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UNIVERSITY G F ILLINOIS AT URBANA-GWAMiuGN
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% Τ Η Ε

U N I V E R S I T Y

OF ILLINOIS
LIBRARY ,
From the library of
Charltes Melville Moss*
Professor of
Classics
Presented by Mrs. loss

xax \

CJATENA CLASSICORUM

EDITED BY

THE

ARTHUR

REV.

HOLMES

M.A.

LATE SENIOR FELLOW AND DEAN OF CLARE COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE

AND

THE REV.

CHARLES

BIGG

D.D.

LATE SENIOR STUDENT AND TUTOR OF C H R I S T C H U R C H ,
FORMERLY P R I N C I P A L OF BRIGHTON

COLLEGE

OXFORD

ISOCRATES

EDITED BY

J. EDWIN SANDYS, M.A.
FELLOW AND TUTOR OF ST. JOHNS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
AND PUBLIC ORATOR OF THE UNIVERSITY

AD

DEMONICUM
ET

PANEGYRICUS

RIVINGTONS
WATERLOO

PLACE,

LONDON

TO

STEUART ADOLPHUS PEARS, D.D.
HEAD MASTER OF REPTON SCHOOL,

THIS VOLUME
IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED
BY
HIS FORMER

THE

PUPIL

EDITOR.

636142

PREFACE.
IN the Lent and Easter terms of this year, I was called
upon, in the course of College routine, to give lectures on the
ad Demonicum and Panegyricus of Isocrates, a subject which
had been selected for one of the minor University Examinations. The present volume is the result of those lectures.
Owing to the fact that tnere was no edition with English notes
of sufficient fulness and accuracy to be worth recommending
as a text-book for use in the lecture-room, I was compelled to
endeavour to supply the deficiency from independent sources,
supplemented by the best continental editions, and during the
last three months the rough memoranda thus collected for immediate use, have been prepared for the press and amplified to
an extent which I scarcely contemplated when I began the task.
The names of the continental editions which I have consulted
will be found in their proper place, and my special obligations
to my predecessors have been fully acknowledged in the notes,
wherever such obligations have been really worth recording.
One who is late in the field must expect to be frequently anticipated, especially in illustrative passages gathered from the range
of ordinary classical authors, and an attempt to state every
instance of this kind is not only hopeless, but in many cases
imtatitfactory. For instance, I have in several of the notes
found «fself giving credit to one editor for a valuable collection
of fefapeaces which he himself had borrowed without acknowledgment from a previous editor. I have endeavoured to
veifiy all these borrowed references, and in all cases, in which
I have not done so, have given the name of the person who is

νίϋ

PREFACE.

responsible for the accuracy of the statement. But the field is
still unexhausted, and even in the case of ordinary authors,
the industrious reapers of Germany have left many gleanings
6
for the stranger' to gather,
The quotations from Isocrates himself are naturally frequent
The general rule that every author is his own best interpreter
is particularly applicable in the case of Isocrates. No author
takes such delight in quoting from himself, and besides the
three great instances in which he quotes whole pages* from
his previous writings, we have many shorter passages in which,
owing partly to a certain poverty of invention, partly to the
fact that the same theme often haunted him for years together,
partly to a self-complacent feeling that what he had once
expressed well could not easily be expressed better, he repro­
duces the same thoughts with only slight varieties of diction.
In such cases the blending of identity and variety is often
instructive; and, for the purposes of explanation and textual
criticism, sometimes particularly important.
The real difficulties that arise in Isocrates are generally the
result of rhetorical exaggeration: but, for the rest, there is
perhaps no Attic author who is equal to him in simplicity of
constructions, in purity of language and transparency of style.
It is this that renders him peculiarly suitable as a stepping-stone
to the less easy prose of the other Attic orators, and of Aristotle,
Plato, and Thucydides; it is this that has made him as favorite
a subject in the schools of Germany as he was in our English
schools during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries1.
1

See Roger Ascham's Scholemaster, passim. It was under Ascham's
tuition that Queen Elizabeth, in the 14th year of her age, translated the ad
Nicoclem and the Nicocles of Isocrates, (on the duties of kings and of subjects).
In the 20th year of her reign, Ashton drew up the Bailiffs' and Burgesses'
ordinances for Shrewsbury School, in which the head master is instructed to
teach * for Greke...Isocrates ad Demonicum and Xenophon his Cyrus' (No.
34. in Baker's Hist of St John's Coll. p. 413. ed. Mayor). One of the
most popular school editions of the ad Demonicum and the ad Nicoclem was

PREFACE.

ix

With regard to the first of the selections included in
this volume, I venture to think that (quite apart from the
subject matter, which will be interesting or not, according to
the temperament of the reader) it will be found a useful
study in the choice of words, that it will enable beginners
to lay the foundation of a good Greek vocabulary, and be
not entirely unprofitable to those who are more than beginners.
The second of these selections may be made equally
useful for educational purposes, and has during the last year
been satisfactorily tested in the Fifth form of Shrewsbury
School. The many points of historical and literary interest
which are there either incidentally or fully dwelt upon (e. g.
the Persian wars, the Athenian and the Spartan supremacies,
the influence of the Homeric poems, the mysteries of Eleusis, and the tribunals of Athens)—these, and similar subjects
which arise immediately out of the text, if thoroughly studied
once for all, will equip the learner with a variety of information, which will render his progress in harder authors more
rapid and satisfactory.
The number of books of reference quoted in tjiis edition
has been reduced as far as possible: I have assumed the
possession of a good Grammar, Lexicon, History, and Classical Dictionary, and have seldom travelled into the province
of such books of reference, except where the statements contained in them appear to require either correction or expansion. On points of syntax, I have in accordance with
t!*e plan of this series given references to Madvig's Greek
Syntax; but occasionally where a subject has been somewhat
inadequately treated there, I have added or substituted a
that of 1677, published under the imprimatur of the Vice-Chancellor of
Oxford, and the commendations of Ralph Cudworth (the celebrated Master
of Christ's), and other Cambridge men. ' Librum Georgii Sylvani Pannonii...
grato ac libenti animo testimoniis nostris oraamus, omnibusque Ludorum
Literariorum magistris commendatum habemus.'

χ

PREFACE.

reference either to Donaldson's Greek Grammar, or Jelfs
edition of Kuhner, or lastly, to an excellent book, better
known in America than in England, Goodwin's Syntax of the
Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb (3rd ed. Cambridge,
U. S.). Frequent references have also been given to Veitch's
Greek Verbs, irregular and defettive, and to other accessible
books; but, as a general rale, the information contained in
books, that are out of the reach of ordinary readers and are
not likely to be contained even in the best of school-libraries,
has been incorporated into the notes, with a short indica­
tion of the source from which it is derived.
It was originally my intention to prefix to this volume
a dissertation on the life, charaoter and writings of Isocrates:
this intention has, for various reasons, been abandoned.
The plain fadls that are known about him may be found
either in Smith's Dictionaries, in Westermann's Geschichtt
der Beredtsamkeity or in the Index to Benseler's edition in
the Teubner series. A list of some of the Subsidia which
bear more or less diredtly on the subjeot will be found on a
subsequent page.
In conclusion, I have to return my thanks to all who
have in any way helped me in carrying this little volume
through the press; amongst others, to Professor Cowell, who
has revised and supplemented one or two notes that touch
on questions of Comparative Philology; to the Rev. R.
Shilleto, who has allowed me to submit some of the pages
to his criticism, and has added one or two remarks of his own;
to Mr. A. S. Wilkins, who has aided me in correoihjg the
proofs of a majority of the notes; and especially t?0 the
Rev. J. Ε. B. Mayor, who, besides other help and encourage­
ment, has liberally given part of his valuable time to revising
the whole of the notes.
J. E S .
ST. JOHN'S COLL. CAMBRIDGE,
Sept. 30, 1868.

ON T H E STYLE

OF ISOCRATES.

LANGUAGE is the 'dress of thought/ or 'the incarnation of
thought:' and all that is immediately connedled with the
visible form in which thought is clothed or embodied, so far
as regards the individual words, the order of their arrange­
ment, the relation of one sentence to another and the com­
bined influence of all the sentences on the full development
of an author's meaning, may be considered the natural subjedl
of every attempt to state the characteristics of an author's
style. It is on this principle that I propose in the few fol­
lowing pages to treat briefly and summarily of the style of
Isocrates, with special reference to the words, the sentences,
and the general efledl of his writings.
The vocabulary of Isocrates belongs to the purest Attic
dialeot, unalloyed by the admixture of archaic and foreign
elements; poetical, metaphorical and uncommon expressions
are used with judgment and caution, and the words in general
are chosen with discrimination and placed in effective positions,
1
with a special view to perspicuity, variety and harmony .
The harmony of individual words is closely conneoted with
the relation subsisting between each word and the word imme­
diately preceding or succeeding it. If a word ends with a
vowel and the next begins with a vowel, the result is a hiatus,
which can either be removed entirely by the elision of one of
the two vowels or by the introduction of a consonant between
them, or can be modified by allowing the two vowel sounds to
blend with one another. Isocrates generally does his best to
1
As an instance of a naturalised foreign word we have σατράττψ (Paneg.
§ IS2)» of a poetic word, ούρανομήκης (de Perm. § 134). Among the meta­
phorical expressions we find βϊλωτεύβίν (Paneg. 131), ϊχνος rtfs iitelvov
τρα6τψτο$ {Hel. 37), igoiceiXas (Epp* π . 13). Some of the rare words are
quoted on p. xxxiii. fin.

xii

ON

THE

STYLE

avoid hiatus altogether, a faot which is not only expressly
stated by ancient authorities but is also partially confirmed by
the evidence of the best manuscripts 1 .
The struoture of his sentences demands a more explicit
statement than is necessary in the case of his vocabulary; and
it may help us to a clearer view of this part of our subjedt, if
we dwell for a moment on the two-fold Aristotelian division of
style, with reference to the internal strudlure of sentences and
their relation to one another.
The first is the Ae£is άρομένη (the jointed style) or, as it
is called by a later authority 2 writing from a different point of
view, the Xe£is δηρημένη (the disjointed style), in which ' the
sentences and clauses are strung together, εϊρόμενοι,—hang
from one another like the links of a chain or the joints of a
reed..., with no other connexion than that which is supplied
by the σύνδεσμοι or connecting particles 8 .' The author quoted
by Aristotle as an illustration of this style is Herodotus—an
author in whom thought follows upon thought, clause upon
clause, sentence upon sentence—each simply connedled and
yet disconnected with its immediate sequel: in a style, in short,
which, in our own literature, may best be paralleled by the
Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile or any well-told
story of fairy-land,
' H e flows, and, as he flows, for ever will flow on.'
T h e second division is t h e λέξπ κατεστραμμέι/η, η iv ττεριόSots λ&ς (the compact, condensed, concentrated, comprehen
sive periodic style). The difference between the two styles
may be easily illustrated by a variety of similes; to adopt
one of these, which has the advantage of antiquity, the first
resembles a number of stones lying near one another, loose,
scattered and uncombined: the second resembles the same
1

Dionys. Halic. de vi Demosth. c. 4, judic. de Isocr. c. 1; Cicero, Orat.
44; Plut. Moral. 350 Ε, 'Ισοκράτη* 6 φοβούμενο? φωνήεν φωνηεντι avyitpovvai;
Hermog. irepl Wew a (Rket. Gr. II. 338, Spengel). v. infra p. xxxw and
p. 128 n.
2
Demetrius irepl ερμηνείας, § is.
3
Mr Cope's Introduction to Aristotle's Rhetoric, p. 30ό—316.

OF ISOCRATES.

xiii

stones when bound compadily in the self-supporting cohesion
of a vaulted dome1.
This latter is the style of all the more artistic Greek
writers and of Isocrates in particular. A rhetorician by pro­
fession, he devoted many years of a prodigiously long life
to the cultivation of this 'periodic style';—casting and re­
casting his clauses, moulding and remoulding his sentences;—
at one time elaborating moral maxims to be drilled into
his readers with the double point of a polished antithesis;
at another, writing clear, sensible, and ingenious speeches,
to be delivered by his clients before the law-courts or the
general assemblies of Athens2; but never so well pleased
with himself as when dealing with grand questions of public
policy3, or dwelling in satirical, contemptuous and patronising
terms on his more or less illustrious contemporaries4, or
lastly, dilating with supreme complacency on himself, his many
pupils and his so-called philosophy5.
As might be expedled, from the variety of his subjeol
matter, the style of his sentences is also varied within cer­
tain limits. In his treatise addressed to Nicocles, the sen­
tences are thrown into a short and concentrated form; in
his forensic speeches, the sentences are sometimes expressed
very briefly6, but more frequently in a slightly expanded shape,
and it is mainly in his more ambitious and in some respedls
less successful efforts, that the sentences assume their greatest
length. This length, however, in no single instance detraots
from the clearness of his meaning, for notwithstanding the
1
Demetrius περί έρμψεία* c. 13, Mr Cope I.e. p . 310, and D e Quincey, Vol. x. on Style, p. 188.
2
Aegineticus (a speech which well deserves Dobree's eulogy: * nitidissima
oratio'), de Bigis (in defence of the son of Alcibiades), Plataicus (p. 105. n.)
&x.—An edition of these speeches is still a desideratum.
9
Fbntgyricus, de Pace.
4
Esp. in the speech contra Sophistas, the Helenae Encomium, the
Busiris, and the Panathenaicus, § 7 sqq. See p. 160. n.
* Esp. De Permutatione, written, as Isocr. says, ωσπερ εΐκών TTJS έμή$
Jtomfaf gml των Άλλων των βεβιωμένων. v. p. 48. η.
• Tmpeziticus and Amartyrus.

IfOC.

£

xiv

ON T H E STYLE

variety of subordinate clauses interwoven into the expanding
fabric, notwithstanding the complex contrasts between particle and counter-particle, and the long suspense in which
the attention is held by his ascending periods, nevertheless
his careful choice of words, and his scrupulously distinot
arrangement of the various parts, combine in producing an
unmistakeable transparency which pervades the sentence to the
very end.
The consideration of the sentences of Isocrates naturally
leads us to a statement of some of the artificial devices with
which he endeavours to give precision and embellishment to
his language. His frequent, not to say excessive, use of these
artifices is mainly due to the general influence of the ' Sicilian
school' of Rhetoric and to the instructions of Gorgias in particular. The names they have received from the Greek writers
on Rhetoric are very numerous and sometimes confusing, but
the following table contains all that are absolutely necessary
for our present purpose:
(i) avTi0€cns
= a parallelism in sense,
(ii) ιταρίσ-ωσι^ = a parallelism in structure,
(iii) ιταρομοίωσ-ιβ = a parallelism in sound.
The last of these is subdivided into three species:
Ι. όμοιοκάταρκτον,
2. όμ,οιοτελευτον,
3. παρονομασία1.
By άντίθεσις is meant 'the opposition either of ^ords or
sense, or both, in two corresponding clauses of a sentence;'
e. g. contrast of words alone: διδότω γαρ ο πλονσως και ευδαί­
μων τω ττένητι και ενδει: of sense alone, εγώ μϊν τούτον νρσονντα ϊθεράπευσα, οντος 8' e/xoi μεγίστων κακών αίτιος ytyovw,
1

For the varied meanings of these and similar terms, v. the pas­
sages quoted s. vv. either in Ernesti's Lex. Technolog. Graec. or in the
Index Rhetoricus of Spengel's Rketore* GraecL The simple classification
adopted in the text is due to Mr Cope (Journ. of CI and S. Philol. Να
vil. 6Q—72).—For examples, v. Index to this vol.
Τ

OF ISOCRATES.

xv

and of both words. a n d sense, ov yap δίκαιον τούτον μεν τά
ίμα έχοντα πλοντεΐν, εμε 8ε τά οντά προ'ίεμενον οντω πτωχενείν1.
' By 7TOJ >ισωσι* LS meant a ' general correspondence or equa­
lity in the forms of two sentences and includes ισόκωλα, which
are sentences in which the two members are of the same
length;' e.g. Isocr. Helen. § 17 (where the words, syllables and
even the very accents correspond):
του μεν επίπονον και φιΧοκίνΰννον τον βίον κατέστησε,
της 8e ττερίβΧετττον και περιμάχητον την φνσιν εποίησε2.
By παρομοίωσα (or παρήχησίς) is meant parallelism in
sound between words that are brought together in the same
sentence. This includes the three varieties of όμοωκάταρκτον,
ομοωτέλϊυτον, and τταρονομασία. The first of these three terms
may be used to denote similarity in the beginnings of words;
the second, similarity in the endings; and the third, a general
similarity of sound or form pervading the whole of the words.
The above figures have their origin in natural principles.
Contrast of thought naturally expresses itself in contrast of
words, hence the origin of άντίθεσις. The same principle extend­
ed to clauses and sentences gives us the origin of τταρίσωσις; and
lastly, the power of association, which causes one uttered sound
to suggest another similar sound, leads to the development of
/παρομοίωσα. All these figures of form have their natural uses;
and are unconsciously used by numbers who have never heard
\ of Gorgias and the ' Sicilian school;' it is the conscious and deli1

Anaximenes 'Ρ^τορ. irpbs Άλέξανδρον, c. 26 (1. 212. Rhet. Gr. ed.
I ^pengel). For striking instances of forced antithesis, v. Thuc. 11. 40. 4
And v. 95, both of which exemplify Pascal's comparison, ' Ceux qui font des
/antitheses en forcant les mots sont comme ceux qui font de fausses fendtres
pour k aymotrie.'
'/•* uMrb ναράδεί'γμα τοΰτο καλ όμοιοτέΧευτόν έστιν, ουδέν διαφέρει' πολλο
-*ψ4ψ λ£γ·* καΐ 4κ δύο καΐ έκ πλειόνων σχημάτων avyκείνται. Alexander irepl
\*j&pimm^ II. 26.—Lyly's Euphues will supply the reader with as many
£ngusk «stances as he pleases of all the figures mentioned in the text, e.g.
1
either \tf wit to obtain some conquest, or by shame to abide some conflict
ifwhich » an instance of παρίσωσις, δμοιόκάταρκτον and (false) άντίθεσιή.

xvi

ON T H E STYLE

berate use of them that is now claiming our attention. In the
earlier writings of Isocrates these artistic devices have received
one of their fullest exemplifications, but although often very
effeolive, they are not unfrequently the result of manifest effort,
and are spoiled by their painfully elaborate and artificial cha­
racter. It is satisfactory however to notice that, in his old age,
he abjures to a great extent the excessive use of these artificial
ornaments. In the Panatkenaicus, a speech published in the
ninety-fourth year of his age, he tells us that in the days of
his-youth he made it his principle to write orations on mat­
ters of public interest to Athens and to Greece, orations
' fraught with many a parallelism in sense and in struoiure, and
with the other figures that light up rhetorical compositions and
extort applause from the audience,' but that such a fashion of
speaking was ill suited to his grey hairs 1 .
In conclusion, we must consider the style of Isocrates
in. relation to the constituent parts of his compositions and
to the general effecit thereby produced. There can be no
dispute as to the excellence of his arrangement of these con­
stituent parts; sometimes this appears in a careful and formal
division of his orations into the four great sections of pre­
lude, statement, proof, and peroration 2 ; at other times, in a
scrupulous observance of the wholesome (but not very origi­
nal) rule which he is said to have laid down in his Art of
Rhetoric; 'in narration, the first and the second and the re­
maining parts must be stated in due order; we must not
before the first point is finished pass on to another and
then from the very end revert to the first; and simiiirty in
the case of each particular point, the ideas must be rounded
off and complete in themselves 3 ;* sometimes on the οφ&4
hand he prefers, in the case of two separate narratives, whidjl·
have several points in common, to interweave the relation
1

Panath. § 2—3.
<
' Isocrates primus in quatuor partes orationem divisit, Tpodfmmf &φ
γησιν, iriareis, iwLXoyov. v. Dionys. Halic. pp. 480—496.' Baiter aad
Sauppe, Orat. Attici, 11. 224.
* \
i
Baiter and Sauppe, ib. 225.
2

OF ISOCRATES.

xvii

of the one with that of the other, taking care at the same
time that no real obscurity shall arise from the apparent com­
plication 1 .
In the words of an eminent critic, his speeches have gene­
rally O n e leading idea, of suitable importance, fertile in its
consequences, and capable of evoking not only thought but
feeling; in these leading thoughts he seizes certain points
opposed to one another, such as the old and the new times,
or the power of the Greeks and that of the Barbarians; and
expanding the leading idea in a regular series of sequences
and conclusions, he introduces at every step in the com­
position the propositions which contradiot it in its details,
and in this way unfolds an abundance of variations always
pervaded and marked by a recurrence of the original subjeot; so that, although there is great variety, the whole may
be comprehended at one glance V
The general effedl of each of his writings (so far as it
can be broadly stated without entering into detail on all
their diversified subjeots) is exaotly what might be expelled
from the faots that have been already stated. At the end
of our perusal we feel that it is the graceful rhetorician and
not the vehement orator, the dexterous fencer and not the
bold man of battle, that has engaged our attention: that
we have been listening only to the thin, clear echoes of
a silver chime, and not to the thunders of a Pericles or a
Demosthenes.
Isocrates in his sententiousness, his prosiness, and selflaudation, as well as in his length of years, is emphatically the
Nealor of the ' Attic orators';
1

Nestor the leader of the Pylian host,
Tfete smooth-tongued chief, from whose persuasive lips
Sweeter than honey flowed the stream of speech.
Two generations of the sons of men
Few him were past and gone, who with himself
1
2

v. p. 78. η.,
Mutter's Gk, Literature^ c. xxxvi.

xviii

ON T H E STYLE

Were born and bred on Pylos' lovely shore,
And o'er the third he^now held royal sway/
Born in the era of Pericles, Isocrates reached the era of Philip.
The year of his birth was 436 B.C., eight years after that of
Xenophon and Aristophanes, and eight years before that of
Plato. H e survived all three, and had only two years more
been added to his days, he would have lived a whole century
and seen Alexander ascend the throne of Macedon. As it
was, he died in the year 338 B.C. shortly after the battle of
Chaeroneia 1 . He was buried in the sepulchre of his family
and near his tomb was placed a tablet representing his
various instructors, and among them stood Gorgias, (with
Isocrates beside him), while the tomb itself was surmounted
with a lofty pillar, which was crowned with a Siren as an
emblem of his style2.
1
The traditionary story, which attributes his death to the grief and
disappointment caused by the news of that battle, is probably untrue. I t is
recorded by Pausanias (Attic. 18), Lucian (Μακρόβιοι, 23), and Pseudo-Plu­
tarch, and is familiarised by Milton's allusion (inliis 10th sonnet) to the
'Dishonest victory...fatal to liberty' which 'killed with report that old
man eloquent;' but the 3rd letter (the genuineness of which can hardly
be doubted) contains a special congratulation to Philip, which must refer
to this very victory. Isocrates was very weak at the time when he wrote
the letter (παντάπασιν άπεφηκώς) and probably died not long after, (v.
Blass quoted on p. xxx.)
2
Philostrat. vit. Soph. I. 17, ή σειράν ij έφεστηκυΐα τφ Ίσοκράτουί του
σοφιστοΰ σήματι...πειθώ κατηγορεί του ανδρός κ.τ.\.
Pseudo-Plutarch vit.
Χ. orat. κίων τριάκοντα πηχών, έφ ου σειράν πτγχων έπτα συμβολικώς, 6s wvv
ον σώζεται.

OF

ISOCRATES.

χίχ

A SELECTION OF PASSAGES BEARING ON T H E STYLE OF ISOCRATES.

(Only the shortest, the most interesting, or the least accessible, are here
printed).

2ΩΚΡΑΤΗ2. > "Νέος 'έτι, ώ Φαιδρέ, Ισοκράτη*' δ μέντοι μαντεύομαι κατ1
αύτοΰ, λέγειν έθέλω.
ΦΑΙΔΡ02. Το ποιον δή;
ΣΩ. Αοκ€Ϊ μοι άμείνων η κατά τους περί Αυσίαν είναι λόγους τα της
φύσεως, έτι τ€ ηθει γεννικωτέρω κεκράσθαι' ώστε ουδέν αν γένοιτο θανμαστόν
προϊούσης της ηλικίας εί περί αυτούς τε τους λόγγους, οΐς νυν επιχειρεί, πλέον
η παίδων διενέγκοι των πώποτε άψαμένων λόγων, εϊτε* εΐ αύτφ μη άποχρήσαι
ταύτα, επί μείξω [δι] τις αυτόν dyoi ορμή θειοτέρα. φύσει yap, ώ φίλε, 'ένεστί
τις φιλοσοφία τη του ανδρός διάνοια.
* varia leclio έτι τ ε...μείξω δέ.
PLATO, Phaedrus,

p. 279·

For Aristotle's quotations see Index to this volume, p . 168, col. 2.
Όμοιοτέλευτα et Ισοκατάληκτα et πάρισα et δμοιόπτωτα ceteraque huiusmodi scitamenta, quae isti apirocali, qui se Isocratios videri volunt, in conlocandis verbis inmodice faciunt et rancide, quam sint insubida et inertia et
puerilia, facetissime hercle significat in quinto saturarum Lucilius. (14S—
103 B.c).
...Hoc 'nolue'-iris) et 'debueris' te
Si minus deleclat, quod ατεχνον et Eisocratium est
Όχληρόν^χι& simul totum ac συμμειρακιώδες,
Non operam perdo.
A U L . G E L L I U S , Nodi. Attic, x v m . 8.
Suavitatem Isocrates, subtilitatem Lysias, acumen Hyperides, sonitum
Aeschines, vim Demosthenes habuit. Quis eorum non egregius? tamen
quis cuiusquam nisi sui similis.
C I C E R O , De Oratore, i n . viii. 28. v. ib. 11. iii. xo (pater eloquentiae*
xxii. 9 4 ; and ill. xliv. 175.—Orator, xii. 3 8 ; xiii. 40—42; xliv. 141
— 1 5 1 ; li. 172; and lii. 174—176.—Brutus, viii. 32—34, and Epp.
ad Atticum, II. 1. 1 (Isocrati μυροθήκιον).
Ό δ* 'Ισοκρατικός (sc. λόγος) κομψεύεται μεν, άλλα μετά σεμνότητος, κσΧ
πανη*γ-υρικώτερός έστι μάλλον, η δικανικώτερος. έχει δέ τον κόσμον μετ* ενερ­
γείας, καϊ πομπικός έστι μετά του άνυστικοΰ καΐ χρησίμου' ου μήν αγωνι­
στικοί' περιγράφων δέ ττ]ν άπαγγελίαν τοις περώδοις, καϊ όλως μεσότητα

xx

ON THE STYLE OF

ISOCRATES.

σωφρονίξων λιτότητι, TO δ£ λιτον έξαίρων. καϊ αύτοΰ μάλιστα ζηλωτέον τήν τ ε
των ονομάτων συνέχειαν, καϊ το της όλης ideas επιδεικτικόν.
DIONYSIUS of Halicarnassus. (ob. B.C. 7).
των αρχαίων κρίσις V. 2.
...πέφυκε yap η Αυσίου λέξις ϊχειν το χάριεν, ή δ' 'Ισοκράτουςβούλεται.
de Isocrate judicium, 3·
άνα^νώσεω% μάλλον οίκειότερός έστιν η ρήσεως.
ib. 3.
δουλεύει η διάνοια πολλάκις τ ψ ρυθμφ της λέξεως καϊ του κομψού λείπεται
το άληθινόν.
ib. 12.
Clarissimus ille praeceptor Isocrates, quern non magis libri bene dixisse,
quam discipuli bene docuisse testantur.
Q U I N T I L I A N (40—118 A.D.), Inst. Or. 11. 8. I I .
(After characterizing Demosthenes, Aeschines, Hyperides and Lysias)
Isocrates in diverso genere dicendi nitidus et comptus et palaestrae quam
pugnae magis accommodatus, omnes dicendi Veneres seclatus est, nee
immerito; auditoriis enim se, non iudiciis compararat; in inventione facilis,
honesti studiosus, in compositione adeo diligens, ut cura eius reprehendatur.
ib. X. 1. 79.
Nam mihi videtur M. Tullius, cum se totum ad imitationem Graecorum
contulisset, emnxisse vim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iucunditatem Isocratis. Nee vero quod in quoque optimum fuit, studio consecutus est
tantum; sed plurimas vel potius omnes ex se ipso virtutes extulit immortalis
ingenii beatissima ubertas.
ib. x. 1. 108. v. also ix. 4. 35—36, 3. 74, x n . 10. 49.
πολύ τ6 καθαρον της λέξεως παρ* Ίσοκράτει.
H E R M O G E N E S (fl. 2nd 'cent. A. D.), περί Ιδεών, a (Rhetores Graeci,
11. p p . 277 and 283, ed. Spengel.).
...δ δέ Ισοκράτης μή ουσαν φύσει παρίσωσιν έβιάσατο &ν γενέσθαι, δια το
μέλειν αύτφ κάλλους μάλλον καϊ επιμελείας η πιθανότητος καϊ αληθείας.
ib- ρ. 334· cf. ib. p . 338 fin. and p . 412.
ουκ άχ/^etov δ£ ουδέ των 'Ισοκράτους παραγγελμάτων έντρέπεσθαι, μή τραχύνειν τόν λοΎον τη παραθέσει καϊ συμπλοκή των καλουμένων φωνηέντων, & f%r
κρασιν ουκ ανέχεται καϊ τονλ^ον
ούχ ομοίως συνυφαίνειν εΌικεν, οΰτε Xcim tt>
καϊ απταίστως είς την άκοήν παρίησιν, άλλ1 επιλαμβάνεται του πνεύμοΡΦί KtU
ίτίσχει το πνεύμα της φωνής.
L O N G I N U S (fl. 3rd cent. A.D.), Ars Rhetorica, ap. Rhetores Gr. I. 306,
ed. Spengel.

ON T H E T E X T

OF ISOCRATES.

THE text of Isocrates is perhaps in a sounder condition than
that of any Greek author. Wolf and Coray effected all that
the aid of inferior MSS allowed, but a new era in Isocratean
criticism began with Bekker's discovery of the codex Urbinas.
The other MSS are supposed to have been transcribed from
earlier copies that had been annotated with interlinear and
marginal explanations taken down by pupils in the leolurerooms of ancient expositors of Isocrates1. These explanations
were carelessly copied into the text, but the codex Urbinas
enabled Bekker to remove the interpolations and to restore the
true readings in a great number of passages. It must not be
however supposed that this famous MS is infallible; although
possibly the best of all Greek MSS, it is after all only the
best among the bad, and those who are likely to be carried
away by the characteristic enthusiasm and poetic diotion of the
Zurich editors2 may have their attention drawn with advan­
tage to the following blunders, a few of which I quote (from
the Panegyricus alone):—§ 29 ήΜστους τάς ελπίδα? (for ήδίους),
§ I03 της ημετέρας ευδαιμονίας (for ηγεμονίας), § 142 Κοινωνός for
Κόνωνος, § 157 *ν TV TCXCVTIJ των μυστηρίων (for εν rrj τελετή),
and § 176 τά τους εταίρους ελαττουντα (for ετέρους). But these

and similar mistakes are too obvious to mislead the critic, or
in any great degree to impair the value of its readings. The
cod. Urb. must therefore be the basis of every edition of
1

v. Baiter and Sauppe, praef. ii.
' I. Bekkerus limpidum fontem, cuius memoria interciderat, feliciter
invenit, atque solerti opera effecit, ut dictionis isocrateae pellucidae undae
per alveum suum latum magis quam profundum placide queant decurrere.'
ib. i.
2

xxii

ON THE TEXT

Isocrates.—The next place must be assigned to the cod. Ambrosianus, which sometimes alone preserves the true reading;
and, when it agrees with the cod. Urb., the combined authorityis almost irresistible.
The principle of the Zurich editors is to follow the MSS
as closely as possible, even where the usage of Isocrates
would suggest another reading; the principle advocated by
Benseler in the Teubner edition of 1851 is to follow the usage
of Isocrates, even when the MSS are against him. In Benseler's preface the following canons are laid down:
(1) Ubi in Isocratis scriptis hiatus restate ibi locus esi corruptus, aut non Isocrateus.
(2) Ad aeguabilitatem membrorum et antithetorum studium
dlObet attendere, qui Isocratis verba est restiturus.
(3) Isocr. se non minus in elegendis quam in conneftendis
verbis diligentissimum praestitit scriptorem.
(4) Isocr. dialetto usitata cum iudicio quidem sed constanter
usus est.
(5) Isocr. orationes suas ad unam speciem confirmavit easdemque sententias iisdem verbis expressas saepius repetiit.
(6) Isocr. sua bene excogitavit et disposuit.
In accordance with these canons supplemented by the
authority of the best MSS he published an edition of the text
in 1851. The respeot due to a veteran editor whose familiarity
with his author was shown as far back as the year 1829, ought
hot perhaps to prevent us from venturing for a moment to doubt
the soundness of his application of these principles. All of
his canons are useful, as an indication of the general usage of
the author, but it does not follow that every single passage
must be corrected to suit those general principles. The first
is perhaps the least satisfactory of all and must be accepted
with considerable reserve, but the others are more trustworthy, and their application, if condudled with caution, iaay
be of great service in settling the text.
The text of the present edition is mainly based on that erf
the Zurich editors suDplemented by Benseler's edition·. Mjr

OF ISOCRATES.

xxiii

first intention was simply to reprint the text of the Teubner
series; but it was not long before I found that many of its
readings were untenable; I have therefore resorted, in many
cases, to the safer readings of the Zurich editors—a course
which has been amply justified by Benseler's new edition of the
Panegyricus and the Philippus (in 1854). The edition contains
a German translation and very copious notes, mainly on the
subjeot-matter and on the errors of previous translators. In
this excellent edition, which, I regret to say, did not reach me
until more than half the Panegyricus was in type, the editor
has himself, in at least twenty instances, deserted his former
readings.
The following account of the more important MSS is ne­
cessary to explain the details of the table of readings. It is
copied from Baiter's preface to the Panegyricus—which is now
out of print—and is supplemented with extraots from the
preface of the Zurich editors.
I. Codicum Isocrateorum duas familias distinxit Bekkerus, quae cum aliis
rebus inter se differunt, turn Antidosi aut integra aut mutila. Ex hoc
genere unus nominandus est antiquissimus
Cod. Vaticanus 65 (A), membranaceus, forma quadrata, foliis 304 versuum vicenorum binorum. έτέλειώθη ή βίβλος αντη πάρα Θεοδώρου υπάτου
καΐ βασιλικού νοταρίου ypcupeiaa οικεία χεφϊ μψϊ άπρϊλλίφ...£τ. ϊ,φοα. (i.e.
6571 Α. Μ. Const. = 1063 p. Chr. η.) Continet omnes orationes [sed ejus
quae est ad Demonicum partem majorem manus alia multo recentior supplevit]. I n margine leguntur scholia pauca et exigui momenti, turn ab
eadem manu scripta turn a seriori. Epistolae desunt. H o c codice, ex
Italia in bibliothecam Parisiensem Imperialem translato, postea suae sedi
restituto, primum usus est Coray, qui eum to turn excussit; praesto erat
etiam Bekkero, qui Callimacheam et Nicianam cum eo contulit.
Alterius generis adhuc innotuerunt quattuor; quorum praestantissimus
est
Cod. Urbinas 111 (Γ), "membranaceus, forma quadrata, foliis 420, paginis versuum 24 et sub finem 26, a duabus scriptus manibus, quarum
prima ad folium 326 r. pertinet, margine a pluribus corrigentium variasque
leotiones apponentium oppleta. neque iis se finibus continuit correctorum
temeritas, sed textum quoque adorta effecit ut multis locis, quid ab initio
scriptum fuerit, dignosci non possit. nocuit etiam mador, quo factum est
ut subinde folia foliis adhaerescerent. insunt orationes 19, desunt Callimachea et Niciana." Haec Bekkerus, qui nihil de aetate codicis annotavit.

xxiv

ON T H E TEXT OF ISOCRATES.

In fine Busiridis subscribitur: βούσεφπ Η Η Η Ι Δ Ι Δ Δ Δ Δ . έλικώνιος άμα rots
iraipoLS θβοδώρωι καϊ ζύσταθίωι. Insunt etiam epistolae [ix]. Hunc codicem totum excussit Bekkerus, eumque editioni suae quasi fundamentum
subjecit. [Urbinatis tanta est bonitas, ut non solum Isocratis ceteris codicibus omnibus, sed etiam aliorum scriptorum graecorum libris manu scriptis
plerisque antistet milibus trecentis.]
Cod. Vaticanus 936 (Δ), " bombycinus, forma et ipse quadrata, foliis
234, quorum 184—221 Themistio data sunt. Themistium excipiunt Iso­
cratis epistolae. communem hujus cum Urbinate originem arguit communis
in extrema Antidosi lacuna, desunt et quae Urbinati desunt, et de Bigis
oratio." Cum hoc Bekkerus contulit Evagoram, Helenam, Sophistas,
Antidosin. [Insunt orationes xviii, et Epistolae' ix, desunt Callimachea,
Niciana, de Bigis.]
Cod. Laurentianus (Θ), ['papyraceus, in 4, saeculi XIII. madore et
tineis multis locis male redadhis' Bandini ap. BS.] "foliis 145; Aristotelem
habet De Mundo, Isocratis orationes undecim (Hel. Evag. Bus. Paneg.
Areop. Plat. Archid. Soph. Phil. Panath. Antid.), Polemonis de Callimacho et Cynaegiro declamationes, Theophrasti characteres primos." Cum
hoc Bekkerus contulit dumtaxat Archidamum; ex Antidosi varias lectiones
indicaverat Mustoxydes, cui scriptus videtur seculo XII. In Archidamo
parvi momenti est, multo majoris in Antidosi, ubi interdum solus veram
Isocratis manum servavit.
Cod. Ambrosianus (E), bombycinus, saeculi XIV. ut videtur Mustoxydi.
Fuerat Michaelis Sophiani; Mediolanum addudlus est ex insula Chio a. 1606.
Perhibebatur continere Panathenaicum ceteris auctiorem (vid. Colomesius
Opusc. p. 36 sqq.), quod tamen negant et Mustoxydes et Angelus Maius.
Error natus videtur e permutatione duarum orationum, Panathenaici et
Antidoseos. [Continet orationes xxii. Epistolae novem in ΓΔΕ leguntur
hoc ordine: 1. ad Dionysium. 2. ad Archidamum. 3. ad Iasonis liberos.
4. ad Timotheum. 5. secunda ad Philippum. 6. prima ad Philippum.
7. ad Alexandrum. 8. ad Antipatrum. 9. ad Mytilenaeorum magistra­
te.]
Ex hoc codice primum integra edita est Antidosis, praeter quam
hucusque cum eo collatae sunt quattuor orationes [Archid., Socialis, Trapez., Paneg.]. [Baiterus a. 1832 excussit reliqua.] ·
Copiae vittorianae (Vict.), ledtionis varietas a P. Victorio in exemplari
suo editionis Aldinae margini annotata.
Cod. Scaphusianus (Z), chartaceus, sec. XV. a Graeca manu eleganter
scriptus...In oratione ad Demonicum est optimae notae et aliquot locis ipsi
Urbinati anteponendus.

TABLE OF VARIOUS READINGS.
The following table represents, so far as I am aware, all the discrepan­
cies between the text of Baiter and Sauppe (in the Zurich edition of the
Oratores Attici, 1839) a n c * the text of Benseler (in the Teubner series, 1851).
Vulg. denotes the readings of Coray's ed. so far as they are based on
M S S ; in Paneg. §§ 52—99 Ambr. 1, Ambr. 2, are used to distinguish be­
tween the Ambrosian MS in the Paneg. and the same MS in the corre­
sponding passage of the Or. de Perm. (v. p. 72. n.) The MSS are only
quoted where necessary. When nothing is said to the contrary, the text of
Baiter and Sauppe has MS authority.
AD
§4
6
9
10
12
13
19
26
29
34
35
ς7
38
47
9

DEMONICUM.

Batter and Sauppe.
\6yop Urb.
έλυμήνατο Scaph. and Urb.
(marg.)
ύφίστατο Urb. (corr.) and
Scaph.
yovet Scaph.
δοκεΐς (conj. Bekker)
νόμοις
μόνον των κτημάτων
τάς κατά. yrjv
TOIS φίλοι* συνάχθονται
βελτίω
γνώσιν Urb. [*γνώμην Vulg.]
νπέρ σ εαυτού Urb.
old περ Vulg» [oV av conj.
Schn.]
i] δέ ['in Urb. fuit τό vel τΧ
Bekk.]
έλυπήθημεν
δι* αυτά τά Scaph.
ένεκεν Urb. v
φήσομεν
χρω μένους

Benseler.
\6yov μόνον Vulg.
φλαψε Urb.
ύτέμενεν Urb. prima

manu

τφ yfrei Urb.
δοκοίης
OPKOLS Urb. Scaph.
μόνον των χρημάτων Urb. Scaph.
κατά yijv Scaph.
συνάχθονται Ambr. Scaph.
βέλτιστα Ambr. Scaph.
διάνοιαν (Priscian)
υπέρ των σεαυτοϋ Scaph.
οΐα Urb. Scaph. and Ambr. prima
manu
ηδέ
έλυπ-ήθησαν Urb. Scaph*
διά τα Urb.
ένεκα Vulg.
φήσωμεν Urb.
χρωμένοις Urb. ('vitiose.' Strange)

PANEGYRICUS.
In the right-hand column t. denotes Benseler's reading in the Teubner
Series (1851), tr. that of Benseler's revi
revised text published in (1854). The
asterisk denotes that Benseler has deserted his former reading and returned
deserl
to that of Baiter and Sauppe.
ι
2
4

Baiter and Sauppe.
εαυτών M S S .
ivbs δέ
TOIS &\λοί$ μηδέν πώποτε

Benseler.
αυτών
ivbs δ'
t. μηδέν τώποτε TOIS άλλοις tr.
[πώποτε μηδέν TOIS dXXois Urb.]

XXVI

TABLE OF VARIOUS READINGS.

18

Baiter and Saufifie.
μηδέν U r b . fir.
τώ πόλη
aureus (con/.)
δυσττείστως

19

φιλονικίας

η

αμφισβητούνται
Urb.
δοι5σ^5 δω/oeas διττάς Ambr.

29

ώφελίας U r b .
ομόλογου μένους M S S .

14
17

28

33

Urb.

Benseler.
των άλλων μηδέν Ambr. Vict.
τώ πόλεε U r b . (corr.) and Ambr,
t. αύταΐς tr. M S S .
δυσπείστως t.
δυσ πιστώς tr. U r b . Ambr.
φιλονικίας t. U r b .
φιλονεικίας tr. Ambr.
+ περί αυτών Ambr.
δούσης δωρεάς διττάς t. Ambr.
- διττάς tr. U r b .
ωφελείας Ambr.
όμολογουμένους t. ομολοΎουμένως tr.
{conj. Wolf. ' Q u o d malim.'

Baiter)

38'
4i

43
44

45
5i

56
57
59
6o
62

65
66
7o
73

14
76
78
83

84

καλώ$
* < W Urb.
δ£ άσφαλεστάτην
σττεισαμένους irpbs αλλήλους
* ευτυχίας M S S . i
'έτι δέ αγώνας
ύποθέμενος U r b .
εαυτών U r b . Ambr. 1 and 2
αύτοϋ U r b . Ambr. 2, Laur.
*βιάσασθαι M S S .
£σχε Ambr. 1 and 2, Laur.
επειδή δέ e£s
*εισβαλεΐν U r b . Ambr. 1, and
Laur.

κάλων καλώς U r b . Ambr.
τών θεών Ambr.
δ' άσφαλεστάτην
σπεισαμένους U r b .
ευεξίας (conj. Bekker)
'έτι δ' αγώνας
ύττοθέμενος έρεϊν Ambr.
αυτών
αυτών Ambr. ι
βιάσεσθαι (conj. Moras)
έσχεν U r b .
επειδή δ' εις
είσβάλλειν Ambr. 2 ( ' q u o d malim
propter καθιστάναι...
διδόναι..
άζιουν? Baiter)
διατελοϋσιν
ΐίελοίΓοννησίων Ambr. 2 and Laur.
-τ στάς Ambr. 2 and Vat. Δ de Perm.

διατελούσα M S S .
ΤΙελοποννησίους U r b . Ambr. 1
eVi δέ των μεγίστων
Urb.
Ambr. 1 and Laur.
τοσούτον U r b . Ambr. 2, and + διά την τότε στράτειαν Ambr. ι
Laur.
μ1 ά^νοείν
με ayvoelv
τοΐν πολεοιν τούτοιν Laur. (τοΐν ποτοΐν πολέοιν U r b .
λέοιν ταύταιν Ambr. ι, and ταϊν
πολέοιν τούτοιν Vict.)
μί/φά δ' 'έτι [μικρά δε Am­ t. μικρά δε τι tr. U r b . Ambr. ι.
[leg: μικρά δ' έτι J. Ε. S.]
br. 2, Laur.]
τοιαύτα τυ'γχάνοι (αυτά τυ'γ­ Tvyxavoi τοιαύτα Laur.
χάνοι U r b . Ambr. 2, and
αυτά τυγχάνει Ambr. 1)
τους μέν νόμους Ambr. 2, Laur.
τους νόμους U r b . .Ambr. ι
σύμττασαν
Ελλάδα
U r b . Ε λ λ ά δ α σύμττασαν (Ελλάδα πάσαν
Laur.)
Ambr. ι and
-ήμελλον [ ' I n 7 passages in Isocr.
*έμελλον M S S .
all M S S . have έμελλ-, in 12
Urb. has ήμελλ-.' Strange ap.
Jahn's Jahrb^
τέλευτήσαιεν U r b . Ambr. ι τελευτήσειαν Laur.
and 2

TABLE OF VARIOUS READINGS,
86
87
93
97
98
105
107

108
no
in
113
120
122
125
130
135
139
144
145

Baiter and Sauppe.
Benseler.
κινδυνεύσειν Ambr. ι and 2, Laur.
*κινδυνεύειν Urb.
Ζφθησαν Vv\>. Ambr. 2 and έφθασαν Ambr. ι
Laur.
τήν βαρβάρων t.
*rtyr των βαρβάρων M S S .
*τών δ' άλλων Ambr. 2 and των άλλων Urb.
Laur. (των δέ άλλων
Ambr. ι )
καΐ ουδέ MSS. [καϊ μήν ουδέ και μηδέ ap. Dionys. Halic.
conj. F . Ritschl 1 ]
έμελέτησαν Ambr. ι
*έμέλλησαν Urb.
συνναυμαχήσαντες Laur.
ναυμαχήσαντες Urb. et al.
δεινόν Ύ)Ύθύμ€νοι Vulg. (coll. δεινόν οίόμενοι Urb. corr. et Ambr.
adNicocl. 14, Areop. 64)
[Urb. prim. man. deivoi]
διετέλεσαν t.
διετέλεσαν (conj. Bekker)
διετελέσαμεν tr. Urb. Ambr.
μεγίστην, καϊ κεκτημένοι. Urb. μεηίστην, κεκτημένοι Ambr.
σύμπαντες ol άλλοι — (άλλοι σύμπαντες Urb.
σύμπαντες Ambr.)
/. υποκείμενης δΐtr. Ambr.
υποκείμενης Urb.
δσοι (' vel είναι vel Οσοι habere vide*οΐ (' placet 6<roi' Sauppe)
tur Urbinas' Bekker)
δεκαδαρχιών Urb.
δεκαρχιών Ambr. V i a .
*διάλυμηνάμενοι'[]γΚ Ambr. λυμηνάμενοι t.

via.

*ένίοις Ambr. ('fort, verum
est bl* Sauppe)
*καϊ φονέας MSS.
*έφίκοντο\ η MSS.
rets εαυτών πόλεις Urb. Ambr.
άνα'γε'γραμμενας Urb.
ων άξιον

ivl Urb.

[καϊ φονέας]
έφίκοντ 7)
τάς αυτών πόλεις
yεypaμμέvaς Ambr. V i a .
t. ών άν άξιον tr. [άν άξιον Ambr.
άνα'ξιον Urb.]
πρότερον μέν τους μέν (conj. Baiter)
πρότεραν μέντούς MSS.
συ^καθιστασιν
σχτ^καθιστάσι MSS.
2στι δ' ούχ
%στι hk ούχ
) Vulg. coll.
τοιαύτα λέοντας Urb. Ambr. λοιδοροΰντας
τοιαύτα πράττοντας ) de Pace § 72
λοιδοροΰντας Urb. Ambr.
ημάς τ οίκείως
ημάς τε οίκείως
*με*γάλας τ ας ροπάς Urb. μεγάλα* ροπάς
Ambr.
έπηρξε Ambr.
έπηρχε Urb.
δ' 'Αταρνέα
δέ Αταρνέα
δ' όλί'γφ
δέ όλίγ^
* r ^ βασιλέως U r b . Ambr. τόν του |8ασίλ^ω5

via.

146
147
149
Γ
53
156
158

xxvii

φαυλότητας έν (conj.)
φαυλότητα εν MSS.
επιβολής Urb.
*&n/3ot/Xi7sMSS. except. Urb άπώλονθ9
άπώλοντο
υπέρ αυτών t.—υπέρ αυτών MSS. trt
υ7Γ
έρ αυτών
έπηράσαντ9
έπηράσαντο
τους δ' έπϊ Urb. Ambr.
των δ' «τε
Rheinisches Museum, xxiii 4 (1868), ρ 691.

xxviii TABLE OF VARIOUS
160
161
163
165
171
173
176
178
179
183
187
189

Baiter and Sauppe.
6P ούκ άφετέορ Urb. prima
manu.
- * έχθρων τ&ν εκείνου
* ουδείς Ambr.
έάρ M S S .
άποκλίραιερ Urb. Ambr.
έκεΐνοι μβν οΰν

READINGS.

Benseler.
ου σαφέστερον ουδέν δν ούκ άφετέον
Ambr. et Urb. see. manu.
εχθρών εκείνου Urb.
ούδ> εΐς al. M S S .
hv
άποκλίνειαν Vidl.
εκείνοι με^ν Λ Urb. et Ambr.— iicetvoi μέν [οΰν] tr.
*έξεστηκόσι MSS.
έξεστώσι t.
ώφελίας Urb.
ωφελείας Ambr Vidl.
*α χρψ Urb. Ambr.
α 'χρην t
δέ άρτι
δ' dprc
*πρός άνθρωπου* Urb. Ambr. irpbs τους ανθρώπους
πολλαχχ} [πολλαχοϋ Urb.]
7τολλαχ^ /. πολλαχη tr. Ambr.
2v re τφ παρόντι
+ κ&ιρφ
μεγάλα Urb. Ambr. Vidl.
με*ϊά\*
αυτοί re
αυτοί τ

LIST OF EDITIONS.

T h e following are the editions of Isocrates so far as they are known to
the present editor.
(i) The editio princeps, Demetrius Chalcondylas, Milan, 1493. I t
commences with the life of Isocr. as told by Pseudo-Plutarch, Philostratus,
and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. T h e Epistles are omitted and the volume
closes with a device indicating the name of the printer:—Ulric Scinczenzeller. (2) T h e Aldine ed., Venice, 1513 &c. (3) T h e ed. of Jerome Wolf.
Ισοκράτους άπαντα· Isocratis scripta Graeco-Latina, postremo recognita,
annotationibus novis et eruditis illustrata..., Hieronymo Wolfio Oetingensi
interprete et audtore...Basileae ex ofhcina Oporiniana. 1570 fol. [edd. pr.
1548, 1551].—This ed. contains the first modern commentary on Isocr. T h e
text with lat. trans, occupies more than 600 pages; the notes, which are
sometimes prolix and irrelevant, but often good, occupy more than 700.
(4) Henry Stephens, Paris, 1593 fol. with 7 diatribae. (5) William Battie
(fellow of King's Coll. Cambr.) 1729. (6) Athanasius Auger, Paris, 1782.
(7) Gulielmus Lange, Halis, 1803. (8) Coray, 'Ισοκράτους λόγοι καΐ 4πιστολαΐ μετά σχολίων παλαιών ols προσετέθησαν σημειώσεις...παιδείας
ίνεκα
των τήν*Ελλάδα φωνήν διδασκομένων *Έλλήνων. [Paris, 18ο7—8]. (9) Bekker, Oxford, 1822, Berlin, 1823. (10) W, Dindorf, Leipsig, 1825. ( n )
W. S. Dobson, London, 1828. (12) Baiter and Sauppe, Zurich, 1839.
(13) Baiter, Paris (Didot) 1846. (14) Benseler, Leipsig, 1851 (and with
new title-page, 1856).
I n the above list (4), (5), (6), (13), have little'besides a Lat. translation,
(11) is a useful (but uneven) variorum ed., (12) and (14) are now the best
for textual criticism, (3) and (8) for exegesis.
(II)

T h e best Commentaries on ad Demonicum

and

Panegyricus:—

(1) Opuscula Graecorum veterum sententiosa et moralia; collegit...et
illustravit Jo. Conrad Orelli. Tomus 11. p p . 18—42, 522—569, Isocratis
quae fertur Admonitio ad Demonicum. Lipsiae, 1821. (2) ed. J. q.
Strangius 1831. (3) Isokrates ausgewahlte Reden, F u r den Schulgebrauch
erklart von Dr Otto Schneider.
1. Bandchen Demonicus, Euagoras, Areopagiticus. Teubner, Leipsig, 1859. π · Bandchen Panegyricus, Philippus,
i860. (4) Paneg. recens. et illustr. *S*. F. N. Morus ed. 3 auctior, Lipsiae,
1804. (5) Paneg. cum brevi annot. crit. ed. Pinzger, Leipsig, 1825. (6)
Isocr. ocat commentariis instruclae ab I. H. Bremi (Paneg., Archid., de
Pace, Trapezit.), Gothae, 1831. (7) Paneg. cum Mori suisque annotationibus
ISOC.

c

LIST OF EDITIONS.

XXX

edidit F. A. G. Spdhn: ed. altera emendatio et audlior: curavit I. G. BaU
terus. Lipsiae, 1831. [Out of print.] (8) Isokrates* Panegyrikos und
Philippos. Berichtigt, iibersetzt und erklart von Dr Gustav Edtiard Benseler. Engelmann, Leipsig, 1854. (9) Ausgewahlte Reden des Isokrates,
Panegyricus und Areopagiticus, erklart von Dr R. Ranchensttin. Weidmann (Reimer), Berlin [1849, 1855], 1864.
The commentaries to which the present editor is particularly indebted
are (3), (7), (8) and (9).
III.

Subsidia.

Harpocrationis lex. in X oratores Att. ex recens. G. Dindorf. Oxon.
1853.
Schirach, G. B. Diss. 11. de vita- et genere scribendi Isocr. Halae
Magd. 1765. Pp. 30, pp. 58.
Mitchell, T. (Coll. Sidn. Cantab. Soc.) Index Graec. Isoc. Oxon. 1828.
Dobree, P. P. Adversaria 1. pp. 263—285. Cambridge, 1831, 2.
Strange, J, G. Bemerkungen zu den Reden des Isocr. Jahn's neue
Jahrbiicher fur Philologie. Suppl. III. 439 sqq. 562 sqq. 1824.
Pfund, J. G. de Isocr. vita et scriptis. Berolini, 1833. pp. 24.
Stallbaum, G. Isocratea ad illustrandas Phaedr. Plat, origines, Lipsiae,
1850. pp. 21.

Vischer, W. zu Isokr. Paneg. § 106T Schneidewin's Philologus, 1855.
p. 245—9.
Spengel, L· Isokrates u. Platon. Miinchen, 1856.
Schroder, H. P. Quaestiones Isocr. duae. (1) Socrates sitae in Isocr.
praeceptoribus numerandus. (2) Isocr. qualis fuerit homo. Traje&i ad
Rhenum, 1859. PP· 2 0 0 ·
Le discours d'Isocrate sur lui-m$me, intitule, sur PAntidosis, traduit
en Francais...-pax Auguste Cartelier, revu et public avec le texte, une introduction [D'Isocrate en general, pp. ciii] et des notes, par Ernest Havet,
[pp. 257] Paris, 1862.
Blass, F. Isokrates* dritter Brief und die gewohnliche Erzahlung von
seinem Tode. Rheinisches Museum, 1865. 109—116.
Thompson, Dr. W. H. Plato, Phaedr. London, 1868. Appendix II.
on the Philosophy of Isocrates, and his relation to the Socratic schools,
pp. T70—183.

INTRODUCTION.
AD DEMONICUM.
THE treatise which bears this name chiefly consists of a
series of moral maxims addressed to one Demonicus. After a
brief introduotion (§§ ι—12), the writer commences a series of
practical precepts of a very diversified nature, as may be seen
at a glance from the summary of §§ 13—43 in the following
commentary. At the end of these precepts, the writer con­
cludes with an epilogue consisting partly of expressions of
hope that the fair promise of the boyhood of Demonicus may
be fulfilled in his advancing youth, partly of appeals to the
need of cultivating self-denial and industry, and to the lasting
happiness which crowns a virtuous life.
Of the personality of Demonicus nothing is known except
what is stated in the treatise or may be easily deduced there­
from. We find that he was still young (§ 44), and that he
had recently lost his father Hipponicus, whose charaoter was
well known and admired by the writer (§§ 2, 9—11). He is
recommended to do all honour to kings, to obey their laws,
and to ensure their good will (§ 36). He therefore must have
lived in a monarchical state, but could not himself have be­
1
longed to the royal family .
Doubts have often been raised as to the authorship of the
treatise. It is found in all the best manuscripts of Isocrates,
1
Hence he could hardly have been king of Cyprus as stated by Constantinus Porphyrogenitus (Emp. of East, 911—959 A.D.), nor son of
Evagoras king of Cyprus as stated by Tzetzes (Byzantine Grammarian,
nourished lath century, A.D.)

Qap&rros Ευαγόρον δέ, ypa<pei wpbs παΐδα τούτον,
Φ9 κλ#β·*ϊ ηρ Αημδνικο!, πολλά* τά$ Tapatviaeis.
C2

xxxii

INTRODUCTION.

it is quoted as his by a critic of the first century B. C. and a
rhetorician of the second century A.D., but its genuineness has
nevertheless been sharply attacked. The anonymous writer of
the argument (v. p. ι infra) states that certain persons held it
spurious (in common with the ad Nicoclem and Nicocles) be­
cause of its 'feebleness of diotion' (το aV0evcs της φράσεως);
and, in more recent times, the assault has been renewed by
Henry Stephens 1 , and in the present century by Coray and
Benseler.
Stephens opens his case by stating that scarcely a hun­
dredth part of the readers of Isocrates can be aware that there
are three writers of that name, (i) the Athenian orator, (2)
his pupil, Isocrates, born at Apollonia in Pontus (Άπολλωνιάτης), and (3) a friend and contemporary of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. H e then quotes a number of words and phrases,
which, he asserts, could not have proceeded from Isocrates the
Athenian 2 ; disposes of a passage in the Greek lexicographer
Harpocration, which appears to be in favour of the claims of
the second Isocrates 8 , and concludes that the third Isocrates
was the real author.
The greatest of all the objections to this view is the high
probability that the third Isocrates never existed: his existence
depends entirely on a misunderstanding of the following pas­
sage of Dionysius 4 :
'Ισοκράτης μίζν 6 σος εταίρος καΐ Ιμος, ω Έχέκρατες, cwrep άλλα
τι, φησϊ χρήναι προσ€ΐναι τοΐς σπουδαίους άνθρώποις (iv ττ} τταραινίσζι τ$ ττρος Ίππονίκον) καϊ την φιλοπροσηγορίαν, οπ€ρ iari το
προσφων&ν τονς απαντώντας, ως αυτός φησι (ν. § 2 ο). If there is
sufficient reason to believe that by the words 'your companion
and mine* any other than a contemporary of Dionysius is
1

In Isocr. diatribae, 1593.
Some of these have been removed with the help of better MSS than
those which were known in Stephens' time: e.g. άκμ^ν (in § 3): the others
(so far as they are worth mentioning) will be discussed under the head of
Benseler's objections.
3
See p. 10 n.
4
Ars Rhet. v. 1.
a

AD DEMONICUM.

xxxiii

meant, the.conclusion drawn by Stephens is invalid; and such
a reason is found in the fa<5t that Dionysius was an admirer
of the Athenian Isocrates, the ' Attic orator,' whom he fre­
quently mentions, and on whose style he wrote an apprecia­
tive treatise still extant. I t would be perfedtly natural for
him, in writing to Echecrates, to speak of that Isocrates as
their common friend in exaotly the same way as Cicero, in
writing to Atticus, speaks of Theophrastus, the pupil and suc­
cessor of Aristotle as ' Amicus meus1.'
2. Coray's main objections are two. The first is that
some of the maxims appear more suited to a writer living
under a monarchical government than to an Athenian. This
point is answered elsewhere (§ 36, n. on Lange). The second
relates to the antithetical form of the treatise. i If/ says Coray,
'you except the favorite άντίθ€τα of Isocrates, it contains
nothing characteristic of him. And even of these άντίθ€τα, the
writer makes an excessive use.' Coray therefore admits that it
contains one strongly; marked charaoleristic of Isocrates. We
shall enquire presently whether it does not contain more than
one.
3. Benseler's attack is supported by stronger arguments
than those above quoted. His reasons (so far as they are
deduced from internal evidence) are shortly summed up on
p. iv. of his preface to the Teubner edition. These will now
be taken seriatim, and an attempt will be made to answer each.
(α) ζ It contains expressions which are either rare or
foreign to the usage of Isocrates.'
§ 20, φιλοπροσηγορος. This is undoubtedly a rare word,
but it occurs in exactly the context where we should expedl
it. The writer wishes for a more general word than ευπροσηγορος, and therefore uses φιλοπροσήγορος, and proceeds to
point out the distinction between €νπροσηγορία and φιλοπροσψ
γορι'α. The mere rarity of the word cannot go for much
when the undisputed writings contain such words as rcpOpeia
(HeL § 4); φθόη (Aegin. § 11); τνρβη (de Perm. § 30); ίπικήρως
1

Epp. ad Att. II. 16.

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION.

(Busir. § 49); ενδελεχέστατος (dePerm. § 84); κατασκ€λ€Τ€ν0€ΐσα*
(ib. § 268); and Ζιασκαριφασθαι {Areop. § 12).
§ 4, τά των τρόπων $fy. Benseler finds fault with the pleo­
nasm. But similar pleonasms are found in the acknowledged
writings of Isocrates, and this fulness of expression enables the
writer to keep up a more perfect parallelism with the words of
the corresponding clause, την δεινότητα την εν TOIS Xoyois.
§ 49, ελαττονμενονς. See note, p. 39.
§ 15, κόσμος pro ενκοσμία. Isocrates uses κόσμος in the
sense 'ornament' and also in the sense 'heavens'. There
is surely no great objeotion to his using κόσμος in the sense
'propriety'; but as a matter of fadl the translation 'orna­
ment' will suit the passage sufficiently well (see n.), although
/xeyicn-ov σ€αυτώ τρέπειν κόσμον would, it is admitted, be a more
obvious form of expression.
ib. κρατεΐσθαι pro κατεχεσθαι. This meaning of κρατεΐσθαι
('to be held fast, kept in check') probably does not occur
in Isocrates, but I am unable to see any conclusive reason
against the possibility of his using the word in this sense.
§ 4, συγγράφειν. The force of Benseler's objection to this
word is not easily seen. In another passage (Paneg. § 177)
σνγγράφεσθαι is used, but in a different sense.
§ 16, συν. This preposition is never used by Isocrates1.
The fa<5i is curious; but his frequent use of it in compounds
may help to deprive the obje&ion of part of its force. Besides,
it is not impossible that the sentence τερψις γάρ~κάκιστον is
really a quotation.
(β) 'Difference of dialect,'§ 7. θαρσαλεως. (See note.) This
is the Ionic and early Attic form, and is the MS reading. We
cannot fairly alter the reading, but it is worth while to notice
that in de Perm. § 121, two good MSS (Urb. and Vat.) read
θαρσησονσι (which Bekker adopts).
§ 24, θελε (see note). §§ 16, 44, συνειδήσεις, εΙδήσεις. These
1

'Obiter moneo, quod satis minim est, Isocratem ipsa prepositione
σύν prorsus abstinuisse, praeterunum locum ad Dem. § 16/ Baiter, praef.
ad Paneg. p. xvi.

AD DEMONICUM.

XXXV

are more Ionic than Attic (see p. 16 n.). We shall return to
some of these details presently.
(γ) ζ Union of positive and comparative' (v. p. 37 n.).
(δ) 'Bad arrangement of precepts' (v. p. 13 n.).
We have still to consider a point which Benseler considers
of the highest importance. The Ep. ad Dem. contains a number
of instances of hiatus. These are, §20, λόγω €υπροσηγορος, 38,
8ννασθαι} άνίχον.,.το Ισον.,,ώφςλίΐ, η. 49> mwl ίλαττουμενος.
40, σώματι ctvat, and 14 others, e.g. § 7, Si cvycvciov?, § 24,
μήτ€ owrcipos, § 11, σέ ωσπ€ρ. Some of these can be readily
defended by the pause between one word and the next (cf.
Paneg. 74,7τα/οαλ€λ€ΐφ0αι. δ/χω?) many of them can be removed by
elision. Now in other parts of Isocrates, when similar instances
of hiatus occur, Benseler either (very properly) places a mark
of elision, or promptly inverts the order of a word or two, and
does away with the obnoxious collocation. The Ep. ad Dem.
he leaves helpless, and then points to the so-called flaws as a
proof of its spuriousness. If a general avoidance of hiatus is,
as must be admitted, a characteristic of the Athenian Isocra­
tes, it is easy to quote passages in the Ep. ad Dem. in which
the writer appears to prefer the rarer of two equally possible
expressions when it enables him to avoid hiatus: e.g. § 3, epyov
€7Γΐχ€ΐρ€ΐν instead of ?ργω ί.πιχ<ειρ£ν, and § 4, τοσοντω μάλλον...
όσον οί instead of τοσοντω μάλλον...οσω οι.
It is perhaps worth while to dwell for a moment on the
three selected authorities on which Benseler relies for the sup­
port of his first canon (on the hiatusl).
The first passage comes from Dionysius and may be found
quoted on p. 128 of this edition. In a note on that page, it,
is suggested that the words of Dionysius in themselves are not
conclusive; and it may here be added that in another passage
of the same author we have a glimpse of the method by which
he arrived at his statement*. He quotes a few seilions from
the Areqpagiticus, and states that there is not a single hiatus in
the passage; and that he does not think there is one in the
v. suprar p., xxii

' de comfi. verhorutn c 23.

xxxvi

INTRODUCTION.

whole of the speech. The statement of Dionysius appears to
be founded on a loose examination of passages like that
which he quotes and at the very best is inconclusive. Be­
sides, it is this very critic that cites the Ep. ad Dem. without
expressing the slightest doubt as to its authorship.
The second passage comes from Hermogenes (2nd cent.
A.D.) who says of the style of Isocrates, ov μόνον τά κώλα σνν£γζται τοις σύμφωνους αλλά καΧ πας 6 λόγος· τοσούτον αύτώ της
εύφωνίας καϊ του κάλλους μψίλη^1.
This is more definite; but
the weight of the opinion of Hermogenes is for Benseler's pur­
poses seriously impaired by the fail that the same Rhetorician
elsewhere quotes the Ep. ad Demonicum as the genuine pro­
duction of Isocrates the Athenian.
The statement of this rhetorician of the second century was
in all probability derived ultimately from the lost treatise
either written by Isocrates himself, or (more probably) drawn
up by one of his pupils as a summary of his rules of Rhetoric.
A quotation from this forms the third of Benseler's seleft
authorities on the hiatus: the words are
8cl ΤΎ) μίν Xiijet τά φωνήεντα μη σννζμπίπτζνν.
If we could be certain in the first place that this rule was
intended to apply to #//kinds of composition, and, in the second,
that Isocrates could never break through his own rule, this
passage would be conclusive. To suppose that he intended
the rule to be universal—to apply to an ordinary letter of ad­
vice as much as to highly elaborated orations, is, I cannot but
think, unreasonable. Again, in the same set of rules gathered
from the τέχνη we have a rule that prose is to be rhythmical,
but never metrical. This rule is certainly violated in a passage
which has not (as far as I can tell) been noticed by the conti­
nental editors (v. p. 149). If he could break his rule about
metre, he could also break his rule about hiatus.
If we now pass to the internal evidence in favour of the
genuineness, we find the same discrimination in the choice
of words, and the same love of parallelisms in struoiure,
1

irepl Ιδεών. a. c. 12 LRhetores Graeci II. 338. Ed. Spengel).

AD DEMONICUM.

xxxvii

sound and sense, that mark his undisputed writings in general.
But of all those writings, the one that deserves particularly
to be compared with it is the hortatory discourse addressed
to Nicocles on the duties of kings. The natural coincidences
in thought and expression are sufficiently numerous to indi­
cate identity of authorship, without being of such an artificial
nature as to betray the hand of a mere imitator of the style of
the treatise ad Nicodem. Fortunately for the last treatise, and
that on the duties of subjects (the Nicocles), almost half of the
former and a long passage of the latter are quoted by Isocrates
himself in the speech de Permutatione (§§ 73, 253); otherwise
their genuineness would doubtless have been denied by the
critics; the ad Nicoclem was actually attacked by Stephens,
before the lost portion of the de Perm., which contained the
quotation, was discovered by Mustoxydes. The subject-matter
is often distinctly characteristic of Isocrates; the precept μά­
λιστα filv πειρώ ζην κατ άσφάλειαν (§ 43) * s exactly what might
be expected from one who never fought a single battle, and
whose whole life was based on the principle έκτος κινδύνων και
αγώνων καρπονσθαι την σοφίαν \ The precept on ' wine-parties/
(§ 32 η.), and the frequent reminiscences of Theognis (v. § 7 n.),
not to mention other details, point in the same direction.
Thus far for the internal evidence on the two sides of the
question: we now proceed to a summary statement of the ex­
ternal evidence, and in so doing we may fairly premise that
wherever the name of Isocrates stands by itself, the Athenian
and not his pupil of Apollonia is to be understood.
The external evidence against the genuineness consists of
a passage in the Lexicon of Harpocration. H e quotes and
explains the words Ιπακτος όρκος, and gives as one of his
authorities, ' Isocrates of Apollonia, in the exhortations ad­
dressed to Demonicus.'
I n favour of the genuineness we have another passage in the
same lexicon, where the words δωπερ ήμζΐς—παραίν*σιν γράψαντ€ς
are quoted, followed by the words Ισοκράτης παραιν&τζσιν.
1

Plato, Euthyd. 305 E.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION.

Secondly, Dionysius Halic, in a passage already quoted,
speaks of his friend Isocrates as inculcating the duty of ' affa­
bility,' cv rfi παραίνεσα rrj προς Ίππονίκου (v. § 20).
Thirdly, Hermogenes (7rcpt μεθόδου δεινότητος 2 ζ -Rhetores
Graeci, π . 477, ed. Spengel), in speaking of various methods of
inoffensive self-laudation, quotes instances from Demosthenes
and Isocrates. The instance from the latter is thus introduced,
ό 'Ισοκράτης iv τω ττρωτω λόγω των παραινέσεων το πρώτον προοί-

μιον ίαντον «ταινον κατεσκεύασε, and then follows a short expo­
sition of the first two sections. He also quotes lav $s φιλο­
μαθής, εστ) (sic) πολυμαθής (ad Dem. § 18) as occurring παρά
Ίσοκράτει (Herm. I.e. ιβ-Rhet. Gr. 11. 440).
Fourthly, it is contained in all the best MSS.
It would be easy to prolong this introduction by an
examination into the credibility of each of the above points of
external evidence; but it will be sufficient to state in brief that
the self-contradicted evidence of Harpocration cannot be held
sufficient in itself to counteract the strong external and in­
ternal evidence in favour of the genuineness. In the absence
of undisputed remains of Isocr. the younger, we are unable
to form any definite opinion on his style. In the case of other
pupils of Isocrates, e.g. Theopompus, Ephorus, Isaeus, Lycurgus
and Hyperides, we have more than enough remaining, to prove
the distinct individuality of their manner of writing and to
shew their general independence of their former master. Is
it probable, we may ask, that Isocrates the younger wrote
in a style, that has little, if any thing, to distinguish it from
that of his master's treatise ad Nicodem ?
Those who believe in the genuineness of the ad Dem. are
bound to give a satisfactory or at least a plausible account
of the circumstances under which it may have been written.
In accordance with this bounden duty, we would venture
to assign it to the period of his life which he spent in the
Island of Chios. His departure for that island is generally
assigned to the year 404 B.C, or according to a more probable
calculation (into the details of which it is unnecessary to

AD DEMONICUM.

xxxix

1

enter), to the year 393 B.C. Chios was an Ionian island and
the Chians spoke one of the four forms of the Ionic dialect 3 .
T o this local influence, in some shape or other, we may possi­
bly assign his use of the Ionic forms θαρσαλέως and άδήσεις3.-—
Isocrates had lost his patrimony in the Peloponnesian war: in
§ 19 he tells us that 'wealth passethaway but wisdom alone is
immortal.'—To repair his losses, he opened a school in Chios;
hence the schoolmaster's tone that is apparent in such precepts
as those of § 18, lav 77s φιλομαθής eaet πολνμαθης κ.τ.λ. and of
§*4o; he had only nine pupils, hence the words αίσχρον τονς
νεωτέρους μη$€ τάς κατά yrjv πορείας νπομίνειν Ιπ\ τω βελτίω
καταστησαι την αυτών δί,άνοιαν (§ 19). The monarchical State
where Demonicus was living may probably have been Cyprus,
and the Ep. ad Dem. would in that case be the precursor of the
three Cyprian treatises of Isocrates, the ad Nicoclem^ the Nicocles
and the Evagoras.
We know nothing of the nature of Isocrates' original ac­
quaintance with Demonicus or his father Hipponicus. That
the name of Hipponicus occurs in the family of Isocrates is
only the erroneous assertion of one of the writers in Smith's
Biographical Diclionary (art Callias and Hipponicus), who after
telling us that Hipparete (daughter of the Hipponicus who fell
at Delium) was the wife of Alcibiades, which is true, proceeds
i
to state t h a t another daughter of Hipponicus was married to
Theodorus and became the mother of Isocrates the orator,'
which is false. The error arose from a misunderstanding of
Isocr. de Bigis § 31, where Alcibiades the younger, not Isocrates,
is the speaker.
But apart from all debated questions of the personality of
the sender and the receiver of this letter, we may find a point
of some slight interest in its subject-matter. We have number­
less instances of similar practical .precepts in ancient and
modern literature. The de Officiis of Cicero (in the first
cent. B.C.), the distichs of various dates that bear the name; of
1

3

2
Rauchenstein ed. Paneg. p. 8.
Hdt. 1. 142.
Hdt. VII. 234, Hippocrates vii. 476, vin. 430 (ap. Veitch. GL Vbs.).

xl

INTRODUCTION.

AD

DEMONICUM.

Dionysius Gato; the writings of the three great Stoics of the
first two centuries A.D., Seneca the courtier, Epicletus the slave,
and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the emperor; the admonitions of
the Emperor Basil (the Macedonian) to his son Leon (in the ninth
century1); and in more recent times, the 'wise saws' of Shakspeare's Polonius, the Church-Porch of George Herbert, and
the 'Christian morals' of Sir Thomas Browne, are among the
many examples that might be quoted; but the treatise now
under consideration has a value that is independent of all
these, inasmuch as it embodies the current maxims of the
popular morality of Greece;—maxims originally enshrined in
the verses of the 'Gnomic poets 2 ' and in the proverbial philo­
sophy of the 'seven sages' of the sixth century. The precepts
here recorded are sometimes dashed with a gloom that reminds
us of the elegies of Theognis, the exiled aristocrat of Megara;
they are founded in many cases on a shrewd and cautious
observation of the ways of the world and therefore appeal
too frequently to a cold and calculating self-interest, and to
a regard for outward appearances. On the whole, however
they form a moderately brilliant and far from inattractive spe­
cimen of the ordinary principles of Grecian Ethics.
1

In Exhort. 66 the Emperor recommends his son to read the writings
of Solomon and of Isocrates, and also the book of Ecclesiasticus.
2
adNicocL §§ 3, 43 ; Aeschin. ill. § 135 ; Plato, Protag. 326.— On the
ίτίδαξι? of Hippias, v. id. Hip. maj. 286.

PANEGYRICUS.

xli

PANEGYRICUS.
T H E Panegyricus is perhaps the most celebrated of all the
writings of Isocrates. Dionysius applies to it the epithet Treptβόητος1, and Philostratus calls it κάλλιστος λόγων (vit. Soph. i. 17).
It consists of an appeal to the Greeks in general, to join in an
expedition against Persia, under the united command of Athens
and Sparta; but at the time when the speech was written,
Athens had lost her supremacy and Sparta was the leading
power in Greece: the orator is therefore compelled to enter
upon an elaborate proof that the supremacy belongs by right to
Athens: he accordingly dwells with patriotic zeal on the le­
gendary and historic fame and the great public services of his
country; he speaks of her as the avenger of the oppressed, as
the champion of Greece against the Barbarians in general, as
the victor in the battles of Marathon, Artemisium and Salamis.
H e closes the first great division of his speech by contrasting
the beneficent and disinterested rule of Athens with the cruel
and selfish dominion of Sparta, and thence deduces the pro­
priety of restoring the supremacy to the state which claimed it
as a hereditary right, and had ratified the claim by the high
purposes to which in former days she had dedicated her autho­
rity. I n the second part of the speech, he points out the critical
necessity of undertaking the expedition, and after dwelling on
the ignominious peace of Antalcidas, on the inherent weakness
of Persia, the immemorial enmity between the Greeks and the
Barbarians, he insists, in conclusion, that every motive whether
of gain or glory, of justice or revenge, declares that the time
for decisive action has arrived.
The name of Panegyricus
1

is given to the speech

De Tsocr. jud. 14.

by

xlii

INTRODUCTION.
1

Isocrates himself , and implies that it was written for recitation
at one of the great festal assemblies or πανηγύρεις, such as the
Panathenaic festival at Athens or the Panhellenic festival at
Olympia. That it was ever publicly recited by the author at
the latter festival, as Philostratus 2 tells us, is extremely im­
probable. The strong language, in which he speaks of the
Lacedaemonians, would in itself have been fatal to his chances
of obtaining a hearing, to say nothing of the facl; that his wellknown timidity and his weakness of voice must have prevented
him from making the attempt. At the very most, it is possible
that it was recited for him by another; but the principal way,
in which it became known to the Grecian world, was doubtless
the multiplication of copies of the original speech which were
either circulated at the πανήγνρπ or sent to the leading men
in the various Grecian states 3 . I n after years it was frequently
quoted by Aristotle and imitated by the pupils of the ' orator/
some of whom must have heard a great part of the speech in
the ordinary course of his instructions in rhetoric, and, if the
analogy of subsequent writings 4 is worth anything, may have
even ventured to criticise it and to propose alterations, during
the great length of time which the writer devoted to its
elaborate preparation. The actual number of years spent upon
it is variously stated. Quintilian 5 mentions ten years as the
lowest number recorded by his predecessors, Plutarch 6 makes it
'almost 3 Olympiads/ and the writer of the treatise onthe Sublime,
sometimes ascribed to Longinus (cap. 4), in the course of a criti1
2
3

Phil. § 9, 84, Epp. π ι . 6, de Perm. § 172.
6 K<LV7jyvpiKbs...\6yos1 ov διήλθβν
Όλυμπίασι.

Phil. § 11, (0 \6yos) ό πρότ€ρον εκδοθεί*.
Phil. §§ 17—23, and Panath. § 200, 'Έπψώρθονν τδν
\6yov..^era
μ€φακίων τριών ή τεττάρων των είθισμένων μοι συνδιατρίβειν
επειδή δε διεξι
ονσιν ήμΐν έδόκει καλώς Ζχειν κάί προσδεΐσθαι τεΧευτης μόνον, Ζδοξέ μοι μεταΊτέμψασθαΙ τίνα των έμοϊ πεπΚΎίσιακοτων,,.Λν* €Ϊτι τταρέλαθεν 'ημάς ψευδοί
είρημένον, έκεΐνος κατιδών δηλώσειεν τ\μιν.
5
Χ. 4· 4 (probably quoted from Dionys. Halic. de comp. verb. c. 25 TOP
ιτανητγνρικδν \6yov, cos ol τον ελάχιστον yphvov γράφοντες άποφαίνονσιν, ev
$?εσι δέκα συνβτα'ξατο).
\ β Mor. 350 Ε.
4

PANEGYRICUS.

xliii

cism on Timaeus, the celebrated Sicilian historian (the pupil of
one of the disciples of Isocrates), records a frigid comparison in­
stituted by the historian between Isocrates and Alexander, prais­
ing the latter for 'conquering the whole of Asia in a shorter time
than Isocrates took in writing the Panegyricus and advocating
an expedition against Persia.' ' On this principle/ says the cri­
tic, ζ the Lacedaemonians were evidently far inferior in spirit to
Isocrates. The former spent thirty years over the conquest of
Messene, the latter only ten over the composition of the
Panegyricus? The criticism is itself open to criticism; it is
only quoted here to shew that the period of ten years is
recognised by more than one ancient authority.
The internal evidence of the speech is in favour of this
statement; the peace of Antalcidas (387 B.C.) is never alluded
to in the first part of the oration. This appears to have been
written independently of that event; in the second part how­
ever we have numerous allusions to it, expressed in indignant
terms which imply that it had only recently been negotiated.
The exaot date of the publication is determined by the
historical allusions in § 126. From that section, it appears
that the publication took place during the siege of Phlius and
Olynthus, but before the capture of these places. The siege of
Olynthus began in 382 B.C., that of Phlius in the early part of
380; hence we conclude that the speech was not published
before 380 B.C. Again the siege of Phlius after a duration of
20 months, terminated in the latter part of 379 B.C. almost
coincidently with the capture of Olynthus. Hence the speech
could not have been published after 379; and if we take into
consideration the great probability that it was published during
an Olympic πανήγνρις, we obtain the latter part of the summer
of 380 as a sufficiently accurate approximation to the date of
the first appearance of the speech1.
It is hardly necessary to add that the Panegyricus failed in
bringing about a practical result. It brought the author rhe1
The attempts to reconcile this date with the confused chronology of
§141, have not hitherto been successful.

xliv

INTRODUCTION. PANEGYRICUS.

tarical fame and was destined to be the subject of quotation,
imitation and plagiarism1) but it is only an idle rumour (recorded
by Aelian2 in the 3rd cent. A.D.) that ascribes to its influence the
expedition against Persia projected by Philip and accomplished
by Alexander. At its publication the former was only an
infant, and about a quarter of a century elapsed before the
birth of the latter; but Isocrates never entirely deserted his
favorite project. The idea of a Persian war, originally taken up
as a grand theme for rhetorical display, pursued him throughout
the whole of his subsequent life; he recurs to it in a letter3
written to Archidamus, king of Sparta, and also in a pamphlet4
addressed to Philip of Macedon, which forms a signal instance
of the blindness of its author to the real character of that
monarch, and places him in sharp contrast to the vigorously
patriotic policy of Demosthenes; and lastly, when the battle of
Chaeroneia had virtually crushed the freedom and indepen­
dence of Greece, the aged rhetorician, after a lapse of more
than 40 years from the publication of the Fanegyricus, writes
a feeble letter to Philip, which closes with almost the last,
if not the very last, words he ever wrote,—words of hope that
the great project would still be accomplished : χάριν δ* Ζχω τω
γηρα ταύτην μόνην, οτι' προηγα-γεν cts τοΰτό μου τον βίον, ώσθ* α
νέος ων ΰιενοούμην, και γράφαν επιχειρούν εντε τω πανηγυρικά
και τω προς σε πεμφθεντι,

σων ίφορω πράξεων, τα δ' ελπίζω Ύ€νησ€σθαι.
1
2
3
4

λόγω

ταύτα νυν τα μεν ηΰη *γιγνόμ€να δια των

Phil § 84, 94·
Var. Hist χιιι. i t .
Epp. IX. 19.
The Philippus.

Cf. Isocr. Epf. 111. j .

ΙΣΟΚΡΆΤΟΥΣ

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ

ΥΠΟΘΕ2Ι2 ΑΝΩΝΥΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ1.
Έϊγραψε πολλούς λόγους, ων εισίν αι παραινέσεις, ει και τίνες
ήβονλήθησαν αυτά? ei7rciv μη eivai αυτού δια το ασθενές της φρά­
σεως, ας πρώτον εικότως άναγινώσκομεν, ουχ ως βελτίονας ούσας
των άλλων λόγων και γαρ και 6 πανηγυρικός αυτών προέχει και
άλλοι πολλοί* αλλ' δτι π€ρϊ ηθών διαλαμβάνουσιν2.
άναγκαίον δέ
τα ήθη προ των λόγων κοσμησαι, ωσπερ 6 -γεωργός οφείλει, προ των
σπερμάτων και ης μέλλει καταβάλλειν φυτείας, εκκόπτειν άπο των
χωρίων τα λυμαινομενα τούτοις, οίον αγρωστιν και τα τούτοις πα­
ραπλήσια* δι' ο, ως και προς παιδας ταΰτα γράφων,
ήναγκάσθη
ταπεινότερα χρησασθαι τΎ) φράσει- ώστε αΰτου αν εϊησαν και αί
παραινέσεις. α£ιον δέ ζτ^τ^σαι, δια ποίον αίτιαν ούτως αυτας ανα1
'ΤΠΟθΕΣΙΣ.] This argument
was written by an unknown gram­
marian, and was first published in
1817 by Andreas Mustoxydes (a
learned Greek) from two MSS. in
the Medicean Library at Florence.
Its date is approximately determined
by the fact that, in another argu­
ment, the same grammarian adds to
a short notice of Nicocles, king of
the Cyprian Salamis, the words rijs
νυν Κ ω στ αντί νου καλούμενης. The
name Constantia could not have
been given to Salamis before 306 A.D.
(the date of the accession of Constantine I.), and its earliest mention

ISOC.

occurs in connection with Epiphanius, who is called Bishop of Con­
stantia in 367. Hence we conclude
that this argument was not written
before the fourth cent. A . D . It
contains many departures from Clas­
sical usage, some of which will be
stated in the following notes.
2
διαλαμβάνουσ-ιν] = ' disserunt,'
' exponunti a meaning peculiar to
late Greek. Schaefer (on Gregorius
Corinth-us de dial. p. 7) illustrates
this meaning by quotations from
Maximus Planudes (14th cent. A.D.)
and Eudocia (Empress, 1059—1071
A.D.).

I

2

ΙΣ0ΚΡΑΤ0Τ2

γινώσκομεν κατά τά£ιν, πρώτον την προς Δημονικον, έπειτα την
προς Νικοκλεα, και μη άδιαφόρως, ώσπερ εν τοις άλλοις αυτού λογοις. λεγομεν, ότι'Ισοκράτης βουλόμενος κοινωφελής γενέσθαι, φορ~
τικόν δε ηγούμενος το προς πάντας γράφειν τάς συμβουλάς, ήλθεν
ως τούτους γραφειν.
το δε αληθές πάσι παραινεί δια των τριών
παραινέσεων, ώσπερ και ό 'Ησίοδος 3 , ok προς τον άδελφόν λέγων,
εργάζευ
νήπιε
Τίερση, πάσι παραινεί, ούτω και ο Ισοκράτης.
τάττει ονν πρώτον τον προς Δημόνικον, ως προς ιδιωτας πρώτον
διαλεγόμ,ενος, είτα βασιΚενειν διδάσκων εν τω προς Νικοκλεα· πρώ­
τον γαρ τις ιδιώτες γενόμενος νστερον έρχεται επι την /^ασιλειαν.
είτα λέγει εν τω προς Νικοκλεα η συμμαχικώ, πώς δει και τον
Ιδιώτην /?ασιλευεσ#αι.·—''Ανάγονται δέ αι παραινέσεις υπό το συμβουλευτικόν* είδος, κεκληνται δε παραινέσεις παρά τον αΐνον, ο
εστί την συμβουλήν, ώς και Η σ ί ο δ ο ς 5 · ν υ ν δε α ι ν ο ν
βασίλευσα
στάσιν 6 δε ουκ επιδέχονται* ου γαρ εχουσι τον άντιλεγοντα.
καιρός
μεν ήδη, ώς εΐπομεν, επ αυτας λοιπόν χωρείν των λόγων τάς εξη­
γήσεις,
αλλ' επειδή άναγκαιον προ αυτών των εξηγήσεων προηγείσ^αι τάς υποθέσεις και τονς σκοπούς των λόγων, δεικτέον πρώτον
του λόγου τήν υποθεσιν.
Ιππονικος τις, ως έχει ο 7τολυς λόγος,
Κύπριος ρ,έν ην τω γένει, 'Ισοκράτους δε φίλος του σοφιστου* ούτος
τελευτήσας κατελειψε7 παΐδα, ονόματι Δημόνικον. τούτον 'Ισοκράτης
ορών παιδα οντά και πολλής επιμελείας λόγων δεόμενον, γράφει
αΰτώ ΰπο0τ;κας, όπως δει ζην αυτόν διδά^αι βουλομενος· ώσπερ ην
είχε προς τον πάτερα ευνοιαν παραπεμψαι και μέχρι του παιδός,
ώς και εν αΰττ} τη άρχη του λογού προοιμιάζεται.
συμβουλεύει ουν
αύτώ, γράψας δι επιστολής' ου γάρ εδύνατο καταλεΐψαι7 Αθήνας

3

Ησίοδο*] ' Works and Days,'

395·
4

συμ,βουλευτικόν.] Cf. Paneg.
§ n , έπώεικτι,κώϊ. η.
5
'BXoSos.] * Works and Days,'
200.

6
στάσιν.] Lit. * they do not ad­
mit of an issue.' στάση (—status,
constitutio causae) is a technical
term, used frequently by late writers
on Rhetoric to indicate the * issue
joined by two contending parties.'
The grammarians generally take
great pains to define, in their intro­
ductions, the στάση of each succes­

sive speech or treatise that comes
under their notice. Our gramma­
rian has just told us that the treatise
addressed to Demonicus is one of
those that falls under the 'delibera­
tive class' of writings: he feels that
the reader will expect to be told, as
usual, the issue joined therein; and
accordingly informs him, with some
naweti, that there is none, ου yccp
Ζχουσι τον avTtXiyovTa,
7
κατελειψε ... καταλεΐψαι.] In
Classical Gk. κατέλιπεν and καταXLT€LV.

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

3

δια τους μαθητάς, τινϊς δέ επιχειρουσι λέγειν τον λόγον, επιστολή
προς Δημονικον.
και η μεν φαινόμενη υπόθεσις αυτή. εϊρηκαμεν
8
δε εν τοις άνω, ως οτι κοινωφελείς αυτού βούΧεται πονησασθαι τας
παραινέσεις και συμβουΧευσαι, πως Set ζην τον ιδιωτών. κα\ τούτο
ποιεί δια του Δημονίκου, και το πως δει βασιΚενειν προβαΧΧόμενος
τον Νικοκλέα. φενγων δε το φορτικον ου φανερως επιφέρει τοΐς
εαυτού Χόγοις τον Ιδιον σκοπον. άρχεται δε απο θείων, είτα εις
γονέα? μεταβαίνει, είτα φίΧους και οίκον και πατρίδα, την τε διαιταν καϊ την περί το σώμα και την περί ψυχην. χωρητέον ουν λοι­
9,
πόν και έπι το προοίμιον, παρά τον οΐμον, ο εστίν οδόν. 'Ησίοδος
μακρός τε και όρθιος οϊμος επ* αυτήν.
οδός δέ του λογού οι αγώνες και αι πράξεις,
8

ώ$ δτι] ( = Eng. 'how thaV).
istic of late Greek.
9 €
This pleonasm is used elsewhere by
H<rCo8os.] * Works and Days?
the writer of thie argument, and is
288.
(like ώς-οΐον, οΐον-ώς) a character-

4

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

'§§ι

(α.) Έζ; πολλοίς μεν, ω Αημονικε, πολύ διεστωσας ευ- 2
ρήσομεν τάς τ€ τώζ/ σπουδαίων ηνώμας καϊ τάς T W φαύλων
διανοίας, πολύ δε μεγίστην διαφοράν εΧληφασιν iv ταΐς
προς αλλήλους συνήθειας' ol μεν yap τους φίλους παρόντας
μόνον τιμωσιν, ol δε καϊ μακράν άπόντας άγαπώσι, και τάς
μεν των φαύλων συνήθειας ολίγος χρόνος διέλυσε, τάς δε b
§§ ι—12. A general
introduction,
stating the object of the letter,
1, 2. Time and space cannot
sever the friendships of good men: I
therefore send you this letter as a sure
proof of my goodwill towards you and
yours, and as a token of my intimacy
with your latefather, Hipponicus. 3.
Every thing, on your side and mine,
favours
my projecl. 4. / propose
therefore to exhort you, not to mere
intelleclual excellence, but to moral
excellence, 5—7 a possession which is
more grand
and enduring
than
beauty, wealth, strength, and noble
birth.
9—12. You have a pattern
of moral excellence in your departed
father, on whose characler I hope to
dwell at length on a future occasion.
To aid you in copying that pattern,
1 now send you a few brief and suggestive maxims.
ι. των «τιτουδαίων)(τών φαύλων.]
T h e ' g o o d ' and the ' b a d , ' those
who live with an earnest object, a
* moral a t t e n t i o n ' (σπουδή), and
those who do not. I t is unnecessary
to give these words a semi-political
sense, as Schneider does, comparing
the well-known usage of αγαθός,
έσθλός, άριστος, καλοί κάλαθοι, βέλ­
τιστοι, boni, optimi, optimates (the
aristocracy), and κακοί, δειλοί, mali
(the commons). Cf. § 48.
«yv<£|ias...SiavoCas.] * j u d g m e n t s '
. . . ' t h o u g h t s . ' T h e distinction is not
imaginary; the former implies real
knowledge (ψώσις), the latter mere
opinion and nothing more. Cf. Isocr.

Nicocles, § 16, ρ$όν έστιν ενός ανδρός
γνώμη προσέχει? τον νουν μάλλον * )
$
παντοδαπαΐς διανοίαις
ξητεϊν άρέa
σκβιν. I n § 45 partial distinction
is k e p t u p between γνώμη and διά­
νοια, διάνοια almost ==--νοΰς in § 32,
and is placed in simple contrast to
σώμα in Isocr. Philippus, § 63, άφορμήν ούδεμίαν ί-χων (Conon) πλην τό
σώμα καϊ την διάνοιαν ή*\πισε Αακεδαιμονίους καταπολεμήσειν.—One
of
the clearest definitions of διάνοια, in
contrast to δόξα and φαντασία, may
be found in Plato, Sophista, p . 263 E,
when the Eleatic Stranger says, ουκοΰν διάνοια μέν καϊ λόγο* ταύτόν,
πλην 6 μέν εντός της ψυχής προς
αυτόν διάλογος άνευ φωνής γιγνόμενος
τουτ* αυτό ήμΐν έπωνομάσθη διάνοια
...τό δέ γ1 άττ' εκείνης ρεϋμα δια του
στόματος Ιόν μετά φθόγγου κέκληται
λόγος, κ.τ.λ.
|Λ€γίσ-την διαψοράν €ΐλήφασιν]
—μέγιστον διαφέρουσιν. T h e article
την placed after μεγίστην
would
perhaps improve the sense, but M S .
authority is against it. Schn. inserts
it on the ground that the last sylla­
ble of μεγίστην led to its accidental
omission.
<τυνηθ€ία8...φιλ£αδ.] ' I n t i m a c i e s
...friendships.' T h e generic term
συνήθεια includes the specific term
φιλία, but, being the weaker word,
is appropriately applied in this pas­
sage to the acquaintanceship of bad
men, the nobler word φιλία being
reserved for t h e good alone, on the
principle laid down by Laelius in

—2]

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

5

των σπουδαίων φιΧίας ούδ* αν 6 πάς αίών εξάλείψειεν.
2 ηγούμενος ονν πρεπειν τους δόξης ορεγομένους καϊ παιδείας
άντιποιονμένους των σπουδαίων αλλά μη των φαύλων είναι
μιμητός, άπεσταλκά σοι τόνδε τον \6yov δώρον, τεκμηριον
μεν της προς υμάς εύνοιας, σημεΐον δε της προς *Ιππόνικον
συνήθειας' πρέπει jap τους παΐδας ωσπερ της ουσίας ούτω
Cicero, De amicitia, § 18, Hoc primum sentio, nisi in bonis amicitiam
esse non posse.
διΑυσ-€.] * Is wont to sever'—the
aorist, not of instantaneous action,
but of frequency, or, as it is sometimes called, the Gnomic aorist, expressing ' t h a t which has often happened, and consequently (in cases
singly occurring) is wont to h a p pen.' Madvig, Gk. Syntax, § 111 a.
Cf. § 6, infra, άνήλωσεν, κ.τ.λ. η .
2 α λ λ ά μη.·.] ' T h e good, and
not the bad.' αλλά often introduces
a negation in direct opposition to
a previous affirmation, and in such
1
cases 'and is often a b e t t e r transla­
tion than ' b u t . ' Cf. § 21, δι' ών ευδο­
κιμήσεις αλλά μη δι' ών εύπορήσεις.
τ€κμ.ήριον...σημ.€Ϊον.] ' A n infal­
lible proof...a token.' I n Aristotle
σημεΐον is the name given to ' p r o o f
in the general, whether fallible or
n o t : and the genus σημεΐον is sub­
divided into two species, τεκμήριο?
and σημεΐον.
Arist. Rhet. I. 2, των
8k σημείων...το μέν avayκαΐον τεκμη­
ριον, τό δέ μη avay καΐον άνώνυμόν
έστι κατά την διαφοράν.
αναγκαία
μέν οΰν λέyω έξ ών γίνεται
συλλοΊΐσμος.
Also II. 25, τά δέ τεκμήρια
καΐ τεκμηριώδη ενθυμήματα κατά μέν
τό άσυλλ6yιστov ούκ ί-σται λϋσαι...
λείπεται δ' ως ούχ υπάρχει τό λεyόμενον δεικνύναι.
T h e double meaning of σημεΐον,
as the n a m e of a species as well as
of a genus, is by no means unparal­
leled. T h e same phenomenon may
be noticed in t h e two meanings of
δώρον [(ι) a gift in general, (2) a
bribe) (δωρεά = an honourable gift]
and of σύλλoyoς [(1) an assembly in

general, (2) an assembly differing
from the εκκλησία].
irpbs ύμ,άδ.] ' T o you and yours.'
υμάς may possibly have been pre­
ferred to σέ, to avoid the Hiatus
(see Introduction on the Style of
Isocr.). I t is not however equivalent
in meaning to σέ, but has its plural
sense. T h e two passages adduced
(by Coray) to prove that the plural
of 2nd person may be used for the
singular will not bear examination:
the first is Isocr. Phil. § 32, yvotys
δ' αν ώς ουδεμιάς σοι προσήκει τούτων
όληωρεΐν, ήν άνεν^κης αυτών .τάς
πράξεις επί τους σους
πpoyόvoυs
εύρήσεις yap εκάστη πολλήν φιλίαν
π phi ύμά$ καϊ μεγάλα? εύερyεσίaς

υπάρχουσας. "Apyos μέν yap εστί

σοι πατρίς, ής δίκαιον τοσαύτην σε
ποιεΐσθαι πρόνοιαν, βσην περ των
yovfav των σαυτοΰ' Θηβαίοι δέ τόν
άρχητ/ον του yέvoυς υμών
τιμώσι.
T h e pi. pron. in both cases evident­
ly refers to Philip and the royal
family. T h e same explanation will
apply to the second passage (Isocr.
Ep. ad Phil. i n . 5, της βασιλείας
της έξ αρχής ύμΐν ύπαρχούσης).
Α
stronger passage might have been
quoted from Panath. §237, ha τφ
τε πλήθει τφ των πολιτών χαρίση καϊ
παρά τοΐς εύνοικώς προς υμάς διακειμένοις ευδοκίμησης, but even there it
is easy to explain υμάς as =τούς πολίτας.
I n Latin the usage is quite
as strict: and the passage in Ovid,
Fasti, 1. 9 (Invenies illic et festa do·
mestica vobis; Saepe tibi pater est
saepe legendus avus), is no exception
to the rule. T h e use of ήμεΐς for
iyo) is another matter, v. § 5. n,
'ImroviKOV.] v.
Introduction.

6

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ 3

3 καϊ της φιλίας της πατρικής κληρονομεΐν. (0.) Όρώ δε
καϊ την τύγ^ν ημΐν συλλαμβάνουσαν καϊ τον παρόντα και­
ρόν συναφών ιζόμενον* συ μεν γαρ παιδείας επιθυμείς, εγώ
δε παιΒεύειν άλλους επιχειρώ, καϊ σοϊ μεν ακμή φιλοσοφείν,
4 εγώ δε τους φιλοσοφοΰντας επανορθώ. "Οσοι μεν ουν προς
τους εαυτών φίλους τους προτρεπτικούς λ&γους συηηράφουσι, καλόν μεν epyov επιγειροΰσιν, ου μην περί γε το κράrrjs φιλ(α§ τήδ ττατρικήδ.] πα­
τρικός, πάτριος, and πατρφος are
often hard to distinguish from one
another. Hermann's distinction, ''πά­
τρια sunt, quae sunt patris, πατρφα
quae veniunt a patre, πατρικά, qua·
Ha sunt patris? will not answer in
every case. -The use of πατρικής in
the present passage may, however,
πατρφα λέηουσιν ol ρήτορες χρήματα
καϊ κτήματα καϊ τόπους, πάτρια δέ
τά %θη καϊ τά νόμιμα (Cf. Isocr. Ραne
g- §§ 18, 25, $ι, &c.) καϊ τά μυ­
στήρια καϊ τάς έορτάς, πατρικόν δε
φίλον 1) έχθρόν (Cf. Paneg. § 184,
Trapez. § 43» &νος πατρικός, Aegin.
§ 50, φιλίαν...πάλαιαν
καϊ πατρικήν).
3· καιρόν.] καιρός, the opportu­
nity, crisis, emergency; not derived
from κείρω, to clip, to cut, but connected with the Sanskrit word kala
= the right time, from Mr—to d o .
Hesychius {Alexandrine
Gramma­
rian, fl. 380 A.D.) states that καρός
was another form of καιρός, καιρός,
then, means the ' t i m e for doing,1
' t h e fit time.'
<Γυναγωνι£όμ€νον.] Cf. Isocr. Evagoras, § 59, τήν τύχψ αϋτφ συνα'γωνιζομένην.
€ττανορθώ.] T h i s is the only com­
pound of όρθόω which doubles the
augment. T h e augmented tenses
always take the double a u g m e n t ;
e.g. έπηνωρθώσαντο, Paneg. § τ 65,
έπψώρθωσαν,
Lysias, Orat. Funebris, § 70, and έπψώρθουν, Isocr.
Panath.
§ 200.
T h e other com­
pounds, such as διορθόω, κατορθόω,
σίτγκατορθόω m a k e διώρθωσα, κατώρθωσα, and (Isocr. Phil. § 151) <ητγκατ-

ώρθωσα. (v. Veitch, Greek Verbs,
sub voc.)
4. τούδίτροτρρίΓτικο^λόγουε.] i.e.
Discourses inviting the reader to
intellectual pursuits, e.g. to the cul­
tivation of oratorical power—τήν
δεινότητα rty ev rots λό^γοις inf.
T h e λόγο? προτρεπτικός προς τέχνας
of Galen (Physician, Philologist, and
Philosopher, A . D . 130—200) and the
λ. π. προς φϊλοσοφίαν of Iamblichus
(Neoplatonist, fl. 300 A.D.) are
quoted as examples by Conrad
Orelli.—rThe Letter to Demonicus
is not a λόγγος προτρεπτικός but a
Xoyos παραινετικός. Cf. § 5, παράκλησιν)(παραίνεσιν.
T h e article τους
shews that the writer had in his
mind certain well-known exhorta­
tions composed by contemporary
Sophists.—Isocrates (of Apollonia),
a pupil of Isocrates, wrote a λόγο?
προτρεπτικός
which is mentioned
by Suidas with the names of four
other writings of his (ι) Άμφικτυονικός, (2) περί του τάφον μή ποι?}(7cu Φιλίππφ, (3) περί του μετοικισθήναι, (4) περί της έα,υτοΰ πολιτείας.
T h e present passage is enough to
prove that, if Suidas is speaking ac­
curately, the λόγο? προτρεπτικός of
Isocr. the younger is not identical
with the λόγο* παραινετικός
προς
Αημόνικον.
2ργον €ΤΓΐχ€ΐροΰ<τιν.] T h e verb
ΙπιχειρεΙν has three different con­
structions, 1. with the infinitive, e.g.
§ 3, παιδεΰειν άλλους επιχειρώ.
2.
with the dative. Paneg. § 132, ϊρτγοις
έπιχειρέΐν.
$. with the accus., as
here. Of these 1. and 2. are ex­
tremely common, 3. is somewhat
rare. Other instances may be found

—5]

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

7

τιστον της φιλοσοφίας Βιατρίβουσιν' όσοι δέ τοις νεωτέροις d
είσηηοΰνται, μή So ων την δεινότητα την iv τοϊς λόγο^?
άσκήσουσιν, αλλ' όπως τά των τρόπων ηθη σπουΒαϊοι πεφυ- 3
κέναι Βόξουσι, τοσούτω μαΧΚον εκείνων τους άκούοντας ωφεΧοΰσιν, όσον οι μεν έπϊ Xoyov μόνον παρακαΧοϋσιν, οί Βε
τον τρόπον αυτών έπανορθονσι*
Διόπερ ημείς ου παράκΚησιν εύρόντες άλλα παραίνεσιν
γράψαντες μέΧΚομεν σοι συμβουΧεύειν, ων χρη τους νεωτέin Plat. Legg. V. p . 739 Ε, ην (sc.
πολίτειαν)..έπικεχειρήκαμεν,
and Crito, p . 45 C, ούδ£ δίκαιον μοι δοκεΐς
έπιχειρεΐν πράγμα.
I n the passage
before us 2(τγφ επιχ. is avoided be­
cause it would involve a Hiatus, v.
§ 2, προς υμάς. η .
TTJS φιλοσοφίας. ] O n the mean­
ing of φιλοσοφία, φιλόσοφος, φιλοσοφ€Ϊν in Isocr. see Paneg. § 6. n.
δΌ-οι
μ/η.] Madv.
Syntax,
§ 2 0 3 (b).
τα. των τρόττων ήθη.] T h e morals
of their characters—a somewhat
pleonastic expression, found how­
ever in Plat. Legg. v i . p . 773 Β, χρήμασί re καΐ τρόπων ήθεσι. ib. XI.
p . 930A, τρόπων 'ήθη, and elsewhere.
T h e fact that Isocrates does not use
the expr. was alleged as early as the
time of H e n r . Stephens as an argu­
ment against the genuineness of the
Ep. adDem. Similar pleonasms may
however be found in his universally
acknowledged writings, e.g.
Phil.
§ 67, τής έξ αρχής yενέσεως (of the
birth of Cyrus 1.).—την των 'έρ^ων
πράξιν (Plat. Menex. 237 Β.) is not
a pleonasm, as it must mean ' t h e
manner in which the deeds were
done.'
τοσοντω...ocrov.]
τοσούτον.,.8σον
and τοσούτω...δσω are very common
formulae, τοσούτω... δσον is less usual,
but is here and elsewhere (Isocr.
De Pace, §§ 47, 143) preferred, be­
cause οσω οί μέν would violate the
rule of the Hiatus, v. § 2, προς
υμάς. n.
5. ij|Mts] = £yc£. Isocrates con­
stantly uses the 1st pers. pi. instead

of sing, especially when a Hiatus is
thereby avoided. Cf. Phil. § 105,
ημΐν, εΐ.,.τολμφην.
ib. § 151, ημΐν
α πενείμαν... έμόν. Busiris, § 3 2 . . .
τοσούτω πλέον ημών απέχεις τον
πιστά λέyειv, όσον (cf. last note) £y<a
μεν ούδένος αυτόν αΐτιώμαι των αδυνά­
των κ.τ.λ.
and at least 15 other
passages.
Sometimes the simple
love of variety is enough to make him
use the pi. e.g. Paneg. § 14, ημΐν
διατριφθέντος.,.βεβίωκα, n. cf. Paneg.
§ 47. n. quot. T h e use of * n o s ' for
' e g o ' is not uncommon in Latin
(Cic. Catil. I. ix. 22) and sometimes
leads to anomalous collocations. Cf.
Terent. Eunuchus, iv. 3. 7 (=1. 649),
absente nobis.
Catull. 106, 5, insperanti ipsa refers te nobis. Ovid.
Heroid. 5. 45, nostros vidisti
flentis
ocellos.
ών...τίνων...iroiois...ιτώδ.] Lit.
' we are about to advise you on those
objects, after which the young ought
to strive, and what deeds they ought
to avoid, &c.' ων, &c. = ταντα, <3v.
T h e change from £v to τίνων is to
be noticed. On
τίνων...ποίοις...πως
for ώντίνων.... όποίοις.... όπως, see
Madvig. Synt. § 198 b . A similar
variation of structure m a y b e noticed
in T h u c . I. 137, Θεμιστοκλής φράζει
τφ ναυκλήρω όστις εστί καΐ δι ά
φεύγει (σ. a. narrat quis sit et quam
ob rem fugit). I n Isocr. ad Nicocl.
§ 2, όρίσαι, ποίων
επιτηδευμάτων
όρεγόμενος καϊ τίνων 'έρ^ων άπεχόμενος άριστ* άν τήν πόλιν διοικοίης,
the sense is almost the same, but the
slruclure more uniform.

3

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§6

ρους ορεηεσθαι καϊ τίνων epyoov απεγεσθαι καϊ ποίοις τισίν
άνθρωποι? όμιΧειν καϊ πώς τον ίαυτών βίον οίκονομεΐν.
όσοι yap τον βίον ταντην την όΒόν επορενθησαν, ούτοι μόνοι b
της αρετής εφικεσθαι γνησίως ήΒννήθησαν, ης ονΒεν κτήμα
6 σβμνότβρον ονΒε βεβαιότερόν εστί. κάΧΧος μεν yap ή χρό­
νος ανήΧωσεν ή νόσος εμάρανε, πΧοΰτος Βε κακίας μαΧΧον
η καλοκαγαθίας
υπηρέτης εστίν, εξουσίαν μεν TTJ ραθυμία,
παρασκευάξων,
επί Βε τάς ήΒονάς τους νέους
παρακαΧών
ρώμη Be μετά μεν φρονήσεως ώφέΧησεν, άνεν Βε ταύτης
πΧείω τους έχοντας έΧυμήνατο, καϊ τά μεν σώματα των
ασκούντων έκόσμησε, ταΐς Be της ψυχής επιμέΧείαις
επε7 σκότησεν.
η Βε της αρετής κτήσις οΐς αν άκιβΒήΧως ταΐς c
βίον οΙκονομ,€ΐν.] ο'ικονομέΐν (οι­
κονόμος—οίκος, νέμω) here and in § φ
merges t h e full meaning of οίκος
in the secondary and metaphorical
sense given to the whole word. Cf.
Arist. Aves, 1232, μηλοσφα'γεΐν
re
βονθύτοις eV eVxct/ocus.-.Hom. II.
IV. 3, νέκταρ έωνοχόει, Plato, Protag.
340 Λ, τον Σκάμανδρον πόλιορκούμενον υπό τον Άχιλλέως.
Cic. Verr.
v. § 47 > navem aedificatam, Virg.
Aen.
11. 16, equum...aedificant.
Exodus xxxviii. 8, looking-glasses of
brass, &c.
οσ-οι γάρ...Ι<ττι.] Trans. * F o r as
many as have traversed this p a t h of
life, these only are, in genuine wise,
enabled to arrive at virtue—that
grandest and most enduring of all
possessions,' lit. ' than which no
possession is, &c.'
δυντίθησ-αν.] Cf. Paneg. § 102 η .
κάλλος...παρακαλών.] ' F o r ,
as for beauty, time may waste or
disease may wither i t ; while wealth
is the vassal (or ' minister') of vice
rather than of true nobility, assur­
ing licence to idleness and alluring
young men to pleasure.'
ανήλω<τ€ν
€|χάραν€
«rrCv....
ωφέλησαν...έλυμήνατο.. .€κό*σμη<τ€.]
Gnomic aorists, here, as sometimes
elsewhere, coupled with the present
t e n s e : see the instances given in
Madv. Synt. § 111 a cf. § 33, πρατ-

τουσιν...προσ€^ημίωσ€,
§ 47, έλυπηθησαν.,.ϊχομεν,
Paneg. § 46, διβλύθησαν...εστίν and, as an instance of
more complex interweaving of aorist
and present, Eurip. Fragm. 833
(Dind.), χωρβΐ δ' οπίσω τα μέν έκ
c a,/
%r
yaias \ φύντ' els 7 " > & & air'
αιθέριου j βλαστόντα yovijs els ουρά·
VLOV I πόλον ήλθε πάλιν
θνησκει
δ' ουδέν | των ^ν^νομένων, διακρινόμενον δ' J ά'λλο προς άλλου ] μορφών
Ιδίαν
απέδειξε.
παραχτκευάζων
παρακαλώ v.]
δμοιοκάταρκτα,
see Introduct. on
Style of Isocr.
Cf. § 42, περι­
χαρής...περίλυπος.
Paneg. § 14, κατα^ελάν... καταφρονεί ν.
ρώμη.. .4·π·€<Γκότησ-€ν.] ' Strength,
united with prudence, is helpfal,
but, without it, does more harm
(than good) to its possessors, and.
while it adorns the bodies of the
athletes, it nevertheless casts a cloud
over the culture of the soul.'
ot άο-κοΐντίδ.} i.e. ' t h o s e who
go into training,' άσκεϊν lit. ' t o
practise,' gen. with ace. of the thing
practised. Hippocrates (The Father
of Medicine, 460—357 B.C.) uses
the expression 61 άσκέοντες abso­
lutely, of gymnasts, v. § 12, επί
τους άντα'γωνιστας άσκεϊν.
7· άκιβδήλως.] ' L i k e true metal,'
* without alloy,' (α-κίβδηλος. κίβδος
=alloy). T h e word is doubtless sug-

—δ]

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟ NIKON.

9

διάνο ίαις συναυξηθ§, μόνη μεν συγγηράσκ€ΐ, ττΧούτου Si
κρείττων, χρησιμωτέρα δ' ευγενείας έστϊ, τά μλν rok αλλ<Μ?
αδύνατα δυνατά καθιστάσα, τά δέ τω πΧήθει φοβερά θαρσαΧεως υπομένουσα, και τον μεν οκνον ψόγον, τον δέ πόνον
επαινον ηγουμένη* ράδιον δε τούτο καταμαθεΐν εστίν εκ τε
των Ηρακλέους αθΧων και των ®ησέως έργων, oh η των d
τρόπων αρετή τηΧικοΰτον ευδοξίας χαρακτήρα τοις εργοις

gested by the immediate c o n t e x t :
πλούτος...πλούτου.
Cf. D e m . adv.
Lept. ad fin. θαυμάζω δ' έγωγε, εΐ
rote μεν τό νόμισμα
διαφθείρουσιν
θάνατο* 7τα/>' ύμϊν εστίν η ί>7μία, τόίς
δ' όλην την πάλιν κίβδηλον και άπι­
στοι* ποιοϋσιν λόγο? δώσετε. T h e
metaphor occurs often (v. § 25. n.)
in the παραινέσεις of Theognis (the
elegiac poet of Megara, c. 570—c.
490 B.C.) whose maxims of moral
advice to his friend Cyrnus will
often be quoted in the succeeding
notes.
<τυγγηρά<ΓΚ€ΐ...πλούτου.] An al­
lusion to § 6, κάλλος ή χρόνος άνήλωσεν ή νόσος έμάρανε, πλούτου δϊ κ.τ.λ.
πλούτου κρ€ίττ«ν, χρησιμωτφα
€iry€V€Cas.] Of the four terms quoted
the first corresponds to the fourth,
and the second to the third.
Two
of them are as near as possible to
each other, the other two as far as
possible from each other. This figure
of speech is usually called a Chiasmus (after the letter χΐ. *;X J 1 and
4 are connected by one branch of
the letter, 1 and 3 by the other).
Cf. § 38, δικαίαν πενίαν ή πλοϋτον
άδικον. Paneg. § 95» καλώς άποθανεΐν η ξήν αίσχρώς. Nicocl. § 7, περί
των δικαίων καΐ των αδίκων καϊ των
αισχρών καϊ των κάλων. Plat. Sympos.
196 Β, %ρως οϋτ' αδικεί οϋτ αδικείται
οϋθ* υπό θεού ούτε θεόν.
Theaet.
173 D 5 νόμους δέ καϊ ψηφίσματα λε"γόμενα η yεγγραμμένα οίίτε όρώσιν οϋτε
άκούουσι. Cic. Phil. II. § 95? Vivus
eripuit, reddit i?iorluus. Liv. v i n . 6,
fin. Milites mililibus,
centurionibus
centuriones, tribuni tribunis
compa·

res eollegaeque. T h e usual English
arrangement of such sentences is also
frequently found i n G k . and L a t .
(e.g. § 33, fin.) T h e pliancy of the
latter languages often however allows
Chiasmus to be used with telling ef­
fect. ~ C f . Paneg. § 54. n.
αδύνατα) (δυνατά
φοβερά) (θαρσ-αλάος.] Obs. the collocation.
θαρστϊλέως.] θαρσεΐν, θαρσαλέοςοχβ
used by the earlier writers, Thucydides, & c ; θαρρείν, θαρραλέος by
Plato and the later Attic writers.
T h e latter forms (according to Baiter
and Sauppe on Tsocr. de Pertn. §121)
occur 16 times in isocr., the former
never except in this passage: see
Introd. on the genuineness of the
Ep. ad Dem.
8. ράδιον...ΐΓ€ΤΓραγμΙνων.] ' N o w
it is easy to discern this from the
labours of Hercules and the ex­
ploits of Theseus, for whom the ex­
cellence of their character imprinted
so deep a stamp of glory on their
exploits, that not even eternity itself
can engender oblivion of the achieve­
ments of those heroes.' Cf. Phil.
§ 144, την Ηρακλέους
ύπερβολην
καϊ την Θησέως άρετην.
See also
§ 50. n. T h e exploits of Theseus
are recounted at length by Isocr.
Helenae Encomium, §§ 18—38 (περί
τής 'Ελένης 'Ισοκράτης ^ραψεν Οτι
σπουδαία εϊπερ θησεύς Ζκρινεν, Arist.
Rhet. π . 23)·—The legend of T h e ­
seus is well told by Prof. Kingsley
in his Greek Fairy Tales, and more
briefly by M r Cox in his Tales of
Ancient Greece, p . 159.

(ίο

Ι20ΚΡΑΤΟΤ2

[§§9

έπεβαΧεν, ώστε μηδέ τόν άπαντα γρόνον δύνασθαι Χηθην
εμποιησαι των εκείνοις πεπραγμένων.
9
(y'.)
Ο ν μην αλλά καϊ τάς του πατρός προαιρέσεις άναμνησθεις οίκεΐον καϊ καΧόν έξεις παράδειγμα των υπ* εμού
σοι Χεγομενων. ου γαρ ολιγωρών της αρετής ούδε ράθυμων
διετέλεσε τον βίον, αλλά τό μεν σώμα τοις πόνοις εγύμναζε,
ΙΟ τχι δε ψυχτ) τους κινδύνους ύφίστατο.
ούδε τον πΧοΰτονε
παρακαιρως ηγάπα, αλλ' άπεΚαυε μεν των παρόντων άβα­
θων ως θνητός, επεμέλεϊτο δε των υπαρχόντων ως αθάνα­
τος, ούδε ταπεινώς διώκει τον αυτού βίον, άλλα φιλόκαΧος
ην καϊ μεγαλοπρεπής καϊ τοις φιλοις κοινός, και μάλλον \
εθαύμαξε τους περί αυτόν σπουδάζοντας η τους γένει προσηκοντας' ηγεΐτο γαρ είναι προς εταιρίαν πολλω κρείττω φύ11 σιν νόμου και τρόπον γένους καϊ προαίρεσιν ανάγκης, επιλιποι δ' αν ημάς 6 πάς χρόνος, ει πάσας τας εκείνου πράξεις
9· οΰ μην ά λ λ α καί.] sc. ου μην
{εκ των Ή/). Άθλων καϊ των θησ.
£pyuv τοντό σοι καταμαθεΐν
εστίν)
α λ λ ά κ α Ι... ' n o t indeed..., b u t . . . '
or * not but that,* or 'nevertheless.'
Trans, 'nevertheless, by remember­
ing the principles ofyourfather, you
will have in your home a noble ex­
ample (a fine home-example) of that
which I am telling you.' Cf. Phil.
§ 1 1 3 (speaking of Hercules as a
worthy pattern for his descendant
Philip) μή δεΐν aXkoTpiois χρήσθαι
παραδεί'γ μασιν άλλ' οίκεΐον
υπάρ­
χει?.
ύφιαττατο.] T h e reading νφίστατο
is adopted by Baiter and Sauppe on
the authority of the Codex Scaphusiensis and of the Codex Urbinas.
The original reading however of
Cod. U r b . was ύπέμενεν, and this
was subsequently altered into νφί­
στατο.
Benseler accepts νπεμενεν.
The difference in sense is perfectly
immaterial.

a-ir&au€...a0avaTOs.] Imitated (?)
by Lucian, ap. Antholog. Pal. x . 26,
ws τεθνηξόμενος των σων σηαθων άπό~
λανε, I (as δ£ βιωσόμενος φείδεο σων
κτεάνων. | %στι # άνηρ σοφός OVTOS,

OS Άμφω ταντα νοήσα* | φειδοΐ καϊ
δαπάνη μέτρον εφηρμόσατο. t T h e first
two lines are quoted in the margin
of one of the M S S . collated by
Auger.
10. μβγαλοτ^τππκ.] Cf. Arist..£V/&.
11. 7. 6, ' I n respect of wealth...the
mean state is called munificence {μεya\oirp4Tr€ia)...th.e
excess is called
want-of-taste (άπειροκάλία) or vulgarprofusion (βανανσία)ί the defeat pal­
triness {μικροπρέπεια) \ v. also Eth.
IV. (2) = 4.

TOT)S 7&€i προσήκοντος.] Bens,
reads τφ yavei' B S . ^ένει. T h e art.
is exceptional and one good M S .
(Cod. Scaph.) omits it. As instances
of the usual form maybe quoted, Eur.
Med. 1304, ol προσήκοντες *γένει. Lycurg. Leocr. § 138, rots μήτε ^ένει
μήτε φιλία μηδέν προσήκονσι.
Isocr.
Aegin. § 33» Ύ&ει μέν φασι προσήκειν.
ήγ€ΐτο...ανάγκη8·] ' F o r , in point
of companionship, he deemed nature
far more sovereign than convention,
character than kindred, principle
than compulsion.' O n φύσι$){ν6μο$,
cf. Paneg. § 105, n.
11. €ΐΓΐλί·πΌΐ...] Cf. Lysias, Or.
Funebr. § ι, πασιν άνθρώπ.οις 6 πα*

—ii]

Π Ρ θ £ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

τι

καταριθμησαίμεθα. αλλά τό μεν ακριβά αυτών εν βτεροις
καιροϊς ΒηΧώσομεν, Βεΐγμα δε της *Ιππονίκου φύσεως νυν
εζενηνογαμεν, προς ον Set ζην σ ωσπερ προς παράδειγμα, b
νόμον μεν τον εκείνου τρόπον ήγησάμενον, μιμητην δε καϊ
ζηΧωτην της πατρώας αρετής ηιηνόμενον' αίσγρον jap τους
μεν γραφείς άπεικάζειν τα κα\ά των ζφων, τους 8ε παϊδας
χρόνος ούχ ικανός \6yov ϊσον παρασκευάσαι τοις τούτων Zpyois. Isocr.
Archidamus, § 81 and DePace, § §6,
έπιλίποι δ' &ν με τό λοιπόν μέρος της
ημέρας d...Cicero, pro Caelio, § 2 9 ,
dies me deficiat, si, quae diet possunt,
coner exprimere.
€V eripois Kctipois δηλώσ·ομ€ν.]
T h e promise, as far as we are aware,
remained unfulfilled.
H a d it been
accomplished we should have had a
laudatory biography of Hipponicus,
rivalling that of Evagoras.
δ€Ϊγ|Αα...τΓαράδ€ΐγ|ΐα.] T h e sound
and the sense of these words may be
represented by ' s a m p l e ' and 'ex­
a m p l e ' . A similar lusus verborum
may be found in Thuc. 11. 62. 3, μη
φρονήματι μδνορ άλλα καϊ καταφρονήματι.
Dem. Fals. Leg. § 122, p.
378, σύλλογοι καϊ λόyoι παντοδαποί,
(ap.
^tng€i.RhetoresGraeci,l\i.36).
Instances of the collocation of εκφέ­
ρει? and δ,εί^μα may b e found in
Plat. Legg. v n . 788 c.
Isocr. De
perm. § 54, ωσπερ δε των καρπών,
έξενεΎκεΐν εκάστου δείγμα πειράσομαι. a l . — T h e term δείγμα is fre­
quently used of the ' s a m p l e s ' ex­
hibited by the έμπορος or wholesale
dealer. Cf. Aristobulus ap. Plutarch.
Dem. 23, ωσττερ τους έμπορους όρώμεν, όταν έν τρυβλίω δείγμα περιφέρωσι, &' όλί-γων πυρών τους πολ­
λούς πιπράσκοντας
Hierocles,
Άστεΐα Q, σχολαστικός οΐκίαν πωλών
λίθον άπ αύτης είς δείγμα περιέφερε.
Cf. Isocr. Epp. 8. § 6, άπαντες yap
ώσπερ δείyμaτι τοις τοιούτοις χρώμενοι καϊ τους άλλους τους συμπολιτευομένους ομοίους εΐναι τούτοις νομίζουσιν,
νόμον...ήγη<τάμ€νον.] Cf. § 36,
Ισχυρότατο? μέντοι νόμον ηγοΰ τόν
εκείνων τρόπον, η .

πατρώα^.] ν. § ι, της φιλίας της
πατρικής, η .
αίσχρόν.. .γονέων. ] T r a n s . ' F o r it
is shameful, if, while painters por­
tray those living beings that are
beautiful, children nevertheless re­
fuse to imitate those parents who are
good.' T h e particles μεν and δέ"
make the two clauses of the sentence
co-ordinate with one another, but the
English idiom requires the first clause
to hzTc&Azsubordinate to the second.
See Madvig, Synt. § 189 a and cf.
§ 19, τους μεν εμπόρους... and Isocr.
Archidam. § 54, πώς ούκ αίσχρόν τότε
μίν έκαστον ημών Ικανόν εΧναι τ ά ί
αλλότριας πόλεις διαφυλάττειν, νυνί
δέ* πάντας μήτε δύνασθαι μήτε πειρασθαι τήν ημετέραν αυτών διασώ*
ζειν.
O n τ ά καλά των ζφων cf.'
§ 50, η . This comparison between
artists and children, like many other
comparisons, will hardly bear exa­
mination : if the former were in the
habit of painting only beautiful ani­
mals, the illustration would be more
satisfactory.
YpCKJ^ts.] I n Isocr. the ace. pi.
of words ending in -εύς is generally
-eas, e.g. yovέaς, Paneg. §111, ιππέας,
ib. § 148, συyyρaφέaς,
Μαντινέας,
Ιίλαταιέας,
Φωκέας, βασιλέας.
In
ι β passages the above forms are
supported by all the M S S . How­
ever ad Nicocl. § 31 supplies an in­
stance in which the contracted form
-εις is recognised by the Urbino M S .
and one of the Vatican M S S . , and
there is good authority for χάλκιδεΐς
in de Perm. § 1 1 3 . I n the passage
before us yρaφεtς is supported by
the best M S S . , and the same is the
case with yovεις in §§ 14, 16 (v. Bai­
ter, Exc. II. a. ap. Bremi, Isocr.' p .

12

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§ 12

2 μή μιμβΐσθαι, τους σπουδαίους των γονέων, ήηου δέ μηδβνΐ
των αθλητών ούτω προσήκ€ίν ε'ττΐ του? άνταηωνιστας ασκεΐν,
ώς σοΙ σκοπεΐν, όπως εφάμιλλος ηζνήσζι τοΐς τον πατρός
ίπιτηδουμασιν* ούτω δέ την ηνώμην ου δυνατόν διατβθήναι C
τον μη ποΧΧών καΐ καΧών ακουσμάτων πεπΧηρωμενον* τα
μεν ηάρ σώματα τοις συμμέτρους πόνους, η δε ψνχή τοις
σπουδαίους Χόλους αΰξεσθαυ πέφυκβ, δυόπβρ εγώ σοι πβυράσομαι συντόμως ύποθέσθαυ, δι ων αν μου δοκεΐς ίπυτηδβυ2oo). O n the whole, then, the form
~έας seems to prevail in Isocr. O n
the other hand, definite traces of -εις
are found in the acknowledged
writings, and therefore the fact that
the latter form occurs in the Ep. ad
Dem. is in itself, perhaps, no proof
of the spuriousness of that Ep.
Lastly, it is perfectly possible that
the original reading may have been
altered from yρaφέaς and yovias into
the contracted form now presented
by the M S S . — S p e a k i n g of Attic
writers in general the following is
a fair statement: * forma soluta
etsi Atticis usitatissima est, tamen
etiam contracta, si momentum huius rei codices fidei probatae faciant, apud scriptores optimos invenitur.' Weber D e m . in Aristocratem, § 189.
12. οΰτω...χ^φυκ€.] T r a n s l a t e :
4
N o w this disposition of mind is impossible in the case of one who is not
fraught with many noble maxims,
for, by the laws of nature, just as
bodies grow by means of moderate
exercise, even so the soul grows by
means of sober precepts.'—Άκουσμα,
lit. a maxim uttered and heard;
often, as here and in § 19, a maxim
written and read, ( T h e m o d e r n E n g .
use of the word * le c tu r e ' may b e
an exact contrast to this transition
of meaning.) T h e general meaning
* maxim,' apart from all direct idea
of oral precept, is to b e found also
in Plat. (?) Ep. 2, p . 314 Α, εύλαβοΰ
μέντοι μή ποτέ έκπέση ταύτα εις αν­
θρώπους απαίδευτους' σχεδόν
yap...
ουκ έστι τούτων προς τον*
πολλούς

καταγελαστότερα ακούσματα,
κ.τ.λ.
q.v.
τ ά μ*ν...ή δ*.] Lit. ' t h e bodies
on the one h a n d ' . . . ' the soul on the
{
other,' i.e. As the b o d i e s . . . ^ like­
wise the soul...' This use of μέν.,.δέ
is very common in comparisons.
Cf. § 25, τό μεν yap χρυσίον...
The
similitudines of Demophilus (a col­
lection of Pythagorean precepts) are
constantly expressed in this form:
e.g. sim. 14, λιμήν μεν πλοίω Ορμος,
βίω δ£ φιλία.
Cf. also the saying
attributed to Socrates (Orelli, Opusc.
Mor. I. 30), κοσμητέον Ιερόν μεν άναθήμασι, την δε ψυχήν μαθήμασιν.
cuijeo-θαι.] Isocr. (like Plat, and
Aristoph.) uses both of the forms
αυξάνομαι (Paneg. § 104) and αϋξομαι {Phil. § 38). Eurip. uses the
former once {Med. 918), the latter
often.
αυξ€<τθαι ττέφυκε.] i. e. 'tis their
nature to increase. Philip. 35, άπαν­
τες πλείω πεφύκαμεν έξαμαρτάνειν ή
κατορθουν. Soph. Phil. 80, 'έζοιδα
καϊ φύσει σε μή πεφυκότα | τοιαύτα
φωνεΐν μηδέ τεχνασθαι κακά.
δ ι ' ών άν |χοι δο κ eis... err ιδού ναι.]
άν belongs to έπιδοΰναι, cf. Epp. 8.
§ 9, ούτω δ' άν μοι δοκεΐτε ( M S S . δοκοίητε) κάλλιστα βουλεύσασθαι. Madv.
Synt. § 173, R. ι . — T h e M S S . have
δοκοίης and this reading is adopted
by Benseler.
Cobet (nov. led. p .
362) says:— i optativus debetur correclori semidoclo, qui Atticae consuetudinis immemor
aut ignarus, άν
cum verbo finito conjungendum
esse
putavit, quum esset cum έπιδοΰναι ab
Isocrate conjun&um, idque Bekkerus

—13]

Π Ρ 0 2 ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

13

μάτων πλείστον ττρό? άρβτήν iiriBovvac και παρά τοί? αλΧοις
απασιν άνθρωπος βυΰο/αμήσαι.
3
(δ'.) Πρώτοι/ μβν ονν βνσέββί τα προ? τους θεούς μη d
senserat, sed δοκοίη* ab illis servatum
est, quibus codicis Urbinatis aualoritas potior est quam sana ratio et
1
dicendi usus.
x
§§ 3—43· The Prologue having
ended, the following seclions contain
a series of miscellaneous moral
maxims, distributed as follows:
§13. Duty towards Heaven. 14.
Duty towards parents. Of Bodily
exercise. 15. Of Laughter and Rash­
ness of Speech. The virtues which
grace a young maris character. 16.
The force of conscience. Summary
of duty towards Heaven, parents,
friends, and laws. 17. Ofpleasures.
Of calumny. 18, 19. Of acquiring
knowledge. 20. Of conversation.
21. Of self-training and self-control.
11. Of keeping secrets. 23. Of oaths.
24—27. On the choice of friends, on
tests of friendship, on the treat?nent
due to friends. 27, 28. On dress;
on use of wealth. 29. Contentment
and ambition. Consideration for the
unfortunate. Oft doing good to good
men. 30. On flatterers and false
friends. 31. On sociability. 32. Of
wine and of munificence. 33. Of
knowledge, ignorance, friendship.
34. Of counsel and execution. 35.
Of circumspection in choosing coun­
sellors. 36. Of imitating and obey­
ing kings. 37. Of public service and
its' responsibilities. 38, 39. Of jus­
tice and injustice. 40. Of the exer­
cise of mind and body. 41. Of speech
and silence. 42. Of moderation and
reserve. And lastly, 43. Of security
in life, and honour in death.
13 sqq. The above summary will
be sufficient to shew the extent to
which a methodical arrangement is
adopted by the writer: the thread
that joins one maxim to another is
often very slender, and the order in
which they are set down is some­
times perfectly capricious. Benseler
(Praef p. iv.) appeals to the * mala

praeceptorum dispositio' as an argu­
ment against the genuineness of the
Ep. It is easy, however, to answer
that (1) The other \6yoi παραινετι­
κοί, which are now universally ac­
cepted, are almost as unmethodical
in arrangement; and (2) Isocr. him­
self, when about to quote a long
passage from one of them, draws, to
the following effect, a special dis­
tinction between the style of the
Ep. ad Nicocl. and that of his other
works (De Perm. §§ 67, 68). 'You
have now heard part of two of my
writings [i.e. extracts from Paneg.
and De Pace)-, but I wish to go
through some small portion of a
third also, that you may see still
more clearly that virtue and justice
are the aim of all my writings. The
writing, which is now to be brought
before you, is addressed to Nicocles,
of Cyprus, who was king at the
time; and gives him advice on the
right method of governing his sub­
jects, but it is not in the same style
as the writings which have just been
read to you. In the former, that
which I say is always in compact
and close harmony with the previous
context; in the latter, the reverse is
the case; for it is by separating each
sentence from that which has gone
before, and by dividing the whole
into *' chapters," that I there attempt
briefly to state each point of my ad­
vice, &c.'
€υ<Γ€β€ΐ.] In commands the aor.
imp. is used when the action requir­
ed is single and transient; the pre­
sent imp. whenever the command is
lasting in its obligation; many in­
stances of the latter may be found
in the subsequent §§. Madv. Synt.
§141.
€υσ*έβ€ΐ...εμμένων.] For the gene­
ral sense of this and the following
§ we may compare the beginning of
the Aurei Versus of Pseudo-Pytha-

14

ISOKPATOT2

[§§ 14

μόνον θύων αλλά καϊ τοις ορκοις εμμένων' εκείνο μβν γαρ
της των χρημάτων βνπορίας σημβΐον, τούτο δε της των τρό­
πων καλοκαγαθίας τβκμηριον. τίμα το δαιμόνων aei μεν,
μάλιστα Be μετά της πόλεως' ούτω γαρ δόξεις αμα τβ τοΐς
θεοΐς θύειν καϊ τοις ορκοις εμμενειν.
4
Τοιούτος γίγνου περί τους γονείς, ο'ίονς άν ενξαιο περί e
σεαυτον γενέσθαι τους έαυτοΰ παΐδας.
"Ασκεί των περί το σώμα γυμνασίων μη τα προς την ρώgoras: αθανάτους μίν πρώτα θεούς,
νόμω ώς διάκεινται, \ τίμα καϊ σέβου
δρκον.,.τούς τ€ yoveis τίμα, τους τ '
άΎχιστ' iKyeyauiTas.
Cf. Theognis,
171.
σ-ημ€Ϊον)(τ€κμηριον.] § 2. η .
τψα...€μμέν€ΐν.] ζ. e. ' D o honour
to Heaven on all occasions, but
especially in the rites of public wor­
ship ; for thus men will see that you
are-not only sacrificing to the gods,
but are also likely to be true to your
oaths.' Benseler (Praef. xliii.) ex­
plains as follows : Qui deos publice
colit, piufti et religiosum se ostendit et
talem qui etiam iusiurandum
sit
conservaturus; and this explanation
is less forced than that given by
Schneider, who supposes that the
words τοις δρκοις έμμένέιν refer to
some oath like that taken by Athe-,
nian citizens, τ α ιερά τα πάτρια τι­
μήσω.
Isocr. appears to inculcate, besides
a general worship of Heaven, an
especial attention to public worship
and the religion of the state, on the
low ground that a reputation for
honesty is thus acquired.—Plato, in
a curious passage at the end of
Legg. i x . p. 909 D, suggests the abo­
lition of purely private acts of wor­
ship, έστω yap νόμος 8δε τοις ξύμπασι
κείμενος απλώς' *Ιερά μηδέ εις έν
ίδίαις οίκίαις έκτήσθω' θύειν δ' 8ταν
έπϊ νουν trj τινί, προς τα δηαόσια ϊτω
θύσων.
Ι4· "Yoveis·] Cf. ~/ραφεΐς, § 11 η .
T h e father of D e m . was d e a d : the
word yovε'iς must therefore be taken
in a general sense. Cf. Isaeus, de

Cironis heredit. § 32, ' T h e law en­
joins men t o support their parents
(yovkai); by parents are meant the
mother, the father, the grandfather,
the grandmother, and their mother
and father, if they be still alive.'
έαυτοΰ.] T h e reflexive pron. of
the 3rd pers. is here used instead of
that of the 2nd pers. έαυτοΰ for
σεαυτοϋ (which is the reading of
some MSS.). Cf. § 21, εαυτόν and
αυτόν= σαυτόν.
F o r instances of
αύτοΰ = εμαυτον cf. Isocr.
Aegin.
§ 23, έπειρώμην... στερεσθαι... των
έ μ αυτού, προς δε τούτοις ορών την
μητέρα την αύτου καϊ την άδελφην
έκ της πατρίδος έκπεπτωκνίας.
Phil.
§ 129, προς την πατρίδα την αύτοΰ
( — έμαυτοΰ), ib. § 149, προς αώτόν=
προς σαυτόν.—Pors. ad Eur. Or. 626,
says 'hoc pronomen omnium personarum commune est.' F o r examples
of this usage in Aesch. and Soph,
see M r Jebb's note on Soph. Eledl.
285. A similar usage may be noticed
in σφεΐς and the reflex, poss. pron.
6's, σφέτερος (v. Lidd. and Scott).
<ftnc€i...8vya^cvos.] ' O f bodily
exercises, practise not those that
conduce to strength, but rather those
that conduce to h e a l t h : and this
point you may gain, if you cease
from your exertions, while still able
to continue t h e m ' (i. e. if you rest
from your exercise before you are
exhausted).
Cf. Pseudo-Pythag.
Aur. Vers. 32, ούδ' ίτ^ιείης τ^$ περί
σώμ* άμέλειαν έχειν χρή | άλλα ποτού
τε μέτρον καϊ σίτου yυμvaσίωv τε \
ποιεΐσθαι· μέτρον δέ 'Kέyω τόδ' 6 μή
<r' άνιήσει, and Celsus, I. 2 (quoted

—IS]

ΠΡ02

ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

ι$

μην α λ λ ά τά προς την vyiecav'
τούτου δ' αν έπιτύγρις, el
Xrjyo^ των πόνων ετι πονεΐν Βυνάμενος,
Μτ/τε <γέ\ωτα προπετη στέρεε μήτε \6yov μετά θράσους 5
άποΒέχου'
το μεν yap άνσητον, το he μανικόν. Λ Α ποιεΐν
αίσχρον, ταύτα νόμιζε μηδέ Χεηειν είναι καλόν. "Εθιζε σεαυτον είναι μη σκυθρωπον άλλα σύννουν* Βι εκείνο μεν yap
αύθάΒης, Βιά Βε τούτο φρόνιμος είναι Βόξεις. Ή γ ο υ μάλιστα
σεαυτω πρεπειν κόσμον, αίσγυνην Βικαιοσύνην σωφροσύνην' b
τούτοις yap άπασι Βοκεϊ κρατεΐσθαι το των νεωτέρων ήθος.
by Facciolati), * exercitationis plerumque finis esse debet sudor; aut
certe lassitudo quae citra fatigationem sit.'
15. μήτ€...μανικόν.] * Love not
headlong laughter, and embrace not
rashness of speech; for the latter is
folly, the former madness.' μανοϊδν
is a stronger word than άνοήτον. Cf.
the gradation in Isocr. Panath.
§ 157, els τοϋτ' ήλθεν ουκ άνοιας άλλα
μανία*, τό μέν refers to \6yov, κ.τ.λ.,
and τό δέ to 7^λωτα, κ.τ.λ. T h e
sense gained by translating τό μέν,
' t h e former,' τό δέ, ' t h e latter,'
though much may be said for it, is,
perhaps, less forcible. I t is perfectly
natural to describe wild and giddy
laughter as a characteristic of mad­
ness, and rashness of speech as a
sign of senselessness.—Cf. Epictetus,
Manuale, cap. 33, 4, *γί\ως μη πολύς
ί-στω* μηδέ έπι ποΧΚοΐς, μηδέ άνειμένος. Geo. Herbert, Church Porch,
'Laugh not too much: the
wittieman
laughs least? and L o r d Chester­
field's Letters, 112, Frequent and loud
laughter is the characleristic of folly
and ill-manners:
it is the manner
in which the mob express their silly
joy at silly things; and they call it
being merry... I am neither of a me­
lancholy, nor a cynical
disposition;
and am as willing, and as apt to be
pleased as any body; but I am sure
that, since I have had thefull use of
my reason, nobody has · ever heard
vie laugh, v. also Let. 134.
μήτ€...ά'ΐΓο8£χου] does not mean

' D o not welcome rashness of speech
in others? but ' d o not embrace it
yourself.'—'Facile intelligitur, Demonico praecipi quid ipsi faciundum,
quidve fugiendum sit,' Wolf. If,
however, the expression refers to
the way in which Demonicus is to
treat the rash speeches of others,
then μήτε...στέρεε
must also b e
taken in a similar sense.
& iroieEv...καλόν.] H e n c e pro­
bably the line in Publius Syrus, n.
793, ' Quod facere turpe est, dicere
honestum
neputa.'
ίθιζ€.. .TJGOS.] ' Accustom yourself
not to be sullen, but meditative; for
owing to the former men will think
you stubborn, owing to the latter,
sensible. Consider that the ornament which best becomes you, is
modesty, justice and self-restraint;
for by all these things the character
of young men appears to be controlled.'
σκυθρωπον.]
F o r this and a
variety of other words expressive of
sullen sternness read the speech of
Hercules in E u r . Ale. 773—802.
αύθά8ηδ.]
I n the
Eudemian
Ethics, III. 7, the αυθάδης is de­
scribed as μηδέν προς 'έτερον £ων, άλλα
καταφρονητικός.
I n the Magna
Moralia, 29, Aristotle reminds us of
the derivation of the word (αυτός,
and ηδομαι)—lit.
' self-pleasing,'
' self-willed,' ' stubborn.'
κόσμον.] T h e ordinary punctua­
tion is t h u s : ijyov μ. σ. π. κόσμον,
αισχύνην, δίκαωσύνην, σωφροσύνην.

ι6

I20KPATOT2

[§§ 16

6

ΜηΒέποτε μηΒεν αίσγρον ποιήσας έλπιζε λήσειν' καϊ
yap αν τους άλλους λάθ^ς, σεαχπω» συνεώήσεις.
Τους μεν θεούς φοβοΰ, τους Βε ηονεϊς τίμα, τους Βε
φίλους αίσγυνου, τοις Βε νόμοις ττείθου.
Τάς ηΒονάς θήρευε τάς μετά Βόξης * τέρψις yap συν τω c
καλώ μεν άριστον, άνευ Βε τούτου κάκιστον.
7
Έίύλαβου τάς Βιαβολάς, καν ψευΒεΐς ωσιν' οί yap πολ­
λοί την μεν αληθειαν άηνοοΰσι, προς Βε την Βόξαν άποβλεπουσιν. "Απαντα Βόκει ποιείν ως μηΒένα λήσων' καϊ yap
αν παραυτίκα κρύψτ^ς, ύστερον οφθήσει. μάλιστα δ' αν ευThis must mean ' consider that pro­
priety, sense of shame, uprightness
and self-mastery especially become
you.'
T o this punctuation and
translation there are two objections,
(i) Isocrates never uses κόσμος as
a synonym of εύκοσμία, but in t h e
sense of 'ornament.* (2) Even on
the assumption that κόσμο* may be
translated ' p r o p r i e t y ' i n Isocr., we
then have an awkward sequence of
words consisting of three specific
terms immediately following the
generic term in which they are in­
cluded,—a collocation as unnatural,
in an enumeration, as 'flowers,
roses, violets and blue-bells,' or
any similar series.—For these rea­
sons I prefer placing (with Schn.) a
comma after κόσμον alone, and
taking it in close conjunction with
πρέπειν, lit. ' b e c o m e you, as an
ornament.*
κρατ€Ϊσ-θαι.] H e r e = κατέχεσθαι,
contineri.
16. μηδ£ιτοτ€ μηδέν.] H e r e the
negatives strengthen and do not
destroy one another.
Cf. Plato
Farm. 166 A, τ&λλα των μη Οντων
ούδενΐ ούδαμη ούδαμώ* ουδεμία*» κοινωνίαν 2χ€ΐ. v. also Madv. Syn.
§ 209 b . T h e same idiom is not un­
common in Chaucer and Shaksp.
e.g. Canterb. Tales, Prolog. 70, He
never yit no vilonye ne sayde In al
his lyf, unto no maner wight.
<n)V€t8tj(r€is.] Future of σύνοιδα,
rarely used in Attic Gk, I n § 44

we find ειδήσεις, but in Isocr. Sophist.
§ 3, we have the common fut. of
οΐδα. d Te πρακτέον εστίν
εϊσονται
καϊ δια ταύτης της επιστήμης εύδαίμονες -γενήσονται.
είδήσω is more
Ionic than Att. but is found also in
Aristot. Magn. Mor. I, 1, 3. 18.
(Veitch, Gk. Verbs, p . 187-8). Benseler quotes συνειδήσεις and ειδή­
σεις as departures from Isocratean
usage and as tending to prove the
spuriousness of this Ep.
I t is how­
ever highly probable that the rarer
forms may have been designedly
chosen with a view to securing
δμοιοτέλευτον or the 'jingle of like
endings' λήσειν—συνειδήσεις'
εϋρήσεις—ειδήσεις, just as in the passage
quoted from Sophist. § 3, the com­
mon form εϊσονται corresponds in
sound to Ύενήσονται.
τ4ρψι$...άριστον.] Cf. Eur. Hipp.
109, τερπνόν εκ κυνα^Ίας τράπεζα
πλήρης, and Madv. Syn. § ι b, R. 3.
17. διαβολάΥ] I n pass, sense,
'Beware of calumnies' (against your­
self) not 'Beware of calumniating
others.'
κρΰψτ|5.] Must be translated in
its true transitive sense, which it
always keeps in prose writers. T h e
two passages (Soph. El. 826. Eur.
Phcen. 1117) sometimes quoted from
the poets to prove that κρύπτειν may
be intrans. are easily explained: see
M r j ebb's n. on Soph. El. I.e.
μ ά λ ι σ τ α . . . Iir ιτιμώηβ·]
Possibly
b o n o wed fiom Thales, of whom

—19]

ΠΡΟΣ

ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

ιγ

δοκιμοίης, ει φαίνοιο ταύτα μή πράττων, α τοις άλλοις αν
πράττουσιν
επιτιμφης.
Λ
Έάι> §ς φιλομαθής, εσει πολνμαθής.
Α μεν
επιστασαι,
ταύτα διαφύλαττε ταΐς μελέταις, α δε μή μεμάθηκας, προσ­
λάμβανε ταΐς επιστήμαις'
ομοίως yap αίσχρον
άκονσαντα
χρήσιμον
\oyov μή μαθεΐν καϊ Βώόμενόν τι άηαθον παρά
των φίλων μή λαβείν.
Κατανάλισκε την iv τω βίω σχοΧήν e
εις την των \6<γων φίληκοιαν'
ούτω yap τά τοις άλλοις χαλεπώς ενρημένα σνμβήσεταί
σοι ραδίως μανθάνειν.
ΉγοΟ
των ακουσμάτων ποΧλά πολλών είναι χρημάτων
κρείττω'
τά μεν yap ταχέως απολείπει,
τά δε πάντα τον χρόνον
παραμένει' σοφία yap μόνον των κτημάτων άθάνατον. Μή 6
κατοκνει μακράν 6Βον πορενεσθαι προς τους Βιδάσκειν τι
χρήσιμον επayyελ\o μένους · αίσχρον yap τους μεν εμπόρους
Diogenes Laert. ι. § φ,
says:
Θαλής, ερωτηθείς πώς άν άριστα καϊ
δικαιότατα βιώσαιμεν, έάν, 'έφη, ά
Toh άλλοις έπιτιμώμεν αυτοί μη δρώμεν. Cf. Nicocl. §6 J,\περι ών αν έν
TOIS \oyois κατη^ορήτε, μηδέν τούτων
έν TOIS izpyois έπιτηδεύετε.
18. έάν—ττολυμαθήβ·] *. e. ' I f
learning you love, most learned you'll
be.' l Isocrates....did
cause to be
written, at the entrie of his schole, in
golden letters, this golden sentence,
έάν fjs φιλομαθή*, %ση πολνμαθής,
which excellentlie said in Greeke, is
thus rudelie in Englishe, if thou
lovest learning, thou shall attayne to
moch learning?
Ascham's Scholemastery p. 24 (ed. Mayor). I can
find no
trace of authority for
Ascham's 'ethical n a r r a t i v e ' : the
story, however graceful, is probably
untrue, otherwise it might throw
some light on the vexed question
of the authorship of this E p . — A t
Shrewsbury school, the words may
be seen over one of the entrances,
inscribed ' i n golden letters,' and
further illustrated by a pair of quaint
symbolical statues, representing φι­
λομαθής a n d πολνμαθής respectively.
«π·p. r a t s eirwmfaais.] ' A d d to
your knowledge': έπιστήμαις,
dat.
after προσλάμβανε and not (like μελέ-

isoc.

Tais) an instrumental dative, as some
take it.
T h e parallelism or παρίσωσις of the sentence is, I ad­
mit, slightly in favour of making the
2nd dative identical in construction
with the 1st: r . έπιστήμαις
would
then mean ' b y learning,' ' b y ap­
plication.'
But the meaning of
έπιστήμαις is fixed by the previous
verb έπίστασαι
and must h e r e =
' knowledge.'— If the parallelism
had to be kept up at all hazards,
we should have to adopt the con­
jecture of Wyttenbach (ap. Schneid.)
προσλάμβανε ταΐς
επιμελείας.
19. ττολλα Ίτολλών.] T h e col­
location is intentional, and is also
found in other artistic writers. Ci
e.g. Demosth. adv. Lept. § 78. p .
480, άπό πολλών πολλά
(τρόπαια).
Isocr. de perm. 217, τιμής 'ένεκα
φημϊ πάντας πάντα πράττειν. Plato
Menex.
p . 249 c> πάσαν
πάντων
παρά πάντα έπιμέλειαν
ποιούμενη.
κτημάτων.] ΑΙ. χρημάτων,
ν.
Table of var. readings.
μή κατόκν€ΐ—διάνοιαν. ]
Cf
Theognis, 71» άλλα μετ' έσθλδν ιών
βουλεύεο, πολλά μoyήσaς \ καϊ μακρήν
ποσσίν Κύρν' όδόν εκτέλεσα?.
αΙ<Γ£ρόν....μέν....δέ.] Cf. § 11,
αίσχρον...γονέων, η .

2

ig-

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

Γ§§ 19

τηΚικαυτα πελάγη
διαπεράν ένεκα του πλείω
ποίησαν
την ύπάργουσαν ουσίαν, τους δε νεωτέρους μηδέ τάς κατά
yrjv πορείας ύπομενειν επϊ τω βελτίω καταστήσαι την αυτών
διάνοιαν.
Τω μεν τρόπω ηίηνου φιΚοπροσήηορος, τω δε λόγω εύπροσήγορος. εστί δε φιΚοπροσηηορίας μεν το προσφωνείν b
του? απαντώντας, εύπροσηγορίας δέ τό τοις Χσγοις αύτοΐς
οίκείως εντυγχάνειν.
ΉδΙω? μεν έχε προς απαντάς, χρω δέ
τοΐς βεΧτίστοις'
οϊιτω jap τοϊς μεν ουκ απεχθής εσει, τοις
δέ φί\ος ηενησει. Ύάς εντεύξεις μη ποιου πυκνάς τοΐς αύ­
τοΐς, μηδέ μακράς περί τών αυτών. πλησμονή jap απάντων.
Υύμναζε σεαυτον πόνους εκουσίοις, όπως αν Βύνη και
τους ακουσίους ύπομένειν. *Τφ' ων κρατείσθαι την ψυχήν c
αίσχρον, τούτων εγκράτειαν ασκεί πάντων, κέρδουςt οργής,
ηδονής, Χυπης. εσει δέ τοιούτος, εάν κέρδη μεν είναι νομίζης, δι ων ευδοκιμήσεις, αλλά μη δι ων εύπορήσεις' τή
ίο.
τώ—cwpooryyopos.]
'Be
courteous in character and affable
in speech.' T h e word εύπροσήγορος
is perfectly c o m m o n ; φιΚοπροσήγορος is found in Plutarch. Moral.
p. 9. extr. (quoted by Schneid.) hτευκτικούς τους παΐδας είναι παρασκευαστέον καϊ φιλοπροσηγόρους.
φιλοπροσηγορία (comitas) and εύπροσηγορία {affabilitas) appear, however,
to b e used in this passage alone.
I n formation, t h e last two words
are unexceptional, and,, although
Benseler would class them among
the * verba rara et ab Isocratis usu
aliena,' there seems little reason to
doubt the possibility of their having
been actually used by Isocrates.—
I n λδγψ εύπροσηγορος t h e hiatus has
not been, as usual, avoided. See
Introd. on style of Isocr.
21. *γΰμ,νά£€—wopivciv. ] T h e
thought and expression seem to be
borrowed from Democritus (Stobaeus, Florilegium
29) ol εκούσιοι
πόνοι τήν των ακουσίων ύπομονήν
εΚαφροτέραν κατασκευάξουσι.
ι5φ* ών—βΰττορήσ^δ.]
'Practise

self-mastery in all those passions,
to be over-mastered by which is dis­
graceful to the soul, viz. lucre, anger,
pleasure and pain. Such a charac­
ter you will be, if, as things lucrative,
you deem those which will increase
your reputation and not those which
will increase your resources.'—τοιού­
τος—εγκρατής implied in εγκράτεια,
see Paneg. § 1 1 0 . n.
€γκράτ€ΐαν κ. τ. λ. ]
Aristot.
Eth. VII. ι. 7. ακρατείς
λέγονται,
καϊ

θ υ μου

και

TI/A^S καϊ

κέρδους.

O n the difference between εγκρατής
and άκρατης cf. Aristot. Eth. VII.
1. 6. ' T h e man of imperfect selfcontrol (δ άκρατης) does things at
the prompting of his passions, al­
though h e knows that they are
wrong, while the m a n of self-control
(6 εγκρατής), knowing his lusts to be
wrong, refuses, by the influence of
reason, to follow their suggestions.'
σωφροσύνη= perfected self-mastery,
εγκράτεια = self-control, άκρασία =imperfect self-control,
άκολασία=
utter absence of self-control.
€υδοκιμήσ€ΐς ... €ΰπορή<Γ€ΐδ.] An

—22] .

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

ι9

δ' opyfi παραπΧησίως έ'χ#9 προς τους άμαρτάνοντας, ωσπβρ
αν προς eavrov άμαρτάνοντα καί τους αλΧους eyew άξίώσβίας' iv δέ τοΐς τβρπνοΐς, iav αισγρσν ύπο\άβτ]ς των μβν
οίκβτών άργειν, τοις δ' ήδοναΐς SovXevecV iv Be τοΐς πονη­
ροΐς, iav τάς των αλΧων ατυχίας €πιβ\έπτ}ς και αυτόν ώς
άνθρωπος ων υπομιμνησκτ^ς,
ΜαλΧον Trjpei τάς των \σγων ή τάς των χρημάτων παρακαταθήκας· Bee yap τους αηαθούς άνΒρας τρόπον όρκου
πιστότ€ρον φαίν€σθαι, παρ€/χρμένους. ΤΙροσήκ€ίν ήηοΰ τοΐς
instance of παρομοίωσα,
exemplify­
ing b o t h όμοιοκάταρκτον and όμοιοτέ\evrov.
arpos Ιαυτδν.] See § 14, έαυτοϋ. η .
4ν r o t s ιτονηροίβ. ] T h e four terms,
κέρδους, opyrjs, ηδονής, λύπης, are
taken u p seriatim in the long sen­
tence immediately following them.
I n that sentence the four correspond­
ing terms are, κέρδη, τη opyrj, h τοις
τερπνοΐς, έν τοΐς πονηροΐς respective­
ly. Therefore έν τοΐς πονηροΐς— έν
τοΐς Χυπηροΐς (which is the actual
reading of some M S S . , arising pro­
bably from a marginal explanation),
' i n painful t h i n g s . ' — T h e word πονη­
ρός, like μοχθηρός, has two senses:
(1) that of physical distress (as here),
(2) that of moral depravity (as in
§ 22). Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 2 2 0 :
A . . δσοις δικαίοις
οΰσιν ούκ ην
άλφιτα.
Β. π&παΐ πονηρούς
y' εΐπας ημΐν
ξυμμάχους.
1
I n Greek, the words πονηρός, κακός
and κακότης, δειλός, δύστηνος, μέΧεος, σχέτλιος, ταλαίπωρος,
τλήμων,
are all employed, by the poets prin­
cipally, in this double sense. I n
Latin we have miser and tristis; in
French miserable; in Italian tristo;
and in English wretch and wretched,
unhappy and sad, as a sad fellow, a
sad dog.'
F r o m M r Cope's n. on
Plato, Gorgias, p . 505 A.
αΰ. cos άνθ. ών w . ]
Schneider
quotes Menander, Fragm. 101, άν­
θρωπος ών τουτ' ΐσθι καί μέμνησ1 del.
έάν αυτόν ύπομιμνήσκης = έαν μνησθης, and after * verbs of knowledge

and experience 1 (such as οΐδα, μέμνημαι, έπίσταμαι), if the subject of
the leading verb should also be its
object, the participle is put in the
nominative and referred to the sub­
j e c t ; e.g. Ϊσθι ανόητος ών. T h e
peculiarity of ώς άνθρωπος ών may
be stated in one of two ways, either
ών is used where et might have been
expected [Cf. T h u c . IV. 37, yvote δέ
ο Κλέων καϊ Δημοσθένης, 6 τ ι, el καί
όποσονοΰν μάλλον ένδώσουσιν ol Αακεδαιμόνιοι, διαφθαρησομένους
αυ­
τούς υπό της σφετέρας
στρατιάς,
έπαυσαν την μάχην], or (which is
preferable) ώς is somewhat irregu­
larly prefixed to the participle. I n
t h e latter case, cf. Xen. Anab. 1. 3,
15, ώς μεν στρατηγησοντα
έμέ.,.μηδείς υμών λ€yέτω.
Soph. Phil. 253»
1
ώς μηδϊν είδότ ΐσθι μ' ών ανιστορείς.
Madv. Synt. § 178 a, R. 3 and 5,
also § 181, and Goodwin's Gk. Moods
and Tenses, § 113. n. 10.
O n αύτίη'—σαυτόν, see § 14, εαυ­
τού, η .
22. λόγων...ιταρακατ.] Cf.Anaxandrides (ap. S t o b . Flor. X L I . 2),
δστις λόγγους παρακαταθήκην yap λα­
βών {fort. leg. παραλαβών) \ έί-εΐπεν
άδικος έστιν fj άκρατης άγαί».
τρόπον όρκου ir.] Cf. t h e account
of Xenocrates in Cic. pro
Balbo,
V. § 12, ' Athenis aiunt, quum quidam apud eos} qui sancle graviterque
vixissel, et testimonium
dixisset, ut
(ut mos Graecorum est)
jurandi
caussa ad aras accederet, una voce
omnes judices, ne is juraret, reclamasse*
2—2

20

ISOKPATOTS

®§22

πονηροΐς άπιστεΐν, ωσπερ τοις γρηστοΐς πιστεύειν. ΤΙερΙ
των απορρήτων μηδενϊ Xeye, πλην εάν ομοίως σνμφερτ) τάς e
πράξεις σιωπασθαι σοι τ€ τω λεηοντι κάκείνοις τοις ακονουσιν. "Ορκον επακτον προσδεγρυ δια δυο προφάσεις, η σεαιιτόν αίτιας αίσχράς άπολνων, ή φίλους ε/c μπάλων κινδύ­
νων διασώζων. ένεκα δε γρημάτων μηδενα θεών 6μόστ)ς,
μηδ' αν εύορκεΐν μέλλης'
δόξεις γαρ τοις μεν έπιορκεΐν, γ
τοις δε φΐλο'χρημάτως εγειν.
Μηδένα φίλον ποιον, πρϊν αν εξέτασης, πως κέχρηται
τοις πρότερον φίλοις' έλπιζε jap αντον καϊ περί σε ηενεircpl τ. άττορρήτων.] * About se­
crets, speak to no one, except it b e
equally advantageous, to you that
speak and to those that hear, that
the actions be kept secret;' i. e. do
not tell a secret to a person who has
a greater interest than yourself in
divulging it, ' nemini arcana tua
credas nisi itii, de quo certus sis,
proprii commodi causa ea esse celaturum.'
Lange proposes to insert
μη before σιωπασθαι, and translates,
* nisi res Mas non taceri, i. e. vul­
gar^ aeque expediat tibi, qui evulgas,
ac aliis qui istas audiant?
The
sense thus obtained is good in itself,
but the insertion of μη has no M S .
authority.
23. ορκον en-ακτον.] ' Accept an
imposed oath for two reasons only,
either to free yourself from a shame­
ful charge, or to rescue your friends
from great perils.' Harpocration
(fl. during or after 1st cent. A.D.)
explains the phrase t h u s : ϊπακτος
δρκος' δν αυτό* rts εκών αύτφ iirayeται, τουτέστιν αίρεται.
Κυσίας έν
τφ προς Χαιρέστρατον καϊ Ισοκράτης
Άπολλωνιάτης
[see Introd. to Ep. ad
Dem.] iv ταΐς προς Αημόνικον παραινέσεσι. %στι δέ βρκου τρία εϊδη, άπώμοτος καϊ κατώματος καϊ 6 καλούμενος
έπακτός. είναι δέ τούτον ούχ απλούν
δει yap τον προτεινόμ€νον. ύπό του
όρκίζοντος αύτοΐς όνόμασιν άντιφωνεϊν
τόν όρκιξόμενον. T h e first part of
this explanation does not suit the
passage before u s : έπακτός δρκος

ought to mean ' an oath imposed
from without,' ' an involuntary oath,'
not * an oath which a person wil­
lingly takes upon himself.' T h e
latter part of the explanation con­
tains a trace of the true meaning of
the p h r a s e : mention is there made
of a species of δρκος έπ., in which
the oath was tendered (προτείναμεvov) and dictated by one party (0
ορκίζων) and accepted verbatim by
the other (ο ορκιζόμενος).
Suidas
(fl. n t h cent. A.D.) quotes H a r p o ­
cration, and adds the w o r d s : άλλοι
δέ τουναντίον, ό άλλαχόθεν έπιφερόμένος, άλλ' ουκ αυθαίρετος.
Ίτρόφασ-ις] = ' p l e a , '
'reason,'
' g r o u n d ' (cf. Thuc. VI. 6, τη άλτ;θεστάττ) προφάσει), but far oftener,
in bad sense, = 'pretext,' ' p r e t e n c e /
* excuse.'
&>€κα—<ίχ€ΐν.] St Basil the Great
(329—379 A. D.) ad adolesc. cap. v.
(vii.) says of Clinias, the Pytha­
gorean, εξόν δε δρκου τριών ταλάντων
ξημίαν αΊΓοφνγεϊν, 6 δε απέτισε μαλ~
λον ή ώμοσε, καϊ ταϋτα εύορκεΐν μέλ­
λων. Epictet. Manuale, c. xxxiii. 5,
δρκον παραίτησαι, ει μεν οΐόν τε, εις
άπαν εΐ δε μη, έκ των ενόντων.
24 ir<Ss κέχρηται...] Cf. Epicharmus, Frag, lit) (ap. Cic. ad
Quint, i l l . 1, 23), yvu>0i πως &Χλψ
κέχρηται.
καϊ ir«pl σ£...καΙ ircpl €Κ.] T h e
second καϊ cannot b e translated ex­
cept by emphasizing εκείνους. i F o r
you must expect him t o shew the

—25]

ΠΡΟΧ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

21

σθαι τοιούτον, οίος και περί εκείνους yeyove. Έραδεως μεν
φίΧος jiyvov, γενόμενος δε πειρώ διαμένειν. ομοίως jap
αίσγρον μηδενα φίλον εγειν και ποΧΧούς εταίρους μεταΧΚάττ€ΐν. Μ,ήτε μετά βΧάβης πειρώ των φιΚων μήτ άπειρος b
elvai των εταίρων θεΚε. τούτο δε ποιήσεις, εάν μη δεόμενος το Βεΐσθαι προσποιβ. ΊΙερΙ των ρητών ώς απορρήτων
άνακοινοΰ* μη τυχών μεν yap ονδεν βΧαβήσει, τυχών δε
μαΧΚον αυτών τον τρόπον επιστήσει. Δοκίμαζε τους φίΧους
εκ τε της περί τον βίον ατυχίας και της εν τοις κινδύνοις
same character in dealing with you
also, as h e has shewn in dealing
with them?
Cf. Isocr. Zte Perm.
§253, ούκοΰν χρη κ al περί των λόγω?
την αυτήν 'έχειν διάνοιαν ήνπερ καί
irepl των άλλων.
T h u c . VI. 13, τοΐ*
δέ *^εσταίοι*.Ιδία
είπείν, επειδή άνευ
'Αθηναίων
καΐ
ζυνήψαν...πολεμον,
μετά σφών αυτών κ αϊ καταλύεσθαι.
Plato, Lysis, 21 τ Α, &περ κ αϊ έμοί
λ^εις,
είπε κ αϊ Μενεξένω.
Gk.
usage also admits of the omission
of either καί, e.g. we might have (as
in Eng.) (ι) έλπιζε αυτόν καί περί σε
^εν. τοι., οίο* περί εκείνου* yiyovev,
or, still more idiomatically, (2) 2λπιζε αυτόν περί σέ ^εν. τοι., ohs και
περί εκείνου* ^έ^ονεν.
βραδέως...] A maxim possibly
borrowed from Solon (ap. Diogen.
Laert. I. § 60), φίλου* μή ταχύ κτώ,
ous δ* αν κτήση μή
αποδοκίμαζε.
Cf. Theognis, 1143·
ομοίως—μ€ταλλάττ€ΐν.] i.e. ' i t is
as disgraceful to have many comrades
and to be constantly changing them
as to have no true friend whatever.'
Hesiod {Works and Days, 715), μη­
δέ πόλύζεινον μηδ' Άξεινον καλέεσθαι.
T h e weaker word εταίρο* is here
naturally used when speaking of
fiiful and changing friendships, and
in the very next sentence the differ­
ence between φίλο* and εταίρο* is still
partially kept u p . ' T r y not your
friends to your own hurt, b u t be not
willing to abstain altogether from
trying your comrades.'
θ&€.] T h e form θέλω is used by
the Attic Tragedians; the form

έθέλω by Horn., Hes., Theogn., and
P i n d a r ; Herodotus has both. ' I n
Attic prose θέλω is not frequent, and
pretty much confined t o the pres.
θέλω, Antiphon, 3, 8, 3, θέλει*, Xen.
Hell. 3, 4, 5, &c.; subj. θέλω, Thuc.
5> 35» &c.; opt. θέλοιμι, T h u c . 6
3 4 ; imper. θέλε, Isocr. 1,24; θέλων,
Xen. Cyr. 4, 5, 2 9 ; θέλειν, PI. Rep.
391... έθέλω is far more frequent and
is used after both vowels and conso­
nants.' (Veitch, Greek Verbs, s.v.).
—Benseler, in an exhaustive note
(on Isoc. Areop. § 41), after giving
more than 300 references to the Attic
orators, makes this generalisation :
' Patebit ex his, quae nunc attuli,
έθέλειν in oratoribus semper esse
adhibitum consonante antecedente,
interdum etiam vocali antecedente,
quamquam turn θέλειν saepius legit u r . ' — O f Isocr. in particular h e
says, * θέλειν tantummodo scripsit,
si praecedens verbum in vocalem
exit...#Ae exhibetur uno tantum in
loco ab omn. Codd. ad Demon. §
24.' Schneider defends θέλε in this
passage, on the ground that the laws
of Gk. euphony may have led Isocr.
to prefer it to Ζθελε.
τ ο δ€Ϊσ*θαι Ίτροσιτοιη.] Bekker
and Dindorf read έάν μη δεόμενό*
του, δεΐσ^αι προσποιή, b u t the M S .
reading is supported by Epp. II. 22,
προσποιούμαι το βέλτιον φρονεΐν.
25. 8οκιμ.αζ€ κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Ennius
(ap. Cic. de Amic. 17. 64), amicus
certus in re incerta cernitur.
τ ό μέν γ α ρ χρυ<τ£ον.] O n this
use of μεν...δε, v. § 12. T h e com-

22

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΧ

Γ§§25

κοινωνίας* τό μεν yap γρυσίον έν τω πυρί βασανίζουν,
τους δε φίλους έν ταΐς άτυχίαις διαηιηνώσκομεν. Οντως c
άριστα χρήσει τοις φΐλοις, έάν μη πρόσμενες τας map εκεί­
νων δεήσεις, αλλ' αύτεπάηηελτος αντοΐς έν τοις καιροΐς
6 βοηθάς. '*Ομοίως αισχρόν είναι νόμιζε των έχθρων νικασθαι
ταΐς κακοποιίαις καϊ των φίλων ήττασθαι ταΐς ευερηεσίαις.
Άποδέχου
των εταίρων μή μόνον τους έπι τοις κακοΐς
δυσχεραίνοντας, άλλα καϊ τους έπϊ τοις αηαθοΐς μή φθονούντας · πολλοί yap άτυχρΰσι μεν συνάχθονται, καλώς δε d
πράττουσι φθονοΰσι. Ύών απόντων φίλων μέμνησο προς
τοίις παρόντας, ϊνα δοκβς μηδέ τούτων απόντων δλιγωρεΐν.
parison between testing gold in the
fire and testing friendship in misfor­
tune is common, e.g.
Menander,
Fragm. 143, χρυσός μεν older ^ e λέγχθαι ττυρϊ \ ή δ' iv φιλοΐς εϋνοια
καιρφ κρίνεται. Ovid, Trist. I. 5, 25.
Scilicet ut fulvum spe&atur in ignibus aurum, Tempore sic duro est inspicienda fides. Menand. Monost.
276, κρίνει φίλους 6 καιρός, ώς χρυσόν
r
τό πυρ. Also Theognis, 78, 4 5
sqq., 1105.
χρυσίον = χρυσοί είργασμένος:
si­
milarly dpy υρίον= άργυρος είργασμέ­
νος.
26. των Ιχθρών
€ύ€ρ·γ€σ£α$. ]
A good example of άντίθεσις and
παρίσωσις.—For
the genitive after
νικασθαι, and ήττασθαι,
cf. E u r .
Med. 315, σιγησόμεσθα,
κρεισσόνων
νικώμενοι, and Ion, 1117, τό μη
δίκαιον της δίκης ησσώμενον.
This
gen. is really a gen. of compari­
son. ' T h e gen. stands with some
verbs derived from a comparative,
and expressing a comparison {e.g.
πλεονεκτεΐν, έλασσοΰσθαι,
ύστερεΐν,
ησσασθαι), together with one or two
others, which without being so de­
rived, have a similar signification'
(περιγίγνεσθαι,
περιεΐναι,
λείπεσθαι,
νικασθαι). Mad v. Synt. §64.
Isocr. assumes that it is disgraceful
to be overcome by our enemies in
doing injury, and states t h a t it is
equally disgraceful to be outdone by
our friends in kindly offices. T h e

point assumed is a common maxim of
popular pagan morality, e.g. in Aristot. Rhet. 1. 6, 26, one of the 'things
that are choice-worthy' (τα προαιρετά) is πράττειν.,.καϊ τα τοις έχθροΐς
κακά καϊ τα τοις φίλοις
αγαθά.
Cf. Xenoph. Mem. II. 6, 35» ανδρός
άρετην είναι νικαν τους μεν φίλους ευ
ποιοϋντα, τους δ' εχθρούς κακώς. Also
a n (
Pindar, Pyth. 11. 83 (=ΐ54)>
i
Isth. i n . 66 ( = 81).—To shew that
this opinion m e t with some noble
exceptions, we may refer to the
words of Socrates (ap. Plat. Rep. 1.
335), ' If any one states that it is
just to render to every m a n his due,
and if he means by this, that what
is due from a just m a n is injury to,
his enemies and assistance to his
friends, the statement is that of an
unwise m a n : for the doctrine is really
untrue, because it has been shewn
that in no case is it just to injure
a n y b o d y ; ' and of Diogenes (ap.
Plutarch de cap. ex inimicis
utilitate,
4 = p. 88 b) πώς άμυνοϋμαι τόν έχθρόν; αυτός καλός κάγαθός γενόμενος.
This is not the place for a compari­
son between pagan and Christian
ethics, but the above passages are
very suggestive in relation to Mat­
thew v. 44, &c.
Cf. § 29, τους
αγαθούς εΰ ποίει. η .
καλώς ιτρ. φθονοΰσι.] Cf. Aesch,
Ag. 832, παύροις yap ανδρών εστί
συγγενές τόδε \ φίλον τόν εύτυχοϋντ1
άνευ φθόνου σέβειν.

—28]

ΠΡΟΣ

ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

23

Είναι βούλου τα περί την έσθητα φιλόκάλος, άλ\ά μη
καΧΚωπιστης. εστί δε φΐλοκάλου μεν το
μεγαλοπρεπές,
καΧΚωπιστοϋ δε το περίερηον.
Αγάπα
των υπαρχόντων ar/αθών μη την υπερβάΧΚου- e
σαν κτησιν αλλά την μετρίαν άπόΧαυσιν. Καταφρονεί των
περί τον πΧοϋτον σπουδαζόντων μεν, χρησθαι δε τοις ύπάργρυσιμη δυναμένων' παραπΧησιον yap οι τοιούτοι πάσγρυσιν, ωσπερ αν εϊ τις ΐππον κτήσαιτο κάλον κακώς ιππενειν 3
επισταμένος.
Τίειρώ τον πΧοϋτον χρήματα καϊ κτήματα
κατασκευάξειν · εστί δε χρήματα μεν τοις απόλαύειν επισταμένοις, κτήματα δε τοις κτασθαι Βυναμένοις. Τίμα την
νπάρχουσαν ούσίαν δυοϊν ένεκεν, τον τε ζημίαν μεηάΧην
εκτϊσαι Ζύνασθαι, καϊ του φιλώ σπουδαίω
δυστυχοΰντι
βοηθήσαι* προς δε τον αΧΚον βίον μηδέν ύπερβάΧΚόντως b
αλλά μετρίως αυτήν αγάπα.
27. €Ϊναι κ.τ.λ.] i.e. ' I n mat­
ters of dress, resolve to be tasteful,
and not foppish. N o w the tasteful
man is marked by dignified grace,
the fop by exquisite embellishment.'
το μεγαλοπρεπές is difficult to ren­
der adequately; it here implies a
kind of 'becoming dignity' caused
by the blending of the grand and
the graceful. George Herbert's line,
' I n clothes cheap handsotnenesse
,doth bear the bell,' might possibly
help us. I n most other passages,
'magnificence' will fairly translate
it. F o r the sense, cf. Shak. Ham­
let, I. iii. Costly thy habit as thy
purse can buy. But not expressed in
fancy; rich, not gaudy: For the ap­
parel oft proclaims the man.
28. impcu κ.τ.λ.] 'Endeavour to
build u p wealth, both for use and
for acquisition: now wealth is a
thing oiuse to those who know how
to enjoy i t ; a thing of acquisition to
those who are able to acquire it.'
κτήμα, g e n e r a l l y = t h a t which one
possesses (κέκτηται, obtinet), but here
apparently means that which one
acquires (κτάται, acquirity.
χρήματα κ. κτήματα.] Cf. ad

Nicocl. § 2 6 ,
κτησαμένους.,.χρησαμέvovs. Areop. § 35,
κτήσεις...χρήσεις.
Curius a p . Cic. ad Fam. v n . 29, 1,
sum enim "χρήσει μεν tuus, κτήσει δέ
Attici nostri, and especially Aristot.
Rhet. I. 5> tfXtos τό πλοντειν εστίν εν
τφ χρήσθαι μάλλον τ} έν τφ κεκτησθαι.
κτάσ-θαι.] This is the reading of
the M S S . , the common reading of
the old editions was χρήσθαι,
a
reading which has the merit of im­
proving a truism, and giving a sense
sirnilar to the old precept, ' Get to
live; Then live and use it, else it is
not true That thou hast gotten?
τίμα...] ' Prize your present pro­
perty for two reasons,—that you
may be able both to pay off a heavy
fine, and to succour an honest friend
in his misfortune.'
άγάττα.] ' E s t e e m , ' 'regard.' άγαπαν is probably connected in de­
rivation with the root of &'/αμαι,
and stands in the same relation to
φιλεΐν as diligere does to amare. (On
στορ'γή,ε'ρως, φιλεΐν, ά,^απαν, see M r
Cope's article, Journ. of Philology\
I. 1, p . 8 8 - 9 3 . )

24

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§29

%repye μεν τά παρόντα, ζητεί δε τα βέλτιστα.
Μ,ηδβνϊ σνμφοράν 6νειδίστ)ς' κοινή yap η τύχη και το
μέλλον άόρατον.
Τους αγαθούς ευ ποίει' κάλος yap θησαυρός τταρ άν8ρι σπουδαίω χάρις οφειλομένη.
Τους κακούς ev ποιών
όμοια πείσει τοις τάς αλλότριας κύνας σιτίζουσιν
εκεϊναίο
τε yap τους δίδοντας ωσπερ τους τυγρντας ύλακτουσιν, ol
τε κακοί τους ώφελοΰντας ωσπερ τους βλάπτοντας
άδικουσιν.
Τ&ίσει τους κολακεύοντας ωσπερ τους εξαπατώντας'
29. crripye.] στέ^ειν (as well as
αΐνείν and αγαπάν) has often, as here,
the meaning * acquiesce in,' ' t o l e ­
rate,' ' p u t u p with,' ' b e content
with.'
Elsewhere, in Isocr., the
construction is different from that of
the present passage: e.g. De pace,
§ 6, arapyeiv τοΐς παροΰσι, and § 23,
ού aripyovras έφ' οΐς αν 'έχωμεν αλλ'
άεϊ του πλείονος όpεyoμέvoυς.
The
a c e , however, is found in H d t .
IX. 17, ούτω δη 'έστερζαν τά παρεόντα, Eur. Phoen. 1685, τ&μ εγώ
στέρξω κακά, and Dem. Callicl.
§ 2 2 , την τυχην crtpyeiv, and is here
used probably to keep up the paral­
lelism with the ace. τά βέλτιστα.
μηδενΐ <τυμ. όν.] = Nemini
calamitatem exprobraveris, ' R e p r o a c h
no man with his misfortune.' Obs.
the difference between the Eng. and
the G k . and Latin idioms.
Cf.
Theognis, 117, χρήματ' 'έχων πενίην
1
μ ώνείδισας, άλλα τά μέν μοι \ 'έστι,
τά δ' άλλ' ί?£ω θεόίσιν έπευξάμενος.
Dem. Androt. p . 612, § 62, τάς ιδίας
συμφοράς όνειδίξειν καϊ
πρόφεραν
έκάστψ, and Isocr. Paneg. § 107.
κοινή...άόρατον.] These epithets
are placed expressly at the begin­
ning and end of t h e sentence, to
bring out a stronger emphasis.
Cf.
also § 7, πλούτου κρείττων. n.
TOTJS άγαθοτ^ €υ iroiei, κ.τ.λ.] =
1
B o n i s benefactio' (Dion. Catonis
Distich. I. 36). T h e limitation is
curious. Equally low is the moral
tone of the following lines from
Theognis, 105 sqq. δειλούς δ' εΰ 'έρ-

δοντι ματαιότατη χάρις εστίν, | ίσον yap
σπείρειν πόντον αλός πόλιης' \ οϋτ€
yap αν ττόντον στείρων, βαθύ ληϊον
άμφς, | οϋτε κακούς εΰ δρών, εϋ πάλιν
άντιλάβοις, κ.τ.λ.
Cf. § 26. n.
καλός... ο'φ€ΐλομένη. ] F o r the sen timent and the words cf. Agapetus
(Deacon of Ch. of St Sophia, 527
A. D.), ad yustinian.
adhortai. c. 7,
μόνος της εύποι'ιας δ θησαυρός μόνιμος
έστι τοις κεκτημένοις αυτόν, των yap
άβαθων ^pyωv αϊ χάριτες έπϊ τους
ποιοΰντας
έπαναστρέφουσιν.
του$ τ υ χ ό ν τ α δ ύλακτουσαν.] Ari­
stotle {Etk. νιΐ. 6, ι ) , speaking of
anger, used the same homely illus­
tration, εοίκε yap δ θυμός άκούειν
μέν τι του λόγοι/, παρακούειν δέ, κα­
θ άπερ.,.οί κύνες, πριν σκέψασθαι ει
φίλος, αν μόνον ψοφήση,
ύλακτουσιν.
[Philippians iii. 2, βλέπετε τους κύ­
νας, βλέπετε τους κακούς έpyάτaς.'\
Obs. the use of r e in έκεΐναί τε.,.οϊ
τε κακοί, ' b o t h — a n d , ' i.e. 'just a s '
— ' s o . ' See § 32 for the same use
of τε in a partial comparison.
30. μ.ί<Γ€ΐ.. αΐΓ€χθανομ4νου$. ] Trans.
' A b h o r flatterers as you would ab­
hor deceivers, for b o t h alike, when
trusted, do wrong to those that
trusted them. If you welcome those
friends who are ready t o be com­
plaisant, to your greatest injury; you
will, throughout your life, be desti­
tute of those who are ready to incur
your hatred for your highest good.'
A little difficulty has sometimes
been felt about the meaning of this
sentence: e.g. Rodolphus Agricola

—3θ]

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

2$

αμφότεροι ηάρ πιστευθεντες τους πιστεΰσαντας α&ικονσιν.
Έαζ/ άπο^εγτ]των φίΧων rots προς το φαϋλότατον γαρυζομένους, ονχ έξεις εν τω βίω τους προς το βελτιστον άπεγθανομενους. Τίηνου προς τους πλησιάζοντας ομιλητικός, αλλά d
μη σεμνός' τον μεν jap των υπεροπτικών οηκον μοΚις αν
οι δονΧοι καρτερήσείαν, τον δε των ομιλητικών τρόπον
(one of the eailiest translators of
this Ep.) renders the last clause
f
qui tibi ad ea quae sunt optima,
assistant.\
I t is just possible (as
suggested by Wolf) that he read
παριστάμενους, b u t no one has seri­
ously proposed t o alter t h e M S .
reading άπεχθανομένους.
T h e sen­
tence is, I believe, perfectly coherent
and intelligible. T h e mention of
* flatterers,' and the warning against
them, naturally lead the writer to an
admonition respecting false friends.
H e tells Demonicus t h a t if he
chooses for his companions m e n
who are ready to cringe to him and
gratify him for his apparent advan­
tage, but real hurt, he will, through
life, mis9 the faithful
wounds'' in­
flicted by those who for his real
good are ready, if necessary, to be
his apparent enemies.
[Proverbs
xxvii. 6 ; xxviii. 23.] See § 45.
irurrevQivTis. ] πιστεύω in the act.
'governs' a dat. of t h e person and
ace. of the thing (πιστεύω τινί τι),
and is only indireclly
transitive;
and, strictly speaking, only a diredl
transitive can b e converted into a
true passive. T h e use of the pas­
sive, therefore, in πιστευθείς is note­
worthy ; and at the first blush of the
matter would seem to imply the
existence of such a formula as
πιστεύω τινά τι, which does not
really exist. T h e same peculiarity
may be noticed in Isocr. de Bigis,
§ 26, βπιστεύθησαν (ol Άλκμαιονίδαι),
de Pace, § 76, πιστευόμενον (τον δημον), D e m . in Aristocr. 622, § 4,
των πολιτευόμενων και πιστευομένων,
in Conon, 1269, § 4°> a n < ^ elsewhere.
T h e same is the case with other
verbs which are not directly trans.

A list of more than twenty such
Greek verbs (e.g.
έπιβουλεύεσθαι,
καταγελασθηναι,
καττγγορεΐσθαι,
ύπερέχεσθαι, φθονασθαι,
άπειλεΐσθαι)
is given by M r Cope, Journ.
of
Philol. I. i. 93—96. T o these may
be added παροινεΐν, which in the
act. is intransitive (although Lidd.
and Scott, by a curious inadvert­
ence, quote D e m . in Con. 1257, 13,
to prove that it may be trans, in
act., ταύτψ [i.e. την ώραν] αν ήδη
έπαρφνουν ούτοι...είς τους παΐδας).
F o r the pass. v. Dem. in Con. 1258,
7, παροινουμένους υπό τουτωνί, and
De Fals. Leg. 403, § 220. Similarly
we have παρανομεΐν εις τινά, and
παρανενομησθαι.
T h e instances of
this peculiarity in Latin are mostly
poetical (Ovid. A. A. i l l . 679, persuasus erit; Amor. II. 6, 61, Col·
ligor...placuisse),
and mainly con­
fined to the perf. pass. part. (e.g.
regnatus, triumphatusy
bacchatus).
Tacitus, whose diction is often poeti­
cal, uses the passives triumpharetur,
regnantur and ministrantur
(Drager,
Syntax u. Stil des Tacitus, § 26).
χαριξομένουδ. ] Cf. D e m . in Arts tocr. 664, § 134, έστϊ yap
φίλων
ά γ α ^ ώ ι / ου τοιαύτα
χαρίξεσθαι.
τοΐς εϋνοις εξ ων κάκείνοις και σφίσιν
αύτοΐς 'έσται τις βλάβη,
αλλ' ο μέν
αν μέλλη συνοίσειν άμφοΐν, συμπράττειν, δ δ' αν αυτός όίμεινον εκείνου
προορξ,, προς
το
καλώς
%χον
τίθεσθαι καΐ μη την ήδη χάριν του
μετά ταύτα χρόνου παντός περί πλεί­
ονος η-γείσθαι.
άΐΓ€χθανομ€νου8.] T h e exact op­
posite to χαρισμένους,
e.g. Isocr.
Epp. 9, 12, δεξαίμην αν δικαίως επιτιμήσας άπεχθέσθαι
μάλλον $ πάρα
τό προσήκον επαινέσας
χαρίσασθαι.

26

I20KPAT0TS

[§§ 31

άπαντες ήδέως ύποφέρουσιν. ομιλητικός δ' eaei μη δύσερις
ων μηδβ δυσάρβστος μηδέ προς πάντας φιλόνικος, μηδβ
προς τάς των πλησιαζόντων 6ρ<γάς τραγίως απάντων, μηδ' e
αν αδίκως ορηιζόμενοι τυηγάνωσιν, άΧΚα θυμουμένοις μεν
αντοΐς βϊκων, πβπαυμένοις δέ της ορ^ης έπιπΧηττων* μηδβ
πάρα τα yekola σπουδάζων, μηδβ παρά τά σπουδαία τοις
γέλοίοις 'χαίρων (το yap άκαιρον πανταχού Χυπηρόν)' μηδβ
τάς χάριτας άγαρίστως χαριζόμενος, οπβρ πάσγρυσιν οι
πο\\οι, ποιοΰντβς μβν, άηδώς δέ τοις φίΧοις νπουρηοΰντβς'
μηδβ φιΚαίτιος ων, βαρύ yap, μηδβ φίλβπιτιμητής, παρο- 9
ξυντικον yap.
ΜάΧιστα μεν βϋλαβοϋ τάς iv τοις πότοις συνουσίας'
έάν δε ποτέ σοι συμπέση καιρός, έξανίστασο προ μέθης,
όταν yap 6 νους υπ* οϊνου διαφθαρτ), ταύτα πάσχει τοις άρ31. φιλόνικοδ.] Derived from φίλος
t h e r ; but if ever such an occasion
and νίκη [φΐλδνεικος (Plat. Protag.
befal you, rise u p from your place
336 Ε, &c.) is really a separate
before you are drunk.' Herbert,
i
word, derived from νεΐκος'].
Cf.
Ch. Porch,
Stay at the third cup;
Aristot. Rhet. II. 12, 6, φιλότιμοι
or forego the place, Wine above all
μέν είσι, μάλλον δέ φϊλόνικοι' υπερο­
things doth God's stamp deface.' T h e
χής yap έτηθνμεΐ η νεότης, η δέ νίκη form of the precept is borrowed
υπεροχή τις. Plat. Rep. IX. 582 Ε,
from Theognis, 484, μη πΐν οΐνον
&c. T h e two words are constantly
ύπερβοΧάδην, | αλλ' $) πρϊν μεθύειν
interchanged in M S S .
ΰπανίστασο.,.ίι παρεών μη πίνε.
τας έν τοις πότοις συνουσίας, lit.
χάριταδ άχαρ(στωβ χαρίξομ€' meetings consisting of (or involv­
vos·]
Cf. Eur. Erechth.
(Fragm.
ing) carousals.' T h e precept is cha­
353» *)> Tas χαρίτας
Οστις ευμενώς
racteristic of Isocr. Cf. his indignant
χαρίζεται
\ ήδιστον έν βροτοΐσιν οϊ
remarks, de Perm. §§ 285-7.
'The
δέ δρώσι
μεν, \ χρονφ δε ποΧΚφ
most promising of our young men
δρώσι, δυσμενέστεροι.
pass their youth in drinking-parties
A n accusative of the notion con­
(έν πδτοις καϊ συνουσίαις) and idle
tained in a verb may stand with a
amusements, while you (men of
verb which governs a proper obj eelAthens) disregard all anxiety for their
accusative. This ace. has generally,
improvement. Those, again, who
as here, the same root as the verb,
have inferior gifts of nature, spend
and must b e defined by an adj.,
the day in such vices as, in former
pron., advb., or attributive clause;
times, not even a slave of any de­
e.g. Dem. de Cor. § 239, κ εν ας χα­
cency would have dared to practise;
ρίζει χάριτας. Hor.Carm. π ι . 29,5°>
for some of them may be seen drink­
ludum insolentem ludere. SeeMadv.
ing in taverns, and others cooling
Gk. Syn. § 26 a, b ; M r Mayor's note
their wine at the fountain of Enneaon Cic. Philip. II. § 4 2 ; and, for the
crunus, &c.'
fullest account, Lobeck,
Paralipom.
(p. 501—538, de figum etymologica).
δταν—8iavo£as.] ' F o r when the
32. μάλιστα μίν—μ^θηδ.] * If pos­ mind is enfeebled by wine, it is in
sible, avoid drinking-parties altoge­
the same condition as chariots that

—34]

Π Ρ 0 2 ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

27

μασι τοις τους ηνιόχους άποβαλοΰσιν εκείνα τε γάρ ατά·'
κτως φέρεται διαμαρτόντα των εύθυνούντων, η τε ψυχή b
πολλά σφάΧλεται Βιαφθαρείσης της διανοίας.
'Αθάνατα μεν φρονεί τω μεγαλόψυχος είναι, θνητά Βε
τω σνμμέτρως των υπαρχόντων άποΧαύειν.
Ήγοβ την παιΒείαν τοσούτφ μείζον αγαθόν είναι της
άπαϊΒευσίας, οσω τα μεν Άλλα μοχθηρά πάντες κερΰαίνοντες πράττουσιν, αυτή δε μόνη καϊ προσεξημίωσε τους έχον­
τας' πολλάκις yap ων τοις λόγοις ελύπησαν, τούτων τοις
εργοις την τιμωρίαν εδοσαν.
Ους αν βούλτ) ποιησασθαι φίλους, αγαθόν τι λέγε περί c
αυτών προς τους απαγγέλλοντας' άρχη γαρ φιλίας μεν έπαι­
νος, έχθρας δε ψόγος.
Έουλευόμενος παραδείγματα ποιου τά παρεληλυθότα των
have lost (not ' t h r o w n away') their
drivers; for just as they are borne
along without control, when they
have missed those who should guide
them [fut. part.), even thus is the
soul oft overthrown, when the in­
tellect is enfeebled.' T h e compari­
son of the ψυχή to the άρματα may
remind us of the famous mythus in
Plato, Phaedrus, p . 247—257, where
the ψυχή is elaborately compared to
the ' combined efficacy of a pair of
winged steeds and a c h a r i o t e e r '
(ξυμφύτω δυνάμει ύποπτέρου ζεύγους
τε καϊ ψιόχου).
One horse is of
generous breed, the other the re­
verse, corresponding, doubtless, to
the 'passionate' and ' a p p e t e n t '
principles, rb θυμικόν and rb έπιθυμητικόν;
while the charioteer an­
swers to the 'reasoning' principle,
τό λογιστικόν.
T h e comparison in
the text is roughly drawn, and is
merely incidental.—The word σφάλλεται (lit. 'stumbles') is designedly
chosen from the language of the
'race-course,' to maintain metapho­
rically tiie general sense of the
simile.
Ή)$ διανοίας here = το0 νου, which
is avoided, apparently for rhythmi­
cal reasons. At the beginning of

the sentence the writer refuses to
use η διάνοια instead of ό νους, pro­
bably because ή διάνοια νπ* οίνου
would involve a hiatus.
ύ τ ' οϊνου is Schneider's emendation
of ύπό οϊνου, which is found in M S S .
αθάνατα—άττολαναν.] Cf. § 9. n.
T h e nom. μεγαλόψυχος is used, be­
cause the ' s u b j e c t ' of εΐναι is the
same as the subject of φρόνει, other­
wise an ace. would have been re­
quired. Cf. T h u c . IV. 28, Κλέων
ούκ 2φη aorbs άλλ' εκείνον (ΤΧικίαν)
στρατψγεΐν. Mad v. Syn. § 160.
33. ιτράττουοτι...ιτροσΈξημίωσΈ. ]
On the interchange of pres. and aor.
see § 6. n. By αύτη is meant άπαιδευσία.
ών-,-Ιλ-υπησαν, τούτων.] i.e. τοΐς
Zpyois την τιμωρίαν 'έδοσαν τούτων,
α τοις λό'-γοις ελύπησαν.
' Ven­
geance for the pain which they have
inflicted' (Madv. Syn. § 27a).—At­
traction takes place, as here, even
when the demonstrative is expressed
after the relative clause. Cf. Xen.
Mem. II. 1, 25, oh (for a) hv ol δλλοι
ερ~/άζωνται, τούτοις σύ χρήστ}. Madv.
Syn. § 103.
34. PovXcvopevos, κ . τ . λ . ] i.e.
' w h e n deliberating make the past an
example for the future.'
Respice,

28

IXOKPATOTX

[§§ 3^

υ,εΧΧόντων το yap αφάνες εκ του φανερού ταγίστην
έχει
την Ζιαην&σιν. Τ&ουΧεύου μεν βραδέως, έπιτέΧει δε ταχέως
τά δόξαντα* ΉγοΟ κρατιστον είναι παρά μεν των θεών
εύτυχίαν, παρά δ' ημών αυτών εύβουΧίαν.
ΤΙερϊ ων αν
αίσγυντι παρρησιάσασθαι, βουΧχι δε τισι των φίλων άνακοινώσασθαι, %ρώ τοις Χίτγοις ως περί άΧΧοτρίου του πράγμα­
τος* ούτω yap την εκείνων τε διάνοιαν αϊσθησει και σεάυτον ου καταφανή ποιήσεις. 'Όταν ύπερ τών σεαυτοΰ μέΧΧτ^ς
τινί συμβονΧω χρήσθαι, σκοπεί πρώτον πώς τά εαυτού Βιωκησεν' 6 yap κακώς διανοηθείς περί τών οικείων ουδέποτε
καΧώς βουΧεύσεται περί τών άΧΧοτρίων. Ούτω δ' άν μάΧιστα βουΧεύεσθαι παροξυνθείης, ει τάς συμφοράς τάς εκ
της άβουΧίας έπιβΧέψειας' και yap της ^ιείας
πΧείστην
επιμέΧειαν εχρμεν, όταν τάς Χύπας τάς εκ τής αρρώστιας
άναμνησθώμεν.
aspice, prospice. Cf. Isocr. adNicocl.
§35, άντάπαρεληλυθοτα
μνημονεύης,
άμεινον περί τών μελλόντων βουλεύσει.
These passages are, I believe, the
groundwork of a more elaborate
sentiment, attributed to Isocr. by
Stobaeus (Flor. I. 45), 'Ισοκράτης
εΧπεν 6TL τόν χρηστόν καϊ αγαθόν άν­
δρα δει τών μεν προγεγενημένων μεμνήσθαι, τα δε ενεστώτα
πράττειν,
περί δ£ τών μελλόντων
φυλάττεσθαι.
Almost the same words are else­
where ascribed to Bias (Orelli,
Opusc. Mor. 1. 182).
το ydp άφανέδ κ.τ. λ . ]
From
Cleobulus<(?) quoted by Stob. Flor.
III. 31, τά αφανή τοις φανεροί* τεκμαίρου.
βουλ. βραδ&οδ κ.τ.λ.] Cf. the
maxim of Bias (Stob. Flor. i n . 30),
βραδέως εγχειρεί τοις
πραττομένοις9
έγχειρήσας δε πράττε βεβαίως.
παρά τών θίών €υτ.]
Some of
the M S S . have του θεοΰ, an altera­
tion which involves a hiatus, and is
probably due to Christian tran­
scribers who were naturally sensi­
tive on the point of polytheism.
Similarly § 16, τόν μεν θεόν φόβου
for τους μεν θεούς, § 45> Τ Φ @6Φ f ° r

τοις θεοΐς.
ττ€ρΙ άλλοτρ. του π ρ . ] του πράγματος = δ άν αισχύνη
παρρησιάσα­
σθαι; and άλλοτρίον has a predica­
tive force. Schneider's correction
αλλότριου του ( = τινος) πράγματος is
ingenious but unnecessary.
35. δταν—άλλοτρίων.] I t was on
a similar principle that the discord
of the Milesians was pacified by
the Parians (Hdt. v . 28, 29). T h e
Parians explored the district, noted
down the names of those whose
private property was most carefully
cultivated, and proposed that the
public affairs of Miletus should be
entrusted to them, δοκέειν yap Ζφασαν καϊ τών δημοσίων οΰτω δή σφεας
έπιμελήσεσθαι, ώσπερ τών σφετέρων.
οΰτω δ'-—άνοψ.νησθώμ€ν.-] Imitated
by Agapetus (Α. 5 2 7A.D. ad Justinian,
adhort. 25), βουλεύου μεν τά πρακτέα
βραδέως,
έκτέλει
δέ τά κριθέντα
σπουδαίως. έπεί λίαν έστϊ σφάλεpbv
τό εν τοις πράγμασιν
άπερίσκεπτον.
ει γάρ τά έξ αβουλίας τις εννοήσει
κακά, τότε γνώσεται καλώς της ευβου­
λίας τά χρήσιμα, ως καϊ ύγιείας τήν
χάριν, μετά τήν πεΐραν τής νόσου-

—36]
6

ΠΡΟΧ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

29

Μ,ιμοΰ τα των βασιλέων ήθη και δίωκε τα εκείνων επι­
τηδεύματα' δόξεις yap αυτούς άποΰέγεσθαι
και ζήλουν,
ώστε σοι συμβησεται παρά τε τω πληθει μάλλον εύδοκιμεΐν
και την παρ εκείνων ευνοιαν βεβαιοτέραν εγειν.
Τίείθου
μεν και τοις νόμοις τοις ύπο των βασιλέων κειμένοις, ίσγυ36. μ,ιμοΰ τα των βασιλέων ήθη.]
Lange appeals emphatically to this
precept to prove that Isocrates the
Athenian could not have written
this Ep.
I t is hard to see any rea­
son why the acknowledged writer of
the treatise addressed to Nicocles,
the Cyprian king, and of the speech
on the duties of his subjects, both of
which are saturated with maxims
suited to a monarchy, could not have
written the passage now before us.
T h e writer immediately afterwards
admits the propriety of courting the
populace, if one is living under a
democracy, and expresses himself
in language which is perfectly proper
for an Athenian citizen of moderate
views. H i s position with reference
to the treatise ad Nicoclem is clearly
brought out in a slightly coloured
passage, written for Athenian rea­
ders, de Perm. § 70, φανήσομαι πρδς
αυτόν ελευθέρως και της πόλεως άξίως
διειλεγμένος... Οπου δε βασιλεΐ διάλεγόμενος υπέρ του δήμου robs λόγους
έποιησάμην, ηπου rots εν δημοκρατία
πολιτευομένοις σφόδρ* αν παρακελευσαίμην το πλήθος θεραπεύειν.
β€βαιοτέραν.] Cobet {var.
led.
p . 155) quotes this passage and says,
' quia non dicitur <έχω βέβαιον τι sed
βεβαίως, necessarium est βεβαιότερον
(adv. compar.). .contrareclissime dici­
tur %χειν τινά βέβαιον φίλον, σύμμαχον, έραστήν.'
A real difference,
however, may be noticed between
such phrases as κτήματα βεβαίως 'έχω
and κτήματα βέβαια 'έχω. Both these
formulae of expression are necessary,
and actually exist in passages which
are too numerous to be rashly
altered. Schneider quotes Thuc. 1.
32, την χάριν βέβαιον ϊχουσι.
Dem.
Olynth. 11. 10, δύναμιν βεβαίαν κτήrcurfcu. Paneg. § 173» ^Ιρήνην βε·

βαίαν άγαγεΐν, as instances of the
second formula; and Plut. Mor. p .
93 Β, μηδέπω μίαν φιλίαν κεκτημένοι
βεβαίως.
Isocr. Archid. § 39> β€~
βαίως την ειρήνην άξομεν, as exam­
ples of the first. Both the forms
are in use, and, in their proper
places, are equally correct: it is
therefore unnecessary, in this case,
to follow Cobet, who is often too
dogmatic. Much however, with re­
gard to Attic usage, &c., may be
learnt from his variae and his novae
lediones, as the very next note may
help to testify.
νττο των βασ-ιλέων K€ipe'vois. ]
κεΐμαι is the only proper perf. pass,
of τίθημι.
τέθειμαι is pass, in form,
and mid. in sense. T h e instances
of the use of τέθειμαι as a pass.,
though common in Lucian and late
writers, are (in classical Greek) very
few and precarious. Cobet {var. lee?.
p. 311), says, 'Athenienses, et antea
Iones omnes, pro τέθειμαι constanter
κειμαι dicebant. τιθέναι νόμον et 6
νόμος κείται, περιτιθέναι στέφανον τη
κεφαλή et 6 στέφανος τη
κεφαλή
περίκειται, προτιθέναι νεκρδν et δ νε­
κρός πρόκειται, sic.. άνακειται τά ανα­
θήματα, το σύνθημα σύγκειται, ευ
διακεΐσθαι et ευ διατιθέναι et in ceteris
omnibus, quod quis non sexcenties
inter legendum viditl
Nonnunquam
ύπο additur, ut in Isaeo Orat. i n .
32, εϊτις ηδει τονθ"* υπό του πατρός
κείμενον {nomen apatre
impositum).''
T h e latter part of this lucid state­
ment is illustrated by t h e use of
υπό in the present passage, and the
general principle is clearly seen
in Plato, Theaet. p . 177 D, d αν
θήται πόλις δόξαντα αύτη, ταύτα καϊ
Ζστι δίκαια τη θεμένη, %ωσπερ αν
κέηται.
τίθημι in short is a defect ·
ive vb. and borrows κειμαι as its

3

o

ΙΧΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ &

ρότατον μεντοι νόμον τγγου rbv εκείνων τρόπον, ώσπερ yap
τον iv δημοκρατία πολιτευόμενον το πλήθος δει θεραπευειν,
ούτω και τον iv μοναρχία, κατοικοΰντα τον βασιλέα προση- b
κει θαυμάζειν*
Έίς αρχήν κατασταθείς μηδενϊ χρω πονηρω προς τας
διοικήσει?' ων yap αν εκείνο? άμάρττ), σοϊ τάς αίτιας άναθήσουσιν. Έ/e των κοινών επιμελειών
άπαλλάττου
μη
πλουσιώτερος αλλ' ενδοξότερος' πολλών yap χρημάτων c
κρείττων 6 παρά του πλήθους έπαινος.
Μηδενϊ πονηρω πράγματι μήτε παρίστασο μήτε συνηyόpει· δόξεις yap και αυτός τοιαύτα ποάττειν, οΓ αν τοις
άλλοις πράττουσι βοηθάς.
, ΐίαρασκεύαζε σεαυτσν πλεονεκτεΐν μεν δύνασθαι, άνεχου
perf. pass. T h e same principle is
widely spread in the case of other
defective verbs. Lists are given, in
ordinary school grammars, of many
of these, e.g. αίρέω, λαμβάνω, φέρω,
but the verb τύπτω is in the same
grammars conjugated in full, with­
out any warning that τύπτω {=verbero· or vulnero), ετνπτον,
τνπτήσω
(=» verberabo), τύπτομαι
( = vapulo
or vulneror), and έτυπτόμψ
(pass.)
are the only parts used by writers of
Attic prose. T h e aor. act. is really
έπάταξα, pass, έπλή~/ην {e.g. Lysias,
iv. (περί τραύματος) § 15, πότεροι/
έπλή~γην ij '&τάτα£α;] and amongst
other parts that are borrowed we
have πέπλτγγα, πέπληΎμαι,
πεπλήξομαι, πλη-γησομαι (Cobet, var. leal.
33°—343> and Veitch, Gk. verbs).
T h e speech of D e m . in
Conon,
in a case of 'assault and battery,'
forms a good study on this point.
W e there find the forms
τύπτειν, ετνπτον, τυπτόμενον (with the
verbal τυπτητέοή,
also
πατάξαντι,
πατάξαι,
έπλ^ην
( = vulneratus
sum) and πλη^ας ενέτεινα? έμοϊ (i. q.
vapulavi), but in t h e Argument to
the speech, written b y a late Scho­
liast, we have τετυπτΎίσθαι, instead
of the usual phrase w X ^ a s εϊληφέναι.
νόμον...TpoVov.] Cf. § 11, νόμον

τόν εκείνου τρόπον τγγησάμενον.
The
contrast of the two words νόμον...
τρόπον is possib suggested by their
'assonance.' I n both, ^e two vowels
correspond, and the final con
nants coincide. (Cf. Aristoph. Nub.
394, and M r Green's note.)
ώο-ircp—θαυμά&ιν.]
Obs. the
highly artificial parallelism of this
sentence.
37. €ts αρχήν—άναθησ-ουοτι.] A
precept almost identical with this in
expression is elsewhere wrongly
attributed to Bias (ap. Orelli Opusc.
Mor. I. 162). Cf. Cic. ad Quint,
fratr. 1. 1, § 10.
IK των κοινών κ.τ.λ.] A note­
worthy example of this was Cato's
honest discharge of his dishonest
mission to Cyprus, B.C. 58—56
(Plut. Cato, 3 4 - 3 9 ) ·
oV dv.] v. Table of var. readings.
38. ιτλ€ον€ΚΤ€ΐν.] (Cf. πλεονεκτού­
σα § 39) = ' t o gain an advantage,' a
vox media — lit. ' to have or claim
more than another,' sometimes used
in a comparatively good sense, e.g.
Plato, Gorg. 491Α (περί τίνων 6 κρείτ­
των τε καϊ φρονιμότερος
πλέον
2χων δικαίως πλεονεκτεί ; = ' has a
right t o a larger s h a r e ; ' . b u t al­
most always in a bad sense, ' to b e
greedy and grasping,') (Ισομοιρήσαι,

—39]

ΠΡ02

ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

31

δέ τό ϊσον εγων, ΐνα Bofcfjs ορετ/εσθαι τής δικαιοσύνης μη δι
άσθενειαν ά\\ά δι επιείκειαν·
ΜαλΧον άττοδεγρυ δίκαιον
ττενίαν η πΚοΰτον αδικον' τοσούτω yap κρείττων δικαιοσύνη d
χρημάτων, οσω τά μεν ζώντας μόνον ώφε\εΐ, η δε και τεΧευτήσασι δόξαν παρασκευάζει, κάκείνων μεν τοις φαύΧοις
μετεστι, τούτου δε τοις μογθηροϊς αδύνατον
μεταλαβεΐν.
Μηδένα ζήλου των εξ αδικίας κερδαινόντων, αλλά μαΧΚον
άττοδεγρυ τους μετά δικαιοσύνης ζημιωθέντας* ol yap δίκαιοι
Paneg. § 17. η.)· Isocr. himself
raises a protest against this low
meaning of πλεονεκτεΐν,
πλεονεξία,
πλεονεκτικός, in an interesting pas­
sage, de Perm. §§ 281—284.
The
passage is too long to quote in extenso, the following extracts may
suffice: εϊ τις ύπολαμβάνει
τους
αποστερούνται
$) παραλο'γιζομένους
$1 κακόν τι ποιοΰντας πλεονεκτεΐν, ούκ
ορθώς ^νωκεν'.,.ούδέ
τοις όνόμασιν
%νιοί τίνες £τι χρώνται κατά φύσιν,
άλλα μεταφέρουσα* από των καλλί­
στων πραγμάτων επί τα φαυλότατα
των επιτηδευμάτων...τους
δέ r a t s κα­
κοηθείας καϊ τοις κακουρ'γίαις χρω*
μένους, και μικρά μέν
λαμβάνοντας,
πονηράν δέ δόξαν κτώμενους, πλεο­
νεκτικούς νομίζουσιν, άλλ' ού τους
όσιωτάτους καϊ δικαιότατους, οΐ περί
των άβαθων άλλ' ού των κακών πλεονεκτουσι.
t'vaSoKTjs—Ι·ΐΓΐ€ίκ€ΐαν.] Lit. ' t h a t
men may see that you are aiming a t
justice, not because of weakness, but
because of equity,' i.e. if you act
justly, when too weak to commit in­
justice, men will not give you credit
for your justice.
You must be
strong enough to overpower others,
and if you are then content with
what you have, men will believe in
your really equitable character.—μη
ύπ' ασθενείας. Cf. Aristotle's libel on
humanity (Rhet. 11. 5, 8), ως επί τό
πολύ άδικοΰσιν ol άνθρωποι, Οταν
δύνωνται. T h e best comment, how­
ever, on this maxim is contained in
a fine fragment of Philemon (one of
the dramatists of the N e w Comedy,

fl. 300 B. c.) beginning t h u s : άνήρ
δίκαιος έστιν ούχ 6 μη άδικων—άλλ'
όστις άδικεΐν δυνάμενος μν βούλεται,
κ.τ.λ.
39- μάλλον—μ€ταλαβ€ΐν.] Cf. Theognis, 144 sqq- βούλεο δ, εύσεβέως δλί*γοις σύν χρήμασιν οίκεΐν \ ή πλουτεΐν
άδικώς χρήματα
πασσάμενος...χρή­
ματα μέν δαίμων και
πayκάκω
άνδρι δίδωσιν, κ.τ.λ.
Coray wishes to insert καϊ before
τοΐς φαύλοις; this is unnecessary,
although Isocr., in a similar pas­
sage, ad Nicocl. § 32, has τ ά μέν
(χρήματα) καϊ φαύλοις πάρεστι.
δικαίαν •πΈνίανΧ'π-λούτον άδικον.]
F o r the inverse parallelism or Chias­
mus see § 7. n.
ή δέ.] v. Table of var. readings.
τούτου.] Neut. although it refers
to fern, δικαιοσύνη.
Similarly, in
contrasting αρετή
and
χρήματα,
Solon, fr. 16 (ap. Schn.), says, ού διαμειψόμεθα \ της
άρετήςτόνπλοΰτον,
έπεί τό μέν ϊ'μπεδον αΐεί, | χρήματα
δ' ανθρώπων άλλοτε άλλος 2χει. See
further, Madv. Syn. § 99 a.
μοχθηροΐδ.] On the two meanings
of μοχθηρός, &c. see § 22, iv τοις
πονηροΐς. n.
Κ€ρδαινόντων) (ζημιωθέντος·]
' G a i n e r s ' ) ( ' losers.' These words
are constantly opposed to one ano­
ther : and so also are the correspond­
ing nouns κέρδος and ζημία. Cf. the
warning in Isocr. Nicocl, § 50, μη τό
μέν λαβείν κέρδος εΐναι νομίζετε, τό δ'
άναλωσαι ζημίαν, and esp. Plato,
Hipparchus,
226 Ε, κέρδος δέ λέτγει*
εναντίον τη ζημία; Έ γ ω γ ε .

32

ΙΣ0ΚΡΑΤ0Τ2

[§§ 39

των αδίκων ει μηδέν aWo πΧεονεκτουσιν, αλλ ουν ελπίσι
ye σπουδαίαις
υπερε'χουσιν.
ΐΐάντων μεν έπιμεΧοΰ των περί τον βίον, μάλιστα δε
την σαυτοΰ φρόνησιν ασκεί' μεηιστον yap iv ελαχίστφ νους
ώγαθος iv ανθρώπου σώματι.
Τίειρώ τω μεν σώματι είναι ι
φιλόπονος, TJJ δε ψυγτ) φιλόσοφος, ίνα τω μεν επιτεΧεΐν
Svvy τα δόξαντα, TJJ δε προοράν επίστΎ) τα συμφέροντα»
ΐΐάν ο τι αν μέλ\τ)ς έρεΐν, πρότερον επισκοπεί TTJ γνώμτ}*
πόλΧοΐς yap ή <γ\ώττα προτρέγει της διανοίας, δύο ποιου b
καιρούς του λέγειν, η περί ων οΐσθα σαφώς, ή περί ων άναηαλλ* οΰν—ΰΐΓ€ρ€χουσιν.] ' A t any
rate in good hopes they surpass
them.' By ελπίδες σπουδαΐαι, Isocr.
means not only good hopes in the
present life, but especially hopes of
happiness in an after-world.
Cf.
Paneg. § 28. n.
This passage is the foundation of
an apophthegm attributed to Isocr.
{Apoph. 8, ed. Bens.), ερωτηθείς, τίνι
οί φιλόπονοι των ράθυμων διαφέρουσιν, εΧπεν, 'ώς ol ευσεβείς των άσε­
βων, έλπίσιν
ayαθ(cus.' A similar
saying is assigned to Chilo (Diog.
Laert. I. § 69), ερωτηθείς τίνι διάφερουσιν ol πεπαιδευμένοι των απαίδευ­
των, ε'φη, έλπίσιν ά'γαθαΐς.
4θ. μ,έγκττον—σ-ώμ,ατι.] ' T h e
greatest thing in the smallest com­
pass is a good mind in a man's body.'
Stobaeus {Flor. ill. 56) quotes the
following apophthegm, ΐίερίανδρος
ερωτηθείς, τι με"*γιστον iv ελαχίστω,
είπε, φρένες ά-γαθαί εν σώματι άνθρω­
που. T h e saying has the air of a
late fabrication; but, if genuine, is
doubtless t h e source of the present
passage.
π α ρ ώ — συμφέροντα.] * Endea­
vour in your body to love labour,
and in your mind t o love w i s d o m ;
that you may have power to carry
out your will with the former, and
knowledge to foresee your interests
with the latter.' T h e natural order
of the last two clauses is inverted;
it would be more natural to speak
of foresight (προοραν) first, and ac­

complishment (έπιτελεΐν)
second.
But Isocr. prefers sacrificing this
order to the desire of bringing the
importance of cultivating the mind
into a position of slightly stronger
emphasis.
τ ω σώματι 4>i\<5irovos...Sva κ.τ.λ.]
Cf. Milton (Apol. for
Smeftymnuus), speaking of himself, 'With
useful and generous labours preserv­
ing ihe bodies health and hardinesse,
to render lightsome, cleare and not
lumpish, obedience to the minde, o°*r.'
σώματι etvai.] Another reading
is σώμα εΐναι, but the reading in the
text has far better authority. Ob­
serve the hiatus (which might be
avoided by transposing φιλόπονος
and εΐναι) and cf. § 49, παντϊ έλαττουμένους.
Benseler (in 1832, ad.
Areop. p . 396) says of these two
instances, 'corrigenda esse censerem, nisi cum Baitero statuerem,
hanc orationem non esse ab Isocrate
ita, uti earn nunc habemus, profectam.'
4 1 . ή γ λ ώ τ τ α ιτροτρ4χ€ΐ rrjs 8ιαvoCas.] Borrowed from Chilo (quoted
by Stob. Flor. i n . 79, and Diog.
Laert. I. 70), η γλωσσά σου μη προτρεχέτω του νου. F o r the metaphor
προτρέχει cf. the saying of Socrates,
κρεΐττόν έστι τφ ποδί όλισθάνειν ij τ9\
γλώσστ/ (Orelli, Opusc. Mor. I. 26),
and Horn. 77. i n . 213, επιτροχάδην
ά^ορεύειν.
λέγ€ΐν...€ίΐΓ€Ϊν.] T h e meaning of
the two words is almost identical.

—42]

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

3

3

καΐον ehrelv. ev τούτοις jap μόνους 6 λόγο? της σ^ής κρβίττων, ev he τοις αλΧοι,ς apeivov aijav ή Xejeiv.
Νόμιζε μηΒεν elvai των ανθρωπίνων βέβαιον' οντω jap
οντ €ύτνχων eaei π€ρίγαρτ}ς οϋτ€ Βνστνχων
π€ρίΧνπος.
Xa£pe μεν έπϊ τοις σνμβαίνονσι
των ατγαθών, Χνπον δε μετρίως έπϊ τοις γιγνομένοις των κακών, jijvov Be τοις αΧΧοίς
μη8* ev ίτέροίς ων κατάΒηΧος' άτοπον jap την μ€ν ονσίαν ev
Isocr. constantly uses them for
variety of expression.
Cf. Paneg.
§§ 10, i i , de Perm. § 272, 'έχω μεν
ειπείν, όκνώ δέ λέγειν. §§ 292, 293,
δεινοί λέγειν, followed soon after by
δεινούς είπεΐν (the latter formula
being somewhat rare, but found in
Dem. in Androt. § 31, adv. Lept.
§ 150, de Symmor. § 8).
Panath.
§262, άπλήστως διακείμενος...πρός τό
λέγειν καϊ πόλλ' αν είπειν έχων, &c.
Cf. also D e m . Phil. n . § 11, raW
α πάντες μεν άεϊ γλίχονται
λέγειν,
άξίως δ' ουδείς είπεΐν δεδύνηται.
cri'yTJs κρείττων.] F o r the form of
the precept cf. Eurip. f) λέyε τι σιγής
κρεΐττον ή σιγήν έχε. Stobaeus (Flor.
34, 6) quotes this passage with the
var. σιωπή*.
A distinction, how­
ever, may generally be drawn be­
tween σιγή and σιωπή, parallel to
that which usually subsists between
σιγαν (=silere, to remain silent) and
σιωπαν ( = t a c e r e , to become silent).
Isocr. is telling D e m . when h e is to
keep silence; not, when h e is to
cease talking.
42. μηδέν—βέβαιον.] T h e senti­
ment is too common t o need much
illustration. Menander has the line
βέβαιον ουδέν έστιν έν θνητφ βίφ, and
Marcus Antoninus (the Stoic E m ­
peror) has an epigrammatic but
gloomy passage to the same effect
(Comm. 11. 17). T h e greater p a i t
of this section is imitated by Basil I .
(Emperor of the East, A . D . 8 6 7 —
886), who was familiar with the
writings of Isocr, (v. Introd.
ad
Dem.): ϊσθι τέκνον έμόν ώς ουδέν 6
βίος οΰτος έχει το στάσιμον ουδέ τό
βέβαιον ή άμετάβλητον.
άλλοτε yap
ISOC.

Άλλως a/*eij8et τ ά πράγματα καϊ τρο­
χού δίκην κυλιομένου τα μέν άνω
φέρεται κάτω, τά δέ κάτω φέρεται άνω.
διό μήτε εύτυχίαις έπαίρου μήτε έν
ταΐς δυστυχίαις καταφέρου, αλλ' έσο
/car' άμφω σταθερός καί άμετάπτωτος.
(Exhort,
ad Leon,
filium,
38·),
ευτυχών)(δυστυχώv.] A n instance
of άντίθεσις and όμοιοτέλευτον, just
as περιχαρής)(περίλυπος
is an in­
stance of αντίθεσις and όμοιοκάταρκτον. v. Introd. on Style.
γ£γνου...κατάδηλο8.] /'. e. Whe­
ther in sorrow or in joy, in neither
case betray your feelings t o other
persons. Lit. * D o not become con­
spicuous as being in either state.'
T h e sense is not ' m a k e it manifest
that you are in neither condition.'
ων comes in constr. not before, but
after κατάδηλος.
Cf. Plato, Apol.
p . 23, κατάδηλοι yiyvovrai προσποιού­
μενοι μέν εΐδέναι, είδότες δέ ουδέν.
Madv. Synt. § 177 b.—Cf. Theognis,
1159, ό μέν έσθλός \ τολμ$ έχων τό
κακόν, ούκ έπίδηλος 6μως.—For μηδ*
έν έτέροις cf. Dem. adv. Callip. § 2,
μηδέ μεθ' έτερων τήν yvώμηv γενό­
μενοι.
άτοίΓον γ α ρ . . . ] I n the speech
written for the king of Cyprus we
have an apparently contradictory
precept (Nicocl. § 52), μηδέν άποκρύπτεσθε μήθ' ών κέκτησθε μήθ9 ών
ποιείτε μήθ* ών μέλλετε
πράττειν.
T h e r e the king is telling his subjects
to conceal nothing from him; here
the case is different. Even if the
discrepancy were real, Isocr. is not
the m a n to be constantly consistent
with himself; witness the passage

3

34

IXOKPATOTX

[§§43

ταΐς οΐκίαις απόκρυπταν, την δέ διάνοιαν φανβράν βγρντα
περιπατέίν.
Μάλλον βύλαβοΰ tyoyov η κίνδυνον δβΐ yap c
elvai φοββράν τοις μίν φαύλοις την του βίου τέλβυτήν, τοις
δε σπουδαίοις την iv τω ζην άδοξίαν. Μάλιστα μεν πβφώ
ζην κατά την ασφαΚβίαν' έάν δέ ποτέ σοι συμβ$ κινδυνβύ€ΐν9 ζήτ€ΐ την €Κ του πολέμου σωτηρίαν μετά καΧης δόξης,
αλλά μη μβτ αίσγράς φήμης* το μ£ν yap τέλβυτήσαι πάν­
των η πεπρωμένη κατέκρονβ, το δέ καλώς άποθανβΐν ϊδων ά
τοις σπουδαίοις άπένβιμβν.
(ε'.) ΚαΙ μη θαυμάσης,, el πο\\ά των είρημένων ου
from Panath. § 172, quoted Paneg.
§ 58. η .
r a t s oUCats·] PL ^preferred, pos­
sibly because kv τη olda
άποκρ.,
which is more natural, would con­
tain a hiatus.
43. r o t s JJ^V φαύλοι* κ. τ . λ.]
Observe the parallelism. F o r φαύλοις){σπουδαίοι$ see § 1. n.
μ ά λ ι σ τ α |ΐΛν...έάν 8e ττοτε.] Cf.
§ 32. F o r the sense cf. ad Nicocl.
§ 36, μάλιστα μεν πειρω την άσφάλειαν καϊ σαυτφ καϊ τη πδλει διαφύ­
λατταν
f)v δ' άναΎκασθης κινδυνεύειν,
αίροΰ τεθνάναι καλώς μάλλον $) ζην
αίσχρώς.
α λ λ ά μ.ή.] Cf. § 2. η . Paneg. § 40,
μετά λόyoυ καϊ μη μετά βίας. η ,
τ€λ€υτή<ται... airoOaveiv.] Used
partly for variety: further, καλώς
τελευτησαι ϊδων would involve hia­
tus, and the use of άποθανεϊν avoids
it.
§§ 44—52. We now reach the
Epilogue.
Its general sense may be
summed up as follows.
§ 44. Many of these precepts are,
I am well aware, unsuitable to your
present age: but you will one day
have hard work to find a faithful
counsellor, and this treatise will then
serve as a store-house of
moral
maxims.
45. J trust I shall not be
disappointed in my present
opinion
of you.
46. Strive to do well, for
this will yield a harvest of enduring
delight
47. Let your motto be,
i
pains
ncnv, pleasures anon* a?id

not 'pleasure now and pain here­
after.'
48, 49. Remember that the
bad may do as they please; the good
cannot neglecl virtue, and that be­
cause they have many to rebuke them,
if they are inconsistent.
Much is
expecled of you; be not traitor to your
high privileges.
50. You may tell
the manner in which Heaven regards
the good and the bad, from the legends
of the virtue of Hercules and the vice
of Tantalus—from
the boon of im­
mortality conferred on the first and
the sore punishment inflicted on the
second. 51. With such instances be­
fore us, we should eagerly strive after
true nobility, and not only remain
steadfast to the precepts here given, but
read the best writings of others also.
52. Like the bee, we must range every­
where and gather precious stores from
every quarter; for, even aftet all is
done, "'tis hard enough to over-master
the failings of humanity.
44. cl...o4...irp4irci.] μή is more
common after θαυμάζω el..., e.g.
Isocr. de Pace, § 12, θαυμάζω
δέ
των r e πρεσβυτέρων ει μηκέτι μνημονεύουσι καϊ των νεωτέρων, ει μηδενός
άκηκόασι, κ.τ.λ.
Aeginet. § 26, ουκ
εκείνων Άξιον θαύμαζειν
el μη παρέμενον. I n the present passage t h e
meaning of εί.,.ού πρέπει is very
n e a r l y = t h a t of ό'τ ι... ού π ρ έπει. T h e
sentence ει...πρέπει is not a condi­
tional, b u t an object-sentence, and
therefore ού is perfectly natural.
T h e writer is certain that the pre-

—45]

ΠΡ02 ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

35

πρέπει σοι προς την νυν παρουσαν ηλικίαν' ούΒε yap εμε
τούτο Βιελαθεν' άλλα ττροειλόμην Βιά της αυτής πραηματείας αμα του τε παρόντος βίου συμβουλίαν i%€vey/ceiv καϊ
του μέλλοντος χρόνου παράγγελμα
καταλιπεϊν,
την μεν
yap τούτων γρείαν ραοίως εΙΒτ}σείς} τον δε μετ εννοίας συμ­
βουλεύοντα
γαλεπως εύρήσεις. όπως οΰν μη παρ ετέρου e
τά λοιπά ζητΎ}ς, αλλ' εντεύθεν ωσττερ εκ ταμιείου πρόφερες,
ωήθην Βεΐν μηδέν παραλνπεϊν ων εγω σοι συμβουλεύειν.
ΤΙολλην δ' αν τοις θεοΐς χάριν σγοίην, ει μη Βιαμάρτοιμι
της δόξης ης έχων περί σου τυγχάνω,
των μεν yap άλλων ι
τους πλείστους ενρήσομεν, ωσττερ των σιτίων τοις ήοίστοις
μάλλον η τοις vyieivoTaro^ χαίροντας, ούτω καϊ των φίλων
τοις συνεξαμαρτάνουσι πλησιάζοντας, αλλ' ου τοις νουθε­
τούσα σε 8ε νομίζω τουναντίον τούτων εηνωκεναι, τεκμηρίω
cepts are not suitable, and therefore
does not use μή. v. Madv. Synt.
§ 194 c
ά λ λ α ·π·ρθ€ΐλόμην κ.τ.λ.] i.e. ' b u t
I deliberately preferred, by means
of the same treatise, not only to
bring forward advice for your pre­
sent life, but also to leave you in­
structions for the time to come.'
πραγματεία is best translated ' trea­
tise' in this passage. Strictly speak­
ing, the meaning of t h e word here
lies between * treatise' and 'busi­
ness,' just as in Philip. § 7, διαδοθέντος τον \6yov...6vTos
δ' ούν έμοϋ
περί τψ
π ρ ay ματ εί αν
ταύτην,
Ζφθητε ποιησάμενοι την είρήνψ πρϊν
έξερΎασθήναι. TOP \6yov.
παρά/yγελμα is often used as a military
t e r m = ' m a r c h i n g - o r d e r s , ' or 'watch­
word,' either of which senses would
help to illustrate this passage.
τ η ν μ.*ν γ α ρ τ . \petav κ . τ . λ . ]
' F o r you will easily know your need
of such p r e c e p t s ; but you will have
difficulty in finding one who is ready
to counsel you with good-will.' χρεία
here means either (1) 'use,' 'advan­
tage,' or (2) ' h e e d , ' 'necessity.'
Wolf prefers, (1) [=πώς καϊ πότε
χρ^Ι τούτοι* χρήσθαι], b u t (2) har­
monizes better with the latter half

of the sentence. On είδήσει* \\ εύρήσει$ cf. § 16, συνειδήσεις, η .
Ι Τ Π Μ After φήθην, a principal
verb of past time, the opt. would
be more regular than the subj. But
when the sentence is ' so put as not
to form part of a representation be­
longing to the past,' the subj. is
often preferred. Madv. Synt. § 131 b.
(e. g. D e m . in Conon. § 17, ol νόμοι
καϊ τάς avayicaias προφάσεις δπως μη
μείξους ylyvuvTai προείδοντο).
See
also esp. Goodwin's Gk. Moods and
Tenses, § 44, 2.
<o<rir€p €K τ α μ ε ί ο υ . ] η μεταφορά
...από των εδωδίμων. (Coray.)
45· ««Trap των σιτίων TOIS ήδι­
σ τ ο ν κ.τ.λ.] Cf.§ 35· ad Nicocl. §45·
<τυν€|αμ.αρτάνοντ€δ )( νουθ€τοΰνTfes. ] A similar contrast may b e ob­
served in the general meaning of
§ 30, προς τδ φαυλότατον
χαριζομένους)(πρός τό βέλτιστον
άπεχθανομένους. ad Nicocl. § 42, συνεζαμαρτάνουσιν)(άποτρέπουσιν.
This meaning
of νουθετεΐν, ' to admonish a person
for his good,' is well brought out in
Paneg. § 130. F o r the sense cf. also
ad Nicocl. § 28, πιστούς yyov μη
τους άπαν 6τι αν \έγτ}ς $ ποιής επαι­
νούνται άλλα τους τοις αμαρτανομένοις
επιτιμώντας, and Panath. §§ 271-2.

3—2

36

ISOKPATOTS

[§§ 45

γρωμενος rrj περί την άλλην παιΖείαν φιλοπονία* τον yap
αντω τα βέλτιστα πράττειν επιτάττοντα, τούτον βίκος καϊ
των άλλων τους επί την άρετην παρακαλούνται
άποδέ- b
γεσθαι·
Μ,άλιστα δ' αν παροξννθείης ορέγεσθαι των κάλων
έργων, ει καταμάθοις, οτι και τα? ήδονάς εκ τούτων μάλιστα
γνησίως εχομεν.
iv μεν yap τω ραθυμεΐν και τάς πλησμονας αγαπάν ευθύς αϊ λΰπαι ταϊς ηΒοναΐς παραπεπήγασι, το
δέ περί την άρετην φιλοπονεΐν καϊ σωφρόνως τον αυτού
βίον οίκονομεΐν άει τάς τέρψεις ειλικρινείς και βεβαιότερα?
φιλοπονία.] One of the apo­
phthegms of Isocr. (ap. Benseler, n .
277) is recorded as follows: ίδών
veaviav φιλοπονουντα,
%φη, κάλλιστον 6ψον τφ γήρατι ( = Att. γήρα)
•π-αρακαλοΰνταβ·] This is not the
fut. part. (= τταρακαλέσ οντάς) b u t the
pres.
According to Benseler the
only instance in Isocr. of the * Attic
future' of verbs in έω is διατελοΰμεν
(Archid. § 87), which is the reading
of the Codex U r b i n a s ; the Ambrosian and Laurentine M S S . having
διατελέσομεν, which Benseler adopts.
Another instance occurs in Trapez.
(a speech which Bens, rejects), § 56,
συκοφαντήσων καϊ,.. iy καλών.
(Rost
a p . Bremi Isocr. p . 206.) J u s t as in
this last passage έγκαλών is almost
certainly fut. because συκοφαντήσων
is fut., similarly τταρακαλουντας is
almost certainly pres. because επι­
τάττοντα
is pres. T h e uniformity
of the sentence is thus preserved.—
F o r this pres. part, in the sense of
* ready or likely to do a thing,' cf.
§ 3°> χαρισμένους
and άπεχθανομέvovs, § 33, απαγγέλλοντας,
§ 44,
συμβουλεύοντα.
46. μάλιστα κ.τ.λ.] ' Now, you
would especially be incited to reach
forward to good deeds, if you clearly
saw that the pleasures which we win
from these sources are won in a
specially genuine manner {or most
genuinely)'.
μ., δ* αν παροξυνθείης.,.εΐ
καταμάθοις. F o r this common form of a
conditional sentence see Madv. Synt.

§ 135, and M r Thring's
Manual
of Mood Constr, p . 17. T h e fol­
lowing lines from Soph. Ε led. will
supply easy instances of various
hypothetical sentences, 376-7, 394,
413, 430, 547-8, 554, 557, 583, 604.
4v \khv γαρ κ . τ . λ . ] ' F o r while,
in the case of idleness a n d love of
surfeit, pains are planted by the
very side of pleasures, yet the loving
labour spent on virtue, and the pru
dent conduct of one's life, ever
yield delights that are pure a n d
more lasting.' παραπεπ^ασιν,
are
* bound up with.'' (Lidd. and S c ) .
T h e pleasure is no sooner over than
pain follows at once (ευθύς).
F o r the sense and expression
Schn. quotes Sextus Empiricus (a
sceptic of the first half of the 3rd
cent. A. D.), Hypotyp. § 24, πάση
ήδονί) παραπέπτγγεν
άλγηδών.— I n
the Phaedo of Plato, p . 60 B, So­
crates speaks to this effect: ' H o w
strange is the nature of pleasure
(τό ηδύ) in regard to that which
seems t o be its very opposite—pain
(τό λυπηρόν); in that the two are
unwilling to be present to a m a n
at once, but if he pursue the one
and take it, he is pretty nearly com­
pelled to take the other also, as if
t h e two, distinct as they are, were
yet, at one end, closely knit together
(ώσπερ εκ μιας κορυφής
συνημμένω
δυ1 δντε, ζ. e. i twin and yet twain').
Menander (fragm. of Plocium) has
άλλ' εγγύς αγαθού παραπέφυκε καϊ
κακόν.
βίο/ οίκονομ€Ϊν.] Cf. £ 5· η ·

—47]

ΠΡ02 ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

37

άποδίΰωσι' κάκβΐ μεν πρότβρον ήσθέντες νστβρον βλυπήθη- c
eiXiKpivets.] T h e deriv. of this
word (like that of sincerus) is much
disputed. I t is either from (ι) £λη,
e5^97 = *the sun's w a r m t h ' or ' s u n ­
light ' [ξλη- ηλίου αλέα ή αυγή. Timaeus, Lex. Platon.\ and κρίνω; or
from (2) εϊλω, to roll, and κρίνω, to
discern.
(1) gives the meaning,
' h e l d u p and judged by the sun­
light,' ' t r a n s p a r e n t / hence 'sin­
cere,' 'truthful.' (2) produces the
sense ^volubili agitatione secretum?
'discerned by rolling or sifting,'
hence 'sifted,' 'separated,' ' p u r e . '
Or again, if we take the word εϊλη
or ϊλη (=grex, turma), which is con­
nected with εϊλω {volvo), we obtain
a modification of (2). T h e primary
meaning will then be ' parcelled off
by itself (είληδόν, ^λαδό?, iurmatim, gregatim),
' distinct,' hence
'unsullied.'
(1) is supported by
Ruhnken and Hemsterhuis (ap. Timaei Lex. v. for' αυγά?), and is still
the popular deriv. (2) was proposed
by Valckenaer, who is followed by
Stallbaum (Plat. Phaedo, 6 6 A. n.),
and others. (1) is poetic and ele­
gant, but, I venture to think, un­
true and indefensible. I t is fair to
state t h a t the objection sometimes
brought against (1), on the ground
that ε'Ιλη, %λη always mean the
' w a r m t h ' and not the ' l i g h t ' of
the sun, is considerably modified by
the quotation, given above, from
Timaeus. (2) in either of its forms
is preferable, because the idea of
'separated,' 'unmixed,' ' p u r e , ' is
more consistent with the explana­
tions of Hesychius and Suidas (=/caθαρός, Άδολος, αμιγής); and still fur­
ther, because that idea is more suit­
able to most passages in which the
word is used, and esp. to the fol­
l o w i n g : Plato, Phaedo, 66 Α, αυτή
καθ' αυτήν
είλικρινεΐ rrj διάνοια.
81 C, ψνχήν αυτήν καθ1 αυτήν είλ.
Symp. 211 Ε, αυτό τό καλόν Ιδεϊν
ειλικρινές, καθαρδν, Β,μικτον.
Xen.
Cyrop. 8, 5» *4J &ά τό
ειλικρινή
tlvai έκαστα τα φΰλα (cf. φυλοκρϊ-

νεΐν). T o these, which have been
quoted by others, I may add Plu­
tarch de EI in Delphis, p . 393 c, τό
δέ h> ειλικρινές καΐ καθαρόν
έτερου
yap μίξει irpbs έτερον δ μιασμδς...
ούκοΰν y τ€ καΐ Άκρατον άεί τφ άφθάρτω καΐ καθαρφ προσήκει. If der.
(ι) is adopted, the rough breathing
will be necessary; if (2), the word
will be written, as in the text, witho u t t h e aspirate. (Seefurther,Trench,
Synon. § 86, and Wordsworth, Ellicott, and Lightfoot on Philippians,
I. 10). ciXiKpivets κ. β€βαιοτέρα,9.] Obs.
comparative coupled with positive.
Bens, cites this collocation as part
of his proof of the spuriousness of
the E p . ad Dem. Schn. points out,
in reply, the propriety of the com­
bination, on the ground that delight
derived from pleasures is to a cer­
tain degree ' l a s t i n g ' i$e$ala)[?], but
not ' p u r e and unmixed' (ειλικρινής);
we may therefore say with perfect
correctness that the delights derived
from virtue are ειλικρινείς καϊ βε~
βαιότεραι.
H e then quotes Horn.
Od. VIII. 187, δίσκον μείζονα καϊ πάχετον, Plato, de Legg. I. p . 649 D,
ευτελή τε καϊ άσινεστέραν, Tacitus,
Agricola, 1, apudpriores agere digna
memoratu pronum magisque in aperto erat. &c.
άποδίδωσ-ι.] 'Yields a harvest,'
'yields a return,' lit. 'gives back.'
I n Aristot. Rhet. I I . 7, 5, among the
reasons, which shew the absence of
real gratitude, we have 6τι άπέδωκαν
αλλ' ούκ έδωκαν (they merely gave
back a favour).
Lidd. and Scott
quote the passage in the text with
this explanation, ' απ. τίνα, c. Adj.
to render or make so and so, like
άττοδείκνυμι.'
I n all t h e passages of
Isocr. that have come before me, it
bears the meaning 'restore,' ' r e ­
turn,' ' r e p a y ; ' (except Callimach,
§ 6, where είς τήν βουλήν άπέδοσαν
must mean ' they brought the matter
before the Council,' 'detulerunt. 9 )
T h e sense gained by translating diro-

38

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§ 47

σαν, ενταύθα δε μετά τάς Χύπας τάς ηδονάς εχομεν» έν
πασι δε τοις epyois ονχ ούτω της αρχής μνημονεύομεν, ως
της τέλευτης αϊσθησιν Χαμβάνομεν' τα yap πλείστα των
περί τον βίον ου δια τά πράγματα ποιοΰμεν, αΚΚά των α7τοβαινόντων ένεκα διαπονοΰμεν. ( Γ . ) 'Έινθνμοΰ δε, οτι τοϊς
μεν φαύ\οις ενδέχεται τά τυχόντα πράττουν* ευθύς yap του
βίον τοιαύτην πεποίηνται την ύπόθεσιν τοις δε σπουδαίοις d
ούχ οΐόντε της αρετής άμεΧειν δια το ποΧΚούς εγειν τους
επιπΧηττοντας.
πάντες yap μισοϋσιν ούχ ούτω τους εξαμαρτάνοντας ως τους επιεικείς μεν φήσαντας εΐναι, μηδβν δεν
των τυχόντων διαφέροντας, εΐκότως' οπού yap τους τω Xoy<p
μόνον ψευδόμενους άποδοκιμαζομεν, η πού yε τους τω βιώ
δίδωσι κ.τ.λ. as above, is rather more
satisfactory, as it brings out the idea
of recompense which pervades the
whole context. I n any case elk. κ.
βεβ. will be the predicate.
Ιλυττήθησαν.] This is the reading
of the Cod. Urbinas and Cod. Scaphusiensis, and is followed by Benseler. Bekker, Dindorf, and Baiterand-Sauppe prefer έλυπήθημ€ν. T h e
writer could hardly b e so depre­
ciatory to himself and Dem., as to
include both among those who lived
in 'idleness and love of surfeit,'
and yet this must b e involved in
the use of έλυπήθημεν, unless it is
meant for a vague plural, including
' m e n in general.' T h e M S . autho­
rity for έλυπήθησαν is stronger, the
sense produced is better; and lastly,
the ιst pers. pi., which is found in
some M S S . , is easily accounted for
by a desire to assimilate έλυπ. with
Ζχομβν.
T o illustrate t h e change of per­
son, cf. Paneg. § 29, δ€ίκνυμ€ν...έδίδαξεν, and on t h e transition from
aor. to present cf. § 6. n. T h e nom.
to έλυπήθησαν is ol ραθυμοΰντ€ς καϊ
τ ας πλησμονάς ayax&vres,
or any
similar idea implied in t h e words
έν τφ ραθυμεΐν, κ.τ.λ.
κάκ€ΐ μίν—ηδονάς ^χομκν.] F o r
t h e general meaning t h e lines of Geo.
Herbert (imitated possibly from

Musonius ap. Gellium, Nod.
Attic.
x v i . 1) will suffice: If thou do
ill;
the joy fades, not the
pains:
If well; the pain doth fade, the joy
remains.
48. φαΰλο(.ς)(σΊτουδα£οις.] These
words appear to bear a semi-social
meaning in this passage, contrasting
the vulgar and the respectable.
This sense is borne out by § 49,
χρήματα...δόξαν...φίλουι,
v. § 1. n.
evdvs yap...viroQicrw.~]i Similarly
Archid. § 90, ουχ ομοίως Επασι βον
λ€υτέοι>, άλλ' ώ$ αν έξ άρχης έκαστοι,
του βίου ποιήσονται την ύπόθεσιν.
49· δττου γαρ—-η ιτοΰ γ€.] ' F o r
whereas we count reprobate those
who are false even in word alone·;
why surely, we cannot deny (lit.^
' c a n we deny?') that those are bad
who fall behind-hand during the
whole of their life.'
F o r δπου δέ.,.η που cf. de Perm.
§ 70 (quoted § 36. n. 1), de Perm.
§ 33» δπου yap...ή που σφόδρα dvt
Epp. 2, 15, el yap...η που σέ ye
προσήκει,
de Pace, § 24, δπου yap
'Αθηνόδωρος καϊ Καλλίστρατος... οίκίσαι πόλεις οΐσί τε yeyova^iv, ij που
βουληθέντες ημείς πολλούς αν τόπους
τοιούτους κατασχεΐν δυνηθείημεν.
η
που implies assurance blended with
real or ironical d o u b t ; ή που in
such sentences is often interroga­
tive.

—50j

ΠΡΟΧ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

39

παντϊ έλαττουμένους ου φαύλους είναι φησωμεν; δικαίως δ'
αν τους τοιούτους ύπολάβοιμεν μη μόνον εις αυτούς άμαρτάνειν, άλλα και της τύγτ\ς είναι προδοτας* ή μεν jap αύτοΐς e
χρήματα καϊ δόξαν και φίλους ενεχείρισεν, οι δε σφάς αυ­
τούς αναξίους της υπαργρύσης ευδαιμονίας κατέστησαν· Ε Α Ι;
δε δει θνητον οντά της των θεών στογάσασθαι διανοίας,
ηγούμαι κακείνους επί τοις οίκειοτάτοις μάλιστα δηλώσαι,
πώς εχρυσι προς τους φαύλους καϊ τους σπουδαίους τών αν­
θρώπων» Ζευς yap Ήρακλέα και Ύάνταλον γεννήσας, ώς
Ιλαττουμίνουδ.] Bens. (Praef. iv.)
says that the sense 'inferiores ea
quam de se praebuerant opinione,'
i.e. ' falling short of previous expec­
tations' is foreign to Isocr. H o w ­
ever, in de Perm. § 281, he has these
words: εϊ τις ύπολαμβάνει τους απο­
στερούνται fj πάρα \oyi£op£vovs ή
κακόν τι ποιοΰντας
πλεονεκτεΐν,
ούκ ορθώς ^νωκεν'
ούδένες yap εν
Επαντιτφ βίω μάλλον
έλαττοϋνται
των τοιούτων, ούδ* iv πλείοσιν άποpicas είσϊν,.,.ούδ'
Ολως άθλιώτεροι
τυγχάνουσιν δντες. H e r e (as also in
Panath. § 243) there is a contrast be­
tween πλεονεκτεΐν (in its good sense,
v. § 27. n.) and έλαττοΰσθαι, between
'gaining advantage,' and 'losing ad­
vantage ;* ' honourably improving
one's position,' and 'dishonourably
impairing i t ; ' and this meaning is
readily applicable to the present pas­
sage, ol έλαττούμενοι^ΐιετε,
'those
who give u p their advantages, χρή­
ματα, δόξαν, φίλους,' and, by an easy
transition, ' t h o s e who fall behind­
hand,' or, in homelier phrase, 'drop
offOn the hiatus in παντί ελαττ. it
may be observed that, in the pas­
sage quoted above from de Perm.,
the hiatus is avoided. Isocr. appears
to have been somewhat less sensi­
tive on such points, in his 'moral
writings' (λόγοι παραινετικοί) and
' forensic speeches written for clients'
(λ. δικανικοί), than in speeches like
the Paneg. and de Pace (which are
λ. συμβουλευτικοί), or the Helenae

Encomium
and the Busiris (λ. επι­
δεικτικοί), v. Paneg. § 143. η .
ου φ. €Ϊναι φησ-ωμ€ν.] On this
use of ού cf. Plato, Prot. 352 D,
πολλούς φασι ^ν^νώσκονταζ τα βέλ­
τιστα ούκ έθέλειν πράττειν.
Madv.
Synt. § 205 (b). F o r φήσωμεν (the
subj. dubitativus)
see Madv. Synt.
§ 1 2 1 . [φήσωμεν, Cod. Urbinas foil,
by Benseler; φήσομεν is adopted by
Bekk. and BS.] Όϋ malim abessej*
Baiter.
50. TOVS φαύλσυβ τών ανθρώπων.]
' Those men who are bad.'
των
άνθ. a species of partitive genitive,
Madv. Synt. § 50. A favourite con­
struction, not only in the Pp. ad
Dem. (e.g. § 11, τα καλά τών ζώων...
τού* σπουδαίους τών γονέων, § 42>
έπϊ τοις συμβαίνουσα τών dya0(Svt
&c.) but also in the acknowledged
writings of Isocr. (e.g. Areop. § 47,
τας επιεικείς τών φύσεων, de Pace,
§ 109, & c ) .
Ήρακλ€α...άρ€την.] I n
Philip.
§ 109, n o , Isocr. speaks of the
mental excellence (τών τ # ψύχα
προσόντων άγα^ώ?) of Hercules as a
tempting subject for encomium, ' a
theme fraught with many praise­
worthy deeds and languishing for
lack of a worthy panegyrist;' and
in § 144 he characterizes Hercules,
Tantalus, and others, in the follow­
ing t e r m s : τόν Ταντάλου πλοΰτον*
την ΙΙέλοπος αρχήν τήν Έύρυσθέως
δύναμιν' τήν Ηρακλέους
ύπερβολήν'
τήν Θησέως άρετήν.—The stories of
Hercules and Tantalus are well and

40

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§ 5 o

oi μνθοιXeyovai
και πάντες πιστενουσι, τον μεν διά την
αρετήν άθάνατον εποίησε, τον δέ hia την κακίαν ταΐς μεγίσταις τιμωρίας εκολασεν. οϊ? δεΐ παρα^είημασι γρωμενους
ορεγεσθαι της καλοκαγαθίας, καί μη μόνον τοις υή> ημών b
εϊρημενοι<ζ εμμένειν, αλλά καί των ποιητών τά
βέλτιστα
briefly told by M r G . W . Cox, Tales
of Ancient Greece, pp. 66—77.
ως οι μύθοι \iy. κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Paneg. § 28, κσλ yap el μυθώδης δ Xoyos
yiyovev, 8μως αύτφ καί νυν ρηθήναι
προσήκει, η . Isocr. argues from my­
thical narratives whenever they suit
his subject, but applies to them no
principles of historical criticism.
Grote's H. G. new ed. 1. p . 335. n.
51. xpo>|Ji€Vovs.] Bens, retains %pc*μένοις, which is said to be the read­
ing of the U r b . M S . Δε? would then
be followed by a very rare construc­
tion, the dat. with the inf. Instances
of this construction are E u r . Hipp.
940, θεοϊσι προσβαλεΐν χθονι | άλλην
δεήσει ycuav, and Xen. Anab. i n .
4, 35, δει έπισάξαι τόν ϊππον
ΐΐέρση
άνδρϊ καί χαλινώσαι Set και θωρά
κισθέντα
άναβήναι επί τόν ϊππον.
T h e usual formula is δε? με ποιεΐν
τι and not δεΐ μοι ποιεΐν τι. F o r
this reason, and also because the
presence of the dat. is accounted for
by the immediate juxtaposition of
οίς...παραδε^μασι,
which may have
led the copyist wrong, it seems safer
t o adopt the other reading χρωμένους. (Partly from Schn.)
όρέγ€σ-θαι.] Lit. * to reach after.'
A frequent word in Isocr. T h u s we
have it followed by δόξης § 5, των κα­
λών ε'ρyωv § φ, της δικαιοσύνης § 38 ;
also ad Nicocl. § 2, ποίων επιτηδευ­
μάτων όpeyόμεvos, κ.τ.λ.;
de Pace,
§§ 23, 62, and 144» Λ£«ν οΰν όpέyεσί?αι της τοιαύτης τ^εμονίας.
(In
one passage we find him using a
rarer word, όρΐ'γνάσΟαι. Epp. 6, 9,
ποίας δόξης όρηνάσθαι.)
όpέyεσθaι
(like στοχάξειν, τυyχάvειv, κ. τ. λ.)
almost invariably takes the gen.
(Madv. Synt. § 57 a).
ύφ* ημών etp.] N o t ύπ* έμοΰ ειρημένοις.
Cf. § 5? 4/*e?s. n.

τών ΐΓθΐητών...καί των άλλων
σ-οφιστών.] These words by them­
selves can be translated in two dis­
tinctly different ways: (1) O f the
poets...and of the other sophists,'
and (2) * of the poets... and of the
sophists besides.' (1) makes the
ποιητής a species of the genus σοφι­
στής.
(2) regards the poet and the
sophist as perfectly independent of
one another. With regard to the
present passage, the following points
are all that I can urge in defence of
(1). {a) W e are told by Diog.
Laert. (1. § 12), that not only oi
σοφοί, b u t ol ποιηταί also, were called
σοφισταί.
καθά καί Κρατίνος
έν
Άρχιλόχφ τους περϊ'Όμηρον κ. Ήσ/οδον επαίνων, οΰτως καλεΐ. (δ) T h e
same writer (ι. § 40) says that all
the 'seven wise m e n ' [notably So­
lon] 'attempted poetry* (έπιθέσθαι
ποιητική).—That
(1) is wrong and
(2) right is, I think, decided by the
following passages: Paneg. § 82,
μηδένα.,.μητε των ποιητών μήτε των
σοφιστών, (seen.), ad Nicocl. § 13,
μήτε τών ποιητών
τών εύδοκιμούντων μήτε τών σοφιστών
μηδενός
οϊου δεΐν απείρως Ζχειν, άλλα τών
μέν ακροατής
yίyvoυ, τών δέ μα­
θητής.
Xen. Memorab. ΐ ν . 2, ι,
ypάμμaτa πολλά συvειλεyμέvov ποιη­
τών τε καί σοφιστών τών εύδοκιμούντων.
F o r this use of άλλος cf. Paneg.
§ 26, της άλλης κατασκευής,
Philip.
§ 148, καϊ yap εκείνων μάλλον άγαΐ'ται την- ήτταν την έν θερμοπύλαις ή
τ ας άλλας
νίκας,
Plato, Gorg.
473 cf πολιτών και τών άλλων ξένων,
Eur. Ion, 161 (after speaking of an
eagle), ό'δε ποός θυμέλας άλλος έρέσσει κύκνος (i.e. ' a n o t h e r bird, a
swan,' ' a swan besides'). Just as in
these passages, so in that before us,

—52]

ΠΡΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΝ.

41

μανθάνειν, καϊ τών άλλων σοφιστών, ει τι γρησιμον είρηκασιν, άναηιγνώσκειν.
ωσπερ ηάρ την μέλιτταν ορώμεν εφ'
άπαντα μεν τα βλαστήματα
καθιζάνουσαν, άή> εκάστου δε
τα βέλτιστα λαμβάνουσαν, ούτω δει καϊ τους παιδείας όρεηομένους μηδενός μεν απείρως εχειν, πανταχόθεν δε τα χρή­
σιμα συλλέγειν.
μόλις jap αν τις εκ ταύτης της επιμελείας c
τάς της φύσεως αμαρτίας επικρατήσειεν.
the noun may be taken to be in a
kind of apposition to the case of
άλλος that is used, so that τών άλλων
σοφιστών = ' of the other class of
persons, I mean the sophists.'
των αλ. σοφ.
εϊ-τι-χρήσιμον-είρηκασιν almost = των άλ. σοφ. τά χρή­
σιμα, ' a l l the useful maxims of the
sophists besides.' Cf. de Perm. §
105, ου δίκαιον έστι μετέχειν, εϊ τι
Τιμόθεος πράττων μη κατώρθωσεν.
By the σοφισταΐ in the text are
meant not only the celebrated teach­
ers of the fifth cent. B.C., who laid
claim to wisdom and taught it for
money, but also such men as Solon,
Chilo, Pittacus, Bias, Periander,
Cleobulus, Thales (των επτά σοφι­
στών, dePerm. § 235), the seven wise
men of Greece, whose traditionary
or recorded maxims have in many
cases been imitated b y the writer
of this E p . Xen. Memorab. 1. 6,
14, τους θησαυρούς των πάλαι σοφών
ανδρών ους 4κέΐνοι κατέλινον έν βιβλίοις Ύράφοντα.
O n t h e sophists
see further, Paneg. § 3. η . , and § 82. n.
T h e poets referred to are proba­
bly those who left behind them
moral and didactic p o e m s ; e. g. H e siod, Theognis, Phocylides. These
poets were too much neglected, says
Isocr. ad Nicocl. § 43, σημείον δ' &v
TIS ποιησαιτο την 'Ησίοδου καϊ θεό•γνιδος καϊ Φωκυλίδου ποίησιν καϊ yap
τούτους φασϊ μ£ν αρίστους yeyevfodai
νυμβούλους τφ βίω τφ τών ανθρώπων,

ταΰτα δε λέyovτες αίροΰνται συνδιατρίβειν τάίς αλλήλων άνοίαις μάλλον
ή ταΐς εκείνων ύποθηκαις, κ.τ.λ.
The
gnomes, or 'brief sententious pre­
cepts ' of the leading tragedians are
also doubtless alluded to. ad Nicocl.
§ 44, των προεχόντων ποιητών TCLS
κάλουμένας 7^/<cas. Milton, Par.
Reg. iv. 261 sqq.
wcnrep την μέλιτταν κ.τ.λ.] T h e
comparison is c o m m o n ; e.g. Lucre­
tius, i n . τ ι , Floriferis ut apes in
saltibus omnia libant, Omnia nos
itidem depascimur aurea dicla, cet.
Seneca, Ep. 84, 5, Apes debemus
imitari et quaecunque ex diversa lectione congessimus, separare, deinde
adhibita ingenii nostri cura et facili­
tate, in tmurn saporem varia ilia
tibamenta confundere. Plutarch (περί
του άκούειν, 41 F ) , δε? μιμεΐσθαι
μη
τάς στεφηπλόκους άλλα τάς μέλισσας,
κ.τ.λ. and an elegant passage in St
Basil the Great, (exhorting Christian
youth to the study of human learn­
ing), ad adolesc. cap. iii. (v.), κατά
πάσαν δη οϋν τών μελιττών την εικόνα
τών λο^ων ύμΐν μεθεκτέον, κ.τ.λ. q.v.
καθιζάνουσαν || λαμβάνουσ-αν.]
A n instance of παρομοίωσις, to se­
cure which a rare form καθίζανουσαν (found only in ^Esch. Eum. 59),
is used instead of a commoner word,
e.g. καθιξομένην (v. Veitch, Gk. Vbs.
s.v. Ιζάνω).
|AOAis] = v i x , et vix tarn en. See
paraphrase at § 44. n. 1.

ΙΣΟΚΡΆΤΟΥΣ

ΥΠΟΘΕ2Ι2

ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΌΣ.

ISOKPATOYS.

f

O λόγος κατ' εκείνους εγράφη τους χρόνους, ore Αακεΰαιμονιοι
u>€V ηρχον τών Ελλήνων, ημείς δε ταττεινως επράττομεν. i°TILJ^
τους μεν ^Έλληνας παρακαλών επί την των βαρβάρων στρατείαν,
Αακεΰαιμονίοις δε περί της ηγεμονίας αμφισβητών,
τοιαύτην δε
την υποθεσιν ποιησάμενος άποφαίνω την πόλιν απάντων των υπαρ­
χόντων τοις Ελλ^σιν αγαθών αίτίαν γε-γενημενην. άφορισάμενος
δε τον λογον τον περί των τοιούτων ευεργεσιών καϊ βουλόμενος την
ηγεμονιαν ετι σαφεστερον άποφαίνειν ως εστί της πόλεως, ενθενδε
πόθεν επιχειρώ δώάσκειν περί τούτων, ως τ$ πόλει τιμάσθαι προσή­
κει πολύ μάλλον εκ τών περί τον πόλεμον κινδύνων η τών άλλων
ευεργεσιών.
[The above summary was written by Isocr. himself. (De Perm, §§57,
58. v. Paneg. § 5 1 . n.)}.

(a.) Πολλά/α? έθαύμασα των τάς πανηγύρεις συνα- 4
yayovroov καϊτούς γυμνικούς ar/ώνας καταστησόντων, οτι
Further, the power of oratory is such
§§ ι—14. Exordium, ι, ι. Al­
though the founders of these general that it can treat the same fads in
assemblies have wrongly assigned the many various ways; I may therefore
highest honours to physical and not fairly endeavour to outrival my pre­
to intellectual excellence, 3,4,1 never­ decessors, and, by this spirit of com­
theless propose to address you on this petition, aid in advancing the art of
oratory. 11, 12. I address myself
occasion with a view to promote the
unity of Greece, and to induce her to not to those who wish me to descend
to their low standard of rhetoric, but
make war against Persia. Many
rather to those who will try me by
have attempted this theme already;
but have not treated it in an adequate the highest criterion, and will despise
me if I express myself in an un­
manner. 5, 6. The times of crisis
have not yet passed by, and the need worthy manner.
of such an exhortation as I propose
πολλάκις Ιθαΰμασα κ. τ.λ.] Ariis still as imperative as ever. 7—10.
stot. Rhet. in. 14, 2, alludes to this

§§ 1—3]

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

43

τάς μεν των σωμάτων ευτυχίας ούτω μεγάλων Βωρεων
ήξίωσαν, τοις δ' ύπερ των κοινών Ι&ία πονησασι και τας
αυτών ψυχάς ούτω παρασκευάσασιν ώστε και τους αΧΧους
2 ωφεΧεΐν Βννασθαι, τούτοις δ' ού&εμίαν τιμήν απένειμαν* £ν b
εικός ην αυτούς μαΧΚον ποιήσασθαι πρόνοιαν τών μεν *γάρ
αθλητών Βϊς τοσαύτην ρώμην Χαβόντων ούΒεν αν πλέον
γένοιτο τοις άλλοις, ενός δ' άνΒρος ευ φρονησαντος άπαντες
αν άπολαύσειαν οί βουλόμενοι κοινωνεΐν της εκείνον Βια3 νοίας. ου μην έπϊ τούτοις άθυμήσας ειλόμην ραθυμειν, αλλ'
exordium: λέyετaι δέ rk τών επιδει­
κτικών προοίμια έξ επαίνου ή ψ&γου*
οίον Τοργίας μέν έν τψ Όλυμπικφ
\&γψ *ύπό πολλών άξιοι θαυμάζεσθαι,
ω άνδρες'Έϊλληνες'3 επαινεί τους τας
πανηγύρεις συνάγοντας* Ισοκράτης δέ
ψε^ει, Οτι τάς μέν των σωμάτων άρετάς δωρεαΐς έτίμησαν, τοις δ* εδ φρονοΰσιν ούθέν αθλον εποίησαν, and in
ill. 9,he quotes πολλάκις... καταστησάντων as an instance of διηρημένη
Χέξα.
έβαΰμασ-α τών....«τυναγ... .δτι....]
One of the common constructions
of θαυμάζω is the gen. of the person
and the ace of the thing, θαυμ.
τινός τι (e.g. Soph. Phil. 1362, καΐ
σου δ1 Ity&rye θαυμάσας έχω τόδε), but
this ace. of the thing appears often
as here in the form of an explana­
tory sentence, stating the cause of
wonder introduced by such a word,
as ότι, δπου, βπως, or εΐ, e.g. Isocr.
Nicocl. § 3, θαυμάζω των ταύτην την
*/νώμην εχόντων Οπως ού καΐ τον
πλουτον κακώς Χέ'γουσίν. Philip. §42,
θαυμάζω τών ττγουμένων αδύνατον
είναι πραχθηναί τι τούτων, εΐ μήτ*
αυτοί ·ητγχάνουσι, /c.r.X., and Paneg.
§170·
ιτανηγυρ€ΐ$] Alludes to the Panhellenic assemblies at the; Olympic,
Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian
games, and also to special assem­
blies like the Attic festival of the
Panathenaea. Contests both of phy­
sical and intellectual prowess were
instituted on these occasions, but
the former kind of excellence was:

naturally more popular, and met
with greater encouragement than the
latter. In the Panathenaic oration,
§ 135, Isocr. speaks (in his old age)
with some little scorn of * those who
in the general assemblies indulge in
vituperation; or, if they refrain from
such madness, bestow praise on the
most trifling objects, and on the most
lawless men.' During some of these
intellectual contests the greater part
of the audience went to sleep (Panath. § 263, iv τοις όχλοι? τοις πανηΎυρικοΐς, έν οΐς πλείους είσϊν οί καθεύδοντες τών άκροωμένων), ν. § 45· η ·
rds μέν τών σ-ωμάτων κ.τ.λ.] Cf.
Epp. 8, § 5, θαυμάζω δ* 6Vcu τών
πόλεων μειζόνων δωρεών ά£ιου<τί τού$
iv τοις Ύυμνικοΐς ά·γώσι κατορθουντας
μάλλον ή τους τη φρονήσει καϊ τη
φιλοπονία τι τών χρησίμων ευρίσκον­
τας, κ,τ.Χ.
δωρ€ων.] On δωρεά)(δώρον cf. ad
Dent. § 2. η.
rovrois 8'] = * t o these men, /
say.1 Αέ in apodosis: this usage is,
in Attic prose, frequently found after
demonstrative adverbs and pro­
nouns, cf. § 98, α δ' εστίν ίδια...ταύτα
δέ, § 176, α δέ...ταύτα δέ, Areop.
§ 47» «"Op' οΐς μεν yap...πάρα τούτοις
μέν,.Ήπου δέ...ενταύθα δέ*.. Thuc.
II. 46, αθλα yap οΧς κείται άρετης
μέγιστα, τ οΐς δέ και άνδρες Αριστοι
πόλιτεύουσι. See also Madv. SynU
§ 188, R. 6 (where, for the misprint
Isocr. Paneg. 71, read Isocr. dePerm.
7*>.

44

I20KPATQT2

[§§ 3

Ικανον νομίσας αθ\ον eaeaOai μοι την Βυξαν την απ* αύτοΰ
του \6yov γενησομένην ηκω συμβούλβύσων πβρί τ€ του
πολέμου του προς τους βαρβάρους καϊ της ομονοίας της
προς ημάς αυτούς, ουκ αηνοών, οτι πολλοί των προσποιη- c
3. βάρβαροι.] Constantly con­
trasted with "Ελληνες, and meaning
those who could not speak Greek.
T h e word is onomatopoeetic, the
sound answers to the sense (οί.βαβά·
£ω, βαμβαλίξω, H e b . * Babel? E n g .
* babble? and Sanskrit,
'varvara*
—jabberer), and represents the ap­
parently incoherent and rapid utter­
ance of those whose language the
hearer cannot understand. Cf. e.g.
Aesch. Ag. 1051 [1 Corinth, xiv. n ,
έάν οΰν μ}) είδώ τήν δύναμ,ιν της φωνής,
ί-σαμαι τψ λαλοΰντι βάρβαρος' καϊ δ
λάλων έν έμοί βάρβαρο*].
των ττρ. ίΐναι σοφιστών.] Alludes
especially t o Gorgias and his \6yos
Όλυμπικός,
t h e subject of which
was similar to t h a t of the Paneg. of
Isocr. (Philostrat. Epist 13).
T h e word K σοφιστής is one of a
large class of words derived from
verbs ending in 4 ζω. Cf. γράμμα·
τιστής, καλλωπιστής,
άνδραποδιστής,
Αακωνιστής.
These, a n d similar
words, generally denote an assumed
character or profession.
Σοφός=a
really wise m a n ; σοφιστής = one who
lays claim to wisdom, ' a professor*
of wisdom; hence (as this claim might
often be unwarranted) = a mere pro­
fessor* of wisdom, who h a d no real
right to the name.
T h e usage of the word in ISQCI*.
is indicated by the following pas­
sages: Hel. § 9, τους αμφισβητούντα? του φρονεΐν και φάσκοντας είναι
σοφιστας ούκ έν τοις
ήμελημένοις
υπό των άλλων, άλλ* έν οΐς άπαντες
είσϊν άνταΎωνισταΙ, προσήκει διαφέρειν καΧ κρείττούς είναι των Ιδιωτών,
Panath. §5 (Isocr. speaking of him­
self), υπό των σοφ. των αδόκιμων καΐ
πονηρών διαβάλλομενος,
de
Perm.
§ 3 r 3 (speaking of the Athenians of
former days), τους καλουμένους σοφιστάς έθαύμαξΌν...Σόλωνα τδν πρώ­
τον των πολιτών λαβόντα TTJV έπωνυ-

μίαν ταύτην, lb. § 235» Σόλων μεν
των επτά σοφιστών εκλήθη καϊ ταύ­
την
ϋσχε την έπωνυμίαν τ^ν νυν
άτιμαζομένην
καϊ κρινομένην παρ''
ύμιν, ΊΙερικλης δε δυοΐν (Anaxagoras
and Damon) βένετο μαθητής, lb.
§ 2 6 8 , Empedocles, Ion, Alcmaeon,
Parmenides, Melissus, and Gorgias,
are mentioned as παλαιοί
σοφισταί.
The fragment κατά, τών
σοφιστών
teems with indignation against those
who laid claim to the title of σοφι­
στής without deserving it.
The
name carried an obnoxious meaning,
and was therefore little used by
those who h a d the best right to it.
Isocr. shews some hesitation in
applying the term directly to him­
self, but in several passages of the
speech, de Permutatlone, e.g. § 155,
157, h e virtually acknowledges him­
self as such, and defends his profes­
sion. O n the whole, then, we may
conclude that in Isocr. the word is
used in a twofold sense, to indicate
(1) those who h a d a real claim to
the title of wise men, (2) those who
had not. T h e use of the word in
a good sense prevailed until the
time of Aristophanes; thus Hero­
dotus gives this name to the ' s e v e n
wise men,' and to Pythagoras (I. 29,
iv. 95). A n d Cratinus (the comic
poet, 519—422 B.C.) gave the name
to the poets of the school of Homel­
and Hesiod (v. ad Dent. § 51. n.). N o t
till the exhibition of the ' C l o u d s '
of Aristophanes (in 423) was the
name (so far as we can tell) used as
a term of reproach, a meaning which
it constantly bears in t h e pages of
Plato, who applies it to Protagoras,
Gorgias, Polus, Hippias, Prodicus,
Thrasymachus, and others.
A n estimate of the character of
these sophists is beyond the limits of
an ordinary note. I t will be enough
to refer to the famous 67th chapter

—5]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

σαμένων elvai σοφιστών

hit

τούτον

4 αλλ' άμα μεν έΧπίζων τοσούτον
μηοεν πώττοτβ Βοκεΐν είρήσθαι
κρίνας τούτους

καΧΧίστους

μ&γίστων τνγχάνουσιν

45

τον X&yov ωρμησαν, 4'

Βιοίσειν ώστε τοις αΧΧοις
περί

αυτών, άμα

he προ~

elvai τών Χσγων, οϊτινες

περί

οντβς και τους τβ Xer/οντας μάΧιστ

€7τι$€ΐκνύουσι καϊ τους άκούοντας ττλεΖστ ώφέΧουσιν* ων 6Ϊς
5 οΰτός ίστιν.

'eirevr ούΰ

οι καιροί πω παρέληΧύθασιν

ηδη μάτην elvai το μεμνήσθαι
παύζσθαι λέγοντας,

περί τούτων,

όταν ή τα πράγματα

ωστ

τότε yap %ρή

ΧάβΐΊ τέΧος

Kalb

of Mr Grote's Hist, of Greece, with πολέμου...καϊ της ομονοίας.
The above interpretation is sup­
the masterly criticisms of Mr Cope
{Journ. of Class, and Sacred Philo­ ported by the general tone of the
context: also cf. § 12, otov παρά rots
logy, Nos. 2, 5, 7, 9), and to quote
άλλοις ούχ εύρήσετε. Schn. however
the following incisive statement of
explains rots άλλοις of the audience
the contrast between Mr Grote's
view and the popular representation and takes it with δοκεΐν, on the
of the sophists. * According to the ground that the other sense would
more naturally be expressed thus:
common notion, they were a seel;
• according to him, they were a class τοσ. τών άλλων δι., ώστε μηδϊν κ.τ.λ.
or profession. According to the
ών ets οΰτόδ Ισ-τιν.] Obs. the very
common view, they were the propa­
short clause terminating the long
gators of demoralizing doctrines,
sentence consisting of §§ 3, 4. For
and of what from them are termed
a still more striking instance cf. the
*'sophistical" argumentations. Ac­
exordium of the Panathenaic speech,
cording to Mr Grote, they were the where an elaborate sentence of 17
regular teachers of Greek morality,
lines closes with the words νυν δ7 ούδ*
neither above nor below the standard
όπωσοΰν τους τοιούτους.
of the age. According to the com­
5. £ΐΓ€ΐτ ούδ' οι καιροί...] i.e. «In
mon view, Socrates was the great
the next place, the times of crisis
opponent of the Sophists, and Plato
have* not yet passed away, so as
his natural successor in the same
to render it vain to make mention
combat. According to Mr Grote,
of these subjects.' Καιροί frequently
Socrates was the great representa­
in pi. = * times of crisis,' * times of
tive of the Sophists, distinguished
emergency.' (On the deriv. cf. ad
from them only by his higher emi­
Dem. § 2)—ώστ1 ήδη κ.τ.λ. lit. ' S o
nence, and by the peculiarity of his that to make mention of them is by
life and teaching.' Quarterly Re­
this time in vain.' τό μεμνήσθαι is
view, No. 175.
the subj.—μάτην etmt is here used
where μάταιον είναι might have been
4. <8<TT€TOIS άλλοις κ.τ.λ.] These
expected. Cf. § 16, πόρρω.,,έστί, Ar·
words may be best taken as follows:
ώστε δοκεΐν μηδέν πώποτ* είρήσθαι- chid.% 42, άρχαΐα καϊ πόρρω, Plato
TQis-ti\\ois περί αυτών, joining τοιςProtag. 325 Β, σκέψαι ως θαυμασίως
ylyvovrat οί αγαθοί (='think what
άλλοις not with δοκεΐν but with
strange peopfe you make of your
είρήσθαι. For the dat. of the agent
virtuous men'). Cic. ad Ait. 1. 7,
after a pass, verb, cf. Eur. Hec. 236,
apud matrem rede est.
σοϊ μϊν είρήσθαι χρεών, \ ημάς ό" άκουo-Gtt, &α—v. Jelf (Kiihner), § 611 a.
λέγοντας» όταν.] The old read­
rots dXXots=7ro\Xots τώνπροσπ, εΐναι
ing was λέγοντα δταν. To remove
σοφιο~τών% irepl αυτών = περί τουthe hiatus, Wolf proposed λέγοντας,

Φ

ESOKPATQT?

[§§5

μηκέτι Bey βονΧεύςσθαι* irepl αυτών, ή τον λόγον ί% τις
έχοντα πέρας, ware μηδβμίαν ΧέΚξΐφθαι, τοις άλλοις virep6 βόλήν, .«a? δ' αν τα μίν ομοίως ωσπςρ ττρότςρον φίρηται,
τά S* είρημένα φαύλως Έχοντα τνγχάντ], πως ου χρή σκοπύν
κα\ φϊΚοσοφ&ν τούτον τον \6yov, ος ην κατορθωθτ), καϊ του
πόλβμου του προς άΧλτγΚους καϊ της ταραχής της παρούσης <
7 καϊ των μεγίστων κακών ημάς άπαΧΚάξει; προς Be τούτοις,
el μίν μηΒαμώς αΚΚως οΐάν τ ην ΒηΧοΰν τάς αντάς πράξ€ΐς
αλλ' η Βιά μίας ίΒέας, efyev αν τις ύπολαβ€Ϊν} ως π€ρί€ρ^ον
a reading which has since been con­
firmed by the Cod. Urbinas and
Cod. Ambrosianus a n d is now uni­
versally a c c e p t e d . — T h e two clauses
ij τ 4 πράγματα κ.τ.λ., ij rbv \6yop
κ.τ.λ. are completely parallel with
one a n o t h e r : thus λαμβάνειν
τέλος,
and Ζχειν vtpas are almost identical
in meaning, and are used only for
the sake of variety in expression.
Cf. λέγειν and εΙπεΐν, §§ ίο, 11.
ι τ ψ ΐ αντών.] T h e rule, by which
t h e hiatus is avoided in Isocrates, is
not universal, and this is one of the
exceptions. F o r other eases see
§ 143. n . — I n Comic verse irepl is
often allowed to stand before a vowel,
which either begins the next word,
or (as in περαδεΐν) is part of the same
word. I n Tragic verse this license
is not allowed. Cf. P o r s o n on E u r .
Med. 284.
6. Us S' α ν κ.τ.λ.] ' ...But so
long as the events take their course
in like manner as before, a n d the
things said of them are all the time
poorly expressed, is it not certainly
our duty to scan and to study this
t h e m e of oratory, which, if rightly
established, will rescue us from our
mutual warfare, from our present
confusion, a n d from the greatest ca­
lamities?'
ir<2$ ου Xptf.] Lit. ' how is it not
right?' not in the sense ' i n what spe­
cial respect is it w r o n g ? ' b u t ' h o w
can it help being right ?' T h e literal
translation is seldom adequate.
<τκοτΓ€Ϊν καϊ φιλοσ-οφαν.] φιλ. is
often applied by Isocr. to the me­

thodical and earnest pursuit-of any
object (esp. oratory, cf. § 186, τονήσει
καϊ φιλοσοφήσει, § ι p . η.), de Perm.
121, τουτ
έφιλοσόφει καϊ τουτ1 ίιτραττεν 6πω$ μηδεμία των πόλεων αυ­
τόν φοβήσεται, de Pace, 5> μελεταν
καϊ φιλοσοφείν, 116,
φιλοσοφήσετε
καϊ σκέψεσθε, Efp. 7, 3» ζντέΐν καϊ
φιλοσοφείν, Panath. 11, φιλοσοφείν
καϊ πονείν καϊ γράφειν α διανοηθείην.
I n the curious speech written by
Lysias ύπερ του αδυνάτου (§ ίο), his
disabled client says, πάντα* οΐμαι τους
έχοντας τι δυστύχημα τοιούτο ραστώνην τινά. ξτγτεΐν καϊ τούτο φιλοσοφείν
δπω$ ώ$ άλυπότατα
μεταχειριοΰνται
τό συμβεβηκο? πάθο$. I n all these
passages, the context precludes 'phi­
l o s o p h y ' in the highest sense of
the term. — T h e | w o verbs σκοπεΐν κ.
φιλ. mean almost the same as φιλο­
σοφώ* σκοπεΐν.
Cf. de Pace, 128,
διεξιέναι καΧ θρψέίν, D e m . Aristocr.
έ,παινων καϊ διεξιών τον Κερσοβλέπτην.
κατορθωθ^.] κατορθουν is used in
two senses, which must b e carefully
distinguished. (1) • to succeed' (intrans.), (2) ' t o do a thing on right
principles' (trans, as here). Wher­
ever the idea of success is sharply
contrasted with the idea of failure,
κατορθουν is generally u s e d ; when
there is n o such contrast, κατορθουσθαι, e.g. Phil. 35, Areop. 72, κατορ·
θοΰν)(έξαμαρτάνειν, Phil.. 68, Archid.
5, κ.)(διαμαρτάνειν, ib. 48, μ}} κ.)(νι~
κθ,ν, and below, ξ§ : 48, 6g9 97, 124.
A r i s t . - ^ . I I . 6. 13, 14·
7. αλλ' ^...] = except
This
formula occurs only after an a c t u a l

—8]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

47

έστι τον αύτον τρόπον εκείνους \έγοντα πά\ιν ένογλεϊν τοϊς
άκονουσιν
έπειΒη δ' οι Χόγοΰ τοιαύτην εγρνσυ την φνσιν,
ωσ& οίον τ εΧναιπερί των αυτών ποΧλαχώς
έξηγησασθαι,
καϊ τά τ€ μεγάλα ταπεινά πονησαι καϊ τοις μικροΐς μέγεθος d
περιθεΐναι, καϊ τά τε παλαιά καινως ΰιέΚθεϊν καϊ περί των
νεωστί γετγενημένων άργαίως ειπείν, ουκέτι φευκτέον ταυτ
εστί, περί ων έτεροι πρότερον είρήκασιν, αλλ' αμεινον εκείor implied negative. I t is doubtful
whether it stands for (ι) αλλά ή or
(2) άλλο 4}. Of these explanations
(i) is adopted by Riddell (Digest of
Platonic Idioms, § 148, άλλα states
flatly the exception to the preceding
negative; ^ allows the negative state­
ment to revive, subject to this excep­
tion alone), (2) by M a d v i g , ^ ^ . § 91,
2 . — I n this passage, where άλλωδ
occurs in the first part of the sen­
tence, (τ) seems preferable.
The
construction may then be explained
as a blending of two methods of ex­
pression, ι. μηδαμώς άλλως... αλλά
διά μια* Ιδέας, and 2. μηδαμώς άλ­
λως...η διό, μιας ιδέας. I n passages
where άλλος, άλλως, &c. do not pre­
cede the formula, (2) is a satisfactory
explanation.—See also Jelf (Kiihnei),
Gk. Gram, § 773, 1—3.
8. Trans. ' b u t , whereas such is
~* the nature of oratory that it is possie
b l to describe the same things in
many ways, not only t o m a k e great
things humble and to crown little
things with greatness, but also to
relate things olden in a style that is
new, and to speak of events that
have lately happened in a style that
is antique, we must n o longer
shrink from a subject:, on which
others have spoken before, b u t en­
deavour to speak better than they.'
ot λόγοι κ.τ.λ.] I n the Phaedrus
of Plato (written before the Paneg.)
occurs the following passage, p .
267 Α, Τισίαν δε Τοργίαν τε έάσομεν
εϋδειν, οΐ πρό τών αληθών τά εικότα
'εΐδον ως τίμητέα μάλλον, τά τε αΰ
σμικρά μεγάλα καϊ τά μεγάλα σμικρά
φαίνεσθαι ποιοΰσι διά ρώμην λόγοι/,
καινά τε άρχαίως τά τ εναντία καινώς,

συντομίαν r e λόγγων καϊ άπειρα μήκη
περί πάντων άνευρον;
H e n c e it is
probable that Isocr. is quoting a cur­
rent formula in which Gorgias, Tisias, or some other sophist may have
expressed his views on the power oi
oratory. T h a t formula is here sim­
ply corroborated and sanctioned, and
there is therefore no reason for
placing implicit trust in those writers
who cite the following apophthegm,
apparently as an original remark of
Isocr., έρομένου τινός αυτόν, τι ρητο­
ρική εΐπεν, τά τε μικρά μεγάλα, τά
δέ μεγάλα μικρά ποιεΐν (PSeudo-plutarch, 83$ F, Hermogenes, i n . p . 363,
Walz). Longinus (?), de Sublim. § 38,
quotes the passage before us almost
verbatim and criticises it, as follows:
0 γοϋν 'Ισοκράτης, ούκ οΐδ' δπως, τταιδός π pay μα ϊπαθεν, διά την του πάντα
αύξητικώς έθέλειν λέγειν
φϊλοτιμίαν...
ούκοΰν, φησί τις, Ίσόκρατες,
όντως
μέλλεις καϊ τά περί
Λακεδαιμονίων
καϊ 'Αθηναίων έναλλάττειν ; σχεδόν
yap τό των λόγων έγκώμιον
απιστίας
της καθ' αύτοΰ τοις άκούουσι παράγ­
γελμα καϊ προοίμιον έξέόηκε.
τ ά παλαιά.] (πάλαι) ' things that
have long been,' opp. to τά νεωστί
γεγενημένα.—άρχαίως)(καινώς,
' i n an
antique or old-fashioned style')('in
a novel style.' παλαιάς—vetus;
αρ­
χαίος = antiquus.
άρχαίως' ϊνιοι μέν φασι σημαίνειν
άρχαιοτρόπως,
τουτέστιν άρχαιοτέροις όνόμασι χρησθαι (Harpocration).
ά|Α6ΐνον — ιτ€ΐρατ€ον. ]
I n the
speech, de Perm. § 61, Isocr., speak­
ing of the Paneg., flatters himself
that h e has succeeded in this attempt
to outrival his competitors, ' so that
those who on former occasions wrote

48

ISOKPATOTS

[§§

9

()νων ehreiv πειρατεον.
αϊ μεν yap πράξεις al προηεηενψ
μέναι κοινοί πασιν ήμϊν κατεΧείφθησαν, το δ' εν καιρώ
ταυταις κατα'χρήσασθαι καϊ τα προσήκοντα περί έκαστης
ενθυμηθηναι καϊ τοις όνόμασιν ευ διαθεσθαι f των ευ φροΙΟ νούντων ϊδιόν εστίν, ηγούμαι δ' όντως αν μεηίστην επίΒοσιν
Χαμβάνειν καϊ τάς αΧΧας τεγνας καϊ την περί τους λόγου? e
φιΧοσοφίαν, εϊ τις θαυμάζοι καϊ τιμωη μή τους πρώτους των
ερηων αρχόμενους, άλλα τους αρισΰ* εκαστον αυτών εξεργαζομένους, μηδέ τους περί τούτων ζητοΰντας Χέγειν, περί +•
ων μηδεϊς πρότερον εϊρηκεν, αλλά τους ούτως επισταμένους
ειπείν, ως ούΒεϊς αν αΧΧος δύναιτο.
11
(β>.) Κ,αίτοι τίνες επιτιμωσι των λόγων τοις ύπερ τους
Ιδιώτας εχρυσι καϊ Χίαν άπηκριβωυ,ενοις, καϊ τοσούτον διηο η this subject have destroyed all
their speeches, in very shame for
what they h a d said.'
9. τ α ιτρ....€νθυμηθήναι...διαθ4σ*9αι.] ένθυμηθήναι κ.τ.λ. corresponds
in general sense to the technical term
inventio, διαθεσθαι, κ.τ.λ. to dispo­
sition Cf. Cic. Orator, x i v . § 43,
Tria
videnda
sunt oratori,
quid
dicat (=inventio) et quo quidque loco
(=dispositio) et quomodo ( = e l o c u "~~ ίο. ^ φ υ ^ ο φ ί α ν Γ ] I n Isocr. the
word φιλοσοφία is used in a peculiar
sense. I t indicates a combination of
ή πολιτική and ή ρητορική, in which
the latter generally predominates.
T h e words φιλοσοφία,
φιλοσοφείν,
φιλόσοφος are scattered broadcast
ovet most of his writings; especially
the speech de Perm,
T h e following
passages will indicate their mean­
ing. Hel. § 66, χρή.,.τοϋς
φιλοσό­
φους πειρασθαί τι λέγειν
περί αυτής
(^Ελένης).
Evag. § 8, ol περί τήν
φ. 6ντες (identical with ol irepl τους
λόγους in § το). Phil. § 84, 0 Xifyos
ό πανηγυρικός, ό τους Αλλους τους
περί τήν φ. διατρίβοντας εύπορωτέρους
ποιήσας, έμοί πολλήν άπορίαν παρέσχηκεν. de Perm, passim, especially
§270—280, τήν καλουμένην υπό τίνων
φ. ούκ eti/αι φημί, κ.τ.λ. § 195· § 5°>

τής έμής εϊτε βούλεσθε Καλεΐν δυνά­
μεως εϊτε φιλοσοφίας εϊτε διατριβής.
Panath. § 209, τοσούτον ' άπολελειμμένοι τής κοινής 7ratSeias κάί φιλοσο­
φίας είσΐν (οι Αακεδαιμόνιόι) ώστ' ονδε
7ράμματα μανθάνουσιν.—See also M r
Cope's article in J. of Class, and
Sacr. Philol. ( N o . 5, p. 150. n.) and
D r Thompson's ed. of the Phaedrus
(Appendix I I . O n the Philosophy
of Isocr.);ad Dem. § 4, Paneg. § 47. ή .
λ£γ€ΐν...€ΐΐΓ€ΐν.] Cf. end, of § 11,
and ad Dem. §41*11.
n . καίτοι, κ.τ.λ.] Trans. ' A n d
yet there are some who' find fault
with those speeches which are be­
yond the range of ordinary hearers,
and are excessively elaborated; and
so far have they gone wrong that
they examine speeches wrought in
a surpassing manner by the same
standard as the contests concerning
private contracts, just as if both
kinds of speeches ought to b e alike,
and not rather, in the latter case,
framed in the language of plainness,
in the former case, in the language
of display; or as if they themselves
saw clearly the true mean, and h e
that knows how to speak with elabo­
ration could not also express him­
self with simplicity.'
virkp τ. ιδ. 2χουσι.] These words

—ιι]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

49

μαρτηκασιν> ώστε τους προς ύπερβοΧήν πεποίημένους προς
τους αγώνας τους περί των ιδίων συμβοΧαιων σκοπουσιν^
ώσπερ ομοίως δέον αμφότερους εγειν, αλλ' ου τους μεν
άφε\ώ% τους δ' επώεικτικώς, ή σφάς μεν Βίορώντας τάς b
νων φλυαρίας ούδεμίαν δύναμιν Ηχειν,
αυτός δέ πασι τοϋτο πεποιηκέναι φανερόν, 6τι προηρημαι καί \aytiv καϊ
ypάφειv ού περί τών Ιδίων συμβολαίων
άλλ' υπέρ τηλικούτων τό μέyεθos καϊ
τοιούτων πpayμάτωv, υπέρ ων ουδείς
αν άλλος επιχειρήσειε πλην τών έμοί
πεπλησιακότων J} τών τούτους μιμεΐσθαι βουλοιχένων.
A curious commentary on these
.passages is contained in t h e acknow­
ledged fact that the forensic speeches
of Isocr. are, in many respects, the
best that h e wrote.
ώ(Γ7Γ€ρ... ] = quasi, quasi vero. T h e
ironical force of this word extends
is estimated) cf. § 76, ουδέ προς apyu- not only over its own clause, but
piov rty ευδαιμονία? ^κρίνον, Dem.
also over the whole of the latter
Zept. § 13, τό λυσιτελέστατον
προς
p a r t of the sentence, σφας μέν διοάpyύpιov σκοπούν.
ρώντας-^είπεΐν.
F o r the ace. absolute
after ώσπερ cf. § 63, ώσπερ...Οντας,
irepi τών 18£ων συμβολαίων.] F o r
and see Madv. Synt. § 182. T h e
equally scornful allusions to forensic
Latin idiom corresponding to ώσπερ
speeches cf. Panath. § 11, where
...άλλ' ού... may be seen in Cic.pro
Isocr. says of himself, επί τό φιλο­
Rose. Am. § 92, Quasi nunctid
agaσοφείν καί πονεΐν καΐ yp^uv,
a
tur, quis ex tantq multitudine occiδιανοηθείην, Kartyvyov,
ού περί μι­
derit, ac non ( = a c non potius) hoc
κρών rfyv προαίρεσιν ποιούμενος, ουδέ
quaeratur, &c. ·
περί τών'ίδίων
συμβολαίων
ουδέ
περί ών Άλλοι rives ληροϋσιν, άλλα
άφ€λώ$.] T h e old reading was
περί των 'Ελληνικών καί βασιλικών
ασφαλώς, which implied a distinc­
καί πολιτικών π pay μάτ ων, δί' απροσtion between the cautious and solid
ήκειν φμην μοι τοσούτω
μάλλον
style of forensic oratory, and the
τιμασθαι τών £πΙ τό βήμα παρώντων,
ornate language of speeches in which
8σω περ περί μειζόνων και καλλιδνων
display was the main object. This
$ 'κεϊνοι τους λδyoυs εποιούμην. ών
sense is not quite satisfactory, as t h e
ουδέν ημίν άποβέβηκεν, and de Perm.
context demands a more decided con­
§ 1, 3, £y<i> yap είδώς ένίους τών σο­
trast to that surpassing elaboration
φιστών βλασφημοΰντας περί της έμης
of the λ070ΐ επιδεικτικοί, which is in­
διαψριβης καί teyovras, ως %στι περί
volved in the words προς υπερβολή*
δικοτγραφίαν, καϊ παραπλήσιον ποιοΰνπεποιημένοι and ακριβώς λέyeιv^ T h i s
ras, ώσπερ αν βϊ ris Φειδίαν τόν τό
contrast is supplied b y ά$*Χί5£
της 'Aifypas ?δο$ έργασάμενον τολμφη
' plainly, 5 * simply,' an emendation
καλειν κοροπλάθον, $ Ζεΰξιν
καϊΐίαρfirst proposed by Valckenaer, and
ράσιον τήν αύτψ 2χεα> φαίη τέχνψ
supported strongly by Cobet (nov.
τοΐς τά πινάκια ypd<j>owriv, 8μως ουδέ ledi. 135, 6), w h o gives instances
πώποτ€ την μικρολσγίΛ* ταύτψ ήμυ~
of a similar confusion in M S S . be­
νάμηρ αύτωρ, ήγοι5μ«*©$ ras μέν εκεί­
tween ασφάλεια and αφέλεια, and is
are not to b e taken as an instance
of tmesis, as if they were equivalent
to τοις ύπερέχουσι τού$ ίδίωτας. T h i s
formula would require the gen., and
it is therefore better t o take £χουσι
absolutely.
Coray's scholium is
brief and satisfactory; τοις οΰσιν
υπέρ τους Ιδιώτας. rois μ}] Ιδιωτικώς
έ'χουσιν, καθά \4yeraL καλώς fj κακώς
'έχειν ού yap έστι κατά τμησιν τό
\eyfyevov... dis rives (Morus a n d
Spohn) ύπέλαβον.
ι ι . Ιδιώτας.] Cf. § 44. η .
προς Toi»s άγ. ...σκοπούσα.] F o r
this use of irpbs (implying the stan­
dard of reference by which anything

ISOC

4

So

I20KPATOT2

[§§ ιι

μετριότητας, τον δ' ακριβώς έπιστάμενον \eyeiv απλώς
ουκ αν δυνάμβνον elirelv. ούτοι μβν ονν ου Χέληθαςτιν, οτι
lastly confirmed b y Hirschig (Annot.
sages in which Isocr. uses the w o r d ;
crit. in comic, p . 38, quoted by
and, in every case, it is used in a
Schn.), who cites a scholium on
good sense. T h e version of Wieland,
Areop. § 46, where these words are
(Mittelmdssigkeit)
and that of a re­
quoted with αφελώς and not ασφα­
cent editor, ' while they themselves
λώς. Bens, a n d B S retain ασφαλώς.
see through the moderate effusions]
&πΊδ€ΐκτικώς.] T h e Greek writers
are therefore, I think, contrary to the
on Rhetoric divided all orations into
usage of our author.
three classes: (1) 'deliberative or — Observe the use of the plural μετριό­
hortative,' (2) * forensic or judicial,'
τητας. T h e fundamental idea of an
(3) ' declamatory or show-speeches'
abstract term is inconsistent with the
(see esp. Arist. Rhet. I. 3, έξ άνά~γκη$ pi. n u m b e r ; but a frequent departure
αν εϊη τρία 'γένη τών λόγγων τών ρητο­
from this rule is a leading character­
ρικών, συμβονλευτικόν, δικανικόν, έπιistic of Isocr. T h e following are
δεικτικόν. συμβουλής δέ τό μέν προ­
the principal instances: μετριότητες,
τροπή, τό δε αποτροπή...δίκης
δε το
χαλεπότητες,
καινότητες,
Ισότητες,
μέν κατηγορία, τό δέ
απολογία...επι­
ταπεινότητες, λαμπρότητες,
πραότη­
δεικτικού δε τό μέν έπαινος, τό δέ
τες, σεμνότητες, άλήθειαι, αύθάδειαι,
ψ&γος).
έπιφάνειαι, 'ένδειαι, apyiai,
πενίαι,
~~ μετριότητας.] ' T h e mean.' [Das
πλούτοι, and φιλανθρωπίαι.
F o r the
rechte maass. Morus, Schn., Rauchcomparatively rare use* of the pi.
enst. & c ] Isocr. is speaking in bitter
abstr. in other authors, see Jell
scorn and irony of his inappreciative
(Kuhner), Gk. Gr. § 355. Cf. Zumpt,
critics. ' A s if they, forsooth, saw
Lat Gr. § 6 2 .
clearly the true mean,—as if they were ""*"*ακριβώς) (airXoSs.] Elaborately) (
competent judges whether a speech
simply. T h e sense 'loosely,' 'superfi­
was excessively elaborated, or exces­
cially,' given to απλώς in this passage
sively plain, and as if one who, like
in Lidd. and Sc. does not suit the
Isocrates, could speak with highly
context. Cf. Phil. § 28, απλώς)(ταΐς
artificial grace could not also, if need
περί τήι> λέξιν εύρυθμίαις κ. ποικιλίαις,
were, condescend to speak with art­
§ 46, μήτε παντάπασιν απλώς μήτε
less simplicity.' This, I believe, is
λίαν ακριβώς. Areop. § 4 1 .
the general meaning of the pas­
€ΐΓΐστάμΐ€νον λ έ γ α ν || δυνά|ΐ€νον
sage, μετριότητες is here used in
€ΐιτ€ΐν.] λέyειv and ειπείν are almost
the good sense. Cf. T h u c . 11. 35, 3,
convertible terms in Isocr., and no
χαλεπον τό μετρίως είπείν,
κ.τ,λ.,
contrast between ''arguing acutely
Isocr. adNicocl. § 33» κράτιστον μεν
and speaking with simplicity' is here
yap της ακμής τών καιρών τυγχάνειν,
intended. I n § 10 we have just h a d
επειδή δέ δυσκαταμαθήτως
Ζχουσιν,
έπιστάμενον ειπείν,
and t h e collo­
έλλείπειν αίροϋ καϊ μή πλεοναζειν' αϊ
cations δυνάμενος λέγειν and δυνάμε­
yap μετριότητες,
μαΧλον έν ταΐς
νος ειπείν are both used several times
ϊνδείαις ή έν τάις ύπερβολαΐς
ένεισιν,
in Isocr. without any appreciable
Areop. § 4, σωφροσύνη κ. πολλή μεdistinction'. Ad Dem. § 41. n.
τριότης, de Perm. § 296", φωνής κοινό­
ειπείν is necessary to complete the
τητα καϊ μετριότητα
κ. τήν άλλην
parallelism of the sentence, in spite
ν
εύτραπελίαν, Epp. 3, § 4? Ρ&* #λλο
of the severe dictum of Cobet (nov.
τι τών δεόντων άπλήστως
%χειν ού
led. 136): ' n e haec insulse et pueriκαλόν, al yap, μετριότητες παρά τοις
liter dicta et composita videantur,
πολλοίς (i.e. ' t h e majority of man­
expunge ultimum vocabulum είπείν,
kind') εϋδοκιμουσι, κ.τ.λ. These are,
quod nemo nostrum, nedum Iso­
to the best of my belief, all the pas­
crates, in tali re unquam addidisset.'

—ι4]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

Si

τούτους επαινοΰσιν, ων iyyw αυτοί τυηχάνουσιν οντες.
εμοι δ' ούδεν προς τους τοιούτους, αλλά προς εκείνους εστί,
τους ούΒεν αποΒεξομένους των eucfj λεγομένων, αλλά δι/σχερανοϋντας} /cm ζητησοντας ihetv τι τοιούτον ev τοις εμοΐς,
οίον παρά τους άλλοις ούχ εύρήσουσιν. προς ους ετι μικρόν β
ύπερ εμαυτοΰ θρασυνάμενος, τ}Βη περί του ττραηματος ποιή»
3 σομαι τους λόγους, τους μεν ηάρ αλΧου$ ev τοις προοιμίοις
ορώ καταπραύνοντας τους ώορϋσπάς^καΐ προφασιζομένους
υπέρ των μελλόντων ρηθησεσθαι^καιλ&γοντας τους μεν ως
εξ ύπογυίου ηεηονεν αύτοΐς η παρασκευή, τους δ* ώς γαλεπόν εστίν ϊσους τους λόγους τω μσγέθει των epymv εξευρεΐν. /
4 ^γώ δ' ην μη και του πράγματος αξίως εϊπω και τφ?.$οξης d
The best commentary on τδν δ'
ακριβώς—είπεΐν is Isocr. de Perm,
§ 49·
12. οΰ λ€ληθασ*ιν, κ.τ.λ.] — δηΚοί
είσιν έπαινοΰντες τούτους τους λόγους
(or τους ανθρώπους) ών, κ.τ.λ For
ου λελ. ότι see Madv. Synt. § 177»
R. 2.

-*-• ΙμοΙ δ'—Xayovs·] 'But / have
nothing to do with such critics as
these, but rather with those who
wjjl accept nothing that is said jit
rancforn7%ut will fret beneath it,
ancTexpect to see something in my
speeches of such a character as they
will not find elsewhere (lit. among
other persons). To these I shall
make bold to say somewhat more
on my own behalf, and then proceed
to direct my words to the actual
subject. I see other orators in the
exordium of their speeches endea­
vouring to conciliate their audience
...and alleging, in some cases, that
their preparation has been off-hand,
in others, that it is difficult to find
words equivalent to the magnitude
of the deeds; but as for myself, if
I speak not in a manner that is
worthy, both of my subject and of
my reputation, and of the time, not
only which has been spent by me
over my speech' [/'. e, io(?) years, see
Introd. to Paneg\ 'but also the
whole duration of my past life* [55

years], Ί appeal to you to have no
pardon for me but to deride and
despise me.'
13. ρηθησ-€<τθαι.] The distinc­
tion between the usage of^&e fiit.
and zfut. οϊ*εϊρω (in Attic writers)
is this: the former is used chiefly in
the forms ρηθήσεσθαι, ρηθησδμενος,
the latter is probably confined to
the 3 p. sing. είρήσεται.—Veitch,
Gk. Verbs, p. 205.
4ξ ύιτογυίου] = έκ του παραχρήμα.
Cf. έκ χειρός, offhand (Polybius) έξ α­
προσδόκητου, έξ έτοιμου, and (in § 147)
έκ του φανερού. Jelf (Kiihner), Gk.
Gr. § 523.—Cf. Plato, Menex. 235 c.
έξ ύπογυίου παντάπασιν ή αϊρεσις
yiyovev, ώστε ϊσως άναγκασθήσεται
ό λέγων ώσπερ αυτοσχεδιάζει?.—In
Evag. § 81, we find τ6 ύπογυιότατον)(τδ παΚαώρ, Plataic. § 17, rbv
πόλεμον τδν ύπογυώτατον -'(most re­
cent), and Epp. 6, § 3, ύπογυίου μοι
της τελευτής οϋσης ( = at hand).
«s χαλεττόν κ.τ.λ.] Isocr. else­
where uses this very plea himself:
Panath. § 36—38, ουκ αγνοώ δ* ήλίκος
ών (an. aet. 94) όσον l-pyov ένίσταμαι
το μέγεθος, αλλ' ακριβώς είδώς καΐ
πολλάκις είρηκώς, oVi τα μεν μικρά
των πραγμάτων βφδιον τοις λογοις
αύξησαι, τοις δ* ύπερβάλλουσι των
Ι-ργων καΧ τφ μεγέθει καϊ τψ κάλλει
χαλεπον έξισώσαι τους επαίνους
κ.τ.λ

4—2

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΪ

52

1^14

της βμαντον καϊ τον χρόνου, μη μόνον τον πβρϊ τον

\oyov

ήμΐν Βιατριφθέντος αλλά καϊ σύμπαντος

πάρα-

κέλενομαι^ μηΒεμίαν σνηηνώμην
καταφρονέίν

ον βεβίωκα,

βγβιν αλλά KaTayekav

και

ovBev yap ο τί των τοοοντων ονκ άξιος βίμι

πάσχβιν,
15

βϊπβρ μηΒβν των αΧΚων διαφέρων ούτω μεγάλα?

ποιονμαι

τάς

ύποσγίσβις.

Περί. μεν ονν των ΙΒίων ταντά μοι προειρησθω.
των κοινών, όσοι μεν βνθύς ' ίπέλϋοντβς

ΒιαΧνσαμένους τάς προς ημάς αντους ίχθρας
βαρον

τραπέσθαι,

€κ τον πολέμου

και Βιβξέρχονται
τον προς

περί Be e

ΒιΒάσκονσιν ως χρή
επι τ&ν βάρ-

τάς τε συμφοράς

τάς

αΧΚηίλονς ήμΐν γβγβνημένας καϊ

τάς ωφέλεια? τά? έκ της στρατβίας της hr

έκβίνον έσομένας,

ά\7}θτ)^£ρ λέγουσα, ον μην ivTevQev ποιοννται την αρχήν, 44
16 Wep αν μαΚιστα

σνστησαι

Χήνων oi^jiev νή> ήμϊν,

ταντα Βννηθεΐβν. των yap Έ λ -

oL& νπο ΑακβΒαιμονίοις

βίσίν

yap πο\ιτ€Ϊαι, Βι ων οίκονσι τάς πολβις, οντω τους
στους

αντών Βΐ€ΐλήφασιν.

όστις

ονν οϊεται

αϊ

πλεί­

τους αΧλονς

dus est. Quod ipsum videtur efFeήμΐν] = <?μο£, obs. the interchange
έγώ...ήμίν...β6βίωκα adDem. § 5. η. cisse, ut στρατιά maxime de exercilu
frequentaretur.' Stalfbaum on Plato,
Cf. Eur. Troades 904, Ion 517—565.
Phaedr. 260. c. Cf. ad Dem. p. 5. n.
[ΐηδ€μίαν (τυγγνώμην I.] Con­
μίν...ού μην.] Here, as often,
trast with this de Perm. § 9, δώπερ
μίν in the concessive clause is not
χρη συγγνώμην 'έχειν, κ.τ.λ. ·
followed by δέ in the adversative.
καταγ€λάν κ. καταφρον€ΐν] = d e ­
Similarly μ& may *be followed by
ride and despise,' an instance of
άλλα, αΰ, μέντοι, ομω$ or any ex­
όμοιοκαταρκτον.
pressed (or even implied) equivalent
τών άλλων.] See table of var.
toW.
readings.
16. at γαρ ιτολιτ€Ϊαι κ.τ.λ.] i.e.
§§ x 5— 2 °' Greece will never be
united against Persia until the lead* the constitutions by which the Greek
cities are governed, have divided
ing states',.Athens and Sparta, are
reconciled. In their dispute for supre­ the majority of Greeks into two
great sections, into democracies sub­
macy, the difficulty lies, not with
ject to Athens, and oligarchies sub­
Athens, but with Sparta. Ipropose
ject to Lacedaemon.
to prove that the claims of the latter
arefalse, and those of the former true. -—' οσ-Tis... οΪ€ται, irpiv &v.. .J Trans.
* Whoever therefore thinks that the
§ 15. Iirl τον βάρβαρον.}-' Against
rest (i.e. the subordinate states) will
the foreign foe,' meaning in particu­
unite in achieving any advantage,
lar Artaxerxes Π. [Mnemon), king
before he reconciles those who are
of Persia. B.C. 406—359.
στρατεία.] * Licet στρατιά- utro- set' over them, is all too simple
and is far from the practical re­
que signincatu ponatur, ut turn exquirements of the case.' This use
peditionem turn exercitum significet;
of ττρϊν dv is remarkable: it is al­
tamen vicissim στρατεΐα nusquam
most invariably found after an actual
ibi adhibetur, ubi exercitus intelligen-

—18]

ΙΜΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

S3

KOivfj τι πράξείν αγαθόν, πριν αν τους προεστώτας αυτών
ΰιαΧλάξγ), λίαν απλώς έχει και πόρρω των πραγμάτων
7 εατίν. αλ%α οεΐ τον μη μόνον έπβειξιν ποιουμενον άλλα b
και Βιαπράξασθαί τι βουλόμενον εκείνους τους λόγου? ζητεΐν, οϊτινες τώ πόλεε τούτω πείσουσιν ίσομοιρήσαι προς
άλληλας και τάς θ* ηγεμονίας διελέσθαι, και τας πλεονεξίας,
ας νυν παρά των *Έϊλλήνων επιθυμοϋσιν αύταΐς γίηνεσθαι,
8 ταύτας παρά των βαρβάρων ποιήσασθαι.
(γ'.) Την μεν
οΰν ημετέραν πολιν ραοιον έπϊ ταύτα προαγαγεΐν, Αακε- c
δαιμόνιοι δέ νυν μεν ετι Βυσπείστως εγρυσι' παρειλήψάσϊ
yap ψευδή λόγοζ>, ως εστίν αύτοΐς ήγεϊσθαι πάτριον' ην δ'
επιΒείζτ) τις αύτοΐς ταύτην ττ}ν τιμήν ημετέραν ούσαν μάλ­
λον ή 'κείνων, τάχ αν εάσαντες το ο\ακριβουσθαι περί
τούτων επϊ το συμφέρον ελθοιεν.
or implied negative (e.g. Soph.
Ant.
I 7 5 J άμήχανον
...έκμαθεΐν,
πρϊν αν.,.φανβ).
T h e exceptions
to this rule are as follows: Simonides
of Amorgos (fl. 660 B.C.), φθάνει
δέ τόν μεν yijpas αζηλον λαβόν \ πριν
τέρμ ϊκηται, and Herodot. VII. 10, ό
δέ άδικέει, άναπβιθόμενος irplv η άτρεκέως έκμάθτ) ['ubi si quis διαβάλλων
άδικέει, nihil aliud esse quam ου
δίκαιος εστί δι,αβ'άλλεινputaverit,
nee
me neque sensum obsequentem habebit?
F r o m Mr. Shilleto's note on
Dem. Fals. Leg. § 235]. I n the
present passage also the rule ap­
pears to be disregarded: at the
same time it is quite open, t o any
who care to maintain the rule, to
take the clause λίαν απλώς
έχει,
κ.τ.λ., as equivalent to a negative,
e.g. =οΰτ€ φρονίμως 2χει οϋτ 6771)5
των πραγμάτων εστίν.
I n this case
the sense would b e : 'whoever thinks
that, & c , is n o t a sensible and prac­
tical man, until h e has reconciled
Athens and Sparta.' T h e other
transl. is however preferable.
17. τω iroXce τούτω.]
These
forms of the fem. dual are support­
ed by the highest M S . authority
here and elsewhere in Isocr. (e.g. de
Pace, § 116). Similarly in §§ 73, 75,

r 39 we have τοΐν (not ταΐν) πολέοιν.
T h e statement (in Wordsworth's Gk.
Gr. &c.) t h a t d and ούτος some­
times have no separate fem. form
of the dual, is likely to mislead: the
fact is that the reverse is nearer the
truth, the forms τα and ταύτα being
extremely rare.
Cobet {var. led.
p. 70) goes so far as to say * in pronominibus, adjectivis, participiis,
una atque eadem forma est triplici
generi communis, τώ, ώ, αύτώ1 τού­
τω, άλληλω, τώ χεΐρε, τώ yvvaiKe
cet. τώ' Ελενσινίω θεώ. I n participiis
res manifesta est:' (Horn. //. i x .
455» πλιγγέντε; Hesiod, Works and
£)α^,^7,προλιπόντε;
Plato, Phaedr.
237 D. δύο τινέ Ιδέα. αρχοντε καΐ
dyovTe, οΐν έπόμεθα).
L<ro|xoiptjcrcu... irXeoveli as.] Phil.
§ 39. πλεονεκτεΐν)(1σομοιρησαι.
In
Phil. § 9 Isocr. quotes τάς πλεον­
εξίας—ποιήσασθαι.
18. SvanreCo-Ttas ?χου<τι] almost
— δύσπειστοί είσι, which may have
b e e a avoided propter
hiatum,
τ} *κ€Ϊνων. ] κείνος is never found in
Isocr. except after ή. I n such cases
as the present it is better to prefix
a coronis, t o indicate prodelision,
than to write η εκείνων or η κείνων.

54
19

I20KPATOT2

[§§ ig

Έ χ ρ ^ ν μεν ούν και τους άλλου? εντεύθεν άρχεσθαι και
μη

πρότερον περί των όμοΧογουμένων

περί

των αμφισβητουμένων

αμφοτέρων
πΧείστην

ένεκα

ημάς

προσήκει, περί

Βιατριβην, μάΧισταμεν

καϊ παυσάμενοι
2θ βαρβάροις

συμβουΧεύειν,

εΒίδαξαν*
ταύτα

πρϊν
δ' οΰν

εμοϊ

την d

ποιησασθαι

ίνα προυρηου

τι

ηενηται

της προς ημάς αυτούς φιλονικίας κοινή τοις

ποΧεμήσωμεν,

ει δε τουτ

εστίν

αδύνατον, ϊνα

δηΧώσω τους εμποΒών οντάς τη των *ΈΐΚΧήνων εύΒαιμονία,
και πάσι

ηένηται φανερον, on καϊ πρότερον ή πόΧις ημών .

δικαίως της θαΧάττης ήρξε, και νυν ουκ αδίκως
21 της ηγεμονίας. | τούτο^μεν

yap

τιμάσθαι τών^βργων τους εμπειρότατους
δύναμιν έχοντας,
μονίαν

αναμφισβητήτως

άποΧαβεΐν,

ήνπερ

πρότερον

ηήν ύπερέχρυσαν,

οντάς καϊ μεηίστην

ήμΐν προσήκει
τοσούτον

όσον

την

έχοντες'
εν τω πο-

ήμετέραν

22 τοις κινδύνοις τοις κατά θάΧατταν διαφέρουσαν.
ει τίνες ταύτην μεν μη νομίζουσι

την ήγε-

ετυγγάνομεν

ούΒείς yap αν ετέραν πολιών επιδείξειε
Χέμω τω κατά

αμφισβητεί

ει δει τούτους εφ1 εκάστω e

τούτο

δικαίαν είναι την

άΧΚά ποΧΧάς τάς μεταβοΧας γίγνεσθαι, τάς yap
ουδέποτε τοις αύτοΐς παραμένειν, άξιουσι

ν

9· *ΧΡή ·] After consonants
Isoc. uses έχρην9 after vowels χρην
or 'χρην. In one passage only
{Aegin. § 3) χρην (altered by Bens.
into έχρήν, vulg. χρη) is found at
the beginning of a sentence. (Bens.
Praef. xxiii.) v :"
"h
*τρΙν...Ιδ£δαξαν.] Madv. Synt. § "
114. R. 1. and Goodwin's G$. Moods
_ja,nd Tenses, § 67. 1.
ιτροϋργου τι.] lit. 'something to
the purpose,' 'that some progress
may be made.' Suidas, irpovpyov irpb
i-pyov, συμφέρον, ιτλέον. Ισοκράτης
φησίν, ϊνα irpovpyov τι yevrjTai, αντί
τον πλέον. Isoc. uses the comp. of
vpo^pyov in § 133 and elsewhere.
φιλονικία.] A different· word from
φιλονεικία, although L. and S. .suppose the former to be only a MS. corruption of the latter, φιλονικία is often praiseworthy (vincendi studium);

δ'

κρίσιν

δυναστείας

δε την ήγεμονίαν

εχειν ωσπερ αΧΧο τι γέρας ή τους πρώτους τυγοντας
Ι

εν 45

ταύτης

φιλονεικία always the reverse {certa·
tionem significat cum vituperatione
quadam. Baiter).—ad Dem. § 31. n.
§§ 21—27. The.supremacy is due
to Athens on every ground^ whether
we look to her antiquity, her power,
her grandeur·, or her general services
to Greece.
21. ovSels γάρ κ. τ. λ.] Obs.
the parallelism of the whole of this
sentence.— διέφερεν would have been
equally correct but less idiomatic:
διαφέρουσαν is preferred for the sake
of the παρομοίωσι* with νιτερέχουσαν. For the constr. v. Madv. Synt
§ 20. R. 3.
22. SwaoreCas] = ηγεμονίας, d,
§ 65 and (Dem.) Phil. I v. § 53, ets
τοσαύτα* δυναστείας διηρημένων των
'Ελληνικών πpayμάτωv.
παραμένων.] Madv. Synt. § 163, a.

—24]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

55

τ

, της τιμής $ ^ ? πλείστων αγαθών αίτιους τοις "Έλλησιν
2JJ οντάς, ηγούμαι και τούτους είναι μεθ* ημών* οαω yap avb
"
τις πορρωτέρωθεν σκοπτ} περί τούτων αμφοτέρων, τοσρύ- /. ^Χ*Ή
νω TT\§OV άπολείψομεν τους άμφισβητοΰντας^7κξ£ΐ αυτών./t ·** *"#
(&.} 'Ομολογείται μεν γαρ την πολιν ημών άρχα^οτάτην
^^ccj
ύνάΤκαι μεγίστην και πάρα πασιν άνθρώποις ονομχστοτάτψ? ούτω Βε καΧής της υποθέσεως ούσης, επι τοΐϊ εγρ24 μένοφ τούτων ετι μάλλον ημάς προσήκει τιμασθαι.
τ χύτην
γαρ οίκουμεν ού% ετέρους εκβαλόντες ούΒ* ερήμην καταλα- £
βόντε^ οι5δ' εκ πολλών εθνών μιγάδες συλλεγέντες,
αλλ'
ούτω κακώς καϊ γνησίως γεγόναμεν, -ωστ εξ ήσπερ εφυμεν,
ταύτην εχοντεςζαπαντα τον χρόνον) Βιατελοΰμεν, αυτόχθονες
„_ μ€θ' ήμών^χ] O n our side,' not
/ a m o n g us'. ^Cf. §§ 53, 140.
_ 23. πορρωτέρωθεν.] ' F r o m a
greater distance. This word has been
missed, by L. and S.; and another
lexicographer quotes only Theophrastus, de Sudoribus, § 4. I t occurs
however in three passages of Isocr.
besides the present; vifc. Archid.
§ 16, Panath. § 120, de Bigis, § 4.
ιτόλιν... αρχαιότατη v. ] I n Herod.
VI. 106, on the eve of Marathon,
the courier Pheidippides gives this
message to S p a r t a : ' Men of Lacedaemon, the Athenians beseech you
to hasten to their aid and not allow
the most ancient city in all Greece
to fall into bondage at the hands of
barbarians.'
μ€γ£<ττην.] Cf. de Perm. § 299,
καί φασιν...μόνην elvai ταύτψ
πάλιν
τας δ' άλλα* κώμα* καϊ' δικαίως αν
αύττ}ΐ> Άστυ της Ελλάδος
irpoaayoρέύεσθαι καϊ δια τό μέγεθος καϊ διά.
τας ζύπορίας, κ.τ.λ.
ΐΓ€ρΙ αυτών.] See tab. of var. readings.
__
24. ταΰτην—προσήκει.] ' As for
this city, which we now inhabit, we
did not expel others from it, we did
not find it deserted; we are no mot­
ley crowd collected out of many
nations, but are sprung from such
noble and genuine birth, that we
continue for all time to hold this

land from which we were born,
being sons of its very soil, and being
able to call our city by the same
names as our nearest relations; for
we alone of all the Greeks have the
right to call t h e same country our
foster-nurse, our fatherland, and our
mother also.'
οΰχ cTcpovs €KpaX6vT€s.] A passing blow at the Spartans.
ούδ* €Κ πολλών εθνών μιγάδες
κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Panath. § 124, 5, Οντας
μήτε μι*γάδας μήτ* έπήλυδας άλλα
μόνους αύτόχθονas των Ελλήνων και
ταύτψ %χοντ€ϊ την χωράν τρόφδν, έξ
ησπερ Ζφυσαν ημίν καϊ στέρ-yovTes
αύτην ομοίως ώσπερ ol βέλτιστοι τους
πατέρας κ. τά$ μητέρας τάς αυτών,
and de Pace, § 49· Contrast with
this the state of Athens under the
E m p . Tiberius, when Cn. Piso speaks
of its inhabitants as ' non Athenienses tot cladibus extinclos, sed
colluviem illam nationum.' (Tac.
Ann. 11. 55.)
- αυτόχθονα.] ' Aborigines.'
A
similar claim was asserted by the
Arcadians and the Cynurians ( H d t .
v i i i . 73). As an emblem of being
αύτόχθοΡες and yrjyeveis, the older
Athenians used to wear grasshopper
hair-pins, a custom which Thucydides (1. 6) describes as having lately
ceased.—The sentiment of this and
t h e next sentence are frequent rhe-

$6

ISOKPATOT2

[§§ Η

οντες καϊ των ονομάτων τοις αύτοΐς οΐσπερ τους οίκείοτά5 τονς την ποΚιν έχοντες προσειπεΐν
μύνοις yap ήμΐν τάν
*ΈΧ\ήνων την αυτήν τροφον teal πατρίδα καϊ μητέρα κα\έ+ σαι προσήκει,
καίτοι χρη τους ευλόγωςμέγα
φρονοΰντα®
καϊ πμρϊ της ηγεμονίας δικαίως άμφισβητοΰντας και τ&ν d
πατρίων ποΧΚάκις μεμνημένους, τοιαύτην την άρχην του
φίνους έχοντας
φαίνεσθαι.
6
(ε.) Ύά μεν ονν εξ αρχής ύπάρξαντα καϊ παρά ^ της ,
τύχης Ζωρηθεντα τηΧικανθ* ήμΐν το μέγεθος εστίν' όσων
δε τοις αΧΚοις αβαθών αίτιοι γεγόναμεν, ούτως αν κ ΛΧιστ
εξετάσαιμεν, ει τον τε χρόνον απ* αρχής καϊ τάς πράξεις
torical common-places; e.g. Plato,
Menexenus (see § 75. ή.), p . 237 B,
αυτόχθονα* κ. τφ 6ντι έν πατρίδι
οίκοϋντας κ. ζώντας κ. τρεφόμενους
ούχ ύπό μητρυιας ως άλλοι άλλ' ύπό
μητρός της χώρας έν fj t//cow,Lysias (?)
Or. Funebr. § 17, ού yap ώσπερ oi
πολλοί πανταχόθεν
συνειλεγμένοι
κ. έτερους έκβαλόντεςτ^ν
αλλοτρίαν
φκησαν άλλ' αυτόχθονες
δντες τήν
αυτήν έκέκτηντο μητέρα κ. πατρίδα.
(Demosth.) Or. Funebr. § 4» Hyperid. Or. Funebr. Col. 5 (with Prof. C.
Babington's n.), and Cic, pro F/acco,
§ 62, Atheniensium
urbs vetustate ea
est, ut ipsa ex sese suos ewes genuisse
dicatur, titeorum eadem terra parens,
altrix, patria dicatur.
TOVS οίκ€ΐοτάτου$.] Sc. προσαγορεύομεν. Cf. E u r . Med. 1153, φίλους
νομ{ξΌυσ} οϋσπερ αν πόσις σέθεν, sc.
νομίξη.
irpo<r€iw€tv.] As this aorist has
no present of its own, it borrows
προσαγορεύω.
T h e parts of προσαγορεύω itself are far from c o m m o n ;
in Plato, Theaet. 147, we have προσ α­
γορεύσω, in Aesch. P. V. 834, προσηγορεύθης η Αιός κλεινή δάμαρ, and
in two fragments of Comic writers,
προσηγορεύθη.
I n D e m . Boeot. § 1
and Aristot. Pol. 7, 16, 18, we find
the subj. προσαγορευθη, and, lastly,
in Plat. Phaedo, 104 Α, προσαγορευτέος. Cobet (var. leal, p . 35—39)
maintains that by classical writers
the yerb αγορεύω is used in the pres.

and impf. only, and m a t the real
tenses and derivative» in use are
έρώ, εΐπον, εϊρηκα, εΐρημαι, έρρήθην,
ρηθησομαι' ρησις, ρητοί, ρητέον. This
statement will apply Ι very fairly to
αγορεύω when compounded with
από, διά, έκ, κατά, σύν, ύπό, πρό, but
in the case of προσαγορεύω (as Cobet
himself confesses) the existence of
parts directly formed is established
beyond a doubt by the passages above
quoted, esp. Aesch. /. c. (where προσηγορεύθης cannot possibly be altered
into προσερρήθης).—The
speech of
Aeschines, adv. Ctesiph. shews the
usage of αναγορεύω. T h e parts there
used are άναγορεύη, άνειπεΐν, άναρρηθηναι, ό κήρυξ άνεΐπε, followed by καϊ
πάλιν ό αυτός κήρυξ άνηγόρευε (?),
άνερεΐ and άνάρρησις. O n the whole
then, it is better in Greek composi­
tion to use the forms -ερω, 'εΐπον,
-εϊρηκα, -είρημαι, -ερρηθην, -ρήμα, -ρησις, -ρητέος, but at the same time t o abstain from accepting dogmatic
views on t h e impossibility of the
existence of forms derived from αγο­
ρεύω. (Partly from Cobet /. c. and
Veitch, Gk. Verbs, s. v. αγορεύω.)
ι6. τ η λ ι κ α ΰ τ α . . .τό μέγεθος ] This
is a more accurate and more com­
mon expression than that of § 33,
τοσαύτην τό μέγεθος.
T h e regular
usage of τοσούτος and τηλίκοΰτος
may best be learnt from de Perm.
§ 257, τοσούτων τό πλήθος κ. τηλΐ'
κούτων τό μέγεθος αγαθών.

28]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

τάς της ποΧεως εφεξής διελθοιμεν

57

εύρησομεν

yap αυτήν e

oxi^iovov των προς τον ποΚεμον κινδύνων αλλά καϊ
2J αΧΚης κατασκευής, iv fj κατ οίκουμεν καϊ μεθ* ης
μεθα καϊ δι ην ζην δυνάμεθα, σχεδόν άπάσης

της

ποΧιτευό-

αΐτίαν ουσαν.

άνάηκη δε προαιρεΐσθαι των ευεργεσιών μη τάς δια μικρό­
τητα διαΧαθούσας καϊ κατασιωπηθείσας,
μέγεθος
πανταχού
28

ύπο

πάντων

ανθρώπων

αλλά τα? δ^ά το 46

καϊ πάλαι

καϊ νυν καϊ

καϊ \ε<γομενας και μνημονευόμενα?. '

( Γ . ) ΤΙρωτον μεν τοίνυν^οΰ

— €υρησομ€ν—ουσαν.] i.e. 'we
»
shall find that, not only for the
perils of war, but also for nearly the
whole of that established order
wherein we dwell, and wherewith
we enjoy our constitutions, and
whereby we are able to live, it is to
Athens that we owe our gratitude.'
αΐτίαν governs not only των κιν­
δύνων but also της κατασκευής, and,
if translated literally, would involve
a blunder in English, the same in
kind but more heinous in degree,
than the original blunder into which
Isocr. has fallen. He does not mean
that Athens * caused' the perils of
war, but that she was the champion
of deliverance from those perils:
the only defence that can be suggest­
ed for this abuse of language is the
fact that αίτίαν is quite appropriate
to the nearer word κατασκευής, how­
ever inappropriate to the more dis­
tant word κινδύνων. If a formal ex­
planation is required, we must say
that some word suitable to κινδύνων
. must be understood from the word
αίτίαν, but, in any case, whether the
error is deliberate or accidental, it
is none the less a violation of Ari­
stotle's wholesome warning * against
coupling a word with two others
which can only with propriety be
applied to one of them; as when
ideiv is used in construction with
ψόφον aswell as χρώμα, instead of
αίσθάνεσθαι, which is common to
both.' {Rhet. 111. 5, Mr Cope's Introd. p. 295). The technical name
given to this figure is Zeugma; the

πρώτον{ή

φύσις ημών)βδε-

author who, perhaps, uses it most
frequently is Tacitus; e.g. Ann. 11.
20, quod arduum sibi (sc. sumpsit),
cetera legatis permisit. (Drager, Syn­
tax u. Stil des Tac. § 239, 4.) Cf.
§ 80, σωτήρες άλλα μη λυμεωνες άποκαλεΐσθαι. η. [Hirschig places κινδύ­
νων in brackets.]
της Άλλης κατασκευής, ' the esta­
blished order besides.' Cf. adDem.
§ 51, των άλλων, σοφιστών, η.
27. ανάγκη κ.τ.λ.} Trans. 'But
of all benefactions we must needs
prefer, not those which, by reason
of their littleness, fell into oblivion
and silence, but those which, by
reason of their greatness, are, of old
time and in the present day and in
every place, both rehearsed and
rememberedJDy all the world.'
§§ 28—50. The arts of Peace, in
which Athens has conferred signal
blessings on the Grecian world.
28, 29. Her liberality wttkregard
to the fruits of the earth, and the
Eleusinian mysteries. 30, 31. The
legend of that liberality is ancient,
and therefore (?) credible; and is
further confirmed by the annual of­
fering of the First-fruits, and (32, 33)
by antecedent probability. 34—37.
Colonisation. 38—40. Legislation
and good government. 41. Hospi­
tality. 42. The establishment of a ·
central emporium. 43—46. The at­
tractions and advantages of Athens,
her games and festivals;. and lastly,
47—5°· her practical philosophy and
her oratory.
28. πρώτον μ4ν.] The δέ that

5

δ

ΙΣ0ΚΡΑΤ0Τ2

[§28

ήθη, δια της πόΧεως της ημετέρας επορίσθη' και yap ει
μυθώδης 6 λόγος yeyovev, όμως αντω και νυν ρηθήναι
προσήκει. Αήμητρος yap άφικομένης είς την 'χώραν, οτ
επΧανήθη της *Κόρης άρπασθείσης, καϊ προς τους irpoyό­
νους ημών ευμενώς $ιατεθείσης εκ των evepyeauav, ας ουγ^ο
οΐόν τ αΧΧοις η τοις μεμυημενοις άκονειν, καϊ δούσης δω­
ρεάςδιττάς,
αΐπερ μεηισται Tvyyavovaiv ονσαι, τους τε
καρπούς, otijov μη θηριωδώς ζην ήμας\ αίτιοι yεyόvaσι> καϊ
την τεΧετήν, ης οι μετάσχοντες περί τε της τον βίου recorresponds to this μέντααγ be found
traditionary scene of Demeter's be­
in § 34, where it is resumed in the
reavement. I t may be found in a
words περί μέν οΰν, κ.τ.λ.,
follow­
modern form in Barry Cornwall's
ed by περί δέ τους αυτούς χρόνους,
poems, and in the Tales of
Ancient
κ.τ.λ.
Greece (by M r Cox), p . 30 sqq. and
καϊ γ α ρ ct μ,υθώδης...] Isocr. is
especially p . 4 0 2 — 8 .
not such an implicit believer in my­
καρπούς.] Cf. Plato, Menex. 237
thology as is sometimes asserted
Ε, μόνη yap (ήδε η γη)... καϊ πρώτη
(e. g. Grote's H. G. I. p . 335, new
τροφην άνθρωπείαν ήνεγκε τόν των
ed. T h e passage there quoted from
πυρών καϊ κριθών καρπόν,
κ.τ.λ.,
Philip. § 33, is, in the best M S .
(Dem.) Or. Funebr. § 5, a n d L u c r e t .
φασίν, οΐσπερ [not οΐς περϊ] τών πα­ •νι. 1, Primae frugiparos fetus morλαιών πιστεύομεν); cf. Panath. § ι,
talibus aegris Didtderunt
quondam
νεώτερος μέν ών προηρούμην γράφειν
praeclaro nomine Athenae Et recreaτων λόγων ού τους μύθώδεις ουδέ τους
verunt vitam legesque rogarunt.
τερατείας καϊ ψευδολογίας μεστούς,
του μ,ή θηριωδώς κ.τ.λ.] F o r t h e
κ.τ.λ., Evag. § 66, εΐ τους μύθους
expression cf. Nicocl. § 6, ^γενομέ­
αφέντες την άλήθειανσκοπο'ίμεν...ΈΙ&
νου δ' ήμιν του πείθειν αλλήλους καϊ
here tells the story of Demeter with
δηλοΰν προς ημάς αυτούς, περί ών αν
a passing apology, as if conscious of
βουληθώμεν, ού μόνον του
θηριω­
its appropriateness rather than of
δώς ζην
άπηλλάγημεν
άλλα
its truth. A n apology similar to
κ.τ.λ., Ovid, Fasti, 11. 291, vitaferis
this, but implying less reserve, may
similis, &c.
•be noticed in Lycurgus, adv. Leo- — Τ€λ€την—2\owriv.] ' A n d that
cratem, § 95, where he introduces
mystic initiation, the partakers of
a graceful tale of filial affection,
which have hopes that are more
with the words εΐ yap καϊ μυθωpleasant, concerning both the end
δέστερόν
έστιν, αλλ' αρμόσει, καϊ
of their life and all eternity.'
ύμΐν Άπασι τοις νεωτέροις άκοΰσαι.
T h e connection between the myste­
T h e legend of Demeter and Per­
ries of Eleusis and the great mystery
sephone {ή Κόρη, cf. Evag. §15) is
of Death is frequently insisted on,
tastefully told by the writer of the
e.g. H o m e r i c H y m n ad Cerer. 480,
Homeric H y m n ad Cererem, by
όλβιος, δς τάδ' δπωπεν
έπιχθονίων
Ovid, Fasti, IV. 393—620, and more
ανθρώπων \ ός δ* ατελής Ιερών ος
elaborately by Claudian (4th cent.
τ ' άμμορος, οϋποθ* ομοίως { αΐσαν
A.D.), De raptu Proserpinae
libri,
£χει φθίμενός περ υπό ζόφω εύρωέντι.
III. I t is briefly mentioned by
Pindar, fragm.
102, όλβιος δστις
Cicero (in Verrem, IV. § 107), whose
Ιδών εκείνα (sc. τ α μυστήρια) \ κοίλαν
knowledge of Sicily enables him to
εΐσιν υπό χθόνα' \ όΐδεν μέν β ιό τ ου
give an interesting account of the
τ ε λ ε υ τ ά ^ | οΧδεν δέ διόσδοτον άρχάν.

§28]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

59

Χβντής καϊ του σύμπαντος αιώνος ήδίους τά$ βλφίδας εχρυSoph. Fragm. Jig Dind. (ap. Plu­
tarch. Mor. p. 21 b) ώ$ τρισόλβιοι \
κείνοι βροτών οΐ ταύτα δερχθέντες
τέλη | μδλωσ is "Αώου· τόισδε yap
μύνοις εκεί | ξψ εστί, τοις δ' άλλοισι
πάντ Ικεΐ κακά. Other passages
might be quoted, but4he most in­
teresting is perhaps the passage
cited by Stobaeus, Flor. 120, 26,
from Themistius (?) (philosopher
and rhetorician, fl. 350—390 A. D.).
Part of it (τότε δε πάσχει—εμμέ­
νοντα) may be translated as follows:
' Then, in the moment of death, the
soul is affected m like manner, as in
the initiation into the Great Myste­
ries. Therefore it is that name an­
swers to name, as well as thing to
thing—τελευταν to die, τελεΐσθαι to
be initiated. At first, there are
wanderings and weary coursings to
and fro, and, until the consumma­
tion, a strange and doubtful march­
ing through the gloom; and then,
at the very verge of that consum­
mation, there comes a blending of
every horror,—'tis all shivering,
trembling, sweating, and affrightment; and after this, a wondrous
light bursts forth; and the pure
meadows and open plains give their
welcome, with minstrelsy and dances
and the solemnity of hallowed sounds
and saintly visions, wherein he who
is now all-perfect and initiated ob­
tains freedom and release at last.
He ranges here and there engarlanded, he revels in the sacred mys­
teries, he shares the companionship
of pure and holy men; and anon he
looks on earth and contemplates the
uninitiated and unpurified crowd of
the living—all trampled down and
huddled together in the depth of
mire and mist, and abiding in their
miseries through fear of death and
through disbelief in the good things
yonder.' In all the above passages
(quoted by; Lobeck, &c.) the mys­
teries are viewed in their relation to
death, just as in the passage of Isocr.
before us. It is however worth no­
ticing (with Lobeck, AglaophamUs,

I. p. 70) that Isocr. himself else­
where attributes the same reward of
pleasant hopes to all who live in
justice and piety, de Face, § 34, ορώ
yap...τους μετ* ευσέβειας καϊ δικαιο­
σύνη* ζώντας k*v τ ε τοις παροΰσι χρόvois ασφαλώς διάγοντα* και περί του
σύμπαντος αΙώνος ηδίους τους ελπίδας
έχοντας.
With regard to the nature and
object of the Eleusinian mysteries
much controversy has been waged.
Whether they came from Egypt, and
taught the doctrine of a future state
(as Warburton believed)—whether
they formed the relic of a revealed
religion and remained as a protest
against the Polytheism of Greece (as
Faber, conjectured)—whether they
had a semi-sacramental import—
whether they formed a kind of ari­
stocracy of religion which incident­
ally "became a safety valve for a
dangerous scepticism — all these
questions and others have been the
subject of deep debate. A less am­
bitious view is that stated by Gibbon,
who apprehended that in the myste­
ries there was no hidden' meaning to
conceal, and therefore nothing for
, modern ingenuity to discover; by De
Quincey, who characterizes them 'as
a gigantic hoax, the great and illus­
trious humbug of ancient history;'
and by Lobeck, whose masterly book
has demolished many of the baseless
theories that have been built on the
Orphic, Samothracian, and Eleusi­
nian mysteries. For more or less
full accounts of the general subject
or the special ceremonies attending
initiation see Dial. Antiq. s.v. Eleusinia; War,burton's Divine Legation,
Bk. II. c. 4 ; G. S. Faber's Origin
of Pagan Idolatry, Bk. V. c. 6;
Gibbon, Misc. Works, II. p. 500;
De Quincey, On Secret Societies;
Lobeck's Aglaoph. I. 1—228; Ap­
pendix to Kennedy's Trans, of Demosth. Lept &°c. p. 287—297; Grote,
H. G. I. p. 359, new ed.; Milman's
Hist, of Chris. I. 1; and Journal of
Philology, I. p. 9.

6o

ISOKPATOTS

[§§29

29 ση*, οϊ>τως η πόΧις ημών ου μόνον θεοφϊΧώς άΧΧά και φιΧανθρωπως εσγεν, ωστε}κυρίά γενομένη τοσούτων αγαθών,ονκ c
εφθονησε τοις αΧΧοις, αλλ' ων εΧαβεν απασι μετέδώκεν.
uι ~*^<h.
καϊ τα μεν ετι και ννν{κα& εκαστον τον ενιαντ6ν)δείκνυμεν,
Ρy των 8ε συΧΧήβδην τάς τε χρείας καϊ τάς εργασίας καϊ τάς
tC+f
20 ωφέλειας τάς απ αυτών ηιηνομενας εδίΒαξεν. καϊ τούτοις
1 fi *V * *> άπιστεΐν ίμικρών ετι προστεθέντων) ονδεϊς αν αξίωσε Ley.
(f.) ΤΙρώτον μεν γαρ εξ ων αν τις καταφρονησειε τών Χεγομένων ως αρχαίων όντων, εκ τ&ν αυτών τούτων είκότως d
αν καϊ τα? πράξεις ηεηενησθαι νομίσειεν' Βιά γαρ το ποΧΧονς ειρηκέναι Οςαϊ πάντας άκηκοέναιΐ προσήκει μη καινά
μεν} πιστά $ε δοκεϊν είναι τά λεγόμενα περί αυτών, επειτ
ου μόνον ενταύθα καταφυγεΐν εχομεν, οτι τον Χόγον καϊ την
φήμην εκ ποΧΧον παρειΧηφαμεν, αΧΧά καϊ σημείοις μεί31 ζοσιν η τούτοις εστίν ημιν χρησασθαι^περϊ αυτών, αϊ μεν
γάρ πΧεΐσται τών πόλεων υπόμνημα της παΧαιάς εύερ- e
γεσίας άπαρχάς του σίτου καθ* εκαστον τον ενιαυτον)ώς
*
"
ημάς άποπέμπουσι, ταΐς δ' εκΧειπούσαις ποΧΧάκις ή Τίυθία
προσέταξεν άποφέρειν τά μέρη τών καρπών καϊ\ποιεϊν προς
*\
την πόΧιν την ήμετέραν τά πάτρια, j καίτοι περϊ τίνων χρή 47
μάΧΧον πιστεύειν ή περϊ ων ο τε θεός αναιρεί καϊ ποΧΧοΐς
29· θ€θφιλώς
φιλανθρώπως·]
cf. e.g. Xen. Hell. v i . 3, 6 (quoted
Obs. the formation of these two
by Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 51). A£yecompounds and distinguish carefully
rcu Τριπτόλεμος.,.τά
Αημητρός καϊ
between θεοφιλής (= beloved of God)
Κόρης άρρητα Ιερά πρώτοις ξένοις
and φιλόθεος ( = l o v i n g God).
δεΐξαι 'Έίρακλεΐ τε καϊ Αιοσκόροιν.—
ουκ !φθ<5νησ·€ν κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Plat.
ν. § ΐ 5 7 · η .
Menex. 238 Α. τούτου δέ του καρπού
3ΐ. αι μέν γ α ρ ιτλ€ΐ<Γται κ.τ.λ.] j
ούκ έφθόνησεν άλλ' ί-νειμε καϊ τοΐ$
All. to the Proerosia, a sacrifice of- i
άλλοις.
Cic. pro Flacco, § 62, Adfered to Demeter at the time of \
sunt Athenienses
unde
humaniias,
seed-sowing. See Die?. ofAntiq. s.v.
dodlrina, religio, fruges, iura, leges
Schn. quotes the following scholium
ortae, atque in omnes terras distrion Aristoph. Plut. 1054, ol μέν φασιν
butae putantur.
ό'τί λιμοΰ, ol δέ καΧ &τι λοιμού πασαν
τά. μ.4ν...] Sc. των ά*γαθω?, re­
την yfy κατασχόντος, 6 θεός είπε
ferring especially to the Eleusinian
προηροσίαν ΤΎ} Αηοΐ υπέρ απάντων
mysteries.
0ΰσαι θυσίαν *Αθηναίους. ου ένεκα
καθ* &c. τ . 4v. Sctievvpev.] T h e
χαριστήρια πανταχόθεν
εκπέμπουσιν
great mysteries were celebrated every
Αθήνας τών καρπών τάς άπαρχάς.
year in Boedromion (August) and
Cf. Lycurg. Fragm.
XV. 9 $ S .
lasted nine days.—δείκνυμεν is a word
oratt.
Attici).
frequently used of these mysteries,«
£C4*i*C*C*{r«'(»
J 4*4,

c^

l&~Zot

/*l~S*S?

—34]

^^ίΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

όι

των 'ΕΧΧήνων συνδοκεΐ, και τά τε πάΧαι ρηθέρτα τοις παρουσιν εργοις συμμαρτυρεϊ καϊ χα νξν γιγνομενα τοις υπ
32 εκείνων είρημένοις όμοΧογεΐ;
(η.) (Χωρίς δε τούτων, ην
άπαντα ταυτ εάσαντες άπο της αρχής σκοπώ μεν, ευρήσον μεν, οτι τον βίον οι πρώτου φανέντες επί γης ουκ, ευθύς
όντως ωσπερ νυν έχοντα κατέΧαβον, αλλά κατά μικρόν
αυτοί συνεπορίσαντο.
τίνας οΰν χρή μαΧΧον νομίζειν ή b
δωρεάν παρά των θεών Χαβεΐν η ζητοΰντας αυτούς εντυ3 3 Χ€^ν j ου* του^ ν™ πάντων ομοΧογουμένους καϊ πρώτους
γενομένους καϊ προς τε τάς τεχνας ευφυέστατους οντάς
καϊ προς τά των θεών ευσεβέστατα
διακείμενους; καϊ
μην όσης προσήκει τιμής τυγχάνειν τους τηΧικουτων αγα­
θών αίτιους, περίεργον διδάσκειν. ουδείς γάρ αν δύναιτο
δωρεάν τοσαύτην το μέγεθος εύρεΐν, ήτις ϊση τοις πεπραγμένοις εστίν.
"4
ψ.) ΤΙερϊ μεν οΰν του μεγίστου τών ευεργετημάτων και c
τ ά τ€ ιτάλαι κ. τ. λ.] Obs. the
varied antithesis of this sentence.
κ
32. τον βίον κ . τ . λ . ]
Cf. the
I long description given by Lucretius
J (v. 780—1457) of the gradual growth
of the infant world {mundi
novitas)
and its inhabitants, ούκ ευθύς άλλα
κατά μικρόν may be paralleled by
Lucretius' adverb minutatim
(used.
several times in the above passage)
I and especially by 11. I 4 5 2 > > 'usus
* et impigrae simul experientia mentis
Paulatim docuii pedetemtim progredientis?
33. όμολογουμ^νοι^.] ομο\οηάσ0αι generally takes the inf. and not
the participle. T h e former construc­
tion is always found in Isocr. except
in this passage; hence Wolf proposed
to read όμολοΎουμένως, an adverb
frequently used by our author, and
this reading is approved by Baiter,
who quotes especially Andoc. 1.
§ 140, παρά πάντων ομολογουμένως.
T h e participial constr. is found in
Lysias, (wept τραύματος, § 7, νυν δ'
όμολοΎούμεθα προς παΐδας κ. αύλητρίδας κ. μετ' οίνου έλθόντες); Isaeus,
dePhilocl. hered. § 49» όντως όμ,ολογου-

μένη οΰσα δούλη κ. άπαντα τον χρδνον
αίσχρώς βιονσα and ib. § 46. [Chief­
ly from Weber (Dem. Aristocr, § 74.
n.) who says ' όμολογεΖσ0αί non raro
in participio exhibitum, sed saepe in
libris per ομολογουμένως obliieratum\.
I n the present passage I prefer (with
B S Bens. Schn. and others) accept­
ing the M S reading όμολοΎουμένους
which must then be construed with
the three participles γενομένους, Ον­
τας, διακαμένους.
Trans. * t h o s e —
who are by all acknowledged both
to have been the first to exist and
to be, &c.'
34—37. These §§ refer to the me­
morable Ionic Emigration which is
commonly assigned to 1044 B.C. T h e
Abantes of Euboea, the Cadmeans
and Minyae of Boeotia, the Phocians
a n d the Athenians are said to have
taken part in this expedition. I n the
current legend, the honour of plant­
ing the Asiatic Ionian cities is assign­
ed to two sons of Codrus, Androclus
the founder of Ephesus and Neleus
of Miletus. These two towns—the
greatest of the ten continental Ionic
cities—are both described as found-

62

ISOEPATOTS

[§§34

πρώτου γενομένου καϊ πασι κοινότατου ταυτ ειπείν εχρμεν.
περί δε τους αυτούς χρόνους όρώσα τους μεν βάρβαρους την
πΧείστην τής χωράς κατέχοντας, τους δ? "ΈΐΧΧηνας €ίς μι­
κρόν τόπον κατακεκΧειμενους καϊ Βιά σπανιότητα της γης
επιβουΧευοντάς τε σφίσιν αύτοΐς καϊ στρατείας επ άΧΧήΧους ποιούμενους, καϊ τους μεν hi ενΒειαν των καθ* ημέραν,
τους δε δ^ά τον πόΧεμον άποΧλνμενους, ούδε ταυ& ούτως
έχοντα περιεΐδεν, αλλ' ηγεμόνας είς τάς πόΧεις εξέπεμψεν,
οι παράλαβόντες τους μάλιστα βίου δεομένους, στρατηγοί
καταστάντες αυτών καϊ πόΧεμω κρατήσαντες τους βαρβά­
ρους, ποΧΧάς μενεή> εκατέρας της ηπείρου πόΧεις έκτισαν^
άπάσας δε τά? νήσους κατωκισαν, αμφότερους δε και τους
ed directly from Athens. (See Grote's
Hist. ofGr. P . II. c. 13.) T h e peo­
pling of the Cyclades (άπάσας rets
νήσου*), especially of Naxos, Ceos,
Siphnos, Seriphos, was also ascribed
to the Ionic migration. T h i s great
movement t o o k place under the
general auspices' of Athens, and
was the means of providing a liveli­
hood for m a n y distressed and dis­
contented exiles from the Pelopon­
nesus. (Thuc. I. 2, 6, καϊ ές Ίωνίαν
ύστερον, ώς ούχ Ικανής οϋσης της Ά τ τικής, αποικίας εξέπεμψαν.)
irepl 8έ κ. τ . λ.]
T h e following
words form the frame-work of the
sentence : όρώσα τους μεν βαρβάρους
...τους δ' "Ελληνας...(τους
μεν...τους
δέ...), ονδέ ταύτα περιεϊδεν, αλλ' Tjyeμόνας εξέπεμψαν, οΐ
παραλαβόντες
κ.τ.λ., πολλάς μ& πάλας
έκτισαν,
άπάσας δέ τάς νήσους κατφκισαν.
τ η ν irXetomjv τ η $ X»pas·] Cf.
§ 132, την πλείστην αυτής,
Evag.
§ 41? τον πλείστον του χρόνου, Jelf
(Klihner), Gk. Gr. § 442 a
βτφίσ-ιν αυτοίδ.] A l m o s t = ά λ λ ή Aoit. Isocr. frequently uses a reflexive—
instead of a reciprocal pronoun. I t
is often found with the reciprocal in
t h e immediate context, and is some­
times adopted only t o secure an even
balance of clauses (παρίσωσις).
Cf.
§§ H* 43» ^ M 5
αυτούς...αλλήλους,
§ 85, $Κλή\ονι...σφ&* « ^ · £ ^ § § 3»

ι ο 6 , * ΐ 3 ΐ , ι66,.ΐ73> ^74- F o r other
authors, cf. Dem. Phil. I. § 10, ή
βούλεσθε.... περιώντες αυτών ( = * one
another') πυνθάνεσθαι
'λέγετα/ τι
καινόν;' De Cor. § 19, X e n . Mem.
III. 5, 16, φθονοΰσιν έαυτοΐς μάλλον
ή τοΐς άλλοις άνθρώποις, c e t — S u i d a s ,
Lexic, εαυτούς αντί του αλλήλους οί
Αττικοί λέγουσιν.—v. Jelf (Kiihner),
Gk. Gr. % 6$4, ζ.
35· W Ι κ α τ φ α ^ TTJS ήιτβίρου.]
' O n b o t h continents,' i.e. E u r o p e and
Asia. Similar phrases may b e found
in Panath. §§ 44, 166; cf. § 179. n .
T h e allusion to the iVsiatic Colonies
has been already explained; b y t h e
cities built in Europe, Isocr. possi­
bly means the colonies founded by
Miletus on t h e W . shore of the
Euxine. These colonies would, as
usual, regard Athens as their motherstate. A t the same time, it is pro­
bable that Isocr. may be referring
by an inaccurate anticipation to the
later colonies of T h u r i i a n d Amphipolis, founded by Athens in the fifth
αμφότερους—eiropicrav. j
Anst.
(Rhet. III. 9, 7) quotes this sen­
tence as an instance of αντικείμενη
λέξις, ' i n which t h e parts are ba­
lanced, contrasted, set over against
one a n o t h e r . . . T h e antithesis may be
conveyed in two w a y s : either by
balancing opposite by opposite in

—38]

ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΟΣ.

63

$6 άκοΧουθήσαντας κα\ τους υπομείναντας έσωσαν
τοις μεν
yap ικανήν την οίκοι χώραν κατεΚιπον, τοις Βε πΧείω της e
ύπαρχούσης επόρισαν* άπαντα γαρ περιεβαΧοντο τον τό­
πον, cv νυν τυηχάνομεν κατέχοντες, ώστε /cat τοις ύστερον
βούληθεΐσιν άποικίσαι τινάς, και μιμήσασθαι την πόλιν την
ημετέραν, ποΧΧήν ραστώνην εποίησαν* ου yap αυτούς εΒει
κτώμενους χώραν ΒιακινΒυνενειν, αλλ' εις την ίή> ημών ^
37 άφορισθεΐσαν, είς ταύτην οίκείν ίόντας. καίτοι τις αν ταύ­
της ηηζμονίαν επιΒείξειεν ή πατριωτέραν της πρότερον yeνομένης πριν τάς πΧείστας οίκισθηναι
των *Έ*ΧΧηνίΒων
πόλεων, ή μαλΧον συμφέρουσαν της τους μεν βαρβάρους
ανάστατους ποιησάσης, τοις δ* 'ΈΧΧηνας εις τοσαύτην εύπορίαν
προαγαγούσης;
2,8
(ι.) Ου τοίνυν, επειδή τα μέγιστα
συνΒιέπραξε, των
the two contrasted m e m b e r s ; or byuniting two opposites as it were
under the vinculum of a single word,
as two opposite substantives or par­
ticiples by a verb* (paraphr. of L c,
from M r Cope's Jntrod. p . 314);
εναντία, υπομονή) ακολούθησα'
Ικαvbv, πλεΐον.
36. TOWS υστβρον κ.τ.λ.] alludes
to the Dorian emigration and not to
the Aeolic, which preceded the Ionic,
v. Grote's Hist, of Greece, P t . 1. c.
18, PL II. c. 13, 14, 15.
.
άφορισ&ισ-αν. ]
Rauchenstein
adopts πορισθεΐσαν (cf. supr. έπόρισαν), the ingenious emendation of
Halbertsma and Meyler. Bens, and
Schn. retain the M S reading, which
is perfectly intelligible.
τ α ύ τ η ς ήγ€μονίαν κ.τ.λ.] ταύτης
is emphatic. T h e more usual con­
struction would have been either
ταύτης της ψ/εμονίας, or τγγεμονίαν...
•ή πατριωτέραν ταύτης της κ.τ.λ. F o r
a very similar sentence cf. Areop.
§ 2 7 , καίτοι πως &v τις εϋροι ταύτης
βεβαιωτέραν f} δικαιοτέραν δημοκρατίαν της... καθιστάσης.
άνασ-τάτου$ -ϊτοιησ-άοτηβ·] T h e
word ανάστατος is used by Isocr. in
at least 30 passages, which may be
classified under four heads. I t is
applied (1) to a ' c i t y ' ( = ' r u i n e d , '

' dismantled') in Paneg. §§ 98, π 7,
126, 181, and a b o u t 15 passages in
other writings; (2) to * inhabitants'
( = ' d r i v e n from house and h o m e ' ) ,
e.g. βάρβαροι as here, and Ομοροι
§ i o 8 c e t ; (3) to ' d i s t r i c t s ' (='devas­
tated'), §§141,161,169; (4)*to 'house­
h o l d s ' ( ' m a d e desolate'). Cf. esp.
Archid. § 66 (a passage of peculiarly
varied vocabulary): ουδεμία yap έστι
των πόλεων ακέραιος, ούδ* ήτις ούχ
όμορους έχει τους κακώς πονήσοντας,
ώστε τετμησθαι μεν τας χώρας, πε~
πορθησθαι δε τας πόλεις, ανάστατους
δε -γεΎενησθαι τους οίκους τους ιδίους,
άνεστράφθαι
δε τας πολιτείας καΐ
καταλελύσθαι
τους νόμους. (Partly
from Bens. Areop. § 6. n.)
38. ου τοίνυν—λοιιτών.] T r a n s .
' and after she had aided in accom­
plishing the greatest things, she did
not proceed to neglect the rest, b u t
she m a d e such a beginning of her
benefactions (namely, t h e supply of
sustenance t o those in need), as is
right for those to make, who in­
tend, in other good things also, t o
exercise a g o o d control; and consi­
dering that existence, based on these
conditions only, falls short of being
worthy of t h e desire of life, she
therefore p a i d such heed t o the re­
mainder also, that, &c/

64

ΙΣ0ΚΡΑΤ0Τ2

[§§38

άΧΚων ώ\ι^/ωρησεν, αλλ' αρχήν μεν ταύτην εττοιησατο b
τών evepyeoLcov, τροφήν τοις Βεομένοις εύρεΐν, ηνττερ *χρη
τους μέΧΧοντας και ττερϊ των αλΧων καλών καΧώς Βιοικήσειν, ηγουμένη 8ε τον βιον τον επί τούτοις μόνον οΰττω
του ζην εττιθυμείν άξίως εγειν όντως εττεμεΧηθη και των
Χοιιτών, ώστε των παρόντων τοις άνθρώποις άηαθων, οσα
μη παρά θεών εχομεν, αλλά Si άΧλ,7]λους ημΐν
γεγονε,
μηΰΐν μεν άνευ της πόλεως της ημετέρας είναι, τα δε
9 πΧεΐστα
8ιά ταντην ^^ενήσθαι.
παραΧαβοΰσα
yap τους e
"ΈϊΚΚηνας άνόμως ζώντας και σποράΒην οίκοΰντας, καΧ τους
μεν υπο δυναστειών
ύβριζομένους,
τους δε Βι
αναργίαν
άποΧΚυμένους, και τούτων τών κακών αντονς
απηΧΚαξε,
τών μεν κυρία γει>ομένη, τοις δ' αυτήν
τταράδενγμα
ποιησασα"
πρώτη yap καΐ νόμους εθετο και
ποΧιτείαν
3 κατεστησατο.
δηΧον δ' εκείθεν' οι yap εν αρχτ} περί
cvpeiv.] ' Ν011 video satis, qui lo­
cus hie sit infinitivo:
itaque malim
εύρουσα.' Moras. But the sequence
εύροΰσα, rjvirfp could not, I think, have
been written by isocr. (propter hiahini); and the Inf. can be explained
as an inf. in apposition to άρχην r.
τών ενερ-γ. Cf. Evag. § 2 8 , λαβών
ταύτην άφορμην, άμύνεσθαι κ. μη
{προτέρους ύπάρχειν, Hcl. § 20, νομί'ζων όφειλαν τούτον τόν ερανον, μηδε­
νός άποστηναι (quoted by Coray and
Spohn), and Plato, Apol. p. 23 Λ,
Ονομα 3e τούτο λέγεσθαι. (sc. έμέ),
σοφός εΐναι. Madv. Synt. § 190.
TjVTrcp χ ρ η . ] Sc. ποίήσασθαι. T h e
antecedent of ήνπερ is αρχήν.
καλών καλώβ·] T h i s is a very
common collocation. Cf. Aristoph.
Ach. 253, τό κάνουν καλή καλώς
οΐσεις, also κακός κακώς (e.g. Aesch.
Pers. 1035, δοσιν κακάν κακώς κα·
καις), λαμπρός λαμπρώς, πάντες πάν­
τως, and in Lat. misero misere (Lucr.
III. 898), often in Plautus, e.g. doctum docle, bonus bonis bene feceris:
and, for one of many English in­
stances, Shak.JP/if/*. III.v.
1,Bloody
and guilty guiltily awake.
(Partly
from Lobeck, Paralip. p . 58.)
B S omit καλών.—Bens,
(with

Codd. U r b . and Ambros.) inserts
it.
39. σ-ττοράδην.] One of the many
adverbs in -δην. Cf. φοράδην, λογάδην, σύρδην, φύρδην, βάδην, άριστίνδην. F o r the phraseology cf. HeL
§ 35 (of Theseus), την πόλιν σποράδην κ. κατά κώμας οικούσαν είς ταυτόν
σννή-γαΎε, and T h u c . II. 15.
vop.ovs ?0€το.] Observe the regu­
lar usage: (η πόλις) ε"θετό τον νόμον'
(ό νομοί/ετης) ϋθηκε τόν νόμον' ό νόμος
ετέθη. Cf. adDem. § 36, κειμένοις. n.
and de Perm. § 83, νόμους τιθέναι...
τών κειμένων.
4θ. cv α ρ χ ή . ] ' I n the beginning,'
* in the earliest times/ I n Dobree's
Adversaria,
Vol. I. p. 265, we find
the brief confession, Non intelligo.
I n a case where Dobree is doubt­
ful, no one can afford to be over­
confident, but the passage apparently
refers to the traditionary and my­
thical antiquity of various Athenian
courts of homicide and especially of
the Areopagus. T h e ancient glories
of that tribunal are mentioned by
Demosthenes (Aristocr. § 65) as fol­
lows : * T h e r e are many institutions
among us of a character not to be
found elsewhere, but one there is,

—4ό]

Π Α Ν Η Γ Τ : Ί ΚΟΣ.

6$

τών φονικών β^/καΧίσαντες καϊ βουΧηθέντες μετά Xoyov d
και μη μετά βίας ΒιαΧνσασθαι τα προς άΧΧηΧονς εν τοις
νίμοις τοις ημετεροις τας καί<τεις εποιησαντο περί αιτών,
καν μεν hrj καϊ των τεχνών τός τε προς τάναηκαία του
the most peculiar of all, and the
most highly venerable, the court of
Areopagus; respecting which we
have more glorious traditions and
myths, and more honourable testi­
monies of our own, than we have of
any other tribunal; of which it is
proper you should hear one or two
by way of sample (δεί-γματος 'ένεκα).
I n ancient times, as we are informed
by tradition, the Gods in this tribu­
nal alone deigned both to demand
and to render justice for murder,
and to sit in judgment upon dis­
putes between each other; so says
the legend: Poseidon demanded
justice of Ares on behalf of his son
Halirrjiothius, and the twelve Gods
sat in judgment between the Furies
and Orestes.' (Mainly from C. R.
K e n n e d y ) . — I n § 81 D c m . speaks of
the 5 courts in which homicide was
tried (TO iv Άρείφ πά-γφ, τό επί
ΙΙαλλαδίω, τό έπι Αελφίνίω, τό επί
Ώρατανείω, τό έν Φρεαττοΐ) as δικα­
στήρια, a θεοί κατέδειξαν (see Pane*.
§ 47· η · ) κ°ά μετά* ταύτα άνθρωποι
χρώνται πάντα τόν χρόνον, and in
§ 70 he speaks of the founders of
the Areop. as oi ταύτα εξ
αρχής
τα νόμιμα διαθέντες, οϊτινές ποτ*
1
ήσαν, εϊθ ήρωες εϊτε θεοί. Accord­
ing to Aeschylus {Eum. 682, πρώτας
δίκας κρίνοντες αίματος χυτού) the
first trial for homicide held at Athens
was that of Orestes; but Hellanicus, a contemporary of Aeschylus,
states that the Areop. had awarded
sentence to many other heroes and
even gods before him. T h e sanctity
of that court made its verdicts re­
spected throughout Greece, and be­
fore the first Messcnian war the
Messerians proposed to refer the
points at issue to its decision, on the
ground that, from of old, it had had
jurisdiction in cases of homicide.

isoc.

(Pausanias, IV. 5, § τ, οτι δίκας τάς
Φ νικάς...εδόκει δικά'ζειν εκ παλαιού.)
(On the Areop., besides the locus
classicns quoted from Dem., cf.
Isocr. Areop. §§ 37—55, and Aesch.
En m. passim, with Μ tiller's disser­
tation, §§ 64—73). F o r an allusion
to the gtneral claim asserted by
Isocr. cf. Aelian (fl. c. 250 A. n . ) ,
varia /listeria, III. § 38, δίκας τε
δούναι καϊ λαβεϊν εΰρον
Αθηναίοι
πρώτοι.
μετά λόγου καϊ μη.] άλλα μη
would have been more idiomatic (cf.
ad Dcm. § 2. n . ) , but this is avoided
propter
hiatum.
iv Tots vo^ois·] Cf. T h u c . r. 77,
1
παρ ημΐν αύτοΐς εν τοις δμοίοις νόμοις
ποιήσαντες τάς κρίσεις.
των τεχνών κ.τ.λ.] Pliny, Nat.
Hist. VII. i94 s q<l· (quoted by Schn.)
gives a long list of Athenian disco­
veries in a r t : * Brick-kilns (laterariae) and houses were first set u p at
Athens by the brothers Euryalus
and H y p e r b i u s ; silver was disco­
vered by Erichthonius of A t h e n s ;
potteries {figlinae) invented by Coroebus; carpentry (fabrica
materiaria), including the saw, the axe,
the plummet, the gimlet, as well as
glue and isinglass {ichthyocolld) by
D a e d a l u s ; the culture of the vine
and of trees by Eumolpus of
A t h e n s ; olive-oil and oil-mills, as
well as honey, by Aristaeus of
A t h e n s ; the use of the hoe and the
plough by Buzyges ( - Βουξ"&γης) of
A t h e n s ; &c. &c.'
Aelian, var. hist. III. § 38, states
that to Athens the world was be­
holden for the olive and the fig; for
administration of justice; for athle­
tics and chariot-driving; and a wellknown passage in Milton, Par. Peg.
IV. 240, speaks of 'Athens, the eye of
Greece, mother of arts and eloquence.'

5

66

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ 4 ο

βίου χρησίμ,ας καϊ τάς προς ήΖονήν με μηχανή μενας, τάς
μεν εύροΰσα, τάς δε ΰοκιμάσασα 'χρήσθαι τοίς αλΧοις
παρεδωκεν. {ια.) Ύήν τοίνυν αΚΚην διοίκησιν ούτω φιλοξένως κατεσκευίσατο καϊ προς απαντάς οίκείως ώστε και e
τοις χρημάτων δεομενοις κα\ τοίς άποΧαυσαι των υπαρ­
χόντων επιθυμουσιν άμφοτέροις άρμοττειν, καϊ μήτε τοις
εύΖαιμονουσι μήτε τοις Βυστιτχοΰσιν iv ταΐς αυτών άχρήστως εγειν, αλλ* εκατεροις αυτών είναι παρ ημΐν, τοις
μεν ήΒίστας διατριβάς, τοις δ' άσφαΧεστάτην καταφυηήν.
ετι δέ την χώραν ουκ αυτάρκη κεκτημένων εκάστων, αλλά 49
τά μεν ελλείπουσαν, τα δέ π\είω τών ικανών φερουσαν9
καϊ πόλΧης απορίας ούσης τά μεν οπού γρη διαθέσθαι,
τά δ' οπόθεν εισαηαηεσθαι, καϊ ταύταις ταΐς συμφοραις
επημυνεν' εμπόριον yap εν μέσω της Έλλάδο? τον Τίειραια
κατεσκευάσατο, τοσαυτην εγρνθ* υπερβοΧην, ωσ& α παρά
τών αΧΧων εν παρ εκάσ^ν
γαΧεπόν εστί Χαβεΐν} ταυ&
άπαντα παρ αυτής ρα&ιφ/είναι πορίσασθαι,
**
b
Tas μ^ν €νροΰ<τα κ. Ί ^ Λ . ]
In
Panath. § 202, Isocr. tells us of one
of his pupils, who had the assurance
to claim a similar merit for Lacedaemon (βτι τά κάλλιστα τών επιτη­
δευμάτων εύρόντες αυτοί τ ε χρώνται
κ. τοις άλλοις κατέδειξαν); he de­
nounces the claim as άσεβη καϊ
ψευδή καϊ πολλών έναντιώσεων ueστόν, and proceeds to confute it at
length, § 204 sqq.
41. r o t s χρημάτων Scopivois—
TCIS δύστυχου σιν.] Obs. the Chi­
asmus, or inverted parallelism (v. ad
Dent. § 7 . n.).
ή δ ί σ τ α ε διατριβά$·] Aelian var.
hist. XII. § 46, records a saying of
Isocrates, part of which may be
quoted to illustrate this passage, την
* Αθηναίων πδλιν ένεπιδημήσαι
μεν
εΐναι ήδίστην,
και κατά 7 e τοϋτο
πασών τών κατά τήν Ε λ λ ά δ α δίαφέρειν' ένοικήσαι δέ ασφαλή μηκέτι
είναι.
διατριβή —' p a s t i m e ; ' διατρίβειν
with or without χρδνον—terere or
conterere tempus.
T h e same idea

may be noticed in Shak. Tamingof Shrew, I. 2, fin. Please ye we may
contrive this afternoon. And
quaff
carouses. And in Churchyard's Wor­
thiness of Wales, p . n o , With ewe
and lambe, with goats and kids they
play. With greatest toils to rub out
weary day.
42. 8ia0€<r6cu] = ( t o dispose of,'
' t o distribute, 1 ' t o sell.' Cf. Xen.
de Rep. Aih. II. u , τον δέ πλουτον
μόνοι οϊοί τ* είσιν έχειν
(ol'Αθηναίοι)...
ει yap τις πόλις πλουτεΐ ξόλοις ναυπηΎησίμοις, ποΐ διαθήσεται έάν μη πείστ}
τον άρχοντα της θαλάττης; Sim. διά·
θεσις = 'disposal,' Isocr.
Busiris,
§ 14, τή τών δντων διαθέσει καΧ τή
τών ελλειπόντων κομιδή.
Πειραιά.] On the Peiraeeus, the
great port of Athens, see Leake's
Athens, I. § 9. T h e particular part
of the Peiraeeus where the merchan­
dise of many nations was exhibited,
was called the Αεΐ'γμα or exchange.
α—ττορίσ-ασ-θαι.] Obs. the elabo­
rate parallelism, ά il ταϋθ\ παρά τών
άλλων || παρ αυτής, h |Ι άπαντα, χα-

r-44]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

67

(ιβ>) Ύών τοίνυν τάς πανηγύρεις καταστησαντων
δ^
καίως επαίνου μίνων, on τοιούτον €0θς ήμΐν
παρέδοσαν,
ωστβ σπεισαμβνους καϊ τάς βχθρας τάς βνβστηκυίας διαΧυσαμένους, συνέλθεΐν βίς ταύτον, καϊ μβτά ταϋτ €υγάς καϊ
θυσίας κοινάς ποιησαμένους άναμνησθηναι μίν της συ<γγβνβίας της προς άλΧήλους υπαργρύσης, βύμβνεστέρως δ'
€ΐς τον Χοιπον yjpbvov Βιατβθήναι προς ημάς αυτούς, καϊ τάς c
Τ€ παλαιάς ξβνίας άνανβώσασθαι και καινάς ίτέρας ποιησασθαι, καϊ μήτ€ τοις ίδιώταις μήτε τοις διβν&γκοΰσι την
φύσιν άργον elvai την διατριβήν, αλλ! άθροισθέντων των
'Ελλήνων iyyeviaOai
τοις μεν έπιδείξασθαι τάς αυτών
λεπόν)(ρ4διον, and λαβείν || πορίσα·
σθαι. F o r an equally elaborate sen­
tence^ v. Dem. Lept. § 2 6 , παρά
μίν yap τας επί τών χορηγιών δαπα­
νάς ημέρας μέρος μικρόν ή χάρις τοις
θεωμένοις ημών, παρά δέ τάς των €ίς
τον πόλεμον παρασκευών αφθονίας
πάντα τόν χρόνον η σωτηρία πάση
τη πάλει.
43·
των
τοίνον—άτΓ€λ€£φθη.]
This long sentence can easily be
unravelled b y noticing t h a t it com­
mences with a gen. absolute, in­
troducing the reason why those who
first instituted general assemblies
are well worthy of praise.
This
is followed by an exhaustive sum­
mary of the characteristics of πανηyύρεις, introduced with ώστε and
not concluded until near the end of
§ 4 4 ; after this summary is finished,
Isocr. gathers u p all the threads of
the sentence in the clause τοσούτων
τοίνυν άβαθων—^ν^νομένων
(which
throws us back to τοίνυν at the be­
ginning of § 43), and then concludes
with the principal vb. contained in
oi)5' ev τούτοις ή π. ή μ. άπελείφθη.
irpos ήμάβ avrovs] = αλλήλους, cf.
§ 34* ΡφίοΊν αύτοΐς, η .
44· Ιδιώταιβ.] T h e term Ιδιώτης
( = a non-professional man, an ama­
teur) is essentially negative, and its
exacT; meaning has constantly to be
determined from the context. T h e
only English word t h a t in any de­

gree covers t h e s a m e ground is t h e
word * layman,' in contrast to 'law­
yer,' ' physician,' * artist,' 'poet,' as
well as to 'clergyman.' T h e fol­
lowing passages may help to indi­
cate the various points of negative
contrast in which the Ιδιώτης may
be placed: Nicocl. § 17, πρότερον ίδιώται yiyvovTai πρίν αίσϋέσθαι τι των
της πόλεως καϊ λαβεΐν εμπειρίαν αυ­
τών, ib. § 35» T 0 ? s ίδιώταις καϊ ^οΐς
τυράννοις.
Deperm. § 69, τοις ίδιώ­
ταις καϊ τοΐς δυνάσταις. Paneg. § 11,
ίδιώταις = ' ordinary hearers') (' true
critics.' T h u c · II. 48, ιατρός καϊ
ιδιώτης.
Plato, Protag. 327 c» °Ρ·
to αυλητής, de legg. p . 800 A, op.
to ποιητή*, and (for a more general
instance) Sophist. 221 C, op. to τινά
τέχνην 2χων.
I n t h e present passage the con­
trast is drawn between t h e ordinary
man and professional gymnast. Cf.
Plato Legg. VIII. 839 E, ct rd σώμα
£χων καϊ μη Ιδιωτικώς ή φαύλως.
T h e word ' i d i o t ' occasionally re­
tains in old English the meaning of
ιδιώτης.
This . j partly t o be as­
cribed to the influence of the Latin
Vulgate.
Cf. Wiclif s Trans, of
τ Cor. xiv. 16 (and 23),
Wfiofillith
the place of an idiot; hou schal he
seie amen on thi blessinge? Jeremy
Taylor, ' Humility is a duty in great
ones, as well as in idiots?
(See fur­
ther, Trench, Selec! Glossary, s.v.)

5—2

68 £fiV"
J**tf

ISOKPATOTS
l^uivrAiuxA

[§§44

ευτυχίας, τοις δε θεάσασθαι τούτους προς άλΧηλ,ους αγωνι­
ζόμενους, καϊ μηδετέρους άθύμως διάηειν, αλλ' εκατέρους
εγειν* έή> οΐς φιΚοτιμηθώσιν, οι μεν (6ταν ϊδωσι τους d
άθλητάς αυτών %νεκα πονουντας, ol δ' όταν
ενθυμηθώσινγ
οτι πάντες επι την σφετέραν θεωρίαν ηκουσι,—τοσούτων
τοίνυν άηαθών δια τάς συνόδους ήμΐν ηιηνομενων οι/δ' iv
45 τούτοις η ποΚις ημών άπεΧείφθηΧ καϊ yap θεάματα πΧεΐστα
καϊ κάΧΚιστα κέκτηται, τα
εν ταΐς δαπάναις
υπερβαΚ\οντα, τα 8ε κατά τάς τεγνας εύδηκιμοΰντα, τά δ' άμφοτεροις τούτοις διαφέροντα, καϊ το πΧήθος των είσαφικνουμέ- θ
νων ώς ημάς τοσούτον εστίν, ωστ ει τι εν τω πΧησιάζειν
£ν
αΧΧηΧοις άηαθον εστί, και ηου& υπ αυτής περιειληφθαι.
*/*<;/* Γ
προς δε τούτοις και φιΚιας εύρεΐν πιστοτάτας καϊ συνου^ '*
ol μεν... οι 8'.]
W e might have
expected either ( ι ) τους
μέν.,.τούς
δί (in app. t o έκατέρονς)1 or (2)
όταν ol μ& ϊδωσι... ol δ* ένθυμηθώσι,
but Isocr. here prefers blending t h e
order oi (1) with the construttion of
αυτών.] T h e reflex, pron. does
not refer to πονονντας, but \o the
subject of ϊδωσι. ' On their behalf,'
i.e. on behalf of the spectators; not
only to amuse those who were either
unable or unwilling to join in the
athletic contests, but also to be the
representative champions, whose
victory (as Pindar is constantly tell­
ing us) threw a reflected glory on
the various cities to which the spec­
tators belonged.
σφετέραν Θεωρίαv.] poss. pron.
in the same sense as t i e objective
genitive. Madv. Synt. § 6j. b .
45. καϊ γαρ Θεάματα κ.τ.λ.] A
rapid enumeration of the leading at­
tractions of Athenian 7rai/iryi5/)eis, esp.
of t h e Panathenea,zxA the Dionysia,
with their shows, their dances, their
processions a n d their gymnastic and
intellectual contests.
T h e word θεάματα refers not
merely (as explained by Schn., w h o
lays perhaps too m u c h stress on
κέκτηται)
to the Parthenon, the
Poecile, the public buildings, and

similar 'sights,' b u t also to t h e
'spectacles,' the games, t h e magni­
ficent processions, and t h e general
amusements which characterized
the πανη^γύρεις. T h e special 'sights'
of the πανη-γύρεις, besides those
mentioned in t h e rest of this §,
included the exhibition of mena­
geries of bears and lions, as attested
by Isocr. de Perm. § 213, καθ' έχαστον τον ένιαυτον θεωρούντο iv τοις
θαύμασι [corrected by D r . T h o m p ­
son (jfonrn. of Class, and Sacr. Phil.
no. xi. p . T51) into θεάμασι.
May
not the vulg., which is retained by
Bens., be defended by t h e imme­
diate context θανμάσειε τάς πραότη­
τας... των θηρίων"!] τους μεν λέοντας
πραότερον διακειμένους... τας δ' άρ­
κτους καλινδονμένας καϊ παλαιούσαςκαΐ
μιμουμένας τάς ημετέρας
έπιστήμας.
τ ο 84 πλήθος κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Dem.
Mid. § 217, έν πανη-γύρει...τους έπιδημήσαντας Απαντάς των 'Ελλήνων.
See Becker's Charicles, scene χ .
irpos δέ τούτοις κ.τ.λ.] i.e. ' A n d *
in addition to this, it is our city that
provides the best opportunities for
forming the most trustworthy friend­
ships a n d meeting with the most
varied kinds of intercourse; and also
for beholding contests, not only of
speed and might, but also of speech
and mind, and of all other things

—47]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

6g

σίαις εντυγείν παντοδαπωτάταις μάΧιστα παρ ήμΐν εστίν,
ετι δ' ar/ώνας ίδεΐν, μη μόνον τάχους καϊ ρώμης, αΧΧά και δ
<
Χόγων και γνώμης και των άΧΧων έργων απάντων, καϊ
τούτων άθλα μέγιστα, προς yap οΐς αύτη τίθησί, καϊ τους
αΧΧους διδόναι συναναπείθει' τα yap νή> ημών κριθεντα
τοσαντην "λαμβάνει δόξαν ώστε παρά πάσιν άνθρώποις
άγαπάσθαι. χωρίς δε τούτων αϊ μεν ά\Χαι πανηγύρεις
δια ποΧΧοΰ χρόνου συΧΧεγεΐσαι ταχέως διεΧνθησαν, ή δ' b
ημετέρα πόΧις άπαντα τον αιώνα τοις άφικνουμέροις πανήγυρίς εστίν.
(ιγ.) ΦιΧοσοφίαν τοίνυν, ή πάντα ταύτα συνεξεϋρε καϊ
συγκατεσκεύασε, και προς τε τάς πράξεις ή μας επαίδευσε
καϊ προς άΧΧηΧους επράννε, καϊ τών συμφορών τάς τε δι
άμαθίαν καϊ τάς εξ ανάγκης γιγνομένάς διεΐΧε,,καϊ τάς μεν
φυΧάξασθαι, τάς δε καΧώς ένεγκεΐν εδίδαξεν, ή πολις ημών
besides, with the grandest prizes for expressed by the phrases ayQtves yvthem all.'
μνικοΙ)(μουσικοί or more frequently
μουσικής, Arist. Plut. 1160, Plat.
7Γαντοδαιτωτάταΐ5.] Cf. de Perm,
2
§ 95> Ύνμνάσια πλείστα καϊ παντο- Menex. 249 Β and C. .
δαπώτατα. This is the reading of
On these contests seeDiel. Antiq.
the best MSS. The superlative of art. Panathenaea, Dionysia. The
this word is often altered by tran­
intellectual amusements included
scribers into the positive: ' sciendum rhetorical disputations, like the Palibraries adjeflivi παντοδαπόϊ gradui neg. and Panathenaic speeches of
superlativo adeo se ubique locorum
Isocr."
gessisse inimicos, vix usquam ut nullis
46. at μίν αλλαι κ.τ.λ.] e.g. the
librorum dissensionibus compareat.' Olympic and Pythian games, held
Dindorf (ap. Bens. Praef. xv.)
once only in four years.
ρώμης)||(γνώμης.] Obs. the παροδΐ€λΰθησ-αν...Ιστί.] Cf. ad Dem.
νομασία. Cf. Agathon (tragedian;
§ 6, άνήλωσεν...εστίν. n.
died 400 B.C.) ap. Stob. flor. 54, 4,
47. φιλοσοφίαν—Ιντίμους 6V
*γνώμη δε κρεΐσσόν έστιν ή ρώμη χερών,
τας.] The principal verbs are κατ­
Epigram on Demosthenes (died 322
έδειξε ... έτίμησεν. The following
B.C.) ap. Pint. vit. Dem. % 30, εϊπερ words form the skeleton of the sen­
ϊσην ρώμην ^νώμτ}, Δημόσθενε*, εΐχες, \
tence: φιλοσοφίαν (ή κ.τ.\.) ήπόλις
οϋποτ* άνΉΧλήνων ήρξεν'Άρης Μακε­
κατέδειξε καϊ \oyovs έτίμησεν, (ων
δών (Oh! had thy might and mind κ.τ.Χ) σννειδυΐα μεν, 6τι κ.τ.λ., δρώσα
been one, Greece had ne'er bowed
δέ κ.τ.λ.
to Macedon).—v. also the fragm. of
φιλοσοφίαν.] i.e. 'practical phi­
Gorgias in BS oratores Att. 11. p. 129. losophy.' dePerm. § 206, φιλοσοφίαν
This affecTation is common in Isocr.
ούκ οΐμαι δεΐν προσαγορεύειν την μη­
e.g. § 186, φήμην καϊ μνήμην, Areop. δέν έντφ παρόντι μήτε irpbs τό teyeiv
§ 35» κτήσεις...χρήσεις.
μήτε wpbs τό πράττειν ώφελουσαι.
ν. 9· §η.
The contrast between 'physical*
and 'intellectual' contests is usually

70

I20KPATOTS

[§§ 4 ;

κατ&βιξβ, καϊ Χοηους βτίμησϊν, ων πάντβς μεν έπιθυμοΰσι, c
4 8 τοις δ' επισταμένους φθονοΰσι, συνβιΖυία μεν οτν τούτο
μόνον εξ απάντων των ζωών iSiov εφνμεν έχοντες, και διότι
τούτω πΧεονεκτήσαντες και τοις αΧΧοις άπασιν αυτών διηνεηκαμεν, ορώσα δε περί μεν τάς αΧΧας πράξεις ούτω ταρα­
χώδεις ονσας τάς τύγας ώστε ποΧΧάκιςεν αύταΐς και τους
φρόνιμους ατυχεΐν καϊ τους ανόητους κατορθοΰν, των δε
Χο^ωντων καΧώς και τεχνικώς εγόντων ου μετον τοις φαύ49 Χοις, αλλά ψυχής ευ φρονούσης ipyov οντάς, καϊ τους τε d
σοφούς καϊ τους αμαθείς δοκουντας είναι ταύτη πΧβΐσΤον
άΧΧηΧων διαφέροντας, ετι δε τους ευθύς εξ αρχής)εΧευθέρως
τεθραμμένους εκ μεν άνδρίας καϊ πΧούτου καϊ των τοιούτων
σηαθων ου γιγνωσκομένους, εκ δε των Χεηομένων μάΧιστα
καταφανείς ηιηνομένους, καϊ τούτο σύμβοΧον της παιδεύσεως ημών εκάστου πιστότατον άποδεδειγμένον, και τους
Χόγω καΧώς χρω μένους ου μόνον εν ταΐς αυτών δυναμένους, e
50 αλλά καϊ παρά τοις άΧΧοις έντιμους οντάς, τοσούτον δ'
άποΧέΧοιπεν η πόΧις ημών περί το φρονεΐν καϊ Xeyeiv τους
αΧΧους ανθρώπους, ωσθ* οι ταύτης μασηται των άΧΧων
κατ&€ΐξ€.] ' Hac vi docendi, seu
instituendi, frequentissimum.
Dem.
Aristocr. § 11, d τα* άγιωτάτα* τελετα$ κατάδειξα* Όρφεύ*.'
Weber on
Dem. Aristocr. § 81 (quoted in § 40,
έν άρχο. n.).
Travres
φθονοΰοτι.] Isocr. fre­
quently speaks of his envious rivals,
e.g. Phil. § 11...όρων OTL χαλεπόν
έστι irepl την αύτην ύπδθεσιν δύοΧόymn άνεκτώ* είπεΐν, ά\\ω* τε κάν ό
πρ&τερον εκδοθεί* (sc. 6 πανη*/υρικό*)
ούτω* rj 767ραμμένο* ώστε τού* βα­
σκαίνοντας
ημάς (cf. ad Dem. § 5.
η.)μιμεΐσθαι καϊ θαυμάξειν αυτόν μαλλοτ των καθ* υπερβολών έπαίνούντων.
48. τοΰτο μόνον κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Nicocl. §§ 6, 7·—Οία. ξψων v. Cobet,
twv. led. 284.
καϊ διότι.] This is the reading
of Codd. U r b . Ambr. Vict, a n d is
adopted by Bens, as well as B S . —
Becker and Dindf. read καϊ tin. I t
is only when a hiatus is-avoided b y
the use of διότι instead of Art, that

Isocr. prefers the fonner, e.g. Plataic. § 23, φανερδν είναι οχότι, and
esp. Lochit. § 7, ένθνμουμένου* 6τι...
καϊ δ LOT ι κ.τ.λ.—The
word is con­
stantly used by Isocr. in the same
sense as 6Vx, a n d yet Henr. Stephens
appealed to this very use of διότι in
the old editions of Ep. ad Dem. § 48,
to prove its spuriousness.
π ο λ λ ά KIS—κατορθοΰν. ] Quoted
by Arist. Rket. III. 9, as an instance
of αντικείμενη λέξι* (v. § 35, αμφότε­
ρους—έπόρισαν. η.)
άτυχων)(κατορθοΰν.] ν. § 6, κατ­
ορθωθώ. η .
ψυχήβ €^ φρονοΰσ*η$.] F o r the
sense cf. Quintil. Inst, or at. proeem.
Oratorem instituimus ilium perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus non
potest.
50. οι ταΰτηδ μαθηταΐ κ.τ.λ.]
Cf. de Perm. §§ 295—6, esp. άπαν­
τα* τού* Χέ'γειν Οντα* δεινού* τη*
πόλεω* eZvcu μαθητά*, Thuc. I I . 4 1 »
ξυνεΚών λέγω την π&σαν πολιν τή$

—Si]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

71

διδάσκαλοι yeyovaai, κα\ το των 'ΈΧλ,ήνων όνομα πεποίηκε 5
μηκέτι του γένους αλλά της διανοίας δοκεΐν eivai, και μάλ­
λον "ΈΧληνας καλεισθαι τους της παιδεύσεως της ημετέρας}
η τους της κοινής φύσεως μετέχοντας.
(ι&.) "Ινα δε μή δοκώ περί τα μέρη διατρίβειν υπέρ
όλων των πραγμάτων ύποθέμενος μηδ' εκ τούτων εγκω­
μιάζει? την πάλιν άπορων τα προς τον πολεμον αυτήν επαιΈλλάδοί παίδενσιρ etvai, and- Plato,
Protag. 337 D, (Hippias log.) rrjs
Έλλάδοί els αυτό το πρντανςΐον rrjs
σοφία*.
το των Ελλήνων όνομα.] των
Έλλ. is the gen. of definition, used
instead of a noun in apposition. In
Eng. we can say either ' the name of.
Greeks,' or less frequently' the name
Greeks.' In Gk. both forms are
found; (i) Isocr. Archid. § no, το
TTjs Σπάρτη* Ονομα, and (2) Plat.
Rep. p. 360 C, ταύτη τ$ ζυνοικία
έθέμεθα πολιν όνομα (quoted by
Schn.). Similarly in Lat. the words
vox, nomen, verbum often take a
gen. of definition, e.g. Cic. de fin.
II. 2, haec vox voluntatis (=this
word * pleasure'), 11. 24, nomen amicitiae(=the name 'friendship'), and
Tac. Germ. 2, vocabulum Germaniae
(= the term G.)—v. Zumpt, Lat. Gr.
§ 425 and Mr Mayor on Cic. Phil.
II. § 78, causam amoris. n.
§§51—98. The deeds of War, for
which Athens deserves the supremacy.
I. 51—65. Wars with Greeks.
11.66—70. Wars with Barbarians
of the mythical period.
Hi. 71—98. Wars with Barba­
rians, of historical times.
I. Wars with Greeks. 51·—53.
Athens—the disinterested champion
of the oppressed. 54—6a Her cha­
racter and power displayed in refer­
ence to the appeal of Adrastus and of
the Heraclidae. Qi. The kelp given
to the Heraclidaeformed the founda­
tion of the prosperity of Sparta. 6i.
The ingratitude of that state towards
her deliverer. 63. Even omitting
that consideration, it cannot be an
ancestral institution for the supre­

macy to belong to the Spartans, rather
than to the Athenians; to an invad­
ing nation, rather than to aboriginal
inhabitants; to those who were sup­
pliants, rather than to those who be­
friended them. 64,65. In brief Argos, Thebes, Lacedaemon, were then,
as now, the greatest states of Greece,
excepting Athens. We were either
the champions or the viclors of each
of these states; and therefore we have
the clearest claim to the supremacy.
51. -υποθέμ,ενος»] sc. Jpeiv. v.
table of var. readings.
Ιγκω|λΐάξ€ΐν......ΙΐΓαιν€Ϊν.] ' Eu­
logize '...·' praise.'
According to
Aristot. Rhet. 1. 9, 33, 34, and else­
where, there is a real distinction
between'έπαινο*and h/κώμιον. The
former is * the expression of moral
approbation, and therefore is re­
ferred principally to motives and
character: the object of the lat­
ter is facts, acts realized; the virtue
is included by implication, but is
here secondary and non-essential'
(Mr Cope's Introd. p. 215). The
object of έπαινος is irpal-sis, the ob­
ject of iyκώμων is πpayματ a, §pya.
This distinction is a favourite topic
with Greek Rhetoricians4n~g€3jeral
(see Index to STpengeYsRhet. Graec.),
and Isocr. partially recognises it in
the present passage. As a general
rule however he uses the words convertibly, e.g. Paneg. § 186, Archid.
§ 100, Helen. §§ 14, 15, Philip. §§
146, 147. In all these passages the
two words and their corresponding
verbs are apparently used indiscriminately. Cf. Plat. Protag. 326 A,
ττολλαέ διέξοδοι κ. έπαινοι κ. ^κώμια
παλαιών ανδρών aya0u>v.'

72

ISOKPATOT2

[§§51

νεΐν, ταύτα μεν ειρήσθω μοι προς τους επί τοις τοιού- b
τοις φίΧοτιμουμένους* ηγούμαι δε τοις προγόνοις ημών ούχ
ήττον εκ των κίνδυνων τιμασθαι προσηκειν η των αΧΚων
ζ 2 ευεργεσιών, ου yap μικρούς ουδ' ολίγους ούδ* αφανείς αγώνας
υπ έμειναν, αλλά ποΧλούς καϊ δεινούς καϊ μεγάλους, τους μεν
νπερ της αυτών χω£ά§9 τους δ' ύπερ της τών αΧΚων ελευ­
θερίας· άπαντα γαρ τον χρόνον διετέλεσαν κοινην την iroktv C
παρέχοντες καϊ τοις άδικουμένοις αεί τών χΈλΧήνων επαμυ53 νουσαν. διο δη καϊ κατηγορουσί τίνες ημών ως ουκ ορθώς
βονΧευομένων^ οτι τους ασθενέστερους είθίσμεθα θεραπεύειν,
ωσπερ ου μετά τών έπαινεΐν βουΧομένων ημάς τους Χόγους
οντάς τους τοιούτους, ου yap ar/νοουντες, όσον διαφέρουσιν
αϊ μείζους τών συμμαχιών προς την άσφάΧειαν, ούτως εβουΧευόμεθα περί αυτών, αλλά ποΧύ τών αΧΧων άκριβεστερον d
είδοτες τά συμβαίνοντ εκ τών τοιούτων, όμως φρούμεθά τοις
άσθενεστεροις καϊ παρά το συμφέρον βοηθεΐν μαΧΧον ή τοις
κρείττοσι του ΧυσιτεΧοΰντος ένεκα συναδικεΐν. 1
54
(^'.) Υνοίη δ' αν τις καϊ τον τρόπον και την ρώμην την
ήγοΰμαι κ.τ.λ.] All the following
sections, ending with § 99? a r e quoted
by Isocr. himself, with some slight
variations, which will be occasionally noticed, in the speech de Perm.
§ 59, άρξάμενος άπό της παραγραφή*
[sc. άπό της 'γραμμψ ην μεχρί νυν παράΎραφον καλοΰμεν. Harpocr. Lex.]
avayvtadi τά περί της ^εμονίας αύrots. The long quotation is introduped by a short summary of the
drift of the Paneg., which is quoted
on p. 42.
52. μικρούς...oXtyovs...d<f>av€is.]
Correspond roughly to μεγάλοι;*...
πολλούς...δεινούς. The inverted parallelism is only partially preserved.
TO'CS άδικ. άή. κ.τ.λ.] i. e. ' Champion of those of the Greeks who, in
each successive instance, are the vietims of injustice.' For this common
use of del (=from time to time), cf.
Dem, Lept. 463 Α, τους del (in each
successive year) λειτουρ'γοϋντας, and
Plato, Phaedrus, 242 B, del δέ μ*

έπίσχει [sc. τό δαιμόνων] 6 αν μέλλω
πράττειν (v. Dr Thompson's n.).
53. «roi>s άσθ....0€ρα'ΐΓ€ΰ€ΐν.] Cf.
Plat. Menex. 244 E, et τις βούλοιτο
της πόλεως κατη^ορησαι δικαίως,
τουτ1 αν μόνον λέ^ων όρθως αν κατήy οροί,-ως ad λίαν φιλοικτίρμων εστί
καϊ του η τ τόνος θεραπίς, and Dem.
Lept.^%,%^. As instances in which
Athens helped the weak against the
strong, we have her support of the
Heraclidae against Argos (§54sqq.),
the Ionians against Darius (500B.C.),
the Corcyraeans against Cprinth
(432), and the Egestaeans against
Syracuse (415).
&<ήτψ κ.τΛ.] v. § 11, ωσπερ. η.
54. ρώμην;] In the corresponding
passage 'of de Perm, the vulg. reading is ^νώμην, which Havet (p. 200)
wrongly calls ' bien. pre*fe"rable, d'aprfes la suite des ide"es.' The reading adopted in the text is not only
supported by MSS., but is in accordance with the sense of § 57.

—55]
ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.
73
της πόλεως εκ των ίκετειών, ας ηδη τίνες ημιν εποιησαντο.
τάς μεν ,οΰν ή 7/6ωστί ηεηενημενας η περί μικρών ελθούσας
παραλείψω' πολύ δε προ των Ύρωϊκων, εκείθεν yap δίκαιον
τάς πίστεις λαμβάνειν τονς^νπερ των πατρίων άμφισβη- e
τονντας, ηλθον οι θ* Ηρακλέους παίδες καϊ μικρόν προ
τούτων "Αδραστος 6 Ύαλαοΰ, βασιλεύς ών "Αρτγους, ούτος
μίν εκ της στρατείας της επί Θήβας δεδϋστυχηκώς, καϊ 5
τους νπό Tfi Καδμεία τελευτήσαντας αυτός μεν ου δυνάμενος
άνελεσθαι, την δε πόλιν άξιων βοηθεΐν ταΐς κοιναΐς τύχαις
τηκότεί. The resemblance between
ίκ€Τ€ΐών as...] &v, attracted into
this speech and the Funeral Oration
the same case as Ικετειών, would
of Lysias is, perhaps, too· close to
have been more idiomatic, but &s is
be merely accidental. The genuine­
equally correct. Compare Dem.
Aristocr. § 215, irepl των νόμων ών ness of the speech ascribed to Ly­
παρα'γ€Ύράμμ€θα with Androt § 34, sias, is often disputed. It is ac­
irepl των νόμων ovs τταρ^ραψάμεθα. cepted by Fr. Schlegel, Stallbaum,
and Ottfried Mtiller (Hist Gk. Lit
οϊ θ1 'Ηρακλέους iraiSes καϊ...
w
chap. xxxv. § 3); and rejected by
A8pacrTOs...oSTOs μ^ν.,.οί 8' Η ρ α ­
Valckenaer, F. A. Wolf, and Dobree
κλέους iratSes.] Obs. the inverted
parallelism or Chiasmus^ a figure of (adv. 1. init.) The argument from the
difference of style and from the fact
speech which is applied not merely
to single words (cf. ad Dem. § 7. n.), that Lysias (not being an Athenian
citizen) could not have delivered the
but also (as here) to whole clauses.
oration is not, I think, in itself con­
This artistic arrangement allows the
clusive. If Lysias wrote the oration
stronger point to be mentioned first,
at all, he must have written it before
the weaker second; then follows an
378 B. c. and probably. soon after
expansion of the second point, and,
394 B.C.; in which case Isocr. may
lastly, an effective exposition of the
have read it before publishing the
first.
Paneg. in 380 B. C. If this be true,
The more obvious arrangement is
I can propose nothing save the hy­
adopted, when there is no sufficient
pothesis of a common source to save
object to be gained in departing
Isocr. from the charge of having,
from it {e.g. § 58). The Scholiast
in this and several other passages
on Isocrates, Archid. § 42, &c., sin-,
(§ 86—98), borrowed from Lysias.
gularly enough, calls this inartistic
On the whole, however, I confess
sequence of clauses by the name
that the general argument for the
of Τ€τράκω\ο$ Trepiodos χιαστή, a
spuriousness of the Funeral Oration
name which ought to be applied
is too strong to be lightly set
only to cases of ' introverted paral­
aside.—We are expressly told of
lelism.'
this resemblance by Pseudo-Plutarch
On the Heraclidae and Adrastus
see Class. Did.; Isocr. Philip. § 33, (Isocr. p. 239) and the rhetorician
Theon (Progymn. I. 155, Walz.)
34; Lysias (?) Or. Funebr. § 7—16;
evpois δ1 hv καϊ παρά Ίσοκράτει έν τφ
Plato, Menex. 239 B, &c.
55. την δί wotov κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Ly­ Ι1ανφγνρικφ τά έν τφ Αυσίου έπιsias (?) Or. Funebr. § 9, νατρίου τι- ταφίω καϊ τ φ [Γο/τ/ίου conj. Pfund]
μψάτυχήσαντ€$ κ. 'Έλλψίκου νόμου Όλυμτικφ.
στ€ρηθέντ€* κ. κοινή ι ελπίδος ήμαρ-

7 4

-

*~X

IS0KPAT0T2

και μη περιοράν τους εν τοις πολέμοις
φους yvyvoμένους
56 καταλυομενονί

μηΒε παλαιον

[§§55
αποθνήσκοντας

εθος "teal πάτριον

ol δ' *Ή.ράκλέους παΐΒες φεύγοντες

άτα­
νομον

την Ει5-

ρυσθέως εχθραν, καΐ τάς μ^ν αλλάς πόλεις ύπερορώντες ώς
ουκ αν Βυναμενας βοηθήσαι
ήμβτέραν

ταΐς αυτών συμφοραΐς,

ικανήν νομίζοντας είναι μόνην άποΒοΰναι

ύπερ ων 6 πατήρ

αυτών απαντάς

ανθρώπους

την δ' b
χάριν

ευερηετησεν.

57 €κ Βή τούτων ραΒιον κατιΒεΐν, οτι και κατ εκείνον τον χρόνον ή πολις

ημών ήηεμονικώς είχε'

τις yap

αν Ικετεύειν

τολμησειεν

ή τους ήττους αύτοΰ ή τους ύή> ετέροις οντάς,

παραλιπών

τους μείζω Βύναμιν έχοντας, άλλως τε καΐ περί

πραημάτων

ουκ ΙΒίων άλλα κοινών και περί

ων ούΒενας

very weak. Havet (p. 201) refers
ώτοθνησκοντα^.] On the usage of
θνήσκαν (common in Tragic verse)
αυτών (sic) to the plural idea in­
and αποθνήσκων (frequent in Comedy volved in the word rls, and thinks
and Attic prose) see Veitch, Gk.
that the slight harshness of this
Verbs, 273—277. The simple form construction led to variations in the
τέθνηκα is used (in prose and verse)
MSS.* e.g. rives...τολμήσειαν...αυ­
as the pf. of both verbs. Cobet,
τών and Hs ....τολμήσειεμ,,,. αύτοΰ.
nov. hoi. p. 29, * Constanter απο­ Schn. cuts the knot by reading άλ­
θνήσκω, άποθανοϋμαι, άποθανεΐν po- λα»', and Rauchenstein says of αύ­
pulus dicebat, relinquens θνήσκω,... τοΰ *es ist wegen des Hiatus und
θανοΰμαι, κατθανοΰμαι, θανβΐν, κατθάwegen des Sinnes mehr als verveiv Tragicis, qui populares illas
dachtig' and prints robs TJTTOVS [αύ­
formas numquam usurpabant: at
τοΰ]. If a still bolder treatment
omnespariter dicebantT^vi\Ka, τεθνά- of the passage is necessary, it is
j>cu, τεθνεώϊ quae forma numquam worth while to draw attention to
componitur.'
the suspicious reiteration, Η TOYC
57 rCs .... τόλμη<T€i€V .... αΰτοΰ.]
ΗΤΤΟγσ Η ΤΟγσ and to suggest
The reading of cod. Urb. (followed by
BS) is αύτοΰ, that of the cod. Ambr. that Η τογο Ηττογο Λγτογ Η
(followed by Bens.) αυτών. The may be a corruption of ΗΓΟΥΝ
reading adopted by Bens, may pos­
HTTOYC ΑγτυϋΝ, a marginal ex­
sibly be the original reading,' and
planation of rods ύφ1 έτέροπ 6ντα$.
(besides avoiding a hiatus) accounts
(For equally puerile explanations
for the MS. variation αύτοΰ, which see the Scholia, printed in Coray's
Bens, would probably attribute to a
ed. 1. p. 440—448.), The original
desire to assimilate the pronoun to reading on this hypothesis will be
its supposed antecedent ris. Ac­ ris yap αν Ικετεύειν τόλμήσειε τους
cording to his earlier view αυτών=
ύφ1 έτεροι* Οντας, παραλιπών τους
Θηβαίων according to his later view
μείξω δύναμίν έχοντας;
it is a partitive genitive, referring
οΰδένας.] The pi. of oodels is not
partially to ras #XXas iroXeis, and
meaning, 'unter ihnen, den Helle- very common. For another instance
nen;' and this is perhaps a reason­ see de Perm. § 281 (quoted on p.
39). Ast's Lex. supplies only four
able explanation. The sense gained
by retaining αυτών is simple but instances in Plato.

—6ο]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡ1Κ02.

75

άλλους βίκος ην επιμεληθήναι
πλην Ίονς^προεστάναι
των
5 8 'ΈΧλήνων άξιοϋντας.
επειτ
ούΒε ψευσνεντες
φαίνονται
των ελπίδων, Βι ας κατέφυγον επι τους προγόνου? ημών.
άνελόμενοι yap πόλεμον ύπερ μεν των τελευτησάντων προς
®ηβαίους, ύπερ Βε των παίΒων τών/ϊΐρακλέους
προς την
Έιύρυσθέως Βύναμιν, τους μεν έπιστρατΈνσαντες ηνάγκασαν d
αποΒουναι θάψαι τους νεκρούς τοις προσήκουσα ΤΙελοποννησίων Βε τοις μετ Έύρυσθέως εις την χωράν ημών είσβαλόντας επεζέλθόντες ενίκησαν μαχόμενοι κάκεΐνον της υ59 βρ^ως έπαυσαν, θαυμαζόμενοι Βε και Βια τάς όΐλλας πράξεις
εκ τούτων των έργων ετι μάλλον ενΒοκίμησαν, ου yap παρά
μικρόν εποίησαν αλλά τοσούτον τάς τύχας εκατέρων μετήλλαξαν, ωσ& ο μεν ίκετεύειν ημάς άξιώσας βία τών έχθρων e
απαν& όσων εΒεηθη Βιαπραξάμενοςχ άπήλθεν, Ένρυσθεύς Βε
βιάσασθαι προσΒοκήσας αυτός αιχμάλωτος γενόμενος ικέτης
6θ ηναγκάσθη καταστηνα^ και\τω μ£ν ύπερενεγκόντι την άνθρωπίνην φνσιν} ος εκ Δ^ό? μεν γεγονώς, ετι Be θνητός ων
θεού ρώμην εσχε, τούτω μεν επιτάττων και λυμαινομενος
58. 4πιστρατ€ύσ-αντ€δ ήνάγκαcrav κ,τ.λ.] I n Panath. § 168—171,
Isocr. gives a very different account.
Here, h e speaks of armed force;
there, of an embassy (ο δημο$ Ζπεμψε
πρεσβαίαν).
H e is perfectly conscious of the discrepancy, and meets
the objection as follows: ούδένα
νομίξω των ταύτα συνώβίν Εν δυνηθέντων τοσαύτης άμαθίας etvai καΐ φθόνου
μεστον,βστι* ούκ αν έπαινέσειέ μβ καΐ
σωφρονεΐν ήγήσαιτο τότε μέν έκεΐνως,
νυν δ' ούτω διαΚεχθέντα vepi αύτων.
περί μέν οΰν τούτων οίδ' 6TL καλώς
Ύέ'γραφακαΙσυμφερόντως.
T h e startling serenity of this passage is remarkable, even in a speech which
has been recently characterized as a
* wonderful effusion of senile selfcomplacency.'
( D r Thompson's
Phaedrus, p . 177.)
άιτοδονναι θάψαι.] Madv. Synt.
§ 148 b, Goodwin's Gk. Moods and
Tenses, § 97.
'
T h e account of this event, given

by the Athenians in Herodot. (ix.
27) is as follows: * When the Argives led their troops with Polynices
against Thebes, and were slain and
refused burial, it is our boast that
. we went out against the Cadmeians,
recovered the bodies, and J u r i e d
them a t Eleusis in our own territory.' (From Rawlinson).
όο τ<δ μέν.,.τοΰτφ μ,έν.] T h e first
μέν (followed by a parenthetical μέν
and δέ) is immediately resumed in the
words τούτω μέν. Evag. § 25, 6σα
μέν.,.ταυτα μέν κ.τ.λ.
Areop. § 47»
παρ* ο& μέν...πάρα τούτους μέν 8που
δέ.,.ένταϋθα δέ. See Madv. Synt^
§ 188, 4 and Buttmann's Mzdz'as,
E x c . xii. § 3.
έιτίταττων κ. Xvpaivoftcvos.] T h e
first of these words governs the dat.,
the second almost always the ace.
I n two passages of Isocr. (de perm.
§ 119, Nicocl. § 18), λνμαίνεσθαι, governs the dat. b u t in the present instance τούτω is governed by έπα-ώτ-

76

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ 6 ο

άπαντα τον χρόνον διετέλεσες επειδή δ' εις ημάς έξημαρτεν, 53
ε£? τοσαρτην κατέστη μεταβολήν, ωστ επί τοις παισί τοις
εκείνου/γενόμενος επονειδίστως τον βίον ετελεύτησεν.
61
(ΐς- ,y\ ΤΙολλών δ* ύπαρχουσων ημϊν ευεργεσιών εις την
πόλιν την Αακεδαιμονίων περί ταύτης μόνης μοι συμβέβηκεν ειπείν άφορμην yap λαβόντες την Si ημών αύτοΐς γε-τ
νομενην σωτηρίαν οι πρόγονοι μεν των νυν εν Αακεδαίμονι
1
βασιλευόντων, εκγονοι δ Ηρακλέους, κατηλθον μεν εις Π ε - b
λοπόννησον,φατέσχον
δ' "Αργός καϊ Αακεδαίμονα και Μεσσηνην^ οίκισταΐ δε Σπάρτης εγένοντο, καϊ των παρόντων
62 άβαθωνJ αυτοϊς απάντων αρχηγοί κατέστησαν,
ων εχρήν
εκείνους μεμνήμένους μηδέποτ είς την χωράν ταύτην είσβάλλειν, εξ ης όρμηθέντες τοσαύτην εύδαιμονίαν κατεκτψ
σαντο, μηδ* εις κινδύνους" καθιστάναι την πολιν ύπϊερ των
#'**£Γ
παίδων των 'ΐΐρακλέους προκινδυνεύσασαν, μηδέ τοις μεν c
απ εκείνου γεγονόσι διδόναι την βασιλείαν, την δε τώ γένει
6$ της σωτηρίας αίτίαν ουσαν δούλεύειν αύτοΐς άξιοΰν. ει δε
Λ^
δει τάς χάριτας καϊ τάς επιεικείας άνελόντας επϊ την υπόΨ^ *4ΐ
^6σίν
πάλιν έπανελθεϊν και τον άκριβέστατον των λόγων
**'ειπείν, ου δη που πάτριόν εστίν ηγεΐσθαι τους έπήλυδας*
των αυτοχθόνων, ουδέ τους ευ παθόντας των ευ^ποιησάντων, d
6 4 ουδέ τον? ίκέτας γενομένους των ύποδεξαμένων. Ι (ιξ.) "Ετ*
δε συντομώτερον εχώ 'δηλώσαι περί αυτών, τών μέν γαρ
*Έίλληνίδων πόλεων χωρίς της ημετέρας "Αργός καϊ ®ηβαι
ΚΛΙ Αακεδαίμων και τότ ήσαν μέγισται καϊ νυν ετι διαΐετων', and the second participle serves &\λης συμφοράς έλήλυθεν \ φεύγων
simply as a quasi-adverb to define the < άνήρ η κει re καϊ κατέρχεται.
P
first, cf. § 6, σκοπεί? κ. φϊΚοσοφεϊν, η.
κατηλθον... κατ&τχον... κατ&ττη6ι. κατηλθον.] ' Returned.' This
σαν... κατ€Κτησαντο...καθιστάναι.]
word (like κατ ιέναι, and κάθοδος,) is The reiteration of κατά in these
frequently used of * return from ex- compounds is probably intentional,
ile.' ) The passage usually quoted
62 €ΐσ-βάλλ€ΐν.] e.g. in the'Peloto illustrate this meaning is Aristoph. ponnesian war.
Ran. 1152—1169, where Aeschylus
TOIS απ CKCCVOV—την βασιλ€(αν·]
recites from his Cho€phorae, the line The constitution of Lacedaemon
ηκω yap els yrjv τήνδε καϊ κατέρχο- consisted, in part, of two hereditary
juat. Euripides accuses his rival of kings, descended from Eurysthenes
tautology; and Aesch. defends him- and Procles, the twin sons of Arisself1 as follows: έλθεΐμ μ& els yrjv todemus, the great-great-grandson
(σθ 6τφ μετγ πάτρα* \ χωρίς yip
of Hercules.

—66]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

77

Κοΰσιν· φαίνονται δ' ημών οι πρόγονοι τοσούτον απάντων
διενεγκοντες, [ώσ#'] υπέρ μεν Άργε/ωζ> δυστνχησάντων ®ηβαίοις, οτε μεηιστον εφρόνησαν, επιτόττοντες, υπέρ δε των
παίδων των Ηρακλέους Άργείους καί τους αΧΚους Πελο- e
ποννησίους μαχ*Ι κρατησαντες, εκ δε των προς Ευρυσθέα
κινδύνων τους οίκιστάς καί τους ηγεμόνας τους Αακεδαιμονίων διασώσαντες, ώστε περί μεν της iv τοις r ΈΧλ,ησι δυνα­
στείας ουκ οϊδ' όπως αν τις σαφέστερον επιδεϊζαι δυνηθείη*
(Μ/.) Αοκεΐ δε μοι και περί των προς τους βαρβάρους 5τί} ττόλε^ πεπραγμένων προσήκειν ειπείν, αΧλως τ επειδή
Kgi τον \6yov κατεστησάμην περί της ηγεμονίας της εττ'
εκείνους· απαντάς μεν οΰν εξαριθμών τους κινδύνους \ίαν
64. φ α ί ν ο ν τ α ι . . . τ ο σ ο ύ τ ο ν . . . 8 ΐ € V€7KOVT€S, <8στ€... liriTaTTorres...
κρατησαντ€8...8ιασ·ώσαντ€δ, <8στ€
κ,τ.λ.] T h e irregularity of this
sentence has been often noticed. I t s
peculiarity consists in the recurrence
of ώστε near the close, as well as
near the beginning of the sentence.
This eccentricity may b e treated in
one of two ways, (i) by the excision,
of the first ώστε, (2) by allowing
both to stand, and attempting to
explain them. T h e first of these
methods is adopted by Coray, Mo­
ms, Auger and Rauchenstein; the
second by Wolf, Spohn, Baiter and
Schneider. If we adopt (2), two
courses are o p e n ; either (a) to place
a full stop at διασώσαντες, in which
case έπιτάττοντες, κρατήσαντβς, διασώσαντες would have to b e explain­
ed as ' a t t r a c t e d ' to the participle
biepeyKOvres. cf. Isaeus de Astyph.
hered. § 1 6 , (quoted by Spohn) επι­
δείξω yap ύμίν %%Βιστον απάντων
Οντα Άστύφιλον Κλέωνι, καί οϋτω
σφόδρα καϊ δικαίως μισουντα τούτον,
ωστ€ πολύ αν θαττον διαθέμενον. μηδένα ποτέ των έαυτοϋ οίκείων δίαλεχθηναι KXeWt, μάλλον $1 τον τούτου
vlbv ποιησάμενον, or {β) to suppose
that the writer allows the sentence
to carry him away for a short time
until he recovers himself by repeat­
ing the first ώστε, which enables

him to gather u p the sense and t o '
conclude t h e whole sentence in a
regular manner.
T h e meaning
would then b e : ' O u r ancestors are
proved to have excelled all of these
to so great a degree, that, (in as
much as they laid down the law for
the Thebans, & c &c.)> that, I say,
so far as regards their supremacy
among the Greeks, I k n o ^ not how
one can display a clearer argument
than this.' If the first ώστε must
b e retained, I prefer/proposing (β)
to adopting (a). Other suggestions
might easily be pecorded, but after
a careful consideration of all the
explanations of the double c&rre, I
feel convinced \that Isocrates is very
unlikely t o have adopted such an
awkward construction. I prefer,
therefore, to place ώστε in brackets
and to attribute its existence in the
M S S to a desire, on the part of the
copyists, to supply a n immediate
correlative to τοσούτον, instead of
waiting for the distant («We, which
is its real correlative.
II. §§ 66—70. Wars with Bar­
barians of the Mythical period, espe­
cially the Thracians and the Scythi­
ans,
66. tiXkm τ ' £τ€ΐδη καί.] άλλως
re καί AirtdHn U more common but
less forcible^
καί emphasizes τόν
λόγο*·

7

8

ISOKPATOTS

[§§66

%

αν μακρο\οηοίην
επί δέ τών μέγιστων στ ας τον αυτόν τρόπονί ονπερ όλιγω πρότερον) πειράσομαι
καϊ περί τούτων
ΒιεΧθεΐν. εστί γαρ αργικώτατα μεν των γενών καϊ μεγίστας b
δυναστείας εγοντα Χκύθαι καϊ ®ρακές και Τίέρσαι, τν<γχάνουσι δ' ούτοι μεν άπαντες ημΐν έπιβουΧεύσαντες, η δέ ποΧις προς απαντάς τούτους $ιακιν$υνεύσασα*~ καίτοι τι Χοιπον εσται τοΐς άντιΚεγουσιν, ην επιΒειγθώσι των μεν Έ λ \ηνων\οί μη δυνάμενοι τυγ%άνειν των δικαίων'ημάς ίκετεύειν
άξιοΰντες. των δε βαρβάρων οι βουΚομενοι καταΒουΧώσασθαι τούς(/Έλ\ηνας εή> ημάς πρώτους ίόντες;
c
{iff.) επιφανέστατος
μεν ονν των πόλεμων 6 ΐϊερσικος ηεγονεν, ου μην ελάττω τεκμήρια τα παΧαια των έργων)
εστί τοΐς περί των πατρίων άμφισβητονσιν.
Ί[ετι γαρ τα­
πεινής ούσης της Έ λ λ α δ ο ? ηλθον εις την γωραν ημών
%ρακες μεν μετ Έίύμολπου του ΐίοσειδώνος, %κύθαι δέ μετ
T h e Lacedaemonians held that the
«hrl δί· των μεγίστων στάβ.] T h e
supremacy was their hereditary
codd. Urb. and Ambr. ι omit στάς,
the codd. Vat. and Ambr. 2, and (in ' right, one of their national institu­
tions (§ 18, πάτρων); and Isocr. is
the twin passage in the speech De
here asserting that in the dispute
permtilaUone) the cod. Laur. insert
for hereditary institutions, including
it. T h e Word may possibly have
the supremacy, the old achievements
fallen out m consequence of the
of Athens with regard to the Thrasimilarity of the preceding syllable
cians and Scythians form an argu­
-στων, and, as Benseler suggests, is
ment at least as convincing as any
necessary to keep \ψ t h e parallel­
that could be deduced from her prow­
ism with the previous''participle έξαess in the Persian War.
ριθμων.
|
<·τι -γαρ—χρόνον κ . τ . λ . ] This
— 68. TOIS irepl των ττατρίων άμφ.]
passage and § 54,
ηλθον—δεδυστνχη·
' T o those who are contending for
κώς, are quoted by Theon (Rhetori­
ancestral rights.' T h e expression τά
cian, fl. 315 Α. Ώ.), Progymn. 1. p.
πάτρια includes and especially refers
201, Walz, with the following in­
to the supremacy. "Dr Thompson
troductory r e m a r k : διηγησιν δε διη{Jonrn. of Class, and Sacr.
Phil,
γήσει. σνμπλέκειν
εστίν, όταν δύο
Vol. IV. p . 150) proposes an excel­
διηγήσεις ff καϊ πλείους άμα δί.η'γε'ίσθαι
lent emendation, irepl των πρωτείων
επιχειροΰμεν, τούτο δε μάλα επετή^
άμφ., which would have the same
δευσαν οί άπο "Ισοκράτους καϊ αυτός
meaning as περί τψ τη/εμονίας άμφ.
δ 'Ισοκράτης εν τψ πανη*γυρικφ.
in §§ 20, 25, 57, 7.1, arid 166; and
Θρακ€$..-Σκΰθαι.] On the inva­
may be supported by Areop. § 6,
sion of the Scythians see Class.
επρωτεύσαμεν των 'Έάκλ'ήνωρ. T h e
Dial., and cf. Panath.
§ 193 and
common reading may,' however, be
Plato, Menex. 239 B. Miiller {Hist, of
defended by § 54, τοΰϊ ύπ'ερ των πα­
τρίων άμφίσβ-ητοϋντΦϊ • (unless, in­ Gk. Lit. chap. i l l . § 8) holds that the
ante-historical Thracians (mentioned
deed, we emend that passage also),
in the text) and the Thracians of a
and by § 37, ηγεμόνα!·' Ιπατριωτέραν.

—70]

ΠΑΝΗΙ^ΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

79

'Αμαζόνων των''Αρεως θυγατέρων, ου κατά τον αυτόν χρόνον, αΧΧά καθr ον εκάτερου της Έάρώπης επήρχον, μισοΰντες
μεν άπαν το των 'ΈιΧΧήνων γένος, ίδια δε προς ημάς έ<γκ\ή- d
ματα ποιησάμενοι, νομίζοντες εκ τούτου του τρόπου προς
6g μίαν μεν πόΧον κινδυνεΰσειν, άπασων δ' αμα κρατησειν· ου
μην κατώρθωσαν, αλλά προς μόνους τους προγόνους τους «Γ*ημέτερους συμβαΧοντες ομοίως διεφθάρησαν, ω<τπερ αν el
προς απαντάς ανθρώπους εποΧέμησαν. δηΧον δε το μέγεθος
των κακών των γενομένων εκείνους' ου γάρ αν πο& ol Χόγοι
περί αυτών τοσούτον 'χρόνον διέμειναν, el μη καϊ τα πρα7° χθεντα ποΧυτών αΧΧων διηνεγκεν, Χέγεται δ' ουν περί μεν e
'Αμαζόνων, ως των μεν εΧθουσών ουδεμία παΧιν άπηΧθεν,
aij? ύποΧείφθεΐσαι διά την-ενθάδε—θ-υμψοράν $κ της αρχής
εξεβΧήθησαν, περί δε ©ρακών, ότι f p > αΧΧον χρόνον^ιόμοροι
pz
προσοικοϋντες ήμϊν τοσορτονίδιά την τότε στρατείαν diefy- 55
later period were distinctly different
races. Isocr. seems to identify them,
when h e speaks of t h e broad inter­
val between the original abodes of
the invaders (Eleusis (?), Helicon,
and Parnassus) and the district to
which they retreated. Several other
writers attach great importance to
this invasion; e.g. in Xen. Mem.
i n . 5, 9, it appears as a coalition
against Athens of t h e powers of
Europe. On the Amazons cf. Aesch.
Eum. 6 8 5 ^ 6 9 0 and Lysias (?) Or.
Funebr. § 4, 'λμάξονες "Αρεως μεν
τό παΧαών ήσαν θυγατέρες, οίκονσαι
δε παρά θερμώδοντα ποταμδν
κ.τ.λ.
with Taylor's Le<2. Lysiacae, c. 4.
Εομ.όλττου του ΙΙοσ-€ΐδώ vos.] Isocr.
(Panath. § 103) states that Eumolpus
assailed Erechtheus in vindication of
the claims of Poseidon to be the
tutelary deity of Athens. See also
§ 157, Εύμολπίδαί. η .
69. κατώρθωσχιν.. .δΐ€φθάρησ·αν. ]
See § 6, κατορθωθώ, η. On the con­
jugation of compounds of όρθώ see
ad Dem. § 3 , έπανορθώ. η .
ώ(πτ€^άν.] Sc. διεφθάρησαν. T h e
formula ώσπερ αν el (or ώσπερανεί)
is often elliptical; e.g. Plato, Gorg.
479 Α, φοβούμενος ωσπερ &v el παΐ$

('fearing like a child'), i.e. φοβού­
μενος ώσπερ αν έφοβήθη εΐ παις ην.
(Goodwin's Gk. Moods and Tenses,
§ 4*·)
διέμεναν — 8ujv€VK€V.] A n instance of παρομοίωσis.
70. δια τ η ν 4νθάδ€ σ~υμ.φοράν.]
T h e very same words are found in
a similar context in Lysias (?) Or,
Funebr. § 6.
Ιξέβληθησ-αν.] έξέπεσον is fre­
quently used instead of the aor.
pass, of έκβάΧλω. De Bigis, § 12,
ύπό των τριάκοντ* εκπεσόντες,
and,
immediately afterwards,
κατέλθεΐν
els την πατρίδα, τιμωρήσασθαι
δε
τους έκβα\6ντας.
τον άλλον—κατοικισθήναι.] ι. e.
' A l t h o u g h in former times they
dwelt beside us, on our very borders,
nevertheless, by reason of that ex­
pedition, they left an intervening
space so broad, that in the district
between their land and ours many
nations and 'all kinds of races and
great cities have been established.'
τόν ά λλο ν χρόνον.] Referring to
past time. D e m . Lept. 462, εχειν
υπήρχε τόν yovv &\\ov χρόνον.
τ ή ν τότ€ σ τ ρ α τ β ί α ν ] Lit. ' t h e
then expedition. This Greek idiom

8ο

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§ 7ο

πον ωστ εν τω μεταξύ της χωράς έθνη πόλΧά καϊ γένη
παντοΖαπά καϊ πόλεις μεγαΚας κατοικισθηναι.
(κ.)
Καλά μεν ουν καϊ ταύτα, και πρέποντα τοις περί
της ηγεμονίας άμφισβητοΰσιν^ ά&έΚφά δέ \ων είρημενων καϊ
τοίαυθ* οϊά^περ εϊκος τους εκ τοιούτων γεγονότος, οι προς
Ααρεΐον καϊ Ήέρξην ποΧεμήσαντες έπραξαν, μεγίστου γαρ
ποΧεμον συστάντος εκείνου, καϊ πΧείστων κινδύνων εις τον
is very convenient ? and is becoming
πι. §§71—99. The Persian Wars.
more and more common in English.
71, 72. In fighting against Da­
Similarly Shakspeare uses 'some­ rius and Xerxes, Athens conquered
time ' in at least seven passages, e.g. her allies and her enemies alike. She
Hamlety I. 2, Our sometime sister, was thus held worthy of the prize of
valour; and soon after, gained the
now our queen.
Iv τφ μεταξύ TTJS χώρα-S.] The undisputed empire of the sea. 73,74.
The Lacedaemonians, I admit, were
bare transl. 'in dem Zwischenraumef
' in the intervening country,' is, as in those times of crisis the causes of
many benefits, but Athens outrival led
Schneider notices, not very accurate.
Lacedaemon. I may be permitted to
This would require h ry μεταξύ
χώρα. Nor, again, is it possible to dwell on this point, that so we may
refer rrjs χώρα* to Attica and the remind ourselves of the valour of our
district to which these Thracians· re­ ancestors and our hostility to the
tired. It is very easy to be hyper­ Barbarians. And yet I am well
critical on such a point as this. The aware how hard it is to speak on
essential meaning of the passage is subjecls which have long since been
the same in any case, but (if strict pre-occupied and, for the most part,
accuracy is required) TTJS χώρα* is exhausted by our most able citizens
in their funeral orations; neverthe­
the land of the Thracians: iv τφ
μεταξύ TTJS χώρα* means * in the in­ less, in as much as they bear on my
terval between the land of tKeThra- objecl, I must not hesitate to make
mention of them.
ciansand our own land.' TMs^diom
71. άδ€λφά τών €ΐρημ.1νων.] The
(by which the less remote extre­
mity is omitted) Schneider illustrates adj. αδελφός, 'twin with,' 'akin to,'
by quoting Aristoph. Av. 187, αλλ' ' answering to,' is common in Plato.
b> μέσφ δήπουθεν άήρ έστι T^S. (The In Isocr. Hel. § 23, we have έξ αδελ­
air, I ween, is 'twixt the earth and φών .... ΎεΎονότες... άδελφας καϊ τας
heaven.) A still more appropriate επιθυμίας ϊσχον. Lysias (?) Or. Fupassage may be found in Eur. Hec. nebr. § 119.
ot irpos Adpeiov κ. Ηφξην κ.τ. λ.]
435 sqq. <S φώς' προσειπεΐν yap σόν
6ι>ομ' ΖξεστΙ μοι, \ μέτεατί δ' ούδεν ιτλ^νOn the Persian wars, to which full
Οσον χρόνορ ξίφους \ βαίνω μεταξύ καϊ allusion is made in the following
sections, either the histories of Thirlπύρας Άχιλλέως. (Ο Light! I can
address thee by thy name; But can­ wall or Grote, or ' The Tale of the
Great Persian War' (by Mr Cox),
not share-thee, save the while I walk
'Twixt this, and slaughter at Achil­ may be read with advantage. In the
les' pyre.) v. Aristoph. Ach. 434, following notes only the discrepan­
cies between Isocr. and others will
Soph. 0. C. 292, and Halliwell's
Did. of Archaic and Provincial be dwelt upon, and the rhetorical
Words, where, it is stated that in Eng­ exaggerations checked by occasional
lish, 'between' i s ' sometimes used el- reference to historical authorities.
liptically, this tawbeingunderstood.'

—74]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

8ι

αυτόν χρόνον συμπεσόντων, καϊ τών μεν πολεμίων ανυπό­
στατων οίομένων είναι Βιά το πλήθος, των Βε συμμάχων
J2 άνυπέρβλητον ηγουμένων εγειν την άρετήν, αμφοτέρων κρατησαντες\ώς εκατέρων προσηκεν3 και προς απαντάς τους κιν­
δύνους Βιενέγκόντες, ευθύς μεν των αριστείων ηξιώθησαν, ου
ποΧλω δ' ύστερον την αρχήν της θαλαττης ελαβον, Βόντων
μεν των τίλλων 'Ί&λλήνων, ουκ αμφισβητούντων Βε των νυν
yj ημάς άφαιρεϊσθαι ξητούντων. ί
c
73
(κα.) Κ.αϊ μηΒεϊς οΐέσθω υ! άηνοεϊν, οτι καϊ ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι περί τους καιρούς τούτους) πολλών άηαθών αίτιοι τοις
*'Έ*Χλησι κατέστησαν' άΧλα Βιά τούτο καϊ μαΧλον επαινεΐν
έχω τήν πόλιν, οτι τοιούτων ανταγωνιστών τυχούσα τοσού­
τον αυτών Βιήνεηκεν. βούλομαι δ' όλίηω μακρύτερα περί
τοϊν πολέοιν ειπείν καϊ μη ταχύ λίαν παραΒραμεΐν, ϊν αμ­
φοτέρων ήμϊν υπομνήματα ηένηται, της τε τών προγόνων ό
74 αρετής καϊ της προς τους βαρβάρους έχθρας, καίτοι μ ού
λέληθεν, οτι χαλεπόν εστίν ύστατον επελθόντα λέγειν περί
πραγμάτων πάλαι προκατειλημμένων και περί ,ων οι μά­
λιστα Βυνηθέντες τών πολιτών ειπείν επϊ τοις Βημοσία θαανυιτοστάτων ... άνυπέρβλητον.]
Obs. παρομοίωσις. v. p p . xiv, xv.
72. αμφοτέρων—ιτροσήκ€ν.] Imi­
tated by Lycurgus, adv. Leocr. § 70
(330 B.C.).
€v0us—ί-λαβον.] Quoted by Arist.
Rhet. III. 9 as a n instance of αντι­
κείμενη λέξι$ (v. § 35, αμφότερους,
n.).
O n δόντων κ.τ.λ. cf. Areop. § 17.
73. τοίν iroXeoiv.] v. § 17. n.
74.
ΰστατον.] T o be taken
with έπεΚθόντα \4yeiv and not with
λέγειν alone, as Schn. proposes.
X£y€iv... €ΜΓ€Ϊν... €ΐρήκα<τι. ]
On
λέγειν || ειπείν see ad Dem. § 4 1 .
n.—εϊρηκα is used as the pf. of both
verbs.
χαλεπόν — ιτροκατ€ΐλημμένων.]
Cf. de Perm. § 83. T h e thought is
very common, b u t has never been
so well expressed as by Choerilus of
Samos (ed. N a k e , p . 104), & μάκαρ
δστις Ζην κεΐνον χρόνον ϊδρις άοιδή$ |
ISOC.

Μουσάων θεράπων, οτ1 ακήρατος ην
'έτι λειμών. \ νυν δ' 6τε πάντα δέδασται έχουσι δέ πείρατα τέχναι, \ ύστα­
τοι ώστε δρόμου καταλειπόμεθ', ουδέ
τοι έσται | πάιτη παπταίνοντα νεο~
ζυγέ* άρμα πελάσσαι.
Ctrl TOUS δημοσία θαιττομένοις·]
T h e funeral orations, delivered from
time to time in honour of those
Athenians who fell in battle, pro­
bably took their origin from the
Persian wars ( . Grote, H. G. IV.
170, new ed.), a n d t h e events of
those wars entered largely into their
composition.
Ar. Rhet. li. 22. 6.
Dionys. Halic. Ars Rhet. VI. gives
a receipt for the composition of a n
Oratio Funebrls.
D e m . Lept. p . 499, § 141, μόνοι
τών απάντων ανθρώπων έπί rots reλευτήσασι δημοσία ταφας ποιεΐσθβ καϊ
λόγους επιταφίους iv oils κοσμεΐτβ τά
των αγαθών ανδρών t-pya.
T h e following is a list of all the

6

82

I20KPATOT2

[§§74

πτομένοις πολλάκις βίρήκασιν ανάγκη yap τα μβν μέγιστ
αυτών η8η κατακβγρήσθαι, μικρά 8 βτι παραλέλεΐφθαι.
^ομως δ' έκ τών υπολοίπων, $έπ€ΐ$ή συμφέρει τοις πραημασιν, e
ουκ όκνητέον μνησθήναι πβρ\ αυτών,
75
(κβ)
ΤΙλβίστων μίν ουν άηαθών αίτιους καϊ μ&^ίστων
known early specimens of this kind
of Attic oratory, (i) The speech of
Pericles in honour of those who fell
before Samos (440 B.C.). Only one
or two fragments of this are pre­
served.
(2) The speech of Pericles in the
first year of the Peloponnesian war
(431 B.C.), the substance of which is
preserved in Thuc. 11. 35—46.
(3) The oration composed by Gorgias the Sophist of Leontini, and
published, if not actually delivered,
in Athens (after 427 B.C.). Ac­
cording to Philostratus (vit. Soph.
p. 493) it was intended to arouse the
Athenians against Persia, and dwelt
at length on the trophies of the Per­
sian wars, υπέρ ομονοίας μέν της προς
"Έλληνας ουδέν διηλθεν (cf. § 16. fin.),
ένδιέτριψε δέ τοΐς των Μηδικών τρο­
παίων έπαινοι* (cf. § 158. η.).
(4) The speech bearing the name
of Lysias, ostensibly commemorating
those who died in the Corinthian
war (B.C. 394), and dwelling mainly
on Mythical times and on the Per­
sian wars. v. § 55. n.
(5) The Menexenus, of Plato (the
genuineness of which has been dis­
puted on insufficient grounds); it
consists almost entirely of a funeral
©ration which Socrates (who died
399 B.C.) pretends to have heard
recited by Aspasia. The clue to the
whole speech is contained in the brief
introductory dialogue, in which So­
crates comically exaggerates the ef­
fect produced on himself by such
speeches, in a vein of irony which is
perfectly appreciated by Menexe­
nus: 235 c, del σύ προσπαίζεις, ώ
Σώκρατες, rods βήτορας. It was pro­
bably composed not long after the
peace of Antalcidas (387 B.C., see

esp. § 115. n.), and it is easy to trace
many conscious or unconscious coin­
cidences of subject and expression
in the Menexenus and the Panegyricus.—v. Cic. Oral. 44, § 151.
(6) The speech wrongly ascribed
to Demosthenes, purporting to be de­
livered after the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.). Cf. Dem. de Cor. 320,
§285.
(7) The funeral oration of Hyper·
ides in honour of those who fell in
the Lamian War (322 B.C.). The
greater part of it was discovered in
Egypt in 1856; and was first edited
by Prof. C. Babington (with a
learned, and in the main correct,
appendix on the funeral orations of
the Greeks).
On the ceremonies of the public
funerals see esp. Thuc. II. 34, or
Grote's H. G. iv. 171, 266, new ed.
On the usual place of burial, the
Ceramicus, 'the fairest suburb of
Athens/ rb κάλλιστον προάστεων της
πόλεως, cf. Aristoph. Aves, 395 sqq.
κατακ€χρή<τθαι.] The simple
pf. κεχρησθαι is usually transitive;
but the compound is passive both in
this passage and in a fragment of
the comic poet Amphis, the only
other instance quoted by Veitch
Gk. verbs, p. 605. In Plato, Crat.
426 E, &c. κατακεχρησθαι is trans.
etc των υπολοίπων.] Dem. de
Cor. 312, § 256, έκ των ενόντων.
§§ 7 5— 84. The excellence and the
public spirit of those who held sway
in Athens and Sparta before the
Persian wars, and schooled their
citizens to virtue and valour. The
younger generation thus became such
brave antagonists of the Barbarians,
(82—84) that no praise has ever been
found adequate to their merits* They

-Η]
~

76

^jUw
-w%

77
.

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

83

επαίνων άξιους ηγούμαι ησγενήσθαι τους τοϊς σώμασιν ύπερ
της Έλλάδο? προκινΒυνεύσαντας* ου μην ού&ε τών προ τον
ποΧεμου τούτου γενομένων καϊ δυναστευσάντων iv εκατέρα 56
τοΐν ποΧέοιν δίκαιον άμνημονεΐν- εκείνοι γαρ ήσαν οι προασκήσαντες τους επιηιηνομενους καϊ τα πλήθη
προτρεψαντες^^
€7Γ' άρετην καϊ χαλεπούς ανταγωνιστού τοις βαρβάροις
ποιήσαντες, ου γαρ ωΚιγώρουν των κοινών, ούΚ άπέλαυον
μεν ως ιδίων, ήμεΚουν* δ' ώ? αΧΚοτρίων, αλλ' εκήΒοντο μεν
ως οικείων, απειγρντο ο ωσπερ χρη των μηοεν προσήκοντων* 1 ούδε προς αργύρων την "yfig'•'j^vhtV^iX^f1')
αλλ''
ούτος έδόκει π\οΰτον άσφαΧεστατον κεκτησθαι καϊ κά\- b
Χιστον, όστις τοιαύτα τυγχάνοι πράττων, εξ ων αυτός τε
μεΧΚοι μαΚιστ ευδοκιμήσει? και τοις παισι μεγίστην Βόξαν
καταλείψειν. ούΒε τάς θρασύτητας τάς άΧλήλων εζηΚουν,
ονδε τάς τοΚμας τα? αυτών ησκουν, αλλά δεινότερον μεν
ενόμιζον είναι κακώς ύπο τών πολιτών άκούειν ή κακώς
surpassed the heroes of the Trojan
σκων, in § 78, 8τι τοις—όμονοήσουσιν,
war, and proved themselves worthy
and in § 80, τα των &\\ων—έμμέν€ΐν
of the same immortal memory as the
άί-ιοΰντες.
sons of the Gods.
75· irX€forra>v...a|(ovs.] Dionys.
7 5 — 8 1 . Dionysius of HalicarHal. I.e., ενταύθα...ού μόνον τφ κώnassus devotes a long passage in his
λω τό κωλον ϊσον, άλλα καϊ τά
Judicium de Isocrate, to the dissec­
ονόματα τοις δνόμασι, κ.τ.λ.
tion of nine or ten sentences quoted
τοΐν ιτολέοιν.] § ι 7 · η .
from this chapter. H i s quotations
76. ού γ ά ρ ώλιγώρουν.] ' T h e y
are introduced in words to this effect :
despised not t h e public g o o d ; nor
'from t h e actual diction of Isodid they (while enjoying it as their
crates we shall plainly see that in t h e
own) disregard it as another's.' I n
rhythm of his periods h e is constant­
translation, the clause containing μέν
ly aiming at a polished smoothness,
may b e often made subordinate in
and that t h e puerility of his figures
English to the clause containing δέ.
spends itself on parallelisms of
Cf. Dem. de Cor. § 179, ουκ έΐπον
sense, of structure, a n d of sound:
μέν ταύτα, ούκ ^ραψα δέ, ού$' gypa\f/a
I a m not blaming these figures as a
μεν, ούδ* έπρέσβευσα δέ, ούδ' έπρέσclass, for many writers and orators
βευσα μϊν, ούκ έπεισα δέ Θηβαίους'
have m a d e use of them, in the de­
άλΧ άπδ της αρχής δια πάντων άχρι
sire to adorn their diction with the
της τελευτης διεξηλθον. (v. Brough­
flowers of speech; I blame them
am's η . on the various ways of
only in their excess'...& 7' οΰν τ<£
translating this climax.)
παντ^υρικφ, τφ περιβοήτφ \6y^ :>
irpds άργυριον—ftcpivov.] § 11,
πολύς έστεν h τοις τοιούτοι*. Dio­
προς τους—σκοποΰσι. η.
nysius then quotes, in § 75, πλείστων
77· τάβ θρασ-ύτηταβ.] F o r the
—ηγούμαι, in § 76, ούδ' άπέλαυον—
pi. abstract, v. § 11, μετριότητας, n.
προσηκόντων, αυτός τβ—καταλείψειν,
κακώς viro των π ο λ ι τ ώ ν άκοναν.]
in § 77» ουδέ τά$ θρασύτητας—αποθνή­ . Male audire a civibus.
This idiom

6—2

84

ISOKPATOTS

Γ§§ 77

ύπερ της πόΧεως άποθνήσκειν, μάΧΧον δ' rjayvvovr επι τοις c
κοινοΐς άμαρτήμασιν η νυν επί τοις ιδίοις τοις σφετεροις
αυτών, τούτων δ' ην αίτιον, οτι τους νόμους εσκοπούν,
όπως ακριβώς καΧ καΧώς εξουσιν, ού% ούτω τους περί των
Ιδίων συμβοΧαίων, ώς τους περί των καθ* εκάστην την
ημέραν επιτηδευμάτων'
ηπίσταντο <γάρ οτι τοις καΧοΐς
κάτγαθοΐς τών ανθρώπων ούδεν δεήσει ποΧΧών γραμμάτων,
αλλ' απ οΚιηων συνθημάτων ραδίως κα\ περί τών Ιδίων d
και π€ρϊ τών κοινών ομονοήσ^νσνν. < ούτω δε ποΧιτικώς
•
εϊγον, ώστε και τάς στάσεις εποιουντο προς άΧΧήΧους, ούχ
όπότεροι τους έτερους άποΧεσαντες τών Χοιπών άρξοϋσιν,
αλλ* όπότεροι φθήσονται την πόΧιν αγαθόν τι ποιήσαντες·
is imitated by Spenser, Ben Jonson,
and M i l t o n : e.g. Milt. Areopagitica, p . 51, ed Arber.
What more
nationall corruption for which Eng­
land hears ill abroad, then houshold gluttony ?
78. roi>s νόμ,ουδ—όμονοήςτουσ-ι.]
Cf. Areop. § 39—41.
ήπίσ-ταντο γ ά ρ κ. τ . λ.]
'For
they were aware, that, for good
men and true, there will be no need
of many written laws, b u t that, with
the help of a few points of agree­
ment, they will readily b e of one
mind, with regard b o t h to private
and to public interests.'
καλοις κάγαθοΐδ·] T h e expres­
sion Ka\bs Kayadbs, should always
be written as two words. T h e form
καλοκάγαθος is -suspected by Lobeck (Phryn. p . 603), and καλό? και
ayadbs is condemned by Cobet
(nov. led. p . 323), who quotes Phot i u s : κάλος Kayaubs \4yerai
κατά
συναλοιφήν,
ουχί Kakbs καϊ ayaΘ6ς. F r o m /caXos Kayadbs we have
καλοκα~/αθεΐν and KaKoKayadia (ad
Dem. § 6 , 5 1 ) , just as from the parathetic forms άνηρ ayadbs, θεοΐς
εχθρός, 6 "Αρεως wdyos, ή Μεγάλη
πόλις, we obtain t h e synthetic words
avdpayaOia, θεοισεχθρία, 'Apeiowayiτψ,
Μεγαλοπολίτης
(Cobet u, s.
p . 394). F o r a discussion on t h e
meaning of καλός κδτ/αθός, v. Do­
naldson's New Cratylus, § 321-8.

γραμμάτων.] ' L e g a l documents.'
Plat. Politicus, 293 Α , έάν r e κατά
ypάμμaτa,
έάν re Άνευ ypaμμάτωvJ
explained immediately afterwards
by t h e equivalent expression έάν r e
κατά νόμους, έάν r e &νευ νόμων.
Isocr. Areop. § 41, δείν τους ορθώς
πολιτευόμενους ού τάς στοάς έμπιμττλάναι τ ρ α μ μ ά τ ω ν άλλ' έν ταΐς
ψυχαΐς ϊ-χειν ro δίκαιον · ού yap rots
ψηφίσμασιν
άλλα rots ήθεσι καλώς
οίκεΐσθαι τάς πόλεις κ.τ.λ.
79· Tots <rraxrtis...rds ercupeias.]
' P o l i t i c a l parties/ 'political clubs.'
This flattering description of the
noble ends to which party-spirit
was consecrated in t h e early days of
Greece, is evidently meant to be
contrasted with the disastrous de­
velopment of the same spirit in later
times. Cf. § 167, πολέμους καϊ στά­
σεις κ.τ.λ., and the profound analy­
sis of factions in their worst forms,
given by T h u c . i n . 82 sqq.
τάβ or-raVeis €ΐΓθΐοΰντο...όΐΓΟτ€pou] Cf. § 85,
όπότεροι—ποιούμε­
νοι τήν άμιλλαν.
F o r the sense, cf.
Herodot. v i n . 179 (Aristides to
Themistocles), ήμέας στασιάξειν χρέov έστι, eV r e τφ &λλω καιρφ και έν
τφδε, περί του όκότερος ημέων πλέω
άτγαθά την πατρίδα έργάσεται.
Benseler cites the rivalry between Ly-curgus and Alcander, Miltiades and
Xanthippus.

—81]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΕ.

$5

καϊ τάς εταιρείας συνηηον ούχ υπέρ των IS ία συμφερόντων,
3 αλλ' επί Trj του πλήθους ωφέλεια, τον αυτόν Be τρόπον καϊ
τα των άλλων Βιωκουν9 θεραπεύοντες αλλ' ουγ^ υβρίζοντες
τους "Έΐλληνας, καϊ στρατηηείν οίόμενοι Βεΐν άλλα μή τυραννεΐν αυτών, καϊ μάλλον επιθυμούντες ηγεμόνες ή Βεσπόται e
προσατ/ορεύεσθαι κα\ σωτήρες αλλά μη λυμεωνες άποκαλεΐσθαι, τω ποιεΐν ευ προσαηομενοι τάς πόλεις, αλλ9 ου βία
Ι καταστρεφόμενοι3 πιστοτεροις μεν τοις λόγοις ή νυν τοις
ορκοις χρώμενρι, ταΐς Βε συνθήκαις ωσπερ άνάγκαις εμμε- 5
νειν άξιοϋντες, ούχ όίτως επί ταΐς Βυναστείαις μ&γα φρο-

ν

8ο. αλλ' ούχ.] F o r this use of
αλλά (occurring four times in the
same §), where ' a n d ' is the most
idiomatic rendering, cf.
adL>em.$in.
<r<0*rijp€S α λ λ ά μ.ή λυμ,€ων€δ diroκαλ€ΐ<τθαι.] ' T o b e called by the
name of saviours and not reviled by
the name of destroyers.'
άποκαλεΐν
(besides its primary sense, ' t o call
a s i d e ' ) = t o give a by-name, a nick­
name, apart from (άπό) the correct
n a m e ; hence, to revile. T h e word is
omitted in Mitchell's Index Graec.
Isocraticae, b u t may ,be found in
Sophist. § 4, Xayovfft μεν (61 σοφισταϊ),
ως ουδέν δέονται χρημάτων, άρ'γυρίδιον
καϊ χρυσίδίον τον πλοντον άποκαλοΰνT€S and Bel. § 57» T0VS fffr υ7Γ' ^^V
TLVI δυνάμει "γενομένους• Αοιδοροΰμεν
καϊ κόλακα* ^άποκαλουμεν.
I n both
these passages it is used in a depre­
ciatory s e n s e ; and this is the mean­
ing which it almost invariably bears
in early Greek authors. T h e only
exceptions that have been noticed are
Xen. de r? eq. Χ. ι'7, άποκαλοΰσιν
ελευθέρων
(Jahn's . Jahr.
Philol.
Suppl. 3, p . 571), and Aristot. Eth.
II. 97 (quoted by M r Shilleto on
D e m . Fals. Leg. §'274, λο^οτ^ράφους
καϊ σνφιστάς άποκαλων): τους χαλεπαίνοντας άνδρώδεις άποκαλοϋμεν. I n
late Gk. this usage is common, e.g.
Plutarch, vit. Suit. 34, σωτήρα καϊ
πατέρα τόν Σύλλαν άποκαλοΰντες and
Moral, ϊ. 776" Ε (quoted by Lennep
on Phalaris, Ep. 65), άκούομεν δη
' Ομήρου τόν Μίνω θεού δαριστην άποκαλούντος. But in almost every early

instance the bad sense is prominent,
e.g. -Plat. Gorg. 512 c. ώς iv όνείδει
άποκαλέσαις αν μηχανοποών, and (be­
sides t h e other passages quoted b y
L. and S.) Dem. Fals. Leg. p . 439 A,
βάρβαρον κ. άλάστορα
άποκαλων,
and Antisthenes (the Cynic, fl. 336
B.C.), Declam. Β, αποκαλείς Ιερόσυλον."
Applying the conclusions gained
from the above passages, and esp.
those from Isocr., we are almost
compelled to translate άποκαλεΐσθαι,
' t o be reviled;' a rendering which
suits λυμεωνες, b u t does not suit
σωτήρες. W e must therefore under­
stand, from άποκαλεΐσθαι, a simple
verb like καλεΐσθαι, and accept the
sentence as an instance of Zeugma.
v. § 26. n. and cf., for other instances
of this figure, Soph. Aj. 1034—5> -#£
71, Propert. Eleg. lib. ult. I. 17—19.
Also St Paul's Ep. to Tim. I. iv. 3,
Κωλυδντων ^αμεϊν^ \sc. κελευδντων~]
άπέχεσθαι βρωμάτων, and Browne's
Vulgar Errors, 1. 10, * some deny­
ing H i s humanity and (sc. saying)
that H e was one of the Angels, as
Ebion.'
I n t h e speech de Pace, % 141
(written in 357 B.C.), Isocr. expresses
himself more regularly:
προστήναι
της των ^Ελλήνων ελευθερίας, καϊ σω­
τήρας άλλα μη λνμεώνας αυτών κληθήναι.
81. τκΓτοτ4ροι$—χρώμβνοι.] Cf.
ad Nttotl. § 22.
άξιοΰντ€ς... af-ioivTes.] Consider­
ing the r pfrins Isocr. generally takes

86

I20KPAT0TS

[§§ 8ι

νοΰντες ως επι τω σωφρόνως ζην φιλοτιμούμενοι?την
αυτήν
άξιοΰντες ηνώμ,ην εγειν προς τους ηττους ηνπερ τους
κρείττους προς σφας αυτούς, ϊδια μεν άστη τάς αυτών πό* Χεις ^ούμενοι,
κοινήν δε πατρίδα την Ε λ λ ά δ α νομίζοντες
yfajo
είναι.,
82
(«7'·) Τοιαύταις διανοίαις γρώμενοι κα\ Τους νεωτέρους
εν τοϊς τοιούτοις ηθεσι παιδεύοντες, ούτως άνδρας άηαθούς b
απέδειξαν τους πόλεμησαντας
προς τους εκ της
Ασίας,
ώστε μηδένα πώποτε δυνηθηναι περί αυτών μήτε των ποιη­
τών μήτε των σοφιστών άξίως των έκείνοις πεπραγμένων
ειπείν, και ποΧΧήν αύτοϊς εχω συηηνώμην" ομοίως yap
, €στ6 γαΧεπον έπαινεϊν τους υπερβεβΧηκότας τάς τών σΧΚων
άρετάς &σπερ τους μηδέν αγαθόν πεποιηκοτας* τοις μεν
yap ούχ υπείσι πράξεις, προς δε τους ουκ είσίν άρμόττοντες
83 \6yoi. πώς yap αν γένοιντο σύμμετροι τοιούτοις άνδράσιν, c
0$ τοσούτον μεν τών έπϊ Ύροίαν στρατευσαμένων
διήνεγκαν,
to ensure variety of expression, this
recurrence is remarkable. H e r e , a n d
occasionally elsewhere (Phil. § 132,
προσα^ορευομένου$, de Perm. § 128,
συμβέβηκε, and Paneg. §24, ε'χοντε*),
he has the good sense to allow a re­
petition to stand unaltered. Pascal
has an excellent maxim on this point
(Pensbes, 1. 10): ' Q u a n d dans u n discours on trouve des mots ropet^s, et
qu'essayant de les corriger, on les
trouve si propres qu'on g£terait le
discours, il les faut laisser.'
dfcrTT|...iroX€is.] Primarily & J T U =
ajtityjregarded as a dwelling-place:
7roXts=a city regarded as an association of-individuals. T h e former
is connected with the Indo-European
root vas, ' t o dwell,' whence the
Sanskrit vas-tya, vastu, 'dweUingEJUSS,' ' h o u s e ; ' the Greek*"ia^rla,
ψεστία] and the L a t . Vesta (and
ves-ti-bulum?).
T h e latter with t h e
Sanskrit pur, pura, purl, a word
which is still constantly found as a n
element i n the names of Indian cities,
villages, & c , e.g. Cawnpore, Serampore, Midnapore. Pur or purl ( = π ό λ«) and puru (=πολύς) are doubt­

less connected, as botti sets come
from the root par, ' t o fill * (Partly
from Fick's Worterbuch der Indogertn.
Grundsprache.)
Ε λ λ ά δ α . ] T h e Cod. U r b . in this
passage, and the Cod. Ambros., both
here and in the corresponding pas­
sage in the speech de Perm, read rty
αυτών πδλιν, b u t the reading adopted
by B S and Bens, is evidently correct.
(See further, Havet, p . 202.)
82. μητ€ τ ώ ν ποιητών \νήτ* τών
σοφιστών.] Cf. ad Dem. § 51. n. and
Paneg. § 3. n. Schn. quotes Arist.
Rhet. III. % τφ
μενσοφιστή...τφποι­
ητή δέ... T h e distinction here drawn
resembles that of § 186, τών ποιεϊν
δυναμένων...τών λέ*γειν επισταμένων,
Phil. § 109, οϋτε τών ποιητών ούτε
τών \ο-γοποιών, and ib. § 144? οϋτε
X6y(av εύρετής οϋτε ποιητής.
Among the Sophists here referred
to may be mentioned Gorgias (v.
p . 82. n . ) ; among the poets, Aeschy­
lus (Persae), and Choerilus of Samos,
whose chief work was a poem on
the Persian wars, a few fragments of
which are still extant, (v. p. 81. n.)
83. τοσούτον τών lirl TpoCav

—84]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

8?

όσον οι μεν περί μίαν πολιν ετη δέκα δδ&ιψιψαν, οι δε την εξ
άπάσης της Ασίας

δύναμιν iv όΧίγω

ου μόνον δε τάς αυτών πατρίδας
σύμπασαν

Ε λ λ ά δ α ηΚευθέρωσαν;

πόνων η κίνδυνων απέστησαν

%ρόνω)κατεπο\έμησαν,

διέσωσαν,

αλλά καϊ την

ποίων δ' αν έργων η d

ώστε ζώντες εύδοκιμεΐν, οίτί-

νες υπέρ της δόξης ης εμεΧΚον τέΚευτησαντες εξειν ούτως
ετοίμως ηθεΧον άποθνησκειν;

οΐμαι δε καϊ τον

πόΧεμον

θεών τίνα συναγαγεΐν ar/ασθέντα την άρετην αυτών, ϊνα μη
τοιούτοι γενόμενοι την φύσιν

\ια\άθοιεν

μηδ* άκλεώς τον

€Γτρατ€υ<ταμ.€νων διήν€γκαν ocrov
κ.τ.λ.] The Grecian heroes of the
Trojan War formed a favourite
standard of comparison, and the
comparison was generally to their
disadvantage. We are told, by Plu­
tarch, Pericl. c. 28 (cited by Grote,
tv. p. 171, new ed.), that Pericles,
in his speech of the Samian expe­
dition, boasted that, while Agamem­
non had spent ten years in taking
a foreign city, he himself had in
nine months reduced the first and
most powerful of all the Ionic com­
munities. Isocr.(/%z7. 111-2) praises
Hercules for conquering Troy in a
smaller number of days than the
years spent by the besieging Greeks;
and, lastly, Hyperides, (who is said
to have been a pupil of Isocr.), finely
says of the welcome destined for
Leosthenes in the under-world:
* Will not the Grecian heroes who
sailed to Troy accost him, and ad­
mire him for the deeds he has done
and the spirit he has shewn? Deeds
like theirs, indeed, but superior; for
they, united with all Greece, took but
one city, but he, depending only on
his own country, humbled the power
of all Europe and Asia.' (From
Prof. C. Babington's^ara^r.) Cf.
also (Dem.) Or. Fun. p. 1392, and
below, §§ 181, 186.
διην€γκαν I 8ιέτριψαν...διάτωσ-αν
I
f| ήλ€υθφωσ·αν.] Instances of παρο*
μάωσις.
Ιμ€λλον.] In Attic poets μέλλω is
used only in pres. and impf. The

augment in η is never found in
Horn. Aesch. Soph, or Eur.; never
in Hdt. (and perhaps Thucyd.); it is
rare in Aristoph. {Ran. 1038, τον
λόφον ήμελλ' έτηδήσαν, and Eccl.
597, where, however, Mr Shilleto
proposes, on rhythmical grounds, to
read τουτί yhp ^μέλλον iyu> λέξαν);
further, it is found twice in Xen. and
(in the impf.) a few times in the Attic
orators. (Chiefly from Veitch, Gk.
Verbs)
In Benseler's edition of
Isocrates the form 'ήμέλλον is adopted
in every case, but in the present
passage all the MSS. have tyeXkov.
(v. tab. of var. readings, n.) In Gk.
composition Ζμέλλον ought always to
be preferred. Cf. § 102, ήδυνήθημεν.η.
ή'0€λον άΐΓθθνησ-Κ€ΐν.] On θέλω,
έθέλω v. ad Dem. § 24. η. ήθβλον is
used as the impf. of both verbs. On
αποθνήσκει» v. § 55. η.
84. οΐμαι—Ιττοίησ-αν.] Ί would
even deem that one of the gods
brought about that conflict, in admi­
ration for their valour, that, having
such an inborn spirit, they might
not remain in obscurity, nor end
their lives ingloriously, but be held
worthy of the same honours as those
who are born of the gods, and are
called demigods; for even in their
case, while they yielded their bodies
to the doom of nature, they never­
theless made immortal the memory
of their valour.'
This burst of imagination is per­
haps one of the finest conceptions
in the whole speech: the expression

88

Ι20ΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

f§§84

βιον τέΧευτησαιεν, αλλά των αυτών το£ς εκ των θεών yeyoνόσι και καΧουμενοις ήμιθέοις άξιωθεΐεν' καϊ yap εκείνων
τα μεν σώματα ταις της φύσεως άνάγκαις άπέδοσαν, της e
δ' αρετής άθάνατον τήν μνήμην εποίησαν.
(κ&.) 'Ael μεν ουν οι θ* ημέτεροι πρόγονοι και ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι φιλοτίμως προς άΧληλους είχον, ου μην αλλά
περί καΧΚίστων εν εκείνοις τοΐς γρόνοις εφιλονίκησαν, ουκ $i
εχθρούς αλλ' ανταηωνιστας σφας αυτούς είναι νομίζοντες}
οι5δ' επί δουΧεία ττ) τών 'ΈΧλήνων τον βάρβαρον θεραπεύοντες αλλά περί μεν της κοινής σωτηρίας ομονοοΰντες, οπότεροι δέ ταύτης αίτιοι ηενήσονται, περί τούτου ποιούμενοι
την αμιΧΚαν. επεΒείξαντο δέ τα? αυτών άρετας πρώτον μεν
εν τοις υπο Δαρείου πεμφθεΐσιν. αποβάντωγ yap αυτών εις
την Άττικήν οι μεν ου περιέμειναν τους συμμάχους, αλλά
85. The expressions in this and the
καϊ καλούμενοι* ημιθέου is-not an idle
repetition of τοΐς έκ τών θεών yeyo- following section are closely parallel
νόσι, but introduces the idea of mor­ to those of Lysias (?) Or. Funebr.
tality resulting from the half-human § 2 3 , οϋκ άνέμειναν πυθέσθαι ουδέ
βοηθησαι τους συμμάχους...μόνοι yap
nature of these sons of the gods; an
idea which leads up to the mention υπέρ άπάσης TTJS 'Ελλάδος πpl·ς παλ­
λάς μυριάδας τών βαρβάρων διεκινδύof the surrender of their bodies to
νευσαν. § 24, άπήντων ολίγοι προς
the debt of nature.
€ τών θ€ίδν.] έκ denotes imme­ πολλούς' έvbμιζovyάp...τάς μεν ψυχάς
Κ
αλλότριας διά τον θάνατον κεκτησθαι.
diate origin; άπδ generally, remote
§ 2 6, ου τω δέ διά ταχέων τόν κίνδυorigin, Panath. § 81, τους μέν άπδ
θεών, τους δέ έξ αυτών τών θεών ye- νον έποιήσαντο, ώστε ol αύτοϊ τοΐς
άλλοις άπήyyειλav τήν τ' ένθάδε
yovOTas.
CKCCVCOV.] Sc. τών ημιθέων·—άπέ­ άφιξιν τών βαρβάρων καϊ την τών
πpoyόvωv νίκην. ν. § 55· η ·
δοσαν sc. oi θεοί. The reading
ου μην αλλά
] Sc. ού μην
εκείνων.... εποίησαν here adopted is
[περί κακών] άλλα περί καλλίστων
sanctioned by the Codd. Urb. and
έφιλονίκησαν. Cf. § 172 andadDem.
Ambr. (followed by Bens, and BS).
Other MSS. have έκείνοι (sc. ol ημί­ § 9 ; n.
θεοι) ... κατέλιπον, an alteration which
αλλήλους...<r<f>ds αυτούς] v. §
makes the construction simpler, but
34; n.
does not improve the sense.
eirl δουλ€ία—OepairwovTes·] A
passing thrust at the subsequent
Tats TTJS φΰσΈωδ αναγκαία.] 'The
rLecessities, the stemjaws, of nature.' policy of the Lacedaemonians.
Tots ύιτό Δαρ€ΐου π€μψθ€ΪσΊν.]
CiTThe^Taciteaii "use of necessitas
Under Datis and Artaphernes, 490
suprema, ultima, extrema, in the
B.C. Herodot. vi. 94—120.
sense of * death.'
86. ού ir€pL€(X€Lvav TOI»S συμ.μ.ά§§ 85—98. The noble rivalry of
χουβ.] Hdt. vi. 106. Before the
Athens and Sparta, displayed in the
battle of Marathon the courier Phiwars against Darius and Xerxes.
dippides was sent by the Athenian
The battles of Marathon, Thermo­
generals to summon Sparta to their
pylae, Artemisium, and Salamis.

—Zfi

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

89

τον κοινον ποΚβμον ϊδιον ποιησάμβνοι προς τους άπάσης\)
της * Ελλάδος καταφρονησαντας άπήντων την οϊκβίανδύναμιν €χοντ€ς, okiyoi προς ποΧλας μυριάδας, ωσπ€ρ iv αλΧοτρίαις ψνχαΐς μέΧΚοντβς κινδυνεύειν, οι δ' ουκ βφθησαν
πυθόμβνοι τον πβρϊ την Άττικήν πολβμον και πάντων των
αλΧων άμέλησαντες ηκον ήμΐν άμννονντβς, τοσαύτην ποιησάμενοι σπουδην, οσην πβρ αν της αυτών χώρας πορθουμένηςί σημβΐον δε του τάχους καϊ της άμίΧΚης· τους μβν c
yap ημετέρους προγόνους φασϊ της αύτης ημέρας πυθέσθαι
τ€ την άποβασιν την των βαρβάρων καϊ βο^θήσαντας επί
τους ορούς της χώρας μάχτ) νικήσαντας τροπαιον στησαι των
ποΧεμίων, τους δ' iv τρισίν ημέραις καί τοσανταις νυξϊ
διακόσια καϊ %/λ^α στάδια διέλθέίν στρατοπέδω πορβυο- d
aid. ' A n d t h e Spartans wished t o
help the Athenians, b u t were un­
able to give them any present suc­
cour, as they did not like to break
their established law. I t was then
the ninth day of t h e first d e c a d e ;
and they could not march out of
Sparta on t h e ninth, when t h e moon
had not reached the full. So they
waited for t h e full of the moon.'
(Rawlinson.)
άλλοτρ£αις κ.τ.λ.] T h u c . I. 70,
rots μ£ν σώμασιν άΧΚοτριωτάτοΐϊ ύπϊρ
τψ πόλεω? χρώνται.
oiicctav δύναμιν.] Isocr. advised­
ly says nothing of t h e help given b y
the Plataeans ( H d t . VI. 108); his
argument is confined t o a compari­
son between Athens and Sparta.
ολίγοι ιτρός ιτολλάς μυριάδας.]
T h e Athenians are commonly reck­
oned at 10,000, either including or
excluding the 1000 P l a t a e a n s ; t h e
Persians are estimated by Leake
{Demi, p . 220) at 177,000, by Raw­
linson at 210,000. T h e numbers
slain (according to H d t . VI. 117)
were, on t h e side of t h e barbarians,
about 6400 m e n ; on .that of the
Athenians 192.
ουκ £φθησ*αν ιτυθόμ€νοι...και...
TJKOV.] ' T h e y n o sooner heard...than
they came.' Evag. § 53, ούκ &£0ασαν aWijKois πλησιάσαντες καϊ irepl

πλείονος έποιήσαντο
σφα$ αυτούς.
Madv. Synt. § 185 b .
£φθη<ταν.] v. table of var. read­
ings a n d § 165. n.
87. <τημ.€Ϊον δέ.,.τούς μ^ν γοίρ.]
This use of yap is very common
after such formulae as σημάον U'
Τ€κμήριον δέ' κεφάλαων δέ' τό δε
μέγιστον'
δ δέ πάντων
δεινότατο?.
Cf. § 149, Phil. § 50, 52, ad Nicocl.
§ 21, &c. T h e technical name given
to it (by Hoogeveen a n d others) is
yap inchoativum.
I n English we
generally leave out ' f o r ' in such
cases; a n d this omission is not un­
common in G r e e k ; e.g. Phil. § 95,
τό μεν τοίνυν με^ιστον... not followed
by yap, Areop. § 83, D e m . Lept.
5°3> § 15*» Mid. 525, § 35, σημεΐον
δέ' Ζθεσθε lepbv νδμον... Madv.Synt.
196 a.
rrjs αύτης ή μ φ α ς . ] ' I t is clear
t h a t t h e Greeks were encamped for
several days opposite to t h e Per­
sians, unless we are to set aside
altogether t h e narrative of H d t . '
(Rawlinson on H d t . v i . 110, Leake's
Demi, p . 213, Blakesley's
Excursus
on the Battle of M.)
διακόσ-ια κ. χ έ λ ι α σ τ ά δ ι α ] = about
150 miles. H d t . v i . 120, 'After
the full of the moon 2000 Lacedae­
monians came to Athens. So eager
h a d they been t o arrive in time, that

go

1S0KPAT0TS

[§§87

μένους, ούτω σφόΒρ ηπείγθησαν οί μεν μετασχεΐν των
κινδύνων, οί δε φθήναί συμβαΧόντες ,πρϊν εΚθεΐν τους βοη88 θήσοντας.
(#£·) Μετά δε ταΰτα γενομένης της ύστερον
στρατείας, ην αύτος Β,έρξης ηηαηεν, εκλιπών μεν τά βασί­
λεια, στρατηγός δε καταστηναι τολμήσας, απαντάς δε τους
εκ της 'Ασίας συναηείρας* περί οί τις ονχ ύπερβοΧάς
8<)προθυμηθεΙς ειπείν ελάττω των υπαρχόντων εϊρηκεν; ος
εις τοσούτον ηΧθεν ύπερηφανίας, ώστε μικρόν μεν ηηησάιιενος έργον είναι την Ελλάδα γειρώσασθαι, βουΧηθεΙς δε e
τοιούτον μνημεΐον καταΧιπεΐν, ο μη της ανθρωπινής φύσεως
εστίνy ου πρότερον έπαύσατο, πρϊν εξενρε καΐ συνηνάγκασεν, c
they took but three days to reach
Atfiea from Sparta. They came
however too late for the battle.'
(Rawlinson.) Isocr. speaks of * three
days and as many nights,' arid this
is possibly what Herodotus means.
88. μβτά 8έ ταΰτα κ.τ.λ.] Lysias (?)
Or. Funebr. § 2 7sqq.—The prin­
cipal verb of this long sentence is
άνήντωρ (in § 90). The mention of
Xerxes suggests a parenthetical de­
scription which does not close till the,
end of § 89, and the general sense
of the previous clauses is there sum­
med up in the words irpos δή rbv
κ.τ.λ., introduced by the resumptive
particle δή. Madv. Synt. § 210.
rfjs {jorcpov orrpaTcCas κ.τ.λ.]
480 B.C. Herod, vii— ix.
89. &pr\..A<rTw.'\Quodhumanam
naturam excederet. Wolf. Cf. § 10,
\4yew περί ών μηδείς πρότερο? εϊρψ
κεν. Madv. Synt. § 203.
ου irpOTcpdv 4ΐΓαΰσ*ατο κ. τ. λ.]
' H e ceased not, until he had devised
and by compulsion executed the task
that is on the lips of all men,
so that with his armament he sailed
through the mainland and marched
across the sea, by throwing a bridge
across the Hellespont and digging a
canal through Athos/
Th$ elaborate parallelism of the
words and clauses of this sentence
is too marked to escape notice.
πλεΰσαι || πεζεϋσαί' ηπείρου) (θάλάττψ' and ieii£as || δωρύξας. Whether

this affectation is worth preserving
in a translation is questionable:
what is barely tolerable in Greek is
in this case insufferable in English.
We might, if necessary, preserve it
as follows: ' With his hosts he sailed
across the mainland, and marched
across the main, by bridging the
Hellespont ahd abridging the voyage
round Athos.' Wolf preserves the
parallelism thus: ut cum exercitu
continentem navigarit, pedibus mare
ambularit, turn Hellesponto ponte
junalo, turn Atha monte perfosso ;
and a similar attempt is made by
Cartelier, the French translator of
the speech de permutatione, p. 45.
In Lysias (?) Or. Funebr. § 29, we
have όδόν μεν διό. rijs θαλάσσης
έποιήσατο, πλουν δε διά TT}S yrjs ήνά'
7*ασε ^εν^σθαι. It is unnecessary
to suppose either that Isocrates is
plagiarising from the writer of the
Or. Funebris, or the converse; both
may be quoting from the Funeral
Oration of Gorgias, the remains of
which are characterized by a series
of frigid conceits like those of the
present passage; or else both may
be repeating some popular and tra­
ditional sentence, in which the deeds
of Xerxes were commemorated in a
rhythmical and antithetical form.
Lucian, in his bitterly sarcastic
Rhetorum praeceptor, § 20, ironically
commends this topic to the aspirant
after oratory: έπί π&σι δε 6 Μαρα-

—go]

.

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

gv

ο πάντες θρυΧονσιν, ώστε τω στρατοττέδφ πΧευσαι μεν δια
της ηπείρου, πεζευσαι δε δια της θαΧάττης, τον μεν Έλλ??σττοντον ξεύξας, τον δ' "Αθω διορύξας' προς δη τον ούτω 5
<
μέγα φρονήσαντα και τηΚικαντα διαπρφξάμενον καϊ τοσού­
των δεσπότην ηενόμενον άπήντων διεΚόμενοι τον κίνδυνον,
Αακεδαιμόνιοι μεν είς ©ερμοπύλας προς τ6 πεξον, γιΧίους
αυτών επϊΚέξαντςς καϊ των συμμάγων ολίγους παραΧαβόντες, ώς iv τοΐς στενοΐς κώλύσοντες αυτούς περαιτέρω
προέΚθεϊν, οι δ' ημέτεροι πατέρες έπ Άρτεμίσιον, εξηκοντα b
θων καϊ 6 Kvvalyeipos, δν ουκ &ν τι
&νευ γένοιτο, καϊ άεΐ ό "Αθως πλείσθω
καϊ 6 *E\X^iroj'ros πεξευέσθω καϊ 6
ifXtos ύπό των Μηδικών βε\ων σκεπέσθω καϊ Βέρξης φ€νγέτω καϊ 6 Λεωνίδας θαυμαξέσθω καϊ τα Όθρυάδου
7ράμματα avay ινωσκέσβ ω > καϊ η 2 αλαμίς καϊ τό Άρτεμίσιον καϊ αϊ Πλαratai πολλά ταύτα καϊ πυκνά.
In the four clauses πλεΰσαι—διο­
ρ ί α ; observe the chiasmus; the first
clause corresponds to the fourth;
the second to the third, v. ad Dem.
§ 7. n., Paneg. § 54. n.
On the subject-matter of the sen­
tence v. Hdt. vii. 22-24 (with Rawlinson's n.), 33-36, Aesch. Pers.
744-50, Cic. de Fin. II. 34, § 112,
and Juv. X. 173 sqq.
ώστ€.] Cf. Archid. § 4, ην δεδειΎμένον ώστε τους πρεσβυτέρους περί
απάντων εΐδέναι τό βέλτιστον; ib. § 40,
Ίέ*γονεν ώστε...κρατηθηναι. Madv.
Synt. § 145» R· 3» and Goodwin's
Gk. Moods and Tenses, § 98, n. 2.
90. \iX£ovs.J According to Hdt.
vii. 202, the original numbers were
as follows: 300 Spartan hoplites;
1120 Arcadians, from Tegea, Mantinea, and the Arcadian Orchomenus,
and 1000 from other cities in Arca­
dia; from Corinth 400, from Phlius
200, from Mycenae 80. Also, from
Boeotia, 700 Thespians and 400
Thebans. ' There were also doubt­
less Helots and other light troops, in
undefined dumber, and probably a
certain number of Lacedaemonian
hoplites, not Spartans.' Grote, H. G.
III. 424, .new ed.

Subsequently, Leonidas ordered
the allies to depart. The Lacedae­
monians (not the Spartans) may Jiave
retired at the same time. Only the
Thespians and the Thebans remain­
ed with the 300 Spartans.
These 300may have been (asMorus
supposes) attended by 2 or 3 Helots
each; by this hypothesis we obtain
an approximation to the number
1000 mentioned by Isocr. in this
passage. The Lacedaemonians are,
in this case, stated to have chosen
from themselves 300 Spartans and
700 Helots. The chief objection to
this view is the importance thereby
assigned to the Helots. I therefore
prefer assuming a confusion of num­
bers arising from the fact that, after
the desertion of the Theban contin­
gent, the 300 Spartans and the 700
Thespians exactly make up a force
of 1000 men. The number 1000 thus
became associated with the battle;
and was erroneously supposed to be
the number contributed by Lacedaemon.—The numbers given by Diodorus Siculus, XI. 4 (quoted by
Moras, &c), are, Λακεδαιμονίων χί­
λιοι καϊ σύν αύτοΐς Σπαρτιαται τρια­
κόσιοι, where the 300 are probably
included in the 1000.
liri,X4|ttVT€S.] Cf. H d t VII. 205,
έπΐΚεξάμενος (Αεωνίδης) άνδρας τε
τους κατεστεώτα* τριηκοσίους καϊ τοισι
έτ&γχανον παίδες έόντες...
Ιξήκοντα τριηρ€ΐ$.] According to
Hdt. νιΐι. ι, out of the total of 271
Grecian vessels that met at Artemisium, the Athenians furnished τ -».

9

2

I20KPATOT2

[§§9o

τριήρβις πληρώσαντες προς άπαν το των πολέμιων ναντικον.
ταύτα δε ποιβΐν έτσλμων ονχ οντω των πολβμιων καταφρονοΰντβς ως προς άλ\ηλους οτ/ωνιώντβς, Αακβδαιμόνιοι μ,έ>
ξηλονντβς την πάλιν της Μαραθώνι μάχης, καϊ ζητονντες
αυτούς έξισώσαι, και δεδώτε? μη οΛς έφβξης ή πολις ημών
αίτια (γένηταο τοις "Έΐλλησι της σωτηρίας, οι δ' ημέτβροι
μάλιστα μβν βουλόμβνοι διαφύλαξαν την παρουσαν Βόξάν
καΧπασι ποιησαι φανβρον, οτι καϊ το πρότβρον δι άρβτην c
αλλ' ου Βιά τνχην ένίκησαν, βπβιτα καϊ προαηαηίσθαι τους
"Έλληνας έπ) το Βιαναυμαχβΐν, έπώβίξαντες αύτοΐς ομοίως
iv τοις ναντικοΐς κινδύνοις ωσπβρ iv τοις πζζοίς την άρβτην
του πλήθους πζριηιηνομενην.
(ΚΓ .) "Ισα? δε τάς τολμάς
manned by themselves and the Plat a e a n s ; and 20 manned by Chalcideans.
These were subsequently
reinforced by 53 ships from Attica.
According to Is^ijasites-the^miribjer
of^nreTrreg^imanned bv t h e Athe­
nians is sixty. Coray proposes to
remove t K e a i s c r e p a n c y by adding
καϊ Ζκατον. I t is safer t o suggest
that Isocr. supposes that the Attic
reinforcement of 53 vessels is in­
cluded in the 127 vessels mentioned
by H d t . I n this case, 74 Athenian
vessels would form the original con­
tingent manned by the Athenians
and Plataeans. Making a rough
allowance for the Plataeans, Isocr.
arrives at his estimate of 60 vessels.
I n the above explanation I have
been anticipated by Schneider, and
other suggestions might easily b e
made, b u t i t is enough to notice
broadly t h a t throughout this section
the merit, of the Lacedaemonians
is slightly depreciated, and that of
the Athenians exaggerated; hence
the empty phrase προς τό tre£bv,
contrasted with the fulness of irpbs
&παν τό των ποΧεμίων ναυτικόν, and
hence also the adoption of such an
account of the number of triremes
manned by the Athenians, as would
allow the battle of Artemisium to
be plausibly compared with that of
"T" x nnopylae.

91. αγωνιώντ€ς.] Usually ay ων Lav
has an intensive m e a n i n g ; here*,
however, it has n o such force. Cf.
Harpocration, άγωνιώντες' αντί του
αγωνιζόμενοι
παρά τφ αυτφ (sc.
Ίσοκράτ€ΐ) έν τφ πανττγυρικφ.
£ηλοΰντ€$ || £ητοΰντ€5.] τταρονομασία. Cf. § 45» ρώμη* \\ "γνώμης, § Γ 86,
φήμη || μνήμην, η . adJDem. § 28, χρή­
ματα \\ κτήματα, also above, § 89. η .
•rijs Μαραθώνι μάχη*. ] This (and
not 4ν Μαραθώνι μάχης) is the al­
most universal formula, e.g. Phil.
§ 147, έκ της Μαραθώνι μάχης καϊ
της έν Σαλαμα/ι ναυμαχίας, D e m . de
Cor. § 208, μα τους Μαραθώνι προκινδυνεύσαντας κ. τους ένΙΓΚαταιαΐς παραταξαιιένους κ. τους ένΣαλαμίνι ^αΐ;/*αχήσαντας, D e m . Aristocr. § 196, 198,
T h u c . I. ^, and Plat. Menex. 240,
241. Μαραθώνι is in all these passages
a quasi-adverb, like 'Έλευσΐνι, Avλώνι, 'AyvowTi, 'Ίϊαμνουντι, &c. T h e
form iv Μαραθώνι is sometimes found
[e. g. H d t . vi. 111 -117, Aesch. Ctesiph. § 181, Plato, Gorg. 516D, Arist.
Rhet. 11. 22). Cobet (nov. leal. p .
96) lays down the law, * nemo unquam veterum έν Μαρα^ώ^ dixit''
T h e n a m e of the demus is derived,
not from any hero called Marathon
(as Pausanias tells us), but probably
from the growth of μάραθον, or fen­
nel, beside its λειμών' έροέντα (Ar.
Av. 246).
F o r similar botanical

—9|]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

93.

παράσχοντες ούχ όμοίαις έχρησαντο ταΐς τύχαις, αλλ! οι -μεν διεφθάρησαν καϊ ταΐς ψυχαΐς νικώντες τοις σώμασιν
άπεΐπον, (ρύ yap δη τούτο je θέμις ειπείν, ώς ήττήθησαν
ουδείς yap αυτών φυηεΐν ήξίωσεν') ol δ' ήμφ^εροι τάς μεν d
πρόπλους ενίκησαν, επειδή δ' ηκουσαν της παρόδου τους
πολεμίους κρατοΰντας, οϊκαδε καταπλεύσαντες [καϊ κατασκευάσαντες τα περί την πόλιν] ούτως εβουλεύσαντο περί
των λοιπών, ώστε πολλών καϊ καλών αύτοΐς προειρηασμενων εν τοις τελευταίοις τών κινδύνων ετι πλέον διηνεηκαν. j
άθύμως yap απάντων τών συμμάχων διακειμένων, καϊ Πελοποννησίων μεν διατειχιξόντων τον Ίσθμόν και ζητούντων e
Ιδίαν αντοΐς σωτηριαν, τών δ' άλλων πόλεων υπό τοις βαρβάροις ηε^ενημενων και συστρατευόμενων εκείνοις, πλην εϊ
τις δια μικρότητα παρημέληθη, προσπλεουσών δε τριηρών
διακοσίων καϊ χιλίων καϊ πεζής στρατιάς αναρίθμητου μελ­
λούσης εις την Άττικήν
εισβάλλειν, ουδεμιάς σωτηρίας 6
<
αύτοΐς υποφαινόμενης, αλλ έρημοι συμμάχων
ηεηενημένοι
καϊ τών ελπίδων άπασών διημαρτηκότες, εξόν αύτοΐς μη
μόνον τους παρόντας κινδύνους διαφυγεΐν άλλα καϊ τιμάς
names of Attic demi cf. 'Ayvovs,
Βατή, 'Έλαιοϋς, Mvppivovs, Οινόη,
ΐίρασίαι, Ta/iwous, Φηyovs.
92. οι μ.1ν—ήξ£ωσ-€ν·] Gf. Lysias (?)
Or. Funebr. § 3 1 and Hyperid. Or.
Funebr. col. 23.
τά$ irpoirXovs.] T h e advanced
squadron of 200 vessels mentioned in
Hdt. VIII.

7.

καϊ
κατασ-κ€υάσ-αντ€$—ττόλιν.]
These words, though found in all
M S S . of t h e corresponding passage
(de Permutatione), are omitted by all
the M S S . in the present passage, and
therefore enclosed within brackets.
π ο λ λ ώ ν καϊ καλών.] I n English
we omit the conjunction. A further
extension of the Greek idiom may
be noticed in Plato, Apol. p . 2 8 A,
πολλού* καϊ SXkovs καϊ άη/αθοίι*
άνδρας.
93·
διακβιμ,ένων... δ ι α τ α χ ι ζ ό ν των... 7€Y€VTJH^VOI ... διημαρτΐ]Κ0Τ€$,
6|ον...ούχ υτΓ€|ΐ€ΐναν κ . τ . λ . ] T h e

sentence begins with a number of
participial constructions, the prin­
cipal vb. does not appear till the
3rd line of the next p .
τριηρών διακοσ-ίων καϊ χ ι λ ί ω ν . ]
T h e exact number, according to
H d t . v i i . 89, was 1207. Cf. Aesch.
Pers. 341, Plato, Legg. 699 B. Else­
where {Panath. § 49) Isocr. reckons
the fleet of Xerxes at 1300, and the
infantry at five millions, 700,000 of
whom were fighting men, (v. Leake's
Demi, p . 250.)
ovScfuas— υποφαινόμενης. ] * A Is
ihnen da nirgends ein
Rettungstern
leuchtete* is Benseler's transl. T h e
metaphor is (as Rauchenstein ob­
serves), borrowed from the first gleam
of day-break on the horizon.—Xen.
Anab. IV. 2. 7, ημέρα ύπέφαινεν.
Cf. Aristot. Probl. 25. 5, ύποφωσκού·
σης %ω, and for the metaphor, Cic.
pro domo, § 75, lucem
salutemque
redditam sibi ac restitutam accipere.

94

ISOKPATOT2

[§§ 9 4

εξαίρετους λαβείν, ας αύτοΐς εδίδου βασιλεύς ηγούμενος, ει
το της πόλεως προσλάβοι ναυτικσν, παραχρήμα και ΊΧελοποννήσου κρατήσειν, ούχ ύπέμειναν τάς παρ εκείνου δωρεάς,
ov8y ορισθέντες τοΐς (/Έϊλλησιν, οτι προύδόθησαν, ασμένως
95 €7rl τα? διαλλαγάς τάς προς τους βαρβάρους ωρμησαν, αλλ'
αυτοί μεν υπέρ της ελευθερίας πολεμεΐν παρεσκευάζοντο,
τοις δ' άλλοις την δουλείαν αιρουμένοις συηψ>ώμην είχρν.
ήγοΰντο γαρ ταΐς μεν ταπειναΐς των πόλεων προσηκειν εκ
παντός τρόπου ζητεΐν την σωτηρίαν, ταΐς 8ε προεστάναι της
Έλλάδο? άξιούσαις οι5χ οϊόν τ είναι διαφεύηειν τους κινδύ- C
νους, αλλ' ωσπερ των ανδρών τοΐς καλοΐς κωγαθοΐς αιρετώτερόν εστί καλώς άποθανεΐν ή ζην αίσχρώς, ούτω καϊ των
πόλεων ταΐς ύπερεγρύσαις λυσιτελεΐν εξ ανθρώπων άφανισθηναι μάλλον ή δούλαις όφθήναι ηενομεναις. δηλον δ' οτι
96 ταύτα διενοηθησαν* \ επειδή yap ουχ οΐοί τ ήσαν προς
άμφοτέρας άμα παρατάξασθαι τάς δυνάμεις, παραλαβόντες
άπαντα τον ογλον τον εκ της πόλεως εις την εγρμένην d
νησον εξέπλευσαν, ΐν εν μέρει προς εκατέραν κινδυνεύσω94· 48ί8ου.] The offer was really
made by Mardonius m 479 B.C.,
thirough Alexander, the son of
Amyntas; Hdt. vm. 136, 140.
βα<τιλ€υ$] = ' the Great King.'
The article is in this case nearly
always omitted, v. § 145. n.
95. ώσιτ€ρ των — ^νομ,Ιναι*. ]
Obs. the aor. and the pres. tenses,
The distinction is carefully pointed
out by Goodwin's translation of this
passage (Gk. Moods and Tenses,
§ 23, 1): 'as it is preferable for
honourable men to die (Aor.) nobly
rather than to continue living (Pres.)
in disgrace, so also they thought
that it was better (Pres.) for the preeminent among states to be (at once)
made to disappear from the earth,
than to be (once) seen to have fallen
into slavery.'
καλώς diro6av€iv rj £ήν αίσ-χρώς·]
Cf. Arckid. § 89, Lysias (?) Or. Fu·
nebr. § 62, and (for the order of
words)v. adDem.% 7, πλούτου κρείττων. η.—On the constr. of δουλα«,
v. § 124. n.

96. έιτ€ΐδή κ.τ.λ.] i.e. 'For when
they were unable to marshal themselves against both the land and the
sea force at once, they took with
them all the multitude from the city,
and sailed forth to the neighbouring
island, that so they might contend
in turn against the two opposing
forces.'
τον 4κ τη$ irrfXecos.] Cf. §§ 174,.
187, and Madv. Synt. § 79 b.
t^'irXeucrav.] Quanto reclius in
Aeginetico scribitur, § 31, ορωσα τους
πολίτας rods ημετέρους, δσοιπερ ήσαν
eV Τροιζψι, δίαπλέοντας els Atyivav,
et omnino διαπΚάν, διαπορθμεύειν et
sim. in usu sunt de its, qui in via·
nam insulam trajiciunt. Saepe apud
Isocratem quoque e£ et 5c confusa
sunt: quare confidenter rescribe διέττΚευσαν. Cobet, nov. led. p. 120.
The word Ο-έπλέυσαν is however far
more expressive. ' Ce n'est pas ici
une simple travers§e, c'est une omigration.' Havet.
€V pipct.] ' In turns,'firstagainst
the sea force at Salamis, secondly

—97]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.
(#£'·)

σιν.
μάΧλον

95

Κ,αίτοι πώς αν εκείνων άνδρες

φιλεΧληνες

οντες

επιδειχθεΐεν,

οΐτινες

επιδεϊν, ώστε μη τοις Χοιποΐς αίτιοι γενέσθαι
ερήμην

μεν την πολιν

γενομενην,

μένην, Ιερά δε σνλώμενα
δε τον ποΚεμον περί
και

ρύδε ταντ

διακοσίας τριήρεις
είάθησαν'

δουλείας,
άπαντα

την αυτών ηιηνομενον;

αύτοΐς, αλλά προς γιΚίας

μονοί διαναυμαγείν

καταισγυνθέντες

της

εμεΚΚησαν.

yap ΤίεΧοποννήσιοι

against the land force at Plataea.
It will be observed that Isocr. does
not dwell on the battle of Plataea;
doubtless because, while the Athe­
nians defeated the Thebans, the
Lacedaemonians defeated the Bar­
barians in that engagement
ετλησαν.] The MSS. have 4T6\μησαν, but in the twin passage (de
Permutatione) the Vulg. has ετλησαν,
a reading which is supported by
Dionys. Halic. de vi Demosth, 40,
and by Aristot. Rhet. ill. 7,10, who
says that uncommon words may be
employed when the orator has gain­
ed possession of his audience, and
worked them up to enthusiasm: otov
καϊ 'Ισοκράτης iroiei έν τψ πανη*γυ~
ρικφ iwl τέλει, * φήμη δε καΐ ^νώμη'
(ν. § 186. η.), καΧ tot rives ε'τλησαν.'
I have therefore followed BS and
Bens, in reading ε'τλησαν. The word
is rare in Attic prose: it occurs, how­
ever, in Xen. Cyrop. ill. 1, 2, ούκέτι
ΖτΧη els χείρας έλθεΐν.
ώ<ΓΤ€.] Cf. § 83, ποίων άπέστησαν
ώστε.. εύδοκιμεΐν. Madv. Synt. § 166 b.
γ€νομένην... ττορθουμίνην.. .γιγνδμβνον.] Obs. the force of the aor.
and the pres. participle, v. Good­
win's Gk, Moods and Tenses, § 24.
n. 2.
καΐ ονδ£ ταΰτ' άΐΓέχρη<Γ€ν.] This
is the MS. reading. Dionys. Halic.
however, in quoting §§ 96—99 (de
vi Demosth.), gives us the reading
καϊ μηδέ, which is actually adopted
by Benseler, mainly because it re­
moves the hiatus, and is explained
by him as follows: Praef. v. Et ne

ή

ετλησαν

την δε %ώραν πορθου-

και νεως εμπιπραμίνους,

την πατρίδα

άπεγρησεν

άμείνονς

e

και

ου μην

ττ)ν άρετην

hoc quidem its satisJuisse censuerim,
sed audacius etiam quid conaturi
fuissent, si ceteri id sivissent. If a
reading that stands on such weak
authority needs explanation, it would
be better to attribute the use of μή
to the influence of otnves in the
earlier part of the sentence. But the
MS. reading, which I have retained,
needs no explanation; and, as for
the hiatus, it is perfectly admissible.
In Excursus xi. to Bremi's ed. more
than 20 instances are quoted to shew
that Isocr. often places καϊ imme­
diately before a vowel; some of these
have, of course, been altered by
Benseler; but in three passages (de
Pace, § 14, Panath. § 107, 184) καΧ
ούκ is allowed to remain. I can,
therefore, see no sufficient reason for
printing either καϊ μηδέ (withBens.),
or κούδϊ (with Dindf.), or simply
ούδε (with Havet).
97. διαναυμαχ€ΐν !μ€λλησ*αν. ]
• They were about to (were ready to)
contend, &c.' There is no necessity
for abandoning έμέλλησαν (the read­
ing of Cod. Urb. followed by BS)
in favour of έμελέτησαν (Cod. Ambr.
followed by Bens. * curam in eo posuerunt, sese praeparaverunt;' but
subsequently abandoned by him).
* There seems no foundation for
Buttmann, Kiihner, Jelf, &c. con­
fining the aor. to the meaning have
delayed, see Thuc. I. 134, i n . 55,
92, v. 116, VIII. 23, and Isocr. Ar~
chid. § 44, a&rbs μεν έμέλλησεν
έκπλεΐν.' (Veitch, Gk. Verbs, s. v.)
€ΐάθησ-αν.] Sc. μόνοι διαναυμαχεΐν.

φ

ISOKPATOTS

L§§97

αυτών, καϊ νομίσαντβς προΰιαφθαρέντων μεν των ημετέρων!
ουδ' αυτοί σωθήσεσθαι, κατορθωσάντων δ' εις άτιμίαν τα?
αυτών πόλεις κατάστησαν, ηναηκάσθησαν μετασγείν των 6
κινδύνων, και τους μεν θορύβου? τους iv τω ττράτ/ματ^
γενομένους καϊ τα? κραυηάς καϊ τα? παρακεΧεύσεις, α κοινά
πάντων εστί των ναυμαγρύντων ουκ οΣδ' ο τι δει \έ<γοντα
Βιατριβειν' α δ' εστίν ϊΒια καϊ της ηγεμονίας ά[ξια\και τοις
ττροειρημένοις ομοΧο^ούμενα, ταύτα δ' εμον epyov έστϊν ει­
πείν, τοσούτον yap ή πολις ημών διέφερεν, οτ ην ακέραιος,
&στ ανάστατος γενομένη πλείους μεν συνεβάΧετο τριήρεις b
T h e pass, of ^a*"is far from common ;
it occurs however in D e m . Ol. n .
§ 16, έώμενοι, Steph.A, § 22, εΐασθαι.
κατορθωςτάντων.] Sc. των ημετέ­
ρων. Cobet (nov. left. p . 359) finds
an unaccountable difficulty in taking
ol Ιίελοποννήσιοι
as t h e subject of
καταστήσειν, and therefore proposes
κατορθώσαντας. F o r the general his­
torical allusion cf. H d t . v i n . 63,
ταϋτα δέ Θεμιστοκλέους ^yovros άνεδιδάσκετο Ευρυβιάδης' δοκέειν δέ μοι,
άρρωδήσας μάλιστα τους 'Αθηναίους
άνεδιδάσκετο, μη σφέας απόλίπωσι, ηΊ>
προς τδν Ίσθμόν avayrj τας ναϋς' άπολιπόντων yap των 'Αθηναίων, ούκέτι
έγίνοντο αξιόμαχοι ol λοιποί' ταύτην
δέ αίρέεται την yvώμηvt αύτοϋ μένοντας
SiGwavjuaxeti\ Isocr. says nothing of
the well-known artifice subsequently
adopted by Themistocles to compel
both Athenians and Peloponnesians
to fight the Persians ( H d t v i n . 75).
θορύβους... κραυγάς. • .irapaiceXevo-€is.] ' A l l the uproar...the cries...
and the cheers.' T h e s e n t e n c e d
τους—διατρίβειν is repeated almost
verbatim in Evag. § 31. Cf. Lys. (?)
Or. Funebr. § 38, άκούοντες συμμεμημένου 'Ελληνικού
κ. βαρβαρικού
παιανος, παρακέλευσμοϋ δ' αμφοτέρων,
κ. κρaυyης των διαφθειρομένων (with
the context).
98. ά ' δ έ . , . τ α ΰ τ α 84...] F o r δέ in
apoclosis v. Buttmann's Midias, exc.
x i i . , and cf. Panath. § 133 (bis), de
Perm. § 305, and the passages quoted
on p . 43·
άκέραιος... ανάστατος. ] Cf. A r-

chid. § 66, quoted above, § 3 7. n.
irXcCovs.. .Tpiijp€is.. .ή
σύμπανης
οι ναυμ,αχήσ-αντίδ.] Isocr. here
states t h a t Athens contributed a
larger number of triremes t h a n all
the rest of the allied combatants put
together. Cf. Panath. §50, Lys.(?;
Oh Funebr. § 42. According to
Herodotus ( v i n . 48) the total num­
ber of triremes in the fleet was 378
(although the number gained by
adding the various contingents toge­
ther is 366); of these 180 were fur­
nished by the Athenians (ib. 44),
and 198 (or 186) vessels were con­
tributed by the rest.
A t first sight this proportion hard­
ly warrants the statement of Isocr.
that the Athenian contingent was
greater than that of t h e rest of the
allies. W e must not always l o o k
for arithmetical accuracy in Isocrates,
παραπλήσιον yap φαίνεται μαθηματι­
κού τε πιθανόλογοΰντος
άποδέχεσθαι
καϊ ρητορικόν αποδείξεις άπαιτεΐν, but
if it is necessary to reconcile the
historian and the rhetorician, I may
draw attention to the fact that, while
only 180 vessels were manned by
the Athenians themselves, 20 of the
198 (or 186) triremes of the allies
really belonged to Athens, and were
only manned by the Chalcideans
( H d t . v i n . 1 compared with 46);
and tha t the number of triremes
belonging to Athens was therefore
200, against t h e 178 (or 166) be­
longing to the allies. This view is
confirmed by the speech of Themi-

—99]

ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΟΣ.

97

(

εις τον κίνΒυνον τον ύπερ της Ελλάδος ή σύμπαντες οι
ναυμαχήσαντες, οί&εις δε προς ημάς οίτως έχει δυσμενώς,
ίστις ουκ αν ομολογησειε hia μεν την ναυμαγιαν ημάς τω
πολεμώ κρβτήσαι, ταύτης δε την πολιν αίτίαν γενέσθαι.
99 (κη·) Καίτοι μελλούσης στρατείας επί τους βαρβάρους
εσεσθαι τ ίνας γρήτην ηγεμονίαν εγειν; ου τους εν τω ττροτέρω πολέμω μάλιστ εύΖοκιμησαντας, και πολλάκις μεν C
Ιδία προκινδυνεύσαντας, εν δε τοις κοινοΐς των αγώνων αρι­
στείων άξιωθέντας; ου τους την αυτών εκλιπόντας ύπερ
της των αΧλων σωτηρίας, και το τε παλαιον οϊκιστας των
πλείστων πόλεων γενομένους, καϊ πάλιν αύτάς εκ των με­
γίστων συμφορών διασώσαντας) πώς δ' ουκ αν δεινά πάθοιμεν, ει των κακών πλείστον μέρος μετάσχοντες εν ταΐς
τιμαΐς ελαττον εγειν άξιωθεΐμεν και τότε προταχθέντες
ύπερ απάντων νυν ετέροις ακολουθεΐν άναγκασθεΐμεν; jfr
d
stocles (ap. H d t . V I I I . 61), whose
express statement that Athens con­
tributed 200 vessels has sometimes
been unnecessarily accused of exag­
geration. »
Lastly, it may be noticed that the
popular tradition affirmed that about
two-thirds of the fleet consisted of
Athenian vessels: cf. the speech of
the Athenians in Thuc. I. 74, vavs
μέν ye is τάς τετρακοσίας o\ly(p έλάσσους των δύο μοιρών (παρεσχόμεθα),
Dem. de Corona, § jo, τριακοσίων
ούσων των πασών (τριηρών), τάς διακό­
σια* η πδλις παρέσχετο. Cf. § 107. η.
cn5[JwravT€S οι ναυμαχηο-αντ€$. ]
I n the corresponding passage (de
Perm.) the Cod. Laur. has συνναυμαχήσαρτβ*, which is adopted by
Coray, Bens., and Rauchenstein.
This view may b e supported by
Panath. § 50, πλείους rafts παρέσχοντο
κ. μείξω δύναμιν έχουσας rj σύμπαντες
ol σ\τγκινδνν€ύσαντ€ς. T h e reading
in the text is supported by the Cod.
Urb. a n d is retained by BS, Schnei­
der, and Λ others. —σύμπαντα—σύμ­
παντες ot Αλλοι, cf. § 107, κεκτημένοι
τριήρεις δΐ7τλασ"/α$ ij σύμπαντες (sc.
ol άλλοι).
τ α ύ τ η ς . . . α Ι τ ι α ν . . . ] i.e.
'Athens
ISOC.

{

brought about the battle,'not brought
about the victory in the b a t t l e ' (v.
§ 26. n.). Cf. Panath. % 51, τον
θεμιστοκλέα
τον δμό\oyόvμέvως
&ττασιν αίτιον είναι δόξαντα καϊ του
την ρανμαχ£αϊ' γενέσθαι κατά τρόπον
καϊ των άλλων απάντων των έν έκείνω
τ φ χρόνφ κατορθωθέντων.
§ 99· Recapitulation of§§ 15—98·
In the event of an expedition against
the barbarians, Athens deserves the
supremacy, for her prowess in the
former war, for her sacrifices in be­
half of the salvation of Greece, for
founding
all those cities in old time,
and for rescuing them from
disas­
ter. Hers was the greatest share of
suffering, hers should be the greater
honour; she was in the
forefront
then, she cannot deserve the second
place now.
99. τ η ν αυτών.] Sc. yijv.
Cf.
§ 41, τοΐς δύστυχουσιν έν reus αυτωι
τ
(sc. πόλεσιν), § 49? Φ> 168. Madv.
Synt. § 87 b , R. 1, and Jelf (Kiihner),
§ 436.
οικιστάς των Α π ί σ τ ω ν πόλ€ων.]
§§34-37.
τών κακών irXetcrrov μέρος μ€τασ·χ€Ϊν·] Cf. Archid. § 3, των κιν­
δύνων πλείστον μ,έοος μεθέξουσι, and

7

p8

ISOKPATOTS
(κ(ΐ.)

Μέχρι

\σγήσειαν πλείστων
ηεηενήσθαι
δε ταυτ

[§§ ioo

μεν ουν τούτων οίδ' 'ότι, πάντες αν δμοάηαθών την ποΧιν την ήμετίραν

αϊτίαν

και δικαίως αν αυτής την ήηεμονίαν είναι, μετά

ήδη τίνες ημών κατηγοροΰσιν,

ως επειδή την αρχήν

της θαΧάττης παρεΧάβομεν, ποΧΧών κακών άϊτιοι τοΖ?Γ/ΕλΧησι κατέστημεν,
τον

κα\ τον τε ΜηΧίων άνδραποδισμον

καΐ

Χ κ ίων α ίων οΧεθρον εν τούτοις τοις Χόγοις ήμιν προφε- e

povaiv.f

εγώ δ' ηγούμαι πρώτον μεν ούδεν είναι τούτο

μεΐον, ως κακώς ήρχομεν, εϊ τίνες τών ποΧεμησάντων
σφόδρα φαίνονται κοΧασθεντες, άΧΧάποΧύ

τόδε μείζον τ€-*

κμήριον, ως καΧώς διφκοϋμεν τα τών συμμάχων,
Χεων ψών υή> ήμΐν ούσών [ουδεμία \ταύταις ταΐς
elsewhere in Isocr. * A person who
shares anything with another, takes
the whole of the part (μφο5, &C. in
accusative), part of the whole (sub­
stantive in genitive): Aesch. Ag.
507, μεθέξειν φιΧτάτου τάφου μέρος,
H d t IV. 145» μοιραν τιμέων μετέ­
χοντα, Eur. Iph. Τ, 1299» &c.' Jelf
(Riihner), § 535, ι.
§§ ioo—109. Charges brought
against Athens, on the ground ofxthe
severity of her empire; especially with
regard to her treatment of Melos and
Scione. 101—102. These charges an­
swered, andfurther refuted by an appeal (103) to the prosperity of Greece
during the-supremacy of Athens and
(104—6) to the general equity of her
political administration.
(107—9)
Her disinclination to self-aggrandise­
ment shewn by her abstaining-from
taking possession of Euboea.
100. τον Μηλίων άνδραιτοδκτμόν.] The affair of Melos is
related by Thuc. V. 84—116 : oi δέ
M^Xtot Αακεδαιμονίων μίν ύσϊν άποι­
κοι (cf. Hdt. VIII. 48), των δ' Άθηναΐωνούκ ήθ£\ον ύπακούβιρ ώσπερ ol
dXKot νησιωται. In 4*6 B.C. the
Athenians undertook the conquest
of Melos, ' one of the Cyclades, and
the only one, except Thera, which
was not already included in her
empire.' The island refused to sur­
render, and a private discussion en­

σηήμΐν

οτι τών ττό- 6
συμφοραΐς

sued between the Athenian envoys
and the Executive Council of Melos.
This debate is thrown into a dramatic
and impressive form by Thucydides,
to serve as a culminating instance of
the injustice of Athens, and to pre­
pare the reader for the subsequent
account of the Sicilian expedition
and its disastrous issue. The pleas
of the Melians were unavailing; the
island was compelled to surrender
at discretion: * the Athenians re­
solved to put to death all the men
of military age, and to sell the women
and children as slayes. Five hun­
dred Athenian settlers (αποι,κοή were
subsequently sent thither, to form a
new community.' (Grote, H. G.
P. 11. c. 56, ad fin)
τόν Σκιωναίων ολ€θρον.] Scione,
situated in the peninsula of Pallene,
(the most western of the three penin­
sulas of Chalcidice) revolted from
Athens to Sparta in March 423 B. e.
(Thuc. iv. 120). The Athenians
accordingly blockaded Scione (ib.
130—1); and captured it in 421
(ib. v. 32), put to death the male
population .of military age, sold the
women and children into slavery,
and made over the territory to the
Plataean refugees. (Grote, H. G.
P. II. c. 54» 550
ιοί. <τη|ΐ€ΐον)(τ€κμήριον.] 'proof')(
* convincing argument.'* The posi-

—104]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

102 περιέπεσεν,
των

βπειτ

πραοτερόν

el μεν άλλοι

επεμελήθησαν,

99

τίνες τών αυτών ττραημά-

είκότως αν ήμϊν

εΐ δε μήτε τούτο yeyove μήθ* οΐόν τ

το πλήθος κρατεΐν, ήν μη τις κολάξτ) τους

(λ'.)

ϊΟ^νήθημεν;
προστάτας

Οϊμαι

ηενήσεσθαι

πόλεων

εξαμαρτάνοντας,

πώς ουκ ήδη δίκαιον εστίν ήμας επαινεΐν, οΐτινες
*χαλεπήναντες πλείστον

επιτιμώεν*

εστί τοσούτων

ελαγίστοις

yjpbvov την αργτρ κατασγείν
δε πασι

τών *Έϊλλήνων, εφ* ων οι

σαντες άριστα τυηγανουσι

ήδυ-

δοκεϊν τούτους κρατιστούς

πράξαντες.

b

πειθαρχή-

επί το (νυν τής ημε­

τέρας ηγεμονίας ευρήσομεν και τους οϊκονς τους ίδιους προς
ερδαιμονίαν πλείστον
Ι04 νομένας.
τάραχος
ϊν

επιδόντας καΐ τ ας πόλεις μέγιστος

γε-

ου yap εφθονοΰμεν ταΐς αύξανομέναις αυτών, ούδε
ενεποιοΰμεν

άλλήλοις

πολιτείας

μεν στασιάξοιεν,

tion of the two words is evidently
intentional; the converse order would
produce an anti-climax.
102. ir<3s ουκ—ηδυνηθημκν;] i. e.
'Does it not becottie irresistiblyright for others to praise us, in that
we shewed our resentment in a veryfew cases, and were enabled to hold
our dominion for a very great length
of time?'
On πως ούκ v. § 6. n. oXrives—
quippe qui. Cf. Dem. adv. Callicl.
§ 2 8 (where οϊ ye is used in the
immediate context).
irXeio-Tov χρόνον.] The exact
duration of the Athenian empire is
variously reckoned : e.g. Demosthe­
nes, 01. ill. § 24, states it at 45 years
{i.e. 477—432, τών 'Ελλήνων ηρξαν
έκόντων); elsewhere at 65 years
(terminating with 413 B.C., the date
of the Athenian defeat in Sicily);
and in Phil. i n . § 23 at 73 years
(477—405 inclusive, ττροστάται μ£ν
ύμέϊς έβδομήκοντα 2τη καϊ τρία τών
'Ελλήνων £y&e<70e, προστάται de τριά­
κοντα ivbs δέοντα Αακεδαιμόνιοι, sc,
405—376, battle of Naxos). Isocrates
himself, Panath. § 56 (quoted by
Moras), reckons the uninterrupted
dominion of Athens at 65 years
(477—413 incl.), the sway of Sparta
at 10 years (404—394, battle of

εναντίας

παρακοθιστόντες,

ήμας δ' αμφότεροι θεραπεύ- c
Cnidus). When the period is ex­
pressed in round numbers, it is
generally stated at 70 years, e.g. by
Lysias (?) Or. Fun. § 55, by Pfato (?)
Ep. VII. p. 332 B, and (according to
one interpretation) by Isocr. Paneg.
§ 106. For other periods men­
tioned by various ancient authorities,
see Clinton's Fasti Hell. II. app.
6, 7, or Bockh's Publ. Econ. Bk. i n .
c. 20, n. 591.

ήδυνήθημ€ν.] In the inflexions of
δύναμαι, the epic poets never use the
augment in η-, the Attic poets rarely,
and that only when compelled bymetre (Aesch. P. V. 206, ούκ ήδυνήθην). In Attic prose authors (as
represented by the latest critical
editions) the temporal augment is
losing ground, but, in. Isocrates,
BS andBenseler, in accordance with
the MSS, edit ήδννάμψ, ήδυνήθψ
{constanter est % uno excepto loco
Callim. § 27, ubivulg. έδύνατο legebatur. Bens, praef. xxn), e.g. Phil.
§ 129. Nicocl. § 33. (v. Veitch, Gk.
Verbs, s.v.)
104. ουδέ ταραχάς κ.τ.λ.] The
whole of this passage is pervaded
by an under-current of insinuation
against Sparta.
στασ-ιάξοΐ€ν.] sc. οίπολΐται, which
is readily supplied from πόλι*: cf.

7—2

ιοο

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

oievf άΧ\ά

την

των

συμμάχων

[§§ IO4

ομόνοιαν) κοινην

ω^ελειαν

νομίξοντες τοις αυτοί? νομοις άπάσας τάς ττόλ€69 Βιωκουμεν,
αλλ' ου Βεσποτικώς βουλευόμενοι

συμμαχικώς
'όλων μεν

των πραγμάτων

επιστατοϋντες,

ελευθέρους εώντες είναι, καϊ τω μεν πληθει
δε δυναστείαις

πολεμουντες,

ύπο τοις ολίγοις

περί

βοηθοΰντες, ταΐς

δεινον οΐόμενοι

τους

είναι, καϊ τους ταΐς ούσίαις

δε κοινής της πατρίδος

δε μετοικεΐν,
καϊ πλείω

τόιαΰτ

οντάς νόμφ της

πολιτείας

έχοντες ταϊς ολιγαρχίαις

έπϊτιμάν,

τούτων, την αυτήν πόλιτείαν,

αύτοϊς, καϊ παρά τοις άλλοις
τι

δει δια μακροτέρων

έχοντα

δηλώσαι

περί

των αρχών, d

ούσης τους μεν τυραννεΐν, τους

καϊ φύσει πολίτας

άποστερεΐσθαι.

πολλούς

ενδεέστερους,

τα" δ' άλλα μηδέν γείρους οντάς, άπελαύνεσθαι
ετι

αυτών,

ίδια, δ' εκάστους

κατέστησαμεν,

επαινεΐν,
αυτής,

Areop. § 5*> °^ πολέμων η πόλις
εγεμεν, άλλα προς αλλήλους ησυχίαν
εΐχον. (Schn.)·
105. τφ μ£ν ιτλήθει κ.τ.λ.] 'Assisting the commons,' i.e. the democratical party.
δεινον κ.τ.λ.]
'Deeming it a
shame that the many should be under
the few.'
μετοικεΐν] lit. ' t o be a resident
alien (μέτοικος).' v. Dial. Antiq. or
Kennedy's transl. of Dem. Lept.
App. 3. The position of a μέτοικος
at Athens is here used metaphorically
to denote the position of the governed
classes, under an oligarchy, '...die
einen die Herren, die andern die
Schutzverwandten spielten? is Benseler's expressive transl. of this clause.
For metaphorical words similar
to τυραννεΐν, μετοικεΐν, cf. § 131, εϊλω·
τεύειν and περιοίκου* καταστησαι.
φύσ*ει)(νόμφ.] 'By nature or
birth')(' by law or convention.' These
two words are frequently contrasted:
e.g. Plato, Protag. 337 c, υ (Hippias
loq.) -ηγούμαι έγώ ύμ&ς συγγενείς τε
καϊ οικείους καϊ πολίτας απαντάς
ctvai φύσει, ού νόμφ. τό yap δμοιον
τ$ ομοίω φύσει συγγενές έστιν, ό δε

ηνπερ παρ

άλλως

μετά

yap

τε

ήμΐν

ην ουκ οίδ' ο
καϊ

ταύτης

συντόμως
οίκοϋντες e

νόμος τύραννος ών των ανθρώπων
πολλά πάρα φύσιν βιάζεται (with
Wayte's n.), Menex. 239 Α, ή Ισνγονία
ημάς η κατά φύσιν Ισονομίαν αναγ­
κάζει ξητεΐν κατά νόμον} and Isocr.
ad Dem. § 10, κρείττω φύσιν νόμου.
This contrast between φύσις and
νόμος, 'nature' and 'convention,'
was not uncommon among the Soph­
ists, but was by no means confined
to them. (v. further Ritter and
Preller, Hist. Philos. § 183, Mr
Cope's art. in J. of CI. and Sacr.
Philol. I. 155 sqq., and Sir A.
Grant's ed. of Aristot. Eth. Vol. 1.
p. 107 sqq. new ed.)
106. μετά ταύτης οικοΰντες έβδο­
μη κοντ' ετη διετελέσ-αν κ.τ.λ.] ταύ­
της must refer to πολιτείας, not to
ηγεμονίας.
The period of 70 years here men­
tioned has given rise to much dispute.
The various views may be summa­
rized as follows:
(i) Wolf, Coray, Spohn, Dindorf,
Bremi, and Rauchenstein refer the
70 years to the period between the
^establishment of the Athenian Em­
pire at the end of the Persian war,
and the battle of Aegospotami,

—ιαδ]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

ιοί

ίβδομήκοντ $τη 8ΐ€τέ\€σαν, αττβίροί μλν τυραννίδων, eXeuopen to objection. One of the
strongest points that has been urged
against it is the fact that the period
B.C.).
in question (683—612) is compara­
(ii) Wieland (one of the transla­
tively obscure and (unlike the 70
tors of the Paneg.) understands the
years of the first view) seldom men­
time between the expulsion of t^e
tioned. It is a well-known charac­
Peisistratidae and the dispute be\
tween Corinth and Corcyra, which\ teristic of Isocr. to speak in praise
of the 'good old times' (witness
aided in bringing about the PeloPanalh. § 131—148, and Areop.
ponnesian war in 431 (i.e. 510—
passim); but Benseler's attempt to
435B.C).
prove by quoting de Pace, § 75,
(Hi) Moras and Lange explain it
Panath. § 139, that this very period
of the time between the institution
is mentioned elsewhere by Isocr. is
of annual archons and Cylon's at­
far from successful.—Another objec­
tempt to make himself master of
tion to this view is thus stated by
Athens (i.e. 683—612 B.C.).
Baiter (with reference to the next
Ei'ch of these explanations has
section, υπέρ ων κ.τ.λ.), 'Quissanae
been opposed on various grounds.
mentis orator contenderit Athenien(i) is rendered doubtful by the fact
sibus deberi magnam gratiam, quod
that, between 477 and 405, Athens
ipsi per tot annos felices fuerint?'
can hardly be said to have been 'at
To answer this, it may be suggested,
peace with all the world,' as the
in passing, that υπέρ <Sv possibly re­
Peloponnesian war, with all its feuds
fers to the general sense of the pre­
at home and battles abroad, occu­
vious context, and esp. to §§ 103
pies the last 27 years of that period.
—5, while § xo6 is a short paren­
And further, the supporters of this
thetical argument.—This view has
view are constrained to admit that
been combated at length by Wilh.
the words άστασίαστοι προς σφας
Vischer in an exhaustive article in
αυτού* are not in strict accordance
Schneidewin's Philologus (vol. x.
with history, but must be accepted
pp. 245—9).
as an exaggerated contrast to the
fierce factions of the Spartan supre­
Thus far, the account given of the
macy.
various explanations of the passage
goes on the supposition that διετέλέA similar objection may be raised
σαμεν (which necessarily refers to
to (ii), on the ground that in the
the Athenians) is the correct read­
period between 510 and 435 Athens
ing. At this point the controversy
was fighting against Boeotia and
assumes a new phase: διβτελέσαμεν
Chalcis (in 506), against Thebes,
is the MS reading, διετέλεσαν the
Corinth, Aegina, and Epidaurus (in
conjectural emendation of Bekker.
457), against Sicyon and Acarnania
This has been adopted by BS, Din(in 454), against Thebes and Sparta
dorf, Pinzger, Rauchenstein (ed. 1
(in 447)> and against Samos (in 441),
and 3), Schneider, and Bensel'er [in
to say nothing of the Great Persian
the Teubner series (1851). In a
War. (Bens, transl. p. 200 n.)—In
later ed. of part of Isocr. with
fac"V the acceptance of either (i) or
German Trans, and notes (1854) he
(ii)Jnvolves .the grossest misrepre­
returns to the MS reading, and
sentation on the part of Isocr. He
defends the third of the views given
may be guilty of exaggeration, of
above].
inconsistency, of rhetorical colour­
ing, but such a glaring inaccuracy is
The conjecture διετέλεσαν is
beyond belief.
strongly confirmed by Lys. (?) Or.
The third view is, perhaps less
Funebr. § 55, έβδομήκοντα μίν ίτη
which proved the death-blow to the
Athenian supremacy (i.e. 477—405

102

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ ιο6

θέροι δε προς τους βαρβάρους, άστασίαστοι δε προς σφάς
αυτούς; εϊρηνην δ' άγοντες προς πάντας ανθρώπους, (λα'.)
*Ύπερ &ν προσήκει τους ευ φρονοϋνταςφετγάΧηνγάριν εγειν
πολύ μαΚΚον ή τάς κΧηρουχίας ήμϊν δνείΒίζειν, ας ημείς εις
της θαλάττης άρχοντες,
άστασιάστους
δε παράσχοντες
τους
συμμάχου*,
and is ably defended by Vischer (/. c).
I .shall b e content with giving his
explanation alone. H e understands
not ' our ancestors' (v. P&nath. § 54)
but ' o u r allies,' as the nom. t o διε­
τέλεσαν, and this view has the great
advantage of suiting the whole of
the context. If t h e passage is fairly
measured by a rhetorical standard,
all is intelligible.
T h e 70 years
refer to the period of the Athenian
supremacy, during which the states
confederate with Athens enjoyed the
advantages of her democratical con­
stitution. During this period, her
allies were free from tyrants, although
before and after the time of her
supremacy it was far otherwise (con­
trast, with Schneider, § 117, al μεν virb
τύραννοι* είσί); they were free from
the Persians, although before and
after that period they were not so
(cf. § 117, των δε ol βάρβαροι δεσττόται
καθεστήκασι);
they were, as Isocr.
seems to think, less disturbed by
faction than during the Spartan
supremacy (cf. § 116, εντός τείχους
ol πολΐται προς αλλήλους
μάχονται);
they were at peace with the outer
world, instead of fighting with the
Lydians and Persians, as was the
case with the Ionians of the 6 φ
century; and lastly, although they
frequently aided Athens in her wars,
there was an early inclination t o
substitute •money-payment for per­
sonal service ( T h u c I. 97—99) which
may partially'justify the expression
είρήνψ AyovTGSTpbs πάνταςάνθρώπους
(cf. § 115, καταποντισταΧ μεν την θάλατταν κατέχουσι, πελτασταΐ δέ τάς
πόλεις καταλαμβΚνουσή.
After a
review of all the above opinions
and others unrecorded here, I a m
compelled to the conclusion that,

whichever view is adopted, some­
thing may be said against i t ; that if
t h e M S reading mfost be retained,
t h e third explanation is the- least*
objectionable; if Bekker's conjecture
(which I have ventured t o print in
the text) is accepted, Vischer's view
is most satisfactory.
cr<f>as avroiis.] T h e use of the
reflex, pron. of the 3rd person,
although most suitable to διετέλεσαν,
is not conclusive against διετέλεσα χεν.
v. ad Dem. § 14, δαύτου, η .
107. virkp <δν.] If διετελέσαμεν
is retained in § 106, this must refer
to §§ 103—τ05 and not to § 106.
r a s κληρονχ£α$.] On the Cleruchi
(Athenian citizens who received al­
lotments, κλήροι, in conquered terri­
tory) v. Dicl.Antiq.—The
summary
of instances of κληρουχίαι given in
Benseler's n. includes the settle­
ments in Lemnos and Imbros (in
556 and 510), in Euboea (506), in
Scyros (476), and (under the influ­
ence of Pericles) in Naxos, Andros,
Euboea, and Sinope, and lastly (du­
ring the Pelop. war), in Aegina,
Mytilene, Potidaea, Scione, and
Colophon.
όν€ΐδίζ€ΐν·]
' I n respect to the
Kleruchies,
or out-settlements of
Athenian citizens on t h e lands of
allies revolted and reconquered—we
may remark that they are n o t no­
ticed as a grievance in the treatise
of Xenophon, de Repub. Athen., nor
in any of the anti-Athenian orations
of Thucydides. T h e y appear, how­
ever, as matters of crimination after
the extinction of the empire, and, at
the moment when Athens was again
rising into a position such as t o
inspire the hope of reviving it. F o r
at the close of the Peloponnesiaii
war, which was also the destn*dfck>n
of the empire, all the Kleruchs w«re

—ιο8]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

103

τάς ερημουμένας των πόλεων φυλακής ένεκα των χωρίων
αλλ οι/ διά πλεονεξίαν εξεπεμπομεν. σημείον δέ τούτων
έχοντες γαρ χώραν μεν ως προς το πλήθος των πολιτών ελαχίστην, αρχήν δε μεγίστων, καΐ κεκτημένου τριήρεις διπλο­
ί σίας μεν ή σύμπαντες, δυναμένας 8ε προς δϊς τοσαύτας κινδυνεύειν, υποκείμενης της Έύβορας υπό τήν Άττικήμ, ή και ο
προς τήν αρχήν τήν *τής θαλάττης εύφυώς είχε καϊ τήν ά\~
λην αρετή ν άπασών των νήσων διέφερε, κρατούντες αυτής
driven home again, and deprived of
the Athenians manned 127 ships,
their outlying property, which re­
which including the subsequent re­
verted to various insular proprietors.
inforcement of 53 vessels and the
These latter were terrified at the
20 lent to the Chalcideans make up
idea that Athens might afterwards
exactly 200, while the other allies
try to resume these lost rights: hence
contributed 124. At Salamis the
the subsequent outcry against the
total number of vessels belonging to
Kleruchies.' Grote, H. G. iv. 175,
Athens was also 200, and the r?orMar
new ed.
account of the proportion of vessels
σ*ημ.€ΐον Si.. .€\ovr€S yd p.] For this contributed by Athens to the allied
fleet may explain the present passage.
use of yap {inchoativum) v. § 86 n.
Cf. § 98. n. It may also be noticed
£χοντ€$ κ.τ.λ.] The sentence be­
that, at the beginning of the Pelogins in such a manner as to lead us
ponnesian war (as well as in the
to expect ουκ έπήρθημεν as the prin­
time of Demosthenes), her fleet con­
cipal verb, instead of which we have
an equivalent phrase ουδέν τούτων sisted of 300 triremes; while the
ήμα* iiTTJpe. This is one of the sim­ united fleet of the Peloponnesians
was never apparently greater than
plest forms of Anacoluthon.
112 (Thuc. 11. 13, VIII. 79, and
cJf irpos το ϊτλήθοβ των ιτολ.
ελαχίστη v.] ' Very small in com­ Dem. Fals. Leg, p. 369).
parison to the number of our citizens.'
o^jMravTCS.] v. table of various
For t&s cf. Thuc. Hi. 113, άπιστορ
readings.
το πΧηθος XoyeTca άπόλέσθαι ώ$ προ$ 108. ύιτοκ€ΐμ4νη5 κ.τ.λ.] «Al­
τό μ&γ€$ος τη$ 7τόλεω5.
though Euboea lay within reach of
The number of full citizens, or
Attica,' ' was commanded by Attica.'
those who had votes in the 'Εκκλη­
ύποκεΐσθαι means more than the
σία is generally reckoned at 20,000
ordinary word έτηκεΐσθαι, which
(Plat Critias, p. 112 D, &c), the would indicate only the proximity of
total population of Attica (including
Euboea to the coast of Attica.—(v.
slaves) at 500,000; and lastly the
table of various readings.)
area at more than 700 square miles.
άρ€την.] ' Excellence :' alluding
The proportion thus obtained repre­
not only to the excellent pasturage
sents a density of population approxi­ and corn-fields of Euboea (Thuc.
mating to that of Staffordshire in
VII. 28, η των επιτηδείων παρακομιδή
1861.
έκ TTjs Etfj8o/as, &c.) but also to the
καϊ κεκτημένοι.] v. table of va­
copper and iron mines. (On the
rious readings.
famous vine of Euboea, v. Soph.
τριήρεις δΐΛτλασ-tas κ.τ.λ.] Allu­ Fragm. 239.) For the importance
of the island, cf. Hdt. v. 31. Ευ/3ο%,
ding partly to the 200 vessels which
νήσω μεγάλη re καϊ εύδαΐμονι, and
formed the fleet of Athens during
Thuc. VIII. 96 (quoted by Morus)
the year 480 B. C. At Artemisium

104

Ι20ΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ιο8

μαΧλον ή της ήμβτέρας αυτών, και προς τούτοις βίδότβς καί
των ^ΈΐΚΚηνων και των βάρβαρων τούτους μαΚιστ euhoKiμοΰντας, όσοι τους όμορους ανάστατους ποιησαντβς άφθονον~
καϊ ράθυμον αύτοΐς κατεστήσαντο τον βίον, όμως oiBev του- c
των ημάς έπήρβ irepl τους βγρντας την νησον εξαμαρτείν,
άΧΚα μόνοι Βψτών μ&^αΚην δύναμιν Χαβόντων περιείδομβν
τοσαύτη ή ξνμφορα (the revolt of
E u b o e a in 411 B.C.)
iireyeyap^o,
έρ $ pads re καϊ το μέ^/ιστορ Ήϋβοιαν
άπολωλέκεσαρ,
έξ ης πλείω ή της
Αττικής
ώφελουρτο.
κρατοΰντ€8.αύτη$κ.τ.λ.] * T h o u g h
we had it in our power more t h a n
our own territory.' Cf. Phil. § 6,
λόγφ παραδούς τηρ χώραρ ήμιρ ταύτηρ
(sc. Άμφίπόλιρ) αυτό* 2ρ*γψ κρατήσεις
αυτψ. Isocrates means that Euboea
was virtually in the hands of Athens
owing to the naval power of the
latter; so much so that by a rhetorical
exaggeration (as Wolf, Baiter, and
Bens, have noticed) even Attica is
here said to have been less in the
power of Athens. This explanation
is perhaps simpler than that of
Morus ' obtinentes i. e. obtinere volentes.1—' Artificiosa explicatione hie lo­
cus minime indiget,'
Baiter.
τών Ε λ λ ή ν ω ν . ] e.g. the Spartans,
in their conquest of Messene.
&roi.] Cf. Nicocl. § 4, 37, έκείρους...6σοι...(ν. table of various read­
ings).
ουδέν 4ξαμαρτ€ΐν.] This statement
is on the whole fair, but must be
accepted with some caution: in
the time of Cleisthenes, the Atheni­
ans sent 4000 Cleruchi to Euboea
(Hdt. v . 77) and, after the revolt in
445 B.C. and the re-conquest by
Pericles, τήρ μερ άλληρ ομολογία κατεστήσαρτο, Ιστιαίας
δ' εξοικίσαρτες
αυτοί τΐ]Ρ yrjp ΐσχορ (Thuc. Ι. 114).
109. μόνοι δ η . . . α ί τ ί α ν Ιχόντων]
4
W e alone, among those who obtained
great power, allowed ourselves to live
in greater embarrassment than those
who have the reputation of being
slaves.' This translation is in accord­
ance with the most common mean­

ing of αΐτίαρ Ζχειρ. Cf. Bel. § 15, άπο"ΚοΊείσθαι μέρ προσήκει περί τώρ άδικεΐρ αΐτίαρ έχόρτωρ, έπαιρεΐρ δ£ τους
έπ* dyad φ ΤΙΡΙ διαφέρορτ as, and this
explanation is adopted by Wolf,
Baiter, Rauchenstein, &c. T h e faci
that τώρ δονλεύειρ αΐτίαρ έχόρτωρ is
parallel to τώρ. μετγαΚψ
δύραμιρ
λαβόρτωρ suggests the possibility of
the former being a direct άρτίθετορ
to the l a t t e r ; hence as the latter
refers to * the powerful' in general,
the former may similarly refer t o
* slaves' in general; b u t the more
popular view makes τώρ δονλεύειρ
αίτίαρ έχόρτωρ mean τώρ Έλλήρωρ,
ους φασιρ αΐτιώμεροι δονλεύειρ τοις
Άθψαίοις, implying that the allies of
Athens have the imputation of being
the slaves of Athens.
Morus, Wieland, Coray, & c ,
make the phrase mean iin
quibus
causa erat quare servirent;
digni
servitutej a meaning which is hardly
borne out by the passage quoted in
its favour, de Pace, § 138, τούτωρ
τώρ ayad&p τψ αίτίαρ ^ξομερ.
Benseler translates thus: Ά Is die,
welche zur Unterjochung
Veranlassung gaben.'
H e refers τώρ—έχόρ­
τωρ directly to the Euboeans, and
explains that ' t h e y prompted and
tempted the Athenians to enslave
t h e m ' : lit. ' g a v e occasion t o the
Athenians to enslave them.' T h i s
view is very plausible; b u t I am
unable to find any instance of αίτίαρ
'έχειρ in this meaning. (For a full
account of all the various render­
ings see Benseler's Trans, p . 205).
['As far as I know, αίτίαρ Ζχειρ
(with the exception of Plat. Phaed.
ι ο ί c, where it means c h a v e you,
do you know, any other cause...?')

—no]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

105

ημάς αυτούς αττορωτίρως ζώντας των hovkevetv αΐτίαν εχόν­
των, καίτοι, βοϋλόμβνοι πλβονεκτεΐν ουκ άν δη ιτονμης μβν
Χκιωναίων γης έπεθυμησαμβν, ην ΤΙλαταιέων τοις ως ημάς
καταφνγοΰσι φαινόμεθα παραδόντβς, τοσαύτην he χωράν
,. ϊταρέλιπομεν, ή πάντας άν ημάς εύπορωτέρους ίποίησβν.
<
Ι ΙΟ
(λβ*·) Τοιούτων τοίνυν ημών γβγενημίνων και τοσαύτην
ττίστιν δβδωκότων ύπίρ του μη των άΧΚοτρίων έπιθνμεΐν
τόλμώσι κατηηορέιν οί των δβκαρχιών κοινωνησαντβς καϊ τάς
..signifies nearly the same as δοκάν,
* δόξαν Ζχειν, ' to have the reputation,
character, i. e. the credit or the im­
putation of...' the former in de Pace,
§ 138, the two commingled in Thuc.
!· 83, 3, varied by μργίστψ δόξαν
οίσόμ€Ροι, I L 11, ίο.—Benseler's
trans, seems to me, if αΐτίαν ΐχειν
can be so distorted, to require δουλώσαι or -σασθαι.' R.S.]
Σκιωναίων.] Cf. § ιοο. η.
Πλαταιών—καταφυγοΰσι. ] Al­
lusion to the 212 Plataeans, who es­
caped to Athens in 427 B. c. At the
end of the Peloponnesian war they
were forced to leave Scione, and
once more found a welcome in
Athens. At the peace of Antalcidas (387 B. c.) they were restored
to their city (Isocr. Plataic. § 13
sqq.), which was subsequently de­
stroyed by the Thebans in 372.
They once more fled to Athens,
where their wrongs were set forth
by Isocrates himself in the speech
called the Plataicus, (probably de­
livered before the εκκλησία by one
of the Plataeans), but it was not till
after the battle of Chaeronea (in
338 B.C.) that they were at length
reinstated by Philip of Macedon.
τοσ-αυτην.] The length of the
island (from Histiaea to Geraestus)
is about 100 miles; the breadth
varies from 4 to 30 miles.
§§ no—114. The partisans of
Lacedaemon accuse Athens of selfish­
ness and cruelty: Athens can retort
by pointing to the condudl of her
accusers during the Spartan supre­
macy. Those very partisans com­

mitted every kind of injustice, and
paid constant court, to the lawless­
ness and treachery of Sparta. They
deliberately became the slaves of Lysander, and honoured the murderers
of their fellow-citizens ; 112—3, they
reduced us all to a state of brutal apa­
thy, by involving us in disasters that
left us no leisure to feel for one ano­
ther. And these are the men who
are not ashamed to accuse us, these
who doomed to death untried a greater
number than Athens put on trial
during the whole of her supremacy.
114. It would be impossible to dwell
at length on all their enormities, I
can say thus much, that whereas a
single decree would have been enough
to put an end to the severities of
our administration, nothing could
ever remedy all the bloodshed and the
lawlessness of theirs.
n o . oi των δ€καρχιών κοινωνη<ravT6S·] Not 'the Lacedaemonians,'
but their partisans.—After the vic­
tory of Aegospotami (September or
October, 405 B.C.) all Greece at
once submitted to Sparta, except
Athens and Samos, and even these
yielded in the course of a few
months. In the greater number of
cities Lysander established an oli­
garchy of ten citizens, or a Decarchy, composed of his personal
nominees and confederates: while
he at the same time planted in each
a Lacedaemonian harmost or go­
vernor, with a garrison, to uphold
the new oligarchy. Athens sur­
rendered in April 404 B.C.; then
followed the nomination of the

io6

I20KPATOTS

[§§ n o

αυτών πατρίδας διαΧυμηνάμενοι, και μικράς μεν ττοιήσαντες
δοκεΐν είναι τάς των ττροηεηενημενων αδικίας, ονδεμίαν δε
Χιττόντες υττερβόΚην τοις αύθις βονΧομένοις γενέσθαι ττονη*
ροιςτ άΧΚα φάσκοντες μεν Χακωνίζε^ν, τάναντία δ' έκείνοις e
έττιτηδεύρντες, καϊ τάς μεν Μ,ηΧίων^όδυρόμενοι συμφοράς,
περί δε τους αυτών ιτοΧίτας ανήκεστα τοΧμησαντες εξαμαρΙ τεΐν. ποίον jap αυτούς αΒίκημα διέφυγεν; ή τι τών αισχρών
Thirty tyrants, under the d i l a t i o n
of L y s a n d e r ; after a reign of terror
that lasted for ,8 months, they were
deposed and a fresh oligarchy of
Ten, consisting in part of the less
violent members of the Thirty, was
appointed in their stead. T o the
oppression of the δεκαρχίαι full al­
lusion is m a d e in the important §§
that follow.
(See Grote's H. G.
P. II. chaps. 65 and 72.)
δεκαρχιών is t h e reading of Cod.
Ambr. in the present passage and
in Phil. § 95, Panath. § 68. T h e
Cod. U r b . has δεκαδαρχιών here,
and δεκαρχιών in Panath. 1. c., and
the latter form is also found in Cod.
Vat. Phil. I.e. T h e text of B S al­
ways adopts t h e longer form, that of
Benseler the shorter. T h e former is
supported b y H a r p o c r a t i o n : δεκαδαρχία" 'Ισοκράτης' τας ύπό Αακεδαιμονίων κατασταθείσας εν rats πό\εσι
δεκαδαρχίας συνεχώς δνομάξουσιν οι
Ιστορικοί, κ.τ.λ., the latter by Suidas,
and Xenophon Hell. i n . 4. 2, τάς
δεκαρχίας τάς κατασταθείσας ύπδ εκεί­
νου [sc. Lysander] iv r a t s πόλεσιν.
T h e word δεκάδαρχος is frequently
used by Xenophon in its proper
sense, ' a n officer in command of a
δεκάς,' a decurio.
ούδεμΐαν λι/irovres υττ€ρβολήν,
κ.τ.λ.] 'Leaving no power of sur­
passing them.' Cf. § 4, and D e m .
Aristocr. p . 689, § 207, τηΚικαύτα
καϊ τοιαύτα, ώστε μηδένι τών επι­
γενομένων ύπερβόλην
\ε\εΐφθαι.
φάσ-Kovrcs.] 'Pretending,' Isocr.
almost always uses φάσκειν in a b a d
sense; e.g. dePace, § i a i , τοις φιλεΐν
μ& τον δήμο? φάσκουσιν, 6\ψ δέ την

πόλιν Χύμαινομένοις. Cf. Soph. El.
319» φησίν ye* φάσκων δ' ούδεν ών
Χέγει ποιεί.
λακωνίζ€ΐν.] ' T o laconize,' i.e.
either ' t o imitate the manners, dress,
&c. of the Lacedaemonians' (Plat.
Protag. 342 B, D e m . Conon. § 34,
and Aristoph. Aves, i28isqq.K<>rto
favour their policy '(cf.
Μηδίζειν,
Άττικίζειν, iΑργοΧίξειν,
Φιλιππίζειν).
Cf. dePace, § 108, ούχ ή μεν τών άττικιζόντων πολυπραγμοσύνη
λακωνίξειν
τάς πόλεις έποίησεν, ή δε τών λακωνιζόντων ύβρις άττικίζειν τάς αύτάς
ταύτας ήνάγκασεν;
T h e members
of t h e oligarchical boards not only
favoured the policy of t h e Laconians, and made that policy a pretext
for their enormities, but also pre­
tended to imitate their c h a r a c t e r ;
their real conduct (says Isocr.) was
t h e reverse of their profession, ν
Areop. § 6 τ, Panath. § 217.
IKCCVOIS.] sc. τοις Αάκωσιν
or
τοις Αακεδαιμονίοις implied in λακωνίζειν. A species of sense^construction (commonly called constr. κατά
σύνεσιν or σχήμα πρδς τό σημαινόμενον), Jelf (Kiihner). § 378 sqq.
Madv. Synt. § 216 R, 2. I n Excurs.
x. to Bremi's ed. Baiter quotes
more t h a n 20 instances from Isocrates: e. g. § 90, 7rpos τό πεζδν,
(pi. in sense)...κώλύσοντες
αυτούς,
§ I34> TVV Άσίαν καρποΰσθαι' καϊ τφ
μεν (sc. the king of Asia) ουδέν
προυργιαίτερον κ.τ.λ. and de Perm.
§ 195, τοις αύτοΐς λόγοις χρώμενος
ακμάζων καϊ παυόμενος αύτης (sc.
της ακμής). Cf. ad Dem. § 21,
έγκράτειαν... τοιούτος
(=εγκρατής).

—in]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

107

η Beiv&v ού διβξήΧθον; οΐ τους μβν άνομωτάτους πιστότα­
τους ένόμιζον, τους Se προδστας ωσπβρ βύερηβτας iOepaττβυον, rjpovPTO Se των Ειλώτων evl δου\€υ€ΐν ωστ βίς τάς
αυτών πατρίδας υβρίζειν, μαΧΚον δ' έτίμων τους αύτσχ<ειρας
ή δ€ΐνών.] c. codd. Urb. Ambr.
(followed by BS and Bens.), καϊ
δανών Bekk. Dindf.—Frequens confitsio harum particularum (Bastii
Comment. Palaeogr.)
in.
άνομωτατους.] The read­
ing of Wolfs ed., άνοητοτάτους, has
apparently no authority except that
of a marginal note in a MS of the
1 ith cent. (Cod. Vat.) used by Coray (11. p. 46).
Ειλώτων iv£.] sc. Lysander, the
Spartan commander. He was born
of poor parents, and according to
Phylarchus (histor. fl. 3rd cent.
B.C.), quoted by Athenaeus Deipnosoph. vi. p. 271, belonged to the
Μόθακες, who were probably children
of Helots, brought up as companions
(σύντροφοι) to the richer sort, and
finally emancipated (ελεύθεροι μέν,
ού μην Αακεδαιμόνιοί' μετέχουσί δε
της παιδείας πάσης).
Ειλώτων.] On the Helots (the
serfs of Laconia) v. Dial. Antiq.
or Grote's H. G. II. p. 139 sqq. new
ed. (Cf. Plato, Legg. 776 c. and
§ 1 3 1 . n.)
Ivt.] This is the reading of Cod.
U r b . , followed by Rauchenst. Schn.
•and Benseler (in Teubner series):
ένίοις is the reading of Cod. Ambr.
followed by Bekker, Dindf., and
dubiously by B S . Benseler (transl.
p. 207. n.) has on, I think, insuffi­
cient grounds deserted his former
reading in favour of iviois.
αύτ6χ€ΐρας καϊ φονέας των ιτολ.]
' T h e assassins and murderers of
their own citizens.' T h e apparently
otiose words καϊ φονέας, placed in
brackets b y Morus, Coray, Dindorf
and Benseler (in t h e Teubner se­
ries), are found in all the M S S .
They are possibly added to secure
a παρονομασία with yovias (v. § 45. n.)
and to give additional clearness to

the rarer word αύτόχεφας.
T w i n ex­
pressions like this are very common
in Isocr. e.g. de Perm. § 130, τ ας
ταραχας καϊ την τύρβην, ib. § 11,
συναρμόσαι καϊ συvayayεΐv9 Epp. IX.
8, yέμεL κ<ά μεστός έστι (is fraught
and filled), Phil. § 43, άθρήσειε καϊ
σκέψαιτο, Areop. § 4* συντέτακται καϊ
συνακόλουθε?, dePace, § 41» μαίνεσθαι
καϊ παραφρονείν, and Areop. § 1 2 ,
διεσκαριφησάμεθα καϊ διελύσαμεν αύτάς. I n several of t h e above pas­
sages it will b e observed that one of
t h e words is less common and more
expressive t h a n t h e other, and that
the more ordinary word serves to
soften the harshness and to light u p
the obscurity of t h e rarer word. T h e
word αύτόχειρ is in prose seldom
used absolutely in t h e sense of mur­
derer, and still more rarely with a
gen. of the person murdered. (For
an instance, may be quoted D e m .
Mid. p . 549, αύτόχεφά μου.) I t may
therefore well be helped out by the
addition of τους
φονέας.—Themist.
Or. IV. p. 6*?. 26 (quoted by Strange
in J a h n ' s Jakrb. Philol. suppl. 3, p .
575) has τόν αύθέντην καϊ πάλαμναΐον.
— T h e other passages in which Isocr.
uses the word are Plataic. § 29, τους
αύτόχειρας έζείρτγειν, Phil. § 150, ού
yap αύτόχειρες οϋτε των αβαθών οϋτε
των κακών (οΐ θεοί) yiyvovTai, and
Aegin. § 19, άπέκτειναν
αύτόχειρες
yεvόμεvoL.
T h e application of the strong
term αύτόχεφά* to Lysander and
his partisans may be illustrated by
t h e following passage in H a r p o cration's lexicon: Αύθέντης' Λυσ/as
iv τφ προς Ίσόδημον ιδίως έταξεν iirl
των λ' ( = the 30 tyrants), οΐ δι' έτε­
ρων ε^άζοντο
τους φόνους* 6 yap
αύθέντης άεΐ τόν αύτόχεφά
δηλοΐ.
Of Lysander in particular Plutarch
(vit. Lys. 13) uses the words πολλοίς

io8

ISOKPATOTS

[§§ π ι

12 και φονεας των πολιτών η τους γονέας τους αυτών, εις
τούτο δ' ώμστητος απαντάς ημάς κατέστησαν, ώστε προ
του μεν δια την παροΰσαν εύδαιμονίαν καϊ ταΐς μικραΐς
άτυγίαις πολλούς εκαστον ημών εγειν τους συμπενθψτοντας, ο
επί δε της τούτων αρχής δια το πλήθος τών οικείων κακών
επαυσαμεθ αλλήλους έλεοΰντες. ούδενι yap τοσαύτην σγο13 ^Vv παρελιπον ωσ& ετερω συναγθεσθηναι.
τίνος yap ουκ
εφίκοντο; ή τις ούτω πόρρω τών πολιτικών ην πραγμάτων,
όστις ουκ εγγύς ηναγκάσθη γενέσθαι τών συμφορών, είς ας
αϊ τοιαΰται φύσεις ημάς κατέστησαν; εΐτ ουκ αίσγυνονται
τάς αυτών πόλεις ούτως άνόμως διαθεντες καϊ τή$ ημετέρας c
αδίκως κατηγορουντες, αλλά προς τοις άλλοις καϊ περί τών
δικών καϊ τών γραφών τών ποτέ παρ ήμΐν γενομένων λέγειν
τολμωσιν, αυτοί πλείους εν τρισί μησίν άκριτους άποκτείl/^ναντες ων η πολις επί της άργ^ής άπάσης εκρινεν. φυγάς
δε και στάσεις καϊ νόμων συγχύσεις καϊ πολιτειών μετά·'
βολάς, ετι δε παίδων ύβρεις και γυναικών αίσγύνας καϊ d
χρημάτων άρπαγας τις αν δύναιτο διεξελθεΐν; πλην τοσοϋ-

παραγινόμενος
Thasos).
113.

αυτός

σφαγαΐς

(at

τίδ ο ΰ τ ω . . . OVTIS ου κ ij ναγ-

κάοτθη.] ' T h e relative with any tense
of the indie, can b e used ^o denote a
result, where ώστε might have been
expected. T h i s occurs chiefly after
negatives, or interrogatives implying
a negative. Cf. § 185, τις όντως...
ράθυμος έστιν, όστις ου μετασκείν
βουλήσεται
ταύτης της
στρατείας.1
Goodwin's Moods and Tenses, § 65,
n. 5·
δικών...γραφών.]
O n t h e full
difference between δ{κη (a lawsuit)
and γραφή (an indictment) v. Dial.
Antiq. s.v. Dike\
Iv τ ρ ι σ ι μησ-lv κ . τ . λ . ] I t is
unnecessary t o refer this to any
sharply defined period in the dura­
tion of the oligarchical boards. I t
is sufficient to notice that t h e 3
months are doubtless included in
the well-known 8 months during
which the Thirty were in power.

T h e number of citizens p u t to death
during those months was 1500, Ac­
cording to Areop. § 67, and Lochit.
§ 11, αύται yap al φύσεις είσϊν at
... κατασκαψάσασαι
ret τείχη
της
πατρίδος, πεντακόσιους δε καϊ χί­
λιους άκριτους άποκτείνασαι τών πολι­
τών. Plutarch, after speaking of the
atrocities of Lysander at Miletus,
says {pit. Lys. 19), ην δε καϊ τών #λλων έν ταΐς πολέσι δημοτικών φόνος
ούκ
αριθμητός.
ι ΐ 4 · παίδων ΰ β ρ ά ς κ. γυναικών
α ί σ χ υ ν α δ . ] Cf. the story of Aristodemus, the harmost of Oreus, w h o
seized a beautiful youth, carried
him off, and put him to death.
T h e father went to Sparta, and
after an unsuccessful appeal for re­
paration, put himself to death. Isocr.
is speaking here of t h e δεκαρχίαι
alone.
N o n e of these outrages·
are ever ascribed to the Thirty.
Grote, H. G. VI. 351—3.

-114]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

109

τον elireiv εχω καθ* απάντων, OTL τα μεν έή> ημών heiva
ραΰίως αν Τ£? ivl ψηφίσματι δ^ελνσβ, τά? δέ σφαγάς καϊ
καθ' άιτάντων.] N o t 'against one
and all of our opponents,' as e.g.
in de Pace, § 56, and ad Ntcocl. § 47,
λ^γω δ' ού κα0' άιτάντων άλλα κατά,
των ένοχων τοις είρημένοις Οντων, b u t
' i n general' op. t o ' i n particular,' as
in Hel. § 1, de Perm. § 107, άθροώτατον καϊ μάλιστα καθ* άιτάντων, and
esp. Panath. § φ, where w e have
καθ* %καστον διεξιέναι)(ό\ί'γα καθ1
απάντων είπείν.
(So Rauchenst.
Schn. and Bens.)
Ivl ψηφίσ-ματι.] Isocr. here says
that * one decree' would have been
enough t o p u t an end t o the seve­
rities (τά deiva) of the Athenian
administration. T h e ' interpretation
of ένϊ ψηφίσματι
depends on t h e
exact meaning of τά δεινά, and on
this point t h e commentators differ.
Wolf refers τά δεινά to the atrocities
committed by Athens with regard t o
Mitylene (Thuc. i n . 49, in 427 Β. a ) ,
Scione (Thuc. V. 32, in 421 B.C.) and
Melos (Thuc. v . 116, in 416 B.C.).
H i s actual words are these, 'Diodorus
scribitlib. XIII, Athenienses
ψηφίσματι
ΜιτυΧήνας, Ίάηλον, Σκιώνην
άρδην
άνχιρηκέναι. Hoc igitur vult Isocrates;
Si quis Mi decreto irali populi intercessisset; nullum crudele facinus objici
potuisse Atheniensibus.'
Wolf appa­
rently thinks that one decree covered
all the three cases (a fact which is
utterly a t variance with the dates),
and t h a t therefore one counter-decree
would have been sufficient to abolish
t h e atrocities in question. (I may no­
tice in passing that his quotation from
Diodorus X I I I . which h a s misled
one o r t w o editors, is only a loose
abstract of chap. 30 of that b o o k ) . —
Benseler {trans, p . 210) approves of
the drift of Wolf's explanation, and
himself explains t h e passage thus :
' A t h e n s has wronged certain of her
confederates by a decree of the peo­
ple, and could easily have healed the
mischief b y another decree, as she
actually did in the case of Mitylene.'
T h e immediate context suggests

another explanation of τά δεινά. *We
are there told that t h e enemies of
Athens had the assurance to criticise
the legal proceedings that took place
before h e r tribunals in t h e days of
her supremacy.
A reference t o
Panath. § 63 (κατηγορεΐν της πόλεως
...καϊ τάς τε δίκας καϊ τάς κρίσεις τάς
ένθάδε Ύ^νόμενας τοις συμμάχοις καϊ
τήν των φόρων εϊσπραξιν
διαβαλεΐν)
shews that one of the main points of
accusation was t h e jurisdiction of
the Athenian tribunals over the con­
federate and dependent states. This
jurisdiction, although on the whole
fairly carried out (v. Thuc. I. 77. 1
and

V I I I . 48. 5), was

nevertheless

the subject of blame with the sup­
porters of Sparta, e.g. t h e philolaconian Xenophon in speaking of
this very point, says (Pep. Ath. 1.16),
τους pikv του δήμου σώζουσι, τους
δ' εναντίους άπολλύουσιν
4ν τοις
δικαστηρίου.
I f the words τά δεινά
refer to the severities of these tribu­
nals, t h e £v ψήφισμα of t h e text
must mean a single decree granting
αυτονομία t o t h e confederates of
Athens, a n d thus abolishing t h e
trials in question. I t so happens
that in the Archonship of Nausinicus
(378 B.C.), two years after the publi­
cation of the Paneg., such a decree
(as observed by Sauppe in Rauchenstein's n.) actually formed part of the
terms of the restored confederation.
I n this case Isocr. says' that the
wrongs of the allies under the rule
of Athens might have been done
away b y a single decree of this
nature, b u t t h e lawlessness of t h e
H a r m o s t s a n d Decarchies (against
which there was no appeal to Sparta)
would remain irreparable.
T h i s view is in the m a i n identical
with that of Rauehenstein and Schnei
der, it is confirmed b y t h e sequel
with its pointed mention of the false
αυτονομία of a compact negociated
between Sparta and Persia, it Har­
monises with the previous context.

no

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ ι Η

τα? ανομίας τα? έπί τούτων yevoμίνας ονΒβϊς αν Ιάσασϋαι
Βύναιτο.
5
(λ//·) ΚαΙ μην ovBe την παροΰσαν βίρήνην, oySe την
αυτονομίαν την iv ταΐς ποΧντβίαις μ&ν ουκ ένοΰσαν, έν Be e
τα£? συνθηκαις άνοηΘγραμμίνην, άξιον έλέσθαι μαλΧον η
την αρχήν την ήμετέραν. τις yap αν τοιαύτης καταστάσεως
έπίθυμήσβιβν, iv y καταποντισταϊ μίν την θαΚατταν κατέand is, perhaps, more satisfactory
than the view advocated by Wolf
and Benseler.
§§ 115—128. Eventhe present stale
of peace, which has been brought about
by Sparta, is worthless in comparison
with the times of the supremacy of
Athens, The terms of that peace have
proved a delusion, and the promised
independence has not come. As soon as
the supremacy passed from Athens to
Sparta, the Barbarians obtained the
command of the sea, and by the recent
convention (the terms of which are
very different to those which Athens
informer days imposed on Persia) the
great King (as we now call him) was
made dictator of the destinies of Greece.
122—4. The Ionians were surren­
dered to him, and are now theviclims
of cruel oppression; 125—8. Sparta,
which now claims the supremacy, is
day by day taking the field against the
Greeks, and has entered into an alli­
ance, for all time, with the Bar­
barians.
115. τήν τταροΰσρ,ν βιρηνην.] Al­
luding to the peace or convention of
Antalcidas (97 έπ 'Ανταλκίδου εΙρήνη)
387 B.C. The terms are thus given
in Xenophon, Hell. v. 1. 3 1 : 'King
Artaxerxes' \Mnemon: reigned 405
—359 B.C.] * thinks it just that the
cities in Asia and the islands of
Clazomenae and Cyprus shall be­
long to him. He thinks it just also,
to leave all the otner Grecian cities,
both small and great, independent
(αυτόνομους) except Lemnos, Imbros,
Scyros, which are to belong to
Athens as of old time. Should any
parties refuse to accept this peace,
I will make war upon theia, along

with those who are of the same
mind, by land and by sea, with ships
and with money.' On this degrading
convention, on which Isocr. dwells
indignantly in the following §§, cf.
Plat. Menex. 245 D, where it is called
an αίσχρον καϊ άνοσων gpyov, and the
fragm. of Theopompus quoted in
§ 134. n. and v. Grote's H. G. P. II.
c. 75 ad fin. and c. ^passim.
In a later speech, de Puce, § 16,
Isocr. expresses himself less indig­
nantly : (cf. also F. A. Wolf's n. on
Dem. Lept. p. 475, § 60).
τήν αυτονομίαν.] Cf. de Pace, 68,
ηθέλησαν Αακεδαιμόνιοι ποιήσασθαι
τάς σννθήκας rccs ιτβρίτψ αυτονομίας.
άναγ&γραμμένην.] § 18ο. η.
καταίΓοντιοτταί.] ' Pirates.'—In
Greek there are three names for a
* sea-robber.'
(ι) Χωστής, a comprehensive
name, which (in the form ληϊστ'ήρ)
occurs as early as the Homeric period
(e.g. Od. in. 73), when the occupa­
tion of buccaneering implied no dis­
grace (Thuc. I. 5. 1).
(2) καταποντιστεί, which occurs
first, perhaps, in the present passage.
As later instances we have Panath.
§ 226, τους καταποντιστάς καϊ λίστας
(cf. ib. § 122, καταποντισμούς), and
Dem. Aristocr. § 166.
The corresp. vb. however occurs
in Lysias, Alcib. A. § 27 (delivered
14 years before).
(3) πειρατής (Lat. pirata), which
does not occur except in compara­
tively late Greek (e.g. Polybius).
The word καταποντιστώ is strictly
a product of the early part of the \
4th cent. B.C., just as the Anglicised \
word buccaneer (from boucanier) and )

—ιι8]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΞ.

HI

χουσι, πέλτασταϊ δε τάς πόλεις καταλαμβάνουσιν, αντί Se
του προς ετέρου? περί της χώρα? πολεμεΐν, εντός τείχους οι
πολΐται "προς αλλήλους μάχονται, πλειους 8ε πόλεις αίχμά- 6[
λωτοί γετγόρασιν ή πριν την βίρήνην ημάς ποιήσασθαι, ^Βιά
Se την πυκνότητα των μεταβολών άθυμοτέρως Βιάτ/ουσιν ol
τάς πόλεις οίκοΰντες των ταΐς φυηαϊς εζημιωμένων· οι μεν
yap το μέλλον δεΒίασιν, οι δ' del κατιέναι προσΰοκωσιν.
τοσούτον δ' άπέχουσι της ελευθερίας καϊ της αυτονομίας,
ωσθ* αϊ μεν υπο τυράννοις είσι, τάς δ' άρμοσταϊ κατέχουσιν,
ενιαι δ' ανάστατος ηεηόνασι, των δ' ol βάρβαροι δεσπόται b
καθεστήκασψ' ους ήμεΐς διαβήναι τολμησαντας εις την Ενρώπην καϊ μείζον η προσήκεν αύτοΐς φρονησαντας ούτω διέ%ί εν ώστε μη μόνον παύσασθαι στρατείας i<f> ημάς ποιού­
μενους άλλα καϊ την αυτ&ν χωράν άνέχεσθαι πορθουμένην,
καϊ διακοσίαις καϊ χίλια® ναυσι περιπλέοντας είς τοσαυτην
the Gallicised word flibustier (from
freebooter, v. TAttre* and Wedgwood)
make their first appearance in con­
nexion with the West Indian ad­
venturers of the 17th cent, of our era.
The very existence of the new term
betrays the fact that 'the police of
the Aegean' was less strictly kept
than in the previous century.
Moras and those who follow him
are hardly justified in supposing
that Isocr. refers to the Persians and
Lacedaemonians, ut. eorum crudelitotem in expeditionibus marinis indicet: the explanation given above is
simpler and better, and is, I find,
adopted by Wolf, Cor.,, Rauch.,
Schn. and Benseler, the last of whom
aptly quotes Xen. Hell. v. 1.29, Αθη­
ναίοι...πολιορκονμενοι εκ της Μ^ίνης
ύπό των ληστών...έπεθύμουν της ειρή­
νης (in 387 B«c) and Dem. Theocr.
§56.
116. IVTOS TeC^ovs κ.τ.λ.] e.g.
at Mantinea, Phlius, and Thebes,
Xen. Hell. v. 2.
del κατιέναι ττροο-δοκώσ-ιν.] Eur.
Phoen. 396, αϊ 3' ελπίδες βόσκουσι
φχτγάδας, ως λόγο?. On κατιέναι ν.
§ 6ι. η.

117· TTJS IXaiOepCas κ.τ.λ.] ' The
promised liberty, &c.' Cf. § 122.
τυράννοΐδ.] Cf. § 125—6.
άρμοσταϊ.] ol υπό των Αακεδαιμονίων εις τά$ υπηκόους πόλεις άρ­
χοντες καϊ φρούραρχοι εκπεμπόμενοι,
παρά τό άρμόζειν καϊ καθιστάν
τάς υπ* αυτών φυλαττομένας πόλεις.
Bekk. Anecdot. 445· (Bens, index.)
The name Harmost was not con­
fined to governors appointed by
Sparta (v. Xen. Hell. iv. 8. 8, 'Αθή­
ναιον άρμοστήν, A nab. V. 5. 19, &c).
ανάστατοι.] e.g. Mantinea. v.
also § 37. n.
οί βάρβ. δ€σΐΓΟται καθ.] § 12 2.
oii$ κ.τ.λ.] This sentence evi­
dently alludes to the relation sub­
sisting between Persia and Greece
at different periods. Thus δια^ναι
τολμησαντας, φρονήσαντας, and the
mention of the 1200 ships, belong
to the expedition under Xerxes, v.
§ 93. n. On the other hand, την αυ­
τών χώραν άνέχεσθαι πορθουμένην and
μακρόν πλοΐον κ.τ.λ. refer mainly to
the actual or supposed results of thedouble victory of Cimon at the river
Eurymedon in Pamphylia (466 B.C.).
118. καϊ διακοσίαις κ.τ.λ.] 'And

ιΐ2

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§ιι8

ταπεινότητα κατβστήραμβν ωστβ μακρόν πλοΐον iirl τάδε
ΦασήΧώος μη καθέΧκειν αλλ' ησυχίαν ayeiVj κα\ τους και- c
although they held the sea with 1200
ships, we reduced them to such a
depth of humiliation that they
launched not a vessel-of-war on this
side of Phaselis, b u t remained in
q u i e t ; and awaited the times of
crisis, but mistrusted their present
power.'
I n the present passage and Areop.
§ 80, the fact that Persia ceased
from hostilities is described as a
simple result of t h e victories of
A t h e n s ; elsewhere it is clearly con­
nected witfrla definite convention
between Athens and Persia. This
convention is mentioned by Isocr.
himself in § 120 and Panath. § 5 9 —
61, by D e m . Fals. Leg. p . 428,
§ 2 7 3 ; 'Callias, the son of H i p ponicus, negociated that peace
which is in the mouths of all men
(ύπό πάντων θρυλουμένην), providing
that the king should not approach
within a day's ride of the sea-coast,
nor sail with a vessel of war within
the Chelidonian islands [S.W. of
Phaselis] and the Cyanean rocks [in
the Euxine]... and no m a n can say
that the commonwealth has m a d e a
better peace either before or after.'
( F r o m C.R.K.)\
and also byLycurgus, Leocr. § 73, σννθηκας έποιήσαντο
μακρψ μ& πλοίφ μη πλέΐν
ivrbs
Τϋυανέων καΐ Φασήλώος, τους δ"Έλλι;vas αυτονόμου* etvat.
Plutarch {vit. Cim. 13) mentions
the treaty (την περφόητον
ύρηνην
έκείνην), and states that Callisthenes
(the writer of a lost Hist, of Greece
from 387—357 B.C.) οϋ φησι ταϋτα
συνθέσθαι rbv βάρβαρον, Zpyy δέ ττοιύν
διά φοβον της ηττής εκείνης, b u t t h a t
on the other h a n d a copy of it was
to be found in the collection com­
piled by Craterus (brother of Antigonus Gonatas and writer of a lost
diplomatic hist, of A t t i c a ; fl. c. 250
B.C.).
Theopompus, one of the
most distinguished pupils of Isocr.,
in his Philippica (quoted by H a r p o c r .

lex. s. v. *ATTUCOIS ^ράμμα,σιν) argues
that the convention was fabricated
(έσκευωρησθαι), v. § 120, n. 1.
The
reality of this treaty of
Callias (erroneously called
the
treaty of Cimon) has been impugned
by Mitford, Thirlwall, Manso and
esp. by D a h l m a n n ; and defended
by Grote, who endeavours to prove
that although neither T h u c . nor
H d t . expressly mentions the treaty,
it is nevertheless confirmed by seve­
ral hints in T h u c . ( V I I I . 5, 6, 56)
and H d t . (viii. 151), and that, when
allowance has been made for the ex­
aggeration of the orators of the 4th
cent., a sufficient residuum of histo­
rical fact remains to attest to its
existence, (v. Grote, If. G. P. 11. c.
4 5 = v o l . IV. p . 85—89, new ed. and
Thirlwall, c. 17, p . 474.)
The hypothesis of D a h l m a n n is
that ' T h e distinct mention and aver­
ment of such a peace as having
been formally concluded appears to
have first arisen among the schools
of the rhetors at Athens, shortly
after the peace of Antalkidas, and
as an oratorical antithesis to oppose
to that peace.'
μακρόν ττλοΐον.] i.q. navis longa,
the long and narrow ship-of-war)(
στρογγυλή JO,0S, όλ/cas, yaOXos, navis
oneraria, the rounded and roomy
merchant-vessel.
Iiri τάδ€.] )(έπέκανα, either in
temporal, or, as here, in local sense.
—Cf. cis and citra (connected with
hie) op. to uls and ultra\ (connec­
ted with Me).
Φασήλϊδοβ.] P h a s e l i s — a mari­
time town of Lycia, standing on
a headland overlooking t h e Pamphylian gulf.—The light sailing-boat
called the phaselus is supposed t o
have been invented there, and was
commonly represented on the coins
of the place.
καθ<=λκ€ΐν] = deducere naves,
'to
launch.' Cf. T h u c . 11. 93, καθελκύ-

—119]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

113

ρους περιμένειν άλλα μη rfj παρονστ) δυνάμει πιστεύειν,
κα\ ταυθ* οτι διά την των προγόνων των ημετέρων άρετήν
οΰτως ειχεν, αϊ της πό\εως σύμφοροι σαφώς επέδειξαν άμα
γαρ ήμεΐς τε της αρχής άπεστερονμεθα και τοις "ΈϊΧλησιν
αρχή των κακών έγ^γνετο. μετά yap την εν *ΈΧΚησπ6ντω
ηενομίνην άτνχίαν ετέρων ηγεμόνων καταστάντων ενίκησαν
μεν οι βάρβαροι νανμαχοΰντες, ήρξαν δε της θάλάττης, κατ- d
έσχον δε τάς πΧείστας τών νήσων, απέβησαν δ' εϊς την
Αακωνικήν, Κύθηρα δε κατά κράτος εΐλον, άπασαν δέ τήν
σαντας έκ "Nioulas, του νεωρίου αυ­ wards made commander of the
τών, τεσσαράκοντα pads, and AnthoL Persian fleet along with PharnabaΧ. ΐ5· 3 &PTL & δουρατέοισιν έπω- zus, and gained a decisive victory
>
λίσθησε κυΜνδροις | όλ/cas επ1 ηϊόνων at Cnidus over Pisander, the Spartan
is βυθόν εΚκομένη.
admiral, in August 394 B.C.
έτερων.] Here in its true*sense
119· τήδ άρχήβ άΐΓ€<ΓΤ€ρούμ€0α...
^the others,' i.e. the Lacedaemonians.
αρχή τών κακών.] 'For no sooner
4ν(κη<ταν.] i.e. at Cnidus» Cf.
were we deprived of our dominion
§ 142, and Xen. Hell. iv. 3. 10—
than the beginning of evils came
14. It will be observed that Isocr.
upon the Greeks.' The ομωνυμία,
is careful not to dwell upon the
or play on the two meanings of
fact that this victory of Persia was
αρχή may be easily preserved by
mainly due to the generalship of an
rendering thus: 'no sooner were we
Athenian, as he elsewhere plainly
deprived of the first place, than the
first disaster came upon the Greeks.' intimates {Evag. §§ 52—7). Conon,
however, was acting only on a pri­
Bens, has: Denn sobald man uns
vate venture, not as a. general of
die Herrschaft nahm, fieng auch bei
Athens. It was in this private ca­
den Hellenen die Noth zu herrpacity also, that in the following
schen an. This particular play of
year he sailed with Pharnabazus
words is repeated elsewhere in Phil.
through the islands of the Aegean
§ 61, de Pace, § ιοί, Nicocl. § 28,
to Melos and thence to Laconia,
the first or the second of which
where they ravaged the district
passages is quoted memoriter by
round Pherae (in Messenia) and
Aristot. Rhet. i n . n , as an instance
other places on the sea-board, gain­
of τά αστεία. A full list of similar
ed possession of the island of Cyόμωνυμίαι is given in Schneider's
note: e.g. \6yos (Panath. § 22), %apis thera, and finally sailed to the
isthmus of Corinth. (Xen. Hell. iv.
{Epp. II. 6), αιτία {Epp. VI. 3), and
8. 7, 8. Grote H. G. vi. 471, new
ποιεΐν (Evag. § 36).
την kv 'Ελλησττόντφ...άτυχ£αν.] ed.)
The defeat of the Athenians by
Tas irXeioras τών νησ-ων.] i.e,
Lysander, off Aegospotami, 405,
Cos, Nisyros, Chios, &c. (Diod.
B.c. Conon was there vanquished,
Sic. xiv. 84).
owing, it was said, to the treachery
Κύθηρα.] neut. pi. as also in
of ,some of his colleagues (ού δι* Xen. Hell. l.c. 'Αθήναιον αρμοστών
αύτ6ν άλλα δια τoύs avvapxovras
iv rots Κυθήροις κατέλιπε, Thuc. IV.
Phil. § 62, v. Xen. Hell. n . 1. 32),
53, τά δε Κύθηρα vfjaos iariv, Μand fled with 12 triremes to Evagoκείται δε τ# Αακωνικ§ κατά Μαλέαν,
ras, king of Cyprus. He was after­
and Hdt. νιΐ. 245. The form ή
ISOC.

8

114

ISOKPATOTS

[§119

ΙΙεΧοπόννησον κακώς ποιοΰντες περίέπλευσαν.
(λδ\) Μά­
λιστα δν αν τις σννίδοί το μ&γεθος της μεταβολής, εΐ irapaναηνοί/η τας συνθηκας τάς τ εή> ημών yevo μάνας και τας
νυν άναηεηραμμενας. τότε μεν jap ημείς φανησόμεθα την
αρχήν την βασίΧέως ορίζοντες καϊ τών φόρων ενίους τάτ- e
τοντες καϊ κώλνοντες αυτόν Tfj θαΧάψ-Ύ) γρήσθαν νΰν δ'
Κυθ-ήρα appears to belong to later δος καϊ τούτους κω\ύσαντες ύπερ·
Gk.
βαίνειν. The geographical bounda­
ries are variously stated, v. § 118. n.
κατά κράτος clXov.] An exagge­
Elsewhere {Areop. § 80 and Panath.
ration of the fact, as stated by Xen.
Hell. I.e. φοβηθέντες, μή κατά. κρά~§ 59) Isocr. states that the landforce of Persia was not allowed to
τος άλοΐεν, έξέλιπον τα τείχη.
άπασαν τήν ΠΛοιτόννηο-ον κ,τ.λ.] cross the river Halys,—an exagge­
ration which has been severely criti­
Xenoph. I.e. says nothing of this
cized by Dahlmann, &c.
circumnavigation. After the ac­
count of Cythera, he says: ταύτα
τών φόρων IvCovs τάττοντ€$.]
δέ ποιήσας καϊ els 'Ισθμόν της Κορίν­ lit. 'Assessing some of their taxes'
θιας καταπΚεύσας κ.τ.\.
i.e. * fixing in several instances the
ι^ο. τάς οτυνθηκαβ τά$ 4φ'
rate of the various tributes to be
ημών γ€νομ,€νας.] The peace of
paid to the king of Persia.' The
Callias, v. § 118. n. Isocr. evident­
sense is clear enough, but the hisly implies the existence of docu­
torical allusion (if such it be), is
mentary evidence of the terms of
difficult to explain. Grote (H. G.
that.peace. Theopompus (ap. HarIV. p. 87. η. new ed.) in speaking of
pocr.) is. still more express, although
this peace endeavours to shew (from
he declares that the peace was a mere
Thuc. VIII. 5, 6, 56) 'that the
fabrication: θεδπομπος 8* εν τη κέ
maritime Asiatic cities, belonging to
τών Φιλιππικών έσκευωρησθαι Xayec the Athenian Empire, paid no tri­
τάς προς τόν βάρβαρον συνθήκας, ας bute to Susa from the date of the
ού τοΐς Άττικοΐς Ύράμμασι,ν έστη- full organization of the Athenian
Χιτευσθαι (ν. § ι8ο. η.), άλλα τοΐς
confederacy down to a period after
τών Ιώνων.
the Athenian defeat in Sicily.' If
this is true, it is hard to see why
The Ionic characters were· not
introduced in public documents -ointil Isocr. expresses himself in such
guarded language: he might have
thearchonship of Euclides, 403 B.C.
said τών φόρων ένίους άτταΚΚάττον(v. Franz. Elementa Epigraphices
τες (which Schn. even suggests as a
Gr. p. 148.) We infer from the
probable reading). The expression
statement of Theopompus that if (as
is meant to be contrasted with ττροσ·
is probable) the inscription contained
the words 'Α,θψαΐοι καϊ 'Αρταξέρξης, τάττων d χρτ] ττοιειν εκάστους, and
may contain a germ of historical
they were spelt thus :
ΧΘΗΝΑΙΟΙΚΑΙΑΡΤΑΞΕΡΞΗΣ fa&.
θαλάττη.] This is the reading of
t in Ionic letters), instead of ΑΘΕCod. Urb., θαλασσή that of Cod.
NAIOIKAIAPTAX^EPX^E^
Ambr. The Cod. Urb. almost al­
ways supports the later Attic form
(in Attic letters of the period in
θάλαττα; and in one passage alone
question).
{Panath. § 44) the earlier θάλασσα
opC£ovT€s.] Cf. Lycurg. Leocr.
§73, δρους τοις βαρβάροις πήξαντες (where Dind. BS and Bens, read
τους ets τήν έΚευθερίαν τής Ελλά­ θαλοίττης).

—122]

ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΟΣ.

ιΐ5

εκείνος εστίν 6 διοικων τά των *Έϊλλήνων, καϊ προστάττων
α χρη ποιεϊν εκάστους, καϊ μόνον ουκ επιστάθμους iv ταΐς
πολεσι καθιστάς, πλην γαρ τούτου τι των άλλων ύττόλοιπόν εστίν; ου καϊ του πολέμου κύριος εγένετο, καϊ την 6(
είρήνην επρυτάνευσε% καϊ των παρόντων πραγμάτων επι­
στάτης καθέστηκεν ;| ουχ ως εκείνον πλέομεν ωσπερ προς
Βεσπότην αλλήλων κατηηορησοντζς; ου βασιλέα τον μέηαν
αυτόν προσαηορεύομεν ωσπερ αιχμάλωτοι γετ/ονότες; ουκ
εν τοις πόλέμοις τοις προς αλλήλους εν εκείνφ τάς ελπί­
δας εχομεν της σωτηρίας, ος αμφότερους ήμας ήδέως αν
άπόλέσειεν',
*Ω,ν άξιον ενθυμηθεντας άηανακτησαι μεν επί τοις παρ- b
νυν δ* €K€ivos κ.τ.λ.] ' B u t now,
it is he that controls the destinies of
the Greeks, that dictates t h e duties
of the several states, and all but
establishes vicegerents in our cities/
προστάττων.] 'Dictating.' T h e
word is exactly the same as that
used by Autocles t h e Athenian
envoy at Sparta, respecting the
peace of Antalcidas: βασιλεύς προσέταττεν αυτόνομους τας πόλεις elvai
(Ken. Hell. v i . 3. 9). Cf. § 176,
προστάγματα καϊ μή συνθήκας.
μόνον ουκ] = δσον ούκ, tantum non.
ίπέσταθμοι.] 'Quarter-masters.'
ol Άρχοντες καϊ σατράπαι ol κατέ­
χοντες βασιλεΐ τας υπηκόους πόλεις,
7ταρά τό eiri τοις σταθμοϊς είναι' σταθ­
μοί δε αϊ καταγωγαί (sc. quarters).
Bekk. Anecd. 253. v. § 162.
J21. κύριος κ.τ.λ.] 'Sovereign
over'
'endowed with authority
over.'
ου.. .τήν €ίρηνην κ.τ. λ.] ' W a s he
not Controller of the peace, has h e
not been established President of
the existing state of aifairs?'
€7τρυτάν£υσ-€... «τισ-τάτηδ.] Me­
taphorical terms borrowed from the
subdivisions of the 'Council of the
500.'
F o r full details on these
subdivisions see either Dial. Antiq.
art. Boule, or t h e valuable, but
often puerile, Hypothesis to D e m .
Androt.
I t will b e sufficient here to

state (1) that the 50 members of the
presiding tribe were called πρυτά­
νεις, who, during their 35 days
of authority, conducted the whole
business of the βουλή, and controlled
the proceedings of the εκκλησία:
(2) that one was chosen by lot from
the 50 πρυτάνεις to be chairman for
one day in the βουλή and εκκλησία,
and that during his day of office h e
k e p t the public records and seal.
F o r the word πρυτανεύειν in par­
ticular cf. D e m . de Pace, § 6, τά
παρ* υμών διοικούντα (cf. ό διοικων
supr.) Φιλίππω καϊ
πρυτανεύοντα.
T h e meaning of επιστάτης may
perhaps b e illustrated by the promi­
nence given to the King's seal in
Xenophon's account of the commu­
nication of the peace to the as­
sembled ambassadors: έπιδείξας δ
Τιρίβαζος τα ]3ασιλ^ω$ σημεία ανετγίγνωσκε τα ξεγραμμένα.
But the use
of the pf. καθέστηκε points to a more
general application of the word.
F o r the double metaphor cf.
Plat. Protag. p . 338 Β, πείθεσθέ μοι
ραβδοΰχον καϊ έπιστάτην καϊ πρύ·
τανιν έλέσθαι δς ϋμίν φυλάξει (cf.
§ 175» φύλαξ της ειρήνης) τό μέτριον
μήκος των λόγων έκατέρου.
βασιλέα τδν μέγαν κ.τ.λ.] Cf.
Phil. § 132 and Epp. II. § 11.
122. ών άξιον κ.τ.λ.] i.e. ' T a k i n g
thought of all this, we may well feel

8—2

n6

ISOKPATOTS

[§§122

οΰσί, ποθεσαι Be την ηψμονίαν την ημετεραν, μέμψασθαΰ
Βε ΑακεΒαιμονίοις, οτι την μεν αρχήν ςίς τον πόΧεμον
κατέστησαν ως εΚευθερώσοντες τους "Ελλ^ζ/α?, επϊ Be
τεΧευτης ούτω ποΧΚονς αυτών εκδότου? εποίησαν, καϊ τη?
μεν ημετέρας πόΧεως τους "Ιωνας άπέστησαν, εξ ης άπω- κησαν καϊ Be ην ποΧΧάκος εσώθησαν, τοΐς Be βαρβάροις
αυτούς εξέΒοσαν, ων ακόντων την χωράν 'έγρυσι καϊ προς c
123 ους ούΒε πώποτ επαύσαντο πόλεμοΰντες. καϊ τότε μεν
ήηανάκτουν, ο& ημείς νομίμως επάργειν τινών ήξωΰμεν*
νυν δ' εις τοιαντην ΒουΧείαν καθεστώτων ούΒεν φροντίζουσιν αυτών, οΐς ουκ εξαρκεΐ ΒασμοΧοη/εΐσθαί καϊ τάς
indignant at our present position;
and yearn for our lost supremacy.'
ποθέσαι.] T h e same form of the
aor. of ποθώ is found in Aegin. § 7,
but έπόθησα is more common in
other prose writers; e.g. Xen. Hell.
V. 3. 20, έδάκρυσε καϊ έπόθησε rty
συρουσίαν. T h e fut. mid. is always
ποθέσομαι (Veitch, Gk. Verbs, s.v.).
Cf. Eustath. on Odyss. II. 375, το δε
ποθέσαι
αντί του ποθησαι
δοκ€Ϊ
μερ ποιητικΟΡί £στί δέ άληθως Άττικόρ...λέγεται τοίνυν έκατέρως καϊ πο~
θήσαι καϊ
ποθέσαι.
τον ττόλ€μ,ον κ.τ.λ.] sc. the Peloponnesian war. T h u c . iv. 85 (Brasidas log.), αρχόμενοι του πολέμου
προείπομερ, ΆθψαΙοις
έλευθεροΰρTes τ^\ν Ε λ λ ά δ α πολεμήσει?,
ν.
fragm. of Theopompus, quoted by
Grote, H. G. v i . 358, new ed.
κατ&ττησ-αν.] Evidently 2nd aor.
and intrans. (not 1st aor. and trans,
as Battie and L a n g e take it). Cf.
§ 165, καταστάντες εΙ$ τους μεγίστου*
ay&pas.
πολλούς IKSOVOVS.] SC. τ ας ip τ§
*λ.σία πόλεις...καϊ τωρ ρήσων Κλαξομέρας καϊ Κύπρορ (Xen. Hell, v. ι.

3ΐ), ν. § ιΐ5. η.

άιτ€θ-τησ·αν... ] 1st aor. trans.
' D e t a c h e d , severed, the Ionians
from Athens.' Alluding to the con­
vention of Antalcidas, as rightly ex­
plained b y Moras. Bremi and Benseler refer it to the somewhat earlier
successes of Sparta, in withdrawing

Chios, Lesbos, Ephesus, Clazomenae, &c. from Athens, as recorded
in T h u c . v i i i . 1 4 — 2 3 ; and quote
Ptinath. § 103, τους συμμάχους τού$
ημετέρους άφίστασαρ (imp/.) έλευθερώσειρ αυτούς ύπισχρούμεροι...
But
the use of the aorist, throughout the
whole of this passage, tells in favour
of understanding άπέστησαρ of one
definite act, like the peace of Ant.,
in which all the more or less suc­
cessful attempts culminated.
4 | ijs άΐΓφκησ-αν...] § 34. n.—δι1 ήρ —propter quam,
δϊής—perquam.
Isocr. does not say that the Ionians
had often owed their preservation
to the direol agency of Athens, b u t
to h e r existence, influence, and
power. A clear recognition of the
difference between hC ήρ and &' ής
makes it unnecessary to take πολλά­
κις (as Schn. does) in the sense of
' m o r e than once,' i.e. (1) in their
original colonisation and (2) in the
Persian wars.
123. οΐς ουκ 4ξαρκ€ΐ δασ-μολο»
γεΐσθαι κ.τ.λ.] ' F o r whom it is not
enough to b e subject to tribute and
to see their citadels in possession of
their enemies; but, in addition to
these public disasters, they suffer, in
their own persons also, greater cruel­
ties than purchased slaves among us,* '
ουκ έξαοκ€ΐ.] H e r e with a pas­
sive: cf. Aegin. § 47, εΐ μ$ μόνον
έξαρκέσειερ...στέρεσθαι
των παίδων
άλλα /ίώ TOUT* αύτβ προσγένοιτο.

•/<••—Μ5Γ

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

117

άκροπόΧ&β δρ&μ νπο των έχθρων κατεχομένας, αλλά προς
ταΐς κοίναΐς σνμφοραις και τοις σώμασι δεινότερα πάσχουσι
των παρ* ήμΐν ά)τ^υρων^των% ουδείς yap ημών όντως αΐκΐ* d
ζεται τονς οίκέτας, ως εκείνοι τους ελευθέρους κόλάξονσιτ^
12\μεηιστον Be τ&ν κακών3 όταν ύπερ αυτής της δουλείας
άναηκάζωνται συστρατεύεσθαι, καϊ πόλεμεϊν τοις ελευθέροίς άξιουσιν είναι, καϊ τοιούτους κινδύνους ύπομενειν, εν
οΐς ήττηθέντες μεν παραχρήμα διαφθαρήσονται, κατορθώ125 σαντες δε μαΚΚον εις τον λοιπόν χρόνον δουλεύσουσιν. (λε\)
*Άν τίνα^αΧΚους αίτιους χρη νομίζειν ή Αακεδαιμονίους, οί
τοσαύτην ισχύν έχοντες περιορώσι τους μεν αυτών συμ- e
μαχους γενομένους ούτω δεινά πάσχοντας, τον δε βάρβαρον
αργυρωνήτων] = mancipia argento
parata(Liv.XLi.6).
Cf. χρυσώνητοι.
Greek slaves were either δοριάλωτοι
{captivi) or ώνητοί or οίκδτριβες
(vernae). T h e first class became rare
as civilisation advanced; and the
second increased in proportion.
These purchased slaves (αναμφισβη­
τήτως δούλοι, Plat. Politic. 289 E)
would naturally b e treated with less
consideration than those born in the
house. Cf. Plataic. §18, τας πόλεις
δοριαλώτας 'γενέσθαι... ουδέν ήττον
των άργορωνήτων
δονλεύουσι.—On
the general subject see Becker's
Chariclesy Exc. to Scene VII.
αΙκ£ξ€ται TOTJS oiic£ras.] O n the
corporal punishments of slaves at
Athens—the brand, the fetter, the
clog, the collar, the rod, and t h e
stocks—see Becker's Char. p . 369,
3rd ed.
<os €Κ€Ϊνοι τους ΙλαΌέρους κολά£ουσ·ι.] Alludingto the Persian punish­
ments of Branding, flaying, impaling,
mutilation, burying alive, &c. Hero­
dotus has some strange stories about
them, e.g. in v . 25 we read that
Cambyses slew and flayed Sisamnes
(one of t h e royal judges, who had
received a bribe), cut his skin into
strips, stretched them across the
judgment-seat, and appointed the
son of Sisamnes to succeed his father,
έντειλάιχενάς oi μεμνησθαι 4v τψ κ*τί-

fav θρόνω δικάζει.—v. also H d t . IV.
43, v i i . 38—9, 314—5, and (for the
abhorrence with which the Greeks
regarded such outrages) cf. ib. i x .
78, 9, τα πρέπει μάλλον
βαρβάροισι
ποιεΐν 'ήπερ "Ελλησι' καϊ έκείνοισι δ£
έπιφθονέομεν. (v. Grote, Η. G. 1.482,
new ed.). Xenophon (Anab. I. 9.13)
tells that, in the satrapy of Cyrus
the younger, πολλάκις ην Ιδειν παρά
τάς στίβο μένα* οδούς καϊ ποδών καϊ
χειρών καϊ οφθαλμών
στερούμενους
ανθρώπους. — Cf. Aesch.
Eumen.
185—190.
124. μέγιστον δέ των κακών,
δ τ α ν κ,τ.λ.] T h e constr. is most
easily explained by supplying τοΰτ1
εστίν, or τότ' εστίν, after κακών. Cf.
§§87, 107, 128, 149.—Madv. Synt.
§ 197.
·π-ολ€μ€ΐν TOIS Ιλευθφοις άξιουσιν
clvai.] ' T o fight against those who
claim to b e free,' e.g. against the
Cyprians, § 134.
έλ€υθέροι$.] F o r the constr. cf.
§§ 3> 71» 95> and n o , rots βουλομένοις *γενέσθαι πονηροΐς. Madv. Synt.
§ 158, 2.
125. 1<τχΰν...ρώμχ|.] F o r similar
variety of expression cf. Hel. § 16,
τφ μεν (Hercules) Ισχύν Ζδωκεν, η
βία τών άλλων κρατεΐν δύναται, Trj
δε (Helen) κάλλος άπένειμεν, δ καϊ
της ρώμης αύτης Άρχειν πέφυκεν.

Γϊ8

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ

[§§125

τ$ των ΈΧληνων ρώμτ} την α>ργτ\ν την αντοΰ κατασκευα­
ζόμενοι*; καϊ ττρότερον μεΊ> τους τυράννους εξεβαΧΚον,
τω Βε ιτΚηθει τω; βοηθείας εποιοΰντο, νυν Be τοσούτον
ιιεταβεβληκασιν, ώστε ταΐς μεν πο\ιτείαις ΐΓοΧεμοΰσι,, τάς
Ό 8k μοναρχίας συηκαυιστασι. την μεν γε Ήίαντινέων *πό\ιν
ειρήνης ηΒη <γε<γενημένης άνάστατορ εποίησαν, καϊ την Θη­
βαίων ΚαΒμείαν κατέλαβον, καϊ νυν 'ΟΧυνθίους καϊ ΦΧίάσίους πόΚιορκουσιν, 9 Αμύντα Βε τω ΜακεΒόνων βασϊλεΐ
Perinthus, 341 B.C.)states that ManTOVS τυράννου? Ιξέβαλλον.] Cf.
tinea was broken up into 5 villages,
Pseudo-Plutarch, de malignit. Herodoti, p. 859 c, cap. 21 (quoted by fragtn. 138, ed. Muller.— On the
Bens. &α), πάλιν 4v τοΐς τότε χρόνοι? historical events mentioned in this
section, see Grote, H. G. Part II.
oifre φιλότιμον όντως ούτε μισότύραννον ϊσμεν ως τ^ν Αακεδαιμο- c. 76, or Thirlwall, Η G. c. 37.
νίων *γενομένην. Then follows a list of
Καδμείαν κατέλαβον.] In the
instances. They expelled the Cypsummer of 382 B.C. Phoebidas seized
selidae from Corinth and Ambracia,
the Cadmea, the citadel of Thebes
Lygdamis from Naxos, the Pisistra(Xen. Hell. v. 2. 25—30). In the
tidae from Athens, Aeschines from
winter of 379 B.C. (shortly after the
Sicyon, Symmachus from Thasos,
Phliasian war) the Cadmea was re­
Aristogenes from Miletus, &c.
covered by the Theban exiles (Xen.
iroXi/rcCais) (μοναρχίας. ] The same /. c. 4. 1—9).
contrast is found in Epp. iv. 6 and
Όλυνθίους... ττολιορ κουσαν. ] In
vi. 11. In Dem. 01.1. § 5 we have
382 Β. C. Sparta entered the first
πολιτεΐαι)(τυραννίς, and in Dem.
campaign of the war against OlynPhil. I. §48, II. § 21, πολιτεΐαι—δη- thus. The war was not finished till
μοκρατίαι.
both Teleutias, brother of Agesilaus,
Cf. esp. Aristot. Pol. v. 6 (quoted
and Agesipolis, king of Sparta, had
by Mr Heslop, Dem. 01. I.e.), τάς
fallen: at length, in 379 B.C., the
αποκλίνουσα* μάλλον πρ6ς τό πλήθος town was reduced to submission by
καλοϋσι πολιτείας.
Polybiades, and the Olynthian con­
Harpocr. Lex. πολιτεία' Ιδίως ειώ- federation extinguished (Xen. /. c.
θασι τφ ονόματι τούτω χρησθαι oi
2. 11—27, 3. 18—26).
ρήτορες, επί της δημοκρατίας, ώσπερ Φλιασ-ίους πολιορκούσαν.] In 380
Ισοκράτης τε iv τφ πavηyvpικψ καϊ B.C. the siege of Phlius (situated
Δημοσθένης έν Φΐλιππικοΐς.
between Sicyon and Argos) was
126. Μαντινέων ΐΓΟ*λιν...άνάσταbegun by Agesilaus, while Agesipo­
τον.] In 383 B.C. Mantinea was block­ lis, the other king of Sparta, was
aded by Agesipolis. On surrender,
engaged before Olynthus. In 379
the city was dismantled and the inha­
B.C. the town surrendered after a
bitants redistributed into its 4 (or 5)
siege of twenty months, almost coconstituent villages, de Pace, § 100,
incidently with the surrender of
Μ-αντινέας hh διφκισαν, Φλιασίους δ' Olynthus (Xen. /. c. 2. 8, and 3. 10
έξεπολιόρκησαν, Xen. Hell. v. 2. 7, - 2 5 ) .
διωκίσθη ij Μαντίνεια τετραχη, καθά- *Αμΰντφ ... οηιμίΓράττουσ-ιν.] Aπερ τό άρχαΐον φκουν. Ephorus (one myntas I I . , father of the famous
of the pupils of Isocr., the writer of
Philip of Macedon. In 383 B.C., the
a Hist, in 30 books, from the return
year immediately preceding the birth
of the Heraclidae to the siege of
of Philip, the future conqueror of

—128]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

.

ιι9

και Αιονυσίφ τω Σικελίας τυραννώ και τω βαρβάρω τώ
Τ$$ *Ασίας κρατουντι συμπράττουσιν, οπώς ως μετ/ίστην
βρχην; εζουσιν. καίτοι πώς ουκ άτοπον τους προεστώτας
τ&ν Ί£\\ην&ν ενα μεν άνδρα τοσούτων ανθρώπων καθι* στάναι δεσποτην, ων ονδε τον αριθμόν εξευρεϊν ράδιόν
ίστι, τάς Be μεγίστας των ποΚεων μηδ* αντας αυτών εάν
είναι κυρία% άΧλ? άναηκάζειν δουΧενειν ή ταΐς μΛ^ίσταις
! σνμφοραΐς περιβάλΧειν; ο δε πάντων δεινότατον, όταν τις
ZSiy τους την ηηεμονίαν εγειν άξιοϋντας επι μεν τους "Ί&ΚΚη- c
να$ καθ* εκάστην την ημέραν στρατευόμενους, προς δε
10, 7o and xv. 47.)
Olynthus (in 347Κ Amyntas sent
envoys to Sparta to ask for aid
These facts are enough to esta­
against the Olynthians, who had
blish a presumption that in the year
refused to restore to him certain
380 some unrecorded event may
cities of Macedonia and Chalcidice,
have given additional force to the
which had passed over to their
allusion in the text, or else the allu­
confederacy. His request (coupled
sion may be merely general; cf. de
with that of the Acanthians) was
Pace, § 99.—In any case it may be
answered by the siege of Olynthus
interesting to notice (with Grote,
{Archid. § 46, Xen. I.e. 2. 12, 13,
H. G. Pt. 11. c. 82) the coincidence
38; 3. 9, and Diodor. xiv. 92,
between the dates of the establishing
xv. 19).
of the supremacy of Sparta and the
despotism of Dionysius: 'the new
Cf. the Philifipus of Isocr., § 106,
ό πατήρ σου irpbs rets woXeis ταύτας position and policy wherein Sparta
now became involved, imparted to
(Argos, Thebes, Lacedaemon, Athens), ah σοϊ παραινώ προσέχει? τ6ν her a sympathy with Dionysius such
as in earlier times she probably
νουν, πρό* άπάσας οίκείως &χεν.
would not .have felt' (Vol. v n . p.
Διονυσ-ίφ
<Γυμ.ιτράττου(Γΐν.]
404, new ed.). On the sympathy
Dionysius I., tyrant of Syracuse,
6
B c
ν
6
between Dionys. I I . and Sparta v.
4°5—3 7 - - · ΡΜί* § 5· We
Archid. § 63.
' s
have no mention in extant histories
τφ βαρβάρω κ.τ.λ.] Alluding to
of definite co-operation between
peace of Antalcidas, § 115. n.
Sparta and Dionysius the Elder, at
poverty.] sc. Amyntas, Dionysius,
the time of the publication of this
and Artaxerxes Mnemon.
speech (380 Β. a ) . In 404 B. c. a
127. άνδρα...ανθρώπων.] 'man'...
Spartan envoy, named Aristus, aided
' human beings.' 'mann.. .menschen.'
him in establishing his dominion,
Bens, transl.
and in 396 B.C. a Spartan captain,
Pharacidas, declared, at a public
128. 8 %\ πάντων δ€ΐνότατον,
meeting in Syracuse, that he had
δταν...] Cf. § 176, Archid. § 56,
been sent to aid the Syracusans and
δ tie πάντων σχετλιώτατον, el κ.τ.'λ.,
Dionysius against the Carthaginians.
Callim. § 18, Plat. Apol. 18 C, δ δ*
Again, at a later period (374B.C.),
πάντων [sc. έστϊν} akoyaraTov [sc.
Timotheus, the Athenian general,
εστί τούτο], ό'τι ουδέ τά ονόματα οΐόν
captured a fleet of 9 triremes, as
τ€ αυτών eitevai. (RiddelFs Digest
Διονύσιος ίγν άπεσταΚκώ* Αακεδαιμο- Flat. Idioms, § 247) v. § 124. n,—
of
W(HS Μ συμμαχίαν. (Diodor. XIV.
Madv. Synt § 197.

120

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[§§ 128

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129

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SiaWa-

τους λόγου?* ου γαρ ίνα προς τους αλΧους

γών ποιησομαι

διαβάλω την ττοΚιν την Αακεδαιμονίων

όντως εϊρηκα περί

αυτών, αλλ' ϊν αυτούς εκείνους παύσω, καθ* όσον 6 λόγο?
*3° δύναται,
Τ

τοιαύτην

άποτρέπειν

πείθειν

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επιθυμεΐν,

παρουσιν

την ηνώμην* εστί

αμαρτημάτων,
ην μη

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ερρωμένως

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τά

(πε^οί-

§§ 129—*32· T%e harsh terms, νως, de Pace, § 62, άποκεκαλυμμένως,
which I have applied to the Lacedae­ ib. § 96, πεφυλαγμένως, Panath.
monians, are prompted by a spirit of § 218, ούκ άπαιδεύτως άλλα νουν
έχόντως, &c.
friendly admonition, Thar present
κατηγορ€Ϊν)(νουθ€Τ6ίν.] ' T o ac­
attitude calls for vigorous rebuke;
they art oppressing their neighbours cuse') ('to admonish.' Tor a similar
and exacling tribute from the islands distinction cf. Thuc. I. 69, καϊ μηδείς
of the Aegean, instead of subduing the νμων έπ* εχθρό: πλέον ^ αίτια νομίσχι
Barbanans and winning the broad τάδε λέγεσθαι' αίτια (expostulation)
μεν yap φίλων άνδρων εστίν άμαρτα·
territories of Asia.
νδντων, κατηγορία δε έχθρων άδικηirpociiiw κ.τ:λ.] In §§ 15—19.
129. δυσ-κόλωβ €χαν.] ' T o be σάντων.—For the sense and, the
fretful, petulant, ill-tempered.' v. phraseology of the whole context v.
de Pace, § 71—2.
Aristot. Elti. II. 7. 13, ό.,.έν πασιν
αηδής δύσερίς τις καϊ δύσκολος, and 131. €ΐλωτ€υ€ΐν.] 'to be Helots'
(metaphorically), i.e. 'to live in serf­
ib. jv. 6. 2. C£further (as a 'study*
in synonyms) ad Dem. § 31, δύσερις dom like that of the Helots.' For a
...δυσάρεστος and Panath. § 8, τό similar use of the word cf. Epp. i n . 5
yrfpis έστι δυσάρεστον καϊ μικρόλογον (to Philip), rjyou τό0' ΐξειν άνυπέρβλητον δόξαν, 8ταν τους βαρβάρους
καϊ μεμψίμοιρο?.
ανάγκασες εΐ-λωτεύειντοις"Ελλ^σ-ί.
130. Ιρρωμένως.] These adverbs
Harpocr. είλωτεύειν' δουλεύειν 'Ισο­
formed from participles (esp.pf.pass.)
κράτης έν τφ πανηγυρικφ. Cf. μετοιare common in Isocr.; e.g. de Perm.
κεΐν, § *ο5- η., § 111, η.
§ 144, τεταγμένως, ib. § 245, τεταπφιοέκους.] On the περίοικοι (the
βαγμένως, ib. § 305, καταβεβλημέ-

—134]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΪΚ02.

i2i

1 2 κους οΚης της Ε λ λ ά δ ο ς καταστήσαι.
καίτοι 'χρη τους φύσει
καϊ μη δια τύγρν μεηα φρονονντας τοιούτοι? εργοις επιχειρεΐν πο\ν μαλΧον η τους νησιώτας δασμόλοηεϊν,
ους 68
άξιον εστίν ελεεΐν, ορώντας τούτους μεν 8ιά σπανιότητα
της
γης ορη γεωργεΐν άναγ κάζομένους, τους δ' ηπειρώτας Βι
άφθονίαν της 'χώρας την μεν πΧείστην αυτής apybv περιορωντας, εξ ης δε καρπούνται τοσούτον πλοϋτον
κεκτημέ­
νους. %
*ΐ$3
(^b ·) 'ϊίγοΰμαι
δ' εϊ τίνες αλλοθεν επελθόντες θεαταϊ
γένοιντο των παρόντων πραγμάτων,
ποΧλην αν αυτούς
κατατ/νωναι μανίαν αμφοτέρων ημών, οϊτινες ούτω περί b
μικρών κινδυνεύομεν, εξόν άδεώς πο\\ά κεκτήσθαι, κα\ την
ημετέραν
αυτών γωραν
διαφθείρομεν, άμεΧήσαντες
την
Ι^^Ασίαν
καρπουσθαο,
καϊ τω μεν ούδεν
προύργιαίτερόν
εστίν ή σκοπεΐν εξ ων μηδέποτε παυσόμεθα προς αΚΚη\ους ποΧεμοΰντες· ημείς δε τοσούτου δέομεν συηκρούειν τι
τών^ εκείνου πραγμάτων η ποιεΐν στασιάζειν, ώστε και τας
provincials or free inhabitants of the
JOG Laconian townships, inferior to
the Spartans b u t superior to the
Helots) see Did, Antiq., Thirlwall's
H. G. I. 307 sqq., or Grote, H. G.
P t . I I . c. 6 = Vol. II. 132 sqq. (where
the statement of Isocr.
Panath.
§§ J 7 7 — 1 8 1 on their origin is com­
bated).
132. νησ-icoTas.] T h e inhabitants
of the Cyclades.
δρη γ€ωργ€ΐν.] de Pace, § 117,
M.€yape7s...y7jp μεν ουκ 'έχοντβς,...πέ­
τρας th yewpyovvres.
ήιτειρώταδ.] ' T h e inhabitants of
the continent,' the subjects of Per­
sia.
Harpocr. "Ηπειρο?'
σύνηθες
έστι τφ 'ϊσοκράτει, την ύπο τφ βασιλεΐ των "Περσών yijv οΰτω καλεΐν.
§§163, ΐ74ί ι δ 7 , Phil § 112, Archid.
§ 73? and Aesch. Pers. ^Ί,-ηττειρο^εν^ς
'έθνος.
ιτλείστην a-uTTJs.] § 34. n.
§§ * 3 3 — ! 5 9 · While the Greeks
are spending their strength on trifles,
the king of Persia is aggrandising
himself at their expense.
138—143.

His real weakness illustrated especial­
ly with regard to the revolt of Egypt,
the war with Evagoras, and the battle
of Cnidus; and also proved (144) by
the successful raidsr*qf Spartan com­
manders, and lastly (145—149) by
the ignominious
battle of Curiaxa.
150—151. The weakness of the Bar­
barians results from the cowardice,
luxury, insolence·, and servility fos­
tered by their political
institutions.
15 2—3. The characler of the so-called
Satraps.
154. The cases of Themistocles and Conon.
155—156. The
enduring feud between the Barbarians
and the Greeks in general;
illus­
trated (157—9) by special reference to
the Athenians.
133. καταγνώναι μανίαν αμφοτέ­
ρων.] v. § 157. n. and Madv. Synt.
§ S9*·
134. τ ω μεν.] sc. της 'Ασίας βασι\εΐ. τφ refers to the idea of the king
involved in the mention of his king­
dom. § n o , έκείνοις. n.
4ξ ων μηδ€ΐτοτ€.] § 89, δ μη...
έστιν.
Madv. Synt. § 204 a.

ΐ2%

I20KPAT0TS

[§§ Γ34

hia τνχην αντω γ&γενημένας ταραχάς σννδιάλν€ίν €7Γίχ€ΐρονμβν, οΐτίνβς καϊ τοίν στρατοπ&οιν τοίν περί Κύπρονο
έώμβν αύτον τω μεν χρήσθαί, το δε πόΚωρκβΐν, ?άμφοτίροιν
αυτοίν της Έλλάδο? οντοιν. οι re jap άφβστώτβς προς
τοίν στρατοττέδοιν τοίν irepl Κΰirpov.».] Allusion to the Cyprian
war between Artaxerxes Mnemon
and Evagoras. It lasted ι ο years
{Evag. § 64, Ευαγόρα πολεμήσας
ϊτη δέκα, των αυτών κύριον αυτόν
κατέλιπεν, (ανπερ ήν καΐ πρίν els πό·
λεμον είσελθεΐν). The first opera­
tions appear to have taken place in
390 B.C., when an Athenian fleet
was sent to the assistance of Evago­
ras (Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 24); in 388
Chabrias sailed to Cyprus with the
same object (it. v. 1. 10); in 387
Cyprus was abandoned to Persia by
the peace of Antalcidas; in 385 a
great naval engagement occurred,
in which Evag. was defeated, and,
after a vigorous resistance on the
part of the king of Salamis, the war
was concluded, according to Grote,
in 380 or 379 (soon after the publi­
cation of the Paneg.) on the terms
that Evag. should remain in full pos­
session of Salamis, and pay a fixed
tribute to Persia.
The dates of the transactions of
this war have been the subject of
some dispute. Diodorus (fl. 30 B. c.),
who makes the war last from 394—
385 B.C., contradicts himself in se­
veral points, but appears to be right
in assigning the naval engagement
to the year 383· B.C.—Fynes-Clinton
(Fasti Hell. Appendix on the Cyprian
War) takes 385—376 as the dates,
owing mainly to a conclusion drawn
from Paneg. § 141 (vid. προδεδυστύχηκεν. η.), (v. Grote, Pt. II. c. 76).
The lost histories of Callisthenes
would doubtless have thrown the
fullest light upon the events of this
war. It so happens however that
an abstract of an account of it, by
Theopompus, was made by Photius
(the learned patriarch of Constanti­
nople in cent. 9 A.D.), Bibl. cod. 176,

p. 120 Bekker. This abstract proves
that the war Was begun before the
peace of Antalcidas, was not vigo­
rously waged till after that peacev
and was apparently not concluded
until the accession of Nectanebis I.
to the throne of Egypt,—an event
which cannot be fixed with certainty.
I transcribe the passage at length,
as it is often cited in these notes:
Theopomp. fragm. i n ed. Miiller (part of a summary of the
twelfth book of his Philippica),
"Οπως re ό βασιλεύς Ευαγόρα συνε~
πείσθη πολεμησαι, στρατη-γόϊ έπιστήσα? Αύτοφραδάτην τόν Λυδίας
σατράπψ (ν. § 152. η.), ναύαρχον δε
Ήκατόμνων (cf. § 162). Και περί της
ειρήνης, ην αυτός τοις "Έιλλησιν έβράβευσεν (§§ ΐ2θ, 121, 176)· δπως τ<ε
προς Ευαγόρα? έπικρατέστερον βπολέ,μει, καϊ περί της έν Κύπρω ναυ*
jua%W (§ 141)· Kai ως Αθηναίων
fy πάλι* ταΐς προς βασιλέα συνθήκαις
%πειρατο έμμένειν, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δε
ύπέρο"γκα φρονοϋντες παρέβαινον τας
συνθήκας. Τίνα τε τρόπον την επί
Άνταλκίδου ϊθεντο είρήνην (§ 115
sqq.), καϊ ώς ΤιρίβαξΌς έπολέμησεν
(§ 135)* oVcw r € Ευαγόρα έπεβούλευσεν 8πως τε αυτόν Ευαγόρα* προς
βασιλέα διαβολών, συνέβαλε μετ1
Όρόντου, καϊ ώς ΤΚεκτανίβιος πάρειληφότος την kiyirKTOM βασιλείαν, προς
Λακεδαιμονίου* πρέσβεις άπέστειλεν
Ευαγόρα?· τίνα τε τρόπον ό περί
Κύπρον αύτφ πόλεμος δίελύθη.
τφ μ4ν.] sc. the land force of Tiri•bazus and Orohtes; and the sea
force of Gaos, both of which con­
tained Greek contingents from Ioniaτο 84. ] sc. the armament of Eva­
goras.
1
35· προς η μας OIKCCODS £χ.]
The earliest link between Attica
and Cyprus appears to have been
the legendary foundation of Salamis

—138]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

123

ήμ&ς τ οίκείως εχουσι και Αακεδαιμονίοις σφά<; αυτούς <**
ενδιδόασιν, τών τε μετά Ύειριβάζου στρατευομένων καϊ τ^
*τεζοΰ το χριησιμώτατον εκ τόηνδε των τόπων ηθοοισται, """""
και του ναυτικού το πλείστον απ 'Ιωνίας σν^πέπλευκεν,
οΐ πολύ αν τβιον κοιντ} την Άσίαν επόρθουν η προς άλλη- d
136 λους ένεκα μικρών έκινδύνευον. ων ημείς ούδεμίαν ποιού­
μεθα πρόνοιανι αλλά περί μεν των Κυκλάδων νήσων άμφισβητοΰμεν, τοσαύτας δε τό πλήθος πόλεις και ττ]λικαύτας
το μέγεθος δυνάμεις οτίτως είκτ} τω βαρβάρω παραΰεδώκαμεν. τοιγαροϋν τα μεν έχει, τα δε μέλλει, τοις δ' επιβου137 λβί/εχ, δικαίως απάντων ημών καταπεφρονηκώς. διαπέ- e
πρακται yap, ο των εκείνου προγόνων ουδείς πώποτε' την
τε γάρ Άσίαν διωμολόγητα,ι καϊ πάρ ημών καϊ παρά
Αακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως είναι, τάς τε πόλεις τάς Έλλι;νίδας ούτω κυρίως υταρείληφεν, ώστε τάς μεν αυτών κατάσκάπτειν, εν δε ^αν; ακροπόλεις έντειγίζειν. καϊ ταύτα
πάντα γέγονε διά την ήμετέραν άνοιαν αλλ' ου διά την
εκείνου δύναμιν.
138 *. (λη.) "Καίτοι τίνες θαυμάζουσι το μέγεθος τών βασι- 69
λέώς πραγμάτων καϊ φασϊν αύτον είναι δυσπολέμητον,
διεξιόντες, ως πόλλάς τάς μεταβολάς τοις "Ελλησι πεποίηκεν. εγώ δ' ηγούμαι μεν τους ταύτα λέγοντας ουκ
άποτρέπειν αλλ' επισπεύδειν την στρατείαν' ει γάρ ημών
by Teucer {Evag. § 18, &α). The
Ionia, esp. Phocaea and Cumae (cf.
connexion is exemplified by the visit
§124, Phil. § 125—6, and Diod.
of Solon (from whom Soli received
xv. 5).
its name).—Conon, the famous ge136. τοσαυταβ κ,τ.λ.] Cf. §26. η.
neral, and other Athenians, were
τα μ^ν £\€i κ.τ.λ.] A scholium on
harboured in Cyprus during the rule
this passage states that Demosthenes
of Evagoras (ib. §§ 49—53).—The
in the Philippics expresses the same
king himself was presented with the
idea in similar words: the passage
citizenship of Athens {ib. § 54), and
alluded to is probably Phil. 3. § 27,
his statue was afterwards set up,
28. Cf. HeU § 26, ras ρλν έπδρwith that of Conon, in the Athenian
θουν, ras δ' ήμελλον {sic omn. codd.
Cerameicus {ib. § 57, and Dem. Lept. v. § 83. n.), reus δ' ήπείλονν των 7τό§ 7°)·
\e<av.
Λακ€8αιμον£οις—ένδώόασ-ιν.] Cf.
137· 4ν 8^ rats.] ev rats·δέ would
Theopomp. fragm. ad fin. (quoted
have been more regular, but kv δέ
in § 134, n.)
rats is more rhythmical. This order
4K τώνδ€ τών τόττων.] Not Cyprus
is common in Isocr. e.g. $%ifin.
and Cilicia, but Greece itself (cf.
151.—Madv. Synt. § 188, R. 1.
§ 168), and the Greek settlements in
138. στρατ€(αν.] v. § is*, n.

Ι20ΚΡΑΤ0ΤΣ
124
£§§138
δμονοησαντων αντος εν ταραγαΐς ων γάΧεπος εσται προσΧεμεΐν, η που σφόδρα γρη δεδιέναι τον καιρόν εκείνον,
όταν τα μεν των βαρβάρων καταστ§ καϊ δια μιας ηενηται
γνώμης, ήμαΐς δε προς α\\η^ο^ ωσπερ νυν πόλεμικως\}
139 %χωμεν. ου μην ουδ' εϊ συναηορεύουσι τοις υπ εμοϋ\εηομένοις, -ov^j^s ορθώς ^PAJFT* εκείνου δ^ά/^εως^ ηιηνωσκουσίν. ει μεν yap άπεφα^ρ^α6τ6ν αμα TmiuiToXebiv
άμφοτέροιν προτερόν ποτέ περνγεγενημένον, εικότως μν ήμας
~ /£βί νυν εκφοβεΐν επεγείρουν ει δε τοΰτο μεν μά^/έγόνεν,
^
αντιπάλων δ' όντων ημών και Κακεδαιμον ίων (προσθεμένος
τοις ετέροις επικυΒξστερα τα πράγματα θάτερ εποίησεν, C
2
χαλεπός irpo<nroX€|i.€iv.] 'Diffi^ένεσθε, ib. 73· > &' #χλον ϊσται,
cult to fight against.' ' Schwer zu
&c.
bekriegen? Bens. The German and
TTOXCJAIKCUS.] 'Periit lepor loci ex
English idioms are in this case the quo aliena manus πολεμικώς inse·
same as the Gk. In Lat. we should
ruiV Cobet, var. led. p. 292. It
have the supine, oppugnatu. Cf. (with is unnecessary to strike out πολεμι­
Schn.) Thuc. vil. 51, χαλεπωτέρους κώς, as the construction is wWepείναι προσίτόλεμεΐν, ib. 14, χαλεπαϊ vvv ε'χωμεν-πόλεμικως.
at ύμέτεραι φύσεις άρξαι, Dem. ΟΙ.
139· <&S·..] 'ThuSj^ourws. In
II. § 22, φοβεροί προσπολεμησαι, and Attic prose writers seTdomTised ex­
Plat. Menex. 239 Β, ό χρόνος βραχύς cept#in the phrases Kal^jaj^Jirip7 ώ*ς,
άξίως ^ιη^ή\σασθαι. The passive in and (as herejovtf <ας.
such cases is rare; cf., however, de
For the less common use cf.
Perm. § 115 and § 156, ποιήσομεν δε Thuc. III. 37. 5, ως οΰν χρη καϊ νμας
T
V αρχήν των Χεχθησομένων άκοΰσαικ.τ.λ., Plat. Rep. 530 D ώ$ προς
>
μεν ϊσως τισϊν άηδη, ρηθηναι δ' ουκ
αστρονομίαν.,.ώς προς έναρμόνιον φο­
άσύμφορον. Mad v. Synt. § 150, or ράν, Protag. 326 D, ωσπερ...ως Βέ...
Goodwin's Gk. Moods and Tenses, and ib. 338 Α, ώς οΰν ποιήσετε.
§ 93, 2.
(Kroschel's η. to Protag. I.e.).—As
1} ιτου.] v. ad Dem. § 49. n.
instances in Attic verse we have
καταστη])( iv ταραχαίς ων. Plat.
Eur. Iph. T. 603, dXV ως -γενέσθω,
Legg. VII. 798 Α, τό κατ' άρχας συν· El. 155, and Bacch. 1069.
ταραχθεϊς ύπό νόσων, μίτγις τότε κατ­ cl \ikv κ.τ.λ.] i.e. 'For if they had
έστη, Lysias, Andoc. § 36, ετάραζε shewn that on some previous occa­
μεν οΰτος την πόλιν, κατεστήσατε δ' sion he had been victorious over
ύμεΐς. The corresponding subst. is both the cities at once, they might
κατάσταση Eur. Rhes. i n , νυκτός
reasonably have attempted tojjfaprn^
έν καταστάσει ('in the stillness of
us on the present occasion; ifnownight'), Med. 1197, ομμάτων κατά- ever (so far from this having hap­
στασις ('her staid and quiet eyes'),
pened) it is only because the Lac.
both of which passages have been,
and ourselves are at variance, that
I think, misinterpreted in L. and he was often able, by attaching
himself to one of those sides, to
δια [Lids γ4νηται γνώμης.] JtOf
render the exploits of that side more ·
this use of διά cf. Thuc. I. 40. 4,
brilliant, this is no proof of his
Κερκνραίοις ουδέ δί' ανακωχής τώποτ' strength.'

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

-Hoi

ουδέν εστί τούτο σημεΐον

125

της εκείνον ρώμης,

τοιούτοι? ^καιροίς ποΧλάκις

μικροί

ροπάς εποίησαν, επει καϊ περί Χ,ίων εχοιμ
\6yov
14QO$TOI
^f^\

ειπείν, ως δποτέροις

αν τούτον τον

εκείνοι προσθέσθαι

κατά θάΚατταν κρείττους

ουκ εκ τούτων δίκαιον εστί

εν <γάρ τοις

δυνάμεις μεηαΚας τα?
βουΧηθεΐεν,

ήσαν. 1(λ0'.) Ά λ λ α

σκοπεΐν

την^βασιλέως

γάρ

δύναμιν,

εξ (Sv μεθ\ εκατέρων γεγονεν, αλλ' εξ ων αύτος ύπερ αυτόν d
πεπόλεμηκεν.
διαπεπρακται
επι

και πρώτον

τον πολεμον

ΊΙερσών,

μεν απόστασης

προς τους έχοντας
τούτον

Άβροκόααν

κατέπεμψε

τους

καϊ Ύιθραύστην

Ιν γαρ TOIS κ.τ.λ.] ' For in
such times of crisis, small forces
have often hadjgreat influence on
the balance of powerJTor even of
the Chians I can say this, that to
whatever side they chose to attach
themselves, that side was superior
at sea.'—Strictly speaking μεγάλα?
has here the force of a predicate, v.
§ 174, τά$ βύνοίας, n.
μικραΐ δυνάμεις κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Dem.
01. II. § 14, 7 Μακεδόνικη δύναμη...
7
έν μέν προσθήκης μέρει εστί τις ου
μικρά...καϊ 8ποι TIS αν, οΧμαι, προσθ-ζ καν μικράν δύναμιν, πάντ*

Αιγύπτου

τι

ουκ εκείνος

αυτήν;

μεν

εύδοκιμωτάτους

και

Φαρνάβαζον,

σαντων.
140. αλλά γαρ.] At enim. The
phrase has two uses: (1) when it in­
troduces an objection (as in the pre­
sent passage), and answers to the
Demosthenic άλλα νηΔΙα; (i) when
it means, 'but be that as it may,'
or 'but the truth is.' As an instance
of (1), which is very common, we
have Plat. Rep. 365 C, D, άλλα yap,
φησί τις, ου ρφδιον del λανθάνειν κακόν
6ντα followed by άλλα δη θεούς οϋτε
λανθάνβιν οϋτε βιάσασθαι δυνατόν.
As instances of (2), Plat. Symp.
τ80Α, Αισχύλος δέ φλναρβΐ κ.τ.λ....
ώφ€\€1.
άλλα yap τφ 6ντι κ.τ.λ., Apol. 19 C,
and other passages quoted by Ridβοπάς.] A metaphor taken from
dell, Digest of PI. Idioms, § 147.
the turn of the scale, cf. esp. Soph.
El. 119, μούνη yapflryeivούκέτι σωκώ \ άττοοτάστ^ Αιγύπτου κ. τ. λ.]
λύπης άντίρροπον άχθος. ('For I am The details of this section are not
easily illustrated from extant histo­
no longer able by myself to draw up
ries. For obvious reasons, they
the weight of grief which is in the
cannot be referred to the revolt of
opposite scale.' Porson's transl.)
Nectanebis I. in 374 B.c. (Diodor.
Χίων.] After the failure of the
XV. 41 sqq.), although Pharnabazus
Sicilian expedition Chios revolted
was employed in repressing that
from Athens and strengthened the
revolt. The expedition of Persia
sea-force of Sparta (Thuc. v i n . 7,
against Egypt either preceded the
14, 22, 106). After the battle of
first preparations for the Cyprian
Cnidus it revolted from Sparta and
war or was coincident with its earlier
sent contingents to the navy of
years before vigorous operations had
Athens (Diodor. xiv. 84, 94). Schn.
been commenced, i.e. it lasted either
βουληθ€ΐ€ν...ή<ταν.] Madv. Synt
from 392—390 B.C. or from 390—
§133.
κατά θάλατταν.] de Pace, § 97, 388 B.C. (cf. Diodor. XV. 2—4, and
v. Grote, H. G. vn. p. 12, new ed.).
Χίων... προθυμότατα πάντων των
' Αβροκόμαν.. .Τιθραύστην.. .Φαρσυμμάχων τφ ναυτικφ συηκινΰυνζυ-

126

U0KPAT0T2

[§§ 140

οντοι Βε τρΓ ετη μειναντες και πλείο^κακά παθόντες ή ποιήσαντες, τελευτώντες όντως αίσγρως απηλλάγησαν, ώστε τους
άφεστώτας μηκέτι την ελενθερίαν αγαπάν, αλλ' ηΒη^καϊ e
των ομόρων ξητεΐν επάργειν; μετά Βε ταϋτ επ* ΈναηόραΡ
στρατενσας, ος αργεί μεν μιας πόλεως, εν Βε ταΐς σννθήκαις
εκΒοτός εστίν, οίκων Βε νήσον κατά μεν θάλατταν προΒεΒυστυγηκεν, υπέρ Βε της χωράς τρισχιλίονς . εγει^ μόνον
πελταστάς, αλλ' όμως ούτω ταπεινής Βυνάμεως ου Βύναται 7
<
περιγενεσθαι βασιλεύς πόλεμων, αλλ' ηΒη μεν εξ ετη Βιατενάβαζον.] Satraps of Syria, Ionia,
Ιν rais σηη/θηκαιε 2κδοτοδ.] v. the
and the Hellespontine province re­ terms of the peace of Anf alcidas, in
spectively.
§115. n.
οΰτοι δ£ κ. τ. λ.] 'Andthese, after
οίκων νησον κ.τ.λ.] i.e. Evag.
remaining for three years and suffer­ having an insular dominion, needed
ing more disasters than they inflict­ a land-force and a sea-force as well.
ed, at length came off with such
The latter had already been defeat­
disgrace that the rebels are no longer
ed, and the former was but feeble
content with their liberty, but are
(consisting of only 3000 peltasts)i
already seeking to extend their sway
his condition was therefore desperate.
over their neighbours also.'
(Sauppe, Benseler, transl. p. 227 n,
On τελευτωντες v. Madv. Synt.
and Rauchenst. ed. 3.)
<
§ 176c, R.
ϊτρο8€δυ<Γτΰχηκ€ν.] * Has already
την cXevOeptav αγαπάν.] 'Ayairdv sustained a defeat,' alluding to the
in the sense, * to be content with,* great naval action described by Dio
* to acquiesce in, v is used either with dorus (xv. 2—4), and (perhaps cor­
the ace. as here, or with the partic.
rectly) referred by him to the year
as in Panath. § 8, ουκ ά*γαπώ ξών of the Archonship of Mystichides
€irl τούτοις, or with the inf., as in
(Le. 38|-B.C.). προδεδυστύχηκεν does
Callim. § 50, ούκ dyair^ των ϊσων
not necessarily imply that this en­
τχτγχάνειν τοΐς dXXots, άλλα ζητεί
gagement was the 'first action of
πλέον εχειν ημών, or, lastly, with el the war' (as Fynes-Clinton, F. H.
1
or ijv, e.g. Aegin. § 20, ούδ έν τού­ App. 12, explains it).
τοις τοις κακοΐς ^άπησα, εΐ.,.δυνη% 'έτη διατέτριφ€ν.] This note of
θείην, and Epp. I. 6, dyairdv, ijv την
time is probably to be explained in
χώραν Ζχωσι. (Bens. Areop. § 52,
connection with the words προδε­
ay άπαν el μηδέν 2τι κακόν πάσχουν. δυστύχηκεν and ούτω ταπεινής δυνά­
n. p. 300.)
μεως, and denotes the period between
141. μιαε iroXecas.] sc. the Cyprian the more vigorous operations of
Salamis. Evag. § 47, χώραν πολλην Persia, which resulted in the great
προσεκτη"σατο, and lb. § 61, Ητε,.^αρnaval defeat of Evag., and the date
αυτόν (sc. Evag.) €Ϊων (sc. the Per­ of the publication of the Paneg. i.e.
385—380 B.c. Fynes-Clinton uses
sians) είρ'ήνην &yeiv, την αύτοϋ
the words %ξ ετη διατέτριφεν to prove
πόλιν μόνην εΐχεν' έπειδη δ' ijvayκάσθη, πολεμεϊν, τοιούτο* ην...ώστε that the war could not have actually
μικρού μεν εδέησε Κύπρον έίιτα- begun until 385 B.c. Grote thinks
σαν κατασχεΐν, Φοινίκην δ' έπδρθησε,that ' Isocrates does not make it
Τύρορ δέ κατά κράτος εΐλε, Κιλικίαν quite clear from what point he reck­
ons the 6 years.'
Si βασιλέως άπέστησε, κ.τ.λ.

—ίΐ42]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

127

τριφεν, εΐ δε δεί τα μέλλοντα τοις ηεηενημενοις τεκμαίτ
ρεσθαι, πολύ πλείων ελπίς εστίν έτερον άποστηναι πρίν
εκείνον εκπολιορκηθήναϊ
τοιανται βραδύτητες εν ταΐς
142 πράξεσι ταΐς βασιλέως ενεισιν. εν δε τω πολεμώ τω περί
*Ί?όδονεχων μεν τους Λακεδαιμονίων συμμάχους εΰνους δια
την γαλεπότητα των πολιτειών, χρώμενος δε ταΐς ύπηρε- b
σίαις ταΐς παρ* ημών, στρατηηοΰντος δ' αύτω Κόνωνος, ο$
ην επιμελέστατος μεν των στρατηγών, πιστότατος δε τοις
"Έΐλλησιν, εμπειρότατος δε των προς τον πόλεμον κινδύνων,
τοιούτον λαβών συναηωνιστην τρία μεν ετη περιεΐδε τ6
ναυτικόν το προκινδυνενον, ύπερ της 'Ασίας ύπο τριηρών
εκατόν μόνων πόλϊορκούμενον, πεντεκαίδεκα δε μηνών τους
στρατιώτας τον μισθον άπεστέρησεν, ώστε το μεν επ\
εκείνψ) πολλάκις αν διελύθησαν, δια δε τον εφεστώτα κίνδυνον και την συμμαγίαν την περί Κόρινθον συστασαν c
cl 8i 8ci κ.τ.λ,] ad Dem. % 34» and that ended in the battle of Cnidus,
Andoc. de Puce (delivered 392. Β! a ) , 394 B.C. Phil. § 63, συστάντος yap
2
§ > XPV ydpy & Αθηναίοι, τεκμηρίου αύτφ ναυτικού περί 'Ρόδον καΐ νίκη­
χρησθαι τοις ττροτερον ^ενομένοις περίσα* (sc. Conon) τ% νανμάγια Κακέτων μελλόντων Ζσεσθαι. Clement of δαιμόνιους μεν έξέβαλεν έκ της αρχής,
Alex. Strom. VI. 747 (quoted by τους δ' "Ελληνας ήλευθέρωσεν κ.τ.λ.
en
Coray), accuses Andocides of pla­ and Evag. §§ 53—6". Also X ·
giarism from Isocrates! Although Hell IV. 3. 6.
this is impossible, it does not follow
την χαλ€ΐΓΟτητα κ.τ.λ.] ν. §§ n o
that the converse is true, as the sen­ —114.
timent is too common-place to belong
Kovwvos.] Cf. § 135» ιτ/>δίήΆΐαί.η.,
to one man more than another.
Epp. νιιι. 8, Areop. §§12, 65, Panath.
Sophocles has already said the same § 105, Dem. Lept. p. 477, §§68—70.
thing in Oed. Tyr. 915, avjjp ϊννους [The cod. Ambr. alone has Κόνωνος,
τα καινά, rots πάλαι τεκμαίρεται (Cor. the cod. Urb. Κοίνωνος, and the rest
Isocr. π . p. 51).
Κίμωνος!]
Isocr. frequently mentions Conon;
IXirCs €<rriv άχοστηναι.] For the
aor. after ελπίζω, έλπίς έστιν, &c. cf. and Timotheus, the son of Conon,
himself a distinguished general, was
Euthyn. § 15, ίλπίξειν πράζασθαι,
ad Dem. § 24, %λπιξε..."γενέσθαι, one of the pupils of Isocr. A long
Paneg. § 59, ι&άσασΑαι προσδοκήσας, parenthetical eulogy of the son is
contained in de Perm. §§ 107—139.
&c. v. Madv. Synt. § 172 a, R. or
Photius preserves a tradition that
Goodwin's Gk. Moods and Tenses,
Isocr. attended Timotheus on his
§ 23. 2. n. 2.
βραδύτητα.] Dem. de Cor. § 246, military expeditions,· and received a
ras έκασταχοϋ βραδύτητας δκνους talent (^243) for writing his des­
ayvoias φιλ^νεικΤαΤ^-^Τft.'So, col. patches.
Τζία...£τη.] 396—394B.C.
3. n.
~
"""142. τφ ιτολέμφ τφ irepl 'Ρόδον.]
την σ-νμμαχίαν την irepl Κορίν­
The war between Persia and Sparta θου.] The alliance of Argos, Athens,

128

ISOKPATOTS

[§§142

143 μόΧις νάυμαγρυντες ενίκησαν. καϊ ταυτ εστί τα βασιΧικώτατα και σεμνότατα των εκείνω πεπραγμένων, και περί
ων ουδεποτ^ παύονται Χάροντες οί βονΧόμενοι τα των βαρ­
βάρων μεγάλα ποιεΐν. (μ.) "ί2στ ν ουδείς αν εχοί τοΰτ
εϊπεΐν, ως ου δικαίως χρωμαι τοις παραδείγμασιν, οι5δ' ώς
επι μικροΐς διατρίβω τάς μεηίστας των πράξεων παραΧεί144 ττων φεύγων yap ταύτην την αίτιον τά κάλλιστα των d
έργων διήΧθον, ουκ αμνημόνων ουδ' εκείνων, οτι ΑερκυΧίδας
μεν γιΧίους ϊγων οπΧίτας της ΑίοΧίΒος έπήρξε, Δράκων δ'
ΆταρνέακαταΧαβών καϊ τρισγιΧίους πεΧταστάς συΧΚέξας
το Μύσιον πεδίον άνάστατον έποίησε, ®ίβρων δ' οΧ(τ/ω
Thebes, and Euboea with Corinth,
against Sparta. Corinth was the
συνέδρων of t h e allies. (Xen. Hell.
IV. 4. 1 and Diodor. XIV. 82.)
μόλις...€νίκη<ταν.] This depre­
ciatory statement is not borne out
by Xen. I.e. 3. 12, and is only par­
tially supported by Diodor. I.e. 83
ad fin.
143. ircpi <Sv.]s Dionysius Halic.
judicium
de Isocr ate) tells us that
Isocr. avoids hiatus as far as possi­
ble. H i s actual words are t h e s e . των
φωνηέντων τάς παραλλήλους θέσεις, ως
λυσούσας Tas αρμονίας των ήχων καϊ
την λειότητα των φθόγγων λυμαινομένας, παραιτείται.
T h e word παραι­
τείται (lit. 'deprecates') is enough in
itself t o prepare us for the fact t h a t
Isocr. does not always avoid hiatus.
T h e present instance is one of
those in question: a n d the cases in
which περί is found before a vowel
in Isocr. are very numerous.
T h e following list contains most
of the admissible collocations:
Ι. τί &v Οτι &v τί οΰν δτι ουδέν
and (§ 45) ^ ™ έν.
(2) καϊ οϋ' καϊ ειρήνης' καϊ έξήκοντα, &c. (ν. § φ. η.)
(3) I n d i e in -at, e.g. βοΰλομαι οΰν
δέομαι οΰν ( I n such cases Bens,
prints δ' οΰν instead of t h e M S
reading).
(4) οπότεροι &v.
II. πολύ &v πολλού &v III. ω

άνδρες- ώ χΑρίχίδαμε'
IV. πρδ, not
seldom before α, ε, η, e.g. irpb αυτών,
irpb έμοϋ' irpb ημών.
I n all the above instances, except I.
(3), care has been taken to avoid all
passages in which Benseler has re­
moved the hiatus. T h e fact t h a t there
are many passages in which altera­
tion is impossible raises considerable
doubts as to the propriety of altering
the M S reading where such altera­
tion is possible.
η seldom forms a hiatus which
cannot easily be explained by crasis
orgrodelision, e.g. μη ού* Jj }yo.
0 in the terminations of verbs and
in τοΰτο' εκείνο' ύπό' and α as in
7τολλά* ταύτα* ποιούμεθα and especi­
ally e, may almost always b e elided,
(v. Bremi's Isocr. exc. XI.)
διατρίβω.] § 4 i , διατριβάς. η .
144. AcpKuXCSas κ.τ.λ.] Succes­
sor of Thimbron in 399 B.C. De­
scribed by Xen. Hell. III. 1,8 as μάλα
μηχανητικδς, έπεκαΧεΐτο δέ Σίσυφος,
ib. 3,1, \αβών έν οκτώ ημέραις εννέα
πόλεις, v. Xen. Hell. π ι . IV. passim.
Δράκων κ.τ.λ.] 398B.C. Xen. I.e.
i n . 2, 11.
Dercylidas captured
Atarneus (in Mysia), and appointed
Dracon harmost (καταστήσας
Αράκοντά ΤΙελληνέα
έπιμελ'ήτην).
B c
Θίβρων.] 4 ° ° * · Xen. / . Λ III.
ι, 4.
T h e name θίβρων is sometimes
spelt θίμβρων.
Cf. άβροτος and άμ·

-146]

ΙΙΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

139
πλείονς τούτων διαβίβασα? την ΛνΒίαν αιτασαν εττόρθησεν,
*Ατγησί\αος δε τω Κνρείφ στρατεύματι χρώμενος* μικρού^
145 δεΐν της εντός "ΑΧνος χώρας έκράτησενΛ καϊ μην ovBe την e
l^jf^-o στρατιάν την μετά τον βασιλέως περιπολούσαν, ού8ε την
ΤΙερσών άνδρίαν άξιον φοβηθήναι' καϊ yap εκείνοι φανερώς επεΒείχθησαν νπο των Κνρφ συναναβάντων ονδεν
βελτίονς οντςς των επϊ θαλάττΐ}. τω; μεν yap αλλάς μάχας
όσας ήττήθησαν €ω, zeal τίθημι στασίαζειν αυτούς καϊ μη η ι
βούλεσθαι προθύμως προς τον αδελφον τον βασιλέως δια\φ κινδυνεύειν. αλλ' επειΒή Κνρον τελεντήσαντος σϋνηλθον
άπαντες οι την Άσίαν κατοικοΰντες, εν τούτοις τοϊς καιροΐς
ούτως αισχρούς επολέμησαν ώστε μηΒένα \6yov νπόλιπεΐν
τοις είθισμένοις την ΤΙερσών avSpiav έτταινεΐν. λαβόντες
yap εξακισχιλίους των (Έΐλληνων ουκ άριστίνδην επέιλεy- b
βροτος, \αβεΐν, and λαμβάνω, λάβδα
and λάμβδα.
Αγησίλαος.] 395 B « c · Xen. /. c.
ιιι, 4. 20.
μικρού Sciv.] Madv. Synt.% 168b.
Αλυος.] The river Halys is often
mentioned as a geographical boun­
dary; e.g. {Oracle ap. Diodor. ix.
41), Κροίσος "Αλυν διαβάς με*γά\ψ
αρχ^ν καταλύσει. (Cf. Strabo, XII.
534, XVII. 840.)
145. μ€τά του βασιλέως.] This is
the reading of Codd. Urb. and Ambr.
The following is Benseler's canon
with regard to the omission or in­
sertion of the article before βασιλεύς,
when the king of Persia is meant:
Βασιλεύς ab Isocrate est sine articulo
scriptumy ubi rex Persarum in universum, non certus certoque nomine
appellatus intelligUur, ut eodem jure
ibi regnum Persicum scribi possit
Hie est de eo Persarum exercitu
sermo, qui ipsum Persicum regem,
non solum Persicum regnum tuetur.
των Κνρφ σ-υναναραντων.] The
Ten Thousand Greeks. Their march
up-country (ανάβαση) began before
midsummer, 401 B.,q.; the battle of
Cunaxa (in which Cyrus himself was
slain, although his army was vicio.rious) took place in the autumn of

isoci

the same year; and after an admira­
bly conducted retreat, through Ar­
menia, &c, they took shipping at
Cotyora, on the Euxine, 8 months
after the battle, and finally, hi the
spring of 399, the remnant of the
army of Cyrus was incorporated in
the fprces of Thimbron.
τίθημι στασίαζαν κ.τ.λ.] i.e. Ί
assume that it was a mere partyquestion, and that they were un­
willing to fight it out with spirit
against the brother of the great
king.»
τίθημι]=I suppose, put the case;
cf. de Perm. % 94, irpbs ους Οπως
βούλεσθε θέτε με διακεϊσθαι, Dem:
Lept. § 2 1 , &c. Similarly pono in
Lat.; e.g. Ter. Ph. 4. 3. 23, verum
pone esse vielum eum.
στασιά|€ΐν.] (a quasi?impf. infin.)
v. Goodwin, Gk. Moods and Tefises,
§ 15. 3;
τόν άδέλφόν τον βασιλέως.] Xen.
Anab. init. Ααρείου καϊ ΊΙαρυσάτιδος
ylyvovrai παίδες δύο' πρεσβύτερος
μεν 'Αρταξέρξης, νεώτερος δε Έ,ΰρος,
146. τ€λ€υτησαντος.] Xen. Anab.
ι. §· 19.
Ιξακισχιλίόυς.] The number of
hoplites and peltasts reviewed at
Cerasus was 8600 (Xen. I.e. v. 3. 3),

9

130^

ISOKPATOTS

./.-.-\-j$J4fr

μένους, αλλ' ο?: δ^ά φανλό%g%m iv ταϊς αύτ£ν ονχοϊοί τ
^σαζ/ ξ 7> άπειρους "/Α€ΐ/%τ% γωραςοι>τα9, έρημους be συμ?ΐ,
;?,
μάγων ηεηενημένους, Ίτροοεοόμένόυς δ' υπό τώι> συνανα^ •
βάντων, άπεστερημένους δβ του στρατηγού, μεθ* ου συνηκο147/Χο^θησαν, τοσούτον αύτω& %ττους ήσαν, ωσθ* 6 βασιΧενς
άπορησας τοις παρουσι πράημασι καϊ καταφρονήσας της
περί αυτόν δυνάμεως τους άρχοντας τους των επικούρων
ύψοσπόν&ους συΧΧαβεΐν ετόΧμησεν, ώς ει τούτο παρανο- c
μησειε συνταράξων το στρατόπεδον, καϊ μαλΧον εϊΧετο
t h e number at Heraclea (ib. v i . 3.
criticises Lysias for using t h e con-*
16) was 8 1 4 0 ; at t h e time which
struction τόν ιταΐδα τον άκολουθοϋντα
Isocr. is describing t h e number must
με τ9 αυτού, a n d says that Lysias
have been greater, nevertheless h e
ought to have used the simple dative
mentions only 6000. T h e discre­
αύτψ.
Coray's note on t h e diclum
pancy m a y b e explained, I think,
of this late lexicographer is worth
by supposing t h a t Isocr. is confound­
quoting: πότερον ow, ω φίλα μειραing t h e remnant of 6000 that served
κι5λλια, 8σοι περί την 'Ελλάδα ποunder Seuthes {ib. v n . 7. 23) with
νεισθε φωνην, Κυσίαν re καϊ Ίσο/φάthe original remnant immediately
την αμαρτάνειν ύπαληπτέον, $} Φρύafter t h e battle of Cunaxa.
νιχον; iyoi μεν οί^αι Φρύνιχον, el μη
μαίνομαι ye.
άριστίνΒην.] * According to worth.'
F o r similar adverbs in -δην v. §39.11.
συνακολουθείν μετά TWOS contains
4ιτ«λ.€γμ.ένους.] T h e reading of
the idea of union repeated thrice
Cod. A m b r . is έπιλελε*/μένους; that
over, first in μετά, secondly in συν-,
of Cod. Urb. έττειλετγμένους. The
and lastly in the prefix of ά-κο\ουθεΐν.
latter is* called b y Veitch {Gk. Vbs.
(From ακόλουθος, a copulativum and
s.v. λίγω) t h e *more A t t i c ' form,
κέλευθος, cf., for t h e vowel-change,
and has better M S authority.
είλήλουθα and έλενσομαι.)
φαυλότητας.] * H u m b l e condi­
Plato {Cratylus, 405 c, D ) gives an
tion,' their poverty a n d debased
unusually correct account of t h e
position, (v. Phil. § 120.) Benseler
derivation of t h e word, r o Αλφα ση­
{trans, p . 233) condemns the version
μαίνει πολλαχοϋ τδ ομού...τόν δμοκέ'propter nequitiam* (Battie & c ) .
λευθον καϊ ομόκοιτιν άκόλουθον καϊ
TrpoScSouivovs υ π ό τ ω ν ο-υναναΑκοιτιν έκαλέσαμεν, but it was re­
βάντων.] I.e. Betrayed b y Ariaeus
served for modern Philology t o
and his Persian troops. X e n . Anab.
connect t h e prefix in αδελφός, &κοι1. 8. 5, 11. 2. 8, 4 . 1 , 2 , and esp. i n .
TIS, and ακόλουθος, with t h e S a n s k r i t x
1. 2, ^ρούδεδώκεσαν αυτούς καϊ ol σύν
prefix ΛΖ- in words like satirtha (a
Κύριρ άναβάντες βάρβαροι.
school-fellow), sagara (a brother),
&c,
άιτ€στ€ρη μένους κ. τ . λ. ] ' Deprived
of t h e general, with whom they h a d
147. τους ά ρ χ ο ν τ α ς . ] sc. 'Π/οόmarched/ i.e. n o t Clearchus, b u t
ξενος Boίώr£Os, Μένων Οετταλός,
Cyrus.
^ 7 ^ 5 Αρκάς, Κλέαρχος
Αάκων,
Σωκράτης Αχαιός.1 {Anab. 11.5. 3 1 ) ·
F o r t h e phraseology cf. Plat. Rep.
ol μέν δη στρατηγοί ούτω ληφθέντες
464 Α, μετά
τούτου.,.ξυνακολουQtlv τ<άς re ήδονάς καϊ rets λύπας άνήχθησαν, ώς βασιλέα καϊ άποτμηKOivf}, Isocr. Plataic. § 15,, and D e m . θέντες τάς κεφάλας έτελεύτησαν. {ib.
<5· ι.)
AndroU p . 608, § 49. Phrynichus
(fl. 180A.D.), p . 353, ed. Lobeck,
καϊ μάλλον—8ιαγωνίσ*αο~0αι.] I n

—149]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

ψ

περί τονς θεονς εξαμαρτείν ή προς εκείνους εκ τον φανερού
148 Βιαγωνισασθαι. Βιαμαρτών δε τής επιβουλής καί τΰν στρα­
τιωτών συμμεινάντων καί καλώς ενεηκόντων την σνμφοράν,
άπιονσιν αντοΐς Ύισσαφέρνηνκαι τους Ιππίας σννέπεμψεν,
νή> ων εκείνοι παρά πασαν επιβοϋλενόμενοι ·π)κ οΒον όμοίω?
Βιεπορενθησαιϊ ώσπερ αν ει προπεμπόμενοι, μάλιστα μεν
φοβούμενοι την άοίκητην τής γωρας, μεηιστον δε των ar/a- d
θών νομίξοντες, ει των πολεμίων ως πλείστοις εντνχριεν.
149 κ^Φ^λαιον δε των είρημένων . εκείνοι yap ούκ επί λειαν*
έλθόντες, ονΒε κώμην καταλαβόντες <ϊλλ' επ αντον τόΊ>
βασιλέα στρατενσαντες, άσφαλέστ£ρονκ* κατέβησαν των
περί φιλίας ως αντον πρεσβευόντων, ώστε μοι Βοκονσιν
εν απασι τοις τόποις σαφώς επιΒεΒεϊγθαι την αντών μαλα­
κίων* και yap εν ττ) παραλία της !Ασ/α? πολλάς μάχας e
ηττηνται, καϊ Βιαβάντες εις την ΊΖυρώπην Βίκην εΒοσαν, οι
μεν yap αντών κακώς άπωλοντο, οι δ' αίσχρώς έσώθησαν,
a similar summary of the Άνάβασις,
Τισ-σ-αφέρνην κ. τ. λ.] v. Xen.
(Phil. § 90—93) Isocr. repeats these Anab. π . 4· 9 ( e v e n before the cap­
words almost verbatim. The quo­
ture of the generals) Τισο-αφάρνους
tation is followed by a curious
i)y ουμένου... έπορεύοντο.
apology, which concludes with these
ώσ"ττ€ρ aV.] sc. διεπορεύθησαν,
words: rots μ& ουν οίκάοις τυχόν αν § 6g. n.
χρησαίμην, fy 1σφόδρα κατεπείγτ} καί
την άοίκητον «rijs X«pcts.] § 34»
πρέπ% των δ αλλότριων ουδέν αν τήν πλ€ίστψ της χώρας. n.
1
προσδεξαίμψ, ώσπερ ούδ έν τφ παρ·
149. €K€tvoi ydp.] § 87, σημεΐον
ελθόντι χρόνω. (ν. § τ 58. η.)
δ^...τους μεν yap. n.
4κ του φαν€ρον.] Cf. § 13, £ξ
Iirl Xeictv.] Codd. Urb. and Ambr.
υπ<τγυίου. η.
Μ λεΐαν, Via. επί λίαν, other MSS
148. &Γΐβουλή$.]'Design.' This is
έπιμέληαν. Wolf and Lange have
the reading of most of the MSS, the επί μεν λείαν, and Coray conjectures
Cod. Urb. alone has ίπιβολης, 'at­
έπϊ ~$&.υσων λείαν. The reading
tack.' The sense is greatly in favour
adopted in the text forms the near­
of the other MSS. It is not true
est approach to that of the two best
that Artaxerxes had failed in his
MSS, and is accepted by BS and
attack; thanks to treachery, he had Bens.
been singularly successful; he had
δοκοΰσιν.] sc. ol Ιίέρσαι.
failed in his object, design, επιβουλή.
kv rrj παραλή—ηττηνται.] §§
The use of επιβολή' in almost the
140—144.
same sense as επιβουλή is confined
8tapavT€S—^o<rav.] §§ 85—98,
to late authors; Polybius, Plutarch,
§ "7.
and Diodorus : e.g. in Diodor. x i n .
oi piv γαρ—Ισ-ώθησαν.] Quoted
47, τους έξ επιβολής άδικήσαντας)(τούςby Ar. Rhet. i n . 9 as an instance of
ακουσίως Tέξαμαρτάνοντας. In Thuc.αντικείμενη λέξις. v. § ^αμφότε­
ill. 45· 5 hv έπιβολήν έκφροντίζων ρους—έπορισαν. n.
>
means *planning the attack?

9—2

132

k

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤ2

[§§ 149

καϊ τελευτώντες ύπ αύτοΐς τοις βάσιλείοις
καιαηελαστοι
ηογόνασιν.
)
(μα.) ΚαΙ τούτων ούδεν αλόγων yeyovev, άλλα πάντ 7
εικότως άποβέβηκεν'
ου yap οϊόρ τ€ τους οΰτω τρεφόμε­
νους και πολιτευόμενου? ούτε της άΧΚης άρετήν μετεγειν
οντ εν ταΐς μάγαϊς τρόπαιο^ ίστάναι των πολεμίων, πώς
yap liv τοις εκείνων επιτηδεύμασιν iy^v^aOai δύναιτ αν
ή στpaτηybς δεινός ή στρατιώτης ά^αβος, ων τό μεν πλεί­
στον εστίν όχλος μτακτος καϊ κινδύνων άπειρος, προς: μεν
τον πόλεμον εκλελυμένος, προς δε την δουλείαν άμεινον των b
παρ ήμιν οίκετών πεπαιδευμένος, οι J? εν ταΐς μεyίστaις
δόξαις οντες αυτών όμαλώς μεν ούδε κοινώς ούδε ποΧιτικώς
Τ€λ€υτώντ€δ.] 'Lastly, i.e. as a
climax.' (§ 140, τελευτώντες. n.) I n
the present passage the idea of time
must b e carefully excluded, as t h e
battle of Cunaxa, to which reference
is here made, took place before the
events recorded in §§ 140—144.
TSIT* αύτοΐς TOIS PeuriXefois κ.τ.λ.]
Cf. Evag. % 58, and Xen. Anab. II.
{. 4, ου yap ποτέ εκών ye βουλήσεται
(sc. βασιλεύς), ήμας έλθόντας ές τ^ν
'Ελλάδα airayyeiXai ως ημεΐς τοσοίδε
δντες ένικώμεν βασιλέα επί ταΐς θύραις
αυτού καϊ κaτayελάσavτες
άπήλθομεν.
Xenophon (who does not mention
the name Cunaxa) was informed that
the field of battle lay 360 stadia
(about 42 miles) from Babylon.
Plutarch (to whom we owe the name
of the battle) states {pit. Artax. 8)
that Cunaxa was 500 stadia (about
58 miles) distant.
κ α τ α γ & α σ τ ο ι -yey.] lit. * H a v e
become ridiculous.' Obs. t h e dis­
tinction between ό κaτayέλaστos (the
butt of wit, the laughing-stock) and
ό 7€λο?ο5 (the humorist).
Plat. Symp. 189 Β, φοβούμαι οϋ τι
μ^ή yelsota άλλα μτ) κaτayέλaστa
€Ϊπω. Both the ideas are combined
in the L a t . 'ridiculus,'
which is
applicable n o t only to one w h o is
* witty himself,' but also to one who
is ' t h e cause of wit in others.'
When Cicero, in t h e speech pro
Murena, was bantering Cato, the

latter made t o the bye-standers t h e
double-edged remark, ' Quam ridiculum consulem habemus,' for such
must have been the original form of
the sentence that appears in Plut.
Cat. 21, a s yeXoiov ϋπατον
'έχομεν.
i5o. /Seivo's.] 'Able,' 'skilful,'
&c.; the^ idea of terror (δέος) is here,
as often, entirely lost.
I n Plat.
Protag. 341 A, B, w e find that Prodicus protested against the use of the
word in this secondary meaning.
περί του δεινού Ίϊρόδικός με ούτοσΐ
νουθετεί εκάστοτε, 8ταν έπαινών 4y<b
ή σε ή άλλον τινά λέyω, 6τι ΙΙρωτα*
yopas σοφός καϊ δεινός έστιν άνήρ,
έρωτφ, ει ούκ αίσχύνομαίτ^αθα
δεννα
καλών, τό yap δεινόν, φησί, κακόν
έστιν* ουδείς yow λ,ε^γει εκάστοτε
δεινού πλούτου ουδέ δεινής εΙρήνης ουδέ
δεινής ύγιείας, αλλά δεινής νόσου καϊ
δεινού πολέμου καϊ δεινής πενίας, ως
του δεινού κάκου δντος.
151.
αυτών.] T h e insertion of
this word is not necessary as ών has
already been used at t h e beginning
of the former clause, b u t it adds' to
the perspicuity of the sentence. This
addition of t h e demonstrative or
personal pron. is most common when
a different esse to that of the relative
pron. is required (v. Madv. Synt
§ 104 B), but is also found when the
two cases are identical, as here.
Cf. Weber's n. on D e m . Aristocr.
§ΙΙΙ, φ

έλυσιτέλει...κα1...αΙρετώτερον

—Ι5ΐ]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

133

ούΒβπώποτ έβίωσαν, άπαντα δε τον γρόνον Βιάγονσιν €ΐς
μεν τους υβρίζοντες, τοις Be Βούλβνοντβς, ως αν άνθρωποι
μαΚιστα τας φνσβις Βιαφθαρεΐεν, καϊ τα μεν σώματα Βια
τους πλούτους τρνφώντες, τάς Be ψυχάς Βιά τάς μοναρχίας
ην αύτφ, Ά pronomine relativo defleclit construolio alterius membri ad
demonstrativum.
Propria est enim
Graecorum indoles liberius loquendi
et ad direclam orationem
transeundi
&c.' This constr. must not be con­
founded with the Hebraisms of the
Septuagint and Gk. Test. e.g. Joshua
iii. 4, τήν όδόν ην πορεύεσθε αυτήν,
and Mark mi. 25, where the demon­
strative is repeated in the same clause
as the rel. (v. "Winer's Ν. T. Gram.
P. I I I . § 22, 4 ) ; a constr. which has
perhaps no examples in Classical Gk.
[' Soph. Phil. 316, οΐς...αύτοΐς is not
an instance, αύτοΐς must there mean
ipsis, in spite of H e r m a n n ' s objec­
tions, v. ib. 275.' R. S.]
όμαλώς—έβίωσ-αν·] T h e negative
ούδβτΓώίΓοτε influences όμαλώς, and
also intensifies the negatives ουδέ κοι­
νώς ουδέ πολιτικώς. Cf Dem. Androt.
§ 4, οΰτος απλούν μέν ουδέ δίκαιον
ουδέν άν ειπείν &χοι, Thuc. VI. 55· 2»
στήλη..., έν J Θεσσαλού μέν ούδ' 'Ιπ­
πάρχου ουδείς παις γέγ/οαττταί, H d t .
Ι. 215, &ιδήρω δέούδ' άρ*γύρω χρέωνται
ουδέν, and ib. II. 52, έπωνυμίην δ' ουδέ
οϋνομα έποιεΰντο ούδενΐ άντέων (quoted
by Rauchenst. and Schneider).
όμ,αλώς.]
'Evenly,'
'equably.'
T h e meaning is exactly explained
by the immediate c o n t e x t : είς τους
μένυβρίζοντες, τοϊς δεδουλεύοντες,ΆΤΐά
(in § 152) τα μεν ταπεινώς, τα δέ
υπερηφάνως ζώντες. Throughout the
passage there is an evident contrast
intended between Athenian demo­
cracy and Oriental despotism, the
equality of rights, enjoyed under t h e
former, and the inequality that re­
sulted from the various gradations
of rank in the latter. Under the
dominion of Persia, while the ma­
jority {το πλείστον) were levelled to
an abject slavery,» the higher classes
were at once t h e victims and the
agents of oppression, and had never

experienced the equality, the social
feeling, the loyalty of the Athenian
citizen. — A confirmation of this view
of the meaning of όμαλώς κ.τ.λ. may
be found in the Menexenus of Plato
238 Ε (which Isocr. may have actual­
ly read during the composition of the
Paneg. )—ΑΙτία δέ ήμΐν της πολιτείας
ταύτης ή έξ ϊσον ^ένεσις. ΑΙ μέν yap
άλλαι πόλεις έκ παντοδαπών
κατεσκευασμέναι ανθρώπων είσϊ καϊ ανω­
μάλων, ώστε αυτών ανώμαλοι καϊ άί
πολιτείαι, τυραννίδες τε καϊ <5λιγα/)χίαι.
T h e meaning ' contentedly' given
to όμαλώς in this passage by Lidd.
and Scott is somewhat unsatisfactory.
Benseler refuses to allow ουδέποτε
to influence όμαλώς, and holds that
if Isocr. had intended that meaning,
he would have written ούδ' or ούχ
όμαλώς. H e takes όμαλώς as a con­
trast to δχλος Άτακτος and translates
t h u s : und da die, welche bei ihnen
in dem grossten Ansehen stehen, zwar
in einer gewissen
Gleichmdssigkeit,
aber nie voll eines gemeinsckafilichen
Strebens oder patriotischen
Sinnes
gelebt haben.
But this sense would
almost require όμαλώς μέν άλΧ ού
κοινώς κ.τ.λ.
Ιβίωσ-αν. ] This is the second aor.
of a somewhat rare present βιόω,
formed on the model of the ordinary
verbs in -μι, with this difference that
δίδωμι has Ζδοσαν with a short pe-,
nult., but βιόω has έβίωσαν (cf. έγνω­
σαν έάλωσαν) with a long penult.
έβίω occurs in Evag. § 71. The first
aor. έβίωσα is extremely rare. (v.
Veitch, Gk. Verbs, s. v. βιόω and ξάω,
and Cobet, nov. led. 576).
TCL ytev σ-ώμ,ατα κ.τ.λ.] In Phil.
§ 124 the βάρβαροι are spoken of as
μαλακοί καϊ πολέιχων άπειροι καϊ διεφθαρμένοι ύπό της τρυφής.
ιτλούτου^] This pi. is not very
common r it occurs however in § 182,

ταπεινά? και Trepioeei? βγρντβς, βξβταζο}. προς aPjfjfi *
ζόμβνοι
τοις βασ;ίλ6ίοΐ£ κα\ jroo/caXLvBovu^vi καΧ πάντα τρόπον c
μικρόν (ppoveuv μέλβτωντβς, uvr^rov μεν ανορα προσκυνονν-χ*
Τ69 και δαίμονα προσαηορζύοντζς, των Se θέων μαΧΚον ή * ,
152 των ανθρώπων δλιγωρονντβς. τοιγαρονν $ί καταβαίνοντ^ m
αυτών 4πϊ θάλατταν, ους καΧοϋσι σατράπας, ου καταισγνted by Ar. Rhet. ill. 10 fin. as an
ad NicocL § 5> de Pace, § 6, 117,
Panath. § 196. The blunder which instance of metaphor: τό yap /tcXfταν αϋξειν τι εστίν.
has made the word 'riches' (richesse)
plural in English enables us to
irpo(TKuvowT€s.] Cf. Nepos, C0render it adequately in every case.
nonf in. 3, Nectsseest, si in con$pec4ξ€ταξέμ€νοι.] lit. 'being exa­
tum veneris, venerari te regem {quod
mined,' ' appearing ^on muster or,
προσκννεΐν illi vocant). Sehn.
parade, being drilled arϊαTHvleΊ^elϊ.
SaCpova wpo<ra7op€vovT€s.] In
The word is here used, to express
Aesch. Persae, 156, the Chorus adthe stiff formalities of attendance on
dresses Atossa : μητερ η ΕέρΙ-ον yethe King's court, v. Xen. Cyrop.
ραια, χαίρε, Δαρείου γύναι· θ ε ου μ&, 4
viii. 1. 6.—For the corresponding
εύνάτειρα ιίερσων, 6εοϋ δέ καΐ μήτηρ
subst. έξέτασις, cf. Areop. § 82, των £0t/s, and Gorgias (quoted by the
περί τόνπόλεμον οϋτω κατήμελή καμεν, author of the treatise περί ϋψους,
ώστ' ούδ* εις εξετάσεις Ιέναι τόλμω- 3. § 2) uses the expr., Εέρξης δ των
μεν, 9JV μη Χαμβάνωμεν άρ^ύριον.
Ιίερσων Ζευς.
A fragment of Theopompus (pre­
Iri Dobree's Adversaria we have
this n. ' utcunque intelligas, drilled, served by Athenaeus, Deipn. vi. 252,
§ 60) tells us the following story of
trained (to servitude), sed vide an
haec transponenda\*]i Ε), καΐ τελεν- the Argive Nicostratus—καθ'έκάστην
τώντες εξεταζόμενοι πρ6ς αύτοΐς τοις ημέραν, οπότε μέλλοι δειπνεΐν, τράβασιλεΐοις, κατα-γέλαστοι ^ε^όνασιν, πεξαν παρετίθει χωρίς, όνομάζων τφ
ut pugnam ad Cunaxam pompam, δαίμονι τφ βασιλέως, έμπλήσας σίτου
καΐ των άλλων επιτηδείων, άκούων
fuisse meram dicat:1 and Dobre.e's
transl., whatever may be said of"the • μεν τούτο ποιεΐν καϊ των Ιίερσων τους
περί τάς θύρας διατρίβοντας, οΐόμενος
rest of his η., is certainly better than
δ£ δίά της θεραπείας ταύτης χρημαthe tame-.«rendering ' ante palatium
inveniuntur i. e. versantur* given by τιείσθαι μάλλον παρά του βασιλέως.
Moras at the end of a long note on
irpocra"yop€vovT€s. ] ν. § 24, προσ*
the meaning of έξοτάζεσθαι.
ειπείν, η.
ιτροκαλινδούμοχΗ.] *Π.ροκυ\ίνδομαι
152. craTpairas.] Phil. § 104, των
et προκαλινδονμαι sic differunt, ut hoc
άλλων σατραπων. The derivation of
adulantis sit et adorantis, illud sup­
plies.'—'Atticiaut κνλίνδω et κυλίν- the word σατράπης has been dis­
δομαι aut καλινδουμαι dixissevidentur; puted: Hesychius in his lex. s. v.
sequiores κύλινδω et κυλινδοϋμαι usur· defines the σατράπαι, as = αρχηγοί,
στρατηλάται, and adds ΊΙερσικη δέ
pabant.* Cobet, nov. led. pp. 639,
η λέξις. He elsewhere records the
637.
Cf. Xen. Cyrop. VIII. 3. 14. On form ξατράπης, and there are other
forms besides. In Gesenius (Thes,
the etiquette observed between differ­
ent ranks in Persia, v. Hdt. 1. 134, Zing, ffebr. s. v. Ο ^ ^ Ι ^ Π φ and
ήν δέ πόλλφ -ζ οϋτερος ά^εννέστερος9in Lidd. and Scott it is stated that
the form έξατράπης is used by the
προσπίπτων προσκυνά τον έτερον.
χάντα τρόχον—[LcXcrSvres.] Quo­ historian Theopompus. This state*

—153],
ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.
135
νόυσυ τχιν εκεί παίδευσαν, αλλ' εν τοις $θεσι~τοΐς αυτοί?
; δίαμενουσι, i[gg&J('£v τους-φίλους άττ^τ^^Ή^ος δε,τούς d
_
εχθρούς άνανορωςεχοντες, καϊ τα μεν ταπεΊν&ς, τα δ7 νπεβ?****^}
ήφάνως ζώντες, των μεν συμμάχων καταφρονοΰντες, τους
153 8ΐ πολεμίους θεραπεύοντες. την μεν γε μετ 'ΑηησΐΚάου
στρατιάν οκτώ μήνας ταΐς αυτών δαττάναις διέθρεψαν, τονς
δ' ύττερ αυτών κινδυνεύοντας ετέρου τοσούτου χρόνου τον
έξαιθραπεύοντος may be also noticed
ment requires a slight modification :
in the Hebrew form which occurs in
the word 'satrap' occurs once only,
Esther iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3 and Ezra
as far as I am aware, in the frag­
viii. 36.)
ments of Theopompus, and that in
The form in £, the evidence for
the summary drawn up by Photius
which has now been stated at length,
from one of the 280 books read by
is important, because it gives us the
him on his embassy to Assyria. The
key to the derivation of the word :
passage has been already quoted in
£ corresponds to the Sanskrit ksh
.§'134. n. One of three MSS of
(cf. δεξιός and dakshina, ξυρόν and
•Photius has έξατράπην (which is the
kshura &c); hence σατράπης or £ατreading of the old ed. of Stephens),
ράπης must be kshatrapa—kshatra
two have σατράπψ (which is adopted
(from *kskP, 'to govern') +pa, 'one
by Bekker). We cannot therefore
who upholds or rather guards the
be perfectly certain that Photius
empire.'—The word khshatrapa oc­
used the word, much less that he
curs twice in the celebrated Behisactually found it in Theopompus.
tun inscription (the record of the
It is worth noticing however that
exploits of Darius the Great), and
the very same MSS that agree in
khshatram is constantly found in the
writing σατράπψ, also agree else­
same inscr. in the sense of 'empire.'
where in an abstract of Arrian (Phot.
Bibl. Cod. 92. p. 71, 25 Bekker) in
(Partly from Stephens' Thesaurus,
the reading των δέ &νω ί-ατραπειών. new ed. s.v. Bockh's Corpus Inscr.
The existence of the form in £ is also' <£rfvol. 11. p. 584, n. 2919 and
attested by the safer evidence of
p. 470, n. 2691, and Rawlinson's ri.
ancient inscriptions, (1) An inscr.
on Hdt. I. 192. For the Sanskrit
found at Tralles (in Caria, the here­
details in this n. I am indebted to
ditary Satrapy of the Hecatomnos
Prof. Cowell).
mentioned in § 162) which has the
ου καταισχυνοικτι κ.τ.λ.] i.e.
words
Do not disgrace their court-education.
ΑΡΤΑΣΕΣΣΕΩΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΟΝ For a similarly ironical use, Rauchenst. quotes Dem. de Cor. § 261, ου
ΤΟΣ ΕΞΣΑΤ ΡΑΠΕΥΟΝ ΤΟΣ κατχισχυνα* μα ΔΓ ουδέν των ττροϋΗΔΡΙΕΩΣ i.e. in Attic Gk. Άρ- πηρη/μένων τφ μετά ταύτα βίω (' you
ταξέρξου βασιλεύοντος, σατραπεύοντοςdisgraced not your antecedents by
Ιδριέω*: and (2) three inscriptions
your subsequent life.' C. R. K.).
(belonging to the years 367, 361 and
153. 'Αγησιλάου κ.τ.λ.] Xen.
Hell. III. 4. 26, Τιθραύστης δίδωσι
355 B.C.) discovered at Mylasa in
[sc. τφ Ά/γησιΧάω] τριάκοντα τά­
the same satrapy, which have
6 δέ λαβών Ί\ει επί τ^ν
ΑΡΤΑΞΕΡΞΕΥΣΒΑΣΙΛΕΥ λαντα,Φρυyίav. Plut Ages. 10.ΦαρναΟΝΤΟΣΜ ΑΥΣΣΩΛ ΛΟΥ ΕΞ βάζου
TOvs...Kiv8vv€vovras.] § 142.
ΑΙΘΡΑΠΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ. (Thepreέτερου τοο-ουτου χρόνου. ] ' Twice
that length of time' or (according to
fixed vowel in έξσατραπεύοντος and

136

ISOKPATOTS

[§§ 153

μισθον άπβστβρήσαν* καϊ τοις μεν Κισθήνην καταΧαβουσΦ
ίκατον ταΚαντα διένβιμαν, τους Se μβθ'αύτων ek Κύπρον
154 στρατβυσαμένους μαΚΚον η τους αΙγ)ιαΚωτους ίβριζον: ως e
δ' άττλώς efarelv καϊ μη καθ* %ν βκαστσν αλλ' ώς επί το
ττολυ, τις ή των ιτόλεμησάντων αύτοΐς ον/c έυδαιμονησας
άπηΚθεν, ή των υπ έκείνοις γενομένων ουκ άίκισθβίς τον
βίον έτέλςύτησβν; ου Κόνωνα μϊν ος ύπ£ρ της 'Ασίας 7S
στρατηγησας την αρχήν την Λακεδαιμονίων κατέΧυσβν, έπι
θανάτω συλΧαββίν ετολμησαν, ©εμιστοκΧέα & ος inrep της
Ελλάδο? αάτούς κατβναυμάχησβ, των μεγίστων δωρεών
§ 142) 15 months. The phrase in
itself is ambiguous, and may either
mean (i) 'for another space of time
equally long* or (2) as here, 'for
twice the space of time.' For έτερος
τοσούτος in the first sense, cf. Hdt.
11. 149, where we are told of two
pyramids standing in the midst of
lake Moeris, each, as the context
tells us, 100 opywai in entire height,
του ύδατος ύπερέχουσαι πεντήκοντα
opymas έκατέρη, καϊ το κατ ύδατος ol~
κοδόμηται
'έτεροντοιούτο.—There
is the same ambiguity in Latin. Altemm tantum and majus altero tanto
may be used in the same sense. Cic.
Or at. 56, § 188, Omnis{sc. numerus)
talis est ut unus sit e tribus. Pes enim,
qui adhibetur ad numeros, partitur
in tria, ut necesse sit, partem pedis
aut aequalem alteri parti, aut altero
tanto aut sesqui esse majorem. Inde
fit aequalis daclylus, duplex iambus,
sesquiplex paean : ^the long syllable
of an iambus is altero tanto major,
twice as long as the short syllable),
and Liv. X. 46, militibus ex praeda
centenos binos asses, et alteram tan­
tum centurionibus atque equitibus
divisit.
Κι<τθτ|νην.] Κισθψη' Ισοκράτης
Τίανη·γυρικφ. 6pos της Θράκης. Κρα­
τίνος ' κάνθέν δ' επί τέρματα yfjs
ηί-εις καΐ Κισθήνης Ορος Οψει.' Harpocration. (Cf. Aesch. P. V. 793,
Dindf., Yopyoveia πεδία Κισθήνης,
with Paley's n.) This explanation
does not help us much; as the Gor­
gon-haunted boundary of the world

(which the lexicographer apparently
identifies with an unknown moun­
tain of Thrace) is little likely to have
been captured by any of the Spar­
tan commanders. Benseler main­
tains that the place in question may
have been in Bithynian Thrace,
where Dercylidas passed the win­
ter of 399 B. C. (ασφαλώς φέρων
καϊ &ywv rfyp Βιθυνίδα, Xen. Hell.
in. 2), but it appears equally rea­
sonable to identify it with a town in
Aeolis, on the sea-coast of Mysia,
north of Atarneus. In Strabo's time
the town was deserted (xin. p. 606),
and this fact may account for Harpocration's apparent ignorance of its
existence. The capture of Cisthene
possibly formed one of the unre­
corded exploits of Agesilaus in 395
B.C.

154. ITTI θανάτω συλλαβών.] Isocr.
only says that Conon was captured
with a view to being put to death:
Cornel. Nepos, Con. 5, 3, tells us
that* Tiribazus treacherously put
Conon into chains, in quibus aliquamdiu fuit. Inde nonnulli eum ad
regem abduclum ibique eum periisse
scriptum reliquerunt. Contra^Dinon
Historicus, cut nos plurimum de
Persicis rebus credimus, [β. c. 360
B.C.] effugisse scribit.—Diodor. xv.
43, ύποπτεύσας 6 'Ιφικράτης μτ) συλ­
ληφθώ} καϊ τιμωρίας τύχη καθάπερ
Κόνων'έπαθεν6 ^ Αθηναίος.—For the
phraseology cf. Hdt. III. 119, συλλα­
βών δε σφέας ϊδησε τ\\ν επί θανάτω.
κατ€ναυμάχησ-€.] sc. at Salamis,

—156]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

137

ίΧζ ήξίωσαν; καίτοι πώς γρή την τούτων φϊλίαν ar/απάν, οι τους
μεν βύβργέτας τιμωρούνται, τους δέ κακώς ποιούνται ούτως
έπιφανως κοΧακεύονσιν; ϊπβρι τ ίνας b* ημών ουκ έξημαρτήκασιν; πο^ον Be yjpovov Βια\€\οίπασιν έπιβουΧβύοντες b
τοις "ΈΧΧησίν; τι δ' ουκ έγθρον αύτοΐς βστί τώί> παρ ημϊν,
όΐ καϊ τα των θβών βΒη και τους νβώς συΧάν iv τω προτέρω
156 πολεμώ και κατακάβιν ΙτοΚμησαν\ Βιο κα\ τους "Ιωνας
cf. f l d t . VIII. 75 sqq. a n d § 98,
ταύτης...αΐτίαν, η .
μ.€γ. δωρ€ων ήξίωσαν.] sc. the
revenues of Magnesia, Lampsacus,
and Myus, Thuc. I. 138.
155. TOVS μλν €υ€ργέτα$—κολαΚ€υουσ-ιν.] Cf. Panath. § 160.
τ ά των θ€ί5ν $>η καϊ TOIJS ν€ω§.]
' T h e images and the temples of
the Gods.' 2δος in G k . prose means
either (1) ' a statue' or (2) ' a tem­
ple.' Timaei lex. %bos" τό άγαλμα
καϊ ό τόπος έν φ ϊδρυται. As an
instance of. (ι) we have Xen. Hell.
I. 4. 5, and Lycurg. Leocr. § ι, τους
νεώς καϊ τ ά %δη καϊ τα τεμένη καϊ
τάς...θυσίας, of (2) Plat. Phaedo, i l l .
Β, καϊ δή καϊ θέων %δη τ€ καϊ ίερα
αύτοΐς dvai έν οΐς τφ 6ντι οίκητάς
θεούς είναι. I n the present passage
(1) is the right meaning. Cf. de
Perm. § 2, τό τηςΊΑθήνας Ιδο* where
the context (quoted at length on p .
49) shews that simulacrum is meant.
There is no great objection to (2),
except the fact that this meaning is
not found elsewhere in Isocr. and
the sense gained thereby is slightly
tautological and not very forcible.
(v. however p . 107, col. 2. n.) T h e
passing suggestion thrown out by
Moras, * hancperiphrasin
templorum
τα τωιθεών
ε'δη, ad indignationem
augendam facere? would be pertinent
if the words in question came afler
τους νεώς.
F o r t h e historical fact, cf. H d t .
Viii. 53 {on the capture of Athens),
το ipbv συλήσαντες, ένέπρησαν πάσαν
καϊ άκρόπόλιν, and ib, 144» πολλά r e
γαρ καϊ μεγάλα εστί τά διακωλύοντα
ταύτα μή ποιεΐν (sc. μηδίσαντας κατά·

δουλώσαι την Έλλαδα% μηδ' ην έθέλωμεν' πρώτα μεν κώ μέγιστα, τών
θεών τά αγάλματα
καϊ τά οΐκήματα
έμπεπρησμένα
τε
καϊ/συγκεχωσμένα.
Aesch. . Persae, 8 0 9 —
812, ού θεών βρέτη
ηδοΰντο συλάν,
ουδέ πιμπράναι νεώς, κ.τ.λ.
Also
Paneg. § φ.
ιφ.
" ί ω ν α ς κ.τ.λ.] T h e histo­
rical allusion to the Ionians presents
some difficulty.
After the capture
of Miletus (494 B.C.) the Persians
burnt the great temple of Apollo in
Branchidae, H d t . VI. ig, Ιρόν τό έν
Αιδύμοισι, 6 νηός τε καϊ το χρηστήβον,
συληθέντα ένεπίμπρατο.
Similarly in
the case of Naxos (ib. 96).—But
neither Herodotus nor Diodorus
nor indeed any one of the histo­
rians mentions the imprecation, of
which Isocr. speaks. However, in
the speech of Lycurgus in Leocr. §§
80, 81 we read of an oath taken by
the collective allies (01 "Έλληνες) be­
fore the battle of Plataea. T h e ac­
tual words of the oath are recited as
follows: Ού ποιήσομαι περί πλείονος
τό ζην της ελευθερίας, ουδέ κατα­
λείψω τους ηγεμόνας οϋτε ζώντας οϋτε
άποθανόντας, αλλά τους έν τη μάχη
τελευτήσαντας τών συμμάχων άπαν-'
τας θάψω' καϊ κρατησας τφ πόλέμω
τους βαρβάρους τών μέν μαχεσαμένων
υπέρ της * Ελλάδος πόλεων ούδεμίαν
άνάστατον ποιήσω, τάς δέ τά του
βαρβάρου προελομένας άπάσας δέκατεύσω' καϊ τών Ιερών τών
έμπρησθέντων
καϊ καταβληθέντων
ύπό
τών βαρβάρων ουδέν
ανοικοδομή­
σω παντάπασιν,
αλλ'
υπόμνημα
τοις έπιγινομένοις,
έάσω
κατάλείπεσθαι
της τών
βαρβάρων

138

Ι£0ΚΡΑΤ0Ϊ2

[§§156'

άξιον επαινεΐν, οτι των έμττρησθεντων ιερών εττηρασαντ
εί τίνες* κινήσειαν ή πάλιν εις ταρ'χαΐβ κατάστησαν βουΧηθεΐεν, ουκ άπορονντες, πόθεν επισκευάσωσιν, αλλ' ϊν
υπόμνημα τοις επιηυγνομένοις § της των βαρβάρων άσε-c
Βειας, καϊ μηΒεΙς πιστεύτ) τοις τοιαυτ εις τάτων θέων
εξαμαρτείν τοΧμώσιν, αΚΧά και φυλάττωνται και ΒεΒίωσιν,
l<refieias.
This formula is quoted
with a few trifling variations by
Diodorus (ix. 29), who states fur­
ther that the scene of the solemn
rehearsal was the isthmus of Co­
rinth. Immediately before quoting
the oath, Lycurgus tells us that the
oath was framed on the model of
the customary Athenian oath (ού
τταρ' αυτών eipovTes άλλα μιμησάμεVOL τόν παρ* ύμΐν είθισμένον δρκον).
I t will b e observed that part of
the formula above quoted presents a
remarkable parallel to the passage
before us. T h e questions arise: (1)
whether the Ionians really uttered
the formal imprecation mentioned in
the text, (2) whether the Athenians
ever had any customary oath of this
nature, (3) whether the collective
allies took that oath. While we
may answer (1) by a doubtful affir­
mative, we are almost compelled to
answer (2) and (3) in the negative.
T h e oath is probably a mere subse­
quent development of the short and
sensible resolution mentioned in
H d t . v i i . 132; and it is a relief t o
know that Theopompus the pupil of
Isocrates, whom we have already
(§ 120 n.) quoted as a denouncer of
fabrication, asserts that the oath is
an Athenian fiction. Fragm. 167 (ed.
Muller), 'ΈλΧψικός δρκος καταψεύδεται, δν Άθηνάΐοί φασιν όμόσαι τους
"ΕΧλψας irpb της μάχη? της έν Πλαraiats.
Pausanias Χ. (Phocica) 35· 2, sim­
ply tells us t h a t the Greeks resolved
not to set u p t h e temples burnt b y
the barbarians, b u t to allow them
to remain for all time as του άχθους
υπομνήματα.
H e then goes on to
say that this was the reason that in

his own time the temples in Haliartus, the temple of H e r a on the
road from Athens to Phalerum, and
the temple of Demeter at Phalerum
remained half-burnt.
των Ιμπρησ-θέντων Ιφών.] Lange
actually translates these words as
Gen. absol. This would, of course,
require έμπρησθέντων των Ιερών.
W e may explain the construction
either (1) as gen. after έπηράσαντο
' swarej^/ the temples' (L. and S.),
or (2) as a. partitive gen. ('any of, or
any part of, the burnt temples'), or
(3) as gen. after kiveiv, in a sense
cognate to that of ψαύείν, θιγγάνειν.
(2) and (3), which are nearly iden­
tical, are preferable to (1). F o r a
similar use of Kiveiv c. gen. cf. Thuc.
I. 1 4 3 . 1 . Plato, Rep. IV. ad fin., oifre
yap αν πλείους oifre els iyyevtyevos
κινήσειεν αν των άξιων λόγου νόμων T?}S
7τόλεω5 (where Stallb. reads &ν TL
against the best M S S ) . T o account
for this gen. Valckenaer proposed
et τι Ttves for el Tives (which is the
reading of all the M S S ) . This con­
jecture is accepted by Auger, Cor.,
Spohn, and Dind., but appears un­
necessary.
,
Kivtjcmav.] Kiveiv especially used
of ' meddling/' with things sacred.
4πισκ€υάσ-ωσ·ιν.] ' R e p a i r , ' ' r e - «
store,' = reficere. Cf. Xen.
Anab.
V. 3. 13, £ic δβ του περιττού (the
surplus) τόν vabv έπισκευάζειν. H d t .
II. 174, των Ιρων.,.ές έπισκευήν.
τά των θ€ών.] After these words
the cod. Ambr. inserts Ζδη, the cod.
U r b . does not. I n Nicocl. b o t h
these M S S unite in the reading τα
TQV θέων against τα των θεών %δη of
inferior M S S .

—157]
ΠΑΝΗΪΤΡΙΚ02.
139
ορώντες αυτούς ου μόνον τοις σώμασιν ημών ά\\ά και τοις
άναθήμασι ποΧεμησαντας,
(μ/3'.) "Εχω δέ καϊ περί των πο\ιτών των ημετέρων
τοιαύτα διεΧθεΐν. Ι και <γάρ ούτοι προς μεν τους αλΧονζ,
Όσόις πεποΧεμήκασιν, αμα ΰιαΧλάττονται και της έχθρας
τής^ ηεηενημένης έπιλανθάνονται, τοις δ' ηπειρώταις ούό* ά
όταν ευ πάσχωσι χάριν ϊσασιν" ουτω^ άε'ιμνηστον την
όργην προς αυτούς εγρυσιν. και ποΧΚων μεν οι πατέρες
σώμασιν... άναθήμασι] όμοωτέλευτα.
15 7· καϊ Ύ*Ρ—£χουσιν.] Cf.
Liv. χ χ χ ι . 29» Aetolos,
Acarnanas,
Macedonas, ejusdem linguae homines,
leves ad tempus ortae causae disjungunt conjuriguntque: cui?i alienigenis,
dim barbaris aeternum omnibus Graecis bellum est eritque. Natura eiiim,
quaeperpetua est, non mutabilibus in
diem causis, hostes sunt, and Plat.
Rep. 470 c.
έπαλανθάνονται.] ' T h e y forget.'
T h e parts in use in Attic prose are
λανθάνω, έλάνθανον, λήσω, 'έλαθον,
λέληθα,
έλελήθειν'
έπιλανθάνομαί,
έπελανθανόμην, έπιλησομαι,
έπέλαθόμην,έπίλέλησμάι (I have forgotten),
έπβλελήσμην.
I n short as a general
rule λανθάνω, & c , and έπίλανθάνομαι, & α , are used in Attic p r o s e ;
not έπιλανθάνω, & c , nor λανθάνομαι,
&c. (for full details see Veitch, Gk.
Vbs. s. v. λανθάνω).
πολλών... μηδισμοΰθάνατον κατ€•γνωσαν] ' Multos capitis damnarunt,
quodMedis studere viderentitr* Wolf.
— T h e construction of KaTayiyvaσκαν is extremely varied: it takes
either a gen. of the person con­
demned and the ace. of the charge,
e
-S· § I 3 3 J Karayvtuvat μα^αϊ' αμφο­
τέρων, ad Nicocl. § 12,
Archid.
§ 13, de Pace, §§ 17, 66, Panath. § 23,
Callim. § 65, τοσαύτψ πονηρίαν ημών
καταηνοίητβ, Lochit. § 6, δταν του
KaTayvQre ίβροσυλίαν ή κλοπην, ου
προς τό μέyeθoς ών b\v λάβωσι, την
τίμωρίαν ποίέΐσθε, άλλ' ομοίως απάν­
των θάνατον κατακρίνετε, or (2) a
double gen. (of the person and of

the legal charge), e. g: D e m . Aristogit. I. § 7, παρανόμων αύτον κaτέyvωτe,
Lysias, Agorat. ( x i n ) §65, συκοφαν­
τίας αντου κατ^νωτε, or (3} (rarely)
a double ace. Xen. Hell. I. 7. 33,
προδοσίαν KaTayv'ovTes...ovx Ικανούς
yevoμέvoυς κ.τ.λ., Lobeck, Aj. p . 351,
ed. 2, or (4) (very rarely, if ever)
ace. of the person and gen. of the
crime, Lysias de caede Eratosth. §30,
τούτον μν
KaTayiyv^Kuv
φόνου
(which Reiske and Frohberger right­
ly alter into τούτου... φόνον). Besides
these constructions we have simple
forms like that in Dem. Aristocr.
§ 205, μηδισμόν
κατ^νωσαν.
I n the present passage we have
the gen. of the person {πολλών)
governed directly by κατά in κατα717., the gen. of the charge [μηδι,σμοϋ), the ace. of the penalty
(θάνατον).
T o illustrate the historical allu­
sion, we may refer to the story of
Lycidas told in H d t . IX. 5. I n 479
B. c. Mardonius, after an unsuccess­
ful appeal to Athens m a d e through
Alexander (§ 94. n.), resolved on-· a
further attempt, through one Murychides, to induce t h e Athenians to
come to t e r m s : h e met with a
refusal which was all b u t unani­
mous. One senator, Lycidas, ven­
tured to propose acceptance of the
overtures: and the senate and the
people stoned him to death, and
the Athenian women in Salamis
inflicted the same vengeance on his
wife and children.
(Cf. Lycurg.
Leocr. § \ιι,
αζων τοίνυν άκουσαι
περί του £ν 'Σαλαμΐνι. τελευτήσαντος

140

Ι20ΚΡ&Τ0ΎΣ

[§§ 157

ημών μηΒισμοΰ θάνατον κατβψωσαν, iv δέ τοις σνΧλογοις
βτί καϊ νυν αράς ποιούνται, πριν άλλο τι χρηματιζειν,
ει
τις επική ρνκεύεται ΤΙέρσαις των πολιτών'
ΈνμοΧπ^αι
οέ
καϊ "Κήρυκες iv Tjj τεΧεττ) των μυστηρίων Βιά το τουτίάν
μίσος καϊ τοϊς άλλοις βαρβάροις εΧρηεσθαιτων ιερών, ωσ\περ e
-γενομένου ψηφίσματος,, ον η βουλή
Οτι Xoycp μόνον ένεχείρει προδιδο'ναι
την πολιν, περιελομένη τους στεφά­
νους, αύτοχειρϊ άπεκτείνεν, and Grote,
Η. G. III. 493 η · ) — ν · a l s o Demos' thenes {Fals. Leg. p. 427, § 270),·
where the stories of the Medism of
Arthmius and of Callias are intro­
duced with the words επί τοΐς τοιούTOLS 'ipyois ραθυμεΐτε, ών
θάνατον
κατε-γνώκασιν οί πρόγονοι.
Tpts σύλλογοι^.] ' Public assemblies.' σύλλοΎος is here a generic
t e r m ; the existence of the specific
word εκκλησία leads to an occa­
sional use of σύλλογο? for any public
assembly differing from the εκκλη­
σία {e.g. Dem. Fals. Leg. p. 378,
§ 122), but in this passage it is
not so. σύλλο'γος here includes the
εκκλησία, as well as the βουλή.
A t the commencement of these
assemblies, a long form of blend­
ed prayer and imprecation was re­
cited, and one of the clauses was
devoted to a special curse against
all who entered into negociations
with t h e Persians. According to
Plutarch, this anathema was intro­
duced into the existing formula by
Aristides, shortly after the battle of
Salamis: vit. Arist. 10, 'έτι ok apas
θέσθαι τους ίερεΐς 'έγραψεν, εϊ TLS
επικήρυκεύσαιτο Μήδοις η τ\\ν συμμαχίαν· άπολίποι των 'Έίλλήνων.
The
whole of the formula is parodied by
Aristophanes, Tkesmophor. 295 sqq.
cf. esp. 355, εΐ τις έπιβουλεύει τι τφ
δήμω κακόν | τ φ των γυναικών,
ή
πικηρυκεύεται
| Ευριπίδη
Μ.ήδοις τ επί βλάβη τινϊ \ τη. των γυναι­
κών κ.τ.λ.... | κακώς άπολέσθαι τούτον
αυτόν κψκίαν \ άρασθε.—Dem.
Fals.
Leg. p. 363, § 70, (after the Άρα
has been recited in court) ταύτα...
καθ"* εκάστην την έκκλησίαν
ο κήρυξ

εύχεται...καϊ όταν η βουλή
καϋήται
παρ* εκείνη πάλιν, and Aristocr. § 97·
(See further Schomann de comitiis
Ath. c. v i i l . )
χρηματίί^ιν.] * T o transact busi­
ness.' Cf. esp. Aeschin.
Timarch.
§ 23, πως κελεύει τους προέδρους
χρηματίζειν;
επειδάν το καθάρσιον
περιενεχθη καϊ δ κήρυξ τας πατρίους
εύχας
εϋξηται.
Also
Aristoph.
Thesm. 378·
€Ϊ TIS 4ιτικηρυκ€ΰ€ται. ] Goodwin's
Gk. Moods and Tenses, § 53, n. 2.
Εύμολττιδαι.] ' Eumolpus of Eleusis was the son of Poseidon (v.
§ 18) and the Eponymous hero of
the sacred gens called the Eumolpids, in whom the principal func­
tions, appertaining to the myste­
rious rites of Demeter at Eleusis,
were vested by hereditary privilege.'
v. Grote, H. G. I. 168—9, new ed.
and especially Lobeck's Aglaoph. 1.
pp. 212—215.
KrjpvKes.] T h e priestly house of
Eleusinian heralds, descended from
a legendary Ceryx, (according to
Pausan. 1. 38) son of Eumolpus, or
(according to Pollux, v i i . 103) son of
Hermes and Pandrosus daughter of
Cecrops. Cf. Xen. Hell. 11. 4. 20,
(after the battle in the Peiraeeus
between Thrasybulus and the Thirty)
Κλεόκριτος ό των μυστών
κήρυξ
μάλ' εϋφωνος ών
κατασιωπησάμενος
'έλεξε κ.τ.λ.
Andoc. de mysteriis,
p. 15, § 116, εξη^η Κηρύκων ών, ούχ
όσων σοι έξη^εϊσθαι (* this was appa­
rently reserved to the Eumolpidae or
Eubutadae.' Sluiter'sn. adloc); their
hereditary nature is proved by ib.
p. 16, § 127, τον παΐδα 'ήδη μέ^αν
δντα είσά^γει εις Κήρυκας, φάσκων
είναι νιόν αυτού.
Ιν τη TCXCTTJ.]

ν. ρ. 58—9·

η

·

βαρβάρου eip-yccrOat κ. τ. λ ] H d t

— ι S3]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΧ.

ι4ι

8 το?? άνΒροφόνοις, προα^ορβύουσιν. ούτω δέ ώνσβι πολεμι­
κών προς αυτού? βχρμεν, ωστβκαϊ των μύθοητ-ηΒιστα συνδιατρίβομβν τοις Τρωϊκοΐς καϊ ΤΙβρσικοΐς, δι ων βστα πυνθάνεσθαι τα? έκβίνων συμφοράς, evpoi δ' αν τις έκ μ£ν του 74
VIII. 63, αΰτέων (sc. Άθψαίων) 6 βουλόμενος καϊ τών άλλων
ελλήνων
μυείται, Lysias, Andoc. p. 198, § 5,
and Libanius, Or. Corinth, p. 356.
t. IV. (quoted by Lobeck, Agl. 1. p .
15), ούτοι (sc. ol
μΐυσταγωγοϊ)...κα­
θαροί* εΐναι τοις μύσταις iv κοινφ
προαγορεύουσιν, οίον τάς χείρα?, τήν
ψνχήν, r i p φωνήν'Έλληνας
εΐναι.
άνδροφόνοιε.] Liv. XLV. 5, and
for more general passages D e m .
Lept. p . 505, § 158, ό Αράκων φοβερον
κατασκευάξων καϊ δεινόν τό τίνα αύτόχειρα άλλον άλλου γίγνεσθαι καϊ γρα­
φών χέρνιβος εϊργεσθαι
τον άνδρο·· φόνον, σπονδών, κρατήρων,
Ιερών,
dyopds κ,τ.λ., and Soph. Ο. Τ. 236—
241.
158. των μ.ΰθων...το?$ Τρωΐκοΐς.]
F o r the constr. cf. ad Dem. § 50,
τους φαύλους των ανθρώπων, η .
τών μΰθων—EfeptriKOis.]
i. e.
'So t h a t even in the case of legends,
we spend our time most pleasantly
on those that tell of the Trojan and
t h e Persian w a r s ^ C f . Evag. § 6 ,
τοδς περί τά Τρωικά ύμνουμένους καϊ
τραγωδουμένους.
T h e * tale of Troy
divine' "with its accessory events
formed the staple of a vast number
of Athenian tragedies: e. g. the
"Μυρμιδόνες, the "Οπλων κρίσις, and
the extant Orestean trilogy of Aeschy­
lus ; the Φρύγες (or "Εκτορος λύτρα),
t h e extant Ajax of Sophocles; the
Βπειός and the extant Hecuba and
Troades of Euripides. Besides these
m a y b e mentioned the 'Ιλίου πέρσις
of Iophon, Agathon, Cleophon and
Nicomachus.
T h e Persian war was celebrated
by Aeschylus in the Persae.
These μύθοι were also rehearsed
in festal hymns like those of Pindar,
and were doubtless favorite subjects
with a humbler class of men, of
whom Philepsius may be an example

(Ar. Plut. 177, Φιλέψιος δ' ούχ %νεκα
σου μύθους λέγει; Schol. ούτος πένης
ών λέγων Ιστορίας έτρέφετο).
T h e words ηδιστα
συνδιατρίβομεν
(jucundissime
immoramur
Battie)
include reading as well as hearing.
σ-υνδιατρ£βομ€ν...δι' <Sv.] Rauchenstein prints ένδιατ,ρίβομεν.Λέξ ων,
the conjectural readings of Mehler
and Cobet respectively.
4κ€£νων] = των βαρβάρων, and
refers with strong emphasis to the
preceding αυτούς. Cf. Panath. § 41,
φανησόμεθα .... πλέον
άπολελοιπότες
αυτούς η 'κείνοι τους άλλους.
Thuc.
Ι. 132. ξ, αύτου.,.έκείνω, IV. 29. 3>
αυτούς..,έκείνων, VI. 6 ι . 6, θάνατον
κάτέγνωσαν αύτου (Alcibiades) τε καϊ
των μετ εκείνου, and Plat. Cratyl.
430 Ε, προσελθόντα άνδρϊ.,.δεΐξαι αύτ% αν μεν τύχχι, εκείνου εικόνα, αν
[&h τνχΌι γυναικός.
\^*υροι 8* αν Tts—μέμνημίένους.]
This sentence is partly borrowed
from the λόγος επιτάφιος of Gorgias
(p. 82. n.). Philostr. vit. Soph. p. 493,
ένδιέτριψε τοΐς των Μηδικών τροπαίων
έπαίνοις, ένδεικνύμενος, 6τι τά μεν
κατά
των
βαρβάρων
τρόπαια
ν μίμους απαιτεί, τα δε κατά
των
Ελλήνων
θρήνους.
T h e imme­
diate context of these words has not
been preserved; otherwise we might
find a still closer resemblance be­
tween the diction of Gorgias and his
pupil. T h e sentence before us is per­
vaded by the same rhetorical artifices
of άντίθεσις, παρίσωσις and παρομοίωσις,2& those which are crowded in­
to the long fragment of the λόγος επι­
τάφιος, which may be found in Baiter
and Sauppe's Oratores Att, 11. p . 129,
with the comment of Dionys. Halic.
or Maximus Planudes, to this effect:
* H e r e Gorgias has heaped together
a number of pompous phrases to con­
vey somewhat superficial (επιπόλαιο-

>42

isoKPAlxyrs

[§§158

ποΧέμου^του ττρΰς τους βαρβάρους ύμνους πεποιημέψπυς, έκ
-δέ του προς τους "Έ^Χηνας θρήνους ήμΐν yeyevyμένους, καϊ
τους μεν εν ταΐς εορταις αγομένους, τους δ επί ταΐς συμ159 φοραΐς ήμας μεμνημςνους. οΐμαι δέ καϊ την * Ομήρου πονησιν
μείζω Χαβεΐν δόξαν, οτι καΚ&ς τους πόλεμήσαντας τοις
" βαρβάροις ενεκωμίασε, καϊ δια τούτο βουΧηθήναι τους, προ­
γόνους ημών εντιμον αντου ποιήσαι την τεχνην εν τε τοις
της μουσικής άθλοις καϊ τ$ παιδεύσει τ&ν νεωτέρων, Xvah
< ripas) ideas, whilsthe embellishes his the subject, τους the object of μεμνη­
μένους.
F o r t h e rare ace. after
speech all through with πάρισα and
όμοιοτέλευτα, a n d όμοιοκάταρκτα t o μέμνημαι cf. Aesch. Choeph. 4 9 1 ,
μέμνησο λουτρών, followed i n t h e
a nauseous excess.' (I cite the words
next line by μέμνησο δ' άμφίβληστρον,
by preference from M r Cope's transl.
(Madv. Synt. § 58 R 2). T h e read­
in his art. i n Journ. of CI. and S.
ing adopted in the text is sanctioned
Philol. vol. III. no. 7. p . 67,8. q. v.).
by codd. U r b . a n d Ambr.
The4
F o r a sentence framed on t h e
reading of Bekker and B S (των δ')
same model, as that before us, cf.
has nothing but simplicity to recom­
Phil. § 117—8.
mend it.
fyjivous.] e.g. the famous fragm.
159. c0^povwofa|<n,v...€VTOiSTijs
of Pindar (46), αϊ τε λιπαραϊ καϊ
Ιοστέφανοι καϊ άοίδιμοι, * Ε λ λ ά δ ο ς . μ ο υ σ ι κ ή Αθλοι*.] Cf. Plato, Hipparch. 228 Β and Lycurgus, Leocr.
Ζ^εισμα,
κλεινοί Άθάναι,
where
p. 161, § 102, ούτω ύπέλαβον υμών
Athens is praised as * bulwark of
oi πατέρες σπουδαιον εΐναι ποιητήν
Hellas,' doubtless with reference t o
(sc. τον *Όμημον) ώστε νόμον εΌεντο
the Persian wars. (Cf. dePerm. § 166,
καθ* έκάστην πενταετηρίδα των "Παν­
where Isocr. institutes a calm com­
αθηναίων μόνον των άλλων ποιητών
parison between himself and Pindar
ραψωδεΐσθαι τα ίπη. (Grote, Η. G.
with reference t o their respective
Ρ. ι. c χ χ ι . = v o l ι. ρ. 524» n e w
praises of A th e n s ) .— I n Pindar Isth.
ed.)
Cf. also Plat. Ion, passim.
IV. ( = v ) 50 ( = 6 4 ) w e read of t h e
τήΐΓαι8€ΰ<Γ€ΐτώνν€ωτ4|(|ίν.] f T h e
heroism of Aegina in t h e * ruinous
poems of H o m e r were thought t o
rain a n d deathful battle-storm of
contain, b y precept a n d example,
Salamis.'
everything calculated t o awaken
0ptjvovs.] v. Becker's Charicles,
Exc. on t h e Burials, especially p . , national spirit and to instruct a m a n
how to b e καλός κάλαθος.* I n Plat.
387-8. Thuc. 11. 46 (at the funeral
Rep. x . 606 Ε we hear of certain eu­
of t&ose who h a d fallen in fighting
logists of H o m e r who asserted t h a t
πρσς'Ί&λληνας) νΰνδ^ άπϋλοφυράμενοι
h e h a d educated Greece. I n Xen.
6v προσήκει έκαστος, ά ποχωρεΐτε. T h e
Symp.3,5, Niceratossays of himself:
'dirges' may also (as Bens, suggests)
6 πατήρ έπιμελούμενος
8πως άνηρ
have formed part of the ayQves μου­
ά»/αθος *γενοίμην9 ψά^κασέ με πάντα
σικής πάση? which Plato (Menex.
τα Όμηρου 2πη μαθεΐν. (v. Becker's
249 B ) mentions among the acces­
Charicles, Exc. Scene I. p . 233,
sories of a public funeral.
3rd. ed.) Plutarch, Alcib. v n . T V
TOVS 8\..ημΛ5|λ€|ΐ.νημ.£νου5.] O b ­
δε παιδικην ηλικίαν
παραλλάσσων
serve t h e sudden change from t h e
επέστη γραμματοδιδασκάλω
καϊ βιpassive participles πεποιημένους &c.
βλίον τμησεν Όμηρικόν.
ΈΙπόντος δε
to μεμνημένους which, though passive
του διδασκάλου μηδϊν &χειν Όμηρου,
in form, is middle in sense, ημάς is

—162]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

/•'/.

143

ποΧλάκις άκονοντες τών επών εκμανθάνωμεν την
εγθραν
την νπάρχρυσαν προς αυτούς, καϊ ζηΧοΰντεϊ; τάς άρετάς των
στρατευσαμενων,
των αυτών βρηων έκείνοις
επιθυμώμεν.
ΐ βο (μγ'.) Γ/ί1στ€ μοι δοκεΐ ποΧλά \ίαν είναι τα παρακεΧενόμεν^
ποΧεμεΐν αύτοΐς, μάλιστα δ' 6 παρών κφίρος, ου σαφεστερρν
ούδεν. ην ού/c άφετέον* καν yap αισ^ρον παρόντι μεν μη c
χρήσθαι, παρεΧθόντος δ' αυτού μεμνηοθαι.
τί jap αν καϊ
βονΧηθεΐμεν ήμΐν προσγενέσθαι,
μέλλοντες βασιλεΐ ττολεΐ ό ΐ μεΐν, εζω των νυν υπαρχόντων Λ ουκ Αίγυπτος
μεν αυτού
V\°*\ και Κ,ύπρος άφέστηκε, Φοινίκη δε καϊ Ιί,νρία δια τον πόλε4<L
Α μον ανάστατοι ηεηόνασι, Ύύρος δ' εφ* rj μεη εφρονησ€ί>λ
νπο των έχθρων των εκείνον κατείληπται;
των δ' εν Ktλικία πόλεων τάς μεν πλείστας οι μεθ* ημών οντες εχρνσι, d
τάς δ' ου γαλεπόν
εστί κτησασθαι.
Λυκίας δ' ουδείς
162 πώποτε
ΤΙερσών έκράτησεν.
'Ι&κατόμνως δ' ο Καριάς
κονδύλψ καθικόμενος αύτοϋ παρηλθεν.
'Έτερου δε φησαντος 'έχειν "Ομηρον
ύφ' αύτοΰ διωρθωμένον'
Έ Γ τ ' ' 'εφη
γράμματα
διδάσκεις, "Ομηρον έπανορθοϋν Ικανός ων; ουχί τους νέους
παιδεύεις;' See also Kx.Ranae, 1035.
§§ 160—169.
We are summoned
to war by the critical position of Per­
sia, and we must grasp our opportu­
nity before it is too late. We are also
summoned by the present deplorable
condition of Greece, which is the result
of our internal feuds and factions.
160. π ο λ λ ά λίαν.] T h e adv.
λίαν often comes after the word
which it qualifies, e. g. § 73, μτ] ταχύ
λίαν παραδραμεΐν, de Perm. § 215,
and Areop. §77. (Contrast λίαν ακρι­
βώς i n § 162). Cf. adv. πάνυ, Thuc.
v i l l . 56, Plat. Hip. Maj. 282, Dem.
Conon. init. πολύν χρόνον πάνυ. (v.
also Strange ap. Jahn's Jahrb. Philol. suppl. 3, p. 5 8 5 — β.) ^
καιρός.] v. ad Dem. § 3. n.
8v ούκ άφ€Τ€ον.] Madv. Synt.
§ 84 c or Goodwin's Gk. moods and
tenses, § 114. 2.
161. At7ViTTOS...Kal KvVpos.]
v. §§ 140,141.
Φοινίκη καϊ Συρία κ.τ.λ.] Cf.

Evag. § 62, μικρού μεν εδέησε Κύπρον
άπασαν κατασχεΧν, Φοινίκην δ' έπόρθησε Τύρον δε κατά κράτος εΐλε, Κύλικίαν δέ βασιλέως άπέστησεν, and
Diodor. XV. 1, ^κυρίευε (sc. Evagoras) /caret, TTJV Φοινίκψ Τύρου κα)
τινών ετέρων.
ανάστατοι.] ' devastated.' ν. §
37- η .
Awias—€κράτησ€ν. ] Lycia wa s
conquered by Harpagus, general of
the elder Cyrus, after a desperate
resistance on the part of the Xanthians ( H d t . I. 176), it was included
in the satrapies of Darius (id. i n .
90), and contributed fifty ships to
the navy of Xerxes {id. v n . 92).
But it is probable that the Lycians
were so far defended by mount
Cragus, Massicytus, and other spurs
of the range of Taurus as to render
the allegiance to Persia little more
than nominal.
162. Έ κ α τ ό μ ν ω δ κ.τ.λ.] Cf. Dio­
dor. XV. 2, Έύα'γόρας παρ' *Έ1κατ6μνου
τοϋΚαρίας
δυνάστουλάθρασυμπράττοντος αύτφ χρημάτων έλαβε πλήθος
εις διατροφην ξενικών δυνάμεων, ν.
fragm. of Theopompus quoted § 134
ή . , where Hecatomnos appears as

144

|\

ISOKPATOTS

J^lSfa^

έπισταθμος{T^Q^ey α%ηθ€ΐα πολύν ηΒη γρονον άφεοΎηκΰν^Γ*^
ομολογήσει S' οτάν ημείς βουΧηθώμεν. άψο he Κ,νίδον μέχρι
Χινώπης(/Έί\\ηνε$\την Άσίαν παροικουσιν, ους ου 8εϊ πείθεινρ
αΚΚα μη κωλνειν\τΓθ7\£μεΐν. καίτοι τοιούτων oppj^Tjjpmv
ντταρξάντων καϊ το&οντον ποΧέμον την 'Ασία,ν πβριστάντος,
τι Set τά συμβησωιένα Χίαν ακριβώς έξετάζειν; οττον yap e
admiral of t h e Persian fleet at the
beginning ofJj*£war with Evagoras.
CT£OTO§P6S·]
Harpocr. Ιεχ.'ΈκατόμνωράΉίαρίας έπίσταθμος,1 ος ουδέν
&rejpov7Jv η κατά, σατραπεία?
Καρίyds κύριο*. Strictly speaking, Heca-' tomnos was hereditary prince of
C a r i a : h e was probably descended
from the Artemisia (of Halicarnassus) w h o distinguished herself at
Salamis. H e was succeeded by his
three sons Maussolus, Hidrieus (v.
§ 152. n . or Idrieus, Phil. § 103) and
Pidoxarus in turn, and by his two
daughters, Artemisia, the consort of
Maussolus, a n d Ada, the Consort of
Hidrieus. (On the famous Mauso­
leum v. ,Newton's Travels and Dis­
coveries in the Levant, letters 38
sqq. T h e prize of oratory at the
contest instituted by Artemisia, in
honour of her husband, was won by
Theopompus. Suidas, s.v. Ισοκρά­
της
Άμύκλα.)
Κνίδου μέχρι Σινώιτηδ.] F r o m
Cnidus (in Caria) to Sinope (inPaphlagonia).
τ η ν ' Α σ ί α ν irapoiKOUoxv.l-iDwdl
fllrmgjhe c r oastso£Asia. ? Epp. 9. 8,
ol της 'Ασ/cts τήν παραλίαν οίκουντες.
Cic. de rep. I I . 4, § 9, (speaking
ofthe*Gk. colonies i n Asia, Thrace,
Italy, Sicily and Africa) barbarorum
agris quasi attexta quaedam
videtur
or a esse Graeciae (a fringe, as it were,
upon the robe of Barbarism). Schnei­
der understands βασιλεΐ after παροι­
κούσα and translates * are his neigh­
bours i n Asia,' b u t the explanation
given above«appears simpler.
οΰ$ ov Set τΓ€ίθ€ΐν ά λ λ α μή κωλυ€ΐν
ιτολ6μ6ΐν.] ' W h o m we need not
persuade to declare war, so much
as abstain from checking t h e m : ' i.e.

so far from their requiring t o b e
prompted, they are ready enough to
go to war, if we do not prevent
them.
μη κωλυ€ΐν ιτολ€μ€ΐν.] T h e fol­
lowing points may be noticed in the
usage o f κωλύω:—
(τ) τούτο κωλύει αυτούς μή πολεμεΐν
is the Greek f o r ' This prevents them
from going to war.'
(2) ουδέν κωλύει αυτούς πολεμεΐν=
' nothing prevents them from going
to war.'
(3) ουδέν κωλύει αυτούς μή πολεμεΐν
= ' n o t h i n g prevents them from notgoing-to-war' (i.e. they are allowed
to remain at peace).
(3) is rather an awkward form of
expression but is sometimes neces­
sary. I t may be seen in Aristot.
Eth. III. 9. 6, στρατιώτας δ' ουδέν
ϊσως κωλύει μή τους τοιούτους κρατίστους εΐναι, άλλα τους ήττον μεν αν­
δρείους, άλλο δ' αγαθόν μηδέν έχοντας
(i.e. i Perhaps there is no reason why
not such men as I have described
should make the best soldiers, b u t
those who &c.'); Plato,Phaedo, 106B,
τί κωλύει...μή γίγνεσθαι;
( = ουδέν
κωλύει μή γίγνεσθαι):
and Pkaedr.
268 Ε, ουδέν κωλύει μηδέ σμικρόν
αρμονίας έπαΐειν κ.τ.λ.
ορμητηρίων.] T h e context shews
that this means * startrng^points,'
i.e. c base&jjf^peratipn.' Cf. § 163,
έπϊ τοις εντεύθεν δρμωμένοις. Benseler is right in condemning as less
satisfactory such translations as ' opportunitates? and
'Anreizungen;'—a
condemnation which includes the ex­
planation given by L. and S. who
doubtless borrowed their translation
' incentives' from the incitamenturfi
of Mitchell's Lex. Graec. Isocr*

—i6s]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

,^

145

μικρών μερών ηττου? elalv, ουκ ά8η\ον, ώ? αν διατεθεΐεν,
163 ει πάσιν ήμΐν πόλεμεΐν άνα^κασθειεν.' έχει 8* οϊιτω?. εάν
μεν 6 βάρβαρο? ερρωμενεστερω? κατάσχρ τά? ποΚει? τα?
επί θαΧάχτχι, φβουρά? μείζου? εν αύται? ή νυν εγκατάστησα?, 75
τάχ αν καϊ των νήσων αϊ περί την ηπειρον, dlov Ύόδο?
καϊ, Σάμο? καϊ Χ/ο?, επί τα? εκείνου τύχα? άποκλίναιεν'
ην σ ήμεΐ? αυτά? πρότεροι, καταΧαβωμεν, είκο? του? την
Αυοίαν καϊ Φρυηίαν καϊ την αλΧην την ύπερκειμενην χωράν
164 οίκουντα? επί τοΐ? εντενθ,εν ορμώμενοι? είναι. Sio 8εΐ σπεύ8ειν καϊ μηΰεμίαν ποιεϊσθαι διατριβήν, ϊνα μη πάθωμεν,
όπερ οι πατερε? ημών. εκείνοι yap ύστερίσαντε? τών βαρ-b
βάρων και προεμενοί τίνα? τών συμμάχων
ηναηκάσθησαν
dkvyoi προ? ποΧΚού? κινίννεύειν, εξόν αυτοί? πρότεροι?
διάβασαν ει? την ηπειρον μετά πάση? τη? τών <ηΕι\Χήνων
ΐ6ζ δυνάμεω? εν μέρει τών εθνών εκαστον χειροΰσθαι. ΒεΒεικται
yap, όταν τι? πόλεμβ προ? ανθρώπου^ εκ ποΧΚών τόπων
συΧΚεηομενού?, οτι δει μη περιμένειν, εω? αν
επιστώσιν,
163. Ιρρωμενεστέρως.] Also found
164. διατριβή v.] v. § 41 n.
in § 172, de Perm. § 278, and ad
irpO€|X€voi Tivas.] The - abandonNicocl. § 14. For similar compar.
ed allies were the Ionians. Hdt.
adverbs in -ws, cf. § 43, ευμενέστερων, v. 103, μετά δε (sc. after the defeat
§ 109, άπορωτέρω$, § 116, άθυμο·of the Ionians at Ephesus) Αθηναίοι
τέρως, de Pace, § 60, βεβαιότερων, deτό παράπαν άπολιπόντες τους "Icapas,
Bigis, §29» *ύδεεστέρω$. Also άπειρο- έπικαλεομένου σφέαν ττολλά δι1 αγγέ­
τέρως, κομψότερων, φιΚοτιμοτέρως.—
λων Άριστα*γορέω, ουκ %φασαν τι­
We also find (but less frequently)
μωρήσει» σφίσι. κ.τ.λ. ' I t is perthe forms in -ov, e.g. Archid. § 101, * haps not going too far to say that if
and de Perm. § 72 έρρωμενέστερον, Athens and the other maritime states
Archid. § 24, and Evag. § 34, συν- of Greece had given a hearty and
τομώτερον. (Partly from Exc. II.
resolute support to the Ionian cause,
of Bremi's Isocr.) On adverbs de­
the great invasions of Darius and
rived from pf. pass. part. v. § 130. n.
Xerxes might have been prevented.'
otov'PoSos καϊ Σάμος καϊ Χίος.]
Rawlinson, n. on Hdt. /. c.
' An del.V Dobree {Adversaria ad
4v μέρει κ.τ.λ.] The construction
loc).—Cod. Ambr. has ToSos Σάμο* is χειροΰσθαι έν μέρει $καστον των
Xios. f .
έθνων. Cf. § φ, έν μέρει irpbs έκάτέauras·] sc. ras πόλεις τά$ επί ραν.
θαΚάττΊβ.
ι6ζ. &os civ έιτισ-τώσ-ιν] ' TInjfcU
την νπ·€ρκ€ΐμ4νην χωράν.] 'The
they are upon one/ έπιστώσιν ought
rest of the up-country.' Similarly
rl^^^lJeilanslated as=συστώσϊν.
we speak of 'Upper Carolina,'
The idea of collective attack is only
' Upper Canada,' &c.
implied by the context.—It was a de­
έντ€υθ€ν.] Refers to the Greek
sire to bring out this implied force
cities on the sea-coast, not to the
that led the old editors to print άθροιIslands.
σθώσιν which is found in a similar
IO

146

ISOKPATOTS

[§§ 165

αλλ* ετι διεσπαρμένοι? άντοΐς 4πιχ€φεΐν.
εκείνοι μεν oZvc
προεξαμαρτόντςς άπαντα ταΰτ9 επηνωρθώσαντο, καταστάντες εις τους μέγιστους αγώνας' ημείς δ' άν σωφρονώμεν, εξ
αρχής φυλαξόμεθα, καί πειρασόμεθα φθήνμι περί την ΑνSlav καΐ την Ίωνίαν στρατόπεΰον εγκαταστησαντες^ εΐΰότες
οτι και βασιλεύς οι5χ εχόντων αργεί των ήπειρωτών, αλλά
μείζω δύναμιν περί αυτόν εκάστων αυτών ποιησάμενος'
ης ημεΐς όταν κρείττω διαβιβάσωμεν, ο βουληθεντες ραδίως d
αν ποιήσαιμεν, ασφαλώς άπασαν την Άσίαν καρπωσόμεθα.
πολύ δέ κάλλιον εκείνωι περί της βασιλείας πόλεμεΐν, ή προς
ημάς αυτούς περΧ της ηγεμονίας άμφισβητεΐν.
(μ$.) "Αξιον δ' έπΧ της νυν ηλικίας ποιησασθαι την
στρατείαν, ϊν οι των συμφορών κοινωνησαντες, οΰτοι καΧ
των αγαθών άπολαύσωσι καΧ μη πάντα τον yjpovov δυστι/γρϋντες Βιαγαηωσιν. ικανός γαρ ο παρεληλυθως, εν ω Tie
passage, Lochit. § 13» Μ πζριμύ166. T}S— καρττωσ-ό|Χ€θα.] 'And
νηθ' 'έως αν αθροισθέντες κ.τ.λ. and when we have transported a stronger
also in Thuc. ill. 97, μή μένειν ews αν force than this (which we could easily
ξνμπάντες άθροισθέντβς άντιτάξωνται.do, if we pleased), we shall securely
This passage has been discussed byreap the revenues of^the whole of
Strange (Jahn's Jahrb. Philol^ Sup.
Asia.' βουληθέντες i$ = el βουλήIII. p. 588), who points out that
θέίμβν. 'The participle often stands
έπιστώσιν forms a parallelism with
for the protasis of a conditional sen­
έπ ι %eipuv and is therefore preferred tence and its tenses represent the
to συστώσιν.
various forms of protasis expressed by
έιτηνωρΟώσ-αντο.] v. ad Dem. § 3,
the Indie, the Subjuncl:., or (as here)
έπανορθω, η. and Archid. § 48, rets the Optative. Cf. Eur. Phoen. 504,
τοιαύτας συμφοράς at πόλεις έπανορ- άστρων dv Ολθοιμ' αΙθέρος προς
θοΰνται. (v. Lobeck, Phrynichus%
άντολάς Ι καϊ yfy ϊνερθε, δυνατός ων
250, 1).
( = d δυνατός <εΐψ) δρασαι τάδε,'
φθηναι.] The second aor. inf.
Goodwin's Gk. moods and tenses,
of φθάνω is also found in § 87.
§ 109, 6.
The first aor. inf. φθάσαι does not
167. ίκανδ$ γαρ, κ.τ.λ.] 'For the
occur in Isocr. but the opt. φθάσειε time past is sufficient,—a time that
is used in de Pace, § 120. We have
has been filled with every horror.'
ίφθησαν in Paneg. § 86, and deBigis, A literal transl. (e.g. in which what
§ 37, and έφθασαν in de Pace, § 98, horror &c?) would be at variance
Phil § 53, and Evag. § 53. In
with Eng. idiom; τΐ των δεινών ού
the 3rd pers. sing, and in the 1st
y£yovev;=is there a single horror
and 2nd pi. the second aor. form
that has not happened? L e. every
alone is used, Trapez. § 23, £*φθη, horror has happened.
Aegin. § 22, Ζφθημεν, and Phil. § 7,
6 ΊταρΛηλυθΐ^.] sc. χρόνος (which
ϊφθητε. {Exc. I. to Bremi's Isocr.)
is actually added in cod. Ambr.).
For the usage of other authors v,
v. Madv. Synt § 87, b. R.
Veitch, Gk. verbs.

—169]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚΟΣ.

"

147

τών δεινών ου ηεηονεν; ττολλών yap κακών ττ) φύσει rrj
τών ανθρώπων υπαρχόντων, αυτοί ττλείω τών αναγκαίων
προσεξευρήκαμεν, πολέμου? κάί στάσεις ήμΐν αύτοΐς εμποιήσαντες, ώστε τους μεν εν ταΐς αυτών άνόμως άπόλλυσθαι, τους δ' επί ξένης μετά παίδων και γυναικών aha- 7
<
σθαι, ποΧΚούς δε δι ενδειαν τών καθ* ημεραν επικουρεΐν
άναηκάζομένους, υπέρ τών εγθρών τοις φίλοις μαχόμενους
άποθνήσκειν. υπέρ ων ουδείς πώποτ ήγανάκτησεν, αλλ'
επί μεν ταΐς συμφοραΐς ταΐς υπό τών ποιητών συγκειμεναις^
δακρύειν άξιοΰσιν, αληθινά δε πάθη πολλά και δεινά γιηνόμενα διά τον πόλεμον εφορώντες, τοσούτου δέουσιν ελεεΐν,
ώστε και μάλλον γαίρουσιν επί τοις αλλήλων
κακοΐς ή b
τοις αυτών ιδίοις άηαθοΐς. ϊσως δ' αν καϊ της εμης ευη-

*

ι68. w e p τών εχθρών κ.τ.λ.] * Τ ο
die, fighting with their friends on
behalf of their enemies.'
4iri ykv κ.τ.λ.] A similar contrast
may be observed in Andoc. Alcib.
§ 2 3 (quoted by Bens.), άλλ' νμεϊς iv
μίν ταΐς τραγωδίαις τοιαύτα θεωροϋντες δεινά νομίζετε, γινόμενα δ1 εν ΤΎ}
πάλει όρώντες ούδεν φροντίζετε, καί­
τοι εκείνα μεν ούκ έπίστασθε πότερον
οϋτω γεγένηται ή πέπλασται ύπο τών
ποιητών
ταύτα δέ σαφώς είδδτε$
οϋτω πεπραγμένα
παρανόμως ραθύμως φέρετε.
ύττό τών ιτοιητών <Γϋγκ€ΐμ4ναΐδ· ]
For t h e constr. cf. ad Dem. § 36. n.
T h e active of συγκείμενος is συντίθημι. Cf. Evag. § 36 (Schn.), ού μόνον
τών γεγενημενων
τάς κάλλιστα*
άπαγγέλλουσιν (ol ποιηταί), αλλά καϊ
1
παρ αυτών καινάς συντιθέασιν.
The
poets in the text are doubtless the
tragedians.
δακρυ€ΐν.] I n Xen. Symp. i n .
11, we hear of Callippides the actor,
os ύπερσεμνΰνεται, ότι δύναται πολ­
λούς κλαίοντας καθίξειν.
T h e im­
pressible nature of an Athenian
audience may b e further illustrated
by the story in Herodotus, v i . 21,
where we are told that t h e whole
theatre fell into tears (is δάκρυα
Ζπεσε τό θίψρον) at t h e representa­

tion of the Capture of Miletus by
Phrynichus (although that was an
instance of αληθινά
πάθος).
Plu­
tarch, more than once, tells of the
effect produced on t h e brutal Alex­
ander of Pherae as h e listened to a
pathetic drama of Euripides. H e
hurried from t h e theatre, lest the
audience should see the murderer
of many citizens 'weeping for H e ­
cuba.' (Plut. Pelop. 29). O n the
effect produced by the recitation of
H o m e r on the Rhapsodist and his
audience (a kindred subject to that
in the text) v. the interesting passage
in Plato where I o n describes him­
self (like t h e player in Hamlet,
' tears in his eyes, distraftion in his
aspecV) as influenced b y the pathos
and the horror of his theme, and his
audience κλαίοντας re καϊ δεινόν έμβλέποντας
καϊ συνθαμβονντας
τοις
λεγομένοις. {Ion, 535 c> D · )
έφορώντ€ς.] ' G a z i n g u p o n . ' T h e
context alone implies that it is a
careless and indifferent gaze. Soph.
Trach. 1269, θεοΐς άγνωμοσύνην | ειδότες... \ ol φύσαντες και κλχιξόμενοι\
πατέρες τοιαυτ9 έφορώσι πάθη. \ τάμϊν
οΰν μέλλοντ' ουδείς 4φορ$.
i6g.
€ΰηθ€£ας.] %ίήαψ and its
subst. εύήθεια have a double mean»·
ing, (1) 'well-disposed,' 'good dispo10—2

148

ΙΣ0ΚΡΑΤ0Τ2

[§§1691

θείας πολλοί καταηέλάσειαν> el δνστνχ/α? ανδρών οΰυροίμην iv τοις τοιούτοι? καιροΐς, iv οΐς 'Ιταλία μεν ανάστατος*
ryeyove, Σικελία δε καταδεΒούλωται, τοσαΰται δε πόλεις τοις
βαρβάροις εκδίδονται, τα δε λοιπά μέρη των Ελλήνων iv
τοις μεηίστοις κίνδυνοις εστίν.
(με'.) θαυμάζω δε των δνναστευόντων iv ταΐς πολεσιν
sition,' (2) from a supposed connex­
ion between good-nature and feeble­
ness of intellect, 'simple* or 'silly,'
'simplicity* or 'silliness.* (v. Thuc.

great straits by famine, he took the
place, doomed the commander Phyton to a tragical death, and sold
into slavery many of the citizens.
(v. Bens, transl. n.)
For βύηθεια in the good sense, cf.
Σικ€λία...καταδ€δούλωται.] Dio­
Plato, Rep. ill. 400 E, eu\oyla &pa nysius I. had, by a disgraceful peace,
καΐ βύαρμοστία καΐ βύσχημοσύνη καΐ surrendered Selinus, Acragas and
βύρυθμία €ύηθεία Συνακόλουθα, ούχ
Himera to Carthage (Diodor. x i n .
ήι> Άνοια ν οforayύποκοριξόμβνοι κα­114); had subdued many of the states
λούμε? ώς εύήθααν, άλλα τήν ώς αλη­ of Sicily {e.g. Syracuse, Naxos,
θώς ed Τ€ καϊ καλώς τό ήθος /care- Leontini, id. XIV. 14 sqq.); had more
σκευασμένψ διάνοιαν.
recently (in 396 B.C.) captured Messene, Solus, Henna and other places,
Of the secondary sense the pre­
and entered into terms with the
sent passage is one instance out of
tyrant of Agyris and the prince of
many. Cf. ηδύς (^'εύηθής' 1 έκάλουν
Centuripae(z&78. v. Bens. transl.ri.),
δέ οϋτώ τους ύτομώρους Suidas)
πόλεις.] sc. in Asia.
"γλυκύς, &c.
τα λοιπά μέρη.] sc. Greece
An exact parallel to the history
proper. Cf. § 120 (on Mantinea,
of the word εύήθης may be noticed
Thebes and Phlius).
in the word 'simple* (cf. 'simple­
§§ 170—186. The leading states­
ton*). Thus also the word 'silly'
men of Greece ought to have long
has lost the connexion it once had
with the Germ, selig (blessed, holy), since endeavoured to bring about an
m the time when Fletcher spoke expedition against Persia, instead of
leaving the question to others. 173—4.
of the Infant Saviour as ' the harm­
Nothing short of such an expedition
less silly babe.' Cf. Latimer's 2nd
can heal our dissensions and place
sermon of the card,' Who made thee
our goodwill upon a firm foundation.
so bold to meddle with my silly beasts
175—8. The convention of Antalwhom I bought so dearly with my
precious blood?' and Bp. Andrewes* cidas is no hindrance to the proposed
expedition. That disgraceful com­
Sermons, p. 655, ed. 1611, 'the silly
innocent babe.' (The last reference pact has been already broken: Its
terms were unjustly negociated, in ac­
is due to Mr Mayor).
cordance with the dictates of the king
'Ιταλία. .ava<rraTos.] Alluding
of Persia, who has thereby (179) ob­
to the devastation of part of Italy by
Dionysius I. In 389 B.C. (accord­ tained half the world for his dominion;
(180) and these terms, to the dishonour
ing to Diodorus, xiv. 106, 107, i n )
he captured Caulon, removed its of all Greece, remain engraved in our
public temples,—a nobler trophy than
inhabitants to Syracuse, destroyed
(κατασκάψας) the city, and gave the Persia ever raised upon the field of
battle. 181—4. We are loudly called
.territory to others ; in the next year
to war by every plea of Justice, Expe­
did the same to Hipponium; and
diency, Revenge and Glory. 185, No
in 387, after reducing Rhegium to

—Ι7ΐ]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

149

el προσήκον αντοΐς ηγούνται μέγα φρονβΐν, μηδβν πωποθ*
V7rkp τηλικούτων πραγμάτων μητ elnreuv μητ
ένθυμηθήναι
ΰυνηθέντές. έχρήν yap αυτούς, eiitep ήσαν άξιοι της παρ­
ούσης δόξης, απάντων άφεμίνους των αΧΚων πβρί του
ποΧέμον του προς τους βαρβάρους ζισηηύσθαι καϊ συμβου\eveiv. τυχόν μβν jap αν τι συνεπίραναν* el δε καϊ προαπβΐπον, αλλ' ονν τους ye λόγου? ιοσπερ γρησμονς eh τον
one will refuse to join an enterprise
that has Athens and Sparta for its
generals and the infliction of vengeance
on the Barbarians for its end.
186.
The heroes of this enterprise will out­
rival the heroes that fought
against
Troy; and every poet and every orator
will celebrate their valour.
170. θαυμάζω των 8υναστ€υόντων.-.cl...] Cf. § ι, έθαύμ,ασα των
awayayόντων...οτι.
η.
Ιχρήν γαρ αύτούβ, €Ϊπ€ρ ijcrav
άξιοι.] A n iambic line. Cf. Panath.
init. νεώτερος μεν ων προηρούμην ypaφειν. (Cic. Oral. § 190, elegit ex multis Isocrati libris, xxxfortasse
versus
Hieronymus, plerosque senarios, sed
etiam anapaestos cet. q. v.) Similar
lines have been found in D e m . 01. I.
§ 5, δηλον yap έστι rots Όλυνθίοις
ότι, Mid. § 165, δπαντάπασιν
ασθενής
τψ σώματι,'and Zocr. § 22, τοιαύτα
τούτων εστί τ ά κακουργήματα (Mr
Heslop's n. on 01. I.e.).
As an in­
stance of a trochaic line we have
Dem. Androt. § 54, τους ταλαίπωρους
μετοίκους οΐς ύβριστικώτερον.—In
the
summary of the lost τέχνη of Isocr.
(preserved by Maximus Flanudes
and Joannes Sicel.) we have these
maxims: όλως δε ό λόγος μη λόγος
ίστω' ξηρδνγάρ.
μηδέ
έμμετρος'
καταφανές yap' άλλα μεμίχθω παντί
ρυθμψ, μάλιστα Ιαμβικφ
καϊ τροχαϊκφ.
Isocr. here recommends a
blending of various rhythms, espe­
cially t h e iambic and trochaic. A n
iambic o^ trochaic rhythm may b e
produced without resulting in an
iambic or trochaic line, by giving
merely a general preponderance to
the iambus or trochee; but in the
present passage the limit has been

passed, and the result is unmistakeable metre, — a violation of the rule
above quoted. (Cic. Brut. § 32.) On
this subject, cf. Aristot. Rhet. i n . 8,
βυθμδν δει εχειν τον λόγόν, μέτρον δέ
μη' ποίημα yap Ζσται. βυθμδν δέ μη
ακριβώς... ό δ' ϊαμβος αύτη έστιν η λέξις
η των πάλλων... διό μάλιστα πάντων
Ιαμβεΐα ψθέγγονται λέγοντες.
Aris­
tot. then proceeds to disapprove of
the trochaic rhythm, as being too
lively and tripping, of which disap­
proval Spengel says * Aristotelem..
hie tecte Isocratis doctrinam impugnare certum [?] est.'—Also Cic. Oral.
§ 189. versus saepe in oratione per
imprudentiam
dicimus; quod est vehementer vitiosum: sed non attendimus neque exaudimus
nosmetipsos;
Senarios vero et Hipponatteos effugere vix possumus; magnam
enim
partem ex iambis constat nostra ora- ·
/&/and Quintal. 9.4. 72. (v.Spengel's
n. on Arist. Rhet. I.e. and M r Cope's
Introd. pp. 303 sqq. 379 sqq.)
€ΐ<τηγ€Ϊσθαι.] ' T o introduce, o i « ^
propose a subject,' Phil. § 13 and
Epp. 1.
^,είσηγούμην.,.συμβουλεύειν.
171. τυχόν.] P e r h a p s . '
Phil.
§ 94, τόις.,.οικείοις τυχόν αν χρη~
σαίμην.
Madv. Synt. § 182. •
et καϊ irpoairei'nrov. ] sc. πρδ του
συμπεράναί τι. καϊ emphasizes προαπεΐπον.
' If they had even failed,
they might at any rate have be­
queathed us their counsels as oracles
for the time to come.'
αλλ* οΰν...γ€.] ' Yet at any rate.*
ad Dem. § 39. Soph. Phil. 1306,
αλλ' οΰν τοσούτον y* ίσθι.
χρησ-μοΰβ.] * Solemn, oracujar
utterances.' Cf. Lycurg. Leocr. § 92
(quoted by Sclm.), καί μοι δοκονσι

ISO

ISOKPATOTS

[§§171

επ ιόντα γρονον αν κατελιπον. νυν δ' ol μεν iv rah μέηίσταις δόξαις οντες επι μικροΐς σπουδάζονσιν, ήμΐν δε τοις d
των πολιτικών εξεστηκόσι περί τηλικούτων πραγμάτων
σνμβονλεύειν
παραλελοίπασιν.
172
Ου μην αλλ' οσφ μικροψνχότεροι τνγγάνονσιν οντες οι
προεστώτες ημών, τοσούτω τους άλλους ερρωμενεστέρως δει
σκοπεΐν, όπως άπαΧλαηησομεθα της παρούσης έχθρας, νυν
μεν yap μάτην ποιούμεθα τάς περί της ειρήνης συνθήκας*
ου yap διαλυόμεθα τους πολέμους αλλ' άναβαλλόμεθα, καϊ
περιμενομεν τους καιρούς, εν οϊς άνηκεστον τι κακόν άΚλη- e
Γ
73 λους ερηάσασθαι δυνησόμεθα. {μ?.) Αεί 8ε ταύτας τάς
επιβουλάς εκποδών ποιησαμένους εκείνοις τοις εργοις επιγειρεϊν, εξ ων τάς τε πόλεις άσφαλέστερον οίκησομεν και
πιστότερον διακεισόμεθα προς ημάς αυτούς, εστί Κ απλούς
και ράδιος 6 λόγο? ό περί τούτων' ούτε yap ειρηνην οΐόν τε
βέβαιον άγαηεΐν, ην μη Koivfj τοις βαρβάροις πόλεμησωμεν, 77
οΰθ* όμονοήσαι τους "ΈΐΚληνας, πριν αν και τας ωφελείας εκ
τών αυτών και τους κινδύνους προς τους αυτούς ποιησώμεθα,
Γ 74 τούτων δε γενομένων καϊ της απορίας της περί τον βίον
ημών άφαιρεθείσης, ή καϊ τάς εταιρίας διαλύει και τάς
τών αρχαίων τινές ποιητών ώσπερ VI. 29. 6.
χρησμούς ypa\pavTes τοΐς imyevoΙξΜΓτηκόσα.] In the very next §,
μένοις τάδε τα Ιαμβέΐα καταλιπέίν, we have a syncopated form προεστώ, Aesch. Ctesiph. §136 (after quoting res. (v. table of various readings.)
some verses of Hesiod), οΤμαι ύμΐν
172. οΰ μην αλλ'.] ad Dem. §9,
δδ&ιν ου ποιήματα 'Ησιόδου etvai Paneg. § 85.
αλλά χρησμό^ els Δημοσθένους πολιέρρωμβνεσ-τέρως.] ν. § 163. η.
τείαν, and Plat. Apol. p. 39 C, έπινυν μέν γάρ.,.ον γαρ.] For this
θυμώ ύμίν χρησμωδήσαι.,.καΐ yap είμι double yap cf. § 92, 145» Ι&5> *86.
ήδη έντάΰθα, έν φ μάλιστ1 Άνθρωποι For three in succession, v. Phil,
χρησμωδοΰσιν, Οταν μέλλωσιν άποθα- § 141» for five Plato, Apol. p. 40 A
νεΐσθαι.
(Schn.).—V. also Porson's n. on Eur.
TOIS τών πολιτικών 4|€στηκόσ-ι.] Med. 139·
Isocr. was prevented from public
173. irpos ημα$ αύτουΥ] Almost
speaking by weakness of voice and
= προς αλλήλους, v. § 34, σφίσιν
nerve. Panaih. § 9, 10, Epp. τ. 9
αυτοις. η.
and 8. 7, Phil. § 81, 2, προς μεν τό
4κ τών αυτών.] sc. έκ τών βαρπολιτεύεσθαι πάντων άφυέστατος iye~ βάρων.
νόμην τών πολιτών οϋτε yap φωνήν
174· Ιταιρίαβ.] Not 'political
ϊσχον Ικανήν οϋτε τόλμαν δυναμένην clubs,'as in § 79> ^ u ^ 'companionδχλω χρήσθαι καϊ μολύνεσθαι καϊ ships,' 'friendships.' Cf. adDem.% 10,
λοιδοράσθαι τ oh έπϊ του βήματος (Dem.) XXIX. adv. Aphob. §§22,
Κάλινδουμ&οις κ.τ.λ. q.v. V. Plin. Pp.
23, ^χθρα)(έταιρία.

—175]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

151

avyyeveias eh βχθραν προάτ/ei καϊ πάντας ανθρώπους eh
πολέμους καϊ στάσης καθίστησιν, ουκ €στιν όπως ούχ
6μονοήσομ€ν καϊ τάς €ύνοίας άλ^θινΑς προς ημάς αυτούς
€*ξομ€Ρ· ων eve/ca π€ρϊ παντός ποιητέον, όπως ως τάχιστα b
τον ivOevhe πολβμον eh την ηπ€ΐρον διοριοΰμ€Ρ, ώς μόνον
αν τρΰτ αγαθόν άπο\αύσαιμ€ν
των κινδύνων των προς Α
ημάς αυτούς, el ταΐς έμπ€ΐρίαις ταϊς i/c τούτων γ€γ€νημέναις
f
προς τον βάρβαρον καταχρήσασθαι Sogeiev ήμΐν.
175
if1?·) Ά λ λ α yap ϊσως Βιά τάς συνθήκας άξιον έπισχ€ΐν,
αλλ' ουκ έπειχθηναι καϊ θαττον ποιήσασθαι την στρατ€ΐαν; c
δι ας αϊ μ\ν η\€υθ€ρωμέναι των πολ€ων βασιλ€Ϊ χάριν ϊσαι
σιν. ως δι eKeivov τυχουσαι της αυτονομίας ταύτης, αι Κ
ιτροάγ€ΐ.] ' Perverts,' here, as
τέλέω, βιβάζω, κομίζω, (v. Donald­
often, =infem
malam ducere. Dem.
son, Gk. Gr. § 302, Obs. 3). As an
Aristocr. § I, irpoayeiv els άπέχθειαν,
exception may be quoted Ar. Eq.
Lept. p . 468, § 36, irpbs κακίας ύπερ891, προσαμφιώ, fat. act. of προσαμβολην, Xen. Hell. i l l . 5. 2, els μΐσ-os.
φιέννυμι, which has n o existing form
ούχ &rriv—ίξομεν.] i.e.
'We
ending in -έω, and, as a verb of varied
cannot fail to be at harmony, and
usage, εξετάζω, which generally has
the good-will that we shall have to­
εξετάσω, and in one passage only
wards one another cannot fail to be
(Isocr. Evag. § 34) has εξετώ. (v.
genuine.' O n ούκ 'έστιν δπω$ ούχ..
M r Jebb's n. on Soph. Aj. 1027,
v. Madv. Synt. § 102 b . R. 2.
άποφθιεΐν, and Cobet, nov. left.
Tcts cvvoCas άληθινάς &;ομ€ν.]
p. 65.) O n the fat. of verbs in -έω,
T h e art. shews that evvoias is to be
cf. ad Dem. § 45. n.
translated as a subject, αληθινά* as
T h e exact meaning of διορίζω
a predicate. Cf. Soph. Aj. 1121,
('transfer') is 'remove across the
ου yap βάναυσον την τέχνην έκτησάboundary t(#/oos),' = L a t . exterminarey
μην, and § 166, ούχ έκόντων Άρχει
' t o banish.' Cf. Plat.
Legg.y873E,
των ήπειρωτών.—v. Donaldson Gk.
τό δε όφλόν εΊ-ω των δρων της χώ/oas
8
< 0 n
t h e
Gr. § 489—49 >
Tertiary
άποκτείναντα* διορίσαι, and ib. 874 A,
Predicate.'
τό όφλόν έξορίζειν (v. D e m . Aristocr.
τον €V04v8e mSXcjiov κ.τ.λ.] F o r
§ 76, and Kennedy's Leptines, &c.
the form of expression cf. §§ 88, 96,
A p p . p . 329), and lastly, Plato, Rep.
a n d e s p . 187, την 4κ της 'Ασία* εύδαι560 D, ώθοϋσιν 'έξω... έκβσΧΚονσι.,
μονίαν els την Ι&ύρώπην διακομίσαιμεν.
ύπερορίζουσι.
τόν ένθένδε πόλεμον instead of τον
175* TCIS ο-υνθηκο*.] § 115. n.
ένθάδε πόλεμον is due to the influence
ώέ δι* €K€tvov κ.τ.λ.] ' " B e c a u s e
of διοριοΰμεν. v. Madv. Synt. § 79b.
(as they believe) they have obtained
tfircipov.] v. § 132, ηΊτείρωτα,$. n.
this independence through him.' u>s
οιοριοΰμέν.] T h e Attic form of
is often prefixed to a participle de­
διορίσομεν. This contraction is very
noting a cause or a purpose. I t shows
rarely used, except with futures in
that the participle expresses the idea
of the subject of t h e leading verb,
•εσω, -ασω, and -«τω, from verbs of
or that of some other person pro­
more than two syllables (which have
a short antepenult), in -εω, -afw, and , minently mentioned in the sentence;
without implying that it is also the
•t£a>, e.g. τελώ, βιβώ, κομιώ, from

i52

ISOKPATOT2

[§§ ι 7 5

εκδεδομεναι τοις βαρβάροις μάλιστα μεν Αακεδαιμονίοις
OLCK-^St επικαΧοΰσιν, έπειτα δε καϊ τοις αΧΚοις τοις μετασχοΰσί
της ειρήνης, ώς ύπο τούτων δουΚεύειν ήναηκασμέναι. καίτοι
πώς ου χρη διαΚύειν ταύτας τάς δμο\σγ(ας, εξ ων τοιαύτη
δόξα yiyovev, ώς 6 μεν βάρβαρος κήδεται της Ελλάδος καϊ
^ ***** φνΚαξ της ειρήνης εστίν, ημών δε τινές είσιν οί ΧυμαινόIJ6 μενοι^ και κακώς ποιουντες αυτήν; ο δε πάντων καταηεΧαστότατον, οτι των ξεγραμμένων εν ταΐς ομο'Κογίαις τα
χείριστα τυγχάνομεν διαφυΧάττοντες. α μεν yap αυτόνο­
μους άώνησι τάς τε νήσους καϊ τάς πόλεις τάς επί της
Έίύρώπης, παΚαι \έ\υται και μάτην εν ταΐς στήΧαις εστίν
α δ' αίσγύνην ήμιν φέρει καϊ πολλούς των συμμάχων εκδέδωκε, ταύτα δε κατά χώραν μένει καϊ πάντες αυτά κύρια e
ποιοΰμεν, α χρην άναιρεΐν καϊ μηδέ μίαν εάν ήμέραν, νομί­
ζοντας προστάγματα
κα\ μή συνθήκας είναι, τις yap ουκ
οίδεν, οτι συνθήκαι μέν είσιν, αΐτινες αν ϊσως και κοινώς
άμφοτέροις εγωσι, προστάγματα δε τα τους ετέρους ελατ- 7 *
*
177 τοΰντα^ταρά το δίκαια?) διο καϊ των πρεσβευσάντων ταύτην την είρήνην δικαίως^ αν κατηγοροΐμεν, οτι πεμφθέντες
ύπο των *Έΐλ\ήνων, ύπερ των βαρβάρων εποιήσαντο τάς
idea of the speaker or writer." Goodwin's Mood» and Tenses, § 109. n. 4,
Madv. Synt. § 175 d.
ir<us ου χρή;] § 6. n.
KijScrai—IO-TCV.] * Cares tenderly
for Hellas, and is guardian of her
peace;' i.e. watches over the various
States to prevent them from going
to war with one another. The allusion is particularly (but, as Bens.
observes, not exclusively) to the
peace of Antalcidas. v. Plato, quoted
in § 121. n.
oi Κυμαινόμενοι και κακώς ττοιoiJvT€S αύτηv.J * Those who outrage
and maltreat her.' For the double
expression, v. § i n , αντόχ€ΐρας καϊ
ψονέας. n.
'όμοιος
176. Β 81 πάντων καταγ€λαστό*τατον.] (sc. τοΰτ' εστίν) 6τι. ν. §
128. η.
λίλυταν.] sc, by the Spartans. Cf.

§§ 132, 135, andfragm. of Theopompus, quoted in § 134. n.
στήλαις·] v. § 180, kv στήλαις
λιθίναις avaypaypavres. n.
α 81...ταύτα δ&] Δ£ in apodosis.
v. §§ 1, 98. n.
χρήν] = ^ΧΡΨ- v. § 19. n.
προστάγματα καϊ μή σ-υνθηκας.]
' Dictates and not compacts.' v. § 120,
προστάττων. n. and cf. Archid. §51,
τά$ έκ των έπιταγμάτων σννθήκας.
ΐ<τω$ καϊ κοινώς.] 'Equally and
impaxuaUy^ Similar twtBnexpressions are very common; e.g. in the
same sense as the present pair,
Thuc. iv. 105, &c. fcros καϊ Ομοιος,
and Hdt. VI. 52, Kx.Pol. ill. 11. 10,
καϊ ϊσος; and, in a different
sense, Areop. § 78, όμοιας καϊ πάραπλησίας, Thuc. vn. 5^, ^ος κ<ά
παραπλήσιος, (v. Lobeck, Paralip,
p. 61, 2).

κ

—179]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

iS3

σϋνθηκας. εγρήν yap αυτούς, εϊτ εΒόκει την αυτών εγειν
εκάστους, εϊτε καϊ των Β^ψιαλωτων επάργειν, εϊτε τούτων
κρατεΐν ων ύπο την είρηνην Ιτυηγανομζν έχοντες, εν τι
τούτων ορισαμένους καϊ κοινον το δίκαιον ποιησαμένους, b
ούτω συγγράφβσθαι περί αυτών, νυν δε Ty μίν ημετέρα
πόλει καϊ TJJ Αακεδαιμονίων ούδεμίαν τιμήν απένειμαν, τον
Βε βάρβαρον άπάσης της 'Ασίας δεσπότην κατέστησαν,
ωσπερ υπέρ εκείνου πολεμησάντων ημών, η της μ£ν ΤΙερσών
αρχής πάλαι καθεστηκυίας, ημών δ' άρτι τας πόλεις κατοικούντων, αλλ' ουκ εκείνων μεν νεωστί ταύτην την τιμήν
εχόντων, ημών δε τον άπαντα γρόνον εν τοις "Έιλλησι δυ- c
ναστευόντων, (βη'») ΟΙμαι δ' εκείνως εΙπών μάλλον δηλώσειν την τε περί ή μας άτιμίαν ηε^ενημένην καϊ την του
βασιλέως πλεονεξίαν. της yap 777? άπάσης της ύπο τω
κοσμώ κειμένης Βίγα τετμ/ημένης) καϊ της μβν Ασίας, της
Ιχρήν γαρ κ.τ.λ.] Isocr. says
that three definite and equitable
courses were open to those who
negotiated the peace: viz. that each
state should either keep its own ori­
ginal territory; or extend^ its rule
over all the territories it had from
time to time acquired by right of
war (e.g. Cynuria in the case _of
Sparta; Aegina, Scione, Mitylene,
&c. in that of Athens; Cyprus,
Clazomenae, &c. in that of Persia);
or, lastly, remain in possession of
all that it actually had imme­
diately before the peace (in which
case Thebes would have kept her
Boeotian cities, Persia her continental
territory, but not Cyprus). Instead
of deciding on one of these courses
they had paid no deference to Athens
and Sparta, and had made the Per­
sian king lord of all Asia. (v. Bens.
transl. n.)
την αυτών.] v. § 99. n.
σ-υγγράφβτθαι.] Panath. § 158,
ειρήνψ. >. συνε'γράψαντο.
ώσ-ircp ...αλλ,' ουκ.] v. § 11,
ώσπερ. n.
179· την ττ€ρΙ ή[J.as άτιμίαν γ€-

γ€νημ.4νην.] On this position of the
substantive between the article and
participle v. Madv. Synt. § 9. R. 1.
Cf. § 174, τας εύνοια* αληθινά*, n. and
esp. Dem. Aristocr. § 133, έκ της τφ
Χαριδήμφ νυν άδε/as κατασκευαζόμε­
νης, with. Weber's n. p. 395—7.
υπό τφ κόσ-μω.] 'Beneath the
heavens.'
For this meaning of
κόσμος cf. Plat. Timae. p. 28 Β, ^ $$)
πας ουρανός ή κόσμος 3) καϊ άλλο οτί
ποτέ ονομαζόμενος μάλιστ1 αν δέχοιτο,
τουβ* ημιν ώνομάσθω. Philolaus (?), the
Pythagorean (ap. Stob. Eel. Physic.
I. p. 488), gives the name of κόσμος
to the region of the 5 planets with
the sun and the moon, bounded
above by "Ολυμπος and beneath by
Ουρανός.
δ£χα Τ6τμ.ημ,4νηδ.] In ancient
Greek geography it was a common
tenet, that the earth was divided
into two parts, Asia and Europe.
Africa was reckoned as a mere ap­
pendage to one or the other, (v. Geographi Graeci minores, n. 495 ed.
Mtiller, Sallust, Jug. \η, and Lucan
i x . 411.)

154

I20KPATOTS

[§§179

δ' Έιύρώπης καΧουμένης, την ήμίσβιαν €Κ των συνθηκών
€Ϊ\ηφβν ωσπβρ προς τον Αία την χώραν νβμόμβνος, αλλ'd
180 οι) προς τους ανθρώπους τάς συνθήκας ποίούμβνος, και
ταύτας ημάς ηνάηκασεν iv στηλαίς Χιθίναις άναγράψαντας
iv τοις κοινοϊς των ίβρων καταθεΐναι, πο\ύ κάΧΚιον τρόπαιον των iv ταΐς μάχαις <yi,yvoμένων' \τά μεν yap ύττερ
μικρών €ρηων καϊ μίας τύχης έστϊν, αΐταυ δ' νπβρ άπαντος
του πο\έμου καϊ κα$ ο^ης της Ελλάδος ίστήκασιν.*
>

ΛΧ^γΚ^

ν τ η ν ήμίσ€ΐαν.] sc. της yrjs. ν . §
34> rty πλεΐστην της χώρα?, η .
Scrmp — ποιούμενος.] i. e. ' A s
though h e were dividing the terri­
tory with Zeus, and not entering
iiito._a_compacT: with mortal men.*
Isocr. may b e alluding (as Wolf
suggests) to the well-known division
of empire between Zeus, Poseidon,
and P l u t o ; who took respectively
the heaven, t h e sea, and the under
world, t h e earth remaining common
to a l l ; b u t we are told that the
Great King has one-half, not onethird of the dominion.
T h e ex­
pression therefore appears t o mean
little more than, * As though Zeus
and he had the world between them,
Zeus might have one-half if h e
pleased, he would take the other.'
Isocr. may have been thinking of a
passage in H d t . v n . 8, where Xerxes
vauntingly declares, TTJV yrjv Περσίδα
άποδ^ομεν τφ Albs αϊθέρι όμουρέουσαν' ου yap δτ; χώρην ye ούδεμίαν
κατόψεται 6 ήλιος δμουρον έούσαν τη
ήμετέρη, a n d the Scholiast on Aristid. Panath. 128 (quoted by Dindf.
&c.) appears to have understood it
in some such fashion. H i s words are
ώσπερ προς rbv Δία τ α 6ντα διανεμό­
μενος, τφ μεν του 'Ολύμπου
παραχω·
ρων, έαυτφ δέ τήν yrjv %χειν.
18ο. Ιν ο τ η λ α ι $ λιθΐναις κ.τ.λ.]
At Athens, nearly all important
public documents were inscribed on
pillars: it was in this manner e.g.
that those who were disfranchised
(Άτιμοι) were * posted* in t h e Acro­
polis (Arist. Rhet. I I . 23. 25, στηλί-

της yεyovώς iv τη Άκροττόλεί. Isocr.
de Bigis, § 9, στηλίτην
αναΊράφειν,
D e m . Phil. i n . 121, , § 41, Pais.
Leg. 428, § 271—2, and Lycurg.
Leocr. 220, § 117 sqq.). Treaties
were generally engraved on such
pillars and placed either inside the
public temples, or in their imme­
diate precincts, T h u c . v . 18. 10,
στήλας δε στήσαι ΌλυμπΙασι
και
Τίυθοΐ καϊ 'Ισθμοί καϊ εν 'Αθήναις έν
πόλει καϊ iv Αακεδαίμονι iv Άμυκλαίω, T h u c . V. 47» ™* δεξυνθήκας
. ..avaypaypai iv στήλη λίθινη 'Αθηναί­
ους μεν εν πόλει, 3Aρyείoυς δε $y ayoρξ, iv του 'Απόλλωνος τφ Ιερφ, Μ α ^
τινέας δε iv του Αώς τφ Ιερφ iv τη
ay opq.' icaTaOivToov δε καϊ 'Ολυμπίασι στήλην χαλκην, D e m . Lefit. 468,
§ 36 (speaking of the decrees of
Athens in favour of Leuco king of
Bosporus), τούτων απάντων στήλας
άντ^ράφους
iστήσaθ'> ύμεΐς κάκεΐνος
(at Bosporus, Piraeeus and Hieron).
Cf. §§ 115, 176. (v. Franz. Elementa
Epigraphices graecae, p . 313 sqq.)
4v τοΐ$ Koivots των Ιερών.] T h e
public temples of Hellas, e.g. at
Olympia, Delphi, &c. T h u c . v . 18,
Upa κοινά (of the temple at Delphi).
T h e terms of the peace of Antalcidas were also inscribed in the
temples of Sparta and her allies,
as Isocr. expressly tells us (Panath.
§ 107);
π ο λ ύ — π ο λ έ μ ο υ . ] Quoted memoriter by Arist. Rhet. i n . 10 (on
metaphors).
p u i s τυχη$.] De Perm, § 128.

—183] •

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

155

181

'Ύπερ ων άξων οργίξεσθαι, καϊ σκοπεΐν όπως των τε
γεγενημένων δίκην ληψόμεθα καϊ τα μέλλοντα δίορθωσόμεθα. καϊ γαρ αίσχρον ίδια μεν τοϊς βαρβάροίς οΐκέταίς e
άξωΰν χρήσθαί, δημοσία δε τοσούτους των συμμάχων περίοραν αύτοΐς δουλεύοντας, καϊ τους μεν περί τα Ύρωϊκά
γενομένους μίας γυναικός άρπασθείσης ούτως απαντάς σύνοργίσθήναί τοις άδίκηθεϊσίν, ώστε μη πρότερον παύσασθαί
πολεμοΰντας, πρϊν την πόλίν ανάστατον εποίησαν του τολ- 79
182 μήσαντος εξαμαρτείν, ημάς δ' όλης της Έλλάδο? ύβρίζον
' μένης μηδέμίαν ποιησασθαι κοινην τίμωρίαν, εξόν ημΐν
ευχής αξία δίαπράξασθαί.
μόνος γαρ όντος 6 πόλεμος
ειρήνης κρείττων εστί, θεωρία μεν μάλλον η στρατεία προσεοικώς, άμφοτέροίς δε συμφέρων, καϊ τοις ήσυχίαν αγειν
καϊ τοις πολεμεΐν έπιθυμοΰσίν.
εϊη yap αν τοις μεν άδεως b
τα σφέτερ αυτών καρποϋσθαί, τοΐς δ' εκ των αλλότριων
μεγάλους πλούτους κατακτήσασθαί.
183

(Α6^'·) Τίολλαχή δ' αν τις λογιζόμενος ευροί ταύτας
τάς πράξεις μάλιστα λυσίτελούσας ήμΐν. φέρε γαρ, προς
ι 8 ι . Ιδίαμέν—SovXeiiovras.]Quoted memoriter by Arist. Rhet. i n . 9,
omitting άξιονν and αύτοΐς, and substituting πολλούς for τοσούτους.
Tots p a p p a p o i s οΐκίταιβ.-.χρήσ-θαι.] e.g. Phrygians, Paphlagonians,
Scythians.—v. Becker's Charicles,
Exc. sc. vii. p . 364, 3rd ed.
ανάστατον.] § 37· n.
182. €$\r\s άΊ-ια.] ' W o r t h y of
our prayers, 5 'worth praying for.'
Phil. § 1 9 , ούκ έλάττω τήν βασίλειαν
πεποίηκεν, αλλ' εύχης αΊ-ια διαπέπρακται. Slightly different to this is
the phrase ευχή Ομοιος used in Phil*
§ 118, περιβάλλεσθαι τ # διάνοια τάς
πράξεις δυνατάς μεν, εύχτ} δ' όμοίας,
έί-ερΎάζεσθαι δε ζητεΐν αύτάς, δπως
αν 61 καιροί παραδιδώσιν, and Plat.
Rep. VIII. 540 D, εύχαΐς όμοια λέΊοντες.
θ€ωρία.] 'Legationi solenni, sacrorum et splendoris causae profeolurae? Moras, v. Dial. Antiq. s.v.
Isocr. says that the proposed expedition against Persia would less re-

semble a warlike, invasion than the
peaceful p o m p of a sacred embassy
to the great Panhellenic games and
temples, v. de Bigis, § 34, where
Isocr. speaks of the splendour of
the Olympic θεωρία of Alcibiades.
T h e above explanation is adopted by Wolf, Bens., Rauchenst., and
in the main by all the other commentators except Schneider, whose
translation is * VergmXgungsreisi (a
pleasure-tour). H e quotes H d t . I.
29, Trapez. § 4? κ α τ ' έμπορίαν καϊ
κατά θεωρίαν, and Plat. Rep* 556 c,
ή κατά θεωρίας η κατά
στρατείας,
ή ξύμπλοι ή συστρατιωται.
στρατ€ία.] ν. § 15. η .
κατακτησαοτθαι.] 'Solus Urbinas,
ut solet, oratons manum servat κατακτήσασθαι.'
[cet. καταστήσασθαι.]
Cobet. Var. leal. p . 125.
183. φ€ρ€γάρ—σ-κοττοΰνταε.] *.&
c
Against whom, I ask, is it right for
those to make war who are eager for
n o self-aggrandisement but are looking to the claims of justice aloneV

156

ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΟΤΣ

[§§183 .

τ ίνας γρη ποΧβμέίν τους μηΒβμιας πΧβονεξίας έπιθυμοΰντάς
•αλλ' αυτό τό δίκαιον σκοπουντας; ου προς του? καϊ πρότ€/)οζ> κακώς την Ελλάδα ποιησαντας καϊ νΰν,έπίβουΧβύοντας καϊ πάντα τον γρόνον ούτω προς ημάς διακειμένους; c
184 τίσι δε φθονβΐν βίκος εστί τους μη παντάπασιν άνάνδρως
T h e imperative φέρε ( ' c o m e ! tell
m e ! ' Cf. &ye) gives additional ani­
mation to the sentence, and is one
of the few oratorical touches that
rescue the Paneg. from being merely
a written pamphlet. This imper.
is used by Isocr. only in the speech
de Perm. § 251. As might b e ex­
pected, it» occurs frequently in the
speeches of Demosthenes and in the
dialogues of Plato.
* αύτδ το" δίκαιον.]
'Justice by
itself, alone.' Cf. Areop.. § 6 7 , αυ­
τούς τους αΐτιωτάτους (and Schneid e r ' s n . ) D e m . de Cor. § 12& αυτά
τάναΎκαιότατα
&c. μόνος is often
coupled with αυτός in this sense.
I n a philosophical passage, t h e expr.
αυτό τό δίκαιον would b e properly
translated by 'Justice in the abs­
tract,' but in the present instance
such a rendering would be too for­
mal and technical.
184 rLcri δέ—χρωμένους J] T h e ex­
act meaning of τούτφ τφ π pay ματ ι
is open to dispute. I t will be ob­
served, that in the present and the
preceding section Isocrates asks three
distinctly different questions. H e
begins by stating that there are many
points of view (ποΚΚαχη κ.τ.λ.) in
which t h e expedition against Persia
would be found advantageous t o the
Greeks. T h e word λυσιτελούσας is
the key t o the three questions that
follow. I n those questions the Greeks
are divided into three classes; the
first question takes the case of those
who look t o the claims of justice
alone, without regard to personal
advantage; the last refers to those
who desire to satisfy the call of ex­
pediency and of justice; the second
must therefore,* naturally, refer t o
those who are mainly influenced by

the motives of expediency. T h e cha­
racteristic of this class is φθόνος, a n d
their courage in asserting their claims
to the objects of their envy is of a
lower order than the surpassing bold­
ness of those who fight from t h e
purest motives (αυτό τό δίκαιον). T h e
courage of those who, fight for their
own advantage is μέτρων, neither
too great nor too little.
If this view of the general drift of
the passage be correct, τούτφ τφ
π pay μάτι must refer to άνδρία, which
is implied in the word άνό/νδρως, and
the present passage will b e one of
the many instances of sense-con­
structions in Isocrates (v. § n o . n . ) .
T h e meaning will in this case b e as*
follows: ' Against whom is it right
that those should direct their envy,
who are not altogether destitute of
courage, but who employ t h a t facul­
ty (Λ:. 1 courage) in accordance with
the true mean?' This explanation is
supported on various grounds by
Battie, Cor., Spohn, Bremi, Baiter,
Rauchenst., and Schneider. I t only
remains t o state that according t o
Wolf and Morus τούτφ τφ πράγματι
= φθόνφ, according to Auger and
Lange (in trans/.) = άνανδρία, and
lastly, according t o Benseler=7rXeoνεξία. All of these opinions illus­
trate the sense of the passage, b u t
fall short, I think, of a satisfactory
explanation. F o r the phraseology
cf. Archid. § 7, ελευθερίας, ύπερ ης
ουδέν 6 τι των δεινών ούχ ύττομενετέον,
ού μόνον ημΐν άλλα καϊ τοις ΆΧΚοις
τοΐς μ^ή Ήίαν ανά,νδρως διακειμένοις
άλλα καϊ κατά μικρόν αρετής άντιττοιουμένοις. (To explain μετρίως as
= καϊ κατά μικρόν, would require the
insertion of καϊ before μετρίως).

.—1.85]

ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ02.

itf

διακειμένους άλλα μετρίως τούτφ τω πράγματι
J^

ου τοις μείξους μεν τάς δυναστείας τ^κατ
βεβλημένοις,
των;

ελάττονος δ' άξίοίς των παρ

επί τ ίνας δε στρατεύειν

βεΐν

βουλομένους,

προσήκει

δυναμένους;

185 τυγχάνουσιν
σομεν

οντες.

στρατιώτας

οΐμαι

τών

συνακολουθεΐν

τους αμα μεν εύσεενθυμου μένους \

ούκοΰν εκείνοι πάσι

(ν.)

εχθρούς, d

τούτοις

ένοχοι

Καϊ μην ούδε τάς πόλεις

λυπη-

εξ αυτών καταλέηοντεςΐ

σπανιωτέρορς
ράθυμος

ταύτης της στρατιάς

εσεσθαι

έπιθυμησοντων,

εστίν

τους μένειν

της υπ

ο νυν εν τω
αύταΐςΛπολύ
εθέλησοντας

τις γαρ ούτως ή νέος

εστίν, όστις συ μετασγεϊν

μονίων στρατηγουμένης,

βουλησεται

*Δθηναίων μεν καϊ

επί

δε την τών βαρβάρων τιμωρίαν

e

Αακεδαι-

ύπερ δε της τών συμμάχων

θερίας αθροιζόμενης, ΰπο δε της Έλλάδο? άπάσης
πόμενης,

περι^

δυστυχούν-

καϊ πατρικούς

πολέμω τω,προς αλλήλους ο^^ότατόν
yap

ή παλαιός

ημΐν

μεν αγαθά κεκτημένους, ηκιστα δ' ύπερ αυτών

και πλείστα
άμύνεσθαι

ανθρώπους

αμα δε του συμφέροντος

ουκ επι τους καϊ φύσει πολεμίους

ερωμένους;

ελευ­
εκπεμ­

πορευομένης;

\kdtov$ τ\ κατ' άνθρωΊΠ>υ$ κ.τ.λ.]
stands several places before ράθυμος,
Cf. § 179, ώσιτ€ρ προς τόν Δία κ.τ.λ.
cf. Phil. §12, ούτως επί yfjpa ytyova
— The dominion of the Persians
φιλότιμος. Callim. § 44, οϋτω...σφόwas excessively great, their strength
δρα, and elsewhere. As an instance
excessively small. They were πανof closer connexion we have Evag.
τάπασιν άνάνδρως διακείμενοι. Hence
§ 37, ουδείς yap ούτω ράθυμο*
the appropriateness of the appeal to
κ.τ.λ.
those amongst the Greeks whose
rj v4os ή παλαιός·] The use of the
courage was μέτρων.
somewhat poetical word Ίταλαιό$ inεΰ<Γ£β€Ϊν] Resembles αυτό το δί- stead of yipotv or πρεσβύτερος has
καιον σκοπείν in § 183. The word
led to a suspicion that παλαιό* is not
must be explained in immediate rethe right reading. The same colloference to φύσει πολεμίους καϊ πα- cation occurs however in Plat. Symp.
τρικούς εχθρούς, just as του συμφέ- 182 Β. ουκ &ν τις εϊποι ούτε νέος οϋτε
ροντος refers to the clauses πλείστα
7raXatos (which may be a quotation).
μ&—δυναμένους.
(Cf. Legg. 717 c). The use of the
185. καταλέγοντ**.] 'Enrolling.'
poetical word may be justified by
Cf. κατάΊ^ος.
the principle mentioned in Ar. Rhet.
μ.4ν€ΐν...συνακολονθ€ΐν] Cf. § 35,
Hi. 7. 10 (quoted in § 96. n.).
άκολουθήσαντας)( ύπομεινάντας and
ofrro>s...forris] Cf. 113. n.—This
§ 147. n.
sentence as far as εκπεμπόμενης (with
T£S κ,τ.λ.] sc. Hs yap η νέος ή
the slight alteration τίς yap ουκ αν
παλαιός οϋτω-ροίθυμός έστιν. In
ηδείας μετάσχοι στρατείας) is quoted
Isocrates, the adverb ούτως is more
by Alexander (Walz. Rhet. Gr. ix.
frequently placed before than after
401) as an instance of περίοδος rethe word qualified by it. Here it τράκωλος.

158

ISOKPATOTS

[§§186

186 φημην Be καϊ μνήμην και Βόξαν πόσην τίνα j^prj νομίζειν η
ζώντας βξβιν η τέΚ^υτησαντας καταΧείψβιν τους iv τοις 8ο
τοιοντοις epyois άριστβύσαντας; 'όπου yap οί προς ΑλέξανΒρον ποΧεμησαντξς καϊ μίαν ποΧιν ίΧόντβς τοιούτων επαίνων
ήξιώθησαν, ποιων τινών χρή προσΒοκαν εγκωμίων τβύξεσθαι
τους όλης της Ασίας κρατησαντας; τις jap ή τών ποιβΐν
^•h
186. φημην-άριοττ€ΰσαντα$.] i.e.
' A n d how great must we deem the
fame and the name {lit. memory)
and the glory which those will either
have in their lives or bequeath in
their deaths, who have been fore­
most in such exploits as t h e s e ? '
φημην II μνήμην.] T h e same παρονομασία may be found in Phil. § 134,
την evXoyiav καϊ τους επαίνους καϊ την
φήμην καϊ την μνήμην and in Lysias
(?) Or. Funebr. § 3, μνήμην παρά της
φήμης λαβών.
T h e collocation of
these two words appears to have
been a common formula, not unlike
such collocations as μέλη καϊ μέρη,
ώρα καϊ χώρα, χρήματα, καϊ κτήματα,
and others which have been col­
lected by Lobeck (Paralip. 54 sqq.).
I n the English Poets we have
1
n a m e and fame,9
'chance
and
change? and many similar forms
of expression. Aristotle doubtless
alludes to this passage in Rhet. i n .
7. 10 (quoted in § 96. n.), although
the M S S there give us the inexpli­
cable reading ψώμη
instead of
μνήμη.
TOvs...apurr€v«ravTas.] Past with
ref. to
^ειν.,.καταλείψειν.
δττου γ α ρ κ . τ . λ . ] ν. § 83. η .
Άλέξανορον] According to Apollodorus (Bibl. Myth. i l l . 12. 5)
Paris was the name given to the in­
fant son of Priam and Hecuba, by
the servant who found him on
mount Ida, a n d Alexander was a
subsequent name. yεv6μεvoς νεανί­
σκος. . .'Αλέξανδρος προσωνομάσθη, ληστάς αμυνόμενος καϊ τοις ποιμνίοις
α λ ef ήσα ς, 6περ έστι βοηθήσας' καϊ
μετ1 ου πολύ τους yovέaς άνευρε.
4*ιτα(νων...4γκωιι,(ων] ν. § 5 1 - η ·
τίς γάρ—-καταλιΐΓ€Ϊν;] i.e. 'Ί[οτ

is there a single one of those who
have either the power of poetry or
the knowledge of oratory, who will
refuse to toil earnestly in the desire
to leave behind him for all time a
memorial at once of his own intel­
lect and of their valour?*
των iroiciv δυναμένων... τω ν λ£γ€ΐν
ΙΐΓίοτταμΙνων.] Cf. Lysias (?) Or.
Funebr. § 2, καϊ τοις ποιεΐν δυναμένοις καϊ τοις είπεΐν βουληθεΐσιν. This
use of ποιεΐν is extremely common,
e.g. Hel. § 65, Όμήρφ
προσέταξε
ποιεΐν, and esp. Plato, Ion, 534 B,
κοΰφον yap χρήμα ποιητής έστι καϊ
πτηνον καΧ Ιερόν, καϊ ού πρότερον οΐός
τε ποιεΐν, πριν αν £νθεός τε yέvητaι
καϊ 'έκφρων καϊ δ νους μηκέτι έν αύτψ
ένη' ^ως δ' αν τουτί έχη τό κτήμα,
αδύνατος πας ποιεΐν έστιν άνθρωπος καϊ
χρησμωδεΐν.
Sometimes t h e Word is
used both in its generic a n d specific
sense in the very same passage, e.g.
Evag. § 36, φοβερούς
ποιησάμενος
τους κινδύνους... followed by οί μέν
πλείστοι πεποίηνται
δια τύχην λαβόπες
τας βασιλείας.
(Cf. Plat.
Lysis, 206 Β, σκδπει.,.δπως μη πάσί
τούτοις ϊνοχον σαυτόν ποίησης δια τήν
νοίησιν, and Ben Jonson's Transl. οί
the Ars Poetica of Horace, 1. 317,
And I shall bid the learned maker
looke On life and manners
andmaks
these his booke.)
F r o m this meaning of ποιεΐν we
have t h e common Greek words
which have become familiar in their
English forms,—poesy, poem, and
poet. Poets are to the Greek mind
(as Sir William Temple puts it)
''makers or creators,—such as raise
admirable frames and fabrics out of
nothing?
I n modern English we are unable

-i-iWJ

ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΟΣ.

159

διψαμένων ή των Χέγειν επισταμένων ου πονήσει και φιΧοσοφφτβι βονλόμενος αμα της θ* αυτού Βιανοίας και της b
εκείνων αρετής μνημεΐον εις άπαντα τον χρόνον καταΚιmtp; f
(να.) Ον την αύτην Be τυγχάνω ηνωμην έχων εν τε
Τψ παρόντι και περί τάς άργας του λόγου. τότε μεν
yap φμην άξίως δυνήσεσθαι των πραγμάτων ειπείν' νυν
S* ουκ εξικνούμαι τού μεγέθους αυτών, αΧΚα ττολλά με
Βιαπέφευηβν ων Βιενοήθην. αυτούς οΰν γρή συνΒιαράν, ίσης
αν εύΒαιμονίας τύγριμεν, ει τον μεν πολεμον τον νύν οντά
ιτερϊ ημάς προς τους ηπειρώτας ποιησαίμεθα, την δ' εύΒαι- c
μονίαν την εκ της 'Ασίας εις την Έιύρώπην Βιακομίσαιμεν,
και μη μόνον άκροατάς γενομένους άπέλθεΐν, αλλά τους μεν
πράττειν δυναμένους παρακαΚούντας άΧληλους πειράσθαι
to translate iroieiv literally; but there
was a time when * to make,'' with its
derivatives 'maker* a n d *making·,'
was commonly applied to p o e t r y ;
e.g. Spenser's Aegloga, VI. 82, The
God of shepheards, Tityrus is dead,
Who taught me humbly as I can to
make, and Sir Philip Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie (printed 1595 A.D.),
p . 24, ed. Arber, The Greekes called
him a Poet, which name, hath as the
most excellent, gone thorough other
Languages. It commeth of this word .
Poiein, which is, to make:
wherein
I know not, whether by lucke or wisedome, wee Englishmen
haue mette
with the Greekes, in calling him a
maker.
T h e contrast in t h e text between ·
woieiv and X^yetv must not be con­
founded with that of § 188, between
πράτταρ δυναμένους and \6y<av αμφισβψ-ovvras.
δνναμένων...επισταμένων.] v. §
11, ad fin. η .
ιτοντ)(Γ€ΐ καΐ φιλοσ-οφησ·€ΐ.] Cf.
Evag. § 78, φϊΚοσοφεΐν καί πονεΐν,
and esp. § 6, σκοπέίν και φιλοσο­
φείν, η .
§§187—189. The Peroration.
I
have fallen short of the hopes which

I entertained at the beginning of my
speech and have failed to reach the
full grandeur of my theme. I there­
fore appeal for aid to my .audience.
The men of practical power must en­
deavour to reconcile Athens
and
Sparta; and those who contend for
the palm of rhetoric must cease to
write on trifling subjects, but must
attempt to outrival tMs oration. Thus
shall they be released from their pre­
sent penury, and be seen by the world
to be the causes of abundant bless­
ing.
187. ου την—λόγου.] Obs. the
blended iambic and trochaic rhythm
and v. § 170. n.
'έν τ€ τ φ τταρόντι.] Benseler's text
adds καιρφ (against t h e authority of
t h e best MSS). I n such cases Isocr.
generally omits καφφ, e. g., Archid.
§ 15, 104, Trapez. § 9, and esp. Evag.
§ 80, έν τφ παρόντι καί τόν Χοιτόν
χρόνον, de Pace, § 121, and 14 other
passages quoted by Schn. on Areop.
§ 78, where Isocr. adopts t h e fuller
form eV re τφ παράντι καιρφ καϊ rots
τταρέΚθουσι χρόνοις.
πολλά* μ.€ διαπέφ.] Contrast § 14.
την e κ TT}S Άσ-ias κ.τ.λ.] ν. § 174»
τον ivdfrde πόλεμον... η .

•i6o

JSOKPATOT2

[§§ 188

διαΧλάττβίν την re πολίν την ήμετβραν κα\ την AafceSacμονίων, τους δέ των \όγων αμφισβητούνται προς μεν την
παρακαταθηκην καί περί των αΧΚων ων νυν φ\υαροϋσυ ά
παύβσθαυ γράφοντας, προς Be τούτον τον Χ&γον ποίείσθαι
την άμϊΚΚαν καί σκοπβϊν, όπως άμεινον εμού περί των αυ­
τών πραγμάτων εροϋσιν, ενθυμουμένους, οτι τοις μεγαΚα
on Antisthenes, Plato and Euclides.
ι88. TOVS—αμ,φισ-βητοΰνταδ.] lit.
Their names are not mentioned, but
' Those who lay claim to oratory,'
the allusion cannot be disputed. It
i.e. 'are rival claimants for the prize
was partially discerned by Wolf,
of rhetoric.' Cf. Hel. §9, τους άμφισβητοΰντας του φρονεΐν καί φάσκον- who however expresses himself still
τας είναι σοφιστας ούκ έν τοΐς ήμελη- more clearly on the well-known antiμένοις υπό τών &ΧΚων, άλλ' iv οΧςPlatonic allusion in Phil. § 12.—
άπαντες είσιν άντα^ωνισταϊ, προσή­ v. Dr Thompson's ed. of Plat.
κει διαφέρειν καί κρείττους dvaL των Phaedr. p. 175 and 179. n.)
Ιδιωτών.
This expl. was first proposed by
Benseler rightly condemns Battle's
Wolf, arid has been accepted by
transl. ' qui de verbis disputant?
all the best commentators, except
Benseler, who concludes his note
irpos p.h> την παρακαταθήκη ν
with words to this effect: ' It is far
Κ.Τ.Λ.] One of the forensic speeches
of Isocr. [irpos Έύθύνουν αμάρτυρος),more probable that Isocrates refers
to such subjects as those which an
relates to a deposit of 3 talents
Alcidamas, Antisthenes, or Polyplaced by one Kicias in the hands of
crates chose for themselves mainly
Euthynus. The latter (the defendant)
from the world of legend, frequent­
had paid two talents to Nicias (the
ly in reference to modern political
plaintiff), and Isocr. contends on
circumstances. Thus the question
behalf of Nicias that another talent
whether Hercules had entrusted the
was still due from Euthynus. As
kingdom of Argos to Tyndareus, or
no witnesses were present on the
Messene to Nestor (v. esp. Pausan.
occasion of the alleged deposit, the
11. 18. 6), had a political colouring,
case has to be argued on a priori
inasmuch as it touched upon the
grounds. Isocr. states the case for
claims of Sparta to those territories,
his client with considerable inge­
but, nevertheless, it could by no
nuity. Lysias was probably retained
means lead to a political result.'
on the side of the defendant (v.
Benseler, it must be remembered,
Baiter and Sauppe, Oral·. Att. 11.
does not believe in the genuineness
199), and a rival speech was also
of the προς Έύθύνουν; hence his arti­
written by Antisthenes, (the Cynic),
ficial explanation.
a pupil of Gorgias, as we are told
by fiiog. Laert. vi. 9, 15, who
φλυαρούσα.] Cf. Soph. § 11.
states that the first volume of the
irpos 8έ τούτον τόν λόγον K.T.X.J
writings of Antisthenes contained
This challenge was actually taken
the Mas and 'Οδυσσεύς (v. Orat.
up by one Aristoteles, who is de­
Att. 11. 167), and also a compo­
scribed by Diog. Laert. vit. phil.
sition, προς τόν 'Ισοκράτους άμάρτυ- v · !> § 35 as Σικελιώτης ρήτωρ, irpos
ρον. 'To this writing of Antisthenes
τόν 'Ισοκράτους Ιίανηγυρικόν avriyeallusion is probably made in the
Ίραφώς.
present passage. (It may be noticed
189. Tots μεγάλα ύιτισχν.] Al­
in passing that in the Helenae Enc.
luding esp. to the vaunting profes­
§ 1 sqq. we have a pointed attack
sions of some of the Sophists, v.

—189] -

" ΠΑΝΗΓΤΡΙΚ01

161

νπισγνουμενοις ου πρέπει περί μικρά διατρίβειν, ονδε τοι­
αύτα λέγειν, εξ ων 6 βίος μηδέν επιδώσει των πεισθέντων,
αλλ' ων επιτελεσθέντων,
αυτοί τ απαλλαγή σονται της e
παρούσης απορίας καϊ τοις άλλοις μεγάλων αγαθών αίτιοι
δόξουσιν είναι.
Soph, passim, esp. § ι, μεί'ςους
ποιείσθαι τας υποσχέσεις...ol
τολμώντες λίαν άπερισκέπτως
άλαζονεύεσθαι,
and § ί ο , τας ύπερβολάς των eirayyeXpLariuv.
ircpl μικρά δ ι α τ ρ φ α ν . ] Alluding
partly to irpbs
μέν—'γράφοντας.—
Some of these trifling subjects have
been recorded; e.g. humble-bees and
salt. {Hel. § 12, των τους βομβυλιούς
καϊ τους άλας καϊ τα τοιαύτα βουληθέντων έπαινειν. Cf. Plat. Symp. ΐ 7 7 Β ) ·
Polycrates, a Sophist, whose decla­
mation, in defence of the monster
Busiris, is attacked by Isocr. in a
special treatise, was particularly fa­
mous for these compositions.
We
are told that he wrote in praise of
mice, and pots, and pebbles.
Cf.
Arist. Rhet. II. 24, and Alexander's
ΎητορικαΙ άφορμαί ('Rhetorical ma­
gazine'), Rhet. Gr. ed. Walz. i x . 334,
Οταν χύτρας έ'γκωμιάξ'ωμεν ή ψήφους,
ώς Κολυκράτης, ου πάντως καϊ τεθαυμακότες τήν χύτραν 3) τάς ψήφους
έπαινοΰμεν, άλλα "γυμνάζοντας εαυτούς
πιθανοΐς τισι λ&γοις. These tours de
force doubtless resembled the extant
μυίας έ^κώμιον of Lucian, which con­
tains all that ingenuity can suggest
in praise of the musca domestica.
diropias.] N o t των λόγων, but της
ουσίας {Pecuniary embarrassment),
as the context clearly shews.
Videntur enim^ says Wolf, (from per­
sonal experience) ut nunc, ita olim
etiam paupertatis clientes fuisse ludimagistri.
Cf. the peroration of the
speech de Pace, and esp. the words,
εν ταΐς τ^ς *Έ.λλάδος εύπρα'γίαις συμ­
βαίνει καϊ τα των φιλοσόφων πράγ­
ματα πολύ βελτίω ^ί^νεσθαι.
Isocrates frequently speaks of the penu­
ry of his rivals, e.g. Soph, § 4,
λέηουσι μεν, ως ουδέν δέονται χρημά­
isoc.

των... μικρού 5έ κέρδους όρεηβμενοι
μόνον ουκ αθανάτους
ύπισχνουνται
τους συνόντας ποιήσειν, ib. § 7> τούς
τήν εύδαιμονίαν παραδίδοντας... αυ­
τούς πολλών δεομένους καϊ τους μαθητας μικρόν πραττομένους.
T h e fee
demanded by these rivals was 3 or 4
minae (£12—16). Isocr. himself
charged (according to an anonymous
writer of his life) as much as 10 mi­
nae (£40), apparently for the whole
course (Cf. D e m . Lacr. § 15, ούτοσϊ
Αάκριτος Φασηλίτης, μέ^α
πράγμα,
'Ισοκράτους μαθητής, and ib. § 42, reus
χιλίαις δραχμαΐς ας δέδωκε τφ διδασκάλω). W e know of one at least of
his pupils (the historian Ephorus of
Cymae), who passed through the
course with such poor success that
his father was compelled t o send
him again, and pay a second fee,
which led the master to give his
pupil the nickname of Αίφορος. H e
had as many as 100 pupils in all
(Phot. Bibl. cod. 176.); Hermippus
(ο Καλλιμάχειος)
wrote a book about these pupils: amongst them, as
we learn from various sources, were
the orators Isaeus, Hyperides, Lycurgus, t h e historians Theopompus
and Ephorus, and the tragedians
Astydamas, Theodectes a n d Asclepiades. T h e vast sums he accumu­
lated, from these and similar sources,
exposed him to envy {de Perm. §§ 4,
146, 154), but in the speech de Permutatione h e defends himself on
the ground that all these sums were
obtained not from Athenians but
from foreigners {ib. §§ 39, 4 0 ) ; many
of these pupils stayed w i t h him for
3 or 4 years, and at the conclusion
of the course parted from him with
tears of regret {ib. § 88, μετά πόθον
καϊ δακρύων άπηλλάΎησαν).
II

GREEK INDEX.
T h e numerals in general refer to the pages of this edition and
notes on those pages, but when preceded by §§, they refer only
sections of the Panegyricus.

Άβροκόμας, 125
ayairdp, 23 (constr.), 126
'Α-γησίλαος, 129, 135
αγορεύω (and comp.), 56

ay ων Lav, 92
αδελφό* (adj.), 80

"Αδραστος, § 54
del, 72
"Αθως, 9 θ - ι
Alyos πόταμοι (battle), 113
Atyvirros, 125, § 161
ΑίόλΙς, § 144
- αιτία (ομωνυμία), 113
αίτίαν Ζχειν, 104
αϊτιος, 57» 97
άκίβδηλος, 8
ακόλουθος (deriv.), 130
Άκουσμα, 12
άκριβώς)(απλώς, 50
Άλ^αρδρο?, 158
'Αλκιβιάδης, 155
άλλα 7 ^ Ι 2 5
αλλάμί/, 5, 34
αλλ* ^, 46
<#λλοί, 4°, 79
οίίλλ' ου ν...ye, 149
αλλ* ο#χ, 85
άλλως τ ' έπειδη καΐ, 77
"Αλι/s, 129
'Αμαζόνες, 79
'Αμύντας, ι ι 8
άμφισβητεΐν, 16ο
d> (position of), i s
άνάβασις, 129—132
ανάστατος, 63, 111, 9^> χ 55
άνδρόφονοι, Τ41
ανήρ... άνθρωπος, 119
ανόητος...μανικός, 15
ά^τί^σίί, 2"2, 33» 6 ι , ιο6, 141
αντικείμενη λέξιι, 02, *]θ, 8ΐ, 131
άπέστησαν, ι τ 6
απεχθάνομαι)(χαρίζομαι,
25

α7τό...^, 88
άττοδίδόϊ'αί, 37
άποθνησκειν, θνήσκειν, 74
άποκάλεΐν (meanings of), 85
απορία, ι 6 ι
άρα, 140
"Ap 7 os, §§ 54, 6ΐ, 64
αργυρώνητος, 117
"Αρεως πάγος, 64-5
Άρειοπαγίτης,
84
άρεττ), Ι Ο 3
άριστίνδην, 130
'Αριστοτέλης (Σικελιώτης), 16ο
αρμοστής, Ι Ι Ι
'Αρτεμίσιον, 91
άρχαίο?...ίταλαί05, 47
άρχ^ (ομωνυμία), 113
άσκεΐν, 8
&στυ...πόλις, 86

ασφαλώς, αφελώς, 49

'Αταρνεύς, τ 28
α#0αδι}$, 15
αύθέντης, αύτόχειρ, 107
αϋξεσθαι, 12
αυτονομία, 109-1 ο
auros, 156
αυτούς...εκείνων, 141
αυτόχθονες, 55~6
j8 and μ β , 128
βάρβαρος, 44» 5 ^ ; (slaves) 155
βασιλεύς, 129, 94
βιόω (aor. of), 133
βραδύτητες, 127
γάρ (inchoative), 89, 103
γαρ (repeated), 150
7€λο?ο$...κατα7^λαστο$, 132
7 & « προσήκειν, ί ο
7 ^ (ellipse of), 97
7 0 m s (ace. pi.), 14

GREEK INDEX.
γράμματα, νόμοι, 84
γραφή,
δίκη,ιοΒ
γνώμη, διάνοια, 4

Ααρεΐος, §§ ηΐ, 85
δ£ (in apodosis), 43> Φ* ιϊ>2
δέ (position), 123
δ « (constr.), 40
δείγμα, 11, 66, 65
δεινδς, 132
δείκνυμι (of mysteries), 60
δεκαρχία, δεκάδαρχος, 105-6
ΑερκυλΙδας, 128
Αδμήτη ρ, 58
δ^μοι (botanical names), 9 2
δια, ι ι 6 , 124
διαθέσθαι, ένθυμηθήναι, 48
διαθέσθαι, διάθεση (sale), 66
διαλαμβάνειν, ι
διάνοια, 27
διατριβή, 66, 145
δίατρίβω, 128
διηρημένη λέξις, 43
δικαιοσύνη, 3 1
Δωνώπο?, 11 ρ» Γ 4 ^
διορίξειν, 151
δίότί, ort, 7 ο
5O/U<£XO)TOS, 117

Αράκων, 128
δ^α/iat (impf. and aor.), 99> 8
δύνασθαι, έπίστασθαι, 159
δυναστεία, 54
δύσκολος, δύσερις, & c , 120
δω/>«£)(δώροϊ', 5» 43
^α>, 95
έαυτον, 14
εγκράτεια, 18
εγκώμια (on trifling subjects), 160, 43
έγκωμιάζειν.,.έπαινεΐν,
71, 158
εγώ...ημείς, 7, 4°> 5 2
2δθ5 (meaning), 137, % (MSS), 138
<?0(*λω, 0<?λω, 2 1 , 87
εΐ.,.ού, 34
e£ και, 149» 5 8
είλικρινής (deriv.), 37
Βί?λωτ€5, 107
βίλωτειία», ΐ 2 θ
εΙπεΐν...λέγειν,
32» 48, 5°> 81
ύρήσεται, 51
είσηγεΐσθαι, 149
<?κ, 5ΐ, 88, 82, ΐ 3 ΐ
Έκατο/ΑϊΌ^, ΐ43~4

έκβάλλειν,—πίπτεα>,
79
εκείνος, 53» χ 4 !
έκπλεΐν, διαπλεΐν, 94
έλαττοϋσθαι, 39
Έλλήσττοϊ'το*, §§ 89, Γ 19
ελπίζω (α aor.), 127
ϊμελλον, ήμελλον, 87
& /*e>et, 94> τ 4 5
ένθένδε, ΐ 5 ΐ
6 £ ύπογνίου, 51
*
έξεστηκώς, προεστώς, 150
έπανορθοΰν, 6, 146
έπακτδς 6ρκος,2θ
επιβολή, επιβουλή, 131
επιδεικτικός,
συμβουλευτικός,
/cos, 50, 2
eVtOTceudfew, 138
επιστήμη, 17
επιστήναι, 145
έπίσταθμος, 115, 144
επιστάτης, ι ΐ 5
<hri τάδε, H 2
επιτάφιοι λόγοι, 81-2
επιχειρεΐν (constr.), 6
έρρωμενεστέρως, ι^ζ,, 15°
έρρωμένως, ΐ 2 θ
εταίρος...φίλος, 21
εταιρεία, 84, 150
έτερος τοσούτος, 135
ε'τλησαν, 95
Earyopas, 126
Έϋβοια, Ι 0 3
εύήθης, εύηθεία, Ι 4 7 - ^
Έϋμολπος, 79
Έύμολπίδαι, ι 4 0
εύπροσηγορία, 18
B*/HHT06fo, §§ 56, 53, 59» 6 5
eux^s #£ta, 155
έφθασαν, 2φθησαν, J46, 89
έφοραν, 147
εχείρ ( a adv.), 48, 53» ^9
<b<P% 54
Zete, §§ 60, 179
ξημία)(κέρδος, 31

$ and καί (confusion), 107
ήμβί* α#το/, άλληλοι, 150, Γ53
ήμεΐς.,.έγώ, 7, 4©, 5 2
ήμισυς (constr.), 154
ήπειρος, 6ι, 121, 151
??7Γον, 38» Ι 2 4
' Η ρ α κ λ ή , 9J 39

164

GREEK INDEX.

Ηρακλέους παΐδας, §§54» 5 6 , 58, ^2,65
'Ηρακλέους Ικγονοι § 61
Ήσ/οδοϊ, 2, 3> «ι» 4 1

θάλαττα,
ιΐ4
θαρσαλέως, g
θαυμάζω, 43, τ 4 9
θεάματα, 68
Θεμιστοκλή, 136
060s, 0εοέ, 28
θεοφιλής, φιλόθεος, 6ο
θερμοπύλαι, 9 Ι - 9 3
θεωρία, 155
θ%3αι, §§ 55, 58, 6 4 , 125
θ^σεύί, 9
ΘΙβρζΟΤ, 128
θρφκες, 78
θρήνοι, \\ΐ
ιδιώτης, 6*J, 49
Ισθμός, § 93
t<7"Xt5s, ρώ/Λτ/, ι ΐ 7

ΐσως καϊ κοινώς, 152
'Ιταλία, 148
"Ιωνες, 116, § 156
Ίανία, §§ 135, ι 6 5

Καδμεία, 118, § 5 5
, κ αϊ... κ αϊ, 2θ
Καρία § 162
καθέλκειν, 112
/catpos (deriv.),6,45, (omission of) 159
καλό$ Ka7a0os, 84
Ka\oKaya0ia, 84, 8, 40
icaXwy καλώ?, 64
κατά, log
κατά (incompos.), 76, i n
κατα-γιγνώσκω (constr.), 139, 121
καταδεικνύναι, Jo
κατάδηλος, 33
καταισχύνειν, 135
κατακεχρήσθαι, 82
κατακτήσασθαι,—στήσασθαι
(confu­
sion), 155
καταλε*/ειν, 157
καταλεΐψαι, 2
καταποντιστης, ι ί ο
κ α τ α ^ τ ^ α ί , κατάστασις, 124
κατέστησαν, ι ϊ 6
κατη^ορεΐν)(νουθετεΐν, 120
κατορθοϋν, 46, 7θ, 79
κείμενος, τίί^μι, 2 9

Κεραμεικος, 82
Κήρυκες, 140
Κιλικία, § ι 6 τ
κινέιν, 138
Κισθήνη, Ι $6
κληρουχία, Ι Ο 2 , 104
ΚΗδο$, § 162
Κό^ω?, ι ΐ 3 , 123, 127, 136
Kopwflos, τ27, H 3 , ΐ 4 ΐ
κόσμος Ι ξ, 153
κρατείσθαι, ι6
κρύτττειν, ι6
κτήματα, χρήματα, 23, 17
Κύθηρα, 113
Κι/κλαδί? ρ?7<Γ0ί, § 136
icffres, 24
Κ^ΤΓ/309, 122, §§ 153, ι 6 1
KOpos, 129
κωλύειν (constr.), 144
Αακεδαίμων, §§ 6 ι , 64
λακωνίξειν, ι ο 6
Αακωνικη, § 119
λανθάνω, έπιλανθάνομαι, i%g, 51
Xflo-T^s, n o
λία? (position of), 143
λόγο? (ομωνυμία), 113
Λυδία, §§ 144, ι6"3, 165
ΑυκΙα, 143
λυμαίνεσθαι (constr.), 75

Μακεδόρε?, § 126
μακρόν ττλόίον, 112
M a x i m s , 118
Μαραθώ? (deriv.), 92, (battle) 88 sqq.
Μαραθωνι, 92
μάτην εΐναι, 45
ΜαύοΌ-ωλλοί, 135» 144
με*/αλοπρεπής, ί ο , 23
μέγιστον δε των κακών, Οταν.., 117
μέλιττα, 41
μεΛλω, 87, 95
με^μνημαι (constr.), 14*
μέν.,Μ, ι ι , 12, 17, 5 7 . 7 5 , 83
μεν.,.ού μην, ζ2
Μεσσήνη, § 61
μετά, 55
μεταξύ, 8ο
μετέχειν μέρος, 97
μετοικεΐν, ι CO
μετριότητες, $0
μη, 9θ, 121
μηδέττοτε μηδέν, 16

GREEK INDEX.
μηδισμός, 139, 140
Μήλος, 98
μνήμη h φήμη, 158
Μοθακες, 107
μόνον ουκ, 115
μουσικής ay ων, μουσικό* ay&v, 69, τ 42
μοχθηρός, ig
μύθοι, 58, 4°» Η 1
νόμος...τρόπος, 3ο, ϋ
νόμους θέσθαι, 64
νόμω) (φύσει, ι ο ο , ί ο

δ δϊ.,.δεινότατον, brav, &c. 119» Ι 5 2
οίκονομεΐν βίσν, 8, 36
οΐκότριβες, 117
"OXwflos, 118
δμαλώς, 133
δμοιοκάταρκτον, 8, 19, 33» 52» 146
δμοιοτέλευτον, 16, 139» *9» 33
δμόλθΎ€ΐσ·θαι (constr.), .61
&Όμα Έ λ λ ι ^ ω ? , 71
δπου.,.ή που, 38
όρέΎεσθαι, 40
δ/Μ; yecopyeiv, 121
όρθοΰν (compounds of), 6
όρμητήριον, 144
{5s...Ws, 7
oVr**, ιο8
Λύ, 3 p

ούδένες, 74
οΰ/c ii-αρκεΐ, ι ι 6
ούκ Ι-στιν 8πως ουχ... 151
ου μήρ άλλα καί, 10, 88, 150
οΰτω$ (position of), 157
παλαιός, 471 *57
πανη^ύρ^ις, 43» 68» 09
παντοδαπώτατος, 6g
πάνυ (position of), 143
παράγγελμα,
35
παρα-γραφή, 72
παράδενγμα, 11
παραινετικός, 6
παρακαταθήκη, 16ο, 19
παρίσωσις, 22, 141
παρομοίωσις, 4 1 , 54» 79, 8 ι » 8 7
παρονομασία, 6g, gT, 107, 158
πάτρια, 78

165

πάτριος, πατρικός, πατρφος, 6, 11
ΊΙειραιεύς, 66
πειρατής, ι ί ο
Πελοττοϊ^σίοί, §§ 58, 6$, 93, 97
Π6λθ7ΓΟϊΊΊ7σο5, §§ 6 ι , 94, Γ Ι 9
7repi (before a vowel), 46, 128
περίοικος, ΐ 2 θ
Πφσ-ai, §§ 67, 140, 145-6, 157, 161,
178
ΙΙερσικα, § 158
"Περσικός πόλεμος, § 68
πιστενθείς, 25
Πλαταιές, 105
πλείστος, ήμισυς, &c. (constr.), 62,
121, 131, 154
πλεονεκτεΐν, πλεονεξία, 30, 53
πλούτοι, 133, 5°
νοθέσαι, ποθησαι, 116
Trotetv (ομωνυμία), ι τ 3, (of poetry) 158
ποιητής...σοφιστής,
40» 4 1 » 86
πολιτεία, ι ι 8
πόλις, πολύς, 86
ιτολλά ιτολλώϊ', 17
πολλών καΐ κάλων, 93
πονηρός, 19
πορρωτέρωθεν, 55
ΠοσΈΐδώϊ', § 68
πρα*γματεία, 35

* Ά 52, 54

προά^ειν, 151
προηροσία, 6ο
προκαλινδεΐσθαι, 134
προσayορεύειν,—ειπείν,
56, 134
προσδοκαν (constr.), 127
προστάττειν, πpόστayμa, 115, Ι5" 2
προτρεπτικός, 6
πρόφασις, 2θ
πpoϋpyoυ> 54
πρυτανεύειν, ΐίζ
Ώ.υθία, § 3 '
χ
π ώ * ο υ . . . ; 4 6 , 99» 5 2
βηθήσεσθαι, £ΐ
*Ρ6δος, 127, § 163
ροτπ}, 125
^ ώ ^ |j 7 ^ ώ ^ , 69, 7^

Σαλάμι, 96
2a>os, § 163
σατράπης (deriv.), 134—5
σημεΐον δε, 89, 103
σημεϊον, τεκμήριον, 5, 9$, *4
σιγή, (πωτ^, 33

166

GREEK INDEX.

Σικελία, 119, 148
Σινώπη, 144
Σκιωναΐοι, 98
ΣκόΛα, § 67-8
σκυθρωπός, τ 5
σοφιστής, 44? 4°, 41» 86, 16ο
Σπάρτη, §§ 6 ι , 65
σποράδην, 64
σπουδαίος, φαύλος, 4, 3^
στάσις, 2, 84
στέρΎβιν, Ί\
στήλαι, στήλίτης, 154
στρατεία, στρατιά, ζ>2, 123, 155
σύλλογο?, ΐ4θ, 5
συνακόλουθεΐν μετά, 130
συνειδήσω, 16
συνήθεια, φιλία, 4
συνθηκαι...προστάγματα,
ι$ι
συντιθέναι, συγκεΐσθαι, 147»
Συρία, § ι 6 ι
τφίσιν avVots, aXX^Xots, 62, 88, 67

TaXaos, § 54
TaVraXos, 39
τε.,.καΐ (in comparisons), 24
Τειρίβαζος, § 135
τελετή, 58-9, 140
τελευτώντες, τι6, 132
τηλικουτος, τοσούτος, $6, 123
τίθημι (act. pass, mid.), 29, 64, 147
Τιθραύστης, 125
Τισσαφέρνης, 131
τοσούτω...6σον, 7
Τροία, 87
Τραηκά, τά, 141, §§ 54, ι § 1
τι$7ττω (defective verb), 3°
Τύρος, 143
τι/χόρ, 149
τώ, τούτω (fem. dual), 53
ύμεΐς, σύ, 5
ύ'μΐΌί, ι·42

υπερβολή, ιο6
ύττόγι/ίο?, 5ΐ
ύποκεΐσθαι, έπικεΐσθαι,
ύποφαίνεσθαι, 93

103

Φαρνάβαξος, 125
Φάσ^Χίί, 112
φάσκειν, ι ο 6
0<?/>e, 155
φθάνειν (aorists), 146
φθόνος, 22
φιλονικία, φΐλονεικία, 54
φιλόνικος, φιλόν εικός, ι6
φιλοσοφείν (coupled with other verbs),
46, 159
φιλοσοφία, -σοφός, -σοφεΐν (meaning
in Isocr.), 48, 69
Φλιοϋς, n 8
Φοινίκη, 143
Φρυγία, § 163
χαλεπός προσπολεμείν, 124
χάρι$ (ομωνυμία), 113
Χ/οι, 125
Xios, § 163
ΧΡ^α, 35
χρηματίζειν, τ 40
XPW 54, 152
χρόνος (ellipse of), 146
χρυσίον, 22
^ υ χ 4 &ρματα, 27
ώ>... αυτών, 132
ws (c. part.), 19, Γ 5 Γ
ώ'$, καϊ ώς, ούδ1 ως, 124
ώς ότι, 3
ώσπερ.,.άλλ1 ου, 49» Γ 54
ώσπερ αν εΐ, 79, * 3 ι
ώστε, 77, 9 1

ENGLISH INDEX.
* between,' 80
Abstract nouns, pi. of, 50, 127
Bias, 41, 28, 30
Accusative pi. of nouns in -eis, 11
Browne's Vulgar Errors,. 85
adverbs, position of, 143, 157
'buccaneer,' n o
with elvai, 45
from participles, 120
comparative, 145
Callias (peace of), 112, 114
Aeschylus, Persae, 86, 141
Agapetus, 24, 28
Callisthenes, 122
Alexander (of Pherae), 147
Cato (Uticensis), 30
Anacoluthon, 103
Cato (Dionysius), 24
'alteram tantum,' 136
Chaucer, 16
Antalcidas, peace οξ n o , 152, &c.
Chiasmus, 9, 73, 24, 31, 66, 91, 94
Antoninus, M. Aurel., 33
Chesterfield, 15
aorist, of frequency, 5, 8
Chilo, 41, 32
Choerilus, 81, 86
united with present, 8, 27, 38
contrasted with present, 94, 95 . chronological difficulties, 100—i,
122
Ascham, Roger, 17
citra... ultra, 112
Athens, antiquity, &c, 55
Cobet (quoted), 29, 30, 12, 49, 50,
Arts of Peace, 57 sqq.
Colonisation, 61-2
53, 56, 74, 84, 94, 9 6 , I 2 4 , 134
comparative (coupled with positive),
inventions, 65
the School of Greece, 70
37
Deeds of War, 71 sqq.
collocation, 9, 17, 64, 75
Champion of the weak, 72
conditional sentences, 36
Empire of the Sea, 81
construction, (sense-constr.), 106,
Duration of Supremacy, 99
99, 18, 121, 156
menageries at, 08
blended, 68 '
exceptional, 63
Athenian tribunals, 64, 109
continents (two), 153
Navy, 103
'contrive,' 66
Athenians (impressible nature of),
Cope, Rev. Ε. M., quoted, 19, 23,
147
25, 45, &c.
Athletics, 43 (add Eur. Fragm. 281),
Corinthian war, 127
67, 68
Cunaxa (battle), 129, 132
Attica (population and area), 103
Cyprian war, 122, 126, 143
attraction, 27, 73, 159
Cyprus and Attica, 122, 126
Babington, Prof., 56, 87, 82
Barbarians (luxury, &c), 133
enmity to Greece, 137-9
excluded from Mysteries, 140
Basil (the Great), 20, 4 τ
Basil (Emp.), 33

De Quincey, 59
Democritus, 18
Demosthenes, Pseudo-, 82
Demonicus (Genuineness of Ep. to),
12, 13, 29, 70

ι68

ENGLISH INDEX.

Diogenes, 22
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 81, 83,
128
Dobree (P. P.), 64, 73, 134, 145
dual fern., 53

Euthynus, 160
Helenae encomium, 9, 160
ad Nicoclem, 13
Nicocles, 33
Panathenaicus, 75, 43
d e Permutatione, 161, 44, 7 2 —

Eleusinia, 58—60
Ennius, 21
Ephorus, 118, 161
Epicharmus, 20
Epictetus, 15, 20
Ethics (Christian and Pagan), 22,
24
Eurymedon (battles), 111

Plataicus, 105
contra Sophistas, 44
τέχνη, 149
Apophthegms, 28, 32, 36, 47,
66
variety of expression, 117, 63,
34, 7
repetition of same word, 85
distinction of words, 120, 152,
30, 20
combination of two narratives,

F a b e r ( G . S.), 59
Figura etymologica, 26
'rUbustier/ 111
future (contracted), 81, 36, 151
funeral orations, 82
Fynes- Clinton, 122, 126

genitive, of definition, &α, 7Γ
partitive, 39, 138
Gibbon, 59
Gorgias, 69, 82, yjyy, 141
v ^ i g i c t o , v y , yjt.y 86,
Greek colonies, 144
Grote, 58, 102, 45, 112, 98, &c.
Harpocration, 20, &c.
Herbert, Geo., 15, 23, 38
hiatus, 128, 95, 32, 34, 46, 53, 64,
Homer, influence of, 142

Iambic, rhythm and metre (in prose),
' 4 9 , *59
'Idiot,'67
Imperative, 13
Infinitive, 75
in apposition, 64
after adj., 124
Inscriptions, Greek, 135, 154, 114
'inventio...dispositio...elocutio,' 48
Ionians, 61, 63, 137
Isocrates:
Areopagiticus, 101
Busiris, 161
Forensic speeches, 49

97

?8
long sentences, 90, 93, 43, 69
Parallelisms, 90, 30, 34, 66, 72,
83, V. παρομοίωσα, παρίσωσπ,
άντίθεσις
self-quotation, 72—97, 131, 13
numerical inaccuracies, 129, 91
Isocr. a n d Herodotus, 88—97
exaggeration, 101, 104
inconsistency, 33, 75
partisanship, & c , 89, 99, 92, 94
vanity, 47, 49, 142
retirement from public life, 150
on mythology, 58, 40
Gorgias, 69, 82, 86, 141
Plato, 160 {Phaedrus, 47), {Menexenus, 82, 56, 60, 78, 133)
quoted by Aristotle, 62, 43, 95,
113, i3*> x34> T54» 158
Antisthenes, 160, 85
Demosthenes, 123, 125
Euclides, 160
Hyperides, 87, 161
Lycurgus, 81, i 6 r , 137
Thucydides, 89
Timotheus, 127
Xenophon, 129—132
H i s 'philosophy,' 48, 69
H i s pupils, 161, 66
H i s rivals and detractors, 70,
161, 47
Criticized by Longinus, 47
Isocr. and Cicero, 56, 149
Latimer, 148
* L a y m a n / 67

INDEX.
Liddell and Scott, supplemented, &c,
25, 37, 50,55, 85, ™4» 134. H4
Lobeck, 59, 60, 26
Longinus, 47
Lucian, 90, 161, 10
Lucretius, 61
Lycidas, 139
Lycurgus, 81, 161, 137
Lysander, 105—8
Lysias, 160
Lysias (?), 82, 73, 88, 90
'maker* (poet), 158
'mausoleum,' 144
Milton, 32, 41, 65, 84
Negative, 16, 133
nos...ego, 7
participles, 146
Pascal, 86
passive of intrans. verbs, 25
Peloponnesian War, 76, 116
Periander, 41, 32
Pericles, 82
Persia, king of, 134, 154, 129, 94
Persian Wars, 80 sqq.
etiquette, 134
burning of Greek temples, 137
punishments, 117
phaselus, 112
Philip of Macedon, 118
Phocylides, 41
Photius, 122, 127, 135
Phrynichus, 147
Pindar, Γ42
Pirate, Greek names for, n o
Plataea and Plataeans, 95, 105
Plato, 14, 36, 47, 56, 60, 82, 78
pleonasm, 7
predicate, tertiary, 15 r, 153, 146

isoc.

169

pronoun possessive=obj. gen., 68
reflexive and reciprocal, 62, 67,
102, 133.
Pythagoras, Pseudo-, 13, 14
Quasi...ac non, 49
'Ridiculus,' 132
Shakspeare, 23, 64, 66, 80
Shilleto, Rev. R., 104, 133, 53, 87,
85
Shrewsbury school, 17
'simple,' 'silly,' 148
slaves, 117
Socrates, 32
Solon, 41, 40, 21
Sparta, μισοτύραννος, n 8
constitution, 76
sympathy with Dionysius, 119
Subjunctive and Opt., 35
Syrus, Publius, 15
Tacitus, 57, 81
Thales, 16, 41
Themistius (?), translated, 59
Theognis, 9, 14, 17, « , 24, 31, 33
Theon, 78
Theopompus, 161, 122, 134, 135,
144
Thirty Tyrants, 106
Thompson, Dr W. H., 48, 68, 75, 78
Tragedy, 141, H7
Trojan war, 87, 55, 141
Twin expressions, 107, 152
vos...tu, 5
Warburton, 59
Wordsworth's Gk. Grammar> 53
Zeugma, 85, 57

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