, is one of the shortest in the platform. The overseas interests of investors, bankers and
capitalists occupy five times the same space with careful
consideration of trade, the tariff, a merchant marine, foreign relations, Mexico and the League of Nations.
Its- position on the Esch-Cummins Railroad Bill is
practically the same as that of the Democrats. This is
a warning to the railroad workers that the dose bearing
a Democratic label will be the same when administered
by the Republicans.
The platform asserts that the high cost of living is
due to—the high cost of living! We do not exaggerate.
I t states that it is due to a "50 per cent depreciation in
the purchasing power of the dollar." Reversing this
proposition and saying that the depreciation of the dollar is due to the high cost of living and there is just as
much sense to it,
It demands the "ancient and constitutional right of
free speech, free press and free assembly and the no
less sacred right of the qualified voter to be represented
by his duly chosen representatives." Yet the representatives of this party joined with the Democrats in Congress
in tearing down these rights. Their main criticism was
that the Democrats were not reactionary enough. It
was also the Republican majority with a big following
of Democrats who, in the New York Legislature, which
denied seats to "duly chosen representatives" by expelling
five Socialist members of that body.
The aspirations of women for the suffrage receive
clever treatment. "We earnestly hope," the platform
reads, "that Republican legislatures in states which have
not yet acted upon the suffrage amendment will ratify
the amendment." No demand, no vigorous protest
against delay, but a modest "hope" that these states will
act favorably. If they don't—well, didn't we earnestly
"hope" in national convention assembled?
The shameless blighting and sweating of children in
industry is met with characteristic camouflage. "If the
present law be found unconstitutional or ineffective we
shall seek other means to enable Congress to prevent the
evils of child labor." The acute question of housing is
met in the same way. "Both the national and state
63

governments should encourage in all proper ways the
acquiring of homes by our citizens." But the "proper
way" has never been to interfere with the property rights
of the angels who guard the G. O. P., without which the
foul housing conditions for millions cannot be improved.
The odor of oil also rises from the plank on Mexico.
The flag of Doheny and Company may be seen waving
over that country in the promise of a "firm and effective
policy toward Mexico." If the party has its way the
bones of American workers are to bleach on Mexican
plains in order to protect the "security of life and enjoyment of property" of American capitalists in that unhappy country. The approach of the Democrats to the
same position brings the two parties of capitalism together in aims of imperialist conquest across the Rio
Grande.
Every faction was satisfied with the section on the
League of Nations, the bitter enders as well as the reservationists. It smites the holy covenant, while at the
same time affirming that the party stands "for agreement
among the nations to preserve the peace of the world."
Further, that "an international association must be based
on international justice," and this can be accomplished
"without compromise of national independence." Every
faction required a sop and a sop went to every faction
in this cleverly worded section, which is credited to the
weasel, Elihu Root.
Nowhere is there any clear and unmistakable statement of any solution of the real problems of the working class. Both parties are two wings of the coal monopolists, the big banks, the profiteers, the 100 per cent
patrioteers, the packers, the steel hells and the enemies
of the workers in general. They represent the great capitalist oligarchies that control the productive plants and
agencies of the nation and use them to exploit labor and
enrich themselves.
The working masses of the country require a party of
their own and the Socialist Party meets the need of the
hour.
T H E GOLD TRUST TWINS.
Some of the reasons why the Republican party has
nominated Warren Gamaliel Harding, of the scab town
of Marion, Ohio, as its presidential candidate, are as follows :
"Dollar a Day" Harding.
Mill operatives in his own town are denouncing him
as having avowed in 1913, a year before the world war
began, "a dollar a day is enough for any working man."
64

He is financially interested in the Marion Steam Shovel
Works and other institutions that have discharged men
who insisted upon joining labor unions.
When Senator Harding, now presidential candidate,
was appealed to by the workers in their efforts to organize the Marion and Osgood steam shovel works and
the Huber Manufacturing Company, which makes tractors and steam rollers, he answered that "Judge" Elbert
H. Gary's United States Steel Corporation's "open shop"
scheme was the one on which he would insist.
Shades of Mark Hanna! The master politician of
capitalism in days agone couldn't have picked a better
candidate for Wall Street than Warren Gamaliel Harding.
Let Wall Street speak with the voice of Boies Penrose,
its spokesman on the floor of the United States Senate,
who says:
"The final result of the contest for the presidential
nomination could not be more satisfactory to me." To
which we add "And to the American plutocracy."
But let us not slight the lesser half of the Gold Trust
Twins, Governor Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts, vicepresidential candidate.
He made his greatest appeal to the sympathizers of the
money power when he used all the power of his office
to break the strike of the underpaid policemen of Boston,
He's a strikebreaker. That's enough. Make him. Vice
President and head of the United States Senate. So
says the millionaire Senate clique, Reed Smoot, Henry
Cabot Lodge, Murray Crane, Boies Penrose, and the
rest.
There is but one alternative for America's working
class:
Vote for Debs and Socialism.
COX AND ROOSEVELT
The Democratic candidates in this campaign are Governor James M. Cox of Ohio and Franklin D. Roosevelt
of New York. Governor Cox is noted principally for the
fact that he was elected Governor of Ohio three times, a
feat accomplished hitherto by only one other man, Rutherford B. Hayes, who was thereupon elected President as
a reward. Mr. Roosevelt was nominated frankly because
he bears the same name as his late fifth cousin.
Mr. Cox and Mr. Roosevelt stand squarely with Woodrow Wilson and the Democratic Party. Mr.- Cox is said
to be responsible for much liberal legislation in Ohio.
There is much proof of the claim that Mr. Cox has been
an able executive; but immediately upon his nomination,
65

Mr. Cox got into connection with President Wilson and
pledged himself to President Wilson's policies.
In selecting him for their candidate, the Democrats
were influenced by three considerations; first that he
might beat Senator Harding in Ohio; second, because he
is acceptable to the President, and third, because it is believed that he will swing the booze vote, so important an
element in the Democratic"Party.
Mr. Roosevelt is an amiable nonentity, of old Dutch
family, wealthy, and occupying one of the old patroon estates on the Hudson river. Nine years ago he led a comic
opera "revolt" against the Tammany organization in the
New York senate. He has been living on that revolt ever
since. That is his political stock in trade.
Both men have large and luxurious country estates.
Both men are exceedingly wealthy. Both men are Democrats. The very best that can be said for the Democratic
ticket is that it is made up of two men, individually worthy. There it ends. Both of them stand for the regime
of terrorization, of lynching, of espionage and of the betrayal of the faith of the world. Both of them are suitable to the National administration, and to the crooked
underworld Democratic machine of the large cities. Both
of them are committed to the present order of things.
Neither has a message for the suffering world in this, its
most critical hour.
The Republican convention struck a blow at every selfrespecting worker in the country by their nomination of
Harding. The Democratic convention concealed its mailed
fist in a velvet glove; the velvet glove is the comparatively superior character of their candidates, a superiority that sharply stands out beside the cynical indifference
of the other capitalist party in the character of its nominations. But this comparative superiority cannot take
the curse off the fact that in its platform, in its passionate
ovation to Wilson, in the fact that A. Mitchell Palmer
secured a very great strength in the convention, and later
threw that strength to Governor Cox, the party of Cox
and Roosevelt is the party of espionage, persecution and
betrayal.
In just as real a sense as did the Republican Party,
the Democratic Party in its nominations surrendered
unconditionally to the demands of the most brutal and
reactionary elements in the capitalist class.

66

SECTION I I
I.
THE LABOR PARTY.
The Socialist Party was the first to urge the workers
to organize politically. Slowly, painfully, it built up an
organization, acquired political power, and directed attention to that organization as the proper place for the
workers. In certain cities the organized workers cooperated with the Socialist Party. This was true of
labor in Milwaukee, in Minneapolis, in Chicago (upon
occasion) and in Los Angeles (on other occasions). Certain sections of the workers in New York have constantly worked with the party. In other cities the Socialist
Party has been indorsed by organized labor.
The now almost forgotten McNamara incident stirred
the Socialists to a renewed insistence upon the correctness of their stand. The McNamara brothers were high
officials of an International affiliated with the American
Federation of Labor. They followed the "no-politics-inthe-union" policy made famous by their chief. They
found themselves against a blank wall. Socialists lost
no time in pointing out the sterility of this policy, and
the necessity for political action.
The Schmitz Affair.
If the workers organized parties separate and distinct
from the Socialist Party what attitude would the Socialists take? The answer is at hand in the actual experience of the Socialists in San Francisco when there was
a United Labor Party headed by Eugene E. Schmitz, who
said that at last the workers were in politics. Many Socialists united with that partv because they felt it would
be wrong for them to stand in the way of workers who
were taking Socialist advice and organizing a bona fide
party of the workers on their own account.
The controversy over that question raged bitterly for
a few months. Then it suddenly died out. Schmitz was
elected Mayor of San Francisco, was convicted of corrupt practices and was sent to jail. For some time there
after, when the question of a labor partv, separate and
distinct from the Socialist Party, was raised, Socialists
would say, "Look at what happened in San Francisco •;"
that settled it, for some time at least.
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But the question would not down. That Schmitz happened to be dishonest did not alter the real issue. Suppose that labor began to do what was done in England,
organize a labor party on a large scale and with an honest purpose? History repeated itself again in New York,
when the unions officially went into politics through the
Central Federated Union as an adjunct of the Tammany
machine. And again, Socialists said, "Behold! When
the workers enter politics, they get snarled up in the
meshes of the old parties!" And again the still small
voice kept asking, "What if the workers did take the
advice of the Socialists, and went into politics as an organization, not as tails to Tammany kites, but on their
own account?"
The War.
The war came. The Socialists stood by their convictions. They were loyal to their consciences, and for their
loyalty they were made the objects of a torrent of
abuse. Socialists, the capitalist press said, were "discredited" in the eyes of the people. "The principles of
Socialism are all right," the papers declared, "but the
Socialists—the traitors! Now the real Socialists, for exeimple"—and so on. With the war came many other
questions. Labor proclaimed loyalty to the government.
Labor suspended its struggles for better conditions while
the war lasted. Labor was rewarded by honorable "citations." Labor was told to keep away from the Socialists,
who, unlike the Socialists of Germany, France, and Belgium, refused to stand by their government.
The Labor Party.
The war came to a close, and with its conclusion came
more problems. The labor truce was over, and the
plutocracy addressed itself to the task of making up for
the months when labor was treated semi-decently. New
grievances and more grievances appeared day after day.
The workers, however, had learned something. They
began to feel that they had been betrayed. They felt
this more keenly when they were confronted by regiments on asserting their right to organize.
Once again they considered the question of politics.
They asked who betrayed labor, and realized that it was
the judges who issued injunctions, the governors who
sent regiments, members of cabinets who sent major
generals to strike districts, major generals who declared
for martial law. Labor was betrayed by Republicans
and Democrats who held their power through votes
alone. Labor determined to go into politics in all earnestness. "But," said the Socialists, "here is the Socialist
68

Party. We have been telling you for years that this
would happen. We are your party. Look at our record
—is it not the record of a real labor party?" "Yes," replied the leaders of this new move of the workers. "We
know that you speak the truth. But you Socialists are
discredited. You mean well, but no one will listen to
you. Doesn't the New York Times say so?" The Socialists replied that they were "discredited" only with
the enemies of labor, and that the workers would see
what their fine record of alleged "patriotism" during the
war would accomplish for them the moment they impinged upon the interests of the profit-taking class.
Samuel Gompers roundly condemned both sides, the
Socialists on the ground that they were "economically
unsound, socially wrong and industrially an impossibility;" the laborites—on general principles.
Chicago Elections.
There remained therefore, but the one final test, the
trial by (electoral) battle. Nowhere has the test been
made under fairer conditions than in Chicago. In that
city, the powerful Chicago Federation of Labor, headed
by the popular and aggressive John Fitzpatrick, launched
a labor party. A weekly paper was started under able
editorship, a paper that is not only a credit to the Labor
Party, but one that would be a credit to any radical
movement. Its editor, Mr. Robert M. Buck, is as clean
and fair a man as may be found anywhere. He instantly took up the cudgels for the "unpopular" causes of the
workers—the organization of labor, political liberties,
amnesty, and recognition of Soviet Russia. That paper
became the organ of the projected national Labor
Party. In Chicago, many local unions joined the Labor
Party in a body, union men through their dues contributing to the party organization. Many unions make
a subscription to the party paper a part of their dues.
There have been three elections in Chicago since the
launching of this movement. In every case, the alleged
superior appeal of the Labor Party, untinged by the "unpopular" name "Socialist," was made to the workers —
and likewise the "unpopular" Socialist appeal.
In
the first election, the fight was for Mayor. The Labor Party had as their candidate John Fitzpatrick. The
Socialists had no one but a loyal and devoted Socialist
comrade, with no appeal at all except the appeal of the
Socialist Party. He, also, was a labor man, a worker
in the shops. In that election, manv Socialists, believing
in the dogma that they had set up, that is, that the
Socialist Party could not "appeal" to the workers, voted
for Fitzpatrick to make good their dogma and the vote
69

was 24,079 for John Collins, and 55,99.0 for Fitzpatrick.
But it was noticed that the total vote for Collins and
Fitzpatrick together was something of a decrease over
the whole Socialist vote at the previous election when
the Socialists were just as "unpopular;" that the Labor
Party had not gained new recruits, but had split the
workers' vote and had driven many voters away from
independent workers' politics.
Splitting the Vote.
That was not all. In the various wards where the
Socialist Party had been strong, just enough Labor Party
votes were cast, and just enough voters were alienated
from independent working class politics by the separation, to defeat the Socialists in the two formerly strong
Socialist wards. In the 9th and the 15th wards, Socialist
Gibralters in the past, the result shows that it was the
Labor Party appeal, unsuccessful in gathering many
votes, that wiped out working class representation in Chicago's City Council. Of course, in those wards, the Socialists outvoted the laborites, 4,990 to 742 and 2,861 to
1,788. It will be remembered that that election was during the first enthusiasm of the promoters of the party,
while the Socialist Party was in the throes of a depressing factional fight that dissipated most.of the energies
of the party members.
A few months later, with the Labor Party members,
still enthusiastic and the Socialists still in the throes of
their factional fight, another election was held. This time,
however, there was nothing to be voted for except minor
officials, and no attractive candidate like Fitzpatrick to
divert attention from issues to personality. The Socialist Party was still "discredited." Socialists were still
"Bolsheviks" in the capitalist press, and there was a perfect opportunity to test out the correctness of the Labor
Party contention that workers would vote for Socialism,
but not for the Socialist Party. The vote was very light.
The Socialist Party vote for two judges was 20,715 and
20,187; while the Labor Partv polled just half—10,192
and 10,171.
Decline in Labor Vote.
A few months later there was still another election.
The paper of the Labor Party was growing. The editor,
in recognition of his excellent services, had received an
increase in salary and the assistance of two associate
editors. There was no financial .stress to harrow. The
party organization was perfected in ward after ward.
The Socialists continued to be "in bad." Their regularly elected members in Congress and the New York leg70

islature had been denied seats by the plutocracy.. Here
was an opportunity for still another test of the efficacy
of the labor appeal as opposed to the Socialist appeal—
with the cards again stacked in favor of the Labor Party.
Both organizations appealed for votes on the basis of
their principles—not for men. Both parties had most
of their candidates thrown off the ballot on technicalities.
The Socialist Party had 14 candidates out of 35 wards,
while the Labor Party had 15. The Socialist vote was
16,845, while the Labor Party polled 11,626. The Socialists polled some 12 per cent of the total vote of the
wards in which they were placed—and in some of the
strongest Socialist wards there was no candidate at all.
In 10 of the wards there were both Socialist and labor
candidates. In four there were Socialist, and no labor
men, while in five, labor and no Socialist nominees. In
those ten wards, the Socialist vote was 9,806 and the
Labor Party vote, 5,328. Furthermore, in the 15th ward,
with an aggressive Socialist campaign made impossible
by the depressing .schism, the laborites made a strong
fight for one of their leaders. They made their fight as
strong as they could—and the result was that many
workers didn't vote, while the Socialist received 2,129
votes to 423 for the laborite.
Here were three tests under conditions most favorable
to the Labor Party. In each case they failed. They entered Socialist sections, and split the labor vote. The
workers' psychology is this, that if they want what Socialists advocate they can go to the Socialist Party and
obtain it. And they are going to the Socialist P a r t y ;
nowhere else. There is no need to go elsewhere.
T H E FARMER-LABOR PARTY.
The Farmer-Labor party is a coalition of various radical and "liberal" groups with farmers' and workers' organizations predominating. The amazing reaction of
the Wilson administration, the complete collapse of Mr.
Gompers' childish political policy, the riot of unchecked
profiteering, the strikebreaking of the Wilson administration, the stark reaction of Congress, the rise of a capitalist "patriotism" that made the Garys, the Morgans and
their kind our national heroes, all contributed to driving
masses of organized workers to consider the need of
independent political action.
Local labor parties were organized in 1919 and on
November 22 of that year a national convention met in
Chicago and organized the Labor Party of the United
States. This convention adopted a declaration of principles, leaving the platform to the convention of 1920. The
71

party declared that "Labor is the primary and just basis
of political responsibility and power" and affirmed that
it is the "duty of the workers by hand or brain to become a political party." It arraigns the administration,
the Congress and the two major political parties, as
agents of the exploiting classes and cites the autocracy
and reaction of these forces as specific grievances of the
workers.
Its Platform.
In international affairs it demanded a "league of the
workers of all nations pledged and organized to enforce
the destruction of autocracy, militarism and economic
imperialism throughout the world" and opposed a
"league of imperialistic governments." It demanded
abolition of secret diplomacy and disarmament, and opposed conscription and military training.
In domestic affairs it demanded "immediate repeal of
the infamous Espionage Law," the restoration of all civil
rights, and the release of all political and industrial
prisoners.
It favored political and industrial equality of the sexes
and races, reduction of the cost of living, and nationalization of natural resources, stock yards, telephones, telegraphs, railroads on the basis of the Plumb plan, grain
elevators, cold storage and terminal warehouses, elevators, packing plants, flour mills "and all basic industries
which require large scale production and are in reality
on a non-competitive basis; these to be democratically
managed."
It demanded the socialization of banking and credit,
democracy in education, heavy taxation of incomes and
inheritances, home rule for cities, revision of the Federal Constitution and the usual political and industrial
reforms urged by progressive organizations of the workers.
The 1919 convention also adopted the following clause
in the Constitution of the Labor Party regarding its relations to other political organizations:
"No member of the Labor Party shall permit his
name to be placed in nomination by any political
party other than the Labor Party, and no branch
of the Labor Party shall endorse the nominee of any
other party. Provided, that nothing herein contained shall prevent a working alliance between any
branch of the Labor Party and any organized
Farmers' group which shall endorse the principles
and platform of the Labor Party, or other progressive organization or party which shall subscribe to
and support the principles and platform of the Labor
72

Party. The National Committee shall expel any
member or organization offending against the foregoing provisions/'
The second convention of the Labor Party met in Chicago on July 10, 1920. The Single Taxers, the Committee
of 48, and the American Constitutional Party, a brand-new
Hearst "party/' also met in the same city at the same time
and many efforts were made to unite these various groups
into one party. In the struggle over this proposed coalition some of the leading 48er.s withdrew, leaving many of
their delegates to cast their fortunes with the FarmerLabor Party, which issued from the conference. The new
party nominated Parley P. Christensen of Utah for President and Max S. Hayes of Ohio for Vice-President. The
platform, except for some minor variations, is similar to
the platform adopted by the Labor Party of the year before. The labor delegates showed a marked distrust of the
"liberals" represented by the 48ers and the latter showed
fear of all radical labor tendencies, even to the extent
of opposing the word "Labor" in the party designation.
The main difference between this party and other
labor and agrarian parties organized since the Civil W a r
is that it stresses economic questions while its predecessors hawked all sorts of freak money schemes. The
Socialist Party (as will be seen by its resolution on the
Labor Party on another page) has observed a tolerant
attitude towards the Labor Party. It recognizes that
among large numbers of organized workers this movement has its origin in a sincere disgust for the childish
and barren political policy of the elder statesmen of the
American Federation of Labor. On questions such as
lifting the blockade against Russia, recognizing the Russian and Irish republics, repudiating the League of Nations, the release of political and industrial prisoners, the
restoration of all civil rights and opposing the conquest
of Mexico the Farmer-Labor Party has taken as advanced
a stand as that taken by the Socialist Party.
In formulating its principles it has advanced as far as
any of the older labor parties of Australia and England.
On the question of the socialization of industry it goes
as far as any of these parties. Its points of agreement
with the Socialist Party are more numerous than its
points of disagreement.
For these reasons the reader may ask, "Why a new
party?" This question should be directed to the new
party, not to the Socialist Party. The Farmer-Labor
Party's citation of grievances that have accumulated as
a result of the war shows that the position of the Socialist Party during the war was correct. The great mass
73

of the delegates to the Farmer-Labor Party convention
had disagreed with our position that the war was not
fought for "democracy." Only actual experience such
as the Russian blockade, the peace treaty, injunctions,
arbitrary seizures, arrests and deportations, bogus patriotism, anti-strike legislation, Palmerism, conscript labor, destruction of civil rights, profiteering, etc., convinced them of the menacing dangers which a capitalist
plutocracy thrust upon them.
The Socialist Party.
The Socialist Party, by its foresight and clear vision
of what would happen, by holding aloft its banner of no
compromise with imperialist wars and militarism, by
its courageous facing of official and mob terrorism, because of its lone voice raised in a period of black reaction and brutal vandalism, has earned the respect and
the right to the support of the masses in this election.
Its candidates, Eugene V. Debs and Seymour Stedman, never for a moment had any illusions about the
"democratic" professions of the war lords and the capitalist press.- Debs today in his prison cell symbolizes all
that the intelligent workers of the nation want. The
Socialist Party has been faithful to its trust and to its
claims upon the working class.
The future of the Farmer-Labor Party depends not
only on its program but also upon its actions when it
elects representatives to power. It depends also upon
its leadership. Should the Gompers type gain ascendancy
in the party it would degenerate into a meaningless collection of "statesmen" who would use the party as a bargaining asset for place and power for its officials.
Its selection of Christensen for President, a man unknown in the struggles of the workers, a man who was
willing to withdraw in favor of LaFollette, shows the
danger of deserting the Socialist Party for the FarmerLabor Party. LaFollette, Christensen's choice, was unwilling to have the platform contain a protest on behalf of
the Negro. LaFollette opposed any "radical" platform.
He wanted a "liberal" platform that would not offend
many conservative voters, one that would not suggest a
"class party."
If LaFollette and his viewrs can be satisfactory to
Christensen the latter cannot be satisfactory to determined and enlightened workingmen and women. A
class party of the workers is needed. The Socialist
Party is a class party of the workers. Through the
most trying conditions of nearly 50 years the Socialists
of the United States have urged this need. For 20
years the Socialist Party has been a party of the work74

ers, urging through storm and stress, disappointment
and misunderstanding, hostility and misrepresentation,
the need of independent political action by the working
class.
It stands for a complete reorganization of the capitalist system by abolishing capitalist ownership of transportation, production and distribution. While marching
to this goal the Socialist Party seizes every opportunity
through legislation to acquire more power for the workers and rendering assistance to the workers in all their
organized strikes and struggles. This work is the task
of a class party of the workers, skilled and unskilled, of
all colors and nationalities, and of both sexes. The
Socialist Party recognizes and, since its organization,
has proclaimed the antagonism that exists between the
working class and those who exploit the working-class.
It is a party of the workers in this struggle of the
classes.
This antagonism of the classes is apparent today as it
never was before. It is brutally exhibited in the hatred
of the employers' organizations for the claims of the
workers; in the craven fear of labor displayed by Congress and the public officials that enact anti-strike legislation, those who crushed the .miners' strike and who
defeated the slaves of the Gary steel hells. It is exhibited in the bogus "patriotic" organizations financed by
the great banks and corporations. It is displayed in the
malignant editorials of powerful capitalist journals.
It is knowledge of these opposing interests between
capitalists and workers that has enabled the Socialist
Party to hold its banner aloft during the war and to
forecast the black reaction that has followed the war.
The Socialist Party and its candidates deserve the support of the workingmen and women of the nation. No
mistake is made in voting the ticket headed by Debs
and Stedman.

ATTITUDE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY
T O W A R D THE LABOR PARTY.
At its January, 1919 meeting, the National Executive
committee of the Socialist Party issued the following
statement addressed to members of the party with regard to the formation of Labor parties in this country:
The formation of Labor parties in several of the larger
cities has aroused the interest of members of the Socialist Party. This new political party, an expression of the
radicalism of the times as well as a protest against the
conservatism of the American Federation of Labor, may
spread to other industrial centers. In view of this possi75

bilitv, we, t h e N a t i o n a l E x e c u t i v e C o m m i t t e e of t h e
Socialist P a r t y , r e m i n d every Socialist P a r t y m e m b e r :
1. That State and National Constitutions of the Socialist
Party forbid members from joining any other political organization.
2. That endorsement of any other political organization
by any member of subdivision of the Socialist Party is
equally prohibited.
3. That even though the new Labor Party may proclaim
in favor of industrial democracy, may enunciate the fact
of the class struggle, and may profess internationalism, the
history of all such organizations has shown that they must
be judged by their deeds rather than their promises.

Socialist Party members are asked to view this new
political venture in the light of these facts. They should
understand that it is the persistent and uncompromising
attitude of the Socialist Party, together with the sweep
of late events, which accounts for the radical expressions
in Labor Party platforms. It is only by continuing our
"position and our economic interpretation of events that
we can hope to organize the workers ,so that they will
not only declare for industrial democracy, but will also
act through the Socialist Party to gain this goal.
On the other hand, our members must realize the
futility of destructive criticism of this new Labor Party.
Where the Labor Party is dominated by old party politicians* and corrupt influences, there we must oppose the
Labor Party. But where it is a rank and hie movement,
declaring for independent political action, based upon
the class struggle, we must refrain from criticism which
would result in enmities and hostilities. W e must maintain an open mind and a philosophical attitude towards
this new political manifestation. In times like these, a
measure of common sense instead of prejudice, because
of the competition in the political field, should rule us.
Middle and Western Europe is ablaze with revolution;
Great Britain is making strides towards Socialism; unrest and dissatisfaction is fast ripening in the Orient;
Russia is living through the labor pains of an industrial
democracy. Times such as these may give rise to a
new party in this country, Socialist in all but name; but
unless such a party should manifest its character by proof
in action, all Socialists must maintain their position of
advance guards of labor's forces upon the political field.
Only by this method can we hope to educate all workers in the fundamental principles as enunciated and practiced by our party, and which are absolutely essential to
the winning of the world for the workers.
76

A. F. OF L. POLITICAL POLICY.
The political policy of the American Federation of
Labor has been to discourage and oppose independent
political action by labor and in the interest of labor. Mr.
Gompers, the author and expounder of this policy, contends that the workers should endeavor to secure legislation from the very parties which he has denounced over
and over again.
This policy is glorified as one of "punishing enemies
and rewarding friends." The records of Congressmen
and other officials are published and the workers are
advised to support this "friend" and oppose that
"enemy." In practice this policy has made of the A. F.
of L. an annex of the Democratic party, this party having received A. F. of L. endorsement in presidential campaigns for many years.
In the early 'nineties and late 'eighties the organized
workers sustained some disastrous defeats at the hands
of courts and governors. The Homestead strike, the
brutal struggle with the bosses by the miners in the
Coeur d'Alene district of Idaho, the defeat of the switchmen at Buffalo and the uprising of the miners in Tennessee, made the workers consider the necessity of placing their class representatives in offices of public power.
A. F. o£ L. Favors Collectivism.
At the convention in 1885 the Federation by a large
majority urged its members to "give cordial support to
the independent political movements of the working
class." Nothing definite came of this, but by 1893 the
disasters, suffered by the organized workers were so
numerous that in the convention of that year an important resolution was adopted. It congratulated the
trade unionists of Great Britain on having adopted political action, adopted a platform which included famous
plank 10 in favor of "the collective ownership by the people of all the means of production and distribution," and
concluded with a resolve that the "delegates to the next
annual convention of the American Federation of Labor
be instructed on this most important subject."
Mr. Gompers supported this resolution, saying that
"An intelligent use of the ballot by the toilers in their
own interest must largely contribute to lighten the burdens of our economic struggles." A motion to strike out
a recommendation that affiliated unions give this resolution "favorable consideration" was carried b y a narrow
margin, 1,253 to 1,182. But the resolution itself was carried in the convention by the overwhelming vote of 2,244
to 67!
77

Following this convention unions began to adopt "this
program. As this tendency gathered momentum Gompers, McGuire and Strasser demanded that famous plank
10 be stricken out. Only a partial list of the unions
that adopted the program can be given, but they include the mine workers, iron and steel workers, lasters,
tailors, wood workers, flint glass workers, brewery workers, painters, furniture workers, street railway employees,
waiters, shoe workers, textile wrorkers, mule spinners,
machinists, cigar makers and German printers. It was
also approved by 11 state federations and many city
central bodies.
Old Guard Secures Reversal.
In the convention of 1894 the decision in favor of independent political action was repudiated, Gompers leading
the attack. Delegates of unions whose members had endorsed independent action, including the painters, some
of the miners' delegates, the iron and steel workers, the
tailors and the lasters, violated the wishes of the members and voted against the program. Ever since this the
A. F. of L. has gone begging to the two capitalist parties
and has been "rewarding friends and punishing enemies. "
By 1906 the British workers were sending their own
representatives into public office while in this country
the organized workers were impotent politically. In
fact, conditions had become so bad here that in March
of that year Mr. Gompers and his associates met in
Washington and framed a protest called "Labor's Bill of
Grievances." This document complained . to Congress
that "we have long, patiently, and in vain waited for redress" of labor's wrongs. Intelligent workers had to
endure the spectacle of their "leaders" crawling before
the enemies of the workers and begging that something
be done.
Yin 1908 the results achieved were revealed in another
document called "Labor's Protest to Congress." It was
another confession of failure to get anything from Congress. The Democratic ticket was endorsed in 1908 and
in 1912. While professing to be non-partisan as between the two enemy parties, facts show that the A. F.
of L. had become simply an auxiliary of the Democratic
party. In the Weekly News Letter of the A. F. of L.
of October 24, 1914, Mr. Gompers became enthusiastic
over the work of the Democratic party in the states and
in the nation.
But in 1913 the newspapers published under great
headlines the exposures of Martin M. Mulhall, agent of
the National Association of Manufacturers. With docii78

ments and letters he showed how this organization managed affairs at Washington and among its tools was one
of Mr. Gompers' "union card" Congressmen! He allowed the manufacturers to use his franking privilege
and a room at the Capitol. Mulhall showed that he had
many trade union officials on his payroll all over the
country. The manufacturers knew how to "reward
friends" too.
Gompers' Policy a Failure.
Again Mr. Gompers admitted the barren results of his
political policy. In charges against the activities of the
manufacturers he made this admission:
"We are, in the United States, not less than two decades
behind many of the European countries in the protection of
the life, health and limb of the workers. We are behind
England ten years; we are behind Germany twenty years."

In 1912 Mr. Gompers boasted that in Colorado almost
the entire state government was controlled by his
"friends of labor," many of them having union cards.
Among the union card "friends" was the Governor,
Lieut.-Governor, Secretary of State, State Auditor and
24 others. There were 10 members of the State Senate
and 12 members of the House that were listed as
"friends."
Yet under this regime of Mr. Gompers' "friends" the
most frightful brutalities against the striking mine workers were shortly after committed. In one black day the
Ludlow massacre took place, in which men, women and
children were murdered by the thugs of the mine owners. Frenzied mothers clasping babies to their breast
were shot down like rabbits.
Mr. Gompers' policy proved to be a colossal fraud in
Colorado and the blood of union men and their loved
ones wras the price paid to prove it. In that same year
42 Socialists and Labor men sat in the British House of
Commons, not begging, but righting the battles of the
working class and commanding the respect of their enemies.
In 1916 Mr. Gompers, despite all experience, again
followed this barren policy. In December, 1919, there
followed the customary denunciation of the old parties
for their black reaction and enmity to the working class.
This document is known as "Labor's Bill of Rights." It
protests against the denial of the right to organize the
steel workers, against the attitude of the employers'
group at President Wilson's Industrial Conference,
against government by injunction, against anti-strike
legislation, and citing many other grievances.
Now after all the threats of all these years to "punish
79

enemies," what does this policy mean? Does it organize
and mass the workers' political power in any effective
way ? Mr. Gompers' admissions of failure all these years
are an answer to these questions. But he also specifically states that the voting power of the workers is not
mobilized by his policy. Testifying before the House
Lobby Investigation Committee in Washington, December, 1913, Mr. Gompers said:
"As a matter of fact, during the 1908 campaign it was
studiously circulated and repeated time and time again by
the spellbinders who were opposed to us that I had pledged
the 2,000,000 votes of the workmen to the Democratic party,
that I carried the workmen's votes around in my vest
pocket, etc, I took occasion to say that I could dictate
the vote of not more than one citizen in the United States;
that I have three sons, all of them voters, and I could not,
if I would, and would not if I could, dictate how they should
vote; that the only vote I could control was my own. I
tried to emphasize that fact upon every occasion. * * *"

What folly then to threaten to "punish enemies" by
a policy that admittedly does not mobilize power against
them! And Mr. Gompers is correct. His policy is such
that it has not affected, in all probability, 500 votes in
any election. Bryan was defeated in 1908 though he
Was supported by Mr. Gompers. In 1912 Wilson was
supported and elected, but Wilson received 100,000 less
votes than Bryan did, showing that it was the split in
the Republican party that elected Wilson, not the support of Gompers. If the latter had any influence at all
it was to deprive Wilson of votes. Wilson was re-elected in 1916 on the plea that he would "keep us out of
war" and Mr. Gompers supported him, with what results
we know.
The Socialist party offers an intelligent program to the
working class in place of the barren, discouraging, and
reactionary policy pursued by Mr. Gompers in politics.
It frankly recognizes both of the old parties as the enemies of labor. Progress requires the defeat of the parties of capitalism and the triumph of the working class
as an independent and effective political party. The;
Socialist party is organized to achieve this end.
T H E NONPARTISAN LEAGUE.
The National Nonpartisan League was organized a
few years ago by the farmers of North Dakota as a
direct result of the failure of the capitalist parties to
enact badly needed reforms. It advocates the acquisition by the state of terminal and local grain elevators;
establishment of a state marketing system; establishment of a system of state hail insurance; establishment
80

of a state agency to purchase and distribute farm supplies ; creation of a state rural credit system to make
loans to farmers on a four per cent basis.
The League draws its membership almost exclusively
from actual farmers, i. e., landowners and tenant farmers. The membership fee is eight dollars per annum,
which automatically bars all farmhands so far as they
are not barred by the first requirement.
The League picks its candidates for political office in
mass meetings of its members who must, however,
pledge themeslves to vote for and to support the candidates so chosen both in primaries and at elections irrespective of their own political affiliation. Thus the
League permits Republicans, Democrats, Progressives
and Socialists to support its candidates, and defeat their
own candidates and demands- that these parties refrain
from putting up their own candidates altogether.
It appears that the landowning farmers, having freed
themselves from their mortgage holders and other creditors through the high prices of foodstuffs, are feeling a
thirst for political power. They are slowly groping their
way toward political supremacy in the Northwestern
states where the farmers already are holding the economic supremacy.
Another significant fact about the League is its attempt to be non-partisan and non-national. Of course,
it does not deny its political aspirations. But inasmuch
as it tries to draw its supporters from all existing political parties, it must needs po.se as non-partisan. The
sole, or at least the main political and economic benefit
aimed at by the League is to advance the interests of
the land-owning class.
Early Nonpartisanship.
There is nothing new about this non-partisanship. The
People's Party, for example, and the Henry George Single Tax movement were also non-partisan movements.
Every middle class reform movement abhors the idea of
organizing a new political party for its old and conservative aims. If it does venture to launch a brand new
political party, as the Progressives did in 1912, it is
doomed to failure, for such revolutionary tactics are not
suited to their old ideas.
None of the League's demands embodies the principle
of democratic management of the state industrial establishments required by it. None of these demands recognizes even the existence of the farm laborers to say nothing of the ideas advanced by Socialists for its emancipation.
81

The aim of the League is to invoke state aid and the
political machinery of the state to increase the landowners' rent and to keep a larger share of profits obtained
from agriculture for the landowners.
It is not improbable that on many occasions the Nonpartisan League will align itself with the reactionary
political and economic forces. Being a class of owners
their interests are in conflict with those of agricultural
workers and their actions in the long run must be
dictated by their interests. The League is likely to
oppose state insurance of agricultural workers against
sickness, old age and unemployment. The League is
likely to oppose the fixing of maximum prices for farm
produce and the compulsory sales of such produce. During the war its representatives in Congress succeeded in
inserting in the Food Control Bill minimum sales prices
for wheat to be paid to the farmers, so that the consumer may be compelled to pay at least two dollars per
bushel of wheat and as much more as the farmers,
through the aid of their state grain elevators, will be
etble to exact from him.
The N. P. L. Position.
The Republican character of the League stands out
pretty clearly in North Dakota. In other states it may
become Democratic. The main feature of the League,
however, is that it is organized to help the new landowning class of J:he country to political power.
Whereas in European countries the usual sequence of
political power was from the landowning class to the
capitalist cla,ss and from the latter gradually to the
working class, in the United States, the reverse seems
to be the case, from the manufacturing interests to the
landowners.
But this contradiction is only apparent. The landowners have been in power in the Eastern manufacturing
states and to a certain extent, are even now. The country farmers, together with the city real estate owners,
make up a solid reactionary mainstay in most of the
eastern legislatures. In the great manufacturing state
of New York, the farmers with the industrial interests
are able to defeat almost any labor reform.
In the Western States the political power was grabbed,
together with the franchises and big land grants, by the
great corporation or trusts: railroads, copper, iron ore,
coal, oil and other interests. Now the agricultural landowners are seeking their share of political power. The
Nonpartisan League is organized to secure that power.
The attitude of the Socialist Party toward the Nonpartisan League was clearly expressed in a resolution
82i

passed at the St. Louis Convention in 1917, in which it
emphatically repudiated affiliation with the Nonpartisan
League on the ground that the League was essentially
interested in the acquisition of political power for a
''certain division of the industrial class of the United
States;" whereas the historic mission of the Socialist
Party was the economic emancipation of the workingclass.
It further enjoined all "state organizations facing the
solution of this question to remember that to fuse or
to compromise is to be swallowed up and utterly destroyed ;" and urged them to "maintain the revolutionary
position of the Socialist Party and maintain in the utmost possible vigor the propaganda of Socialism, unadulterated by association of office s e e k e r s . . . . "
The attitude of the party was epitomized in the final
sentence of the resolution: "The Social revolution, not
political office, is the end and aim of the Socialist Party.
No Compromise, No Political trading."
The League members of Congress, likewise, all voted
affirmitively in favor of expelling Congressman Victor L.
Berger from his seat on two occasions.
Attacks upon the League.
It must not be forgotten, however, that the Nonpartisan League has suffered terrific persecution. ' The reactionaries of the entire Northwest, well financed by the
Chamber of Commerce and their capitalist organizations,
have carried on a campaign of terrorization against the
Nonpartisan League and all its spokesmen. There is
published in Bismarck, North Dakota, a paper called "The
Red Flame" in which the old, hackneyed slanders against
Socialism — free love, atheism, lack of patriotism — are
attributed to the Nonpartisans and are peddled to a credulous public week after week.
For example, when Kate Richards OTiare got into
trouble at Bowman, North Dakota, the anti-Nonpartisans
began a ferocious campaign against both the League and
Mrs. O'Hare, attacking her because of her alleged connection with the League, and attacking the League because one of its members had harbored such a wicked
woman. Nonpartisan League speakers have been lynched
and tarred and feathered. Nonpartisan leaders have been
sent to prison. Although there has been a disposition on
the part of the leaders of the organization to back water
and to appear "respectable," the reactionary elements
have not slackened in their fiendish assaults upon them
and their organization.
83i

SECTION IV.
RUSSIA.
During the past four years there have been three successive groups in control of the Russian government:
(1) the Czar, the hereditary nobles and great landowners ; (2) the liberal group of Milyukov, Lvov and Kerensky; and (3) the Socialist administration of Lenin,
Trotsky, and the Socialist (Communist) Party.
In the United States there has been one group in control ; the Democratic party under the leadership of the
"liberal" President Woodrow Wilson.
The conduct of the Wilson administration toward the
three successive Russian regimes is proof of the following facts:
(1) The government of the United States, as well as
of the other Entente Allies, reflects the interests of the
bankers and big business men in their opposition to the
aspirations of the working people of the world for industrial democracy and international peace.
(2) The half-way, or "liberal," position in this struggle between big business and the workers is futile.
(3) Only a party and a government of the workers,
by the workers and for the workers, can serve the interests of the workers—who form the majority of the people in every country.
In 1917 the United States entered the world war. The
declaration of war came at the moment when the vast
trade of the United States in war materials was threatened by the unrestricted submarine campaign of Germany. The United States entered the war and continued
in it as an ally or active associate of the Entente Powers.
The Czar as Our Ally.
One of those Powers was Russia. The government
of Russia had been at that time out of mind, an absolute
autocracy. The character of that government was an international scandal. "Russian" had come to be a byword to describe the qualities of ruthless oppression.
The Czar's government represented the interests of a
small clique; nobility, great landowners, large commercial interests. It was responsible to itself alone. The
people had no voice in its affairs. In the perpetration
of its autocratic control over the Russian masses it
stopped at no measure of violence and repression. The
84

number of people this government exiled to Siberia for
political opposition between 1866 and 1910 alone has
been estimated at 50,000. It executed between four and
five thousand people during that period for the same
reason.
W h a t the objects of the Russian government were in
the war with Germany may be gained from a study of
the secret treaties negotiated with England, France and
Italy during the war and made public by the Soviet
government upon its assumption to power.
On March 4, 1915, for instance, the Russian Minister
of Foreign Affairs handed to the British and French
Ambassadors a memorandum which later received the
assent of both their governments. It demanded the
"annexation to Russia of the following territories as the
result of the present war: the city of Constantinople; the
western shores of the Bosphorus, Marmora Sea, and the
Dardanelles; Southern Phrygia, to the line of EnosMedia; the shores of Asia Minor, between Bosphorus,
the River Samara, and a point of Ismud Gulf to be subsequently defined; the islands of Marmora Sea and the
islands of Imbros and Tenedos." Other documents show
that England and France agreed to allow Russia "complete freedom in fixing her western boundries" and also
that Russia be allowed considerable territorial acquisitions in Persia, Afghanistan and elsewhere; that German
trade be driven out of China, etc.
In a word, the Russian government aimed to extend
the Russian Empire over a vast territory and to strengthen its economic position at the expense of the Central
Powers.
With this government of Russia the United States
government had always been in most cordial official relations. Its ambassador had been accorded full diplomatic
honors. Its representatives received all the privileges
and attention of plenipotentiaries of a friendly foreign
power.
The First Revolution.
In March, 1917, only one month before the United
States entered the war, the masses of the Russian people, exasperated beyond measure by the continuation of
a conflict for aims with which they had no sympathy
and hardships of the most extreme character, and driven
to desperation by the accumualtion of years of oppression and misrule, revolted against the government of
the Czar. Taking advantage of this mass movement a
small group of constitutional monarchists and republicans-—most of them intellectuals and business men whose
85

interests were not favored by the Czarist regime—seized
the reigns of power and held them for a few months.
Milyukov, Lvov, and Kerensky successively attempted
to hold the government together without any mandate
from the people. No revision of war aims was made
by the new regime. In fact the continuation of the
war was an issue stressed by the new leaders on every
possible occasion.
The United States government accorded diplomatic
recognition to the new Russian government within six
days after its formation. Boris Bakhmetev was later
received as Russian Ambassador at Washington to succeed Georges Bakhmetev, the Ambassador of the Czar's
government. The close relation between the United
States and the Russian government continued. Missions
were sent by the Russian government to make vast purchases in America. The railroad mission alone actually
purchased $50,000,000 worth of material. Every facility
was accorded these missions. The Treasury Department, with the sanction of the Department of State, advanced loans to Mr. Bakhmetev between June 6th and
November 1st, 1917 to the amount of $187,729,750 at the
expense of the American people. The expenditure of
this money later by Mr. Bakhmetev in furthering the
propaganda against the Russian government which succeeded the one to which he owed his appointment has
become a public scandal.
Continued prosecution of the war for aims with which
the masses had little sympathy, the refusal of the Allies
to revise these aims in accordance with democratic principles, and the postponement of popular elections, indus
trial and land reforms, caused the collapse of the Kerensky government. All over Russia organizations of workers, soldiers and peasants had been forming to voice the
desire of the masses for peace, land, bread, and control
of the government. These "Soviets" at first delegated
powers to cabinet after cabinet of different complexions.
Now they began to demand power for themselves.
The Soviets.
"All power to the Soviets" came to be the universal demand. Colonel Raymond Robins, head of the American
Red Cross in Russia, who saw as much of the revolution
and its results as any foreigner, says in his story, written
in book form by William H a r d :
"These Soviets instead of being a mere German
intrigue, were a tidal wave of irresistible popular
emotion, as spontaneous, as Russian, as a folk-song
on the Volga."
80

On November 7, 1917, Kerensky and his government
fell. The soldiers, workmen's and peasants' organizations, supported by the majority of the Russian people,
took control. These Soviets elected by and responsible
to the working masses in their various labor unions automatically became the governing bodies of Russia: the
All-Russian Congress of Soviets became the national
legislature; its executive committee, the cabinet. The
city and country Soviets became the legislative bodies
of the local regions. The popular demand was so unanimous for the new regime that the revolution was accomplished practically without bloodshed. Only a few hundred lives were lost in the November revolution.
The new regime was the first revolutionary Socialist
national administration in history. True to its pledges>
it began at once to secure control of Russia's economic
life for the workers and small farmers. Democratic
management of the government and industry by the
workers for the benefit of the masses was substituted
for private ownership and autocratic control for the
personal wealth and gratification of the wealthy classes.
The big estates were divided among the poor farmers
to work as their own, free from the tyrannies of the
landowners. All who worked by hand or brain were
given a vote—in the government of the factory as well
as of the state. All others were deprived of every vestige of control.
Socialists in Action.
The real nature of the new regime soon became apparent to the world: a Socialist Party, not preaching,
but acting; a workers' government not seeking power,
but in possession of it, and dominated by a firm determination to establish complete control for the masses
over an area of one-fifth of the surface of the globe. The
success of the Russian Republic would be the greatest
impetus to Socialism in history. Its failure would set
the workers' movement back at least a generation. The
issue was clear. The new world was at last arrayed
in the flesh against the old.
Not only have the United States government and the
governments of the Allies not accorded recognition to
the Russian Socialist Republic, but they have subjected
the Russian government and its leaders to the most powerful and aggressive opposition encountered by any nation short of subjection in history. In each of the great
Allied nations the press, the pulpit, the school, the
government, and big business have united to secure the
overthrow of the political institutions of Russia.
87

Every possible means, lawful and unlawful, has been
used to further this campaign.
The government of the Allied nations undertook to
foment rebellion against the established government of
Russia by intrigue, bribery and espionage. Russian seditionists plotting to overthrow the Soviet government by
force and violence received aid and comfort from Allied
representatives. Roger Lewis, the well-known correspondent, writing in Collier's Weekly of December 6,
1919, stated that:
"I can prove that diplomatic representatives of the United
States and the associated governments, while they were still
on outwardly friendly if unofficial terms with the Soviet
government, backed with large sums of money various
counter-revolutionary bands and conspiracies which were
not only anti-Bolshevik but anti-Russian in their character."

The Allied governments undertook to subsidize vast
military operations conducted by reactionary and monarchist elements seeking to saddle the old regime by
force of arms upon the Russian masses. Admiral Kolchak in Siberia, General Denikin in the South, General
Yudenitch on the West, General Wrangel in the Crimea,
and the Polish armies, received arms, equipment and
money from the United States, England, France, and
Italy.
Aid for Poland.
There has been no public accounting of the money
spent by the United States in these operations. Official
English figures up to July, 1919, showed a total of
$345,000,000. The latest campaign is that of the Polish
army with $100,000,000 worth of military equipment
sold by the War Department at Washington to the
Polish authorities for a promise to pay for them in
six years.
Each new campaign has dashed itself
to pieces on the rock of the indominable defense by the
Russian masses of their country and its institutions.
Not until the Allied powers thus sought by intrigue,
armed intervention and the moral and material support
of seditionists seeking to overthrow the Russian government did the Soviet administration resort to stern
measures to suppress rebellion. The forces of disruption,
heartened by aid from the Allies, sought to destroy the
government by force and violence. The government
protected itself and the Russian masses to which it was
responsible.
The conduct of the Soviet authorities was, considering the circumstances, mild and humane. In comparison
with the methods of the Czar it was nothing. It may
be left to the imagination what the Wilson administration would have done under similar provocation—not a
88

war three thousand miles away, but foreign invasion on
every frontier; not a hysterical imagining about plots
within, but plots hatched in violence against the government ; not newspaper stories about foreign gold fomenting rebellion, but rebellion already fomented, and by the
most powerful nations in the world—all at a period of
most profound social, economic and political domestic
change.
Under such pretexts as that of protecting Allied stores
in Vladivostok and Murmansk from German troops
(who were thousands of miles away), and of protecting
Czech soldiers from armed German prisoners (who were
not armed), England and France waged an aggressive
military campaign against the Soviet troops in North
Russia and Siberia. Without authorization from Congress
to conduct war, and in violation of the United States constitution, American troops by authorization of President
Wilson took an active part in these operations. Up to
July, 1919, 139 American boys lost their lives and 301
more were maimed in this amazing attempt to destroy the
institutions of the Russian people.
In violation of every dictate of humanity, as well as
of the letter of international law, the Allied governments
have maintained a complete blockade of Soviet Russia.
All communication with Russia has been cut off—mail,
telegraph and transportation. The Democratic administration at Washington has refused to issue license for
the export and import of goods between the United
States and Russia and has refused passage to mail matter or cable message to or from points in Soviet territory. Even though legal authority for this action was
based on war legislation (the Espionage and Trading
with the Enemy Acts) the United States government has
continued this blockade since the time when President
Wilson stated to Congress "the war thus comes to an
end."
The fruits of the blockade for the entire population of
Russia have been economic need, suffering and starvation. When this policy was first discussed at the meeting of the "Council of Ten" on January 16, 1919, the
official minutes quote the views of Premier Lloyd
George as follows:
"Mr. Lloyd George stated that there seemed to be three
possible policies: (1) Military Intervention * * * (2) A cordon. The second suggestion is to besiege Russia. Mr.
Lloyd George wondered if those present realized what this
would mean. From the information furnisned him Bolshevik Russia has no corn, but within this territory there are
150,000,000 men, women and children. There is now starvation in Petrograd and Moscow. This is not a health cor89

don, but a death cordon. Moreover, as a matter of fact,
the people who would die are just the people that the Allies
desire to protect * * * the cordon policy is a policy which,
as humane people, those present could noc consider."

The results of this policy, afterwards adopted "by
those present," show Mr. Lloyd George to have been
its most discerning critic.
The government of the United States has, since the
November Revolution, subjected Russian citizens living
in the United States to the most brutal persecution.
Without warrant in law or common humanity the Department of Justice has seized, tortured, jailed and deported Russian citizens, whose only offense in many
cases has been the fact of their nationality.
In the pursuance of these activities the Department of
Justice has resorted to methods which strike at the root
of liberty and freedom. Agents of the Department have
even posed as sympathizers with Soviet Rus,sia, joined
radical organizations and incited their members to illegal acts to facilitate their arrest and persecution.
The official representative of the Russian government
in the United States, Mr. L. A. Martens and his staff, was
treated with scarcely less indignity. The government at
Washington raised no interposition when the offices of
Mr. Martens in June, 1919, were forcibly raided by order of a state legislative committee of New York acting
under the direction of Archibald Stevenson, a prominent
member of one of the most influential and reactionary
political clubs in the country. Mr. Martens and his staff
Were subjected to the most partisan and abusive public
investigation. His papers and documents were inspected
by paid agents of the Committee and used in press statements to discredit him. The Department of Justice
went so far as to issue a warrant for his arrest on a
trumped-up charge. He would probably have been deported had it not been for the efforts of one courageous
official in the Department of Labor.
The character of the treatment which Mr. Martens has
received at the hands of United States government and
other officials has been emphasized by the scrupulous
care he has taken to avoid even the suspicion of any
illegal conduct. The blameles.sness of his activities in
this country is attested by the fact that no criminal action has been brought against him for the violation of
any Federal or State law—and this in spite of the organized efforts of the most powerful official and unofficial agencies in the country to discredit him.
The government of the United States in company with
the governments allied and associated with it, has used
90

every avenue of publicity at its command to discredit
the government of Russia and to bring it into disrespect
among the American people. In the accomplishment of
these ends it has stopped at nothing.
The Committee on Public Information issued and sent
broadcast throughout the country copies of forged documents since repudiated even by the bitterest opponents
of Russia, in an effort to support its claim, now admitted
in all quarters as absurd, that the Russian government
was set up and financed by the Imperial German government with which the United States was then at war.
The Attorney General of the United States, without warrant in law, has sent out over his own signature press
publicity to newspaper and magazine editors throughout
the country containing the most vicious fabrications
about the Russian government and the personal character, of the leaders.
Committees of the United States senate, as well as local legislative bodies, have been used to give wide newspaper publicity to slanders upon the Russian people and
the government of their choosing. The Department of
State and other government agencies have continuously
given out press statements predicting the early downfall
of the Russian government, and misrepresenting in a
manner equally gross conditions prevailing under the
Soviets. The fact that subsequent events have proven
the falsity of this propaganda has not lessened in any
material way the effect it has had upon the public mind.
Official Persecution.
The continuous efforts of the Soviet government to
come to a peaceful settlement of all its difficulties with
the United States and other Entente governments throw
the conduct of these governments into an even more
sinister perspective. A careful compilation of these offers from official sources was published in the Nation
of January 17, 1920. It discloses the fact that from
August 5, 1918 to December 5, 1919 the Soviet government made no les,s than 21 separate attempts to open
negotiations with one or more of the Allied governments.
Three of these offers were made directly and exclusively
to the United States government.
Among the specific guarantees put forward to the
Allies in these communications were absolute non-interference in the domestic affairs of other nations ; recognition of the debts incurred by former governments; and
vast concessions in the national resources of Russia (with
ample protection for the sovereignty of the Russian
masses) in return for economic assistance. No acknowl91

edgment or answer was ever given by the United States
government or the government of any other Allied nation to these offers of negotiations. The Department
of State at Washington has even gone so far as to
suppress all information concerning them.
There is but one advantage that the government of
Soviet Russia has gained from the attacks that have
been massed upon it. The fact of its survival in the
face of such unprecedented difficulties is conclusive
proof of its .stability and strength. No government could
have remained in power through three years of foreign
invasion, revolution, famine and distress, unless it held
the confidence of the masses—least of all a government
of awakened Russia. The workers and peasants discovered their power when they threw off the Czar and
Kerensky. The government of Lenin would have been
treated with as little ceremony if it had not been satisfactory to the people as the masses have become more conscious, more militant and more completely armed and
equipped since 1917.
The Republican Party has proven the identity of its
interests with the Democratic Party in the United States
by its failure to oppose the Russian policy of the Democratic administration. Apart from the objections of Senator Johnson to the use of United States troops in Russia,
for obvious personal political effect, the Republican representation in Congress have raised no protest against
the treatment of the Russian people and their government by the agencies of the United States government
both at home and abroad.
In all of this campaign the government of the United
States, as well as of its Allies, has been supported, as it
has echoed their desires, by the powerful business interests. The newspapers have given columns of space to
attacks upon the Russian government and have suppressed the statements of its sympathizers. Fabrications about conditions in Russia have received first page
features; facts have been relegated to the editorial waste
basket. Petrograd fell eight times in the columns of
the New York papers and not once in reality. Every
organ of public opinion in any way owned or controlled
by the business interests has followed the same pursuits. Even the schools and the churches have, for the
most part, been used for the same ends.
In the face of this concentrated attack of great forces
against Russia the objections of liberals and well meaning, but detached, individuals here and in Europe have
been singularly futile.
92

A Wilson "Point'
No better illustration can be found of the futility of
the "liberal" than the efforts of President Wilson himself to secure fair treatment for Russia in the early
months of the Soviet regime. In his famous speech of
January 8, 1918 before Congress, outlining his Fourteen
Points of a just and lasting peace he demanded:
"The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best
and freest co-operation of the other nations of the world
in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own
political development and national policy, and assure her of
a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under
institutions of her own choosing, and,, more than a welcome,
assistance also of every kind that she may need and may
herself desire."

Mr. Wilson very wisely and prophetically remarked
further that "the treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test
of their good-will, of their comprehension of her needs
as distinguished from their own interests and of their
intelligent and unselfish sympathy."
He further sent a message of congratulation to the
All-Russian Congress of Soviets .sitting at Moscow March
14-16, 1918, in which he said:
"Although the government of the United States is unhappily not in a position to render the direct and effective
aid it would wish to render, I beg to assure the people of
Russia through the Congress that it will avail itself of every
opportunity to secure for Russia once more complete sovereignty and independence for her own affairs and* full
restoration to her great role in the life of Europe and the
modern world."

The record of the United States government under
the direction of the same Woodrow Wilson in its subsequent relations with Russia is sufficient commentary on
the effect of the individual liberal, even in the highest
places, upon the vast economic forces that determine the
policies of ; government.
Whatever opposition has been effective against the
Russian policies of the Allies has been the organized
power of the working masses. The amount of this effect
has been proportionate to the amount of conscious organization which has been achieved by the workers
themselves.
The Workers Act
Large shipments of arms from Allied interests to the
enemies of Soviet Russia have been held up by the refusal of the workers in Seattle, at Italian ports and elsewhere to load them on vessels for shipment. That the
93

possibilities of organized opposition on the part of the
workers in the Allied nations was all that prevented the
military conquest of Russia by the Allied governments
is indicated by a statement of Lloyd George at the meeting of the "Council of Ten" in Paris on January 16.,
1919. The official minutes quote his remarks as follows:
"As to putting it ['The Bolsheviki movement'] down
by the sword, is there anyone here who proposes it?
* * * jf h e n o w proposed to send a thousand British
troops into Russia for that purpose, the armies would
mutiny. The same applies to United States troops in
Siberia; also to Canadians and French as well." President Wilson is quoted as stating at the same meeting
that he "would not be surprised to find that the reason
why British and United States troops would not be
ready to enter Russia to fight the Bolsheviki was explained by the fact that the troops were not all sure that
if they put down Bolshevism they would not bring about
a re-establishment of the old order."
The case is a clear one. The Democratic administration and the Republican "opposition" have demonstrated
beyond question their attitude toward Russia. They,
like the governing groups in the other Allied nations,
represent those interests which are intent upon the defeat of the laboring masses in their struggle for liberty,
freedom and a richer life. The liberal groups, lacking
the power of large masses wielded by economic interests as well as by humane aspirations, are futile before
the .stupendous power of organized business. It is only*
the workers themselves who can help the cause of the
workers and humanity.
The Socialist Party alone of American parties comes
before the voters with clean hands as to Russia. It has
voiced time and again, when all other parties were silent,
its sympathy with the Russian masses in their stupendous struggle for emancipation. It has opposed every move
of Allied policy in Russia. It has fought against the blockade, intervention in all its forms, and the .sending of
United States troops to North Russia and Siberia. It has
stood four square upon the right of the Russian people
to determine their own institutions in their own way free
of foreign interference of any kind.
In the success of the Socialist Party lies not only the
hope of the workers of the United States but the promise
of friendship and humanity towards the workers of Russia and the institutions they have created.
On the Russian issue the Socialist Party can rightly
claim the vote of every American worker.
94

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
This; chapter has of necessity been rather brief, and no
reference could be made to much material that is available. Those who are interested are urged to secure two
publications that are full of valuable material on the
subject.
Evans Clark, former professor in Princeton University,
and later director of the Department of Information of
Mr. L. A. Martens' Russian Soviet Bureau in New York,
has written a valuable little book entitled "Facts"and
Fabrications About Soviet Russia" and published by the
Rand School of Social Science of New York at 50c. This
book is a careful analysis of a number of current newspaper lies concerning the Russian Soviet regime, with
proof of their falsity and a careful bibliography of all
works on both sides of the Russian question. For example, Mr. Clark gives the history of the city of Petrograd from the columns of The New York Times showing
how many times the city was "captured" by the anti-Bolshevik forces, and checks it up with the actual news as
later admitted by the anti-Socialist press.
Another valuable work is a 42-page supplement to the
New Republic for August 4, 1920, entitled: "A Test of
the News" by Walter Lippman and Charles Merz. The
writers analyze the "news" about Russia as found in the
New York Times over a period of three years, and check
up the dire predictions therein made with the facts as
later developed. This issue of the New Republic (fifteen
cents) should be in the possession of every seeker of the
truth about Russia.
AMERICAN IMPERIALISM A N D
LATIN AMERICA
Imperial ambitions acquire a place in the foreign politics of a nation for two reasons. Either a reigning
dynasty is anxious to extend its rule over other territories and peoples, or the bankers and capitalists of a
nation seek loans and concessions in another country
or strive to control the rich natural resources of other
countries.
The United States entered upon an imperialist career at the conclusion of the Spanish-American W a r
in 1898. American imperialism is purely capitalist and
financial and is inspired by bankers and powerful magnates of capital.
An imperialist nation never seeks to control another
imperialist nation. It seeks domination over weaker
countries where there are rich natural resources and raw
95

materials, where the factory system has not been built
up, where the governments are weak, and where their
weakness makes them the prey of bullies. The wrorkers
of an imperialist nation are generally exploited by big
capitalist firms. They produce enormous values which
go into the hands of the exploiting capitalists. This surplus has become so enormous in countries like England
and the United States that the capitalist class seeks to invest it abroad. When .surplus capital is sent abroad the
tendency is for the home governments to build powerful
navies and enlarge their armies to protect this overseas
capital of the investors.
When this period is reached a nation has become
imperialistic. Capitalists or their agents invade the
weaker and less developed countries like Mexico, China,
Persia, etc. They ,seek to control ore beds, oil deposits,
timber lands, ranches, coal deposits, gold mines, etc.
They intrigue in native politics. They bribe public officials and encourage revolutions. They finance political
parties and become interested in laws that will give them
a strangle hold on the resources of these weaker countries.
As a result of these intrigues there is more or less disorder. News of this gets into the newspapers of the
imperialist country. Well paid publicity men work up
convincing stories of bloodshed and lawlessness. The
impression is given that the weaker peoples are cursed
with bandits, that the country "must be cleaned up." The
wires are pulled that lead to the imperialist government,
the State Department protests to the native government,
demands that its "citizens shall be protected/' battleships
and troops begin to move, and the workers of the home
country are hurled into Mexico, Persia, or China to overthrow the native government or to make it servile to the
imperialist interests of a few hundred foreign capitalists.
The Panama "Revolution."
Roosevelt "took Panama" in the interest of American
commercial interests. Colombia, of which Panama was
a province, did not want to part with her province except on her own terms. There was $40,000,000 of old
junk, the rusting equipment of an old Panama canal
company, at the Isthmus. The investors wanted to realize on this junk. Buana-Varilla, a French investor, organized the "revolution" in New York City which separated Panama from Colombia. In his book, "The Great
Adventure At Panama," he boasts that he prepared the
"Proclamation of Independence." He made the military
arrangements. His wife designed the flag of the newr
96

"republic." He set the time for the "revolution." He
provided his agent, Doctor Amador, with the funds to
finance the "revolution." He selected himself as the first
Minister of Panama to Washington. After a talk with
Roosevelt he wras satisfied the latter would send a battleship to protect the schemers and the battleship was
sent. All this was arranged in New York City unknown
to the masses of people in Panama. Varilla and his associates in the canal company realized $40,000,000 on their
junk!
The Seizure of Santo Domingo.
This is an unusually clear case of international robbery. It is what imperialism means. In November,
1916, the Wilson administration seized Santo Domingo
and the people of that country have been ruled by American bayonets ever since. A censorship is maintained
and the civil rights of the masses no longer exist. In
1905 President Roosevelt had taken over the customs
houses in the interest of New York bankers. Taft and
Wilson have continued the imperialist policies of Roosevelt. Their imperialism is referred to by Prof. Hart in
his book on "The Monroe Doctrine" as a "combined
policy of gold and steel." l i e writes that this policy
"leads in the direction of annexing the whole island
of Haiti with its two republics, and all Central America,
with its five states." All in the interests of bankers and
capitalists.
The Plots to Loot Mexico.
Mexico, however, is the biggest prize in the Western
Hemisphere. It is fabulously rich in oil, minerals, timber and fertile soil. Under former President Diaz American and other foreign capitalists had bought or bribed
great natural resources from this foul despot and his
ruling associates. The masses of Mexicans were slaves
to Mexican and foreign capitalists. They were beaten
and robbed and even sold into slavery. In sheer desperation the Mexican workers rose in the Madero revolution. Then followed the Huerta counter-revolution, the
Carranza revolution and the Obregon revolution.
During all this time the masses have been endeavoring to shake off the foreign capitalists while the latter
have been intriguing to do to Mexico what has been done
to Santo Domingo, Haiti and Panama. In December,
1918, American capitalists with investments in Mexico
organized in New York City "to present a solid front in
Washington," as the Journal of Commerce (Dec. 12) reported. On February 23, 1919, the banking firm of J. P.
Morgan & Co., announced the organization of an inter97

national committee of French, British and American
bankers "for the protection of foreign investors in Mexican securities." The following day a Paris cable to The
World contained this .sinister announcement:
That Mexican problems have been the subject of formal
discussion between the delegates of the Peace Conference
and that Great Britain and France have indicated a willingness to leave to the United States adjustments of all questions in Mexico in which their nationals are interested, was
revealed by the publication in Paris newspapers of the announcement of the formation of an international committee
of bankers to protect the holders of Mexican securities.

The plot to raid Mexico has been engineered by these
international bankers and was even the subject of a formal understanding by the delegates to the Peace Conference. On July 30, 1919, the New York Tribune printed
a dispatch from Washington with this leading paragraph :
President Wilson, just before returning to this country
from Paris, gave assurances to Great Britain and France
that steps would be taken by this country to protect foreign
interests in Mexico, according to information obtained from
usually well informed sources here.

The dispatch proceeds to state that Canadians with
interests in Mexico cabled Sir Robert Borden "urging
that something be done in Mexico'' and that they received a cable in reply stating that "President Wilson
was willing to take a stronger stand in Mexico." It further stated that it is "common knowledge that virtually
every (oil) company is paying large sums of money to
the leaders of bandits in the neighborhood" of Tampico,
Mexico. All in the same news dispatch from Washington.
In the closing months of the same year William O.
Jenkins, American Consular Agent at Puebla, was
"kidnapped" by the Mexican bandit, Cordova. This
"kidnapping" has never been cleared up and it is
charged that this was a mutual arrangement with the
bandit to secure the invasion of American forces.
Senator Fall, of New Mexico, is listed in the Congressional Directory as one who is "engaged * * *
in mining in Mexico." How large his investments are
is not known. Yet Senator Fall, noted for his belief in
Mexican intervention, was made chairman of a committee to "investigate" Mexico in the summer of 1920. On
May 31 he made an insolent report recommending that
the Mexicans .should amend their Constitution to suit
foreign capitalist investors and as a bribe suggested that
a loan be made if the amendment was enacted! Other
recommendations were made which if suggested to a big
98

power like Great Britain would call for an apology or
lead to war.
In July, 1919, correspondence between Charles F.
Hunt, an El Paso broker and intimate friend of Senator Fall, and the Mexican Bandit, Pancho Villa, was
published in Mexico City and later in this country. In
March, 1916, Villa had raided Columbus, N. Mex., and
killed 9 soldiers and 8 civilians, yet here was Senator
Fall's personal friend writing to this same Villa suggesting that he meet Fall "at a place designated by you
(Villa) on the border''! Mexican bandits seem to be
good allies of American imperialists!
In the meantime the oil interests of this country maintain a press bureau which sends poisoned news to newspapers regarding Mexico. Lecturers have been hired to
supply forums with intervention propaganda.
They
exert a powerful influence at Washington and have
jingo Congressmen and Senators at their call. Their
plan is to invoke some excuse for raiding Mexico, conscripting American workers, and then hurling, them into
war to save their dirty dollars invested in Mexican
ranches, oil fields, mines, etc.
Since the return of President Wilson from Paris several threatening notes have been sent to the Mexican
Government, thus indicating that the story of the meeting of the international bankers abroad is correct. Y.et
Wilson himself at an earlier period warned that American capitalists were back of the border rumors and the
anti-Mexican propaganda. In a note to the Mexican
Government of April 2, 1918, President Wilson called
attention to "the necessity which may arise to impel it
to P R O T E C T T H E P R O P E R T Y O F ITS C I T I Z E N S
IN M E X I C O . " On July 22, 1919, in another note he
threatened to " A D O P T A RADICAL CHANGE IN
P O L I C Y W I T H REGARD T O MEXICO."
These* are the threats that go to Mexico. In public
addresses beautiful promises are made. In his speech
accepting the nomination in 1916 Mr. Wilson said:
The people of Mexico have not been suffered to own their
own country or direct their own institutions. Outsiders,
men of other nations and with interests too often alien to
their own, have dictated what their privileges and opportunities should be, and who should control their land, their
lives, and their resources—some of them Americans, pressing for things they never could have got in their own
country. The Mexican people are entitled to attempt their
liberty from such influences; and so long as I have anything to do with the action of our great Government, I
shall do everything in my power to prevent anyone standing
in their way.
99

Reconcile this promise with the threats that have
been made, if you can, and for every promise made a
threat can be quoted to match it. The Democratic administration policy consists of sweet words at home and
threats in Mexico when the Mexicans attempt to throw
off their foreign exploiters. The Republicans promise a
"strong policy" toward Mexico which means the same
thing—eventual war, war waged by workingmen for a
handful of American bankers and capitalists, war for
British and French bankers and capitalists. W a r to
crush the aspirations of the Mexican workers. War that
will leave the bones of American workers to rot on
Mexican plains. War that capitalist imperialism may
sweep across Mexico and down the South American,
continent to Cape Horn.
Workingmen should vote the ticket of the Socialist
party to avert being used as cannon fodder for investing
bankers and exploiting capitalists.
Vote for Debs and Stedman, the anti-imperialist candidates of the working class.
SECTION V., CIVIL LIBERTIES
President Wilson charges his critics "to prove
that the power given the Government during the
war has ever been unjustly used against the people;,
that a single citizen has been unwarrantably punished for any act of aggression or disloyalty against
the nation ; that any man has been punished for expressing his opinion. I have read charges to the
contrary, but in each instance I have had the matter thoroughly looked into, and am in a position to
contest the accuracy of any statement that the rights
of a single citizen have been unjustly invaded." Interview at the White House, June 18, 1920.
I. WAR-TIME RESTRICTIONS ON T H E FREEDOM OF SPEECH, PRESS AND ASSEMBLAGE.
Immediately on the outbreak of the war freedom of
public discussion was sharply restricted. Meetings were
in several places broken up by organized mobs; soldiers
and sailors attacked street speakers in several cities. The
press became violent against dissenting opinion. The socalled patriotic organizations began a nation-wide campaign for "national unity," for the suppression of all
opinion which they regarded as prejudicial to the success of the war. Thousands of citizens volunteered as
secret service agents, co-operating with the Department
100

of Justice. The federal authorities promptly secured the
passage of the Espionage Act (approved June 15, 1917)
State Councils of Defense organized rapidly to conduct
the war activities of their states, and to suppress propaganda thev regarded as inimical to the "national interest."
As the restriction became more and more complete,
it became evident that they were directed in large part
against radical movements, particularly in those parts
of the country where the industrial struggle was tense.
This was especially true in the west, where the chief
attacks were directed against the I. W. W. and the
Farmers' Nonpartisan League. That the cause of the
attacks was not anti-war activities, but their radical
economic programs is evident at once from the fact that
the Nonpartisan League was attacked with equal ferocity as the I. W. W., although it was aggressive in its
support of the war and of the president's war aims. In
all the record of prosecutions under war laws or of mob
violence, the I. W. W. and the Nonpartisan League figure
as the chief-victims. Next come the Socialist Party and
pacifist groups, and last, German sympathizers or alleged sympathizers of German descent.
As the war progressed the middle west became the
chief center of the organized attack on minority opinion
and radical movements. Minnesota appears to have been
the state most rigorous and thorough in its sweeping
abolition of all freedom of opinion. Conditions in Wisconsin, South Dakota, Oklahoma, Montana, and other
far western states were similar.
The activities of the Post Office Department were also
directed more to the control of radical opinion than to
the suppression of "German propaganda," the avowed
object of the Espionage Act, under which the Department received its authority. Of all the papers suppressed, most were radical economic publications.
The chief instrument of control of opinion was the
Espionage Act (approved June 15, 1917, and amended
May 18, 1918). The prosecutions of German agents and
sympathizers were few—ten or twelve altogether—compared with those of radicals. No spy prosecution was
brought under the Espionage Act, whose avowed chief
purpose was the control of spies and enemy agents.
There was wide discrepancy in the application of the
law throughout the country, dependent on the local
forces of public opinion, the press and commercial interest,—and the attitude of the district attorney and
judge. Statements for which a person would be prosecuted and sentenced to a long term in one jurisdiction,
101

would be totally ignored in another. So great was this
diversity of application that the Attorney-General required finally (October 1918) that all proposed prosecutions be first submitted for approval to the Department
at Washington. The same was true of other federal
war laws. The policy of the various states varied greatly, some passing and enforcing rigorously a sedition
statute, others having no such enactments at all.
The total number of all prosecutions during the war
(from April 6, 1917, to November 11, 1918) involving the
freedom of speech, press, and assemblage, is estimated
roughly at 4,500 to 5,000. Of these 998 were under the
Espionage Act (to July 1, 1918.) Many more have been
instituted under that act since that date. Most of the
remainder were under the state laws or city ordinances.
This is exclusive of the draft act cases of men liable
to military service. Of this total some 1,500 are estimated to have been convicted and sent to prison for
comparatively short terms. The report of the AttorneyGeneral for the year ending June 30, 1919, shows 363
actually convicted for such offenses. Most of the wellknown cases involving long sentences of 10 to 20 years,
have been appealed, and the defendants released on
bond.
Prosecutions and Convictions.
Among the victims of the government crusaders to
make America safe for the National Security League
were five officials of the Socialist Party. Congressman
Victor L. Berger, Irwin St. John Tucker, J. Louis Engdahl, William F. Kruse and Adolph Germer, were indicted on February 2, 1918, but the indictments were not
made public until March 9, 1918. They were placed
on trial in Chicago before Judge Kenesaw Mountain
Landis on December 9, 1918, a month after the armistice was signed. They were convicted after a trial lasting five weeks and given the maximum sentence permitted by the law namely 20 years. The judge who sentenced them said privately, that he would cheerfully have
sentenced them to death had the law permitted such a
punishment.
These men are now out on bail, pending the determination of the appeal argued by Seymour Stedman before
the United States Circuit Court of Appeals.
The outstanding figure of the Socialist movement for
the past 25 years has been Eugene V. Debs. On June
30, 1918, he was arrested for a violation of the Espionage Act. His crime consisted in pointing out that there
were Junkers in America as well as in Germany; that
our institutions were not democratic and that the judges
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were the tools of the capitalist class. He praised the
Russian Socialists and he expressed his sympathy for
Rose Pastor Stokes and for the I. W. W. For this he
was brought to trial on Sept. 9. He was tried by a jury
whose average age was 70 years. The average wealth
of the jurymen was $50,000. He was naturally convicted. It was then that Judge Westenhaver, who presided,
had his great opportunity to write his name among the
great liberals of history. He might have, had he so desired, imposed a nominal sentence on Debs and in so
doing vindicated his own conception of the majesty of
the law. But Judge Westenhaver failed, and he will be
remembered for many years as bloody Jeflerys and Torquemada are remembered, by having imposed upon Debs
a ten-year sentence.
Debs first went to Moundsville, West Virginia, April
13, 1919, and was later transferred to Atlanta, Ga. He
has now s.erved more than one year of his prison term.
When Debs faced his judge he said: "It is because I
happen to be in this minority that I stand in your presence today charged with crime. It is because I believe,
as the revolutionary fathers believed in their day, that
a change was due in the interest of the people, that a
time had come for a better form of government, a higher
social order, a nobler humanity and a grander civilization. You may hasten the change, you may retard it,
but you can no more prevent it than you can prevent
the coming of the sunrise on the morrow." On Jan. 27,
1919, Seymour Stedman argued an appeal in the Debs
case before the Supreme Court. He contended that the
Espionage Act was a violation of the Constitution. On
March 10, 1919 the Supreme Court overruled this contention declaring that Debs was guilty of wilful obstruction of recruiting and of having the specific intent to do
so in his mind.
Kate Richards O'Hare
On May 29, 1920, Kate Richards O'Hare, was released
from prison where she had .spent more than a year. She
too was convicted under the Espionage Act. Her indictment was the result of a bitter struggle in Bowman,
North Dakota between the old party politicians and
the Nonpartisan League. The entire evidence against
her was manufactured. At the trial it developed that
out of her audience of 135 persons, only two could be
found to swear that she had made the statements alleged to have been made. Three people who were not
present at the meeting were permitted to testify at the
prosecution. Nevertheless after a four-day trial she too
was convicted.
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In reading his sentence in the case ol Kate Richards
O'Hare, Judge Wade quoted a letter from the St. Louis
office of the Department of Justice as follows:
"We have been unable to obtain anything specific on her
that would be a violation of federal law. Nothing would
please this office more than to hear that she got life."

A great many other Socialist Party officials, including
several members of the National Executive Committee
were convicted and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment because of alleged violation of the Espionage Law.
Jacob Abrams, Mollie Steimer and two other young
Russians were convicted because they had distributed
a leaflet opposing armed intervention by the United
States in Russia, with which we were not at war, and
were sentenced to serve terms of 15 and 20 years. Mollie Steimer was 19 years old when she was sentenced.
In the spring of 1917, Scott Nearing wrote a pamphlet called The Great Madness. The Rand School
of Social Science published the pamphlet. Five months
elapsed. Then Nearing and the school were indicted for
conspiring to cause insubordination of the armed forces
of the United States and to obstruct recruiting and enlistment. He took full responsibility for everything that
was said in the book but was acquitted. The Rand
School of Social Science which had published the book
was convicted. No scintilla of evidence was used in the
case of the Rand School that had not been used in the
case of Scott Nearing. The school was fined $3,000. The
case has been appealed.
Prosecution of the Rand School.
Immediately after the conviction of the Rand School a
course of persecution set in designed to put the school
out of business. The Rand School of Social Science, the
educational institution which has been serving the Socialist and labor movement for 13 years has long been
a thorn in the side of the reactionaries. Armed mobs
were sent to destroy the school's property and to intimidate its students, beginning on Armistice Day and continuing to May Day, 1919.
Under a resolution prepared by the Union League Club
of New York, the New York State Legislature appointed in 1919 an "investigating" committee known as the
Lusk Comittee. On June 21, 1919, 55 state troopers and
respectably dressed mobbists raided the school and carried off everything that they could lay their hands on.
For two weeks the, Lusk Committee carefully read all
the papers and documents seized in this raid. From day
to day they printed their "sensational discoveries" and
tried to impress upon the public what a dangerous in104

stitution the Rand School was. The Assistant Attorney
General then brought a motion before the Supreme Court
asking for a revocation of the school's charter. So widespread was the public's indignation over the illegal raid
on the Rand School and so manifestly unjust were the
proposed proceedings against the school that the case
was dismissed by Justice McAvoy before whom the
motion was brought.
The Post Office Censorship Under the Espionage and
Trading With the Enemy Acts.
The arbitrary discretion vested in the Postmaster General by the Espionage Act was exercised to the limit in
the control of opinion. Under the guise of military necessity, scores of radical publications were summarily
put out of business by withdrawal of second class mailing privileges, and by total exclusion from the mails of
certain numbers of periodicals and various books and
pamphlets. Three suits were brought in the courts to
test the powers exercised by the Postmaster General. In
all three cases the courts upheld the Postmaster General's full discretionary power over the mailability of all
matters. These cases were :
The Masses Publishing Co. vs. The Postmaster of
New York.
The Jeffersonian Publishing Co. vs. West, Postmaster, Georgia.
The Milwaukee Social Democratic Publishing Co.
vs. A. S. Burleson, Postmaster General.
Some hundreds of papers have had their second class
privileges withdrawn or issues suppressed. Some ten or
more periodicals using third class rates were barred altogether. Some twenty books and pamphlets have been
forbidden circulation by mail. Under the Trading with
the Enemy Act, the Department of Justice has forbidden,
in addition, the sending of many publications by express.
The Post Office Department refuses even to furnish
Congress with the record of suppressions on the ground
of protecting the public interest. Practically every Socialist and I. W. W. paper was either completely destroyed by Post Office persecution or seriously crippled
by being denied the mails. Among the important papers
thus deprived of their second class privileges or issues
suppressed are the American Socialist, New York Call,
Milwaukee Leader, Volkszeitung and The Masses.
Mob Violence.
Cases of the breaking up of meetings by mobs arose
at once with the advent of war. Soldiers and sailors in
New York, Boston, and Seattle, engaged in violent at105

tacks on street meetings and parades in the first few
months following the declaration of war. But it was
not until the Liberty Loan campaigns got under way
that organized violence on a large scale broke out, especially in the west. Where the industrial struggle was
tense, the mob of the commercial interests took the law
to themselves. At Bisbee, Ariz., over 1,100 miners were
deported to the desert; at Butte, Mont., Frank Little was
lynched; at Tulsa, Okla., 17 I. W. W. were tarred,
feathered, and whipped; Rev. Llerbert S. Bigelow was
beaten by a mob near Cincinnati; Robert Prager was
lynched in the Illinois coal-mining district; Little, Prager,
and a Negro peacher, W. T. Sims, were the only persons
reported killed by mobs. Many others were maimed and
injured. In only two cases were the mob leaders prosecuted (Bisbee and Prager cases). In the Prager case the
jury acquitted the self-confessed leaders. In the Bisbee
case the indictments were quashed by the court.
II. T H E CRUSADE AGAINST CIVIL RIGHTS
SINCE T H E ARMISTICE.
Immediately after the signing of the armistice, organized business came out into the open with its program
against Labor. This program involved two lines of activity, first, the passage of legislation, curtailing the civil
liberties of the people, and second, the direct-actionist
tactics of a nation-wide open-shop campaign. This
double movement first developed on the Pacific Coast.
It was aimed first at the I. W. W. through the passage
of "criminal syndicalism" laws, and later at the A. F. of L.
unions through the open-shop campaigns, following the
shock of the Seattle general strike.
The legislative program called for the passage in each
state of criminal syndicalism or sedition laws, provisions
for a state constabulary, the prevention of picketing by
law or injunction and the beginning of a system to make
strikes unlawful. The first legislation of this latter character was the Industrial Court established in Kansas under the leadership of Governor Henry J. Allen (bill
passed and effective March, 1920).
Federal Action.
The legislative campaign was carried on, and is still
being carried on through pressure on federal, state and
local governments. The activities of the federal government have been directed chiefly against aliens and
against labor in strikes of a national character. In the
absence of a federal sedition act, the Lever Food Control
bill, which is supposedly a war measure exclusively, has
106

been used to proisecute and retrain leaders of strikes
(note the action of the Federal Government in both
enjoining and prosecuting the heads of the United Mine
Workers of America in connection with the strike of
November 1st, 1919, and against various persons connected with the strike of the switchmen and yardmen
in the spring of 1920).
State Laws.
But the activities of the Federal Government in recent months have been few compared with the activities
of the state and local governments against labor and the
radicals. Twenty-nine states have criminal syndicalism,
criminal anarchy or sedition acts under which persons
may be punished for expressing opinions interpreted to
advocate "the overthrow of government by force and violence," or for advocating "the unlawful destruction of
property" or for language "tending" to bring about these
ends, or for "joining any organization" with such purposes.
There are also laws in fourteen states prohibiting the
display of red flags or other red emblems. Some states
like Minnesota, Iowa and Washington have a combina
tion of all three laws: criminal syndicalism, sedition and
red flag. These are usually in states where the Nonpartisan League has been active; and where the I. W. W.
has also been an issue. It should be noted that there
are no such laws in the states of North Dakota and Wisconsin, because of the .strength of the organized farmerlabor movements and of the Socialist party in those
states. Nor are there any in the South, or northern New
England, which have not been stirred by the new issues.
Similar statutes are in effect in Alaska, Porto Rico and
Hawaii, where there have been a considerable number of
prosecutions of radicals and labor leaders.
City Laws.
The city ordinances punishing sedition and criminal
syndicalism, follow the state statutes very closely. There
are, for instance, over twenty cities in the State of Washington with criminal syndicalism ordinances. Under such
an ordinance, there have been over one thousand convictions of I. W. W.'s in the past year and a half in
the city of Spokane alone, carrying sentences of sixty to
ninety days. Many other city ordinances, which interfere with civil rights are those passed for quite different
purposes, such as the control of the distribution of literature under street littering ordinances, the breaking up of
meeting under traffic ordinances, and the prohibition of
107

picketing under ordinances intended merely to keep obstructions off of side-walks.
Whatever the form of law, the forces of organized
business are able to secure action in their own behalf
wherever they are in control. And they are in control,
with few exceptions throughout the country. Civil rights
exist only in those communities where the organized
Socialist movement is strong enough politically or industrially to force recognition.
III. ACTIVITIES OF T H E FEDERAL
GOVERNMENT.
The Fight for a Federal Sedition Law.
A great number of bills were introduced in the last
Congress to continue in peace time the work done by the
Espionage Act during the war. Most of the bills purported only to punish advocacy of "force and violence"
or "unlawful means." When such bills become law, the
question which is actually put up to court and jury is
whether extremist doctrines do not in themselves imply
advocacy of force and violence. That phraseology is
merely a cloak to cover attacks on all radical opinion,
and has been the historic device in all European countries to that end.
The bills were defeated in Congress through the organized opposition of the American Federation of Labor
and such agencies as the National Popular Government
League, the American Civil Liberties Union and a group
of lawyers who have been defending labor and radical
cases. A considerable section of the press opposed the
extreme demands of the Department of Justice for bills
which penalized even an "act of hate" against an officer
of the government, whatever that meant in the mind of
the bill's framer.
The Illegal Practices of the Department of Justice.
No better statement of the lawlessness of the Department of Justice under A. Mitchell Palmer has been made
than that signed by a committee of twelve distinguished
American lawyers who published a pamphlet with documentary proof of the Department's methods.
The statement made by these lawyers omitting the
exhibits and references to them follows:
TO T H E AMERICAN P E O P L E :
For more than six months we, the undersigned lawyers, whose
sworn duty it is to uphold the Constitution and Laws of the
United States, have seen with growing apprehension the continued violation of that Constitution and breaking of those Laws
by the Department of Justice of the United States government.
108

Under the guise of a campaign for the suppression of radical
activities, the office of the Attorney General, acting by its local
agents throughout the country, and giving express instructions
from Washington, has committed continual illegal acts. Wholesale arrests both of aliens and citizens have been made without
warrant or any process of law; men and women have been
jailed and held incomunicado without access of friends or counsel; homes have been entered without search-warrant and property seized and removed; other property has been wantonly
destroyed, workingmen and workingwomen suspected of radical
views have been shamefully abused and maltreated. Agents of
the Department of Justice have been introduced into radical organizations for the purpose of informing upon their members
or inciting them to activities; these agents have even been instructed from Washington to arrange meetings upon certain
dates for the express object of facilitating wholesale raids and
arrests. In support of these illegal acts, and to create sentiment
in its favor, the Department of Justice has also constituted itself
a propaganda bureau, and has sent to newspapers and magazines
of this country quantities of material designed to excite public
opinion against radicals, all at the expense of the government
and outside the scope of the Attorney General's duties.
We make no arguments in favor of any radical doctrine as such,
whether Socialist, Communist or Anarchist. No one of us belongs to any of these schools of thought. Nor do we now raise
any question as to the Constitutional protection of free speech
and a free press. We are concerned solely with bringing to the
attention of the American people the utterly illegal acts which
have been committed by those charged with the highest duty of
enforcing the laws—acts which have caused widespread suffering and unrest, have struck at the foundation of American free
institutions, and have brought the name of our country into
disrepute.
These acts may be grouped under the following heads:
(1) Cruel and Unusual Punishments.
The Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution
provides:
"Excessive bail shall not be required nor excessive fines
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted."
Punishments of the utmost cruelty, and heretofore unthinkable in America, have become usual. Great numbers of persons
arrested, both aliens and citizens have been threatened, beaten
with blackjacks, struck with fists, jailed under abominable conditions, or actually tortured.
(2) Arrests without Warrant:
The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution provides:
"The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched,
and the persons or things to be seized."
Many hundreds of citizens and aliens alike have been arrested
in wholesale raids, without warrants or pretense of warrants.
They have then either been released, or have been detained in
police stations or jails for indefinite lengths of time while warrants were being applied for. This practice of making mass
raids and mass arrests without warrant has resulted directly
from the instructions, both written and oral, issued by the
Department of Justice at Washington.
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(3) Unreasonable Searches and Seizures:
The Fourth Amendment has been quoted above.
In countless cases agents of the Department of Justice have
entered the homes, offices, or gathering places of persons suspected of radical affiliations, and, without pretense of any search
warrant, have seized and removed property belonging to them
for use by the Department of Justice. In many of these raids
property which could not be removed or was not useful to the
Department, was intentionally smashed and destroyed.
(4) Provocative Agents:
We do not question the right of the Department of Justice
to use its agents in the Bureau of Investigation to ascertain when
the law is being violated. But the American people have never
tolerated the use of undercover provocative agents or ''agents
provocateurs," such as have been familiar in old Russia or Spain.
Such agents have been introduced by the Department of Justice
into the radical movements, have reached positions of influence
therein, have occupied themselves with informing upon or instigating acts which might be declared criminal, and at the express direction of Washington have brought about meetings of
radicals in order to make possible wholesale arrests at such
meetings.
(5) Compelling Persons to be Witnesses against Themselves:
The Fifth Amendment provides as follows:
"No person * * * * * shall be compelled in any criminal
case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life,
liberty, or property, without due process of law."
It has been the practice of the Department of Justice and its
agents, after making illegal arrests without warrant, to question
the accused person and to force admissions from him by terrorism, which admissions were subsequently to be used against him
in deportation proceedings.
(6) Propaganda by the Department of Justice.
The legal functions of the Attorney General are: to advise the
Government on questions of law, and to prosecute persons who
have violated federal statutes. For the Attorney General to go
into the field of propaganda against radicals is a deliberate misuse of his office and a deliberate squandering of funds entrusted
to him by Congress.
Exhibit 18 of the full report is a description of an illustrated
page offered free to country newspapers at the expense of the
Department of Justice, patently designed to affect public opinion
in advance of court decision and prepared in the manner of an
advertising campaign in favor of repression. These documents
speak for themselves.
The Exhibits attached are only a small part of the evidence
which may be presented of the continued violation of law by the
Attorney General's Department. These Exhibits are, to the
best of our knowledge and belief (based upon careful investigation) truthful both in substance and detail. Drawn mainly from
the four centers of New York City, Boston, Mass., Detroit, Mich,,
and Hartford, Conn.., we know them to be typical of conditions
which have prevailed in many parts of the country.
Since these illegal acts have been committed by the highest
legal powers in the United States, there is no final appeal from
them except to the conscience and condemnation of the
American people. American institutions have not in fact been
protected by the Attorney General's ruthless suppression. On
the contrary those institutions have ben seriously undermined,
and revolutionary unrest has been vastly intensified. No organ110

izations of radicals acting through propaganda over the last
six months could have created as much revolutionary sentiment
in America as has been created by the acts of the Department
of Justice itself.
Even were one to admit that there existed any serious "Red
menace" before the Attorney General started his "unflinching
war" against it, his campaign has been singularly fruitless. Out
of the many thousands suspected by the Attorney General (he
had already listed 60,000 by name and history on Nov. 14, 1919,
aliens and citizens) what do the figures show of net results?
Prior to January 1, 1920, there were actually deported 263 persons. Since January 1 there have been actually deported 18
persons. Since January 1 there have been ordered deported an
additional 529 persons, and warrants for 1,547 have been cancelled (after full hearings and consideration of the evidence)
by Assistant Secretary of Labor Louis F. Post, to whose courageous re-establishment of American constitutional law in deportation proceedings are due the attacks that have been made
upon him. The Attorney General has consequently got rid of
810 alien suspects, which, on his own showing, leaves him at
least 59,190 persons (aliens and citizens) still to cope with.
It has always been the proud boast of America that this is a
government of laws and not of men. Our Constitution and laws
have been based on the simple elements of human nature. Free
men cannot be driven and repressed; they must be led. Free
men respect justice and follow truth, but arbitrary power they
will oppose until the end of time. There is no danger of revolution so great as that created by suppression, by ruthlessness,
and by deliberate violation of the simple rules of American law
and American decency.
It is a fallacy to suppose that,, any more than in the past, any
servant of the people can safely arrogate to himself unlimited
authority. To proceed upon such a supposition is to deny the
fundamental American theory of the consent of the governed.
Here is no question of a vague and threatened menace, but a
present assault upon the most sacred principles of our Constitutional liberty.
The foregoing report has been prepared May, 1920, under the
auspices of the National Popular Government League, Washington, D. C.
R. G. Brown, Memphis, Tenn.; Zechariah Chafee, Jr., Cambridge, Mass.; Felix Frankfurter, Cambridge, Mass.; Ernst
Freund, Chicago, 111.; Swinburne Hale, New York City; Francis
Fisher Kane, Philadelphia, Pa.; Alfred S. Niles, Baltimore, Md.;
Roscoe Pound., Cambridge, Mass.; Jackson H. Ralston, Washington, D. C ; David Wallerstein, Philadelphia, Pa.; Frank P.
Walsh, New York City; Tyrrell Williams, St. Louis, Mo.

Activities of the Department of Labor.
The Department of Labor is charged with the administration of the Immigration Act. By an arrangement
with the Department of Justice, much of that work was
virtually taken over by the Department of Justice, as it
related to the deportation of alien radicals, or those assumed to be radicals. This development was the climax,
early in 1920, of a series of attacks by the Department
of Justice on the radical movement as a whole, under
111

an amendment to the Immigration Act, approved October 6, 1918, reading as follows:
That aliens who are anarchists; aliens who helieve in or
advocate the overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States or of all forms of law; aliens who
disbelieve in or are opposed to all organized government;
aliens who advocate or teach the assassination of public officials; aliens who advocate or teach the unlawful destruction
of property; aliens who are members of or affiliated with
any organization, etc., shall be excluded from admission into
the United States.
"Sec. 2. That any alien who, at any time after entering
the United States, is found to have been, at the time of
entry, or to have become thereafter, a member of any one
of the classes of aliens enumerated in Section 1 of this act,
shall, upon the warrant of the Secretary of Labor, be taken
into custody and deported in the manner provided in the
Immigration Act of February fifth, nineteen hundred and
seventeen."

The first groups to be attacked under the amendment
were the I. W. W. The spectacular trip of the so-called
"red special" from Seattle to New York in January, 1919,
bearing the first group of victims, called public attention
forcefully to the matter. The I. W. W. continued to be
the chief group attacked (with the Union of Russian
Workers running a close second) until the organization
of the Communist and Communist Labor parties in September, 1919. They then became the objects of the
attention of the Department of Justice, thousands
being taken in the spectacular raids on January 2, 1920.
Previously on December 20, 1919, the Government had
deported to Russia on a special steamer, the Buford, 257
aliens who had been held for varying lengths of time.
The efforts of the Department of Justice to railroad
aliens without proper hearings and proof have been
largely frustrated by the determined protests of a considerable section of the public and by the vigorous work
of assistant Secretary of Labor Louis F. Post, who had
cancelled by May 6, 1,547 out of 3,000 warrants issued.
Decisions of various federal judges, particularly that of
George W. Anderson of Boston, throwing out the Communist party cases, have contributed to securing some
measure of law in the handling of these cases.
The Department of Labor has officially held that membership in the I. W. W. or the Communist Labor party
does not constitute in itself sufficient ground for deportation under the law. The Department holds that membership in the Communist party or the Union of Russian Workers justifies deportation. There has been no
ruling on membership in any other organization.
Much of the evidence upon which these cases are
based was obtained through seizure, without warrant,
112

of papers, and documents, through raids of organization
headquarters and private homes of aliens. In the Silverthorne Lumber Co. cases, the Supreme Court had decided on January 26, 1920 that evidence secured in this
manner could not be used by the Government.
On February 12, 1920, U. S. Dist. Judge Bournquin of
Montana handed down a decision in the cases of John
Jackson, an alien held for deportation because of his
membership in the I. W. W. He had been arrested at
the I. W. W. headquarters at Butte, Mont., and questioned without advice of counsel. Judge Bournquin decided that the proceedings were illegal because they violated the searches and seizure and due process clauses
of the Constitution. He characterized the raiders as ones
who had
"forcibly entered, broke and destroyed property; searched
effects and papers; seized papers and documents, cursed, insulted, beat, dispersed and bayonetted members by order of
the captain commanding; likewise entered petitioner's adjacent living apartments, insulted his wife, searched and seized
his papers, several times arrested him and others, and in
general in an orderly and populous city, perpetrated an orgy
of terror, violence and crime against citizens and aliens in
public assemblage, whose only offense seems to have been
peaceable insistence upon an exercise of a clear legal right

Louis F. Post, Assistant Secretary of Labor, on April
10, 1920 handed down a long opinion in the case of
Thomas Truss. Truss, a Pole, living at Baltimore, was
arrested on January 9, 1920 without a warrant, questioned in .secret and then charged with being an anarchist
and member of the Communist party. Mr. Post reviewed the evidence and concluded that Truss was not
an anarchist but a Socialist; that he had applied for membership in a branch of the Communist party prior to its
organization, but the branch receiving no precise information concerning its purposes from the central organization, the branch and all its members withdrew, Truss
never actually becoming a member of the Communist
party. Moreover, he ruled that unless the alien had
some knowledge of the unlawful character of the organization and that he had some unlawful intent, he
could not be penalized, and further that statements made
by the alien at a hearing at which he was given no opportunity to be represented by counsel, or warned that
anything he said might be used against him, could not
be received in evidence. In this same opinion, he characterized a great many other cases he had received as
follows:
"* * * * * The aliens are arrested and imprisoned; while
imprisoned they are subjected to a police office inquisition;
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an affidavit showing probable cause (upon information and
belief) is thereupon presented to the Department of Labor,
whereupon the Department of Labor issues its warrant of
arrest, takes over the custody of the alien as by law it is
required to do, and proceeds as usual in warrant cases under
the expulsion clause of the immigration law. When the
hearings at Immigration Stations are reported verbatim in
regular course to the Department of Labor, the Secretary
of Labor (or his lawful representative) who is charged with
exclusive responsibility, comes to examine these records,
it is found in a large proportion of the large number of
cases I have examined that there is no better reason for deportation than is disclosed in the present case * * * * *
As a rule, the hearings show the aliens arrested to be working men of good character who have never been arrested
before, who are not anarchists or revolutionists, nor politically or otherwise dangerous in any sense. Many of them,
as in this case, have American-born children. It is pitiful
to consider the hardships to which they and their families
have been subjected during the past three or four months
by arbitrary arrest, long detention in default of bail beyond
the means of hard-working wage earners to give, for nothing more dangerous than affiliating with friends of their
own race, country and language, and without the slightest
indication of sinister motive, or any unlawful act within
their knowledge or intention. ,,
I n t h e course of t h e s e p r o c e e d i n g s such clear proof of
t h e illegal practices used by t h e D e p a r t m e n t of J u s t i c e
in its w a r on t h e " R e d s " w a s found as to shock t h e
m a s s of A m e r i c a n . p e o p l e . I t developed t h a t a r r e s t s h a d
been m a d e on b l a n k w a r r a n t s , or no w a r r a n t s at a l l ;
searches w i t h o u t a n y color of lawful process, e x a m i n a tions in s e c r e t ; t h e use of a g e n t p r o v o c a t e u r s , w h o w e r e
used to a r r a n g e C o m m u n i s t m e e t i n g s . A s J u d g e A n d e r son said in r e s p o n s e to t h e D i s t r i c t A t t o r n e y ' s p r o t e s t
that the agent provocateur was used:
"I don't know anything about it, but there is evidence here
that the government owns and operates part of the Communist party. That means something to anyone who has
had experience with spies in private industry * * * * * There
are all kinds of legitimate inferences to be drawn as to what
will happen in hysterical times like these when you start
heretic hunting-and put spies among the heretics whose fate
is at stake."
T h e Activities of the W a r Department.
T h e use of t r o o p s in a r e a s of i n d u s t r i a l conflict h a s
b e c o m e increasingly c o m m o n since t h e armistice. T h e
W a r D e p a r t m e n t issued an order a b o u t t h e t i m e of t h e
steel strike in S e p t e m b e r , 1919, p r o v i d i n g t h a t F e d e r a l
t r o o p s m i g h t be furnished on r e q u e s t of a n y G o v e r n o r
of a s t a t e b y the local c o m m a n d e d w i t h o u t reference to
t h e D e p a r t m e n t at W a s h i n g t o n . T h i s , in o r d e r t o ex~
pedite t h e s e n d i n g of t r o o p s .
114

Activities of the Post Office Department.
The Post Office Department still exercises in less
degree the powers entrusted to it under the Espionage
Act, which is .still technically in force. Letters addressed
to the Milwaukee Leader are still returned to the sender
marked "undeliverable under the Espionage Act." The
scores of radical publications which had their secondclass mailing privileges taken away are still denied these
privileges.
Federal Political Prisoners.
It is impossible to secure any accurate data as to the
number of Federal political prisoners still in prison or
out on bond pending appeal. The number is constantly
changing. The following is a general estimate of persons convicted and out on appeal, July 1st, 1920:
Under the Espionage Act, the Act penalizing threats
against the President, and conspiracy to obstruct the
war or draft, 500. Of these, about 25 are members of
the Socialist Party, 166 are members of the I. W. W.,
and the remaining 300 with various connections or none.
It will be noted that the Attorney General's report up
to June 30th, 1919, show.s 988 convictions under the Es
pionage Act.
The President pardoned outright or reduced the sentences of 102 persons convicted under the Espionage Act
in 1919 and possibly 15 or 20 since. The exact number
cannot be obtained for the first six months of 1920. The
Government refuses to recognize the existence of political prisoners as such, and declines therefore to consider
any such step as a general amnesty. The administration
has maintained the policy of acting in individual cases
on grounds too obscure to characterize. The demand
for amnesty has been repeatedly voiced in conventions
of labor, the Nonpartisan League, Socialist and religious bodies. It is supported officially by the A. F. of
L. and a large number of other labor and liberal organizations.
Of the 450 conscientious objectors, court-martialed
and sentenced to military prisons during the war, all
but 42 had been released on June 30th, 1920. These 42
were distributed as follows: 37 in the War Prison Barracks at Fort Douglas, U t a h ; 2 at Alcatraz Island Disciplinary Barracks, San Francisco; 2 in the United States
Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, and 1 at the United States Disciplinary Barracks at Fort Leavenworth,
Kansas. Two of the men still have ten-year sentences.
The sentences of all the others expire in 1920 or 1921.
Practically all of the conscientious objectors held are
115

among those who refused to perform any service whatever under the draft act. Most of them are members
of the Socialist Party or the I. W. W.
IV. T H E ACTIVITIES OF STATE
GOVERNMENTS.
Practically all the significant trials since the armistice
have been brought under state laws. The Federal Government has been engaged only in the trial of cases begun during the period of hostilities (with a few exceptions). This does not apply to the cases under the Lever
Act connected with the coal and switchmen's strikes.
Most of these cases under state laws, concern members
of the Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist and Communist Labor parties, although some
few have been members of the Socialist Party. The
cases have been brought chiefly in New York, Washington, Illinois and California. There are scattering cases
in other states, particularly Idaho, Kansas, Oklahoma,
Utah, Oregon, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Jersey
and Connecticut.
Among the most conspicuous of the trials have been
those of Harry Winitsky, James Larkin and Benjamin
Gitlow, Communists, tried in New York City and sentenced to 5 to 10 years under the anti-anarchy statute;
the murder trial of the ten members of the I. W. W. and
their attorney at Montesano, Washington, in Januarv,
1920, for the armistice day shootings at Centralia, Washington, 8 convicted and 3 acquitted; appealed; the group
of criminal syndicalism cases at San Francisco involving
members of the Communist Labor party, (especially the
case of Charlotte Anita Whitney, treasurer of the Labor
Defense League of California) and the trial of various
members of the I. W. W. at San Francisco and Los Angeles under the same law; also the. trial at Los Angeles
of Sydney R. Flowers, editor of the Dugout, an ex-

soldiers' magazine, resulting in two disagreements.

At

Chicago, 85 members of the Communist party, 37 members of the Communist Labor party, and 38 members
of the I. W. W. are indicted under the state sedition
law.
The latest and most noted of these cases was that of
the Chicago Communist trial. Wm. Bros,s Lloyd, Ludwig Lore, Edgar Owens, L. E. Katterfeld, N. Juel Christensen and a number of other members and officials of
the Communist Labor Party, twenty in all, were tried under the laws of Illinois, not for any overt act, but merely
because of their activity in launching and formulating
116

the platform of the C. L. P. After a sensational trial,
characterized by much cheap flag waving on the part
of the state's attorneys, the defendants were found guilty
and were sentenced from one to rive years in prison and
to heavy fines. This was a deliberate attempt to penalize
people merely for their membership and activity in an
organization.
The Lusk Committee of the New York Legislature introduced in March a series of measures one of which provided for the licensing by the state of all private schools,
and provided for the withholding of such licenses from all
schools whose teachings were "detrimental to public interest." This was aimed at the Rand School. Another would
give the Commissioner of Education the right to dismiss
any teacher in the State who.se views were such as would
raise a doubt as to his loyalty to American institutions.
At the same time Senator Lusk and Assemblyman
Fearon, both Republicans, introduced a measure designed
to destroy the Socialist Party in New York State. According to the proposed bill, the third Appellate Division
of the Supreme Court (elected in the Albany district)
would have the right upon information supplied by the
attorney general or any other individual to pass upon
the platform of any political organization and to determine whether such an organization was inimical to
the well-being of the State. Measures such as this have
no parallel in American History. They were passed, but
fortunately for New York State, all the labor and liberal
forces brought powerful pressure to bear upon Governor
Smith and he vetoed the bills.

V. OVERTHROWING REPRESENTATIVE
GOVERNMENT
THE ALBANY OUSTER.
What will probably stand for many years as the most
daring act of lawlessness of any of the State Legislatures
during this period of post-war hysteria is the expulsion
of the five legally elected Socialist members of the New
York State Legislature.
On January 7, 1920, the five Assemblymen, Charles,
Solomon, Louis Waldman, Samuel Orr, Samuel A. DeWitt, and August Claessens, presented themselves at Albany, and as members of the Legislature took part in the
election of Speaker and in the organization of the House.
When these formalities were concluded, they were called
before the bar of the Assembly and the Speaker, Thaddeus
C. Sweet of Oswego, informed them that they would be
suspended, pending the investigation of certain charges
117

to be made against them. They were not permitted to
argue the question but were escorted to their seats by the
sergeant at arms. In the meantime a resolution had been
introduced by the Majority Leader of the House, Simon

Adler of Rochester, Republican, presenting in general
outline the usual charges against the Socialists and asking for the suspension of the five Assemblymen. The
resolution was carried by a vote from 140 to 6, the speaker ruling out of order any discussion. The next day a
storm of indignation broke over the heads of the .selfelected "saviors" of America. With the exception of the
New York Times, every metropolitan paper condemned
the motion of the Legislature in unmistakable terms.
After a farcical trial in which every irrelevant "argument" concerning Socialism was brought up, the five Socialist assemblymen were expelled on April 1st, 1920,
three by votes of 118 to 26 and two by votes of 106 to 40.
T H E BERGER CASE.
Even more important was the case of Victor L. Berger,
the first Socialist ever to sit in the House of Representatives. Berger received a startlingly large vote for United
States Senator in a special election in Wisconsin in the
spring of 1918; immediately afterwards he was indicted
under the Espionage Act. While under indictment, in
November, 1918, he was elected to the United States Congress in the 5th Wisconsin district by a plurality of
5,000 votes. He was opposed, however, by a divided opposition, and the combined vote against him was about
5,000 larger than his vote.
A month after his election, the trial of the five Socialist officials began, and together with Germer, Tucker,
Engdahl and Kruse, he was found guilty and was sentenced to prison.
Pending the appeal of his case, Berger presented himself as a member-elect of Congress at the special session
in April, 1919. He was not permitted to take his> oath of
office, his right to a seat was challenged, and a committee on Privileges and Elections under the chairmanship
of Congressman Dallinger was charged with the task of
looking into his qualifications.
Berger's conviction by the Chicago jury was not an
issue in that investigation. The committee undertook an
independent investigation, using much the same material
that was used against him in the Chicago case, but
avowedly making the investigation of Berger's beliefs
and those of the Socialist Party independently.
118

Berger made a brilliant fight. Before the committee
and later before Congress, he presented the position of
the Socialist Party with magnificent courage and candor.
By an overwhelming vote (only one Congressman voting
"No") he was expelled from his seat on November 18th,
1919.
Up to the time of his expulsion, Berger drew his pay
as a "member-elect." He had his office in the House Office Building in Washington, he had the franking privilege, and he was permitted to use the stationery of Congress ; and he was even allowed a seat on the floor of the
House as a former member. He was treated with cordial
courtesy by his former colleagues who respected and admired him; but they threw him out because they pretended to have found that his opinions and utterances
made him unfit to sit in Congress with them.
Immediately upon his expulsion, Governor Philipp of
Wisconsin called a special election. The Democrats and
Republicans united upon H. H. Bodenstab as a fusion
candidate against Berger, and a spectacular campaign
was waged, speakers coming from all over the country
to work against Berger. Berger was re-elected on December 19, 1919, by a clear majority of 5,000 votes, and
on January 4, 1920, he was again expelled from membership, this time six members voting to seat him. After
this expulsion, Governor Philipp refused to call another
special election.
At the same time, Senator Newberry of Michigan, convicted of corrupt practices in securing his election and
under prison sentence for the corruption of an entire
state was permitted to retain his seat, draw his pay and
speak and vote in the Senate chamber. But he is not a
Socialist!
The Berger and the Albany cases were the most spectacular of the expulsions of elected Socialists because of
their opinions. Another case is that of Frank Raguse,
Socialist State Senator from the 8th Wisconsin District
(Milwaukee), who was expelled from the Wisconsin
Senate on April 26, 1917.
Raguse had made a speech on April 24th, in which old
party members believed that he had insulted the patriotic
feeling of the American people. Because of the large
Socialist vote in the state and the anti-war attitude of
Senator LaFollette, the Wisconsin Senators felt that it
was necessary to do something drastic to clear the fair
name of their state.
Raguse apologized to the Senate for his tactless statements and said that if it was their wish, he would put his
119

apology in writing, but the Senate drew up a form of retraction in which Raguse, if he had signed it, would not
only have apologized for his statement, but would practically have recanted his Socialist principles. Raguse refused to sign, and thereupon by a vote of 30 against 3
(the three Socialists voting in the negative) Raguse was
expelled from the Senate.
Many people believed that this was to be the beginning
of an attempt to expel all Socialists in office in Wisconsin, but the political strength of the Socialist Party in
that state caused reactionaries to stop with the Raguse
case.
Another important case was that in Cleveland, Ohio,
the removal from office of two Socialist,aldermen and
one Socialist School Commissioner. John G. Willert,
Noah Mandelkorn, elected Socialist aldermen in Cleveland, were expelled because of the "unpatriotic" platform of the Socialist party upon which they had iDeen
elected.
At the same time, A. L. Hitchcock was sent to prison
for ten years and expelled as a member of the school
board for the same reason. On account of the factional
quarrels in the Socialist party in Cleveland, it was impossible to carry on the fight for representative government after the expulsions.
These four cases are the most important of the expulsions of Socialist officials because of their party's position. There have been others, and there probably will be
more before the present crisis is ended.
VI. T H E PERSECUTION OF T H E I. W. W.
The bitterest persecution of any organization in America is directed today against the Industrial Workers of
the World. The united forces of federal, state and city
officials, chambers of commerce, newspapers—every force
of privilege and reaction—have been relentlessly hounding them. In the West, where the organization is
strongest, they are opposed by three of the most powerful industrial forces in the country—the copper, lumber
and oil trusts.
Everywhere in their struggle the I. W. W. have been
denied the most elementary American rights. Every
constitutional right has been violated times without
number.
Here in brief are the facts to April, 1920, as given by
the General Defense Committee:
1. Between 3,500 and 4,000 members of the I. W. W.
have been prosecuted since the beginning of the war
120

for their industrial activities. Over 1,000 are now in
prison, or awaiting trial. About 200 convicted members
are out on bail pending appeal. In all but a few of these
cases the only "crimes" proved were the expression of
opinion by word or in print. No overt acts were proved.
In other words, the men were convicted of exercising
what American tradition held to be their constitutional
rights.
2. Of all the men convicted, 166 were in three federal
cases charging conspiracy to obstruct the war (Chicago.
1918, 101 convicted; Sacramento, 1919, 37; Kansas City,
Kansas, 1919, 28). These cases are all appealed to the
United States appellate courts. One hundred and two of
these men are in the penitentiary at Leavenworth, about
50 are out on bail. Two other federal conspiracy cases
were brought at Omaha and Spokane. The Spokane
case was dismissed and it is understood the Omaha case
will never come to trial. The defendants are all out on
bail.
3. Practically all the other cases (not under federal
law) were brought under recently enacted state laws
aimed at the I. W. W., creating a new crime—criminal
syndicalism. Practically all the Western states now
have such statutes. Under such a law, 846 I. W. W.
were recently held in the state of Washington alone.
About 60 are .serving prison terms in that state. About
100 are indicted or committed in California; 60 in jail
in Portland, Ore.; 37 are indicted in Chicago. Scores in
Oklahoma, Texas, Iowa, Minnesota and other states are
either in prison, in jail awaiting trial or out on bond.
4. Literally thousands of cases have been brought under city ordinances and men jailed for short terms—a
few weeks to a year. Practically all involved the free
speech issues. In many Western towns, the jails have
been at times rilled to capacity with I. W. W.'s who
tried to speak in the streets. They are sometimes even
arrested in their halls. Sixty at Omaha were taken while
listening to a lecture.
5. In many, if not most of these cases, the men were
denied every ordinary civil right—arrested without warrant, held incommunicado with the right to consult counsel, refused bail, or held in prohibitive sums, denied a
hearing or trial for months, left in the filth and misery
of the average county jail. Hundreds were beaten up.
Some died in jail of brutality, disease or neglect, others
went insane and the health of many was wrecked for
life. Hundreds, too, were held for months without
charge, only to be released and run out of town without
trial. In the federal cases at Wichita, Kansas, bail was
121

not even fixed until the men had been in wretched jails
for 18 months, and then at the excessive sum of $10,000
each.
6. Several score I. W. W.'s have been deported or
held for deportation. The exact number is not known.
The Department of Labor maintains that mere membership in the I. W. W. is not sufficient ground for deportation, but that is the only evidence given in most cases.
7. The raids on I. W. W. halls and headquarters have
made open organization impossible in many cities.
Thirty to forty halls have been closed, the furniture and
papers seized (without warrant) and the members arrested or run out of town. These raids have been made
by Federal and local officials working together, and often
openly participated in by the chamber of commerce, fraternal organizations and the American Legion.
8. The I. W. W., contrary to the current impression,
has suffered very little from mob violence. The "mobbing" in practically all cases of violence was the deliberate, planned attack of officials and hired thugs—backed
by commercial interests. All the conspicuous cases bear
witness to this—the Bisbee deportations, the Tulsa outrage, the lynching of Frank Little, the assult at Red
Lodge, Mont., and the Armistice Day attack at Centralia, Wash.
The Post Office Department has used every possible
effort to put the I. W. W. out of business and cripple
the defense work. The general defense committee estimated that over 2,000,000 pieces of stamped mail delivered to the postoffice has never been delivered and were
destroyed without legal process or notice to the organization. The organization was forced to resort to all
manner of subterfuge to get out its appeals for defense
and to conduct the ordinary legal and relief work. One
Chicago postoffice station had a rubber stamp, " I . W. W.,
Nixie," used to mark I. W. W. mail for destruction.
Some registered mail with relief checks for the wives of
men imprisoned was held up for months, and some were
never delivered. Every I. W . W. paper with second
class mailing privileges had them taken away. Some
were forced to discontinue entirely by postoffice oppression.
VII. COMPANY CONTROLLED DISTRICTS OF
T H E UNITED STATES.
Industrial districts are frequently dominated so completely by the corporation interest that no civil rights
whatever are permitted. This is true today with few
exceptions of the steel towns of western Pennsylvania;
122

the coal mining districts of southern W e s t Virginia, the
copper mining districts of northern Michigan and Minnesota, and in many of the coal and copper camps of the
Rocky Mountain states, to say nothing of conditions in
the coal and iron mines of the South and Southwest.
Similar conditions prevail in the timber industry in the
South and Southwest and, of course throughout the
entire tenant farming area of the South where the plantation owners and overseers are the dictators of law and
order.
VIII. LEGALIZED VIOLENCE
The following, from a letter addressed by James H.
Maurer, President of the Pennsylvania Federation of
Labor, to Governor Sproul, gives something of an indication of the extent to which public ofTcials threw all their
strength into the fight against the workers:
, "I charge and submit evidence upon the following counts
1. That after permission had been given to hold a meeting at Clairton, Pa., State Troopers suddenly rushed with
their horses, upon the peaceful assembly, which was attended by scores of men in uniform of United States soldiers,
cursing and beating up innocent men, women and children,
tearing down the American flag, trampling upon it with
horses and one State policeman snouting, "To hell with the
flag."
2. That on September 21st and 22nd, in Clairton, Pa.,
numerous citizens and non-citizens, as well as business men,
were arrested by State troopers at their homes, or near their
homes as they were proceeding on their lawful errands.
Men and women were arrested and many were beaten up
and put in jail and even beaten while in the cells of the jail
by outsiders and kept there until they could find $1,000 bail,
and in some instances, relatives and friends who came to
bail them were also arrested.
3. That at Homestead, Pa., men were stopped by State
policemen on the streets as they were in pursuit of their
business, arrested and fined without charges against them,
or held in jail for several days. Peaceful and respectable
homes were broken into, property was destroyed without
cause whatsoever, and without compensation for the damage
done. Men and women were taken out from their beds,
beaten and kicked and not even permitted to dress, were
dragged to jail and kept there for several days and then
fined. Men were beaten and medical assistance refused them
while held in jail. The arrest of one of these resulted, in
one family, in much suffering and in a premature birth."
IX. MOB VIOLENCE
Most of the cases of mob violence since the armistice
have been the definitely and openly organized efforts of
business interests against labor. The two most conspicuous cases, that at Centralia, Washington on Armistice
Day, 1919, and at Butte, Montana, on April 21, 1920,
123

were open attacks on the I. W. W. by business interests.
At Centralia a procession of ex-service men attacked the
I. W. W. hall which was defended by arms in the hands
of the I. W. W. and three ex-service men were killed
and one member of the I. W. W. was lynched. At Butte
on April 21, a squad of mine guards under the direction
of a company official and in the presence of the sheriff
of the county shot into a crowd of two to three hundred
pickets assembled in orderly fashion on a public highway
and wounded 17 of them, killing one.
As a result of the mob violence which affected the deportation of 1,174 miners from Bisbee, Arizona in July,
1917, several trials have taken place in an attempt to
punish those responsible. The local elections in the
county in which Bisbee is located have turned upon that
issue. Neither the Federal or State trials have yet produced a conviction. This is the only case in which leaders of a mob against the workers have been prosecuted.
There have been many attacks organized by business
interests on agents of the Nonpartisan League in various parts of the agricultural territory of the Middle West
and the Southwest.
NOTE:—Those desiring further information about the issues
of Civil Liberty can get various pamphlets by addressing the
American Civil Liberties Union, 138 W. 13th St., New York
City. A postal card will bring a full list of publications.

X. FOUR YEARS OF ANTI-LABOR
LEGISLATION.
Entrance of the United States into the war in 1917 was
seized upon by. reactionary interests as affording the opportunity of a life-time to enact legislation tying labor
hand and foot in its efforts to improve its conditions and
its status. Once more patriotism was to be made the
last refuge of scoundrels.
Even before the war against Germany was formally
declared on April 6, 1917, war against labor had been
declared in Congress and in the state legislatures.
The return of peace with the enemy countries left the
domestic legislative war against labor still in force. In
fact, since November 11, 1918, assaults upon the position
of labor have increased rather than diminished. The
class struggle like hunger, knows no armistice.
Suspension of Protective Legislation.
The first legislative drive against labor took the form
of battering down the protective laws which had been secured only by decades of effort, and which, slight as they
were, afforded some measure of protection against un124

bridled exploitation. Three New England states—Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Vermont—got the jump
on the situation by immediately authorizing the governor
or the commissioner of industries to modify or suspend
the labor laws for definite periods during the war upon
request of the Council of National Defense. Massachusetts established a "war emergency industrial commission/' composed of two employers, two working people,
and the commissioner of labor and industries as chairman, to consider applications from individual plants for
exemption from the labor laws for stated periods. New
Hampshire, in addition to the law already mentioned,
enacted a statute reducing the hours of women and children, but providing that the law was not to apply during the war to labor entirely on munitions for the United
States or the state. More than a month before the official declaration of war was made, Congress Authorized
the President, "in case of national emergency/' to suspend the laws prohibiting more than eight hours' work
a day on contracts for the United States, provided time
and a half were paid for all hours over eight. A year
after the armistice was signed, Vermont re-enacted in
permanent form a portion of its war-time adjournment
of protective legislation. It authorized the commissioner
of Labor to suspend the laws regulating the employment
of women and children for two months yearly for any
manufacturing establishment or business dealing in
perishable goods. The establishments chiefly in mind
are the canneries, which have always been consistent opponents and violators of laws for the protection of women and children.
Compulsory Work Laws.
Early in 1917 Maryland enacted the first modern American compulsory work, or "lazy man's" law. This statute
provided that all able bodied men between the ages of
eighteen and fifty, not usefully occupied, might in time
of war be required to register and work in some public
or private employment. The act did not apply to persons temporarily idle because of differences with their
employers. Otherwise strikers could have been "assigned" to the very jobs they had good cause for leaving.
Failure to register was punishable by a maximum fine of
$50; failure to do the work assigned by a maximum fine
of $500, or a maximum term of six months' imprisonment, or both. Altogether eleven states adopted laws of
this type. (1) Thus "conscription of labor," which
(1) Delaware, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, South Dakota, and West Virginia.
125

Anti-Sabotage Laws.
learned cabinet members were denouncing in 1920 as the
crowning atrocity of Soviet Russia, was a fact in America two or three years before.
During the war manufacturers, timber owners, and
railroad executives v/ho were themselves sabotaging the
government on a large scale caught up anti-sabotage legislation as a handy way of getting rid of "agitators." In
seven states the legislatures, usually in the first few days
of the sessions, rushed through laws prohibiting the
"malicious, felonious, intentional or unlawful destruction

of property." (1) Idaho protected especially lumbering
operations, Nebraska railroading, and North Dakota
farming and stock raising. The Montana law of 1918
made sabotage punishable by a fine of $200 to $1,000, one
to five years' imprisonment, or both. Arizona made mere
attendance at a meeting at which sabotage was advocated a felony, punishable by anything up to $5,000, ten
years, or both. Since no audience can tell beforehand
exactly what speakers at a meeting will say, this clause
put every labor gathering in a state at the mercy of the
provocative agent, governmental or private. Montana
took the additional step of designating it a misdemeanor
to allow the use of a meeting place for the advocacy of
sabotage, attaching a penalty of $100-$500, sixty days to
one year in prison, or both. Not content with state action,
Montana also requested Congress to pass legislation defining as a crime and providing punishment for destruction of property and interference with its management
for the purpose of bettering working conditions, and
other acts that might be construed as sabotage.
Criminal Syndicalism Laws.
Not feeling themselves sufficiently armed in their fight
against labor by the anti-sabotage law, the interests in
Idaho put through the legislature in 1917 a statute outlawing "criminal syndicalism." This new offense was defined as the doctrine which advocates crime, sabotage,
violence, or unlawful methods of terrorism as a means
of accomplishing industrial or political reform. Advocacy or practicing such a doctrine, or organizing a society to teach it, was made a felony. The maximum
penalty for it ivas $5,000, or imprisonment for ten years,
or both. Even permitting the use of a hall for the advocacy of such principles was declared a misdemeanor,
rendering one liable to a maximum penalty of $500, one
year's imprisonment, or both.
(1) Arizona, Idaho, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, South
Dakota, and Washington.
126

The idea was quickly taken up by Minnesota. The
next year Montana and South Dakota followed suit, and
in 1919 a round dozen of .states and territories (1) seized
on this new method of getting rid of industrial unrest.
Except for a slight variation in the severity of the penalties, these laws are practically alike in all states, which
indicates their common origin.
Typical definitions of "Criminal Syndicalism" and
"Sabotage" are those contained in the California statute
(Chapter 188 Laws of 1919) : "The term 'criminal syndicalism' as used in this act is hereby defined as any doctrine or precept advocating, teaching, or aiding and abetting the commission of crime, sabotage (which word is
hereby defined as meaning wilful and malicious physical
damage or injury to physical property), or unlawful acts
of force and violence or unlawful methods of terrorism
as a means of accomplishing a change in industrial ownership or control or affecting any political change."
The most astonishing of these laws is probably the
Connecticut statute (Chapter 191, of 1919) providing
that:
"No person shall, in public, or before any assemblage
of ten or more persons, advocate in any language any
measures, doctrine, proposal or propaganda intended to
injuriously affect the Government of the United States
or the State of Connecticut."
The latest and perhaps the most complete product of
the sedition hunters is the anti-syndicalist and sedition
law adopted by the Kentucky legislature and signed by
Governor Morrow on March 25, 1920. It contains provisions customary in sedition legislation, penalizing by
21 years in prison membership in organizations which
advocate sedition or criminal syndicalism as defined in
the Act and prohibiting advocacy by speech, printing or
writing of the forbidden doctrines. It declares any assembly where such doctrines are advocated to be unlawful and sets forth other customary legislative devices for
dealing with heresy. Another section of the act makes
it unlawful by speech, writing, or otherwise to arouse
"discord or strife or ill feeling between classes of persons
for the purpose of inducing public tumult or disorder
* * *." Section eleven makes it a crime for two or
more persons to "agree, band, or confederate themselves
together to do any of the things prohibited and it shall
not be necessary to prove any overt act in order to' secure a conviction."
(1) Alaska, California, Hawaii, Iowa, Michigan, Nebraska, Nevada, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Utah, and Washington.
127

Anti-Picketing Laws.
One state during the war made it a misdemeanor to
picket in a strike. This was Washington, in 1915. Picketing was described as standing or continually moving
back and forth before the employe's place of business or
home, or carrying any banner or sign to call attention to
a trade dispute.
Anti-Strike Laws.
To quit work at any time, singly or with one's fellow
employes, for any reason that .seemed worth while, has
usually been considered the right of American citizens.
The first legislative breach in this theory was made
by the Colorado Industrial Commission law of 1915. This
law, in certain clauses patterned after the Canadian industrial disputes investigation act, forbade strikes, lockouts, or changes in the terms of employment until after
thirty days' notice, in all employments except domestic
service, agriculture, and shops with fewer than four
workmen. During the thirty days the commission is to
compel a hearing on the dispute, and deliver an award,
which is, however, not binding.
In the year America entered the war, New Hampshire
went a step further, and absolutely prohibited strikes or
lockouts in factories manufacturing materials for federal
or state military use.
In the same year Congress passed the Lever Act,
which on the ground of the war emergency prohibited
interference with the production of foods.and fuel. While
the act was under debate, efforts were unsuccessfully
made to introduce an amendment making it clear that the
measure was not aimed at labor. Nevertheless Senator
Husting stated on the floor of the upper house: "I am
authorized by the Secretary of Labor, Mr. Wilson, to
say that the administration does not construe this bill as
prohibiting strikes and peaceful picketing, and will not
so construe the bill, and that the Department of Justice
does not so construe the bill and will not so construe the
bill." In spite of this pledge, when the coal miners went
out for better conditions on November 1, 1919, an injunction obtained under the Lever Act was used by the
government to crush the strike.
Emboldened by the success of this maneuver, the
drafters of the legislation which returned the railroads to
private operation on March 1, 1920, inserted a section
which makes walk-outs on railroads almost if not actually illegal. The newspaper outcry against the switchmen's strike in the spring of 1920 as an "outlaw" strike
was based on the assumption that such an effort of the
128

men wras barred by the law. This is not the case. The
transportation act merely declares that it shall be the
duty of all railroads and their employees to "exert every
reasonable effort and adopt every available means" to
avoid any interruption of service. The act then sets up
a complicated system of conferences, railroad boards of
labor adjustment, and a national railroad labor board
composed of three labor members, three managers, and
three representatives of the "public" appointed by the
President, to which disputes are to be referred. Awards
of the national labor board are not binding, but if they
are violated the board is to investigate and make public
its decision on the matter.
The culminating piece of anti-strike legislation so far
enacted in America is the Kansas act of 1920 establishing
a "court of industrial relations." This law flatly and
outspokenly makes strikes and lockouts permanently illegal in the four important groups of industries covered,
namely, food, fuel, clothing, and transportation. In case
of a serious controversy in any of these industries the
court, consisting of three judges appointed by the governor for 'riiree-year terms, is to summon the parties before it and investigate conditions. The findings of the
court are to state "the terms and conditions on which
said industry * * * * *
should be thereafter conducted." The standards of wages, hours, or working
conditions decreed by the court must, however, be "such
as to enable such industries * * * * *
^-0 produce
or transport their products." In other words, the decree
must not seriously interfere with profits. The court of
industrial relations may brine suit in the supreme court
of the state to compel compliance with its orders. The
abstract right of collective bargaining is recognized, but
strikes, picketing, boycotts, or similar acts to make effective labor's power in the bargaining process are forbidden.
In case an industry covered by the act is actually hampered or stopped, the court may take it over and operate
it during the emergency. It will be interesting to see
how many workmen and how many employers in industries not covered will take advantage of the provision
that they may voluntarily submit disputes to the court.
Hardly was the governor's signature dry on this first
permanent large-scale American involuntary servitude
act for supposedly free workingmen, when vigorous campaigns were launched in New York, New Jersey, and
other states, to secure its enactment there also.
The Drift.
While certain improvements in women's hour legislation, workmen's compensation, and safety acts have been
129

secured since America entered the world war, the statutes
here described are evidence of a contrary tendency at
work. They lead one to question whether the workers
have not lost in statutes more than they have gained in
material betterments. They suggest that the attitude of
the capitalist-minded or capitalist-controlled legislators
toward the workers is closely akin to that entertained
toward domestic cattle by the mid-century poet who
sang:
If I had a cow that gave such milk
I'd dress her in the finest silk,
Td feed her on the choicest hay—
And milk her forty times a day!
SECTION VI.
WAGES IN T H E UNITED STATES—BEFORE
AND AFTER T H E WAR.
Practically without exception, all the estimates of the
amount of wages received by the wage earners in the
country, and the relation of these wages to a minimum
standard of living, show that at no time has labor in the
United States approached even the very low minimum
considered necessary to keep body and soul together.
In 1915, Professor Frank H. Streightoff set the minimum standard of living in New York City at $876 for a
family, and even then he was able to allot but $7 for
furnishings, $5.63 for education, newspapers, etc., $20 for
health, and $40 for all such miscellaneous expenses as
"tobacco, carfare, shopping, purchase of toys for the children, toilet articles, washing and laundry, tools, moving,
and the spending money of various members of the
family."
This estimate in general agreed with that made by Dr.
Chapin in 1907 who estimated that in New York City a
family could provide itself with the bare necessities of
life at between $800 and $900 a year. At about the same
time, Scott Nearing estimated (1) that one third of the
adult males of America were earning $10 a week or less;
four-fifths $15 or less; and nine-tenths $20 or less. Of the
women workers, three-fourths were earning less than $10
a week and nine-tenths less than $15 a week. This means
that at least four-fifths of the men and practically all the
adult women workers were earning less than what was
considered to be a minimum wage of the barest decent
standard of living.
(1) Nearing, Income, 1915, p. 90.
130

In the report of the Federal Industrial Relations Commission, issued in 1915, Basil Manley, the Director of Investigation and Research, estimated that between onefourth and one-third of the male workers 18 years *of age
and over, in factories and mines, earned less than $10 a
week; that two-thirds to three-fourths earned less than
$15 a week and that only about one-tenth earned more
than $20 a week, without taking into account lost working time for any cause. The wages for women were very
much lower; from two-thirds to three-fourths, it was estimated, were earning less t h a n $8 a week. (1) These

estimates agree pretty closely with those of Nearing.
One of the latest estimates before the war was made
by Lauck and Sydenstricker in 1916, both known as
among the closest students of American economic and
industrial conditions.
After examining practically all authoritative data
available prior to the war, these economists concluded
that fully one-fourth of the adult male workers in the
principal industries and trades earned less than $400 a
year or less than $7.70 a week; one-fifth, less than $600 a
year or less than $11.35 a week; four-fifths, less than $800
a year or less than $15.40 a week; while less than one-

tenth received $1,000 a year or about $20 a week.

(2)

This estimate agrees with the two given above. The
wages of women they likewise found are very much
lower than those of men.
These pre-war wages were woefully inadequate as
compared with what was necessary for a decent standard
of living. Accepting the minimum family standard of
$800 set by numerous economists prior to the war, "it
appears to be an inescapable fact that a very large pro-portion, possibly half, of the wage earners' families in
the principal industries of this country/' according to
Lauck and Sydenstricker in 1916, "have been below that

level during the past few years." (3)
A detailed examination of the wage conditions in manufacturing, mining and agriculture previous to the war
again proves that the average wage was in general below
the minimum standard of living.
(1) Final Report Industrial Relations Commission, p. 31.
(2) Lauck & Sydenstricker, Cond. of Labor in Am. Industries
L-60-1.
(3) Lauck & Sydenstricker, N. 376.
131

1.

M I N E S A N D Q U A R R I E S . (2)
1909
46,69*
1,093,286

$ 39,020,552
369,959,960

$662,422,226

Salaries
Wages

619,856

$ 56,286,988
606,135,238

Total

1902
38,128
581,728

1,139,980

Salaried E m p l o y e e s
Wage Earners

$408,980,512
1909
1902

Average annual w a g e for wage earner and salaried
employee
$582
A v e r a g e annual wage for w a g e earner
$554

$659
$635

The average annual earnings of the Illinois pick miners, according to the State Board, were only $526 in
1913—less than the 1909 average for the United States.
The average earnings of all mine workers in Illinois in
1913, a very prosperous year, were only $704; in Ohio
$766; in Indiana $708; in Western Pennsylvania, $856,
the average for all of these states being $761. During
1914 the average earnings were only $615. The mine
workers were not able to maintain the barest physical requirements of their families on these wages. (3)
2.

W A G E S I N M A N U F A C T U R I N G , 1904, 1909 and 1914.

(1)

1904
1909
1914
No. of E s t a b l i s h m e n t s
216,180
268,491
275,791
P e r s o n s engaged
6,213,612
7,678,578
8,263,153
P r o p r i e t o r s and firm
members
225,673
273,265
262,599
Salaried E m p l o y e e s ..
519,556
790,267
964,217
Wage Earners
5,468,383
6,615,046
7,036,337
Salaries and W a g e s . . $3,184,884,275 $4,365,612,851 $5,366,249,384
Salaries
574,439,322
938,574,967 1,287,916,951
•Wages
2,610,444,953 3,427,037,884 4,078,332,433
Value added by m a n ufacturing ;
$6,293,694,753 $8,529,260,992 $9,828,345,893
In the form of averages we get the following r e s u l t s :
1904
1909
1914
Average
Production
per P e r s o n
$1,051.06
$1,151.00
$1,234.69
Average
Production
per W a g e E a r n e r . . .
$1,150.92
$1,290.00
$1,403.88
Average
Income
W a g e E a r n e r s and
Salaried E m p l o y e e s .
$531.99
$589.00
$670.85
A v e r a g e I n c o m e per
Wage Earner
$477.37
$518.00
$581.17
(1) A b s t r a c t of the Census of M a n u f a c t u r e s 1914, p. 16. Bureau
of the Census.
(2) 13th Census, U. S. 1910, Mines & Q u a r r i e s , Vol. X I , p. 21.
(3) Case of the Bituminous Coal Mine W o r k e r s , U n i t e d Mine
W o r k e r s , 1920, p. 19.
132

What is most interesting about these statistics for
manufacturing is what the average wage in each of these
three census periods was far below the minimum subsistence level, being onl/ $477 for 1904, $518 for 1909
and $581 for 1914.
It would be interesting to be able to determine from
the .statistics on manufacturing just what were the profits
made by the manufacturers. The Census Bureau warns
against attempting to make any deductions as to profits,
because the expenses do not show the entire cost of
manufacture, as for example interest and allowances for
depreciation. It should be kept in mind that the value
of the products means their selling value at the factory—
a sort of estimate of what they are worth—not the
amount at which they were sold. This makes it impossible to determine with any accuracy the amount of profits
and the degree of exploitation—that is the amount of
wealth which the worker produced that went to the employer.
A number of states publish figures showing the wages
in manufacturing. The report from New Jersey for
1916 shows that of the 315,055 male wage-earners employed in New Jersey industries, 67,041 or 2 1 % received
less than $10 per week and 194,051 or 62% received less
than $15 per week. Among this entire group of wageearners only 48,501 or 16% were earning more than $20
per week and 15,286 or 5% were earning over $25 per
week. In this instance 17/20 of the male wage-earners
of the great state were being paid les,s than $1,000 a year
or $20 a week.
The average wage of those engaged in manufacturing
in the state of Massachusetts for 1913 was $569.43 (1)
or $100 less than the average for the United States in
1914.
3. WAGES IN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH INDUSTRIES. (2)
No^ of Employees.
Telephone
Telegraph
1912
183,361
37,295
1907
144,169
28,034
1902*
78,752
27,627
Wage and Salaries—Total.
1912
,$96,040,451 $424,964,994
1907
68,279,127
' 17,808,249
1902
36,255,621
15,039,673^
Annual Average of Wages and Salaries.
1912
$523
$629
1907
$473
$635
1902
$460
$544
(1) Report, Statistics of Manufactures, 1918, Mass.
(2) Telephones and Telegraphs, Bureau of the Census, 1915,
p. 48 and 159.
133

T h e w a g e s of T e l e p h o n e O p e r a t o r s , nine-tenths of w h o m w e r e
girls, a v e r a g e s $337 a year for 1912, or about $6.50 per week;
$311 for 1907 and $270 for 1902, or a little over $5 a week.
4.

1913
1914
1915
1916

W A G E S O F H I R E D F A R M L A B O R . (1)
Day Labor
Day Labor
By the m o n t h .
at H a r v e s t .
Not Harvest.
With Without
With Without
With Without
Board
Board
Board
Board
Board Board
$21.38
$30.31
$1.57
$1.94
$1.16
$1.50
21.05
29.88
1.55
1.91
1.13
1.45
21.26
30.15
1.56
1.92
1.13
1.47
23.25
32.83
1.69
2.07
1.26
1.62

T h e average wage without board by the month, counting 12 m o n t h s to the year, for 1916, w a s a b o u t $394, or
a l m o s t $300 less t h a n t h e a v e r a g e w a g e for m a n u f a c t u r ing. T h e D a y labor w a g e n o t at h a r v e s t time, w a s
slightly h i g h e r t h a n t h e m o n t h l y w a g e p a i d — b u t m a k i n g
allowances for loss of w o r k i n g time, t h e a n n u a l w a g e is
p r o b a b l y lower t h a n $394.
A recent investigation m a d e s h o r t l y before t h e w a r b y
the B u r e a u of P l a n t I n d u s t r y (2) into f a r m e r s ' i n c o m e s
in I n d i a n a , Illinois a n d I o w a d r e w forth t h e fact t h a t
o w n e r s w h o w o r k e d their o w n farms m a d e a little less
t h a n factory w a g e s . " D e d u c t i n g 5 per cent i n t e r e s t on
the a v e r a g e capital,'' declared t h e report, "leaves an avera g e labor income of $408 for t h e 273 farm o w n e r s * *
* * * Q n e f a r m e r o u i - 0 f every 22 received a labor inc o m e of over $2,000 a year. O n e f a r m e r o u t of every
t h r e e paid for t h e privilege of w o r k i n g his farm, t h a t is
after d e d u c t i n g 5 per cent i n t e r e s t on his i n v e s t m e n t he
failed t o m a k e a plus labor i n c o m e , " and this in the most
prosperous farming district of the United States.
T h e picture p r e s e n t e d b y t h e w a g e conditions in a g r i c u l t u r e , m i n i n g and m a n u f a c t u r i n g do n o t p r e s e n t a v e r y
i n s p i r i n g s p e c t a c l e — w o r k e r s in all b r a n c h e s of p r o d u c tion w e r e receiving an a v e r a g e w a g e w h i c h w a s far from
sufficient to enable t h e m to live on a m i n i m u m comfort
standard.
"Labor's Profiteering"
D u r i n g t h e w a r a n d since t h e w a r a feeling spread
t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y t h a t labor w a s profiteering; t h a t
w o r k e r s w e r e d e m a n d i n g and g e t t i n g h u g e w a g e s , and
w e r e w a x i n g rich as a result of t h e w a r .
A n e x a m i n a t i o n of the facts fails to b e a r o u t this notion. • O n t h e c o n t r a r y t h e facts w a r r a n t t h e conclusion
t h a t labor as a whole is able to b u y less n o w t h a n before
t h e w a r . T h e cost of living has risen steadily since 1914.
(1) Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1918, p. 293. Bulletin 41.
(2) Bureau of Plant Industry, Dept. of Agriculture.
134

In December, 1917, according to the Bureau of Labor
Statistics, it had risen 44.6% over December, 1914. By
March, 1918, it advanced 48% over 1914; August 1918,
64% and December, 1918, the cost of living was 77.3%
higher than in 1914. This includes not only food but
also clothing, rent, fuel and light and furniture. In December, 1919 living cost had advanced to 103.8%. (1)
According to the National Industrial Conference Board,
there was an additional increase of 7% by March, 1920,
or a total increase of 111%.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics in August, 1919 made
a study of what it cost to maintain a family of 5 at a
minimum of health and comfort—slightly above the bare
minimum. Revised to May, 1920, this budget is $2,534
a year. It is not "the American standard" but a bottom
level of health and decency below which a family cannot
go without danger of physical and moral deterioration."
Prof. Ogburn, formerly statistician for the National War
Labor Board, calculated a similar budget on a somewhat
stricter basis. Corrected for May, 1920, it totals to
$2,182. (2)
Wages increased during the war—they had to if the
worker was to survive. Wage increases, however, should
be compared with increased living costs, otherwise they
mean nothing.
The Statistical Abstract of the United States for 1918
furnishes a table showing the union scale of wages in
1914, 1915, 1916,. 1917 and 1918 for several trades, such
as the building, metal, granite and stone, baking, printing and others. (3) The table gives the wages in a
percentage form, showing increases over 1913 which is
taken as the basis. According to these figures, taken
from the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics reports the increases in wages are as follows:
Bakers, 36%; Building Trades: Bricklayers, 14%;
building laborers, 30% ; carpenters, 25% ; hod carriers,
36% ; painters, 2 7 % ; plumbers, 16%; structural iron
workers, 26% ; teamsters, 23%. The granite and iron
trades show an increase of 30%. The metal trades show
a slightly higher increase; boiler makers, 46% ; machinists, 59% ; iron molders, 50% ; patternmakers, 56%. The
printing and publishing trades were far behind the metal
workers: bookbinders, 2 1 % ; compositors, 19%; linotype operators, 13% : machine tenders, 14% ; press feeders, 28%.
(1) Bureau of Labor Statistics, Quoted N. Y. Times, May 3,1920.
(2) The Nation, June 19, 1920.
(3) Statistical Abstract, 1918, pp. 288-292.
135

The cost of living had increased by 78% at the same
time. It can be readily seen that these skilled trades
were very much behind in purchasing power at the end
of the war.
The wages of the railroad workers are interesting.
In 1914 the average wage of the 1,693,403 employees—
not counting the general and other officers—was $787.
(1).
About April 30, 1918, the U. S. Railway Administration published a report of railway wage rates that were
being paid at that time.
The total number of railway workers employed was
1,939,399. Of this total 26% were paid less than $60 per
month ($720 per year) ; 42% were paid less than $70 per
month ($840 per year) ; 59% were paid less than $80 a
month ($960 per year) ; and 70% were paid less than
$90 per month ($1,080 per pear). The cost of living in
April, 1918 was about 50% higher than in 1914. The
average wage in 1918 if corrected to allow for the increased cost of living should have been slightly less than
$1,200 a year. According to the report of the Railway
Administration over 70% or about three-fourths of the
employees were getting less than this average, which itself was at least $300 a year less than the minimum subsistence level for 1918.
The average A early earnings in 1918 for all wage earners in Massachusetts was $944.65 (2) an increase of

66% over 1913, but below the increase in living costs.
With the exception of a very few war trades, (in some
of which the workers were very much underpaid before
the war), such as the iron and steel, boot and shoe, shipbuilding and navy yard trades, the workers of the country were able to buy less with their wages after the war
than before.
The wages of coal'miners also failed to keep step with
the increase in cost of living. They increased only 36.4%
over 1914.
While the cost of living went up to 104% by the end
of 1919, wages during 1919 again failed to rise in proportion.
According to a report by Director-General McAdoo the
average daily wage for railway workers in July, 1919
was $4.93. and the average monthly wage $119.38, ranging from $78 per month for flagmen and gatemen to
$256 per month for passenger engineers and motormen.

(3) The monthly average, if living costs are taken into
(1) Statistical Abstract, U. S. 1918, p. 337.
(2) Report Statistics of Manufactures, Mass., 1918, p. VL
(3) Monthly Labor Review, Dec. 1919, p. 232.
136

consideration, w a s iess t h a n t h e 1914 a v e r a g e . A s t u d y
of union w a g e scales for M a y , 1919, c o n d u c t e d b y the
;
U . S. B u r e a u of L a b o r Statistics, s h o w e d t h a t t h e avera g e r a t e of w a g e s w a s 5 5 % h i g h e r t h a n in 1 9 1 3 .
(1)
T h e increase in cost of living w a s at least 8 5 % at the
time.
T h e w a g e conditions in a n u m b e r of i n d u s t r i e s in 1919
w e r e i n v e s t i g a t e d b y t h e B u r e a u of L a b o r Statistics,
which b r o u g h t out the following r e s u l t s :
T h e a v e r a g e w e e k l y w a g e for all employees, male and
female, in t h e cigar i n d u s t r y ( S p r i n g 1919) w a s $17.17.
T h e a v e r a g e for t h e males w a s $20.84 and for t h e females,
$15.54, w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e d an increase of 5 3 % over 1913.
(2)
In the c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r y , ( S p r i n g 1919) t h e w a g e s
r a n g e d from $27.58 a week for m a c h i n e c u t t e r s to $14.20
a w e e k for h a n d s e w e r s ( m a l e s ) . T h e a v e r a g e for the
entire i n d u s t r y w a s $21.24 or an increase of 5 6 % over
1913.
(3)
In t h e hosiery, u n d e r w e a r a n d silk i n d u s t r i e s ( S p r i n g
1919) the a v e r a g e for the various o c c u p a t i o n s w a s $19
a week, v a r y i n g from $13.77 for s p i n n e r s (female) to
$26.35 for m a c h i n e fixers. T h e h o s i e r y and u n d e r w e a r
i n d u s t r y as a w h o l e s h o w e d an increase in w a g e s of
72% over r a t e of 1913, while t h e silk i n d u s t r y s h o w e d
a n i n c r e a s e of 7 7 % . (4)
In t h e w o m e n ' s c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r y the a v e r a g e w e e k l y
w a g e for the m e n w a s $35.11 and for t h e w o m e n $15.95.
In the confectionery i n d u s t r y the a v e r a g e w e e k l y w a g e
f o r m e n w a s $18.45 a n d f o r w o m e n $10.08. (5) T h e w a g e s for 1913 are not given and p e r c e n t a g e increases
can n o t be calculated.
T h e a v e r a g e w r age in r e p r e s e n t a t i v e N e w Y o r k state

factories for 1919 was $23.50 (6) an increase of 88%
b u t still less t h a n the increase in t h e cost of living.
T h e B u r e a u of W o m e n in I n d u s t r y of t h e N e w Y o r k
S t a t e I n d u s t r i a l C o m m i s s i o n in a r e p o r t m a d e public on
J u n e 8, 1920 s t a t e d t h a t t a k i n g t h e w e e k of D e c e m b e r
13, 1919 as a typical week, it found t h a t m o r e t h a n onehalf of t h e telephone o p e r a t o r s w e r e receiving a basic
w a g e of less t h a n $16. T h i s r e p r e s e n t s the a c t u a l ' e a r n ings of the o p e r a t o r s , w h i c h includes p a y for o v e r t i m e .
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)

Monthly Labor
Monthly Labor
Monthly Labor
Monthly Labor
Monthly Labor
Labor Market
March 1920, p.

Review, Feb. 1920, p. 117.
Review, March 1920, p. 83.
Review, March 1920, p. 89.
Review, Feb. 1920, p. 106.
Review, April 1920, p. 101-2.
Bulletin, N.Y. State Industrial Commission
5.
137

The highest peak was reached by those earning between
$15 and $18 a week. While the bureau wTas making its
study the company raised the wages of New York City
operators $3 a week and the up-state operators, $2, making the minimum wage for New York City, $15, and the
maximum $23, and for the up-state districts, $17, and
$19, respectively. The maximum is reached after six

years of service.

(1)

In 1919 a schedule was made of the earnings per day
in 103 different occupations, including all those where,
we were told, labor was making exorbitant wages, such
as the skilled trades in steel mills, shipyards, and building. Of these occupations only four—shearmen, rollers,
blowers and heaters in the steel plants—were paid at a
rate of more than $8 for eight hours. These occupations
include only a very small minority of the workers in the
steel industry itself, probably not more than five per
cent. Only 24 occupations out of the 103 were paid at
a rate of more than $6.50 for eight hours. These are
largely the more highly skilled in the shipyards, in the
building trades, and on the railroads. They certainly do
not include more than five per cent of the nation's workers. It is true, of course, that some of these men work
more than eight hours and receive overtime; but it is
also true that many of them, especially in the building
trades, are subject to seasonal unemployment and do
not work 306 days a year.
W e may look at the negative side of this showing: 79
out of 103 occupations, representatives of the overwhelming majority of the nation's wage earners, do not earn
enough to maintain a family of five "without danger of
physical and moral deterioration." Fully a quarter of
them are subject to actual undernourishment and overcrowding, and are underclad. Of course, one may say
that not every workman has to have three children, and
that many do not. Quite true; but these figures show
that while rollers, heaters, boilermakers, and plasterers
may have three or possibly more children with impunity, painters, steam-fitters, linotype operators, brakemen
and a host of others may have three or even fewer children only at the cost of racial and social deterioration.
To such "profiteers" our best people hold out the prospect of lowered wages.
Only 28 out of the 103 occupations mentioned above received increases of more than 100 per cent for the period.
Sixty of them received increases of under 80 per cent.
The percentages of increase range as low as 20. That
(1) New York Call, June 8, 1920.
138

m e a n s t h a t w i t h o u t question t h e m a j o r i t y of w a g e - e a r n ers are n o t so well off, w i t h respect to the cost of living,
as t h e y w e r e before t h e w a r . T h e i r "real w a g e s " h a v e
a c t u a l l y declined. (1)
W a g e s in t h e cloak i n d u s t r y are n o w (1920) from $6
to $14 a w e e k less t h a n t h e 1914 scale in t e r m s of t h e
cost of living. I n t h e p r i n t i n g i n d u s t r y (book a n d j o b )
w e e k l y w a g e s are in m o s t cases from $4 to $18 behind
1914. T h e b u i l d i n g t r a d e s w o r k e r s are still b e h i n d t h e
1914 scale and likewise t h e N e w Y o r k h a r b o r e m p l o y e e s .
(2)
Wages of hired farm labor for 1918 and 1919 were as follows:
Day Labor
Day Labor
By the Month.
at Harvest.
Not Harvest.
With Without
With Without With Without
Board Board
Board Board
Board Board
1918 ( 1 ) . . . $34.92 $47.07
$2.65 $3.22
$2.07 $2.63
1918(2)...
39.92
56.29
3.15
3.832.45
3.12
M o n t h l y w a g e s for either w i t h b o a r d or w i t h o u t for
1919 w e r e s o m e w h a t below t h e w a g e of 1914: d a y labor
at h a r v e s t a l m o s t equalled t h e 1914 scale, as did d a y lab o r a t n o n - h a r v e s t times.
W a g e w o r k e r s t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y w i t h v e r y few
exceptions are n o t e a r n i n g as m u c h as t h e y did before
t h e w a r . L e t every w o r k e r m u l t i p l y his 1914 w a g e b y
1 1 1 % (increased cost of livirfg to M a r c h , 1920) and he
can d e t e r m i n e for himself w h e t h e r he is able to b u y for
his w a g e s as m u c h as he w a s able to b u y in p r e - w a r days.
W H O IS R E S P O N S I B L E F O R T H E I N C R E A S E D
C O S T O F L I V I N G — L A B O R OR C A P I T A L ?
T h a t u n l i m i t e d profiteering in life's necessities on t h e
p a r t of p r o d u c e r s , m i d d l e m e n a n d retailers, a n d n o t increased w a g e s h a s been t h e f u n d a m e n t a l cause of t h e high
prices of practically all c o m m o d i t i e s , has been i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l y p r o v e d b y W . J e t t L a u c k , c o n s u l t i n g economist
for t h e s e v e n t e e n B r o t h e r h o o d s and U n i o n s of railroad
e m p l o y e e s . D r . L a u c k assembled t h e statistics of the
I n c o m e T a x Division of the T r e a s u r y , t h e Tariff C o m m i s sion, t h e B u r e a u of F o r e i g n a n d D o m e s t i c C o m m e r c e , as
well as o t h e r g o v e r n m e n t a l agencies. T h e result h a s been
a m a s s of a u t h e n t i c a t e d detail w h i c h p r o v e s b e y o n d t h e
s h a d o w of a d o u b t t h a t profiteering a n d n o t increased
labor costs, has caused t h e cost of living to reach such
dizzy h e i g h t s .
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)

The Nation, June 19, 1920.
New York Call, May 7, 1920.
Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1918, p. 293.
Monthly Labor Review, April 1920, p. 109.
139

Contrary to the generally accepted belief that price
advances have invariably followed upon wage increases,
it is proved that wage increases have been the inevitable
result of constantly rising living costs. Labor has had
no control over the forces which has operated to increase
the cost of living. In practically every industry examined, wage increases have lagged far behind price increases.
The belief that labor has made an improvement over
its pre-war status is a common fallacy. Undoubtedly
it is true that labor has secured for itself and must secure
for itself higher wage returns than formerly. With constant leaps in the cost of living what other alternative is
left to it if it is to subsist? It is a matter of statistical
fact, however, that only a small percentage of the wageearners of the country have been able to keep pace with
the cost of living. Today a day's wage buys less than
it did in 1914.
* It has been estimated that profiteering is responsible
for probably one-half of the price increases. The difficulties in the way of estimating the true measure of profiteering are miany—since every conceivable means is employed
to conceal the true profits. Extravagant salaries, excessive allowance for depreciation, increasing the capitalization through stock dividends and grossly fictitious royalties and rents—are all used as a means of decreasing the
profits and wealth during and after the war can hardly
How unfair and one-sided has been the distribution of
profits and wealth during and after the war can hardly
be better told than in the words of Mr. Lauck himself.
The simplest way to state the only conclusion to be drawn
from the income statistics is to say that as a result of the
war the rich are richer and the poor are poorer; but the
startling fact that the people are in ignorance of is this:
that one-eighth of the total taxable income from all of the
toil and ingenuity going into all of the productive processes
of the country at the present time goes to six one-thousandths of one per cent of the whole people, or six out of
every 100,000 of the population.

This means that 6,664 people had a combined income
in 1917 of $1,709,365,988. Seventy per cent of this, or over
$1,250,000 came from property. On the face of later,
but as yet unofficial figures, their incomes have greatly
increased.
Profits of Corporations.
It is difficult to conceive how gigantic have been the
profits, realized by corporations controlling the products
essential to daily life. From evidence gathered from
their own published reports, it has been estimated that
the average profits during the three war years of all the
140

c o r p o r a t i o n s in the U n i t e d S t a t e s with net incomes of
$1,000,000 or m o r e a p p r o x i m a t e d 24 per cent on their
capital stock, which m e a n s t h a t this g r o u p of c o r p o r a t i o n s
m a d e profits sufficient to replace the entire value of their
capital stock w i t h i n a period of slightly over four y e a r s .
After all deductions w e r e m a d e , t h e net c o r p o r a t e income
for 1917 a m o u n t e d to over ten and a half billion dollars.
T h e r e w e r e in 1917 over 5000 c o r p o r a t i o n s w h i c h e a r n e d
over one-half the value of their capital stock, and over
200 t h a t earned the entire value in a single year.
T h e following figures are t a k e n from c o r p o r a t i o n rep o r t s w h i c h cover all c o r p o r a t i o n s of one-million dollar
income in certain lines of b u s i n e s s such as metal, clothing, food, fuel, etc.
Annual Profits Percent Net Income
1912-14
$ 438,000,000
. 8.7
1916-18
1,234,000.000
23.9
T h u s t h e p e r c e n t a g e of t h e net i n c o m e in 1918 w a s
t h r e e t i m e s t h a t for t h e p r e - w a r y e a r s .
Yearly Tall to Profiteers.
T h e c o m b i n e d c o r p o r a t i o n s of t h e c o u n t r y e a r n e d in
net profits a p p r o x i m a t e l y $4,800,000,000 m o r e per y e a r
d u r i n g t h e t h r e e w a r years, 1916-17-18, t h a n d u r i n g the
t h r e e p r e - w a r y e a r s p e r i o d ; and this excess of profits
over a n d above w h a t t h e s a m e c o r p o r a t i o n s w e r e satisfied
w i t h d u r i n g t h e p r e - w a r y e a r s c o n s t i t u t e d d u r i n g 191617-18 a profiteering t a x of $240 per y e a r per family of five
t h r o u g h o u t t h e nation. F u r t h e r m o r e , in t w o i n d u s t r i e s
alone, n a m e l y , iron a n d steel a n d coal, t w o billions of
dollars of n e t profit in excess of t h e p r e - w a r a v e r a g e w e r e
exacted d u r i n g the t h r e e w a r y e a r s , c o n s t i t u t i n g virtually
a levy of $20.00 u p o n e v e r y m a n , w o m a n a n d child in
the United States.
F o r t h e four years, 1916-17-18-19, c o r p o r a t e profits,
n o t inclusive of royalties, r e n t s , excessive salaries, stock
dividends, or a n y o t h e r form of c o m p e n s a t i o n , cost each
family of five t h r o u g h o u t t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a t o t a l of
$1,500.
( T h i s is on t h e basis of 22,000,000 families.)
D u r i n g this s a m e period t h e a v e r a g e income of t h e s e
families totaled for t h e four y e a r s less t h a n $7,300, so t h a t
t h e toll exacted as profits b y c o r p o r a t i o n s c o n s u m e s m o r e
t h a n one-fifth of t h e family income. T h i s is a c o n s e r v a tive e s t i m a t e . M o r e likely t h e n u m b e r of families in t h e
c o u n t r y is u n d e r 21,000,000 a n d t h e p r o p o r t i o n of prices
t o profits t w e n t y per cent h i g h e r t h a n available figures
indicate. E x p e r t s figure t h a t one-fourth of t h e income of
each A m e r i c a n w o r k e r is t a k e n from him in the shape of
c o r p o r a t e profits.
141

Profiteering in Food.
Eating is a universal experience and all of us have
grumbled at the high prices we have had to pay for our
food. Profiteering, which has been rampant throughout
the industry is the chief cause. Sugar offers a good example of the exorbitant profits which accrued to the
speculators. How small has been labor's share of these
fabulous profits is borne out by the following facts: Sugar has advanced 14 cents a pound or 300 per cent over
pre-war prices. During the same period there was an increase in the labor cost of 2 cents, or less than 15 per
cent of the increased cost to the consumer and only 18
per cent of the advance in the wholesale price of sugar
over pre-war prices. The tribute exacted from the American people this year by the sugar profiteers will exceed
$600,000,000 at the most conservative estimate, and may
approach $1,000,000,000 if sugar goes up to 35 or 40 cents.
This means that every family in the United States this
year will pay a tax of from $30 to $50 and even
$100 over and above a legitimate profit to everybody
concerned for this one food essential. Had the producer
and the retailer been satisfied to receive as their profit
margin what labor received as its share, sugar could have
been sold at 1 1 ^ a pound instead of from 22 to 25 cents
Meat-Packing.
This industry which is virtually controlled by five big
packing houses has vast and far-reaching ramifications
throughout almost every branch of food production.
In a report made by the Federal Trade Commission,
net profits of packers after all deductions including war
taxes were made, were three times as large in 1917 as
before the war. Betwen 1912-18 the net earnings of the
packers was $266,000,000, Which constituted nearly twice
the value of their total capital stock. To cover up these
huge profits, new capital stock to the amount of $120,000,000 was issued. In these years, the increase in the profits
of the packers was from 300 to 400% and the increase in
prices from 50 to 100%. In the years 1915-17 four packers earned $140,000,000, and this in spite of the huge
advertising projects which they carried on. And what
share of this luscious harvest did labor receive? Here
is the testimony of Swift and Company, August 1919.
The labor cost up to the point of distribution to retailer,
was 69c per 100 lbs., or 5% of the total cost—a wholly
negligible quantity. If labor had reaped an increase of
even 100% the increase in the price would have been
only 5%. The advance in the retail price of meat was
over twelve times the entire labor cost in the meat-pack142

ing industry. An increase in wages of 1000% would not
account for the tremendous increase in the price of meat.
As a matter of fact, wages did not go up more than from
50 to 75%. These are the sinister facts one must keep
in mind when one wonders how meat has risen to such
prohibitive prices as to be almost a luxury.
Canned Goods.
Let us next consider the product termed "canned
goods"—one of the most extensive food commodities.
In the case of canned corn for instance, the increase in
the wholesale price between 1916-17 was $1.53 a case—
of this amount labor received 4c. Canned tomatoes increased $1.21 on the wholesale price—labor's dividend
being 5c. In the case of canned salmon, where prices
increased 62%, labor costs increased less than 1%. The
profits of the canners in 1917 was three times that of
1916. Throughout the industry the percentage of the
wholesale price which was absorbed by labor actually
decreased from, 1/8 to 1/12, while the canners' profits
equalled one-half of the total cost of production. And
while the public looked on and wondered whither prices
were going to, patriotic profiteers unblushingly reaped
enormous profits.
Clothing.
The profits in the clothing industry have been three
times as great as before the war. One-half the retail
price is absorbed by profits, while labor costs amount to
from one-fourteenth to one-twentieth of the price. Let
us consider a specific article of clothing. Take the ordinary suit of clothes, made of medium priced wool, that
sold for $25 in 1910 and now retails for $65 and we find
that profits are absorbing $27.64 of the price paid by the
consumer. The mill profit on the cloth has increased 365
per cent, the manufacturer's profit on making the suit,
255 per cent and the retailer's profit, 141 per cent. The
largest woolen manufacturing company in America increased its annual net income from an average of $1,600,000 in the pre-war years to an average of nearly $9,000,000 during 1916-17-18. The Department of Justice recently charged that this corporation's profits for the first
quarter of the present year, 1920, were within one-twentieth of its entire capital stock.
Profiteering in textiles, which, of necessity, is closely
allied with the clothing industry—reveals the prevalence
of identical conditions. In the case of two standard
cotton cloths, blue demin and gray sheeting, the labor
cost in 19,19 was about twice that in 1910, while the profits
of the manufacturer are six or seven times as great, with
143

somewhat smaller profits for the retailer. Specific figures for gray sheetings tell a significant story. In 1910
profits absorbed 25% of the price, labor receiving lH/2%,
while in 1919 profits absorbed 50% of the price, labor received 7% of the price. Had the manufacturers in 1919
been satisfied with a profit three times as great as that
in 1910, wages could have been increased 100% and the
price of raw materials reduced by 10%.
Shoes.
Here too, the unmistakable imprints of exorbitant profiteering are revealed. In 1914, the profit returns absorbed nearly one-half the price paid by the consumer,
or nearly three times the total labor costs, while in 1917,
the profit'items amounted to about three-fifths of the
total price and over five times the total labor costs. In
1914 all the labor from a hide to a finished shoe absorbed
less than one-sixth of the price paid by the consumer
while in 1917 this share of labor decreased to one-ninth.
Thus, of the $3.50 increase in the price of a pair of standard shoes labor received 15c while the profits of the
manufacturers and merchants absorbed $2.75. In the
Tanneries, labor received 6% of the price paid by the consumer, while the Tanners' profits absorbed 20%. Chairman Murdock of the Federal Trade Commission showed
that:
Shoes, retailing for nine dollars in the fall of 1919 and ten
dollars and fifty cents in the spring of 1920, cost the manufacturer respectively, four dollars and thirty-six cents and
five dollars and forty-eight cents. The leather used in making these shoes cost, respectively, two dollars and thirtythree cents and three dollars and thirty-seven cents. The
labor cost, respectively, ninety cents and one dollar and four
cents. The manufacturer's profits were eighty-nine cents on
one pair of shoes and one dollar and two cents on the other
pair. The retailer's profit was three dollars and seventy-five
cents in the one instance and four dollars in the other.

Another report of the Federal Trade Commission shows
that the entire cost of manufacturing shoes for which the
consumer pays $8.50 is only $3.46, or two-fifths of the
price. The balance goes in the shape of profits to tanner,
manufacturer and retailer. Here is a graphic table showing how meagre was the portion eaten up by labor.
1914
Profit absorbed ^ the price.
Labor absorbed 1/6 the price.
1917
Profit absorbed 3/5 of the price.
Labor absorbed 1/9 of the price.
144

Nothing can speak more clearly of the almost ridiculous disparity between labor's and capital's share of the
great increase in prices.
Fuel.
Generally speaking, the profits in the fuel industry were
two and a half times as great as in pre-war times. For
1916-18, the average profit was one-quarter of a billion
and for 1916-19 inclusive, more than one billion dollars.
During this period, these corporations earned—after every conceivable deduction had been made—enough to
replace their entire capital stock.
Coal.
Profits of 17 corporations indicate that their profits
were four times the pre-war rate, from 7^2% to 27% on
their* capital stock. One-third of the coal companies
showed net profits of over 100% ; one-half over 50% on
their capital stock. A tax on every man, woman and
child amounting to $10.00 would have to be levied to
cover the profits made in the coal industry. The increase
in the cost of coal has ben caused by the increase in the
labor cost, say the profiteers—and the credulous public
believes it. Here are undeniable figures to show how
the advance in the price of coal has been out of all proportion to the increase granted labor. It has been calculated that the increase in the retail price of bituminous
coal is four times the increase in labor costs. Taking a
definite instance, we learn that bituminous coal miners
were given a wage increase of 27 per cent, effective April
1. This amounted to 40 cents per ton. Imimediately the
price of coal at the pit-head in the Virginia field which
had been $2.35 and $2.75, jumped to $4.35 and $4.75, an
increase exactly five times the labor cost.
Similarly in the case of anthracite coal. The profits of
producers and distributors were larger than the entire
cost of production; viz.: in 1918, the consumer in New
York paid $11.32 for a ton. Of this $4.22 is consumed in
the production and loading, $2.30 in transportation, and
the balance of $4.80 eaten up in the form of profits.
While the cost of labor between 1914 and 1918 (December) increased $1.38 per ton, the advance in the wholesale
price was $4.28, or more than three times the increase
in the labor cost. This is exclusive of the profits which
are concealed through stock juggling and never appear in
reports. According to income tax returns, the profits in
this industry have more than doubled.
Oil.
Some of the earnings in this industry seem almost unbelievable. Thus the Standard Oil Comipany of Indiana
145

took from the country during the pre-war years profits
which averaged more than 1,000 per cent on the original
capital stock, which represents the whole real investment.
In those years the profits averaged over $10,000,000 per
year. The percentage, of profits to capital stock for the
years 1916-18 was more than two and a half times as
great, the earnings being approximately $26,000,000. Of
course in the published report it does not appear that
this corporation earned so enormous a per cent on its
capital stock. For in 1912 the capitalization was increased from $1,000,000 to $30,000,000 by a 2,900 per cent
stock dividend. The return on investment then, appears
to have risen from approximately 33 per cent to approximately 85 per cent. An increase in profits which is significant enough, for it means that in 1916 the corporation
took profits equal to the entire value of the capital stock
which has been increased to 30 times the value of the
original investment. In other words, 1916 was a marvellous year to the original stock holders, for they received profits in a single year equal to 30 times what they
had actually put into the business. Such facts suggest
an explanation of the present prices of fuel oil.
Iron and Steel.
The United States Steel Corporation at its organization
in 1901 was over-capitalized to the extent of over $720,000,000. During the period 1901-18, the corporation actually paid out in dividends on these fictitious securities
the enormous sum| of $693,500,000. During 1916-18, its
profits were more than four times its pre-war rate. In
1917 its net profits were 220% greater and in 1918, 111%
greater than- had been averaged for three years prior to
the war. The Bethlehem Steel Company made a profit
in three years equal to three times the entire value of its
stock in 1916. Here again labor can hardly be said to be
responsible. The following figures are eloquent proof.
Steel rails show an increase in price of $26.00, or four
times the total labor cost and eight times the increase
in the labor cost. The labor cost in operating a blast
furnace is not more than 3 % of the selling price of pig
iron. While the labor cost in making a ton of iron was
going up from about 40c to about 86c the price went up
from $15 to $30. It is found that as prices rise, they rise
at a rate four times the increase received by labor. Even
a 100% increase in the labor cost would not cause a
product to rise more than \2y2%.
Profits of over one
billion dollars were turned over to the steel corporations
during 1916-18. This constitutes a tax of $10 for every
man, woman and child in the United States. Their
146

whole-hearted patriotism did not prevent them' from accumulating profits which were 323% greater in 1917 than
they had ever been before the war.
Copper.
In 1918 the price of copper shows that 54% of the total
price was absorbed by royalties or by profits. Capital
received more than two and a half times as much per
pound as labor received. During four years profits to the
extent of half a billion dollars on a capital stock of quarter of a billion dollars were made. The return to labor
could have been doubled in 1918 and a fair profit paid
to capital without raising the price of copper. One-third
of the selling price of copper would still have gone to
capital in the form of net profits and royalties which
would mean a return of 10% upon the invested capital.
And so through every industry producing items of
general consumption—the prices of which have a considerable influence on the cost of living—this same predatory process has continued. The soap industry, rubber
goods, building materials, hardware, matches, paper, furniture, electric concerns—none have escaped the goldlust of the High priests of Industry.
Labor, in sorry contrast with this accumulation of
boundless wealth, has in spite of all its efforts, failed to
catch up with increased costs. The cry which has gone
up.against labor as the chief reason for the high cost of
living, cannot but be silenced by such striking and authentic evidence.
T H E STORY OF WOOL.
On Friday, June 18, 1920, the American public was
amazed and shocked by a statement issued by J. M.
Wilson of McKinley, Wyoming, President of the Wyoming Wool Growers' Association. This Mr. Wilson issued an appeal to the United States Government, to
Secretary of the Treasury Houston and to Governor
Harding of the Federal Reserve Board, to help the wool
growers sell a surplus stock of wool worth One Hundred
Million Dollars.
"We cannot sell this wool to the woolen clothing
manufacturers," said Mr. Wilson, "because there is a
glut. Clothing manufacturers refuse to buy wool until
the public has bought what they now have on hand!"
The public rubbed its eyes and pricked up its ears.
A wool glut of a hundred million dollars!
W e have been told for the past four years that there
is a great world wide shortage in wool; and on the basis
147

of this excuse the prices of wool clothing have shot up
as high as 422 per cent over the 1914 selling price.
How enormous the profits made by the woolen manufacturers have been is shown by the statement of the
American Woolen Company, which reported that in
spite of increasing its surplus from eight million dollars
to thirty-one million dollars, in spite of $6,000,000 dividends paid to stockholders in the last three years, in
spite of charging up against gross profits every conceivable kind of item, including dividends on preferred stock,
it now declares a dividend of $15,513,415.
And on top of this comes a report by Basil M. Manly,
who has dug out of the Treasury reports the fact that
the American Woolen Company concealed a profit of another $15,000,000 from the public.
On the showing of these facts it looks as though there
might have been "profiteering" somewhere. But the
Federal Courts say no.
Judge Julian Mack presided in the court in which an
indictment for profiteering of more than 300 per cent was
on clothing, woolen cloth is not clothing! And therefore the indictment was quashed!
And on top of this, six railroad men in California were
sentenced to prison, under this same Lever Act, for quitting work when they were not earning enough to buy
clothes for their children !
And at the same time, Justice Rodenbeck in Rochester,
New York, fines the Amalgamated -Clothing Workers
$10,000 for attempting to unionize a scab clothing firm,
now defunct, so that decent wages could be paid to those
who manufacture the clothes on which such huge profits
are paid! Honest, now, can you believe it?
Here is the situation: Surplus wool to the amount of
$100,000,000 going begging because nobody will buy it!
Clothing manufacturers running up the price of wool
clothing 500% because there is a "shortage of wool."
Indictments against these manufacturers quashed because "wool cloth is hot clothing."
Indictments against workingmen for asking more pay
resulting in conviction and fines and imprisonment.
And these same workingmen voting to keep in power
the courts and the legislatures who make such laws as
these!
It looks as though the only thing to do is for the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers to organize their own
factory, buy up this wool that is offered for sale, manufacture it in their own factory, keep all the profits themselves and sell clothing to the public for one-fifth of the
price the retail men are charging.
148

A n d if t h e y do that, u n d e r a capitalist g o v e r n m e n t , ten
to 'one t h e y w o u l d all be sent to prison for c o m b i n a t i o n
in r e s t r a i n t of t r a d e !
If w e are to get decent clothes for r e a s o n a b l e prices,
t h e r e is only one t h i n g to do—elect a Socialist g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h will not merely punish profiteering, b u t prevent profiteering, and s u p p l y all w a n t s at cost b y t h e enc o u r a g e m e n t of w o r k e r s ' co-operative factories, in w h i c h
labor is t h e only c h a r g e on t h e p r o d u c t s .
W E A L T H A N D INCOME IN T H E
UNITED STATES.
I n 1910, Prof. W . I. K i n g , a c o n s e r v a t i v e professor
of the U n i v e r s i t y -of W i s c o n s i n , e s t i m a t e d t h a t a little
over half t h e total national income w e n t into the h a n d s
of a small p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n in t h e s h a p e of rent,
interest and profits. H e gives t h e following
figures:
Percentage of total income distributed as rent, interest and
profits
,
53.1
Interest
16.8%
Rent
8.8%
Profits
27.5%
Percent going to wages and salaries
46.9
E x p r e s s e d in t e r m s of m o n e y t h a t in 1910, w o r k e r s
received in w a g e s and salaries $11,300,000,000 while
profits a n d i n t e r e s t a b s o r b e d $12,800,000,000. (1)
Since 1910, especially since 1916, t h e studies of W .
J e t t L a u c k , former s e c r e t a r y of t h e N a t i o n a l W a r L a b o r
Board, h a v e s h o w n quite -conclusivefy t h a t t h e portion
of t h e n a t i o n a l income g o i n g to profits h a s increased immensely. (2) T h e income t a x r e t u r n s also indicate t h a t
the rich are b e c o m i n g richer and t h e poor are b e c o m i n g
poorer.
N E T INCOME OF
UNITED
(In
Class
1912
Financial
.$ 482
Public Service .. 930
Industrial
1,670
Mercantile
423
Miscellaneous .. 327

ALL CORPORATIONS IN
S T A T E S , 1912-18. (1)
millions of dollars.)
1913 1914 1915 1916 1917
$ 439 $ 425 $ 430 $ 528 $ 630
1,003
850
900 1,541
1,550
2,027 1,591 2,790 5,027 6,500
473
440
572
465
720
398
405
492 1,205
1,100

THE
1918
$ 600
1,200
5,900
700
1,100

• Total
$3,832 $4,340 $3,711 $5,184 $8,766 $10,500 $9,500
T h e profits of c o r p o r a t i o n s w e r e a b o u t t h r e e t i m e s as
g r e a t in 1913 as in 1912; w a g e s , h o w e v e r , had not even
doubled.
(1) W. I. King, Distribution of Wealth and Income among the
People of the U. S., 1910, p. 158.
(2) See W. Jett Lauck, Relation between Wages and the Cost
of Living.
149

E S T I M A T E D D I V I D E N D S P A I D B Y A L L CORPORATIONS IN T H E U N I T E D STATES,
1912-18. ( 1 )
(In millions of dollars.)
Class
1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918
Financial
$ 372 $ 319 $ 335 $ 311 $ 370 $ 420 $ 400
Public Service . . . 717
693
730
665
843
840
700
Industrial
1,002 1,378 1,180 1,275 1,760 2,230 2,0OQ
Mercantile
211
243
225
269
209
400
400
Miscellaneous . . . .
196
238
197
246
602
610
600
Total

$2,498 $2,871 $2,667 $2,766 $3,784 $4,500 $4,100
PROFITS OF MEAT

PACKERS.

T h e net profits of the fivt g r e a t p a c k e r s are interesting in view of t h e a d v e r t i s i n g c a m p a i g n of t h e p a c k e r s
t h a t their profits are a l m o s t negligible. F o r t h e y e a r s
1912 to 1917, inclusive, t h e y h a v e been found, after adj u s t m e n t , t o b e a s f o l l o w s : " (2)
1912
$18,035,000
;
1913
18,581,000
1914
22,894,000
1915
37,385,000
1916
59,236,000
1917
95,639,000
Total 6 years
$251,770,000..
Net profits in three pre-war years, 1912, 1913, 1914.$59,510,000
Net profits in three war years, 1915, 1916, 1917... 192,260,000
Increase, w*ir years
,
$132,750,000
T h u s t h e net profit for t h e t h r e e w a r y e a r s w a s over
t h r e e t i m e s as g r e a t as for the t h r e e y e a r s preceding.
T h e s e figures are n o t as r e p o r t e d b y the several companies, b u t result from certain a d j u s t m e n t s by t h e Commission, w h e r e b y income a n d excess profits t a x e s , s u n d r y s u r p l u s items, and certain o t h e r u n w a r r a n t e d c h a r g e s
h a v e been eliminated. T h a t a m o r e intensive analysis
w o u l d reveal t h e necessity of m a k i n g further adjustm e n t s , is m o r e t h a n probable, and t h e s e figures are accordingly in the n a t u r e of m i n i m a . T h e y show, however, t h e effect of the w a r on t h e profits of t h e g r e a t
packers, net e a r n i n g s being at least $132,000,000 m o r e in
the t h r e e w a r y e a r s t h a n t h e y w e r e in the t h r e e p r e - w a r
y e a r s , an excess of 233 per cent. " N e t Profit'' as used
above is arrived at after d e d u c t i n g i n t e r e s t paid as an e x :
pense. If i n v e s t m e n t be defined as net w o r t h (capital
(1) From article by Prof. David Friday on "The War and the
Supply of Capital" in American Economic Review, Vol. IX,
No. 1, pp. 79-93.
(2) Report of Federal Trade Commission on Meat Packing
Industry, Part V, Profits of the Packers, p. 10.
150

stock and surplus) the following percentages have been
earned for the five companies combined:
1912

81
.

1913
1914
1915
1916
1917

7.0
8.3
12.8
18.5
26.5

Average for six years
14.5
Average three prewar years,
1912, 1913, 1914....
7.8
Average three w a r years, 1915,
1916, 1917
19.4

INCOME TAX RETURNS.
An examination of the total number of income tax returns indicates that less than 2% of the population filed
any returns in 1917, not counting those who, filed returns for less than $2,000; and less than V2 of 1 per cent
in 1914, 1915 and 1916.
Classification of Income Tax Returns.
The number of returns filed for incomes of different
amounts is as follows: (1)
Comparison of Personal Returns for 1914, 1915, 1916 and
1917, by Income Classes.
Income Classes
1914
1915
1916
1917
$

1,000 to $
2,000
2,000 to
2,500
2,500 to
3,000
3,000 to
4,000
4,000 to
5,000
5,000 to
10,000
10,000 to
15,000
15,000 to
20,000
20,000 to
25,000
25,000 to
30,000
30,000 to
40,000
40,000 to
50,000
50,000 to
100,000
100,000 to
150,000 . .
150,000 to
200,000
200,000 to
250,000
250,000 to
300,000
300,000 to
400,000
400,000 to
500,000
500,000 to 1,000,000
1,000,000 and over
Total

•
82,754
69,045
85,122
66,525
58,949
72,027
127,448 120,402 150,553
34,141
34,102
45,309
15,790
16,475
22,618
8,672
9,707
12,953
5,483
6,1%
8,055
6,008
7,005
10,068
3,185
4,100
5,611
5,161
6,847
10,452
1,189
1,793
2,900
406
724
1,284
233
386
726
130
216
427
147
254
469
69
122
245
114
209
376
60
120
206

1,640,758
480,486
358,221
374,958
185,085
270,666
65,800
29,896
16,806
10,571
12,733
7,087
12,439
3,302
1,302
703
342
380
179
315
141

357,515

3,472.8

336,652

429,401

(1) American Labor Year Book, 1919-1920, pp. 270-273.
151

Married women making returns separate from husbands
Total number of returns
filed

(1)

(1)

7,635

(1)

357,515 336,652 437,036

3,472,890

T h e n u m b e r of income t a x r e t u r n s for incomes of m o r e
t h a n $25,000 show a considerable increase while incomes
of over $100,000 s h o w increases r a n g i n g from 100 to
n e a r l y 300 per cent. A p p a r e n t l y t h e larger incomes are
the ones t h a t have s h o w n the g r e a t e s t increase d u r i n g
t h e p a s t few y e a r s .
T h e v e r y g r e a t increase in t h e n u m b e r of r e t u r n s in
1917 accounted for p a r t l y b y t h e increased w a r profits and
also b y t h e fact t h a t r e t u r n s w e r e filed for 1917 for incomes b e t w e e n $1,000 and $2,000; t h e y n u m b e r e d 1,640,758.
T h e h i g h e s t p e r c e n t a g e of r e t u r n s filed in a n y occupational g r o u p a p p e a r s in the g r o u p d e s i g n a t e d as " b r o k ers—all o t h e r , " n o t i n c l u d i n g stock and b o n d b r o k e r s .
T h e n u m b e r of p e r s o n s e n g a g e d in this occupation acc o r d i n g 1 to the census is 36,016. Of this n u m b e r 7,479,
or 20.77% filed income t a x r e t u r n s . F o l l o w i n g close
u p o n this are t h e Stock and B o n d B r o k e r s w i t h 2,839
or 20.68% filing r e t u r n s out of a t o t a l of 13,729. N e x t
come the l a w y e r s and j u d g e s w i t h 18.97% r e p r e s e n t i n g
21,273 o u t of a total of 112,149 filing r e t u r n s . T h e n c o m e
t h e following g r o u p s : "All o t h e r b u s i n e s s " : M i n e - o w n ers a n d m i n e - o p e r a t o r s ; e n g i n e e r s , civil, m i n i n g ; l u m b e r m e n , m a n u f a c t u r e r s , a r c h i t e c t s , i n s u r a n c e a g e n t s and
solicitors ; P u b l i c S e r v i c e ; M i l i t a r y ; Medical Profession,
a u t h o r s , editors, r e p o r t e r s , etc., and so on until w e come
to t h e b o t t o m of t h e list. H e r e w e find t h e t e a c h e r s —
from k i n d e r g a r t e n to U n i v e r s i t y ; also school and college officials w i t h .47% or 2,919 o u t of a total of 614,905
filing income t a x r e t u r n s . L a s t of all come t h e agricult u r i s t s - f a r m e r s , stock raisers, o r c h a r d i s t s , etc.
Here
.24% or Y\ of 1% of all t h o s e e n g a g e d in t h e o c c u p a t i o n
filed r e t u r n s .
F r o m this data it is evident t h a t t h e lowest p e r c e n t a g e
of income t a x r e t u r n s w e r e filed b y t h e g r o u p s m o s t
useful to t h e life of the c o m m u n i t y .
(1) The net incomes reported on separate returns made by husband and wife in 1916 are combined and included as one
return in the figures for the several classes. In 1914, 1915
and 1917 the returns of married women filed separately are
included in their individual income classes independent of
husbands' income.
152

E S T I M A T E D I N C O M E T A X R E T U R N S F O R 1919.
R e p r e s e n t a t i v e H e n r y T . R a i n e y , of Illinois, on A p r i l
22 and 27, declared t h a t we developed d u r i n g t h e w a r
23,000 n e w millionaires. H e did n o t give his a u t h o r i t y
for this s t a t e m e n t , or for t h e additional declaration t h a t
t h e 69,000 m e n w h o s e income in 1914 exceeded $20,000
a year, received $3,000,000,000 m o r e d u r i n g t h e w a r y e a r s
than during the three pre-war y e a r s ; but both statements
are u n d o u b t e d l y d e d u c t i o n s from t h e income t a x r e t u r n s .
Mr. R a i n e y also pointed o u t t h a t one m a n r e p o r t e d an
i n c o m e last y e a r of $34,000,000; t h a t t w o received m o r e
t h a n $16,000,000; that five had m o r e t h a n $5,000,000 e a c h ;
and t h a t 248 enjoyed a h u m b l e c o m p e t e n c e yielding at
least $1,000,000 a year.
T h e following table, based on Mr. R a i n e y ' s
figures,
w h i c h w e r e derived from a p r e l i m i n a r y compilation of
income t a x r e t u r n s , s h o w s t h e c o m p a r a t i v e n u m b e r s of
p e r s o n s receiving the incomes specified in 1914 and 1919:
1914
1919
Above $1,000,000
60
248
$500,000 to $1,000,000
114
405
400,000 to
500,000
147
180
300,000 to 400,000
147
400
250,000 to
300,000
130
350
200,000 to
250,000
233
750
150,000to 200,000 . . . . . 406
1,300
100,000 to
150,000
1,189 3,400
Above $100,000
2,426 7,033
T h e figures s h o w t h a t t h e n u m b e r of p e r s o n s in the
g r o u p s receiving h u g e incomes multiplied three-fold during t h e w a r .
Number of Milionaires. (1)
F r e q u e n t l y t h e question is a s k e d : H o w m a n y millionaires are t h e r e in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ? T h e figures for income t a x e s furnish t h e best a n s w e r .
A million dollars at 5 per cent will yield $50,000 a
y e a r ; therefore, a n y one w h o has an income of $50,000
a y e a r is, in t h a t sense, a millionaire. T h e m e t h o d is
n o t a c c u r a t e . T h e r e are people w i t h incomes of $50,000
w h o h a v e less t h a n a million in p r o p e r t y . N e v e r t h e l e s s ,
it gives an a p p r o x i m a t e idea of t h e n u m b e r of v e r y rich
people in t h e c o u n t r y .
A c c e p t i n g this definition of a millionaire—a m a n w i t h
an income of $50,000 a y e a r — t h e following table s h o w s
that there w e r e :
7,509 millionaires for 1914
10,671 millionaires for 1915
17,085 millionaires for 1916
19,103 millionaires for 1917
(1) American Labor Year Book 1919-1920, p. 273.
153

Since the y e a r 1917 t h e r e h a s b e e n a further increase
in the n u m b e r of large incomes. T h e e s t i m a t e d n u m b e r
of millionaires in 1918 is placed at 25,000.
SECTION VII.
U. S. S P E N D S C E N T O N W E L F A R E F O R D O L L A R
ON WAR.
S t a r t l i n g figures as to t h e c h a r a c t e r of g o v e r n m e n t
e x p e n d i t u r e s d u r i n g t h e c u r r e n t y e a r w e r e disclosed in a
public s t a t e m e n t m a d e by t h e N a t i o n a l W o m e n ' s T r a d e
U n i o n L e a g u e and the N a t i o n a l F e d e r a t i o n of F e d e r a l
Employes.
O n l y 1.01 per cent of t h e total of $5,686,005,705 p r o vided for in t h e supply bills for 1920 w a s s p e n t for h u m a n
welfare and d e v e l o p m e n t p u r p o s e s (educational w o r k ,
labor p r o b l e m s , a g r i c u l t u r e , w o m e n and children's welfare, public health, libraries, research, etc.) as disting u i s h e d from military and commercial p u r p o s e s . (2)
T h e m o n e y spent upon t h e special needs of w o m e n a n d
children w a s b u t 56-100,000 of t h e w h o l e a m o u n t a p p r o priated. T o the s t u d y of labor conditions in g e n e r a l is
given a b o u t t h e s a m e a m o u n t , and for g e n e r a l educational w o r k t h e s u m s p e n t is a fraction less t h a n for either
of t h e s e t w o p u r p o s e s .
M o r e t h a n 93 p'er c e n t of t h e total a p p r o p r i a t i o n w a s
a b s o r b e d b y t h e expenses of t h e r e c e n t and p r e v i o u s w a r s
and t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e W a r a n d N a v y D e p a r t m e n t s .
T h e r e m a i n i n g 5 per cent w a s s p e n t t o m a i n t a i n t h e mac h i n e r y of civil g o v e r n m e n t a n d public w o r k s such as
rivers, and h a r b o r s , and public b u i l d i n g s .
T h e s e figures have been w o r k e d o u t b y D r . E. B. R o s a ,
chief physicist of the B u r e a u of S t a n d a r d s , a m e m b e r of
t h e Scientific a n d T e c h n i c a l B r a n c h of F e d e r a l E m p l o y ees' U n i o n N o . 2, and are offered as a plea t h a t C o n g r e s s
give a fairer p r o p o r t i o n of t h e public m o n e y t o t h e develo p m e n t of t h e n a t i o n ' s h u m a n a n d educational needs.
D r . R o s a ' s analysis of t h e 1920 e x p e n d i t u r e s of t h e gove r n m e n t as given in t h e r e g u l a r s u p p l y bills a n d t h r e e
deficiency 'bills, classifies the i t e m s in t h e total in t h e
following g r o u p :
1—Expenditures arising from recent wars (including interest on public debts, pensions, care of
soldiers, and sailors, war risk insurance, etc.,
67.81%
$3,855,482,585
2—War and Navy Department (25.02%)
1,424,138,676
3—Primary governmental functions (salaries members Congress, President and White House
Staff, courts, administration of Federal departments, etc.), 3.19%
181,087,225
(1) N. Y. Call, June 8, 1920.
154

4—Public work (rivers and harbors, buildings,
post roads, reclamation, repairs, etc. (2.97%) . .
5—Research, educational and development (Bureau
of mines, fisheries, animal and plant industry,
markets, foreign and domestic commerce,
standards, labor statistics, children and women's
bureau, public health, education, vocational education, libraries, etc.), 1.01%

163,203,557

57,093,660

W h y not elect a Socialist administration which will
change the proportions, giving to education and welfare
what now goes to militarism?
LABOR IN T H E COURTS.
The same West Virginia in which eleven men were
killed in a street battle between coal operators' detectives
and coal miners has also contributed to the nation certain
legal principles which promise miuch bitterness for the
future. The same industry, in fact, which gained prominence by the shooting to death of eleven men at Matewan
on May 19 brought to light this industrial law which is
having far reaching consequences. For the skirmish in
Mingo county where now the United Mine Workers are
endeavoring to organize the coal miners is in fact but a
gruesome episode in a long struggle between the miners
and the operators. Out of an earlier campaign came the
enunciation of rules of law which finally received the
imprimatur of the Supreme Court of the United States;
The application of these rules is extending widely the
area of industrial conflict. The net result is that in some
detail the United States is reproducing the contest which
was carried on in England between 1801 and 1824.
On December 10, 1917, the United States Supreme
Court decided the so-called Hitchman case. The Hitchman Coal and Coke Company had brought suit against
the United Mine Workers of America. The coal company
had originally dealt with the union but later it decided
to deal individually with its employees. In consequence
individual contracts were made. The union attempted,
by a strike, to prevent the development of the individual
contract system because it was the antithesis of collective
bargaining. District Judge Dayton granted the Hitchman company a permanent injunction against the union.
His opinion in part was based on the theory that the
law of England, as it existed prior to 1776, forbade combinations of workmen to raise wages or in any way to
restrain trade. The English law was Virginia law after
the W a r of Revolution, he argued, and after the separation of West Virginia from Virginia the English law of
(1)

The Survey, June 12, 1920.
155

the pre revolutionary days continued to be the law of
West Virginia for the reason that the legislature had not
repealed it. Judge Dayton ruled that the United Mine
Workers constituted an illegal conspiracy both under the
common law and under the Sherman anti-trust act because the union sought to "control the freedom of its
members to work when and for whom they please" and
to "destroy the right of the employer to conduct his business as he pleases." The Court of Appeals reversed
Judge Dayton, pointing out that the ancient English law
obtained when "property rights were recognized as paramount to personal rights'' and when labor's "domination
by the landlord and capitalist was absolute in most respects. " The Supreme Court, however, sided with Judge
Dayton and reinstated the injunction.
The Hitchman case has so far attracted less attention
than it might have, possibly, because of war conditions
and of the scarcity of labor. It is now being utilized.
Its most significant application has been in the case of
the United Shoe Machinery Corporation against the International Association of Machinists. The parallel of
this controversy to the conditions in the West Virginia
coal district is close except that violence and other acts
in themselves illegal apparently did not occur. The shoe
machinery company provided individual contracts for
its employees. The machinists' union struck in protest
because individual contracts and collective bargaining
are in fact mutually exclusive. Of the issue there seemed
to be no doubt in the court's mind.
Justice Edward P. Pierce of the Supreme Court of
Massachusetts ruled that the. company, by reason of the
Hitchman decision and of other cases, had the undoubted
right to make non-membership in the union a condition
of employment "even though the exercise of such right
made the right to collective bargains with the company
valueless." Because of this Judge Pierce ruled that a
strike against the individual contract was illegal and in
consequence he enjoined the continuance of the strike.
The laws of Massachusetts, New Jersey and of West Virginia are admittedly less favorable to trade unionism than
are the laws of other states, but none the less through
the Hitchman case the way seems to have been prepared
for a totally new strategy in the industrial struggle.
What form this will take cannot be safely forecast. It
is interesting, however, to recall that the English law
which existed prior to 1776 and on which the latest
American rulings have in part been based was repealed
by Parliament in successive acts beginning in 1824. This
occurred as the result of the investigations of the par156

liamentary commission of 1824. This cormnission reported that the law rendering trade unionism a criminal
conspiracy—the common law had been strengthened by
a specific statute at the end of the eighteenth century
when England was badly alarmed over the possible contagious powers of the French Revolution—had, in fact,
stimulated industrial unrest. The struggle between employers and workers had been driven underground and
rendered highly dangerous to the safety of the state.
Parliament accordingly began then to give trade unions
legal standing. With some vacillation that process of
repealing the common law and the statutes which considered unions conspiracies has gone on to the present.
So great has been the progress that the United States
Industrial Relations Commission in 1915 could think of
nothing better than in the precedent of the British Industrial Disputes Act which more than a decade ago gave
almost complete legal sanctity to the unions.
LABOR AND T H E PRESS.
During the recent steel strike, John Fitzpatrick and
Wm. Z. Foster, the two most prominent leaders of the
strike declared that with the exception of the two Socialist dailies, the New York Call and the Milwaukee Leader,
not a single newspaper in the country told the truth about
the great steel strike. They minimized the extent and
effectiveness of the strike; they presented highly colored
stories of "violence" and helped materially in the final
defeat of the greatest strike in the steel industry.
This is just one illustration of the close alliance that
has always existed between the newspapers and magazines and the capitalist interests- of the country. The
press of the country has always been used to prevent the
worker from learning the truth about his conditions and
social and economic conditions generally. The press can
always be depended upon to give its millions of readers
wholly false and vicious information about the Socialist
and Labor movement. The villification of Russia by the
capitalist press is typical. No lie has been too foul, no
infamy has been too great to be attributed to the Russian
Workers' Republic by the "kept press."
During the war, the press outdistanced all rivals in
inciting the people to mob-violence; in urging the lynching and shooting of all who dared raise their voices
against the war or to strike for a living wage. Since the
war every effort of a labor union to better its condition
is immediately denounced as Bolshevism, or as the work
of paid agents of the Russian Reds. Upton Sinclair, the
well known writer on public affairs and other subjects,
157

recently published "The Brass Check," a book of over
400 pages proving by means of hundreds of examples the
consistent misrepresentation of the cause of the workers
in every industrial struggle. Among others, he reviews
the history of the Lawrence Strike, the Paterson and the
Cabin Creek (W. Va.) strikes; the Ludlow massacre;
the Michigan copper strike. In every instance is evidenced the faithfulness of the press to the cause of their
masters, Big Business.
What is "News"
The kind of news that the American public is allowed
to read is determined by the Associated Press. The Associated Press correspondents know what is "news" and
what is not "news." Detailed descriptions of "Red" raids
together with all the vaporings of Attorney-General Palmer about the "criminal Bolsheviks" is "news" fit for
general consumption. How innocent men are brutally
maltreated by government agents and lodged for days
in filthy, unsanitary quarters is not "news." The Report
on Illegal practices of the Department of Justice issued
by twelve nationally prominent lawyers gets scant mention. The shooting of several ex-service men at Centralia gets columns of space. The testimony of one of the
paraders that the paraders and not the I. W. W. were the
first to attack is not news.
Anything detrimental to the interests of large department stores is not news, and must not even be mentioned.
On May 10, 1920, a federal warrant was issued at Philadelphia charging Gimbel Brothers with making "unjust
and unreasonable rates and charges"—that is with profiteering. It might be thought that the issuance of a warrant charging one of the biggest stores in the city with
illegal profiteering would be news with a capital N. The
Evening Ledger at first thought so. Its "Night Financial
Extra" contained a story, but the next edition omitted
the story. Neither the "North American," the "Record,"
the "Public Ledger" or the "Inquirer" carried any news
of the' persecution. Gimbels advertises heavily in all of
them. Only the "Press" owned by Rodman Wanamaker,
a Gimbel rival, carried the story. The very same papers
however did carry news of the fact that some insignificant
firms in New York City had been charged with profiteering.

Labor Sees the Light
Fortunately, signs are not wanting that labor is beginning to awaken to the treachery of the press. In the
recent "outlaw" strike of the railroad men, the "vacationists" refused to have anything to do with the press.
158

"Skunks" was the term universally applied by the strikers
to the reporters. No reporter could come anywhere near
strike headquarters. Not a single statement was issued
to the press except for a time to the Socialist New York
Call.
It was one of the most important collective expressions
of the nation-wide discontent with the press. The workers felt that it was far better for the public to remain
in ignorance than that the press should totally misrepresent their real aims. The railroad workers set down the
press as a chief enemy to their kind. This policy did not,
of course, prevent much of the usual misrepresentation on
the part of the press.
A few months previous the employees of the Seattle
Post-Intelligencer compelled it to print in its own columns, on the first page, a notice to all its readers, that its
columns were filled with lies and falsehoods. Following
is part of the statement printed:
Day after day we have put in type, stereotyped, printed,
and mailed calumny after calumny, lie after lie, insult after
insult * * * * * We have even meekly witnessed your unfair
and reprehensible campaign of falsehood and ruin result
in the suppression of the last medium of honest expression
for our cause in Seattle, not only denying our brothers the
means of livelihood, but denying us a far greater boon—
the American right of a free fress .

Writing in the Editor and Publisher, one of those
trade journals for newspapermen which usually never
criticizes any newspaper or admit any professional shortcomings, Mr. Charles Grant Miller, lately editor of the
Cleveland Plain Dealer, has set on paper these plain
truths.
Every edition of every newspaper is tinctured with lies,
and every sensible editor knows it and at heart is sick
about it. He cannot see how he can help it.
For five years there has been a world-wide famine in
facts. Truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
about anything of grave public interest, seems to have disappeared from the face of the earth. The date line is no
longer any sign of the real source of news. Assertion is
little indication of the truth. The news of Russia, the
Balkans, the Bosphorus, and Central Europe mostly originates in London or is trimmed to London's shifting interests; tidings of conditions in England, France, and Italy
are carefully strained through the foreign loan centers of
Wall Street; and where all the rest of the worldful of interested if not interesting misinformation comes from the
Lord only knows.
"The evils of war come after the war," said Salmon P.
Chase.
"It leaves an army of cripples, an army of thieves, and an
army of prostitutes." Our army of thieves, plundering and
profiteering with devilish boldness and activity, have neglected no seductions or expense to make of our newspapers
an army of prostitutes.
159

Another significant illustration is the following statement issued by Roger W. Babson in his Statistical Service :
The war taught the employing class the secret and the
power of widespread propaganda. Imperial Europe had
been aware of this power. It was new to the United States.
Now, when we have anything to sell to the American people,
we know how to sell it. We have learned. We have the
schools. We have the pulpit. The employing class owns
the press. There is practically no important paper in the
United States but is theirs.
T H E CONTROL OF EDUCATION.
Since the dawn of organized education, teachers have
been righting to secure for themselves the privilege of
free intellectual expression. This conflict continuing
through the ages, today still taints our whole educational system.
Already before the war, the autocratic infringement
of the rights of teachers to speak their minds freely was
making itself felt. In many colleges, teachers who were
at all sympathetic with labor incurred the displeasure
of conservative administrations. They were dismissed
from college faculties and in various other ways were
discriminated against. During the war, however, the
attempts on the part of the authorities to fetter and
bind the intellectual integrity of the teaching profession
reached the high-water mark.
A noteworthy instance of the violation of academic
freedom was the case of Dr. Louis Levine, professor
of economics of the University of Montana. Dr. Levine
had been commissioned by the University to study the
taxation system of the state of Montana. In December,
1918, it was completed and characterized by Professor
E. R. A. Seligman, as an admirable and thorough bit of
work. But it showed that the Anaconda Copper Co.
was paying a smaller proportion of taxes to the state
than an v. other property in the state of Montana. The
University could not countenance such an embarassing
truth and decided not to publish the manuscript. Whereupon Dr. Levine published it privately and on February
7, 1919 was suspended for insubordination. Widespread
protest arose and at a meeting of the state board of
Education, Levine was reinstated by a vote of seven to
two.
The years between 1917 and 1919 saw many arbitrary
dismissals in many colleges of the country.
Prof. J. McKeen Cattell, professor of Psychology at
Columbia University for twenty years, was dismissed
because of his opposition to conscription—prior to the
160

passage of the Conscription Act. At about the same
time, Dr. H. W. L. Dana, professor of English in
Columbia University was dismissed on account of his
peace activities.
Attendant upon these dismissals came the resignation
of Prof. Charles A. Beard, eminent political scientist, as
a protest against the Prussian spirit which he declared
to be manifest in the University. Prof. Henry R. Mussey
resigned soon afterwards.
in the Spring of 1917, Dr. Scott Nearing, Dean of
Toledo University was dismissed because of his opposition to the war.
Dr. Carl Haessler, Instructor in Philosophy in the University of Illinois, was refused reappointment because of
his stand as a conscientious objector.
For expressing his willingness to speak at a rally of
the Socialist Party on May 1st, Dr. Russell Scott, instructor in French at Vanderbilt University, was suspended on a charge of economic radicalism.
Dr. L^ ford Edward, Department of Sociology, Rice Institute, Texas, was dismissed in May, 1919, after explaining the Soviet state to members of a Sunday school class
of men and women.
Public Schools.
Miss Alice Wood of Washington, D. C , was charged
with "discussing Bolshevism and similar heresies" in
her school-room. Her suspension caused wide-spread
indignation and led to the demand of the Washington
Committee of the National Trade Women's League for
Labor representation on the Board of Education in
Washington.
B. Hiram Mattingly, for advocating the election of
a Socialist administration and declaring the Espionage
Law to be a measure of despotism was dismissed from
the public schools of Poughkeepsie, New York.
Miss Mary McDowell, a Brooklyn public school teacher, was dismissed from the school system in 1918, because of pacifist proclivities.
In December, 1917, Samuel Schmalhausen, A. Henry
Schneer, and Thomas Mufson, teachers in the De Witt
Clinton High School, New York City, were dismissed
from the school system on the charge of conduct unbecoming a teacher. They had not been sufficiently aggressive in their loyalty, although no definite accusation
of positive disloyalty could be conjured up against them
and this constituted sufficient evidence in the minds of
the Board of Education to warrant their dismissal.
Benjamin Glassberg, New York high school teacher,
was dismissed by the Board of Education on May 29.
161

1919, c h a r g e d w i t h defending B o l s h e v i s m to his pupils
a n d u r g i n g the recognition of Soviet R u s s i a .
Of m o r e r e c e n t o c c u r r e n c e w a s t h e revocation of t h e
license of Miss Sonia G i n s b e r g , a t e a c h e r in t h e B r o o k lyn public schools in N o v e m b e r , 1919, c h a r g e d w i t h m e m b e r s h i p in the C o m m u n i s t p a r t y .
I n J u n e , 1920, D r . A r t h u r W o l f s o n , P r i n c i p a l of t h e
H i g h School of C o m m e r c e resigned his position. A n exc e r p t from his letter of r e s i g n a t i o n r e a d s :
Frankly, during the past two or three years, I have not
felt free to follow the intellectual habits of a lifetime. On
numerous occasions, I have had to act in my position as
principal in a way that did not accord with my convictions
* * * * * On several occasions I have been forced to refuse to discuss questions openly and frankly with students
and with teachers, because I could not express myself
freely for fear that my statements would not be in accord
with the doctrines which, as principal, I was supposed to
uphold.
W h a t h a s h a p p e n e d , it m i g h t be asked, to t h e v a i n g l o rious b o a s t of our Chief E x e c u t i v e ?
If there is one thing we love more than another in the
United States it is that every man should have the privilege
unmolested and uncriticized, to utter the real convictions of
his mind.
WAR CASUALTIES.
I t is difficult to p r e s e n t a c c u r a t e figures as to t h e total
casualties of t h e w a r . M a n y soldiers originally r e p o r t e d
as m i s s i n g are later found to h a v e been killed or c a p t u r e d , m a n y are w o u n d e d m o r e t h a n once, and m a n y
killed w e r e previously included in t h e w o u n d e d c o l u m n .
T h e following figures, h o w e v e r , are compiled from official r e p o r t s of m a n y of t h e belligerents, w i t h t h e figures
for t h e o t h e r belligerents o b t a i n e d b y u s i n g t h e r a t i o of
total casualties to d e a t h s o b t a i n s a m o n g these r e p o r t s :
ENTENTE ALLIES.
Wounded
3,500,000
3,000,000
2,800,000
950,000
290,000
235,000
230,000
230,000
16,000
4,000

Total
Casualties
7,500,000
5,000,000
4,200,000
2,700,000
575,000
450,000
440,000
286,000
30,000
7,000

4,183,000

Russia
France
British Empire
Italy
Serbia, Montenegro
Belgium
Rumania
United States
Greece
Portugal

Dead
1,700,000
1,366,000
800,000
462,000
125,000
102,000
100,000
49,000
7,000
2,000

11,255,000

21,188,000

(1) American Labor Year Book, 1919-1920, pp. 113-114.
162

CENTRAL POWERS.
Germany
Austria-Hungary
Turkey
Bulgaria

1,620,000'
800,000
250,000
100,000

3,700,000
2,000,000
575,000
400,000

6,000,000
4,100,000
800,000
700,000

Total

2,770,000

6,675,000

11,600,000

Grand T o t a l

7,583,000

17,930,000

32,788,000

T O T A L W A R E X P E N D I T U R E S . (1)
Great Britain
$41,887,000,000
Australia
1,461,000,000
N e w Zealand
365,000,000
Canada
1,545,000,000
South Africa
243,000,000
India
584,000,000
British E m p i r e
France
Russia
Italy
Belgium
Rumania
Serbia
United States
Entente Powers . . .
Germany
Austria-Hungary
Turkey
Bulgaria
Central P o w e r s

$ 46,085,000.000
$32,617,000,000
26,522,000,000
15,636,000,000
1,387,000,000
907,000,000
635,000,000
32,261,000,000
..
$48,616,000,000
24,858,000,000
1,802;000,000
732,000,000

$ 76.008,000,000

Total
Great Britain
France
Germany
U n i t e d States
Total

$156,050,000,000

$232,058,000,000
LOANS TO ALLIES.
$8,467,000,000
1,293,000,000
2,261,000,0009,102,000,000
$ 21,123,000,000

TOTAL NET WAR EXPENDITURES

$210,935,000,000

THE LAND PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES.
The continually increasing cost of living and the continuous increase of rents bring home the land problem.
The world war with its unparalleled destruction of labor
power and waste of food has called the attention even
of statements to the problem of farming. Under capitalism, where private land ownership is the rule, almost
all benefits from improved methods of agriculture and
from increased prices of foodstuffs accrue to the landlord. Ruined farm tenants, tramping farmhands and
(1) A m e r i c a n E c o n o m i c Review, Dec. 1919, p. 747.
163

s t a r v i n g city p r o l e t a r i a t are the inevitable corollaries of
this s y s t e m .
T h e slow p r o g r e s s of t e c h n i q u e in a g r i c u l t u r e h a s been
c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d e v e r y w h e r e b y t h e e n o r m o u s increase
of land values. W h i l e the o u t p u t of a g r i c u l t u r e p r o d u c e
g r o w s b u t slowly, the prices of foodstuffs g o u p by

leaps and bounds. The ten cent loaf of bread is already
a fact, but a twenty-thirty cent, even fifty cent "war
bread" of equally small dimensions and possibly of lesser food value, may become a reality in the near future,
if the imperialistic war continues long enough, and if
the patience of the workers endures.
T h e supply of food u n d e r capitalist f a r m i n g n e v e r
keeps pace w i t h t h e actual needs of t h e m a s s e s of t h e
people w h o get only as m u c h food as t h e y can p a y for.
E v e n d u r i n g b u m p e r crop y e a r s prices of food c o n t i n u e
to rise because private o w n e r s h i p of land and of m e a n s
of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n enable t h e capitalist class and t h e
l a n d l o r d s to h a n g t h e b r e a d b a s k e t h i g h e r every year.
W h i l e the o u t p u t of the farm crops in the U n i t e d S t a t e s
increased from 1899 to 1909 ten per cent only, their m a r ket value rose 66 per cent d u r i n g the s a m e period, and
the a v e r a g e value of farm land p e r acre increased 108
per cent from 1900 to 1910.
A t r u l y p h e n o m e n a l rise of land values has been
b r o u g h t a b o u t b y t h e p r e s e n t w a r . T h e value of each
acre of land w a s e s t i m a t e d as follows:
1912
1916
1917
Unimproved Land
$36.23 $45.55 $50.54
Improved Land
57.89
6945
74.52
Cultivated Land
58.39
62.17
T h i s m e a n s a 26 per cent increase in t h e capitalized
land r e n t (from $36.23 to $45.55) w i t h i n four y e a r s w h i c h
m e a n s r o u g h l y $700.00 additional b u r d e n on every 140
acre h o m e s t e a d .
I t m e a n s an even m o r e accelerated
increase in the prices of i m p r o v e d land. B o t h t h e s e
p h e n o m e n a are indicative of t h e s t r o n g g r i p of t h e landlord and t h e capitalist classes on t h e n a t i o n and t h e
whole w o r l d ' s food supply.
T H E M I D D L E CLASS L A N D REFORMS.
A. National: Irrigation of Arid Lands.
A m o n g t h e loudly proclaimed land reforms in this
c o u n t r y p e r h a p s the r e c l a m a t i o n of arid and of s w a m p
lands s t a n d out above all o t h e r s . I t m a y n o t be a m i s s ,
therefore, to m e n t i o n here briefly the effects of the well
k n o w n Carey L a n d Act of A u g u s t 18, 1894.
U p to J a n . 30, 1914, u n d e r t h a t act, irrigation could
be applied to 1,343,193 acres. T h e a v e r a g e actually irri164

gated in 1913 was, however, only 699,183 acres, and the
total estimated acreage included in the project of irrigation was 2,910,488 acres. The areas applied for by states
under the Carey Act up to June 30, 1914, were 7,682,445
acres of which only 3,692,230 acres had been segregated
and only 460,054 acres had been patented to private owners. This slow process of the reclamation of ariad lands
is easily explained by the simple fact that irrigation costs
from $25 to $90 per acre, the average in 1915 being
about $55.00 per acre.
On the other hand, the U. S. Census of 1910 reported
that the average value per acre for irrigated crops was
only $25.08, or less than one-half of the money outlay
needed for the irrigation of one. acre. As, on the whole,
the value per acre of crops grown without irrigation was
$17.54 the difference in favor of irrigation seemed to be
but $7.54 per acre. Potatoes, sugar beets, alfalfa and
fruit are among the leading crops of irrigated lands. The
cultivation and marketing of these crops require a great
deal of initial outlay in addition to the cost of land.
These sums cannot be expected from poor settlers.
Hence many of the irrigated lands have remained unsettled for quite a time. This has caused several irrigation works to decay.
As a rule, the farmers of the irrigated areas are small
tenants renting land from water and land companies.
The irrigation projects have been looked upon by Western politicians as a sort of pork barrel to match the much
larger Eastern pork barrel of the "Rivers and harbors"
bills. But the greatest pity is that the government irrigation projects have come to a standstill at a time when
the constantly increasing cost of living demands the extension of the area of cultivation.
In 1914 the estimated revenue from the sales of public
lands under the reclamation service was only $2,823,510,
the receipts from water rentals $2,305,302 and the balance of bond loan available for irrigation purposes was
only $19,000,000. (i)
B: State Aid to Farmers.
Realizing that it is hard for the average farmer to
invoke the aid of the national government for the furtherance of his interests, there have sprung up movement among farmers favoring state aid to them in various ways.
It has already been stated that the big trusts, notably
the railroad and banking corporations with their control
(1) Thirteenth Census of the U. S., Agriculture:
p. 857.
165

Irrigation,

over packing houses, grain elevators, docks and ships,
have gouged the farmers. The state granger's movement sprang up spontaneously as a protest against these
monopolists who had robbed the country through land
grants and other schemes.
C. Other Commonly Advocated Agricultural Reforms.
1. Rural Credits.
Rural credit schemes have been urged by reformers,
farmers and governments. The usual effect of these land
credit schemes has been to help along the stronger property owners to secure more property through a cheaper
government guaranteed credit. It is rather significant
that even the recently enacted federal land bank system
does not contemplate to loan any money to tenants, but
to landowners only. Great Britain has aided the small
Irish tenants to acquire title to the land they cultivated
as tenants through state credit. So has Egypt.
The climax of even the best land credit bank schemes
seems to be to bind the farmhand to the soil he tills, to
make him the owner of a small parcel of land and create
in him the longing for more property.
2. The Lease System.
The lease system has been condemned by many statesmen as bad. Its evil results can be easily gathered from
the simple fact that few people are willing to buy farms
which have long been in the hands 6f tenants. The
tenant tries to exact as much as possible from the soil
and to give back to it as little as possible.
But these evil effects could be easily avoided if the
leases were made sufficiently long, say to run for twentyfive years, and if the landlord is compelled to reimburse
the tenant for all improvements.
On the whole, state leases ought to be preferred to
private leases. The inefficient lessee, or the one who fails
to till his plot altogther, would immediately forfeit any
claim to the land.
It is probable that this system will have to be adopted
by Great Britain to ensure more effective production of
foodstuffs. Under this system the government can prescribe to the tenant the improvements and methods of
farming, and it can not only fix the rents justly, but it
can more easily fix and control the price of foodstuffs
produced on such lands.
3. The Single Tax.
The single taxers are attempting to improve farming
without making the land a state domain. They maintain that high taxes on land rents will force all land
160

into cultivation and fill the state's treasury. There is
some truth in their argument, but there are many fallacies in it. If taxation alone could improve farming and
force all idle lands into cultivation, then the war taxes
would have accomplished that. Yet even in France and
the United States, where land is the chief object of taxation, this has not been accomplished. France has been
compelled to adopt stringent measures to enforce the
cultivation of abandoned or idle lands. In the United
States the farmers are threatening to contract the area
of cultivation for wheat or potatoes, if the minimum price
for their crop is not fixed high enough to suit their ideas
about fair returns.
The idle lands should be forced into cultivation, but
this could be done only partially by taxation. As a state
revenue scheme the single tax must be regarded as a
failure. Land rent is not the sole source of income, and
not even the most important income in capitalist society.
Stocks, bonds and other industrial investments yield even
more to their owners than land rents and royalties.
The single taxer would exempt from taxation improvements made on the land. Now it can be easily demonstrated that the improvement is in many cases the main
thing which makes the land valuable. On arid lands the
irrigation works make the land valuable. Oil lands without pipe lines lose much of their value. In the city the
buildings are more valuable than the land they are built
upon and the income from the land—rent—certainly is
derived from the use to which the buildings are put.
It is no secret that the so-called property tax in American cities has broken down as a revenue yielding source.
The city governments are contemplating taxes on movable (stocks, bonds, savings deposits), and the federal
government has resorted to the income tax to defray its
ever growing expenditures. The unearned increment tax
has largely taken the place of new taxation schemes.
Whether such unearned increment springs from land
values or from war profits is immaterial.
4. Co-operation.
Co-operation is another favorite reform scheme.
Its main "virtue" lies in the fact that it is easy to confuse the idea of co-operation among farm owners or
tenants with co-operation among farm laborers. The
former try to buy their supplies cheaper and to market
their supplies at a higher price. Farmers' co-operatives
are still non-existent. But the ever growing scarcity
of food should counsel state and city government to
give idle land and advance the necessary funds to farm
167

laborers who could cultivate it on a co-operative basis,
electing their own managers and selling the produce direct to the city or to the state. This would be a long
step toward eliminating middlemen and bringing the
food producer together with the food consumer.
Summary of the Evil Effects of the Middle Class Land
Policy on the Working Class.
The states and the cities have imitated the bad national land policy. Title to land, and with it political
power, has passed from common ownership into private
hands in the new western states. Colorado, California,
Montana, Utah, Texas, Arizona, and the two Dakotas
are governed by land grabbers, mining and railroad companies. Not only are the lumber and mining camps and
railroad construction shacks the most unsanitary dwellings, but they are completely under the control of armed
guards of the respective companies. These companies
have assumed control even over polling booths and have
prevented workers from the exercise of their political
rights.
Artificial unemployment, migratory labor and the early
turning of able-bodied workers into tramps and paupers
are the corollaries of our land system. Agricultural labor has become casual and tramp labor. Overseers and
watchmen seem to be the only permanent residents on
the big ranches of Texas and Montana.
On the other hand, the eagerness of mining companies
to fasten their workers to the coal lands by selling them
lots for garden and home plots is no less an evil than
tramphood. The home and lot chains the worker to his
employer's business place, makes him timid and reluctant to strike, fearing to lose his savings and installments. Especially in the smaller cities where all land is
owned*by a few corporations and where jobs are scarce,
home ownership becomes a burden upon the worker.
In the larger cities home ownership by the worker is
gradually giving way to tenantry. The higher the land
value, the harder for the worker to keep up his home.
And the land values in the cities have risen enormously.
The land upon which the citv of Boston stands was valued at $366,000,000 in 1890 and at $672,000,000 in 1910,
that is, its value was doubled within 20 years. This increase in land values means the doubling of rents primarily in the working class districts where the taxation
rates are highest. With the land and house as the main
basis of our property tax, the millionaires' and the businessmen's holdings escape taxation and the workingmen's
little home must make up for the deficit created by the
wealthy tax-dodgers.
168

With the enormous growth of cities the tendency to
segregate business districts from residential sections has
become the rule everywhere. This means that the workers must live far away from their jobs. Their daily
travel has increased their workday by from two to four
hours. Parks and playgrounds have become ugly and
scarce in the large metropolitan cities.
The creation of slums in the most recently built cities
like Chicago, Duluth, etc., threatens the lives of the
workers with all sorts of diseases. It is no coincidence
that most cases of infantile paralysis in New York City
in 1916 were in the poorest and most unsanitary districts
populated by the working people.
The abolition of private ownership in land is, therefore, one of the cornerstones of the programme of the
Socialist parties.
Increase of Farm Tenancy.
The figures for the last four decades are as follows:
1880
1890.

25.5
28.4

1900
1910

35.3
37.1

While in 1880 the Census showed that only 26 per cent
of the farms were operated by tenants, the number of
tenant farms had reached 28 per cent in 1890, 35 per cent
in 1900 and 37 per cent in 1910. In the Eastern Central
Division tenant farms increased from 20 per cent of the
total in 1880 to 27 per cent in 1910; in the Western
North Central division from 20 per cent to 31 per cent,
while in the most prosperous agricultural states, Illinois
and Iowa, the tenants constituted in 1910, 41 and 39 per
cent respectively of the entire number of farm operators.
(i)
There has also been a steady decrease in the proportion of farms held free from encumbrances by owners.
In 1890, of farm homes operated by their owners, 71.8
per cent were free from mortgages. In 1900, 68.9 per
cent; in 1910, 66.4 per cent. Inasmuch as very large
numbers of these mortgages are held by the great insurance and trust companies and large money-lenders
in the city, an indirect form of concentration is here
evidenced.
Summing up the results of his studes in land tenure
in the United States, Professor C. L. Stewart finds that
the landless farmers have not shared equally with the
landed farmers in advances that have occurred in land
prices. He further points out that "the speculative element in land values has been a decided handicap to those
(1) Stewart, C. L. Land Tenure in the United States with
special reference to 111. Univ. of 111. p. 113.
169

without land, that owners hold the land at a value capitalized at a rate below that at which money may be borrowed for the purchase of land. The greater the discrepancy between the-two rates, the smaller is the portion of the market value for which a mortgage loan can
be negotiated on the purchased land. As a consequence
of these conditions, the opportunity for tenants to acquire land has been greatly reduced. Thus capitalist
prosperity inevitably breeds landlords and tenants on
one hand, and farmhands on the other.
SECTION VIII.
WOMAN SUFFRAGE
The first demand for woman's ' enfranchisement in
America was made by Margaret Brent of Maryland in
1647, who, inasmuch as representation was based upon
property, demanded a vote in the legislature as a property
holder.
The first evidence of a "suffrage movement" is found
in the history of the Continental Congress, and that body
established a precedent that was always eagerly endorsed
by major political parties—that of leaving the question of
woman's enfranchisement to the states to determine.
Following that decision, the state of New Jersey conferred the ballot upon women, with property restrictions,
but not liking their way of voting, the Legislature passed
an unconstitutional measure in 1807 taking the ballot
away from them.
In the year 1848, the American Suffrage movement was
formally inaugurated by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Martha
C. Wright, Lucretia Mott and other progressive women.
In that year they succeeded in their struggle to amend
the common law so as to permit married women to hold
property. Eight years before, women delegates were
refused recognition at the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in London, and at that time Mrs. Stanton formed the
determination to devote her life to the suffrage cause.
She was instrumental in calling the first suffrage convention in 1848. In 1869 the National Woman Suffrage Association and the American Woman Suffrage Association
were formed. Inseparably linked with these organizations are the names of Julia Ward Howe, Henry Ward
Beecher, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
Lucy Stone and many other historic names. In 1890 the
two organizations united, as the National American
Woman Suffrage Association and Mrs. Stanton was elected president.
Following the first suffrage convention, seventy-one
years of bitter struggle followed before the adoption of
170

the Susan B. Anthony Amendment to the Constitution of
the United States by Congress in June, 1919, conferring
the ballot upon women upon equal terms with men.
During the first fifty years of the suffrage movement,
the Prohibition party was the only political organization
that recognized the justice of woman's enfranchisement.
In 1901, the Socialist party was organized, and in its first
platform is found a declaration in favor of equal civil and
political rights for men and women. In every subsequent
platform adopted by the Socialist party will be found the
same declaration. It is the only political party ever represented at Suffrage conventions by fraternal delegates.
On January 16, 1912, Congressman Victor L. Berger introduced a joint resolution in the House of Representatives, proposing a suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the United States.
A congressional hearing on the proposed Susan B.
Anthony Amendment was had on March 13, 1912, and
upon invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Miss Caroline A. Lowe, Secretary of
the Woman's National Committee of the Socialist Party,
appeared as one of the speakers at the hearing.
In the same year, the Socialist party circulated and
presented through Congressman Berger a monster petition for equal suffrage.
In June, 1916, the National Woman's Party was formed.
It had a one-plank platform—"to use its united vote to
secure the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment,
irrespective of the interests of any national political party ; and pledges its unceasing opposition to all who oppose
this amendment."
In furtherance of its program, the Woman's Party advocated the cause of complete enfranchisement before the
Republican and Democratic conventions of that year. The
result was that both conventions took refuge in the old
decision of the Continental Congress, and, while "favoring" the extension of suffrage to women, recognized "the
right of each state to settle this question for itself."
In considering this "endorsement" of woman suffrage,
it is significant to note that state after state was entering
the suffrage column, and that ultimate victory for the
cause was conceded. By 1913, complete enfranchisement
had been won, first of all by Wyoming in 1869, and in succeeding campaigns by Colorado, Idaho, Utah, California,
Washington, Arizona, Kansas and Oregon, and limited
suffrage by Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky,
Louisiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas, Vermont and Wisconsin.
During the next year, 1914, full enfranchisement carried
171

in Montana and Nevada, and restricted suffrage in Florida, Michigan, Mississippi, New Mexico and Ohio.
In 1917, members of the National Woman's Party
picketed the White House as a protest against President
Wilson's opposition to national legislation for suffrage.
They conducted a vigorous campaign that year which
resulted in full enfranchisement in New York and limited
suffrage in Arkansas.
On January 10, 1918, a bill was introduced in the House
proposing the Susan B. Anthony Amendment to the Constitution. It was adopted with 102 Democrats and 33
Republicans voting against the measure. On October 1
following, the bill was defeated in the Senate. Upon motion to reconsider on the next legislative day, fourteen
Senators from the Solid South voted no, but the motion
was adopted and the amendment remained on the calendar.
The Nineteenth Amendment was again introduced in
the House on the first day of the special session of the
Sixty-sixth Congress and wras adopted two days later,
May 21, 1919. Despite efforts to obtain delay, especially
from the Southern Democrats, the amendment was
passed in the Senate on June 4th following.
During the national conventions of the Democratic and
the Republican parties, determined efforts were made by
the Woman's Partv to insure ratification before the November election. The Republican convention was picketed, but no resulting action was taken. At the Democratic
convention a resolution was adopted calling upon "Democratic Governors and legislatures of such states as have
not yet ratified to unite in an effort to complete the process?' However, every southern state east of the Mississippi, with the exception of Tennessee, was represented by a negative Democratic vote—most of them
by two—when the Suffrage Amendment was voted upon
and adopted by the Senate. Efforts to bring Democratic Louisiana into line since the convention and thus
give the Democratic party the "credit of enfranchising
woman" met stubborn refusal.
Seeking the same "credit," Republican leaders called
upon the Governor of Republican Vermont to call a special session of the legislature, but this the Governor refused to do.
The Governor of Tennessee called a special session of
the legislature and on August 17th the Suffrage amendment was finally ratified by that state. On August
27th, Secretary of State Colby formally certified the
Nineteenth Amendment as an integral portion of the
Constitution.
172

By contrast with this eleventh hour conversion, in
every campaign of the Socialist party the enfranchisement of women has been a fundamental issue. It has
unwaveringly supported the cause of suffrage, even
though it was clearly understood that in some circumstances the granting of the franchise to women might
result in a temporary loss for the Socialist party owing
to prejudiced misrepresentation of the Socialist program. Equal suffrage has been advocated continuously through the press, through special literature and
from the platform. Foremost women Socialists have
taken an important part in the struggle. In the state of
Washington, the first woman candidate for Governor,
Anna Agnes Maley, polled 40,000 votes in 1912 on the
Socialist party ticket. In New York City the Socialists
waged an aggressive fight for suffrage throughout the
campaign which resulted in full enfranchisement of the
women of New York, November 7, 1917, and to the Socialist party largely belongs the credit for that victory.
SECTION IX.
GREETINGS FROM EUROPE
The nomination of Eugene V. Debs for the presidency by the Socialist Party evoked a great deal of interest among the Socialist and Labor elements throughout the world. The editors of this volume received several communications from Socialist and Labor leaders
which are reproduced below.
FROM ROMAIN ROLLAND.
Romain Rolland, the noted French novelist and author of Jean
Christophe, has-been associated with a number of Socialist journals. He has been a staunch defender of Revolutionary Russia
and has combatted chauvinism among the intellectuals of the
warring countries.
^
. T
„ ^ ^

Pans, June, 1920.
"Accept my best wishes for the success of the candidacy of Eugene V. Debs. In this time of mental and
moral collapse, the lofty and pure character of Debs,
the altruism of his life, the firmness with which he has
fought in the struggle against reaction, has won for
him the sympathy and admiration of the free spirits of
the world.
"Debs behind prison bars is stronger and greater than
his persecutors. Thev have but succeeded in making him
the invincible symbol of the downtrodden masses."
FROM HENRI BARBUSSE.
Henri Barbusse, famous as the author of "Under Fire" which
so vividly pictured the horrors and the brutality of the Great
War, is now active in the movement to make future wars impossible; he is an ardent international Socialist, and contributor to
L'Humanite and Le Populaire, the two great French Socialist
dailies.
173

Antibes, June, 1920.
''Our comrades of 'Le Populaire/ 'L'Humanite' and
other journals, have already appreciated, as it deserves
to be, the noble and inspiring attitude of the great American apostle of Socialism, and have decided to launch
a great movement in our country to arouse public opinion to the shame and injustice which has been meted out
to Debs.
"I am happy to have this occasion to give expression
to the feelings of my comrades of 'Clarte' and 'Anciens
Combattants' (War Veterans), as well as my own. W e
have always admired the integrity of conscience and the
uncompromising honesty of Debs. To us, he typifies
one of the most venerable spokesmen of a philosophy
which is wisdom and good-sense incarnate and which
cannot be combatted by its enemies except it be with
arbitrary violence and injustice. The fate suffered by
Debs is not only proof of the character of the cause he
is fighting for; it is for all of us the symbol of the
merciless audacity and viciousness of those classes and
powers who hope to maintain by force the unjust privileges of the past.
"We who see clearly and justly and who can fathom
the intrigues by means of which the reactionary profiteers hope to eternally preserve their existence, are not
yet the majority on earth. But our strength will grow
with the future, because it is supported by the mighty
power of righteousness and by the altruism of our aims,
wThich has in mind only the general good, as well as by
the glorious examples given to us by those who must
inevitably in this era of transition be the apostles and
the victims."
FROM GEORGE LANSBURY.
George Lansbury, former labor member of the British Parliament, is at present editor of the London Daily Herald, one of
the greatest and most militant of labor dailies in the world. Mr.
Lansbury recently returned from Soviet Russia, confident of the
ultimate success of the proletarian revolution.

London, June, 1920.
"I am very glad indeed to send you a word of cheer
to my comrades in America. W e watch your struggle
with the greatest interest; we know that you are fighting
against tremendous odds; that all the forces of capitalism
and vested interests are lined up against you; and that
because Socialism is spreading throughout the world we
are each day getting more and more to grips with this
question.
"Those who have held land out of use and. built up
huge fortunes by so doing are eager to retain the right
to expropriate the people from the soil; those who have
174

enriched themselves by the building up of great monopolies arising out of the great parent monopoly of landowning are also eager to defend their right to exploit
their fellow men and women. But the educated forces
of the workers are also gathering together. In this country we are more solid than ever before. In spite of
paper differences there is an underlying bond of union
which keeps us together with our faces towards the light.
We think of Eugene Debs and Larkin and Haywood and
the thousands of others whom the capitalist government
is flinging into prison: We think of them as our comrades, bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh, and we are
confident that out of their suffering, out of their trials
there will grow a stronger and stronger movement, and
that the workers of America will see that the sufferings
of these are not made in vain.
"The future fight throughout the world is not a racial
one but a class one; is not for the supremacy of this
country, of America, or of any other country, but of
humanity. When we talk of the clas,s struggle we
mean that struggle which is going to abolish class.
When we work for the triumph of £he workers we are
working for the triumph of all those who do useful
work, either with their brains or with their hands. And
it is in that spirit, comrades, that I send you a message
of faith and hope and of good cheer from myself and all
my colleagues on the staff of the Daily Herald."
FROM PHILIP SNOWDEN.
Philip Snowden, formerly labor member of Parliament, is
Treasurer of the English Independent Labor Party and prominent for his opposition to the war.

London, June, 1920.
"To the Socialists of the United States:—
"Greetings. The Independent Labour Party of Great
Britain sends greetings to their Socialist comrades of
America, and best wishes for the campaign upon which
they are about to enter for the election of Comrade
Eugene V. Debs to the American Presidency.
"We have watched with sympathy and interest the
struggles of American Socialists gainst the political and
industrial tyranny of American capitalism. The outrage
which has been committed by American law upon Comrade Debs has excited the indignation, not only of British Socialists, but also of all supporters of liberty in this
country. We believe that the fact that Comrade Debs
will be prevented through his imprisonment from taking an active part in the campaign, will encourage the
American Socialists to fight with greater energy and
determination to secure his election. By methods of
persecution of Socialists for the expression of opinion the
175

Government of America is making itself contemptible to
liberty-loving people in all lands, and is making the
boasted freedom of America a matter of reproach and
ridicule.
"The Presidential campaign will give workers of the
United States an opportunity for showing their solidarity
with the workers of Europe who are now organized in
their tens of millions for the overthrow of capitalism by
the conquest and use of political power.
"With every good wish for the success of Comrade
Debs as Presidential candidate, and for the triumph of
International Socialism, I remain,
Yours fraternally, P H I L I P S N O W D E N . "
FROM J. RAMSAY MACDONALD.
J. Ramsay MacDonald was formerly labor member of Parliament, and for many years treasurer of the British Labor Party.
He is, together with Philip Snowden, the acknowledged leader
of the Independent Labor Party.

"I am glad to hear that American Socialists are nominating Eugene Debs for the Presidency, and I hope that
the wage earners and large sections of the professional
classes who take intelligent views of political and social
problems will rally \o his support. I doubt if any country in the world is more in need of salvation from evil
influences within it than America at present, and no
one can save America except its own masses awakened
to the dangers of a ruling plutocracy. Here, we are simply amazed at what is going on in your midst. This old
country, supposed to be so conservative, with all its
faults, is showing a freer mind and a greater hospitality
to reason than is 'the great Republic of the West.' I
do not believe that it is the real America that has been
speaking. The best of peoples fall under bad guidance
and evil passions and become blind occasionally. Let
the true America, the America of the common man on
the pilgrimage towards liberty, the America of the Mayflower and the free conscience—let that America speak
this fall, and receive the homage of the whole world. If
America is not to fall behind in the pursuit of Liberty,
the American people should vote Socialist."
FROM TOM MANN.
Tom Mann, for many years well-known leader of British Socialism has recently been elected secretary of the Amalgamated
Society of Engineers. He has led a number of great strikes
which have made labor history in England.

"Allow me to send the love of a comrade to Eugene
Debs, in sincere admiration of his glorious stand for Socialism, for his example to us all in singleness of purpose and whole-souled devotion to the cause of the people ; in prison and out I know he is a law unto himself
in the noblest sense."
176

FROM JOHN MACLEAN.
John MacLean is a member of the British Socialist Party and
leader of the Labor movement in Scotland. After the establishment of the Russian Soviet Government, MacLean was appointed
by the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs Russian Counsul-General for Scotland. MacLean's activity in behalf of Soviet Russia
caused his second imprisonment. He was released upon nomination by the Labor Party for member of Parliament from one of
the Glasgow districts against the Coalition-Labor- candidate,
George Nichols Barnes, who refused to obey the orders of the
Labor Party to withdraw from the Cabinet and was expelled
from the Labor Party.

June, 1920, Glasgow, Scotland.
A P P E A L TO T H E WORKERS OF AMERICA.
The British Government in 1916 sent me to prison for
three years for opposing the prosecution of the war but
I had to be released owing to the pressure of the workers aroused by the first Russian Revolution.
My support of the second Russian Revolution sent
me again to prison with a five-year sentence in 1918, but
the close of the war together with the approach of the
December General Election again aroused the workers
who threatened to wreck political meetings if I were
not released to fight G. V. Barnes for one of the Glasgow
constituencies. The Government had again to let me
out.
Ever since my release, at the vast meetings Uhave
addressed throughout Britain I have got my audiences
to demand from the Government of the United States the
release of the world workers' greatest orator and champion, Eugene V. Debs, whose ten-year sentence for firm
adherence to his Socialist principles is a black burning
disgrace to the boasted freedom supposed to exist in
America. My audiences, always without dissent, agreed
to the resolution when they were told by me that their
support implied the solidarity of Labor on both sides of
the Atlantic.
I have written a pamphlet which is having a wide
circulation, entitled, "The Coming W a r With America,"
a war which I insist will come in five or six years' time,
if the capitalists are left in power in the United States
and in Britain. To save the world, Labor must seize
power in both countries. Let you workers of America
give us a lead in this direction by forcing the release of
Debs and all other Labor champions at present rotting
in your gaols and by making the Grand Old Man of
American Socialism, President of the mightiest and
wealthiest country in the world.
All hail the coming of human solidarity on the basis
of the ownership of the earth by the workers who crowd
its surface!
177

INDEX
A
Abrams, Jacob, in prison, 103.
Adler, Simon L . ; majority leader of
New York Assembly, 117 ; resolution
by, 117.
Administration, Democratic, Russian
policy, concurred in by Republicans,
92.
Agriculture, problem of, 163.
Aid to farmers, state, 165.
Albany ouster, Socialist party resolution condemning, 4 1 ; 49 ; story of,
117.
Allen, Governor H. J., industrial court,
106.
Aliens, Federal action against, 106.
"All power to the Soviets," 86.
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, fined
in Rochester, 148.
" A m e r i c a n Constitutional Party",
Hearst organization, in "third" party move, 73.
American Federation of Labor, political policy of, 73; denounced by
Socialist party, 7 5 ; discussion of,
76 ; favors collectivism and political
action, 77 ; policy reversed, 78 ; begging policy, 78; becomes adjunct to
Democratic party, 79.
American Railway Union, (the A. R.
U.), organized by E. V. Debs, 10;
A. R. U. strike, 10; 16 ; becomes the
S. D. A., 11.
Anarchists deported on Buford, 111.
Anderson, Judge George W., throws
out Communist cases, 112 ; on Communist party, 113 ; 114.
Annexations, territorial, demanded by
Russia, 85.
Anthony, Susan B., amendment to
constitution, 170; 171.
Anti-Anarchy laws, 106; 126.
Anti-Bolshevik conspiracies, 88.
Anti-Labor legislation, 124.
Anti-Picketing laws, 127.
Anti-Sabotage laws, 126.
Anti-Strike laws, 127.
Anti-Syndicalist legislation, Socialist
party resolution condemning, 4 1 ;
passage of advocated, 106; in
twenty-nine states, 106.
Appeal to Reason, early Socialist paper, 43.
Arbeiter Zeitung, (Chicago) Socialist
weekly, 51.
Arbeiter Zeitung, (St. Louis) Socialist
weekly, 51.
Arrests, illegal, by Department of Justice, 108; 109.
Assemblymen, Socialist expelled, 117.
Atlanta, Ga., Debs at, 103.
B
Bakhmetev, Boris, Russian "Ambassador" to the United States, 86.
Bakhmetev, Georges, Czarist Ambassador to the United States, 86.
Baldwin, Roger N., contributor, 3.

Banks, socialization demanded, 30; by
Labor party, 72.
Barbusse, Henri, greetings from, 173.
Beard, Professor Charles A., resigns
from Columbia University, 160.
Bela Kun government, overthrown by
Entene, 39.
Benson, Allan L., candidate for president, 1916, 46.
Bentall, J. O., defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18.
Berenberg, David P., contributor, 3.
Berger, Victor L., converts Debs to
Socialism, 10; defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18; Nonpartisan League
Congressmen vote for expulsion of,
83 ; organized S. D. P., 43 ; elected
first Socialist Congressman, 4 5 ;
activities in Congress, 46; Editor
Milwaukee Leader, 50; prosecution
of, trial, conviction, 102 ; election of,
117; expelled from Congress, 118;
introduces suffrage resolution, 170.
Bigelow, Rev. H. S., mobbed, 105.
Bisbee, Ariz., deportations, 105.
Blockade, Russian, 89.
Blockade, Russian, lifting of demanded, by Farmer-Labor party, 73.
Bolshevik government, the Russian 85
et seq.; Lloyd George on, 63 ; press
lying about, 157.
Bowman, N. Dak., Kate O'Hare speaks
at, 103.
Branstetter, Otto, secretary, Socialist
party, 40.
"Brass Check," the, 157.
Buana-Varilla, 96.
Buck, Robert, editor Labor party paper, 69.
Buford, "Soviet Ark," 111.
Burleson, Albert Sidney, Postmaster
General, "efficiency" of praised by
Democratic platform, 61.
Butte, Mont., mob attacks I. W. W.,
123.
C
Cabinet, responsible to Congress, advocated, 31.
Cahan, Abraham, editor Jewish daily
Forward, 51.
Call, the New York Socialist daily, 50.
Canned goods, profiteering in, 143.
Casualties, war, 161.
Cattell, Prof. J. McKeen, dismissed by
Columbia University, 160.
Censorship by post office, denounced,
28 ; employed against radicals, 104.
Chapin, Dr., on standard of living,
130.
Child labor, abolition of demanded, 30;
Republican straddle on, 63.
Centralia, Washington, shooting, 115.
Christensen, N. Juel, case of, 116.
Christensen, Parley Parker, FarmerLabor party candidate for President, 73 ; favors La Follette, 74.
Citizen, the, (Schenectady), Socialist
weekly, 51.

178

City ordinances, against civil rights,
107.
Civil liberties, 100.
Civil liberties union, 123.
Claessens, Assemblyman August, ousted, 117.
Clark, Evans, contributor, 3 ; facts
and fabrications about Soviet Russia, 94.
Cleveland, Ohio, Socialist officials expelled, 119.
Clothing, profiteering in, 143.
Coal, profiteering in, 144.
Collectivism, favored by A. F. of L.,
77.
Columbia University, professors dismissed, 160.
Coming Nation, early Socialist paper,
43.
Committee of the whole, Congressional
subterfuge, 53.
Communist party, organized, 1919, 48;
Judge Anderson on, 114.
Communist party of JRussia (Bolsheviki), 84.
Communist Labor party, organized,
1919, 48; Louis F. Post on, 113;
Chicago trial, 116.
Company controlled districts- of the
United States, 122.
Compulsory work laws, 125.
Congress of Soviets, all Russian, the
national legislature, 87.
Congress and the workers, 52; controlled by inside clique, 52; 53;
servant of capitalism, 55 ; backs up
Palmer, 55.
Congressional petty graft, 53.
Congressional record, speeches made
for, 53.
Constitution, U. S., amendment of,
advocated, 3 1 ; by Labor party, 72.
Control of education, capitalist, 159.
Conscientious objectors, 115.
Conscription of labor, 125.
Constabulary, Pennsylvania, s t a t e
violence by, 122.
Coolidge, Calvin, "Gold Dust Twin",
65.
Cooperation, 167.
Copper, profiteering in, 146.
Corporations, profits of, 140; income
of, 149; dividends of, 149.
Cost of government, up to and during
the war, 56.
Cost of living, reduction demanded, by
Labor party, 72 ; high cost of, 139 ;
of food, 163.
Courts, labor in, 154.
Cox, James M., nomination approved
by Wall Street organs, 59; Democratic candidate, 65 ; 66 ; approves
Wilson policies, 66.
Credits, rural, 165.
Criminal syndicalism laws, 126.
Crops, value of, 164.
Czarism, Russian, 84.
D
Dana, Prof. H. W. L., dismissed by
Columbia University, 160.
Dayton, Judge, ruling of, 155.
DeLeon, Daniel, leader of the Socialist Labor party, 43.
DeLeon, Solon, contributor, 3.
DeWitt Clinton High School, teachers
dismissed, 161.
D e W i t t , Assemblyman Samuel A.,
ousted, 117.
Debs, Eugene Victor, Socialist candidate for president; picture inside

front cover; biography, 7 ; Canton,
Ohio, speech, 7 ; entered prison, 8 ;
nominated for president, 8 ; notified
at Atlanta, 8; born, November 5th,
1855, 8; works in R. R. shops, 8;
clerk in wholesale house, 9; active
in labor movement, 9 ; early political activity, 9; organizes A. R. U.
10; wins Great Northern strike, 10 ;
A. R. U. strike, 10; goes to jail, 10;
becomes a Socialist, 10; organizes
Social Democratic party, 1 1 ; later
political activity, 1 1 ; in jail for his
principles, 1 1 ; "This is Our Year",
12 ; organizes S. D. A., 43 ; S. D. P.,
43; candidate for president, 1900,
44 ; in 1904, 44 ; in 1908, 44 ; in 1912,
46 ; as Socialist candidate, 74; prosecution of, trial, conviction, 102;
at Moundsville, at Atlanta, 103.
Debs, Jean Daniel, father of E. V., 8.
Debs, Marguerite Marie Mettrich,
mother of E. V., 8.
Debts, war, immediate payment demanded, 32.
Debts, Russian, payment of guaranteed by Soviets, 91.
Decision, Supreme Court, in Hitchman
case, 155.
Declaration of principles, Socialist
1920, 32.
Deficit, in running government, 56.
Denikin, General, in anti-soviet drive,
88.
Deportation, denounced, 3 1 ; by Palmer's agents, 110.
Detective agencies, abolition demanded, 30.
Dividends, of all corporations, 149.
E
Eastman, Max, defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18.
Education, Capitalist control of, 159.
Edward, Dr. Lyford, dismissed from
position, 160.
Eight hour law, suspended, 124.
Engdahl, J. Louis, defended by Seymour Stedman, 18 ; prosecution of,
trial, conviction, 102.
Ervin, Charles W., editor, New York
Call, 50.
Esch-Cummins law, anti-strike legislation, 57; approved by Democratic
platform, 62 ; approved by Republicans, 63 ; provisions of, 128.
Espionage law, denounced in Stedman
letter of acceptance, 2 1 ; 28 ; repeal
demanded, 30; Labor party on, 72 ;
passed, 100; 101; prisoners under,
114; 115.
Examiner, the Bridgeport, Socialist
weekly, 51.
F
"Facts and fabrications about Soviet
Russia," 94.
Farm labor, hired, wages in, 133.
Farm problem, 163.
Farmer-Labor party, 7 1 ; organized,
73 ; platform, as compared to Socialist party, 74.
Farmers, organized in Nonpartisan
League, 80.
Federal action, against strikers, 106.
Federal prisoners, under war legislation, 114; 115.
Feigenbaum, William M. contributor,
3 ; edition of party's publications,
51.
Firemen, Brotherhood of Locomotive,
organized by E. V. Debs, 9.

179

Fitzpatrick, John, Labor party candidate for Mayor, Chicago, 69 ; 70.
Flowers, Sydney R., case of, 116.
Food, profiteering in, 141.
Forty-Eight, committee of, attempts to
organize "third" party, 73.
Forward, Jewish daily, Socialist newspaper, 51.
Forward, Chicago d a i l y , Socialist
newspaper, 51.
Foster, W. Z., quoted, on poisoned
"news", 156.
Freedom of speech demanded, 30; Republicans profess to believe in, 63.
Freedom of speech, restriction of, 100.
Fuel, profiteering in, 144.
G
Gannet, Lewis, contributor, 3.
Germer, Adolph, defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18; prosecution of, trial,
conviction, 102.
Ginsberg, Sonia, dismissed from position, 161.
Gitlow Benjamin, case of, 115.
Glassberg, Benjamin, contributor, 3 ;
dismissed from position, 161.
Gompers, Samuel, condemns Labor
party, 69; political policy of, 76;
demands repeal of "plank 10", 77 ;
78 ; favors begging policy, 78 ; policy
flat failure, 78; admits failure of,
80.
Government ownership of railroads,
Socialist party resolution on, 42.
"Great Madness," by Scott Nearing,
104.
H

Imperialism, 95, et seq.
Income, and wealth, in the United
States, 148 ; of all corporations.
Income tax returns, 150 ; 151 ; 152.
Industrial court, Kansas, 106; provisions of, 128.
Industrial Unionism, advocated in
Declaration of Principles, 35.
Industrial workers of the world, (I.
W. W.) violence against, 101; persecuted by department of justice,
111; persecution of, 120; halls closed, 121.
Injunction, used against E. V. Debs in
A. R. U. strike, 10; abrogation of
use in labor disputes, demanded, 31.
Insurance, socialization demanded, 30.
Intercollegiate Socialist society, Socialist party resolution on, 4 1 ;
International parliament advocated,
31.
Intervention, America in Russia, 89 ;
no protests against in Congress, 92.
Ireland, Socialist party resolution on,
40 ; Farmer-Labor party on, 73.
Iron and steel, profiteering in, 146.
Irrigated areas, 164.
J
Jenkins, Consul, "kidnapped," 98.
Judiciary, federal, popular election
and recall of advocated, 31.
Justice, -rflepartment of, demands sedition law, 108; illegal practices of,
108; employs agents, provocateurs,
108; propaganda by, 108; 109 ; illegal arrests, 109.

Haessler, Dr. Carl, dismissed from his
position, 160.
Haines, Lynn, article in Searchlight,
quoted, 55 ; 56.
Haiti, 97.
Hanford, Ben, running mate of Debs,
1904, 1908, 44.
Harding, Warren Gamaliel, nomination a p p r o v e d by Wall Street
organs, 59; "Gold Dust Twin," 64;
65.
Harriman, Job, candidate for vice
president, 1900, 44.
Hart, Albert Bushnell, on Dominican
policy, 97.
Hayes, Max S., Farmer-Labor party
candidate for vice president, 73.
High cost of living, Republican platform plank, 63 ; cause of, 139.
Hillquit, Morris, contributor, 3 ; associated with Seymour Stedman in Albany "trial," 18; address, "The
Socialist party and the 1920 elections," 2 3 ; polls record vote for
Mayor of New York, 1917, 46;
chairman at St. Louis convention,
47.
Hitchman case, The, 154 ; 155.
Homestead strike, referred to, 77.
Horthy, Regent, crimes of, 39 ; 40.
Hughes, Charles E., in woolen trust
case, 147.
Hungary, Socialist party resolution
on, 39.
I
Illegal practices, department of justice, 108.
Imperialism, denounced by Democratic platform, 1900, 59; by Labor
party platform, 72.

K
Kansas, industrial court law, 106;
provisions of, 128.
Katterfeld, L. E., case of, 116.
Kentucky, anti-radical legislation of,
126; 127.
Kerensky, Alexander F., government
of, 84 ; 86 ; government falls, 86.
King, W. I., quoted, 148.
Kirkpatrick, George R., candidate for
vice president, 1916, 46.
Kolchak, Admiral, in Siberia, 88.
Kruse, William F., defended by Seymour Stedman, 18; prosecution of,
trial, conviction, 102.
L
La Follette, Senator Robert M., as
presidential possibility of "third"
party, 7 3 ; favored by P. P. Christensen, 74.
Labor, d e p a r t m e n t of, activities
against radicals, 111.
Labor, the St. Louis, Socialist weekly,
51.
Labor, conscription of, 125.
Labor legislation, suspended, 124.
Labor, share of, in increased prices,
140, et seq.
Labor, in the courts, 154.
Labor lyceums, in various cities, 52.
Labor party, the, 67; Socialist attitude, 67; party organized in Chicago, 1919, 69; vote, 69; 70; 7 1 ;
platform, 72; Socialist resolution,
on, 75.
Land problem, 163.
Landis, Kenesaw Mountain, sentences
Socialists, 102.
Lansbury, George, greetings from, 174.
Larkin, James, case of, 115.

180

Latin America, 95.
Lauck, W. Jett, on wages, 130; on
labor profiteering, 139 ; 140.
Leader, Oklahoma, 50.
Leader, Milwaukee, 50.
League of nations, denounced in Stedman letter of acceptance, 2 1 ; vicious anti-labor provisions, 2 1 ; dissolution of demanded, 3 1 ; "Capitalist
Black Internationale," 48; Democrats support, 61 ; Republican stand
on, 64 ; Labor party plank, 72 ; 73.
Lease system, 168.
"Left Wing" movement, d e v e l o p s
within party, 48.
Legislation, anti-labor, 124.
Lenin, Nicholai, government of, 84.
Lever act, the, used to break strikes,
57.
Levine, Dr. Louis, disciplined by Montana University, 160.
Liberty bond campaigns, violence in,
105.
Lippman, Walter, 95.
Little, Frank, lynched, 105.
Lloyd George, Premier, on Russia, 93.
Lloyd, Henry Demarest, early radical,
welcomes E. V. Debs, 10.
Lloyd, William Bross, case of, 116.
Loans, American, % to Russia, 86.
Loans, war, to Allies, 163.
Longuet, Jean, passports denied to,
42.
Lore, Ludwig, case of, 116.
Ludlow massacre, (1914) under union
card state government, 79.
Lusk committee, the, appointed, 104;
assault upon Rand school, 104; 116 ;
Lusk-Fearon bills, 116.
Lvov, Prince George, government of,
84 ; 86.
M
McAvoy, Justice, dismisses Rand school
case, 104.
MacDonald, J. Ramsay, g r e e t i n g ^
from, 176.
Mc Dowell, Mary, dismissed from position, 161.
Mac Lean, John, greetings from, 177.
McNamara incident, referred to, 67.
Mack, Judge Julian, in woolen trust
case, 147.
"Majority" r e p o r t , declaration of
principles, adopted by membership,
49.
Maley, Anna Agnes, Socialist candidate for governor, 172.
Manly, Basil M., on wages, 130; on
woolen profits, 147.
Manufacturing, wages in, 132.
Martens, Ludwig A., Russian representative in America, 90; arrested,
90.
Mattingly, B. Hiram, dismissed from
position, 161.
Maurer, James H., protest to Governor Sproul on constabulary lawlessness in steel strike, 122.
"Mawsh" congressmen, 52.
Meat packers, profits of, 150.
Meat packing, profiteering in, 142.
Membership, Socialist party, 44 ; composition of, 44 ; increases, 45.
Mexico, threat towards, in Democratic platform, 6 1 ; in Republican
platform, 6 3 ; 64; in Farmer-Labor
party, 7 3 ; plots against, 97, intervention urged, 98.
Miami Valley Socialist, the Socialist
weekly, Dayton, Ohio, 51.

Miles, General Nelson A., breaks A.
R. U. strike, 10.
Militarism denounced, 29; causes of,
36; Socialist party resolution on,
4 1 ; denounced by Democratic platform, 1900, 59 ; 60.
Miller, Charles Grant, on poisoned
views, 159.
Millionaires, number of, 153.
Milyukov, Paul, government of, 84.
Mines and quarries, wages in, 131.
Minimum sales bill, provisions of food
law, secured by Nonpartisan cnogressmen, 82.
Minimum wages, demanded, 30.
Mob violence, against I. W. W. and
N. P. L., 101; against radicals, 105.
Montana, University of, disciplines
Professor Levine, 160.
Montesano, Washington, trial in, 115.
Moscow Internationale, party's attitude on, 49.
Moundsville, W. Va., prison, Debs at,
103.
N
National popular government league,
protest against Department of Justice, 111.
Nearing, Scott, defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18; writes "The Great
Madness," 104; tried, acquitted,
104 ; on standard of living, 130 ; dismissed by Toledo University, 160.
Negroes, justice for, demanded, 30.
Neue Welt, the, J e w i s h Socialist
weekly, 51.
New Age, the, Socialist weekly (Buffalo), 51.
Nonpartisan league, 80; p o l i t i c a l
methods of, 80; 81 ; congressmen
vote to expel Victor L. Berger, 83 ;
Socialist party attitude on, 82 ; persecution of, 83 ; prosecution, 101;
mob violecne against, 101.
November revolution, Russian, 87.
O

Obrana, Bohemian Socialist paper, 51.
O'Hare, Kate Richards, chairman of
committee on wTar and militarism
at St. Louis convention, 47; Bowman, N. Dak., address, 83 ; case of,
103.
Oil, influence of, in Republican platform, 63 ; and Mexico, 99 ; profiteering, 145.
Oneal, James, joint editor, 3 ; associate editor, New York Call, 50.
Open shop campaign, against labor,
106.
Orr, Assemblyman Samuel, ousted,
117.
Owens, Edgar, case of, 116.
P
Palmer, A. Mitchell, attorney general,
secures approval of Congress for
strikebreaking, 55 ; does not disturb
profiteers, 55; "Red raids," 57;
presses campaign against "Reds,"
157.
Panama, "revolution" engineered by
Wall Street, 96.
Party system, the old, 58.
Passports, denial of, Socialist party
resolution on, 42.
Pennsylvania Socialist, the, Socialist
weekly, 51.

181

Petrograd, "falls" eight times, 92.
Picketing, legislation against, 127.
Pierce, Judge "Edward P., in united
shoe case, 156.
Platform, Socialist party, 1920, 27.
Platforms, the two, of the Capitalist
party, 58 ; platforms alike, 58.
Platform,'the, of the Democratic party, 59.
Platform, the, of the Labor party, 72 ;
of the Farmer-Labor party, 74.
Platform, the, of the Nonpartisan
league, 82.
Platform, the, of the Republican party, 62.
Plumb plan, Socialist party resolution
on, 43 ; Labor party on, 72.
Poisoned views, 159.
Poland, Socialist party resolution on,
37 ; offensive against Russia aided,
88.
Political action favored by A. F. of L.,
1885, 1893, 77; later forms of action, 78; goes begging to old parties, 78.
Political policy, American Federation
of Labor, denounced by Socialist
party, 75; for political action, 77;
reverses policy, 78; Gompers' begging policy, 78.
Political prisoners, jails filled with,
28, release demanded, Labor party,
72.
Post, Louis F., reestablishes legal
practices, 110.
Post Office Department, activities of
against radicals, 101 ; persecution
by, 105 ; 114 ; against I. W. W., 121.
Post Office employes, Socialist party
resolution on, 42.
Prager, Robert, lynched, 105.
Presidency, popular election to, demanded, 31.
Press, labor and, 156; 157; 158.
Press, Socialist, size of, 1912, 45 ; extent of, 1920, 5 1 ; persecuted by Post
Office, 105.
Program, immediate, of Socialist party, 30.
Profiteering, yearly toll, 141; in food,
141; in meat packing, 142 ; in canned goods, 142 ; in clothing, 143 ; in
in shoes, 143 ; in fuel, 144 ; in coal,
144; in oil, 145 ; in iron and steel,
146; in copper, 146; in wool, 147.
Profits, of corporations, 140 ; of meat
packers, 150.
Propaganda, instead of news in capitalist press, 159.
Proportional representation, lack of
misrepresents people's voice, 54.
Prosecutions, under Espionage act,
102.
Provocateurs, agents, employed by Department of Justice, 108 ; 109.
Punishment, cruel and unusual, by
Department of Justice agents, 109.
R
Raguse, Senator Frank, (Wisconsin)
expelled from State Senate, 119.
Railroads, government ownership of,
Socialist party resolution on, 42.
Railroad mission, Russian, secures
American aid, 86.
Rainey, Henry T., quoted on income
tax returns, 152.
Rand, Mrs. Carrie, founds Rand
school, 51.
Rand School, the, Socialist party school
in New York, 51.

Rand School of social science, department of labor research, 3 ; tried
with Scott Nearing, 104; attacked
by mob May Day, 1919, 104; charter
revocation sought, 104; Lusk bills
aimed at, 116.
"Real wages" decrease, 134; in various industries, 138; 139.
Red flag laws, in fourteen states, 107.
"Red raids" of Attorney General Palmer, 28 ; 57 ; 72.
Reed, John, defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18.
Reforms, land, 164.
Restrictions, war-time, on freedom of
speech, etc., 100.
Revolution, Russian, March, 1917, 85 ;
November revolution, 87.
"Rewarding friends and punishing
enemies", Gompers policy of, 77;
failure of policy, 79.
Robins, Raymond, on permanence of
Soviets, 86.
Rochester convention, S. L. P., 43 ; 44.
Rodenbeck, Judge, fines amalgamated,
148.
Rolland, Romain, greetings from, 173.
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, Democratic vice presidential candidate, 65;
large patroon estate, 66.
Roosevelt, Theodore? and Panama, 96.
Rural credits, 165.
Russia, Soviet, has survived all attacks, 24 ; Socialist party resolution
on, 37 ; blockade, lifting of demanded by Farmer-Labor party, 73 ; 84;
governments of, 84; Czarism, 84;
territorial demands, 85 ; first resolution, 85 ; wair aims not revised, 86 ;
November resolution, 87; Soviet
government, 87; persecution and
misrepresentation of, 87; A l l i e d
conspiracies against, 88; American
intervention, 89 ; L. A. Marterns, 90 ;
publicity campaign against, 90 ; attempts to open negotiations with
other nations, 9 1 ; Socialist party
position on, 94; press lies about,
157.
S
Sabotage, advocacy of, 45.
St. Louis convention, 1917, 47 ; manifesto of, 47.
Santo Domingo, seized by America, 96.
Schmitz, Eugene E., Labor mayor of
San Francisco, 67.
Scott, Dr. Russell, dismissed from
position, 160.
Searchlight, the, quoted, 55 ; 56.
Seattle, general strike, 106.
"Section six", adopted, 45.
Sedition law, federal, demanded, 107.
Seidel, Emil, candidate for vice president, 1912, 46.
Self-Determination, first proclaimed
by Socialist party, 20; betrayed by
peace treaty, 21.
Shoes, profiteering in, 143.
Siberia, exiles to, 85.
Sims, W. T. lynched, 106.
Sinclair, Upton, "The Brass Check",
157.
Single tax, the, 166.
Single taxers, in "third" party move,
73.
"Sisson documents," referred to, 90.
Snowden, Philip, greetings from, 175.
Social Democratic party, organized,
11; 17.
Socialism in action, in Russia, 87.

182

Socialist attitude, the, on Labor party,
67.
Socialist, the Chicago, Socialist weekly, 51.
Socialist Labor party, forerunner of
the Socialist party, 4 3 ; 44.
Socialist party, platform for 1920, 27 ;
immediate program, 30 ; declaration
of principles, 32; resolutions, 37;
history of, 43 ; growth of, 44 ; membership, 4 5 ; press, 4 5 ; St. Louis
convention, 47; "Left Wing" controversy, 4 8 ; Chicago convention,
1919, 4 8 ; New York convention,
1920, 49 ; and Labor party, 69 ; 70 ;
7 1 ; platform as compared to Farmer-Labor party, 74; resolutoin on
Labor party, 7 5 ; attitude toward
Nonpartisan league, 82 ; position on
land problem, 168 ; position on suffrage, 170.
Socialist Review, the, publication of
I. S. S., 41.
Socialist trades and labor alliance, organized by Daniel DeLeon, 43.
Socialization, plank in Socialist platform, 30; in declaration of principles, 34; Labor party on, 72; of
land in Russia, 87.
Solomon, Assemblyman Charles, ousted, 117.
Soviets, Russian, first organized in
Russia, 86; "All power to the Soviets," 86 ; Congress of supreme, 87;
Wilson message to, 92 ; 93.
Spy prosecutions, under Espinage act,
101.
Standard of living, 1915, 129; 130;
goes down, 134.
State governments, anti-radical activities of, 115.
Stedman, Seymour, Socialist candidate
for vice president, picture, inside
back cover; associated with Debs,
10; biography, 15 ; born, July 14th,
1871, 15 ; early life, 15 ; in A. R. TJ.
strike, 16 ; engineers Debs presidential "boom", 1896, 16 ; for Socialism
against anarchism, 17; activity in
Socialist party, 18, member of legislature, 18; d e f e n d s Espionage
cases, 18 ; on N. E. C , 18 ; letter of
acceptance, 19.
Steimer, Mollie, in prison, 104.
Stevenson, Archibald, 90.
Stokes, Rose Pastor, defended by Seymour Stedman, 18.
Streightoff, Prof. Frank H., quoted,
129.
Strikes, legislation against, 127.
Suffrage, equal and free, demanded,
3 1 ; woman suffrage, 169; in New
Jersey, 1807; struggle for, 170;
early pioneers, 170; progress of,
171; ratified by 36th state, 172.
Sugar, profiteering in, 141.
Suppression of news, by capitalist
press, 157 ; 158.
Sweet, Thaddeus C , speaker of New
York Assembly, ~117.
Sydenstricker, Dr., on wages, 130.
Syndicalism, anti-laws, in 29 states,
106; 126.

Trachtenberg, Alexander L., joint editor, 3.
T r i b u n e , the Davenport, Socialist
weekly, 51.
Trotsky, Leon, 84.
Truss, Thomas, case of, 112.
Truth, Erie, Pa., Socialist weekly, 51.
Tucker, Irwin St. John, contributor,
3 ; defended by Seymour Stedman,
18 ; prosecution of, trial, conviction,
102.
U
United Labor party, New York, 43.
United shoe machinery corporation,
suit of against machinists, 155.
V
Villa, Pancho, 98.
Vote, Socialist, polled 1900, 1904, 1908,
44 ; 1910, 1912, 1914, 1916, 1917, 46 ;
Socialist and Labor party, 69; 70;
of Labor party declines, 70; 71.
W

T

Wade, Federal Judge, sentences Kate
Richards O'Hare, 103.
Wages, 129 ; Manly, B. M., 130 ; Lauck,
W. Jett, 130; Sydenstricker, Dr.,
130 ; mines and quarries, 131; manufacturing, 132 J telephone and telegraph industires, 133; hired farm
labor, 133; "real wages" decrease,
134 ; in various industries, 135 ; 136 ;
137; 138.
Wages, before and since war, 129.
Waldman, Assemblyman Louis, ousted,
117.
War, expenditures on, 153 ; casualties,
161; total expenditures, 162.
War aims, Russian, not revised by
Milyukov, 86.
War department, anti-radical activities of, 114.
War powers of the president, denounced, 28.
Wealth, and income in the U. S., 148.
Welfare, expenditures on, 153.
West Virginia, case of, 154 ; 155.
Westehhaver, Judge, sentences E. V.
Debs, 102.
White, Bertha Hale, contributor, 3.
Whitney, Charlotte Anita, case of, 115.
Wilson, J. M. wool grower, 147.
Wilson, Woodrow, destroys faith in
"good men," 25 ; "point" on Russia,
92; denies restrictions on civil liberties, 100.
Winitsky, Harry, case of, 115.
Wolfson, Dr. Arthur, resigns his position, 161.
Wood, Alice, dismissed from position,
161.
Wool, profiteering in, 147.
Woolen Co. American, profiteering,
147.
Work, John M., national secretary of
party, 45.
World, the Oakland, Cal., Socialist
weekly, 51.
Wrangel, Baron, in the Crimea, 88.

Taxation, equitable system advocated,
32.
Telephone and telegraph industries,
wages in, 133.
Tenancy, farm, 168.
"Test of the news," 95.

Young, Art, defended by Seymour
Stedman, 18.
Yudenitch, General, in Anti-Soviet
drive, 88.

Y

183

The Socialist Party
is the American Organization of the Socialist
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The work of the Socialist Party would be impossible without national, state and local organizations.
ORGANIZATION is needed to get the Socialist Ticket on the Ballot, to meet the requirements of the election laws everywhere, to combat reaction, to fight for the workers, and to
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THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE
UNITED STATES
220 South Ashland Boulevard
Chicago, Illinois

SEYMOUR STEDMAN